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Full text of "Syntax of the Hebrew language of the Old Testament;"

SYNTAX 



OF 



THE HEBREW LANGUAGE. 



PRINTED BY MORRISON AND GIBB, 
FOR 

T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH. 

LONDO.V, HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO. 

DUBLIN, ...... GEORGE HERBERT. 

NEW YORK, CHARLES SCRIBNER*S SONS. 



SYNTAX 



OF 



THE HEBREW LANGUAGE 



OF 



THE OLD TESTAMENT. 




BY HEINRICEL EWALD. 



Cranslateb from tje Sig^tJ ffirerman !tjft(on 



BY 



JAMES KENNEDY, B.D. 



EDINBUEGH: 
T. & T. CLAEK, 38 GEORGE STREET. 

1891. 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 



MOEE than one attempt has already been made to lay 
before the English reader the earlier labours of Ewald 
in the field of Hebrew Grammar. A complete translation, by 
Nicholson, of an early edition, was published at London in 
1836; but so many changes were made in subsequent editions 
of the original, both as regards arrangement and extent, that 
it is long since out of date. A translation of the third edition 
of Ewald's Introductory Hebrew Grammar was subsequently 
made by J. E. Smith, and published at London in 1870 ; but, 
though the arrangement of the work is substantially the same 
as is found in the later editions of the larger grammar, the 
whole is much too brief to prove satisfactory. 

The following work is a translation of the third part ot 
Ewald's Ausfuhrliches LeJirbuch der hebrdischen Sprache des 
alien Bundes (Gottingen 1870). There is all the less need 
for rendering the whole treatise into English because the first 
two parts deal mainly with grammatical forms, a very full 
knowledge of which may be obtained from the latest editions 
of Gesenius (by Davies, London), from the work of W. H. 
Green (New York), and, more in Ewald's peculiar line, from 
the smaller, but excellent introductory grammar of Dr. A. B. 
Davidson (Edinburgh) : to these works, for the sake of conveni- 
ence, occasional reference has been made. But, indeed, evea 
the labours of Ewald in that department have, in some respects, 
been surpassed by the colossal work of Bb'ttcher (Ausfuhrliches 
lehrbuch, Leipzig 1866-68). 



vi TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 

The pagination of the original is indicated by the bold 
figures embodied in the text (thus, [734]). A few references 
have been made to special treatises on Hebrew Syntax that 
have recently appeared. 

The translator has to record his thanks for assistance kindly 
and freely rendered by Mr. David Patrick, M.A., and especially 
by the Eev. Dr. A. B. Davidson, who has done so much to 
stimulate and encourage him, as so many others, in the study 
of the Old Testament Scriptures. 



EDINBURGH, December 1878. 



TABLE OP CONTENTS. 



PRELIMINARY REMARKS ON THE VERB. 

PACK 

The Hebrew Tenses, viewed with regard to their Meaning, . . 1 

The Relations (Moods) of the Verb : 

(1) The Relations of the Predicated Action, as impassioned or un- 

impassioned (Voluntative, Imperative), . . .14 

(2) Actions as stated absolutely, or relatively (Consecutive Moods 

and Tenses), ....... 18 



SYNTAX. 

The Sentence generally, ....... 26 

Structure and Meaning of particular Groups of "Words, as Members of a 

Sentence, ........ 27 

The Noun as Definite or Indefinite, . . . . .29 

() First kind of "Word-groups : the Verb with its sphere of Free Sub- 
ordination, ........ 42 

(1) The Verb with the Accusative or with Prepositions, . . 43 

(2) The Verb with another Verb subordinated, ... 71 
(,S) Second kind of Word-groups : "Words in Attraction (the Construct 

State) ; the Genitival and other similar Relations, . . 77 

(1) Extension of the Chain of Words, . . . .77 

(2) Consequences arising from the Concatenation of Words, . 102 

(3) Expression of the Genitival Relation by Circumlocution, . Ill 
(7) Third kind of Word-groups : Words in Co-ordination (Apposition), . 117 



I. Formation and Completion of the Sentence, viewed in relation to 
(A.) Its Members : 

(a) The two Chief Members, . . . . .123 

(b) The Secondary Members, 141 

(c) The Imperfect or Abbreviated Members, . . .145 



viii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

( B. } The Connection of the Words in the Sentence : 

(a) The Position, Relation, and Force of the Words, . .151 

(6) Agreement of the Words in Gender and Number, . 176 

(c) Special kinds of Sentences : 

(1) Negative Sentences, . . . . .186 

(2) Interrogative Sentences, . . .192 

(3) Exclamatory Sentences, .... 200 

II. Dependent Propositions : 

1. Relative Sentences : 

(1) Relative Sentences proceeding from an Independent Word, 207 

(2) Dependent Relative Sentences, .... 221 

(3) Relative Discourse (oratio obliqua), . . . 231 

2. Copulative Words and Sentences : 

(1) The usual Copulative Words and Sentences, . . 233 

(2) The stronger kinds of Conjunctions, . . . 264 

(3) Causal, Inferential, and Antithetical Propositions, . 266 

III. Correlative Words and Propositions : 

1. Conditional Propositions, ..... 269 

2. Equated Propositions, ...... 279 

3. Miscellaneous Double Propositions, .... 283 

Conclusion : Longer and more Complex Sentences, . . . 285 



APPENDIX. 

Agreement of the Accentuation with the Syntax, . . . 286 

Index of Texts cited or illustrated, . .205 

Index of Contents, .... .1)21 



EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX. 



THE VERB-STEMS VIEWED WITH REGARD TO THE DIFFERENCE 
BETWEEN THE TWO TENSES. 1 

TJie Meaning of the Two Tenses. 

[348] 134a. SINCE the verb signifies effective action and the 
occurrence of events, while the latter, as passing on, cannot 
but lead to the idea of time, distinction of tenses belongs to 
the earliest stage in the formation of the verb ; and every one 
of the verb-stems [viz. Qal, Mphal, etc.] must equally be sub- 
ject to the distinction. But the simplest distinction of time 
in an action is, that the speaker first of all merely separates 
between the two grand and opposite aspects under which 
every conceivable action may be regarded. Man has first 
acted, passed through an experience, and sees before him some- 
thing that is finished, or has taken place ; but this very fact 
reminds him of that which does not yet exist, that which 
lies behind, arid is expected. The former, or positive side, 
is that of experience, objective contemplation of action ; the 
latter, or negative side, is the higher, subjective side of in- 
dividual human thought and inference. Hence, with reference 
to action, the speaker views everything either as already 
finished, and thus before him, or as unfinished and non-existent, 
but possibly becoming [Ger. werdend, Gr. fyiyvofjuevov] and coming: 

1 [It has been deemed advisable to present, first, Ewald's account of these 
verb-forms, since much of it really and properly, though not according to 
the formal arrangement which he has actually made, belongs to the depart- 
ment of Syntax. For a very full and able discussion of this subject, see 
Driver's treatise, On the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew (Oxford 1874).] 

A 



2 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 134. 

he states it as something that is, or denies that there already 
is such a thing. There is here, as yet, nothing whatever of 
the three tenses precisely distinguished in later languages as 
past, present, and future. In fact, however, no language, 
when it introduces distinctions, can start from anything three- 
fold j 1 antithesis is almost always merely simple and thorough- 
going, because elicited by its [counter] thesis : first, statement 
(thesis), then its counter-statement (antithesis). Thus, both 
in thought and language, every distinction is at first drawn 
between no more than two things. Just as, in the sphere of 
personality, there is, first of all, distinction made merely 
between / and tliou, and these two are only afterwards dis- 
tinguished from the absolutely remote Tie (see 1050); as, 
secondly, in the case of all existent things, thdre is, first of all, 
distinction made only between the animate and the inanimate, 
and then, in the former class, between the masculine and the 
feminine (see 1*71) : so, in the primitive languages, the dis- 
tinction of tenses has by no means originated with our three 
tenses, or with the present as one of these three. Now, the 
Hebrew has remained substantially upon the ancient basis of 
this most simple distinction, and it is exactly in this respect 
that it is still very strongly distinguished from later Semitic 
languages ; it is only to a limited extent [350] that the parti- 
ciple is employed as a specification of time, in addition to 
these two, which still continue to be the main divisions 
(see 168). 

I. These two ideas, viz. of what is complete and what is 
incomplete (or coming), sharply distinguished from the point 
of time at which the speaker takes his stand, lead, of course, 

1 I have always shown, orally, in my lectures on Sanskrit grammar, that, 
in the Indo-Germanic languages also, all the tenses and moods now em- 
ployed, which have been so variously developed into their present condition, 
point back to no more than two distinctions of time, just as in Semitic. 
As regards the tenses, the same thing maybe shown to hold in the Turkish, 
Coptic, and other languages. Thus, in Odschi (according to Kits, Basel 
1853), there is first a perfect (formed by using a ; cf. 231&), and, in direct 
contrast with this, a shorter imperfect; and, only afterwards, a more 
definite future, present, and present future. In many respects the Bornuese 
language also is very similar ; see Kblle on the Kanuri language (London 
1854), p. 226 ff. ; see also the Amer. Oriental Journal, i. p. 370, cf. with 
p. 391. 



MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 3 

to those of the purely past and future ; as, rpfv fc& njn &6 it 
has not been, and will not ~be ; DHJ? &O] yatw He has sworn, and 
will not repent. But, as the primitive languages generally 
afford the freest scope to the imagination, and view everything 
in an exceedingly animated and emotional manner (see 171), 
so also are these most natural distinctions of time far removed 
from the more cold intellectuality of our tense-specifications. 
Since, therefore, in virtue of the power and freedom accorded 
to the imagination, the ideas of completeness and incom- 
pleteness may also be used relatively, in such a way that the 
speaker, in whichever of the three simple divisions of time 
(past, present, or future) he may conceive of an action, can re- 
present it either as complete, or as going on and coming ; there 
arises, through this very fact, a manifold application of the two 
expressions for time which the language has at its command ; 
and, on the ground of this most simple distinction of time, a 
multitude of finer distinctions and forms can be made. Such 
forms which no longer have any meaning, and hence appear 
very strange, as soon as a language leaves this earliest founda- 
tion and distinguishes the three tenses the Hebrew possesses 
as something peculiar to itself (see 230-35). And, from 
what has been said, this much is already evident, that here it 
is really the connection of the whole discourse that must in 
each case determine the meaning of the one tense-form or the 
other. Since, as is already clear from what has just been 
stated, the names " Preterite " and " Future " are unsuitable, 
and have merely been derived from modern languages, we 
designate them Perfect and Imperfect, understanding these 
names, however, not in the narrow sense attached to them in 
Latin grammar, but in a quite general way. 1 

135a. I. The Perfect? accordingly, is used (1) of actions 
which the speaker, from his present, regards as actually 
finished, happened, past, whether the act belongs to a parti- 
cular period of the past, hence in narrative; as, in the beginning 

1 These names I employed first in 1839 in my Gram. Arab. ; the idea 
presented by them I had already given in the [Hebrew] Grammar of 1828 ; 
and the names I. and //. mod, which I used at first, were merely an im- 
perfect attempt to find substitutes for the unsuitable names "Preterite" 
and " Future" (cf. further 223-35). 

2 [See Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, chap, ii.] 



EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 135. 

ia when God created the world, or simply applies to the past, 
with reference to the present of the speaker ; as, TV'wy n what 
hast thou done ? B*K vijnn &6 / have not slain any one. If such 
an action is stated with special reference to [351] something 
else that is past, as being already finished at that time, then 
this simple perfect, merely in virtue of its connection, or the 
mutual relation of the meaning in both actions, expresses our 
pluperfect, for which the Hebrew still possesses no external dis- 
tinguishing mark whatever. 1 Such a perfect may either relate 
to a past which has been already mentioned ; as, God blessed 
the works which ns?y He made (but at that time they were 
obviously in existence already ; hence the expression is equi- 
valent to our had made), Gen. ii. 2, 3, and in many other 
combinations, Gen. viii. 13 ; Job xv. 7, 19 ; Ps. xl. 76; or it 
may contain a preliminary allusion to a past to be mentioned 
in what follows ; as, from afar T^V^ / had heard Thee, but 
now mine eye hath seen Thee, Job xlii. 5 ; Ps. xxx. 8, civ. 6 , 
cxxxix. 16c; or, the past may be mentioned both before and 
after it, Gen. xxvii. 30; Job xxxii. 4 (cf. 341). On the 
contrary, the perfect may equally well be used, with direct 
reference to something mentioned or regarded as future, to 
indicate what would then appear as a past (hence, OUT future 
perfect) ; as, they shall suffer rni* ny "W until the time when she 
shall have "brought forth, Mic. v. 2 ; Ps. Ivi. 1 4, lix. 1 7 ; Isa. 
xvi. 12 (nN"i3); 1 Chron. xiv. 15, cf. with 2 Sam. v. 24, 
where TN then, stands beside the verb, with greater perspicuity. 
5. (2.) It is used of actions which the speaker, indeed, 
regards as already finished, but yet in such a way as to reach 
quite to the present, in which case modern languages put the 
simple present. This, accordingly, applies especially to un- 
impassioned states of mind and body, which are looked on as 
actually existent; 2 as, WT olSa, novi, vn?J meminif Num. 
xi. 5 ; Won I trust, ^rrtn he hopes, Ps. xxxviii. 16 ; Wfc> oditf 



1 The Arabic, however, and the Aramaic, can form it. But here, too, 
the Ethiopic, in many cases, still resembles the Hebrew. 

2 [Hence Bottcher (Ausfuhr. Lehrbucfi, 948) has very properly desig- 
nated these stative verbs."] 

8 These, accordingly, are some remains of what was originally a similar 
usage in the Indo-Germanic languages, just like *eQ6faftett and titioiza ; 
but the same thing presents itself in many other languages also. 



MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 5 



|K Tie refuses, Ex. x. 3, xvi. 28 ; 2n he loves, DN he despises, 
2yri he abhors, Job vii. 16, xix. 20 ; ^HD^ / rejoice, Ps. 
cxxii. 1 ; i& TOb|j / a??& too little for . . ., Gen. xxxii. 11. It 
is also used for actions which, at the moment of speaking, 
are really regarded as already past, though they may never- 
theless still continue ; thus, ^I&K / say, mean, ^V^ I advise, 
Amos v. 14; 2 Sam. xvii. 11 ; Eccles. vi. 3, viii. 14 ; Job 
xxxiii. 3; Ps. xxxviii. 8 f., xxxix. 4, Ixxxviii. 10, 14, 
cxviii. 26, cxxix. 8 ; Prov. iv. 11, xxii. 19 f., and in lengthy 
descriptions, Jer. xiv. 1-6, Zeph. iii. 6 f., 1 Sam. ii. 1, in 
which case, certainly, the imperfect also readily intrudes itself 
(see 1366). This perfect may thus frequently be expressed 
by our present, with the addition of already, as in Cant. ii. 1 2 f., 
vii. 13 f. Or, general truths, which are plainly taught, and 
already fully established by experience, are described in the 
perfect ; [352] as, the wicked man *$ despises God ; and 
frequently in comparisons and proverbs, Ps. x. 3, 13, Ixxxiv. 4, 
xxxiii. 13 f. ; Prov. xi. 2, 8, xxii. 12 f. ; 1 Sam. ii. 3-5. 
The perfect is also used in two closely consecutive propositions, 
the former of which puts the matter more as a condition, Ps. 
xxxix. 12. The perfect has also a special liking for being 
joined in this way with tih not, almost exclusively, however, 
at the beginning, and quite independently in the proposition, 
as Ps. xxiv. 4, xv. 35. 

c. (3.) It is used of actions, which, though really neither past 
nor present, are, through the inclination or lively fancy of the 
speaker, regarded as being already as good as finished ; these 
are, accordingly, stated as if they were quite unconditional and 
certain. Modern languages, at least, in such cases, employ the 
more energetic and definite present instead of the future. 
Thus, the construction is adopted when any one briefly states 
what he intends to do, as his settled determination ; hence it 
is especially frequent in utterances of God, whose will is 
equivalent to His deed : *J? WiJ / give to thee, vro'ia / Uess 
him, Gen. xv. 18, xvii. 20 ; and in the language of contracts, 
buying and selling, Gen. xxiii. 11, 13 ; Ptuth iv. 3 ; cf. ver. 5. 
(Of. also 2236.) Moreover, the fancy of the poet and 
prophet frequently views the future as already clearly before 
him, arid experienced ; this, however, is not, for the most part, 
the case in unimpassioned description, but it is more common 



6 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 135. 

in more brief and rapid utterances ; as, it will dry up, ^ it is 
blown away, and is no more ! Isa. xix. 7, xliii. 3 ; Jer. xxxi. 5 ; 
Ps. xx. 7, Ixxxv. 11, cxvi. 16 ; Lam. iv. 22. In this case, 
though nan lelwld, is readily prefixed, to indicate the future 
(as in 1 Kings iii. 12 twice), the perfect must always occupy 
a position of emphatic prominence at the beginning of the pro- 
position, or show, by the clearest self-evidence arising from 
the meaning of the whole proposition, that its realization is 
possible only in the future, as in Isa. Ix. I. 1 Sometimes, 
however, a mental picture is also represented more fully, in 
quite unimpassioned discourse, as it hovered before the eye of 
the writer while in the ecstatic state, just as if it had been 
actually experienced and were quite certain ; but, in that case, 
such singularly unimpassioned discourse not merely must be 
easily distinguishable from the whole connection of the state- 
ment, but also always readily resolves itself once more into 
the ordinary style, as Ps. 1. 1-6, xxxvi. 13, Ixiv. 8-10, ex. 5f. ; 
Isa. viii. 23 on till ix. 3, 5. 

In ordinary discourse, there are at least two cases in which 
this perfect of mere representation or fancy is constantly used, 
viz. in conditional propositions (regarding which, see further 
355), and when it is combined with the Vav [353] of 
sequence, in order to constitute the peculiar essence of the 
consecutive perfect. (Since this latter formation, however, is 
now far from being a simple one, it cannot be further discussed 
till a later stage; see 234.) But the language comes more 
and more to look upon all these manifold kinds of the perfect 
of volition and fancy (to give it this brief designation) as some- 
thing extraordinary, more momentary than permanent ; on this, 
see further 350. 

d. Again, what is predicated simply of the past, may also, 
from the rrieaning of the discourse (e.g. in a simple proposition, 
through the influence of a particle), be regarded merely as the 
statement of a possibility ; as, "O&a B#03 they almost killed me 
(but, as is self-evident, did not do so) ; hence the expression is 

1 This use of the perfect, accordingly, is not the same as that which is 
found in Isa. Iv. 4, where, therefore, it is wrong to understand it as refer- 
ring to the future. The extent to which this is imitated by the Septuagint 
and Hellenistic writers, and may even be adopted among them (see Thilo, 
on Jac. P*-otev. c. 2), is another question. 



MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 7 

equivalent to our : they would have killed me, Ps. cxix. 8 7 ; 
Gen. xxvi. 10 ; cf. 35Sa. Thus, there are contained in the 
perfect a multitude of special references and meanings, which 
might give occasion to the rise of as many new forms ; but 
this Hebrew perfect still remains in a quite rigid and simple 
state. 

136tf. II. The Imperfect 1 describes that which is incom- 
plete, whether this be what does not yet exist, or what is 
going on, merely progressing towards completion ; hence it 
may also, on the other hand, indicate what merely is to take 
place, i.e. what, according to the speaker's way of thinking, is 
merely dependent on something else. This includes two 
meanings, which, both in conception and expression, rnay be 
very widely different from one another, without, however, 
completely removing all trace of their common origin. What 
I state absolutely as incomplete, remains a mere predication 
regarding a time, hence, a mere time-form (tense) ; what, on 
the other hand, I state as merely dependent on something 
else, is set forth as in a particular kind of being, which hence 
becomes more a mood than a tense (to use Latin terminology). 

This is not yet the place, however, to discuss the kind of 
being in its whole extent, since it brings new and finer dis- 
tinctions into consideration (see 223-35). We here confine 
ourselves, therefore, to the explanation of the imperfect, so far 
as it makes an absolute distinction of time. Now, it is very 
evident that the idea of incompleteness in the imperfect may 
at once further subdivide into two particular ideas. What is 
incomplete is either viewed as becoming [i.e. progressing or 
advancing], as just arising and continuing, but not yet gone 
by ; or, as absolutely future, not yet existing at all ; hence, 
in accordance with the genius of our [modern] languages, as 
present, or &s future. 

I. (1.) The imperfect states what is merely becoming [or 
advancing towards completion, i.e. coming to pass], arising ; or 
it represents the action as present. Looked at more exactly, 
however, this admits of being regarded in a twofold manner ; 
the incomplete action is set forth either as incipient, or as 
continuing in this incipiency. Hence, the imperfect indicates 

1 [On this whole section, see also Driver on the Tenses in Hebrew, chap. 
iii. (The Imperfect alone.)] 



8 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, m. 

(a.} An action which, at the present moment, is not yet 
completed, but is beginning, and is being carried on with a 
view to completion, or which happens in the present; as, 
isvn ye are marching out, 1 Sam. xvii. 8. Thus, [354] the 
perfect (see 1355) is sometimes used interchangeably with 
the imperfect for our present, according as the thing is depicted 
as just completed, or rather, as still going on and scarcely 
completed ; . as, n3 |?KB, Gen. xvi. 8, xlii. 7, and Kbn 
whence comest tJwu? which latter is the more frequent con- 
struction, Josh. ix. 8; Judg. xvii. 9, xix. 17; 2 Sam. i. 3; 
Jonah i. 8 ; Job i. 7, ii. 2 ; cf. Isa. xxxix. 3. 1 Similarly, the 
two expressions may also be interchanged, merely for the sake 
of variety, in poetic parallelism, Prov. xi. 7, xiv. 18, and in 
negative propositions, Isa. v. 12. The distinction between the 
two is often very slight ; because that which occurs in the 
present may easily be viewed as already complete, and thus as 
existent, by a language which does riot yet possess any settled 
form for the present, strictly so called ; in actual practice, 
however, this application of the perfect becomes more rare. 

But the imperfect may also, with equal propriety, indicate 
what was becoming realized in the past (praesens praeteriti) ; for, 
in the case of a thing that is to be viewed as having simply 
occurred, and gone by, prominence may be assigned, in animated 
description, to the one side of its occurrence, the moment 
when it actually happens. This is done when the speaker, 
fancying that he is lingering within the sphere of a definite 
past, looks down on what was then "being realized, and thus 
transports the hearer directly into the time when the thing 
was taking place. The poets especially can do this with great 
facility ; as, the, day TOK in which I was to le lorn (L. nascen- 
dus eram) ; why HIDX *? did I not die from the womb (i.e. 
just when I had been born)? Job iii. 3, 11, xv. 7; Ps. 
cxxxix. 16. In prose, this usage, though not entirely absent, 
is nevertheless confined to certain definite cases and combina- 
tions ; e.g. to the construction with D*Jt? before (see 337c), 
that with TK then ; as, W TK then sang . . ., Ex. xv. 1 ; Josh, 
viii. 30 ; 1 Kings xvi. 21 ; 2 Kings xv. 16 ; Job xxxviii. 24; 
Ps. cxxvi. 2, especially, however, to the constant case of Vav 
consecutive, explained in 231. 

1 Cf. a similar usage, e.g. in Vei : Kolle, Vei Grammar, pp. 100, 118. 



MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 9 

Since, now, this use of the imperfect, in the greater 
portion of the language, is more confined to particular com- 
binations, and accordingly seems further to be, even in its 
form, rather a special kind of tense (modus temporis) than a 
simple indication of time (see 231), we must distinguish 
from this the case in which a past action is, exceptionally, 
and merely from the desire of producing a more graphic 
representation, so put in the imperfect that we also may use 
the present instead. This construction is almost exclusively 
poetical, and hardly once occurs in prose, even in animated 
conversation, as 1 Kings xxi. 6. Further, it is only possible 
either because the speaker is thinking more of the mere 
thing itself than of the time of the action ; thus, at the 
beginning of the discourse ; as, out of Aram ^n?! he brings 
me, Num. xxiii. 7 ; Job x. 1 f. ; Hab. iii. 3 ; Ps. Ixxx. 9 ; 
1 Kings xxi. 6 ; or, it is used in protases and apodoses, or 
even in interjected, parenthetical propositions, [355] for the 
purpose of bringing the events more closely together in 
rapid succession, and to depict everything in the most vivid 
manner, as if it were present, Ex. xv. 12, 14-16 ; Ps. xviii. 7, 
civ. 6, 8, cvii. 26 ; Job iv. 15 f. ; Ex. xv. 4 f. This construc- 
tion, however, is also employed, with fine effect, in simple 
narrative, to indicate the gradual occurrence of the event, as 
Ezra ix. 4 ; or, the imperfect is used in giving more detailed 
3xplanation and description of what has already been men- 
tioned, Neh. iii. 1 4 f. 

c. (5.) It is implied in the meaning of many expressions, or 
in the relation subsisting between one action and another, 
that the imperfect may express the special idea of duration, 
continuance, or even (if the action be of such a character) 
repetition; because that which endures is also incomplete, 
always occurs again and again for an indefinite period, Isa. 
Iviii. 2, 3 ft. Even in the case of the present, when employed 
to express what is usual, or customary, the imperfect is 
preferred to the perfect for indicating this idea; as, ~\KW 
dicitur, dicunt ; hence the form is particularly used in com- 
parisons; as, t^K ^ "iBfcs as one is wont to carry, Deut. i. 31. 
The imperfect comes to be of special importance, however, inas- 
much as it may, in accordance with the context, be equally 
transferred to the sphere of the past, in order to describe, in 



10 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, ISG. 

subordinate propositions, or in some other way by a sub- 
ordinate relative clause, a circumstance that continued while 
something else was going on, 2 Kings iii. 2 5 ; Jer. xiii. 7 ; 
or even to depict, in piopositions of a more independent 
character, past habits and customs; as, n^n rwt? nbjr he used to 
do year ly year, 1 Sam. i. 7, ii. 19 ; for forty years BipK was 
I grieved, Ps. xcv. 10 ; Job xxix. 2 f., 6 f. ; Prov. vii. 11 f. ; 
also in dependent propositions ; as, they went away wW "i^?3 
whithersoever they went, 1 Sam. xxiii. 1 3, where the Septuagint 
has the appropriate rendering, ov lav eiropevovTo. Here, 
accordingly, the Hebrew imperfect almost exactly corresponds 
to the Latin imperfect, strictly so called (properly, imperfec- 
tum prceteriti). 

It often depends on the speaker whether he wishes to 
state a thing that may have even been several times repeated, 
simply as having happened, i.e. in the perfect, or to indicate it 
more definitely [as having been repeated, by using the imper- 
fect]. Hence, the one form may be exchanged for the other 
in different lines of poetry ; as, never hath the low of Jonathan 
turned lack (i.e. homewards) ; and never did the sword of Saul 
return (i.e. it never used to return) in vain, 2 Sam. i. 22. 

In Aramaic, this whole use of the imperfect for any kind 
of present completely ceases, through the introduction of the 
participle as & present, exactly as if it were a third tense-form; 1 
there is, indeed, a beginning made in the same direction by 
the Hebrew also, but only to a limited extent (see 168). 
On the other hand, the Ethiopic has not at all admitted the 
interchange of the participle with the imperfect : the Arabic 
allows it, but at least to a still smaller extent than the 
Hebrew. 

d. (2.) The imperfect is the definite form of expression for 
a thing that is absolutely future, in the strongest contrast with 
the perfect; as, rw $] rrn *6 there has not been, and there will 
not ~be. In narratives, however, this quite bald expression 
may also indicate what was [356] then future, in relation to 
the circumstances described ; as, the firstborn who ^t>\ was to 
rule (regnaturus erat), 2 Kings iii. 27, xiii. 14 ; Eccles. iv. 15. 

1 [Regarding the Syriac, see Uhlemann's Grammar, 64. 2, A. In 
Chaldee, the pronominal fragments are sometimes completely fused with 
the participial forms ; see Winer's Grammar, 13.] 



MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 11 

Similarly, the imperfect stands, without anything further, in 
dependent propositions, even when the discourse treats of the 
past (in which case, therefore, the Latin would employ the 
imperfect subjunctive) ; as, "IBS' 1 '3 jnan did we know that he 
would say ? (like "iK t| ^ ^VIJ / know that he will say), Gen. 
xliii. 7, 25, cf. ii. 19 ; Ex. ii. 4 ; 1 Sam. xxii. 22. 

e. Such is only the most natural application of this mean- 
ing of the imperfect. But the colour and character of the 
discourse, and, together with these, its actual mode of delivery, 
which cannot be expressed in any written form, as well as the 
tone of the speaker, all these may further present very great 
variety as regards the mode in which they are arranged and 
connected. Nevertheless, this simple meaning of the future 
still continues to be applied ; while our [modern] languages, 
in these cases, instead of the direct future, choose more definite 
expressions. Thus (a) it stands in a doubting question when 
there is uncertainty regarding what may happen ; as, ^N*n shall 

1 (i.e. am I to) go? Mic. vi. 6 ; or in a question which indi- 
cates rejection of a proposal ; as, 7JJBK &6n should I not do ? 
Ps. cxxxix. 21 ; also, in discourse which signifies unwilling 
rejection of a thought ; as, 3pK HD how am I to curse the good 
man ? Num. xxiii. 8. But this may also be applied, once 
more, in such a way that something actually past is meant ; 
as, rwn should Abner die ? or rather (for he was at that time 
actually dead), ought he to have died (moriendumne ei erat) ? 

2 Sam. iii. 33; 1 Sam. xxi. 16; Gen. xliii. 7, W'j ^K how were 
we to sing ! Ps. cxxxvii. 4. (@) In propositions which form 
merely a calm concession that something may possibly be, 
while, at the same time, nothing is thrown in the way of its 
accomplishment; as, afterwards ^CT fhou wilt (or mayesf) 
mock, Job xxi. 3 ; Prov. xxii. 2 9 ; especially when there im- 
mediately follows an antithetical proposition, by which the con- 
cession is restricted ; as, of all the trees of the garden fe?tfn thou 
wilt (or mayesf) eat, "but not . . ., Gen. ii. 16 ; Lev. xxi. 22 f., 
xxii. 23 ; Deut. xii. 2 f. Similarly, it is used in propositions 
indicative of general possibility ; as, beings CHK3T which people 
will (or may, can) crush, hence the Lat. conterenda, Job iv. 
19, xxviii. 1; Jer. xxiv. 2, 3, 8, xxix. 17: [your children 
nK' 1 may (might possibly) say, Josh. xxii. 24, according as he 
may command, Ex. viii. 23; see Driver, p. 41]. (7) Or, 



12 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, isc. 

finally, in strict injunctions regarding what shall be done 
and must be done (which, however, mostly occurs only in nega- 
tive propositions, see 328c), whether in the form of a law, 
as, ^xn K? thou shalt not (i.e. thou must not, art not to) eat ! 
Gen. ii. 1 7, or merely in a general way, in solemn diction, as, 
thou hast done nfe^ K7 "IB>K what is (or ought) not to le done, 
the emphasis being laid on the negative (Lat. hand facienda) t 
Gen. xx. 9, xxxiv. 7; Lev. iv. 2; Job xxviii. 18. 1 In pro- 
positions which are at the same time dependent on another, 
the same thing also occurs without negatives ; as, he taught 
them *&n* !]^ how they should (i.e. were to, ought to) fear God, 
2 Kings xvii. 28 [357] (for, in this case, it is impossible to 
use the imperative or infinitive absolute, 328c). 2 

/. Moreover, as the perfect within its own sphere (see 1 3 55), 
so can this imperfect also indicate something which is merely 
conceived of as becoming [i.e. progressing], coming and following, 
if some other thing were (or in German [and English], more 
briefly, of a thing which would be) ; as, for then (if I had died 
when a child) BipB>'K shall I le at rest ; but, since the thing 
is obviously now impossible, the expression is equivalent to, 
would I le at rest, Job iii. 13, 16, vi. 27, ix. 15-18, xiii. 19, 
xiv. 14f.; xxxi. 36; Jer. iii. 1; with tiy3 soon (easily) 
would . . ., Job xxxii. 22. 3 There may likewise (see above, 
under e) come in here the idea of propriety, fitness, or obliga- 
tion [Ger. das Sollen] (hence also the earnest wish that some- 
thing, which actually belongs to the past, should have 
happened) ; thus, JJUK / should die (if it were necessary that 
I should be born), hence / ought to have died, Job x. 18, 19, 
and negatively in Obad. 1 2 ; 4 cf. fwn moriendumne ei erat ? 
in e, above. In such cases, however, which are rare, the 

1 Cf. < c*2> jJ U What is not to be (cannot be) described; JU-> ^ it must 
not be said, etc. 

2 Cf. they had ears \^> ^.yt4*uJ with which they were to hear, Sura xxii 
45, and many similar expressions. 

3 In Aramaic : we were angry at them \CU| j-^QJ? so that we would have 
destroyed them, unless , . . Assemani's Bibl. orientalis, i. p. 371, 17. For 
the sake of perspicuity, the later languages always readily add JOCTI or 
i^&fuit to the imperfect when it refers to the past. 

4 For all these words, in conformity with thw whole context, would be 
more clearly rendered thus : But thou oucjlitest not to have . . . 



MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 13 

immediately preceding context always contains some safe 'guide 
to the correct meaning. 

g. But it is something essentially new that presents itself 
when the imperfect is used, in dependent propositions, to indi- 
cate what is to take place as the intention of the agent ; the 
form may then be also employed in narrating what is past ; 
as, Tie commanded |ttl 'a that they should return (ut re- 
dirent}, Job xxxvi. 1 ; V1BJPTI3D imperavit (ut} starent, more 
briefly without '3 that, Dan. i. 5 ; Prov. viii. 29 ; cf. 338 ; 
also with ]$?? that I might do this, they did that, Neh. vi. 13. 
For, the idea of purpose may here be so completely predomi- 
nant that the special mood already briefly mentioned in a is 
rather used instead. In Aramaic, certainly, the plain imper- 
fect is always used in this sense as a future ; in Arabic, how- 
ever, and in Ethiopic, it is always the subjunctive mood, which, 
indeed, in the latter language, coincides with the voluntative. 1 
Here, also, the Hebrew vacillates between the two cases, and 
when it employs a more definite mood, resembles the Ethiopic ; 
cf. 224, 337. 

h. (3.) When neither these two tense-forms, either simply, 
or as modified in accordance [358] with what is stated in 
230-34, nor the participles (see 168c) are sufficient to 
determine the time of an action, then far more definite indica- 
tions still may be formed ; thus, with the assistance of prepo- 
sitions, the gate was iaipi> to [be] shut, i.e. was just about to be 
closed, Josh. ii. 5 (cf. 21*7d, 2); or, with the aid of the 
verb to come, which is, in many languages, joined with the 
chief verb in such a way that we could even say, Nte?p K2 he 
had come from coming, i.e. he had just come, Gen. xxiv. 62. 2 
But all these rather prolix indications of more definite time- 
relations are still very rare in Hebrew. 

1 [See Wright's Arabic Grammar, II. 15 ; and Dillmann's Aeihiop. Gram- 
matik, 90 ; 169, 7 ; 197a.] 

2 See Ewald's Antiquities of Israel, pp. 202-3 [English translation. Cf. 
also the French, il vient d'arriver]. 



14 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 223. 



THE RELATIONS (MOODS) OF THE VERB. 

[579] 1. THE RELATIONS OF THE PREDICATED ACTION, AS 
IMPASSIONED OR UNIMPASSIONED. 

Voluntative and Imperative, simple and intensified. 

223a. The verb, as it appears in its earliest developed 
form (described in 190-199), expresses ideas, first of all, in 
a wholly unimpassioned manner, without any indication that 
the speaker feels an interest of his own in the subject of 
which he treats. What he says consists of a mere mention : 
he makes an objective, and hence unimpassioned statement, 
contenting himself with simply doing this. But the speaker 
may also, in quite another manner, directly import into the 
predication of the action his own interest in it, always sup- 
posing that he wishes to take such an interest in it at all. 
He can throw into it his whole personal (subjective) feelings 
and desires ; and, inasmuch as this (like everything personal) 
varies very much in degree and kind, there may possibly arise, 
in contrast with the indicative, a multitude of subjective moods, 
which, however, differ more or less from one another ; hence, 
also, one may grow out of the other. That which, in the 
case of the noun (see 202&), is the exclamation (vocative), is 
here the impassioned, abrupt mood. But we have now to 
state here the special way in which the latter is expressed, and 
to show how far this is done merely through the tone of the dis- 
course (which, in the case of the fine shades of feeling imparted 
by the addition of personal sympathy, may, of course, form an 
element of considerable importance), or by fresh changes in 
the form of the words. 

b. The perfect, uttered more forcibly than at other times, 
and as if in exclamation, may, even without any further modi- 
fication, serve to express the wish of the speaker, the special 
emphasis with which he declares his own wish being indi- 
cated merely by the more lively colouring imparted to the 
discourse. JSTow, since the perfect represents the action as 
completed, the speaker thereby expresses, in somewhat unim- 
passioned form, though with an indication of the interest which 



VOLUNTATIVE AND IMPEKATIVE. 15 

he himself feels, what he would like to see already fulfilled, 
and believes is already fulfilled at the very moment when he 
utters the wish. Hence the infusion of this colouring into the 
discourse produces the [580] appropriate form of expression 
in Arabic for a pious (religious) desire ; and the perfect with 
such a position and meaning is most fitly termed the precative. 
That the perfect could be so used in Hebrew also, is safely 
inferred from the occurrence of particular expressions which 
otherwise remain unintelligible ; as, VUK perish the wicked ! 
Ps. x. 16, Ivii. 7 ; the counsel of the wicked fiiJ^J be far from me ! 
Job xxi. 16, xxii. 18 ; nnna thou (0 God) hast redeemed me ! 
(o?,redeemest me!) Ps. xxxi. 6, cxvi. 16; Lam. i. 21, iii. 57-61; 
Isa. xxvi. 15. 1 In Arabic, the perfect, in such a case, must 
likewise always stand at the beginning with emphasis ; and 
in the usage actually followed by the language, it has gradually 
become restricted to certain expressions (see Ewald's Gram. 
Arab. 710). In Hebrew, as is shown by the instances 
quoted above, somewhat greater freedom still remains here ; but, 
besides the above few examples, all of which, moreover, belong 
to the language of poetry, it can scarcely be said that there 
are many others 2 in the Old Testament. 3 Still another old 
mode of expression of this kind is njrp 'n may Jahve* live! 
(see 1425) which now occurs only in the genuine Davidic 
poem, Ps. xviii. 47 (2 Sam. xxii. 47), and is accordingly 
different from the expression used in swearing (see 329#). 

1 [Cf. the strong command in English, you go directly ! and Germ, du 
gelist sogleich !~\ 

2 [Bbttcher, who also allows that there is a precative perfect in Hebrew 
(Lehrbuch) 9890, 9470), will not, however, admit it in all the cases cited 
above by Ewald, but only in Ps. cxvi. 16 ; Job xxi. 16, xxii. 18 ; Lam. 
iii. 57-61 ; but he further adds Isa. xliii. 9 ; Mic. i. 10 (KetJiib) Ps. iv. 2, 
vii. 7, xxii. 22, Ixxi. 3, cxli. 6, 7. See Driver, 20.] 

3 In Syriac, the verb ]oO"l> at least, is still employed thus as a remnant 
of this old style, of discourse ; in this case, however, it is not subordinated 
to another verb or an adjective, as under other circumstances, but, in the 
most direct opposition to that construction, takes up a position of most 
emphatic prominence at the beginning (like the Arabic preca live). 

* [On the pronunciation of the divine name ni!T, see especially Gesenius, 
Thesaurus; or "W. A. Wright's article in Smith's Bible Dictionary; Eussel 
Martineau's treatise appended to vol. ii. of the English translation of Ewald's 
History of Israel.] 



16 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 224. 

c. On the other hand, the imperfect (see 136&), as the 
expression for what is becoming [i.e. incipient], is very suitable, 
when uttered with special emphasis, for indicating what, 
according to the speaker's own mind and wish, ought to be, 
and the attainment of which he represents as meanwhile 
dependent on something. Thus, out of the imperfect, in 
addition to its first and most natural form, 1 there arise several 
new moods, which agree merely in this, that they all express 
the most direct motions of the will, and thus are the same in 
the verb as a vocative would be in the noun. The form, how- 
ever, which shows itself to be the most natural in this case, we 
call, pre-eminently, the voluntative, to give it the most general 
name that best answers to the idea which it presents. 2 

d. But it lies in the very nature of volition to express 
itself with great variety of degree and force, just in the same 
way as [581], in the case of the noun (see 202&), the exclama- 
tion varies. The precative, indeed (see 6), is merely a parti- 
cular kind of it ; but here, gradation comes into more distinct 
prominence, so that we must at once distinguish between the 
simple and the intensified expression. 

224. 1st. The voluntative is the emphatic expression of the 
desire felt by the speaker that something should take place. 
Hence it differs from the imperfect almost solely in being 
uttered more briefly and rapidly (like the. ordinary vocative 
in the case of the noun), the pause made by the voice being 
rather strongly retracted from the end and laid on the begin- 
ning of the word. The separate effects of this, however 
(except in the mere tone of the proposition), are only in part 
still distinctly perceptible in Hebrew ; in Aramaic they have 
almost completely disappeared. 

In the case of the many persons which end with the third 
radical, the shortening must be shown in the stem itself. In 

1 Viz. the indicative, which, inasmuch as the verb is not made dependent 
on a word, either in impassioned language or otherwise, may also be com- 
pared to the nominative. But it would be quite a mistake to suppose that 
the Semitic originally formed the imperfect for the purpose of expressing 
a nominative, because the resemblance between the indicative and nomi- 
native is merely a remote one after all (cf. 191a). 

2 [Ewald includes, within the general designation Voluntative, both the 
lengthened or Coliortative, and the shortened or Jussive forms of the 
imperfect ; see 224, 228.] 



VOLUNTATIVE AND IMPERATIVE. 17 

the strong verb, however, where, for the most part, two com- 
pound syllables come together, and where, in the final syllable, 
the vowels are very simple, the laws regarding the tone (see 
85) and those regarding the accented vowels (see 32 ff.), 
do not generally allow any further shortening of the final 
syllable ; only in Hiphil is the i (see 252) regularly shortened 
into the short sound , which, on account of the tone, becomes 
(see 336) ; as, |3B* let him cause to dwell, Wrtfl let it bring 
forth, Gen. i. 10, 24"; Ps. vii. 6; Job xi. 14. But in weak 
roots, the shortening is, for the most part, much more easily 
effected, and more generally capable of being distinguished. 1 

[584] 226. 2d. The imperative is the highest degree of the 
voluntative, the briefest expression of a desire regarding what 
is to be done. Hence it always presents itself in a still more 
fragmentary form than the jussive, as a mere exclamation, and 
thus also nearly always stands at the beginning of the pro- 
position. And so little can it admit of being subordinated, 
that the subjective negative ^ (^77, Lat. ne) is not joined with 
it, but always continues to be construed with the voluntative ; 
as, '"n ^ ne sis! byn ^ nefac! 1 

[589] 228. 3d. An intensification of the voluntative and 
imperative arises from the employment of n } by which still 
greater and more special prominence is visibly assigned to the 
mental endeavour and the direction of the will towards a 
definite object. This sign, which, in the noun, expresses the 
idea of direction towards a place (see 216), attaches itself 
to these moods also, and thus indicates the will of the speaker 
in a still stronger manner. The use of this intensified volun- 
tative [now generally called the cohortative], however, is, in 
Hebrew, more confined within certain limits. It is most 
frequently and properly employed only in the first person, to 
which, in fact, the short, quick command is less appropriate 
than the effort which is founded on inward deliberation, 
and which forms the impelling force urging on one's own more 
tardy will ; as, >!N then let me sing, nab then let us go. It 
makes no difference whether that which one himself intends 

1 [What immediately follows, in the original, refers to the forms assumed 
by the jussive in the irregular verbs, and is here omitted, as belonging to 
accidence rather than Syntax. For a very full discussion of the cohortative 
and jussive, see Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, chap. iv. and Appendix II.] 

B 



18 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 228. 

to do, and is on the point of doing, is to proceed from an 
entirely free determination of will, Prov. xii. 19; or is likewise 
conditioned by external influence, in which case we may often 
render the form by, I am to . . . Isa. xxxviii. 10 ; Jer. iv. 21, 
vi. 10 ; or, / must . . . Jer. iii. 25, iv. 19 ; Ps. xlii. 5, Iv. 3, 
Ivii. 5, Ixxxviii. 16. In the case of passive ideas, it is, of 
course, more the fervency of the wish that is expressed in this 
way, Ps. Ixix. 1 5. In the other persons, this intensified form 
is very rare ; and, in the case of the third person, it occurs 
only sometimes in poetry; as, nxnn l e t it come, Isa. v. 19 ; 
Ps. xx. 4. But even the intensified form of the first person 
becomes more and more restricted to poetry, and in Aramaic 
this whole formation disappears. It may further be remarked 
that it is most readily retained when, in contrast with a pre- 
ceding unchangeable vowel, it is without the tone : it is least 
likely to be preserved when it would necessitate the removal 
of a preceding changeable vowel, as if a sound of this nature 
mostly sought to defend itself against extinction ; thus the 
form sp* is maintained between ny^K and rvvptf in Isa. i. 25. 



[593] 2. AN ACTION, AS STATED BY ITSELF, OR IN 
RELATION TO ANOTHER. 

Consecutive Moods and Tenses. 

230. As a preposition and its subordinated noun, so can a 
conjunction and its subordinated verb form an inseparably close 
combination, in which the one member conditions the other, 
and the exact sense is given by both only in this close con- 
nection. But this takes place only when certain new ideas are 
formed ; because an ordinary conjunction, without such a force, 
stands far more loosely before the proposition (see 222). 
A conjunction of this stronger kind is found pre-eminently in 
the copulative "], inasmuch as it does not simply mean and, 
but (like our then, or so) indicates, more emphatically, the 
consequence of the action, the sequence of time, or thought; 
and in such a case, it certainly received greater prominence in 
the living language. If this, or a similar conjunction, be com- 
bined with a tense or mood, progressive, connective, and there- 
fore relative tenses and moods are formed; and for this purpose 



THE RELATIVELY-PROGRESSIVE IMPERFECT. 19 

the two tenses are developed in a new and peculiar fashion. That 
which most readily suggests itself, however, in this case, is 
23 la. 1st. The relatively -progressive imperfect. To the 
imperfect there is prefixed, as a particle of time referring to 
the past, the syllable a-, while the consonant succeeding it 
is doubled. This syllable, which was, perhaps, originally ad, 
TK, is of pronominal origin, and corresponds to the augment 
in other languages, 1 has the meaning of then. But it has 
always been fused with the conjunction } and (which thereby 
becomes more emphatic) [594] into va-, while the succeeding 
consonant is doubled ; and it is only through the fusion of 
the two particles that there arises the more emphatic dnd, 
which throws an action into the sphere of the past. To this 
prefix is subordinated the imperfect in the form of the volunta- 
tive, inasmuch as the latter posits the action itself as already 
going on, and consequently dependent, or closely connecting 
itself with some point or other. 2 Thus there arises a composite 



1 In Sanskrit and Zend, Greek, Armenian, Afghan ; cf. Zeitschr. fur 
die Kunde des Moryenlandes, Band ii. p. 304 f . The aorist and the poten- 
tial both arise from a tense which is no longer preserved anywhere in Indo- 
Germanic in its original form, which must have formed the analogue of 
the Semitic imperfect, and whose antithesis has now, similarly, in the Indo- 
Germanic, after decay, resolved itself into the ancient perfect and the 
modern present. The augment in Semitic may have been originally 

-am ; if so, an explanation is thereby given of the employment of t with 

the apocopated imperfect (see Ewald's Gram. Arab. 210 ; [Wright's 
Arabic Grammar, ii. 18]). This form, however, is too plainly an abbrevia- 
tion of 1M not yet, though it never occurs in protases. 

2 It is necessary to assume that the form is the voluntative, especially on 
account of the occurrence, in the first person, of the H } because this does 
not admit of explanation in any other way. And, in fact, the idea pre- 
sented by the form ceases to be any objection whatever against its employ- 
ment, as soon as we grant that, in a somewhat wider sense, it might 
indicate generally what is dependent and relative (cf. 338). The mere 
shortening of the imperfect might, if necessary, be explained on the principles 
laid down in 181a and 2436; but such an explanation is not required. 
The modern Persian, in a very similar way, prefixes be- (a syllable which 
indicates approach, advance), not merely to the present, for the purpose of 
forming the definite future (and hence also to the subjunctive and impera- 
tive), but also to the shortened perfect, in order to form the imperfect of 
narration, i.e. the Greek aorist. The ancient languages have not such a 



20 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 231. 

word-form which transfers an action that is taking place back 
into the past (see 1366); and attaches it there, at some 
point already mentioned, in its necessary sequence, and in such 
a way that it can be perceived in its beginning there. This 
is the progressive imperfectum perfecti, which advances from 
some point, or thought, already stated ; and which, conse- 
quently, never stands by itself (absolutely), but always rela- 
tively to another. 

&. Now, since this imperfect (which, apart from the and 
which ever adheres to it, exactly answers to the Greek aorist) 
is always attached, by the emphatic and, to a perfect already 
mentioned, or at least assumed as known, like the produced 
effect to the primary producing cause, it is plain that, setting 
aside the force of the relative sequence, the perfect would be 
used instead. But as, in creation, through the continual force 
of motion and progress, that which has become [Ger. das Geivor- 
dene], and is, constantly modifies its form for something new ; 
so, in thought, the new advance which takes place (and thus 
. . ., then . . . ) suddenly changes the action which, taken by 
itself absolutely, would stand in the perfect, into this tense, 
which indicates becoming [Ger. das Werden, Gr. TO ytyve<T0cu~], 
the imperfect. 1 But one [595] progressive action of this kind 
may, in the case of a new advance in the course of thought, 
be immediately succeeded by another, to an indefinite extent. 
And various as the applications of the perfect are (see 135), 
equally so, in every single point, are those of its counterpart. 

strong liking for the past as to narrate it merely under its proper form \ 
but they, as it were, quickly throw it into some definite place or other in 
the past, attach it there, and depict its approach and progress from that 
point: in the Hebrew, this is rendered only still more evident by the 
employment of the and. In Coptic, at least the construction of the imper- 
fect with JULTIG . . . and JUtH<!LT" . . ., which answers to the Arabic 
negative already mentioned, is a similar instance (see Ewald's Sprachiviss. 
Abhandlungen, i. p. 55 ff.) ; cf . also Gabelentz, Melan. Sp. p. 39 ; Schlegel, 
Eice-Spr. p. 63. 

1 Hence the old [Jewish] grammarians had already begun to speak of a 
Vav conversive, a name which, properly understood, is not incorrect, 
though, to be more precise, it should be Vav consecutive-conversive. [Hit- 
zig calls it Vav relative, but this designation is rather indefinite.] That 
the *1 itself is derived from a Hjn fuit, as was formerly supposed, is 
incorrect, in spite of an apparent similarity in Vei (see Kb'lle, p. 137 f ). 
[See further, Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, pp. 76-78.] 



THE RELATIVELY-PROGRESSIVE IMPERFECT. 21 



Thus, in the case of simple narration, W "iK he spake, dnd 
(as he had spoken, so) it was done ; or, in the case of actions 
which, at the moment when the statement is made, are 
evidently completed, but, in their effects, reach to the present; 
this one has come as a stranger BSB^ dnd judges (as we have 
seen) nevertheless! Gen. xix. 9 > xxxi. 15; 2 Sam. iii. 8. See 
further, 342. 

c. But if, "besides, we look to history, it must be said that 
this form, as owing its origin to the extremely lively fancy 
which characterizes the language (like everything in this 
department in which the youthful vigour of the language 
shows itself, e.g. the distinction of gender made in relation to 
all objects; on which, see 171ff.), belongs to an earlier 
period, and hence gradually gives way to other forms. In 
Hebrew, indeed, this modification of the imperfect continues 
very prevalent, and forms one of its essential characteristics ; 
but even so early as the later times of the Old Testament 
(especially, for instance, in the Book of Ecclesiastes 1 [i. 13, 16, 
ii. 5, 9, 12, 13, etc.]), the simple perfect with the ordinary 1 
is employed instead ; and, in the rest of the Semitic languages,. 
it almost wholly ceases to be used. 2 

[599] 233a. It is only the poetic writers who sometimes ven- 
ture on using these short imperfects without the prefix. Though 

1 [Ewald assigns Ecclesiastes to the end of the fifth or the beginning of 
the fourth century B.C., i.e. to the later times of the Persian supremacy ; he 
thinks the book was written after Malachi, but before Chronicles and Esther. 
See his History of Israel (Eng. translation), vol. v. pp. 182, 189 ; cf. also 
pp. 192, 200, 202, and what he says in his Introduction to Qohelet (Dichter 
des alten Bundes).] 

2 In Aramaic, completely so : in the Mishna, II 1 (to indicate it briefly 
thus) is entirely wanting, and I \ (see 234) is very rare. In Arabic, the 
combination of t with the shortened imperfect (see Ewald's Gram. Arab. 

210 ; [Wright's Arabic Grammar, ii. 18]) forms a still remaining instance 
of the usage; and in the Saho language, ekke is the aorist, akke the 
ordinary future, in which a similar distinction is still perceived, Journ. 
asiat., 1843, torn. ii. p. 11 5 f. But the Phoenician here also still more closely 
resembles the Hebrew (see Ewald's Abhandl. iiber die sidonische Inschrift, 
pp. 18, 46) ; and in Arabic, the meaning still continues to be expressed, if 
in no other way, at least by the great change in the sound of the prefixed 

particle (_j instead of .). 



22 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 233. 

the omission is to be regarded, generally, in almost the same 
way as when, in Sanskrit (where it rarely happens), or in 
Greek, the aorist is used without the augment, yet it has 
other special reasons of its own in Hebrew (see 3435, 3465) ; 
thus riB* in Ps. xviii. 12 for TWfa in 2 Sam. xxii. 12. Poets espe- 
cially, in order to depict the past more vividly, as if it were 
present, may designedly omit the augment and use the simple 
1 with this imperfect; which, again, is most apt to be so 
treated when it occurs in the first person, and has an affix 
(as if the word became lighter at the beginning, before the 
heavy termination); thus Isa. x. 13, xii. 1, xliii. 28, xlviii. 3, 
li. 2, Ivii. 17, Ixiii. 3-6; Ps. civ. 32, cvii. 26-29, Ixvi. 6; 
Prov. vii. 7 ; Hos. vi. 1 ; Deut. xxxii. 8. The form may then 
also, contrary to its original use, and the general employment 
of it everywhere else, be placed in some other position than at 
the beginning of a proposition, as once actually happens in 
Deut. xxxii. 18, where Wfi is found, in pause, for "TO (Hiph. 
of rw = nnp, 113d, forget, neglect). 

I. This imperfect is also used under other circumstances 
without augment, but mostly with the same shortening, and 
in the first person with n ; also after TK then, 1 Kings viii. 1 ; 
Deut. iv. 41 ; Dt? there, used poetically of time, Ps. Ixvi. 6, 
and iy until, Ps. Ixxiii. 17 (donee pervenirem). For here are 
found in operation exactly the same causes which (according 
to 231) require that "'} should be followed by the volun- 
tative. In prose, however, this takes place only in the case 
of TK. 

2 34 a. 2d. The relatively - progressive perfect. Since the 
imperfect may have the perfect as its antithesis in every 
respect, the relatively-progressive imperfect, of which we have 
been treating, of itself calls forth the relatively-progressive 
perfect. But this is a form in which the Semitic [600] alone 
manifests thoroughgoing logical consistency, while the Indo- 
Germanic stops short; and which very clearly shows the 
highly exceptional wealth of peculiar forms which the Semitic 
amidst the seeming poverty arising from its having but two 
leading tenses, which alone have been fully developed has 
at its command (see 134&). As, therefore, in the combina- 
tion previously explained, the flowing sequence of time or 
thought causes that which has been realized [i.e. attained 



THE RELATIVELY- PROGRESSIVE PERFECT. 23 

completion, Ger. das Gfewordene], and exists, to be regarded as 
passing over into new realization ; so, in the present case, it 
has the effect of at once representing that which is advancing 
towards realization [Ger. das Werdende], as entering into full 
and complete existence [Ger. das Seyn\. Hence, each of the 
plain tenses gracefully intersects the other, by interchanging 
with its opposite, 1 thus, 

Perfect o o Imperfect 




Progressive Perfect oo oo Progressive Imperfect. 



Cf. similar interchanges in 1 7 *le f [Ges. 87, 4 ; Gr. 
200/], 267/ [Ges. 97, 1 ; Gr. 223, 2 ; Dav. 148, 3]. 
And in all those meanings in which (see 136) the imperfect 
itself, or even its abbreviations, the voluntative and impera- 
tive, would be used, this perfect is at once introduced, with 
the energetic dnd, or sd (then), when the discourse proceeds in 
an unimpassioned manner (see 342). 

b. As this relatively - progressive perfect is the exact 
opposite of the progressive imperfect in idea, so is it also in 
its form. In front, it wholly drops the augment, and thereby 
allows the \ to become a simple conjunction once more. But, 
to compensate for this, the tone is so strongly placed on the 
end of the word, that one would think the augment had 
originally been wholly put behind. It is as if one wished 
to say in English, MnT&peaJcs or thtn^spake, and, on the con- 
trary, therTsptaks ; or as if the former, from the front, sought 
to attach itself to the past, and the latter, from behind, to the 
future. None of the later Semitic languages, however, shows 
any trace of this ancient form, 2 which, even in Hebrew, 
is less and less employed. In the present condition of the 
Hebrew, too, even the mere change of the tone is no longer 
clearly marked in every case. 

1 Cf. a similar usage in the Odschi (see Riis, p. 156). 

2 Cf ., however, Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 347 ; here, too, the Phoenician 
show a Hebraizing tendency. 



24 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 234. 

[602] In 343 are shown the limitations to the em- 

ployment of these two relative or modified tenses in a 

proposition; as also the way in which, out of them again, 

two new kinds of time-specifications are formed : so that 

(to say nothing of the participle, on which see 200) 

we may, in Hebrew, even speak of six tense-forms (two 

plain, two modified, two re-simplified). 

23 5 a. 3d. The relatively-progressive voluntative presents the 

desire and the design of attaining something as the conse- 

quence or aim of something presupposed, answering to the 

English in order that, and the Latin ut with the subjunctive. It 

is usually preceded by an imperative ; as, ""H^^l ^ stop, that 

I may speak ! But it may follow any other kind of proposi- 

tion to which the idea of a purpose is attached ; thus even, it 

is good W] that he sJwuld wait, Lam. i. 19, iii. 26 ; Ex. i. 1*7; 

Lev. xv. 24, xxvi. 43. It is most naturally employed, how- 

ever, with the particles of purpose themselves ; see 3 3 7&. 1 

And as the imperative, speaking generally, differs from the 

voluntative merely in degree, so also a relative imperative 

becomes possible, whenever the second person is employed ; 

thus, that he may pray for thee F^rn and that tJiou (as I wish, 

by this very means) mayest live, Gen. xx. 7 ; Euth i. 9 ; Job 

xi. 6 ; cf. further, 347. But where this voluntative has 

more the sense merely of the Latin ut with the subjunctive, 

and the imperative does not immediately precede, the n 

is less frequently used, even in the first person (see 

229). 

[603] I. The voluntative remains in this case, through all 
the persons, as it would appear even without this \ (according 
to 224-229) : the forms n^KhJTi and njKhrn ut veniant, are 
both possible in this construction, as in 225 ; cf. 94a. In 
the first person, the form frequently vacillates (as in 232^) 
between abbreviation and assumption of the n ; so that words 
like ^&w, Zech. i. 3, from verbs l"y, become possible, because 

1 The Arabic here acquires greater power in exact distinction, by putting 
the imperfect in a series of words, and thus making it dependent on the 
telic particle, like an oblique case : in this way there arises a true subjunc- 



tive mood; as, i^^j^j ^\ ut scribat. But the Ethiopic knows nothing of 
this last development, and follows the Hebrew. 



THE EELATIVELY-PROGKESSIVE VOLUNTATIVE. 25 

the n , wliich indicates motion, falls away, \vhile the short 
voluntative form does not at once reappear. There are, to 
be sure, in the mode of pronouncing the } in this combination, 
minor anomalies which would be impossible when the simple \ 
and, is used; as, &7.5J9N?, Zech. vii. 14, instead of 'to (see 
621)-, i#$M, Zech. xi.X for % (see 736), nayw (see 88d) ; 
but these are, on the whole, rarely found. Since, however, the 
idea of progress and sequence must be expressed somewhere 
or other in the compound, we must assume that the ] here 
employed is not the simple, but the stronger one ; which also, 
there can be no doubt, was originally sounded more strongly, 
and may have this idea in itself, as well as before any other 
word (see 348). The latter Q], therefore, has certainly 
arisen in such a way from the other *! prefixed to the imper- 
fect (already discussed in 231), that it no longer indicates 
anything more than sequence (consecution). Thus it corre- 
sponds to the Arabic _i, which gives the same meaning as all 
these Hebrew compounds, but which now, as bearing this 
meaning in itself, may be prefixed to any simple tense or other 
kind of word. Hence it is like a finer precipitate of the 
much more cumbrous Hebrew compound forms. 1 

c. The voluntative may also be used (as in Arabic) in con- 
ditional propositions (see 3575); similarly, the shortened 
imperfect ?$J 2 is once closely joined with ""3, in the sense of 
wJien, Job xxvii. 8. Moreover, it is employed in relative pro- 
positions which state a mere remote possibility ; as, he receives 
nothing ?{?*& which he may (can) take away with him, Eccles. 
v. 14; cf. on the other hand, the form 1JW in Eccles. x. 2 0, 
which, through the style and the context in which the propo- 
sition stands, has quite a different meaning. 

1 In Aramaic also, and still more in Ethiopia, the simple and may, never- 
theless, in accordance with the context, always continue to bear the mean- 
ing of the vav of sequence. 

2 The root may be either *?$} or ^555? to draw out, imperf. ^r or ^ 
(see 2326), from which pp'i could easily be formed (see 232c). 



[684] SYNTAX, 



A sentence is a longer or shorter series of notions 
connected in such way that the subject, i.e. the person or thing 
spoken of, as being the chief word, and the predicate, or state- 
ment made regarding him or it, form its two essential and 
necessary elements, to which every other that it may also 
happen to contain is more or less closely attached. If one of 
these two members be wanting (as in an exclamation), we have 
a kind of incomplete, insufficient proposition. Even the sim- 
plest sentence, if it is to be complete and unimpassioned, must 
contain the two indispensable corner-stones on which the 
whole fabric is built : it must, on the one hand, mention a 
person (or something that occupies the place of this) ; and, on 
the other hand, make a statement regarding him. But since 
(see 1 9 0) both of these two elements are combined in the 
verb, every fully inflected verb necessarily contains in itself a 
complete proposition ; as, 233 Jie (or, to take a more inanimate 
subject, if) has been stolen. As both the subject and the pre- 
dicate are the necessary, so they are also the direct and inde- 
pendent members of the proposition ; hence, not merely the 
former, as the leading word, but also the latter, or the state- 
ment regarding it, if a mere noun, is to be considered as in 
the nominative; and their several positions are to be regarded as- 
proper to the nominative [thus, David is the king] ; cf. further, 
296. When one of these two main supports of the sentence 
is omitted, it becomes incomplete, and there is but an imper- 
fect expression of thought : this, indeed, may be tolerated, 
Tinder certain circumstances, but there is always something 
obscure and unsatisfactory in such a case. Provided that 
these two main elements are present, there may be the greatest 
possible variety in meaning and expression ; and to these two 
chief constituents a number of others may be attached. 

26 



GROUPING OF WORDS. 27 

Speaking generally, however, a sentence is either simple 
[i.e. absolute] an independent statement ; or subordinate 
[dependent] attached to another as its support; or con- 
ditional placed before another in a contingent or variable 
relation. But even a simple sentence admits of manifold 
variety as regards manner and style. 

b. Now, though all the words in a sentence must stand in 
mutual relation to each other [685], and though every one 
must give a clear and distinct meaning in its own place and 
connection, yet very much depends further on the means 
which a language possesses of expressing the various possible 
relations of a word in the sentence, and the manner in which 
these are formed in it. This is that internal structure of the 
parts of every sentence, which, more than anything else, ex- 
hibits the distinctive character of each individual language. 
Hence, before proceeding to consider more in detail the two 
main elements in every sentence, first by themselves, and then 
in their correlation, as well as in regard to their capability of 
receiving additions, together with all other varieties in the 
sentence, we must clearly understand the construction and the 
peculiarities of separate groups of words that may possibly 
be found in a sentence, inasmuch as these also help to de- 
termine the special mode in which the sentence itself is 
constructed. 



STRUCTURE AND MEANING OF PARTICULAR GROUPS OF WORDS, 
AS MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 

c. There are certain groups of words in which, around one 
word or particle, as if it were a stronger, or at least more 
firmly fixed foundation-stone, there may be placed another, or 
a multitude of others, which depend on it, and more or less 
closely refer to it alone. Such a group, larger or smaller as 
the case may be, when it does not happen to present an 
incomplete proposition, may form any member of a whole 
sentence ; but it has, besides, a law of its own, which regulates 
its form and functions. And these laws are of so much the 
more importance in proportion as a language, such as those 
forming the Semitic family, and more particularly the Hebrew, 



28 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, 276. 

is compelled to express the sense of many words in a sentence 
merely through the position assigned to them, and the arrange- 
ment of each one in relation to the others. Looking simply 
to the most general mode of connecting words together, we see 
there are three ways in which such groups may be formed. 
(a) One word may be subordinated to [i.e. governed by] 
another ; and this either freely [loosely] (i.e. by being placed 
in the accusative), or by means of an outward sign (i.e. 
by having prepositions and such like particles attached to 
it), (b) Or, through the influence of the first, it allows itself 
to be attracted, and becomes the first link in a closely con- 
nected chain of words (i.e. it is placed in the so - called 
construct state, 208) [see also Ges. 89; Gr. 212; Dav. 
17]. 1 Or, finally, (c) two words may be placed beside 
each other without any visible change in form, or inequality, 
and show only by the sense of the whole that they are 
connected, the second merely sustaining in the sen- 
tence the position and force of the first : this is co-ordina- 
tion (apposition), which arises when subordination, in either 
of its two forms just described, may not be possible, or 
seems unnecessary. 

d. The strict and the more free kinds of subordination, 
much though they differ, yet come ultimately to exhibit a 
large amount of similarity, so that the one may possibly 
accord with the other (see 288a, 279c). Both varieties are 
opposed to the co-ordinate relation, and yet not in such a way 
as to exclude the possibility of a transition, at certain points, 
between it and its opposites. Hence, also, it is a matter 
of prime importance [686] to show how and when these three 
possible constructions resemble, agree with, or totally differ 
from each other. 

e. In every case, however, an element of considerable 
importance in giving greater completeness of form to such 

1 [Koch well remarks that, in Semitic, the noun, as such, has but one 
mode of regimen, viz. the genitival attraction ; the finite verb, as the con- 
tradictory opposite of the noun, has like wise really but one mode of govern- 
ment, in virtue of which the subordinated word is put in the accusative ; 
for the prepositions employed as more definite exponents of the verbal 
regimen (see 204a, 279) are nouns in the accusative, with genitival 
attractions (Der semitische Iiifinitiv, Stuttgart 1874, p. 20).] 



USE OF THE ARTICLE. 29 

groups is the difference between the noun as definite or as 
indefinite (with or without the article) ; this point, therefore, 
must be discussed here by way of preliminary. Strictly speak- 
ing, indeed, the article forms an instance of apposition (see 
293) ; but, in the languages in which it is employed, it has 
become so much of a light demonstrative to a noun, and, as 
such, has thus acquired so much additional importance and 
variety of meaning, that it will be best to begin by setting 
forth here, in a connected manner, all that pertains to this 
subject. 



The Noun as Definite or Indefinite. 

2 7 7#. The article originally stood in apposition to the noun, 
like a pronoun, but it no longer retains in Hebrew an inde- 
pendent position (see 181 [also Ges. 35, Eem. 1; Gr. 
229, la; Dav. 11]). It is very frequently employed 
in ordinary speech. (1) It may point back to what has 
been already named, as in Gen. vi. 1 4 [cm ark, the ark] ; . 
Jer. xiii. 1, 2 [a girdle, the girdle]. (2) It may be joined 
with well-known objects of a particular kind ; as, ^E$n the 
sun, H*fn the earth. A kindred use of the article is its com- 
bination with the singular of common nouns, which are thereby 
rendered more prominent ; as, "n^n the lion (and not the bull), 
Amos v. 19, 1 Sam. xvii. 34; "nan the mule,nd?yn the virgin, 
Isa. vii. 14; B^n the man (see 2945); ^b^n the ancient, 
the forefather, 1 Sam. xxiv. 14 ; By an, the fugitive, i.e. the 
messenger with evil tidings, Gen. xiv. 13, 2 Sam. xv. 13; 
S'l.fcn the Her in wait, i.e. those of the soldiers who are placed 
in ambush, Josh. viii. 1 9 ff'., Judg, xx. 3 3 ff., in contrast with 
JVnSjSran the destroyer, i.e. those of the soldiers who openly 
attack and destroy, 1 Sam. xiii. 1 7 ; ^] ^ the avenger oj 
blood, viz. all on whom this duty devolves, 2 Sam. xiv. 11. 
This use of the article is particularly exemplified in the names 
of nations ; as, s ?W3r? the Canaanite. (3) The noun may be 
definite from the very circumstances under which the discourse 
is carried on ; as in the stock expressions &i s n to-day, also 
(when past time is spoken of) that day, that time, then, 1 Sam. 
i 4, Job i. 6 ; rWn this night, wn this year, Jer. xxviii. 16 ; 



30 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, 277. 

nyan this time, now. Also (4) when the speaker assumes that 
the object is well known to his hearers ; as, saddle me ""ibnn 
the ass, i.e. my ass, 1 Kings xiii. 13, 23, 27 ; 2 Sam. xix. 2*7 ; 
or when the narrator assumes, from the circumstances of the 
case, that a particular object must evidently exist ; as, he sat 
down "by the well, Ex. ii. 15, because there is usually only one 
well for cattle near a city ; the servant mentioned, Num. xi. 27, 
2 Sam. xvii. 17, because it is usual for a special servant to 
attend his master. (5) Further, a noun which must be re- 
garded as in itself indefinite may nevertheless become definite 
through the strongly retrospective influence of a succeeding 
relative [687] clause ; as, there will not be the people (i.e. such 
a people) whither the outcasts will not come, Jer. xlix. 36 (cf. 
332c). 

6. In poetry, however, the article is, in general, less fre- 
quently employed (as in Sanskrit and Latin), inasmuch as the 
language used is more brief and archaic in character. The omis- 
sion even serves as an intensification of the meaning ; thus, for 
instance, the discourse in Mic. vii. llf. is altogether exceedingly 
condensed and abrupt, and the use of the article is therefore 
strenuously avoided. The omission of the article is also par- 
ticularly suited to the artificially brief style of certain later 
writers; as, &J> the people, Hab. iii. 16, Isa. xiv. 32 ; "9^ the 
word, Ps. Ivi. 11 (cf. ver. 5), Job xix. 28 ; Ty or rn, like urbs, 
for Jerusalem, Num. xxiv. 19, Prov. viii. 3, ix. 3, cf. i. 21 j 1 
vfp the sanctuary, Dan. viii. 13 f., x. 1 ; hence, even nW may 
mean to-night, Neh. vi. 10, and na^3 may signify, in poetry, 
the whole mouth, Isa. ix. 11 (see 290c). Less difficult of 
explanation are cases like ffcft tyfcfy, which may be regarded as 
equivalent to our King Lemuel, Prov. xxxi. 1 ; 2 also, the 
omission of the article from an attributive ; as, 'n tfffrg the 
living God, Isa. xxxvii. 4, 17. Cf. further, d. 

1 See the Jalirlucher der libl. Wisscnscliaften, xi. 202. 

2 As on Maccabean coins, ^ fro rvnriD, Mattathiah, high priest, or 
FUR jron. When the presence of the article can be indicated only by the 
use of the vowel-points ( 244a), the Massoretes in many cases appear to 
have marked it, without sufficient reason ; cf . yuh and y&-(? in Ezek. 
iii. 18-21 : this practice is especially frequent in the" case of smaller words. 
On the other hand, in Gen. ii. and iii., Dltfn is the prevailing form, yet 
DINJ) is the reading in iii. 17 ; see also the" interchange in 2 Sam. xii. 2-4. 



USE OF THE AIITICLE. 31 

e. Those proper names, which, though originally and properly 
collectives, may take the article for the purpose of giving them 
distinct prominence, drop it all the more readily in proportion 
as their primary meaning is forgotten, and as, in coming to 
represent simple and specific ideas, they sufficiently define 
themselves; hence, names of persons more rarely retain it, 
while names of places often have it still. Some words, espe- 
cially archaic ones, never take it ; as, Dinri^ an almost mythical 
term, like oceanus ; others have always retained it for the 
purpose of distinction ; as, "injn the stream, i.e. the Euphrates 
(but also, in poetry, simply "inj, Isa. vii. 20), fean Baal (pro- 
perly, the lord), |Bfrn, an expression whose application to Satan 
is still comparatively recent, HP!? [the] Jordan, ]V1?? Lebanon ; 
the last two, however, are also used in poetry without the 
article. In other cases, the article is dropped only gradually ; 
as, ^L" and 1J&3 Gilead, Gen. xxxi. 21 ff., Num. xxxii. 1, 
1 Sam. xiii. 7 ; l^if*?, Amos ii. 2, and ninp, Jer. xlviii. 24, a 
city, rri&osn s rptf the God of hosts, an expression which is still 
found in Amos with the article, but which Hosea (xii. 6) 
already mostly writes without it ; B^n and E";K man [man- 
kind], men, with scarcely any perceptible difference, 1 Sam. 
xvi. 7, xxiv. 10. Foreign [688] names, of obscure meaning, 
are usually without the article ; as, rna the Euphrates ; and 
when poets or prophets happen to form new proper names 
after their own mind, these words, from the very fact of their 
being without the article, assume the distinctive mark of most 
proper names; as, rnfas and H3^b, Jer. iii. On the other 
hand, every proper name of the new adjectival form [viz. with 
the termination t| , see 164], especially in the singular, is 
much more constantly written with the article, which gives it 
a more lively turn; but even in this case the article may 
gradually disappear ; e.g. *p^n, and poetically ^l\ the Jelusite, 
as the name of the race, 2 Sam. v. 6, 8 ; D'nipta and DW^sn 
the Philistines, 1 Sam. xvii. 52 f. ; D^K the Aramcans, 2 Kings 
viii. 28 f. (which, indeed, through the weakness of K and its 
vowel, has been changed into D^n in 2 Chron. xxii. 5 ; see 
*72c). Moreover, a proper name which is only in a state of 
transition to the complete loss of the article, is somewhat 
more easily preserved against the loss, through the influence of 
a preceding word, as with the construct state (according to 



32 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 277. 



2906); e.g. nton viv the tribe of Manasseh, Deut. iii. 13, 
though n$J, when used alone, no longer takes the article ; 
so also B^Vsn ^ ^ w ^ of God, Deut. xxxiii. 1 ; Judg. xiii. 

6,8. 

Finally, it is to be added that the Hebrew language, 
by employing the article, can distinguish individuals in a 
way different from the Arabic ; this construction, how- 
ever, is rather an innovation ; nor was there at any time 
so free a use of the article with proper names as in the 
Greek. Thus, though &WK, as the name of the true God, 
like the rarer ?&, dropped the article, it resumes it, in 
conformity with the new construction employed by 
certain writers, for the purpose of giving prominence to 
the true God ; first of all, when it is intended to bring 
out a contrast, Ex. xix. 19, or after other prefixed particles ; 
as, D'nfrgn DN with God; cf. Gen. v. 22, 24, vi. 9, 11 f., 
cf. Ex. xxiv. 11 ; afterwards, in somewhat later writers, 
^P^'i becomes a standing formula, quite as much as the 
Mohammedan all!; 1 and the later narrator 2 changes ffJK, 

1 But tan is always used with new emphasis, e.g. with a relative clause ; 
thus, the [that] God who ... see Ps. xviii. 31, cf. with vv. 33 and 48, and 
Ps. Ixviii. 20, 21 ; it never stands absolutely for God [i.e. without further 
specification]. 

2 [Ewald regards the Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua as forming but 
one composite work, which he calls the Great Book of Origins (not to be 
confounded with the Book of Origins, simply so called, mentioned below), 
or Primitive History. The oldest part, he thinks, is the Book of the Wars 
of Jahve, of which, however, only a few portions remain ; next in antiquity 
he places the fragmentary Biography of Moses, written about a century 
after the lawgiver : after this, the Book of Covenants, " of which many 
more fragments have been preserved," and which he ascribes to Samson's 
time. Later appeared the Book of the Upright, mostly a collection of 
historical songs. Next, a Levite in Solomon's time, after the dedication of 
the temple, wrote the Book of Origins, a large and important work, mainly 
historical, sections of which begin with the words, " These are the origins 
(nnpifi, A. V. generations) of . . ." Afterwards came the first prophetic 
narrator, also designated the third (or, reckoning the whole number of 
historical works, the fifth) historian, who is assumed to have lived in the 
10th or 9th century B.C. (i.e. about the times of Elijah and Joel), and to 
have belonged to the northern kingdom. Still later, towards the close of 
the 9th century, there appeared the fourth historian, or second prophetic 
narrator. The fifth historian, or third prophetic narrator, is supposed to 
have belonged to Judah : he first began to collect, and work up into a 



USE OF THE ARTICLE. 33 

in the sense of Adam, Gen. v. 3-5, into tnn, ii. 8 ff. 
But proper names in common use, which once drop the 
article, cannot easily resume it, as in Greek. 
Pronouns also, whether used alone or as suffixes, are self- 
defined words, having no need of the article, and yet approxi- 
mate in meaning to nouns with the article ; as, nt this, " who ? 
OK f y "OS son of me (= my son). Numerals, and other words 
which indicate relation, and resemble pronouns in their ground- 
idea, are also readily regarded as definite in themselves ; cf. 
further, p. 35 f. 

In accordance with 236, the infinitive, as being too much 
akin to the verb, 1 does not take the article, except in very 
special instances, such as, *HR njnn ton ion is not that to know 
(knowing) me? Jer. xxii. 16, where an unusual force lies in 
the question ; moreover, nsn, more than other infinitives, is 
also used [689] as a substantive. On the contrary, the article 
is not un suited to intransitives ; na^na like the darkening, 
rni3 2 like the dawning, Ps. cxxxix. 12 ; and always in the 
phrase v ijfa when I am in distress, Ps. xviii. 7, Ixvi. 14; 
Deut. iv. 30; cf. Ps. cxx. 1. 

whole, the materials left by his predecessors. Next came " the Deutero- 
nomist," who is alleged to have lived in Egypt during the latter part of 
Manasseh's reign ; but the Blessing of Moses (Deut. xxxiii.) is an inter- 
polation in his work, and the product of an otherwise unknown poet of 
Jeremiah's time. Lastly, an editor, who lived about the end of the 7th 
century, brought the work into its present and final form. (See Hist, of 
Israel, L pp. 63-132, English translation.) 

It may be added that Ewald has never found any one to support him 
wholly in his theory.] 

1 [See footnote to 304a.] 

2 [We quote, from Riehm's (second) edition of Hupfeld On the Psalms 
(vol. i. pp. 445-6), the following excellent Rules regarding the use of the 
Article in comparisons: 

1. If the tertium comparationis is regarded as a property of the class formed 
by the object compared, then 3 stands with the article before the noun. 
2. If, on the contrary, it is regarded merely as a property of one or several 
individuals of the class, the article is omitted. 

The former construction is usually adopted when the object compared is 
simply mentioned, Isa. i. 18, xxii. 18, xxxiv. 4, etc., but pretty frequently 
also when there is further added (with or without TkJJtf) a relative clause 
which states the point of the comparison, cf. Ps. i. 4, xlix. 13, 21, xc. 5 
(according to the view indicated by the punctuation), Isa. liii. 7, Ixi. 10, 11, 
etc. ; very rarely, on the other hand, when the noun which indicates the 



34 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 277. 

But the article may also be used to distinguish a word 
which, though it has become an adverb, is restored in virtue 
of a new force it receives. Thus, the oft-used OTp, Lat. parum, 
by taking the article, once more obtains a higher meaning : 
Byon the little [one], i.e. he who is little; hence it exactly 
corresponds with the German der gering, Num. xxvi. 54, 
xxxiii. 54, xxxv. 8 ; Deut. vii. 7. This is accordingly the 
same usage as is found exemplified in the Greek o iravv. 

Finally, it is to be observed that the article may be 
omitted from an ordinary substantive whose meaning is quite 
definite, inasmuch as definition may be regarded as implied 
in the context, and thus superfluous. This is particularly the* 
case with technical terms used in describing boundaries, build- 
ing materials, etc. ; as, <OT and boundary, i.e. so far, Deut. iii. 
KH. ; Josh. xiii. 23, 27, xv. 47; or, arn "breadth, for, the 
breadth. When te"!^ its length, precedes, we expect its breadth, 
or the breadth, to follow; but, instead of this, there is merely used 
the shorter expression breadth, as if the context were already 
sufficient to indicate the reference, Ezek. xli. 2, 4 ; 2 Chron. 
iii. 3. This holds especially in compound expressions ; as, 
i>nfc the tent of the council, which is found without the 



object compared is further specified by another kind of additional clause, 
and in this case, too, only when this addition also holds good of the whole 
class ; cf. e.g. Ezek. xxxii. 2. The latter construction, on the contrary, is 
regularly followed when the noun which indicates the object compared is 
further defined by an additional clause, an adjective, or participle, Isa. 
xxix. 5, xli. 2 ; Hos. ii. 5 ; Ps. i. 3, xxxvii. 35, cxliii. 6, etc. ; an adverbial 
specification, Deut. xxxii. 26 (cf. the use of the article in the first part of 
the verse) ; Hos. iv. 16 ; Mic. v. 7, etc. ; or a relative clause, mostly without 
-lEW, as Ps. xvii. 12, xxxviii. 14, xlii. 2 ; Isa. liii. 7, Ixi. 10, 18 (in the 
second comparison) ; Jer. xxiii. 29, etc. 

Of a totally different character are the cases in which there is no real 
comparison, but the expression of a mere adverbial notion, 3^3, "11333 (in 
a fatherly manner, heroically}, where the article would not naturally be used ; 
cf. Job xvi. 14, xxxi. 18 ; Isa. xlii. 13 ; Ps. xxxviii. 14a ; Ex. xxii. 24 ; Lev. 
xiv. 35, xxv. 40, etc. : to this class also belongs the passage in Prov. iii. 12, 
which is usually incorrectly explained. 

The use of 3 makes the nearest approach to that of "it?tf 3 in Jer. xxxi. 
10, \*ny ny'"3 ; but this is scarcely to be regarded as a real exception, for 
the comparison, strictly speaking, does not even here refer to a proposition, 
but merely to the subject and object together (to the former in its relation 
to the latter).] 



NOUNS AS DEFINITE OR INDEFINITE. 35 



article throughout the Book of Origins/ NJV "^ ^ e captain of 
the host, 1 Kings xvi. 16, and infra, 292a, ^D rva the king's 
house, 1 Kings xvi. 18. 2 

d. Thus all nouns used in connected discourse are definite 
or indefinite, either from their own nature, i.e. in consequence 
of the meaning in which they are used ; or from choice, i.e. 
through their assumption of the article : and every substantive 
in a sentence must necessarily be considered as standing in 
either of these two relations. But this variability in the con- 
dition of nouns, whether as definite (through assumption of 
the article, or in virtue of their own meaning) or freely inde- 
finite, is of very great importance and significance ; because 
it must also exert a reflex influence on the surrounding words, 
and because a definite noun, especially one which is necessarily 
such, has much more weight and force in a sentence than one 
which is not defined. This contrast will be found to reach 
through a large portion of the sentence, and with it there is 
associated the equally important antithesis between a noun 
which indicates an animate, and another which signifies an in- 
animate being ( 172) ; for, though a definite noun is always 
of more importance in a sentence than one which is indefinite, 
what is animate [690] is likewise considered as of much greater 
importance than that which is inanimate, and hence also as 
having more need of being distinguished by an outward sign. 
Several modes of indicating such words have already been 
treated of elsewhere ; but a mark of peculiar importance in this 
case is found in the use of rritf or ~J"IX as the sign of the accusative 
(see 207c; [Ges. 117, 2 ; Gr.' 270]). This mark is 

(1.) Necessary only in the case of personal pronouns, when 
these cannot appear in the suffix-form (see 247 f. ; [Dav. 
31; Ges. 57-61; Gr. 101-106]); for, in these 
pronouns, the distinction between what is dependent and what 
is independent has become so complete, that, when the idea 
of dependence is to be expressed, they must necessarily 
appear as suffixes ; and when, on account of external dim- 

1 [For an explanation of what Ewald means by this, see note at foot of 
p. 32.] 

2 Certain Greek writers, such as Paul and the author of the Epistle to 
the Hebrews (to cite examples from the New Testament), omit the article, 
as if they were following the style adopted by stone-cutters. 



36 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 277. 

culties, the suffix cannot be attached to the verb itself, it is 
joined with ns. Thus (a) it may be necessary, for the sake 
of emphasis, to place the accusative of the pronoun before 
the verb, or quite by itself; as, wn ^nk thee I would have 
slain, Num. xxii. 33 ; Jer. vii. 19. (5) When a verb has two 
objects, both of which, however, are personal pronouns, the 
second must stand by itself, since the verb in Hebrew can take 
but one suffix; 1 as, fr)fc ^&on fa caused me to see [= showed 
me] him ; so also with the infinitive construct ; as, ink Dnk"i2 
in their seeing [= when they saw] him. (c) Moreover, with 
the infinitive in several cases ; thus, with the infinitive abso- 
lute, because this form (see 240) is too rigid to accept such 
additions, 1 Sam. ii. 28 ; this is the case also with the infini- 
tive construct, when a nearer noun must be put first ( 304a), 
as, ink THS Bni thy brothers seeking it, Deut. xxii. 2, or when 
a suffix is to be distinguished as an accusative, Gen. iv. 15 
(according to 307&). But there is manifested, under other 
circumstances also, a constantly increasing tendency to sepa- 
rate the accusative of the pronoun from the verb, even when 
no urgent necessity exists. 

(2.) The sign n is also pretty often prefixed to substantives, 
especially when they precede the verb, or even under other 
circumstances ; its actual use, however, is very variable and 
limited. For (a) it is employed only before definite nouns, 
and even then, more before names of persons than names of 
things ; because such words, being possessed of more force 
and independence, are also apt to become more strongly and 
distinctly subordinated. 2 Examples are, they anointed ^yn'nK 
David ; they Irought YaK'nN his father ; we saw P^rmx the 
land ; ^"ns whom ? Isa. vi. 8 (but it is not used with no 
what ?) ; n j" n ? this [fellow, or thing] ; TtffcrnK whom, or, very 
definitely, that which, Gen. ix. 24. Also (&) with particles 
which have a certain fundamental affinity, in nature and use, 
with pronouns, inasmuch as, like the latter, they merely refer 

1 In Arabic and Ethiopia, on the other hand, two different suffixes may 
be attached to one verb, at least if arranged in suitable order ; see Ewald's 
Gram. Arab. 674; [Wright's Arab. Gram. i. 187]. 

2 Cf. something very similar in the use of the accusative-sign in such 
different families of speech as the Turkish and the Finnic (Zeitschr. fur 
Sprachw. i. p. 114), and the 2 ... in Armenian. 



NOUNS AS DEFINITE OR INDEFINITE. 37 



to persons and things ; hence with b (cf. 2656), as, [691] 
the whole, all; *PP ^"flK all fowls (according to 2S6e), Gen. i. 
21, 29, 30, viii. 21, ix. 3 ; Deut. ii. 34, iii. 6 ; Judg. vii. 8 ; 
2 Sam. vi. 1 ; Ezek. xxvii. 5 ; Eccles. xii. 14 ; Esth. ii. 3. 1 (c) 
With "nK another, Jer. xvi. 13. (d) With ^ one, Num. xvi. 
15 ; 1 Sam. ix. 3, xxvi. 20 (similarly, with other numerals 
joined to their substantives, Num. vii. 7 f . ; 2 Sam. xv. 16; 

1 Kings vi. 16 ; according to 287*). (e) When the singular 
stands for the whole species; as, B^N a man, any person, every- 
body, Ex. xxi. 28; cf. similar cases in Lev. vii. 8, xx. 14; 

2 Sam. iv. 11. (/) With the participle, in the sense of he 
who, as in Ezek. ii. 2. Lastly, (g) with a common noun 
which has not the article, either, 1st, because the latter, in 
accordance with poetic usage, is not considered necessary; as y 
^r^ the weary one, Isa. 1. 4, xli. 7 ; Job xiii. 2 5 ; 2 Sam. v. 
24 (prophetic address); Ezek. xiii. 20; Eccles. vii. 7; or, 2d, 
because it [viz. the article] is not employed in prose either, as 
1 Sam. xxiv. 6, where *|J3 is merely a shorter expression for 
TtySn *|J3, cf. ver. 5, 2 Sam. xviii. 18, where 1B>*K at once intro- 
duces the more exact specification. Thus it is only through 
the use of this JIN that it becomes always evident when a word, 
though without the article, has the meaning of one which is 
more definite, as if the mode in which the article is related 
to the noun had become fixed at an earlier period in the 
history of the language, while the use of n, so far as it falls 
to be considered here, is the most recent as well as living 
and flexible element in the language as it now remains 
to us. 

Moreover, riK is found more frequently with the nearer com- 
pletions [of the predicate, i.e. its objects] than with the more 
remote (Gen. xvii. 11, 14, 25, cf. ver. 24), and never with ad- 
verbs or adverbial expressions ; rarely even with specifications 
of time, Ex. xiii. 7, Deut. ix. 25, and with indications of motion 
to a place, Judg. xix. 18. Finally, it is to be borne in mind 
that these remarks especially apply only to prose in its more 
fully expressed form, the particle being much more rarely used 
in poetry : and as, even in prose, it may be used in one case 
and omitted in another, Gen. xvii. 11, 25, cf. 24, so the form 
of expression may vary, in accordance with the change in the 

1 In Armenian, zok, any one [accus.], Eznik iv. 1, is precisely similar. 



38 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, 277. 

members of the sentence, Lev. xix. 27. But even before 
proper names also, DN is frequently omitted, especially in 
earlier times, and in poetic language ; thus, it nowhere occurs 
in the song, Ex. xv., nor in the songs of Deborah, Judg. v., 
nor Ps. vii. 18, Ixvi. 8, Ixviii. 27, ciii. 21 f., and (if the reading 
be correct) Judg. viii. 33. 

It is very remarkable that Hebrew gradually begins, by 
means of riN, to subordinate, as an accusative in the sentence, 
every noun concerning which something new is to be stated, 
without being decidedly set down as the subject; in such a 
case it signifies as regards . . . (Lat. quoad), 1 and approaches 
in its use to that of ?, as described 3 10 a. Thus, it is 
employed in a transition to something new, Ezek. vi. 9&, 
xvii. 21, xliv. 3 ; Isa. Ivii. 15 ; Neh. ix. 19 ; when a thought 
is briefly added, Judg. xx. 44, 46 ; Ezek. xiv. 22 ; Jer. xlv. 4 ; 
[692] 2 Sam. xxi. 2 2 ; 2 at a complete break in the sentence, so 
that 1 resumptive ( 348a) is afterwards required, Jer. xxiii. 33 ; 
Isa. Ivii. 12. Similarly, fitf begins to be employed in Hebrew, 
instead of some more specific preposition, for indicating 
generally any casus obliquus, Ezek. xxxvii. 19, xliii. 17; 
Zech. xii. 10; Jer. xxxviii. 16, Kethib, 1 Kings vi. 5 (with 
S'QD around, cf. 292cT); especially after \ copulative, before 
a circumstantial clause ( 341a), which thereby becomes more 
distinctly subordinate, Jer. xxxvi. 22 ; 2 Kings vi. 5 ; or else 
after a copulative \ which merely appends something following, 
to show it is less independent than what precedes, 3 Num. 
iii. 26; Josh. xvii. 11 ; 1 Kings xi. 25; 1 Sam. xvii. 34, 
xxvi. 16; Jer. xxvii. 8; Ezek. xx. 16; 2 Chron. xxxi. 17; 
cf. ver. 1 6 ; Neh. ix. 34. In the sentence TIK^ tKfc n^^aiSS 'a 
for, all this (accus.) it is that I hate I Zech. viii. 1 7, the active 
verb at the end preponderates; and similarly, Deut. xi. 2, 

1 Similarly, fix is used to mean as regards, in making further sub- 
divisions and explanations, Mishna, Berachoth, iii. 1. 

2 We may, of course, in this passage also read n^ instead of V&> (see 
205) ; at least, the reading has been changed in 1 Chron. xx 8. 

3 As the accusative may be used in Arabic after ^ and, when it means 
together with, Ewald's Gram. Arab. 564. But the reading in Gen. xlix. 25 
is probably incorrect; see History of Israel, i. 409 [Eng. transl.]. Hence, 
in the case of this riNl, we cannot regard it as a preposition, 217/i, as if 
it properly meant and with. 



NOUNS AS DEFINITE OK INDEFINITE. 39 

N fc& is an abrupt form of address, not your children 
(I mean); cf. 363c. 

But this particle can never indicate the nominative ; how- 
ever, the general meaning of the discourse alone often elicits 
the accusative, since the active form of construction always 
intrudes itself as the most natural; as, fttfrrriK |rp detur ( = dan- 
dum est, let them give) terram, Num. xxxii. 5 (see 2956); 
also, in such forms of expression as "tinrrnK T^ya #1T*$ let 
it not le evil in thine eyes, i.e. look not on this thing as evil, 
2 Sam. xi. 25 ; 1 Sam. xx. 13 ; Josh. xxii. 17 ; Neh. ix. 32. 1 

e. The Aramaic avails itself, to a more limited extent, of the 
preposition ?, in nearly the same cases in which the Hebrew 
employs this DX to designate the accusative, thus using the 
dative also for the stronger accusative ; in this, both languages 
but evince a true philological instinct when they employ 
their different means for the same end. This use of p 2 is also 
found here and there in some Aramaizing writers, Ps. Ixix. 6, 
cxvi. 16, cxxix. 3 ; Jer. xl. 2 ; Lam. iii. 51, iv. 5 ; 1 Chron. 
v. 26, xvi. 37, xxix. 20, 22 ; 2 Chron. v. 11, xxiv. 12 (where, 
as is seen from the arrangement of the members, [693] it is 
interchanged with the unmarked accusative), xxv. 10; Ezra 
viii. 24; Neh. ix. 37; Dan. xi. 38 (twice). 3 

278a. The absence of the article from a noun which is 
capable of receiving it, sufficiently expresses of itself that 
the word is meant to be individualized, or to be taken 
indefinitely; as, B*K a man; hence, even Byjp ( 299c) in such 
a connection may have the force of an adjective ; as, bJB? in pa 

1 That the later instances must be regarded in this light becomes the 
more certain when we compare the very similar case with >) riTI (see 
295d). However, the result attained through all this is, that DS never 
becomes wholly unfaithful to its meaning, and never absolutely indicates 
the nominative. This, of course, would be the case in 2 Kings xviii. 30, 
but the correct reading here is given in Isa. xxxvi. 15. In Dan. ix. 13, 
also, ?3~riK is perhaps to be taken in more of a subordinate way. 

2 [An excellent treatise on this particle has lately been published by Dr. 
Fried. Giesebrecht (Die hebrciische Praposition Lamed, Halle 1876). For a 
fuller discussion of the point mentioned in the text, see p. 79 ff. of the 
monograph.] 

3 But DDftta 1 Sam. xxii. 7, probably means each one of you, according 
to the signification of ^ given at p. 559 ; and as to Ezek. xxvi. 3, cf. the 
note made on the passage [in Ewald's Commentary]. 



40 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 278. 

letween great and little, Num. xxvi. 56. Consequently, the 
indefinite plural also may contain the idea of some ; as, &W YW 
after some days, Gen. iv. 3 ; 1 Kings xvii. 7 ; tW w a suckling 
of some days, Isa. Ixv. 20, cf. Ps. xxxix. 6 ; Dan. xi. 8, 13, 33. 
This seems a possible rendering even in the case of proper 
names; as, B^V some Hebrews, 1 Sam. xiii. 7, xxiii. 19. 

Earely, and mostly in other books than the Pentateuch, is 
"intf one, employed for this purpose, as in modern languages. 
First, it is placed in construction with the plural ; as, ni?aiH nnK 
one of the foolish women, a foolish woman, Job ii. 10; then it 
is placed after the noun, as an adjective, iriN B^K a man, 
Judg. xiii. 2 ; still more rarely is this word applied to things ; 
as, in*? i>D a basket, Ex. xxix. 3 ; Gen. xxii. 13 (reading inK) ; 
in one instance it is prefixed, as in Aramaic, Dan. viii. 13. 
When men are spoken of, this idea may also be expressed by 
the addition of t^K one, ^BOK some, or even by the insertion of 
such a word in a series, 1 Sam. xxxi. 3. 

Generally, it is to be observed that the Hebrew, especially 
in the condensed language of poetry, has great liberty in the 
way of making every singular indefinite; as, YW 3h a multi- 
tude of counsellors], Prov. xi. 14, xxiv. 6, so that, in our 
modern languages, we must at least put the indefinite plural 
for it, Job xxvii. 16; Ps. xii. 2 ; and even in the Hebrew itself, 
the plural is readily interchanged with it, as,^ and &^^p 
kings, Prov. xvi. 10, 12-15; b^n one slain, and O^n your 
slain ones, Ezek. vi. 4, 7, xi. 6. (Cf. an important conse- 
quence arising from this, 319a.) But the short singular is 
particularly convenient in the case of designations for whole 
classes; as, vjl B^K, according to 164a, almost our infantry, 
^n B*K man of war, soldier, which, in 1 Chron. xxvi. 8, actually 
stands in the predicate for the plural; cf. vers. 7, 9, "lira 
young man, i.e. choice soldiers (see 290/). 

b. The indefinite meaning, however, also attaches itself 
especially to some nouns which are most frequently put in- 
tentionally in this short form ; thus, W word (thing), which 
exactly expresses our something; cf. 286/ Such a word, 
also, may again assume different shades of meaning, varying 
with the particular passages in which it occurs ; B^K, used 
without special force, is very often our [indefinite] man, one 
[a person; Ger. man, einer; Fr. on], Prov. xii. 14, xiii 2; 



NOUNS AS DEFINITE OR INDEFINITE. 41 

Job xii. 14 ; but when it must also indicate antithesis or 
emphasis, like [694] our one, in the sense of every one, it is put 
more strongly, appears as the subject, Ex. xvi. 19, and, instead 
of becoming subordinate, rather presents an abrupt construc- 
tion; as, every one his half, i.e. the half of every one, Gen. 
xv. 10, ix. 5 (from the hand of every ones brother), Job i. 4 ; 
cf. Gen. xlii. 25, xlix. 28 ; Num. xvii. 17, xxvi. 54; 1 Sam. 
ii. 33 ; Ezek. xxii. 6, and the cases cited in 301&. 

c. It is shown in 282a and 294c how the preposition 
p can, in various ways, be used in a sentence to mark what 
is indefinite ; but it is to be observed that it also thrusts itself 
in before similar particles (according to 2*70&) merely for 
the purpose of particularizing the idea as strongly as possible ; 
as, fep all whatever, Gen. vii. 22, ix. 10, xvii. 12, Cant. iii. 6 j 1 
inso any one whatever, Deut. xv. 7; Ezek. xviii. 10. More- 
over, in later usage, by combining fiVp the end (the sum) with 
IP, especial prominence is assigned to the idea of the individual 
in contrast with the multitude, so that Bip, i n anv P art f 
the sentence, may mean some, Dan. i. 2, 5, 15, 18 ; cf. how HVi^p 
is interchanged with IP in the same expression, Neh. vii. 1 ; 
Ezraii. 68. Cf. also rngtfp, 1 Sam. xiv. 45 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 11. 
Independent sentences of the kind may next be formed by 
the further addition of & there is (or are) . . .; as, ^rtop B^ 
fltaBOJ there are of our daughters enslaved, i.e. some of our 
daughters have been enslaved, Neh. v. 5. But if distinction is 
to be drawn between the different parts of whole, which has 
been already mentioned, it is sufficient to refer to these by 
using } combined with a suffix ; as, Q^? . . . Drift they partly 
. . . partly (properly, some of them, and others of them) ; so 
much does IP, especially in Aramaizing language, in itself express 
the idea of partition. 

d. Finally, another inducement for leaving a substantive 
undefined consists in the fact that, combined with a verb, it 
merely presents a compound verbal idea ; hence it gives up, as 
much as possible, its noun-form, and consequently also the 
article, attaching itself as closely as it can to its verb. Just 
for this reason the construction is met with only in certain 

1 Just like j ^, which, according to Suia xxx. 58, may also be used 
in other than negative propositions. 



42 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 279. 

current phrases, and these more belonging to a later than an 
earlier period of the language: we see below ( 2 8 3d) that Ufa n^y 
to destroy, and nia occur very seldom, except in this expression, 
especially in prose ; similar expressions are TSi 13 to 0w one 



in hand, i.e. give him over, deliver him up, 1 Sam. xxvi. 23, 
2 Chron. xxv. 20, and its contrary "JJ? n>P, 1 Kings xx. 42 ; 



"P fl?J #we a A<mc, *.e. bind oneself in an engagement to 
another, 2 Chron. xxx. 8, and its opposite *)"$ lOJ #we nec&, e. 
turn stubbornly away, flee, 2 Chron. xxix. 6, cf. Ps. xviii. 41 ; 
T onn raise hand, i.e. rebel, 1 Kings xi. 2 6 f., like the more 
poetic [695] PJ? K&5 lift horn, which has the same meaning, 
Zech. ii. 4. To the same class belong the phrases J? 7V D^ 
like our to lay to heart, Jer. xii. 11, Mai. ii. 2 ; QWp ii? h&w he 
asked him after (his) health, 2 Sam. viii. 1 0, where & (according 
to 292) must be regarded as a circumlocution for the genitive. 
With regard to the similar construction "i^J 1^'n or "W njy fo 
return word, reply, Num. xxii. 8, 2 Sam. xxiv. 13, 1 Kings xiL 
6, 9, 16, 2 Kings xxii. 9, 20, Neh. ii. 20, see 283d 



FIRST KIND OF WORD-GROUPS. 
The Verb with its Sphere of free Subordination. 

2*79$. The verb occupies such an important and prominent 
position in the sentence (see 277), and has such a weight of 
meaning connected with it, that, in most propositions, it seems 
like a foundation-stone round which are placed many others 
which depend on it. It may subordinate to itself one or 
several nouns, or even another verb ; but every word which it 
governs it subordinates, not directly and strictly (i.e. as in the 
case of the construct state), but only indirectly and freely, 
inasmuch as it is in itself so independent and so self-contained 
as a member of the sentence. Hence the subordinated word 
takes the form of the accusative whenever this is indicated 
by an outward sign (see 203-206) ; but where this case is 
not shown by any external mark, the subordination is indicated 
merely by the whole sense as given in the context. Even the 
prepositions are, in themselves (see 204& [and p. 28, note]), 
words of this kind, placed in the accusative ; but since (see 
217 ff.) they indicate the relations of a noun in the proposition 



THE VERB WITH THE ACCUSATIVE. 43 

more exactly than an ordinary noun which is simply put in the 
accusative, much depends in this, as in other similar cases of 
word-grouping, on the way in which the verb subordinates a 
word, whether [directly] by means of the simple accusative, 
or [mediately] by prepositions. 

Since the participle and (though more remotely) the adjective 
also, are derived from the verb, similar phenomena appear in 
them ; even the participle, however, may easily be construed 
in the proposition more as a noun than as a verb (see 292c). 
How far the infinitive is construed more as a verb> or more as 
a noun, is further discussed in 305. 

The Verb with the Accusative and with Prepositions. 

The ordinary accusative forms the proper completion and 
extension of the verb ( 204-6 [and p. 34, note]), though, of 
course, in different ways ; and all these modes may happen to 
present themselves together in one sentence, and round the 
same verb. In the Hebrew, this combination of a verb with a 
noun, subordinated to it in all its possible modes (according to 
203&), is more generally employed than in the Indo-Germanic, 
and especially to a much greater extent than in our modern 
languages ; but since, in the case of many ideas, prepositions 
may be employed almost equally well (see 217 [Gr. 272, 
2]), we must here show [696] how the prepositions creep into 
the shorter construction with the mere accusative, and which 
of them, in particular, most readily interchange their construc- 
tion with that of the simple accusative. 

I. When the idea contained in the verb is to be defined in the 
most general way, as to its relation, or as to its way and manner, 
the mere accusative, without the addition of a special prepo- 
sition, is for the most part sufficient in Hebrew. Thus 

1. An adjective may be subordinated to the verb ; but, along 
with this subordination, (a) there may be combined a reference of 
the whole to the sulject; as, DOJ Dti* he flees naked} Amos ii. 16, 
and in a subordinate clause ( 284#), lie sees the moon moving 

1 In Latin, since the reference, in such cases, is wholly to the subject, 
the nominative may be used [nudusfugit] ; whereas the Arabic shows that, 
in the Semitic languages, it is really the accusative which is employed. 
Yet it is to be observed that, while the Hebrew does not, for the most part 



44 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 279. 

^glorious, Job xxxi. 26, cf. Gen. xxxiii. 18 (where we see 
that the same construction may be found in prose also); Ps. 
xv. 2 ; Prov. xxiv. 15 ; or (b) the adjective may be more inti- 
mately connected with the mere predication in the verb, in 
such a way that, in Latin, an adverb could be used; as, rm ID to 
weep litter, i.e. bitterly, Isa. xxxiii. 7, Lat. amare Here; $?ft *OjJ 
to call full, i.e. aloud, Jer. xii. 6 ; hence an adjective may also 
stand along with another, as if it were subordinated to it alone ; 
as, tfta Vl\ quite dry, !N"ah. i. 10. In the latter of these two 
cases, the adjective may quite as readily be used in the 
feminine, i.e. the neuter ; as, rno pjft to cry Utterly, Ezek. 
xxvii. 30; 3*1 or VIW T\y\ to be very full, Ps. cxxiii. 3 f. ; or, 
if it is intended to describe an action which may possibly 
make itself perceived in many different ways, the fern, plural 
may also be used instead in poetry, fliN??? D^jinn to thunder 
wondrously, Job xxxvii. 5 ; cf. Dan. viii. 24 and Ps. Ixv. 6 
(cf. 2046 [Ges. 100, 2c ; Gr. 235, 2 (3)]). 

2. A substantive may be subordinated ; and in such a case 
it is almost always indefinite, i.e. without the article, because 
it is intended to specify merely the way and manner. But 
this, again, may be done in many ways : 

(a) For the purpose of more closely specifying the extent, 
amount, or duration, when a verb of similar meaning is em- 
ployed : as, the water rose fifteen cubits, Gen. vii. 2 ; he lived a 
hundred and thirty years, Gen. v. 3 ; cf. especially, 2 Sam. xiv. 
26 ; the city that goes out [to war] *|?K a thousand, i.e. a thou- 
sand men strong, Amos v. 3. In the same way we can say, 
he has served thee for the double hire of a hireling, i.e. as if, 
instead of him, thou hadst been obliged to keep two hirelings, 
Deut. xv. 18; also, when the verb, on account of the connec- 
tion, takes [697] the participial form ; as, nretsn DVinn that which 
was sealed in accordance with the (well-known legal) require- 
ments, Jer. xxxii. 11. 

c. (b) Every single substantive may, certainly, be subordi- 
nated to a verb, for the purpose of more exactly specifying the 
manner, provided there be no restriction arising from the essen- 
tial meaning of each: this, however, holds good in its fullest 

(like the Arabic), affix an external mark to the accusative, it allows the 
latter, especially in poetry, a much wider choice of position than the 
Arabic does. 



THE VERB WITH THE ACCUSATIVE. 45 

extent only in Arabic ; in Hebrew, greater restrictions exist. 
For (1) it is only certain verbs which have retained this power 
in a special degree ; thus, ?jpn to go, may be combined with 
noh (altitudinem) erect, Mic. ii. 3 ; rrin^ lowed down, Isa. Ix. 14; 
nlnj?B with pleasure, confidence, 1 Sam. xv. 3 2 ; *at? captive (also 
more definitely, by employing a preposition, ^$3, in captivity)-, 
Hp against (also '"ipa, Lat. occursu); *BB* gm'te alone. 1 However, 
(2) it is only certain substantives, at least in prose, which are 
subordinated in this way whenever the sense demands it ; and 
these, moreover, have usually been preserved only through this 
use of them in the language as adverbs ; thus, IKE very (which, 
however, is still combined with 3 in the expression "IK 1NJD3 
very much, 3225); n&a securely, Judg. viii. 11 (though this, 
according to 2 1 7YZ, and more in harmony with Hebrew usage, 
is also written nipaj, like nyj? or, more shortly, nJ for ever] ; 
Byp little. Others appear only in the transition- state ; as, n 3^ 
or riK ytrm, faithful, sure, Ex. xvii. 12; cf. Ps. xxxvii. 3, cxix. 
75, Jer. xxiii. 28, Dife well (according to 296d) ; cf. on the 
whole subject, 204&. But poets use more freedom here, and 
briefly subordinate, in this way, many substantives which are 
never so employed in prose ; thus, "ipB? to the lie, i.e. in vain, 
1 Sam. xxv. 21, they at once shorten into "iB>, Ps. cxix. 78, and 
in the same sense ??n vainly, Job xxi. 34 ; similarly, Dfao high 
(properly, to the height), Ps. Ivi. 3, cf. xcii. 9 ; also, construc- 
tions such as, T'y spm to step forth with pride, Judg. v. 21; 
nznj nsnx / love them with willingness = readily, Hos. xiv. 5, 
xii, 15; Jer. xxxi. 7; cf. 283. (3) Only seldom do they 
venture so far as to subordinate the instrument to the verb, in 
a passive construction ; as, ann fetfri ye shall le destroyed ~by the 
sword, Isa. i. 20 ; Prov. xix. 23 ; of course, the construct state 
may very well be employed, ann bltt destroyed ly sword (see 
288). To the same category, strictly speaking, belongs the 
old sacred mode of expression found in Isa. i. 12, Ex. xxiii. 15, 
etc., njrp "OB n^ro Jie appeared before Jehovah (properly, he was 
seen by the face of God), which people in earlier times pre- 
ferred to say, instead of " he saw the face of God." 2 [698] 
(4) Lastly, an indefinite plural may also be subordinated to a 

1 See the Jahrbiicher der bibl Wiss. x. pp. 46-49. 

2 It is true that the mere preposition ^, which is employed, in other 
cases, of men before whom one appears (Lev. xiii. 19 ; 1 Kings xviii. 1), 



46 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 279. 



verb ; as, the Ammeans went out D^ria by lands, i.e. in bands, 
2 Kings v. 2 ; and in poetic language, she sinks Z^*v>2 ly 
wonders, i.e. as it were, in many a wonderful way, Lam. i. 9. 

d. (c) By means of an amplifying substantive in the accusa- 
tive, even whole combinations of words, of moderate extent, 
may be subordinated to the predicate, in order to specify it 
more closely, as soon as an internal connection can be estab- 
lished between their meanings; in our [modern] languages, 
such combinations are subordinated by means of a more definite 
oblique case, or by means of a preposition. Thus, to speak, cry, 
weep Hl3 %"> with a loud voice (Ger. starker Stimme), i.e. aloud, 
1 Kings viii. 55, Deut. v. 19 ; they gathered themselves together 
"iriN ns> with one mouth (Ger. eines Mundes), i.e. unanimously, 
Josh. ix. 2, Zeph. iii. 9, Ps. Ixxxiii. 6 ; he who works nj~] ?]3 
with a slack hand (Ger. trdger Hand), i.e. sluggishly, Prov. x. 4, 
vi. 12 ; cf. 2 Sam. xxiii. 3. A whole substantive-clause, even, 
of small extent, or a circumstantial clause, may be subordinated 
in the same way ; as, / have seen God B'OSr^x D^a face to face, i.e. 
as near as it is possible, visibly, Gen. xxxii. 3 1 ; Ex. xxxiii. 1 1 ; 
cf. further, 341, 288. In particular, the kind of dress is 
briefly indicated in this way, Prov. vii. 1 ; the style of sculp- 
ture, Ps. cxliv. 12, Deut. iv. 16-18, 23, 25; the manner of 
arranging genealogical lists, Neh. xii. 22f., and similar arts 
or occupations in life ; also the nature of a custom, Ps. cxxii. 4. 
An abrupt, half-explanatory clause of this kind may likewise 
be introduced by \ and, as in Isa. xxx. 27 C^V). 

A very similar construction is presented when the completion 
[of the predicate] refers more to the subject ; as, ye shall be left 
ispp s riD (as) few people, Deut. iv. 27; Jerusalem shall be in- 
habited rriPQ (like) villages, i.e. in the manner of villages, Zech. 
ii. 8. Cf. many similar examples in Job xvi. 9, xviii. 13, 
xxiv. 5, xxxiv. 20 ; Jer. xxxi. 8, xxxvii. 1, xxiii. 5 ; also the 
case in Gen. xv. 16. 

e. The more, however, all such expressions, in Hebrew and 
Arabic, attach themselves to the sentence without any external 
mark of the accusative, the more easily do feminines at least, 

used interchangeably with this ips ; but it does not therefore follow that, 
in this ancient mode of expression, \j) merely stands for *jjg before ; cf. 
Jdhrliicher der bibl. Wiss. xi. p. 42 f. 



THE VERB FOLLOWED BY THE INFINITIVE. 47 

and especially adjectives which are essentially necessary for the 
completion [of the predicate], assume the construct form, as if 
in relation to the whole sentence ; this takes place, first of all, 
in the current of the discourse, and hence also before the verb, 
but it may even occur at the end of the sentence ; thus, nni 
enough, very, Ps. Ixv. 10, cxx. 6 ; HND a hundred times, Eccles. 
viii. 12 (see 2046, 2696 [Ges. 100, 2c; Gr. 235, 3 (3)]). 
280$. 3. The most remarkable fact, however, in connection 
with this subject is, that the infinitive also is very often used 
in this way for further explanation of the nature of the chief 
action in the sentence. And there is nothing in the nature 
of the current [i.e. the construct, see 237a] infinitive to 
prevent its being employed in this way; as, he who rules 
D<l '?% n *?T., so that he fears God, in the ancient psalm, 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 3 : this use of the bare infinitive, however (see d), 
has become very rare. Here, the widest use is rather made 
of the infinitive absolute (see 240), which, accordingly, at 
least in this case, must be viewed as subordinated to the 
sentence in the accusative : its meaning, in such a connection, 
[699] can scarcely be rendered more fitly than by the Latin 
gerund in -do (or the comitative of the Sanskrit infinitive in 
-tvd), or more briefly among ourselves [in German and Eng- 
lish] than by the participle ; the Semitic tongues, on the other 
hand, make very little use of their active participle in such 
modifications of the verbal idea. In this way, the further 
explanation may even be followed by the absolute infinitive of 
the same verb ;* as, we destroyed them . . . (after several words) 
Binp destroying (so that we destroyed) every inhabited city, etc., 
Deut. iii. 6. A new verb may also be subordinated thus in 
the infinitive absolute ; as, God shall smite them . . . (after a 
break), Kisri] ^5 smiting and healing, i.e. so that He also heals 
them again, Isa. xix. 22, vii. 11 ; Jer. xii. 17 ; 1 Kings xx. 37 : 
on passages like Isa. xxxi. 5, cf. 350a. Or there is added, 
for further explanation, a different verb, or even two ; as, they 
slandered me ... P^n gnashing against me with their teeth, Ps. 
xxxv. 1 5 f. ; / will accomplish it, n^JI pnn beginning and ending, 
i.e. fully, from beginning to end, 1 Sam. iii. 12; 2 Sam. 
viii. 2 ; Gen. xxi. 16, xxx. 32 ; Ex. xxx. 36, xxxiii. 7 ; Deut. 
jx. 21, xx vii. 8; Isa. xxx. 14; Jer. xxii. 19; Hab. iii. 13 ; 
1 [See note at foot of next page.] 



48 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 280. 



Ze>jh. vii. 3 (Mai. ii. 16) ; in particular, nann to do much, and 
3trn to do well, are very often placed in this way after a verb, 
even an infinitive absolute, Neh. iii. 33. See further, c and 
351c; cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 40, 134. 

This whole construction assumes its strongest form 
when, strictly speaking, another subject is assumed for 
the subordinated infinitive absolute; as, he is buried 
3inp in such a way that they drag him about (Ger. 
sodass man ihn schleppt), Jer. xxii. 1 9 ; in the same way 
also are explained the words in Jer. xxxi. 2 (7j6n so that 
[other] people went). It is difficult, however, to prove 
from Ezek. i. 14 that such infinitives absolute may be 
placed after a subject simply for the purpose of indicating 
an accessory circumstance. 

I. When, however, the same verb is immediately repeated in 
the infinitive absolute, and this in such a way that both words 
are more closely connected so as to form one complete idea, 
this peculiarly Hebraistic construction marks, in a picturesque 
fashion, the constant progress, or else the complete, indubitable 
existence of the action. 1 Hence, according to the difference of 
its connection with the rest of the sentence, it may signify 
completely, utterly, continually, indubitably ; as, WW WQP listen 
listen, i.e. listen attentively, Job xiii. 17, xxi. 2, xxxvii. 2 ; 
or listen continually, Isa. vi. 9 ; 'SJvn ^?n he is gone, gone, i.e. 
quite gone, 2 Sam. iii. 24 ; n'^y DJ ^JJK up also will I assuredly 
bring thee (not merely down), Gen. xlvi. 4, xix. 9, xxxi. 15 ; 
Num. xi. 15, 32, xvi. 13, xxiii. 11, xxiv. 10 ; Josh. xxiv. 10, 
vii. 7; Judg. v. 23 ; 2 Kings v. 11 ; Jer. vi. 29, xxii. 10, 
xxiii. 17 ; Zech. viii. 21 ; Dan. xi. 10. Moreover, especially 
when a verb of motion is used, another verb may be added on, 
in this way, by means of } ; as, 3i^J N5T K he went repeatedly 
out and in ; nbM Tp^n Tjpn he [700] went on, weeping, Gen. viii. 7 ; 
Josh. vi. 13; Judg. xiv. 9; 1 Sam. vi. 12 ; 2 Sam. iii. 16, 
v. 10 (1 Chron. xi. 9) ; 2 Sam. xv. 30, xvi. 5, 13 ; 2 Kings 
ii. 11 (Joel ii. 26, without a verb of motion). In this con- 

1 [A short but valuable paper on this subject has been written by A. 
Rieder (Die Verbmdung des Infinitivus absolutus mil dem Verbum desselben 
Stammes im Hebrciischen, Leipzig 1872), who cites and classifies all the 
instances which occur in the Old Testament. See also Nagelsbach, Hebra- 
ische Grammatik, 92 ff.] 



THE VERB FOLLOWED BY THE INFINITIVE. 49 

struction, ^fj to go, often expresses merely the constant growth, 
increase of a thing ; as, ty] spn ffw and he gradually became 
greater and greater, Gen. xxvi. 13; Judg. iv. 24. Lastly, 
many infinitives of this kind may be inserted with almost an 
adverbial sense ; by this means the expression is but still further 
polished and modified, as, 3wh ^pn ^;i, and they gradually 
returned, Gen. viii. 3, xii. 9 ; nwi D3B>n W?tp I sent ever 
earnestly (lit. early), Jer. vii. 13, xxix. 19. 1 

The leading verb may also be repeated in the participial 
form (e.g. from tn) when it stands too far off, near the begin- 
ning, as in Jer. xli. 6 ; this construction, of course, shows that 
the participle (which may always be used in German [and 
English] in a case like this) is closely allied in meaning with 
such an absolute infinitive, as an expression indicative of 
duration. The last verb, certainly, may also fall back into the 
indicative mood instead of the infinitive, Josh. vi. 1 3, 2 Sam. 
xvi. 1 3 ; but, on the other hand, the participle of the verb 
placed at the head of the sentence may be continued in that 
form, ver. 5, Jer. xli. 6, and may even be used instead of the 
first infinitive, 2 Sam. xv. 3 ; the second verb also may be put 
in the participial form, Gen. xxvi. 13; Judg. iv. 24 (where 
5n* and riBJjj are intransitive participles). Finally, we have to 
call attention to the abbreviation of the expression which is 
effected by the employment of the substantive verb, as, spn vn 
"ibrn they gradually decreased, Gen. viii. 5 ; a similar result is 
obtained when the participle is combined with rvn (see 168c). 
On the other hand, the simple expression 7tiy\ fftin, in the 
sense of he became greater and greater, occurs only in Esth. 
ix. 4 ; 2 Chron. xvii. 1 2. 

c. This explains how some absolute infinitives have come 
to be employed as loosely construed adverbs : ro? ?.? to walk 
humbly with God, Mic. vi. 8 ; "inp quickly, Josh. ii. 5 (but 
still also used in other places as a finite verb, e.g. 1 Sam. 
xvii. 48) ; "inin more, Ex. xxxvi. 7 ; BSBV? (lit. to rise up early, 
hence) diligently ; 3B*n well, very, ^i?an wonderfully ; 2 Chron. 
ii. 8 ; all of these words, however, are almost exclusively to be 
combined with verbs. But, just as all those words which have 
been reduced to the condition of indeclinable adjectives or 

1 Similarly, Acts xiii. 45 : dvrt'hsyQv . . . a^-nAgyoms x,i 
according to Cod. D. 

D 



50 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 2so. 

adverbs ( 110&) may again be employed in the sentence in a 
somewhat more inflected form, so is it also with some of these 
infinitives ( 2400) : in particular, nann much, is even joined 
with nouns; as, nsnn D'yy many logs, Isa. xxx. 33. Hence 
it is not surprising that this word, in such a connection, 
should again revert to the form of the infinitive construct 
rriznn, since this is more closely allied to the noun than the 
infinitive [701] absolute, and is placed, too, "before the sub- 
stantive, as in an actual case of the construct state, Amos iv. 9, 
though it is also placed after the noun, Prov. xxv. 2 7. 1 Of. 
294a, 296d 

d. It is further to be observed, however, in this connection, 
that the infinitive construct, also, with ? (according to 237) 
may serve as a means of briefly, yet comprehensively, sub- 
ordinating an action in a sentence ; in such a case, the turn 
in the expression for the most part corresponds to our so that, 
that, although the meaning may also be fitly rendered by the 
Lat. gerund in -ndo, or by our active participle. The differ- 
ence between this infinitive with p and the infinitive absolute 
which we have mentioned is almost always this, that the 
former maintains a much more free position in the sentence, 
while the latter, both by its nature and by its position, 
keeps more closely to the finite verb, the latter is more of an 
inflexible, the former more of a plastic word in the sentence. 
Hence an infinitive, which throughout refuses to enter into 
close relations with another verb, attaches itself to p ; as the 
oft-used "fo*v? to say ( 245&), i.e. so that he says (or said, or 
even thought, as in Ex. v. 19), an expression which always 
refers to words immediately to be quoted. 2 On the other 
hand, such an infinitive with ^ can never be used for the 
infinitive absolute in the important cases specified in I. 
We must not, however, fail to notice that the infinitive with 

1 It would be strange if rna"l stood for this form in Dan. xi. 41, being 
construed as subject, with a verb in the plural, and Piel being used instead 
of Hiphil ; but the word is rather to be understood in accordance with what 
is stated in 177/, note [i.e. frisn is to be regarded as plur. masc., from an, 
like Dins fathers, from ajj], 

2 The Sanskrit iti exactly corresponds in sense to this. As that word is 
placed after the noun which is to be made prominent, or the expression 
which is to be regarded as a quotation, so also is our IBK placed afterwards, 



THE VERB WITH COGNATE ACCUSATIVE. 51 

^ comes gradually into more frequent use as a means of sub- 
ordinating a verb which is itself imperfectly inflected, and 
describes merely secondary circumstances ; hence it is even 
found where the infinitive absolute might be employed with 
greater force and brevity ; as, they tempted God ?NBv [by] asking 
food, Ps. Ixxviii. 18, Ixiii. 3, ci. 8, civ. 14f., cxi. 6; Neh. 
xiii. 18 ; 1 Chron. xv. 16 ; 1 Sam. xx. 20, 36. Specially 
deserving of notice are expressions such as, they were like 
gazelles "in^ fcstinando (in speeding), 1 Chron. xii. 8, Prov. 
xxvi. 2 ; Vtwb n^y he acted so that he wrought a wonder, i.e. 
wonderfully, Joel ii. 26. And, that the explanation of the 
leading idea in a discourse may be carried on in this way by 
means of many subordinate verbs, is shown by such cases as 
Jer. xliv. 7 f . Cf. also 3510. 

2 8 la. The connection becomes somewhat closer when the 
accusative expresses what is contained in the verbal idea, in 
such a way that [702] the general relation, showing vitality, 
becomes more definite, and, as it were, glides smoothly over 
into the particular. Hence, in this case, as in all the succeed- 
ing applications of the accusative, which follow in ascending 
series, it is never anything else than a substantive which the 
verb subordinates ; this noun, too, may always be at once 
made definite. To be specific, this takes place 

1. Most naturally and simply when the idea contained in 
the verb is defined and explained ~by itself, i.e. by means of its 
own [cognate] substantive, as TroKefiov iroXe/jLelv. By this means 
the idea contained in the verb may simply revert on itself, 
may be contained in and complete within itself ; as, "^ "^ to 
speak a word [Ger. Reden reden] (which, in a different context, 
and with a different use of the expression, may also signify 
to do nothing but speak, and not act, verba dare, Hos. x. 4 ; 
Isa. Iviii. 13) ; rijrn JT?J to know (i.e. to possess) knowledge, Prov. 

in Phoenician (cf. Ewald's treatise, entitled Die sidonische Inschriften, i. 24), 
and the particle J>Q-^ lam, which is abbreviated from it, is placed after the 
proper name (as in Lagarde's Analecta, p. 176, 24), or the expression 
quoted. This is the most correct derivation of 2>Q^ ; it does not come 
from iDWpf> which has now become the usual form of the infinitive in 
Aramaic, but from the older form. In another Aramaic dialect there was 
used for this KD33 which is contracted from "1DW3 as we say. Cf. also on 
Jonah iii. 7. 



52 EW AID'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 281. 

xvii. 27 ; cf. a similar construction in Jer. xxiii. 20 ; *] *]VI? 
he has been angry, with anger, i.e. as we may say, he, has been so 
angry! when one could state something further, but does not 
feel inclined to do so just then, Zech. i. 2. If such an accusa- 
tive precede its verb, then, though the context may show that 
special emphasis is to be laid upon the idea presented in the 
verb, as, ^?nn /on vanitatem vani estis, ye are utterly vain, 
Job xxvii. 12, 1 yet the construction formed by means of the 
absolute infinitive (see 312) is more frequently employed, 
and more appropriate for this purpose. Such a verb, together 
with its substantive, is frequently but a somewhat forcible 
expression for the weakened have, so often used in modern 
languages, but which is unknown in this sense to the more 
ancient tongues ; as, BvH dpn to dream (i.e. to have) a dream, 
and in the pi. nto?n Epn to dream (i.e. to have) dreams. For 
the most part, however, it is only the idea of the particular to 
which this stronger prominence is assigned : such an accusative 
may be subordinated (a) simply by itself ; as, "O^ "^ t speak 
one word (no more than one), Job ii. 13, 2 Sam. vii. 7, Isa. v. 6, 
viii. 10 ; or (&) with the addition of an adjective or pronoun; 
as, ?VM "Ol POa to weep a great weeping, i.e. very much ; or (c) as 
a noun in the construct state ; as, l^n riCOD 1DJ they fled the flight 
of the sword, i.e. as one flees before the sword, Lev. xxvi. 36 ; 
Isa. v. 1. In a relative clause, also (see 331), a connection 
may be formed thus with the preceding noun; as, p^ "iKte pton 
the straitness (with) which he will straiten (or which he will 
cause), Deut. xxviii. 53, Ps. Ixxxix. 51 f. ; and similar to this 
are cases such as wn? ^na, / had a trembling, i.e. I trembled 
before (or, for) something, and it was the very thing that/e^ 
on me, Job iii. 25. The more modern languages quite obscure 
this simplicity of construction which appears in the more 
ancient modes of speech, amidst the manifold forms which, 
as has just been shown, they can employ. Moreover, since 
the pure verbal idea is simply developed more fully, it 
is quite indifferent whether the verb is taken as active, 
intransitive, or passive (as Isa. xiv. 2 ; Zech. xiii. 6), and 
whether it has one or two other objects, Jer. xxx. 14, Judg. 
xv. 8 ; a substantive [703] of similar signification may also 
be connected in the same way with a verb, Zech. viii. 2 ; 
1 Precisely similar is #*/?* xtpti, John iii. 29. 



THE VEllii WITH THE ACCUSATIVE. *53 

Jer. xiv. 1*7, xx. 11, xxx. 14, xxiii. 6; Isa. xxxvii. 6; 
Ps. cxxxix. 22. 

b. 2. Verbs which describe a circumstance or condition, take 
into this direct and immediate connection with themselves the 
nouns which specify the completion of the idea they contain. 
To this class especially belong verbs which, possessing the idea 
of fulness, take an object for the purpose of more distinctly 
specifying the contents ; as, &*?> %$ t ^ e faM, or satisfied with 
bread, what is good, etc., the opposite "ion, rin to be in want of, 
need, fe^ to be bereaved of anything; in all such cases the 
simple accusative is sufficient to form the completion, though 
we also find, even in these older languages, a beginning made 
in the use of 2 1 in, etc., as a mediating particle, Ps. Ixxxviii. 4, 
a construction which has become predominant in our 
modern languages. The verb may also signify a more definite 
kind of fulness ; as, to move, swarm, swell, overflow with ; 
thus H?* and toj to teem, swarm, Gen. i. 21, ix. 2; the 
hills 2?n njapri stream with milk, Joel iv. 18; a similar con- 
struction, of a bolder kind, occurs in Num. xxiv. 7 ; the eye 
ft rn*^ runs with water, Lam. i. 1 6 ; 2 M to sprout with wisdom, 
Prov. x. 31 ; the ground S^TP '^J? rises up (as the optical 
delusion makes it appear) with thorns, which always become 
higher, more bulky, Isa. v. 6, xxxiv. 13; Prov. xxiv. 31; 
*pn and "OP to overflow, pass over, used of anything that is too 
full through swelling from within, Hab. i. 11; Jer. v. 2 8 ; 
Ps. Ixxiii. 7. And lastly, to the same class also belong verbs 
of putting on [clothes], inasmuch as they really express a be- 
coming full or covered, and hence also are half-passive ; as, &J? 
(BW), and the poetic *lt?y, Ps. Ixv. 14, Ixxiii. 6. Moreover, in 
the case of such ideas, what, in the first instance, holds true of 
things, may further be extended to persons ; as, my soul (or 
desire) ^Njori shall satisfy itself of them (or, on them, viz. the 
enemy), Ex.'xv. 9. But if tffo or *&M (cf. 123&) to be full, 
be employed in speaking of a person or thing whose mere 

1 [Two special treatises on this particle have recently appeared, one by 
Orafenhan (Die Proposition 3 als Bezeichnung des hebrdischen Genitiv, 
Eisleben 1870), the other by' "VVandel (De particular Hebraicte 3 indole, 
vi, usu, Jena 1875).] 

2 Similarly, jilt H^iy "ND^l JliJlB' error in doctrine becomes [grows into] 
pride, M. Aboth/iv/lG. 



54 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, 231. 

existence fills everything, i.e. of a divine, purely spiritual 
nature, then the idea of fulness becomes connected with that 
of filling, and hence also with the accusative of that which 
is filled (see 282, 2836), with the important difference, 
however, that this filling or completion is not of an external 
nature, hut is produced merely from an internal fulness ; as 1 
(God) H?i?~ n ? ^ s <?? amf ul1 and I fill the earth, Jer. xxiii. 24; 
his glory FjWT^9"JlK fc&B? fills all the earth, Num. xiv. 21 ; 
2 Chron. v.'lS , vii. If. ; Ps. Ixxii. 19 ; cf. Isa. vi. 1. The 
same construction of Bfci to put on (as clothing), but with 
reference to non-material objects, is found in Job xxix. 14; 
Judg. vi. 34. 

c. 3. Finally, the accusative offers a brief mode of construc- 
tion for pointing out that part or object, or that member, which 
is specially concerned, and to which, along with the leading 
idea, special prominence is to be assigned. Such cases 
are (a] Verbs which express more a state or condition ; 
as, [704] vfjjn-ns ^ he was ill with his feet (cf. -rroSa? o>/nfe), 

1 Kings xv. 23, in which case, of course, modern languages 
always assume an auxiliary preposition ; and indeed, even in 

2 Chron. xvi. 12, the subordination is thus evidenced by 
means of ?: / will be greater than thou KB?? PI only (as 
regards) tJie throne, Gen. xli. 40 ; but in prose the preposition 
9 is readily assumed in such cases after the verb (see 217^), 
as in 1 Kings x. 2 3 ; such poetic constructions as >?H voa they 
are mighty (in) strength, Job xxi. 7 ; TO *HK to err (in) the way t 
Ps. ii. 12, which also show how the words in Ps. xiv. 6 a are 
to be understood, (b) Eeflexive verbs ; as, D'SN rnnpK>'n (rarely 
with the suffix, as VSK in 2 Sam. xxiv. 20) to low oneself 
down [as regards] the face, i.e. to bow the face ; D^S n ?71 3 ^ 
us see one another (i.e. let us contend in) person (i.e. personally), 
2 Kings xiv. 8, 11. Hence also (c) the second object of active 
verbs ; as, Eton I&W he will attack thee on the head, Gen. iii. 15 ; 
Dent, xxxiii. 11 ; Jer. ii. 16; Ps. Ixviii. 22 (cf. rbv $e <r/coro9 
oacr iKaXinJre) ; he cooked them [as regards] the flesh, i.e. cooked 
their fleshy parts, 1 Kings xix. 21 ; B ; BJ iron, he strikes him [in 
the] soul, i.e. in the life, i.e. dead, Deut. xxii. 26. Hence, 
further, relative sentences ; as, apt? "ittte (the disease on account 
of) which he has lain down, i.e. of which he is ill, Ps. xli. 9 ; 
but of course a preposition may also be used to show the rela- 



THE VERB WITH THE ACCUSATIVE. 55 

tion more clearly ; as, to strike one ?V upon the back, Mic. 
iv. 14; Deut. xxviii. 35. In poetry, even bolder constructions 
of the same kind are formed; as, / cry *B with my mouth, i.e. 
aloud ; / long for thee ^sa with my soul, i.e. fervently, where the 
special instrument merely describes the essence of the action, 
Ps. iii. 5, xii. 3, xvii. 10 f., 13 f., xxvii. 7, xliv. 3, Ix. 7, Ixvi. 17, 
Ixix. 11, cix. 2, cxxxviii. 7 ; Isa. x. 30, xxvi. 9; cf. further, 
2930. A like construction is found with passives, etc.; as, 
W (by) my name Jahve I did not make myself known, Ex. 
vi. 3 ; the city shall le "built }nrn nirn (with) walls and ditches, 
Dan. ix. 25. 

d. II. The construction with the accusative becomes still more 
forcible when it expresses the direction of the action indicated 
by a corresponding verb ; and such, certainly, is in general 
the primary use and meaning of the accusative in relation to 
material objects (see 203). Thus, he ivent "W to the city ; 
hence verbs which are also transitive may take two objects ; 
and in poetry we even find such bold constructions as, lift up 
your hands Hp to the sanctuary, Ps. cxxxiv. 2 ; his enemies he 
pursues ^n into darkness, Nah. i. 8 ; my soul transported me 
nn3")D to the chariots of the nobles (so that I got there), 
according to the peculiar language of Cant. vi. 12. This con- 
struction is still more readily adopted in relative sentences ; 
as, the land "i$K to which thou didst send us, Num. xiii. 27 
(see 331); and in this case also, just as in that treated 
of in 279c, the verb *]?n to go, especially delights in being 
associated with short words ; as, ?V?"} "&*} to go about (for) 
slander, Prov. xi. 13 ; DDfi !]pn to go to dissolution, Ps. Iviii. 9. 

But names of persons do not allow themselves to be placed 
under any such absolute rule as regards [705] subordination ; 
there is barely an example even in the ancient song, Num. 
x. 3 6 ; for, cases like Isa. xli. 2 5 (where Kin is to be taken in 
accordance with what is stated in 282a), or those in which 
the people rather mean the country (as 1 Sam. xiii. 20, and at 
most also Ps. xlvii. 1 0), do not fall under this category. And 
when there is no verb of motion so near, it is only certain 
words in frequent use to which the idea of direction can be 
attached ; as, he called them n%n into the field, Gen. xxxi. 4. 
At other times, indeed, the n O f motion (see 216) is often 
used for making a statement more explicit; as, throw him 



56 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 282. 



rnjon to the Nile (or, into the Nile), Ex. i. 22 ; but inasmuch 
as that termination, in the stage of development now attained 
by the Hebrew language, has become so rare, the word [i.e. 
the simple accusative] has sometimes also the same meaning 
of to, as far as, even without it, though no verb of motion is 
near, as 1 Kings v. 1 ; Noh. iv. 17; and in 1 Sam. ix. 26, 
where Jan merely stands for to the roof (on to the roof), the 
Qeri is fljjri. 

It is only when unusually strong emphasis is intended, 
that the accusatival riNt is also joined, in. this construction, 
with definite names of places, as in Judg. xix. 18; cf. 
p. 37. 

This accusative, accordingly, may also be used more abstractly, 
for briefly setting forth the final effect of an action, or what 
flows from it as a consequence ; thus, the Mount of Olives will 
l>e cleft, n>13 &03 (becoming) a large valley, Zech. xiv. 4 ; Zion 
will be ploughed rns? (as) a field, i.e. becoming a field, Mic. 
iii. 12, Jer. xxvi. 18, Job xxii. 16, Hab. iii. 9; it became 
rotten D^in (turning into) worms, Ex. xvi. 2 ; the ashes "it?K 
(to) which the fire consumes the sacrifice, Lev. vi. 3 ; rvisn |$J to 
sleep (to) death, i.e. so that the sleep becomes death, Ps. xiii. 4 ; 
thus also, the hand of God came on the city n?i1J nDirup (as) 
a great fear, i.e. so that great fear arose, 1 Sam. v. 9, cf. 
ver. 11. 

Under other circumstances, the preposition ? (see 
217) must be used to express this idea of becoming 
something ; as, QTJ^ ^J 1 be for (i.e. become) men, 1 Sam. 
iv. 9. 

282a. III. The strongest meaning of the accusatival con- 
struction comes out when the person or thing which it governs 
is affected and defined by the action itself. Whether a 
verb is able in any way to exhibit such power, depends 
less on the mere verb-stem [or conjugation] than on the turn 
given to the idea contained in each individual verb-stem ; for, 
even a verb in a half-passive and reflexive form, when endowed 
with ( a new force by such an application of its fundamental 
idea, may subordinate [i.e. govern] a direct completion [of the 
verbal idea, i.e. an object] without using a preposition (see 

1 [For a fuller account of this construction, see Giesebrecht on the pre- 
position Lamed, p. 51 ff.] 



THE VERB WITH THE ACCUSATIVE AND PREPOSITIONS. 57 

123&, 124&, 130c [Gr. 272]). The language often vacil- 
lates between this briefer construction and the mediate one, 
which is formed by means of a preposition ; and the poets espe- 
cially show great boldness and freedom here. E.G. p^'j to kiss, 
properly signifies to affix (the mouth to some one), hence it is 
primarily construed with ? of the person, 2 Sam. xv. 5, then 
directly with the accus., 1 Sam. xx. 41 : 3"]N to lie in wait, is 
construed with f or ^ for [706] something ; but in poetic 
language it is also directly connected with the object, Prov. 
xii. 6 : "132 to atone, propitiate, is used, first of all, with ?y 
(because it properly means to stroke, paste, cover over some- 
thing) ; then with TJEi for, in behalf of (see 21 7m), and 
more briefly a for ; l and finally, with the simple accusative, 
as in Lev. xvi. 33 : "HIV to prepare (war), encamp, with ty 
against the person, but in poetry it is equally used with the 
accusative of the person, as in Job vi. 4, to besiege, surround 
one ; fcjj ~be able, with the accusative of the person, overpower, 
overcome, Ps. xiii. 5, Jer. xxxviii. 5 ; similarly Pjn, 1 Kings 
xvi. 22 ; and even Dip to stand, may be used in poetry in the 
sense of standing against, resisting anything, Ps. xli. 9 (cf. 
2 Sic) ; ma and \3W to dwell, are used poetically with the 
accusative of the place, and even of the person, and then 
signify to dwell with (or near) a thing or person, Ps. v. 5, 
Ixviii. 19, cxx. 5, Prov. viii. 12, Judg. v. 17 ; fnij to be 
rebellious = despise, Jer. xiv. 1 7, with which compare "no to 
turn aside from, i.e. transgress the commandment, 2 Chron. 
viii. 15; ruj to commit whoredom = seduce, Jer. iii. 1, Ezek. 
xvi. 28 ; ^Bfc?* -^ a ^- Itttent t & > Ezek. xxviii. 3, as in prose 
33P to sleep, is found in immediate connection with the name 
of the woman, Gen. xxxv. 22 ; and ros to weep, is used for 
bewail, with the accusative of the person or thing, Lev. x. 6 ; 
05?K be guilty, owing anything (as we also say in German [and 
English]), Ezra x. 19. It deserves particular notice that 
verbs which primarily indicate merely a violent movement 
towards any one, and are accordingly joined to the object by 
a preposition, may finally also content themselves with the 
accusative which defines the operation. Thus, :nn to murder, 
1 The prep. 3 is used in Lev. xvi. 17, 27 and xvii. 11 ; in the last pas- 
sage, however (it is to be expressly remarked), the sense requires the 
rendering, " the blood itself atones for the soul" 



58 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 282. 

originally 1 signifies merely the deadly aim at (against) a 
person, and hence is joined, first mediately, by |>, and then 
also directly, with its object in the accusative ; so also "'Win 
to get into a passion, with the accusative, expresses the rousing 
of wrath in another as the consequence of anger in oneself, 
Prov. xx. 2. In many expressions, also, a small word, such 
as a relative or a personal pronoun, that easily admits of 
being connected with other words, can more readily be directly 
subordinated than a substantive, which is of greater import- 
ance ; cf. 331c. It is needless to enumerate all the different 
kinds of such verbs; the following are some of the more 
important classes : 

1st. Verbs of going take as their object the place on which 
the motion wholly falls, and which is thereby made directly 
passive ; as, "Q'rarrnK 7j?n to walk the wilderness, i.e. to traverse, 
go through it, Deut. i. 19, Jobxxix. 3, Ps. cv. 41, Isa. Ivii. 2 ; 
or, where go, walk, is, in figurative language, equivalent to 
act, practise, Isa. xxxiii. 15 ; Mic. ii. 11. Similarly, W?J [707] 
to go out, when it is simply equivalent to leave (like the Lat. 
exire urlem, and Gr. eKftaiveiv iroXw}, Gen. xliv. 4, and "OJJ 
prceterire aliguid, Gen. xxxii. 33 ; also K13 to come, in the 
sense of striking ; as, misfortune befalls thee, Ps. xxxv. 8 ; cf. 
also [Ewald's commentary] on Jer, 1. 11. A very bold ex- 
pression would be i33 ljj he took his place, Dan. xi. 7 ; but 
in vv. 20, 21, the prep, fy is used in addition. With such 
cases, however, we must not class Jer. xiii. 18, D^nb^HD ^T T 
as if it literally meant, the crown is fallen from your heads ; 
the literal meaning rather is, the crown has fallen down your 
heads. 2 A rarer mode of expression also is, to turn aside 
[from] the way, viz. intentionally (n^n, not HIM, see 122c), 
which signifies more than to miss it, Num. xxii. 23. 3 

2cl. Verbs of speaking subordinate to themselves not merely 



1 Cf. the Arabic ^ j& ; it is remarkable that the Turkish <JH*JJ to kill, 
as well as other verbs of striking and wounding, is also joined with the 
dative. 

2 [Ewald also calls attention ( 160&, footnote) to the pointing n'tjfcnp 
found elsewhere, but which may have arisen from a false explanation of 
1 Sam. xxvi. 12, being regarded as the preposition.] 

3 In this case, instead of the Hiphil, the Arabic, with greater precision, 
would use the conative form (Ger. Zielstamm). 



THE VERB AVITII THE ACCUSATIVE AND PREPOSITIONS. 59 

what is uttered, viz. the words or contents of the speech 
(which remark also applies to such a case as Don pyj clamare = 
queri injustitiam, Hab. i. 2), but also the subject concerned, 
even when the latter is a person, though this is done to a very 
limited extent ; as in the relative sentence iiEN*" 1 IK- : K of which 
they say. Gen. xxii. 14, 2 Kings xxi. 4, 7 (cf. 331c) ; in the 
expression ofe? frsn Tie spoke [of] him for peace, i.e. he spoke 
of him in such a way that he wished him well, Gen. xxxvii. 4. 
This is particularly the case with TO to notify any one, 
i.e. to tell him something expected, mostly to answer, reply to ; 
and so also with ^n (with or without "ijn) to return, in the 
sense of answering, ajrofcplvecrOai,, Job xxxiii. 5, 32; nj to 
command, like the Lat. julere with the accusative of the per- 
son, is properly to order, charge. 

3d. Verbs of treating or dealing [acting towards any one] 
subordinate not merely the action, but also the person con- 
cerned ; such are ?J, 1 Sam. xxiv. 18, and a?&, to recompense, 
Ps. xxxv. 12. The same remark applies to verbs of giving, 
presenting with (on which, see further 2S3c); verbs of 
serving, and hence also "TO in the sense of sacrificing to a 
God; cf. Ex. x. 25f. Yet TO to do, which is the most 
general word of this kind, is not used simply with the accusa- 
tive of the person. 1 

But those verbs which, in ordinary speech, almost always 
govern the object directly, may also, in Hebrew, be construed 
with prepositions in a great variety of ways, whenever the 
idea requires to be more closely defined by means of them ; 
this freedom would not be so largely exercised in the Semitic 
languages, if it were possible in them, as in the Indo-Ger- 
manic, to compound the verb with prepositions. Hence, as 
VflfcOl? is / called him, so vbs ^n&OjJ is simply our I called to 
him, or I called him [to come to me], as in 1 Sam. ix. 26 
(which has already been referred to in 2 8 Id), or, I invited 
him, e.g. Ewp to peace, Deut. xx. 1 ; ft T^li? I proclaimed to 
him, e.g. a name, or peace, Judg. xxi. 13, or liberty [708], Isa. 
Ixi. 1 ; to 'n&Oj? / called to him, and nnK 'n&qjj / called after 
him, 1 Sam. xx. 38, like vnqg Wan / looked after him, Gen. 
xvi. 13. Accordingly, prepositions and words of similar 

1 This cannot be shown at least from Isa. xlii. 16, and Jer. mnmi O v 
Ezek. xxiii. 25. 



60 EWALD'S HEBIIEW SYNTAX, 282. 

character, in the Semitic languages, connect themselves, in 
sense, with such verbs, quite as closely as in the Indo-Germanic, 
without, however, being also joined more closely, as regards 
their outward form, with these verbs, as in the latter class of 
languages ; in this case, therefore, the preposition readily 
assumes another meaning than what it bears when used alone. 
Thus, T^R taken by itself, has the sensuous meaning given in 
21 7m [viz. at the hand, or side of] ; but when construed 
with a verb of giving, it may signify to deliver up something 
to a person for his management or guidance (to lay it upon 
his hands, as it were), 1 Chron. xxix. 8 ; Ps. Ixiii. 11; cf. 
1 Chron. xxv. 2-6 ; while, in earlier writings, there might be 
used, instead of this expression, T nnri under the hand or pro- 
tection of any one, Gen. xli. 35. In every separate verb-idea, 
however, there is always some feature so peculiar, that it is 
scarcely safe to add anything further to these general remarks. 
c. In the Hebrew, generally, there prevails great flexibility 
and boldness in the combination of verbs with prepositions 
which have suitable meanings ; hence also, especially in 
poetry, we find an extraordinary brevity of expression which 
it is often difficult to render as briefly and clearly in our 
modern languages. In particular, prepositions of motion are 
joined in this way with verbs, which have thus communicated 
to them, for the first time, the idea of motion (the so-called 
constructio prcegnans) ; as, 1KB, Tin, quake, or tremble, with 
ri&Opp to tremble before, 1 Sam. xxi. 2 ; with "vtf to, to tremlle 
towards a person, or approach him trembling, Gen. xlii. 28, 
cf. xliii. 33, Jer. xxxvi. 16 ; ^.nx K>>p to do, or to go fully after 
him, i.e. to follow him completely, an expression found in the 
Eook of Origins, 1 Num. xiv. 24, xxxii. llf.; H$ &? to 
desecrate (by casting) to the earth, Ps. Ixxxix. 40 ; ^"}pjl fol- 
lowed by "7K, signifies to le silent, turning towards any one (to 
hear him in silence), Isa. xli. 1, followed by IP, turning from 
him (leave him alone in silence), Job xiii. 13 ; snow darkens 
itself (casts itself in dark masses) on the rivers, Job vi. 16; 
<"ijy to hear and answer one, |D (delivering him) out of troubles, 
Ps. xxii. 22. Further, the preposition 21 with, construed with 
a verb used in an active sense, readily serves to indicate briefly 
a further extension of the predicate by means of a noun-idea ; 
[See footnote, p. 32.] 



THE VERB WITH PREPOSITIONS. 61 

as, P^y? irp?3| / haw heard (and answered) thee with salvation, 
i.e. by giving thee deliverance, Ps. Ixv. 6 ; cf. cxviii. 5. 

Verbs signifying good-will or contempt, which at other 
times may, by a brief construction, govern their noun directly 
[in the accusative], also readily attach to themselves an object 
of some importance by means of a preposition of motion ; 
as, *? 2fiN to have love for a person, Lev. xix. 18, 34 ; ? ntn or 
M3, and ^ or tfJWl fo mock and despise; also rnj abominate, 
2 Sam. vi. 16, Prov. xvii. 5, Ps. xxii. 8, Amos vi. 3, or 
even with by, Neh. ii. 19. Similarly, verbs which express 
skill in the exercise of an art may readily be construed with 
a direct accusative (cf. 130e); as, NS1 to AeaZ, which takes 
the accusative, or 5, 2 Kings ii. 21 [709]; Win and ity to 
/&e/j?, gradually begin to employ the construction with ? (as 
such verbs in our modern languages take the dative), Judg. 
vii. 2 ; 1 Sam. x. 1 9 (cf. on the contrary, xi. 3), xxv. 3 1 ; 
2 Sam. viii. 5 ; Ps. Ixxii. 4 ; but verbs of an opposite mean- 
ing, as, fins? to destroy, i.e. to injure, are equally construed with 
b, Num. xxxii. 15; 1 Sam. xxiii. 10. Cf. besides, 292e 
[and especially Giesebrecht, p. 32 ff.]. 

On the other hand, such startling expressions as, 
^ ion, Euth i. 20,$ n^n, I sa . xiv. 3, and the similar 
construction, v nann, 1 Sam. xi. 3, as well as v nsnn, 
Hos. x. 1, Prov. xxii. 16 (where the meaning is to cause, 
i.e. in order to cause increase to him, i.e. in order that he 
may gain the more), are explained by what is stated in 
122&, and 295&; hence also, perhaps on account of 
the idea employed in them, such expressions as v t^j?B>'n 
he gave me rest, Ps. xciv. 13, and v P^V"? he judged in 
my favour, Isa. liii. 11, and even such constructions as 
"9 N^B^n, he gave me increase, also y n^ ^g grewe me room 
to spread, Job xii. 23. All these verbs express a change 
into a [new] condition, caused by the action of another 
from without. [See further, Giesebrecht, p. 8 f.] 
d. Something quite different from this takes place when a 
verbal idea, instead of receiving a direct and wholly active turn, 
is, without any essential change in meaning, merely subordi- 
nated in a looser way by means of the preposition a with. 
This primarily arises from the tendency rather to assign a 
separate position to an idea which, though originally con- 



62 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, -:si>. 

nected with things of sense, becomes more and more a purely 
mental 'conception ; and this separation finds its warrant in 
the fact that these ideas are capable of bearing an independent 
meaning. Instead of the direct and strong construction, the 
indirect and milder is used ; while the fundamental idea itself 
is refined and classified so as to assume a new, and somewhat 
more of a peculiar and independent meaning. Thus, though 
we can always say Hp fro, to give forth the voice, i.e. to make it 
sound, and irtp D^.n to raise the voice, Ps. civ. 12, 2 Chron. 
v. 13 ; yet, because such verbs also begin to be employed by 
themselves in a musical sense (as in 1 Chron. xxv. 5, and 
NB>2 in Job xxi. 12), they also subordinate the word ^ip by 
means of the preposition 3 with, to sound with the voice, Jer. 
xii. 8, 1 Chron. xv. 16 ; similarly, to open widely, or gape 
widely, i.e. mock with the tongue [moutJi], Job xvi. 10, Ps. 
xxii. 8 ; to spread out with (i.e. to wring) the hands, Lam. i. 1 *7 ; 
in other places, however, the verb is used more in its ordinary 
meaning, in a somewhat more diffuse style of speaking, and 
takes the direct accusative, to spread out the hands, Ps. 
cxliii. 6 ; Isa. i. 15. This may be called the elegant style of 
certain poets (cf. p. 563 above), but it is also found gradually 
making its way even into prose narrative ; as, to lift (i.e. 
almost, to threaten) nsfca with the rod, Ex. vii. 20. The 
formation of a causative verb ( 122) is also intentionally 
avoided in many expressions ; thus 3 Kto, to come with a thing 
may mean the same as to bring it, Ex. xxii. 14; Ps. xl. 8, 
Ixxi. 16; and *3 njy fa has dealt hard with me does not sound 
so harshly as he lias afflicted me, Euth i. 21 ;* generally 
speaking, however, 2, is not yet so frequently used by the 
Hebrew in these [710], and in the similar instances explained 
in 299, as by the Arabic. 

When the idea of an instrument would be unsuitable, the 
new figurative meaning of a verb may become the occasion 
for construing it rather with another preposition; as, K^J to 
take away guilt, i.e. to pardon, hence with 5> of the person, but 

1 On the other hand, 1^13 p^n, Ezra i. 6, is not to be understood in such 
a way as if it meant, properly, to strengthen the hands of any one (cf . vi. 22, 
where 3 is wanting), but it is properly, to seize the hands of any one, i.e. to 
support him: p^n = P\tnn, since the Piel may gradually be substituted for 
Hiphil. 



THE VEKB WITH PREPOSITIONS. 63 

later also with the same {, i.e. our dative, in relation to the 
thing, i.e. the guilt, as in Gen. 1. 17, though the more primi- 
tive construction, viz. the accusative of the guilt, is also still 
retained, Lev. x. 1 7 ; 23i^ } in the sense of restoring any one, 
giving him once more his former health (as shown in the 
expression mentioned on p. 430), takes the dative, Ps. Ix. 3. 

When, for any reason, a verb may be construed with 
the accusative, or a more definite preposition, whether 
there be but little or no difference whatever in mean- 
ing, both constructions are readily interchanged by the 
poets in different members of a verse ; while, in prose, it 
is at most late writers that avail themselves so readily of 
such alternative constructions, - as in 2 Chron. xvi. 1 2 ; 
cf. also Lev. xvi. 33. 

As the preposition fp of, from, joined with the subject of a 
sentence, in itself gives a somewhat more indefinite meaning 
( 294c) ; so also, when such a ip, used partitively, is joined with 
the object, there is as little, and even less need for specification 
of the latter. This holds good whether the reference is to 
(a) things; as, tfpj?np 'i?H to lighten [something] of the burden, 
i.e. to lighten the burden somewhat (nothing further being 
stated as to the amount), 1 Kings xii. 4 ; thus also, in the 
case of similar relations which are to be considered merely as 
partial or relative, and not absolute, in which, therefore, the 
Greeks would readily employ their genitive ; as, the clouds 
withheld 7Ep of dew (giving nothing of devS), Hag. i. 10; so 
also, / will sing to thee ^T^'P of my song, i.e. lines of my 
poetry, Ps. xxviii. 7 ; or whether (&) persons are spoken of ; 
as, " |<l ^^ B??"! 1 ? he left remaining of the poor people, (it is not 
to be, or cannot be, stated how many), Jer. xxxix. 1 ; the 
construction is more rare when only one person is intended, 
as in Ex. vi. 25 ; such an object, however, with IP, may also 
be connected by means of 1 and, with a preceding object 
having a different construction, as in Jer. xix. 1 ; 2 Chron. 
xxi. 4. Much more rare is the use of this IP with an accusa- 
tive cognate to the verb (see 2 8 la); as, of the weeping of 
Jazer will I weep for thee, i.e. I will devote to thee something 
of the tears with which Jazer also is bewailed, Jer. xlviii. 32 ; 
Cant. i. 2. 

On the other hand, 3 as, like, though possessing the force 



64 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 283. 

of a preposition ( 2 2 la [Ges. 102, 2 ; Gr. 231 ; Dav. 
14]), may thrust itself in before every accusative which, 
from whatever reason, is dependent on a verb ; as, that I 
had Dip. s n"}^3 like moons [months] of yore, i.e. such as the 
former were, Job xxix. 2; however (see 2 2 la), [711], it 
likes to exclude all other prepositions from the place which 
these might otherwise occupy, as, their heart rejoices ! to? 
as if there were wine, i.e. as it were from wine, Zech. 
x. 7, 9, 15; cf., on Deut. i. 11, the Gott. Gel. Anz. for 1869, 
p. 1033. 

/. Lastly, a purely active verb, which, under other circum- 
stances, is always followed by an accusative, or by a prepo- 
sition, as the completion of the idea it contains, may also be 
placed under entirely opposite conditions, and stand quite 
alone, without reference to any other word, and even without 
its own proper substantive ( 2 8 la). This, in the case of 
some verbs, is the consequence of a certain change in mean- 
ing, as when H3K to wish, used absolutely, signifies to le com- 
pliant, complaisant, Isa. i. 19, Prov. i. 10; or with the 
negative, fen vh not to spare, i.e. to have no pity, 2 Sam. 
xii. 6 ; bpn "bring contempt, l^n bring honour, Isa. viii. 23 ; 
in other cases, however, such an unusual employment of the 
verb by itself may have a somewhat more powerful effect, as 
when, with great emphasis, some poets begin to use '"TO of 
God, in the sense of working, i.e. helping, Ps. xxii. 32, 
xxxvii. 5, lii. 11 ; and JHJ i6 for not to know, or to le ignorant, 
Job viii. 9; Isa. i. 3; cf. Ps. IxxiiL 11, where the opposite 
expression occurs. 

283a. The construction of the same verb in different ways 
with two or three accusatives, all of which cluster round, and 
depend on it, forms a kind of power and liberty which has 
become as rare in modern, as it is common in the ancient 
languages, and which prevails in Hebrew to the fullest extent. 
It has been already pointed out ( 1226 [Ges. 139, 1 ; Gr. 
273, 1]) how Hiphil or Piel, as the causal forms of an active 
verb, possess the power of governing two different objects. 
But every verb with an active meaning may also exhibit this 
power in many ways : this has been already shown in part, 
as occasion offered ; further details must now be presented in 
the following view; 



THE VERB WITH MORE THAN ONE ACCUSATIVE. 65 

(a) Every active verb, in addition to the accusative 
primarily dependent on it, may take another more remote 
accusative, specifying the circumstances ( 279), or even the 
essential nature of the action ( 281c) ; in this, of course, the 
poets take more liberty than other writers, who use a plainer 
style, allow themselves. Thus, the instrument of the action 
may be mentioned very briefly and indefinitely as a com- 
pletion of the predicate : |?K ink l:n they stoned him with 
stones, Josh. vii. 25 ; TD D " he shot them with arrows, Ps. 
Ixiv. 8, cf. cxli. 5, Isa. liii. 10 (following the reading ?); 
D"nn WW he hunts him with the net, Mic. vii. 2, cf. Mai. 
iii. 24 ; so also, in a less sensuous meaning, ^3B>ni run DJJT, 
he feeds them with knowledge and understanding, Jer. iii. 1 5 ; 
to count something "I5DD according to the number, i.e. exactly, 
Num. xxiii. 10; to judge one "ib^D according to equity, Ps. 
Ixvii. 5 ; and in a relative sentence, as, the work "IS^N whereby 
God makes all, Eccles. xi. 5. See further, 331c. 

b. (b) According to 281&, many verbs may govern two 
objects, when their intransitive meaning indicates any kind 
of abundance, or possession, and covering. Thus : 

(1st.) Verbs of filling ; as, D&n nrrnK ^ [712] they filled 
(i.e. made full) the earth with cruelty. In the same manner 
are construed V^ to satisfy ; nn to saturate, Isa. xvi. 9 ; ^Jn, 
which bears a similar meaning, Prov. vii. 17, Ps. Ixv. 10, 
Ixviii. 10; TO to refresh, Isa. 1. 4. 

(2d.) Verbs which contain the idea of giving, presenting, 
gracious bestowal. Those which belong to this class are, 
however, not so much (cf. 282#) the common and weak 
|HJ to give, 1 as rather the stronger t^n to favour, bestow graciously, 
Gen. xxxiii. 5 ; ^H? to bless, in a similar sense, Deut. xv. 14; 
tFij? to anticipate, present in anticipation of want, Ps. xxi. 4 ; 
123 honour, honour by presenting, Isa. xliii. 23 ; ^D, 1JJD, 
?!??, W*?> support, keep, uphold, maintain by giving, Jer. 
xxxi. 3 ; on the other hand, W to serve, serve by giving, Ex. 
x. 26. To this class also belong those verbs which express 
want of the things mentioned ; as, "iDn to cause to want, 
deprive; iTO and #? to oppress, despoil, Prov. xxii. 23, 

1 The form ^nru, Josh. xv. 19, Judg. i. 15, does not belong to this 
category ; see Hist, of the People of Israel, vol. ii. p. 58 [English trans- 
lation.] 

E 



66 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 283. 

Mai. iii. 5, 8 ; OT to fine a person something, Deut. xxii. 1 9. 
Further, 

(3d.) Verbs which signify clothing, covering of every kind 
(cf. Lat. induo te vestem) ; as, "un and P?n to gird, Isa. xxii. 21 ; 
?yj to shoe (put on shoes), ">BSJ and "W to crown, HBte fo anoint, 
nD3 to cover, the poetic construction of 22iD fo surround,. 
clothe, Ps. xxxii. 7, 10, cix. 3 ; nay to overlay. With these 
coincide verbs of planting and sowing, since the seed is 
regarded as the clothing of the field; as, JJBJ, Isa. v. 2; 
jnj, Isa. xvii. 10, xxx. 23, Jer. xxxi. 27; also the use of 
JHJ, to signify bestrew, Judg. ix. 45 ; also those verbs which 
signify the covering of buildings, 1 Kings vi. 9. Moreover, 
all such verbs may also be construed somewhat more loosely 
with suitable prepositions ; thus, verbs of covering may take 
W when it is rather a covering over that is meant, Job xv. 27, 
xxxvi. 32 ; tnj? may also (as in modern languages) be con- 
strued with 3 before the gift with which a person is pre- 
sented beforehand, Mic. vi. 6. But when |HJ governs the 
person in the accusative, and then subordinates an infinitive 
with p, as, rrifrjp spring / gave (i.e. I allowed) thee to do it (see 
especially, Ex. iii. 19), it is in such a case to be regarded, not 
so much as meaning to give, as rather to cause, and the con- 
struction is rather to be viewed in accordance with what is 
stated in 2845; it is not till 2 Chron. xx. 10 that we find 
the dative [of the person] subordinated to the verb in this 
use of it. 

c. Since (according to 2S2a) the ideas of asking, of teaching, 
commanding, also those of answering, treating [using, dealing 
with], and recompensing, govern the person affected as natu- 
rally and readily as the thing concerned, verbs with these 
meanings always easily admit of being construed with two 
such objects at the same time; as, ink roy np what did he answer 
him ? Mic. vi. 5, Job ix. 3 ; rrnn D^narrnx hxw, interroga 
sacer dotes legem; D^n DWt|^ docui vos leges ; cf. ^R castigare 
in the sense of docere, Prov. xxxi. 1 ; rnin [713] point out, in- 
struct, Ps. xlv. 5. Sometimes, however, verbs of teaching are 
construed with ? of the person (as in modern languages with 
the dative), Isa. xxxviii. 19 ; Job xxi. 22 ; Prov. ix. 7-9, 
xv. 12, xix. 25, xxi. 11, cf. xxii. 6 ; Hos. xi. 3 ; Dan. viii. 16, 
XL 33 ; also verbs of asking and answering, as 2 Chron. x, 6 



THE VEKB WITH MORE THAN ONE ACCUSATIVE. 67 

(see, on the other hand, ver. 9 ; 1 Kings xii. 6) ; 2 Kings 
viii. 6. And (as has been explained on p. 562 f.) the thing 
may be subordinated in another way, by means of a or 
~ta (Isa. xxxviii. 19) in the sense of about, concerning ; also 
with ^, when the meaning is to keep a person at, or accustom 
him to something, Ps. xviii. 35 ; Neh. viii. 7. With these 
verbs are to be classed njy to command, order, Deut. i. 18 ; 
and nfe ; to send, Jer. xlii. 5. How frequently fe| and oW 
to requite, are construed in this way is evident from 1 Sam. 
xxiv. 18, Prov. xiii. 21, cf. Ps. xviii. 21 ; but >"TO is very 
rarely so construed ; as, n^jjp tih P2tf Q^nzp make no lamenta- 
tion for the dead, Ezek. xxiv. 1 7 ; the two former verbs may 
also be construed with the dative of the person, Isa. iii. 9; 
Deut. xxxii. 6; Ps. cxxxvii. 8. And lastly, the idea of hiring 
follows that of treating ; hence ">?t? takes the accusative of the 
person and the wages, 2 Sam. x. 6. 

The various modes in which the second accusative forms 
the completion of the member in question, has been shown 
in 28 Ic. 

d. Something different takes place when (according to the 
construction shown in 278<f) a verb is combined with a noun 
in such a way that both together form a perfectly simple idea, 
to which an object is subordinated ; thus, r6a nby or nro n^y ? 
to make completion, destroy, takes an accusative, Nah. i. 8, Isa. 
v. 5 ; a similar case is presented in "tt*J TO, which simply 
means to call one to account, Jer. xliv. 20, cf. Prov. xxii. 21, 
and ZOS^p "ilM to speak justice, i.e. to accuse a person, frame a 
lawsuit against him, Isa. xxxii. 7 (in 2 Kings xxv. 6, the 
expression has a different meaning) ; while n^in w ith p may 
mean to pronounce judgment to a person, Isa. ii. 4, xi. 4. 

284$. A proposition which is already complete in itself, i.e. 
contains a subject and predicate, may, in both of its consti- 
tuent parts, be governed by an active verb in quite a different 
way, so that the verb properly governs a whole proposition at 
once ; as, people say 6033 nn thou art a prophet (see 296) ; 
also, fcfSJ TF1H3 constitui te prophetam, Jer. i. 5. Thus : 

(1.) Verbs of making, jrn, tt& f TN0 t nby ; in the case of 
these, modern languages prefer to separate the mere remote 
object, as portion of a subordinated and yet complete sentence, 
by means of for (to) or as ; e.g. Germ, ich machte dich zum 



68 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 284. 

Tropheten, I made thee for (as) a prophet, Josh. xxii. 25. 
Particularly in the case of verbs which signify to make, build, 
however, two kinds of construction are to be distinguished : 
(a) when the material receives the first consideration, and 
forms the nearest object ; as, rate D'jnKjrnK nja he built the 
stones (into) an altar, 1 Kings xviii. 32, cf. Isa. ix. 9 ; 
(V) when the work executed forms the nearest object, while 
the material, or rather the mode of execution, comes second, 
it is without the article [714], as, H? ??P^ n ^ n ?7> ^ e made 
the altar wood, i.e. so that it consisted of wood, wooden, Ex. 
xxxvii. 24 ; Prov. vii. 16. To this category also belong Gen. 
ii. 7, vi. 14 (make the ark cells, i.e. cell-like, i.e. so as to con- 
sist of cells). Such an idea might also be more fully ex- 
pressed or understood thus, he built the altar ftf nato as an 
altar of wood (see 28 7 f.) ; and it was only because such 
constructions were generally employed in the Semitic lan- 
guages, that like abbreviations were ultimately made use of 
in the accusative also, and even (see 296&) in the simple 
predicate; cf. Mic. iv. 13. 1 

In this connection may also be mentioned the use of 3 (see 
282e) : thou didst make me ~>Eni) as the clay, i.e. as carefully 
as when one forms a beautiful work of art out of clay, 
Job x. 9. 

(2.) Verbs of naming (which also is a kind of defining) and, 
on the contrary, changing a name ; as, apn, 2 Kings xxiii. 34. 

(3.) Other verbal ideas which indicate any kind of facing, 
determining, making, producing ; as, he set up the stone HliJfD a 
pillar, i.e. for (as) a pillar ; he beats the house, ^""p 1 *?" 1 . to ruins, 
Amos vi. 11 (cf. 281e); still more brief is the construction 
in ^nn nW? Di* 1 he darkens day to night, Amos v. 8. An 
adjective may also be subordinated as a second object ; thus, 
write down this man S T"$ as childless, Jer. xxii. 30; Gen. 
xxxiii. 2 ; Job xxxix. 5. 

In such constructions, indeed, the Hebrew, like our [modern] 
languages, may also employ j> to (see 21*7d); this, however, 

1 The same thing is found in the Syriac, e.g. Knb's, Chrest. p. 87, 15 ; 
and to a still greater extent in such languages as the Dyak, Hardeland, 
pp. 172, 191. Another reason for the construction lies in the fact that the 
Semitic languages are averse to the formation of adjectives indicating the 
material (see 164a [Ges. 106 ; Gr. 254, 6a]). 



THE VEEB WITH MOKE THAN ONE ACCUSATIVE. 69 

scarcely ever takes place, except when the change of condition 
is also to be rendered somewhat more prominent, and hence 
particularly with ^\} to change to something, Ainos v. 9, Jer. 
xxxi. 13, Ps. Ixvi. 3; similarly, they anointed him 'fyy? for 
king, so that he became king, 2 Sam. v. 3. 1 

To. In the sphere of more purely mental conceptions, the 
same force is exercised by the verbs of sense, seeing, hear- 
ing, perceiving; also, those which indicate belief, estimation, 
opinion, though, in the case of these last, the more remote 
object may also be distinguished by ? ; as, he thought (took) 
her rnl3B7 for drunk, 1 Sam. i. 13, Job xiii. 24 ; x while the 
insertion of 3 as, rather expresses the formation of an arbitrary 
judgment, Job xviii. 3, xix. 11. 

If such a verb be construed with the two objects, then there 
arises essentially the same construction as that which is called 
in Latin the accusative with the infinitive. And inasmuch 
as the word which, in the main proposition, would be the 
predicate, may be of very various character, there are a great 
many different constructions possible. (1) An adjective may 
be subordinated as the more remote object, thus, 3 
I found him (it) good ; or (2) a [715] noun, as, ^p3 yen 
I perceive (consider, regard) wicked/ness a& folly, Eccles. vii. 25 f.; 
or (3) any expression which, in meaning, would form the second 
object, but which has been more fully expanded into a com- 
plete proposition ; as, / saw every man VT his hands on his 
loins, i.e. holding his loins, Jer. xxx. 6 ; cf. Hos. vi. 3. A 
verb, used as the second object, generally takes the participial 
form, because the action is mostly continuous during the time 
when it is perceived or observed ; and it has only been with 
the rise of modern languages especially, that the less animated 
construction with the infinitive has been employed ; as, they 
found him n^fr wandering, Gen. xxxvii. 15, cf. xxvii. 6, Ex. 
xiv. 9, 2 Sam. vi. 16, Prov. vii. 7 f . ; thou hearest thy servant 
^?P> curse thee (prop, cursing thee\ Eccles. vii. 21. And when 
the first object is not expressly co-ordinated, either because it 
is plainly implied in the context ( 303&), or because the 
language is indefinite ( 294), the participle also stands by 

1 [For a full account of such constructions by means of 7, see Giesebrecht 
(Die hebr. Proposition Lamed), p. 45 ff.] 



70 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, 284. 



itself ; as, D^ofc 'ny I heard (them) speak, Gen. xxxvii. 1 7. 
But when the action, at the moment of its being observed, is 
actually and already past and done, the perfect itself must be 
subordinated in this way, because the Semitic languages have 
no perfect participle or perfect infinitive; 1 in that case, how- 
ever, the subordinated finite verb, as regards the order of the 
words, must appear only as the second object ; 2 thus, n^o 
1KB D s i3 } which in meaning is quite the same as the Lat. vidit 
gentes venisse, Lam. i. 10; Neh. xiii. 23. Only very rarely 
is this further abbreviated, when one of the objects is an in- 
terrogative ( 325) ; as, WB'JJ BTVKn n ? quid me fecisse vidistis ? 
Judg. ix. 48. The same construction is made with the im- 
perfect; as, quid vidtis n ^^ me vobis facere ? 2 Sam. xxi. 4. 
Further, the imperfect might also be subordinated in this way, 
instead of the participle, as a finite verb (see 136&); the 
construction, however, is less Hebraistic than Arabic, and is, 
indeed, so rare, that only one instance seems to occur, and 
this in poetry, Job xxii. 11. 

It is to be observed that, in such a construction, nan, 
in the sense of eos, is somewhat freely subordinated (i.e. 
not added in the form of a suffix) ; this, however, 
occurs only in Jer. xlvi. 5, Ezek. iii. 15 ; the proposition 
which, logically, is subordinate, is then added, but only 
in a somewhat looser construction, as is so frequently the 
case in our modern languages. A similar usage is found 
in Aramean. 

The mode in which whole propositions are thus subordinated 
to verbs signifying to require, permit, or habituate, is more 
appropriately discussed in 3365, 28 oe. 

c. When active verbs which govern two objects (see 
281 ff.) become passive or reflexive, the first one, of course, 
thereby disappears, but the second, more remote one, remains 
(as in the case of Hophal, see 133a) as the object which 
indicates closer specification ; thus, D^ N"}i?J he was called by the 
name of ... 2 Sain. vi. 2 ; the object which indicates the special 
part ( 281c) ^"1? "^f"^ ?B? circumcisus est prceputium suum, 
Gen. xvii. 11, 14, 24, 25; the object indicative of fulness, as 

1 The cases given in 238d can scarcely be regarded as indicating the 
beginning of such a construction. 

2 This is most clearly seen in the Arabic ; Ewald's Gr. Arab. 632. 



THE VERB WITH ANOTHER VERB SUBORDINATED. 71 



Ex. i. 7, and nVin i^D^ri /^ w / w i s poor in oblation, i.e. lie who 
cannot give any such [716] thing, Isa. xl. 20 ; the accusative 
of the thing, when two wholly different objects are mentioned 
( 283, I c), as, 0*133 &'*$? imfati vestes, 1 Kings xxii. 10, 
Hab. ii. 19, Ps. xxii. 16, 2 Sam. vi. 14; tons ynj; (LXX. 
SteppiJX'* T v X^va), xv - 32 ; n ^'? ^^ charged, i.e. com- 
missioned with something hard, 1 Kings xiv. 6 (because rw, 
to sewe? a person, may mean the same as giving him a charge 
regarding something, and is thus construed like njv fo commis- 
sion, 2S3c) ; the accusative of the predicate (see a and 1} of 
this present section), as in 1 Kings vi. 7. Thus also, indeed, 
are explained, in accordance with 2836, such brief poetical 
constructions as JT1 ^i?.?"! he is visited with evil, Prov. xix. 23 ; 
and "IW . . . -irri' 1 le taught by experience, Eccles. xii. 12 ; but 
it has already been remarked ( 279c at the end) that the 
language is capable of even still further development in this 
direction. 

The Verb with another Verb subordinated. 

285a. Hitherto, we have been confining our attention 
merely to a subordinated noun as forming the completion of 
the idea presented in a verb : in the case mentioned in 
2846, the finite verb, which is unavoidably used, has the 
force merely of a second object. But it is also possible that 
a verbal idea may find its direct completion in a verb itself. 
A consideration of the various modes in which a verbal idea 
may serve to complete and elucidate another, in the course of 
a sentence, shows that there are two leading methods. 

1. The one verbal idea explains merely the circumstances 
of the other, its nature and manner, or its tense, its relations, 
and such like features of a more external and accidental 
character. In the Indo-European languages, completions of 
this kind are nearly all participles or similar forms, in which 
the verb is found in a state of transition into a noun. In 
accordance, however, with the most primitive simplicity of 
construction, every idea which is conceivable as a verb may 
also be preserved, along with another, as a finite verb, i.e. in 
its original full and living form ; and the modifying verb may 
appear, along with the leading verb, quite as strong and inde- 



72 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 285. 

pendent, outwardly, as the other, the former being placed first, 
as a strong verb, while the other is joined with it by means 
of the conjunction and. This simplicity has been pretty well 
preserved in the Semitic languages generally. Illustrative 
cases in Hebrew are, "i?"W 3SPJ1 and he returned and spake, i.e. 
and he spake again ; 1K S 1 f]D 5 1 and he added, and said, i.e. said 
again ; and these two same verbs are very frequently employed 
in such constructions merely for the purpose of expressing 
our again and more. The verb *J?n to go, which is so con- 
stantly met with, is likewise employed, along with another 
verb, merely to express gradual increase ; as in the participial 
phrase, P.t^l "n^ 1 " 1 going and becoming strong, i.e. always getting 
stronger, Ex. xix. 19 ; cf. 280& and 168c. 

Of course, the Hebrew likewise possesses forms by which 
it can more strictly subordinate such a modifying verb ; the 
infinitive absolute, and, more rarely, the infinitive construct 
with ?, are especially employed for this purpose (see 280); 
or, while [717] the modifying verb still keeps the first place 
and remains in all its force, the other verb, which is the more 
important in meaning, is subordinated in the infinitive with 
b (see I, infra). This mode of expression has still very much 
that is akin to the original one already referred to, and is not 
so familiar in modern languages. Thus, one can say not merely, 
"^l? *I9 S } and Tie added to speak, i.e. he spake further, but also, 
'?'?'!'? l " 1 ?1'? he did much to pray, i.e. prayed much, 1 Sam. 
i. 12 ; TWJJ7 T^jn h e made great to do, i.e. he did (acted) 
greatly, proudly, Joel ii. 2 Of.; rh:6 V^i? / fled before [in 
anticipation], Jonah iv. 2 ; Vfloi PDJJjl he went deep to hide, i.e. 
hid deep (intentionally), Isa. xxix. 1 5 ; rri^j &O3 he created to 
make, i.e. made creatively, Gen. ii. 3 ; rwb ran they have com- 
pleted to die, i.e. are all dead, Deut. ii. 16; cf. "&!?!> >~fe? he 
completed to reap, i.e. he wholly reaped, Lev. xix. 9 ; and, on 
the other hand, rttyh inn they began to do, i.e. did for the 
first time, Esth. ix. 23 ; and even "Wr6 wfch he was wonder- 
fully delivered, 2 Chron. xxvi. 1 5 ; hence also such expressions 
as te~n 2'^n to make his way good (well), i.e. to get on well, 
Jer. ii. 33. Such an infinitive, however, in this as in similar 
cases (see &), may, in accordance with the more terse and 
elegant poetic style (see 3c), again drop b, the excessive use 
of which is so conspicuous in prose, and assume a position of 



THE VERB WITH ANOTHER VERB SUBORDINATED. 73 

simple subordination ; thus, ^57 1^ he makes straight to go, i.e. 
goes straight forward, Prov. xv. 21; nisn Wnn / have made a 
wound, beating, i.e. wounded, Mic. vi. 13; this peculiar mode 
of expression makes its way even into narrative also, Num. 
xxii. 15. Notwithstanding the existence of these varieties of 
construction, the original simplicity of connection between 
words, already indicated, still continues very prevalent ; nay, 
more, instead of giving way to the more strict subordination 
of one verbal idea by another, it has finally produced a new 
mode of connecting words more akin to itself than the sub- 
ordination, already mentioned, of the second verb by means 
of the infinitive with ? ; this construction we shall at once 
explain. 

&. The second verb (i.e. the verb which, in meaning, is the 
leading one) may also be subordinated somewhat more palpably 
by the very fact of its being placed alongside of the preceding 
verb without a joining and ; as, B^B?? itttjfr he will return, will 
sharpen, i.e. will again sharpen, a mode of construction in 
which this same 1W is frequently employed, Ps. vii. 13, Gen. 
xxx. 31, Josh. v. 2, Zech. viii. 15, though it is also construed, 
in other instances, with ? and the infinitive, as in Job vii. 7 ; 
1"!)^ 9^1 and thou dost on the third day, descendest, i.e. and thou 
comest down on the third day, 1 Sam. xx. 19 ; Viinn te"jn ye 
do much, ye speak, i.e. ye speak much, 1 Sam. ii. 3, cf. Jer. 
xiii. 18; sj^n TSiri he was willing (wished), went, i.e. went 
intentionally, Hos. v. 11, cf. vi. 4, ix. 9 (cf. v. 2), xiii. 3; 
3ty psn he crushed, left, i.e. he left (the poor) crushed, Job 
xx. 19. It is but seldom that a word is interjected between 
two such verbs, as in Ps. vii. 13, Isa. ili. 26, xxix. 4, since 
it rather becomes more and more of essential importance that 
the one should immediately follow the other, in order to 
convey the idea of the subordination of the second. We have 
here, then, an effort [718J, on the part of the Semitic languages, 
to represent an idea by nothing more than a strict arrange- 
ment of words, in the way so frequently exemplified in other 
cases (see 107d) : this mode of connecting two verbs is 
most frequently resorted to in Aramaic, 1 and least employed 

1 But the same holds true with regard to many other languages, in pro- 
portion as the verbs in them continue to be comparatively more primitive 
and numerous, while abstract forms and adverbs are still comparatively 



74 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 285. 

in Arabic ; while, in Hebrew, it is met with more frequently 
in later than in earlier writings ; cf. the strong examples in 
1 Chron. xiii. 2, Neh. iii. 20. 

c. 2. The one verbal-idea describes the immediate conse- 
quence of the other, or that which necessarily proceeds from 
the first ; hence, this construction is based on the more strict 
relation of subordination (see 281 f.), not, as in the pre- 
ceding case, on the more loose kind ( 2*79). And when the 
second verb is subordinated, it should properly be put as an 
accusative of the imperfect, i.e. as a subjunctive. 1 

But (a) even in this case, the Semitic languages continue 
to exhibit their original simplicity of construction, in accord- 
ance with which, by means of the progressive and stronger 
dnd (230 ff.), they may still join the first verb to the second, 
as a wholly living form, in full co-ordination, and in complete 
independence. Thus T 1 ^?. ^ K I am able and sec, Esth. 
viii. 6, because actual seeing can never be anything else than 
a consequence of the power to see. 

(5) Here, however, it is, of course, the verb which expresses 
the necessary consequence of the verbal idea that is, for the 
most part, subordinated. But since, in Hebrew, the infinitive 
is the proper form to be used when a verb is to be shortly 
summarised and subordinated, such a verb nearly always finds 
its completion in that form, and particularly the infinitive 
with i> (as in German [and English]). Thus DnW feitf / a m 
able to fight, Num. xxii. 1 1 ; rOf rQK &6 he would not, was 
unwilling (properly, had no desire to) go ; Bnar6 f he refused 
to let himself le comforted. Certainly, the infinitive may also 
be subordinated without using this f>, just as in the Latin, 
but such a construction is rare in prose ; as, Kte JHK &6 / 
know not [how] to go in, 1 Kings iii. 7 (but in ver. 1 1 with ), 
cf. Ex. xix. 12, Num. xxii. 13, 14 (where the construction 
varies) : such a simple form of the infinitive is found, for the 
most part, only in poetry, as K8W Wjfa / am wearied to lear 
[with bearing], Isa. i. 14, Jer. ix. 4, xv. 6 ; C$3r6 fKD he would 

rare ; e.g. the Sechuana, according to Casalis, p. 45 ; American Oriental 
Journal, i. p. 419. 

1 As is shown by the Ethiopic ; on the other hand, the Arabic has ac- 
customed itself to use the subjunctive only after a conjunction appropriate 
for the purpose. 



THE VERB WITH ANOTHER VERB SUBORDINATED. 75 

not le ashamed, Jer. iii. 3 ; cf. v. 3 (where there is a change 
from the simple construction to that with ?), Amos iii. 10, Job 
xiii. 3, cf. ix. 3, Isa xi. 9, cf. Hab. ii. 14 : similarly, with a 
participle, "n'JJ T'O? paratus excitare, Job iii. 8. It is still 
more rare to find the inftn. dbsol. thus subordinated, in 
poetry; see examples cited in 240 [Isa. vii. 15, 16 (but 
see, on the other hand, viii. 4), xlii. 24]. Many verbs may 
be regarded as capable either of this mode of construction, or 
of that which has been indicated in a ; such is inn to cease, 
which might well adopt the construction indicated in a, 
though in actual fact it is always construed with r 5 . 

[719] Moreover, (c) the imperfect also may be subordinated 
in this way ; it is put in its most ready form, since the 
Hebrew, in this case, has no means of distinguishing such 
an accusative; as, TO?** ^JHJ / know [how] to flatter. But 
this construction is more Arabic than Hebrew, and occurs 
only very seldom in the latter language, being used merely 
by some later poetic writers, as Job xxxii. 22, Isa. xlii. 21, 
Lam. iv. 14. 1 

d. Though, in accordance with 217&, verbs signifying to 
desist, cease, or le ashamed, are mostly construed with the 
infinitive by means of the preposition IP from, yet, since the 
meaning of the whole is pretty clear from the subordination of 
the verb in the infinitive, they may gradually also be construed, 
in a more simple manner, by means of the usual p, with the 
infinitive; as,^R?? "ijii^si / am ashamed to ask, Ezra viii. 22 ; 
a still stronger case occurs in iv. 4. 

On the contrary, when the idea of a comparison between 
two objects, a higher and a lower, is contained in the pre- 
position I*?, the infinitive also must regularly be construed 
with it ; in such a case, the more simple infinitive with ? is 



1 Also Num. xxii. 6, P133 oitf / am able to smite; here, the sudden 
transition from the first pers. sing, into the plur. finds its explanation 
in the mental condition of the speaker (who is doubtful whether he 
can accomplish the deed alone). At least it is utterly impossible, by 
changing the points, to read the word nbJ as the inf. Qal (see 170). 
But in Hebrew we cannot think of attributing the irregularity to the weak- 
ness and confusion displayed in more modern Semitic languages, which, 
instead of the singular, put the first person plural of the imperfect, merely 
on account of its greater strength. 



76 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 235. 

scarcely ever deemed sufficient, as in our modern languages ; 
thus, r\^rf? TV* small, i.e. unworthy to be among the cities of 
Judah, Mic. v. 1, luster. J of which we find elsewhere the more 
exact expression fl^no too small to be; cf. further 336&. 
The IB, on the contrary, is so essentially necessary for express- 
ing the definite idea too much (nimis), that we must even 
say rti^p ni^riD 1"| prop, it is more than that there should be 
thunders, i.e. there have been already too many thunders, 
Ex. ix. 28. 

e. Certain verbs may gradually receive a non-sensuous 
meaning of so refined a shade, as no longer to indicate any- 
thing but a relation to the action, or even the being engaged 
in the act, or the being in a state or condition ; such verbs of 
themselves require some fuller statement in order to complete 
the idea they contain. This is given especially in the shape 
of a more definite verb, or some other kind of predicate ; and 
from the fact of their needing such completion, they might be 
called incomplete verbs, just as there are, similarly, incomplete 
nouns (see 209c [examples are <&, ^, B*|, ftf, etc.]). Besides 
the substantive verb njn to be, there are used 

(1.) Verbs of acting, or living, and being in a particular time 
and position ; these the Semitic languages still prefer to retain 
in their original living form, while modern languages rather 
seek to express the ideas they represent by means of attri- 
butives [adjectives or adverbs]. 1 Such verbs, accordingly, are 
construed [720] almost wholly in the way described above, 
under a, b; as, ^n D^n he morninged, went, i.e. he departed 
early in the morning, Hos. vi. 4 ( 280c); but they also like 
to be construed with the participle, or the infinitive ; cf. 
2896. 

(2.) Verbs signifying ability, knowledge, or fitness to act; 
these also describe an action which is assumed to be possible ; 
hence they may be construed with the participle, as describing 
the circumstance still more vividly than the subordinated 

1 The Greeks often, in such cases, continue to employ a fully declined 
adjective, which gives somewhat more force and life to the expression ; as, 
os he came on the third day ; yevopevcti opdpwai, Luke xxiv. 22, 



precisely like fgtpke ; ^xvvv^oi B/otrsXot/m?, Philo against Flaccnis ii 
p. 535. 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 77 

imperfect, or even the mere infinitive (see c) : thus, }23 JH* 
one who knows how to play, 1 Sam. xvi. 1 6 ; 2B* rw he shall 
be fit to sit, Jer. xxii. 30. This construction appears most 
readily in the case of such an expression as, it is vain for you, 
which, in our modern languages, would be followed by to do 
this or that : such, indeed, is also the usual construction in 
Hebrew, though the participle also may be used, Ps. cxxvii. 2. 1 



SECOND KIND OF WORD-GROUPS. 

Words in attraction (in the construct state): 2 the Genitival and 
other similar relations. 

28 6 a. The proper completion of the noun is the construct 
state (see 208 ff., [and footnote, p. 28]); but, besides this, 
another noun may be subordinated to it in the accusative ; or 
the noun may be accompanied by another in mere co-ordina- 
tion (apposition). We have thus to inquire what form these 
three possible constructions assume ; and how, when all three 
are insufficient, it may become necessary to use a preposition 
for joining words. We shall also have to describe here the 
various uses to which the construct state is applied, as well as 
its consequences, all of which are of great importance in the 
whole arrangement of a sentence. 

1st. Extension of the chain of words. 

I. The attraction of a word (or, to use at once a briefer 
expression, the word-chain) is most necessary and strong, when 
a noun in its most proper form (i.e. as a substantive) has to 
subordinate another of like force and independence, in order 
to complete its meaning ; e.g. when house and father, or even 
son and son, are to become related. Here, co-ordination is not 

1 In Greek and Syriac also, the verb, in such cases, likes to be followed 
by the participle. 

2 [The construct state has been most fully investigated by Dr. Fried. 
W. M. Philippi in a special monograph ( Wesen und Ursprung des Status 
constructus im Hebraischen, Weimar 1871), to which advanced students 
may be at once referred.] 



78 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 286. 

enough, since this merely connects words which gradually 
explain themselves (see 293); nor is loose subordination of 
the second noun in the accusative sufficient, because such a 
relation affords no firm hold, or any close bond of connection 
between the two words ; nothing but the strict subordination 
of the second word to the first, or the formation of a word- 
chain, gives, in such a case (see 209 f.), the sense of our 
modern genitive ; as, 2Xn rva house of the father, 15rr|3 the son 
of the son. The first word of the chain is thus [721] always a 
pure substantive, or an adjective with the force of a noun, 
as, Vja fbj? the little one (or, the smallest) of his sons ; it may 
also (though this is exceptional) be an adverb endowed once 
more with the force of a substantive, as, ^DX yesterday evening 
(properly, simply evening, darkness ; from the root n?^?), in 
the language of the book of Job xxx. 3, the dark night of 
desolation and waste, i.e. the darkest desolation and waste ; cf. 
Job viii. 9 and 269d The second word is (a) an ordinary 
substantive, or (b) a pronoun which has in itself the force 
of a noun; 1 or (c) an adjective which has been raised to the 
position and power of a substantive ; or even (d) an entire 
proposition, which, in force, even surpasses the noun [as, the 
day (on which) God spake ; see 2 8 62]. 

1). If the first noun signifies action or suffering, it may refer 
to the second either (1) in such a way that the action must 
be regarded as arising from the latter (genitive of the subject), 
or (2) so that it is itself the object of the action (genitive of 
the object). The context will always readily give the special 
meaning ; modern languages, however, mostly mark the latter 
case by means of prepositions ; e.g. ^na my fear, i.e. fear which 
I have, or, fear of me; T!?? thy remembrance, i.e. which thou 
hast, or remembrance of thee ; ^3 his vexation, i.e. which he 
feels, Prov. xii. 16, Job vi. 2, or vexation regarding him, Deut. 
xxxii. 27 ; Visi his word, which he speaks, but possibly also, 
the word concerning him, Isa. xliv. 26, compared with 
xlii. 19, xlvi. 10 f.; 03^ Don the cruelty of your hands, but 
&tj the cruelty of Lebanon, which it suffers, Hab. ii. 17; 
WpP the report about Saul, 2 Sam. iv. 4 ; TPP b mourn- 
ing for an only son, Amos viii. 10 ; *3"n my way, but HJn TO 

1 [Hence, a noun with a suffix must be regarded as in the construct state 
before the pronominal fragment.] 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION: THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 79 

the way to the tree, Gen. iii. 24. The participle also has the 
force of a substantive in cases such as 'Oj? my adversaries ;* 
^np my ragcrs, i.e. my raging enemies, Ps. cii. 9 ; but 
n 7 n ! '?."!* may also mean, when the connection of the whole 
plainly requires it, the oppressors of Judah, i.e. out of Judah, 
Isa. xi. 13. 

c. Proper names are in themselves too definite and full in 
their meaning, and hence also too rigid and inflexible, to enter 
readily into such a combination as its first member. Some 
cases, however, do occur ; and these have established themselves 
mainly through their being very often used. But such nouns 
are less frequently names of persons, as in the expression 
ni&Oi' iW Jdhve of Hosts (which is also found elsewhere in the 
fuller form rrttov *rptf nin* Jahve, the God of Hosts) than names 
of towns ; as, CPriB^a n ? Gath of the Philistines, i.e. the Philis- 
tine [city] Gath (as in Latin, Ascalon Judceae), Amos vi. 2, 
JDeut. xxiii. 5, 1 Sam. xvii. 12, 1 Kings iv. 12 f. Yet it is 
not uncommon also to find here the more loose construction 
described in 292 &; cf. 1 Kings xv. 27, xvii. 9. The 
strongest possible cases of such a kind [722], however, are P^I 
"IJ?YS Damascus (the city) of Eliezer, Gen. xv. 2, Zion of the 
Holy One of Israel, Isa. Ix. 14. 2 

d. The first member of the series may merely set forth the 
relations in which the following word stands to space, number, 
existence, and nature, etc. The first word is then a purely 
mental conception with an imperfect reference, having no 
independent position, and partaking of the nature of a particle ; 
while the second is, outwardly, the most stable and important. 
The attraction between the two, when it takes place, is very 
close and strong ; but, just because the first merely describes 
a relation, it may, if still retaining a somewhat more indepen- 

1 It is clear from 282a how ^3$ my dweller, Ps. xxxi. 11, may come to have 
the meaning of one who dwells near me, my neighbour ; but the Arabic goes 
still further than this in its use of the words ^*MJJ>. he who is sitting with 
me, -JLiflj ic->.^r^> which, in their original meaning, always require such 
a reference ; cf. Tabrizi, Hamasa, p. 729. 

2 The same construction may also be used in Arabic, especially in poetry ; 

thus, we can say <Luai* his Qais, Hamasa, p. 193, second last line ; cf. 
other instances there, pp. 244, 21 ; 239, 12. 



80 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 286. 

dent meaning and extensive reference, more easily free itself 
from the construction, liberate the word subordinated, and 
assume a more unfettered position in the sentence. Under such 
imperfect nouns, as they have been already named ( 209c), 
are classed the following : 

1. The simple numerals from two to ten inclusive, also n and 
*]ta, which, as being originally nouns, are to be placed first, in 
the construct state (see 267 c,d [Ges. 120, la; Gr. 250, 
2 (2) ; Dav. 48, 5]), and hence also may be joined with 
suffixes ; thus, D'B$> *M tivo peoples, D'KO W two women, \JP 
prop, the pair of us, i.e. we two, DH'Of they two, or loth (for 
which the Aramean also has no special word), as is shown in 
267Z>, DJJB^ they three. But they may also be separated, 
and stand alone, without the closer subordination ; see further, 
267 [Ges. 120, 15, c; Gr. 250, 2 (1), (3) ; Dav. 485]. 
Of the numerals from three to ten, joined with feminine nouns, 
yiw t V^fl, Eton., and B&P are thus used, in the Old Testament, 
as constructs, only before another numeral with which they 
are closely joined, or at least before a noun which is, in some 
way or other, more closely defined, as in Ex. xxvi. 3, 9 ; and 
with these we must class nWn&P these three, Ex. xxi. 11, as 
well as the instance found in Gen. xviii. 6. Similarly, n:^p 
double, is either put in the construct state, Deut. xv. 18, or 
used adverbially, doubled ; in the latter case, it is either placed 
before the word it modifies, Jer. xvii. 18, Gen. xliii. 15, or 
after it, Ex. xvi. 22 [cf. 28"7&]. Very high numbers also 
readily take up their position after a word put in the con- 
struct state ; as, *1?K 'Tin mountains of (or to the number of) 
a thousand, Ps. 1. 10, 2 Chron. i. 6, compared with 1 Kings 
iii. 4 ; and when we find that, in poetic language, BwK rriayj 
myriads of thousands, Num. x. 36, is used interchangeably 
with nzQ"i ''S&K, Gen. xxiv. 60, it would appear that the first 
word stands in the construct state merely for the purpose of 
connecting the two (see 2"70d). 

The numeral 1H one, though mostly used as an adjective, 
may nevertheless be also subordinated to its noun, put in the 
construct state ; as, 1HK B&ato one law, Lev. xxiv. 22, ^ fl"iK 
a chest, 2 Kings xii. 10 (2 Chron. xxiv. 8), "inN nna one 
Pasha, Isa. xxxvi. 9 (2 Kings xviii 24). 

e. i>b properly all, totality, is always used only in the con- 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 8 1 

struct state, for the German [and English] all and whole; 
cf. further, 290c. And though the word, as answering to 
the idea [723] of an adjective, is sometimes also placed (in 
apposition) after the noun it modifies, the latter, which has 
been already mentioned, must again be represented in the 
suffix of f>b, since the word always continues to be a noun ; 
thus, rfc) Ttfjfe* all Israel. It is but rarely that bb, becoming 
more inflexible, is used by itself for the perfectly definite 
everything, or all, every one, Gen. viii. 21, ix. 3, xvi. 12, Jer. 
xliv. 1 2 ; then by degrees also ten, with the article, for the 
whole, all, Ps. xlix. 18, xiv. 4, Dan. xi. 2 ; cf. 290c, and 
Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 343. However, particularly where 
it is applied to persons, and means every one, it often resumes 
its original necessary reference, at least when a neuter suffix 
is assumed; thus, $3 every one (of them), Isa. i. 23, ix. 16, 
Hab. i. 9, 15, Jer. vi. 13, viii. 6, 10, xv. 10, xx. 7, 
Ps. xxix. 9. 

With these we may further class l"i multitude of, ^ fulness 
of, i.e. much, enough of; as, &fe :n much peace, nb ^ all 
power, omnipotence, J?n ^ milk enough, and some others ; 
cf. 209c. The word VnlV (which has been explained under 
258c), since it no longer means anything more than together, 
is gradually shortened, by dropping the suffix, into the simple 
"in*, which form is also found, in simple narrative, in the 
Books of Samuel, but is quite unknown in the Pentateuch 
(except in the Song, Deut. xxxiii. 5). The opposite of the 
meaning presented in this last word is given by the com- 
pound fa^p he alone (S^Sp ye, alone), prop, for his being alone, 
so that he is alone 1 (see 217^), which is always to be 
construed in this way with suffixes, if not joined with a more 
definite noun ; but it is slow to connect itself with such a 
word, and, when it does enter into the connection, always 

1 In this and all similar cases, the Arabic does not need the *?, since it 



possesses an accusative which is clear enough in itself, #Jo-, Ewald's 
Gram. Arab. 562. The Ethiopic goes still further in this, since it even 
makes such a form as gheraqeya, I naked ; see the Gotting. Gel. Anz. for 
1857, p. 1087 [Dillmann, Grammatik, 174, la; 1896]. Here, again, the 
nearest to the Hebrew is the Coptic, with its JUUmT^-TCJ, which has 
arisen from a combination of the prepositional particle en, corresponding to 
$>, with vauat (abstract of OT. one). 

P 



82 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, 286. 

seeks the help of the preposition j (which so well accords 
with its meaning, see 217&), in the way more fully 
described in 270&; hence also, ^7 occurs less readily by 
itself as a mere attributive (adverb), meaning alone. Words 
like H rfot except (see 211V) are even found quite loosely, as 
mere attributives, at the head of a proposition, or somewhere 
in it, 1 Kings iii. 18 ; but they may further also be con- 
strued with suffixes, as, SH^I except it, 1 Sam. xxi. 10. 

/. 2. Words that express some kind of existence : nouns 
which are still used elsewhere, in their full [concrete] mean- 
ing, may likewise be employed, in the same way, as purely 
mental concepts. This remark applies specially to $B3 soiU 
= independent life = self, which is used to express our self, 
Lat. ipse, where this idea would not otherwise be sufficiently 
clear (cf. 105/) ; the word is, however, still chiefly used with 
reference to animate beings, or those [724] resembling them, 
Isa. xlvi. 2, and especially with the suffixes, to express the 
reflexive ; as, H B>BJ my soul, i.e. I myself, D^'a: they themselves. 
When, however, prominence is rather to be assigned to the 
whole person, in his external appearance, "05) face of, is used 
instead; as, ^a my person, i.e. I myself, Ex. xxxiii. 14f., 
2 Sam. xvii. 11. For inanimate objects, DSy lone, body, is 
preferably used, in the same sense ; as, tPD$n Dsy heaven 
itself, Ex. xxiv. 10 ; and, when followed by fcttnn (according 
to 105/), the reference is to what precedes: the very 
same, Gen. vii. 13. 

"tyi word, affair, thing, in the construct state, often serves 
merely to form a new idea which might be presented in a 
neuter noun ; as, Dto &V "Dl. [a daily matter in a day, what 
happens daily], Ger. das tagliche, see p. 534, line 3 f.; "n^n 
nfoijj things of sins, i.e. what is iniquitous, as neut. pluf. in 
Ps. Ixv. 4. A different case is presented when (as shown in 
2*78&) it is intentionally left quite indefinite in the chain of 
words ; as, ?5?v3 "On something of mischief, something evil, 
Ps. xli. 9 ; or when it is put still more strongly, as the second 
member of the series, in such a construction as, i:n rip.? a 
nakedness of anything, or any kind of nakedness, Deut. xxiii. is, 
xxiv. 1. 

"top voice of . . . used by itself in this manner, with its 
subordinated word or particle, simply means our hark! as, 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 8 3 

^ifa bip harlc, my friend ! Cant. ii. 8, v. 2 ; in such a case, a 
verb may follow, but only under the conditions described in 
322; as, top? niir ^ip ftarfc, Ja/we ca#s / see Ps. xxix. 3-9, 
where the same construction and meaning are sustained 
throughout. Since the word, construed in such a way, may 
merely bear something of the meaning of our adverb loud, 
aloud, it may even take a preposition before it again ; . . . 
?ip> loud from the choirs of song there let them praise, Judg. 
v. 11. But, as in the cases mentioned in h below, such 
a combination of words may also be placed by itself as a 
complete proposition, at least after ^ because; as, "iBls? pip th& 
trumpet waxes loud, Job xxxix. 24. 

g. Small words which have the force of a negative merely on 
the idea presented by a noun in the singular, must, in Semitic, 
precede such noun, in the construct state, and be immediately 
followed by this governed noun, the opposite of which is 
meant to be expressed. The particles employed for this, in 
prose, are PK and W? (see 2116), the latter of which, 
however, is used only to a very limited extent (see 322); 
but in poetry, there are also used, in this way, y? and the 
very short particles tih and ?K, which, in prose, can only be 
used to negative a whole proposition, and hence have the 
force of adverbs ( 320a). These words thus correspond, in 
the construct state, to our without t or non- [in-, un-, -less'], and 
are joined, in prose, only with substantives ; as, "i3p*? pK with- 
out number [numberless, unnumbered, innumerable], 1 ""PJ pK 

1 Arabic *j> with the oblique case, and without nunnation ; see Ewald's 

/ o / 
Gram. Arab. ii. p. 45 [Wright's A rabic Grammar , ii. 39, 1]. For 



certainly forms, at first, a combination like our without doubt; and only 
afterwards, through* taking the expression by itself, does there arise from 
it the meaning of no doubt, i.e. there is no doubt. Hence, originally at least, 
the noun has been subordinated in the genitive ; this subordination, too, 
has been so strict, and the idea is, in the case when ^ not, is alone em- 
ployed, so exclusively formed by the mere juxtaposition of the words, that, 
from the influence of the ^, even the nunnation at the end is neglected. 
The English no man, no doubt, correspond pretty well to this. When the 
subordination gradually becomes more loose, and passes over into the 
accusative, this is merely the same thing as when (see 262c/) DD^K 
may finally become DSHN pX- Cf. Baidhavi on Sura xxxvii. 37, and the 
line in Hamdsa, p. 227, 16. 



84 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 286. 

without one free [725], i.e. without one being exempt, 1 Kings 
xv. 22 ; nor^D p without war, 1 Kings xxii. 1 ; D? ^3 
without water, Job viii. 1 1 ; but, in poetry, any infinitive also 
may be subordinated by these words, as, pan ptf without 
intelligence, Ps. xxxii. 9 ; also, any adjective or participle, 
as, rPBfo ^3 not anointed, 2 Sam. i. 21; JJBfJ $3 unheard, 
Ps. xix. 4; ^"'K ?wtf Nameless ( 215&). Poets may even 
avail themselves of this mode of compounding, in order to 
form, out of nouns, new adjectives (see 270c), which, how- 
ever, are for the most part used almost solely as predicates ; 
thus, b$ P one without strength, i.e. feeble, Ps. Ixxxviii. 5, 
Prov. xxv. 3, 28, xxviii. 27, Jer. v. 21, 2 Chron. xiv. 10 ; 
DK> ^3 one without name, i.e. ignolilis, Job xxx. 8 ; <"Wab? K? 
what is not for satisfaction, i.e. what cannot satisfy, Isa. Iv. 2. 
It is, however, to be observed that such combinations of words 
in a sentence may always occupy a somewhat more dependent 
position (i.e. never be used simply as the subject), in such a 
way that their connection with the rest of the words in the 
proposition throws light on their meaning in it. But a sub- 
stantive in the singular may also be subordinated more loosely 
to the sentence by means of &&a with not, i.e. without, just like 
a preposition; see Num. xxxv. 22 f., 1 Chron. xii. 17, 33, 
2 Chron. xxi. 20 ; and in poetry even tib simply, as in Job 
xii. 24, xxxiv. 24, xxxviii. 26, Ps. lix. 4, 2 Sam. xxiii. 4, 
(in prose, only 1 Chron. ii. 30, 32). 

In poetry, but only sometimes, and when special emphasis 
is intended, the simplest negative particle is prefixed to a 
noun singular, in order to form a sharp negation of the idea in 
the noun; as, ?N & a non-god, idol, Deut. xxxii. 5, 17, 21, 
Jer. xvi. 20, Amos vi. 13, 2 Chron. xiii. 9 ; with the infinitive, 
or any other form having a similar meaning, 5w [the subjective 
negative] is joined ; as, IWvR, which is exactly like the Greek 
TO fjirj 6vr)(TKiv, immortality, Prov. xii. 28, xxx. 31 ; cf. the 
expression SK? D 11 ^ bring to nought, els fjirjSev, Job xxiv. 25. 

h. The whole family of particles (more fully discussed in 
299a) which, without being verbs, yet have their meaning, 
and which may therefore be briefly designated nominal-verbs, 
consists of nouns (except such words as nan behold, and n> 
where?) originally in the construct state, which require their 
proper complement; see 262 [Ges. 100, 5 ; Gr. 236 J 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 85 

They may also be combined with one another in order to repre- 
sent more exactly the idea intended ; thus, in 1 Sam. xxi. 9, 
"?. PS? more precisely indicates what is elsewhere more briefly 
expressed by the simple pK (see 213e) ; a similar combina- 
tion is "tfV ''pSX there is none besides, Zeph. ii. 15, Isa. xlvii. 8, 
10, * being the mark of the construct state (see 211& [Ges. 
90, 3a; Gr. 218 ; Dav. 17, 1] ; cf. 2 Sam. ix. 3. Hence 
also, B?. by itself, in an [726] incomplete proposition, means 
no more than existence of ; but the whole of them may also 
be regarded as forming separate propositions, as we have 
already seen in the similar case of ^ip ( / above) ; and ^, as 
the particle which indicates simple existence, or affirms that 
a thing is not wanting, is now only used in this way, quite 
independently, as in the proposition 07? ^ there exist (or 
there are) men. For further details, see 299a, 321. 

i. 3. Lastly, substantives which, similarly, only in a quite 
general sense define the place, time, or kind and manner of 
the expression which follows, may be placed, in the construct 
state, before an entire proposition ; as, rttrP "i2n DV3 on the day 
God spake, i.e. on the day on which (or when) God spake ; 
ny time when, i.e. at the time when, Ex. vi. 28, 1 Sam. xxv. 
15, Job vi. 17, xxix. 2, Ps. xlix. 66, Ivi. 4, Jer. ii. 17, 
Ezek. xxvii. 34; iffni? & "iBte "nyity on account of the thing 
that, i.e. because, they did not anticipate, Deut. xxiii. 5 ; cf. 
222a, above, and 332c, d, below. 

287a. II. The exact opposite of the constructions hitherto 
described, in which essentially dissimilar elements are con- 
nected, and one substantive acts forcibly on another, is formed 
by the complement of a substantive, in the shape of a word 
which merely describes its character or its contents. Such 
additions, viewed with regard to their meaning, are much 
more loosely connected with the substantive round which they 
are gathered, and which, in meaning, must always remain the 
leading word. Hence, 

1. If an adjective or a pronoun be joined with its sub- 
stantive, for the purpose of rendering the latter more definite, 
the former is regularly co-ordinated, not subordinated to the 
other ; cf. 293a. Of course, by making a further extension 
of its use, the construct state might be employed for the 
purpose of forming a closer connection between the following 



86 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 237. 

adjective and its substantive, 1 and some few initiatory steps 
in this direction have, certainly, been taken by the Semitic 
languages also ; but these have always been more in the line 
of making such completions follow somewhat -loosely, than in 
the way of forming a close connection by means of the con- 
struct state. The rare instances of this description, in which 
the construct state is used in Hebrew, seem to belong merely 
to the somewhat later stages of the language, when it was 
becoming less steady in its character; and they are almost 
wholly confined to the definite mode of expression, in which 
the article, instead of being twice employed (see 293a), is 
prefixed only to the adjective following ; while the noun, 
just because it stands without the article, is more closely 
attached to the succeeding word, and the article, thus placed 
between the two, binds them more firmly together. Such is 
the case when the number of a year is given ; as, W'inn n^2 
in the fourth year, Jer. xxxii. 1 (Kethiti), xlvi. 2, li. 59, 
2 Kings xvii. 6, while, in other places, we find instead 
rpyznn n:^3 (compare, however, the positions of n^ [727] 
under kindred circumstances, as shown below, in &); also, 
when ideas frequently recur together ; as, p^L 1 } nnton Tj-VTa in 
the good and upright way, 1 Sam. xii. 23] ; N?^ &1 the innocent 
blood, Jer. xxii. 17, Deut. xix. 13, which occurs along with 
^ &$, and (without the article) ^J &% Deut. xxi. 8 f. ; 
nViraan \3xn early figs, Jer. xxiv. 2. 2 Besides what has now 
been mentioned, it is chiefly ideas often used, such as great, 
"bad, etc., that enter into these and other looser constructions 
(see 2936), which are rather more frequently met with 
in later poets than in earlier writers ; thus, n2n non Great 
Hamath, Amos vi. 2 (for the name of the city, under other cir- 
cumstances, is written fiDn, see 1*7 3d) ; R70 aoa a large ravine, 
Zech. xiv. 4 (cf. 146/) ; to} rva large 'house, 2 Kings 
xxv. 9, cf. Jer. lii. 13 ; 113 ^n strong force, 2 Kings xviii. 17, 
Isa. xxxvi. 2, these nouns, of course, being of such a character 
that their root-vowel is readily shortened (see 146e) ; ''1&&? 
O'jn evil angels, Ps. Ixxviii. 49 ; VI \W sore vexation, Eccles. 

1 Like the Indo- Germanic compounds maharajd, great king, etc. ; or 
rather, as the fa (^\ [izafat], in Persian, joins adjectives. 

2 Also more briefly and simply imaa, in the singular, a being changed 
into i ; see 155/, ISSg. 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 8 7 

i. 13, v. 13. To this category also belongs the construction 
rnD "TP21 nzo a blow without ceasing, i.e. a continuous stroke, 
Isa. xiv. 6, but probably not the expression &WJ '5?tM, Isa. 
xvii. 10, as if it meant pleasant plants} Where the adjective, 
though without the article, nevertheless possesses in itself the 
force of a definite word, the genitival relation is, of course, 
admissible ; as, tPiljJ B^pB the place of the holy one, i.e. the holy 
place, Eccles. viii. 10, ^fopfip^B Dip the place of so and so 
(the speaker omitting more definite mention of the name, as no 

longer necessary to the narrative, like \ j. \ j *UU <j), 2 Kings 

vi. 8 ; cf. 332c. The union-vowel <u r is indeed still used 
pretty freely ; but, as the old remains of what is, properly 
speaking, no longer a living form, its [occasional] employment 
cannot at once be taken as a model and rule. 

This possibility of using the construct state to join an adjec- 
tive [with its noun] attains fuller development only when the 
adjective is placed after its substantive, like a neuter, so as 
simply to present the idea it contains, and thus in as short a 
form as possible, without any further indication of gender and 
number ; whereas, in the Indo-Germanic, when combined in 
this way, it precedes its noun. This brief construction is occa- 
sionally met with, at least among the poetic writers, particularly 
when the most general adjectival-ideas good, lad, little, and such 
like, are employed ; by such a combination, however [728], which 
is still more rare than those already mentioned, the adjective 
receives somewhat greater prominence ; examples are Sten ^ 
the lest wine, Cant. vii. 1 ; V 1 ] n^N lad woman, or most wicked 
woman, Prov. vi. 24; cf. ii. 9, 12, 14, xxiv. 25, Ps. xxi. 4, 
xciv. 13, Jer. v. 28 ; jtojan "93 the smallest vessels, Isa. xxii. 
24; N!?O ' most abundant water, Ps. Ixxiii. 10; JJTK nhru 

1 A rendering more suitable for the context is, plantation of Adonises 
(i.e. strange gods) ; pjp was probably a name of the Syrian Adonis, and 
only afterwards used as a name for men among the Syrians and Arabs, as 
the river near Accho [Acre], called Belus, which is pretty nearly synony- 
mous, is still so called; see Seetzen's Travels, ii. p. 101 [Stanley's Sinai 
and Palestine, p. 328]. Whether Dpfpp in Ezek. xii. 24 (cf. xiii. 7) is in 
the construct state, might be open to question, but the cases in xxiii. 14, 
xxiv. 12, are more plain. In Neo-Hebraic, cases like few ""bp^N are 
possible ; M. Megilla iv. 8. 



88 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, 237. 

everlasting streams, Ps. Ixxiv. 15 ;* also Isa. xxviii. 1, 4, on 
which see 289a. The words ?& the right, and *?&& the left, 
may. certainly, have been originally adjectives ; but, on account 
of the more easy combination by means of the construct state, 
they have now merely the force of substantives which are 
to be subordinated (or even to be used alone) ; as, P;n T the 
right hand, pjn flw the right leg. 

c. 2. Ideas which, in accordance with the form which the 
Hebrew language, in the course of its development, has actually 
assumed, are most easily expressed by means of attributives 
(adverbs), or compounds formed by using prepositions, or in 
some other similar way, are more often put merely in the out- 
ward form of co-ordination with their noun, than subordinated 
to it by a closer bond of connection. Simple co-ordination takes 
place when prepositions are used, as in the case, ^ *rn$ my 
help in me, i.e. my inward help (because such an idea as inward 
would need to be expressed otherwise with much greater pro- 
lixity), Job vi. 13, cf. iv. 21, xx. 2, Hab. ii. 4, Isa. xix. 3 ; 
moreover, in the expression Paja "O S K my foes against the soul, 
i.e. my mortal enemies, Ps. xvii. 9, cf. Ezek. xxv. 6, 15. Very 
many attributives are thus co-ordinated in their shortest 
possible form. In prose, indeed, it is only certain constantly 
recurring words which are found thus employed, especially na/in 
much (see 280c); as, na/in D^y logs [pieces of wood] much, 
i.e. many logs, Isa. xxx. 3 3 ; *!$> nann own very many spices, 
1 Kings x. 1 ; and >' little, as, # &VJK few people, Neh. 
ii. 12 ; By &6 D?i3 not a few nations, Isa. x. 7. This BV, 
however, because it was originally a substantive ( 147), also 
very frequently, and much more readily than nann (see 
280c), assumes the construct state and subordinates a word 
succeeding it; as, &?& W? parum aquae, BO'n BVD a little (of" 
honey, i&tirn BJflp the few sheep, 1 Sam. xvii. 28. The difference 
between the two constructions, then, is this, that a word which 
signifies a thing, or one of the lower animals, is more easily 
subordinated than a word applied to men. The poetic writers, 
on the other hand, everywhere make large use of this brief 
and easy method of construction ; as, DFi ja the stone dumb, 

1 Cf. a similar usage in Arabic ; see Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 29; and 
p !?3 white clothes, M. Ta'anith, iv. 8. 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 89 

i.e. the dumb stone, Hab. ii. 19 (cf. 204) ; naa vfa Cash 
secure (careless), i.e. the careless Gush, Ezek. xxx. 9 ; ^nnry 
ion l our help vain, i.e. our vain help, Lam. iv. 1 7, and the fre- 
quently occurring expressions ">i?B> "O^N or 03H "O^K my groundless 
foes, i.e. foes who have no grounds for their enmity, Ps. xxxv. 
19, Ixix. 5, Lam. iii. 52 ; cf. further, 2916. 

d. Besides this, however, there is also found the closer con- 
struction, which is (1st) readily employed before attributives ; 
as in tW Via few people, Deut. xxvi. 5, xxviii. 62 ; TBn nb'y 
continual sacrifice, Num. xxviii. 5, near which [729], in ver. 3, 
we find T'pri ^piy ; EJ 1 ? ^l blood shed causelessly, 1 Kings ii. 
31, besides which we find the sing. &jn D 1 ^ innocent blood 
1 Sam. xxv. 31 ; (2d) also when there follows an idea which 
is to be expressed by prepositions, or some other similar 
means ; as, ^'">i?P S 'T>?* a god from near, or pn-jp ^N a god from 
afar, i.e. a god coming from some place near, or from afar, 
Jer. xxiii. 23, cf. Prov. vii. 19 ; njbv TO7DD the kingdoms to 
the north (see 216, [Ges. 90, 2 ; Gr. 219 ; Dav. 17, 3]), 
i.e. the northern kingdoms, Jer. i. 15, xxiii. 8. Such words 
are actually very closely connected in meaning ; still more 
closely connected are the elements in the expression W3 ^? 
according to sufficiency in us, i.e. as far as we were able, Noh. 
v. 8 (from *!, 209c) ; TO rjE& fo/b r{ > / rom ^'s ( 183a), *.e. 
hitherto, formerly, Neh. xiii. 4. But if the construct state 
were always employed in this way, its use would be extended 
far beyond its most natural province (see 210) ; hence, since 
the close construction is not necessary in this case, other laws 
of language also come in and exert their combined influence. 
On this, see 2896. 

e. 3. A substantive remains loosely co-ordinated with the 
[other] substantive when, though more closely specifying the 
meaning of the first, it is essentially so like it, that both might 
be mutually related as subject and predicate, or that the second, 
as such, might form the predicate of a relative clause ; thus, 
7|?an in David the king, where [the name] David is more 

1 [Philippi shows, against Nagelsbach, Delitzsch, and Hupfeld, that, in 
such cases, the second noun is an accusative of closer specification, and not 
a genitive governed by the first noun, whose subordinating force is con- 
tinued beyond its suffix. (Status constructus, pp. 13, 14, and footnote.) 
See also 291a and footnote.] 



90 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 287. 



"before the mind of the speaker, or "TO ^n King David, where 
the idea of kingship is the nearer; see further under 293^ 
But this construction is also capable of being applied in a 
more loose, as well as in a more stringent form. Thus : 

(a) In the looser application, there is joined [with the prin- 
cipal noun] a substantive which at the same time refers to the 
whole proposition, and this in such a way that, in modern 
languages, we use as (like) to explain the relation ; hence also 
it stands more freely in the sentence. Though, in the Hebrew, 
it may also be introduced by ? (see 217^), it is usually 
added [to the chief noun] simply as it is in itself ; thus, they 
lend their tongue Bfif like their low, Jer. ix. 2 ; my mother 
has lorn me fft tJ^K as a man of contention for the whole 
earth, Jer. xv. 10. 

(Z>) In the closer application made of it, and position assigned 
to it, a substantive is perhaps co-ordinated because there is no 
corresponding adjective, while subordination would not afford 
a correct meaning ; as, rfera rnjtt puella virgo, 1 Kings i. 1 ; 
cf. 2 Sam. xv. 16, xx. 3 ; D*6f> D'rnr thank-offerings, Ex. 
xxiv. 5 ; n$j3 nih a marksman, archer, i.e. a marksman skilled 
in using the bow, Gen. xxi. 20, cf. 1 Kings v. 29, Neh. 
iv. 11. Moreover, in this case, different numbers and genders 
may be conjoined ; as, '"tDvari D^n^n the Jews, the remnant, i.e. 
the Jews who had been spared, Nell. i. 2, cf. ver. 3 ; ^"W 
niTnlft cities, separate places, i.e. separate cities, Josh. xvi. 9. 

Two such substantives, however, constantly manifest so 
strong a tendency to unite inseparably with one another, that 
every [730] language gradually begins to form a closer connec- 
tion between some words of this kind ; thus, there occurs in the 
construct state rna iru [the river of Euphrates'], which would 
exactly answer to the Ger. der Euphratstrom (like Rhine- 
stream), also Dnp p terra JZgypti, land of Egypt, Ger. 
^gyptenland ; n^Jpn &?> the tribe of Manasseh, where the 
article is joined with the proper name Manasseh only because 
of this construction (see 2906) ; also ii s ? rm daughter (i.e. a 
poetic title of honour for city) of Zion ; feinn nn ? the chief pilot, 
Jonah i. 6. 1 For the same reason we can only say, 1^3 psn 

1 That the expression cannot mean the master of the mariners, is further 
evident from the fact that the mere DTl?D mariners (sailors) are very 
clearly distinguished from the D^Sh in Ezek. xxvii. 8, 9, 27-29. 



WORDS IX ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 91 

the land of Canaan, Num. xxxiv. 2 ; p s ? nan tlie daughter of 
Zion, Lam. ii. 13 (in this latter passage, however, the article 
likewise serves as an interjection; see 327<x). To the same 
category belongs the expression B'nnn ^N, which is the same 
as our merchant-men, 1 Kings x. 14 (2 Chron. ix. 14). 

/. A substantive which does not admit of being thus co- 
ordinated must, of course, be subordinated to the preceding 
noun, which takes the construct state, though the second 
merely serves, by a circumlocution, to describe a property of 
the first, and hence also is always, in itself, without the article 
(cf. 290a). Such constructions are all the more frequently 
formed, because derivative adjectives are rare, or altogether 
wanting in the Semitic languages (see 2096 [Ges. 106; 
Gr. 254c]); thus, ^n ina hero of power, i.e. a powerful 
hero, Judg. xi. 1 ; ^HD BK, man of contentions, i.e. a conten- 
tious one ; from many nouns there are no adjectives derived 
at all, hence we must use the construct state in ft? jVitf chest 
of wood, i.e. wooden ; ^DD WK idols of silver, silver idols ; |t?5 V.? 
children of the womb, i.e. uterine children ; ta rnj; assembly of 
God, i.e. divine assembly, Ps. Ixxxii. 1 ; TyKfl ntotao the 
kingdoms of the idols, i.e. the idolatrous kingdoms, Isa. x. 1 ; 
such words as God and idols, in the last two examples, being 
abbreviated as much as possible, so as to serve merely as the 
description of a property. Or, the adjectives, [if they do exist], 
indicate persons acting, and are not used with reference to 
things ; as, P^V just, ^"lij holy ; hence, p"TC "TO sacrificia juris, 
{.Q.jiista ; BH'p yusi vestes sanctitatis, i.e. sacrce. And many ideas, 
such as numerable (i.e. easy to look over, small in number), 
readily enter into numerous combinations, in exact accordance 
with this mode of linking words together; as, "ispl? ^x men 
of number, i.e. capable of being counted. 

Through this lack of common adjectives, it has also come 
about that abstract or neuter nouns are frequently subordi- 
nated to general names of persons, or nouns which indicate 
the possessor, origin, derivation; these nouns are combined 
thus: (1) frequently with t^K man; as, "Wfo B^N vir formce, 
i.e. formosus [731], 1 Sam. xvi. 1 8 ; & s ~] J"? t^K vir verborum t 
.i.e. facundus, Ex. iv. 10. (2) Often with ^3 master, owner; 
as, O^fn ^3, having words (a complaint), i.e. a complainant, 
Ex. xxiv. 14; HiDpn pyn having dreams, i.e. one who dreams 



EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 237. 



much, Gen. xxxvii. 1 9 ; IWpB fe one who keeps the oversight, 
i.e. an officer in charge, Jer. xxxvii. 13 ; rriQDX vJB possessed 
tf fittings, i.e. well fitted, Eccles. xii. 11. (3) With |3 sow, for 
the purpose of indicating derivation, or even any other kind of 
special reference ; as, fltonjjn \33 sons of guarantees, i.e. hostages, 
2 Kings xiv. 14; ^D \33 sows of wealth, i.e. wealthy, Deut. 
iii. 18 ; nten-}3 a son of beating, deserving to be beaten, Deut. 
xxv. 2, 1 Sam. xx. 31 ; n ^"i? son of a night, produced in a 
night and depending on it, Jonah iv. 10. In such construc- 
tions, also, poetic writers venture on much that is novel, as in 
Isa. v. 1, Eccles. xii. 11. In Aramaic, it is the last-mentioned 
construction that is most frequently used : it is employed for 
the purpose of forming a word indicating a unit, or individual, 
a class in which the language, in accordance with its ancient 
character (see 1*7 6 a), still continues very poor. Thus also, 
in the later Hebrew of the more lofty style, there is formed 
the expression tfj?"! 3 . an individual man, hence, in the plur. 
D"i "02 men; and further, in accordance with the same 
Aramean and Neo-Hebraic usage, %P H3 a voice, plur. ?iP rriaa 
voices, and the poetic Wn nfo3 singing voices, Eccles. xii. 4. 1 

g. The subordinated noun may also describe the relation of 
the individual [part] to the whole [genus], the figurative to 
the actual : D*JK NT??, the anointed of [or, among] men, i.e. the 
anointed, and no other among men ; &!$ rtoK poor of men, i.e. 
the poor, and no other men ; D*JK TOf the offering of men, i.e. 
those who offer, men actually offering; all these expressions, 
however, formed after the model of the above - mentioned 
DlK 'OS sons of men, are rather merely poetic, Mic. v. 4, 
Isa. xxix. 19, Hos. xiii. 2 ; D1K fcOB a wild ass of a man, 
i.e. a very wild man, Gen. xvi. 12, Prov. xv. 20, xxi. 20; 
Ytff* K^B a wonder of a counsellor, i.e. a wonderful counsellor, 
Isa. ix. 5 ; ^3 syriD an abomination of a people, which is a 
very strong expression for an abominable people, Isa. xlix. 7 ; 
DV rp"i2i a covenant (i.e. means of union) of people, i.e. a media- 
torial nation, Isa. xlix. 8, xlii. 6, Ps. Ixviii. 3 1. 2 In every 
such case it is essential that the subordinate noun should 
assume the indefinite form of construction (i.e. remain without 
the article), at least in the first instance ; however, "i^nn 7pn 



1 See the Jahrbiicher der Ubl Wissenschaften, iii. p. 123. 

2 Of. narasiriha (male lion), naravjahra (male tiger), in Sanskrit. 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION: THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 93 

may signify the inner court, 1 Kings viii. 64, inasmuch as 7|JR 
alone has a similar meaning already, Isa. Ixvi. 17. 

h. But it is not very strange that many a substantive, 
whose meaning indicates merely the extent, number, or time, 
or even the contents of the first, and which, accordingly, is 
most easily subordinated, somewhat loosely, after the fashion 
of an adjective, should gradually disengage itself from the 
closer combination, of which it forms the second member, and, 
by renouncing the construct state, enter into a freer kind of 
subordination ; in actual fact, this looser species of construc- 
tion has [732] already been very largely developed in the 
Hebrew. Thus, BOB ^]V a foal of a wild ass, i.e. a wild ass's 
colt, Job xi. 12; besides the expression "ispE ^K already 
treated of (see above, /), there is also found "ispo D^pj few 
days, Num. ix. 20 ; D'BJ DV?JP two years, days (i.e. of time), 
an expression which is nearly equivalent to the Ger. zwei 
Jahre lany, for (the space of) two years ; CW j/ttt? a week's 
time, 2JH DW' JD$ seven years (of) famine, 2 Sam. xxiv. 13, 
cf. Gen. xli. 29; ^V D^fiin fc&D two fists full (of) toil (see 
209c), Eccles. iv. 6 [Judg. vi. 38], cf. 2 Kings v. 17; 
PJT^3 nnty'N a grove [of] any kind of wood whatever, Deut. 
xvi. 21, 2 Kings iv. 2, Eccles. ii. 7; "i$f B'^K, rams (i.e. 
fleeces of) wool, 2 Kings iii. 4 ; ""^pD nfeW? a w0r& o/ artf [of] 
something curled, i.e. something artificially curled, Isa. iii. 24. 
Even such constructions as the following occur : niorte nia >*n 
a power (i.e. a host) o/ warriors, 2 Chron. xiii. 3, xiv. 8, cf. 
1 Chron. xxix. 3 ; 7") ">ij? o^e?i (of) pasture, i.e. which were at 
pasture, 1 Kings v. 3, and fn? D)O water (of) affliction, which is 
to be understood figuratively, 1 Kings xxii. 27, Isa. xxx. 20 ; 
as also njJTW |^ wme (of) reeling, i.e. producing reeling, Ps. Ix. 5. 1 
Hence, the second noun may easily be separated from the 

1 On the other hand, in Cant. viii. 2, the sense of the passage requires 
that the words npin pB should be taken in a connected series, and as 
simply meaning of the wine of spice (i.e. of spiced wine, the best wine). 
The construct state of this word is, certainly, elsewhere, and even in Cant, 
vii. 10, always written pj but there are also some other very rare instances 
in which the Massoretes have left i instead of putting i when a word 
is attracted (see 21 Ic, note) ; and in the Mishna (for instance, Sheqalini 
iv. 4) pig is thrice left thus in the construct state. Cf. however, the 
Jahrbiicher der bibl. Wissensch. viii. p. 172. 



94 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 237. 



first by one or more words ; as, &^n rnfcn D^pBD stores in the 
field (of) wheat, Jer. xli. 8 ; nsntp rn|>3 -\V2 fl es li (of) what has 
been torn in the field, Ex. xxii. 30, cf. Deut. vi. 10f., 
xxviii. 36, 64; D?D . . . fcaisn ^ flood . . . (of) water, Gen. 
vii. 6, cf. vi. 17 ; ?Vv3 . . . "i:n a won . . . (of) wickedness, 
Deut. xv. 9, cf. viii. 15, Judg. vi. 25: nay more, the dis- 
course may also be resumed in this way, after a considerable 
interruption, and briefly concluded, Deut. xvii. 8. Especially 
must the more close specification of the thing intended be 
repeated, in this way, somewhat loosely, after no what, or 
*W?$ which, what, as in German ; thus, njn njnfHD what shall 
happen (of) evil [Ger. was geschehen ivird ubles~\, or, what evil 
shall happen, Eccles. xi. 2, Esth. vi. 3 ; P^a . . . "i^N which, . . . 
of ruinous, i.e. whatsoever (that is) ruinous, 2 Kings viii. 12, 
xii. 6. See further, 2900, 293e. 

i. It is enough to put the noun indicating the contents of a 
number, or measure, in the singular simply, and without the 
article (according to 2795), at the end, provided the first- 
mentioned noun gives the meaning of a plural; hence, we 
may not merely say npp D^p vhw three measures (of) meal, 
Gen. xviii. 6, but also JJK B*?B n V?1^ four rows (of) stone, i.e. 
stones, Ex. xxviii. 17, 1 Kings vii. 12, instead of which 
construction, however, there is also used interchangeably *]*D 
in the construct state, 1 Kings vi. 36, Ex. xxxix. 10 [733]. 
Similarly, in certain frequently-occurring combinations, even 
the name of the measure is omitted, when it is quite evident, 
from the mention of the material, what is intended ; as, ?&? 
pound, shekel ; ft&$ bushel, ephah ; ">33 piece, talent : thus, 
Dnyb> e>t? six (ephahs of) barley, Euth iii. 15; *]D3 D^P 
thirty (pounds, shekels of) silver , Zech. xi. 12, cf. 1 Sam. 
xvii. 1*7. 

In particular, the numerals which indicate the tens (see 
267c [Ges. 120, 2 ; Gr. 250, 2; Dav. 48, 5]), as 
being indeclinable words, always place the noun in free sub- 
ordination ; moreover, in their case, as well as in that of all 
numbers higher than ten, the singular of the thing subordinated, 
to which reference has just been made, is readily accepted as 
sufficient ; thus, fi^K B'n^y twenty men (corresponding to the 
Ger. zwanzig mann, or the Eng. ten pound, cf. 1 Kings xx. 16), 
^3^ seventy thousand burden-bearers, 2 Chron. ii. 17; 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 9 5 

this singular is also continued though the numeral still 
remains in the construct state ; as, nj&? ns?p a hundred years. 
For, since the idea of mere multitude continues to be asso- 
ciated with the word in the plural (see 176, 179 c, 3l7a), 
the Semitic, following its finer instinct, 1 delights in so dis- 
tinguishing between the numbers 2-10 and those which are 
higher, that, while the object is joined with the former in 
the proper plural form, it is combined with the latter in its 
rigid [i.e. undeclined] state ; hence, with the former, the idea of 
the individual is rendered much more prominent. However, 
just as we also find, though more rarely, such a combina- 
tion as ^N n"TO ten thousand, Ezek. xlv. 1, a like case, even 
with a number under ten, in Ex. xvi. 22, and (at least in the 
Kethib} njtf nabtf eight years, 2 Kings viii. 17, so also, the 
plural occurs in combination with the higher numbers, Ex. 
xxvi. 19, xxxvi. 24f. But adjectives which, in this connec- 
tion, have once come to occupy the place and fulfil the 
functions of substantives, may more conveniently be retained 
in the plural, Gen. xviii. 24, 28. As in 290/, the article 
is still attached, not to the numeral, but to the object, Zech. 
xi. 12, 15, Judg. vii. 6-8, 16, xviii. 16 f., Deut. ix. 25, 
1 Chron. xxvii. 15, 2 Chron. xxv. 9; see, however, Josh, 
iv. 4. A singular noun, in this construction, is followed by 
the co-ordinated adjective, either in strict agreement (accord- 
ing to 293), 1 Sam. xxii. 18, Judg. xviii. 17, or more 
loosely in the plural, Judg. xviii. 16, cf. 1 Kings i. 5, xx. 30, 
with verse 16, Cant. iv. 4. 

If the chain of words is broken, in the way indicated 
in h, i, the noun which is left more loosely at the 
end either falls simply into the accusative, as the free 
subordination of a noun, or (in accordance with 293c) 
by a still freer construction, it may simply continue the 
same case already given in the first. In the Arabic, 
which presents the three cases more clearly, these two 
possible constructions are more precisely distinguished ; 2 

1 This tendency has been very fully and strongly developed in the Arabic 
especially. 

2 On this subject, see the treatise in the Nachrichten der Gott. Gel. Anz. 
1857, pp. 98-112. The Ethiopic, like the Arabic, may have simple co- 
ordination ; as, seduse 'elathe, a series of six days, Jubil. ix. 1, x. 1 (but 



96 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 287. 

while the Hebrew and the Aramaic, on the other hand, 
have no clear perception of finer distinctions such as 
these. The plainest proof of this is the fact that, in 
these cases, for the sake of distinctness, the language 
readily avails itself of the aid afforded by the prepo- 
sition 3 (see 217/); as, tnwa nforio gifts in men, con- 
sisting in men, Ps. Ixviii. 19, and n ^?, 3l7c. 
Tc. Since (as stated 269a) there are no adjectives [i.e. 
ordinal forms] [734] for numbers above ten, the number, in 
the form which it usually assumes with the object, is sub- 
ordinated to the construct state of the latter ; as, &*#pnn r\w 
rut? the year of the fifty years, i.e. which can originate only 
through fifty years, hence, the fiftieth year, Lev. xxv. 1 f. 
But briefer constructions are frequently resorted to : either 
this construct state is omitted, so that the precise meaning is 
decided by the context; as, D^ "W ntjWa on the fourteenth 
day, cf. Gen. xiv. 4 ;* or the last noun is omitted, though the 
gender of the numeral remains the same, a mode of con- 
struction which afterwards became more and more prevalent, 
and was adopted by all numbers, as, Bv5? iwa in the third 
year, prop, in the year (of) three; hence, this last mode of 
expression can once more be rendered definite by employing 
the article, as, 5H$n r\M the seventh year, Deut. xv. 9. But 
sometimes also, even in the case of numbers under ten, the 
more exact meaning is to be inferred from the mere subordi- 
nation ; as, &^J fiB^BJp in three days, i.e. on the third day, 
Ex. xix. 15 ; compare with this the more precise expression 
in vers. 11, 16, and even without this 9, 2 Sam. xx. 4. The 
most distinct of such formulae is the construction ntpsp Di*n 
D'tojn to-day the three days, i.e. to-day is the third day, i.e. the 
day before yesterday, 1 Sam. ix. 20, instead of which, finally, 
we have the still briefer construction nsw Di s n, 1 Sam. 
xxx. 13. 

also p. 12, line 7 from bottom) ; and in Syriac also, this construction may 
be employed in poetry, ^ ..j ]^n. p a covering (of) brass and iron^ 
Knos, Chrest. p. 88, 4. But it is only the most rugged of modern languages 
that make use of such an expression as girdle-leather for leathern girdle f 
see Gabelentz, Melon. Spr. p. 24. 

1 The mode of expressing such numbers in the old Persian inscriptions 
of Bagastan is very similar. 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION: THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 97 

When the looser subordination thus forces in, instead of 
the construct state, the noun, subordinated and attached in 
this looser manner, takes its place in the series, as usual (see 
also li), in such a rigid and inflexible form, that it is slow 
to enter anew into the construct state in relation to a noun 
following: this is shown, not merely in cases like snj n3 DTIKD 
two hundred shields (of) gold, 2 Chron. ix. 15, but in far more 
striking instances, Esth. ix. 30. Yet sometimes cases exhibiting 
the opposite of this rigid arrangement continue to occur; as, 
'rnin te~i ten thousand laws of mine, Hos. viii. 12 (where the 
singular nnin is accounted for only on the ground of what is 
stated in i), and iSN nn a glow of anger of his, Isa. xlii. 25 
(see h). 

I. To still another peculiar class, under the present cate- 
gory, belongs natt'p in the sense of a second place (see 160) 
or second grade (dignity), i.e. inferior worth. Although, in 
accordance with this meaning, the word was originally sub- 
ordinated to a noun in the construct state, as, "UB'tsri ML!^ the 
priests of the second class, i.e. under priests, 2 Kings xxiii. 4, 
it afterwards not merely disengaged itself from this closer 
construction (as shown in Ji), as in nais^p T'yn the lower [part 
of the] city, Neh. xi. 9, but also, in the sense of a subordinate, 
i.e. a man of second rank, governs another noun in the con- 
struct state ; thus, Sjfen n ?.fP the subordinate (i.e. substitute, or 
representative) of the king [735], 2 Chron. xxviii. 7 ; ^TOO his 
second, i.e. his younger brother, 1 Sam. xvii. 13. It even 
becomes at last exactly an adjective in form, and hence takes 
the plural ending after a plural noun ; as, D^Bipn DrrnK ^ e { r 
under [i.e. younger] brothers, 1 Chron. xv. 18. 1 

288a. III. Any participle or adjective may be restricted in 
its reference, just like a noun, by any substantive following. 
Whenever the verb [from which the participle is derived], for 
any reason, loosely subordinates the accusative of a noun (see 
299 ff.), the closer subordination by means of the construct 
state is here [i.e. in the case of the participle] not merely in 
every instance possible, but even always primarily suggests 
itself ; for what, in the case of the verb, is the accusative, is, 

1 With an exact correspondence in meaning, ^j likewise takes the 
form of a substantive ; Hamasa, p. 257, 3 ff. 

G 



98 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 288. 

in the case of the noun, the construct state ; l nay more, in 
the close subordination by means of the construct state, there 
is readily shown greater boldness than in the subordination 
formed by means of the accusative, which is more of an 
external and formal character. Yet, even in the case now 
under consideration, the looser construction also, by means 
of the accusative, is not an unnatural one for the substantive 
which forms the second member [see Ges. 135]: it may 
be employed with the participle, inasmuch as the latter 
represents its verb ; and with the adjective, inasmuch as the 
idea which it represents is further denned, though in a merely 
external way, by other ideas akin to it (see 2 7 9 a). Hence, 
in the present case, a most essential element, in the choice 
between the closer and the more loose subordination, is the 
special relation in which the speaker is inclined to place two 
such associated ideas ; but this depends, again, partly on the 
meaning of the discourse, partly on mere convenience in the 
arrangement of words in the sentence. Hence the following 
different cases : 

1. Participles of active verbs : ^^y^. ^H^ amantes Dei ; 
D^y TKB enlightening the eyes, Ps. xix. 8 ; *JJnte ^ those 
who eat at thy table,, i.e. of thy food, 1 Kings ii. 7 ; "W S K2 
those who enter in at the gate ; "Vy *&f egredientes (or egressi} 
urbem ; ?iN$ TT going down (or, when the context requires it, 
gone) to Hades ; 3D 'IDS? those who turned aside to what is false , 
Ps. xl. 5, since these verbs of motion are used with a direct 
accusative (see 282c?) ; bolder are the poetic constructions, 
""?? ^ crawling in the dust, i.e. serpents, Deut. xxxii. 24, 
Mic. vii. 17 ; "1JP. ''SDbJ lying in the grave, Ps. Ixxxviii. 6, 
evil 10. The absolute state occurs more frequently with the 
accusative only when the participle has more of a verbal force 
(see 168c, 200&), but not necessarily even then, as Hos. 
iii. 1, Cant. iii. 8, Jer. xvii. 26, xx. 10, cf. 1 Kings xx. 40, 
according to the points. 

Similarly, even before the accusatival particle itself 
(see 2 7 7^), the construct state may be retained ; as, 
'fiK 'rng'b those who serve me, Jer. xxxiii. 22 ; in ordinary 
speech, however, this is not possible. 

b. 2. Participles from passive verbs, construed in different 
1 [See footnote, p. 28.]- 



WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 9 9 



ways ; as, \>W "Wn clothed in sackcloth, n3*n jftVQ broken in pieces, 
Deut. xxiii. 2, where the substantive would be the second 
accusative in the verbal construction (see 2810) ; but also 
[736] n$K WJ fom 0/ woman, since this expression is equivalent 
to OTIC whom a woman has lorn, in which, therefore, the second 
member is more firmly connected [with the participle], and is 
not easily separated from it, so as to be put in the accusative ; 
similarly, ?y? npyzi a woman ruled ly a lord, i.e. a married 
woman ; Q*3V5| "^D. idol-allied, Hos. iv. 1 7 ; 3"in 'so plur. 
Jy Ae swore? (fallen in battle), Jer. xviii. 21 ; Bte f]nfe> 
wttY/i fire, Isa. i. 7 ; also with a mere suffix, as, *?&$> those 
invited ly her, Prov. ix. 18, xiii. 1. 

But, inasmuch as the participle contains within itself the 
force of a relative (he who is . . .), a whole passive proposition 
may take this construction, in such a way that the substantive 
which, in this proposition, is really the subject of the passive 
verb, is now subordinated to its own verb, which is turned 
into a participle in the construct state. In this way there 
arises an exceedingly brief yet perspicuous mode of expression, 
which, however, occurs somewhat more rarely in Hebrew : x 
thus, l'iy N^J he who is forgiven iniquity, i.e. he whose iniquity 
is forgiven, Isa. xxxiii. 24, Ps. xxxii. 1; E S JB fetttw respected, prop. 
one whose face is lifted up, who is riot refused ; &^J? T}p 
those of rent garments (or, with torn clothes), 2 Sam. xiii. 31. 
In this case, therefore, the passive participle has really a double 
force, viz. that of the person referred to, and that of a passive 
verb, which would be the predicate if the whole proposition 
were not reduced to the form merely of a relative clause ; the 
whole proposition is further referred, only in the most general 
way, to something or other, attached to an individual, or one 
who . . . ; but this itself is in turn expressed by the mere 
fact that the finite verb is changed into the participle, and 
the latter put first. A further consequence of this is, that 
such a participle attaches to itself, in the construct state, as 
shortly and sharply as possible, what is to be its subject. 
If, however, such a participle (according to 279 or 341&) 
is itself again more loosely subordinated in the sentence, as 

1 Compare Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 242 ff., and all the Sanskrit coin- 
pounds of the kind named Bahuvrihi ; also very strong instances in the 
, p., 293, v. 3. 



100 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 288. 

a word which merely indicates some minor circumstance, 
and therefore becomes more rigid and indeclinable, it may 
return to the absolute state, and this in such a way that its 
original subject, possibly with its appropriate suffix, is quite 
loosely placed beside it. Thus, lie came ifi^3 JJVijJ rent [as to] 
his garment, i.e. in such a condition that his garment was torn, 
2 Sam. xv. 32 [but see also 341&, 3 (&)] ; cf. the eminent 
example in Neh. iv. 12, WJJtr^ Dn fenn B* D-jan ^se 
i#A0 builded were eac/t o?ie ^W with 7m sword upon his loins} 

[737] c. 3. Simpler words which indicate a property or con- 
dition, adjectives or participles ; as, H3 TI3 </rea m strength ; 
rop PO3 ^a^ m stature, Ezek. xxxi. 3 ; PV JH evil of eye, i.e. 
envious ; J> ttD rebellious in heart, Prov. xiv. 1 4 ; rripnn frOi: 7^ 
is fearful in praises, Ex. xv. 11; aa? ?]"} tender-hearted ; 
Nfttp unclean of lips, properly, one who (is) of unclean 
lips ; DVD ID tasteless, Prov. xi. 22 ; also B^a nan $7z,e ^Tw Acts 
m<my sews, 1 Sam. ii. 5 ; nariK npin a woman who is sic& of love ; 
nDnpp ''l^ those who have turned away from war, i.e. men 
who hate war, Mic. ii. 8 ; 210 vpn pierced with the sword ; 
and as n 9p?P ^"W arrayed for battle, Joel ii. 5, so NJV ^^. 
equipped for (active) service, and K2V t| N>'* marching out for 
(active) service, 1 Chron. vii. 1 1 ; also |JK "nja sinfully faithless 
(faithless sinners), Ps. lix. 6 (see 2 7 9 a), and many similar 
expressions. Such words are also found with a pretty long 
description, as in Deut. iii. 5 ; and even before a brief modi- 
fying clause ; as, j^? ^ ^1?^ drunken, yet not with wine, as if 
it were m? wine-drunk, Isa. Ii. 2 1. 2 In such cases, poetic 
writers are generally more venturesome ; thus, not merely do 
they, from DfJ, in the sense of one who is risen up, i.e. an open 
enemy, form ^ (see 286a), but also, in like manner 
T'DDipnD thine opponents, adversaries, Ps. lix. 2 ; TiP.n 1 "! those 
who withdraw from thee, i.e. thy betrayers, Ps. Ixxiii. 2 7. 
Similarly, David says, v T'pn ^e o?ie wfo? ^s pious, or de- 
voted to him, Ps. iv. 4 ; and not till later (though already in 

1 In the Arabic, the second word which thus more freely disengages 
itself, as that which may now also have the force of the subject in the 
subordinate proposition, readily returns to the nominative case ; but we 
cannot speak of such a thing in Hebrew, inasmuch as this language has 
no such noun-form. 

2 Just as in the Sanskrit apdnamattd. 



WOJiDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 101 



1 Sam. ii. 9) is the expression shortened into fr^pn his pious 
one. 

In poetry, an infinitive also may be closely subordi- 
nated in this way, when it is construed with the finite 
verb in a manner correspondingly close (see 285); as, 
jnn *lM5b those accustomed to do evil, Jer. xiii. 23, and 
still more strongly, Crtp W3W? those who rise early, Ps. 
cxxvii. 2. When another word becomes like an adjec- 
tive, it also may be employed in this way ; as, ?W ">n 
he who is of speedy spoil, i.e. whose gain cornes soon 
enough, Isa. viii. 1, 3 (see 240e). 

The subordinated noun seldom takes its reflexive pronoun ;* 
as, ^97^ ft'? the perverted of his ways, i.e. he whose ways are 
perverse, Prov. xiv. 2 ; 1 vii *F\W nDQ lame in both of his feet, 

2 Sam. ix. 3, Prov. xix. 1, Isa. i. 30 ; top ppK he who is strong 
in his heart (in his own opinion), i.e. he who thinks himself 
strong, Amos ii. .16 ; 2 similarly teN "W3 burning in his anger, 
Isa. xxx. 17, in which case the second word stands more 
apart. 

The substantive, certainly, may also be construed more 
loosely, in the accusative ; but this occurs (1) only when the 
first word [738] has the article, and thereby stands more apart 
by itself (see 290); or (2) when, considering the normal 
arrangement, another word rather intrudes itself between the 
two, as in Job xv. 10, cf. xi. 9 ; or (3) when the word to 
be subordinated has nevertheless the greater emphasis in the 
sentence, as Isa. xxii. 2 (see 309a). But in such cases, too, 
the relation between the words is easily rendered clear by the 
employment of a preposition ; as, &)$ "OK "W small (young) 
am / in days, Job xxxii. 4, 6, cf. Ps. xii. 7 ; with members 
of the body 3 is preferably used, as, tyf}3 ?\>_ swift with his 
feet, Amos ii. 15, Prov. ii. 15, xvii. 20. To this category 
belongs the expression which, in accordance with the spirit of 
the Old Testament religion, is very rarely used ; CTCT&O ^3 

1 Compare a similar construction in Arabic, with intransitive verbs ; 

^ / o / / / 

<Uu&J dJL: he was foolish of his soul, Sur. ii. 124. 

2 On the other hand, ^ D2H, with the article, is (according to 3315) 
he whose heart is puffed up, M. Aboth, iv. 9 ; subsequently, rpp D3, used 
merely as a predicate, came to mean proud-spirited. 



102 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 289. 

God-great, or divinely great, and which is met with only in 
the popular narrative style, Jonah iii. 3. 1 

d. When an adjective is to have its meaning completed 
by an adverb, the latter can only be co-ordinated with the 
former ; as, "IND pi*ia very great, Djn 'jM vainly (uselessly) inno- 
cent, Prov. i. 11. The same holds true of an adjective which 
happens to be used for the purpose of more closely denning the 
idea of another, as in the cases given in 2*7 Qd [reddish-white, 
Lev. xiii. 19, 24, 43]. Cf. 293d 

2. Consequences arising from the concatenation of words. 

289a. Since the chain of words subsists only through the 
force of the closest mutual connection, and this is of such a 
nature that the first member attracts the second, the following 
results arise : 

(1) No adjective, pronoun, or other word, can intervene be- 
tween the noun which limits, and that which is limited by it ; 
because every word [thus intruding] would have the force of a 
substantive limiting the construct state, and thus confuse the 
meaning. Hence, every word in apposition to that which is 
in the construct state, whether an adjective or a pronoun (see 
293&), must be placed only at the end, after the limiting 
substantive ; so that, when two nouns in construction do not 
differ in gender and number, it is only the general sense of the 
passage that could show to which the word in apposition refers. 
Thus, Jfaffl ^SH'ja may signify either, the son of the great king, 
or, the great [i.e. eldest] son of the king ; the language, however, 
easily avoids such a possible ambiguity (see 292<x, &) [also 
Appendix, 365, c, 2]. But the ending n , indicating motion 
to a place, may very well be joined to the first word [as, nrpa 
^Ipi* 1 to the house of Joseph, Gen. xliii. 17] (see 216a). Only 
after 5>b (see 286e) can a small word be inserted, and this 
because it begins to have more the force of an adjective, like 
our all ; thus, nty still, is interposed in 2 Sam. i. 9, Job xxvii. 3 ; 
only in Hos. xiv. 3 do we find the insertion of a verb, which 
is a much heavier word. 2 

1 See the Jabrluclier der bibl Wissensch. x. p. 50 f., xi. p. 197. 

2 In Isa. xxxviii. 16, if the meaning were, therein consists the whole life 
of my soul, a word would even be inserted from the other half of the sen- 



CONSEQUENCES OF CONCATENATION. 103 

But, of course, the adjective which belongs to a foregoing 
substantive seeks to come into immediate connection with the 
latter. If, then, [739] the second noun, in consequence of the 
meaning (see 287/0, a ^ a ^ readily admits of being separated 
[from the first] by the looser subordination, an adjective or 
similar descriptive word may also intrude itself between ; as, 
J;DE nofe |3K whole (i.e. undressed) quarry-stones, 1 Kings 
vi. 7, iv. 13. But, if the sense does not admit of this (see 
286), then the adjective, if inconvenience would be caused 
by removing it too far back from the word which it qualifies, 
is itself introduced into the chain of words, after having been 
perhaps also raised to the possession of substantival force. This 
readily takes place with ^HK (see 286cT), as in Isa. xxxvi. 9, 
but more rarely and less easily in the case of other words ; as, 
ifinxar) "ax tab pf, Isa. xxviii. 1, fading flower (prop, flower of 
what fades ; cf. ri^V in ver. 4) of the ornament of its splendour. 
But sentences like Jer. iv. 11 do not fall under this category. 1 

&. The intervention of a preposition would, of course, strictly 
speaking, also break the chain of words in process of being- 
formed by means of the construct state, and hence would not 
be a thing to be tolerated in such a case ; this is shown by the 
Arabic, in the grandly pure structure of its sentences. The 
Hebrew, however, especially in the loftier language of poetry, 
from want of proper cases, generally uses the construct state 
more largely than the Arabic ; in the Aramaic, a preposition 
between two nouns which are to be more intimately connected 
in meaning, does not prevent the employment of the construct 
state ; and in the same way also the Hebrew, poets especially 
allow themselves this freedom, particularly in the case of a 
small preposition, when the meaning invites to the formation 
of the closer construction. (1) The following word, which 
is construed with the preposition, may describe a property 
of the first substantive ; as, &3pp ^rn prophets out of their 

tence. But, on such a view, it would be further necessary to consider the 
^ as prefixed to the nominative, which does not suit this passage (see 
310a). Hence, we shall perhaps be forced to come to the conclusion 
that for 'nil we must read irVP ; thus, therein has every man the life of his. 
soul. [But see Delitzsch on the passage.] 

1 Great caution must also be exercised in other cases ; cf. [Evvald] on 
xxi. 6. 



104 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 289. 

heart, i.e. of their own arbitrary fancy, Ezek. xiii. 2, Isa. 
ix. 2 ; or (2) the preposition may merely specify more pre- 
cisely the relation existing between two words in a passage ; 
as, y^l ^.n mountains in Gilboa, 2 Sam. i. 21 (without 3 in 
prose, ver. 6, 1 Sam. xxxi. 1), Prov. xxiv. 9, Job xviii. 2, 
Hos. vii. 5, and (in Kethib) 2 Sam. x. 9. The preposition is 
thus used especially when it belongs to the construction of a 
verb which has become a participle ; as, fa ""Din those who attach 
thernselves to Mm, i.e. trust him, Ps. ii. 12, Ixxxiv. 7, Job 
xxiv. 5, xxxvi. 16, Isa. ix. 1, Jer. viii. 16, Judg. v. 10, 
viii. 11, Neh. ix. 5 (according to a different reading). There 
are also cases in which ^ (according to 292c) intrudes itself, 
whilst the construct state nevertheless still remains ; as, fO^D 
IW on the, right of the house, Ezek. x. 3, Josh. viii. 11, xv. 21, 
Judg. ii. 9, 2 Kings xxiii. 13, Hos. ix. 6, 1 Chron. xxiii. 28. 
Lastly, the construct is used before ? of the infinitive (see 
288c), as in Isa, Ivi. 10. 

[An entire word is sometimes placed between the construct 
one and that which it subordinates, but this separation is at 
most to be regarded as a bold poetic construction ; thus, *?Y$? 
nsn "I&P3 those who cast the hook into the river (Nile), Isa. xix. 8, 
xxii. 16, Gen. xlix. 11.] 

c. A noun which is merely repeated, or explained by a 
similar noun, may be continued in the construct state, inas- 
much as the discourse remains in suspense ; as, 0*] \i?nj "nrw 
rivers, brooks of honey, Job xx. 17; *)J3 73 "itey t^JJ large (and) 
small birds of every feather, Ezek. xxxix. 4, cf. 2 Sam. xx. 19, 
Ps. Ixviii. 34, Ixxviii. 9, Lam. ii. 14, Isa. xxiii. 12, xix. 11, 
Gen. xiv. 10 ; worthy of attention also is the expression ^K 
MtftN ^n [740], which is like our style of saying, the gentle- 
men, sons of your king, 2 Kings x. 6 (cf. ver. 8, where the 
epithet indicative of honour is rightly omitted in the narrative), 
and a similar case in Judg. xix. 22 ; also, in somewhat later 
style, Dan. xi. 14. In such a case, however, the first noun 
may, of course, remain in the absolute state, so that it is only 
the meaning of the whole which shows to what it refers, as in 
Jer. vii. 24 ; or the suffix is repeated, as, Dnn^K on^nK their 
nolle brethren (Ger. Hire HerrenBruder), Nell. x. 30. Similarly, 
a poetic writer may only mentally resume the construct state 
in the case of a subsequent member of the sentence, whether 



CONSEQUENCES OF CONCATENATION. 105 

this be in the beginning of the following part, Prov. i. 3, or 
after some other words in the middle of it, Job xxvi. 1 0. 

[But two or more words of different meaning, though 
logically co-ordinate, are not, regularly, put in construction 
before one and the same noun ; this must be repeated, either 
itself or in its suffix, as shown in 339&. Nor does the 
Hebrew even like to have two or more nouns co-ordinated after 
one construct noun; the governing word is rather repeated 
before the second subordinated noun : thus, the God of heaven 
and the God of earth, Gen. xxiv. 3 ; the God of Abraham, and 
the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, Ex. iii. 6,15; but the 
shorter mode of expression is also used, see ver. 16.] 

2 9 Oct. (2.) The first noun does not readily assume the 
article, which draws the force of the expression more towards 
the beginning (see 18 la), whereas, in a chain of words, the 
tone hurries on towards the end : the article is therefore thrown 
upon the second word, but still in such a way that, considering 
the close connection between the two, its influence extends to 
the first also. Hence, 

1. Though both nouns be definite in themselves, yet the 
article stands with the second only; as, "V^n v"^ the great men 
of the city : hence also in the case of words derived from com- 
posite proper names (see 164) ; as, ""^n^n rP3 the Bethlehemite, 
from Dr rpa ; nryn ris the Abiezerite, Judg. vi. 11; but nr^Kij, 
Num. xxvi. 30, because the first part of WK (see 84c and 
273c, footnote) could no longer be separated as a distinct and 
intelligible word. 

2. If the first noun be definite, and the second indefinite, 
while the latter (according to 288) contains merely the 
specification of the former, and both are so far kindred in 
meaning, then the article is placed upon the second ; as, ?H 
33? a faint-hearted person, 33^n ^l the faint-hearted one, Deut. 
xx. 8 ; ting *fiTW (an ear) scorched by the east wind, *|W 
O^lijn the (ear) scorched "by the east wind, Gen. xli. 6, 23, 27, 
xxxvii. 3, 23, Jer. xxiii. 25 f. If the second noun readily 
serves as an object ( 284c), then the article may be ap- 
plied to both together ; as, 0^3 *i37 indutus vestes linteas, 
D*on tetajsi the man clothed with linen, Ezek. ix. 2, 3 ; cf. on 
the other hand, Ezek. x, 6, Judg. xviii. 17. Such a chain of 
words, in accordance with its meaning, always admits of being 



106 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 290. 

expanded into a relative sentence, to which, indeed, it is 
equivalent (see 331 ff.). On the other hand, when both 
words are quite dissimilar, and the second is the chief one, 
though (in accordance with 2 7 8 a) necessarily indefinite, 
then the article is wholly dropped ; as, D^ 11T the thing of a 
day, i.e. the daily [portion], Ex. xvi. 4 ; >3 T the hand of all, 
Gen. xvi. 12 ; G^K snn the sword of every one, Judg. vii. 22. 

3. If the first is to be regarded as indefinite, but the 
second definite in itself, then the first may also remain in that 
condition, before the article, and in the construct state, provided 
no ambiguity arises ; as, "W ??& plunder of the city, 2 Sam. 
xii. 30 ; nffjKn B*K a farmer, Gen. ix. 20 ; j0n p<j?j a deft of 
the rock, Jer. xiii. 4 ; f&^a B*K a Benjamite, I Sam. iv. 12; 
compare further, Gen. xvi. 7, Lev. xiv. 34 [741], Deut. xxii. 19, 
Jer. xli. 16. But if ambiguity would arise, because it is 
necessary that the first word should indicate individuality 
and indefiniteness in kind, then this first word can not be put 
into the construct state, and the arrangement mentioned in 
292a is resorted to instead. 

1). A proper name, or a pronoun, as being a kind of second 
noun, has the same influence as a noun with the article (see 
2 7 7c) ; e.g. in ^ a my son, ^ ria whose daughter ? ^"1? the 
son of Jesse, the first noun is quite as definite as in ^rrja the 
son of the man ; but whenever it is possible, the proper name, 
in such a case, further takes the article ; as, n^on Dat? the tribe 
of Manasseh (see 277c). 

c. 5>a is used with a definite noun in the singular, which can 
be conceived of, as to its meaning, only as a singular, in such 
a way as to signify the ivhole, totus (see 286c); thus, D '7~' 3 ? 
the whole people. When it stands with a singular noun, which, 
in accordance with the meaning of the proposition, may be 
conceived of as repeated in kind, then it means all, or every 
(omnis), and hence is usually found with an indefinite noun; as, 
DiT?3 every people. But it is also found before a definite noun, 
as in Deut. iv. 3, Jer. iv. 29, Prov. xix. 6, Ps. cl. 6 ; in 1 Sam. 
ii. 36, with a relative clause, where its occurrence is accounted 
for on the principles stated in 335&; perhaps also it corre- 
sponds in this case to our all kinds of, Gen. ii. 9, Prov. i. 13. 
But, inasmuch as te, as a pronoun, has something definite in 
its own meaning, a singular, indicating a whole genus, may be 



CONSEQUENCES OF CONCATENATION. 107 

joined to it without any further denning mark (see 286e); 
as, ^n~^3 all living, everything that lives, Gen. viii. 21, i. 29, 
30; "WsrfE all the picked soldiers, 2 Sam. vi. 1, 1 Chron. 
xix. 10 (but differently in 2 Sam. x. 9). 1 And, since the article 
is not so much used by poetic writers (see 277fr), such an 
expression, for instance, as v$r\ f>3 may certainly, if the sense 
require it, mean the whole head, Isa. i. 5, ix. 11, Ezek. xxix. 7, 
xxxvi. 5. Compare besides, 3232>. 

d. Only in a few cases does the first member in the series 
of words retain the article: 1st. On account of the looser 
connection in meaning, in view of which the first member 
separates itself more readily (see 2S7A) ; this, accordingly, 
happens (a) when the second noun describes merely the 
quality or the material of the first [and hence must be regarded 
as really an accusative of description ; see Philippi, Stat. Const. 
p. 39] : thus, fl^nan nsttsn the brazen altar, 2 Kings xvi. 14, 
1 Sam. ii. 13 ; W? n^n the coat of lyssus, in which case, 
moreover, the article has not been attached to the second 
word, which is in itself indefinite, Ex. xxviii. 39, xxxix. 27; 
or (&) when merely a participle or adjective is described, as in 
[D^nxi W$n those tvho dwell in tents] Judg. viii. 11 (where 
a preposition also intervenes; see 289c). The active parti- 
ciple, especially, may retain the article with some degree of 
force, before the suffix, since the latter might also represent 
the accusative ; as, Tfen fr e W h redeemed thee, ^yton he who 
led [742] thee, Deut. xiii. 6, 11, viii. 14-16, 2 Sam. i. 24, 
Job xl. 17, Isa. ix. 12, Ps. ciii. 4. 2 The article may also be 
prefixed to a word in the construct state, which has, besides, 
the local postfix n t as in Gen. xxiv. 67, Ezek. xlvii. 8. 3 
2d. The article is rarely, in addition to the case already men- 
tioned, placed before the suffix as a lighter word, Mic. ii. 12, 



1 The expression D^tWN >bn for all men, Ezra x. 17, seems strange ; but 
compare the similar construction ^n ^33. for all that, Eccles. v. 8. [But 
see other modern commentaries.] This is, at any rate, not an ancient mode 

' of expression. 

2 Compare Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 25 f., 157, and the later treatise 
mentioned above, p. 95, footnote. 

3 Here, in the same way, and following the same construction of the 
words as in 2 Kings xv. 29, we must read nWan as even to the boundary of 
the East; mb^n, prop, the east wind 



108 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 290. 

Lev. xxvii. 23, Josh. vii. 21, viii. 33, 2 Kings xv. 16 ; in the 
case of ^Jfls!? for his purpose, Prov. xvi. 4, it is inserted for a 
special reason, viz. that the word may not be confounded with 
VUJJD? for his sake ( 2225). 3d. It is a later usage to place 
the article before two nouns which are always joined so as to 
form a proper name, as 2 Sam. xxiv. 5, Jer. xxxviii. 6, Neh. 
iii. 19. Besides these cases, the article is sometimes joined 
with the construct state in language of a later or more careless 
style, and most readily in cases where a somewhat stronger 
retrospective power may be contained in it; as Judg. xvi. 14, 
1 Kings xiv. 24, 2 Kings vii. 13 (Kethil>\ ix. 4, xxiii. 17, 
Jer. xxxii. 12, xlviii. 32 (according to 327a; but it is 
wanting in Isa. xvi. 9), xxv. 26, Ps. cxxiii. 4, 1 Chron. 
xv. 27, 2 Chron. viii. 16, Ezra viii. 29 ; or when a third 
noun rather forms the beginning of a new series, as in Josh, 
iii. 11. Of. also the case pointed out in 332c. 

e. When the first member of the series, which should stand 
in the construct state, thus becomes more detached through its 
assumption of the article, it sometimes even returns to the 
absolute state. The article may then be likewise repeated 
with the second word; as, n^'rtin ijjan the brazen oxen, 1 Di3 
fl|?!?(? r*jl the cup of burning wine, 2 Kings xvi. 17, Jer. xxv. 
15, Josh. viii. 11, Ezek. xlv. 16, Dan. viii. 13; also Ktfn 
Pttfrn that which springs up in the field, Deut. xiv. 22, since the 
elements in this expression have been somewhat more loosely 
connected (see 288a); or it may not be joined with the 
second member, so that the latter is only very loosely sub- 
ordinated ; as, nnt D'Onsn the cherubim of gold, 1 Chron. xxviii. 
18, cf. Num. xxi. 14; novvi }3pE>n he who is grown poor in 
oblation (who can bring no oblation), Isa. xL 20. 2 Hence also 
a word may intervene, as in D^WJ njn Dyn this people of Jeru- 

1 In the same way also the words in Isa. xxix. 10 may signify your eyes 
the prophetic [ones], (properly, those of the prophets), with which corre- 
spond, in the following clause, your seeing heads, though the construction , 
is slightly changed. We need not, then, strike out the words D^^nTIK. 
It is certainly probable that Isaiah is here speaking against false prophets ; 
but, on such a view, some words are wanting after ver. 11 to complete the 
strophe. 

2 Still more easy is it from jnj fW&D/H# of seed, to resolve the expres- 
sion jnjn nK^pn that which is full of the seed, Deut. xxii. 9 ; because 



CONSEQUENCES OF CONCATENATION. 109 



salem, Jer. viii. 5 ; while so loose a construction as 'tfj'P? D ^ the 
people of Israel, in Ezra ix. 1, is unknown in the language of 
an earlier period. While, therefore, the construction B^K 
ntoy is also in itself possible, because the first word is definite 
even without the article ( 277c), it is certain, from [743] Ps. 
Ixxxiv. 9 and other passages, that it has merely arisen from 
DiN3V rnrp (see 286C). 1 All such constructions are most 
easily effected when the first member, considering its ordinary 
use in the language, would also be intelligible enough by 
itself, as n^n P^ri the ark (of the covenant), Josh. iii. 14, 
though, to be more exact, the first word, which has been placed 
by itself [in the absolute state], may also be repeated in the 
construct state ; as, JT1B "in? "inan the river Euphrates, Deut. 
xi. 24, Ezra viii. 21, cf. ver. 31, Ex. xxxviii. 21. 

Moreover, the fact that, in the case of words which 
become proper names, the article readily falls away (see 
2 7 7c), explains the construction DW>Q *]nsi the shoulder 
(i.e. as a proper name, the elevated region) of the Philistines, 
Isa. xi. 14. 

/. In the case of the numerals (mentioned in 286<f), the 
article is originally placed according to the principles laid 
down in 290; as, D^Kn n9> the three men, 2 and remains 
with the second word even when the numeral is prefixed 
without being put in the construct state, Josh. xv. 14; cf. 
the similar construction Q^I^L 1 D> ?'*?n the fifty righteous ones, 
Gen. xviii. 28. Passages like Ex. xxvi. 3, xxxvi. 10, plainly 
show the difference caused in such cases by the insertion or 
omission of the article. Inasmuch, however, as every number, 
Like a proper noun, is definite in itself, the numeral may, with- 
out being put into the construct state, or in any other way 
made more definite, freely subordinate the following noun, 
whether the latter, from the meaning of the whole, be definite 
or not; as, Gen. xxi. 28-30, 2 Sam. xv, 16, xx. 3 ; cf. a 
similar construction with fa (in c). Wh36" the numeral, con- 
trary to its original construction, is placed after the noun, it 



(according to 281&) $p may also, as a participle, subordinate the 
accusative. 

1 Ewald's Diehter des alien Bundes, La. p. 250. 

2 On the other hand, F)D3n DK)p is, the hundredth [part] of the money, 
the percentage, as we say, Neh. v. il. 



110 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 291. 

may remain without the article, as in 1 Kings vii. 43 f., and 
ver. 27, cf. ver. 38; in the same way also, "in** one, as being 
definite in itself, is sometimes placed after the noun, without 
the article, Gen. xlii. 19, Num. xxviii. 4, 1 Sam. xiii. 17, 18, 
Jer. xxiv. 2, Ezek. x. 9. A numeral, not joined with a noun, 
but in apposition to a [definite] adjective or pronoun, may 
be marked by the article, as, D^infan n$$n the six remaining 
ones, Ex. xxviii. 1 0, Deut. xix. 9 ; on the contrary, Gen. 
ix. 19, 1 Sam. xvii. 14, cf. ver. 13. In the case of the com- 
posite numbers 11-19 (see 268 [Ges. 97, 2; Gr. 224; 
Dav. 48]), the article is either joined to the second member, 
as in "OTH &w the twelve, Josh. iv. 4, or to the first, 1 Chron. 
xxvii. 15. 

291&. (3.) When the series of construct words extends to 
three or more nouns, the same laws obtain (see 289 f.). If 
the second noun describes merely the property of the first, or 
is in any other way intimately connected with it, the third 
noun refers equally to the two preceding ; as, ^TJ^ D *$} 
the mountains of the height (i.e. the lofty mountains) of Israel, 
Ezek. xvii. 23, xxxiv. 14, cf. Deut. xxxi. 16, Jer. xxxiv. 1, 
2 Chron. xxxvi. 10; "JJfr IliDTOD B^X the man of wars (i.e. a 
warlike foe) of Toi, 2 Sam. viii. 10 ; f^B* rhipt D^ he who 
is of sweet songs (see 288c; and since this is equivalent to 
[744] the sweet singer, there is at once added) of Israel, 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 1. But since, in order to secure perspicuity, two merely 
descriptive nouns cannot be placed in this way after a word 
in the construct state, the first one is repeated in the con- 
struct form, Deut. ix. 9 ; or the third noun is separated from 
the others (see 292). At times, however, the second noun 
of such a series certainly seems to remain in the absolute, so 
that it is only from the meaning of the whole that the third 
can be seen to refer to the two preceding ; thus, nBto Dpty W 
the days of yore (i.e. the ancient days) of Moses, Isa. Ixiii. 1 1 ; 
fen -m *|to the last word of the whole, Eccles. xii. 13 (cf. 
290 T J). 

I. To the foregoing construction of three or several nouns, 
corresponds that of several nouns, which are intimately con- 
nected in idea, with the pronominal suffix as the final mem- 
ber of the series ; as, *BhjJ "in my mountain of holiness, i.e. 
my holy mountain, Ps. ii. 6 ; WDrrap 73 his weapons of war. 



CIRCUMLOCUTIONS FOR THE GEN1TIVAL RELATION. Ill 

Deut. i. 41 ; fr* T his right hand (the right, properly speak- 
ing, being a noun) ; toj&W Tpy his proud exulting (warriors), 
Zeph. iii. 11, Isa. xiii. 3 ; hence also, 1"ri^ "133 may mean /&& 
first-lorn ox, Deut. xxxiii. 1 7, because "^ "to properly means 
firstling of an ox (see 287#). Poetic writers, however, readily 
attach the suffix to the first noun, with which it is associated 
in idea, and then place the second in free subordination (see 
2 8 7e) ; as, T'V ''pmp my refuge in strength, i.e. my strong refuge, 
15$ 'fcOtr my lying foes, Ps. Ixxi. 7 ; other instances are Gen. 
xlix. 4, 1 Hab. iii. 8, Ezek. xvi. 27, xviii. 7, 2 Sam. xxii. 33 
(but the better reading is [in the parallel passage of] Ps. xviii.) ; 
also Ps. Iviii. 10, according to the Massoretic division of the 
verse. In prose, the first noun, in such a case, is rather 
repeated, in the construct state, as Gen. xxxvii. 23 ; to this 
construction, however, belongs such an expression as Mrs 
E^ny?? their register of descent (their genealogical tree), 
from D^rrnttn ana look of those enrolled genealogically, Ezra 
ii. 62, cf. Neh. vii. 64 (where the singular K^co more cor- 
rectly stands). On the other hand, the combination Di*n W3,' 
Jer. xxxiii. 20, cannot mean my covenant with the day cf. 
2116. 2 



3. Expression of the Genitival relation "by circumlocution. 

292a. When, for some reason or other, the idea of our 
Genitive cannot be expressed in Hebrew by the close sub- 
ordination of a second noun to one which precedes, it is 
necessary to employ, as an auxiliary, a preposition which is 
inherently capable of presenting this idea. For this purpose 
f is the most appropriate ; because, as the preposition of the 

1 Cf. Ewald's History of Israel [Eng. transl.], i. p. 373, footnote. The 
Ethiopia especially presents much that is similar to this construction ; as, 
serata qdleka haze, the arrow-flight of thy word, Dillinann's Chrestomathy, 
p. 127, 8, 10. [See also p. 89, at the top, and footnote.] 

2 [Ewald takes the final to be, not the suffix my, but the old genitival 
ending (Ges. 90, 3 ; Gr. 218 ; Dav. 17, 1), and thinks that, as the 
covenant of Abraham is that which the patriarch observed, so the covenant 

. of the day is that which, as it were, the day, when it was instituted, pledged 
itself to keep ; hence, it is the same as that which, in Jer. xxxiii. 25, is 
called its taw. See also his Dichter des alien Bundes (on Jeremiah).] 



112 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 292. 

dative, it expresses the closest mediate relation of a noun to 
the sentence. 1 The cases in which [745] this takes place may 
be very various, but the most important are these : 

1. When the first noun is wholly wanting, as (a) in inscrip- 
tions ; thus, TTO Davidis (carmen), a psalm of David, Ps. Ixix. 1 ; 
or (6) when son, day, etc., is omitted ; as, D3fc l| nfiO jbON Amnon 
(son) of Ahinoam, 2 Sam. iii. 2, 3, 5, Deut. i. 3, Isa. viii. 1 ; or 
(c) when, considering the whole structure of the sentence, a 
genitive is sufficient to set forth a relation which has to be 
expressed as briefly as possible, in which case the German 
might perhaps employ von as a circumlocution for the genitive 
[case proper], Amos v. 3, ix. 1, 1 Kings xiv. 13, Jer. xxii. 4. 

2. When the second noun, which is definite in itself, must 
be separated from the first, in order to leave the latter inde- 
finite (see 290a) ; as, *?^v ja son of Jesse (^"1? would almost 
necessarily mean the son of Jesse), 1 Sam. xvi. 18, Gen. 
xli. 12, Ps. cxxii. 5& ; in? "ibttD a psalm of David, "sfefc aoy ~)K> 
a general of the king, 1 Chron. xxvii. 34, cf. Ezra ii. 63, and 
with this, Neh. vii. 6 5 ; similarly, / am come as the first [adj., 
Ger. erster], i.e. first [adv., Ger. zuerst] of the house of Joseph, 
pjpi 11 rv:A fiKJ&o, 2 Sam. xix. 21, where the noun [adjective] 
belongs more to the verb, as a mere attributive (adverb). It 
is possible, also, that the indefinite mode of expression arises 
merely from a desire after ease in brevity of statement, which 
the speaker nevertheless believed to be sufficiently intelligible 
(see 277c, at the end); as, in? "^'fc? &G "ib> 2 a general of 
David's (a mode of expression similar to what we may use), 
2 Sam. ii. 8 ; flfo&6 D'EJ&o heads of fathers, i.e. chiefs of 
families, Neh. xi. 13, cf. with xii. 12. 

3. When a word has been inserted, or the narrative inter- 
rupted, as is especially the case after numerical statements ; 
7J7B7 DW T13B& in the year two of the king, Hag. i. 1, Gen. 

1 Of course, other prepositions also might be used for the same purpose, 
when, in particular instances, they are still more exact than 7 ; cf. Ewald's 
Gram. Arab. ii. pp. 91-95 ; but, for this construction, (> is by far the most 
largely employed. In certain combinations, 2, for instance is also used (see 
287^). [On this use of *?, see further, Giesebrecht, p. 70 ff.] 

2 [In Rabbinical literature, ?% a contraction of ^ "IB>N, has come to be 
used merely as the mark of the genitival relation: the advance in this 
direction is already seen in Cant. iii. 7, i. 6.] 



CIRCUMLOCUTIONS FOR THE GENITIVAL RELATION. 113 

vii. 11, 1 Kings iii. 18. Though this construction is also 
employed in the expression, fa*? . . . ^2 Uessed be ... of God 
(see 295c), Gen. xiv. 19, 1 Sam. xxiii. 21, yet the same 
idea would also be conveyed by the construct state, imme- 
diately succeeded by the second word, i.e. without the inter- 
vention of a preposition; thus, fa sjvia, Gen. xxiv. 31, Deut. 
xxxiii. 13, Ps. xxxvii. 22. Similarly, when, in accordance 
with the meaning, and yet in some other way than that 
which is indicated in 291, it is better to divide a series of 
constructs by a suffix or other word placed among them, 
then, instead of subordinating the last member in the accu- 
sative, it may be more firmly affixed to the rest by means 
of *? ; as, $nt? ^PO^ thine outpouring of seed} Lev. xviii. 20, 
23, compared with r>J TV3& t Lev. xv. 16, 17, 18, 32, xix. 20. 
With these also is connected, though more remotely, the well- 
known expression E^NP npna Ty a great city of God, Jonah 
iii. 3 (see 288c). This arrangement is also readily resorted 
to, when, of three or more nouns, the first two are more 
closely connected; the separation, however, does not always 
take place under these circumstances (see 2 9 la), and 
becomes advisable only when greater clearness of construction 
is required ; as, fan&l ^*?v? D^jn ^^i daily events (chronicle) 
of the kings of Israel, 1 Kings xv. 23, Gen. xli. 43, Judg. iii. 28 
[746], Euth ii. 3, iv. 3. [Further, this mode of connecting two 
nouns is adopted when it becomes necessary to distinguish 
the relation subsisting between them from that of apposition, 
or more strict subordination, between the succeeding members 
of the series ; as, **&& ^K &\h nuhtfn the asses of Kish, the 
father of Saul, 1 Sam. ix. 3.] And lastly, this construction 
may also be employed when the speaker does not like imme- 
diately to append the following completion of the word he is 
using, and thus (contrary to 290&) places the article with 
the first word ; as, nbPBJp "I8?K D'n&n n?K these (are) the princes 
of Solomon, 1 Kings iv. 2, Gen. xxix. 9, xl. 5, cf. ver. 1. But 
the construct, without the article, might also be frequently 
employed in such a case ; the more wordy, instead of the 
more terse mode of expression is especially peculiar to the 
somewhat more diffuse, and often also to the later style (hence 
also the Aramaic much more avoids the short and simple con- 
1 [But see Philippi, Status constructus, p. 13, footnote.] 
H 



114 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 292. 

struct state), 2 Kings v. 9, Eccles. v. 11 ; the two possible 
modes of expression may also be found in two different 
members of the same sentence, Jer. xlvii. 3, even when the 
latter is very short, Ps. cxxiii 4. 

b. If such an indirect expression of the genitival relation 
happens not to stand at the beginning of the sentence, or 
before the word with which it is connected in meaning, it 
may likewise be referred to its word by "iBfc which (see 3316), 
as in the case cited already (under 2), 2 Sam. ii. 8 ; and in the 
example v "Bfc njBton nna^D Ms chariot of the second order, Gen. 
xli. 43. This more precise construction is especially suitable 
in the case of (1) proper names, when they are not to be 
specified quite so rigorously, by some addition, as in 286c; 
thus, in the somewhat later style, DW^ai? itPK }irB3 G-ibbethon 
of the Philistines, i.e. the Philistine (city) Gibbethon, 1 Kings 
xv^ 2 7, xvii. 9 ; (2) with smaller additions, as in the case of 
the personal pronoun ; in this way there is made a first step 
in the direction of the possessive pronoun, which is otherwise 
quite wanting in Hebrew, though already very fully developed 
in Aramean; thus, $ 1PK my, 1 Kings i. 33, cf. 38, Kuth 
ii. 21. This "I^N cannot be employed when there is a mere 
interruption of the discourse. 1 

c. The infinitive construct readily attaches itself to any fore- 
going noun which can enter the construct state ; thus, TID Di 1 
DHBN, Isa. vii. 1 7, the day when Ephraim departed (see 2 3 7a). 
It is very seldom that the preceding noun so strongly takes up 
a separate position in the sentence, as an indefinite word, that 
the inf. const, is appended to it by means of the preposition *? 
(see 237c) [747] ; as, Trhh ny (there is) a time to Iring forth, 

1 In the Aramean, the vsj or -^ (which corresponds to the Hebrew 
'*1E^X\ even without ^> (which regularly remains only when compounded 
with pronouns), has finally come to be the mere sign of the genitive [see 
p. 112, footnote], since the relative particle in itself expresses the peculiarly 
genitival idea of one thing belonging to another. In Hebrew, i^ seems 
to occur in some few passages with this meaning ; as, i?MD> 1t?K ^Wftb 
the appointed time of Samuel (Samuel's appointed time), 1 Sam. xiii. 8, 
Tin "I^K njnn the mischief of Hadad, 1 Kings xi. 25. It is unsafe, how- 
ever, to found, upon these few passages merely, what must so largely change 
the whole tone and colour of the Hebrew language: the text of the four 
Books of Kings [i.e. the two Books of Samuel, and the two Books of Kings, 



CIRCUMLOCUTIONS FOR THE GENITIVE. 115 

Eccles. iii. 2 ff. ; cf. vers. 4, 8. So, this infinitive with ? expresses 
also the genitive of the Latin gerund (nascendi), just as we 
find it serving at other times as a circumlocution for other cases. 
d. The preposition p, especially, is used as a medium of 
attachment to ideas which essentially resemble those of pre- 
positions, or are even compounds formed out of prepositions, 
but which, nevertheless, are too inflexible to be immediately 
subordinated, like prepositions, to a noun. Thus, ^riD never 
has any other force in the language than that of an adverb, 
around, and does not admit of being immediately placed in 
the construct state, like a preposition ; hence, in the case of 
this word, the mediate completion of the idea, by means of ^, 
must be resorted to, as, v Mp round about him} To this 
category, accordingly, belong the words compounded with |p, 
which, just because they are compounds, form a new simple 
idea (see 218c); as, OT over (above) . . ., ?&& on the right 
side of . . . Such words, from the very fact that they form a 
simple idea, take up more of a separate and independent 
position when thus compounded, and enter the sentence more 
as indeclinable words, like mere adverbs ; especially because 
compound prepositions (see 219a) arise from quite a different 
meaning, and must always be placed in immediate construc- 
tion. Hence, we have v 7JJ or v 7X&3O over (above) him, 
i? nnrip beneath him, "13JM? and v *U3D opposite to him, Judg. 
vii. 25, xx. 34, Prov. xiv. 7. Similarly b n ?< is, on the 
other side of (beyond) him, Amos v. 27. When the second 
member in the compound is a noun, it may remain in the 
construct state, but only because such a modification of the 
word is not necessarily cancelled by the intervention of a 

usually so called] is, generally speaking, none of the purest [see Thenius, 
Die Buclier Samuels (Kurzgef. exeg. Handbuch), and the more recent 
treatise of Wellhausen, Der Text der Bucher Samuelis (Gottingen 1871) ; 
also, Bottcher, Neue AeJirenlese, I. n.] ; and the Septuagint lends its sup- 
port to the conjecture, which so readily suggests itself, that iotf has fallen 
out of the first passage, and nb>y out of the second. In the same way, 
sn IPK, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 22, is not to be rendered " the king's people;" 
but here also, according to the Septuagint, IBK has dropped out after 
-IBfc; and, in 2 Kings xxv. 10, n^ is wanting after i^'K, according to 
Jer.'lii. 14. 

1 [See further, Giesebrecht, p 77 ff.] 



116 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, 292. 



preposition like ? (see 289c); as, ft rPSB ms^0 o/ tY, Ex. 
xxvi. 33, Lev. xvi. 2 ; ft ite^p fo Ae nor^A o/ $, ft QJ? wes of 
it, Josh. viii. 11, 13. Such compound words, however, are 
sometimes also construed directly, as, BWfa ^D^P under the 
heaven, Gen. i. 9, with which compare JT'iP'ft I" 1 ?*?, ver. 7, in the 
same sense, Ezek. ix. 3, x. 4, PB* ow ^ H#& of . . . without 
^, 1 Sam. xxiii. 1 9 ; and for ft TO, in the sense of being 
[raised] above him (which it means in Mai. i. 5, Jonah iv. 6, 
like /V 1 , which has arisen from FP^OTO), there is used the 
shorter expression Iv???, Neh. viii. 5, cf. Ezra ix. 6 ; also (with 
the cumulation of expressions carried out in later times, as ex- 
plained in 315c) Bnv^p n ^VP? raised high over them, 2 Chron. 
xxxiv. 4. In the more diffuse popular style, even simple 
prepositions begin to be construed mediately, when they are 
anything longer than a single syllable, and thus can easily 
admit of being separated from the word which follows : 
thus, ft nnri under it, Cant. ii. 6, cf. the omission of r 5 in 
viii. 3, and just in the same way 2 Chron. iv. 3 compared 
with ver. 15 ; hence also ft rftPSOfrom between it, Ezek. x. 6, 7, 
and ? lysft from behind anything, Cant. iv. 1, vi. 7. 1 

[748] Even an inflected substantive may enter the 
construct state, in spite of the fact that i intrudes itself 
immediately after (see a), as, rap ratao the kingdom of 
the daughter of Jerusalem, Mic. iv. 8 ; here, the first word, 
though without the article, has the force of a definite one, 
in poetic language (see 277&). 

e. As the preposition p, within these limitations just speci- 
fied, necessarily forms a substitute for the idea of the genitive, 
so does this same sign of the dative also gradually come to be 
used as an outward expression of the accusative, the mediate, 
and hence stronger, indication of an " oblique " case taking, in 
this instance also, the place of an immediate and weaker one. 
In classic Hebrew, certainly, this use of ? is still very rare, and 
chiefly confined to the case in which a verb, in harmony with 
the context in which the proposition stands, becomes a parti- 
ciple (or infinitive), and then, as having in this way become a 

1 Euphony requires ^2 instead of iya (see 217m) after jjp, just as 
in ^ifatt ( 218c), perhaps, as in other cases, from the concurrence of 
the voweis . . . a (see 108c, 2496). 



WORDS IN CO-ORDINATION (APPOSITION). 117 

noun, no longer admits of being construed as a verb ; while, 
on the other hand, as having not yet become an ordinary noun, 
it does not allow itself to be forced into the construct state. 
This is especially the case, for instance, when the participle 
briefly describes a subordinate circumstance; as, lie follows 
7bp ^ENp closing up [in the rear] all the lines of the army, 
Num. x. 25, cf. Lev. xii. 7, Gen. xlv. 7, Ezek. xxvi. 3, 
1 Chron. xxvi. 2 7, xxix. 1 2 ; precisely the same usage is 
found in Arabic also (see Ewald's Gram. Arab. 652). This 
construction occurs most readily in the case of certain verbs 
with which, even under other circumstances, the dative might 
intrude itself, instead of the accusative ; as, v ^Jfnp to deliver 
him (almost the German ihm zu helfen), Jonah iv. 6 (see 282c). 
Moreover, this seems also to occur when the accusative, con- 
trary to the usual arrangement of words in a sentence (see 
309a), precedes its verb, as in Job v. 2 and Isa. xi. 9, 
a sentence which is arranged quite differently when repeated 
in Hab. ii. 1 4. In the Aramean, however, this use of ? to 
mark the accusative generally prevails where, in classic Hebrew, 
that case is indicated by nix ; and, that this Aramean mode of 
construction gradually makes its way into Hebrew also, has 
already been pointed out (see 277e). 



THIRD KIND OF WORD-GROUPS. 

Words in Co-Ordination (Apposition). 

293#. When neither the looser subordination of which we 
have first treated (see 279 ff) nor the more strict subordi- 
nation which was last discussed (in 28 6 f.), is possible, then 
mere co-ordination always takes place. One verb may be 
simply co-ordinated with another, or a noun with another, 
but in such a way that even then, in accordance with the 
general mode of constructing sentences in Semitic, the co-ordi- 
nated word does not precede, but follows the other (see 5c). 
It has already been shown how this is realized in the case of 
the verb ( 285&). But, as regards the noun, in which there 
is merely a continuation of the same thing, we have to remark, 

1. Adjectives and [demonstrative] pronouns are almost 



118 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 293. 

always joined with their noun by co-ordination ; for the more 
strict subordination of the adjective (see 2 8*7 a) is at least 
rare, and employed somewhat more frequently [749] only in a 
few connections. 1 It is just here, then, that co-ordination finds 
its most frequent and most important application; and this is 
carried out in such a way that every co-ordinated word of this 
kind must follow the substantive to which it belongs. But the 
[demonstrative] pronoun, when it appears in one connection 
of thought along with the adjective, finds its strictly logical 
position only after the latter ; thus, njn foan Djn, where the 
order of the words is the most direct opposite of ours, viz., 
this great sea (Deut. i. 19, ii. 7, Num. xvi. 26). When the 
pronoun precedes [the adjective], the thought would be almost 
concluded with it ; for, Tinjn njn D*n is rather, this sea, the great 
(one), i.e. this sea which is great; cf. Ps. civ. 25. But the 
adjective and the pronoun are strictly regulated by the pre- 
ceding noun, not merely in gender and number, but with 
respect to its character as definite or indefinite in expression. 
Hence, if the noun be definite, either in its own nature or 
because it has the article (see 277), the adjective, out of 
regard for the evident reference of the noun, cannot remain 
without the article, even though this needs to be repeated ; 
thus, Tfran ^sn the great man, SHlH ^a my greater (elder) son, 
(prop, the son of me, the greater). With several adjectives, 
the article must always be repeated ; and only after this has 
been done is the pronoun added, in the same way, at the 
close; see Gen. xli. 35, Deut. i. 10, xxviii. 58. The pro- 
noun also, though definite in itself, nevertheless continues the 
use of the article in this word-group, in order to make the 
connection stronger ; as, ronn "tivr that (the same) generation, 
njn t^Kn o avrjp o euro?. Moreover, it is even possible, in 
such a case, that any other word whatever, which occupies 
the position of an adjective, may assume the article; as, 
ITjrran Df>n the next day, Neh. xi. 32 ; cf. 2206. But the 
influence of a preposition, placed at the beginning, extends 
over the whole group of words [as, wnn Dto on that day]. 
Favoured, however, by the restless desire of the language to 

1 How far, however, the post-fixing of an attributive and of the [demon- 
strative] pronoun has from the first been a peculiarity of the Semitic, is 
shown in Ewald's Sprachwiss. Abh. ii. p. 58 ft 



WORDS IN CO-ORDINATION (APPOSITION). 110 

attain the greatest possible brevity of expression, there already 
occur many different kinds of exceptions to the foregoing rule, 
and these, too, in Hebrew more than in the other Semitic 
languages. Thus : 

The separate pronoun is frequently without the article, 
when the noun has only a suffix ; as, n?K Tjhfc these my signs, 
Ex. x. 1, Judg. vi. 14, Jer. xxxi. 21, 1 Kings xxii. 23 
(2 Chron. xviii. 2 2) ; but it is very seldom anarthrous when 
the noun itself has the article ; as, V "fan this generation, Ps. 
xii. 8 ; while, in the phrase wn rfrpa in the same night, Gen. 
xix. 31, xxx. 16, xxxii. 23, 1 Sam. xix. 10, the omission of 
the n before Nin is easily accounted for, on considering the 
relation of the sounds to each other (see 70c). But the 
adjective must continue to employ the article much more 
steadily ; the latter is rarely omitted after a noun which 
merely has a suffix ; as, njn Dnsrn their evil report, Gen. xxxvii. 
2, xliii. 14, Cant. vi. 12, Hag. 1 4, Ezek. xxxiv. 12; still 
more rarely after the article has been already used, as in Ezek. 
xxxix. 27, Jer. ii. 21, xxii. 26 [750], Dan. viii. 13, xi. 31; 
more frequently with "IHK one, Num. xxviii. 4, compared with 
ver. 7 (see 290/) ; and in the case of other numbers also, 
when, contrary to their original construction, they are placed 
after their noun (see 2 9 O/). 

The desire of finding convenience in brevity of expression 
was of itself strong enough to introduce the rare and peculiarly 
late construction, in accordance with which the defining power 
is placed only in the middle; as, 'fajn "in the great mountain, 
Zech. iv. 7, xiv. 10, 2 Sam. xii. 4, 1 Kings vii. 8, 12 (see, 
on the other hand, ver. 9), Jer. xxxii. 14, xl. 3 (KetMH) ; with 
numerals, Gen. i. 31, ii. 3, xii. 26, Ex. xx. 30, Dent. v. 14, 
Jer. xxxviii. 14; compare, especially, Judg. vi. 25 with the 
still more definite expression in vers. 26, 28. 1 The strongest 
instance would be njn watf t^s this Ephrathite man, 1 Sam. 
xvii. 12 ; but it is somewhat doubtful whether this be really 
the original reading. 2 Cases in which the article is used 

1 In later languages, this more convenient mode of expression becomes 
more widely used ; this is especially true of the language of the Mishna, in 
which the article is never found both with the noun and the adjective. The 
Arabic, on the other hand, constantly repeats the article. 

2 Namely, on account of the question as to the sources of the text [see 



120 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 293. 

merely as a relative (see 305&), to complete something, do 
not belong to this category ; nor the poetic construction found 
in Ps. civ. 18. But the article may certainly be omitted also 
before a noun which is immediately to be further explained 
by a relative clause, as in 1 Sam. xxii. 6, 2 Sam. xviii. 18 ; 
and B*K man, which is so often used, is sometimes even placed, 
without the article, before a definite adjective following, as, 
^nfe^n B*N the Israelite, Lev. xxiv. 10, 2 Sam. xii. 2-4 
(according to the Massoretic punctuation) ; so that, at least in 
the intensely brief and rapid style adopted in poetry, we may 
even say Kin Di^ that day, Mic. vii. 12 (see 2776). 

b. Only the simple demonstrative pronoun is sometimes 
placed before a definite noun ; as, &yn nr this people, neto nr 
this [fellow] Moses (contemptuously, like iste [and ovro?]), Ex. 
xxxii. 1, Josh. ix. 12 f., Isa. xxiii. 13 ; but this comes to be 
the only mode of construction in Arabic and Aramean. It is, 
however, also worthy of remark that, before a [demonstrative] 
pronoun, which is, of course, already definite in itself, the noun 
is sometimes left undefined [by the article], as being already 
definite through the pronoun following ; thus nt "6n this sick- 
ness, 2 Kings i. 2, viii. Sf. 1 A totally different case is presented 
when the article is omitted from the preceding substantive 
merely because, for some special reason, it could not well be 
employed ; thus, W Dr6 rn&g these ten loaves, 1 Sam. xvii. 1 7, 
is to be judged according to what is stated in 287^, and ttJJD 
njn &y\ this little piece of honey, 1 Sam. xiv. 29, according to 
V 290a, 2. 

On the other hand, there also arises, in Semitic, a 
tendency to place numerals, quite contrary to their 
original position (see 2S6c), after the noun, simply 
because they gradually come to have the force of attri- 
butives ; nay, there is [751] even an inclination to make a 
complete inversion of the original order of words, the noun 
remaining in the singular (as in 287i). This was a 

the note at the foot of pp. 114-5] ; for the same reason, in 1 Sam. xix. 22, 
for ^iian, we must read, with the Septuagint, pan. 

1 It is doubtful, on the other hand, whether i^n nf fliay also be used 
in the same meaning; because, in Jer. x. 10, we may also read instead 
*^n FIT this my sickness (see 17&). 



WORDS IN CO-ORDINATION (APPOSITION). 121 

very ancient practice among the Canaanites, as is shown 
by the names of the towns VI "a and V3"|K nnp (Ewald's 
History of Israel [English translation], i. pp. 340, 344, 
footnotes) ; in Hebrew, on the contrary, it is unusual, and 
is met with only in Neo-Hebraic ; as, nynsp pp the seven 
kinds, M. Berachoth, vi. 4. This form of construction 
is somewhat different when the numeral is freely sub- 
ordinated (see 290/). 

Of adjectives, ^2n many, is almost the only one prefaced 
to its noun, rarely, however, and in indefinite speech, as Jer. 
xvi. 16, Ps. xxxii. 10, Ixxxix. 51, 1 Chron. xxviii. 5; at 
other times, the monosyllabic JH evil, Prov. xxix. 6 (where it is 
pronounced JH, that it may not be taken for the construct 
state), and similarly E^N, Jer. xxx. 15. Another and stronger 
example is found only some few times at most, in poetry, and 
for indicating special emphasis, as in Isa. xxviii. 21 (not 
necessarily in Judg. v. 15, 16). But cf. also 329#. 

c. It is something quite different that occurs when an 
adjective, which has been raised to the position and power of 
a noun, rather subordinates the noun with which it might be 
co-ordinated ; by this means, the idea contained in the adjec- 
tive is rendered prominent, as the more important. Such a 
construction may be very suitable in many connections, but it 
is only poetic, and rare. Thus nb PQN the strength of force, TO 
/cparepov rrjs laj(vo$, i.e. the very strong power, Isa. xl. 26 ; 
TflfaSBto BH? the holy [part] of thy dwellings, i.e. thy holiest, 
dwellings, Ps. xlvi. 5, cf. Ixviii. 14, cxlv. 7 ; Job xxxvii. 22 : 
the construction is found even so early as in the ancient song 
which was, perhaps, in this respect the model for later writers, 
Ex. xv. 16, for in all these passages, divine attributes or 
things are spoken of; "VSDn ro:6 the most brilliant [whiteness] 
of sapphire, i.e. the most brilliant sapphire, Ex. xxiv. 10. In 
the same way, however, the quality of a thing may also receive 
prominence, as the more important, by the employment of 
a suitable noun ; as, "ijj*n "HK the magnificence of the price, i.e. 
(ironically) the most magnificent price ! Zech. xi. 13 ; c 
Job xv. 26, Ezek. xxviii. 14. 

d. 2. An attributive (adverb), in the same way, stands, regu- 
larly, after its adjective ; as, Ifco ^1} very great. But, at other 
times, it has greater freedom in the choice of position, and may 



1 22 EWALD S HEBREW SYNTAX, 293. 



readily precede the verb ; as, n?w 1N he is very exalted ! Ps. 
xlvii. 10 (see also the two examples in 2 I 79&); W na 



On the other hand, every word which merely indicates place 
or relation, and is intended further to describe a leading word 
in the sentence, either by itself or with the help of a preposi- 
tion, must be placed, without any addition, after that word ; 
as, iflN D^SWNn the men with him ; their offerings D^o of blood, 
i.e. their bloody-offerings, Ps. xvi. 4 ; see further, 2 8 7c. In 
these cases, the article cannot [752] be repeated ; but, in 
prose, such accessory descriptions manifest an evident tendency 
and preference at once to become full relative sentences (see 



e. 3. The way in which one noun is more loosely or more 
closely co-ordinated with another has already been described 
(see 287e). If they are freely connected in this way, then 
the idea of the one must be covered by that of the other, or at 
least directly serve to limit it. But, even in highly impas- 
sioned language, one word that is quite heterogeneous in rela- 
tion to another cannot merely be immediately co-ordinated 
with it, nor therefore, in a certain sense, subordinated to it ; 
thus, even in an address to God in a style that is quite 
unusual, the words, Thou, Thy name, art alone, Ps. Ixxxiii. 19, 
would give no sense ; these words rather mean, Thou, Thy name 
is Jahve (i.e. Thou art called Jahve) alone; see 308a. 2 Some- 
what different is the case in which a merely supplementary 
word is still more fully and exactly denned ; as, ^3 Thee we 
praise ^\ftW Thy name ! Isa. xxvi. 13, a passage in which there 
was the less need for repeating the a [before Thy name], because 
it may also be omitted with "1WJ, when this verb means to 
praise. 

In such constructions, however, as n^'nan nstTEn (see 
2 9 OtQ, the second substantive might also be regarded as 
merely co-ordinate (see p. 107); and how readily the 

1 If, for instance, we wish to say the man here, we must either employ 
the fully inflected pronoun, thus, njn K^SH, or more feebly Kn HT, 
or (if na is to be used, 105c) nb 1E>K fc^sn. 

2 If it were merely said ffij? *jp5? flflK, the words might perhaps be 
understood (according to 281c) as signifying Thou art the only one of Thy 
name, but the meaning would be less suitable. 



THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 123 

rigid concatenation of words resolves itself into this looser 
construction, is perceived most clearly from the fact that 
0*3333 D'nn, Ps. Ixviii. 17, is found near O'mji "in, ver. 16 ; 
for, that the latter expression means hill of summits 
(eminences), follows from 157 a. The expression 
fhuritefav lepels, Eev. i. 6, may be regarded as a 
Hellenistic imitation of this; it would then originally 
mean a kingdom of priests. 



I. FORMATION AND COMPLETION OF THE SENTENCE, VIEWED 
IN RELATION TO 

(A) Its Members. 

(a) The two chief Members. 

294a. 1. The person forming absolutely the leading word 
or subject of the sentence, is to be understood in the sense 
already explained ( 2766). This word consists of a noun or 
pronoun ; if the former, it must always have the force of a 
substantive. Even an adjective may be raised to the posses- 
sion of this power ; as, "J3X P'TOn the righteous perisheth, Isa. 
Ivii. 1, where the article is added for the purpose of distin- 
guishing, though, in the brief style of poetry, this particle is 
not exactly necessary, Gen. xxv. 23. A word that has been 
reduced to the condition of an attributive (adverb) [753] may 
certainly, under any circumstances, be readily used as the 
predicate of a sentence ( 296^), but not as the subject, unless 
such a word were again to become more of a living form 
in the language generally, as is the case with nsnn (cf. 2SOc); 
thus, 7&J nsnn many (of the people) fell, 2 Sam. i. 4. And, 
inasmuch as words like 'inba as he [like him], ites as thou 
[like thee], merely express our such, though much more 
definitely in relation to the person, they may not only occupy 
any position in the sentence (in any [oblique] case ; see 
221a, 282c), but also form the subject. 

In the artificial poetic language of the second period 
(see 3c), even ft 'bao (see 323a) stands as a sort of 
compound ( 270c) in the sense of what is not his (for 
it is construed as a fern, or neut.), forming the subject, 



124 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 291. 

Job xviii. 15&: possibly also, N3 here, is once used, in 
Job xxxviii. 11, for the (this) place ; but the LXX. had 
a different reading. 

I. This person, however, which stands as the subject of the 
sentence, is frequently left without being specified, though 
living; because the speaker either does not exactly know 
it himself, or because he does not like to name it. If, then, 
it is necessary actually to use a verb, it may be put, 

(1.) In the third pers. plur., if it cannot be more exactly 
stated who and how many are engaged in the transaction; 
as, Viotf they say, it is said [Ger. man sagt ; Fr. on dif], a 
construction which is very frequently used, especially be- 
cause, whenever possible, active constructions are preferred 
to passive ones (see 128a); as, "VaK WDJ they take away 
[Ger. man entfemf] the mighty one, i.e. he is removed, Job 
xxxiv. 20 ; so that there is even formed a union of construc- 
tions (according to 2856), as in T Oj '^pin *6 thou shalt 
not add, they call thee, i.e. thou shalt no longer be called, 
Isa. xlvii. 1. 

(2.) The verb alone is much more rarely used impersonally 
in the singular, because it is less easy to think of the indivi- 
dual than the multitude, as indefinite in itself. This mode of 
construction is readily employed only in some special cases, 
as (a) the phrase GW N"J they called the name (of the city, child, 
etc.) : who devised the name is often indeterminate, but it must 
have been only one person : hence, the singular has become 
quite confirmed in the case of this expression. (/3) When it 
is possible to infer, from the action itself, who the actor was ; 
as, Bnrj! he (the farmer) ploughs, Amos vi. 1 2, cf. viii. 3 ; 
1 Kings xiv. 10, xviii. 26, Esth. iii. 7, Isa. vi. 10, xxxviii. 12, 
liii. 9, Ex. xxxiv. 4, Deut xxxiv. 6, Job xxviii. 2 f., xl. 24; 
very remarkable, also, in the language of the prophets, is the 
expression, he (the angel, the spirit of the prophet) commanded, 
or spake, 1 Kings xiii. 9, cf. vv. 17, 18, like \e<yei, in the quota- 
tions made in the N. T., and similarly "J^D in Zech. ix. 12, 
it is said (declared). (7) Rarely under other circumstances , 
as, ~>K he (the man, without specifying who) said, hence the 
Ger. man spricht, or it is said, 1 Sam. xix. 22, 23, xxiv. 11 ; 
Hab. ii. 6, Zech. xiii. 6, Ezek. xiii. 15 (following one of the 
various readings). Eccles. i. 1 : other cases are found in Ex. 



THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 125 

x. 5, 21, Lev. xxvii. 8, 11, Num. vi. 13 [754], xix. 3, 5, 
cf. ver. 8, 2 Sam. xvi. 23 (where the Qeri adds B> S K), Jer. 
xix. 11 ; also the expression "OJJ. K? one must not transgress it 
(viz. the law), Ps. cxlviii. 6, Esth. i. 19, ix. 27; especially 
in poetry, as Job vi. 20, xv. 3, xvii. 5 f., xxi. 22, xxx. 24, 
Num. xxiii. 22, Isa. viii. 4, Mic. ii. 4, 8, vii. 12, and more 
often in Hosea. 1 This singular may also be interchanged with 
the plural ( 319a); the variation is particularly easy in the 
different parallel members of poetry in its higher nights, 
Jer. viii. 4, ix. 7. However, because the singular is thus 
always rather obscure in itself, the participle from the same 
root is employed as the subject, for the sake of greater clear- 
ness ; as, ?S3n ?B] the falling one falls (he who, any one who 
falls), Deut. xxii. 8, Jer. ix. 23 ; but this method is rarely 
adopted in the case of the plural, Jer. xxxi. 5. Moreover, 
when the meaning and structure of the sentence otherwise 
demand it, the personal pronoun may be added to the verbal 
form which has been left undetermined, as in Job xxviii. 3, 
Eccles. x. 10. In the expression ffJPJ she (i.e. one, in an 
indefinite sense) bare, even the feminine singular also some- 
times stands alone in this way, as in Num. xxvi. 59, 1 Kings 
i. 6; cf. 2955. 

It is, of course, possible that a person, left in this somewhat 
indeterminate state, when it does not form the subject of the 
sentence, should be subordinated as a suffix; but such a 
construction is not so frequently employed, on account of the 
greater ambiguity which would arise ; see Ps. iv. 8, xxxix. 7, 
xlix. 9, Ixv. 10, Zech. v. 6, where the plur. suffix Q (cf. 
Isa. ix. 2) is used, and Eccles. v. 17, vii. 1, Hag. i. 6, where 
the sing, suffix is employed in this way. 

Though, in other cases, B^K man, like the Ger. man, is made 
use of (cf. Isa. vii. 21 with ver. 24), it is far from being so 
weakened in meaning as the latter word [Fr. on, Eng. one, a 
person, a man, indefinitely], and can rather still assume the 
article, as in 1 Sam. ix. 9 ; see further, 278&. 

1 This usage occurs in Sanskrit also. In the legal style of the Mishna, 
the sing, and the plur. are often interchanged in this way ; as, Rosh ha-shana, 
ii. 3 ff. Notably, fyp<pe is thus used, in the most various ways, 1 Mace, 
vii. 16, viii. 22, xiv. 28, xv. 22, 24 (according to the more correct reading), 
also x. 38. 



126 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 295. 

Address in the second pers. sing., thou, in the sense of 
every one, any one whatever, is generally employed, in Hebrew, 
only in the common expression used when one is indicating the 
way (road) ; thus, "^"ly as far as thy coming [Gen. xiii. 10], 
which has become so much of an adverb that we even find 
no more than the shorter ^K3, which is then subordinated (as 
shown in 2045). This use of tlwii is sometimes also found 
in legal language, as Lev. xxvii. 2 if., Ezek. xliii. 19-27; cf. 
further, 319a. 

c. Somewhat different from the cases explained in the 
preceding section, in which the person of the verb is left 
indeterminate, is that in which the meaning of the -undefined 
word may also be so apparent from other words of the 
passage, that it becomes quite unnecessary to add another 
one specially to explain it, even though such an addition 
might very well be made, as is mostly the case in modern 
languages. Thus, with reference to subjects previously treated 
of, y&y *tf yn is there still with thee ? namely, one of the kind 
about which we have hitherto been speaking, a dead person, 
Amos vi. 10 ; or with reference to a limitation made [755], 
as, 1^3 P&? there is not one like Thee among the gods, Ps. 
Ixxxvi. 8. Or, the preposition |B gives prominence to the 
part as distinguished from the whole (see 217&, [and the 
Lexicons]) : this construction is very easy to understand when 
the verb is in the plur. ; as, ^yn"|O ^feWJ there went out [some] 
from the people (how many is not specified), Ex. xvi. 27; 
but it is less intelligible, and hence more rarely used, with 
the verb in the sing., as Mic. v. 1, 2 Kings x. 10, Dan. 
xi. 5, 7; cf. further, 278C. 1 

295a. But the predicate alone may also become, to such 
an extent, the most important member in the sentence, that 
the strong prominence of the person, as compared with what 
is predicated, entirely disappears; accordingly, though the 
subject then always and necessarily occupies a place in the 
sentence, it is, under such circumstances, reduced to the 
smallest and least animate form possible, viz. the mere neuter 
of the third person in the verb, which is the antithesis of 
every living person. But, because the Hebrew has not 



1 In the same way awfodov xoti (Ix) *Jt ftotfaraV) Acts xxi. 16, according 
to the correct reading. 



T1IE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 127 

produced any distinct form for the neuter (see 171 f.), the 
verb, in such a case, stands either in the masc. or fern, 
singular: of the two (a) the most commonly employed is 
the most natural, viz. the masculine, as in expressions of 
feeling; here, the construction preferred is, to subordinate, 
by means of the dative, the person who experiences the 
feeling ; as, y 2iD it is good for me, or it goes well with me, 
"6 "ID it is bitter to me, y JH it is evil to me, y DVJ* it is 
pleasant to me, y T3f (regarding which, cf. p. 33, line 19); 
also y 21 there grew for me, i.e. I increased, had enough 
(cf. also the expression mentioned on p. 61, note), y W 
it is quiet for me, i.e. I feel quiet, Job iii. 13, Neh. 
ix. 28, y DH it is warm to me, I am warm (hence, in the 
infin., v DHp to warm liimsdf, Hag. i. 6), cf. Jer. vii. 6, 23, 
Prov. xxiv. 25, Hos. x. 1, and b nn it is wide to him, easy, 
he is refreshed, 1 Sam. xvi. 23. Moreover, this construction 
with the masculine is used, almost without exception (but see. 
Job xv. 3 2), for the passive ; as, ?n^n coeptum est, Tn8? dirutum 
est, "J3TO there is spoken, Ps. Ixxxvii. 3, Mai. i. 11. (b) The 
feminine is especially used in the case of occurrences produced 
by an unseen power ; as, n ?^'[? it has become dark, Mic. iii. 6, 
TippPi (it without specifying what makes rain) it rains, 
Amos iv. 7, Jer. xiii. 16; it is also found, though rarely, in 
such constructions as y nnv / fell into straits, Judg. x. 9. 
(c) In the remaining miscellaneous expressions, the genders 
are used almost indifferently ; .as, masc. npy there is sprouting, 
Zech. vi. 12 ; fern, nnpjj it comes up in my mind, Jer. vii. 31, 
xix. 5, xxxii. 35, xliv. 21 ; hence, they also change merely 
with the change of clauses in the same verse, Mic. i. 9 ; 
something similar is found in Ezek. xii. 25, 28. 1 

[756] It is conceivable that a person, indicated in this 

1 On the other hand, it can scarcely be proved that the subject proper 
may ever, under other circumstances, be omitted. For though, instead 
of 12X mn his anger burned, we may say more briefly i^ mn, this is 
really a new mode of expression, he became hot, i.e. angry; and in the case 
of onrn, .1 Sam. xxiv. 11, we have probably only a defective reading, tjpg 
having dropped out before Tpjjy. Further, the Hebrew in this case, as in 
other respects, maintains a proper medium between the Arabic, which, at 
least in prose, never uses the feminine, and the Aramean, which alwayb 
employs it. 



128 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 295. 

indefinite manner, should not stand as the subject in the 
sentence, but be more closely subordinated ; reference can 
then be made to such a person in a suffix sing, (like the 
way shown in 294&), as in Job vi. 17, tena when it is hot 
(inf. of EH it is hot) ; but this construction is not often used 
(see 305); cf. avrols eicel, according to the better reading in 
Matt. xxvi. 71. 

b. Though the brief paraphrastic mode (just mentioned in 
a) of using the neuter of the passive to indicate an action 
that is going on, is more frequently, and in every case more 
easily, employed in Hebrew than in Aramean, yet it is care- 
fully to be observed that the language regards this as nothing 
but an easy and compendious method of expressing the idea 
contained in the 3d pers. plur. of the active ; for, according to 
the Semitic forms, dicitur has almost a shorter sound than 
dicunt. Hence, also, an accusative is always quite as readily 
subordinated to such a passive (see 207, 277d) as to the 
3d pers. plur. of the active, to which it exactly corresponds 
in meaning; as, H??"*" 1 ? \^. let them give the land (let the 
land be given), Num. xxxii. 5, xxvi. 62, 1 Kings ii. 21, 
Jer. xxxv. 14 (in ver. 16 stands the corresponding active 
person). This construction is very common, as Gen. xvii. 5, 
xxvii. 42, Ex. x. 8, xxi. 28, xxv. 28, xxvii. 7, Lev. x. 18, 
Deut. xii. 22, xx. 8, Josh. vii. 15, 2 Sam. xxi. 11, Jer. 
xxxviii. 4, 1. 20, Amos iv. 2, Prov. xvi. 33; the subject 
may either precede, as in the examples now mentioned, or 
follow ; as, 23K.1 HiSfD unleavened bread must be eaten, Ex. 
xiii. 7, Num. xxviii. 1 7 ; lyj 1 ? n ^??? glorious things are 
spoken of thee, Ps. Ixxxvii. 3, cf. Ex. xii. 16, xxxi. 15; 
Lev. ii. 8, Job xxii. 9, Isa. xiv. 3, xxi. 2, Hos. x. 6 : 
among these occurs even the expression i?n~riN TfJ the son 
has been born to him, which admits of easy explanation, 
especially when the existence of polygamy is considered, 
Gen. iv. 18, xxxv. 26, xlvi. 22 (x. 21, 25), Num. xxvi. 20. 
From this, then, we perceive how, in Hebrew, the original 
passive (or, more correctly, weak personal form) was so 
decidedly a favourite, that it was even readily preferred 
when the personal form was equally available ; for all these 
examples admit of being converted into personal passives, 
whenever the object is made the subject ; and how easily 



THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 129 

interchangeable the two modes of expression are, is seen, e.g., 
from Num. xxvi. 53, 55. 

The transition into the strongly personal passive is most 
frequently made only when the active would have two 
objects ; and then, not merely can that which, in meaning, 
is the nearer object, become the subject of the passive verb 
(as in the instances given in 133& [Ges. 143, 1 ; Gr. 
273, 5]), but also the more remote object, whenever the 
connection of the passage shows that it would be better to 
make the second one the subject ; as, jnbrrnK njorn then shall 
it (the spot already spoken about) ~be showed to the priest, Lev. 
xiii. 49, which is, properly speaking, abbreviated from the 
active form of expression, jnbrrnx ^ntorn then shall they show 
the priest it (viz. the spot). 

[757] c. Generally, however, in Semitic (see 12S&) the 
passive is preferred only when the agent is not to be named ; 
because, when he is to be mentioned, the active construction 
is in every case much more convenient. In this respect, the 
Semitic languages form the direct antithesis of the Indian, 
which (as if the passive disposition of the people impressed 
itself on their language also) prefer the passive constructions 
before all others. If, however, as sometimes, the agent is to be 
mentioned along with a passive, which has been preferred to 
every other form, the former is appended by means of the pre- 
position ?, i.e. by the dative, which simply expresses relation 
to the other ; * as, death is chosen ?3? for all (i.e. by all), Jer. 
viii. 3 ; wealth is kept *vW? for its owner (by its owner), 
Eccles. v. 12, Prov. xiv. 20 (cf. Neh. xiii. 26), 1 Sam. ii. 3 
(where & stands for ifj, and is to be understood thus), Gen. 
xiv. 19, 2 Sam. xvii. 16 (y J&3> it is swallowed by me, i.e. 
I must suffer the misfortune) : this freer mode of expression 
appears not to have become usual in prose till later, Neh. 
vi. 1, 7, xiii. 27, Esth. iv. 3, v. 12. Much more rare is the 
use of ft? by (as in Latin and the modern languages) to give 
greater prominence to the person, Job xxiv. 1, xxviii. 4, Ps. 
xxxvii. 23, Eccles. xii. 11, Dan. viii. II; 2 these passages, 

1 [See further, Giesebrecht on the Hebrew preposition Lamed, p. 62 if.] 

2 Probably also Isa. Iviii. 12, taking ya as the reading ; because the 
rendering some [out] of tliee shall build (see 294c) is unsuitable in this 
connection. 



130 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 295. 

moreover, exhibit a purely poetic style of speech ; and they 
are different from those cases in which IP, placed before a 
similar noun, merely expresses the cause, and is thus used 
interchangeably with 3, as Isa. xxviii. 7. 

d. Just as we saw (in &) that an idea which, strictly 
speaking, might be raised to the position of the subject in a 
sentence, sinks to the condition of the object when it is found 
with a passive form, in consequence of an active turn being 
given ^to the meaning; so the same thing may take place 
with v rpn / came to have, since this is nearly equivalent 
in meaning to / have, 1 as we may with certainty infer from 
Gen. xlvii. 24, Ex. xii. 49, xxviii. 7, Num. ix. 14, xv. 29, 
Deut. xviii. 2, Eccles. ii. 7, 1 Chron. xxiv. 28, 2 Chron. 
xvii. 13 ; 2 hence, the noun is even subordinated in the accu- 
sative, in Ezek. xxxv. 10, though njn is not taken as a neuter; 
but in 2 Sam. iv. 2, we must read ]J? for ft. With this we 
may also class !(?*, which, in Prov. xiii. 10, Job xxxvii. 10, 
exactly answers to the Ger. es gibt [lit. it gives], there is. 

[758] e. Of cases in which the subject of a proposition is 
scarcely indicated, the direct opposite seems at first sight to be 
exemplified when a whole proposition is simply made the sub- 
ject of a larger one, and therefore not stated by itself, but 
(perhaps by* employing the infinitive, as shown in 237) 
briefly comprised under a mere noun-idea, and placed in the 
sentence in this form. But such a subject is, rather, not less 
inanimate because that half of the sentence which it represents 
always endeavours to take up a more independent position as 
a proposition ; hence, the predicate, in this case also, becomes 
the more prominent member. And if the person, in the sub- 
ordinate proposition, is not specified, the infinitive, as in 
German [and English], may be very loosely joined with it ; 
as, ra^v 2to it is good to dwell, or that one should dwell, Prov. 
xxi. 9 (cf. ver. 19, where ? is wanting); "flppjjp v *O it is not 



1 [See Giesebrecht, p. 61.] 

2 In the same way in Ethiopia, baka, prop, there is in ihee, i.e. thou 
hast, and negatively 'alibaka, are used with the accusative, as Matt. v. 46, 
vi. 1. The same construction presents itself in Syriac, as Cyr. horn. syr. 
p. 4, 1, line 8, 5; and in the Coptic, in which OTOTi (corresponding to 
C'\ on which see 299a), with a suffix of possession, governs the accusa- 
tive, Acts ix. 31, xv. 21, xviii. 10, xix. 38. 



THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 131 

thine (thy business) to offer sacrifice, 2 Chron. xxvi. 18 ; the 
infinitive may even be joined still more loosely, with a ; as, 
*jn^a T^r 1 ^'P. *& it must not be hard in thine eyes (i.e. appear 
hard to thee) in thy discharging (when thou dost release) thy 
slave, Deut. xv. 18. It is only when the infinitive is placed in 
the construct state, in immediate relation to a person, as the 
subject of its original sentence, that it is not subordinated by 
means of *? (see 287); as, ffj&fn n^n ato & not good is the being 
of the man (i.e. it is not good that the man should be) alone, 
Gen. ii. 18 ; cf. a similar case in Prov. xxv. 7. But under 
other circumstances also, *? is by no means indispensable [before 
the infinitive] at least in poetic discourse ; and passages like 
Prov. xvii. 26, xviii. 5, show that it is especially avoided when 
it is to be required afterwards, for giving more support to 
another infinitive. 

If possible, the subject is still more briefly indicated in 
expressions resembling those just explained, except that the 
leading thought consists in a still smaller word, e.g. a negative, 
or a preposition. Thus, ^]^? *6 (is it) not to be mentioned, i.e. 
one must not mention . . . Amos vi. 10; 1 cf. njnp D3J &6n 
(is it) not yours (L. vestnm, according to 292), i.e. your duty, 
to know ? Mic. iii. 1 ; nay, the infinitive with p may be used 
alone in this way, quite shortly, Isa. Ivii. 15. This is parti- 
cularly often the case when the preposition 7JJ may be regarded 
as expressing what is obligatory or necessary (see 2 1 7*) : the 
action which is incumbent on a person is loosely subordinated 
by means of the infinitive with ?, as, fifv vy it is incumbent on 
me to give, 2 Sam. xviii. 1 1 ; but a noun gradually comes to be 
subordinated quite as loosely, by means of a (which has, per- 
haps, the same force with nouns as ? with infinitives), as, 
na&osa DnvJJ prop, it is incumbent on them with the business, 
i.e. they must execute the business, 1 Chron. ix. 33, Ezra iii. 
3 (following the Massoretic reading), Zech. xii. 2. But con- 
trariwise, w$ v may mean, it is mine (i.e. I must show care) 
over thee } Ezek. xv. 10. 2 



1 [But this construction may also express impossibility, as t?Hin$> tfi> in 
Judg. i. 19 ; such a meaning is required by the context, and confirmed by 
the fuller parallel passage, Josh. xvii. 12.] 

2 [Xo such passage exists, nor is it evident what special instance Ewald 
could have meant.] 



132 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, -226. 

Similarly, we even find the substantive verb once used; 
Irvin njvn njna with misfortune was it in his house (misfortune 
befell his house), [759] 1 Chron. vii. 2 3 : the writer, indeed, 
has ventured on this mode of expression only for the purpose 
of explaining a proper name ; but similar brevity is shown 
when it is said, according to the anger of Jahve njvn it hap- 
pened (or came) fTWSi to Judah, 2 Kings xxiv. 3 (where we 
must read *|K for *fi), 20. 

296a. 2. Though the predicate forms, as it were, the match 
of the subject, is of equal importance with it, and (see 276&) 
is to be regarded, equally with it, as in the nominative, when 
represented by a mere noun ; yet, inasmuch as it can merely 
describe the state or condition of the leading word, the latter 
remains comparatively less affected by inflection, while the 
other [viz. the predicate] may exhibit much greater variety in 
expression. However, it is almost always a verb, or a mere 
descriptive word (an adjective or participle) ; if it be the latter, 
the article is unnecessary, and the predicate is quite simple 
[i.e. takes no addition]; as, nirp p^x righteous (is) Jahve. The 
sense, however, may necessitate the use of the article, e.g. when 
comparison or pre-eminence is to be specially indicated ; as, 
p'HSfn nirp Jahve is the righteous one, viz. in this matter which 
is spoken of, Ex. ix. 27 (cf. 277a); or when a participle 
gives such strong prominence to a property, that it combines 
with the article and takes up more of a separate position, the 
article having the meaning of he who (that which) ; as, "la^n *a 
my mouth is that ivhich speaks, Gen. xlv. 12, Isa. xiv. 27, 
Zech. vii. 6, cf. Ps. xix. 11. 

&. Instead of an adjective, there may also be found a noun 
which indicates the property ; and this because an adjective 
either has not yet been formed, or become current. [Ges. 
106.] In this respect, the Hebrew, like the Arabic, is very 
brief and bold, especially because it expresses so many descrip- 
tive ideas by means of nouns (see 287/) which are subor- 
dinated to another. If, then, one were constantly to say H> T 1 !? 
a wall of wood, i.e. a wooden wall, this would only be some- 
what further abbreviated by such a noun being used absolutely 
as the predicate (as also for the object; see 284&). Thus, 
yy vrrvjp its walls are wood, i.e. wooden, Ezek. xli. 22 ; the same 
construction is often used in speaking of artificers' work ; also, 



THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 133 



in the language of agriculture, as the flax vf&$ flower (in bloom), 
Ex. ix. 31, cf. Cant. ii. 15, 1 Ezra x. 13, and in other miscel- 
laneous expressions of a similar kind, 1 Sam. xxi. 6, Gen. xL 
1, Ex. xxxii. 16, Deut. xxxiii. 25, Jer. xxiv. 2, Isa. vii. 24, 
Jer. xliv. 2, xlix. 23, Ps. cxix. 75. With such predicates, 
accordingly, the subject which has just been mentioned is 
easily repeated, mentally, in the construct state, as part of the 
predicate (thus, its walls are walls of wood} ; this case is found 
in the following poetic expressions of a bolder kind, B^N "^03 
thy throne is (a throne of) God, i.e. divine, Ps. xlv. 7, cf. ver. 9 ; 
thine eyes are (eyes of) doves, Cant. i. 15. Further, [760] many 
words of the kind are found only in poetry ; as, *BO}1 a rock, 
i.e. barren, Jobxv. 34, xxx. 3. Or, an abstract noun surpasses 
the adjective itself in extreme brevity combined with fulness; 
as God is truth, i.e. nothing but truth, Jer. x. 1 0, Ps. xix. 1 ; 
be a blessing! i.e. an example and instrument of blessing (hence, 
more than merely blessed), Gen. xii. 2, cf. Ps. xxi. 7 ; / am 
prayer, nothing but prayer, as it were quite lost in, and iden- 
tified with it, Ps. cix. 4, cf. ex. 3, Job xix. 29, xxiii. 2, xxvi. 
13, Eccles. x. 12, Isa. v. 12, xi. 10, xxix. 2, Ezek. xxvii 
36, xxviii. 19, Dan. ix. 23, cf. x. 11, 19. That the lan- 
guage regarded such a word as really in the nominative, is 
plainly shown at least by the Arabic; see Ewald's Gram. Arab. 
655, ii. p. 146. 

c. More rarely, the predicate is represented by the infinitive, 
while a noun forms the subject of the sentence ; thus, the words 
of the ivicked are D'H'^N to lie in wait for blood, i.e. that they 
wish to lie in wait for the innocent, Prov. xii. 6, cf. xiii. 19. 
More frequent is the use of an infinitive with ? (see 237c); 
as, 381 *JW ?"*? it is not (possible) to stand before thee, i.e. no 
one can stand before thee, 2 Chron. xx. 6 ; W>inp rw Jahve 
is to help me, i.e. must and will help me, is cst qui me juvet, 
Isa. xxxviii. 20. 

d. But lastly, it is possible that an idea, from having been 
generally so employed already, may have become a mere word 
expressing a relation (i.e. a preposition), or an attributive 
(adverb), and hence must be used as the predicate in that 

1 On the other hand, in ver. 13, because the full predicate is found only 
after them, the same words form a mere group (see 287/0 signifying the 
vineyards in bloom, i.e. the blooming vineyards. 



134 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 297. 

form, just because the language lias no word more suitable. 
Tims, D^^K Difen is your father well? Gen. xliii. 27, 2 Sam. 
xx. 9, because DW is a noun (see 150), and we can still 
say, in accordance with, the earlier mode of construction, Dwn 
B3*2W?, 2 Sam. xviii. 32, Gen. xxix. 6, Ps. cxx. 7; moreover, 
thy reward ifcp nann is very great, Gen. xv. 1 (see 280c). 
Similarly, BVO, Lat. parum, as a word that has become inde- 
clinable, serves for any relation in the sentence, hence also for 
the predicate, even when combined with other words, as, VV 
Q TJ! f ew an & wM (the latter word being properly plur.) were 
the years of my life, Gen. xlvii. 9, cf. Jer. xlii. 2 ; and with the 
article, when the meaning requires it, as, ye are BJJOn the fewest 
of all peoples, Deut. vii. 7 ; it is only the latest writers who 
form from it the new plur. E^D, when this, as the predicate, 
refers to the subject in the plural, Ps. cix. 8, Eccles. v. 1. 
The artificial style of the second age of poetry (see 3c) goes 
still further in this direction : one may briefly say, in it, we 
are yesterday [L. hesterni, ^Oeaivol, Ger. gestrige], Job viii. 9, 
because originally such an expression as ?ton ^s might very 
well be used (see &) ; the word which was gentle (on B^J>, see 
146/, 217^ [or the Lexicons, under Btf]) with thee, or to- 
wards thee, Job xv. 11, after the manner of a relative sentence 
( 332). But such an expression as, ye are become &6 not, in 
the sense of nothing, nonentities [Ger. nichtiy], would be im- 
possible even for the boldest poet ; because one could never 
say, using N& (which is too weak for the purpose), *O ^K ; 
hence, in Job vi. 21, for the negative we must read v. 

[761] Moreover, every noun subordinated by means of a pre- 
position may serve as the predicate ; thus, rnfett fc^n he is in the 
field : but the brief Kin may then, like any substantive, serve 
as the leading word (see 2975); however, rnfea nr might 
easily bear quite another meaning, viz. here in the field (see p. 
481). 

297a. 3. The conjunction of these two necessary elements 
forms, in Semitic, as in every primitive language, a complete 
proposition ; as, iW "OK / am Jahve, wn P^V He is righteous, 
rrroa ^ fo me (i.e. mine; see 292) is strength, Di*n "VViJ harvest 
is to-day, 1 Sam. xii. 17. An external sign for connecting 
these two main constituents of a proposition, when the predi- 
cate is not to be a verb in other words, a copula (as it is 






THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 135 

now called) is really unnecessary; because the mode in 
which the discourse is delivered by the living voice is of 
itself sufficient to indicate the separation, in meaning, between 
the two different halves of the sentence ; and, in Hebrew, a 
special word for this purpose is, in actual fact, very rarely 
used. The Indo-Germanic languages began pretty early to 
use the verb to be for this sign, when the predicate did not 
consist of a more complete verb, and thus the substantive 
verb came to be the mere copula in a sentence ; whereas 
the Semitic languages properly do not yet know of any 
such usage, and have, in this respect also, remained much 
more simple. 

b. The pronoun of the third (i.e. the most general) person, 
however, serves to indicate existence in the most general way, 
wherever there is an absence, in the sentence, of any more specific 
predicate ; as, Nin ^$ / am he (or, as we may then say, using 
words of more neuter meaning, it is /), EH wnjtf it is we, 
Mn jjjj) it is a stroke [plague, spot], Lev. xiii. 4, 49, and in .a 
stronger case, what has been long ago Kin is [now], Eccles. iii. 
15. 1 Beginning with this use, it of course serves, in other 
cases also, to indicate our verb to be, when tense and mood 
are not of much importance (see 298), but specially only 
when it is most necessary to separate the subject from the 
predicate, because both of these are definite ; as, : 3n mn Q-nn 
the Hood is the soul, Deut. xii. 23, flji?? Nin "in David is (or, in 
a circumstantial clause, when the past is spoken of, was) the 
smallest, 1 Sam. xvii. 14 (see 3066), where |Bj3n would readily 
be joined in apposition (according to 293a), so as to mean 
the little David; yet, even in this case, the pronoun is by no 
means necessary, see 1 Kings iii. 22, 23, 26. Moreover, it is 
readily employed after a pronoun, placed, for greater emphasis, 
in front, and apart from other words, especially in the case of 
actual persons ; as, n|> nan nn what are these ? Zech. iv. 5 (but 
compare ver. 4 and i. 9, where the pronoun is wanting), Gen. 
xxv. 16. It is different when (in accordance with 309&) 
the subject precedes, and is of considerable extent, the con- 
tinuity of discourse being therefore somewhat interrupted ; as, 
these men veaceable (are) they, Gen. xxxiv. 21, xlii. 11 [762] 
Mai. i. 7, 12. But it gradually comes to be frequently used 
1 This rendering, of course, is contrary to the accents. 



136 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 293. 

as the copula in other cases also, and to a very large extent, 
for instance, in Ecclesiastes ; also with an indefinite subject, 
Jer. 1. 25. But, because Kin itself always contains the predi- 
cate, though imperfectly, 1 this third personal pronoun is also 
used, quite correctly, along with one of a different person ; as, 
D'rftKn Kin nnK Thou art God, 2 Sam. vii. 28, Ps. xliv. 5, Zeph. 
ii 12. 

Poetic writers come to use this personal pronoun also 
by itself, for he is, after a word in the construct state (see 
2 8 62), hence in a sentence already half begun, Nah. 
ii. 9, Isa. xviii. 2, 7. 

Hence also, Kin, which is the most handy pronoun, 
serves as the briefest explanatory particle, to express 
our that is; as,itf? K*n jfa Beta, i.e. Zoar, Gen. xiv. 7, 8, 
Judg. vii. 1 : this is a mere literary form of expres- 
sion ; see, however, Gen. xxxvi. 19, 43. But the pro- 
noun varies, of course, with the number and gender of 
the noun that is to explained; as, Egypt (i.e. the Egyptians) 
Dn they are . . . ; or, as we express it, that is . . . Isa. 
xxx. 7. 

29 Sa. The verb njn to be, is, strictly speaking, used only 
when a verb is required to represent the idea of becoming, being, 
existing, hence for what is absolutely past or future ; as, B^K 
n^n a man was once (there was once a man), Job i. 1 ; and 
often for the voluntative, as also constantly for the imperative. 
Except in Ex. ix. 3, a participle, being, occurs only in later 
writers ; because, for the present, as the tense which most 
readily suggests itself, there is usually no copula at all, or the 
personal pronoun is sufficient ; in parenthetical sentences, also, 
^n is seldom used of the past, Judg. viii. 11. The word, of 
course, gradually comes to be employed somewhat more freely, 
for our verb to be; it is particularly to be observed that rvn &6 
is often used, in a negative sentence (i.e. one of a more em- 

1 That we must so regard the matter admits of no doubt in itself, and is 
further confirmed by the Ethiopia, in which the pronoun already serves 
rather as the copula, though still in such a way that we must say, for in- 
stance, ye (are) it the salt of the earth. A different course of development, 
indeed, has been followed by the Syriac, which may repeat the same person, 
as if it constituted a verb ; this, however, applies in Syriac only to the first 
person, not the second [rather, both to the first and second persons ; see 
Uhlemann's Syriac Gram. 54, 3]. 



THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A .SENTENCE. 137 

pliatic character), for our lie is not} Gen. xlii. 11, 31, and placed 
alone [without any other word following] in the sense of he is 
lost, gone, Isa. xv. 6, xxiii. 13, Ezek. xxi. 32 : still, it always 
remains far from being identical with our modern verb to be. 

b. Moreover, just as the idea of the verb to be is placed in 
immediate construction with the word which more exactly 
forms the predicate, so [763] also may those verbs which de- 
scribe a somewhat more specific kind of being (see 2S5e), 
e.g. verbs which signify commencing to be, i.e. becoming, Gen. 
ix. 20, 1 Sam. iii. 2; verbs of hastening, i.e. quickly becoming, 
Isa. xlix. 17; and those of ceasing to be, Isa. xxxiii. 1, Ps. ix. 
7, Hos. vii. 4: indeed, it is just through this immediate con- 
struction with the more exact predicate, and only after it is 
formed, that they receive their restriction to the particular 
kind of being ; as, ncj92 t?icnn ?nn the sickle has begun (i.e. is 
only now for the first time) in the (growing) corn, Deut. xvi. 9. 
But, because a species of being a state or condition is 
thereby described, the following verb, if such a word be re- 
quired for the more specific predicate, most readily chooses the 
participial form 2 (see 168c); as Isa. xxxiii. 1, where, how- 
ever, in the other member, the infinitive with 7 is used instead 
of the participle. Verbs denoting continuance would be con- 
strued in the same way, and may have the same force in the 
language ; in Jer. xxiii. 2 6 is found an example of this, at least 
in meaning; cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 150 f. [Wright's 
Arab. Gram. ii. 42]. The verb ^SH to turn, at least in the 
Book of Origins [see footnote, p. 32], Lev. xiii. 3 ff., also 22iD 
in the sense of becoming, in Jer. xxxi. 22, is put in immediate 
construction with what more precisely forms the predicate, 



1 Compare also ^j J and Ewald's Gram. Arab. 658; in particular, 

the Ethiopic 'ikdna, and Syriac |OCTI JJ, in many constructions, merely 
express the more decided not. Care must be taken not to class under this 
category what does not belong to it ; thus, nTl in Eccles. vi. 10, vii. 24, is 
in the perfect only because it depends on $-,-]> (see 357c) whatever exists; 
and in Eccles. vii. 19, VH may be the simple preterite. 

2 This construction is quite usual in Syriac, and cannot have arisen from 
imitation of the Greek. So, too, the Neo-Hebraic verb ^ririn to beyin, de- 
rived from the old word p^nn beginning (see 161&), is construed with the 
participle, in M. TtJ 2, 9, twice. 



138 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 299. 

just as the Ger. werden, which is connected with the Lat. vertere 
and Sansk. vrit, properly expresses the change into a new 
condition. 1 

299a. Those particles which, without being actually verbs, 
yet really and properly express being, either generally, or in 
some of its special kinds (see 262& f.), mostly subordinate that 
to which they refer, so that the whole sentence, strictly speak- 
ing, proceeds from a terse and pointed particle of this nature; 
as, "0?? behold me! i.e. here I am, njjpn & existence of hope, i.e. 
there is hope, one is not without hope, Job xi. 18, cf. Lam. iii. 
29, Euth i. 12, nnx & there are friends, or rather, in conjunc- 
tion with a succeeding relative clause, many a friend (is more 
faithful than a brother), Prov. xviii. 24, *$y B* there is one 
that hears (and answers) thee, such an one is not wanting, Job 
v. 1. Here, ^ is always followed by indefinite nouns, and 
these, too, in the singular (see 2 7 8 a); far more rarely is B* 
construed with a definite noun, e.g. on account of a circumstan- 
tial clause (see 306c), as in Judg. vi. 13, or on account of 
a similar [764] conditional sentence (see 3555). Hence we 
must say that K^J always posits the is emphatically, and indi- 
cates that there is no want of something. Similarly, on the one 
hand, D'JN 3h, taken by itself, signifies enough of men, but, with 
a following relative clause, there are often men; on the other 
hand, \*& there is not (see 3 2 la), D2K there is no more, as 
DipE DSN there is no more place (room), Isa. v. 8, and, with a 
similar meaning, vB, Isa. xxviii. 8 ; also, by compounding, as 
D^K "riy they arc no more, Ps. civ. 3 5 ; in the case of "ity, special 
notice should be taken of the exceedingly brief expression, 
there is yet to him only the kingdom, i.e. nothing more than this 
is wanting to him, it is only this that he does not yet possess, 
1 Sam. xviii. 8. If a verb be added to such a particle, in 
order to render the predicate more complete and exact, it is 
mostly subordinated as a participle, just as in 298&, Josh. 
iii. 11, Job i. 16, unless, for some special reason, the preterite 

1 Cf. the English lie turns monk, a mode of expression which most readily 

/ / 

agrees with that in Jeremiah, loc. cit. But jU to return is also frequently 
construed with the accus., in the sense of once more becoming, Hariri, p. 
164, 1, Fakili. Kind. p. Ill, thrice; cf. the Hellenistic dnotrroiipetv ii$ 
f&ix,pdv (fern.) to lecome small, Bar. ii. 29. 



THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 139 

is to be more precisely distinguished, Gen. xxii. 20; it deserves 
to be noticed that nan, inasmuch as it seeks to subordinate a 
noun, also takes the verb into construction with itself by means 
of the infinitive, Judg. xix. 9. 

Since, however, these particles oscillate in meaning between 
the noun and the verb, having their origin in the former and 
deriving their force from the latter, they also begin to be 
regarded as the second half of the proposition, and hence to 
be used more freely, like the third person of a verb. They 
may be employed by themselves, whenever the meaning is 
evident from the context; 1 as, "n^K & it is with thee, i.e. 
thou certainly hast it, or canst do it, Prov. iii. 28. nan 
especially has an independent power of reference to some- 
thing existing, when the subject treated of is a person already 
defined, or plainly indicated by the context; as, ?nfca nan 
there he is (or she is ; also plur. they are) in the tent, Gen. 
xviii. 9, 1 Sam. xix. 22, 1 Kings xxi. 18 ; and, when the 
past is spoken of, he was (or, they were), 2 Kings vi. 20 ; but 
also "intf Dy nan there is (or, it is) one people, the reference 
being presupposed by the speaker, Gen. xi. 6, Num. xxiii. 9, 24 ; 
and finally, it is used wholly by itself, without any more 
specific predicate, though such a construction is possible only 
in brief poetic speech ; as, nan there he is ! (the well-known 
one), Job ix. 19, just in the same way as nK where is he? 
Job xv. 23. Further, these particles may also be separated 
from that to which they refer, by intervening words ; or they 
may even be placed after a subject, just like a verb (except in the 
case of nan, which, as being merely demonstrative, must always 
stand at the beginning) ; they then revert to the absolute state, 
especially when a short, pointed, circumstantial sentence is to 
be formed (see 306c) ; as, an $ B* / have much, & D^g there 
are eyes, eyes are not wanting, |*N na tJiere is no strength, 
Gen. xxxiii. 9, 11, Judg. xix. 19, Isa. xliii. 8, xxxvii. 3. 
And finally, they may also stand alone in this way, when it is 
evident from the context to what they refer ; as, DBK there is 
no more [765], Amos vi. 10 : and in the concinnate style of 
the later poets, j^a when there would be nothing, then . . . i.e. 

1 In this whole matter, the Hebrew and Aramaic have become much 
more free than the Arabic, which can never allow such particles to remain 
without their complementary words. 



140 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 299. 

there was not much wanting, so that . . . [i.e. almost, well- 
nigh], Ps. Ixxiii. 2. Of. 2867*, 3 2 la. 1 

1}. Instead, then, of the one verb to le, with its abstract, 
general meaning, which is used by the Indo-European lan- 
guages, the Semitic tongues, when that which more exactly 
forms the predicate is not at once and by itself introduced 
into the proposition, have really a large number of expressions 
of different kinds, which render the idea of that verb in a 
manner suitable to each particular instance ; this could not be 
otherwise, so long as the proper particle, sufficient for all re- 
quirements, was still wanting. Lastly, another expression still, 
belonging to the category now under consideration, is afforded 
by the preposition a (see 217/), inasmuch as this particle 
is capable of specifying that in which or for which anything 
consists ; it is found almost solely with the more specific 
predicate, as, / appeared to them (in which statement there is 
already a predication) ^ b| in the character of the Almighty 
God, Ex. vi. 3, Ps. xxxix. 7 ; then also in such a way that it 
serves to introduce a name, as, pn>^ as Isaac, or, as we say 
more briefly, " Isaac " is to be the name of a descendant of 
thine, 2 Gen. xxi. 12 ; hence also, in the last place, to impart 
a greater degree of solemnity to the predicate itself when this 
consists of a noun or similar word, as, tow n as Jah is His 
name (or, His name passes as Jah), i.e. " Jah " is His name, 
Ps. Ixviii. 5, Job xxiii. 13 ; but, beyond these few examples 
of a purely poetic and rare mode of expression, the latter 
usage is scarcely met with in Hebrew. 8 

1 The Semitic is not quite singular in using such noun-verbs; in the 
Coptic, OTOrt and such like words show most resemblance ; the Turkish 

yj exactly corresponds in meaning to the Heb. ty\ the only difference 
being that, in the former language, as regards the arrangement of words, 
it was originally put after the word to which it referred. Even in 
Armenian something similar is found, see Ewald's Spracliwiss. AWiandl. i. 
p. 63 ff. ; and the Greek also falls back upon the same method, in the case 
of etft. 

2 This is the same as when, to a proper name, an -itl or -ndma is added 
in Sanskrit, or a X6 prefixed in Coptic. [But, in opposition to Ewald's 
rendering, see the context of the passage itself, and Rom. ix. 7.] 

3 In Arabic it is more frequent ; but, even there, it is found only in 
negative sentences. Formerly, much was said about a Beth essentiae, which, 
however, was not properly understood ; cf. also Tabriz! on the Hamdsa, 



THE SECONDARY MEMBERS OF THE SENTENCE. 141 

A different case is presented when an adjective in the 

neuter, with 3, forms the predicate, either alone, as, 

&ttn sna it (the people) is in evil plight, Ex. xxxii. 22, 

cf. v. 19; or with the more specific predicate, as Isa. 

xl. 10, Gen. xlix. 24, which have been already explained 

(see 1*7 2&) ; or when a noun with a predicates wherein 

something consists, or indicates the power, quality, etc., 

which anything possesses, as, a wise man is with firmness, 

i.e. possesses it, Prov. viii. 8, xxiii. 17&, xxiv. 5. The 

idea of our verb to have may also be expressed in this 

way : the days of our years DH3 in them are (i.e. they 

have, comprise) seventy years, Ps. xc. 10. 1 

c. Finally, either half of the [766] proposition may consist 

of a broken sentence, or part of a sentence, so that it is only 

those possessed of considerable acumen who can perceive 

that such broken words are intended to form the half of a 

true intelligible proposition. This is not to be looked for so 

much in the simpler as in the more artificial and facetious 

style ; Eccles. vii. 1 2 affords two examples - 

Shaded by wisdom shaded by wealth! 

The benefit of knowledge: wisdom refreshes its possessor ! 

Or the predicate may merely refer, quite briefly, to all that 
has already been stated; as in Eccles. xii. 13, this (such) is 
the whole man ! 2 



(Z>) The Secondary Members of the Sentence. 

300&. A sentence may be very largely extended, merely in 
consequence of the fact that its two leading members are 
conjoined, since each of these admits of being expanded into 
groups of words of greater or less extent (see 276 ff.). 
But still further additions may be made to the sentence in 
the shape of more freely placed extensions, consisting of indi- 
vidual words or groups of words, and attached in such a way 

p. 185, 20 if. In Ethiopic, eneta is used, as in Dillmann's Chrcstomathy, 
p. 10, line 5 from bottom. 

1 In similar cases, the Arabic employs its . . 

2 Cf. Ewald's Johanneischen Schriften, i. p. 501. 



142 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 300. 

that they belong more to the sentence as a whole than to any 
special one of its two main portions. Strictly speaking, how- 
ever, such extensions are, for the most part, either more par- 
ticularly connected with the meaning of the predicate, or with 
that of the leading word (the subject) ; hence we have the 
three following kinds of secondary members in a sentence : 

1. Statements of time, place, and similar relations, which, 
though not more closely connected with the predicate, yet 
really refer more to it than to the subject. The prepositions, 
of course, are most largely used here to indicate such relations 
in the sentence ; but the mere accusative, as such, likewise 
readily suffices for the purpose (see 204a). And certain 
modes of expression, whose meaning may be rendered still 
more explicit by the employment of a preposition, are, either 
in consequence of frequent use, or from the innovations of 
poetic licence, gradually abbreviated in such a way that they 
accept the shortest mode of construction by means of the 
accusative. This construction is of itself sufficient, 

(a) In statements of measure, or space. But much depends 
on the usage observed by the language in each particular 
instance; thus, &?B$n the heaven, i.e. above, 1 Kings viii. 32ff., 
as we can even say, for a predicate, E^ ^2 heights of heaven! 
i.e. as high, as heaven, Job xi. 8, cf. xxii. 12 ; fl^^n ^-C 1 - ^ l& 
other court, in brief architectural description, for in the other 
court, 1 Kings vii. 8. In statements of time, the accusative 
alone is sufficient, when the action continues throughout the 
whole length of the period indicated, as, he wandered D^l Q^pj 
many days ; (during the whole of) the thirteenth year they had 
rebelled, Gen. xiv. 4, cf. ver. 5 ; Q^an D'Tpjn (during) the coming 
(future) days [767], all is forgotten, Eccles. ii. 16. But the 
accusative may also be used when the action does not extend 
through the whole space of time mentioned, as in common 
expressions like na$n the (this) year thou shalt die, Jer. 
xxviii. 16 ; or, they came rnblPKn ^tf'l at the "beginning of the 
(middle) night-watch, Judg. vii. 19 ; rW Jiten at the middle of 
the night, Job xxxiv. 20, Ps. cxix. 62, instead of which we 
still find in prose the full infinitival expression rWn rtisns, 
Ex. xi. 4, so that the infinitive has, in this case, finally 
become as much shortened as in *JN3, which has already been 
explained on p. 125 f. 



THE SECONDARY MEMBERS OF THE SENTENCE. 143 

(5) In statements of place, the simple accusative is sufficient, 
whenever it is used to indicate measurement in length and 
breadth. Under other circumstances, a in, is omitted only in 
certain expressions which are frequently used ; as, nriQ ; door 
of . . . i.e. outside, in front of . . . ; TV? house of . . . i.e. with a 
person [Lat. apud, Er. chez, Ger. bei] ; hence, even in the case 
of proper names, we can say, quite shortly, on? JV3 at (in) 
Bethlehem, 2 Sam. ii. 32, ^ nra at Bethel, Hos. xii. 5, Zech. 
vii. 2. But JV3 and JVa? can always be used interchangeably ; 
cf. 2 Chron. xxxiii. 20 with ver. 24. 1 

(c) In statements which describe the circumstances or the 
purpose of the action ; as, they came ?&jnb\> nviy according to 
law (which is construed as an indefinite word, in accordance 
with 2 9 2) for Israel, i.e. in the manner that had been pre- 
scribed to Israel, Ps. cxxii. 4 ; he offered for them Q?3 "'SDD 
number of them all, i.e. as many sacrifices as there were of them, 
Job i. 5, Ex. xvi. 16 (hence also such an accusative is used 
at once, in the beginning of a sentence, as the predicate, Jer. 
ii. 28), though it is still possible to use also "iSDJp? instead, 
Josh. iv. 5, 8, Judg. xxi. 23 ; ^bf\ rn^jj, according to the 
work of the Levites, i.e. as they wrought, Ex. xxxviii. 21, cf. 
1 Chron. ix. 13. Hence a circumstantial clause (see 303c) 
may also be very briefly subordinated in this way, as, God 
gives it K3ty in sleep, or sleeping, Ps. cxxvii. 2, cf. Deut. iv. 11; 
see more on this subject in 341 below. In such cases, the 
accusative is almost always enough ; a preposition, however, 
may also become necessary, as when it is required to begin a 
sentence thus : njna with evil, or malevolently, has he led them 
out, Ex. xxxii. 12, where the adjective alone, without the pre- 
position, would be too feeble and unintelligible ; or, as when, to 
the proposition. God who forms it, there is added (according to 
237c) BJI^L!? to make it subsist, i.e. in reality, Jer. xxxiii. 2. 

3 Ola. 2. Such an adjunct in the proposition may refer 
chiefly to the subject, and thereby tell on the whole sentence; 
as, two supported him inK 1TO IHK njD on this side one, and on 
that side one, i.e. on both sides, Ex. xvii. 12. In particular, a 
subject in the plural may at once be so individualized by 

1 On the other hand, ptf for in the land, Deut. vi. 3, would be strange ; 
hence the word must be understood in a different way ; cf. the Septuagint. 



144 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 302. 

adding B^K, in the sense of every (see 278?)), that further 
amplifications follow the example of this singular ; as, vun 
ia"in t^tf gird (ye) on every one his sword ! And when recipro- 
cal actions are in question [768], to this B^K is subordinated 
vnK his brother, or injn his friend ; as, VnK BN JlpHT *6 they 
do not thrust every one his brother, i.e. one another, Joel ii. 8 ; 
'injrrptf B^K ^PfJ ^y &wV every one to his friend, i.e. among 
themselves. This method of expressing our " one another" 
" each other " (Gr. a\\tj\cov\ has become so firmly established, 
that it is even applied to inanimate subjects, Ex. xxvi. 3. 

1. This construction VHK . . . B*K (or ffijn . . . B>\s) has in this 
way preserved itself, as a smaller sentence within the larger, 
much more in its original perfection and independence in the 
Hebrew than in most other languages, which either always 
contract the two words into one, as the Sanskr. anydnydm 
(where, however, the first member at least has always remained 
in the nominative) and the Ger. einander (one another), or 
even, after the two have thus coalesced, proceed to treat the 
word as a plural, and employ it afterwards only as a subordi- 
nated word (in an oblique case), like the Gr. aK\r)\wv and the 



Syr. Ij^ (from "in-in one-one). Even though it may be 

* 



completely subordinated, it still remains in its full form ; as, 
/ deliver them injn "Til B^K one into the other's hand, i.e. into 
each other's power, Zech. xi. 6, vii. 9. But it is to be 
remarked that, with later writers, even the closer construction 
sometimes begins to appear, mostly in the subordination of the 
construct state ; as, do not devise VHfejl B*N njn the evil of one 
(against) another, Zech. vii. 10 (cf. also, on the other hand, 
the earlier form of construction in viii. 1 7) ; and Ezekiel, even 
more briefly still, once uses merely B^K in this sense, i. 11, 
cf. ver. 9. 

302&. 3. A number of larger or smaller secondary mem- 
bers may, in the character of dependent secondary propositions, 
be added to the main sentence, which is otherwise complete 
in itself ; such an addition may be made at the very begin- 
ning, e.g. a specification of time, as in Gen. i. 1, Isa. vi. 1 ; or at 
the end, even in a sentence of considerable length, Isa. ix. 6 ; 
or it may be inserted into the body of the sentence itself, as in 
Ezra ii. 68. These adjuncts are really very loosely attached ; 



IMPERFECT AND ABBREVIATED PROPOSITIONS. 145 

they are, however, mostly connected with the sentence proper 
by means of prepositions, or (less frequently) even by the 
mere accusative, without being themselves able to pass for 
independent propositions. Even whole circumstantial clauses 
(see 306c) may be briefly attached in this way (cf. Dan. iii. 1 
in Aramean) ; it will be better, however, not to enter on the 
explanation of the contracted circumstantial sentences, which 
would properly fall to be considered here, till later on (see 
341). To a proper noun may be appended, in quite a brief 
way, toB>* his name, merely as an indication that the noun is 
to be regarded as a proper name ; thus Job i. 1, Ezra v. 14. 1 
&. It is worth while observing how one or more words, 
which might originally be also independent, have gradually, 
through [769] the influence of the larger sentence, become 
mere secondary clauses, or even subsidiary particles. Thus, 
the words nj^ D^n^ nr no longer form a separate and inde- 
pendent proposition, these are seventy years, but, associated 
with another sentence, merely signify these seventy years 
[past] (see 18 3 a near the end), since pronouns generally, 
when, contrary to the original order of their arrangement (see 
2 9 3a), they precede the noun, readily become mere sub- 
ordinate particles. 



(c) Imperfect and Abbreviated Members of Sentences. 
The Infinitive Construct in the Sentence, 

303&. If, in a proposition standing quite alone, one of the 
two necessary constituent parts be wanting, such a sentence 
must be regarded as incomplete : but this may very possibly 
occur, for instance, in an exclamation (see 327). The same 
remark holds true when the proposition merely consists of 
a subordinated word. Sometimes in ordinary language, as 
in impassioned speech, there is found nothing but an accusa- 
tive referring to a verb, which, though certainly implied in the 
whole, is merely understood rather than expressed; as, &6n 

1 The latter passage is Arainean ; but the correct Aramean for such an 
expression has been already given on p. 50, footnote 2. In exactly the 
same way, we find the ndma or iti attached to proper names in Sanskrit. 

K 



146 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 303. 



K what ! have you not heard the words ? Zech. vii. *7 ; 
should I drink the Hood of men ? 2 Sam. xxiii. 1 7 (in the 
parallel passage, 1 Chron. xi. 19, the ellipsis is unnecessarily 
supplied); cf. also Lam. i. 12, and the cases described on 
pp. 38, 39, 1 also 329a below. 

b. "When a sentence is connected with something preced- 
ing, an idea which would otherwise require to be indicated 
may more readily be omitted, if it would merely consist of an 
unemphatic pronoun ; this is because the reference to what is 
omitted lies in the very meaning of the whole, and the 
Hebrew, like the other ancient languages, does not, in this 
respect, require any superfluity of expression. Hence, 

(1.) The subject, though somewhat definite, may be omitted, 
when it can be made out otherwise from a preceding word ; 
as, in the image of God made He (God) him, Gen. ix. 6, xiv. 
1, 2, Esth. ii. 21 ; 2 such a subject may also become more 
distinctly indicated as the discourse proceeds, as in Isa. xxiii. 11. 
Or, there may be the total omission of a subject which is 
evident from what precedes, when a particle, placed at the head 
of the sentence, itself forms so strong an introduction to the 
proposition, that it can take the place of the one half of the 
sentence, while the predicate immediately follows ; thus, with 
an interrogative particle, D^itDn are (they, viz. the kingdoms 
previously mentioned) better ? Amos vi. 2 ; or with a particle 
indicative of time, as, ^^P ^ when (He, i.e. God) is at my 
right hand, Ps. xvi. 8, Joel ii. 1, 2 Sam. xiv. 13 ; or with the 
more emphatic 1 (see 345), as, Q?tyi> "H"}- 1 ^ 51 then (i.e. therefore, 
hence) it (viz. the house) is blessed for ever [770], 1 Chron. 
xvii. 27, 2 Sam. xiv. 14. Some later writers, however, who 
use the artificially brief style (see 3c), go further in this 
respect than the writers of the best period would have ventured ; 
they omit a subject which can be made out, from what has 
previously been stated, only in a very general form ; as, 
O':n DW 'a because (it is) for many (long) days, Dan. viii. 19, 
26 ; or even one which can only be supplied orally in the 

1 With this, accordingly, we would need to compare a similar case in 
which the accusative is employed in Arabic ; see Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. 
p 217 f. 

2 Cf. the precisely similar usage in Syriac ; Assemani's Bibl. orient. 
i. p. 407, 83. 



THE INFINITIVE CONSTRUCT IN THE PROPOSITION. 147 



language of the passing moment, as, T?V *O not against thee 
(have I any evil desire), 2 Chron. xxxv. 21, cf. xviii 3. 1 
Similarly, 

(2.) The object may be omitted, when it is easily inferred 
from the context ; in most cases, it is evident from what has 
already been stated before, especially when only things are 
spoken of, as, he saw and told (what he had seen), Gen. ix. 
22 ; still stronger instances occur in Amos vi. 12, Job vi. 7; 
nvnnp in order to preserve (them, viz. the animals that had 
been spoken of) alive, Gen. vi. 20, a construction which 
changes to the passive in order to be preserved, though the 
active infinitive is always preferred (see 304), cf. Isa. vi. 13. 
Hence, also, in changing from one member of a sentence to 
another, a suffix, which was previously mentioned with the 
first, is readily omitted from the second, as Hab. i. 3, iii. 2. 
More rarely, the object is omitted under such conditions 
that the idea of it can be gathered only in a general 
way from what precedes ; as, thou bringest then (what thou 
hast reaped) and thus tliy lord has bread, 2 Sam. ix. 10. In 
negative sentences, &6, under such circumstances, evidently 
means nothing, as in Job v. 24. 

304a. The infinitive" 2 is a part of speech which includes 
in its idea a greater degree of incompleteness and deficiency 
(see 237a, 240a) ; because, according as the meaning or 
the context demands, it can always stand for the [finite] verb, 
and yet it really contains less than this. Such is the case 
with the infinitive absolute, which, in accordance with its 
essential nature, cannot be dependent on a word in the 
construct state, or even a preposition ; nor again can it stand 



1 In 2 Chron. xix. 6 also, we must in the same way understand 
(which was the reading before the Septuagint translator) and with you is 
He (God) : there is no need for reading D^JJ instead (see 29 5/). 

2 [A very full discussion of this part of speech has lately been written 
by Adolf Koch (Der semitische Infinitiv, Stuttgart 1874). It may be of 
advantage to give the summary of his investigations in his own words 
(pp. 70, 71). 1. " The Semitic infinitive is really not an infinitive in the 
sense of the term as used in Greek, Latin, German [and English] grammar ; 
for it was originally, and has remained to the present day, a true noun, 
which contains in itself all the properties of the noun, and is construed as 
such in the sentence. The most which can be admitted is, that this noun 
sometimes gives up its capacity for inflection, and becomes an adverb ; but 



148 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, 204. 

itself in the construct state, or assume suffixes in any sense 
whatever; but it can merely subordinate a noun somewhat 
remotely (cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 140); see further, 
328c. But the noun which is subordinated to an infinitive 
construct may either be changed into the subject, if the finite 
verb were used, as, ^n S?foB>3 at the hearing of the king, i.e. 
when the king heard ; or into the object ; as, tDS^'p rnb*JJ to 
execute judgment. When, then, the finite verb would only be 
put in the person which most readily suggests itself and is 
most indefinite (viz. the third), without any definite subject 
being further mentioned, the infinitive construct, as dependent 
merely on the form of the sentence, also stands without such 
[771] a completion. (Cf. the similar construction mentioned 
in 200 [where it is shown that the participle (sing, or 
plur.) is often used impersonally; as, one says, people say, 
Ex. v. 16, Isa. xxi. 11].) The finite verb, in such a case, 
may require to be viewed as in the singular or plural, and 
relating to a definite person; as, DtanviK DJO3 when (he) saw 
the ring, Gen. xxiv. 30, 1 Kings xx. 12, vii. 47", and 
when the infinitive is used with ?, 1 Sam. xxii. 1 3 ; also 
rri^JJ n'np on account of giving much milk, or, because they 
(viz. the animals mentioned) give much milk, Isa. vii. 22, where 
the word nh is used as described in 286e; or the verb may 
need to be regarded as in the indefinite plural, foKVviK Tfas 
when they were shearing (Wa) his sheep, 1 Sam. xxv. 2, Gen. ii. 4 
(following the Kethib\ xxv. 26, xxxiii. 10, Ex. ix. 16, xix. 13, 
2 Sam. iii. 34, Ps. xlii. 4 (cf. ver. 11), Ixvi. 10, cii. 22, 
Prov. xxv. 7, xxviii. 8, Job xiii. 9, xx. 4 ; i? "ivn njD in the 

never in any case does it pass over into the verb-system, in the manner 
which characterizes the proper infinitive idea. 2. The Semitic nomen 
actionis expresses the abstract idea of being, acting, or suffering ; and has 
been derived from the verb in the way in which verbal derivatives, with a 
concrete meaning, passed over into the abstract meaning. 3. This abstract 
verbal noun, through its derivation from the verb, has received! the power 
of construction peculiar to the verb, so that it can subordinate another 
noun in the accusative, and attach to itself a subject in the nominative ; 
while, on the other hand, it has no power whatever, in itself, of expressing 
any difference in tense, or in the kind of verb. 4. From the agreement in 
form among the different branches of the Semitic family of languages, it 
plainly follows that even the original Semitic language had already handed 
over the function of the abstract verbal noun to certain forms."] 



THE INFINITIVE CONSTRUCT IN THE PROPOSITION. 149 

time of causing grief to him, i.e. when others caused grief to him, 
when he felt himself distressed, 2 Chron. xxviii. 22, xxxi. 10, 
xxxiii. 12, 19. But the infinitive may also be used, poetically, 
(see a similar case in 285&) without any preposition what- 
ever ; as, their words are Six to lie in wait, i.e. that they are 
going to lie in wait, Prov. xii. 6. When the person is definite, 
and at the same time not in itself evident from the context 
alone, it must be marked, though merely by a suffix ; this 
indication, however, is readily dropped again at once, when 
not indispensably necessary; as, he sware $1 w^pi """py ^J? 
that I should not cross over, nor come, Deut. iv. 21 (cf. 322a). 
Some writers use the mere infinitive still more briefly, in such 
a way even that the first person can but remotely be inferred 
from the context, as the subject; Jer. xxvii. 10, cf. ver. 15, 
and Ezek. viii 6 (where even the Septuagint translators 
stumbled). 

b. Now, since the subordinated noun, if the finite verb were 
used [instead of the infinitive], may need to be regarded as 
the subject, or the object, it can be attached to the infinitive 
construct as to a word in the construct state, and this infini- 
tive may further take suffixes. This attachment, however [of 
the noun], to the infinitive, is not so close and so necessary, 
inasmuch as it is not found in the case of the finite verb for 
which the infinitive is used ; more especially does the noun 
often stand separately as the object, Isa. xi. 9, also with HK as 
the sign of the accusative (see 277^). Moreover, the suffix 
may also be separated [from the infinitive] by this HN, and that, 
too, all the more readily if the infinitive stands for the third 
person of the finite verb without a more definite subject ; thus, 
i) when he saw, inx DN"i3 when (he) saw him, 2 Sam. vi. 2 1 ; 
> Jo? when one "bare, them (a common mode of expression 
derived from polygamy; see 2956), Gen. xxv. 26 ; but the 
separation does not necessarily take place, as Prov. xxv. 7, 
Nah. ii 4; hence also, ritf is used after the infinitive of a 
passive form (according to 2956), as, ifiK n^'sna when one 
anointed it (when it was anointed), Gen. xxi. 5, Lev. xiii 
55, 56, Num. vii. 10, Ezek. xvi. 4, 5. Cf. also 307a, 
3196, 326. 

c. Similarly, though the passive infinitive is always a 
possible i'orii: in Hebrew, the active is far more frequently 



150 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 305. 

employed, provided that the circumstances just described 
actually exist. 1 Thus, fiTO Tty a time to bear, i.e. when one is 
born, Eccles. iii. 2 [772] ; your days are near natpp to the 
slaughtering, i.e. when they shall slay you, or, when ye shall 
be slain, Jer. xxv. 34. 

3 5 a. The pointed brevity generally characteristic of these 
[Semitic] languages is not a little favoured and intensified by 
the fact that they, and especially the Hebrew, have no case- 
endings like those employed by our modern languages, which 
are in this respect more flexible. Accordingly, nouns also, 
combined with prepositions, may, in indefinite discourse, serve 
either as the subject or the object, according to the connection 
of the sentence ; as, niPPa pN there is not (one, indefinitely) 
like Jahveh ; that I had D*ij5 'HTa like the months of yore 
i.e. days like those of former times (cf. 2 2 la) ; further, 
Dyn \Jj>'[D n|5 take of the elders of the people, i.e. some of them 
(see 2820), D^rrftp IfcttP there went out (some) of the people 
(see 2 9 4c) ; or, as in the expression there was not left 
T?*rny ^^ among them even to one, i.e. not even one was left 
among them, Ex. xiv. 28 (cf. also the use of 3 in Isa. x. 22). 
This is the most appropriate place to remark that a word 
like *nfo3 as he (like him), may also, as the subject, signify 
such a, Joel ii. 2, Hag. ii. 3. 2 Cf. also the case presented in 
3106. 

&. Moreover, the precision originally displayed, and still so 
strongly maintained by the Hebrew language, in the use which 
it makes of all the prepositions, but especially those denoting 
comparison, permits a word to remain in a quite brief form, 
when we would prefer to employ a subordinate sentence 
instead. On the cases in which 3 is used, see 2 2 la; still 
stronger instances are those in which ft? occurs, as, for the 
shining of the countenance (i.e. in order that the face may 
shine) !P^? more than oil (i.e. more than oil makes it shine), 
or more briefly, more than with oil, Ps. civ. 15. 

1 The Sanskrit has no [special] passive infinitive at all [distinct in form 
from the active.] 

2 The Arabic presents a more decided instance of the same thing in 

i **6 

^ which is used after the manner of the particles mentioned in 286g. 



THE ORDER OF WORDS IN A SENTENCE. 151 



FORMATION AND COMPLETION OF A SENTENCE, VIEWED WITH 
REFERENCE TO 

(B) The Connection of the Words in the Sentence, 
(a) The Position, Relation, and Force of the Words. 

3 06 a. In languages which, like the Sanskrit, have attained 
the highest perfection as regards fulness and variety of gram- 
matical forms, the position and arrangement of words in a 
sentence, together with certain rules for gracefully rounding 
off a period, are entirely dependent on the meaning and 
colour of the discourse in each individual instance, and are 
very apt to be modified in accordance with the influence 
exerted by the spirit within, which seeks to express itself 
in words. The Semitic languages, on the contrary, in view of 
their less complete stock of grammatical forms (see 5-7), 
have been forced to depend, in a substantial measure, on the 
position of the words in a sentence, as a factor in the expres- 
sion of the sense ; this shows itself not merely in the forms 
assumed by the many different kinds of word-groups (see 
207ff., 285), but here also, in the formation of a connected 
sentence. The most important words and word-groups are 
subject to a strict law [773], as regards their position in the 
sentence ; and even, to a large extent, receive their full 
meaning only through that position. At the same time, 
however, it is specially to be observed that the Hebrew, in 
the position and order which it assigns to words in a sentence, 
exhibits far greater flexibility and ease than the Arabic 
(see 6&), though the latter far surpasses the former in the 
formation of words. Thus, the Hebrew has, first of all, the 
arrangement of words in a sentence which is followed when 
the mind of the speaker is in its usual calm and unimpas- 
sioned state ; herein it agrees with the Arabic in its most 
essential points. But secondly, it has also a mode of arrang- 
ing sentences which is adopted when the speaker becomes 
more strongly excited, and departs from the usual dispassion- 
ate order; this forms a prominent peculiarity in the language, 
and is one which, as regards this vivacity and excitability, 



152 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, SQG. 

cannot be imitated by any other member of the Semitic 
family whatever. 

b. I. When we consider the ordinary calm style of discourse 
in connection with the inviolable laws which regulate the 
arrangements of words in it, we find, 

1. That the predicate, according to the simplest mode 
of arrangement, precedes the subject, because, in most cases, 
it contains the new and more important element which 
the speaker wishes to bring forward. The predicate pre- 
cedes, when it consists of an adjective, as, rnrp p 11 ^ right- 
eous (is) Jahve. But there is all the greater reason for the 
verb, as the predicate, being placed first, because, like all 
the persons of the verb, the third really already includes a 
subject within itself (see 2766); hence, the definite noun 
is originally but a word placed in apposition to this third 
person, as, fttrp ION there spake Jahve. When, however, as 
happens in rare instances, the predicate as well as the sub- 
ject is a noun, the former always follows the latter, when 
both members of the sentence are, outwardly, of equal force ; 
this order is observed for the express purpose of obviating all 
doubt regarding the subject ; thus, D^gn Kin *pnfi)K rnrp' Jahve 
thy God is (cf. 2976) God, God absolutely, Deut.' iv.' 35, 39, 
cf. x. 17. And even under other circumstances also, the 
subject always precedes, when, looking at the meaning, there 
might be some doubt regarding it, as in Prov. xiv. 2 (both 
members of the verse). 

c. But here, the mere order assigned to the words must also 
be at once made to serve in forming a new idea. From the 
arrangement just described, which is the simplest of all, is 
distinguished, in unimpassioned discourse, the mode in which 
a descriptive or circumstantial clause 1 is formed, by assigning a 
significant order to the words. By putting the subject first 
(contrary to what is stated in &), and the predicate after- 
wards, the action, its development, and its progress do not 
come into the foreground, as in ordinary narrative discourse ; 
but the person is placed first, by himself, in order to be 
immediately thereafter more fully described and depicted as 
he is ; and the whole proposition, in a manner quite the 

1 [On the circumstantial clause, see also Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, 
Appendix I. p. 200 ff.] 



THE ORDER OF WORDS IN A SENTENCE. 153 

opposite of the usual narrative style, presents us with a 
harmonious and placid picture of something continuous, per- 
manent, just as the speaker conceives it. This inverse 
arrangement of words for the purpose mentioned, is, accord- 
ingly, of the highest importance and significance throughout 
the whole language : it is substantially carried out [774] in 
the Arabic also, and is thus one of the most important peculi- 
arities of the Semitic (see Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 168). 
Accordingly, the verb then stands mostly in the participial 
form (see 168), because, in such a case, the action is, for the 
most part, regarded as still going on. Thus Ex. xii. 11, where 
the circumstance mentioned is even introduced by the words, 
thus shall ye eat the Passover ^"Un DJ^no y OUT loins girded, etc., 
Judg. xv. 2, 1 Sam. xii. 1*7, 2 Sam. iii. 34, 2 Kings xi. 5, 
Jer. vii. 1 7 f ; the passive participle is also used in narrative, 
Neh. xiii. 4; cf. further, 168c. Hence Ity still (see 262c), 
and PN there is not, also B* there is (though the last is very 
seldom used), suit very well for these sentences ; Ex. iii. 2, 
v. 16, ix. 2. All this becomes of more importance in the 
construction of compound sentences (see 341, 355), and 
even of a mere relative sentence ; as, they did not know 
nbty "OK no what I was about to do, Nell, ii. 16, cf. vers. 
12, 19. 

d. This arrangement becomes specially significant, if the 
participle which is placed in this order (see 168c) serves 
likewise, as the tense-form, to indicate the time of the action 
just going on, the present of the circumstance described ; as, 
Dn ?n T?N nan lehold, thy brother is angry with thee, Gen. 
xxvii. 42, Jer. xvi. 12 ; or the future, which the speaker 
regards in his own mind as already quite near, or at least as 
certainly coming, almost as present, as, riD nrix moriturus es, 
Jer. xxviii. 16 ; fcOao "OJn en me allaturum, jam allaturus sum, 
Gen. vi. 1 7. 1 Equally possible, though more rarely found in a 
simple sentence, is the preterite of the circumstance described, 
in which the hearer, perhaps through some preceding words, 
is reminded that he must transfer himself, in thought, into 
some definite circumstance of past time, as in the description 
of a dream ; "lo'y ^n lehold 1 was (I thought, during the dream, 
that I was) standing, Gen. xii. 17 ; or in answer to the ques- 
1 Cf. Jaltil'ticlier der bill. Wissen9c7i(iflen t vi. p. 102. 



154 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, soe. 

tion which some one has asked, during a certain time, Jer. 
xxxviii. 26. 

When the participle is thus used with the meaning of a 
tense-form, nan behold, is placed before it merely for the purpose 
of giving more liveliness to the discourse ; hence it is used 
especially when a new beginning is made. And though, in 
accordance with its original use, it readily subordinates the 
subject (see 262c, 299a), whose suffix, accordingly, it com- 
bines with itself, when that subject is not more definitely 

indicated, it does not maintain this construction quite so 


rigorously as the corresponding Arabic ^!, inasmuch as it is 

also found without the subject of its sentence, when this has 
already been given, in meaning, in what precedes ; as, itf* nan 
behold He (viz. Jahve, who has just been mentioned) formed, 
Amos vii. 1, cf. ver. 7. But it is rare to find the subject 
following nan only in some place or other farther on, as Amos 
vii. 4 (where, however, there is rather a mere superaddition of 
the subject [775], cf. ver. 1). It is also an innovation to say 
rig? 'ON nan "behold, I take (where nan occupies more of an inde- 
pendent position), Ezek. xxxvii. 19, 21. But when nan is not 
used, the participle, as a simple form for the present and the 
immediate future, may be put first, like the other tense-forms, 
as in Gen. xxxi. 20, Judg. xv. 11, Jer. xxiii. 16, xxv. 31, 
xliv. 15, Joel iv. 4, Amos vi. 8 j 1 in this usage the Aramaic 
goes still farther. 

e. As in other circumstantial clauses, however, so also, when 
nan i s used, the meaning may require the perfect, which is then 
subordinated as a second word (on the principles explained in 
284) ; thus, ID* ^n, prop, behold me having founded, where 
the third person is used, as being the most general, Isa. 
xxviii. 16; with the same person [in both words] ^ritf ^jn 
behold, we are come, Jer. iii. 22; and with nan alone, placed 
more briefly before the perfect, as W&O nan^ w hich, just like 
the Arab. L^-oJj AJJ, gives the idea of the strong perfect, / 
have seen it! Jer. vii. 11. If, however, the circumstantial 

1 A doubtful case is the rare construction yp^ n^3n nj'Hty, prop, our 
eyes are still pining, Lam. iv. 17, where the imperfect is substituted for the 
participle (see 136c). The Qeri Hty gives the somewhat different turn 
of meaning, we are still of pining eyes. 



THE OllDEIt OF WOEDS IN A SENTENCE. 155 

sentence lias already been introduced by another word at the 
head of it, as tfi>n (see 324&), the perfect may also be placed 
before, by itself, for the sake of brevity, Job iv. 21. When, 
therefore (as in later language), the perfect is further preceded 
by "123 long since, already, for the purpose of giving prominence 
to the verb as a complete perfect, in the temporal sense, as in 
Eccles. ix. 7, 1 there is all the less need for the subject coming 
first. 

Moreover, nan, like our see, lo ! begins to be used inter- 
changeably with this nan, in such a way that it not merely 
takes the same meaning and position, but also, like an 
impersonal particle, neglects to distinguish gender and 
number, as in Deut. i. 8, xi. 26. 

/. When the circumstantial clause has no verb, while the 
predicate itself has the appearance of a mere subordinate word 
(i.e. is introduced by a preposition), the latter rather likes to 
be placed first ; 2 as, In the mouth of the fool is a rod of pride, 
Prov. xiv. 3. The reason is, that by this means the two parts 
of the sentence are distinguished from each other in a more 
palpable manner ; because, under any other arrangement, the 
subordinate word might easily again have the force of a mere 
adjunct modifying the subject. 

[776] 307a. 2. The object, according to the arrangement 
observed in most calm discourse, only follows the subject, 
which again, as has been shown, is placed after the verb ; and 
it is indicated by the very position which is thus assigned to 
it; as, B^NpD nyj rw David sent messengers, I Sam. xxv. 14, 
Gen. xlii. 30. This order of arrangement is regularly observed 
in calm discourse, especially when the sentence is headed by a 
strong introductory word with which it is intimately connected ; 
either, one of the stronger conjunctions may stand at the 

/ / c / o . 

1 Exactly equivalent to this is ^oj JcJ> all the more because jj also 

* ' * Y 

(as cognate with Li ever, always, and like O^S, as well as the Ethiopic 
teka, the letters of the latter word being transposed) signifies enough. 
This word is itself found once in Hebrew under the form of ftp, Ezek. 
xvi. 47 ; but it is very frequently used in Talmudic, Neo-Syriac, and 
Sabian, and shortened into tfp. 

2 In Arabic, this has even come to be the universal rule ; cf. also 3 41 a, 
below. 



156 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 307. 

beginning, as *3 that, or because, nan "behold; or a specification 
of time, or an emphatic word may be prefixed, Jer. xxiii. 2*7, 
Gen. i 1, 309; cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 164. If it 
be convenient to put the verb, agreeably to syntactical 
arrangement, in the infinitive construct, the same order is 
preserved, nay, is still more necessary : the noun which, if 
the verb were finite, would be the subject, follows first, in 
such a way that the infinitive can be put in the construct 
form (as shown in 304a) j the object remains as such, even 
in its form of expression, and is placed last : thus, "^^ 5?k$3 
in the hearing of the king, i.e. when the king heard ; rnrp fin^n 
tfiDViK in Jahve's destroying (i.e. when Jahve destroyed) Sodom, 
Gen. xiii. 10, xxix. 13, Ezek. xxxiv. 12. Cf. however, I, 
below. 

When several accusatives are dependent on one verb (sea 
282), the one which, in meaning, is the first, considering, 
at least, the most natural order of the words, is also put first 
in the order of expression ; thus, ^^ ^yviK tfPSHpri they have 
caused my people to forget my name, Jer. xxiii. 2 7 ; E?*ni 33 n:HE>? 
Vtt teach (ye mothers) your daughters wailing, Jer. ix. 19, cf. 
ver. 4, xii. 16, Ps. xxv. 9. 

&. 3. Smaller words, and accessory specifications, however, 
are apt to intrude themselves everywhere between the more 
important constituents of the sentence, viz. the predicate and 
the subject, or, when these two form one word, between the 
verb and the object ; as, P.Nn V K?*? / will give thee the land 
wwy T\w no what (how) have we done this? Ex. xiv. 5. A 
smaller word may even intrude itself (contrary to what is 
stated in a) between a construct infinitive and what is 
really the subject of that infinitive as a verb, which [subject] 
then fully reveals itself as such; this is because the connection 
of the inf. constr. with another word is not very close (see 
2920); as, |fl"}n Infc rbwsin Tartan's sending (i.e. when Tartan 
sent) him, Isa. xx. 1, v. 24, Gen. iv. 15, Josh. xiv. 11, Prov. 
xxv. 8. Or, what is, in meaning, a more remote accusative, is 
attached in the form of a small suffix, or in some other way 
inserted as a small word at an earlier stage in the sentence; 
Deut. xxxi. 7, Jer. xxv. 15, Eccles. xii. 9. Moreover, the 
somewhat loose connection between a participle in the con- 
struct state and the word depending on it (see 2S9c) may 



THE ORDER OF WORDS IN A SENTENCE. 157 



be broken in the same way, at least in poetry; as, nan "IJ03 *y&Q 
those who cast the hook into the river, Isa. xix. 8. A similar 
but even stronger case of this kind presents itself in ^3 
(see 2S9&); the strongest of all, however, is tan n\h (instead 
of h\\> tar6), Jer. x. 13, where the peculiar arrangement is made 
with the view of rounding off the expression; the abnormal 
position of "INO in Jer. xviii. 13 is also due merely to the 
desire for rounding off the period. In a similar way must be 
understood the insertion of a if? immediately after }, as in Ps. 
vii. 14, 1 Sam. ii. 3, Isa. ix. 2; and, for a like reason also, the 
feeble ^fuit is inserted in the body of the sentence rather 
than placed at the beginning, Job i. 1. 

[777] c. But the latest writers go much further in thus 
freely rounding off sentences (as is done in Aramaic also, to a 
large extent) : they insert the object at some intermediate 
stage, when the classic Hebrew would rather place it at the 
end, as in the infinitival expression, ^D% : ^W "VKnp for our 
God's enlightening our eyes, i.e. that our God may enlighten our 
eyes, Ezra ix. 8; and their insertions are, besides, so lengthy 
that earlier writers would scarcely form a sentence in such a 
way, 2 Chron. xxxi. 6, xxxv. 8, Ezra ii. 68, vii. 6, Esth. i. 15. 
The most important instance of a similar construction of sen- 
tences, found in an earlier narrator, 2 Sam. xvii. 27-29, is 
certainly of a different character. Even in early times, how- 
ever, some poetic writers set the example of making bolder 
arrangements of words, as Job xix. 23, Ps. cxx. 7, cxli. 10 
(but these cases properly belong only to 331 ff.). 1 

308. Something may be thrown out at the beginning of a 
proposition in such a way that the discourse assumes its full 
and proper shape only in the course of the sentence, when a 
new turn comes in. This, however, in a simple sentence (see 
309), i> j, rather impassioned and excited style of discourse; 
as, Isa. ii. 1 8 (but the reading is uncertain here), Zech. ix. 1 1 ; 
and one must take care not to confound with this case those 
in which the change is more of a mere appearance than a 
reality; as, ^r 5 D V ^. / (it is, or was) in my heart, i.e. simply 
/ thought, but as a circumstantial clause (see 306c), 1 Chron. 

1 See Ewald's Beitrage, i. p. 68 ; Ps. xc. 5b would also require to be 
rendered, like the grass which is green in the morning. But see the Jahr- 
bucher der bibl. Wiss. v. p. 1 75. 



158 EWALD'S HEBIIEW SYNTAX. 309. 

xxviii. 2, cf. Ps. xli. 5, cxvi. 11, Isa. xxxviii. 10; or, as in the 
case from Jer. xxx. 6, explained on p. 69. 

Care must also be taken not to regard the discourse as 
interrupted, when, in true Semitic fashion, a circumstantial 
clause is prefixed merely for the purpose of appending to it 
what properly forms the statement to be made; as, Prov. xxii. 
15, Deut. xxvi. 5; on this subject, cf. further, 341c. 

309a. II. In quite a different way, contrary to this calm 
order just described, the discourse may assign greater pro- 
minence to a single idea in the sentence, either (a) because of 
the emphasis which the speaker, for any reason, lays on it, or 
(&) for the purpose of indicating a contrast (cf. 354a); the 
sentence thereby receives the tinge of juvenile restlessness and 
vivacity which still clings firmly to the Hebrew, especially in 
verse. The degree, however, in which this stronger colouring 
of the discourse is expressed, varies partly in accordance with 
the tone of the discourse itself in each individual instance, 
and partly in accordance with the kind of words employed. 
Thus, 

1. When slight emphasis is to be indicated, it is sufficient to 
put the subject or the object first, contrary to the order usually 
followed in calm discourse; the verb then almost always comes 
in between (see 3075); as, tn > & >T OUR hands did 
not shed blood, OUR eyes saw it not, Deut. xxi. 7 ; D^ Ipn^ D*33N_ 
(even) stones [778] water wears away, Job xiv. 19. Rare and 
more poetic are the arrangements, object, subject, verb, 2 Kings 
v. 13; subject, object, verb, Isa. xiii. 18, Zech. x. 2, and with 
greater emphasis in prose, 2 Chron. xxiii. 10 [?] ; on the other 
hand, the very unusual arrangement, verb, object, subject, gives 
greater prominence to the member delayed to the very end, 
THY MOUTH declares thy guilt i Ps. xxxiv. 22, Job xv. 5. 
Moreover, a substantive which is subordinated for the purpose 
of giving more detailed description (see 2S8c), may, at least 
in the more lofty style, precede its adjective, for the sake of 
emphasis; as in the exclamation, n^D DiN^ri (0 thou city) 
filled with noises! Isa. xxii. 2. 

A noun prefixed in this way often receives great emphasis 
by being repeated in the form of its personal pronoun; as, 
Wj?n ion mir n:zn3 the blessing of Jahve, it (that) enriches, 
Prov. x. 22, 24; *^pn infc njnniK Jahve, Him shall ye 



THE ORDEK OF WOItDS IN A SENTENCE. 159 

sanctify! Isa. viii. 14. A somewhat milder case is presented 
when the word is repeated merely in the usual order, and with- 
out any additional emphasis, by its personal pronoun (or by 
itself, when pretty long words intervene) ; as, "^gn D ? ! 3" ri ^ 
iriN l>ut the people, he led them over, Gen. xlvii. 21, 1 Sam. 
xxv. 29, 2 Kings ix. 2*7, Neb. ix. 29. [The pronoun itself may 
be repeated, as in 1 Sam. ix. 13.] Something similar appears 
in the case of words combined with prepositions, Gen. ii. 1 7. 

I. The leading noun, concerning which something is to be 
predicated, often stands abruptly at the beginning of the sen- 
tence; the speaker first of all places it by itself, as the chief 
word for the time being, and afterwards sees he is obliged to 
refer to it, through its pronominal suffix, in the place to which 
it would be assigned by the rules of syntax; as, i^pa B^f^i n .10! 
Jahve, in heaven (not on earth) is His throne, Ps. xi. 4; ">nj 
ttfrfi a river, its brooks, i.e. the brooks of a river, as we can 
say, putting the genitive first, Ps. xlvi. 5, cf. Nan. i. 4, 2 Kings 
x. 29, Gen. xvii. 4, 1 Chron. xxii. 7, xxviii. 2, Zech. ix. 11. 

It is very seldom that such a noun remains without 
being resumed in this way, when the following proposi- 
tion also gives a complete meaning by itself, so that the 
construction is easily perceived from the context. This, 
however, is found only (a) where the discourse becomes 
exceedingly strained; as, that day, far off is the time! 
i.e. its appointed time, Mic. vii. 11; your answers (as re- 
gards them, I must briefly say ) the remainder is deceit! 
Job xxi. 34b; (&) after the conjunction \ (which, in a 
certain respect, completes the reference), Ps. cxv. V; 1 see 
348a. The case is different when the discourse, as it 
were, corrects and defines itself; thus, them, their princes, 
Ps. Ixxxiii. 12; cf. the similar case in 293c. 

On the emphasis similarly produced by prefixing B^K, 
in the sense of every one, see 301&. 

[779] c. A special way in which prominence is given to a 
noun of considerable importance in a sentence is, to refer to it 
first merely through its pronoun, and then actually to mention 
1 Kare, and more in the Aramaic style, is the expression fc iD' ntsn them 
Jie founded (appointed), 1 Chron. ix. 22, as if the prefixed nBH could like- 
wise (contrary to 277 d) signify the accusative; but the construction is 
similar to that which is followed in the cases mentioned on p. 70. 



160 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 309. 

it only after such preparation. This mode of expression is, 
among all the Semitic languages, quite common only in the 
Aramaic, which by this means (1) distinguishes nouns which 
are of considerable importance in themselves, hence those 
which have a strong reference to persons (see 277V), and 
(2) in other cases obtains an expression for a pronoun of iden- 
tity ; as, in it, the time, i.e. in the same time (which latter 
construction belongs to 314). In Hebrew, this mode of 
expression is very rare in prose, and in the older writings 
generally, as, they saw him, the boy, Ex. ii. 6, Josh. i. 2, Isa. 
xvii. 6, Job xxix. 3 j 1 also with the infinitive, as, he was afraid 
Tlrf) ttlSrt? of that, (viz.) to rebel, Josh. xxii. 29 (see 329a); it 
is found more in certain writings where language of a popular 
cast is used, as, he seeks it [viz.] correction, Prov. xiii. 24, cf. 
v. 22, ^V 1PB3 his soul [viz. that of] the sluggard (i.e. as is said 
in German, des Faulen Seele [Eng. the sluggard's soul], the more 
important word being placed first), where there is likewise 
added afterwards, very briefly, without any further mark of 
subordination, the noun which serves as a genitive in mean- 
ing, Prov. xiii. 4, xiv. 13, xxii. 11. It is also expressed in a 
more diffuse way, and more in the Aramean style, thus : toBE 
Tfcbvfaw his bed, Solomon's (see 292d"),i.e. as we might say in 
like manner, Solomon, his bed (Solomon's bed), Cant. iii. 7. 
The remaining instances of such a mode of expression are from 
later writings, Jer. ix. 14, xxvii. 8, 1 Kings xiv. 12 (where 
napa, in accordance with 247c [Mappiq being omitted from 
the n, as also in 2 Kings viii. 6, Jer. xliv. 19, etc.], is to be 
taken as n&pa, and referred to "W the city, which is the third 
word further on), Eccles. ii. 21, iv. 10, 2 Chron. xxv. 10. 
xxvi. 14, Ezra iii. 12, ix. I. 2 

When, on the contrary, instead of the noun, which is not 
mentioned at all, nothing but a pronoun is used, because the 
speaker thinks the former must be presupposed from a con- 
sideration of the context, as in the beginning of the discourse, 
Isa. viii. 21, 23, xiii. 2, or during the course of it, Prov. xii, 6, 
xxviii. 2, Isa. xvii. 5b, or in such a way that it is repeated in 
the following member of the discourse, Ps. xxix. 6, this is 

1 This, certainly, is the only case found in the Book of Job; but, in other 
older writers also (e.g. Isaiah), this mode of expression is rare. 

2 In this passage we must read Dn^nhytoi; cf. ver. 11. 



THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS : EMPHASIS. 1 G 1 

to be regarded as merely accidental ; and the whole can be 
understood only from a consideration of the circumstances in 
each particular instance. 

310a. A further peculiarity, in connection with the present 
subject, is the use of ? for the purpose of giving prominence 
to a noun in the sentence. This prepositional particle, when 
it is not so much connected with a word somewhat closely 
attached to the sentence, as rather joined with one which 
stands freely in it, has the peculiar power of indicating a 
brief reference to something not to be overlooked, a considera- 
tion of the separate parts, or even a rapid and compendious 
survey of the whole, like our expressions, with reference to 
. . ., as regards . . ., Lat. quoad. But, while these expres- 
sions are extremely prolix, and so far not at all to be com- 
pared to the use of r 5 , 1 the latter gives [780] this meaning only 
in a very quiet and unobtrusive manner, in a way, too, that, in 
modern languages, scarcely admits of being rendered by words, 
but rather at most by the tone of voice, though it is still 
perceptible. Thus, we find it even so early as in the ancient 
language of the Decalogue, where, at the end of a proposition 
already complete in itself, it briefly states, as a further remark, 
the special respect in which the truth is to be considered ; 
"^"N?, ^^Y as regards those who love me, . . . who hate me, 
Ex. xx. 5 f . ; cf. the passage of equal antiquity 2 found in 
Josh. xvii. 16f., 1 Kings vi. 5, Deut. xxxiv. llf. But? 
may also be equally well used in this way at the beginning of 
a sentence ; thus, D^j? as regards the princes, an expression 
which is just the same as when we say, with somewhat 
stronger emphasis, the princes . . . Isa. xxxii. 1, Ps. xvi. 3, 
xvii. 4, Num. xviii. 8 : regarding this particle, however, 
joined with a noun which is indefinite in meaning, see I, 
below. From such a beginning, comes to be used (of course 
in some later writings, particularly the Books of the Chronicles) 
much more frequently than the older writers allowed them- 
selves to do, so that it even occurs after } and; the expres- 
sion ??b as regards everything (even all) is an especial favourite, 
when the object intended is to give a brief summary of all 
that has been specified, almost in the same way as if we 

1 [See Giesebreclit on the Hebrew preposition Lamed, p. 111.] 

2 [See note 2, at foot of p. 32.] 

L 



162 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, 311. 

wanted to say, in explanation, / mean; cf. Gen. ix. 10, 
xxiii. 10, Ex. xiv. 28, Lev. xi. 42, 1 Chron. xiii. 1, 
xxviii. 1, 21, 2 Chron. v. 12, vii. 21 (but *? is wanting in 
the parallel passage, 1 Kings ix. 8), xxviii. 15, xxxiii. 8 
(so also 2 Kings xxi. 8), Ezra i. 5, vii. 28, Jer. xix. 13, 
xlii. 8, 21. But the expression is frequently found under 
other circumstances also, and is then even several times 
repeated, Lev. vii. 26, 1 Chron. xxi. 9, xxvi. 26, xxix. 6, 
2 Chron. xxvi. 14, Neh. ix. 32, Jer. i. 18, cf. 1 Kings vii. 12: 
it is even found, besides, after the simple and, with objects 
preceding, as in 1 Kings i. 9. It is, however, evident from 
what has been stated that even this ? has always its limits, 
and never, for instance, can indicate the simple subject, or 
the simple predicate ; hence, it is not admissible in such cases 
as Ps. Ixxxix. 19 or Jer. xxx. 12. 

h Quite different, therefore, from what has been described, 
is the very rare case in which *?, before the subject, means 
even (see 2l7c, 219c), 2b Nin *n nW> even a living dog is 
letter than the dead lion, Eccles. ix. 4. 

c. Generally, however, in discourse which is any way 
animated, a small word, which involuntarily expresses this 
excitement, likes to be placed at the beginning of the sen- 
tence ; thus, fctibn yes ! [Lat. nonne] (see 324Z>) ; *?, which is a 
weaker yes (see 330&), as 1 Sam. xxii. 21 ; or, when there is 
a reference to the future, or the present, and the reason of the 
matter, jn or nan behold! Here, also, the Arabic, with its 
invariable *V is much more uniform. 

i 

311 a. 2. The greatest emphasis, certainly, is produced by 
the repetition of the word itself ; but this, the strongest means, 
is more frequently employed, and more necessary, only in 
cases where the emphasis can be indicated [781] in no other 
way. In accordance with the circumstances of the different 
kinds of words, this repetition takes place only in the following 
cases : 

(1.) With the pronoun; because this part of speech is apt to 
be so abbreviated that it cannot receive prominence merely 
in virtue of the position assigned to it. Thus (a) emphasis 
on the person of the verb is indicated by repeating anew the 
personal pronoun ; as, ^N p"] ntjbgKj and I only am escaped, 



THE AUK ANGEMENT OF WORDS : EMPHASIS. 163 

Job i. 15. [The separate pronoun is often placed first in the 
proposition, as in Josh. xxiv. 27, it (the stone) has heard: 
this is especially the case when a contrast is drawn, as 
2 Chron. xii. 5.] It is only later writers, especially the 
author of Ecclesiastes [see footnote, p. 21], who, when there 
is no emphasis intended, and merely for the sake of clearness 
in a style of discourse which was gradually becoming more 
full in expression, write the separate personal pronouns along 
with the persons of the verb. It is, further, only H ?N /, that 
first begins to be joined in this way with the verb (see it, e.g., 
already in Ps. xxxix. 11, Ixxxii. 6), and especially prefixed, 
when no great emphasis is intended. 1 Moreover, (6) in the 
case of a pronominal suffix which is attached to a noun, and 
which, as being very much abbreviated, is quite unemphatic, 
and yet cannot be separated from its noun and placed in 
front, strong emphasis is indicated by adding the full form 
of the personal pronoun ; as, fcttH ^M his soul, his, i.e. his own 
soul, Mic. vii. 3, Num. xiv. 32, Neh. v. 2 ; *JK 'a in ME, 

1 Sam. xxv. 24 : this is also particularly the case with 
particles requiring emphasis, as, Kin D3 VBa in HIS mouth also, 

2 Sam. xvii. 5, Prov. xxiii. 15, xxviii. 10 (contrary to the 
accents), Hos. xiii. 2, Ps. ix. 7, 1 Kings xxi. 19, Jer. xxv. 14, 
xxvii. 7 [the separate pronoun may even be placed first in 
the proposition, as Josh, xxiii. 9]. The repetition of the 
pronoun in the dative is rarer, and more in the Aramaic 
style ; v '3*N mine own enemies, Ps. xxvii. 2, or even *b& W3 
mine own vineyard, Cant. i. 6 (see 292 &, 1816). An affix 
to a verb, however, is seldom repeated in this way (only with 
D3, and *]**, placed after, Gen. xxvii. 34, Prov. xxii. 19), because 
it can easily be separated and prefixed (see 2 7 7d) ; equally 
rare is it to find a pronoun that has been broken off placed in 
front; as, 7?.i?? ^ Da - it will happen to ME also, Eccles. ii. 15, 
2 Chron. xxviii. 10, Gen. xlix. 8. 

b. A noun or adjective may already be so distinctly marked 
out, by its mere position in the sentence, that it is at most 
repeated once, in very highly impassioned discourse, Dent. 

1 Evidently because the 1st pers. sing, of the perfect (see 1.9 Oe/), on 
account of the dull and indistinct sound at its close, might easily be mis- 
taken for the second; and also because the I most prefers a prominent 
place. 



164 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 312. 

xvi. 20, Gen. xiv. 10, Eccles. vii. 24; double repetition is 
quite unusual, Jer. xxii. 29, Ezek. xxi. 32, though found in 
Isa. vi. 3 for a special reason. But to repeat a verb in this 
way seems too barbarous, just because it is already and really 
in itself the leading word in the discourse ; and though even 
indeclinable words which were originally nouns may become 
more emphatic by repetition, because their position in the 
sentence is less free, yet, even in their case also, it is observed 
that a certain multiplicity seeks expression for itself in the 
repetition ; as "ifc very, is repeated only in the expression 
Tfco 1NB2 [782] (see 110&), which is equivalent to our very 
much, and as JJP because, is repeated in IV!?* |J because and 
because, Lev. xxvi. 43. 

312 a. 3. Since the verb, in unimpassioned discourse, 
already in its own right stands at the head of the sentence 
(see 306&), and therefore cannot be marked out by its 
position as emphatic, it is repeated for the sake of emphasis, 
not, however, in the crude manner which is distasteful to the 
language (see 311&), but in such a way that it, first of all, 
stands at the beginning merely in the form of the infinitive 
absolute (see 240), since the verb receives great force by 
being placed in this way at the head of the sentence (see 
328c), and then is explained immediately afterwards in a 
smoother form, and in the way in which, apart from this 
emphasis, it would stand in the discourse. 1 Thus there is 
formed a mode of expression which continues to retain almost 
its original juvenile and popular form, and for that very 
reason is- as intensely characteristic of the Hebrew language 
as it is of frequent use in it, one, too, which really only 
renders prominent the emphasis resting on the verb among 
the other ideas in the sentence: in German [and English] 
popular language there is a similar idiom ; as, speak he did 
not. The emphasis of the action, however, is very variously 
exhibited. It may be shown (a) in an antithesis to a pre- 
ceding action, and thus particularly after *3 in the sense of 
but [after a negative, like the Ger. sondern after nicht] ; as, 
thou shalt not give it to me, but njj?K nbj5 / w ill BUY it, 2 Sam. 

1 [See an excellent treatise on this subject by A. Rieder (Die Verbindung 
des Infinitivus absolutus mit dem Verbum finitum desselben Stammes, Leipzig 
1872), especially chap, iv.] 



THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS: EMPHASIS. 165 

xxiv. 24 ; also without this particle, Ezek. xvi. 4 : hence, it 
helps to express our but [Ger. aber] when the antithesis (as 
is usually the case) refers to what precedes [and modifies the 
positive statement there made], as in Judg. i. 28 [they put 
the Canaanites to tribute, but did not utterly drive them ouf\ ; 
but it is also our [concessive] certainly, indeed [Ger. zwar ; 
Gr. fjuev followed by Se] when the antithesis refers to what 
follows, as in Ps. cxviii. 13, 18; both cases are exemplified 
together in Ps. cxxvi. 6. (&) In limitations, frequently after 
^ and PI only ; as, he had only GONE OUT (nothing more than 
merely this), Gen. xxvii. 30, xliv. 28, Judg. vii. 19 ; or even 
after the simple 1 and, when the sense requires such a re- 
striction, Amos iii. 5 : hence also, it is very often used when 
conditions are laid down, particularly with the one which is 
somewhat strongly opposed to another possible condition ; as, 
Wan "ran DK if ye TELL it, Judg. xiv. 12, Ex. xix. 5. (c) Often 
in interrogative sentences, when it is just the action that 
forms the most important element in the question ; as, ^^L! 
TpJpri wilt tlwu (actually) REIGN ? Gen. xxxvii. 8. Generally 
(<f) when an action is stated as quite certain ; thus, / know 
that ?ppfl v thou shalt [assuredly] be king, 1 Sam. xxiv. 21, 
Job xxvii. 22, Amos v. 5, and of past things, Joel i. 7, 
Jer. xx. 15; also of fancies which are firmly believed ; as, 
/ thought N)f! NiP he will certainly go out, 2 Kings v. 11 (on 
Ps. 1. 21, cf. 240c) ; further, in the beginning of a narrative, 
with a certain amount of emphasis on the precise thing which 
the narrator wishes to describe as actually seen by him, itf^ 
tt'&n we have SEEN, Gen. xxvi. 2 8 ; and hence also (what is 
very remarkable) after the subject of a circumstantial clause 
(see 306c-e), in order to mark the perfect as an actual 

o / 

preterite (where in Arabic jjj would stand before the perfect), 

Num. xii. 14. Finally, also (e) very often with solemn com- 
mands or threatenings [783], a mode of expression for which 
even the mere infinitive absolute is frequently left as suffi- 
cient (see 328c) ; as, jnn 3/T thou must KNOW, Gen. xv. 13, 
Amos vii. 17, Zech. xi. 17. 

The participle, active as well as intransitive, may also 
receive emphatic prominence like the finite verb, Judg. xi. 25. 
And, of course, a somewhat impassioned expression of this 



166 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 312. 

kind is more frequently met with in lively discourse than in 
historical narrative. 1 

5. The infinitive, however, almost always stands at the 
beginning of the sentence (like the same form when used 
alone, see 328), or at least the continuity of the discourse 
has previously been broken ; hence, 

1. No negation can come before the infinitive (in the same 
way as it cannot be used in the case described in 328) : it 
does not come in until immediately before the following finite 
verb, where, generally, everything is more exactly specified ; 
as, W) *6 nn we will not KILL thee, Judg. xv. 13. (Very 
rare exceptions occur in Gen. iii. 4, where, however, the con- 
struction may be defended on the ground of the corresponding 
passage ii. 17, Ps. xlix. 8, and 2 Kings viii. 10 according to 
the Ketliib, though not according to the better rendering.) 

2. The infinitive, since its primary function is merely to 
give prominence to the action, may stand in the Qal, if it is 
followed by the more precise expression (e.g. the passive), with 
the rest of the closer specification in the finite verb ; as, 
nDV nto he is to le KILLED ! Thus, we often find such an ex- 
pression as *nb *pB, Gen. xxxvii. 33, Prov. xi. 15, Job vi. 2 ; 
but it is seldom that a similar verbal form [conjugation], with 
the same meaning, is used in the infinitive, e.g. Hophal with 
Niphal, 2 Kings iii. 23. It is rare also to find a weak root of 
similar form, and which may bear the same meaning (c 
1 1 2 if.), used in this way ; yet, on account of their similarity 
in sound (see 240c), the infinitive of a verb "a, especially, 
may easily stand before the imperfect of a verb i"y ; as, 
f]pij *|bK I will utterly take away, Zeph. i. 2, Jer. viii. 1 3, Isa. 
xxviii. 28. On the other hand, the infinitive absolute, when 
placed after its finite verb, must regulate itself much more 
strictly in accordance with the latter (see 280): it is very 

1 Hence also, in Hellenistic writings and in the New Testament, nothing 
shows their Hebrew colouring so much as the imitation of this in the Greek. 
[See Winer's Grammar of the N. T. Diction, Moulton's edition, iii., iv., 
xxviii.] This colouring, however, often presents itself in Syriac also (e.g. 
Xystos' Proverbs), and in Neo-Syriac, see Amer. Orient. Journal, v. p. 

167 f.; in Lithuanian (Schleicher, p. 313 f.), in Dyak (Hardeland, p. 125), 
in Akra (see J. Zimmermann's Gram. Sketch of the Akra Language, i. 
p. 124), in Kabyl (see the work of Hanoteau, p. 204 f.,, who, however, does 
not understand it). 



THE AIIKANGEMENT OF WOliDS : EMPHASIS. 107 

rare, in such a case, to find Qal after Hiphil, Gen. xlvi. 4, 
Isa. xxxi. 5. 

c. Not to be confounded with this mode of placing the 
absolute infinitive, and the meaning attached to it, is the rare 
case in which it is put before its finite verb with the meaning 
described in 280, partly because a preceding verb is con- 
tinued in that way, Isa. iii. 1 6, and partly also for the purpose 
of thereby laying a certain emphasis on the verb, 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 7, Hos. iv. 18, Amos ix. 8, Lam. v. 22 : in this case, 
even the negative may be put first, Amos ix. 8. But here 
also, just as in the cases described under 280, a new infini- 
tive absolute may be superadded, Ps. cxxvi. 6. 

[784] d. When, considering the connection of the words in 
the sentence, the emphasis, which the meaning of the whole 
discourse requires to be laid on the verb, cannot be at once 
expressed by prefixing the absolute infinitive, it may also, of 
course, be brought out in a small clause farther on by such an 
infinitive, together with, perhaps, another weaker word from 
the same root, as in Isa. xxix. 14. This, however, is a rare 
case, which, when the syntax is considered, leads us back to 
280$. Equally rare is it to find both constructions meeting 
round the same verb ; in such a case, however, instead of the 
usual infinitive (in accordance with 293), a somewhat 
different form is preferred for the second occurrence, as in Isa. 
xxii. 1 7 f., where the infill, abs. after the verb is twice used to 
express the full completion of the action; while, the third 
time, there is further added this special indication of emphasis : 
yes, roll will lie, roll thee up! 1 

313 a. From such rhetorical repetition of a word we must 
carefully distinguish those cases in which the repetition must 
serve to express a 'pure mental concept; because, considering 
the stage it has reached in the history of its development, the 
language could not express an idea of the kind in a briefer 
and clearer way. Thus, repetition may express, 

(1.) The idea of a continual progress from one to several, 
the constant duration and indefinite continuation of the same 
thing ; as, TJ^si TjTtt on the way, on the way, i.e. always (ad- 
vancing) on the way, Deut. ii. 27, Judg. v. 7, 22 ; nje> 

1 After ftfos in front, ns:^ is used behind; see 16 6a. 

" 



168 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, sis. 

year, year, i.e. yearly, every year, Deut. xiv. 22 ; 
every Sabbath (see 339<x); nnKB nhiO pits, pits, i.e. nothing 
but pits, Gen. xiv. 10, Joel iv. 14, 2 Chron. xxxi. 6; also 
with adverbs, as, npyft n?yc> upwards, upwards, i.e. always up- 
wards, Deut. xxviii. 43 ; BJJE DVE little, little, i.e. gradually, Ex. 
xxiii. 30 ; especially in the case of numbers, when the same 
one is to be referred several times to individual objects, because 
the Hebrew has no special form for distributives, as, ""W^ 
njDP, Gen. vii. 2, or njOBn njn^ Zech. iv. 2, seven "by seven, by 
sevens, also JiB^D ^?D. ty fives, repeated in the construct state, 
Num. iii. 47 ; but also without a numeral, as, ntSD iiB ro^, 
roc?, i.e. always a rod, a rod each, Num. xvii. 17; "in ^3 nation, 
nation, i.e. every single nation, 2 Kings xvii. 29, 1 and in the 
plural rrin3K>p ninae'p each of the families, Zech. xii. 14. A 
verb is seldom fully repeated in such a case as this, Judg. v. 7, 
Isa. x. 1, Jer. x. 25 (where it is better [785] to divide the 
members), because the idea of continuance is stamped on it in 
another and more pleasant fashion (see 280&). On the other 
hand, however, the Hebrew, in accordance with its ancient 
simplicity of style, sometimes repeats whole series of words 
and sentences, merely for the purpose of representing the un- 
interrupted continuation of a thing or an action, Ex. xxviii. 34, 
Num. vii. 11, xvii. 21 (cf. the briefer mode of statement in 
ver. 18), and, in more poetic passages, Hos. viii. 11, Eccles. 
iv. 1, Ezek. i. 2 Of., xvi. 6, Isa. liii. 7. 2 In the same way 
also, in lengthy narratives, it does not grow weary of con- 
stantly repeating the same words, with few alterations in each 
instance, as Num. vii., Zech. xii. 12-14. It is observed, how- 

1 Cf. also Mark vi. 39 f. A briefer mode of expression is, to add merely 
^int? one, i.e. always one, one each, as Num. xvii. 18, cf. vers. 17 and 28 ; 
but to this word, or ^3, corresponds the more definite jntf, prop. i%6- 
ftsvos, continuing, going on, constantly, which therefore, along with the 
simple numeral, is equivalent to always [Ger. je] ; also in the Book of 
Origins [see tocniiiote, p. 32], Num. xxxi. 30, 47, 1 Chron. xxiv. 6; here, 
in ver. 6b, instead of the numeral already known, fntf itself is repeated 
(for it is perhaps unnecessary to take *inK as the correct reading). 

2 Compare the strongest form of such a mode of expression in "they 
dwelt there, and dwelt there, and dwelt there," and similar instances in 
Grey's Polynesian Mythology (1855), pp. 38, 145, 184, 237 : [also, the nar- 
rative style employed by children; thus, he ran, and ran, and ran, i.e. 
went on running]. 



THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS : EMPHASIS. 169 

ever, that the language already begins to place !>b, i.e. ever, 
always, along with two words repeated in this way ; as, Num. 
xvii. 28, Ps. xlv. 18, Esth. ii. 11, iii. 14, iv. 3, viii. 11, com- 
pared with i. 22, ii, 12, iii. 12, and frequently thus in the Book 
of Daniel and the Chronicles (cf. 1 Chron. xxviii. 14 18). 1 
Accordingly, as one of the nouns might, in fact, be omitted when 
i?b is used, so there is already an actual beginning made in the 
employment of D^ for daily, while the older Dr DV, Jer. vii. 25, 
and Qoi\ Ezek. xxx. 16, Ps. xiii. 3, 2 are still retained in use. 

6. (2.) Repetition serves to express doiibleness, variety, hence 
also falseness, duplicity ; but in this case \ and must always 
intervene; as, KJ 13 stone and stone, i.e. different weights, Deut. 
xxv. 13 ; 2?J ^? heart and heart, i.e. false heart, Ps. xii. 3 ; cf. 
360c. A somewhat different idea is conveyed by ^J ^ who 
and who ? i.e. who all, individually ? Ex. x. 8. 

c. (3.) Repetition may also express the idea of a high, or 
the highest degree ; and this becomes of special importance, 
inasmuch as the Hebrew has no proper adjectival forms for 
indicating comparison (see 1626). This language, therefore, 
when it can conveniently do so, forms the idea of the highest 
degree briefly, in such a way that, by means of the construct 
state, the individual is taken from among the subordinated 
whole, and made distinctly prominent : this is effected partly 
(a) by juxtaposition of the same noun, as, BWiJ Knp the 
sanctuary of sanctuaries, i.e. the holiest of all ; B^?? 1 ?? slave 
of slaves, i.e. meanest slave, Gen. ix. 25, Hos. x. 15, cf. Jer. 
vi. 28 ; partly (6) by an adjective of a peculiar kind being 
raised into distinct prominence from the following plural or 
collective noun (see 2S6a, 293c), as, VJ3 fbj? the little one 
(least) of his sons, 2 Chron. xxi. 17 ; B^n ^i?t the elders of the 
people, Mic. vii. 4, 3 Gen. xxiv. 2, 1 Sam. ix. 21 [786], Job 
xxviii. 6 ; D?fa \H wicked (the worst) nations, Ezek. vii. 24 ; 
njna ^ 'can the wise ones of the counsellors (i.e. the wisest 

1 Compare M. Berachoth, vi. 6, ix. 5 ; Seder Olam, c. ii. 4. 

2 That nWl has dropped out from this latter passage seems too bold a 
conjecture. 

3 This expression is all the more easily explained, because D*0j^n, again 
taken by itself, might signify the elders [Ger. die Aelteste, lit. Me oldest men 
in the community], Gr. oi Kpsfffiimpot ; Lat. seniores ; the course followed in 
this case is the same as we saw in 2966. 



170 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 313. 

counsellors) of Pharaoh, Isa. xix. 11, Judg. v. 20, cf. Ps. 
xxxv. 16, xlv. 13, Zeeh. xi. 7, 11, 1 Sam. xvii. 40, Job 
xxx. 6, xli. 22, Deut. xxxiii. 19, Esth. ii. 9. The adjective 
may also be regarded as a neuter ; thus, J"ri s n P"]3 the strong 
(strongest) of beasts, Isa. xxxv. 9. Or the whole may be 
more loosely construed with the adjective by means of 2 in 
among ; as, 0^33 na^n the beautiful among the women, i.e. the 
most beautiful woman, Cant. i. 5, Amos ii. 16, Judg. vi. 15, 
to say nothing of possible circumlocutions like ^iW "iniD the 
choice of thy valleys, i.e. thy best valleys, Isa. xxii. 7. If the 
whole is mentioned elsewhere, or is evident from the context, 
it is sufficient, in the case of general ideas like great, good, 
near, to give prominence to the adjective by means of the 
article ; as, Jesse had eight sons, and David was fljjjn the little 
one, where, from the comparison drawn, and the context, the 
meaning plainly is the least (or, if there be no more than two 
between which the choice can be made, the less), 1 Sam. xvii. 
12-14, ix. 21, Gen. i. 16, xix. 38, xxix. 16, Joel iv. 5, 
Deut. xxi, 3 ; E^n the most, Esth. iv. 3, or the majority r , 
1 Kings xviii. 25; Ey 1 !? the greatest, 2 Sam. vii. 9. When, 
however, the whole is not indicated at all, but a high degree 
is to be stated absolutely (as in the proposition, the question is 
very difficult), this idea can be expressed only through the repe- 
tition of the adjective ; as, pby pby deep, deep, i.e. very deep, 
Eccles. vii. 24, unless *to very, or (what is very rare) ?3 than 
all, before all, Jer. xvii. 9, 1 be co-ordinated with the adjective. 
Later writers even readily repeat the i>3 before and after its 
noun, as in Ezek. xliv. 30, and elsewhere in this writer, also 
Ps. cxix. 128. 2 Or there is left a mass of words resembling 
one another, as, &2nrp Djn a wise man become knowing, i.e. one 
who is completely, supremely wise, Prov. xxx. 24, Ps. Ixiv. 7, 
Ex. xii. 9, Isa. xxviii. 1 6 ; 3 and, as we can say in rhetorical 

1 This construction is more frequent in the Arabic (see Ewald's Gram. 
Aral. ii. p. 179) and in the Syriac, see Epliraemi Carmina, ed. Halm, 
p. 80, last line, 81, line 2. 

2 Compare also Gl-^3 x^, Catalog, codd. Syr. Lond. p. 15a, and other 
passages in Syriac writers. 

3 Compare JjJii* J!?> Hamdsa, p. 43, second last line; 



Fukih. Kliulaf. p. 20, 14. The form D3ntp itself already includes the idea 



THE AKKANGEMENT OF WORDS: EMPHASIS. 171 



style, nstrc* nsst? waste and [787] devastation, i.e. the greatest 
desolation, Job xxx. 3, Ezek. vi. 14 ; ^P? nsnn 6e astonished, 
astonied [Ger. si'c& erstaunen, staunen], Hab. i. 5, Zeph. ii. 1, 
Isa. xxix. 9. In the case of the adverb "wo #e?*y, there 
remains no other mode of indicating a high degree than 
simple repetition (see 311&). 

3 14$. 3. The construction whereby a person [or thing] 
receives the most distinct prominence is that in which special 
reference is once more made to it by means of the pronoun 
wn, avros, Lat. ipse (see 105/), the word being marked out 
in this way more than others ; thus, fc^n D'nn the blood itself ; 
Kin ^n the Levite himself, Lev. xvii. 11, Num. xviii. 23, Isa. 
vii. 14, Ps. 1. 6, Prov. iii. 34, xxviii. 10, Hos. iv. 14, Esth. 
ix. 1. Because Nin, in this case, simply means self, and thus 
forms a somewhat freer subordinate adjunct to the word which 
it modifies, it is placed without the article after the noun de- 
fined ; while wnn (which, as shown in 293<z, is co-ordinated 
with a preceding definite noun) rather means the same, Lat. 
idem, thus, wnn Din the same day. This ^nn, in the sense 
of that, as contrasted with njn this, comes more and more to 
occupy the place of nr?n yon, which is not used at all in the 
plural (see 18 35 [Ges. 34, Eem. 2 ; Gr. 73, 2 ; Dav. 
13]). The marked difference which thus exists between 
fcttfin the same (which can be used only in apposition) and the 
above more loosely attached Kin, shows itself further when 
prepositions are added ; for, when there is merely co-ordina- 
tion, it is sufficient in this, as in other cases (see 293&), to 
use the preposition once at the beginning, as, fcflnn Di s 2 tJiat day ; 
while, in the other instance, the preposition may be repeated, 
as, v 13? to the priest himself \ Lev. vii. 8, cf. vers. 9, 14 ; in the 
case of the combination wn Da, however, in the sense of et 
ipse, there is no further change made on the pronoun, as if it 
had already come exactly to mean our likewise, also, Gen. 

of a gradation (see 1206), and thus also a retrospect to wards the preceding 
'word, in the same way as b'SHJO in Ps. Ixiv. 7 and ^ao in Ex. xii. 9 ; 



exactly similar cases are IxuJu buJ, Sura xix. 23 ; |2.5j-KKlQ |Zo5(_, 

Lagarde's Anal. Syr. p. 49, 21. Closely connected with this usage is the 
accumulation of words haviDg a similar meaning, and resembling each other 
'u sound; as, njW eyo, Isa. viii. 22. 



172 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 314. 

iv. 26, x. 21, cf. iv. 4. The prefixing of Kin, in the sense of 
ipse, certainly introduces more of a finish into the sentence, 
but is found, in old Hebrew, only in such a collocation of 
words as njn rWn wn this same night, Ex. xii. 42, where 
another pronoun is already employed ; the construction, 
however, is genuine Aramaic, 1 and accordingly we read OHD 
fltt&O '02E of the same sons of Reuben, 1 Chron. iv. 42, cf. Jer. 
ii. 31, 2 Chron. xxxii. 29, Ezra vii. 6. Though this Kin, in 
the sense of ipse, may be joined with the second or first person 
also, as, fcttn nriK thou thyself, Jer. xlix. 12, yet we likewise 
find W) BflN see (for) yourselves! Jer. ii. 31, and EfiN Mf w&w 
apsis, Hag. i. 4. 

&. Since, then, this small word wn possesses such a strong 
retrospective power in Hebrew, we cannot be surprised to 
find that, even when placed alone in the predicate, it may 
retain its meaning of the same, as is undeniably the case at 
least in the artificially brief style, often mentioned already, 
adopted by the poets of the second period ; proof passages are 
Job iii. 19, Isa. xli. 4, Ps. cii. 28. Or wni is added in a new 
proposition, with special force, as the subject, he himself, Gen. 
xlix. 13 ; W wm [788] and he himself also, 2 Sam. xvii. 10 ; 
but (what is most remarkable, though only in accordance with 
the case explained in a) fcflfi D3 is also prefixed, in Isa. 
xxx. 33, not as the subject [but with the dative]. 

c. Since the Hebrew language has no reflexive pronoun self 
in current use, it employs instead (1) the suffix pronoun of 
the third person, when another noun (or what is properly the 
same thing, a preposition) separates the suffix from the sub- 
ject ; as, tops "IBK he said in his heart, ?N & HE^y he made for 
himself (or simply the dative, himself) a god ; without this 
[intervening word or particle, i.e.] in a case of direct, immediate 
construction, as, interficit se, laudat se, the suffix can never 
have this meaning. The suffix of the third person, however, 
when attached to HN (especially considering the original mean- 
ing of this particle [which is similar to that of avro?], see 
2 7c), may very well have a reflexive sense ; thus, infc se 
ipsum, Ex. v. 19, 2 Sam. xv. 25, Jer. vii. 19, Ezek. xxxiv. 

1 And Neo-Hebraic ; as, Di s 2 12 on the same day, an expression often 
found in the Mishna. 



THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS : EMPHASIS. 173 

2, 8, 10. (2) When this pronoun is not sufficient, the pro- 
nominal suffixes are joined with B>SJ soul, or similar words 
(see 2 8 6/) ; as, / know *&& my soul, i.e. myself ; w* N?3 my 
face (i.e. my person) will go (i.e. I shall go personally) ; D^23 
their soul (i.e. they themselves) went into captivity, Isa. xlvi. 2 ; 
DBfeJ^ for themselves, Hos. ix. 4 ; ^BJ3 in (or by) itself, Lev. 
xrii/14. 1 

31 5 a. III. An unemphatic pronoun in the dative, joined 
to the verb in the same person with it, may very palpably 
express the way in which the action returns upon itself, is 
terminated and completed ; as, v ^?n fa is gone' 2 [Ger. er 
ist sich gegangen], i.e. he has taken himself off, made off with 
himself, is quite vanished, as it were, Cant. ii. 11, Gen. xii. 1 ; 3 
nay, such a pronoun may even accompany a reflexive verb, 
as, i? ^nnn Ps. Iviii. 8 ; 4 a similar expression is v DJ he fled 
for himself, i.e. betook himself to flight, Isa. xxxi. 8, Cant, 
viii. 14, Amos vii. 12, though, in prose, DJ and rna alone [i.e. 
without the reflexive pronoun] are always used in the same 
meaning. In most cases, however, this mode of expression 
rather indicates a special participation in the action by the 
agent or speaker, a certain earnestness or zeal with which he 
acts ; but it occurs, as an expression of heartiness, more in the 
diffuse and easy-going popular style, both in poetry and in 
unimpassioned prose ; thus, to }3jp they hoped for themselves 
(i.e. almost our earnestly), Job vi. 19; with an intransitive 
participle, which is at the same time applied to an inanimate 
object, as, the cart W nxpDn which is full for itself (i.e. which 
has quite filled itself) with sheaves, Amos ii. 13; and espe- 
cially in sentences in which advice is tendered or a question 
asked, such a dative is apt to intrude itself, Isa. ii. 22, xxiii. 7. 

1 On this passage, compare the remarks in Ewald's Antiquities, p. 38 
[Eng. transl.]. 

2 [This so-called ' ethical dative " serves to indicate that the action is of 
special importance for the agent. See Giesebrecht on the Hebrew pre- 

position Lamed, p. 68 ff .] 

3 French s*en aller ; the construction is frequently found in the Mishna. 
* In Prov. xiii. 13, if) ^n" 1 might be taken to mean he is utterly destroyed, 

like CnA ^\^LKjZ| in the Epistle of Ignatius to Poly carp (Cureton's 
Corpus lyn. p. 10, line 6) ; but the expression in the former passage has 
rather quite another meaning. 



174 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 315. 

The strong liking on the part of certain later poets for the 
use [789] of the particle, in the Aramaic fashion, is clearly 
evidenced by Ps. cxx. 6, cxxii. 3, cxxiii. 4. On the other 
hand, the extensive accumulation of pronouns having a reflex 
reference produces a degree of pleasantry, such as is found in 
the Lat. ipsissimi, Ger. hochstsdbst : Q"b nan . . . nan^ Eccles. 
iii. 18. 

I. Through the influence of dialectical peculiarities in the 
decadence of the language, some poets have occasionally ad- 
mitted, into the current of discourse, the smoother construction 
by means of the suffix ^ me, and ^J thee, instead of the 
stronger v to me, *p to thee; 1 but in nearly every case these 
suffixes are used for the pronoun when it is not of much im- 
portance, and readily rejected, as Ezek. xxix. 3 (cf. ver. 9, 
where it is omitted), Isa. xliv. 21, Ixv. 5, Job xxxi. 18 ; it 
would be uttered with emphasis only in Zech. vii. 5, where, 
however, it must rather be an accusative. 2 It is different 
with VFirw, Ezek. xxi. 32, if this means, I give (it) to him; since 
this brevity of expression, though very rare, is explained by 
what is laid down in 283Z>. 

c. Lastly, another phenomenon which presents itself in 
connection with this subject, is the profuse accumulation of 
particles for the purpose of forming an idea which the language, 
at an earlier stage, and when less effeminate, could easily 
express in a much more brief and simple way. As the 
language generally, in its later stages, is characterized partly 
by an artificial brevity in the written style, partly by a greater 
diffuseness of expression quite the opposite of the other feature, 
so this diffuseness reveals itself, on the lower side, partly by 
the presence of some foreign elements derived from corrupt 
dialects which gradually made their way into the language, 

1 The same tendency shows itself in the Aramaic and Ethiopia ; but in the 
old Arabic it is exhibited only in the well-known L^<\N for <J_ j that, 

and in the dialectical (^Jj\j\ do you think f (On this point, cf. Hamdsa, 
p. 213, 1, and the Scholia there.) 

2 Compare the Aramaic, "his colour infat? changed (on) Aiw," Dan. v. 6, 
instead of which in ver. 9, where the participle is used, we find ifyby 
upon him; the like construction is found in Neo-Syriac, see Amer. Orient. 
Journal, v. p. 155 ; also in modern Persian, Armenian, and even in Coptic. 



THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS IN A SENTENCE. 175 

but mostly, or at least most perceptibly, by these accumulations 
of smaller particles. The tendency of the language to adopt 
these was at first only dimly perceptible, but reached its 
climax in the Books of the Chronicles. Thus (1) the prep.-*' 
appears in places where the language, in its older and more 
vigorous period, readily dispensed with it : this begins pretty 
early in the case of the word "^H^f, from "K3JJ3, which properly 
means, in moving, but, like the German wegen, 1 is now used 
merely to indicate the cause, etc. (as, """TO^ ^nttjo for my 
[790] sake, etc. [Ger. meinetwegen, u. s. w.] ) ; or, in construction 
with a verb (hence, according to 3375, mostly with the 
infinitive), to indicate the issue kept in view, i.e. the object or 
aim. In this latter meaning, however, the word is combined 
with p, because this particle also can indicate the same idea 
only in a more imperfect way (see 3375); as, rrtD3 "82l|aS for 
because of proving, i.e. in order that he may try, Ex. xx. 20, 
2 Sam. xiv. 20, xvii. 14. For a similar reason the much-, 
worn ? (joined, according to 237c, with the inf. const.) is 
also used after $& (see 2225) with a similar meaning, 
Ezek. xxi. 20 ; as well as after ^a^ (see 322a) in 2 Kings 
xxiii. 10, where it did not originally exist. Moreover, ? "^JD 
occurs in 1 Chron. xix. 3, with which compare 2 Sam. x. 3, 
where first ">^2 is used with the bald form of the infinitive, 
and then the briefer p instead of it, with the following infinitive. 
But further, not merely is !"W used in the sense of, so that there 
is no ... (a, meaning which is adequately expressed, in the 
earlier style, by ftf, subordinated as shown in 286#), 1 Chron. 
xxii. 4, 2 Chron. xx. 25, but 7 is even placed before the 
absolute infinitive, as, nann^) much (prop, that there is much), 
2 Chron. xi. 12, xvi. 8, Neh. v. 18; cf. also nfc6 completely 
(see 28 3d), 2 Chron. xii. 12, and, similarly, Djrrta, like our 
in vain, ie. vainly [Ger. zum vergeblichen, i.e. vergeblicli] (see 

1 The root "ny signifies to go beyond, exceed, both in height (hence to 
swell; iuy the fruit, Josh. v. 11 f.) and in length, so that it also corre- 
sponds to our beyond, past, over [Ger. vortiber~], and -|!Qy in another dialect 
might mean the main road; thus, lUyn HBha (for "this is the proper 
reading), M. Berachoth, iv. 4, is most correctly rendered the cross-way, i.e. 
danger. When used with reference to time, it is also equivalent to so long 
as, while [during the time that] ; but it occurs in this way only once, and 
as a provincialism, 2 Sam. xii. 21. 



176 EWALD'S HEBREW SYKTAX, BIG. 

204&), Ezek vi. 10. (2) As, in the cases just mentioned, p 
merely serves to give more definite form to adverbs, so also 
rnnoa quickly, Eccles. iv. 12, Dxnsa suddenly, 2 Chron. xxix. 36, 
and DOto daily, Nell, ix. 19, stand for ideas which, in older 
books, are clear enough without this preposition. (3) "v iy 
even to, occurs in 2 Kings ix. 20 ; also p "W in many cases 
where, at an earlier period, the simple *JV was sufficient ; as, 
1fc!p$> "W even to much, i.e. very much, 2 Chron. xvi. 14, cf. 
1 Kings xviii. 29, 1 Chron. xxviii. 7, 20, 2 Chron. xiv. 12, 
xxvi. 8 (twice), 15, 16, xxix. 28, 30, xxxvi. 16, Ezra iii. 13, 
ix. 4, 6, x. 14: even before the absolute infinitive we now 
find such prepositions as, ffc *W, or n?3p iy even to complete, i.e. 
completely, 2 Kings xiii. 17, 19, 2 Chron. xxiv. 10, xxxi. 1, 
with which compare ver. 10. 1 Other special cases of this 
kind are, njo *yh as it were formerly from this, Neh. xiii. 4 ; 
*?y inb as it were apart from, besides, Ezra i. 6 ; and "^NJD ^n 
a/ter when . . ., Josh. ii. 7. 

d As is to be expected in a language formed to serve 
especially as an instrument for divine communications, the 
older Hebrew, along with the greatest possible clearness, rather 
exhibits an extreme brevity and precision in the expression of 
its sentences, features which, when there is special occasion, 
sometimes reach their climax, as in Mic. vii. 12. Similarly, 
in architectural descriptions and specifications of such a 
character, greater brevity is gradually attained, as 1 Kings 
vii. 12, Neh. iii., and Chronicles. 



[791] (&) Agreement of Words in Gender and Number. 

316$. When adjectives, pronouns, and verbs are put into 
construction with their nouns, these parts of a sentence must 
almost always exhibit complete similarity in gender and num- 
ler. When words forming a group are placed in apposition, the 
adjective and pronoun are most rigidly regulated by the noun 

1 A form like n^3, however, may be regarded as the construct infinitive 
(see 238e) [Ges. 52, Rem. 3, and 75, Rem. 10 ; Gr. 174, 3], and 
there is no necessity in this case for reading r6s, in accordance with 
, already cited. 



AGREEMENT OF WORDS IN GENDER AND NUMBER. 177 

(see 293ft): but when there is opposed to the latter a verb, 
adjective, or pronoun, as the predicate; when the sentence is 
further extended in many ways; or when one sentence is 
attached to the other, then the connection of the discourse, 
in this respect, becomes more slight, and not a few exceptions 
to the general rule seem to present themselves. Besides this, 
of course, the original inflected forms for gender and number 
gradually cease to be used; and here, again, we perceive how 
widely the language, in its present shape, differs from what it 
originally was (see 1 7 1 ff.). A tendency that seeks to gain 
ground in the language is, to employ, as much as possible, the 
singular instead of the plural, and the masculine instead of the 
feminine ; but this is far from having yet become so widely 
prevalent as in later languages (e.g. the modern Persian, and 
even Armenian), and the Hebrew is perhaps, in this respect, 
still like the Greek. Accordingly, the manifold deviations 
[from the general rule] do not arise from mere caprice, but from 
the great freedom and lightness of the language, which pays 
less regard to a word in the outward form which it has retained 
from antiquity, than to the position it occupies, or the ever 
changing idea which it represents. 

1. If the verb or adjective, as the one half of the sentence, 
is mentioned before the subject has been named (and thus 
clearly presented to the mind), it may remain in the person- 
form which is most convenient, and still undefined, viz. the 
masc. sing., especially when the predicate, according to its usual 
position, precedes the subject (see 306&); but if the subject 
has been mentioned, this indefiniteness cannot be begun or 
continued. 1 In the Arabic at least, this convenient mode of 
construction has become very prevalent; in the Hebrew, too, 
it is not rare when the verb is used, as, H3"in "ay there passed 

T T j T M 

along the cry, 1 Kings xxii. 36 ; &]T DH3 rpn &o there were in 

1 It is continued in one case, 1 Kings x. 12, but this passage is also found 
in an altered form, 2 Chron. ix. 11 ; its adoption here, moreover, finds ground 
for excuse in the group of words i^y \3 thus trees, i.e. such trees, where 
|3 might be regarded as the principal word in the group. In 1 Kings 
xxii 13, we must probably read visn for ^3*1, though this form is repeated 
in 2 Chron. xviii. 12; compare the Septuagint. In other passages also, the 
present text is sometimes defective on this score, as Jer. xlviii. 15, accord- 
ing to the points, and 1 Sam. xix. ^!0, where we inuist read ^*i al 1 

M 



178 



EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 317. 



them no hands, i.e. they had no power, Josh. viii. 20, Gen. 
i. 14, xli. 50, Mic. i. 13, Job xxx. 15, Eccles. vii. 7, Ps. cxxiv. 5, 
Deut. xxxii. 5, 2 Kings vii. 11, [792] Esth. ix. 23; such cases, 
however, as Hipn "iBflB* there are kept the statutes, Mic. vi. 16, 
may also be explained from what is stated in 295&. It is 
much more rare to find an adjective, used as the predicate, 
treated in this way; but see Ps. cxix. 137, 155. 

b. It is but seldom that an adjective, when employed as a more 
remote description of the predicate (see 2*79), and conse- 
quently subordinated in the accusative, remains merely in this 
most handy [uninflected] form, in the same way as the German 
constantly permits the adjective, even when forming the nearest 
predicate, to remain without inflection; as, they go ^"W naked 
[Ger sie gehen nackt], Job xxiv. 7, 10, xii. 17, 19, Isa. xx. 4; 
in all these passages, the adjective is not the nearest predicate. 
But it is just such adjectives as D'"VJJ or Dfry naked that must 
soonest have lost the feminine form (see I75a), as is 
to be inferred from Ezek. xvi. 7, 22, 39, xxiii. 29; they are, 
however, rather originally nouns (see 2860). 1 We must re- 
gard in a different way Isa. iii. 12 (where the first member of 
the verse is to be taken in connection with the following) and 
Jer. 1. 41 f. (where the sing, and plur. interchange, for the 
reasons shown in 3175). Cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. 681 ff. 

3l7a. 2. The vast majority of deviations from the rule 
arise out of disregard for the external form of a word, because 
the idea contained in it comes to exercise more influence : 

(1.) Inasmuch as the feminine is the proper form for abstracts 
(see 179 [Ger. 86, 6; Gr. 198]), while the individuals 
forming the plural may be comprehended in an abstract noun, 
any plural may be construed with a predicate in the fern, sing.; 
this is especially easy in the case of inanimate objects, beasts, 
or co-operating members of one body, etc., in which the action 
of the individuals is not so very conspicuous (contrast &); 
as, J"ri&D? ty$, like the Greek TO, d^pia avaf&eirei, the beasts 
look up, Joel i. 20, Isa. xxxiv. 13, Jer. iv. 14, xii. 4, and, 
according to the Kethib, ii. 15, xxii. 6; also Ps. xviii. 35, 



1 In a manner exactly parallel, vuZ^L naked, is also used for the fern. 
and plur., Clem, de virg. ii. 10; and from this word is derived a new 
adjective . . ^fcs Barhebrseus, p. 328, 1. 



AGREEMENT OF WOUUS IN GENDE11 AND NUMBER. 179 

xxxvii. 31, Prov. xv. 22, Job xiv. 19, xvi. 16, xx. 11, xxvii. 
20, xxx. 15, Zech. vi. 14, Neh. xiii. 10, 2 Sam. xxiv. 13: 
also with the dual, as, nv\> l^y his eyes stood out, 1 Sam. iv. 15, 

1 Kings xiv. 6, 12, Mic. iv. 11; with an adjective as the 
predicate, Mic. i. 9. This freedom, however, is never possible 
in the case of adjectives or pronouns placed in immediate co- 
ordination, thougli it may be allowed in pronouns which refer, 
more remotely, to a plural; as, the wild least of the field 
ncrin tramples on it (prop, them, viz. the eggs), Job xxxix. 15, 
xiv. 19 (where the irregularity does not show itself till the 
second member), Ps.cxix. 98 (Qeri], 2 Kings iii. 3,x. 26,xvii.22. 
On the whole, however, this construction is still rare, and 
almost exclusively confined to poetry, though, to be sure, it has 
become quite predominant in Arabic. Still more easy is it to 
understand why a plural which [793] already contains in itself 
the idea of a mere abstract noun (see I79a [and Ges. 108, 

2 ; Gr. 201, la]), such as D^iijtt youth, is construed with the 
fern. sing, of the verb, Ps. ciii. 5. 

&. (2.) The opposite of this is presented by the many cases 
in which a transition is made from the sing, to the plur., when 
the subject intended by the singular consists of several equally 
independent and active parts (i.e. when it is a collective). This 
construction is adopted most frequently when, by the singular, 
animate and active beings are understood, but seldom when inani- 
mate objects are meant; and it is most easily applied, the looser 
the connection that subsists between the words themselves; 
hence, it is rare in so close a construction as S N"]1 M^V ^ lift 
up (fern. sing. ; for a city, i.e. its inhabitants, is thus addressed; 
hence, [with the plur. masc. suffix] your eyes and see! Jer. xiii. 
20 (Kethib\ cf. Mic. i. 11. Further, it is not readily employed 
in cases of apposition, except when the participle, together with 
the article, takes up a somewhat more independent and separate 
position (see 335a), as in Num. xiv. 35; but often in the 
predicate, and frequently at a later stage in the progress of the 
discourse, after some words have intervened, when the external 
[grammatical] form of the subject is less distinctly before the 
mind. The gender also is regulated merely by the sense. 
Thus, E5?n ipig the people (i.e. the men and women) cry out; 
WV nnip the city (i.e. the inhabitants) is in fear, Isa. xxv. 3 ; 
(IfJB rule, i.e. rulers, Judg. v. 7 ; 3>*n the Her in wait, i.e. the 



180 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 317. 

soldiers in ambush (see 277&), Judg. xx. 37; inb the merchant, 
Isa. xxiii. 2; ">3N the ploughman, Amos v. 16; ^ the player on 
a stringed instrument (see 164a, 177& [Ges. 86, 5 and 
87, 16; Gr. 194 and 199&]),Ps. xlv. 9, ix. 7; -TW B*K ^ 
w<m (*.e. men) of Judah (see 277&), Jer. xliv. 27, 2 Chron. 
xiii. 15, like Khpn JH! tffo Ao^ *^, Ezra ix. 2; HDn^rp ^ar, for 
enemies, with plur., 1 Kings v. 1 7 ; ffi& small cattle, often with 
fern, plur.; aa 1 ! often a means of transport generally, for the plur. 
masc. and fern., chariots, Nah. ii. 5 ; rnJV the rest, remainder that 
has been acquired, i.e. the riches, Jer. xlviii. 3 6, like n^lpn desire, 
i.e. jewels, Hag. ii. 7, and 5>?n power of the nations, i.e. their 
treasures, Isa. Ix. 5; '"TIEK speech, i.e. words, Ps. cxix. 103. 
Since, under these circumstances, the construction with the 
sing, may be adopted equally as well as that with the plur., 
it is not surprising that poetic writers have availed themselves 
of the possibility of changing from one to the other, in order 
to give greater variety of form to the different members of a 
verse; as Jer. vi. 22 f. 

c. (3.) When several nouns are joined in a series by means 
of the construct state, the predicate is, properly, regulated by 
the first, as the chief member of the group; sometimes, how- 
ever, rather by the second, if, looking at the meaning of the 
whole series together, the first member is much less important 
than the second, especially therefore if the first merely men- 
tions a property or circumstance of the second. Thus (a) 
always when i>3 is the first (see 286e); as, W'? vn all his 
days were ; rnyrrpa $&F\\ then all the assembly lifted up; only 
in extremely rare instances does the predicate seem capable of 
being referred to bb, as, Prov. xvi. 2, 1 Isa. Ixiv. 10, Zech. 
xiv. 15, Ezek. xxxi. 15 [794]. Similarly (&) with i>ip voice, 
when it merely expresses the idea of our adverb aloud (see 
286/); as, D^ift T"? ^ ^P the voice of the Uood (i.e. hear how 
the blood-drops, i.e. the shed blood) of thy brother cries! or, the 
blood of thy brother cries aloud ! Gen. iv. 10, cf. iii. 8, 1 Kings 
i. 41, xiv. 6, Isa. Iii. 8, Job xxix. 10. And (c) when any 

1 But in this case it is better, in accordance with Prov. xxi. 2, to read 
q-n in the sing., instead of l| a"n; moreover, from the simple fact that iTn 
to be, which is so very plastic, occurs in them, Isa. Ixiv. 10 and Zech. xiv. 15 
cannot be taken as very strong proof -passages : regarding Ezek. xxxi. 15, 
where, perhaps, fy should be read lor #, see 1256. 



AGREEMENT OF WORDS IN GENDER AND NUMBER. 181 

abstract noun stands before a substantive, especially one which 
indicates a person, so that the former comes to have almost 
the meaning and the force of an adjective, as in the case of 
irno choice, i.e. the lest; thus, W3B *$& "inap the choice of his 
knights (i.e. his best knights) sank, Ex. xv. 4 ; ah multitude, 
i.e. many, Job xxxii. 7, which is least surprising, on account 
of what is stated in 28 6e; but it is followed by ">BD number, 
Job xv. 20, xxi. 21, xxxviii. 21 : moreover, all numerals be- 
yond two really belong to this category. A rare construction 
is ya~]K rwn nj^jmi then there arose an appearance of four, i.e. 
like four, forms that seemed like four, Dan. viii. 8, where 
rwn has almost exactly the meaning of 3 like; but, indeed, 
every noun subordinated to 3 (see 2 2 la), and yet placed as 
the leading word in a proposition, really falls under this head. 
Further, when any other noun, of whatever kind, precedes a 
much more important one signifying a person or persons, so 
that the former admits of being regarded as similarly sub- 
ordinated; thus, D^jin Dnina n^'jp the bow (a word which, like 
ntprpo in 6, may even in itself easily mean bowmen) of heroes 
(i.e. heroic bowmen) are confounded, 1 Sam. ii. 4; the eyes of 
man (i.e. proud man, who throws his eyes aloft) is humbled, Isa. 
ii. 11, cf. Jer. viii. 5; these constructions are chiefly confined 
to poetry. 1 Moreover, it is very rare that the predicate, when 
placed after, is referred to the penult noun of the series, when, 
in accordance with the meaning, the last one also may have 
the predicate; see 1 Kings xvii. 16 (contrast ver. 14), Lev. 
xiii. 9, Zech. viii. 10, cf. Job xxii. 12. Generally speaking, 
such constructions were the more easily formed, because the 
noun subordinated to the construct state does not suffer the 
least change of form, has not, for instance, the form of the 
genitive [as in Latin, Greek, German, etc.]; the case is different 
in the Arabic, where, just for that reason, this liberty is far 
from being so extensive. 

The simple numerals from one to ten always follow 
the gender of their noun ( 276&, c), whether they are 
attached to the latter by the construct state or not (see 

1 Regarding similar combinations of words by Arabic poets, see Ibn 
'Aqil on the Alfiyya, ver. 394, p. 195, in Dieterici, Tabrizi on the Hamdaa, 
p. 882, second last line. On the other hand, in Jer. ii. 34, for QR we must, 
perhaps, read B'n with the Septuagint. 



182 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, sis. 

286^). But, with the fern. nBK3 l y the ell, a formula 
frequently used in reckoning by ells, this numeral [795] 
always stands in the feminine, as if a served merely as a 
more specific circumlocution for the genitive -relation ; 
thus, nsx2 raj ftv e ells, 1 Kings vi. 3, 6. 
318. Besides these cases, which are more reducible to 
general laws, there is still a number of miscellaneous instances 
in which gender and number, as indicated by a long-established 
form, are overlooked in favour of a later and more special mean- 
ing attached to the word as actually employed in the living lan- 
guage. Thus, D^ri means clamores, then a female ostrich, ostrich, 
hence as fern. sing, in Job xxxix. 13-18; D^BD (like litcrae), 
for letter as plur., and more remotely as sing., 2 Kings xix. 14 
(Isa. xxxvii. 14); ntopno kingdoms, but inasmuch as warriors 
are meant, it is masc. in 1 Sam. x. 18; riNEjn s in, is used as a 
masc., from the figure of a lion being employed, in Gen. iv. 7; 
'njp"| indolence, is used as a masc. for the indolent man, in Prov. 
xii. 27; 'inn vanity, for false gods, is used as plur. in 1 Sam. 
xii. 21; regarding 5JJS, see 1765. 1 The gender indicated 
by the grammatical form also frequently changes with that 
of the meaning, or the figure employed; as, K ; B3 soul, signifying 
man, is fern, or masc., Gen. xlvi. 27, Lev. xx. 6, xxii. 6, Num. 
xxxi. 28; jacj? sheep, used figuratively for men, is construed as 
plur. fern, and masc., Jer. xxiii. 2-4, Ezek. xxxiv. 1 ff.; niDVj; 
bones, fern, plur., and with the meaning of dead, as masc. plur., 
Ezek. xxxvii. Iff.; wnv sun (see I74c), is construed as a 
masc., on account of a poetic figure, in Ps. xix. 6. Plurals 
especially, whose meaning seems that of a singular, come 
gradually to be construed as such; thus, ntoh mcenia (see 180& 
[Ges. 87, 5, Eem. 1; Gr. 2035]), as masc. plur. and fern. 
sing., Neh. ii. 13, Jer. li. 58; ritoiin waves, i.e. the sea, as fern, 
sing., in Ps. Ixxviii. 15; D^B face (see I78a [Ges. 87, 
Eem. 2; Gr. 201, 1]), sometimes with the sing., as 2 Sam. 
x. 9 (1 Chron. xix. 10), and in the Kethib of Prov. xv. 14, Job 
xvi. 16; probably also the similar & water, Num. xix. 13, 20; 
CW heaven, is sing, in Job xxxviii. 33; Tftcnw arva, a poetic 

1 [There it is stated that this word, which signifies wickedness, destruction, 
cannot, as being a peculiar compound, take the plural form, but may, as 
it stands, be used to mean destructive men, as in 2 Snm. xxiii. 6; this signi- 
fication, however, is usually expressed by prefixing '.32 or i^J 



AGREEMENT OF WORDS IN GENDER AND NUMBER. 183 

word, without singular, hence, as being almost synonymous 
\vitli rnt? field, construed with the sing., Hab. iii. 17, Isa. xvi. 8. 
Dv6x God (see 1786 [Ges. 87, Eem. 2; Gr. 201, 2]), ia 
construed very frequently and intentionally with the plural, 
only when used with reference to polytheism or superstition, 
Ex. xxxii. 4, 8, 1 Kings xii. 29, or when a visible spirit (god) 
is meant, 1 Sam. xxviii. 13, or when heathens are addressed 
or spoken about, Gen. xx. 13, 1 Sam. iv. 8, 1 Kings xix. 2, 
xx. 10, or, lastly, when angels may likewise be understood, 
Gen. xxxv. 7; under other circumstances, however, in con- 
formity with the Mosaic monotheism, it is joined with the sing, 
of the predicate, without exception (even 2 Sam. vii. 23 being 
no exception [since the plur. form of the verb is an incorrect 
reading; compare the parallel passage in 1 Chron. xvii. 21, 
where the sing, is used]), and but rarely with ihe plur. of 
an adjective placed in apposition, Ex. xx. 3 (where, however, 
" God " is still used in a general sense, just as in Josh. xxiv. 19), 
1 Sam. xvii. 26; in the case of D^fi peviates, the construction 
fluctuates between the plur., Gen. xxxi. 34, and the sing., 
1 Sam. xix. 13, 16. Eegarding tea and |HX lord, master, the 
plural forms of which always have the force of the singular, 
when in construction, see 1785 [Ges. 108, 26; Gr. 201, 2], 

&. Certain writers also, especially those who lived in the 
declining period of the language, are less careful and steady 
than others with regard to such constructions ; yet even in 
these cases, on closer inspection, there is always discovered a 
more [796] or less remote reason for the deviation from the 
rule, though this cause operates only more strongly than is 
necessary. Thus the masc. sing. ">9i? the incensing, because it 
has the meaning of sacrifice, comes after a considerable time 
to be construed with the plural, and then, as a neuter or 
collective, with the fern, sing., Jer. xliv. 21. Similarly, the 
pronouns n^K and nen > though plural, are referred by later 
writers, simply as neuters singular (see 17 25), to a singular, 
so that \)y themselves they form the one half of the proposition, 
1 Chron, xxiv. 19, 2 Chron. iii. 3, xvii. 14, viii. 11, Jer. vii. 4 ; 
the suiiix & also, like the Lat. ea, may have the force of a 
neuter, Ex. xxiii. 11. 

3190. 3. Lastly, seeming deviations also arise from in- 
definite discourse (see 294?)). An individual may first be 



184 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 319. 

named instead of all that resemble it, and the discourse then 
expanded into the plural, which is equally correct ; or, con- 
versely, what is first regarded generally may afterwards be 
individualized. But this change very rarely occurs in separable 
parts of the same sentence, especially a short one, as Hos. 
iv. 8, Ps. Ixii. 5, Prov. xxviii. 1, Jer. x. 4, xvi. 6, 7, Hag. 
ii. 16; it is usually met with only in new sentences and 
descriptions, Jer. ix. 7, Prov. xvi. 13, xxi. 27, xxviii. 4, 
xxxi. 4, 5, Job v. 5 (where it begins with the suffix, after the 
change to a new member), xii. 6, xvii. 5, xxiv. 5, 16-18, 
22-24, xxviii. 4, Ps. v. 10, Ixiv. 9, Amos vi. 9, 10, Zech. 
xiii. 4-6, xiv. 12, Isa. v. 23, viii. 20, xli. 2, 3, Ivii. 2, Ezek. 
xliv. 25, Lev. xxv. 29-31, 1 Chron. xxix. 8, Neh. iv. 11. A 
participle, however, may form a short, separate sentence ; as, 
^I n ? T5139 those wlio bless thee (i.e. if any one bless thee) may 
he be blessed ! fiBV 1 i^Tpno those who profane it (i.e. if any one 
profane it) he is to be put to death! Ex. xxxi. 14, Gen. 
xxvii. 29, cf. xii. 3, Lev. xix. 8, 1 Sam. ii. 10 (Kethib), Zech. 
xi. 5, Hos. x. 5. This freedom, also, is far more largely exercised 
in poetry than in ordinary prose, in which it scarcely once 
happens that a word like &"]K man [Ger. mensch, Lat. Jiomo], 
011 account of its general meaning, is regarded and construed 
both as sing, and plur., Gen. vi. 3. If a noun, taken by 
itself, be indefinite in meaning, it may of course (as shown in 
317&) be construed as the subject, with a plural in the 
predicate ; as, ">nx another, which, put in this general way, is 
equivalent to others, Job viii. 8, 19 ; *?3 all, Deut. xxviii. 60, 
Ezek. xxviii. 3 ; it is seldom that an indefinite adjective or 
substantive is used in this way, Ps. xi. 7, Isa. xvi. 4, Amos 
v. 16. 1 

The case is similar when ye and thou interchange in a 
general proposition, where both may happen to be equally 
possible, Lev. xxv. 1 4, cf. Mic. i. 1 1 ; or when thou and he, 
i.e. one, a person [Ger. man, Fr. on] (see 294 regarding both), 
are used interchangeably, with the same meaning, Lev. ii. 8, 
xiii. 52, 55, 57, Mai. ii. 15. 

1 Hence, even this change in number is regulated by a law of its own ; 
and we cannot say, for instance, that, in the case of TDK i n l sa - x - 4, tne 
plural can be used instead, in that part of the sentence where it is 
found. 



AGREEMENT OF WORDS IN GENDER AND NUMBER. 185 

[797] But the case is somewhat different when the discourse 
is purposely changed, in a new sentence, from a plural into a 
singular, because, of the multitude previously mentioned, no 
more than a particular individual is to be understood, Lev. 
ii. 2,1 Kings vi. 23, Deut. xxi. 10, xxviii. 48, Isa, v. 26. 

I. Since, then, the reasons for a possible interchange of 
different genders and numbers may be found together in one 
word and subject, and under very various conditions, inter- 
changes of an extreme kind take place even within one sen- 
tence, especially in poetry, as, Ainos ix. 11, Isa. xxiii. 13, 
xxx. 11, 12, 1 x. 5 ; nay more, change of structure may also be 
carried out, in this way, within the different members of a 
verse of poetry, as, Jer. viii. 5, xxiii. 6 ; the degree, however, 
in which this change is possible and appropriate, must be 
determined by a consideration of each particular case. A 
certain amount of stiffness frequently attaches to the rapid 
interchange, within the same sentence, in the mode of address- 
ing superiors, the master (lord), the king being changed for thou 
(see 1S4&), and thy servant for the correlative /; as 2 Sam. 
xiv. 11. [See also Ges. 137, Eem. 3 ; Gr. 279.] 

c. 4. Though the copula between the subject and predicate 
(see 297&) is regulated, as far as possible, by the subject, it 
agrees quite as readily with the predicate, especially when 
this lies nearer it, and is of more importance ; as, Jer. x. 3, 
Prov. xiv. 3 5 : the most loose construction is exhibited in 
Josh. xiii. 14. 

1 In ver. 31 of this chapter we must read ns* 1 B3Bfc>i because the mean- 
ing must be, "For the voice of Jahve will the Assyrian be afraid, for the 
rod (with which) He will smite him ; and then, whenever [i.e. as often as] 
the rod (viz. the punishment) of destiny [i.e. the decreed punishment] 
passes over, which Jahve brings down upon him (cf. 345&), they [Ger. 
man] will make war on him with timbrels and harps, and with wars of 
sacrifice," i.e. fight him as one destined to be sacrificed amidst temple 
music and festal rejoicing. Assyria is thus regarded as masc. and fern. 
Something different is presented when a word, because it is in itself of 
doubtful gender (see 174 ff.), allows this uncertainty to appear in the 
construction ; as, nnan, which is properly fern., changes into masc. in Isa. 
xxx. 33. 



186 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 320. 

(c) Special Kinds of Sentences, 
1. Negative Sentences. 

320$. The Hebrew, like every primary language/ 
originally possesses very many different kinds of nega- 
tives, which (1) vary in accordance with the parts of 
the sentence. For, first of all, (a) the negative affects 
only a single definite word, which it sharply subordi- 
nates (see 321); next, (6) and only after this, there 
arise particles which are used more freely, to produce 
a negation of the whole sentence ; and lastly, (c) new 
ones of a stronger kind, which are formed in order the 
more sharply to subordinate a word designed to com- 
prise a whole proposition within short compass (see 
322a). But (2) the same twofold indication of the 
feeling in the mind of the speaker, which pervades the 
verb (see 223 ff.), is ultimately carried out in the 
[798] negative particle also ; thus, its idea closely 
approaches that of the most finished part of speech. 
And (3) when it is considered that these particles 
though the original likeness of the Semitic admits of 
being recognised in them also interchange very much, 
in accordance with the difference of languages and 
dialects, and when, to this diversity, w T e further add 
the great variety found among the Hebrew writers, one 
can fancy what various phenomena meet together here. 
1. The two negative particles &6 and ?N, which are the 
simplest, and at the same time the most widely prevalent 
throughout the language, may have originally sprung from 
the same root; 2 but, looking at the use actually made of 

1 See Ewald's Sprachiviss. AWiandlungen, i. p. 54 if. 

2 For, in Arabic and Syriac, yb is also used for ^ ; the sounds, too, are 
similar; moreover, the ptf (see 321a) is certainly only a more strongly 
developed form of the same original word, which is found in Indo-Germanic 
also, where, used as the first member of a compound word, it takes the 
sound of an- and na, when used to negative a proposition. I am of opinion 
that, even in this primary word, the Semitic agrees with the Indo-Ger- 
manic; and that the Lat. alius, Gr. <#AAo, Sanskr. anyas, Ger. anderer, 



NEGATIVE PROPOSITIONS. 187 

the forms, as these have now been developed in the history 
of the Hebrew language, they are always distinguished in 
such a way that (a) *?$ [the subjective negative], like the 
Greek py, merely expresses a negation in accordance with the 
mind and feeling of the speaker : hence, it is employed only 
with the imperfect, and this, too, mostly the voluntative, as, 
nb* ^ let him not die ! ^3N ^ may I not le ashamed ! Ps. 
xxv. 2 ; (b) &6, on the other hand, is the direct [objective] 
negative, non, OVK, as, %>n &6 he is not gone ; hence, in contra- 
distinction with btf, it may, before the imperfect (rarely the 
voluntative, Gen. xxiv. 8), set forth a command as an objective 
(i.e. pressing) necessity ; thus, rnnn &6 tJwu shalt not kill ! but 
nrin ^ do not kill! (Regarding this, see further, 328c.) 
It is but seldom that ?K occurs in mere predicative sentences ; 
even then, however, it always expresses a more hearty sym- 
pathy on the part of the speaker, like ov fitf, as, Ps. xli. 3, 
1. 3, xxxiv. 6, Jer. xiv. 17, 2 Chron. xiv. 10 ; and in this way 
they interchange in poetry, perhaps merely through the change 
from one member to another, Jer. vii. 6. 

I. Both particles serve as negations for the whole sentence, 
and accordingly almost always precede the verb (or whatever 
else may happen to form the predicate) as the most important 
and comprehensive word in the sentence ; or if, on account of 
the meaning to be expressed, they stand before another word, 
their circumstances are always such that they likewise refer 
to the whole sentence ; e.g. njrp 'Jnj^ &6 is simply Jahve sent 
me not, just as "ob&J &03J 5O means not a prophet am I, Amos 
vii. 14 ; but ^nfe mrp &6 is, not Jahve (but another) hath sent 
me, Num. xvi. 29. Hence, these negatives are usually placed 
immediately before the verb; seldom do some words thrust 
themselves [799] in between (according to the law stated in 
3076), Ps. xlix. 18, Jer. xv. 15 ; yet we may also clearly 
perceive, in the placing of the inf. abs. before the same verb 

which have been developed as adjectives, have one common origin with it 
(the ideas not and otherwise are plainly allied, as the Ethiopic ako [not] 
may be connected with "ins) 5 moreover, that the sounds of n and I have 
here interchanged is shown by the Ethiopic C-, which (an abbreviation 
of ps) merely serves as the negation of a proposition. Thus, then, it is 
only when we come to ^ and its cognates (see 322) that purely Semitic 
words are found 



188 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 321. 

(see 312?/), how powerfully the original law operates in this 
case. But after the verb, at least, they can never stand, 
though they are readily placed in such a way that the whole 
sentence is not expressed, but merely indicated in brief; as, 
K^, when used by way of reply, not I i.e. no I 1 NJ'^N pray do 
not ! used deprecatingly. 

c. The extreme degree to which these particles prefer the 
inflected finite verb, and avoid the noun-proposition when 
possible, is especially evinced by the fact that, strictly speak- 
ing, they can never stand before a participle or infinitive, in 
closer construction with it ; the participle [through their 
influence] passes into the finite verb (see 350<x), Hos. i. 6, 
Ps. xxxvii. 21,lxxviii. 39, Ex. ix. 20, 21, xiii. 21, 22, 1 Sam. 
i. 13, 2 Sam. iii. 34. The same holds true with regard to the 
infinitive, in its manifold applications ; hence, either the finite 
verb comes in (as, for instance, in the objective form of com- 
mand, regarding which, see 328c) ; or, in the case of the inf. 
absol. (which is to be explained according to 280), Isa. xxx. 14, 
or when the irifin. constr. may be used, another negative particle 
must be selected (cf. 322a). However, &6 may be used be- 
fore an adjective or similar word, when placed in apposition to 
another, because such a word gives the meaning of a relative 
proposition (see 335). Thus then, though our present tense, 
when joined with the negative, cannot often be expressed by 
the participle, as may be done under other circumstances, and 
though the personal verb must be used instead, yet it is to be 
observed that it is precisely here that the perfect and the 
imperfect, though taking a different view of the action, 
frequently coincide in their final aim, Lev. xi. 5, 6, xvii. 4, 9. 
The perfect, however, is more natural and convenient; and 
the meaning might always be expressed by the rendering, " he 
never did or does," Num. xxiii. 21, Ps. i. 1, xv. 3. 

3 2 la. 2. As has been already shown (in 286g) } T$, pro- 
perly speaking, negatives only a single part of a sentence, i.e. 
never the inflected personal verb (as that which contains both 
subject and predicate together), but a noun, in the same 
way as our prep, without, or the prefixes in-, un-, non- ; hence 

1 This use of the negative is pretty common ; but it has, strangely, been 
mistaken in the pointing of 1 Kings iii. 22, 23, though correctly appre- 
hended in ii. 30, xi. 22. 



NEGATIVE PROPOSITIONS. 189 

it is employed in the subordinate parts of a sentence, as, 
they increased 12DD ps without number, innumerably. But it 
afterwards conies to serve also as a negation of existence in 
general (see 298a), by being subordinated as the negative of 
a subject merely ; this occurs, first of all, before an indefinite 
noun, as, "=]? P&? without king ! i.e. no king ! or, there is no 
king ; or by a relative sentence being immediately attached to 
it (see 332), as, no king . . ., nbfy pN there is not one doing, or no 
one does, B*K . . . PN nobody at all . . . Jer. iv. 29. Then it also 
comes to be used before a definite noun, because the word 
(compare Gen. vii. 2 with ver. 8), as an imperfect verb, more 
and more describes non-existence in general (see 299#). 
Since, however, no definite time is contained in the idea it 
presents, the word primarily expresses our present (as in Prov. 
vii 19, [800] Jer. iv. 25, viii. 19; *lpi' pK no Joseph, i.e. 
Joseph is gone, Gen. xxxvii. 29, where a present perfect is 
indicated) ; yet it is so frequently employed, that it forces its 
way even into narratives of past events, merely for the pur- 
pose of stating, in the current of discourse, he was not, Gen. 
v. 24. But since, notwithstanding the great frequency of this 
intrusive use of the negative, it still retains in Hebrew its force 
and value as a noun, 1 the verb, when required in the sentence, 
must properly be subordinated in the way shown in 322, or, 
most briefly, as stated in 279a; when, then, the participle 
is subordinated to it, 2 there arises a new and pointed expres- 
sion for the negative present, as, Jtt?fe? WJPK he is not hearing, i.e. 
hear he does not, Jer. vii. 16, 17. As it thus indicates the 
simple present, so it may also, in narrative, form the negative 
present of the preterite, indicating continuance, though this is 
not very common, Gen. xxxix. 23, Jer. xxxii. 32, Esth. ii. 20, 
iii. 5 ; it forms the futurum instans in Jer. xxxvii. 14 ; cf. 
ver. 13. But the perfect also may follow in this way, as in 
narrative, n&oa |3N pK no stone was seen, 1 Kings vi. 18. And 
lastly, the particle has been so long in frequent use, especially 
for indicating a negation of the present, that it remains even 
when the subject has to be placed first, by itself ; in this case, 

1 In the language of the Mishna, it has already come to be used as a 
mere particle. 

2 A single exception, due to the employment of the peculiar verb-form 
fal* (see 1276), occurs in Jer. xxxviii. 5. 



190 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 322. 

however, the verb is strictly subordinated in the participial 
form, as |W ptf |?n straw there is none (as we also might say, or, 
straw is not) given, Ex. v. 16 (but the construction is different 
in ver. 18). 1 It is extremely rare, however, to find this 
negative in a sentence indicating a wish, Jer. v. 13. 

I. As it has now become much more frequently and freely 
used than B* (see 299$), which is essentially similar, so it 
may also be placed, in the sentence, still more freely than 
that particle. Thus it may stand not merely after the sub- 
ject, and at the very end (in which latter instance the absolute 
state ptf is used, even in narrative, 1 Sam. ix. 4), but even in 
cases like P^V PN CHK no man whatever is just, Eccles. vii. 20 ; 
"i? ?$ there is nothing tlwt he hath punished, Job xxxv. 1 5 (see 
332). In poetry we may also say P.KJ |H: to bring to nothing; 
and; with the same meaning, the expression stih D 11 ^ is once 
ventured on, Job xxiv. 25. 

c. It is not till we get among somewhat later writers 
that this negative comes to be more frequently construed 
with the infinitive preceded by ? ; as, SJPnnp ^ray pK it is not 
to stand (i.e. one cannot stand) before thee, 2 Chron. xx. 6, [801] 
Ezra ix. 15, Esth. viii. 8; also in narrating what is past, 
2 Chron. v. 11, xxxv. 15. And since this ? may be dropped 
again, in the artificially neat style (see 285c), we also find 
T$ P$ there is no comparing, i.e. nothing can be compared 
with thee, Ps. xl. 6, 2 Chron. xxxv. 3. 

322a. vfa, prop, want of . . . (see 2116 [Ges. 90, 3a,and 
the Lexicons]), means, besides, #eeep, before a whole proposition, 
Gen. xliii. 3 (t except, is used more before a single word) ; 
in the sense of not, it is found merely in close construction 
with nouns or prepositions, when fcO cannot well be employed 
(see 320&) ; it is specially used before the infin. with ^ (see 
237c); as, "ND *fbJn iba6 to keep and not to turn aside, 
Dent, xvii. 19, 20, Gen. iii. 11. Before the finite verb, how- 
ever, we find it so early as Ex. xx. 20, inasmuch as ^P?? may 
express intention (in order that . . . not) ; and in Ezek. xiii. 3, 



1 If nb'p px in Eccles. viii. 11 were correct, then it would be necessary to 
regard the verb-form as the fern, participle, because DHJIS is feminine ; 
but, in Aramaic, this word is not feminine. And that it is better to read 
instead, has been shown in Ew aid's Dichter des A. B., ii. p. 294. 



NEGATIVE PROPOSITIONS, 191 

where, however, it occurs after a preposition, and in accordance 
with the construction described in 333&; compare a similar 
case in which the almost synonymous v ]^? is used (see 21Sc), 
Job xxxiv. 32. 

A somewhat weaker and milder negative, from the same 
root, is ^2 (prop, disappearance, hence, no more, no longer, Ps. 
Ixxii. 7), which in poetry signifies without, un- (see 286^), 
but, after a preposition, stands before a finite verb, as, *?$ 
Tan "93 because he did not tell. Gen. xxxi. 2 ; and finally, it is 
even used by itself, in poetry, before the [finite] verb, in the 
same sense as vh, Job xli. 18, Hos. viii. 7, ix. 16 (Ketkify. The 
form 73, which is an abbreviation of this word, is merely 
poetic, and has exactly the same meaning as the simple 
negative ( 320) ; it may also be used for ?K, with which it 
interchanges in Ps. cxli. 4 ; hence, before the voluntative, it 
means, in order that . . . not, Isa. xiv. 21 (see 337&). 1 

1. DSK (prop, want) is usually placed at the beginning of 
sentences which indicate restriction or limitation, only, Num. 
xxii. 3 5, often '3 D3K except that. On the other hand, when 
construed like I" 1 **, it has the more definite signification of ... 
is no more, 2 Sam. ix. 3, Amos vi. 10. 

c. It has been already shown (see 286</) how far *6 also 
may be used in those constructions in which, at other times, 
pK or the still stronger negatives are employed. Late, and 
wholly Aramaic, however, is the combination &6 ">^N, like P?, 
Chald. K? **[, in the sense of without, prop, so that . . . not ; 
but this occurs only in Esth. iv. 16. More in accordance 
with the genius of the Hebrew, though very loosely employed, 
is *O|, in the sense of without, 2 Chron. xxx. 18. But 
this &6s, inasmuch as it may have the force of a preposition 
(see 222c [or the Lexicons]), is also construed with the infin. 
constr. ; as, rriao &6| without seeing [Ger. ohne sehen], Num. 
xxxv. 23, cf. ver. 22. 

323&. 3. Two such negatives are sometimes joined together 
[802] for the purpose of intensifying the meaning in some 
degree ; but this is rarely done in the case of the simple 



1 Even in Syriac, the archaic expression, A^ . i n ^_LO from 

ignorance, is still used interchangeably with ,->]] r ^D ; see Lagarde's 
Analecta, p. 62, 11 ff. 



192 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 324. 

negatives, 1 Kings x. 21 (cf. the parallel passage, 2 Chron. ix. 20, 
where the second is omitted), and is more frequently exem- 
plified only in the construction PK y3E> from want that there is 
not . . . i.e. because there is not ... 2 Kings i. 3, 6, Ex. xiv. 11. 
A kind of double negative is also formed by |O (see 217& and 
2706), as the first part of ^itap besides, without (see 218 c), 
Ps. xviii. 32, Isa. xxxvi. 10, and of the shorter *5>2Up and 
pKpj both of which latter forms, at the beginning of the pro- 
position, represent it more as a secondary, modifying clause, so 
that no . . ., as in Isa. v. 9, vi. 11, Jer. vii. 32, xix. 11, ix. 9 ff., 
Deut. xxviii. 5 5 ; but they may also be employed at any place 
in the proposition, merely in something like the sense of no one 
at all, not at all, without any, as in Job xviii. 15, Jer. x. 6, 7, 
hence even into pND so that there is none like him, Jer. xxx. 7. 1 
This negative is also used with the infinitive (according to 
322c) nfoa "riV pK so that there is no more regarding, with 
which the following verb [without the negative] is connected 
by means of X Mai. ii. 13. In all this, therefore, PNB is but 
a stronger PN. 

&. If the negative be combined with ^3 in such a way that 
the latter has the meaning of omnis (see 2 9 Oc), then the two 
words together give the idea of nullus (for such compound words 
are unknown in Hebrew ; cf. also "91 ^, nftitfp not anything, 
nothing) ; as, ne edas KEB i>3 omne impurum (nihil impuri), 
Judg. xiii. 4; 2 5>3rr*6 nothing of all that, Ps. xlix. 18 ; ^ pS 
nothing at all, 2 Kings iv. 2, Jer. xiii. 7 ; and similarly (in 
accordance with 286/) ^'P*?, Ex. v. 11, Jer. xxxviii. 5. 
But when h'3 signifies totus, it is this idea alone to which the 
negation applies ; as, n&on fc6 i?3 the whole of him thou shalt 
not see, Num. xxiii. 13. 

2. Interrogative Sentences. 

324#. 1. If the sentence as a whole be interrogative, that 
word upon which the force of the question chiefly falls is 
placed first in order ; and the emphatic position thus assigned 

1 Many MSS., however, have pN here, as the other similar passages in 

Jer. x. 6, 7. 

2 [Hence such New Testament Hebraisms as oy ^Aaa. yap% (the rendering 

for nb>3-3 &6> Matt - xxiv - 22 Rom - iji - 20 > and ^ ' J 



INTERROGATIVE SENTENCES. 193 

to this word at the beginning of the sentence (together with 
the interrogatory tone, of course) may be sufficient, without 
any interrogative particle, to indicate the nature of the pro- 
position, as, 1 Sam. xi. 12, 2 Sam. xvi. 17, Ex. xxxiii. 14, 
Neh. v. V, Zech. viii. 6, Ezek. xi. 13, xxxii. 2, Job ii. 9. 
Hence, even & by itself may mean nonne, as 2 Sam. xxiii. 5, 
Hos. x. 9, xi. 5, Ezek. xi. 3, Lain. i. 12, iii. 38, Mai. ii. 15 ; 
and negative-interrogative sentences, indicating doubt, which 
connect themselves with what precedes by means of \ and, 
followed by the imperfect, are always uttered without an in- 
terrogative particle, since the leading word in the question is 
placed at the beginning, and receives special emphasis ; as, 
T2S !jh and should I tell the'e ? Judg. xiv. 16, Jer. xxv. 29. On 
the whole, however, both in Hebrew (especially of early times) 
and in Aramaic, and still more in Ethiopia, interrogative 
particles are rather almost always actually employed; and 
though there is some excuse [803J for the omission of the 
particle before a new question, Job xxxvii. 18, cf. ver. 16, yet, 
on the other hand, in cases like Job xl. 25, it is quite un- 
usual. 1 But the interrogative particles themselves, like the 
negatives (see 320a), fall into two classes : 

b. (1.) n (see 1046), Lat. an, Gr. fj, 2 as the most con- 
venient particle, puts into shape an ordinary question regarding 
something about which the speaker is uncertain ; as, &&#! 
"IJJ3? is it well with the ~boy? 2 Sam. xviii. 32 (cf. ver. 29, where 
it is wanting). The question serves to give expression to a 
doubt; hence, in Gen. xviii. 12, the brief, have I had . . .? 
may also be equivalent to, am I to have . . . ? (how impossible 
that seems !). But it frequently serves also to indicate a some- 
what spirited denial, when the speaker inquires regarding a 
well-known matter, and the hearer must answer in the negative 
(cf. Lat. num) ; as, "OJK EffifTM nnnn am I instead of God? i.e. am 
I omnipotent ? (this you yourself will surely not presume to 
believe), Gen. xxx. 1, 1. 19. On the other hand, &6n nonne, 

1 Should we prefer to read here TjEfop) dost ihou draw, in order to pro- 
duce, and bring out more clearly, a play on the Egyptian word for the 
crocodile, TGJULC^.^, which also found its way into the Arabic, as, 



2 The Coptic also has an A.H, though it is more rarely used. 

N 



194 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 324. 

when an affirmative answer is expected, often serves to refer to 
something well known, as, E^nzi Dn N?n are they not written ? 
i.e. behold, they are written ; EK *6n yes assuredly, if only . . . / 
2 Kings xx. 19, cf. Isa. xxxix. 8. Nothing has become more 
common, in the beginning of sentences, than this *6n, which 
corresponds to something like our yes, certainly ! but it is also 
frequently shortened into & (see a). On the other hand, 
?K, like JJLTJ (see 320a), means surely not ? Ps. cxxi. 3. When 
this negative ?N is used, as also sometimes in the case of other 
words beginning with an aspiration, the n is readily dropped, 
in accordance with the law regarding the fusion of aspirates 
(see 70c); as, rnv ran shall it teach? Hab. ii. 19, 1 Sam. 
xxii. 15, 2 Sam. xix. 23, 1 Kings i. 24, Job ii. 9, xxxviii. 18, 
Gen. xviii. 12, cf. vers. 13, 14; it is even omitted, too, after 
a word ending with an a sound, Gen. iv. 7. 1 

"On an quod . . . ? is it . . . that . . .? is used when the 
reason is unknown ; thus it is the Lat. numquid, Ger. etwa, 
Job vi. 22, 2 Sam. ix. 1, xxiii. 19 (where it occurs even in 
narrative), Gen. xxvii. 36, xxix. 15. On the other hand, 
^3 ^ (Sept. fj,rj OTI) means it is not (I do hope) really the case 
that . . .? or, surely not . . .? 2 Kings iii. 13. 

c. (2.) EK (or jn, Jer. ii. 10), which is properly a conditional 
particle (see 255), is frequently employed in interrogation. 
Thus, 

(a) First of all, with an indirect question, depending on a 
preceding proposition or thought ; as, ask n"T!K DK if (whether, 
Ger. ob) I shall live, el ^a-opai,, 2 Kings i. 2 (but n is also 
used in this way, Gen. viii. 7) : hence it also expresses, of 
itself, the uncertainty or doubt of the questioner, whether that 
which is asked be really true, Job xxxix. 13. 

[804] (&) It is the most proper particle to be employed in 
a question which propounds a second possible alternative, in 
which case it is, properly, compounded ; thus, DNl and if, i.e. sive 
(see 361), Job xxii. 3, xl. 8, 9, instead of which, however, 
there is often found the simple &$, especially in short sen- 
tences; as, & EN n.T njnsn is it tlwu or not? Gen. xxvii. 21, 
Amos iii. 3-6. Moreover, the antithesis between two such 
questions may also lie merely in the change from one member 
of a verse of poetry to another, as Hab. iii. 8 ; in this case 
1 See the Jahrbiicher der UU. Wissensch. vi. p. 14. 



INTEllllUUATlVE SENTENCES. 195 

also, L! may be used even a second time, though by this con- 
struction the members are less closely connected, Judg. xiv. 15. 

(c) But, further, it is not exactly necessary that another 
question should have preceded, but merely something or other 
from which a transition may be made to another possible 
something; like our or . . .? Isa. xxix. 16. Still different, 
again, is a case like 1 Kings i. 27, where, as if from modesty 
or from haste, nothing but BN is left, there being no apodosis, 
and no stronger question preceding. 

When the chief word in the question is not used at the 
very beginning of the sentence, though the interrogative, as 
usual, is prefixed to the whole, then n or &6n may be repeated 
in the middle of the longer proposition, before this leading word, 
and after OK or n, Gen. xvii. 1 7, Ps. xciv. 9,10; similarly 
after how long . . . ? Jer. xxiii. 26. 

d. In answering such questions, or otherwise replying to 
the words of another, when it is not enough to take a single 
word out of the proposition to be answered (e.g. the pro- 
noun /, in Judg. xiii. 11), instead of our simple affirmative 
yes, still greater fulness of statement must be resorted to ; as, 
rna 1 ! |3. On the other hand, for our no ! it is quite sufficient 
to use A (see 3205), or Kin a6 it is not, Jer. v. 12. Only in 
solemn address is IBS verily, used as a reply. 

325ft. 2. Regarding 'B who ? nn what? see 182 [Ges. 
36 ; Gr. 75 ; Dav. 13]. These words may, indeed, as 
having the force of substantives, form the second member in a 
group of two, placed in the construct relation (see 2S6a), as 
^D D3 whose daughter ? no J"i3n cujusnam (rei) intelligentia ? 
Jer. viii. 9 ; but, except in this case, which is conditioned by 
the law of the construct state, these interrogatives also must 
always stand at the beginning of the proposition, otherwise 
the calm flow of the sentence is disturbed: very curt is nn yroi 
yet what are we? Ex. xvi. 7, 8. In particular, ^ at the 
beginning of the sentence is made so sharply prominent and 
distinct from other words, that, especially in the old poetic 
style, *n is first inserted before the predicate j 1 as, who is he 

1 In the Kabyl language, to the [interrog.] who, there is almost always 
a corresponding participle, i.e. a form with the meaning of. he that (the one 
who) . . ., used as the predicate; see Hanoteau, p. G6 ; also in the Tuaric, 
see Hanoteau, p. 46 ff. 



196 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 325. 

(that) . . . ? Job iv. 7, xiii. 19, xvii. 3, Isa. 1. 9 ; cf. the double 
question, indicating considerable earnestness, fcttn npfrO nt Kin ^p 
wAo ts Ae, and! which (see 326) is he? Esth. vii. 5. By 
placing the demonstrative pronoun nt ( se e 103 [Ges. 34; 
Gr. 73]) after Vp, the question not merely becomes more 
animated, as when [805] Kin is similarly used, but it is also 
still more closely referred to the object already perceived or 
called (who there ? who then ? Lat. quisnam ?) ; more fully, 
iiT Kin t| j Ps. xxiv. 10, cf. ver. 8, Jer. xxx. 21, Job xxxviii. 2. 
Words which follow form an explanatory or relative proposi- 
tion (see 332), which, however, is always closely attached, as 
if the demonstrative pronoun were merely used to define the 
interrogative more closely. Just because ^ always continues 
to have so much the force of a substantive, the proper render- 
ing for what we mean by which man . . . ? must, in Hebrew, 
be more fully expressed thus : who is the man that . . . ? or, in- 
definitely, "JHK "na . . , ^ what one nation, i.e. what single nation 
(that you may take out of the whole ; see 278 I, c) is . . . ? 
2 Sam. vii. 23, Judg. xxi. 8, Deut. iii. 24, where, however, a 
pretty long relative sentence always follows. A similar case, 
found in prose, is nj ncy why then ? and the briefer nj HD is 
also sometimes used in almost the same sense, Gen. xxvii. 2 ; 
but in Ex. iv. 2, 1 Sam. x. 11, nrnio is employed as one of the 
two main parts of the sentence. Since the idea of indefinite- 
ness is intensified in interrogative and negative sentences by I*? 
(see 278c), TfnBTIB may signify, what kind (sort) of friend? 
a signification which it actually bears in Cant. v. 9. 

The difference of meaning between the two interrogatives 
(see 182 [or the Lexicons]) is always firmly maintained: HD 
inquires after the nature of the object, even when persons are 
concerned; as, n?K rift what are these? i.e. of what kind, or 
character (Lat. quales), Zech. i. 9, iv. 5, 13; and *& asks about 
the person or persons, even when this meaning is only within 
the mind of the speaker, as, '"W titan *p who is the camp ? i.e. 
who are the human beings and living creatures in it, Gen. 
xxxiii. 8, Cant. iii. 6; a mode of expression, however, that re- 
quires special notice is ^KW ^ who [what] is thy name, i.e. qiiis 
nominaris? Judg. xiii. 17; in Aramaic (Ezra v. 4 1 ) the same 

1 Cf. a similar usage even in Amharic and Neo-Sytiac; Isenberg's Gram. 
p. 172; Amer. Orient. Journal, v. p. 24, 



INTERROGATIVE SENTENCES. 197 

construction is found. A different construction is s & (like) whom 
(i.e. how) shall Jacob stand? Amos vii. 2, 5. Noteworthy, also, 
is the contraction of two short sentences into one ; as, nriN 'p 
n&ojj who art thou that hast called? 1 Sam. xxvi. 14. The 
accusative of ^ is always ^"fiN whom? (see p. 36); but 
no is left without this riN even when used with consider- 
able force as the second object, thus, toN B^N"] B^N n ? as w/ia 
(i.e. of what kind, what like, Lat. qualem) do you see it (viz. the 
temple), Hag. ii. 3. 

b> yf ^ who Jenoivs ? is placed in immediate construction, 
just like a particle, with the meaning of perhaps, Joel ii. 14, 
Jonah iii. 9, 2 Sam. xii. 22 (Kethib}. But the shorter ^ or 
"6^ is much more frequently used for the expression of this 
idea. 1 

[806] no is also the what of objurgation, blame, i.e. equiva- 
lent to wherefore? as in Gen. iii. 13, Ex. xvii. 2, Ps. xlii. 12, 
Job vii. 21; further, the what of objection, and, as such, 
equivalent to how? as in Job ix. 2, xxv. 4. From this 
meaning, it is natural and easy to make the transition to 
that of an animated negation, which, though widely pre- 
valent in Arabic, is still very rare, and has only begun to 
make its appearance, in Hebrew, among the poets, Job 
xxxi. 1, Cant. viii. 4, cf. ii. 7, iii. 5, 6, 1 Kings xii. 16, cf. 
with 2 Sam. xx. 1. 

7]7J ^ nn what (is there) to me and thee? i.e. what have we 

1 It might be supposed that this word vj^ contained the elements whether 
not (Ger. ob niclif), as if it had arisen from itf (see 352a) and ^ (cf. 
&6^, 358&) ; and this view seems to find special support in a statement 
by Schlicnz, in his Views on the Improvement of the Maltese Language, p. 
Ill, according to which the Maltese evella, i.e. SJ, means perhaps; in con- 
firmation of this meaning, we would then have to compare also pqTrore, 
like the Neo-Hebraic MSW that not (where the not is only expressed more 
strongly by what), which is formed in imitation of the Aramaic; hence, in 
Syriac, the still stronger 1V)N> dalmo, which is further contracted into 

A 

^O5 dam; and the Turkish X*. But while jS) (see 377Z>) rather serves 
for the expression of this idea in Hebrew, actual use, in the case of i^tf 

(see 337&), leads to the idea whether that, whether possibly (Ger. ob dass, 

*// 

ob cfrca); and this is precisely the meaning of J*], with which it is un- 
doubtedly allied. Now, since, according to the Qanius, this Arabic word is 



198 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 325. 

to do with one another? 2 Kings iii. 13, is uttered by way of 
repelling some one; 1 the \ may also be omitted (see 3495), 
Hos. xiv. 9. More severe reproof is contained in the ex- 
pression ^ HD what (is there) to thee ? what hast thou . . . ? 
not only when it is construed with the ? of an infinitive or 
abstract noun, as, to do, Ps. I. 16, Jer. ii. 18, but also when 
joined, merely as the why, indicative of strong rebuke, with 
the finite verb, Isa. iii. 15, or the participle, for our present, 
Jonah i. 6. A different meaning, however, arises when the 
prep, fltf with is used instead of the second ?; as, what has the 
chaff (in common) with the grain? Jer. xxiii. 28. 

c. '"ID? about what, i.e. how much? and afterwards, when 
applied to time, how long ? n^7 wherefore, why ? is very often 
used in asking about the object or aim, and thus also, ulti- 
mately, the cause (see 2435 [Ges. 102, 2d; Gr. 231, 
4a]). A more definite interrogative J/FM? why? is, properly, a 
much shortened form of 5?nj~nD what having seen, experienced 
[cf. TL fjiaOav;], because the action arises from experience and 
knowledge of something; cf. JVK'J n, Gen. xx. 11. Though 
we can scarcely perceive any longer that, in the case of this 
VVTO, there is presented a contraction of two propositions, an 
interrogative and a relative, which may also be distinctly 
separated, it still remains much more evident in other in- 
stances ; as, wherefore [807] then is there to me (i.e. what use 
is there in offering to me) incense, immediately after which 
there follows the relative sentence, coming (or, that comes) 
from Slieba ? where we say, more prosaically, why should there 

used interchangeably with lau anna, and this latter again (see 35Sa) signifies 
whether that (Ger. ob dass), we must suppose that, in ipjitf, the I has fallen 
away in front (as in the similar case presented in lie [viz. the Sanskr. 
aqru, a tear, compared with ^xx.pv, lachrymal), and that lai is allied with 
the pronoun (see 103c, rf); cf. the Septuagint of Josh. ix. 7. If, then, 
the main force of the double particle rests on its second half, whether that 
. . . , its abbreviation at the front part is also accounted for ; and we have 
therefore no occasion for thinking that it originally signified whether not, 
and is possibly shortened from tf^ (see 358&), a view which is opposed 
by the very fact that the final syllable is always written and pronounced 
in a different way. Once, indeed, in Num. xxii. 33, ^K seems to mean if 
not (unless), just like y^h in the protasis; but the former word may, in this 
one passage, be an incorrect reading for the latter. 
1 [Cf. the Greek, ri uial -/,tx.\ aoi; John ii. 4.] 



INTERROGATIVE SENTENCES. 199 

come to me . . . ? Jer. vi. 20 ; liow long is it that than wilt not 
turn away from me? Job vii. 19. 1 

326, 3. nPN is the interrogative adjective (see 104c [or 
the Lexicons]), which ? and thus sufficiently distinguished from 
other interrogatives. As an interrogative, however, it must 
stand before the noun to be subordinated (see 2S7c), and 
hence remains unchangeable in gender and number; nt, as 
the pronoun with the more living form of the two, changes 
only in accordance with the circumstances of the proposition, 
i.e. it is used as the nominative or accusative, takes a preposi- 
tion, or remains without one; while the ^ at the beginning 
remains as unchangeable as the "^ before its more living 
pronoun in the relative sentence (see 331). But the sub- 
stantive has as little need of being denned in this case as in 
the similar instances described in 290; thus, JV3 nj ''K 
which house ? ">^ TO ^ from which city ? The article, indeed, 
is found in cases like ?I?n ^n npK which way did he go ? 
1 Kings xiii. 12 (after which we must read ^")5, and they 
showed, following the Septuagint), 2 Kings iii. 8, 2 Chron. 
xviii. 23 (from which we must take ^H to complete the text 
of 1 Kings xxii. 24), Job xxxviii. 19, 24; but these construc- 
tions are rather to be regarded as having originally been, which 
is the way that he went? (see 325c and 332). This com- 
pound pronoun, however, like any other, may again be used 
by itself also, as a neuter ; thus, TO ^from which, i.e. whence ? 
Job ii. 2, cf. i. 7, or even, of what descent ? 2 Sam. i. 13 ; and, 
when employed in this way, the pronoun, in order to express 
the neuter more precisely, may take the feminine form; as, 
J1KP S K why ? Jer. v. 7, the answer to which follows in ver. 9. 2 

The same meaning is more briefly expressed by n linked 
in series with a following substantive ; as, Jflf? n? ? what of ad- 
vantage ? i.e. what profit ? rno 15 ] n what likeness ? Gen. xxxvii. 
26, Ps. xxx. 10, Ixxxix. 48, Job xxvi. 14, Isa. xl. 18, Mai. 
iii. 14, Eccles. i 3, iii. 9, v. 15, xi. 2. It is more in the 

1 Cf. similar interrogative propositions in Ewald's Arab. Gram. ii. p. 215, 
and similarly contracted sentences in 3326, 33 66, 3376, below. 

2 In the Syriae ]j-*1 at'no, the two particles have already coalesced; but 
the feminine is always distinguished under the form Ij-i) a ido. This do is 
contracted from nNT the c?, which in the masc. has 'been softened to w, 
being retained. 



200 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 327. 

Aramaic style to separate the two, in the way described in 

o 

2 8 *7h ; and, through the influence of the Arabic, a ^ of, 

from, intrudes itself in this case, as in that quoted on p. 196 
from Cant. v. 9. 

5. Since, considering their meaning as a whole, interrogative 
sentences with who, what, possess in many respects a certain 
resemblance to conditional propositions, the interrogative 
particle, in conformity with the nature of a conditional sen- 
tence, may subordinate the perfect, as a comparatively stronger 
tense, instead of the [808] imperfect, as if quid fecerit were 
less harsh in expression than quid fecit (see 355a, &). 
This usage, however, is only very rare, Ps. xi. 3, xxxix. 8, 
Ix. IH, Num. xxiii. 10, 23, Ezek. xviii. 19. 1 

c. T^ (see 105c) before the imperfect marks strong aver- 
sion to an act ; how should I . . . ? Hos. xi. 8, Jer. ix. 6, 
xii. 5. But, with a wholly different tone and manner of 
delivery, it may also express joy : how shall I . . . $ Jer. 
iii. 19. 

3. Exclamatory - Words and Sentences. 

327 a. 1. A single noun may be used in exclamation, 
either by itself, or inserted in a sentence of considerable 
length; and, since a special exclamatory particle is rarely 
employed in Hebrew (see 101), the noun is used without 
any further alteration, with or without the article, in accord- 
ance with the laws which regulate the latter particle ; as, 
D222H your perverseness ! i.e. how perverse ye are ! Isa. 
xxix. 16 ; inbn the (0} priest! ^sn king ! 1 Sam. xxiii. 20, 
if the person addressed is standing before the speaker, and in 
poetry p.K (O) earth! Job xvi. 18. The article, however, 
especially in prose, is more frequently employed in this case 
for the purpose of distinguishing the noun in some measure ; 
hence, in Ps. Ivii. 9, it is used merely with the first of two 
nouns joined by } and ; probably also, if we may judge from 
Jer. xlviii. 32, it is used, though exceptionally (see 290d), 
before the construct state. In all these instances, it is, 

1 Cf. ^XD Hft what </o we Jindf M. Menachoili vii. 3, and Jdhrliicher 
der bill. Wiss. v. p. 1 65 f. 






EXCLAMATIONS. 201 

properly speaking, always the third person that is employed 
in addressing; 1 and, in exclamations, we actually see that the 
third person is only gradually changed into the second, Hab. 
ii. 15; hence, in addressing others, there is used D3?3 or even 
D^3 you all ! Job xvii. 1 : our yc is still wanting even in 
cases like, Uess God, ye who are from the fountain of Israel ! 
i.e. ye who are descended from Israel, Ps. Ixviii. 27. It is 
seldom that the word used in exclamation is preceded by a 
small particle which does not belong to it, as, *3 for, \ and., 
Isa. xxx. 19; see 340&. 

b. Before ^ix my lord ! or, what is properly the same (see 
I77a), ^'"^ Lord (God): there sometimes stands ^ (see 
lOlc), Gen. xliii. 20, xliv. 18, Judg. vi. 13, 15. In an 
exclamation, ""in, before the noun, imparts a greater degree of 
earnestness to the whole ; it is especially frequent before the 
participle, and is particularly characteristic of Isaiah's style, 
but is rarely met with elsewhere, Amos v. 18, vi. 1, Mic. ii. 1, 
Hab. ii. 6 if., Isa. xlv. 9, 10, etc. The stronger Pins (see 
1015) is construed with the dative; as, Div Fins alas for the 
day ! Joel i. 15; so also v vpK woe to me ! 

c. Every word or sentence used in swearing is properly an 
exclamation, whether introduced by 3 by . . . ! (see 2 IT/, 3) 
or by \ (see 340c); the abbreviation of the discourse is most 
clearly perceived in the latter case, [809] but in the former 
also, whole sentences may be abbreviated in this way, cf. Ezek. 
v. 13-16. Cf. further, 329a. 

32S&. 2. If the verb, the main word in the sentence, is to 
appear as an interjection, the voluntative and imperative are 
very smooth and polished forms that may be so employed 
(see 223 ff.). But a more vigorous and rough interjectional 
form, and at the same time one which is capable of being 
much more extensively employed, is the infinitive absolute, 
inasmuch as it sets forth, with the fullest emphasis, the simple 
idea of the verb, to the exclusion of all other elements ; so 
that, in less impassioned diction, the verb would be placed in 
a more definite person, tense, or mood. This takes place 
especially 

(1.) When the speaker is too full of his subject to mention 
the action in any other than an ejaculatory manner, and as 
1 On this, compare also 331c/. 



202 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 328. 

briefly as possible ; thus, to eat and leave remaining ! i.e. (as 
shown by the connection of that passage) ye shall certainly 
eat . . ., 2 Kings iv. 43, cf. 2 Chron. xxxi. 10 ; 2'in contend 
with God? i.e. will he (actually) contend with God? Job xl. 2, 
Jer. iii. 1, vii. 9 ; P$n strengthen ! i.e. (as shown by the context) 
I must strengthen, ISTeh. vi. 9. 1 An antithesis may also be 
expressed more pointedly in this way, Ps. xvii. 5 ; also an 
abrupt protasis, as, look on the right and see I (i.e. though I 
look . . .) yet I have no friend, Ps. cxlii. 5, 2 Jer. xxxii. 33. 
In all these rare cases, the discourse would become less 
impassioned by merely adding the finite verb (see 312&). 
It is very seldom that a prophet, in a similar way, throws into 
the current of the discourse a pure noun-sentence, which then 
gives out a far more emphatic ring than an unimpassioned 
verb-sentence, Isa. i. 2 8 a, xxii. 5b. 3 

&. (2.) In a kind of vehement and rapid description of a 
number of actions that excite astonishment or displeasure, 
when it is enough for the speaker to mention the actions 
simply by themselves, which gives them all the greater force ; 
as, n'^1 3^} t?'roi_ n^x false swearing, and lying, and stealing y 
and murder ! After the first violent outburst of feeling, the 
discourse may then easily return, as it progresses, into its 
usual channel; cf. Hos. iv. 2, x. 4, Isa. xxi. 5, lix. 4, Job 
xv. 35, Jer. viii. 15, xiv. 19, xxiii. 14, xxxii. 33. Some- 
thing similar takes place when strong reference has already 
been made beforehand to the action, so that it is then suffi- 
cient to mention it in the simplest and briefest manner; 
as, in this let people boast, ^ tfv\ ??^ in being prudent 
and in knowing me, Jer. ix. 23, Isa. v. 5, xx. 2, Iviii. 6, 7, 
Zech. xiv. 12, Mai. ii. 13, Ps. Ixv. 11, Num. vi. 23 (in Josh, 
ix. 20, 1 stands before such an infinitive absolute; see 348#). 
In this case also, as in all others, the speaker may revert to 
the ordinary style of speech as he proceeds. 

1 It is thus unnecessary to read pJHK; the Septuagint translator, how- 
ever, read it so, viz. IxpotTxiaffot. 

2 In this passage we have, then, but to change the vowels, making nfc-jl 

instead of jiNTI. 

3 Here we merely follow the Massorah ; but the original and better mean- 
ing is, Qir seeks to lay in ruins, and Shda (likewise the name of a nation) 
is on the mountain ! like the Latin, Hannibal ante portas. 



EXCLAMATIONS. 203 

[810] c. (3.) This abrupt, energetic mode of expression is 
most frequently employed to indicate an absolute command : 
what is required is stated in the simplest way, and prescribed 
in the boldest manner (just as the infinitive is used in ancient 
Greek also) ; thus, nfe>jf to do, make, i.e. faciendum est ; 13J to 
remember, i.e. thou, ye must remember ! Ex. xx. 8 ; fen all 
flesh to le circumcised ! i.e. it must be circumcised, Gen. xvii. 10, 
and Isa. xiv. 31, where the infinitive is interchanged with the 
imperative, after the transition from one member of the verse 
to another, In this way the Hebrew obtains the peculiar 
form for expressing a command that is to have absolute force 
(i.e. to be regarded as a law) ; and as this form for expressing 
enactments is sufficiently distinct from the imperative and 
voluntative, as the command proceeding merely from one's 
own will and wish, so also, in negative propositions, there is 
a perceptible difference between n^j;n tfb tliou shalt not do, and 
>yn ta do not (see 320a). In this case also, by adding the 
finite verb (according to 312a), a less rigid and harsh form 
of expression would be produced. When negation is made, 
the imperfect must be used instead of the absol. inf., simply 
because the latter can never be employed except by itself, 
and as a wholly uninflected form, not even a closely connected 
negative being tolerated. 

In all cases, however (whether those now discussed or others 
mentioned elsewhere), in which the inf. als. is placed quite by 
itself, it is construed like the finite verb for which it stands ; 
if the context requires it, the following noun may also be the 
subject of the verb (Job xl. 2, Prov. xvii. 12, Ps. xvii. 5, Lev. 
vi. 7, Num. vi. 5, Deut. xv. 2, and with the inf. pass., Gen. 
xvii. 10): on the other hand, the subject is omitted if the 
finite verb has an indefinite subject (i.e. one, people, Ger. man, 
Fr. on; see 2946), Prov. xii. 7, xv. 22, xxv. 4, 5, Jer. 
xxxii. 33. Further, the abnormal mode of expression is used 
for all the persons of the verb : it most rarely stands for the 
first person, yet some indubitable instances of this case are 
found, Ezek. xxi. 31, xxiii. 30, 46, 1 Kings xxii. 30 (2 Chron. 
xviii. 29), 2 Kings iii. 16. A second infinitive absolute, joined 
to the first by ] and, may also express the consequence or result 
of the first action (see 34*76), Prov. xiii. 20 (Kethib\ 

329#. 3. The words of a complete sentence may form an 



204 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 329. 

abrupt exclamation, even without the help of an outward sign ; 
as, v Bw peace be to thee ! B*i3K sjna bussed be Abram ! It 
is precisely in the case of an exclamation that the descriptive 
word (see 293) can be most easily prefixed in an abrupt 
manner, as in Isa. xxiii. 13 ; and the most important instance 
in which this takes place is the standing formula used in 
uttering an oath, *I^B3 'n living thy soul, i.e. as sure as thy soul 
liveth ! by thy life ! Instead of this construct state, the 
Massorah constantly puts the uninflected adjective *n in the 
construction nvr 'n as true as God lives ! which is also correct, 
inasmuch as, in the first person, it is said of God, 'ON in as 
sure as I live! Num. xiv. 28, Deut. xxxii. 40, Jer. xxii. 24, 
xlvi. 18, Isa. xlix. 18. 1 But we must certainly regard [811] 
in the same way also, as the words of an oath, the expression 
ntehn ^W by thine eyes which see ! i.e. as sure as thine eyes 
see, Deut. iii. 21, iv. 3, xi. 7. And since, in instances like 
those, the accusative always readily suggests itself (see 203&), 
its sign also is placed before such fragmentary oaths (for so 
we must regard these expressions, judging by all the traces we 
can find) ; as, "igfc DK ly that which . . . / 1 Sam. xxx. 2 3 ; 
"in^n n&? ~by the word . . ., Hag. ii. 5. 2 

A common expression is also nWn to the profane ! (see 
21 6 a [and the Lexicons]), i.e. away, far be it! It takes 
the dative of the person, far le it from thee ! hence it is often 
joined with nin*K) before God, who abhors it, after which the 
thing to be shunned is construed with ft? (see 217&) ; hence, 
when a verb is required, the latter is put in the infinitive 
with ft? before it (see 237a), or follows in another way by 
which the abhorrence is still more strongly expressed. Re- 
garding sentences employed in swearing, which begin with }, 
see 340c. 

1 Hence, this is one of the rare instances of an attributive adjective 
prefixed (see 293&) : the expression properly means living God! The 
Hellenistic translation 5 6 &&6g and tyv kyu recurs also in Judith ii. 12 
(where, with xat/, there is added still another oath of the same kind, used 
as an exclamation), xi. 7, xii. 4, xiii. 6, and often in the Protevang. Jacobi, 
in the Evang. Nicodemi, c. 13f., and in the Apoc. Mosis (Tischendorf's 
Apocalypses apocr. p. 9, line 12, p. 25, line 4 from bottom, p. 62, line 2). 
That the particle before the fern. ^a:j prefers the construct state, is easily 
explained from what is stated in 287. 

2 See the Jahrliicher der bibl. Wissensch. xi. p. 196 f. 



EXCLAMATIONS. 205 

Again, in the looser diction of poetry, the mere force of the 
exclamation often contains the meaning of the substantive 
verb in the imperative mood, be it, let there be ! which we 
would add by way of giving adequate expression to the Hebrew; 
as, according to mine innocence be it (or, let it come) upon me ! 
Ps. vii. 9b, xlv. 2c, Ivii. 6, civ. 35b, Job vi. 14, xii. 5, Isa. 
iii. 6, xii. 5. 

5. The stronger conditional particle A (see 38 5a) is pro- 
perly an optative particle, and as such is construed primarily 
with the imperfect, or, more precisely, with the voluntative 
and imperative ; as, nw 6, prop. 0, if he lived ! i.e. may he 
live, that he might live ; *}$&& A hear me ! Gen. xvii. 18, 
xxiii. 13, xxx. 34. If, however, the wish refers to something 
actually past, which it is no longer possible to accomplish, or 
to something which for the present appears impossible, and 
is merely imagined to have an actual existence, the particle 
governs the perfect ; as, ^np P utinam mortui essemus ! Num. 
xiv. 2, xxx. 3 ; FH1J v utinam descenderis ! (Ger. stiegest 
du nieder /) Isa. Ixiv. 1-4 ; similarly, the perfect is mostly 
used in conditional propositions. Still greater urgency is 
indicated by the compound vHK that . . . / Ps. cxix. 5, 
2 Kings v. 3, from HK a h ! alas! (see 1015) and ^ = ^; 



cf. 

In a similar way, but less frequently, the ordinary con- 
ditional particle EN is used with the imperfect, prop, if tJiou 
didst it [812] (how nice that would be) ! cf. elfa, and see Prov. 
xxiv. 11, Ps. cxxxix. 19, Ixxxi. 9 ; &K a6n yes, if only . . . / 
2 Kings xx. 19 (a different turn, certainly, is given in the 
parallel passage, Isa. xxxix. 8) ; *? DK if only there were not 
. . . ! Job xvii. 2, with the voluntative in the second member. 

c. A wish whose fulfilment is expected from others is often 
put in the form of a question asked by "to, with the imperfect 
following ; as, D?P ^j3E^ ' who will cause me to drink water ? 
i.e. that some one would give me water ! or, that I had 
water ! 2 Sam. xxiii. 15, Ps. iv. 7; particularly frequent is 

1 !)!? has itself been softened down from Idu (Arabic), Ivdi (Aramaic), 
and hence might the more easily be interchanged with Idi. In accord- 
ance with the accents, the word assumes as it were a construct form 
^n^ in 2 Kings v. 3. 



206 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 330. 

JFP " who would give ? i.e. would that . . . ! Though, this 
expression, as already containing a complete proposition, may 
be followed by the leading verb, attached by Vav consecutive 
(see 342), thus, rvni \W > would that there were . . . ! Deut. 
v. 29, yet this Vav may also be omitted, simply because \n\ ^, 
by itself, is like a conjunction, and employed as if it were a 
mere optative particle, Job vi. 8 ; or the verb is put in the 
infinitive, as fiPK "i^ ffi? *& who would give (cause) the speak- 
ing of God ? that God would speak ! Ex. xvi. 3 ; but the 
infinitive may also be placed after its subject (according to 
309a), if the noun is to receive more emphasis, a some- 
what looser construction, which then becomes precisely similar 
to the Latin accusative with the infinitive, Job xi. 5 ; it may 
also be followed merely by a noun as its object, Ps. xiv. 7. 1 

330&. n (see 3255) serves also as an exclamation of 
astonishment at the nature of a thing ; as, N~ji3 no how dread- 
ful ! faTO H what (goodness) his goodness (is) ! i.e. how kind 
he is ! Zech. ix. 17; and in the same way &W n?|D nt (see 
302&) these how many years! or, as we may say, with the 
same meaning, so many years already, Zech. vii. 3. 

&. *3 that, often serves to strengthen an affirmation, I maintain 
that . . . / Hence (like the Lat. imo), it is with us either (a) 
yes ! and employed in swearing, 1 Sam. xiv. 44, at the begin- 
ning of a sentence, Isa. vii. 9, xxxii. 13, Ps. Ixxvii. 12, Ixxi. 23, 
Ex. xxii. 22, Job viii. 6, or when an interruption occurs, 
Gen. xviii. 20, Ps. cxviii. 10-12, cxxviii. 2 ; or, (&) when the 
connection of the discourse, with what precedes, of itself points 
to an antithesis, it is our no ! or yet, nevertheless, as Isa. ii. 6, 
viii. 23, xxviii. 28, Ps. cxli. 8, Lam. iv. 15. Still more plain 
is 'a DJEK yes, verily I Job xii. 2, cf. ix. 2. Hence, this 
"3 is also introduced after actual adjurations, as in Gen. xxii. 
16, 17, 1 Sam. xx. 3, 1 Kings i. 29, 30, ii. 23, 24, 2 Kings 
iii. 14. It is also used with the imperfect when a statement 
is rejected as incredible ; that she should be rejected ! i.e. she 
cannot by any means be rejected, Isa. liv. 6, see also 354c. 

c. A lamentation over an event that has taken place is 
thus expressed : K^jJ ^ FJJK alas, that he called . . . / 2 Kings 
iii. 10. 

1 Compare a similar construction in Coptic, Ewald's Sprachwiss. Ab- 
liandl. i. p. 48. 



INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 207 

[813] II. DEPENDENT PROPOSITIONS. 

1. Relative Sentences. 

3 3 la. Of these, there are in general two kinds : the relative 
sentence starts (a) from a word which indicates a person or a 
thing (qui, or, with less indication of life, quod, who, or 
which, that] ; as, qui tacet and vir qui tacet ; or, (&) from a 
particle which merely serves to gather up a thought and show 
the relation in which it stands, i.e. a conjunction, as, gaudeo 
quod vales. According to the simplest syntactical arrangement, 
both kinds in Semitic always prefix the word which indicates 
the relation ; arrangements of a more complicated character, 
as, quam vidi urbem magna est, are, at least generally speaking, 
foreign to the Hebrew. We shall 'consider 

(1.) Eelative Sentences proceeding from an Independent Word. 

From what has been already stated, it follows, under this 
head, 

I. That, though the word which indicates relation has the 
force of a substantive, it is nevertheless placed quite separate 
and apart from others, at the head of the proposition, and 
hence is, outwardly, more like a conjunction, as it has neither 
gender nor number in Hebrew. But because it stands at the 
beginning in this abrupt and incomplete condition, it must, 
like any other word so placed, explain itself more fully (when 
necessary) by means of the personal pronoun, in the sentence 
following, when the usual calm order of discourse is observed ; 
thus, we must say, vir, dixi ei, when vir is abruptly placed first 
(see 309&), and similarly, qui t dixi ei for the Lat. cui dixi. 1 

1 [It will be evident that our " relative pronouns " are really composite, 
having the force of a conjunction and that of a pronoun combined in one 
word. E.g. in the statement, " Rebekah had a brother whose name was 
Laban," the relative pronoun, introducing the second proposition, and 
formally subordinating it to the other, is equivalent to " and his," though 
this plainer construction makes the two propositions co-ordinate. Simi- 
larly, cnjuSj cui, etc., are compounds formed out of the conjunction, or 



208 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 331. 

I. This custom, however, of placing the relative pronoun 
by itself at the head of the sentence, a construction which is 
extensively followed in Coptic and Turkish, in modern Persian 
also, and other similar languages, may be regarded merely as 
a kind of weakness, and a breaking down in the language of 
the power to form sentences j 1 but, of course, it finds excuse in 
the fact that, in such languages, for the most part, the cases 
have not been fully developed, and there is less liberty allowed 
in the whole arrangement of words in the sentence. For, if 
we further consider the manner in which the relation is 
expressed at the beginning of the sentence, we find that, pro- 
perly, it always requires to be set forth by a word whose 
meaning is wholly that of a person, hence by a fully developed 
pronoun ; in this case, therefore, we must quite exclude ""3, 
which may always stand at the head of the sentence, but 
merely as a conjunction that, with no personal meaning what- 
ever (see 104&, 336). Of words that may be used in this 
way, we have 

1. I?* 8 which (see 1816 [Ges. 36 ; Gr. "74]), the most 
convenient and commonly used particle having this force. 
Interchanging with it, we find nt, or somewhat more frequently, 
X (see 183a), 3 the particle employed in Aramaic for the same 

relative particle, and ejus, ei, etc. Cf. the careful treatise of Windisch 
( Untersuchungen uber den Ursprung des Eelativ -pronomens in den indoger- 
manischen Spracheii), in Band II. of the Studien zur griechischen und 
laleinischen Grammatik, herausgegeben von Georg Curtius, Leipzig 1869.] 

1 [Cf. the vulgar English expression, " This is the man that, his mother 
is dead " (= whose mother is dead).] 

2 [A valuable paper on the origin and employment of this word has 
recently been written by A. G. Sperling (Die Nota llelationis im Heb- 
raischen, Leipzig 1876), who regards it as a mere sign of relation, of a 
very general and indefinite character. Hence, in order to give the more 
definite meaning of our relative pronoun, there must be joined with it a 
personal pronoun, either in the separate or in the suffix form (see c, 
below). And when it is to be used as a relative conjunction, it must be 
combined with a preposition, an adverb, or another conjunction (see 336c; 
Ges. 104, Ic; Gr. 239, 2). When it goes to form a relative pronoun, 
the compensating element follows ; in the formation of a relative conjunc- 
tion, the determining element precedes."] 

3 Just in the same way as . j also came to be used poetically, i.e. in certain 

dialects and ancient writers, in the sense of ^jjl, and hence without being 
declined ; Hamdsa, p. 514, 17. 



INDEPENDENT HELATIVE SENTENCES. 209 

purpose, [814] which occurs more in poetry, and only some- 
times even there ; but when it does occur, it must give up 
every distinguishing mark of gender and number, just like 
"tt?''K, Job xv. 17, xix. 19, Ps. Ixxviii. 54, civ. 8, Ex. xv. 13, 
Ps. ix. 16, x. 2, xxxii. 8, Ixii. 12. Considering its meaning, 
the article also, as in German, might always be used inter- 
changeably with the relative (see 18 la); but, inasmuch as 
the former is so much abbreviated in Hebrew, it is but very 
rarely, and, in the earlier period of the language, not at all 
used (properly speaking) for this purpose ; it is found merely 
in Josh. x. 24, 1 Sam. ix. 24, Ezek. xxvi. 17, 1 Chron. 
xxvi. 28, xxix. 8, 17, 2 Chron. xxix. 36, Ezra viii. 25, 
x. 14, 17. 1 

2. The pronouns *& who, no what, which are properly in- 
terrogative, are employed as relatives in general propositions 
(see 10 5a [Ges. 37, 2 ; Gr. 75, 1]), when, as it were by 
way of inquiry or summons, everything, known or unknown, 
that can possibly belong to the subject, is to be comprised in 
the statement made; the words are then to be pronounced 
with a different tone. When this is the case, we may always 
render the expression more fully by whoever, whatever, Gen. 
xix. 12, Prov. ix. 4, Isa. 1. 8, 1 Sam. xx. 4, Judg. vii. 3, 
though, for whatever, there may also be formed the more de- 
finite combination n& -\y\ (see 286/, cf. 325a), Num. 
xxiii. 3. Since these words are properly interrogative, a 
more definite expression may be formed by adding the purely 
relative particle ; thus, "i??K 'O who that . . ., i.e. whoever . . ., 
2 Sam. xx. 11, Ex. xxxii. 33 ; but this combination does not 
occur in Hebrew in the case of no, which has always a feebler 
force, and it is not till we come to Ecclesiastes that the 
Aramaizing construction *Brn what that (whatever) ... is 
formed, i. 9. The employment of these particles is further 
limited by the fact that, when a verb in the present belongs to 

1 According to the Massorah, indeed, the article'would occur pretty often 
in this way, and in all the Old Testament writers, without distinction, Gen. 
xviii. 21, xxi. 3, xlvi. 27, Isa. Ivi. 3, Job ii. 11, Ruth iv. 3, Dan. viii. 1; 
but since, in these cases, the participle may equally well be understood, 
if we disregard the points, and since the participle is evidently much more 
suitable, we have here every reason for leaving the Massorah. But that 
the latter also was itself vacillating in this matter, is evident from a 
comparison of 1 Kings xi. 9 with Gen. xii. 7. 





210 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 331. 

the sentence, the simple participle, with or (especially in poetry) 
without the article (see 335), is quite sufficient to express 
the idea ; it is not till we reach Ecclesiastes (v. 9) that SHK IB 
he who loves, an Aramaic mode of expression, presents itself, 
in one of the members of the verse along with, and as the 
equivalent of, snk in the other parallel member. 

c. Through the dismemberment of the relative pronoun 
(described in a) at the beginning of the sentence, there 
arises, of course, a greater diffuseness of expression, because 
two words necessarily come to be used instead of one. But 
alongside of this is found the endeavour after the greatest 
possible brevity of expression ; in consequence of which the 
completion of the idea by means of the personal pronoun is 
often dropped, when this omission may readily be allowed. 
The separate cases are the following : 

(1.) When, according to the sense of the whole proposition, 
the word indicative of relation has the force of the subject, the 
personal pronoun follows in the nominative, and in the place 
which it would [815] otherwise occupy; as, ^n Kin I^N that 
which is living, Gen. ix. 3, Deut. xx. 15, Ps. xvi. 3, 2 Chron. 
viii. 7. 1 This pronoun, however, may also be omitted, because 
the word which marks the relation readily bears, besides, the 
idea of the subject, especially in short sentences ; as, DHSbWJ 
faiN ngte ol a^Spe? 01 <rvv aura) (for, in prose, brief defining 
clauses, belonging to individual nouns, are also readily joined 
with the latter, for the sake of greater clearness and precision ; 
see 293d); Via Vp he who is foolish, Prov. ix. 16. But the 
pronoun is necessarily omitted before every finite verb which 
is used as the predicate, inasmuch as the latter already con- 
tains the idea of the person (see 190); as, "to?K "igfc who 
said. 

(2.) When the word indicating relation points to the object, 
the latter finds its complementary specification in the suffix; 2 
as, iK73 "iPK the man whom he imprisoned. This complement, 
however, may also be omitted, since the relative-word has like- 
wise the force of the object, because the latter may also stand 
first in the proposition, if necessary : this omission becomes 
particularly easy in short sentences, and when only things are 

1 [See, further, Sperling, Die Nota Relationis im Hebraischen, p. 33 f.] 



INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 211 



spoken of, as, "^ "i>N "i:nn the word, which he spake; but in 
the same way also, the ashes l^N to which (see 2 8 1 e) the fire 
consumes the sacrifice, Lev. vi. 3 ; "io* i^N of which it is said, 
Gen. xxii. 14. 

(3.) When the relative- word points to an idea which is 
to be closely subordinated, the suffix can never be omitted, 
whether it follows an actual noun, as, foa lEN "i^N he whose son 
said, or a preposition, as, T? "iBK "iBte he to whom he said. It 
is only to substantives which state the time, place, kind, and 
manner, that the relative-word can be attached without the 
complement, because these general ideas of relation may, if 
necessary, be regarded merely as in the accusative (see 279) ; 
thus, N2 "iBfc &i s n iy till the day that lie came, 2 Sam. xix. 2 5 ; 
"i^n "icfc DipGfl in the place that (where) he spake, Gen. xxxv. 
13, 14, xl. 13 ; also, ">^. l^nn n j this is the reason why, 1 Kings 
xi. 27. That in the case of "1K>K, however, accessory explana- 
tions by means of the suffix and a preposition are avoided 
whenever this is possible, is also shown by far stronger 
instances, such as Isa. viii. 12, and especially xxxi. 6, Ps. 
xli. 9 (where Dip, accordingly, assumes the meanings given in 
281c, 282a), Dan. xi. 39. In prose, too, while, for instance, 
1H3 to choose, is at other times almost always construed with 
3, in relative sentences it is very frequently used without this 
preposition, Num. xvi. 17 (cf. ver. 5), 2 Sam. xvi. 18 ; tan to 
spare, construed with H' in Job xx. 13, stands without it in 
vi. 1 ; and, whenever it is possible, an expression beginning 
with "iBfc is somewhat contracted, without injuring its per- 
spicuity, Ex. i. 15. At other times, for the sake of clearness, 
when the words are at a considerable distance from each other 
in the sentence, instead of using the suffix, the noun itself may 
be repeated, Gen. xiii. 16, Jer. xxxi. 32, Num. xxvi. 64; cf. 
the Septuagint. 

d. Since the relative-word, then, is very different from a 

Latin relative pronoun, it may be construed not merely with 

the pronoun of the third person, but also quite as readily with 

. (a) a demonstrative adverb, as, D^ itjfc where, [816] D$D IPK 

whence; 1 (5) with the suffix of the first and second person, 

1 The Arabic here differs widely from the Hebrew, inasmuch as it does 
not like to degrade ite jjl to such an extent as to make it a mere local 



212 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 332, 

by which construction greater brevity and precision may be 
attained in Hebrew, as, tlwu T^NVin "IPK whom 1 brought out, 
Dent. v. 6, iii. 24, Hos. xiv. 4 ; / W? ")Bfc wtee covenant . . ., 
Jer. xxxi. 32. 1 The same thing also may take place, especially 
in poetry, when there is a gradual transition from the third to 
the second person, and conversely, Hab. ii. 15, Isa. xxiii. 2, 3. 
For it is to be remarked generally, that, in the oldest Semitic, 
neither thou nor / have ever been employed in direct exclama- 
tion ; hence such expressions as, thou ! etc. (Ger. o du! o ich! 
o er /), are in it impossible, so largely do these pronouns, in 
this form, continue to have the force merely of nominatives, as 
explained in 202&. 2 Hence, address [i.e. something stated 
in the second person] almost exclusively passes on to the 
subject, i.e. to something that would correspond to the third 
person ; but the second person is all the more apt to arise 
during the progress of the discourse, as Isa. xxxiii. 1. On the 
other hand, such constructions as, I "ObK "IB>K who . . . [Ger. der 
ich . . .], Deut. xxx. 16, are self-evident. 

33 2a. II. We must next carefully distinguish between the 
three possible positions and connections of such a relative- 
sentence : 

1. The proposition which merely forms a further description 
of a noun that has been mentioned, is most closely allied to 
the apposition indicated by an attributive adjective (see 293&). 
But, since the person has already been defined in this way by 
the noun, which must always precede, and does not need to 
be put before a relative-word, as the basis of the statement; 
since also, on the other hand, the relative-word is very loosely 
connected with its own sentence (see 331), which itself, 
strictly speaking, must also be complete without it, it is not 
surprising that a particular relative-word may, in this case, be 
omitted. It is most readily dropped when the noun to be 



particle ; for this idea it prefers to use ei^Ars-, which is explained at 
p. 268. 

1 [See Sperling, p. 38.] 

2 We have, in this, another plain indication that the an- forming the 
first syllable of HfiX and 'ojtf is a prefixed nominative-sign, correspond- 

ing to the am in the Indo-Germanic aliam, twam ; but J<}n is probably also 
only shortened from huam, hua. 



INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 213 



described is indefinite ; because "igte which, in its origin and 
force, answers to a demonstrative pronoun, and thus to the 
article (see 10 5a [Ges. 35]); and the Arabic maintains 
this difference more firmly. But, in the Hebrew, it may be 
omitted under other circumstances also, especially in the neat, 
brief style (see 3 c) j 1 as it may likewise, on the other hand, 
be retained after a noun which is to be regarded as quite in- 
definite, if such a course be rendered advisable by the require- 
ments of parallelism in arranging the members of a verse, 
and by the structure of the propositions, as Mic. ii. 3. The 
separate cases (according to 331c) are as follows : 

(1.) When the reference by the relative has the meaning of 
the subject ; as, fcttn j^K s ia a nation that is lasting, Jer. v. 1 5, 
1 Kings xi. 14 ; [817] $ & pn in a land which is not to 
them (not theirs), i.e. a foreign land, Gen. xv. 13, Hab. i. 6, 
Prov. xxvi. 1 7 ; and with a definite noun, Lev. xviii. 1 1 ; also 
with a finite verb, Wi} ntonas) like the leasts that are destroyed, 
i.e. in the same way as the beasts are destroyed, Ps. xlix. 13, 
Isa. xxx. 6. 

(2.) When the reference is to the object ; as, njT pK a 
land, he knew it, i.e. a land (that) he knew ; and, since the 
suffix may be omitted (see 331c), the construction may also 
be as in *5HJ &6 7]"n a way (that) they do not know, Isa. xlii. 1 6, 
Ps. vii. 6 ; "inn? 7|~n:i wifr he teaches him concerning the way 
which he should choose, i.e. shows him which way he should 
choose (a very condensed mode of connecting thoughts), Ps. 
xxv. 12 (xxxii. 8), xlix. 15, Prov. vi. 16, xxiii. 8, Job xxviii. 1, 
1 Chron. xxix. 3 ; also when the accusative is to be regarded 
as more freely subordinated, as in "riK pTTP TjTin nj ''K where is 
the way where light divides, Job xxxviii. 19, 24, xxi. 27, Ps. 
xx vii. 7, Isa. xxxi. 6 ; / throw down before him a stumbling- 
block, whereby JW fcttn M may die, Ezek. iii. 20. 

(3.) When the reference is to a closely subordinated idea; 
as, fis Op* TO? the way wherein they must go, i.e. in which way 
they are to go, Ex. xviii. 20, Ps. xix. 5 (following the better 
reading DP), xciii. 19 (see 293e). 

It is seldom that the noun stands at a considerable distance 
from its relative clause, whether this has "iPK. or not, as, Ps. 

1 [Cf. the omission of the relative in English also, as exemplified by the 
instances given hereafter.] 



214 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 332. 

xlix. 12, 14, xvi. 4, cf. Isa. xxix. 22, Job iv. 2, Zepli. iii. 19. 
The same case, properly speaking, occurs when reference has 
just been made to the object by means of its suffix ; as, on it 
(viz. the altar) which was before Jahve, 1 Kings ix. 25. If 
stronger reference be made by this means (see 309c) to the 
person, so that there arises, as a preliminary, a kind of suspen- 
sion and break in the discourse, then riN, as the sign of the 
accusative, may be placed before "iBfc (see 333&), as Zech. 
xii. 10, cf. Eccles. x. 15 ; but this sign may also be used in 
such a construction as is presented in Lev. xxii. 15, Jer. 
xxxviii. 9. 

&. The "iBfc, however, especially in certain cases, may be 
dispensed with, either constantly, or at least more conveniently 
than in other instances. This closer construction is invariably 
adopted after certain incomplete propositions ; thus, after fettn *n 
who is he (that) . . . ? i.e. who? (see 3315, and the similar 
constructions given in 286A), as, &Oj^ Q^N lh there are many 
people who proclaim, i.e. many a one proclaims, Prov. xx. 6, or, 
DH TjvtPn "OBn 3*1 there are enough of the corpses which people 
have silently cast forth, i.e. corpses enough have been silently 
cast forth, Amos viii. 3. Moreover, the prepositions 3, ?, and 
others, instead of putting themselves before the whole sentence 
in a more full and explicit manner by means of a relative 
particle (thus, "MfK?, etc., as shown in 222a), may merely 
subordinate a single noun in such a way that the rest of the 
statement is joined, in the form of a relative sentence, but 
without "iPK, to that noun ; as in the example *B"W flto[?3? 
already given in a; KnrrnNi9 against devastation coming 
from afar, i.e. for the time when it comes, Isa. x. 3 ; "nlJJ in 
*Bj53 after my skin which they have removed, i.e. after my skin 
has been removed, Job xix. 26, cf. Hab. ii. 14, Isa. xi. 9. 
Lastly, [818] the shorter construction is, on the whole, more 
convenient when the relative proposition stands in a more 
necessary connection with the main sentence ; as in the case 
inn? Tpni \srfr already cited in a. Cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. 
ii.p. 238 f." 

c. Rarely, and only in poetry, is the complementary proposi- 
tion at once, and more sharply, subordinated to a noun put in 
the construct state (cf. 286*), so that the second sentence 
also is as brief as possible, and without the relative particle ; 



INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 215 

as, "TO n"}W the gain that he made, Jer. xlviii. 36 (on the other 
hand, iT 3 1 ?' 1 . is placed in a looser construction in Isa. xv. 7) ; 
toi non the "burning wrath which is to them, which they have, 
Ps. Iviii. 5 ; &n ^T^? T^ the excellent ones in whom my 
whole pleasure is, Ps. xvi. 3. The construct state, however, 
also interchanges with the article joined to the absolute state, 
in the second member of a verse, Job iii. 3 ; or is followed by 
the relative particle nt or IT (see 331&), Isa. xliii. 21, Ps. 
civ. 8. On the other hand, the construct state is much em- 
ployed in cases where "iBte quite briefly, like an accusative, 
sets forth general relations of place, time, or kind and manner; 
for, the noun to which the relative particle corresponds being 
quickly combined with it in the construct state, the relative 
itself takes a greater share in the meaning of the noun, and 
becomes more closely intertwined with the whole adverbial 
expression. Accordingly, though the form of expression first 
used is "IK>"K ttf PJ?3 in the place that, i.e. in what place, or simply 
our where, Lev. iv. 24, 33, Jer. xxii. 12, igfc il'n ?y (see 
286^), yet the construction afterwards becomes still closer, 
when possible, by the noun before "i^N being also put in the 
accusative ; as, "iKte Dipjp what place, where, Eccles. xi. 3, Esth. 
iv. 3, viii. 17; and "i3?K SV what day, i.e. Lat. quando, Deut. 
iv. 10, Gen. xxxix. 20. 

d. Such mere nouns of time and place, however, may also 
be put in the construct state, by themselves, without it?K, at 
the head of the relative sentence, not merely in poetry, but 
also in ordinary prose ; and in consequence of this construc- 
tion a certain neatness of expression is imparted to the dis- 
course ; as, fMfifrH} at the beginning when . . ., an expression 
which is equivalent to when first . . ., Gen. i. 1, and fipnfl, Hos. 
i. 2, in the same meaning j 1 Di" 1 the day that . . ., or, on the day 
when, Ps. Ivi. 4, Ixxxviii. 2 ; rij; at the time when . . ., Ps. iv. 8, 
xc. 15, Job vi. 1*7, 2 Chron. xxiv. 11 (cf. also the cases cited 
above, at p. 85), nnjp the city where . . ., Isa. xxix. 1. And 
that, as required by the law. stated in 306c, the leading word 
may then also stand first in the relative clause, is shown by 
such cases as Ps. iv. 8, Gen. xxii. 14. 

1 On the question whether, in Gen. i. 1, we should, following v. 1, read 
NH3 for ana, cf. Getting. Gel. Anz. 1866, p. 186 f. 



216 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 333. 



Conversely, in diffuse, ordinary discourse, Ei*n fl?** since the 
day, with the article (contrary to 290&, cf. d), is placed 
before an infinitive, like ^i? my going, because this may 
equally mean, that I go (went), and is thus (see 331c, 332#) 
equivalent to a brief relative sentence, 2 Sam. xix. 25, [819] 
Ex. ix. 18. 1 Accordingly, D$ip may in like manner signify 
whence (from which place), as in the ancient poetic style, 
Gen. xlix. 24. 

333a. 2. The relative has the force even of a noun, being 
used instead of any other and more definite word ; in such a 
case, ^ or no most naturally suggests itself (see 331&). 
But "iBte also may be employed in this way, like an adjective 
raised to the position and power of a noun, without, however, 
coinciding in idea with either of these ; e.g. JVnn ?y "iPtf who 
(i.e. he who) is over the house, viz. the definite person whom we 
call house-steward, manager. Every relative in such a position 
retains, indeed, all its own peculiar modes of construction 
with that sentence which it begins (see 331c) ; but, besides, 
though without detriment to its connection with its own sen- 
tence, it is directly interwoven with another, and thus in fact 
hangs midway between two propositions. 2 Hence, it may like- 
wise form the subject of the other sentence ; as, rpan ?y "igte HD 
he is dead who was placed over the house; or it may be sub- 
ordinated as an object, and, as such, marked externally by JlK 
(see p. 36), as, rnj^ iK'N'ns yn know that which shall happen, 
Dan. x. 14 ; anoint ipfc TBlplM him whom I shall name, 1 Sam. 
xvi. 3. In the latter case, if the relative particle be likewise 
the accusative in its own sentence, it might be followed by its 
appropriate suffix (see 331c); but, in accordance with the 
spirit prevailing in the Hebrew language, this is no longer 
necessary, since n$ sufficiently indicates the accusative. 3 Or, 

1 Here the Massorah forbids the Mappiq in the final n of mpin, which, 
however, can be nothing else than the Inf. Niphal with the suffix (see 



2 Hence other languages also, particularly modern ones, express this 
double connection before and behind by means of the demonstrative [or 
personal] pronoun and the relative ; thus, Tie (his, him) who . . . 

3 On the other hand, the words in Deut. xviii. 20 are rather to be taken 
thus : ike prophet who utters, as a word (i.e. as an oracular message) in my 
name -IEK DN that which I have not commanded him. 



INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 217 

it may be dependent on a word in the construct state, or on 
a preposition ; as, ">* J"P3n *?V "iKW say to him who is over the 
Iwuse, "OT "iK'K by on account of that which he did, Jer. xv. 4. 
Hence, at the beginning of the double sentence, one may say, 
Kypri "iBJtf DJJ with whom (whomsoever) tlwu shalt find . . . let 
him die! Gen. xxxi. 32; but also fow K*n "i^, Gen. xliv. 
9, 10. 1 Since, then, "i^'K, as an accusative, also contains a 
general reference to place, time, kind, and manner (see 
331c, 3), we can understand how ")&?K hy may signify whither 
(i.e. to the place which), 1 Kings xviii. 12, ")Bte 7bn wherever 
(i.e. in every place in which), 2 Sam. vii. 7, and how the simple 
"IK'K can stand for our as, &OM;, Ex. xiv. 13, xviii. 9, 1 Kings 
iii. 12, 13, xiv. 19, cf. xi. 27, 1 Chron. xiii. 6 (on this passage, 
however, cf. 2 Sam. vi. 2), Deut. vii. 19, Job ix. 5, [820] Zeph. 
iii. 7, Ps. xii. 5, xvi. 7, xxxi. 8, cxxxix. 15. If, now, it is 
at the same time dependent on an active verb, it may be 
preceded in this, as in every other case (see 277^), by nx 
as, Deut. ix. 7, xxix. 15, 1 Sam. ii. 22, xxiv. 11, 19, 1 Kings 
xix. 1, 2 Kings viii. 5, Esth. v. 11. Similarly, "iBte DK means 
exactly our wJien, as in 1 Kings viii. 31 (in the parallel 
passage, 2 Chron. vi. 22, it is explained by EN if), and so 
"iPK, as in 1 Kings viii. 33, 38. We may say that, in such 
cases, "igte is not so much OTA (which is rather ^ see 336) 
as Co?. 

b. As the relative may be omitted in the first case men- 
tioned in 332c, so it may also be dropped in this; but it is 
only certain poets who employ the short, neat style, that allow 
themselves to exercise so much brevity here. Moreover, it is 
only when the discourse has already been begun in such a 
way that the idea of completion, or relation, though concealed, 
is plainly enough contained in the context, that its outward 
indication is unnecessary. Hence, the relative is most readily 
omitted after a noun in the construct state, because the force 
of the construct state already contains the necessity of sub- 
ordinating the whole of what follows, like a noun, whether it 
actually has the form of a noun, or is merely regarded as 
such ; so that the relative particle, which invests it with the 

1 The liberties which the Hebrew takes in such cases, by prefixing the 
fiS, or a preposition, are much less easily practised in the cognate lan- 
guages. 



218 EW AID'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 333. 

appearance and character of a noun, may now be omitted. 
Moreover, in the relative sentence, the verb (or its equivalent) 
usually comes in at the very beginning ; so that, in every way, 
there arises the sharp antithesis of two ideas which are 
evidently separate, and connected merely through the higher 
meaning which pervades the whole. Thus, *?$ JHJ XV Dip the 
place of him who knows not God, Job xviii. 21; ^P W fc6 ^3, 
in the hand of him whom / cannot withstand, Lam. i. 14, 
Job xix. 16, Ps. Ixxxi. 6; or after prepositions (which comes 
to the same thing), >&& &w to those who did not ask, vn &6a 
like those who were not (indefinitely), Isa. Ixv. 1, Iv. 2, 
Jer. ii. 8, 11, Obad. ver. 16, Ezek. xiii. 3, and (in accordance 
with 2S6#) H3 K?p to him who has not power, Jobxxvi. 2, 3 ; 
rferi T2 rbw send by (for the Lat. manu, by the hand of, is, 
like a preposition, also equivalent to per) him whom Thou wilt 
send, Ex. iv. 13; ^rnn njp'K happy (see 258c) is the man 
whom Thou choosest, Ps. Ixv. 5, Prov. viii. 32 ; V^ n n Jti!5 ^$1 
what is beyond that which / see (i.e. what I do not see) teach 
tlwu me, Job xxxiv. 32. Another special reason for the 
omission in the case of &6 (where it occurs most frequently), 
is the impossibility of construing this negative with a participle 
(see 320c). In prose, however, the omission of the relative 
is almost entirely confined to the Books of the Chronicles ; 
Neh. viii. 10, 1 Chron. xv. 12, xxix. 3, 2 Chron. i. 4, xvi. 9, 
xxx. 18, 19 (where the two verses have been infelicitously 
separated). On the employment of the relative with te, cf. 
Gen. xxxix. 4-6. 

But this omission further takes place when the idea of the 
object is included in what precedes : hell carries off iNtan those 
who sinned, Job xxiv. 19, xxxiv. 32, Jer. viii. 13, Hab. ii. 6. 
Nay, even when the meaning of the whole requires that the 
subject shall be understood as contained in the relative, its 
omission is not quite impossible, partly when this subject at 
the same time forms the one half of the larger proposition, as 
in Prov. xiii. 1, 8, Isa. Ixiii. 19 (&6 being also employed in 
every one of these cases), Job xviii. 15a, Isa. xli. 24, but 
partly also when it is the subject of the accessory proposition 
(and this is the boldest construction) ; as, toriN njrp he whom 
Jahve loves performs his pleasure, Isa. xlviii. 14 (for [821] 
tf, because mm is meant to be emphasized) ; those 



INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 219 



not Dyfol rrinnns whom He led through deserts, Isa. xlviii. 2 1, 1 
Judg.'v. 14, Ezek xi. 2 1. 2 

334#. 3. Though the relative stands first (according to 
333), it is afterwards more fully explained, as to its con- 
tents, in the course of the sentence, by a noun which is 
subordinated in the accusative (see 2S'7A). This is essen- 
tially the same thing as when, in Arabic, the compound 

o o / 

..^-tc or -c is used, 3 or when we would say, in German, 



was-von ... or was fur . . . [i.e. what kind of . . . what sort of]. 
In this way there is formed a somewhat more general idea than 
would be presented if the noun stood quite alone, immediately at 
the beginning of the sentence; thus, what of evil, i.e. what kind of 
evil. This turn, however, because of its convenient brevity, is 
much more largely employed in Arabic, and is a circumlocu- 
tion for something like the German derjenige . . . welcher, i.e. 
such a one as ... In Hebrew, this conveniently brief mode 
of expression is still rare ; as, rnpp ~\2i rrn -IPK the kind of 
word of Jehovah that came, i.e. the kind of words that came, 
Jer. xiv. 1, xlvi. 1, xlvii. 1, xlix. 34, Ezek. xii. 25, Amos 
v. 1 ; n$K"i:\s which (i.e. what kind of) woman, more in the 
sense of when a woman, Num. v. 29 (cf. ver. 30), Lev. iv. 22 ; 
cf. the examples given in 287/z., at the end. Further, it is 
an Aramaic construction to use the relative in a new sentence, 
and before a genitive, as a means of referring briefly to a noun 
previously mentioned ; as, ^^ ">^! and that [viz. the letter] 
of Tobijah, ISTeh. vi. 17. 

I. In all these three possible modes of placing the relative 

1 Such is the proper way in which this passage is to be understood. 

2 Hence, vftylp in Prov. xiv. 14 also might mean from (by) that which 
is incumbent upon him, i.e. his duty ; in Job xxiv. 9, we might even, after 
the simple 1 and, read what is upon the poor (viz. his clothing) they take 
as a pledge ; and, without admitting the necessity of such an explanation 
as is given in 174/7, Job viii. 7 might be regarded as meaning, thy future 
will be something that greatly increases. But this would be the very utmost 
possible here ; the sharp juxtaposition of the sentences would be wanting, 
at least in Job xxiv. 9 ; and in Prov. xiv. 14, the correctness of the reading 
may be doubted. 

8 The Arabic, in such cases, likes to smooth the construction by meana 

o c. 

Oi ^ of, as it also uses ^^i-Us for the cases mentioned in 326e. 



220 KWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 335. 

pronoun, the words of the sentence which "belongs to it are 
arranged in exactly the same calm order of succession that is 
to be expected in accordance with 307. Yet even here 
also, we may observe the greater freedom which characterizes 
the Hebrew ; in Ps. Ixix. 27, the subject of the relative 
sentence is, for the sake of emphasis, even retracted and 
placed before 15PK : thus, there is evinced a freedom in the 
arrangement of words which reminds us of Greek and Latin, 
but cannot be imitated in German [or English], and is at 
least possible in Hebrew, though rarely exercised. 

[822] 335#. III. The participle, or even the adjective, con- 
tains in itself the idea of a verb used as a relative clause in 
giving descriptions (see 168& [Ges. 134]); accordingly, 
wherever it can be employed, it forms a briefer expression for 
the finite verb with a relative (cf. 331&). The participle 
may be used in this way by itself, when, in prose, it receives 
prominence by taking the article, as, fcrgn the fearing one, i.e. 
he who is afraid, 6 fyoftovpevos, Ex. ix. 20 ; it may also be 
put in even a looser construction, thus, ^h "i^n he who walks 
uprightly, which is the same as "jjpn IB* iBte, Mic. ii. 7 (see 
2 9 7 a) ; this combination may also be found in the predicate, 
as, who are Cw'nn the going ones, i.e. who are those that go ? 
Ex. x. 8. Or, it may be attached to a preceding substantive, 
in which case, even after an indefinite noun, the more loosely 
construed participle (or corresponding adjective) may easily 
assume the article, by which it is more firmly connected [with 
the noun] ; as, njnn Bfea soul the living, i.e. soul that lives, Gen. 
i. 21, 28, ix. 10 (cf. vers. 12, 15, where the article, in itself 
unnecessary, is omitted) ; on the same principle, also, cases 
like Ps. Ixii. 4, xix. 11, and conversely, Ps. civ. 25, are ex- 
plained. But, inasmuch as the participle already contains in 
itself the power of indicating the person to whom it relates, 
even in prose, and after a definite noun, the article need not 
be joined with it, as in 1 Kings xi. 8, 2 Kings x. 6 ; hence, 
in poetry, D v^K may signify those who are foolish, even when 
there is no preceding noun, Ps. cvii. 1 7 ; on the other hand, 
in the case of HitD, Jer. xl. 4, 5, the article is omitted at most, 
perhaps, on account of the following "i^jni. 

I. Since the participle thus envelops the finite verb within 
the idea of the personal reference, it surrenders the distinction, 



DEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 221 

contained in the verb, between the two kinds of time (see 
16Sa [Ges. 134]); hence, according to the meaning and 
the connection of the discourse, in any case, it may stand for 
the perfect as well as the imperfect. It is readily used in the 
sense of the perfect, as, Ijn wn " who is he that has hunted? 
Gen. xxvii. 33, 1 Sam. iv. 8, xi. 9, Prov. viii. 9 ; hence, also, 
for the perfect of the future, when the future has already been 
treated of, Ps. xxii. 32, cii. 19. But it is also used, quite 
correctly, especially for our immediate future (see 168c); 
as, Dwhf?, in the passage quoted in a from Ex. x. 8, which 
properly means those who are about to go, ol 'Tropevo-o^evoi, cf. 
ver. 9 ; and hence it must further serve, in narration, to indi- 
cate the future of the preterite, as, vnba *njp Vjnn his sons-in- 
law who were to take (to have taken) his daughters, Gen. xix. 
14, Ex. xi. 5 (cf. 2 Kings iii. 27, where it has been avoided), 
2 Kings xi. 2 (2 Chron. xxii. 11), Judg. xiii. 8 ; rrornn Yia a 
wall that is to le knocked down, Ps. Ixii. 4. 

c. If, now, we gather together all the possible constructions 
that have been explained in 331335, it is easy to see that, 
in Hebrew, there may be formed an exceedingly long series of 
relative clauses, which collectively, as if in one continued 
chain, depend on their chief noun previously mentioned ; thus, 
all the clauses in Ps. civ. 2-23 are attached, at their starting- 
points, to the name Jahve in ver. 1, by who, which is always 
mentally repeated. 1 It is also evident, [823] from 331^, 
how 7 readily the first or second person may be interchanged 
with the third ; see Ps. xci. 1, 2. 



(2.) Dependent Eelative Sentences. 

336&. In accordance with a deep and correct instinct ex- 
hibited by the original languages, ideas, which may at any 
point be taken into the main sentence, are interwoven with it 
in the closest manner ; so that there is, so far, much less need 
for our [conjunction] that in Hebrew. For instance, if one were 
to say, it is vain for you . . ., or, how long is it in your heart 

1 This fact has been further established by the explanations which I 
[Ewald] have now given on the Song, and on so many other passages of 
the Old Testament. 



222 EWALD'S HEBUEW SYNTAX, sss. 

(i.e. are you pleased) . . ., then, if e.g. a particular kind of 
habit or custom is meant, this is immediately attached by 
means of the participle (see 168c), which, therefore, is 
closely referred to the you, and loosely subordinated to it, as 
in Ps. cxxvii. 2, Jer. xxiii. 26 ; while modern languages, in a 
much colder manner, use the mere infinitive with to, instead. 
(Of. a similar phenomenon in 325&, c.) 

If, however, a thought is merely to be gathered up, and re- 
ferred to something else, the particle (the relative conjunction) 
"3 that, is used for the purpose. Sometimes, indeed, "it?K is 
employed instead, as a neuter, quod; but this is more of an 
Aramaic construction, and restricted to certain writings, like 
Ecclesiastes and Chronicles. In pure Hebrew, the difference 
between the two is always this that the idea formed by ^ is 
more of a wholly inanimate, dependent, and (as it were) im- 
perfect kind, while "is?tf forms an idea of a more complete and 
vigorous character. 1 Hence, 

(1.) When our [conjunction], that, may be regarded as equi- 
valent to the subject, it prefers to be expressed by "it?K ; as, ... 
iBte Ty still (with emphasis laid on the word to make it pro- 
minent) it is the case that . . ., Zech. viii. 20; "it?K 2iD good 
is it that . . ., Eccles. v. 4. 

(2.) On the contrary, ^ is properly used after a verb, to 
indicate its object ; as, ^ Tan he told that . . . ; I trust ^ that 
he shall . . ., Job xxxix. 1 2 ; he said (or commanded') filW ^3 
that they should return, Job xxxvi. 10, the tense and mood 
of the verb in the relative sentence being always regulated in 
accordance with the sense of the discourse in each particular 
case. With verbs of seeing? however, and all others of a 
similar character, that can have two objects (see 2845), 
these may be subordinated in a more compact manner, corre- 
sponding to the Latin construction of the accusative with the 
infinitive. According to the first and simplest mode, the 
arrangement is such that mention is first made of the imme- 
diate object, of the whole thing that is seen, and afterwards 

1 [On the use of 1^'tf as a conjunction, see, further, Sperling, Die Nota 
lidationis im Hebraischen, p. 41 ff.] 

2 In this case, however, there is also the possible construction gfdoi/ art, 

< / 
Rev. vi. 1, 12; > . Ac, Sura xxi. 40. 



DEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 223 

of any property perceived in it ; as, lie saiv the light that it was 
good, instead of which we say, more tersely, he saw that the 
light was good, Gen. i. 4, vi. 2, Ex. ii. 2, 1 Kings v. 17, and 
still more fully, xi. 28; also, dicitejustum 2io ^ quod lonus, 
i.e. esse lonum, where [824] greater prominence is assigned to 
the subject of the subordinate sentence, Isa. iii. 10, cf. Eccles. 
viii. 17, and similarly in a subordinated question, Eccles. iii. 21. 
But, further, instead of this construction with ^ which is 
always somewhat more loose (see 2845), the subject and 
predicate of the proposition which is to form the object may 
also be more strictly subordinated together by the one active 
verb, and this in a twofold manner, (a) If the proposition to 
be subordinated expresses, by itself, a state or condition, the 
predicate, if a verb, is mostly put in the participial form, and 
in the perfect only when the sense requires this (see 2846); 
it is very seldom that, with ^, the imperfect is found, in the 
sense of the past imperfect [was doing\ Gen. xlviii. 17, Job 
xxxi. 26. (6) If, however, the proposition to be subordinated 
expresses what is going to be, or ought to be done, it is rarely 
that the mere imperfect, without ^ is subordinated ; as, n 
ITOK Dnfc DfiN what do ye think (that) / should do for you ? 
2 Sam. xxi. 4 ; this is VE^n rm* 1>K ^uJlat He commanded that 
ye should do, Lev. ix. 6, and with a6 not, Lam. i. 10 ; while 
sentences such as that in Ps. Ivii. 3, 4, / cry (wish) He may 
send (i.e. that He may send), already exhibit a complete transi- 
tion to the mode of construction in those explained at the end 
of 3476. 1 Much more natural in this case is the infinitive, 
which, further, is mostly construed with j>, so that there arises 
here a species of the Latin accusative with the infinitive; thus, 
the construction is followed in the case of asking and wishing; 
as, rnc& V^arn^ W he wished that his soul should die (where 
the 7 with the infin. is more necessary to indicate the wish), 
1 Kings xix. 4, Jonah iv. 8, cf. 2 Sam. xxiv. 13 ; with verbs 
which signify permission and allowance, Num. xx. 21, Judg. 
xi. 20, exclamation or command, Jer. xxxvi. 9 (where the 
infin. precedes its subject). Nay, even verbs of knowing, 
hearing, seeing, and others of similar character, begin to avail 
1 Even the Syriac readily subordinates the imperfect in this case ; as, 
* thou didst leave me to <li<>. 



224 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, sse. 

themselves of this more convenient mode of subordination by 
means of the infinitive ; as, they know not JH n^JJ^ that they do 
evil (where the subordinate proposition does not take a new sub- 
ject), Eccles. iv. 17, cf. Jer. xv. 15, 2 Sam. xviii. 29, 1 1 Chron. 
xxix. 17. And inasmuch as an infinitive like the Lat. esse 
is unnecessary in conjunction with a more definite predicate, 
one may even say, tliou [thyself] hast taught them to be "$$ 
Vtrv D^ptf over thee as friends bearing rule, Jer. xiii. 21, cf. 
vi. 6, Job xx. 4, 1 Kings xiv. 2, Ezek. xxiii. 20; He gave him 
^r>? for favour before him, i.e. He caused him to find favour 
before him, Dan. i. 9; so also, still more involved construc- 
tions may be carried out, such as Eccles. vii. 22. 

On the other hand, verbs of fearing (because the idea of 
avoiding, doing nothing, is associated with them) almost always 
[825] like to be construed with IP before the infinitive, as, 
timuit ne, Judg. vi. 27, Gen. xlvi. 3; and an infinitive like 
esse may, as in the case previously mentioned, be omitted when 
any such preposition is used, provided the predicate can be 
clearly made out, as in Jer. xvii. 16, ii. 25. Yet (as in 
modern languages) even the feebler ? to, may also be enough, 
in the case of such verbs, before the infinitive, Gen. xix. 30; 2 
while the stronger nWn (see 329<x) always retains its }?. 

c. (3.) Both particles may be used when, by means of 
them, a preposition is made to serve as a conjunction (see 
222&). But, since several prepositions, without the [rela- 
tive] conjunction, also stand immediately at the beginning 
of the sentence, becoming themselves conjunctions, we have 
always to discern, in each particular case, whether the relative 
conjunction is necessary or not. The very short prepositions 
3 and 3 can never be without the support of ">^N, and are never 
placed before ""S ; thus, "i??&?3 while, when, and (of place) where, 
")Bfc3 sicut ; the prepositions T$ and ^.nts (or ">nN, Jer. xli. 16) 

1 Here, in the very loose style of framing sentences already noticed under 
307c, the accusative depending on the subordinate verb is placed before 
it, and only after that is the primary accusative with DK brought in ; cf . 
Ewald's History of the People of Israel, vol. iii. p. 188 [English transla- 
tion]. 

2 This case, accordingly, is similar to that of adjectives used in compari- 
sons (see317&), when, instead of fp before the infinitive (see 2856), there 
is merely used the feebler fj; as, rfrrh "l^tf too little to be, Mic. v. 1. 



DEPENDENT KELATIVE SENTENCES. 225 

are rarely used by themselves as conjunctions, whereas *W 
until, is more frequently employed as a conjunction, and to 
a more limited extent as a preposition, 'a spy or ">K'K npy 
(seldom merely 2PV) because that, S 3 DSN accept 7^, unless, 
\yd? in order that, with or without ">^'K ; on the other hand, 
~J3 lest, that . . . not, and D1&21 &e/bre to, which have become 
pure conjunctions, always remain without the [relative] con- 
nective particle. All the prepositions, of course, may sub- 
ordinate the verb more briefly in the infinitive construct, 
and ^ can never become a conjunction through means of a 
relative particle. 

3 3 7a. Here belong especially all simple propositions, intro- 
duced by particles, which indicate relation, and which, whether 
they precede or follow the main proposition, are always 
attached, or even inserted, in a mere loose fashion : 

1. Propositions which indicate some special modification or 
consequence of what is stated in the other, and which are intro- 
duced by the most convenient relative particle, the Latin ut, 
particularly in questions ; as, what incites thee (so much) 'a 
ruyn that tliou repliest ? Job vi. 11, vii. 12, xv. 14, xvi. 3, 
iii. 12 (where the imperfect is applied even to past time), Ps. 
viri. 5, Ex. iii. 11 ; or in expressions of astonishment, that 
we had died in Egypt, onNVin 'a that (instead) ye have "brought 
us out of Egypt, Ex. xvi. 3, Gen. xxi. 7, 2 Kings v. 7, Jer. 
xviii. 14, 15. If the consequence be more loosely attached 
to what precedes, and if, accordingly, the connection must 
rather be indicated by such an expression as so that, then, 
instead of 'a, there rather appears ^'K (see 333a), Eccles. 
vii. 21, Deut. xxviii. 27, 35, 51, 2 Kings ix. 37, Mai. iii. 19. 
The consequence, indeed, may also be expressed by the stronger 
1 dnd (see 342 ff.), and both modes of expression are, of 
course, closely connected in Hebrew; but the distinction 
between them is, that, when the two propositions are joined 
together by means of a relative particle, the consequence [826] 
is expressed in a far less smooth and even manner than is done 
when dnd is employed. More definite is *aa (see 221a) to 
such a degree that, Zech. ii. 4, but in other places also inas- 
much as, Mai. ii. 9. 

I. 2. Propositions used to indicate purpose and intention. 
When a preceding verb expresses causation, the simple that, 

P 



226 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 337. 

with the imperfect, is sufficient ; as, God has caused ^T?^ that 
people should fear Him, Eccles. iii. 14; i^n ">^ps "n"^ so 
shall I cause that you go (ut eatis), Ezek. xxxvi. 27, exactly 
in accordance with the construction explained in 333&. If, 
however, the clause stands more loosely by itself, the mere 
infinitive with p to do, is sufficient to indicate a purpose, 
whether the agent is thereby to be more exactly pointed out, 
as, WO for my giving, i.e. that I might give, 2 Sam. iv. 10, or 
not, as in Jer. xxxiii. 2, 2 Chron. xxvi. 15. If such a closer 
specification is wanting, and it is not more likely that the 
reference is to some other subject, the person of the infinitive 
is always that of the leading word mentioned. 1 Other ex- 
pressions, however, which serve to convey the idea more 
definitely, are \W& for purpose, (see 2226), and ittga ( 315c). 
These may be construed either as prepositions, meaning because 
of, on account of, in genuine Hebrew style, with the infinitive ; 2 
or as conjunctions, in the sense of in order that, with the 
imperfect, as, jnn "WJ[3 ut cognoscas, Ex. ix. 1 4, and in speak- 
ing of what is past, Win |jJDp ut cognoscaretis, Deut. xxix. 5 ; * 
however, fcfc T>K fjp i s found in the sense of in order that not, 
lest, Ezek. xii. 12. To give greater prominence to the purpose, 
i^Dp may be construed with the voluntative, as, TJBpK |JJfc? tliat 
I may recount, Ps. ix. 15 ; and, with still greater precision, ? 
may be prefixed to "W$D, which is then put before the infinitive 
(see 315c). If the purpose is easily inferred from what pre- 
cedes, it may be sufficient to employ the briefer construction by 
means of "iKfc simply (like our [German and English] that) with 
the imperfect, as Gen. xi. 7, Josh. iii. 7, Deut. iv. 40 (where, 

1 This remark comes to be of importance, e.g., in Ps. civ. 26, where the 
meaning certainly is, that God has created the leviathan to play with it. 
This representation, which seems so strange at first sight, is accounted for 
by the circumstance that the poet has before his mind the words of Job 
xl. 29, or rather refers to them as quite well known : a man may well 
avoid playing with him, but not his Maker. 

2 But never with the perfect ; in Josh. iv. 24 (as I noticed so far back aa 
1826), DDJO 11 must necessarily be read instead of DflKTS which has now 
crept into the text, but is quite incorrect. 

3 But since we must suppose that the imperfect originally stood in 
the voluntative, "It^K |i^? cons trued with the simple imperfect, and 
dropping the accessory idea of purpose, may signify with regard to this, 
that . . ., Gen. xviii. 19. 



DEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 227 



with greater perspicuity, \yoft is afterwards employed). And 
after a verb of motion, where a purpose is already indicated, 
the mere imperfect even is sometimes enough, as in Job xvi. 8, 
xxx. 28, Hab. iii. 16, Ps. Ixxxviii. 11, cii. 14. Of. Ewald's 
Gram. Arab. 618. 

To indicate the contrary, that not, there is used & "^N with 
the imperfect, like the Lat. ut ne, or simply ne, Gen. xi. 7 ; 
also (at least in poetry), a sentence of this kind may be closely 
attached merely by ta (see 320<x), Ps. xix. 14, or its equiva- 
lent, fei, Isa. xiv. 21. [827] But, while is extensively 
employed to indicate purpose and intention, w?? with the 
infinitive (see 3326) is frequently sufficient to mark the 
negative; 1 or, still more briefly, ft? (see 2176) with the 
infinitive, Job xxxiv. 30; but ft? may also be used simply 
with a noun as the predicate, if the preceding, closely con- 
nected verb leaves no doubt as to the meaning, e.g. Jahve hath 
rejected tliee SJ^BB that thou mayest not be king, 1 Sam. xv. 23, 

1 Kings xv. 13 ; 19 is employed as a conjunction, in the sense 
of that not, with the imperfect, only in Deut. xxxiii. 11, 
poetically. 2 Much more definite, however, is "|B (from the 
root nj3 5 to turn aside), which is construed with the imperfect 
as a brief expression for that not, lest ; this particle, however, 
is also used, like the Lat. ne, by itself [i.e. without indicating 
that the sentence which it introduces is dependent on another], 
in such a way that it almost describes merely the dread of a 
misfortune, rather than the wish to avoid it, as if it were said 
(/ fear) there might . . ., Gen. iii. 22, Ex. xiii. 17 ; frequently 
also, as it were in exclamation, that . . . not . . . / Prov. v. 6, 
Job xxxvi. 1 8 ; and hence, with the perfect to indicate fear for an 
action which may almost certainly be expected to have actually 
been accomplished already, like fir), as in 2 Kings ii. 1 6, x. 2 3, 

2 Sam. xx. 6. The expression which, in the Aramaizing style, 

1 According to the points, this word, in Jer. xxiii. 14, xxvii. 18, would 
be used even with the perfect; probably, however, we must read the 
imperfect instead, the 1 at the beginning of the verb-form having been 
dropped, after the final * of the connecting particle. For ptf in 1 Kings 
xi. 2, we must perhaps read ja. 

2 It would be arbitrary to suppose that we must read |3 instead; in 
Syriac, also, _j ^D, and in modern Hebrew -$D that not, are used with 
a following imperfect. 



228 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 337. 

most closely corresponds to this in meaning is nts>7 iBfo, Dan. 
i. 1 0, or HDJ^ Cant. i. 7, that he would lut not . . . / that not} 

c. 3. Sentences of time are formed 

(a) Most simply by Va <zs, or "itffcs (a more poetic word is 
tos, Gen. xix. 15) when, Lat. quum, describing the occurrence 
of an event (cf. 2 2 la). These are used with reference to 
an action that has once happened (like the German wie, als), 
as well as to the present and future, in which case the Lat. 
quum (Ger. wann) is employed, but not Lat. si (Eng. if, 
Ger. wenn), Job v. 21, Ps. xlix. 16, Ixxiii. 21, 22. But they 
are also used of duration in time past (when being in that 
case equivalent to as often as), with the imperfect (see 136c) ; 
or, because this verbal form gradually comes to be less and 
less used for continuance in the past, with the perfect, 2 Sam. 
vi. 13. The word has no influence on the tense of the verb : 
it is followed even by a circumstantial-clause with the parti- 
ciple, for the immediate future, in Num. xxxiii 51, xxxiv. 2 
(see 306c), or with the imperfect, for the [828] present, in 
Ps. xi. 3, Job xxxviii. 41. It is very seldom that 3, as a 
preposition, is put in immediate construction with the participle, 
for the preterite of duration (see 168c), Gen. xxxviii. 29 
(cf. the participle with nva in Jer. ii. 17). There also require 
to be noticed the abbreviated expressions "inap nja, prop, at 
the time to-morrow, i.e. when it is to-morrow, 1 Sam. ix. 16, 
and njn nys at the time reviving, i.e. when the year shall have 
been renewed, in the next year, or rather, spring, 2 Gen. 
xviii. 10. The simple "iPK (see 333&) is sometimes em- 
ployed instead of ^ ; cf. 1 Kings viii. 33 with 2 Chron. vi. 24. 
nya which, by itself, may mean at that time, then (if it were 
so, we would be . . .), Judg. xxi. 22, is also used, in relation 
to something else, for the very definite then when . . ., Num. 
xxiii. 23, Job xxxix. 18 ; and the article may then be used 
or not, just as in the cases mentioned in 332d 



1 For, since ]Vo\ simply, also occurs with the imperfect in the sense of 
that he would but not! and indicates dissuasion merely in a somewhat 
more lively manner than ^Jj (see Lagarde's Analecta Syriaca, pp. 13, 19), 
it is better to regard the nsjfc as superadded merely for the purpose of 
showing that what follows is not dependent on a preceding idea of fear. 

2 An exactly corresponding expression is . w i Vr>\ ; see the Jahrbilcher 
der lill Wissensch. x. p. 86 f. 



DEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 229 

(&) "^j? in that, when (Ger. indem), has more the sense of 
inasmuch as, because, the idea of time passing over into that 
of causation (cf. 222c). The purely temporal when, while, 
is contained in the infinitive construct with 3, Ps. iv. 2 ; and, 
that it differs from the simple 3 perhaps only in the same 
way as when differs from as (Ger. da and wie), is most clearly 
seen from passages in which both occur together, as in 

1 Kings xvi. 11. More definite in meaning is liy still, yet* 
which is found in circumstantial clauses with the participle, 
Job i. 16 (see 341e) ; regarding "W whilst, see 2170; 
1ty3 (see 222c) as long as, with a circumstantial clause, 

2 Sam. xii. 22, and in the same way "if'K r^'?? so long as, 
Esth. v. 13. The poetic construction JTO means in time that, 
i.e. as soon as, Job vi. 17, 2 Chron. xx. 22, xxiv. 11, xxix. 27 ; 
*&3 without [followed in English by a participial noun ; Ger. 
ohne dass, followed by the finite verb], Lam. iv. 14. 

(c) 0^9 2 not yet, is, in accordance with its fundamental 
meaning, directly construed with the imperfect as the mark 
of what is incomplete, whether the discourse treats of the 
present or the past (see 1366); it stands too, for the most 
part, in a circumstantial clause, preceded by the subject, Gen. 
ii. 5, 1 Sam. iii. 3, Josh. ii. 8 ; and, though it may also occur 
without previous mention of the subject, if this be easily 
understood, as in 5nn D^B thou dost not yet know, it is always 
construed as a circumstantial clause (see 341), Gen. xix. 4. 
It may also, however, be more briefly subordinated to a pre- 
ceding sentence, in the same way as our [conjunction] before, 
Ex. xii. 34, Josh. iii. 1 ; but this subordination is more 
definitely and generally expressed by means of &193, 2 Kings 
ii. 9, Jer. i. 5 ; it is combined with &6 (see 323&) in Zeph. 
ii. 2. Only very rarely does it appear with the perfect, in 
reference to past time, [829] Gen. xxiv. 15 (cf. ver. 45), 

1 This particle, though merely in an antique form, and not understood 

C / 

by later generations, has also been preserved in the Arabic, as, u^T^i par- 



ticularly in the expression ^j^aj ^JBJS. the tarrying of those who tarry, 
i.e. so long as people live, Hamdsa, p. 271, 6-8. 

2 The proper meaning is probably freshness, novelty, 'beginning, the word 
being a contraction of Qnj, Ruth iii. 14, Kethib, from the root rna (see 



230 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, 337. 

Ps. xc. 3, 1 Sam. iii. 7, just in the same way as W"*1JJ while 
. . . not yet, Prov. viii. 26 (cf. ver. 25), and the Aramaic HDnj? 
ere, before, Ps. cxxix. 6. CnBfc with the infinitive, Hag. ii. 15, 
is a compound like 1530 (see 218c). Moreover, ^.^ with 
an infinitive following, also means our [conjunction] "before, 
2 Sam. iii. 13 ; in circumstantial clauses, however (see 341a), 
even & alone, with the perfect, may signify not yet, with our 
pluperfect, Jer. xxxvii. 4 ; and &6 tolty with the imperfect 
may signify, while he had not yet done, Jer. xl. 5. 

(d) "JV until, with the infinitive construct, or the finite verb, 
as, "igte IV mfo7 ito . . ., 2 Sam. xvii. 13, "*? IV m&7 $ (they, 
etc.) became (see 315e), occurs only in 1 Chron. xii. 22, 
2 Chron. xvi. 12. With the representation of the end, or 
terminus, that of the purpose or intention readily associates 
itself ; until that = in order that, Job xxxii. 1 1 ; hence, in 
cases where the meaning of time predominates, it may also be 
construed with the voluntative, Lam. iii. 50, and, in narratives, 
with the imperfect in a preteritive sense, like donee pervenir em, 
Josh. x. 13, Ps. Ixxiii. 17, Eccles. ii. 3, 2 Chron. xxix. 34; 1 
K7 "IB>"K IV, irplv av, is even joined with the voluntative, Eccles. 
xii. 2, 6, like njP3"itf IV until I move my eyes, i.e. for a moment, 
Prov. xii. 19, instead of which we also find njrrjK "3 that I 
move, Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 44. The opposite of this mode of ex- 
pression is EN "W till if . . ., with the perfect (see 3555), fixing 
a definite limit in the future, or, more briefly, "IV, with the 
same force, 2 Kings vii. 3. 

(e) "ins tf/jter [as a conjunction, Ger. nachdem"], after that . . ., 
mostly with the infinitive, more rarely with the finite verb 
(see 336c); and, curiously, also "nriK a/jfcr swe&, ie. after- 
wards, is used again for [the conjunction] after, 2 Sam. xxiv. 1 
(cf. I?, 105d). 

TXip or TN \o from then (that time) that, i.e. smce 2 [as a con- 
junction, Ger. se^cfom], with the infinitive construct, or a noun, 
like [the preposition] since [Ger. seif], because TN (see 103e) 
refers more than the mere !*? to previous time; hence it is 
construed in either of these ways (see 222c), Ps. Ixxvi. 8, 
Ex. iv. 10, or with the finite verb, Ex. v. 23, Jer. xliv. 

1 Like CtJA.m~e in Coptic ; see Ewald's Sprachw, AbJiandl. i. 37. 

j O -J O -J 

2 With this ja,, x exactly corresponds. 






ORATIO OBLIQUA. 231 

18. But IP alone more briefly expresses the same meaning, 
Hag. ii. 16. 

(/) *$? as often as; ^3, Job xxxix. 25, always as soon as 
(see 209c) ; the same meaning is given in another way by 
"iBfc^?, 1 Isa. xix. 17. 

But, from all the simple sentences expressive of relation, 
there still remains a further step to 



(3.) Relative Discourse. 

3 3 Set. This is usually called indirect speech. The expression 
of discourse in this form is most necessary when a sentence, 
which was originally interrogative, depends on [830] a verb 
of hearing, or knowing and speaking : in this case, there still 
remain the same verb -forms that would be used in simple 
[i.e. direct] speech. Hence, when the future is treated of, the 
imperfect is mostly employed, as, she stood afar off, to know 
rU8$~ntD what will (i.e. would) be done, Ex. ii. 4 (cf. 136<f), or 
the participle for the immediate future, Judg. ii. 22. Where 
this constraint [regarding the employment of indirect speech] 
is not felt, the language, in its earlier stages, mostly seeks to 
retain the direct form of discourse, and in this it preserves 
much of its ancient simplicity ; cf. even cases like 2 Sam. 
xiii. 32, 2 Kings ix. 25. And though the indirect form of 
discourse, with its greater compactness and finish, may also be 
employed, yet it is, for the most part, found only in short 
clauses, where it is not long sustained, and even then, it often 
stands quite abruptly ; hence, it is only partly indirect : as, / 
have heard concerning thee as follows : thou art an interpreter of 
dreams, Gen. xli. 15; let the nations know nan B>foK (that) they 
are men, Ps. ix. 21, cf. 2 Chron. xxv. 19, Hos. vii. 2, Ps. 
Ixiv. 6 ; hence, the discourse may fluctuate between the two 
possible modes of construction, as in 2 Sam. xiii. 16, but this 
specially occurs only after the change from one member of a 
verse to another, Job xix. 28, xxii. 17, xxxv. 3. Brief clauses, 
relating to the future, are also readily subordinated by means 
of the infinitive with p, whenever the verb in them refers to 

w* 

1 Corresponding to UK and 5 



232 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 338. 

what is to be done (see 237c), whether the same person is 
continued or not ; as, he cried pj to judge (i.e. that he was going 
to judge) ; he expected r\m*?_ to produce (i.e. that the vineyard 
would produce) grapes, Ps. 1. 4, Isa. v. 2, Amos vii. 4, Ps. 
civ. 27, Jer. xviii. 7, xxxiv. 8, 9, xxxv. 8, 9, xl. 14, not to 
mention those passages in which the infinitive with is re- 
quired to express the idea of necessity, as Dan. ix. 2 (quos dixit 
complendos esse urbi). 

Gradually, however, there appear the beginnings of greater 
freedom in quoting thoughts under the form of relative sen- 
tences ; and it is just then that the voluntative comes to be 
largely used, and maintained for a considerable length, Isa. 
xxxviii. 15, 16, Job x. 14-18, xvi. 4, 5, xxiii. 7, xxxi. 1-4, 
Ps. xl. 4, Iv. 7-9, cxxjix. 8 ff., Prov. viii. 295, Isa. liii. 10, 11 ; 
hence also after ]$?? that he might know, Ps. Ixxviii. 6-8. 
Truly astonishing is the change which has finally resulted 
from this, in historical narrative : while the older writers quote 
almost every command and thought literally, the later like 
to subordinate these in the imperfect, with or without ^ or 
"i^K, as in Dan. i. 5, 8, 1 Chron. xxi. 18 (quite differently in 
2 Sam. xxiv. 18), N"eh. xiii. 19, 22 ; or, as is more frequently 
the case, they append them by means of the infinite with ^ 
which is at least a shorter construction, as, they said 15 n^J^ 
to do (i.e. that they were going to do) so; he told him fc^nnp to 
bring (i.e. that he was to bring), 1 Chron. xiii. 4, xv. 16, xvii. 
25 (the construction is different in 2 Sarn. vii. 27), xxi. 18, 
xxii. 2, xxvii. 23, 2 Chron. i. 18, etc., Esth. i. 10, 11, iii. 
13, 14, ix. 20, 21, Dan. i. 3, 5, 18, ii. 2, and even already in 
2 Sam. xxi. 16. Specially to be noticed here is the entirely 
novel method of employing the passive infinitive, Esth. ix. 14 ; 
as also the use of 3 to indicate the agent, 1 by the side of ?, 
joined with the infinitive in a passive sense, Esth. iv. 7 (see 
304c). Indeed, the passage !N"eh. x. 29-40 shows, in the 
[831] clearest manner, that the indirect mode, even when used 
on a large scale, and through a long series of sentences, had 
finally attained as high a degree of perfection as with us. 

I. In quoting a statement or thought, fc 'toK7 is used (see 
245 &, 280^); the speaker, however, may also begin a pretty 

1 [The passage cited is by no means an instance of such a use of 3.] 



COPULATIVE WOKDS AND SENTENCES. 233 



long explanatory statement even with "ifc'K (like on, Syr. ?, and 
Ger. ndmlich), as, 1 Sam. xv. 20, 2 Sam. i. 4 (cf. 2 Sam. iv. 10, 
where ">^K likewise signifies the Ger. ndmlicli, Eng. namely), 
Ps. cxix. 38. But also in sentences which are less closely 
connected with what precedes, the imperfect may express, in 
narrative discourse, what was to take place in accordance with 
the signified wish of another; as, every one N" 1 ^ was to bring, 
Cant. viii. 11. If, however, the quotation indicates what 
others think (or thought) will assuredly take place, the im- 
perfect likes to be preceded by its own infinitive absolute (see 
312); as, /^^ ^ am to sit (he thinks that I shall certainly 
do so), 1 Sam. xx. 5, xxii. 22: in this way is explained the diffi- 
cult expression Ps. 1. 21, in closely connected relative discourse 
(cf. 240c). And, since ] with the voluntative expresses the 
result aimed at (see 347a), thoughts of this kind may also 
be introduced by such a means of attachment, Jer. xxxvi. 7. 
The mode in which the narrative of what took place makes a 
rapid transition into an account of what was prescribed by 
contract, is shown on a large scale in 2 Kings xii. 1017. 

c. The way in which two sentences, of which the second 
would be a relative one, gradually blend together in an abbre- 
viated style of discourse, is shown by the case found in 2 Sam. 
xiv. 32, SW "OK Ty ^ nto letter (would it be) for me, if /were 
still there; here, however, the word still, which is prefixed for 
the sake of emphasis, refers to a state of things whici: would 
be better (if it existed). 



2. Copulative Words and Sentences. 
(1.) The usual Copulative Words and Sentences, with their opposite. 

339&. I. In accordance with an original peculiarity of all the 
Semitic languages, 1 the simplest copulation, by means of \ and, 
is so frequently formed, that it even takes place with two ideas 
of which the one, as less important, readily admits of being 

1 See Ewald's Spracliwiss. AWiandlungen, ii. pp. 38, 63. If any one wishes 
to see the sharp contrast presented, in this respect, by the rugged and 
inflexible Norse, let him compare especially the long Doem in Castreri'a 
KoibaliscJier und Karayassischer SL. pp. 169-208. 



234 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 339. 

subordinated to the other ; and this, too, is repeated in the 
conjunction of single nouns, as well as of whole verbs and 
sentences. Thus, a noun is often attached to one preceding 
it by means of and, when we would rather subordinate it by 
means of the preposition with, even after many other words, 
as in Num. xvi. 18, 27; this is particularly observed if the 
appended verb, in meaning, [832] refers more to the first than 
to the other, as Judg. vi. 5, 1 Sam. xviii. 6, xxv. 42, xxix. 10, 
2 Sam. xii. 30, Gen. xliii. 24, Jer. xix. 1, Isa. xiii. 9, xlii. 5, 
2 Chron. ii. 3, xiii. 11, Esth. iv. 3; greater artificiality seems 
displayed in Eccles. vii. 25, Dan. ix. 26, x. 1. Very rare, 
however, is the closer connection of two such nouns by means 
of the construct state, in addition to their copulation by means 
of the conjunction (see 210) ; it occurs only in Isa. xxxiii. 6, 
xxxv. 2, Ezek. xxvi. 10; cf. the similar construction nn^ nn^ 
every Sabbath (see 313&), 1 Chron. ix. 32. Cf. besides, p. 
38 and c. 

b. If a noun in the construct state (or a preposition) refers 
to several nouns, it is always to be repeated (see 289), unless 
those which follow attach themselves readily, in accordance 
with the meaning, to the first; as, BO*n J?n r\l\ flowing with 
milk and honey, Ex. iii. 8, and other examples in Judg. i. 6, V 
1 Chron. xxix. 2, Prov. i. 3. When there are several nouns, the 
construct state is often repeated with every one, or with every 
two, Jer. viii. 1, Isa. xi. 2. But the construct state, or the 
preposition, must always be repeated, if the first or second 
noun has merely a suffix, because this cannot be separated ; 
as, T3N nfoai Trta thy daughters and thy fathers, ^ 'HK ^3 my 
brother's sons and mine. If the same suffix refers to two nouns, 
they must, for that reason, both be given [with the suffix 
attached to each] ; as, vrto vja his sons and [his] daughters; 
and it is only in exceedingly rare instances that the same 
suffix is omitted in the case of the second, closely connected 
noun, as, rnop. *W my pride and praise, Ex. xv. 2 (repeated, 
from this passage, in Isa. xii. 2, Ps. cxviii. 14), cf. 1*7 3d, 
1 Sam. i. 9, 1 2 Sam. xxiii. 5. If, again, two nouns, whose 
reference is to be limited, have the same limiting noun, this 
word is subordinated to the first, and repeated with the second 

1 In this passage, accordingly (contrary to 304), the infinitive in the 
second clause stands as the infinitive absolute. 



COPULATIVE WOKDS AND SENTENCES. 235 



merely in the form of a suffix; as, vnni 2Nn \33 the sons of the 
father, and his daughters, or, the sons and daughters of the father, 
the father's sons and daughters. It is more rare to find two 
nouns, allied in sense and brief in sound, put in the construct 
state beside each other, as, faJ? 2iDl nnap the choice and the 
lest of Lebanon, Ezek. xxxi. 16, Dan. i. 4; in such a case, the 
first noun may also remain in the absolute state, as, /ini npp 
D^K despised and forsaken of men, Isa. liii. o, 4, Iv. 4. Or, 
the preposition ?, as a sign of the genitive, is brought in as an 
auxiliary, Gen. xl. 5 ; or, the mere article is sufficient for re- 
ferring one of the denned nouns to its logical position, Gen. 
xl. 1. Similarly abbreviated is the expression IT &] W$ mine 
eyes and not a stranger, Job xix. 27, where, had it not been 
necessary to repeat the word in the construct state, it might 
have been said, (the eyes) of a stranger. A rare abbreviation 
is presented by the expression the sins of their fathers DflN with 
them (i.e. and their own sins), Lev. xxvi. 39; but the meaning 
is plainly enough given by the context there. A preposition, 
and words of similar character, are not always repeated [833] ; 
but, in that case, the word [before which the omission is made] 
holds more of a subordinate position, considering the meaning 
of the whole, 1 Kings i. 44, Job xix. 24. 

If, after some interval, a new noun be joined in this way 
to the person contained in the verb [as its subject] or in the 
suffix, or to a substantive, then the preceding noun is readily 
repeated, in the form of its personal pronoun, before the new 
noun, in order to receive sufficient distinctness and importance 
in comparison with the noun which follows; as, HJJN nyr 
TnhKI ihou knowest, thou and thy Jathers, Deut. ii. 32, iii. 1, 
v. 14, vi. 2, xii. 7, 12, 18 ; this construction, however, is not 
so necessary in the case of the suffix, as in the case of the 
accusative, Isa. xxix. 7, Ezek. xxxiv. 26, Zech. v. 4. On the 
other hand, constructions like V^J&O fefln nvj David, lie and his 
men (i.e. David with his men), 1 Sam. xxx. 31, serve to give 
prominence to the first noun as the more important ; cf. 
1 Kings i. 17. 

A description which begins with an adjective may 
also, at least in poetry, be continued by another in which 
a noun comes first, according to the way mentioned in 
287/, g; as, Ezek. xxxi. 3. 



236 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 340. 

c. If a verb, or an adjective as the predicate, or a pronoun, 
refers to several such subjects connected by the copulative 
particle, then there arise different possible forms of relation: 

(1.) When the predicate precedes, it is (a) most frequently 
put in the masc. sing., as the most convenient form (cf. 316a), 
even though different genders and numbers follow ; as, NJ 
?ipj rnin there goes forth praise (fern.) and a loud voice (masc.), 
Jer. xxx. 19, 1 Sam. xxvii. 8, Gen. xxiv. 55. More rarely 
(5) is the predicate put in the plural form, because the speaker 
takes in all that follows ; as, V3M 7iKK> tfio dead are Saul and 
his sons, 1 Sam. xxxi. 7. Or (c) it is put in the feminine, with 
reference to the gender of the word which stands first, whether 
sing, or plur.; this is especially the case when the feminine 
indicates a person, Gen. xxxiii. 7, Num. xii. 1. 

(2.) "When the predicate follows, it stands (a) usually in the 
plural, whether several nouns in the singular, or one or several 
plurals precede, Gen. xxxiii. 7. (&) It may stand in the 
singular, only when one person is the chief (see a) ; as, "OK 
D1VK ''rnjttl. I and [or with~\ my maids will fast, Esth. iv. 16, 
Ex. ix. 19, xxi. 4, 2 Sam. xx. 10, ISTeh. vi. 12, cf. ver. 17 (in 
2 Kings iv. 7, even the 1 would be wanting, if the reading 
were correct); or when the nouns have more of a neuter sense, 
or are almost synonymous, Deut. xxviii. 24, Hos. iv. 11, Esth. 
iv. 14. (c) The masculine is, in this case also, the most con- 
venient, Gen. xxxiii. 7, 2 Chron. xi. 12; it is put in the singular 
when the first noun is masc. and the second fern., Zech. vii. 7, 
Prov. xxvii. 9, and even when the converse is the case, Ps. Iv. 6, 
or even when the first noun is plural, 1 Kings v. 8, vi. 7 ; it 
is seldom that the feminine is used, in reference to a noun of 
that gender which stands last, Job xix. 15, or because the 
feminine is more important, Jer. xliv. 25, xlix. 24. 

A similar irregularity takes place when the verb, in 
accordance with its meaning, is at once referred to the 
noun which, at the moment of utterance, seems much the 
nearer and more important ; as, life and grace hast thou 
shown to me, Job x. 12. 

340a. In accordance with the same simplicity of the lan- 
guage, new sentences are attached, whenever [834] possible, by 
means of 1; and all through, in the arrangement of connected 
propositions, there prevails the same plan of simple annexation 



COPULATIVE WOKDS AND SENTENCES. 237 

to one that was first stated by itself. The copulative particle 
attaches, not merely a proposition which, in the ordinary calm 
progress of discourse, connects itself with the preceding one, 
but also 

(1.) An antithetical proposition. The particular word, how- 
ever, with which the antithesis is especially concerned, must then 
(contrary to the usual arrangement in calm discourse, 3 7 f .) 
always receive strong prominence by being placed at the be- 
ginning of the proposition ; so that it is not the \ which indi- 
cates the antithesis, and of itself signifies lut, but the position 
assigned to the words, the tone of the discourse, and the com- 
parison of the proposition with that which precedes; as, he 
called the dry [land] earth, and (but) the collection of water he 
called sea, Gen. i. 10. It is only when no other word can 
easily be placed at the beginning, for the purpose of indicating 
the antithesis clearly, that its antithetical meaning sometimes 
follows merely from the connection existing between the pro- 
positions ; as, jni. but know, Eccles. xi. 9, xii. 1. (Of. further, 
354a.) 

I. (2.) A thought which, in meaning, is more of a subordinate, 
explanatory character, is attached by means of \ as soon as it 
can take an independent place as a proposition ; nearly every 
thought, however, continues to appear, when possible, as a 
proposition by itself. Hence, though a proposition which indi- 
cates a comparison may also be loosely attached in the same 
way, whether the comparison comes after, as in Job v. 7, 
xii. 11, or precedes, as in Job xiv. 11, 12, 19, Prov. xxv. 3, 
20, 25, 1 yet this construction rather forms a distinctive 
feature in the somewhat later neat style of certain poets. 

The copulative J, especially in later writings, is also used, 
at times, for superadding something new and of importance 
for the same proposition already stated, like our even, and 
that too ; as, Judg. vi. 25, vii. 22, Mai. i. 11, Eccles. i. 5, iii. 
17, viii. 2, 1 Chron. ix. 27, 2 Chron. viii. 13, xxix. 27. Of. 
something different in 352&. 

c. (3.) It is placed before an exclamation, rarely, indeed, 
yet in undeniable instances, as Jer. xx. 12, Joel ii. 23, 2 Sam. 
i. 21 ; in the same way also we must understand Deut. xxxiii. 3. 

1 See similar propositions indicating comparison, in poetic discourse, 
Hamasa, p. 234, 14 f. 



238 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 341. 

This use of 1 is very important, inasmuch as it also serves (as 
in Arabic) for our ~by, to introduce an oath, Joel iv. 20, Amos 
ix. 5, Hos. xii. 6, Jer. xxix. 23, Isa. li. 15, Deut. xxxii. 31, 
Ps. Ixxi. 19, Ixxxix. 38, because all these passages are 
correctly understood only in this way. But these propositions 
or individual words, employed in swearing, were doubtless, at 
first, properly sentences indicating a circumstance or state (see 
341), but uttered as exclamations; thus, for (or, as sure as) 
God is witness ! an expression which is only afterwards used 
more briefly in the sense of ly God ! l 

[835] 341a. The most important point to observe here is, 
that propositions describing a circumstance or state [circum- 
stantial clauses] 2 (see 306c), which serve to elucidate the 
main proposition, are attached to it in this way by means of 
the copulative 1, both being, as it were, placed on an equal 
footing. When such a construction is formed 

(a) The proposition which indicates the state is usually 
placed only after the main proposition, and thus takes the ] 
at the beginning. The subject regularly stands first (see 
306c) ; and this rule is so very strictly observed, that if the 
subject of the subordinate proposition is a noun already men- 
tioned in the leading one, it must be repeated, either itself, or 
at least in its pronoun ; as, he smote the camp ntpl rpn njntsrn 
and the camp was quiet, i.e. while the camp was quiet ; Saul 
spake . . . "M?K TtitW] and Saul thought, i.e. thinking ; they came 
to her niB* wn\ and she (was) sitting, i.e. while she was sitting; 
and in the same way, they came 3W Di?1 while Lot was sitting, 
Judg. viii. 11, xiii. 9, 1 Sam. xviii. 17, Gen. xix. 1, xxiv. 21, 
Ps. L 17, Prov. vi. 27, 28. Even & (see 299a) has a 
posterior position assigned to it, in order that what is, in 

1 That short, concluding words like <d!U originated, in Arabic also, 
from complete propositions describing a circumstance, is evident, for in- 
stance, from the solemn concluding formula aJJ! y&. as sure as God is . . ., 
Haret. M. ver. 82, though this closing verse has been misunderstood by the 
Scholiasts. A trace of such confirmatory oaths, used in concluding, is 
found even in 2 Mace. ii. 17, 18, 2 Cor. i. 21, 22, and in similar proposi- 
tions ; but they still occur in Syriac also, as in Assemani's Bibl. Orient, ii. 
p. 260, 21. 

2 [Regarding these, see also Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, Appendix L 
p. 200 ft] 



CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES. 239 

meaning, the true subject, may occupy the first place, Isa. 
xliii. 8, cf. Prov. xi. 24, xvii. 16 (xiii. 7). The subject always 
comes first in this way, if the verb is in the participial form 
(according to 168c), whether the discourse be a narrative of 
what is past, or an account of the future, 1 Sam. x. 8, or of the 
present, Ps. xxxv. 5, 6. This is also the rule even when the 
meaning demands the perfect, because the action has already 
been completed along with that of the main proposition ; as, 
they prophesy, EWfe K? "OKI and (but) / have not sent them, i.e. 
without my having sent them, Jer. xiv. 15 ; and in narrating 
past events, in which case the perfect indicates either that the 
action was already finished [before that which is mentioned in 
the other proposition], and is thus equivalent to our pluperfect, 
as, njA DWnw and Absalom had taken, 2 Sam. xiii. 18, 
or at least that it is more transitory, not permanent, 1 Sam. 
xviii. 17. If, however, there comes first an emphatic word, 
which necessarily precedes the verb, like nan behold, which 
even of itself refers to the circumstance described, then the 
finite verb, according to its usual position, may remain at the 
beginning of the proposition, as, Gen. viii. 13, cf. Ex. xvi. 10, 
ix. 7, 1 Sam. xxv. 14, Ezek. xliii. 5, xliv. 4 j 1 so, too, in the 
case of KP not, which is always put first, in an emphatic way, 
as in Job xxxii. 14, xiii. 3, Ps. xliv. 18 ; cf. Ewald's Gram. 
Arab. ii. p. 264. In the case of a proposition without a verb, 
too, the subject is indeed regularly put first, as, Gen. ix. 23, 
xi. 4, xii. 6, xiii. 7, Ps. xxviii. 3, 1. 8, cxxxix. 16, Prov. xv. 16, 
xvii. 1, Hos. iv. 4 ; yet a smaller word may also stand at the 
beginning (see 308a), as, save us 07? W^ *w\ when (or 
because) vain is the help of men, Ps. Ix. 13, Lev. xiii. 4, Gen. 
xlix. 10,2 Kings x. 2 ; and then it gradually comes to be 
even very common to prefix accessory descriptive propositions 
(see 111), as, he came nstf") 5T31 while [836] there was (i.e. 
holding) in his hand a burning coal, Isa. vi. 6, Amos vii. 7, 
Zech. ii. 5. It is only in poetry that a finite verb is put last, 
without giving renewed prominence to the subject, Job x. 3c. 
b. In several cases, however, such a subordinate proposition 
may actually be put in closer construction, and subordinated 

o / / 

1 This is quite the same kind of construction as \vhen, in Arabic, j^* , 
with the perfect, comes first, 



240 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, :;4i. 

in the accusative, without the copulative particle (see 279) 
as if it formed a dependent clause. Thus 

(1.) Instead of 13DD pfctt or ">>pD K7) and there is no number 
(see 286^), may be used the shorter emphasis "'Spp ftf or 
"iBprp &6 without number, Judg. vi. 5 ; but the \ remains before 
pK when this is followed by a participle, which is regarded as 
containing a more complete proposition, Lev. xxvi. 6, Gen. 
xli. 8, cf. ver. 15. 

(2.) Generally speaking, mere noun-propositions are readily 
subordinated in this way ; as, he pitched his tent, Bethel on the 
west, and Ai on the, east, i.e. in such a manner that he had . . ., 
Gen. xii. 8 ; he stood Dipftn n*i enough of space (i.e. so that there 
was enough of space) between them, 1 Sam. xxvi. 13, Ps. 
xlv. 14 : similarly, / saw every man, his hands on his loins, i.e. 
in such a state that he was holding his hands on his loins, 
Jer. xxx. 6 (see 284&). 

(3.) But verb-propositions also, chiefly participles, are sub- 
ordinated in this way, either (a) without a new subject, and 
hence as briefly as possible, as, MJB WSJ they went out, taking 
up their position, i.e. in such a way that they took their stand, 
Num. xvi. 27 (with which compare the expression, not yet 
contracted in this manner, in Ex. xxxiii. 8), Judg. viii. 4, Jer. 
xli. 6, xliii. 2, 1 Chron. xii. 1, Ezra x. 1, Mai. i. 7, Hab. ii. 15, 
Hag. i. 4, Ps. vii. 3, Ixxviii. 4, Job xiv. 20, xxiv. 5, xxix. 12 ; 
or (&) in such a way that the subordinated proposition would 
have a new subject for itself, as, there met him Hushai JJVii? 
in:Dfi3 his garment torn (i.e. in such a condition that his garment 
was torn; see 284c) and earth on his head, 2 Sam. xv. 32, 
where V^jJ (contrary to 2885) is preferably put in the absolute 
state (and hence njns with the suffix), in order to give greater 
prominence to the subordinate circumstance, though there is 
nothing, in the nature of the case, to prevent the construct 
state from being used ; cf. 2 Sam. xiii. 31. It often becomes 
necessary, on account of &6, or a corresponding negative (see 
320a), to employ the finite verb, in the imperfect, as signify- 
ing duration, Ps. xxxv. 8, xxi. 12, Ivi. 5, 12, cxl. 11, Job 
xxix. 24, xxxiv. 31, Prov. v. 6, xix. 23, Nan. i. 12 ; or in the 
perfect, when this form is more suitable for the meaning and 
the mode of representation, as Judg. v. 19, Job ix. 25, iii. 18, 
Deut. xxi. 1, Ezra x. 6 ; indeed, even a negative proposition 



CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES. 241 

of considerable extent may be briefly attached in this way, as 
in Judg. v. 8c, where the subject is intentionally placed first. 
But an affirmative proposition may also be subordinated in 
this manner, at least in the brief poetic style ; thus, with the 
imperfect, those who sit late DiP.v'V j wine inflaming them (i.e. 
while wine inflames them, where the active construction 
forces its way in more easily than the passive, inflamed with 
wine), Isa. v. 11, i. 5, Ps. xxvii. 5, Ixii. 5, cvii. 5 ; most rarely 
with the perfect, as, hasten hither rpw DQCnp having commanded 
judgment, Ps. vii. 7, Ivii. 4, Ixxi. 3. [837] Still more rarely 
does the predicate, in the form of the participle, come first, 
when it is of more importance, as regards meaning, than the 
subject, which is not new in the sentence, Ex. xxvi. 5, xxxvi. 
1 2 ; but it is very seldom that the imperfect, so used, comes 
first, in a more loosely attached new proposition, as in Ps. 
ciii. 5b.* 

All this reappears most briefly in cases such as, he thrust 
the spears into Absalom's heart ^ Wtiy he still living, i.e. while 
he was still living, 2 Sam. xviii. 14, Ps. Ixix. 4 ; and in its 
boldest form, the proposition being at the same time prefixed, 
in Job xiv. 18, Prov. xx. 14, Dan. ix. 21 ; in the case of a 
noun-proposition also, Ps. iv. 3 ; such a proposition may even 
be further inserted into a circumstantial clause, as, inw wni 
te'S3 SjfQfor he, warned (i.e. if he had taken warning), would 
have saved his soul, Ezek. xxxiii. 5. Verbs of sense, on the 
other hand, readily subordinate a participle, as a secondary 
object (see 384&). It is very seldom that, in spite of such 
abbreviation, the \ is retained, as in Hab. ii. 10, and in narra- 
tive, 2 Sam. xiii. 20, Dan. viii. 2*7. 2 Similarly, \ is dropped 
when a word of this kind, used to represent the circumstantial 
clause (see 332&), is immediately attached to a noun intro- 
duced in the construct form ; as, on account of the, ground 
being (i.e. because the ground is) terrified, Jer. xiv. 4, 2 Sam. 
xii. 21. It is merely because the word which describes the 

1 If we were here to think of the construction, so that thou renewest thy 
youth (see 124&), we should expect 'BHfinn. 

2 In these cases at least the same person is continued ; in Judg. xiii. 19, 
with rriC^ K*6aoi and it moves strangely (for the words in this connection 
cannot well mean anything else), there is also a change of the person, in the 
middle of the narrative. See something similar below, 342&. 

Q 



242 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 341. 

circumstance is in this case not co-ordinated (according to 
293), but more loosely attached, that it appears as the pre- 
dicate to the preceding noun. 

c. (&) If the circumstantial clause is more loosely inserted 
in a somewhat lengthy series of narrative statements, so much 
the more faithfully must it maintain its peculiar form ; for 
the most part, however, it still retains the \ and, as its intro- 
ductory particle, as Gen. xviii. 11, xxiv. 11, Josh. vi. 1. But 
when a greater separation is made, the ] may also be omitted, 
partly, perhaps, because another specification of time is placed 
at the head of the proposition, as in Judg. xviii. 1, partly 
because the subject is at once put first, as in Deut. v. 5. 

Even at the beginning of a new discourse, the \ of the cir- 
cumstantial clause may remain, under the tacit assumption, 
however, that some other words have previously been expressed, 
or are obviously to be understood, as in Num. xii. 14 (where 
the verb in the perfect with the infinitive absolute prefixed, 
in accordance with 312& and 3385 very well indicates, in 
a more lively manner, what might have taken place), xvi. 11, 
Ps. ii. 6, Isa. iii. 24 : in all these passages, there is an inter- 
ruption produced by a statement which is, as it were, angrily 
torn from its connection. 

(c) Lastly, if, in fuller accordance with the meaning, the 
circumstantial clause is placed first, in order to describe there- 
after the event taking place under those circumstances (whether 
the past, present, [838] or future, is in question, Josh. ii. 18), 
then the subject must always remain distinctly at the begin- 
ning, unless, for a special reason, the predicate remains first, 
as receiving exceptional and much more decided prominence ; 
thus, when the perfect, after 5JK merely, and its own infinitive 
absolute (according to 312a), only the more strongly 
expresses our pluperfect, 1 Gen. xxvii. 3 ; and the action 
which occurs under that condition of things, previously de- 
scribed, is then attached by means of the copulative particle. 
If it be a sudden and unexpected event which, like a disturb- 
ing element, breaks in upon the calm state of things, it is 
again represented as actually going on, the subject being placed 

w/ 

1 Just in the same way as, in Arabic, the perfect after jj. remains at 

the beginning. 



CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES. 243 

first ; but the whole clause is at the same time made strongly 
antithetical. 1 The first proposition may (a) contain a parti- 
ciple, as, thy children were eating and drinking (i.e. during the 
feast), when lo, a great storm came ; or, they were going up (i.e. 
while they were going up) wyo ntam and they found (i.e. then 
suddenly they found), Job i. 1 6 ff., 1 Sam. ix. 1 1, Isa. xxxvii. 
38, Gen. xxxviii. 25, 1 Kings xiv. 17, 2 Kings ii. 12, 23, 
vi. 5, 26, ix. 25, xx. 39 ; it may also (6) contain an imperfect, 
Prov. xvii. 11, xix. 3, cf. Ps. cxvi. 3, 4 ; or (c) the meaning in 
the first proposition may require the perfect, as, Jacob had lout 
(i.e. scarcely, hardly, as in Prov. xvii. 11) gone out $2 1*OT and 
(i.e. when) Esau came, Gen. xxvii. 30, Ex. x. 13, Judg. 
iii. 24 ; or (d) still another turn may be suitable, Gen. vii. 6, 
10, xix. 4, Num. x. 33, 2 Kings x. 12 , Jonah iii. 4, 1 Chron. 
xxviii. 2, Ps. Ixxviii. 3 Of. In the second proposition, the 
event which suddenly occurs may possibly be in the participle 
also, as in 2 Kings viii. 5, Dan. ix. 2 Of. ; usually, however, 
it is in the simple perfect or imperfect, 1 Kings i. 14. But, 
at other times, the main proposition in the narrative is imme- 
diately attached, in a smoother way, by using the [finite] verb 
with Vav consecutive (see 342), Gen. xxiv. 1, 2, Deut. 
xxvi. 5, Judg. iv. 4, 5, 1 Kings xiii. 11, when the participle, 
as regards its meaning, almost corresponds to a perfect parti- 
ciple in Greek, 2 Sam. xi. 4. If, however, a question or an 
interjection follows, the copulative particle is almost always 
omitted, Gen. xlix. 29, 1. 5, Ex. iii. 13 ; it may also be omitted 
under other circumstances, as Prov. xxii. 1 5, and in the grand 
instance, Ps. xix. 4, 5 : 

Without loud speech, and without words, 

Without their voice being heard, 
Their sound has gone through all the earth, 

And their language to the world's extremity? 

[839] e. If the subject of the circumstantial clause is quite 

i 

1 In Arabic, under such circumstances, \\ would stand first, along with 

the subject ; see Ewald's Gram. Arab. 740. 

2 I.E. the heavens, though they do not speak aloud, nevertheless make 
known God's praise everywhere. The two members of ver. 4 correspond 
to one another ; and it was unnecessary to put K s< l at the beginning of 
ver. 5, to indicate antithesis (see 354a). 



244 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 342. 

indefinite, the mere combination of the participle with it is 
sufficient to indicate a possible case ; as, Fin 73 every one killing 
(i.e. if any one kills), Gen. iv. 15, 1 Sam. ii. 13, Prov. 
xxix. 9, Jer. xxiii. 17, cf. Eccles. v. 18. And since there is 
already contained in the participle, as such, the reference to a 
person, a participle which has been purposely left indefinite 
may, in poetry, even of itself form the proposition in this 
case ; as, P^V ^ D one ruling, just, i.e. if one rules justly, 
2 Sam. xxiii. 3, 4, Job xli. 18. 

Moreover, when mention is to be made of an event which 
unexpectedly occurs, a simple proposition, which is not of the 
nature of a circumstantial clause, may be followed by another, 
in which greater prominence is assigned to the subject by 
being placed [immediately] after the 1, while the verb-tense 
in its simple [i.e. unconverted, see 342 ff.] form comes after, 
as Gen. xxii. 1, 2 Kings iv. 40, 2 Chron. xiii. 15, xxvi. 19, 
2 Sam. xxiv. 11, Esth. vi. 4; in this case the Arabic would 

o 

use Jl. 
* 

342. II. From this usual feeble \ and, we must carefully 
distinguish the stronger, more significant dnd (see 2315). 
This latter has a strongly connective and retrospective force ; 
it presents the word with which it is connected as conditioned 
by, and issuing from, what precedes ; hence it expresses a 
sequence of the second from the first, a necessary progression 
from the first to the second, and consequently, an internal 
reference on the part of the second to the first. It is briefly 
named Vav consecutive (or relative) ; and is our more pointed 
dnd, or and thus (so), so that, also then. This Vav of sequence, 
accordingly, is one of the most important elements of the 
language when consecution of time is concerned, as well as in 
the mere consecution of ideas and thoughts. According as this 
Vav, however, is combined with the various kinds of words, it 
falls into three species : 

1. Vav consecutive of the imperfect and perfect (see 231-4) 
is the most frequent and important ; the form, too, in which 
it is expressed is quite definite and distinct. For, in this way, 
the consecution of time comes most directly and clearly into 
view, the Vav of sequence being more closely united with the 
tense of the finite verb, in such a way, too, that the action 



COPULATIVE WOKDS AND SENTENCES: VAV CONSECUTIVE. 245 

likewise enters a new line of sequence ; viz., that which actually 
exists (the perfect) advances to new stages of development 
(the consecutive imperfect), while that which does not yet 
exist (the imperfect) is represented as progressing towards 
actuality (the consecutive perfect). Both combinations, how- 
ever, have their own peculiar meanings, as well as the simple 
tenses ; and though the corresponding simple tense often 
precedes (i.e. though the simple perfect is frequently found 
before this consecutive imperfect, and conversely), yet a 
proposition in any other form may also serve as the basis 
on which to lay one of these two Vavs of sequence. 

[840] (a) The consecutive imperfect, accordingly, for the 
most part occurs in the narration and representation of what 
once took place and is absolutely completed ; as, W "IDK he 
spake and it was done, or, after he had spoken, it was done t 
fioto JV&O thou sawest and didst rejoice, or, having seen it, 
thou didst rejoice ; it is found with a transition from the 
present to the past, in Job ii. 3, xi. 3f., Ps. xxxrv. 2 Of. But 
that which, though already completed, yet, as being finished, 
reaches down to the present (see 1356), may also be in- 
dicated by this compound form ; as, what is man ^njnw 
that Thou Jcnowest him? Ps. cxliv. 3, Isa. li. 12f. ; this one 
has come as a stranger BiD^ ti&vfa and yet he always goes 
on judge -judging, Gen. xix. 9, xxxi. 15, 2 Sam. iii. 8 (cf. 
the present in the Septuagint), Jer. xxxviii. 9, Ps. xxix. 10, 
cxix. 90, Amos vi. 9, Nan. i. 4. In mentioning a wish, too, 
the speaker may attach its expression to the preterite ; as, 
nrnni thus my soul would choose . . ., i.e. thus I would 
rather wish . . ., Job vii. 1 5 : this is especially the case 
when the discourse arises out of the precative (which is 
explained in 2235), Ps. cix. 17 f., 28b. Eegarding the 
future, cf. c. 

(&) The consecutive perfect is used with reference to 
&. (1.) The present, especially in the case of actions that 
may frequently be repeated, or which last for a time ; as, one 
flees from a lion and comes on a lear JttB* D*, Amos v. 19, 
Nah. iii. 12, Job vii. 4, Jer. xviii. 7-10, and after the parti- 
ciple, Gen. ii. 10. But in an account of past actions which 
continue for a time, or are frequently repeated, the imperfect 
may likewise be used in the first proposition; as, mist arose 



246 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 342. 

(used always to arise, during the long period), and watered^ 
hence njji^'ni n!?y* the ground, Gen. ii. 6 : or the participle (see 
306c), as Gen. xxxvii. 7 (in describing the vision as it was 
when present to the dreamer's mind), Josh. vi. 13, Isa. vi. 2, 3, 
Dan. viii. 4, Jer. xviii. 3, 4 ; or anything else whatever, since, 
for instance, in the midst of an account of what once happened, 
there may be further attached something that lasted longer, or 
that was repeated, 1 Sam. i. 3, vii. lof, xvi. 23, xvii. 20, 
Gen. xxx. 41 f., xxxviii. 9, 2 Kings vi. 10, xxi. 6 ; the con- 
secutive perfect may also arise out of a preceding participle, 
2 Sam. xvii. 17 (where all these propositions merely present 
another form of expression for our whilst, during the time that) ; 
or similarly from an infinitive absolute (see 280&), 2 Sam. 
xii. 16. Especially in the account given of a work, a build- 
ing, etc., where so many individual points require to be briefly 
mentioned, there is also a strong tendency to pass over into 
this representation of one as present, 1 Kings vi. 32, 35, vii. 8, 
Neh. iii. 1 4 f . ; nay more, a transition may further be made 
into what is perhaps even a more brief mode of representa- 
tion, viz. that in which the passive participle is employed 
(cf. p. 241, footnote), 1 Kings vii. 3, 7, 10. Instead of this 
more rare mode of narration, however, there is a beginning 
already made, particularly among later writers, in employing 
the construction more common in descriptions of the past (see 
a), the verbs being put in the form of sequence, and in the 
plain form, so that the colour of the discourse varies much, 
particularly in certain passages, Gen. xxxvii. 7, Ex. xvi. 21, 
Num. xi. 8 f, Jer. xviii. 4, xix. 4, 5, Job i. 4, 5, [841] Euth 
iv. 7, Ps. Ixxviii. 34f., 40 ff. 1 When, merely for the sake of 
liveliness, the past is depicted as if it were present, the 
discourse readily reverts to the usual construction, Judg. v. 2 6, 
Prov. vii. 12, 13, Ezek. xxxvii. 2, 7, 8, 10. 

(2.) To the future (see 136d); as, Dhfe] ^ he will go and 
then fight. Even when the discourse, at its opening, employs 
the perfect in the sense of a future which is already quite 
certain (see 135c), change is made, in what follows, into this 

1 The change in the place of tone (see 234c) appears not to be made in 
"flyifc^ Job vii. 4, if, indeed, this is not rather to be regarded as a pausal 
form ; for, that it is not neglected in other cases, even when the past is 
spoken of, is shown by passages like Amos iv. 7, Jer. vi. 17. 



COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES: VAV CONSECUTIVE. 247 

less impassioned form of statement, Gen. xvii. 20, Deut. xv. 6, 
cf. Ps. xx. 7 ; it is only very seldom that this change appears 
more in the body of the discourse, or that the form in which 
the sentence was begun is continued somewhat longer, as if 
the eye of the prophet were wholly and solely engaged in the 
contemplation of this certainty, Mic. ii. 13, Isa. ii. 9 (cf. vers. 
11, 17), v. 15, viii. 23, on to ix. 6, xxxii. 14. Moreover, a 
conclusion may also be at once drawn from the present and 
past to the new present, or the future ; as, there is no fear of 
God here ^"}pl and hence (because this is the case) they will 
kill me, Gen. xx. 1 1 ; this hath touched thy lips "ipl and so thine 
iniquity shall depart, Isa. . vi. 7, Jer. iv. 1 0, Ps. Ixxx. 1 3 f., 
2 Sam. vii. 810. The second member may likewise be 
interrogatory (see 320&), Ex. v. 5, Job xxxii. 16, Ezek. 
xv. 5, xviii. 13, 24; in this way we must understand Wptf], 
Ps. cxli. 6, as meaning, and should they hear that my songs are 
joyful ? 

In the same manner, and with equal propriety, this form of 
the verb follows the plain imperfect in all its various con- 
structions and shades of meaning, and even the voluntative 
and imperative, provided only there is an unimpassioned 
progress in the discourse ; as, ^3?) s'^~||i lest he come and then 
smite me, Gen. xxxii. 12; ^tpp] tt?.1 let them go and gather, 
Ex. v. 7 ; tol?!? Jtta slay and then lury him ; fi"}P^ ^T speak 
and (so as to) say. But even when the imperative or volun- 
tative would be used by itself, it rather appears transformed 
into the mode of expression employed in calm discourse, when 
the context prefers smooth and easy consecution, as, Ps. 
xxv. 11 (see 3445), Ezek. ii. 5 ; the attractive force of this 
Vav of sequence is so great that even the precative particle 
*O~ (see 246a) may remain, Gen. xl. 14. 

343. Instead of the second kind [of this Vav of sequence, 
viz. that which is joined with the perfect], which, on the whole, 
comes to be less and less used, 1 there frequently and readily 
occurs, particularly in poetic writers, the stronger first kind 
[viz. that with the imperfect], when the past and present are 
spoken of, and a somewhat stronger connective force is really 
appropriate ; hence it is employed when the case stands alone, 

1 In the Mishna, indeed, traces of it continue to be found, as Berachotli 
iii. 4, 6, but these are very few. 



248 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 343. 

without being continued, as in Job vii. 17, 18, ix. 20, x. 22, 
xii. 22-25, xiv. 10, 17, [842] xxxi. 27, 34, xxxiv. 24, 
xxxvii. 8, xxxix. 15, Ps. xxxiv. 8, xlix. 15, Hi. 9, Prov. 
xx. 26, 1 Sam. ii. 6, Amos ix. 5. This extended application, 
however, of the stronger of the two modified tense-forms, 
is never carried so far as that the consecutive imperfect 
would be employed where the imperative, as a simple tense, 
or rather as a simple mood, is required by the sense (see 
3426). 

But the present, and even the future, is also readily repre- 
sented, by the fancy of the poets, in the simple perfect, and 
with Vav consecutive of the first kind [viz. of the imperfect], 
as if the thing were already seen and certain ; this is particu- 
larly the case in shorter propositions, and when new figures 
are introduced, often with beautiful variety, but never in 
lengthy propositions; thus, Job xx. 15, xxiii. 13, xxiv. 2, 
10-16, 20, xxx. 12 f., Ps. vii. 13f., 16, xxii. 30, Iv. 18 f., 
Ixiv. 8ff., ex. 5, 6, Isa. ii. 9, 11 (cf. ver. 17), v. 15 A 
perfect, with or without t6 inserted in a sentence, has then 
obviously more the meaning of a conditioning clause (see 
355 f.), Lev. xx. 18, 20, cf. ver. 19, .Num. xxx. 12, cf. 
ver. 15, Ezek. xxxiii. 4-8. The clearest cases are presented by 
those passages in which the simple form of the perfect (which 
might be succeeded by the consecutive imperfect) suddenly 
occurs in a description of the present and future, in order 
briefly to indicate what was then as good as complete and 
certain (futurum exactum), Job v. 20, xi. 20, xviii. 6, xix. 27, 
Ps. xxxvii. 20, Hos. x. 5, 15. 

&. Thus the two simple tenses cross with the two modified 
ones (as they may briefly be designated) ; but so do these, 
again, in turn, cross with their opposites. When the discourse 
becomes most highly animated and impetuous, the imperfect 
with the simple \ and [i.e. not the Vav of sequence (" Vav 
conversive"), but Vav copulative] may always be repeated in 
rapid succession ; as, Isa. v. 29f., xix. 20, Job xi. 10 with 
reference to the future. On the other hand, in descriptions 
of the present and past, the imperfect prefers to assume its 
relative form (see 231), but this without any addition, or 
with the simple }-, as, Job xiii. 27, xviii. 9, 12 ff., xx. 23-28, 
xxvii. 20-23, xxxviii. 14, Ps. xi. 6, xviii. 12, xxvi. 6, 




COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES : VAV CONSECUTIVE. 249 

Prov. xv. 25, Isa. xii. 1 ; cf. 233a, 3466 y 1 and it is very 
obvious that these least common modes of representation are 
continued only so long as appears convenient. These two 
tenses may fitly be named the reduced ones, inasmuch as they 
happen to be employed in cases where, in Latin, a brief and 
rapid outline of events is sketched by means of a series of 
mere infinitives. In actual fact, however, the progressive 
imperfect results from the decomposition of the second, while 
the progressive voluntative arises out of the dissolution of the 
first modified tense-form ; hence, there are, properly speaking, 
six tense-forms in Hebrew. But, of course, the reduced forms 
did not originate till a period when we can, as it were, see 
them rising before our eyes ; while the two modified tenses 
reach back into an early age, regarding which we can but 
form conjectures. 

[843] c. Besides this gradual transition of the second tense 
into the first (indicated in a), there are found, in the last 
period of the language, the traces of a complete breaking up 
of both tenses in the following phenomena : (1) The modified 
imperfect with \ is used instead of the second tense : this 
construction, which is, properly, but a further advance in the 
usage mentioned in &, is found so early as in Joel ii. 20, 
Mic. iii. 4, vi. 14, Lev. xv. 24, xxvi. 43, then much more 
frequently, in Ezek. xiv. 7, xxxiii. 31, Isa. Iviii. 10, lix. 10, 
xxxv. 1, 4, 6, Dan. viii. 12, xi. 4, 10, 16-19, 25, 28, 30, 
2 Chron. vii. 13 f., xxiv. 11, Ps. civ. 32 ; cf. also the remarks 
already made in 232A, 233a. From passages, however, 
like 2 Chron. xxiv. 11, we may clearly infer how easily, in 
is case, the plain tense also was, by degrees, simply substi- 
tuted for the modified one, as in Aramaic and Arabic. For 
(2) the plain perfect is sometimes used, in the same way, 
instead of the modified imperfect, Jer. xxxvii. 15, 2 Kings 
xiv. 7, xxiii. 4, 5, 8, 10, xii. 14, Ezra viii. 30, 36 ; and this 
construction is already prevalent in Ecclesiastes [i. 13, 16, 
ii. 5, 9, etc.]. Lastly, we have to observe that, in accordance 
with the Aramaic idiom, instead of the second simple or 
modified tense, the participle, indicating continuance (see 
168c), forces its way into descriptions in which duration 

1 In cases like Eccles. xii. 4-6, however, an additional determining 
<jlement is the specification of time, as explained in 337c, d. 



250 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 344. 

is marked, Esth. ii. 12-14, 20, iii. 2, viii. 17, ix. 28, 
2 Chron. xvii. 11. 

344$. Thus, this Vav of sequence occurs in cases wherever 
any kind of progress, or a development of the action, is con- 
ceivable ; it is always the most convenient means of attaching 
what is new, and is developed out of that which stands at the 
beginning; it is, as it were, the constant lever of the narrative. 
It is possible, for instance, to say WK 1 ^ ^K / am able dnd 
see, i.e. to see ( 285c). Any verb, even one which is merely 
explanatory, may readily be attached in this way, especially 
if the series to which it belongs has already assumed this form 
of expression ; as, "isnj l$ji and he returned dnd spake, i.e. again 
he spake (see 285a) ; but a verb with a meaning similar to 
that of another also readily changes from the simple form into 
this one, the conjunction meaning dnd, so that, Job x. 8, Ps. 
vii. 15, Mic. iv. 8. Finally, the sequence need not necessarily 
be connected with the very last particular mentioned, but may 
proceed from anything whatever that precedes, Jer. v. 7, vi. 14. 

1). The consecution of thought, however, is presented in such 
a way that (1) a conclusion is drawn from what goes before ; 
as, BiJJ} so it was confirmed, Gen. xxiii. 20, Joel ii. 27. (2) What 
follows is the more pointedly attached to a thought which, 
though incomplete, is emphatic through being prefixed ; or it is 
attached to a particular idea ; and what was broken off is again 
joined on more closely: the conjunction then corresponds in 
meaning to our so, so that, e.g. ^n Da T>rrt lEWa* and his con- 
cubine (with regard to her), then, she also bare, Gen. xxii. 24, 
Isa. xliv. 12, Jer. vi. 19, Job xxxvi. 7, Dan. viii. 25, xi. 15, 
2 Chron. i. 5 (where we must read Df ), nrte) IQW $d? for Thy 
name's sake, then (or, therefore), Thou wilt pardon, or simply, 
then pardon, Ps. xxv. 11, Isa. xliv. 14, 1 Kings ii. 6. This con- 
struction frequently occurs after a statement of time, abruptly 
put first; as, on^T? y$ in the evening, then shall ye know, Ex. 
xvi. 6, 7, xvii. 4, [844] Gen. iii. 5, xxii. 4, Jer. vii. 25, Prov. 
xxiv. 2 7 ; also, after an interrogative proposition which requires 
a new reference and inference, as, what is man that Thou knowest 
him? (see 342&) where, however, ""3 that may also be used 
as the connective particle, in the same way as with us (see 
3 3 7a) ; and lastly, after a protasis which takes the form of 
a relative proposition, as after $! "because, 1 Sain. xv. 23, 



COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES : VAV CONSECUTIVE. 251 

he who, whoever, Ex. ix. 21, where, however, this closer attach- 
ment of the apodosis may also be omitted. 1 

345a. There are cases, however, in which these two tense- 
forms, employed in consecutive discourse, though still capable 
of being used in complete accordance with the idea of the 
passage, are nevertheless set aside in favour of the simple 
forms. For, in the former, the Vav and the verb-form are 
connected in the closest and most inseparable manner, so that 
the meaning is conditioned by the combination formed. If, 
however, another word than the verb necessarily forces its way 
in at the beginning of the proposition, so that the copulative 
particle cannot but be immediately prefixed to that word, 
while the verb follows it, then that combination is broken up, 
and the whole form thereby destroyed ; the members of the 
compound, accordingly, now appear by themselves, and stripped 
of accessories, viz. the simple copulative particle, and the 
corresponding simple tense-form, which would be used if there 
were no such consecution of discourse ; hence, 3ro~l for sto}, 
and Stop, for 3roi. This takes place (1) with *6, which must 
always precede the verb (see 320&), but cannot stand before 
the conjunction ; the operation of this influence extends even 
to such a case as Mic. vi. 14 (mentioned in 343&, c). More- 
over, since this 1 retains its consecutive force, *?[ before the 
imperfect may even signify that not (i.e. in order that . . . 
not, lest), whether it be the present or the future that is 
spoken of, Ex. xxviii. 35, 43, xxx. 2 Of., Lev. x. 9, Deut. 
xvii. 17 (cf. ver. 20), 1 Kings ii. G, Jer. x. 4, xi. 21, Jonah 
iii. 9, Neh. vi. 9, and similarly, after Wl has previously been 
used, Jer. xxv. 6, xxxvii. 20, xxxviii. 24f.; here it is to be 
observed that the 1 joined with this N^ may gradually be 
dropped, so that this case exactly corresponds to that of the 
Latin ne, Ex. xxviii. 32, xxxix. 23. Further, the } used with 
the perfect of sequence may also mean that, in the sense of in 
order that. (2) The same separation is made in the case of 
any other word which the sense requires to be prefixed, e.g. for 



1 In 2 Chron. viii. 9, i^x also, in the sense of [the conjunction] that, 
before fc^, seems to form such an apodosis ; the Septuagint wholly omits 
the word, and in actual fact the passage would be better without it. The 
case is too exceptional to allow the thought that it is an imitation of the 
Syriac construction by means of 5. 



252 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 345. 

the sake of forming an antithesis (see 309); thus, 
fr^i?"!, Gen. i. 10. Even in cases where the Vav of sequence 
is maintained, however, there may likewise be a slighter anti- 
thesis, either because the proposition consists merely of the 
verb, or because no other word can have the antithesis attached 
to it; but this is rare (see 340a), Jer. iv. 10, xxx. 11, Ps. 
vii. 5, Ixxiii. 14, Job iii. 26, xxii. 13, xxiv. 22, xxxii. 3. 

~b. Especially in the case of protases of considerable extent 
and importance, however, the [845] consecutive arrangement 
is always unwillingly abandoned ; so that, in order to keep up 
the consecutive force, the appropriate Vav, with the simplest 
substantive verb, njj to be, is first prefixed by way of pre- 
liminary ; the proper verb then follows, either with the Vav 
of sequence again, or, more loosely, without this, in the simple 
tense-form. 1 This happens most frequently before a new 
specification of time (where it seems 'really more important to 
mark the progress of the events), and before any word having 
the same meaning ; more rarely before other stronger protases, 
but never before the monosyllabic a6. Thus (1) W; as, 
15 *?.(!! "''T.l and it came to pass afterwards, that . . .; iNM W 
and it came to pass in his coming (i.e. when he came), that 
; 'TlD.fi^? *^n NTI and it came to pass, he worshipping (i.e. 
while he was worshipping, see 341c), that . . ., Isa. xxxviL 
38 ; and it came to pass, the best valleys had been filled (i.e. after 
they had been filled), a circumstantial clause, Isa. xxii. 7, 8, 
2 Kings viii. 21 (in 2 Chron. xxi. 9, wn is omitted, to the 
detriment of the text) ; ft'BJ Dnx^n NT$ and it came to pass, 
iJwse who were, left (Lat. si qui superant) fled, 1 Sam. x. 11, 
xi. 11. Other cases still, of rarer occurrence, are found in 
Num. ix. 6, 1 Kings xviii. 12, xx. 6, Ezek. xlvii. 10, 22. 2 

1 For something very similar in Coptic, see Ewald's Sprachwiss. Abhand- 
lungen, i. p. 37 if. It is precisely this peculiarity of style which is so much 
imitated by the Hellenistic in its use of xett eysvero, until, in Luke, it 
gradually becomes more and more of a loose, floating expression, which is 
continually presenting itself. 

2 In these two passages of Ezekiel, nVT) is placed before the imperfect 
merely because the latter may then introduce a circumstantial clause (see 
3416). But, in ver. 22, we must next strike out of D'Harta the i? (which 
also offends against what is laid down in 244a), and translate thus : then, 
when ye divide it among yourselves by lot for an inheritance, let also the 
strangers . . . be . . . 



COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES: VAV CONSECUTIVE. 253 

Not till a very late period does it give way to the feeble }, in 
cases where it would be employed, were the style more classic, 
as Ezra ix. 1, 3, x. 1. (2) rrrn (on which see 3426); as, 
fcttnn Di*n rpni and it happens (shall come to pass) on that day, 
when . . ., QK rpni ^ then, if (i.e. whenever), Gen. xxxviii. 
9, Num. xxi. 9 ; also, in many similar instances, as before the 
accusative of time, Isa. xxx. 32 ; x cf. besides, Gen. iv. 14, Ex. 
iv. 16, xviii. 22, Deut. vii. 12, 1 Kings xvii. 4, Isa. iii. 24, vii. 
22, Hos. ii. 1. It is but rarely, and more in somewhat later 
pieces of composition, that n^rn is used for 'rm, 1 Sam. xxv. 
20, 2 Sam. vi. 16 (1 Chron. xv. 29), 2 Kings iii. 15, Jer. iii. 
9, and 'rn for n^rn, 2 Sam. v. 24 (1 Chron. xiv. 15), and in 
the Book of Euth ; these, however, are not unexpected inno- 
vations (see 343). It is also an innovation to make such 
a rvm refer, by agreement in person, etc., to the nearest sub- 
ject, as in Jer. xlii. 16 f. The simple form W also occurs in 
this way, in excited discourse (see 343&), Job xx. 23. 

Since, however, such a parenthetical proposition also may 
pass into the current of discourse, it is often only the deeper 
meaning which pervades the whole that enables us to decide 
where the main proposition is resumed. 

346$. At a full stop in the narrative or representation, [846] 
the verb may follow, designedly stripped of this indication of 
sequence (i.e. in the plain tense-form), an explanatory and acces- 
sory action being appended, without any copulative particle ; 
as, 1 Sam. vi. 12, Gen. xxi. 14, Num. xi. 32, Isa. iii. 26; cf. 
349&. It is seldom that the verb which describes an acces- 
sory action is attached by means of the simple }, as in Gen. 
xxi. 25, xxviii. 6, Amos i. II. 2 

&. If, again, in simple narrative, the [simple] imperfect is 
sometimes continued, after ] and other words, when we would 
perhaps expect to meet with the simple perfect, it will be found, 
on closer inspection of such cases, that there is always some- 
thing simultaneous, or of considerable duration, described; as, 
Ex. viii. 20, 1 Chron. xi. 8, 2 Sam. ii. 28, xv. 37, 1 Kings i. 1 

1 Here, every passing over is to be regarded as such an accusative of time, 
and equivalent to as often as (the rod) passes over; cf. further, on ver. 31 f., 
what is stated above, on p. 185. 

2 In Arabic, however, the use of the simple . comes to preponderate 
very much in such cases, so that j , on the whole, is more rarely employed. 



254 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 346. 

(cf. ver. 2), viii. 8, xx. 33, Jer. lii. 7, and in the Kethib 1 Sam. 
xxvii. 4, Josh. xv. 63. But, in poetry, the modified imperfect 
may also, of course, be retained when it is separated from 
its 1, and even when this is dropped; as, Job iv. 12, Prov. 
xxiv. 32, Ps. xviii. 12, Ixix. 22, Ixxviii. 15, 26, 29, 45-50, 
Ixxxi. 7 , cvi. 18 f., cvii. 6, 13 f. ; the simple \ is also inten- 
tionally joined to the imperfect in Ps. cvii. 19 f., 26 ff., in 
accordance with what is stated in 343&. The modified 
perfect is more frequently retained in this way, at least among 
the poets; as, Prov. i. 22, ix. 4, cf. ver. 16, Job xxviii. 10, 
cf. ver. 11, Isa. viii, 8, xi. 8, xiii. 10, xviii. 5, xxx. 32, Hos. 
iv. 10, Mic. i. 11, ii. 4, Zech. ix. 15, xiii. 9, 1 Ps. xi. 2, xxii. 22, 
Ivii. 4, Ixiv. 6, even after JS (see 342&), and the infinitive 
with p indicative of design, Ps. xxxviii. 1*7, Job v. 11, xxviii. 25. 
The case is different when the perfect has been inserted as a 
short circumstantial clause (see 341&). 

c. When any parenthetical proposition begins, whether it be 
a relative one with iKfc who, ^ for, etc., or a circumstantial 
clause (see 341), the simple tense-form always reappears. 2 
The perfect may then, in a representation given of things 
which once occurred, indicate what was at that time already 
finished, and thus express OUT pluperfect (see 135, 341&, c) ; 3 
[847] also, quite simply, after W and a specification of time 
(see 345a), as in Gen. viii. 13. For the same reason, in the 
second great division of time [viz. the future], the perfect, 



1 But, in Isa. xxviii. 2, it is better, for the sake of clearness, to read 
instead of rvan : he (this mighty one whom God has already in His hand, 
viz. the Assyrian) throws it (the crown) to the earth with force. Notice has 
already been taken of the similar phenomena that appear in Arabic ; see 
Gram. Arab. p. 347. 

2 It still remains a strange fact that the imperfect ^ns" 1 is used after 
-)>K in simple narrative, even twice in reference to the same thing, 2 Kings 
viii. 29, ix. 15; in 2 Chron. xxii. 6, however, the perfect is found instead, 
and perhaps H3 11 was a provincialism for n3n Equally strange, at least 
when the accents are considered, is nniO in 2 Kings xxi. 13 : we rather 

T T 

expect nh)D, with an accent joining it to what follows. 

3 A most remarkable construction is O^Ha?*! and they went . - . they 
had gone, 1 Sam. xvii. 13, where the verb, first placed in sequence, is after- 
wards more definitely explained as the pluperfect by its own perfect ; cf. 
ver. 14. 



COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES : VAV CONSECUTIVE. 255 

introduced in this way, may denote our future perfect, Isa. 
xvi. 12 (cf. a similar construction with nnt?? before, Zeph. 
ii. 2). 

d. That TN then (as 1 Kings ix. 1 , even in the apodosis), 
and some other similar particles, may be construed, in the 
same way as the strong '}, with the modified imperfect, has 
already been mentioned in 2336. 

3 47 a. 2. The Vav of sequence before the voluntative and 
imperative expresses mere consecution of thought, by referring 
the consequence to the volition, or by representing the voli- 
tion, and the endeavour after what is to be attained; as the 
consequence and conclusion resulting from a possibility pre- 
viously before the mind. It is, for the most part, only an 
expression of an excited and impassioned character, for the 
Vav of sequence with the perfect, after words which occur 
somewhat abruptly, as in Ex. xii. 3, xv. 2, Gen. xlix. 25, Ps. 
lix. 13, Ixix. 33, Jer. xiii. 10 ; but is especially used for the 
purpose of stating the design of the previous action, and thus 
corresponds to the Latin ut with the subjunctive ; as, *H n 
1^,1 desist, that I may (thus, when thou dost desist) speak ; 
'$?} v ^rpan let him alone that he may curse (i.e. let him curse 
without being disturbed), 1 Sarn. xv. 16, Prov. xx. 22, Jer. 
xvii. 1 4 ; hence i&O that not, lest, 2 Chron. xxxv. 2 1 ; who is 
wise |1J] so that he understands this ? Hos. xiv. 10, Ps. cvii. 43, 
Jer. ix. 11, Mai. i. 10, Ezra i. 3 ;* God is not man 1W] that 
He should lie, Num. xxiii. 19 ; Thou desirest not sacrifice njri^ 1 ! 
that I should give them (if Thou didst require them), Ps. 
li. 9, 18, Iv. 13, xlix. 10, bum. 15, xxvii. 6, ix. 10 f., lii. 8, 
Hos. vi. 1, Jer. v. 1, Zech. x. 6, 1 Sam. ii. 10, Ex. ii. 7, 
xiv. 4, 17. The imperative, however, is employed in this 
way with great brevity and force, prescribing the certain con- 
sequence, as if it were an imperat. futuri; 2 let him pray for 
fhee rprn and live (i.e. that thou mayest then live, as I wish), 
Gen. xx. 7, xii. 2, xlii. 18, Euth i. 9, 2 Kings v. 16, Job 

1 Here we must strike out i,T, or read niJT instead ; cf . ver. 5 and 
2 Chron. xxxvi. 23. 

2 Something very similar, and stronger, is often found in Ethiopia (Liber 
JubiL c. 2, p. 10, 4 ; c. 3, p. 14, 11. 16 ; Ethiopia version of Gen. iii. 14-19) 
In the other cognate languages, such an imperative is more rare ; cf. how- 
ever, Kolle, On the Bornu Language, p. 245. 



256 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 348. 

xi. 6, Ex. iii. 10, and still stronger instances in 2 Sam. 
xxi. 3, 1 Kings i. 12 ; in the strongest cases, even the con- 
junction is omitted, Ps. ex. 2, in the same way as stated in 
I. This mode of construction also, though more rarely, 
follows immediately on an action which is represented simply 
as past, so that it corresponds to the Latin construction of 
ut with the imperfect subjunctive, Isa. viii. 11, xlii. 6 (cf. 
xliv. 24), Lam. i. 19 ; it is also employed in negative pro- 
positions, in which even the simple &6 [without 1] is sufficient 
(see 345a), Neh. xiii. 19, 2 Chron. xxiii. 19. The strongest 
use is made of it in cases like Job vi. 10, where an actual 
wish follows. That such a voluntative may easily be re- 
peated in the same way as any imperative, lies in the nature 
of the case ; [848] it may also, however, at any time readily 
pass over into the tranquil flow of discourse, through the 
employment of Vav consecutive with the perfect. 

I. Since, then, the second proposition always thus pre- 
supposes the first as its condition, the first may also be stated 
merely with reference to the second, so that the double whole 
forms a brief expression, in the shape of a challenge or 
demand, for conditional propositions ; as, bring an advice "iBrvj 
that it may le frustrated, i.e. if ye bring an advice, it shall 
(assuredly) be frustrated ; vrn OBh'n seek me and live, i.e. if ye 
seek me, ye shall live, Isa. viii. 9, 10, Amos v. 4, 6, 14, Prov. 
iii. 3, 4, iv. 6, 8, 10, xvi. 3, xx. 13, Jer. xxv. 5, xxxv. 15, 
Gen. xlii. 18, 2 Chron. xx. 20 ; both are joined in Ex. viii. 4. 
Hence, there is a beginning made in the direction of completely 
dropping the and before the second proposition (which must 
state the consequence of the hypothesis or condition), and 
thereby only connecting the two propositions the more closely, 
because the second would now be utterly impossible without 
the first ; as, cast it down *n\ that it may lecome, Ex. vii. 9, 
Prov. iii. 7, 8, y. 15-18, Ps.'xxxvii. 3, cf. ver. 27, xlv. 17 f., 
1. 14 f., li. 10, 16, Ixxii. 3, 5, cxviii. 19, cxix. 17, 145,lxi. 8, 
ciii. 5, cxl. 9, Job ix. 32, 34, xl. 32 ; cf. Ewald's Gram. Aral. 
ii. p. 271. But here also (as in 345a) *6, or another word, 
may destroy the union, Isa. viii. 10, 2 Kings xviii. 32, Prov. 
xix. 25. 

3 4:8 a. 3. Again, } in any other connection also, and before 
any word, may indicate consecution of thought ; as, Wtt know 



COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES. 257 



tlien (therefore), Ps. iv. 4, 2 Kings iv. 41. Mai. iii. 6 ; 
rp'f'n then tliou wilt hear, 1 Kings viii. 30, 32, 34, 36, 39, 
cf. ver. 43, where the \ is omitted, because it merely indi- 
cates the apodosis, and wyoan without the emphatic thou, in 
ver. 49 ; or thus, thy father s servant (as regards that), TSD ^1 
such was / formerly, but now ^13$ ^N1 / am thy servant ; 
2 Sam. xv. 34, thy hope (with regard to this) Drn # (cf. 
3036), or, in English, merely that is the integrity of thy 
ways, Job iv. 6, xv. 17, xxiii. 12, xxv. 5, xxxvi. 26, 1 Sam. 
xxvi. 22, 1 2 Sam. xxii. 41, xxiii. 3, 4, Ps. cxv. 7, 1 Chron. 
xxviii. 21, and likewise before a circumstantial clause, Ps 
cxli. 5. This \ is also used for the purpose of giving an 
immediate answer to a question, Job xxviii. 2 f. (where, 
accordingly, it also stands before the plain perfect). Before 
the imperfect verbs (see 299), it must express sequence of 
time, Gen. v. 24, Isa. xli. 17, Prov. xii. 7. In this case, 

/ 
accordingly, it has become exactly the Arabic .J. 

&. Hence also the compound |??i now therefore (or, thus then) 
may be used, Isa. viii. 7 ; but this indication of sequence is 
usually omitted, when it [viz. the consecution] has already 
been expressed by another particle at the head of the pro- 
position. But, on the other hand, after this Vav of sequence, 
with its modified tense-form [849] to which it is inseparably 
attached, the interrogative particle n also disappears ; 2 so that, 
in cases like wjtoj, in the sense of and do I wait ? or, should 
I wait ? Job xxxii. 16, the interrogative meaning arises merely 
from the context ; so also Ps. cxli. 6. 

349a. III. The opposite of each of these two chief kinds 
of 1 and, is formed, both in the case of single words, and in 
entire propositions, by 

(1.) Self-explanatory, or self-corrective discourse ; as, i^n 
to} in his soid, viz. his blood, Gen. ix. 4, xi. 30, 1 Kings 
xiii. 18, Hab. ii. 4, Isa. xxiii. 4, Amos iii. 1 ; also as in Ps. 
xix. 810. In particular, two verbs which describe what 
were, originally, simultaneous states or acts, often come more 

1 Here, Tanchum correctly explains it by _ . 

2 The sole example would be JVfiSrp, Prov. xx\v. 28 ; but see the Com- 
mentary [of Ewald] on the passage. 

I? 



258 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 349. 

closely together (see 2855), in order, as it were, by their 
juxtaposition, to afford mutual explanation ; as, she has been 
made desolate, sits, i.e. sits desolate, Isa. iii. 26, Ps. xlv. 5, Job 
xxviii. 4, xxix. 8, Prov. xxiv. 32, xxvii. 12, Jer. ii. 20, ix. 9 ; 
and in this way, merely by not employing and, circum- 
stantial clauses even of considerable extent may be reduced to 
a quite short form, as Isa. xlix. 2. This is still more obvious 
in the case of whole propositions, particularly in poetic dis- 
course, as Joel ii. 8. 

(2.) Discourse in which a climax is formed, often in a flight 
of oratory, 2 Sam. xxiii. 3, Jer. xxxi. 21, xv. 7, Joel i. 14, 
Amos iv. 5, Job xxxii. 15 f. ; or, in order to depict the fulness 
of the things, Job xx. 17, Prov. xxii. 5, Ps. x. 3, Lam. ii. 16, 
or the rapidity of the actions, Judg. v. 27; or in a long, and 
what would be an endless enumeration of homogeneous things, 
Gen. i. 11, cf. vers. 12, 21 ; in this case, also, it may per- 
haps be only the third word from which \ is dropped, as in 
Ps. xlv, 5, 9, Deut. xxix. 22, 1 Kings vi. 7. The same thing 
may happen in the case of entire propositions, as Prov. i 4 f. 

(3.) Brief, abrupt discourse, Judg. v. 13, 2 Kings xi. 13 ; 
the same construction is also employed for making an addi- 
tional remark, 1 Sam. xxii. 15, or in rapid enumeration, Isa. 
i. 1, Ezek. x. 12, Ps. Ixxxviii. 2. 

By means of such a condensed, compact mode of description, 
also, there is often formed the most appropriate style for a brief 
proverbial saying, a kind of composition exactly suited for monu- 
mental inscriptions ; as, Prov. xxvii. 12 (see 2855), a proverb 
whose colouring is already changed in xxii. 3 (see 3576). 

I. There are also connected expressions in which }, from a 
desire for greater condensation, gradually disappears ; thus 
especially v ^ n (on which see 325&), *fa "TO to generation 
of generation, Ex. xvii. 16, or ^"H "TO to generation of genera- 
tions, for "HJ "rt to generation and generation ; cf. the similar 
contractions in Mic. vii. 12, Nah. iii. 8. Moreover, there 
are found such combinations of words as Db?BJ PiDW yesterday, 
the day before yesterday, i.e. generally, formerly; 1 *?\> nnnp 



1 On the other hand, jw>$n "IHE, 1 Sam. xx. 12, is, the third next day 
(see 220&), i.e. the day after to-morrow, ,"inD as a name indicative of 
time, being fern, (see 174cQ. 



CHANGE OF CONSTRUCTION IN A SENTENCE. 259 



[850] hastening quickly, Isa. v. 26; SKnrn "13 a stranger and 
sojourner, Gen. xxiii. 4, Lev. xxv. 35, 47, and the same also, 
without 1, in ver. 47b. 

350a. As the perfect and imperfect are the sole main 
divisions and supports of the verb, so also, according to the 
form which the Hebrew has now attained, all the various other 
modes in which the idea of a verb may be apprehended, 
always revert, in the progress of the discourse (with or without 
the copulative particle), to those two leading forms. In the 
beginning of the discourse, the style of expression may be 
more definite and forcible, or, on the other hand, it may be 
more brief; but when the discourse proceeds in a calm and 
dispassionate manner, all the different shades resolve them- 
selves once more into the two leading ones ; and it is, for all 
this, indifferent whether the second proposition is introduced 
by the and, or not (see 349). Hence 

(1.) The stronger modes of expression return to the ordinary 
ones ; even an exceptional perfect or imperfect is not long con- 
tinued (see 135c, 342/). The imperative and wluntative 
forms are continued only so long as the vigour of the discourse 
is still fresh, 1 and are, therefore, rarely maintained through 
several verbs ; yet it is precisely in their case that such a 
continuation is still most frequent, Ps. xxii. 28, xlv. 11 f., Gen. 
xli. 3436 : the discourse usually changes at once into the 
unimpassioned representation of what is to be done, hence, 
into the imperfect, Judg. vi. 39c, or the perfect with the Vav 
of sequence, Deut. xxxiii. 7. Accordingly, ?$ is correctly 
followed by t&], Amos v. 5, 1 Kings xx. 8 ; so also, the im- 
perative is not used at all, whenever the description of the 
sequence becomes predominant, 1 Sam. xii. 14 : nevertheless, 
when the tone of the discourse becomes more urgent, the 
voluntative or imperative may always be resumed, Ex. xiv. 2, 
2 Kings x. 3, xi. 8, Isa. ii. 9, Job xi. 13 f. ; and it is only in 
the case of the modes of expression mentioned in 347 and 
338 that these forms are often kept up for a longer time, Job 
vi. 8-10, Ps. v. 12, 2 Kings v. 10. So, too, the force of the 
infinitive absolute (see 280, 328) does not last long: it 
soon resolves itself more quietly into the appropriate tense- 
form ; and even &6 not, whenever it comes in, anforces this 
1 Cf. J. Zimmermann's AJcra LangiKige (1858), i p. 111 



260 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 350. 

transition, since the inf. abs. never stands except by itself, as 
TbTF frO flins, "breaking, not sparing ! Isa. xxx. 14, xxxi. 5, Iviii. 
6 f., Jer. ii. 2, xxiii. 14, Job xv. 35, Ps. Ixv. 11. No parti- 
ciple, too, used as a circumstantial cause, remains long in its 
peculiar form, whether the consecution of time demands the 
Vav of sequence, with its appropriate tense-form, or not, Prov. 
vii. 8, Isa. vi. 2, Ps. xix. 2 f. ; nor can the participle readily 
stand in this way with &6, and even when it is so joined, in 
poetry, it at once resolves itself again into the finite verb, 
2 Sam. iii. 34. 

b. (2.) The briefer modes of expression are not maintained. 
The infinitive construct, which is a short form presenting the 
general idea of the verb, and merely dependent on the context, 
resolves itself once more, as the discourse progresses, into the 
usual current mode of speech ; thus, ^ft&D ^^7 to make (i.e. in 
order that he may make) the land a desolation, and destroy its 
sinners, Isa. xiii. 9, 2 Chron. xvi. 7, [851] Ex. viii. 5, 1 Sam. 
iv. 19, Amos viii. 6, Hos. ix. 7, Mic. vi. 16, Jer. xxx. 14 f., 
Prov. i. 4 f., Josh, xxiii. 7 ; hence also, teach (us) to number 
(i.e. that we may number) our days, and that we may bring 
(K3J1 voluntative, according to 224&) a pure (wise) heart, Ps. 
xc. 12. 1 In like manner, the participle, which is another 
means of briefly expressing a relative proposition (see 168& 
and 335a), is changed for the finite verb, as, ItoK D*" 7*1 D^j?D 
who raiseth up the lowly, exalts the needy, 1 Sam. ii. 8, cf. ver. 7, 
Isa. xxx. 2, xxxi. 1, xlviii. 1, Amos v. 7, 8, 12, vi. 6, Ps. 
Ixxviii. 39 ; even in a case of mere repetition, Isa. x. 1 (see 
313a), Ivii. 3, Ps. xiv. 4, xxii. 30, Dan. xii. 12 ; cf. Ps. xv. 
3, 4, to see the change made by & ( 3206). A like change is 
made in the case of an adjective, used in the same way, Hab. 
i. 13, Job vi. 14 (according to the present reading). The 
new element superadded in the construction of the infinitive 
construct and of the participle maintains its influence ; hence, 
the force of the preposition joined with the infinitive, and that 
of the relative idea contained in the participle, continue to be 
felt ; but the simple verb-idea which may now, in fact, stand 
quite by itself, and yet be intelligible is at once continued 
in the definite tense, Isa. xxxvi. 17. 

1 In Ethiopic, also, a similar construction is used; as, Book of Enoch, 
xciii. 12 : JiMl. c. 2. p. 8. 



CHANGE OF CONSTRUCTION IN A SENTENCE. 261 

3 5 la. Anything superadded to a negative proposition must 
be at once attached by means of N7i nor, Ex. iii. 1 9 ; l cf. 
352a. But, in a sentence which goes straight on, there is 
no need for repeating the negation of the preceding proposi- 
tion, inasmuch as the powerful influence of the negative, placed 
at the beginning, continues to be felt. So also in prose, with 
the Vav of sequence, Num. xvi. 14, Ps. xliv. 19, Job iii. 10 ; 
similarly after JS (see 342c), Isa. vi. 10, and in cases where, 
at the same time (see 347a), the voluntative appears; as, let 
him not die, that his people may become few, Deut. xxxiii. 6, 
Jer. v. 28 ; hence also without the 1 (see 347#), which is 
the boldest construction, Ps. cxl. 9. 2 Moreover, in poetry, the 
and is often omitted when a climax is formed, Isa. xxiii. 4, 
xxxviii. 18, Ps. ix. 19, xxxviii. 2, Ixxv. 6, 1 Sam. ii. 3. A 
still bolder construction is adopted when. the verb in its second 
member changes its position, Prov. xxx. 3. 3 

In synonymous propositions which run on continuously, and 
in which a thought is only divided into two halves, poetic 
writers may, similarly, omit from the second a word (especially 
a preposition) occurring in the first, because it is sufficiently 
evident from the continuation and the context, and because its 
influence still continues to be felt in this mode of delivering 
the discourse; thus Judg. v. 9, 11, Isa. xv. 8, xxviii. 6, xl. 21, 
xlviii. 14, Ixi. 7, Jer. iii. 23, Ezek xxv. 9, 15, Hab. iii. 15, 
Job xxxiv. 10. Bolder constructions are found in cases like 
Job xxii. 23, and xx. 2, where a longer preposition on that 
account stands by itself with retrospective force ; [852] Ps. 
xlix. 14, where, in the middle of the second member, and 
before a relative proposition, we must supply, from the first 
member, "tfvi the way of those, who ; and Ps. cxxvii. 3b, where 
we find, in the absolute state, and without the article, a noun 
to which, in meaning, there belongs the second of two preced- 

1 I.E. according to the common reading in this passage ; but, according 
to the Septuagint, and Ex. vi. 1, xiii. 9, we must read & Q^. Even 
long ago, xh was incorrectly rendered unless, except; see Journal asiatique 
(1862), i. p. 64. 

2 On the other hand, according to this reading, the second proposition in 
Ezek. xi. 11 would be a mere circumstantial clause. 

3 In Job xxx. 20, however, the negative cannot be repeated with 
from the first member. 



262 EWALD'S HEBBEW SYNTAX, 35 1. 

ing nouns placed in construction. 1 If, then, the first member 
states a reason (e.g. by using the preposition /$ on account of, 
because of, and a following infinitive), the meaning requires that, 
whenever a finite verb follows, the conjunction because shall 
be employed in forming the continuation, as Hos. ix. 7, cf. 
Ezek. xxx vi. 18. 

More rarely, a word is for the first time introduced in a 
second proposition, corresponding to the first, to which also 
the word necessarily belongs: this is possible only through 
the poetic parallelism, which, generally, is the cause of many 
an instance of more free arrangement and more bold con- 
struction of the words, Ps. xx. 8, Zech. ix. 1*7, Jer. I 39, Isa. 
xlviii. 11, Ixiii. 18, Dan. xii. 3 (cf. xi. 33). A stronger case 
of the kind, too, is Isa. x. 5 ; here, not merely does D^3 (which 
is to be regarded as a relative clause) likewise depend on the 
meaning of the first member, but there is also introduced, 
in the second member, a further variety in expression : 
Asshur who art the rod of mine anger, 
And who, like a staff, dost convey my wrath. 2 

b. Since the relative-sign stands very loosely at the begin- 
ning of the proposition (see 331 if.), there are attached to a 
relative-sentence, in whatever manner it may be introduced, a 
multitude of others, of every kind and variety, just in the 
same way as they are joined to the simple proposition, with- 
out any further internal change, Ps. xv. 35, xxii. 30, iv. 2, 
xcii. 16, Job xxxvii. 23, Prov. xvi. 27, xxii. 11, ix. 13, and 
in the address in Amos vi. I. 8 Similarly, a proposition like 
man ^ij" 1 ? in grand estate (i.e. who lives in splendour) may be 
immediately succeeded by ]^\ K?\ but is without understanding 
(see 282/), Ps. xlix. 21 (cf. ver. 13 in the same way without 
V), and, without the and, Neh. xi. 17. This easy mode of 
attachment is far from being capable of imitation by us. 

1 This, however, cannot be carried so far that, in the second member, 
merely the second of two combined prepositions would be repeated after 
the first occurrence : in Gen. xlix. 25, fiNI should be corrected into ^KV 

... .. ; 

2 Properly, and in whose hand, as a sceptre, is my wrath. The first 
member speaks of the Assyrian as if he were himself the rod, as in ver. 15; 
the second introduces him as holding the rod. The a^n is, therefore, the 
copula, and the words DTI Mil are correct. 

3 The same thing holds in Luke i. 49 f. 



CHANGE OF CONSTRUCTION IN A SENTENCE. 263 

The relative-sentence, also, is especially ready to change its 
peculiar construction, as soon as possible, for the Vav of 
sequence, so that, in the neat, short style of certain writers, 
there may also be used such brief expressions as, njrni f|K3D jnt 
the seed of the adulterer and she (the mother, consequently) 
played the harlot, Isa. Ivii. 5, Dan. viii. 22, cf. xi. 22. Similarly, 
an impersonal relative proposition (see 336) maybe attached 
without any introductory mark whatever, Amos iii. 9 f., Hos. 
vii. 10, Jer. ii. 19, li. 46. Eccles. vi. 10. 

c. A peculiar kind of brevity in description [853] has further 1 
arisen from the fact that a second verb, connected with the 
preceding by means of a ], may be subordinated to it merely 
in the infinitive absolute (see 280), as if it were sufficient, 
after the discourse has once been begun, to attach a succeed- 
ing act, by means of the conjunction, as briefly as possible. 
Here, the form in which the preceding verb, in accordance 
with the meaning of the proposition, appears, is a matter qf 
indifference : every possible shade and variety of proposition is 
represented by this general and indefinite form. 1 In the older 
pieces of composition, such brevity is still rare ; and it occurs 
most readily in cases where the action [indicated by the 
infinitive] is simultaneous with that which is previously men- 
tioned, and where there is no change in the person; as. 
Gen. xli. 43, Ex. viii. 1, xxxii. 6 (where the inf. const, 
with !> precedes), 1 Sam. xxii. 13, xxv. 26, 33 (but ^rfa 
receives a different turn in ver. 31), Amos iv. 4f., Jer. vii. 18, 
xix. 13, cf. with xxxii. 29, xliv. I7f., Zech. iii. 4, vii. 5, 
xii. 10, Judg. vii. 19, Isa. viii. 6, Eccles. viii. 9, Dan. ix. 5, 11, 
1 Chron. xxi. 24. In later writers, however, this brief con- 
struction comes to be more and more freely employed, as, 
i&Oi ^ro^ / turned and saw, Eccles. ix. 11, cf. iv. 1, 7", Jer. 
xiv. 5, xxxvii. 21, Zech. iii. 4, ISTeh. viii. 8, ix. 8, 13, Esth. 
ii. 3, iii. 13, vi. 9, ix. 6, 12, 2 Chron. vii. 3, xxviii. 19 ; and 
at last it becomes so prevalent, that, in giving a rapid de- 
scription, even a large number of verbs may be presented 
thus, in outline, Jer. xxxii. 44, Esth. ix. 1618. 

1 Cf. a similar usage in Ethiopia, as Liber JuUl pp. 10, 15 ff., and in the 
beginning of the Organon Maryam. But in the Coptic, also, the same 
thing frequently occurs ; see the Sahidic version of Isa. i. 4, 7 (Ewald's 
Sprackw. AWiandl. i. p. 50). 



264 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 352. 

Moreover, in a cursory style of speech, there is also a 
beginning made in the employment of the infin. const, with ? 
(see 237c), in this way, as a continuation of the [preceding 
finite] verb; see Jer. xvii. 10, xix. 12, xliv. 14, 19, Job xxxiv. 8, 
Isa. xliv. 28, Ivi. 6, Eccles. ix. 1, 2 Chron. vii. 17 (but there 
is a different reading in 1 Kings ix. 4), viii. 13, xxxvi. 19 
(where the inf. is separated from the V), ISTeh. viii. 13. The 
earliest instances of this free and easy mode of employing the 
infinitive with \ and, as a continuation of the [finite] verb, are 
cases in which a further description is to be given of what must 
be done; thus, Ex. xxxii. 29, and especially Lev. x. 911, 
1 Sam. viii. 12; or in which an accessory circumstance is to 
be more fully described, 1 Sam. xiv. 2 1 : on both constructions, 
see 237c. 

But, indeed, the same brevity begins to show itself, now 
and then, after similar particles also (see 352) ; thus, after 
iN, Lev. xxv. 14, Deut. xiv. 21, after *)] and also, Hab. ii. 15, 
and others, cf. 1 Chron. x. 13, 2 Chron. xi. 22, xii. 12. The 
strongest feature in this construction is the fact that, for 
distinctness' sake, even a personal pronoun may be added [to 
the infinitive], Eccles. iv. 2, Esth. ix. 1. 



(2.) The stronger kinds of Conjunctions. 

352&. itf or} is most closely allied to 1. and, since, like the 
latter, it states something new, though merely as a possibility ; 
hence, it may also, [854] like the Vav of sequence, and with 
like force, be used before the perfect, Num. v. 14. It is also 
corrective, or rather, and is used in this way with the second 
question, as different from DN (see 324c), Judg. xviii. 19, 
Gen. xxiv. 55. Hence, it easily assumes also the meaning if 
haply, Lat. sin, Lev. iv. 23, 28 ; HD IK what if possibly . . ., 

1 When it is considered that the Armenian kdm, the Turkish Jwlj, the 
Polish liib or lubo, and Russian Itbo (Ger. lieber), are all derived from willing, 
wishing; when, further, it is borne in mind that many other languages 
also derive the name of the disjunctive particle from the same idea (Lat. 
vel: on the Bornu, see Kolle, Bornu Language, p. 146), there can be no 
doubt that itf comes from nitf = rOK to be willing, wish, and that the 
Sanskrit va is shortened from val 






THE STRONGER CONJUNCTIONS. 265 

1 Sam. xx. 10. After a preceding negative proposition, it 
has a lessening force, nor, and is so used in the middle of 
the proposition, Prov. xxxi. 4, Ketliib. At other times, in 
necessitous cases, \ also is sufficient to indicate the meaning 
or, 2 Sam. xxiii. 7, Isa. xvii. 6, Ps. xc. 4; the strongest 
instances are Jer. xx. 17, xliv. 28. 

&. D3 also, expresses mutual relation in such a way that the 
two sides are represented as belonging to each other ; syw Q3 
is exactly uterque, 1 Sam. xxv. 43, Prov. xvii. 15, xx. 10, 12, 
Ps. cxxxiii. 1 ; similarly, Abel Nin &3 likewise (see 31 4a) ; 
and at the beginning of new propositions, with emphasis, 03 
*)* I also, Job vii. 11, Ps. lii. 7, Amos iv. 6, Mic. vi. 13, Zech. 
ix. 11, cf. 354, 359. In a wider sense, it is more simply 
indicative of increase, also, even, before entire propositions 
or single words ; it is seldom that \ stands in this way before 
single words, Mic. iv. 5, 2 Chron. xxvii. 5, Amos iv. 10, Hos. 
viii. 6, Ps. xxxi. 12, Eccles. v. 6 ;* hence, in a negative pro-, 
position, it signifies not even, Amos v. 22. Placed before an 
entire proposition, Ml means besides, moreover, 1 Kings i. 6. 

*|N, or *|N1, is merely a stronger copulative particle than \ 
(with which it is etymologically connected) also that there 
may be nothing wanting; even in forming a climax, like our 
dnd when uttered with emphasis ; it also likes to be placed 
before entire propositions, Ps. xviii. 49 ; hence, Q3 *[$] and even 
also, Lev. xxvi. 44. It very frequently occurs in certain poets, 
Ps. Ixv. 14, and is used interchangeably, in meaning, with D3, 
Job xxxii. 10, 17. 2 Cf. further, 354c. 

c. On the other hand, BV (see 2 1 7/i), in the sense of as 
well as, may connect two adjectives; this is a very rare con- 
struction, however, and is more of a provincialism, 1 Sam. xvi. 
12, xvii. 42. When used in joining two nouns, it is merely a 
stronger and, 2 Sam. i. 24, 3 Amos iv. 10. 

1 On the other hand, in Ezek. xxxiv. 26, the more correct meaning is, 
*' I make them, and what is round about my hill, a blessing," see 33%. 

/ 

2 In Arabic, it has become shortened into _j, and then assumed the much 
more general meaning often noticed already. 

3 In the same way as, in Coptic, one noun can be connected with another 
only by means of UGJUL, i.e. with, and one proposition with another by 

(from which } has been formed by abbreviation) ; and as many Ian- 



266 EW AID'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 353. 



(3.) Causal, Inferential, and Antithetical Propositions. 

353a. In assigning a reason for a statement previously 
made, it is seldom that [855] nothing more is used than the 
stronger dnd (see 342-8) ; but this particle is actually so 

employed, inasmuch as it may signify accordingly, for (because), 

i ~ 

as also the Arabic _}, or rather the stronger .U expresses our 

[causal conjunction] for, Ex. xv. 2, 8, Jonah ii. 4, Isa. viii. 14, 
x. 27, Ps. Ixxvi. 3. 1 '3 is usually employed, like our for, to 
append a reason for what has been already stated; that this 
word, however, is properly the relative because (OTL, and not 
yap), though it also serves to express our for, is evident from 
the fact that two reasons may successively be assigned in this 
way, ^] . . . *3 because . . . and because, Gen. xxxiii. 11, 
Judg. vi. 30 ; cf. no ^ for, what . . J 2 Kings viii. 13. Less 
frequently do we find, in this case, "i^K, which has more the 
character of a noun (like Lat. quod), Gen. vi. 4, 1 Kings iii. 19, 
viii. 33, cf. 2 Chron. vi. 24; only in Ecclesiastes (e.g. vi. 12, 
viii. 11) is it often thus employed. More definite, however, 
is |JP, an emphatic because, found chiefly at the beginning of a 
new turn in the discourse, and usually distinguished in this way 
from jy (see 337); since it is, properly, a noun, like the 
Germ, wegen [cf. the Eng. because of, on account of], it may be 
also joined, in poetry, with the infinitive, 2 Kings xxii. 19, 
but it is mostly put before the whole proposition, like *?, in 
the form "ifc?K |JP, or simply |JP. Here, moreover, ?JJ on account 
of (see 2 1 7*), may be used for the conjunctional phrase on 
account of this (fact) that, but it is rarely found without "iBfc, 
Ps. cxix. 136 (before fc6) ; in accordance with a peculiarity of the 
later language, the same meaning is more briefly given by n^ 
&i>, 1 Chron. xv. 13 (cf. 22a). 

The ground of what has already been stated is rendered 
more strongly prominent by the compound |3 ^ *3 for there- 

guages distinguish the general idea contained in and in accordance with 
the various kinds of words. 

1 Similarly, in the Odschi, na is _j and _j as well as for (because) ; see 
Riis, p. 154. 



CAUSAL, INFERENTIAL, AND ANTITHETICAL PROPOSITIONS. L'lj 7 

fore, the reason being adduced the second time by the demon- 
strative therefore, after the relative [conjunction] (like nr 'p, 
325#, and |3 ^n^ 337e), something like the Lat. quando- 
quidem, forasmuch as, Gen. xviii. 5, xix. 8, xxxiii. 10, xxxviii. 
26, Num. x. 31, xiv. 43, Judg. vi. 22, Jer. xxix. 28, xxxviii. 4, 
2 Sam. xviii. 20, Qeri. For a similar strengthening of |JP, which 
refers more to something new, see 8116. 

&. A conclusion or inference, stronger than can be formed by 
the Vav of sequence merely (see 3428), and which, more- 
over, may be generally applied, is expressed (1) by nTO and 
now, now therefore, i.e. since this is so; in letters, it marks the 
transition to the contents proper, 2 Kings v. 6, x. 2. (2) By 
|3 ty on such grounds, therefore; nearest to this comes J5J for 
that reason (prop, on account of such a thing), which is usually 
inserted at the beginning of an important inference, often of 
a threatening character, therefore, i.e. assuredly, Zech. xi. 7, 
or, in spite of this, i.e. nevertheless, Jer. v. 2. 1 (3) Wherefore 
(i.e. [853] when this is so) is expressed by TN (see 103e) 
inserted in the proposition, Eccles. ii. 15. 

354&. The idea of an antithesis, presented during the current 
of discourse, often lies merely in the context ; hence, it is 
usually indicated in such a way that the feeble \ precedes (see 
340&), but is sometimes also without this mark, by which 
construction the contrast may be rendered still more sharp, Job 
vi. 14f., Ps. xlvi. 4, cxix. 51, 61, Ex. xix. 12f.; the more 
pointed and (see 342-8), as in Job xxii. 13, xxiv. 22, and 
the still stronger *], Ps. Iviii. 3, Judg. v. 29, Ps. Ixviii 17, 
have also more force in relation to a contrast implied in the 
meaning. It is worth noticing, however, how speedily, in the 
concise style of later times, our yet, however, denoting limita- 
tion or restriction, is expressed quite briefly by means of 1 
alone, Dan. ix. 25, 27, xi. 24. 

Expressions proper for indicating antithesis are op&\ however, 
on the other hand, seldom merely DJ^K on the other hand (see 
163/), from the root ^K; also, in certain writings, ? "but (see 
105d), shortened into ?]K, Jer. v. 5, Isa. xiv. 15, Jonah ii. 5 ; 
and ^9^, which properly means strength (the root being allied 

1 It has already been shown, in the Gott. Gel. Anz. for 1829, p. 1403, 
that jai> is quite different in origin and meaning from i. 



2G8 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 354. 



to 13S, and also TiK), hence certainty, certainly, undoubtedly, like 
the Lat. vero. 1 While, now, these stronger words have more 
of a special and restricted meaning, a previous thought, or an 
objection that might be made, is sharply set aside by D3, Dai 
nevertheless, however (cf. opcos), Ps. Ixxxiv. 7, cxix. 24, cxxix. 2, 
Job xviii. 15, MaL iii. 15, Eccles. vi. 7, Jer. vi. 15, viii. 12, 
Ezek. xvi. 28, Jer. li. 44, Neh. v. 8, vi. 1 ; cf. similarly, W, 
our nevertheless, Hos. xi. 7, and strongest of all, nfcT D5 f\$\ lut 
yet for all this, Lev. xxvi. 44; later, ]tt even considering such 
a thing (i.e. nevertheless), Eccles. viii. 10, as also 1, 2 Chron. 
xxxii. 31. In poetry, also, TK then, may have the force of even 
then (Germ, dann for dennoch, i.e. dann noch), Ps. Ivi. 10, 
Ixix. 5, Mai. iii. 16. 

For indicating the antithesis which immediately follows a 
negative (like the Ger. sondern after nicht}, the simple \ is 
usually too weak, though it does occur in that sense, Ps. 
Iv. 14, 2 Sam. xxiii. 7, Dent. xi. 10 f., Jer. x. 8. The proper 
expression for this is rather the asseverative, affirmative *3 
(see 330&), Isa. xlviii. 2, or the stronger DK S 3 (see 3566); 
as, nriK ^ t o & not I, lut tlwu. And further, that the sub- 
ject, nevertheless, likes to be placed antithetically at the 
beginning (see 340&), is shown by Zeph. iii. 13. But even 
when no negative proposition precedes, ^ may mean yet, 
nevertheless (see 330&), as in Isa. ii. 6, xxviii. 28. 

1. Restrictive particles are PI (properly, thin, hence our 
merely, only) and SJK (see 10 5 d) except, only, which are both 
very often used, and at first differed more in being peculiar to 
different dialects : before a single idea [857] also, they signify 
nothing else than, only, Deut. iv. 6, Judg. xiv. 16, 1 Kings 
xiv. 8, Isa. xix. 11; EK PI, Lat. dummodo, provided that (see 
2706). Also DBK except (see 3226), "3 DSK only that, i.e. 
nevertheless, Deut. xv. 4 ; "igte 17310 except, or only that, Eccles. 
iii. 11; *O DK if only not, Job xvii. 2 [rather, here, assuredly}. 
Further, ?y (see 2226) is also used as a conjunction, in the 
sense of although, Job xvi. 17. Regarding E^ *3, see 356&. 

c. *3 *)N dnd that, as an exclamation, may mean (1) when 

o/ 

1 Jj is merely an abbreviation of this ; the corresponding word in 
Aramaic, taking the cognate root, is D12, which thus, in sound, resembles 

ITC, but only by accident, 



CONDITIONAL PROPOSITIONS. 269 

placed first, in interrogative discourse, "And is it really 
the case that . . .?" or, more briefly, "actually?" as if one 
could not believe it, Gen. iii. 1. (2) When used with refer- 
ence to a previous proposition (in which case 1 and, may be 
superadded), it appends, with increasing certainty, the chief 
point yet to be stated, and signifies liow much less, when a 
negative proposition precedes, 1 Kings viii. 27, Job ix. 14, 
Prov. xvii. 7, xix. 10, 1 Sam. xxi. 6, and how much more, 
when an affirmative sentence goes before, Prov. xv. 11, xxi. 27, 
1 Sam. xiv. 30, 2 Sam. iv. 11, xvi. 11: only, *3 cannot be 
repeated [after this expression], so that ^ *|K must also signify 
how much more when . . ., Prov. xxi. 27. If it stands at the 
beginning of the passage, it may be rendered and really also, 
Hab. ii. 5. However, *|N alone may also, if need be, have 
this sense (see 3525), as Job iv. 19, how much less, Num. 
xvi. 14, rather: hence, combined with the semi-interrogative, 
semi-negational EN (see 3 5 6a), forming the compound DN *JK,- 
it means, with a following imperfect, and if he would . . ., i.e. 
"but how should he . . ., Job xxxvi. 29. 

The strongest restrictive is ^ W\, more briefly "O1 or simply 
*3, in a pointed exclamation, when, after a negative proposi- 
tion, it scornfully rejects something that is impossible, taking 
the preceding statement into account ; e.g. where are the gods 
of yore ? (i.e. they are no more) and that they should deliver 
thee ! (i.e. how much less will they deliver thee), Isa. xxxvi. 1 9 f '., 
xliii. 22, Hos. i. 6, cf. with 2 Chron. xxxii. 14 f., 1 Sam. 
xxiii. 3. On the other hand, '3 S3 is yea also, Euth ii. 21. 



III. COREELATIVE WORDS AND PROPOSITIONS. 

1. Conditional Propositions* 

355$. Among double sentences, in which the first pro- 
position necessarily refers to that which follows, a most 
prominent position is occupied by all kinds of conditional 
propositions, since the condition renders necessary the intro- 
duction of another proposition, although it [viz. the condition] 

1 [On this subject, see also Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, ck.p. x. (On 
Hypotheticals).] 



270 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 355. 

may also, in many cases, be merely appended to, or inserted 
in the other member. But it is most natural that the con- 
dition should regard things which are still future : and, since 
the imagination occupies itself with picturing what would 
happen if the condition lias leen fulfilled ; since, therefore, it 
has already got beyond the supposition made, and is merely 
looking forward to what still lies before, the most natural 
and appropriate form of the verb, in the conditional proposition, 
is [858] the perfect, viz. the perfect of fancy or imagination 
(see 135c), Lat. futurum exactum, as si fecero, for which 
modern languages, more simply, employ the present, if I make 
(do). Hence, the perfect is generally the most convenient 
tense-form in conditional propositions. This is a higher or 
non-sensuous employment of the tense generally used with 
reference to sensuous objects, similar to the perfect with the 
Vav of sequence (see 3426). It is a perfect used with a par- 
ticular force, and especially with a higher meaning, and may be 
briefly designated the perfect of condition. 1 A real perfect, indeed, 
may also be employed to indicate a condition, si fed; but 
the Hebrew, far more than the Arabic and Syriac, still leaves 
these two possibilities to be discriminated merely by feeling. 
The result of this has been that the perfect of condition is no 
longer so constantly employed in Hebrew as in Arabic : as 
the modified perfect, with the Vav of sequence, gradually 
disappears (see 342 f.), so also, at a still earlier stage, does 
this perfect of condition ; and then the imperfect comes to be 
used instead of our present. 

If, however, that which is really future is regarded as 
complete, then, simply because of the mutual relation subsist- 
ing between the two members of the sentence, the apodosis 
also may, in anticipation, look upon the consequence as, under 
the circumstances, certain to be realized ; i.e. the perfect of 
fancy or imagination may be continued in the apodosis also, 
though this tense does not so readily and necessarily appear 
as in the first clause ; this construction, however, promotes the 
strong mutual correspondence between the two propositions, 

1 How closely these two are related, is evident also from the example in 
Deut. xxxii. 41, quoted under 197a. In Semitic, accordingly, through 
the fusion of the conditional particle with the verb, there arises a true 
concatenation of words, as is most conclusively shown by the Arabic. 



CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 271 

and is, accordingly, the rule in Arabic. Finally, what is 
contained in the conditional proposition may either, in accord- 
ance with the mind of the speaker, be assumed absolutely, 
without determining whether it is true and possible or not ; 
or the speaker may state it, notwithstanding his feeling that it 
does not at present exist : this difference we are obliged to 
express by means of the indicative or subjunctive, if there is, 
if there were ; in Hebrew, however, especially because distinc- 
tion of moods, in this sense, has not been stedfastly carried 
out, the difference is indicated in a still more objective and 
distinct manner, by means of various particles. 

&. 1. OK is the simple if (*6 DK if not, unless) ; it is also used 
when one side is taken notwithstanding the other, in which 
case it answers to our although, Isa. i. 18-20, Jer. v. 2, xiv. 7, 
xv. 1, xxii. 24, li. 14, Eccles. xi. 8, 1 Sam. xv. 17. A word 
of like meaning is in (see 103#), Ex. iv. 1, viii. 22, Job 
xxxvi. 22, 2 Chron. vii. 13. 1 Considered with respect to 
time, it is construed 

(1.) With the imperfect, or rather, equally with this and the 
perfect, whether simple futurity be intended, as, W^? Dfi * si 
fecero, [859] if I do (if I shall have done), Ps. vii. 4 f., cxxxii. 1 2, 
Job xi. 13, Gen. xliii. 9, Isa. iv. 4, Jer. xxxvii. 10 ; or whether 
prominence be given to one among many possible cases, as, Ps. 
Ixiii. 7, Job vii. 4, Jer. xiv. 18, Ex. i. 16. Here also belongs 
the use of CN in describing continued states and repeated 
actions, Gen. xxxviii. 9, Num. xxi. 9 (cf. 342&) ; hence our 
when, in the case of continued states, Amos vi. 2 ; or our as 
often as, whenever (for which *3 is more rarely used, Judg. 
ii 18, Job vii. 13 f., see 337c; or i^K, Deut. xi. 27, cf. 
ver. 28, see 333a). In every case, the perfect is used 
thus, only in the first proposition, and afterwards the plain, 
feeble tense (see 350&), i.e. here, the imperfect, or, what is 
the same thing, Vav consecutive with the perfect: in poetry, 
however, there is greater freedom of form, Job xvii. 13 ff. In 
the apodosis appears the imperfect, as a plain tense-form, e.g. 
always when the verb does not stand first, Isa. i. 9, 20, Prov. 

1 Both of these forms have, as it were, become merged in the Aramaic 
and Arabic f ^ ; but, that jn originally signifies behold, is also evident from 

the Coptic ICXG, prop, see that . . ., i.e. provided that . . . 



272 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 355. 

iii. 24, Amos ix. 2 ; at other times, Vav consecutive with the 
perfect may be used, Mic. v. 7, Ps. Ixxxix. 32 f., sometimes 
also the perfect without Vav, in which case the connection is 
indicated merely by the meaning, Prov. ix. 12, 1 Sam. ii. 16, 
Hos. xii. 12a ; further, by Vav consecutive with the imperfect : 
the case is different when the perfect, in the apodosis, refers 
to an event actually past, Ps. cxxvii. 1. Moreover, BK may 
also be used with the participle, for the immediate future, 
Judg. ix. 1 5, xi. 9 (similarly with *3 when, Judg. xv. 3), 1 Sam. 
vi. 3; hence, B* (see 306c) with a suffix readily occurs in 
this case, Gen. xxiv. 49 (sifacturi estis, cf. ver. 42, where the 
precatory particle NJ", 246&, intrudes itself), xliii. 4, Judg. 
vi. 36; also T^, Ex. viii. 1 7, 1 Sam. xix. 1 1 (where the parti- 
ciple is used in the apodosis also). The conditional particle 
may likewise be used with the infinitive and a suffix ; as, 
nK DK if my saying, i.e. if I say, Job ix. 27, cf. Zeph. 
iii. 20. 1 

(2.) With the perfect, as the sign that an event is actually 
past, 1 Sam. xxi. 5, Job viii. 4, ix. 16, Isa. xxviii. 25 ; also, 
when the apodosis goes into the future, Nah. i. 12. 

(3.) When, however, there is made an assumption, which, 
in the opinion of the speaker, is not altogether impossible, the 
imperfect is used ; thus, if a man were to (should) give, Cant, 
viii. 7, Amos ix. 2-4, Obad. 4, Isa. x. 22, Ps. 1. 12, cxxxix. 8, 
Job xxxiv. 1 4 f. The imperfect must likewise be employed 
when desire is meant to be expressed, as, if ye wish to ask, 
Isa. xxi. 12 (also with the n of the voluntative, Job xvi. 6), 
or for the actual future, 2 Kings xx. 9, Judg. xiii. 16 : with 
this we must not confound the case in which the imperfect 
stands for our present, instead of which the perfect is some- 
times employed, Num. xxxv. 20 f., cf. ver, 22, Nah. iii. 12. 
It is obvious that the apodosis may have the voluntative or 
imperative, when the sense requires it, 2 Kings ii. 10, Jer. 
xxiii. 22, 1 Sam. vi. 3. 

The negative is & EN if not, for which, it is to be observed, 
there is employed the simple 7K fj,r) (el jitf) in 2 Kings vi. 27, 
a mode of construction which is probably due to the in- 
fluence of some dialect. 

1 In Dan. xi. 1, however, VJEJJ is a wrong reading. 



CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 273 

"3 when, differs from EK in not generally having this power 
of subordinating the perfect of condition ; it is but seldom 
that this particle occurs with the same force, as [880] Euth 
i. 12 f., Job vii. 13, cf. ver. 4 ; and with the voluntative, Job 
xxvii. 8 (see 235c). Equally rare is it to find "1PK3 in the 
sense of quasi; but then it is used, like a conditional particle, 
with the perfect, Ps. Ivi. 7. And ^3 *iy, Cant. iii. 4c, with the 
perfect, is, in the sense of the Lat. donee fecero, and our until 1 
do, the exact equivalent of the much more common &K *W, which 
likewise takes the perfect, Isa. vi. 11, xxx. 1*7, Gen. xxiv. 19 : 
instead of which there is used, in the more solemn style, ny iy 
until the time when . . ., Mic. v. 2, but more briefly also the 
simple "Jy (see p. 230). 

c. When two conditional sentences occur consecutively, the 
apodosis of the first may be omitted, as being evident from the 
whole : thus, if . . . (well and good), otherwise . . ., Judg. ix. 
16-20, Ex. xxxii. 32. In every apodosis, too, a member of 
the protasis may be repeated merely in thought, as being self- 
evident, Job xxvii. 14, Ps. xcii. 8. If, in the second sentence, 
the negative hypothesis is to be stated very briefly, without 
repeating the first proposition, then it is better to say P.K Dfcfl 
and if not (see 3216), or &6 DK 1 ), 1 Sam. vi. 9. 

356&. In the numerous forms of asseveration and swearing, 
the second proposition, in which the speaker lays himself under 
obligation, is almost always omitted, as being self-evident ; so 
that BK, simply, has assumed the meaning of certainly not, and 
& fix that of certainly, fix is then, for the most part, loosely 
joined with the imperfect; as, 1?T$JK Di * if I forsake thee ! (may 
I perish), i.e. I shall certainly not leave thee ; we find, how- 
ever, ^nn^' X? ^ if I shall not strengthen thee ! i.e. I shall 
certainly do so, Jer. xv. 11, Ps. Ixxxix. 36, xcv. 11. Hence 
DKH occurs, though rarely, with the same meaning as N?n (see 
3246), Job vi. 13, Num. xvii. 28. 

~b. DK t >3 > after a negative proposition, may signify but if 
(see 354:0) ; and, in this as in other cases, EK is followed by 
the perfect, used with reference to the present or future, as, 
nj"]ii DK ""S n^j &6 it does not return but if (unless) it has 
watered, Isa. Iv. 10, Ixv. 6, Amos iii. 7, Gen. xxxii. 27, Lev. 
xxii. 6. Hence, this construction generally has acquired the 
sense of the strong restrictive except, only, 2 Sam. xiii. 33 

s 



274 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 357. 

Kethib (nevertheless, Num. xxiv. 22), lut, even when it is not 
succeeded by a verb. Though it is most frequently put after 
a negation (see p. 268), as, ^^ BK ^ apjr fc6 W Jacob lut 
Israel, Gen. xxxii. 29, Prov. xxiii. 17, 1 or after a question, 
w/to . . . lut (except), Isa. xlii. 19, yet it is also found, at times, 
without such protases, so that, if a verb immediately follows, it 
remains in the perfect, as, ^fn?J BK ^ (except) only, tJwu shalt 
remember me, Gen. xl. 14, Job xlii. 8, Num. xxiv. 22, 2 Sam. 
v. 6, 2 Kings xxiii. 9. In the same way also is used the 
stronger &N "WS save only, Judg. vii. 14, and the simple W3 
only, with the perfect, Isa. x. 4 (see 322&) ; hence also, in 
strong asseverations and oaths, it signifies only, in the sense of 
assuredly, 2 Sam. xv. 21 (Kethib, as in Jer. xxxix. 12), 1 Kings 
xx. 6, 2 Kings v. 20, Jer. li. 14. Nay more, EX ^ except, comes 
at last to be merely a [861] stronger or than the simple $; it 
states another case, and yet still continues to be construed 
with the perfect, Lam. v. 22 (cf. 312c). 2 It is different when 
QS '3 is used to indicate a continuation, yea if, Prov. ii. 3, or 
in the sense of although, Jer. li. 14 ; a different case, too, is 
found in Prov. xix. 19. 3 

3 5*7 a. When several propositions are closely connected, it 
is even sufficient to introduce a new case, as a condition, by 
means of Vav consecutive, mostly with the perfect, in such 
a way that the absence of the conjunction, for the most part, 
indicates where the apodosis begins ; as, dnd tliou awakest (if 
thou dost awake), she will guide thee, Prov. vi. 22, 31, Gen. 
xxxiii. 13, Num. xxiii. 20, 1 Sam. xxv. 29 (where, in the 
protasis, the imperfect, with the Vav of sequence, is employed 
for the purpose of referring to the case that has already hap- 
pened) 31, Isa. vi. 13 (where Ity is an imperfect verb; see 
299a), Jer. xviii. 4, 8, xx. 9, Job v. 24b, x. 15, xi. 18, 
xxxiii. 1925, Ps. cxxxix. 11 f . ; and, by dropping the *\ 
according to 233a), with the apocopated imperfect, Job 

1 [But a second occurrence of DK ^3 in this passage creates some diffi- 
culty : see the commentaries, and Riietschi's remarks in the Studien und 
Kritikcn for 1868, pp. 157, 158.] 

2 Hence, the Greek ?VA' # is a combination which closely corresponds to 
this. 

8 On this passage, cf . Ewald on the Poetic Writers of the Old Testament, 
ii. p. 186. 



CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 275 

xxxiii. 21 f. The meaning of the apodosis may also be con- 
tained merely in the Vav of sequence, Gen. iv. 14 (where, in 
the protasis, the imperfect is used : if I must hide . . . and 
lie come a fugitive and vagabond, then . . .) ; this is particularly 
the case when, on account of a preceding fa lest, that not, an 
ordinary protasis cannot well be formed, Ps. xxviii. 1. 

b. The conditional meaning, however, may also be expressed 
in very many other ways, without using DK, partly in a more 
pointed manner, but partly also in a much briefer way ; as, 
when nny nan behold now . . ., i.e. supposing that he is . . . stands 
before a circumstantial clause, 2 Sam. xvii. 9, or when the 
simple nan behold, with a participle following, points to an 
immediate future, 2 Kings vii. 2, 19, and with the perfect of 
the future, Hos. ix. 6 ; the latter construction is especially 
employed, when, in the continued progress of the discourse, 
there is to be formed a new proposition which shall serve as 
the protasis of a conditional sentence, Ezek. xiv. 22, xv. 4, 
xvi. 27. 

In this matter, there is much more liberty accorded to 
poetic writers than is given in ordinary discourse. Thus, a 
proposition with the perfect may be prefixed, or even boldly 
inserted, in such a way that this action must obviously pre- 
cede the following action in the imperfect, as its condition ; so 
" I D!?! < ! n ?l he has seen it, and hides himself, i.e. having seen 
it, he hides himself, Prov. xxii. 3, Ps. Ixix. 33, ciii. 16, Amos 
iii. 8, Hos. ix. 6, Hab. iii. 10, Job vii. 20, xxiv. 24, iii. 11, 
13, iv. 21, xxiii. 10; also, with the omission of Vav con- 
secutive before the perfect of the apodosis, in Prov. xxiv. 10, 
Ps. Ivii. 7 (with an interrogation for the protasis in Prov. 
xxii. 29). Thus, too, the perfect may always be suddenly 
introduced in new conditional propositions ; but when this is 
the case, it is almost always continued, Ezek. xviii. 5-9, 10 f., 
xxxiii. 3-9. 1 The opposite of this [862] is, I call (imperf.), 
Thou hast delivered me, i.e. as soon as I cry, Thou deliverest, 
Ps. xxx. 3-12, xxxii. 5, and with the Vav of sequence, iii. 5. 
Or, the protasis announces, in the voluntative, the wish, the 
hypothesis, and the possibility on the ground of which an 
apodosis must follow ; and this may be at once added in the 

1 This same construction becomes very frequent in the brief legal style 
of the Mishna, 



276 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, 357. 



same expression with the other member, as, V^Ti HDipN if / 
wish to rise, then they speak ; Wl . . . r\wr\ if Thou maJcest dark- 
ness, then it becomes night ; this is especially the case when the 
apodosis intimates willingness or intention, as, do Thou quicken 
us V^nfl, 1 then (so) will we call on Thy name, Job xix. 18, x. 16 f., 
xi. 17, xvi. 6, xxii. 28, xxxvi. 14 f., Ps. xl. 6, xlii. 5, Ixxi. 2 If., 
Ixxvii. 4, Ixxx. 19, xci. 15, civ. 20, cxxxix. 8-10, 18, cxlvi. 4, 
Isa. xxxiii. 1 1, Zech. x. 8 f. The cases in which two imperatives 
are used (see 3476) likewise belong to this class of sentences. 2 
The mere infinitive with ^, in a kind of protasis, may also give 
a rough outline of what is nothing more than a possibility , 
as, nftjfp to le weighed in the balance (i.e. if they are accurately 
weighed), they are . . ., Ps. Ixii. lOb. It is similar when the 
first member is put as it were interrogatively, Isa. xxvi. 10, 
xlviii. 13, Eccles. i. 10, Neh. i. 8. 

But again, two essentially different actions may also be 
simply opposed to each other (which, however, is best accom- 
plished by the significant omission of the and), so that the 
protasis may possibly receive prominence merely through the 
change of tone (as in English) : thus Hos. viii. 12, Ps. xci. 7, 
cxix. 23, 51, 61, not to mention such a case as Ps. Ixviii. 2, 
where the voluntative ceases to be clearly distinguished ; but 
the apodosis may be more precisely indicated by a prefixed D3 
(like our then, Ger. so), Hos. xii. 12b. In the briefest form 
of construction, two perfects are brought together (see 355&), 
as, "ntpi? "wSJ / fall, I rise, i.e. if I fall, I rise again, Mic. 
vii. 8, Hos. x. 13, cf. with xii. 11 ; this brevity of expression 
is particularly appropriate when use is made of ">^3, indi- 
cating equality, Jonah i. 14. And finally, we may even say 
fcrco . . . yp he found . . . he found, i.e. if he found the one, 
he found the other also, Prov. xviii. 22. 3 

c. To this category also properly belong all those relative 
propositions which are of such a nature that they must have 
other propositions to correspond with them ; as, he who . . . 
that person is (Ger. wer . . . der), who am I that I . . . (see 

1 Hence, this is particularly the case also where it becomes necessary to 
employ the voluntative of the second person (see 229a). 

2 Even in modern Persian they occur in the same way ; Shahname L 
p. 226, 15. 

8 Cf. Mishna, Aloth ii. 7. cf. 10. 



CONDITIONAL SENTENCE& 27*7 

34 7 a). In these cases, accordingly, *B and HD have the 
force of [relative] pronouns (see 3316), as Num. xxiii. 3, 
1 Sam. xx. 4, Job vi. 24b, Ps. xxv. 12 f., Zech. iv. 10, Esth. 
v. 3, 6, vii. 2, ix. 12, Eccles. v. 9, ix. 4; other turns are 
found in iii. 13, v. 18 ; nay, every circumstantial clause, or 
the simple participle, admits of being resolved into such a pro- 
position, and has the force of one, Prov. xiii. 18, xiv. 22, 
xxii. 15, xxvii. 7, Job xli. 18, Jer. xxiii. 17, 2 Sam. xxiii. 3. 
")^tf 73 whoever, "Wfc"?3*7N whithersoever, etc., are construed 
exactly in the same way as BK with the perfect ; thus 1 Sam. 
i. 28, Judg. ii. 15, [863] Prov. xvii. 8, cf. Dan. i. 20 ; in 
Ecclesiastes there is used . . . W~n whatever . . ., vi. 10, vii. 24. 
In the apodosis, the perfect is used, at least according to the 
Massoretic punctuation, Prov. xiv. 31, xvii. 5,xix. 17. 

358a. 2. > l sets forth the condition, notwithstanding the 
feeling that the statement contained in it is now impossible ; 
this difference comes out distinctly in the case of things past 
and present. (1) Though the perfect may be used of the 
present (just as in the case of DN), as, Wl? *MH O if they were 
wise (which they are not) they would perceive this, Deut. xxxii. 
29, yet a mere circumstantial clause occurs still more fre- 
quently, as, ypb> W v if my people heard (which they do not), 
Ps. Ixxxi. 14, 2 Sam. xviii. 12, 2 Kings iii. 14; it is found 
in the same way also with ?., Job xvi. 4, Num. xxii. 29. i is 
also used with the imperfect, in speaking of things which are 
not desired, and are not now actually existent, though perhaps 
possible ; as, ^ODB^ & if he hated us (we would be lost, Gen. 
L 15, which is a case of aposiopesis similar to that which 
occurs in Ps. xxvii. 1 3) ; the imperfect, however, makes its way 

1 The more primitive form is lam (see 3196). But, as we saw that i^tf 
(see 325&) is an abbreviation of 1^, so, in 2 Kings v. 13, there is found 
doubtless, through the influence of a dialect UN (according to the 
Massoretic punctuation) for vj, i.e. ^ (if the prophet had commanded thee 
[to do] something great, thou wouldest do it; how much more this small 
matter!); hence it serves for the expression of a wish, Job xxxiv. 36, 
like & (see 329Z>), and may therefore also be rightly placed before the 
imperative, as in 1 Sam. xxiv. 12 (for, even here, UN cannot mean, my 
father!). Moreover, the form ^ (which, in many passages, is unquestion- 
ably equivalent to ^) shows that in Hebrew also, at least in some of its 
dialects, one might always readily say 16 = law. 



278 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 353. 

into other cases also, Deut. xxxii. 26 f. (2) ^ may also be 
used in connection with things of the past, as, nvi > if it had 
happened, which it has not; cf. 135d 

The apodosis need not necessarily be considered as in the 
same actual division of time [with the protasis] : thus, if ye had 
spared them, I would not kill you (pret. pres.) ; if I had a 
sword, I would have already slain thee (pres. pret.). If, now, 
the present is intended in the apodosis, then imperfect of the 
first proposition may, certainly, be continued (as in 355fr), 
Isa. i. 9, Judg. viii. 19 ; but especially when it is the present 
which is spoken of in the protasis also it is a simpler con- 
struction for the imperfect to be used, or, instead of this, the 
stronger construction with the perfect and the Vav of sequence 
(see 3426), Mic. ii. 11, and with ^i'D3 in a little, soon, Ps. 
Ixxxi. 15. If the preterite is to be understood, the perfect 
must be used, Judg. xiii. 23 ; and, in this case, TN ^ or 
nny 13 surely then, is often employed to indicate more strongly 
what would otherwise have happened, Num. xxii. 29, Gen. 
xliii. 9, 1 Sam. xiv. 30, 2 Sam. ii. 27; "W then, is found only in 
Aramaizing language, as Ps. cxxiv. 3 f. (It is very seldom, on 
the other hand, that these particles are found after EN, which 
indicates much less passion, Job viii. 6,xi. 15.) In other cases 
also, when such a protasis is wanting, and is only covertly 
implied in the meaning, [864] this W or nny then, which 
points to what is more remote, is sufficient to indicate that 
what is expressed in the perfect or imperfect after " then," 
either would have happened, or would happen, if the condition 
were fulfilled, Ex. ix. 15, 1 Sam. xiii. 13, 2 Kings xiii. 19, 
Job iii. 13, xiii. 19. It is still more obvious that, after some- 
thing future has been already indicated, the perfect, with TfcJ '3 
surely then, sufficiently expresses our futurum exactum, 2 Sam. 
v. 24 (in the parallel passage, 1 Chron. xiv. 15, TK is im- 
properly omitted). 

The conditional proposition, however, may also be merely 
added during the progress of the discourse, without exercising 
the influence already mentioned, Job xvi. 6, Ps. cvi. 23. 

6. N?v or vv if there were not (which, however, is actually 
the case), is contracted from & & (see 108c). In Aramaic, 
the lighter conditional particle DN also thrusts itself in before 
v ; the particle v>K [if } which is not the case], contracted from 



EQUATED PROPOSITIONS. 27'.) 

the combination of these two, is found in EC les. [vi. 6] and 
Esth. [vii. 4] : in the same sense must be understood N? QN 
in Ezek. iii. 6 ; tfb is also to be understood as equivalent to 
6 (see 329) in 1 Sam. xx. 14, 2 Sam. xiii. 26, 2 Kings 
v. 17, 1 Job xiv. 4. 



2. Equated Propositions. 

359. Equated propositions, or, taking a more restricted 
view, equating words, are, generally speaking, more commonly 
found among poetic writers than in plain narrative. 

1. Such propositions are formed for the purpose of repre- 
senting things which differ, as, nevertheless, agreeing and corn- 
lining in one respect: thus, 03 ... 03 also . . . also, i.e. ... as 
well as . . ., both . . . and . . ., not only . . . but also, Ex. x. 25 i. 
xii. 31, Gen. xxiv. 25, 1 Sam. xvii. 36, Jer. li. 12, 49 ; *!.:. 
*)K is rare, and used only in poetry, Isa. xl. 24, xli. 26, xlvi. 11 ; 
also 1 ... 1, Isa. xvi. 5, xxxviii. 15, Ps. Ixxvi. 7, Job xxxiv. 29 ; 
and in prose, Num. xvi. 17, Jer. xxxii. 14, xl. 8, 1 Kings 
xvi. 11. Propositions of considerable length are rarely con- 
nected in this way. In negative propositions, the particles 
mean neither . . . nor . . ., 1 Kings iii. 26. The case is different 
when 03 is repeated merely for the sake of emphasis, Job 
xv. 1 0, Judg. v. 4. In another way, 7 ... f 3 (see 2 1 7#), as 
in Arabic, is equivalent to ... as well as . . ., the two extremes 
being connected, 2 Chron. xiv. 10. 

360&. 2. For connecting different things, as being, in a 
certain manner, exactly similar, the particle 3, used in com- 
parisons, is simply repeated, in order to express our as . . . so; 
SQ as the righteous, so the wicked, [865] Gen. xviii. 25, 



1 In these two passages, the Massoretes doubtless meant to indicate, by 
the vocalization fc^l (see 343a) and the accents, that the word has the 
peculiar meaning and 01 as, in both, the &O~ (see 246a) follows the volun- 
tative. But the sense requires, in 2 Sam., if lie would but go! (i.e. O 
that he might go); and in 2 Kings, even though a pair of mules tvith 
precious stones (i.e. as many precious stones as a couple of mules can carry; 
see 2870 were fliven me, is to be regarded as a mere protasis, so that &o- 
simply serves to give prominence to the voluntative. Instead of niDTN we 
must read 



280 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, SGO. 

xliv. 18, Judg. viii. 18, 2 Chron. xviii. 3. To indicate equality 
between two adjectives, there is used the somewhat longer tea 
(see 222a), which, even under these circumstances, stands 
more before a complete proposition; as the fresh, as the parched, 
one or the other indifferently, Ps. Iviii. 10. 1 If the second 
member possesses more of the force and weight belonging to 
the discourse ; or if it is very much separated from the first 
member, and requires to have its connection indicated some- 
what more decidedly ; or if, finally, it is a complete proposition, 
then the full form |3 so (see 105&), is introduced, as, Ps. 
cxxvii. 4, Joel ii. 4, 2 Kings vii. 18-20 ; in Ps. cxxxi. 2, how- 
ever, 7*B23, at the beginning of a short proposition, sufficiently 
expresses the sense of 5*B|n j? so is the weaned [child]. 2 If the 
first member also is a complete proposition, then we must say 
")B>tf3 instead of 3 (see 337). In shorter, or more closely 
connected propositions, the first particle may also be omitted ; 
so also, on the other hand, the second 3 is likewise more 
pointedly attached by means of the Vav of sequence, Josh. 
xiv. 11, Dan. xi. 29, 1 Sam. xxx. 24. *W Hfi^S means exactly 
in the same way as, Eccles. v. 15, cf. 1 Chron. xxv. 8. 

But the comparison is not always expressed in both mem- 
bers in an equally complete manner. Even the mere "^K 
is employed for as, in Jer. xxxiii. 22, xlviii. 8, Isa. liv. 9, 
a use of the word which is not surprising (see 333&); 
the same application is made, in Isa. Ixii. 5, of '3, which, of 
course, originally signifies as, but is not usually employed for 
"l|to. In the brief, poetic style, it is also sufficient to attach 
merely the second proposition by means of I?, Judg. v. 1 5 ; 
more readily, 3 is placed only with the first half, Neh. v. 5, 
or the Vav of sequence is enough for the second, Isa. viii. 23. 

&. If the comparison relates to time, j? is our immediately, 
Ps. xlviii. 6, 1 Sam. ix. 13 3 (cf. weaker modes of expression 
in 337c). If it refers to degree, it is our the more . . . the 

1 Cf. }.Q__K5 1^**> however remote, Knbs' Chrestomatliy, p. 74. 

2 We must not omit noticing here, that 3 is a particle which, properly, 
in every case, subordinates the word or words used as its completion, after 
the manner of the incomplete nouns (see 286dff.) ; so that Di*3, or, more 
precisely, n-tn Di*3, may signify as it is to-day, Jer. xliv. 6, 22 f. (instead 
of which ri;tn Di*n is used in ver. 2). 

8 Cf. wra in 1 Mace. xii. 26. 






EQUATED PKOPOSITIONS. 281 

more, Ex. i. 12, Hos. iv. 7, x. 1, xi. 2, cf. Nah. i. 12; 1 but 
this idea is more strongly expressed by means of the combina- 
tion 7#3 . . , 7JJ3 according to . . . so, of which only the second 
may afterwards be used, 2 Isa. lix. 18, Ixiii. 7. 

When the same thought is repeated under the same form 
of expression, either from doubt, as in w^w Wblp "iBtes as 
(or, when) I am bereaved [866] / am bereaved, Gen. xliii. 13, 
Esth. iv. 16 ; or merely because the speaker does not choose 
to say anything more about the matter, as in Zech. x. 8, 
the perfect is used (according to 355, 357c). 3 A propo- 
sition with where, however, may also be stated by itself, 
2 Sam. xv. 20, though 1 Sam. xxiii. 13 shows that the 
leading tense is apt to be repeated in it. 

c. When correlation can be sufficiently and most simply 
expressed by repeating a noun or pronoun, and placing one 
form in opposition to the other, the language generally con- 
tents itself with this method. So, nn . . . nj this . . . that, 
when different individuals are introduced, as they present 
themselves to the mind of the speaker, Jer. xliv. 5 ; TOi njo 
from (or, on) this and that side; H3HJ njn here and there (see 
103/), or, this and that, I Kings xx. 40 (see 184); 
-in&O intf one to another, 1 Kings iii. 25, 2 Kings iv. 35 ; 
similarly B^Kp C^N, *yp ^ } Mic. iv. 3 ; cf. other instances in 
1 Kings vi. 27, 2 Kings xxi. 16, Ezek. xiii. 18, Ezra ix. 11, 
Esth. i. 7 : the idea may even be conveyed simply by repeat- 
ing the article, Jer. li. 46 ; hence also igte tsh . . . "I^'K B some 
. . . others, K"eh. v. 24 ; or a slight change of the word, such 
as is found in nftp . . . fitfp the one end of . . . the other end of it, 
Ps. xix. 7, because the plural form also is very natural and 
convenient in this passage. 

This simplicity of construction is radically the same as that 
according to which the comparative and superlative merely 
follow from the connection of the whole ; e.g. D^'inN last, twice 



1 The Syriac also frequently expresses this by *vn . . 

2 Similarly, of two such words, the first [as well as the second] remains 
in the case of ^yjj? . . . fyip^ therefore . . . in order that / . . ., Neh. 
vi. 13 ; and the still shorter mode of expression is presented in the case of 
"TQJJS) Job xx. 2, 3. The possibility of forming such constructions results 
from what is stated in 220a. 

8 The same mode of expression is frequently used in Arabic. 



282 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, SGI. 

repeated, is to be rendered by latter and last, Gen. xxxiii. 2, 
Eccles. i. 11; as the Hebrew also, in the case of general 
ideas like great, often leaves modifications of these, like our 
too great, or too little, to be inferred merely from the drift 
of the discourse, Zech. xii. 7, 2 Chron. xxix. 34, 2 Kings 
iii. 18. 

361. 3. Mutual connection between different cases which 
are represented as possible, is formed by repeating the con- 
ditional particle : thus, DW . . . DK if one likes this, and if one 
likes that, i.e. sive . . . sive ; as, JH n] nto DK sive bonum, sive 
malum. In shorter propositions, however, and in interroga- 
tive sentences (see 324c), the second member is also intro- 
duced, more briefly, by ON merely, or \ Job xvi. 6 ; so also, 
on the other hand, OKI may be found merely with the second, 
Prov. xxvii. 24, or even ON, 1 Kings xxi. 2, cf. ver. 6. 
Though disjunctive questions may be formed by simply repeat- 
ing the n, Num. xiii. 18, yet the second question is oftener 
indicated more definitely by this 0*0 or OK. On the other 
hand, iK (see 352a), the essential meaning of which is or y 
forms the transition to something new which rises after other 
things, and thrusts itself into greater prominence : hence, also, 
it is used with the voluntative ; thus, or (rather) let him make 
peace (if he does not like the previous alternative), Isa. xxvii. 5, 
Lev. xxvi. 41. Then also, put antithetically, itf . . . itf means 
either in this way, or in that ; hence, it is stronger than the 
mere &N : and while the double EN is used more before single 
nouns, this particle stands more before whole propositions. 
In this latter case, however, since it includes the meaning of 
the conditioning BK, it resembles this particle [867] in being 
Joined with the perfect (see 355&); thus, JHJ IN nsi IN sive 
nderit, sive cognorit, Lev. v. 1, 2 If.; and with the second 
member only, in Lev. xv. 3, Num. v. 14: the same idea is 
also more briefly indicated by } ... } (see 3526), Prov. 
xxix. 9; 1 cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. pp. 119, 322. Many 
different kinds of possible cases are also set forth by means 
of "i^'N W, repeated, with reference to the past : if it were the 
case that . . . and if it were the case that, i.e. if it were ever at 
any time thus ... or thus : the same thing is afterwards 
several times more briefly indicated by IN, Num. ix. 20 ff. 
1 See the Jahrbucher der bibl. Wissensch. xi. p. 28. 



MISCELLANEOUS DOUBLE I'KOPOSITIONS. 2Sl> 



3. Other Kinds of Double Propositions. 

362#. Of these, there are many other particular kinds; as, 
9*l . . . W3P 7p.jn was it too little (i.e. almost, because it was 
too small a matter) that he followed after evil, he actually took 
a wife of such a character, 1 Kings xvi. 31, cf. 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 19. 1 ^n s .! ^I!l ^n ?)N 2 scarcely had he struck the water, 
when it parted, 2 Kings ii. 14; cf. Cant. iii. 4. 

Propositions which destroy each other (in something of the 
way that is done by pev . . . Se, though . . . yet, Ger. zwar . . . 
doch), like cases of simple antithesis (see 354&), are more 
rarely distinguished in Hebrew by an outward mark; nor, in 
the case of the protasis, does the language at all possess any 
special word such as, among the Semitic tongues, is employed 
by the Ethiopic for this purpose. By the use of other means, 
however, such propositions are, of course, capable of being put 
in a form in which they can be tolerably well distinguished. 
In extreme cases, even an &s if (i.e, although, see 355&) in 
the protasis is sufficient for this purpose, as 1 Sam. xv. 17, 
Eccles. vi. 3 ; or there is merely put first, in an emphatic way, a 
proposition whose meaning is the direct opposite of the following 
one with which it is contrasted (see 3o7&), Mic. iv. 1113, 
iv. 14-v. 1, Zeph. iii. 18 f., 1 Chron. xxvi. 10, 2 Chron. xxiv. 
24: the latter member becomes still more significant when the 
protasis also assumes an antithetical form, e.g. by employing 
the voluntative, Isa. xl. 3 Of., or by the pronominal subject 
being expressly mentioned first, as, ^N in Isa. xlix. 4, Jonah 
ii. 5 (in which case I5&J or ^ nevertheless, is prefixed to the 
apodosis), Ps. xxxi. 23, xli. 5-13; or when the second member 
is preceded by also (see 3526), Prov. iii. 34 (though . . . yet 
also . . .). The first member, however, frequently, by means 
of ^P that! uttered as it were by way of challenge, or strong 
request, makes a concession which the apodosis then often 
even without an antithetical particle sharply revokes (Lat. ut 
faciat . . . tamen, though he should . . . yet), as, 2 Sam. xvi. 
10 Kethib (twice), Gen. iv. 24, Job xv. 27-29, Ps. xxvii. 10, 

1 Cf. very similar forms of sentences in Neo-Hebraic, Gemara, 
fol. 30&. 

2 Instead of this we must perhaps read TJX (see 3415). 



284 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 362. 

xlix. 19, xxi. 12, Ixxi. lOff., cxix. 83, Hos. xiii. 15, Mic. 
vii. 8, ISTah. i. 10 (where, in the apodosis, the perfect is used, 
in accordance with 3555), Deut. xviii. 14, Jer. iv. 30, xxx. 
11, xlvi. 23 f., xlix. 16, 1. 11, li. 53, Zech. viii. 6, Mai. i. 4, 
Eccles. iv. 14f., 1 Chron. xxviii. 5 ; hence also, with ^l placed 
unusually further on in the proposition, / peace though I 
speak, they desire war, Ps. cxx. 7. 1 The same thing happens 
even in the case of a proposition [868] with ^3, which is placed 
after the other, Prov. vi. 35. The iKfc which indicates a chal- 
lenge, or earnest request, is [very rarely] used instead of *3 , in 
Aramaizing language, Eccles. viii. 12, where, before the apo- 
dosis, there stands the stronger D3 *3 nevertheless; hence, also, 
with a similar transposition, we find V>rw in multi ut sint, 
though the days of his life be ever so many, Eccles. vi. 3. 
With this 3 there is also sometimes joined E3 (see 350), to 
strengthen it, so that the expression corresponds still more to 
our although, Josh. xxii. 7, Hos. viii. 10, Isa. i. 15, Jer. xiv. 12; 
in the same way also "^ D3, Neh. iii. 35, and EN D3, Eccles. viii. 
17; nay, even the simple Wl has a like meaning, Jer. xxxvi. 
25, as also f\X, Ezra x. 15f. And even D3 alone, repeated 
before two propositions, may of itself give prominence to the 
sharp antithesis subsisting between them, Ps. cxix. 23 f. 

c. Paraphrastic expressions of similar ideas are ")B>K bbzfor 
all that . . ., i.e. however much, Eccles. viii. 17 (where we 
must read b*3 instead of the meaningless ?^); and iKte "linn in 
spite of the fact that . . ., i.e. notwithstanding that, Deut. i. 
3 If.; 2 also with '3 to strengthen the expression, ")f W3 '3 
despite the fact that . . ., Ex. xviii. II. 3 

But, without any such external mark of distinction what- 
ever being used, the same meaning may also be contained 
merely in the sharp antithesis which exists between two short 
propositions, as in Ps. cxix. 51, 61. 

1 A similar liberty taken in arranging words is exhibited, during the 
period of artificial poetic composition, in the case of *jj;, Ps. cxli. 10. 
' 2 For, in this passage, we must undoubtedly read "Q*n instead of the 
meaningless "OllDS, and then regard ver. 32 as the apodosis of ver. 31 ; 
though, even so early as the tune when the Septuagint translation was 
made, the present reading \tv TJ spy/aip] was found. 

3 In the language of the Mishna, there frequently occurs the expression 
'& ifi ^y ?]tf although. 



INVOLVED SENTENCES. 285 

CONCLUSION. 

Longer and more Complex Sentences. 

363&. From all that has been stated above, it is further 
evident how more than two propositions and trains of thought, 
of considerable length, may be arranged so as to meet and 
form one whole; because what has been explained merely pre- 
sents itself again, interwoven in various ways, as, Neh. iii. 35, 
Judg. vi. 36 f., Job x. 13-1 7, XL 13-15, xxxiii. 15-28, Ezek 
viii. 11, Esth. ix. 1, 2. But, though the connection of the 
propositions (see 340 ff.) is for the most part maintained by 
using and, at least in narrative, on the other hand, when a 
grand idea is to be introduced in as precise, and yet as brief 
and pointed a form as possible, one proposition may also press 
closely upon another without any conjunction being employed, 
as in the fine example found in Isa. xxx. 33. The notion 
that the Hebrew language is incapable of forming large and 
involved sentences, is a- mere groundless prejudice ; the first 
two pieces of narrative in the Bible begin at once with such 
sentences, 1 and we have already treated of the long relative 
sentences (see 335c). 

[869] 6. Insertion of one sentence in another, though not 
very frequently resorted to, is advantageously employed when 
it serves to round off the whole more speedily, as, Ps. xviii. 4, 
Gen. iii. 3 ; and, among the poets, a circumstantial clause may 
often be abruptly thrown in between two other members of a 
verse which stand in mutual relation, for the purpose of giving 
a general explanation of their meaning, Gen. xlix. 8, Ps. xl. 7, 
xlv. 6, Job xxxvii. 12: the same construction is more freely 
and fully adopted in rhetorical passages, as, 2 Kings xxii. 
18-20 (2 Chron. xxxiv. 26-28), 2 Chron. ii. 2-6 : it is 
rarely followed in the narrative style, as, 1 Sam. xxvii. 11 
(from the first iba!? to toBBto). It is something different with 
those insertions in the narrative which merely append, in a 
brief manner, what might have been stated at a previous stage, 
1 Sam. xxv. 2-4. 

c. Changes in the mode of construction first adopted (see 
1 Gen. i. 1-3, ii. 5-7; cf. the Jahrbticher der libl. Wiss. i. p. 84, ii. p. 151. 



286 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 364. 

308) may occur during the course of a somewhat long and 
composite sentence, or in joining one proposition to another, 
when the one expression is almost as suitable as the other, or 
when the discourse becomes more condensed, as, 1 Kings 
vi. 12, Num. xv. 29, Dent. xi. 2 ft, Zech. vii. 7 ff., Dan. i. 15 : 
these changes, however, require to be carefully examined as 
they stand in every separate passage, and to be viewed in 
accordance with the peculiar style of each individual author. 
Many, too, merely appear to be changes, but are not such in 
reality. 1 



APPENDIX. 

AGKEEMENT OF THE ACCENTUATION WITH THE SYNTAX. 2 
(SEE 97/.) 

364a. In order to see how well the accentuation accords 
tvith the nature and spirit of a proposition, as described in the 
syntax, we must especially bear in mind that it embraces the 
meaning quite as much as the rhythm of the words in the pro- 
position or verse, and yet in such a way that the latter can 
never be opposed to the former. There must be a necessary 
order and arrangement, a connection or separation of the words 
which form a proposition, arising out of the internal meaning 
of the thoughts and modes of expression, quite apart from 
the rhythm, or any peculiarly appropriate or beautiful turn 
that may be formed in the attempt to express the whole. 

1 Thus, it would be necessary to complete Job xxxix. 27Z> from a : " and 
dost thou command him that" etc. But, instead of t^l, we should rather 
read ifcO and the vulture, following the Septuagint and xxviii. 7 : ''K and 
nX are then related to each other (see 176a). 

2 [Unfortunately, the printed text of the Hebrew Bible has never been 
accented on uniform principles. But a laudable attempt in the right direc- 
tion has been made, within the past few years, by Baer ; see his editions 
of Genesis, Isaiah, Job, Psalms, and the Minor Prophets. For a clear 
and succinct account, in English, of these signs, see Dr. A. B. Davidson's 
Outlines of Hebrew Accentuation (London 1861), especially pp. 35-52, 
which bear on the subject of this section.] 



AGREEMENT OF ACCENTUATION WITH .SYNTAX. 287 

From the deep foundation of an ultimate law, the internal 
meaning presents all the separate materials, which the rhythm, 
embracing the whole externally, puts into shape and form, not 
for the purpose of rendering these materials indistinct and con- 
fused, but to make them produce one beautiful and harmonious 
unity ; for the rhythm is the meaning for the whole, or the 
breath which combines and animates all the individual parts. 
Hence, we must treat of 

[870] I. I. The arrangement of the words, as regulated ly 
the meaning of the constructions, viewed ~by themselves. Here, 
therefore, we are really concerned with the various kinds of 
connections formed between words, and their differences, as 
these have already been explained. And we start from the 
most intimate connections which are formed : 

1. The first place must be assigned to the connection of 
words by means of the construct state. This construction is the 
closest that can be conceived ; so that it is scarcely possible 
for the greatest separation (i.e. the division into different parts 
of a verse ; see 9 7) to be carried out between words con- 
nected in this way. A preposition or conjunction is rightly 
regarded as the first member of a construct expression ; so 
also, negatives placed before the words which they modify; 
interrogates, too, are very closely connected with the pro- 
position. 

c. 2. The connection formed by apposition (see 293) is, cer- 
tainly, a close one also, though loose, not strict (as in the case 
of the construct state) ; for the first member is posited by itself, 
without reference to what follows : there is simply a succession, 
in which each word is stated separately, and co-ordinated with 
the other. Hence, the various kinds of apposition differ very 
much. Two words are easily connected ; and the connection 
is all the more close and necessary, the less the second ex- 
presses a merely accidental property ; for, "in *jjn, E^n nt will 
combine more closely than Sw E^Nn, inasmuch as, in the two 
former cases, the first word already points to the second and 
more independent word. But, when the apposition is more 
widely extended, the individual parts very easily separate, e.g. 
the two adjectives in three other great men, Gen. xli. 20, Ex. xii. 
5 ; so that even the greatest separation may take place, through 
the incidental addition of something else (as, for instance, a 



288 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, sci. 

relative clause) to the description which is already complete in 
itself : thus, three great men, who are come (or, who had come). 

For, unquestionably, a relative clause which defines a pre- 
ceding word belongs to this category (see 331); and the 
closest connection is formed between a single noun and a brief 
relative clause, as well as between a noun and an adjective, 
Isa. Iv. 5, Iviii. 5, 6. If, however, the connection between 
the words is more broken up by the fact that the relative pro- 
position is expressly introduced by "it?K, then the proposition 
to be defined becomes more and more separated. 

d. A word connected by means of the copulative particle is 
still more readily separated, from what precedes, than a word 
in apposition. In certain cases, indeed, two words thus con- 
nected, as being mutually explanatory, may be joined together 
in the closest manner, as, *MJ VJ, Gen. iv. 14; but the most of 
such connections are formed contingently, and are easily broken 
up again. On the other hand, when two words are connected 
without employing the copulative particle (see 349), the 
union is always closer. 

e. 3. With regard to propositions, the following remarks will 
be easily understood from what is stated in 306 ff. The 
verb and the subject or even, another predicate and subject 
always follow in uniform succession. And though this 
connection is not so close as the two which have already been 
mentioned, inasmuch as the two main elements of a proposi- 
tion, the predicate and the subject, may also be very easily 
separated, yet it is very natural, and is easily effected ; in 
short, it is a succession which as readily allows itself to be 
broken through on the slightest occasion, as it is, in itself, in- 
clined for the closest union. The same holds true with regard 
to the accusative, or a nominative which follows the verb or 
subject, as a fuller explanation. But a subject placed before 
the verb is much less inclined to submit to close construction : 
such a word, indeed, does allow itself to be intimately joined 
with what follows, when the series in which it occurs is of 
the shortest description, but it much rather prefers separation, 
when this is possible. A prefixed object is still less inclined 
for close connection. But a subject, prefixed as shown in 
306c, forms an exceptional case, which one can readily under- 
stand : personal pronouns, too, on account of their sniallness, 



AGREEMENT OF ACCENTUATION WITH SYNTAX. 289 

[871] like to be closely joined with other words. The more 
definite predicate belongs, and is attached, more to the verb 
than the subject ; cf. Mic. iv. 1 with Isa. ii. 2. 

/. Let us here designate every word which does not neces- 
sarily belong to the proposition, pure and simple, an addition 
made to it, as, for instance, a word with a preposition, an 
accusative of time, particles descriptive of particular circum- 
stances. With regard to such an addition, this much, of a 
definite character, admits of being stated generally, that it is, 
necessarily, less firmly and closely connected with the whole, 
and is naturally inclined for separation, whether attached at 
the beginning, or middle, or end of the proposition. 

365#. II. The greatest difficulty only now arises, and this 
in the application of the accents to the rhythm. For, in the 
first place, those connections which are in themselves possible 
are found together in a proposition, generally in the most 
strangely diversified ways that can be imagined ; so that, at 
almost every turn, the question arises, what, in view of such 
conflicting elements, and considering the great length of the 
proposition in many cases, is the true, the fitting, the most 
graceful arrangement and succession ? Secondly, since the 
arrangement into verses is the great regulating principle, while 
many short propositions are often joined together in the verse, 
the rhythm itself may vary in accordance with the position of a 
smaller whole in the greater; and the same member of the 
sentence may assume one form at the beginning and another 
at the end of the verse, or part of the verse, or even section 
of the verse. Prom all this, there arises such an immense 
number of special modifications of those general rules, that 
we can here touch merely on some of the most common 
and important. 

&. 1. Two words which come together and in any way give 
forth a meaning, are almost always connected in accentuation 
also, whether they were intended as parts of an incomplete 
or truncated proposition, as, ^K tit? not (no), my lord ! Gen. 
xix. 2, or whether the arrangement was meant to be exceptional, 
as when the subject is placed first; cf. 2 Sam. xviii. 18, xix. 
27, with xix. 10, 41. Such a connection is marked, unless 
the second word from the end must be made to serve as a 
member of the verse (see 97c,ff.), because there is no other 

T 



290 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, 355. 

that can be used for the purpose : in this case, the words are 
kept apart, always and necessarily in 1&, but seldom, and only 
when the separation is easier, in 2c. 

c. 2. When three words coine together, one of them is 
necessarily separated, more or less, from the others ; for it is 
inconceivable that three words should have exactly the same 
weight, and run on in a perfectly even course. But even in 
the most calm and steady consecution, out of three words, two 
will almost always be inclined to, and attract each other, not 
merely in meaning, but also especially in rhythm ; so that the 
third is, by this very circumstance, separated from the others. 
In the higher members, indeed, which are more rapidly gone 
through, such a separation, if slight, becomes less readily per- 
ceived ; and even when the separation becomes somewhat more 
perceptible, Pesiq is sufficient : in the inferior members, how- 
ever, the separation becomes the more precise and necessary. 

When the last two of three words are in any way closely 
connected, they jointly repel the third, ale, even in cases in 

which the first two are no less closely connected ; for, since 
the end, as that which limits and embraces the whole, almost 
always possesses the right of final decision, the second last 
word, if possible, remains in its natural connection with the 
last. It is only when the first two are, comparatively, more 
closely connected than the last two, that they take a common 
stand against the last. This accordingly takes place (a) in 
the case of three words joined in the construct state, and even 
when the first is merely a preposition, or conjunction, or a 
particle resembling these, as, ^JL 1 31? ; in the same way, 
even ")t?K (contrary to 364c) [872] is separated, when followed 
by &6> which, however, more closely belongs to the verb, Isa. 
Ivi. 5. Whenever the third word stands more apart, the first 
two are connected, as, B*K "OT B^.F twelve men. 

(ft) On the other hand, when three words stand in apposi- 
tion, the last one, as merely descriptive, will generally be 
separated more easily: ale. But when, along with two words 

placed in construction, there stands a third in apposition, then 
the separation is made at the construct word, if the word in 
apposition belongs in meaning to the second noun ; and at the 
second noun, if the apposition belongs to the first word; for, 



AGREEMENT OF ACCENTUATION WITH SYNTAX. 291 



fi w-pl ?5 is the son of the great king, but bftan Tpjsn \j. the 
great (elder, or eldest) son of the king. When, of three words 
possessing equal weight, two are without the copulative par- 
ticle, while the third has it, the conjunction in any case makes 
the separation, as, &JHJ rap tt, Isa. Iv. 1 ; on the other 
hand, we find even D^nbn W3$ pto, 2 Sam. xix. 12. More- 
over, when a and & are two verbs, these combine against c, 
the subject, as in Ex. xii. 28. 

(7) The subject and predicate are disjoined, when the one 
or the other contains two words. And, though the verb and 
the subject are inclined to each other, they are nevertheless 
separated, whenever the subject has a complement, in the 
shape of a word joined by the construct state, or placed in 
apposition, to which it is much more closely attached [than to 
the verb], Gen. vii. 19, viii. 5, 13, ix. 22, xxxiv. 1, 2 Sam. 
xvi. 5, xix. 17; or when the verb actually embraces more than 
the subject which most readily suggests itself, as when vtfjP they 
asked, is followed by injrrriK WX each the other, Ex. xi. 2; the 
same holds in the case of the object, Isa. liv. 3. On the other 
hand, if a I, representing the verb and subject, be followed by 
the object, then the former join in common as against the latter; 
as also in the rare case when the subject is the third word; if, 
however, the subject or object comes first, then the two follow- 
ing words combine against the other, Isa. liv. 3. Two different 
objects (or if the one forms a more definite explanation of 
the predicate two different nominatives also) make their 
separation more clearly perceptible; e.g. verb, subject, then the 
more definite predicate, 2 Sam. xviii. 10, xix. 10, Isa. Ivi. 7. 

A word which forms an addition (see 364/) is always 
distinctly separated, when placed among three others, of which 
two, in the manner described above, are more intimately con- 
nected. If it stands at the beginning or the end, it unites, by 
its counterpoise, the last two or the first two, if these follow 
in calm succession (e.g. at the beginning, nan, Isa. lix. 1, 2 Sam. 
xviii. 10, cf. on the contrary, ver. 11, Gen. xviii. 9, at the 
end, N^3D, Q en< j v> 13). the reverse holds true when the con- 

secution is impassioned, ^ log iW, a I c. When placed in the 

middle, it attaches itself to the first, if the sense at all allows 
this; e.g. an adverb is attached to the verb, 1V^ rnnp aoj let 



292 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, SGS. 

thy salvation come quickly; on the contrary, it is joined to the 
last, when the subject precedes, as, N^ rnrup sjjfljfr thy salvation 
shall come quickly, Isa. Iviii. 8, 2 Sam. xix. 10, 41. 

d. 3. When there are four or more words, it is, in fact, but 
the same thing that recurs with an ever-increasing variety of 
arrangement. Thus, when we have four words, there are four 

possible ways of connecting them : a I c d, a b c d, a I c d, a I c d; 

so that, in the last two cases, three words again, in the sense 
of what is stated in 365c, form a member capable of being 
further divided. In the case of words forming an even num- 
ber, the most graceful and natural arrangement is the divi- 
sion into two equal members; a short, feebler word, however, 
likes to be joined to a stronger one which precedes, as, Kin 
in 2 Sam. xix. 33, nij> in Gen. iv. 25, vii. 4, cf. ix. 11. 

If a word which does not belong to the chief matters 
treated of in the verse, or even some words of such a nature, 
be opposed to what is, however, a very suitable arrangement 
and division of the words of the verse, their opposition may 
always be easily removed by using Maqqef, i.e. they may 
easily be hurried over by pronouncing them with the greatest 
rapidity, cf. 97. 

e. The interruption of a discourse by the insertion of a 
new proposition is [873] distinctly marked; since, for instance, 
*3 for, though regularly placed in close construction, to which 
it is partial (see 364c), is nevertheless sharply separated from 
its own proposition by another which indicates comparison 
and is introduced by "itftesi as, Isa. Iv. 10. But so little does 
the biblical accentuation resemble our punctuation, which is so 
meagre and at the same time so paltry, that it indicates the 
impassioned exclamation or emphasis connected with a word in 
the proposition by employing, at most, a Pesiq, in addition to 
the succession of accents, which are otherwise necessary of 
themselves, as, B jn?K | &", Gen. xxii. 1 1 ; and, at the point 
where the statement that is quoted begins, it very properly 
does not form a great division in the verse, as if the reader 
were so shortsighted as not to perceive that, as has just been 
stated, an address here follows. It is only when a longer in- 
troduction precedes, as with the expressly inserted "ifoK? saying, 
that a longer section is formed, Deut. i. 16, 2 Sam. xix. 10. 



AGREEMENT OF ACCENTUATION WITH SYNTAX. 293 

366. By further consideration and investigation in this 
way, there will always be found a beautiful harmony between 
the accentuation and the syntax, so that each may afford 
explanation and support to the other. Whether we start 
with the syntax, and come to understand it without knowing 
anything yet of the accentuation (as the author once actually 
did), or proceed from the latter to the former, accurate investi- 
gation will always lead to the same result, so that he who 
has a correct understanding of the syntax, has already nearly 
mastered the accentuation also, and he who understands the 
latter will always find himself more easily at home in the 
former. But this is, at the same time, the highest praise that 
can be given to the accentuation. 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 

(The numbers refer to the pages of the Translation.) 





PAGE PAGE 


PAGK 


Genesis 


Genesis contd. 


Genesis contd. 


1. 1, 


144, 156, 2IS, 


4. 15, 36, 156, 244 


9. 24, 


. . 3 <5 




285 


18, . . 128 


25, 


169 


4, 


. 22 3 


24, . . 283 


10. 21, 


. 128, 172 


7, 


9, . . 116 


25, . . 292 


25, 


. 128 


10, 


17, 237, 252 


26, . . I? 2 


11. 1, 


J 33 


11, 


12, , 258 


5. 1, . . 2i 5 


4, 


. 239 


14, 


. . 178 


3, 33, 44 


6, 


'39 


16, 


. 170 


22, . . 32 


7, 


. 226, 227 


21, 


37, 53, ", 258 


24, 32, 189, 257 


30, 


2 S7 


24, 


'7 


6. 2, . . 223 


12. 1, 


173 


28, 


. 220 


3, . . 184 


2, 


!33, 2*5 


29, 


30, . 37, 107 


4, . . 266 


3, 


. 184 


31, 


. 119 


9, 11, . 3* 


6, 


. 239 


2. 2, 


4 


14, . 29, 68 


7, 


. 209 


3, 


4, 7 2 "9 


17, . 94, 153 


8, 


. 240 


4, 


. 148 


20, . . 147 


9, 


. 49 


5, 


. 229, 285 


7. 2, . 168, 189 


13. 7, 


. 239 


6, 


. 246 


4, . . 292 


10, 


126, 156 


7, 


. 68 


6, . 94, 243 


16, 


. 211 


8, 


33 


8, . . 189 


14. 1, 


2, . . 146 


9, 


. 106 


10, . . 243 


4, 


96, 142 


10, 


. 245 


11, . . 113 


5, 


. 142 


16, 


ii 


13, . . 82 


7, 


8, . . 136 


17, 


12, 159, 166 


19, . .291 


10, 


104, 164, 1 68 


18, 


. 131 


20, . . 44 


13, 


29 


19, 


ii 


22, . . 41 


19, 


. 113, 129 


3. 1, 


. 268 


8r> 
. 3, . -49 


15. 1, 


'34 


3, 


. . 285 


5, . 49, 291 


2, 


79 


4, 


. 166 


7, . 48, 194 


10, 


. 41 


5, 


. 250 


13, 4, 239, 254, 291 


13, 


. 165, 213 


8, 


. 180 


21, 37, 81, 107 


16, 


. . 46 


11, 


. 190 


9. 2, . . 53 


18, 


5 


13, 


. 197 


3, 37, 81, 210 


16. 7, 


. 106 


15, 


. 54 


4, . . 257 


8, 


8 


17, 


. 30 


5, . . 41 


12, 


81, 92, 106 


22, 


. 227 


6, . . 146 


13, 


. 59 


24, 


. 79 


10, 41, 162, 220 


17. 4, 


iS9 


4. 3, 


40 


11, . . 2 9 2 


5, 


. I2& 


4, 


. 172 


12, 15, . 220 


10, 


203 (twice) 


7, 


. 182, 194 


19, . . no 


11, 


37, 7 


10, 


. 180 


20, . 106, 137 


12, 


. 41 


13, 


. 291 


22, . 147, 291 


14, 


37, 7 


14, 


253> 2 75, 288 


23, . . 239 


17, 


. 195 



295 



296 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED. 



Genesis contd. 


PAGE 


PAGE 

Genesis contd. 


PAGH 

Genesis contd. 


17. 18, 


. 205 


24. 21, 


. . 238 


33. 18, 


44 


20, . 


5, 247 


25, 


. 279 


34. 1, 


. 291 


24, 25, . 


37, 7 


30, 


. . 148 


7, 


12 


18. 5, 


. 267 


31, 


. 113 


21, 


135 


6, 


80, 94 


42, 


. 272 


35. 7, 




9, . 


139, 291 


45, 


. 229 


13, 


14,! ! L? 


10, . 


. 228 


49, 


. 272 


22, 


57 


11, . 


. 242 


55, 


. 236, 264 


26, 


. 128 


12, . 


i93 X 94 


60, 


. 80 


36. 19, 


. 136 


13, 14, . 


194 


62, 


'3 


43, 


. . 136 


19, . 


. 226 


67, 


. 107 


37. 2, 


. 119 


20, . 


. 206 


25. 16, 


J 35 


3, 


. 105 


21, . 


. 209 


23, 


123 


4, 


.59 


24, . 


95 


26, 


. 148, 149 


7, 


246 (twice) 


25, . 


279 


26. 10, 


7 


8, 


. 165 


28, . 


95, I0 9 


13, 


49 


15, 


. 69 


19. 1, 


. 238 


28, 


. . 165 


17, 


70 


2, . 


. 289 


27. 6, 


. . 69 


19, 


. 92 


4, . 


229, 243 


18, 


. 119 


23, 


. 105, in 


8, . 


. 267 


20, 


. 196 


26, 


199 


9, 21, 4 8 , 245 


21, 


. 194 


29, 


. 189 


12, . 


. 209 


29, 


. 184 


33, 


. 166 


14, . 


. 221 


30, 


4, 165, 242, 243 


38. 9, 


2 46, 253, 271 


15, . 


. 228 


33, 


. 221 


25, 


243 


30, . 


. 224 


34, 


I6 3 


26, 


. 267 


31, . 


. H9 


36, 


. 194 


29, 


. 228 


38, . 


. 170 


42, 


. 128, I 53 


39. 4-6 


, . . 218 


20. 7, . 


H, 255 


28. 6, 


2 53 


20, 


. 215 


9, 


12 


29. 6, 


J 34 


23, 


. 189 


11, . 


198, 247 


9, 


. 113 


40. 1, 


5, 113, 235 


13, . 


. I8 3 


13, 


. . 156 


13, 


211 


21. 3, 


. 209 


15, 


194 


14, 


. 24 7 , 2 74 


5, . 


. 149 


16, 


. 170 


41. 6, 


. IO S 


7, . 


. 225 


30. 1, 


J 93 


8, 


. 240 


12, . 


. I 4 


16, 


. 119 


12, 


. 112 


14, . 


253 


31, 


73 


15, 


. 231, 240 


16, . 


47 


32, 


47 


17, 


153 


20, . 


. 90 


34, 


. 205 


20, 


. . 28 7 


25, . 


- 2 53 


41, 


42, . . 246 


23, 


. lO^ 


28, . 


. 109 


31. 4, 


55 


26, 


. II 9 


22. 1, 


2 44 


15, 


21, 48, 245 


27, 


. 105 


4, . 


. 250 


20, 


. 154, 191 


29, 


93 


11, 


. 292 


21, 


3 1 


34, 


259 


13, . 


40 


32, 


. 217 


35, 


60, 118 


14, 59, 


211, 215 


34, 


. . 183 


40, 


54 


16, . 


. 206 


32. 11, 


5 


43, 


113, 114, 263 


20, . 


*39 


12, 


. 247 


50, 


. 178 


24, . 


. 250 


23, 


. 119 


42. 7, 


8 


23. 4, 


. 259 


27, 


273 


11, 


135, 137 


10, . 


. 162 


29, 


. 274 


18, 


. 255, 256 


11, . 


s 


31, 


. . 46 


19, 


no 


13, . 


5, 205 


33, 


. 58 


25, 


. 4 1 


20, . 


. 250 


33. 2, 


68, 282 


28, 


. 60 


24. 1, . 


*43 


5, 


. 65 


30, 


. 155 


2, . 


. 169 


7, 


236 (thrice) 


31, 


. 137 


3, . 


. 105 


8, 


196 


43. 3, 


190 


8, . 


. 187 


9, 


139 


4, 


. 272 


11, . 


. 242 


10, 


. 148, 267 


7, 


. ii (twice) 


15, . 


. 229 


11, 


139, 266 


9, 


. 271, 278 


19, . 


2 73 


13, 


274 


13, 


. 281 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



297 



Genesis contd. 


PAGE 


Exodus contd. 


PAGE 


Exodus contd. 


PAGE 


43. 14, 


. 119 


4. 16, 


253 


13. 10, 


. 125 


15, . 


. 80 


5. 5, . 


. 247 


17, . 


. 227 


17, . 


. 102 


7, . 


. 247 


21, . 


. 188 


20, . 


. 201 


9, . 


. 26l 


14. 2, . 


. 259 


24, . 


234 


11, - 


192, 161 


4, . 


. 255 


25, 


II 


16, 148, 


153, 19 


5, . 


. 156 


27, 


134 


18, . 


190 


9, 


. 69 


33, . 


60 


19, 50, 


HI, 172 


11, . 


. 192 


44. 4, 


58 


23, . 


230 


13, . 


. 217 


9, 10, . 


217 


6. 1, . 


. 261 


17, . 


255 


18, 


201, 280 


3, . 


55, i4 


28, . 


150, 162 


28, . 


. I6 5 


25, . 


. 63 


15. 1, . 


8 


45. 7, 


. 117 


28, . 


. 85 


2, 234, 


255, 266 


12, . 


IS 2 


7. 9, . 


. 256 


4, . 


9, 18! 


46. 3, 


. 224 


20, . 


. 62 


8, . 


. 266 


4, 


4 8, l6 7 


8. 1, . 


. 263 


9, . 


53 


22, . 


. 128 


4, . 


. 256 


11, . 


. 100 


27, . 


l82, 209 


5, . 


. 260 


12, . 


9 


47. 9, . 


134 


17, 


. 272 


13, . 


. 209 


21, . 


159 


20, . 


253 


14, . 


9 


24, . 


. 13 


22, . 


. 271 


16, . 


121 


48. 17, 


. 223 


23, . 


ii 


16. 3, 


206, 225 


49. 4, 


III 


9. 2, . 


i53 


4, . 


106 


8, . 


163, 285 


3, . 


. 136 


6, . 


. 250 


10, . 


. 239 


7, . 


239 


7,8, . 




11, 


104 


14, . 


. 226 


10, . 


239 


13, . 


. 172 


15, . 


. 278 


16, 




24, . 


141, 216 


16, . 


. 148 


19, . 


41 


25, 38, 


255, 262 


18, . 


. 216 


20, . 


. 56 


28, . 


. 41 


19, . 


. 236 


21, 


.. 246 


29, . 


. 243 


20, . 


188, 220 


22, . 


80, 95 


50. 5, . . 


. 243 


21, . 


. 251 


27, . 


. 126 


15, . 


. 277 


27, . 


. 132 


28, . 


5 


17, . 


. 63 


28, . 


. 76 


17. 2, . 


. 197 


19, . 


. 193 


31, . 


133 


4, . 


. 250 






10. 1, . 


. 119 


12, . 


45, !43 


Exodus 




3, . 


5, 243 


16, . 




1. 7, . 


71 


5, . 


. 125 


18. 9, 


. 217 


12, . 


. 281 


8, 128, 


169, 220, 


11, 


. 284 


15, . 


. 211 




221 


20, . 


213 


16, . 
17, . 


. 2 7 I 
. 24 


9, . 
13, . 


. 220 
243 


22, . 
31, 32, . 


: 35 


22, . 


. 5 6 


21, . 


. 125 


19. 5, . 


. i6 5 


2. 2, . 


. 223 


25, . 


59, 279 


11, 


. 9 6 


4, . 


II, 231 


26, . 


. 65 


12, . 


74, 267 


6, . 


1 60 


11. 2, . 


. 291 


13, . 


. 148 


7, . 


. 255 


4, . 


. 142 


15, 16, . 


. 96 


15, . 


3 


5, . 


. 221 


19, . 


3 2 7 s 


3. 2, . 


153 


12. 3, 


. 255 


20. 3, 


. 183 


6, . 


. 105 


5, . 


. 287 


5, . 


. 161 


8, . 


. 234 


9, . 


. 171 


8, . 


. 203 


10, . 


. 256 


11, . 


153 


10, . 


. 119 


11, 


. 225 


16, . 


. 128 


20, . 


175, 190 


13, . 


. 243 


28, . 


. 2 9 I 


21. 4, 


. 236 


15, 16, . 


. 105 


31, . 


. 279 


11, . 


. 80 


19, . 


66, 261 


34, . 


. 229 


28, . 


37, "8 


4. 1, . 


. 271 


42, . 


. 172 


22. 14, 


62 


2, . 


196 


49, . 


. I 3 


22, . 


. 206 


10, . 


91, 230 


13. 7, 


37, "8 


24, . 


34 


13, . 


. 218 


9, . 


. 261 


30, . 


94 



298 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



Exodus contd. 


PAGE 


PAGE 

Leviticus contd. 


PAGE 

Leviticus contd. 


23. 11, 


. l8 3 


4. 28, 


. . 264 


26. 39, 


2 35 


15, 


45 


33, 


. 215 


41, 


. 282 


30, 


. 168 


5. 1,21, 


22, . 282 


43, 24, 


164, 249 


24. 5, . 


. 90 


6. 3, 


56, 211 


44, . 


265, 268 


10, . 


82, 121 


7, 


. 203 


27. 2, 


. 126 


11, 


3 2 


7. 8, 


37, !?i 


8, 11, . 


. 125 


14, . 


9 1 


9,14, 


. 171 


23; . 


. 108 


25. 28, 


. 128 


26, 


. 162 






26. 3, 80, 


109, 144 


9. 6, 


. 223 


Numbers 




5, 


. 241 


10. 6, 


57 


3. 26, 


38 


9, 


80 


9, 


. 251, 264 


47, . 


. 168 


19, . 


95 


17, 


. . 63 


5. 14, 


264, 282 


33, . 


. 116 


18, 


. 128 


29, 30, . 


. 219 


27. 7, . 


. 128 


11. 5, 


4, 188 


6. 5, . 


. 203 


28. 7, . 


. 130 


42, 


. 162 


13, . 


. 125 


10, . 


. no 


12. 7, 


. 117 


23, . 


. 202 


17, 


. 94 


13. 3, 




7. 7, . 


37 


32, . 


. 251 


4, 


135, 2 39 


10, . 


. 149 


34, . 


. 168 


9, 


. 181 


11, . 


. 168 


35, . 


. 251 


19, 24, 


43, . 102 


9. 6, 


. 252 


39, . 


. 107 


49, 


. 129, 135 


14, . 




43, . 


. 251 


52, 


. 184 


20, . 


93, 282 


29. 3, 


. 40 


55, 


. 149, 184 


10. 25, 


. 117 


30. 20, 21, . 


. 251 


56, 


H9 


31, . 


. 267 


36, . 


47 


57, 


. 184 


33, . 


2 43 


31. 14, 


. !8 4 


14. 34, 


106 


36, . 


55, 80 


15, . 


. 128 


35, 


34 


11. 5, . 




32. 1, 


. 120 


15. 3, 


. 282 


8,9, . 


. 246 


4, . 


. I8 3 


16, 


. 113 


15, . 


. 48 


6, . 


. 263 


24, 


24, 249 


27, . 


3 


8, . 


. I8 3 


32, 


. 113 


32, . 


48, 253 


12, . 


. 143 


16. 2, 


. 116 


12. 1, . 


236 


16, . 


>33 


17, 27, 


57 


14, . 


165, 242 


22, . 


. 141 


33, 


57, 6 3 


13. 18, 


. 282 


29, . 


. 264 


17. 4,9, 


. 188 


27, . 


55 


32, . 


2 73 


11, 


57, J7i 


14. 2, . 


. 205 


33, . 


. 209 


14, 


J 73 


21, . 


54 


33. 7, 


47 


18. 11, 


. 213 


24, 


. 60 


8, . 


. 240 


20, 23, 


. "3 


28, . 


. 204 


11, 


. 46 


19. 8, 


. 184 


32, . 


. 163 


14, . 


82, 193 


9, 


7 2 


35, . 


. 179 


34. 4, 


. 124 


18, 


. 61 


43, 


. 267 


35. 35, 


. 168 


20, 


. "3 


15. 29, 


130, 286 


36. 7, . 


. 49 


27, 


. . 38 


16. 5, 


. 211 


10, . 


. 109 


34, 


. 61 


11, . 


. 242 


12, . 


. 241 


20. 6, 


. 182 


13, . 




24, . 


95 


14, 


37 


14, . 


26l, 269 


37. 24, 


. 68 


18-20, 


. . 248 


15, . 


37 


38. 21, 


109, H3 


21. 22, 


ii 


17, . 


211, 279 


39. 10, 


. 94 


22. 6, 


. 182, 273 


18, . 


234 


23, . 


. 251 


15, 


. 214 


26, . 


. 118 


27, . 


. 107 


23, 


ii 


27, . 


234, 240 






24. 10, 


. I2O 


29, . 


. 187 


Leviticus 




22, 


80 


17. 17, . 


41, 168 


2. 2, . 


. 185 


25. 10, 


. . 9 6 


18, . 


. 168 


8, . 


128, 184 


14, 


184, 264 


21, . 


. 168 


4, 2, . 


12 


29, 


. I8 4 


28, . 


169, 273 


22, . 


. 2I 9 


35, 47, 


. 259 


18. 8, 


. 161 


23, . 


. 264 


26. 6, 


. 240 


23, . 


. 171 


24, . 


. 315 


36, 




19. 3,5,8, 


. 125 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTKATED. 



299 



PAGE 

Numbers contd. 


PAGE 

Deuteronomy 


PAGE 

Deuteronomy contd. 


19. 13, 


20,. . 182 


1. 3, 


112 


12. 22, 


. 128 


20. 21, 


. 223 


8, 


. 155 


23, 




21. 9, 


253, 271 


10, 


. 118 


13. 6, 


11, .' ." llj 


14, 


. 108 


11, 


. . 64 


14. 21, 


. 264 


22. 6, 


- 75 


16, 




22, 


. 108, 168 


8, 


. 42 


18, 


'. .' *6 7 


15. 2, 


. 203 


11, 


74 


19, 


58, 118 


4, 


. 268 


13, 


. 74 


31, 


9, 284 (twice) 


6, 


. 247 


15, 


73 


41, 


in 


7, 


41 


23, 


. . 58 


2. 7, 


. 119 


9, 


94, 9^ 


29, 


. 277, 278 


16, 


. 72 


14, 




33, 


36, 198 


27, 


. . 167 


18, 


44, 80, 131 


23. 3, 


. 209, 277 


32, 


. 235 


16. 9, 




7, 


9 


34, 


37 


20, 


' 163 


8, 




3. 1, 




21, 


07 


9 


i39 


5, 


100 


17. 8, 


X J 

94 


10, 


65, 200 


6, 


37, 47 


17, 


. 251 


11, 


. . 4 8 


13, 




19, 


. 190 


13, 


. I 9 2 


16, 


34 


20, 


. 251 


19, 


. 255 


18, 


. 92 


18. 2, 


. 130 


20, 


. 274 


21, 


. 204 


14, 


. . 284 


21, 


. 188 


24, 


196, 212 


20, 


. 216 


22, 


. 125 


4. 3, 


106, 204 


19. 9, 


no 


23, 


. 228 


6, 


. 268 


13, 


. 86 


24, 


'39 


10, 


. 215 


20. 8, 


105, 128 


24. 7, 


53 


11, 




10, 


59 


10, 


48 


16, 


: ; 'JI 


15, 


. 210 


19, 


. ,3 


21, 


. 149 


21. 1, 


. 240 


22, 


274. (twice) 


23, 


25, . . 46 


3, 


. 170 


25. 40, 


34 


27, 


. 46 


7, 


. 158 


26. 20, 


. . 128 


30, 


33 


8, 


86 


30, 


. 105 


35, 


39, . . 152 


10, 


. . 185 


53, 


. 129 


40, 


. 226 


22. 2, 


. . 36 


54, 


34, 4 1 


41, 


22 


8, 


. 125 


55, 


. 129 


5. 5, 


. 242 


9, 


. 108 


56, 


. 40 


6, 


. 212 


19, 


66, 106 


59, 


. 125 


14, 


"9, 235 


26, 


. 54 


62, 


. 128 


19, 




23. 2, 


99 


64, 


. 211 


29, 


. 2O6 


5, 


76, 85 


28. 3, 


. 8 9 


6. 2, 


235 


15, 


. 82 


4, 


. no, 119 


3, 


143 


24. 1, 


32 


5, 


. . 8 9 


10, 


. 94 


25. 2, 


. 92 


7, 


. 119 


7. 7, 


34, 134 


13, 


. . 169 


17, 


. 128 


12, 


253 


26. 5, 


89, 158, 243 


30. 3, 


. 205 


19, 


. 217 


27. 8, 


47 


12, 


15, . . 248 


8. 14, 


. 107 


28. 24, 


. . 236 


31. 28, 


. 182 


15, 


94 


27, 


. 225 


30, 


. 168 


9. 7, 


. 217 


35, 


55, 225 


47, 


. 168 


9, 


. no 


36, 


94 


32. 1, 


3 1 


21, 


. 47 


43, 


168 


5, 


39, "8 


25, 


37, 95 


48, 


. . 185 


11, 


. 60 


10. 17, 


. 152 


51, 


. 225 


15, 


.61 


11. 2, 


. 38, 286 


53, 




33. 51, 


. 228 


7, 


. 204 


55, 


. 192 


54, 


34 


10, 


11,. . 268 


58, 


. 118 


34. 2, 


91, 228 


24, 


. 109 


60, 


. . 184 


35. 8, 


34 


26, 




62, 


. . 89 


20, 


. 272 


27, 


28, .' ! 271 


64, 


. 94 


22, 


84, 191, 272 


12. 7, 


12,18, . 235 


29. 5, 


. 226 


23, 


. 191 


20, 


n 


15, 


. 217 



300 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTKATED. 



PAGE 

Deuteronomy contd. 


Joshua contd. 


PACK 


Judges contd. 


PACK 


29. 22, 


. 258 


9. 12, 


. 1 2O 


6. 13, 


138, 201 


30. 16, 


. 212 


20, . 


. 202 


14, . 


. 119 


31. 7, 


. I 5 6 


10. 13, 


*3 


15, . 


I7O, 201 


16, . 


no 


24, . 


. 209 


22, . 


. 26 7 


32. 2, 


34 


13. 14, 


. 185 


25, 94, 


"9, 237 


5, . 


84, 178 


23, 27, . 


34 


26, . 


. 119 


6, . 


. 67 


14. 11, 


156, 280 


27, . 


. 224 


8, . 


22 


15. 14, 


109 


28, . 


. 119 


17, . 


. 84 


19, . 


. 65 


30, .- 


. 266 


18, . 


22 


21, . 


. 104 


34, . 


54 


21, . 


. 8 4 


47, . 


34 


36, . 


. 285 


24, . 




63, . 


. 254 


38, . 


93 


26, . 


; 278 


16. 9, 


90 


39, 


259 


27, . 




17. 11, 




7. 1, . 


. 136 


29, . 


. 277 


12, . 


' i 3 i 


2, . 


. 61 


31, . 


. 2 3 8 


16, 


161 


3, . 


. 209 


40, . 


. 204 


22. 7, 


. 284 


6, 


95 


41, . 


. 270 


17, . 


39 


8, . 


37 


33. 1, 


3* 


24, . 


ii 


14, . 


. 274 


3, . 


2 37 


25, . 


. 68 


16, . 


95 


5, . 


81 


29, . 


. 1 60 


19, 142, 


165, 263 


6, . 


. 261 


23. 7, 


. 260 


22, . 


106, 237 


7, . 


. 259 


9, . 


. 163 


25, . 


. 115 


11, . 


54, "7 


24. 10, 


. 48 


8. 4, . 


. 240 


13, . 


"3 


19, . 


. 183 


11, 104, 


107, 136, 


17, . 


. in 


27, . 


. 163 




238 


19, . 


. 170 






18, . 


. 280 


25, . 


133 


Judges 




19, . 


. 278 


34. 6, 


. 124 


1. 6,7, . 


234 


33, . 


. 38 


11, . 


. 161 


15, . 


65 


9. 15, . 


. 272 






19, . 




16-20, . 


. 273 


Joshua 




28, 


'. 11] 


45, . 


. 66 


1. 2, . 


160 


2. 9, . 


104 


48, . 


. 70 


2. 5, . 


13, 49 


15, . 


. 277 


10. 9, 


. 127 


7, . 


. 176 


18, . 


. 271 


11. 1, . 


. 91 


8, . 


. 229 


22, . 


. 23! 


9, . 


. 272 


18, . 


. 242 


3. 24, 


H3 


20, . 


. 223 


3. 1, . 


. 229 


28, . 


"3 


25, . 


. 165 


7, 


. 226 


4. 4,5, . 


243 


13. 2, 


. 40 


11, 


108, 138 


24, . 


49 


4, . 


. 192 


14, . 


109 


5. 4, . 


2 79 


6, . 


3* 


4. 4, . 


95, no 


7, 167, 


168, 179 


8, . 


32, 221 


5,8, . 


. 143 


8, 


. 241 


9, . 


. 2 3 8 


24, . 


. 226 


9, . 


. 261 


11, 


195 


5. 2, . 


73 


10, . 


. 104 


16, . 


. 272 


11, 


75 


11, 


83, 261 


17, . 


. I 9 6 


6. 1, . 


. 242 


13, . 


. 258 


19, . 


. 241 


13, . 


48, 246 


14, . 


. 219 


23, . 




7. 7, . 


. 48 


15, . 


121, 280 


14. 9, . 


48 


15, . 


. 128 


17, . 


57 


12, . 


. I6 5 


21, . 


. 108 


19, . 


. 240 


15, . 


195 


25, . 


. 65 


20, . 


. 170 


16, . 


193, 268 


8. 11, 104, 


108, 116 


21, . 


45 


15. 2, . 


153 


13, . 


. 116 


22, . 


. 167 


3, 


. 2 7 2 


19, . 


. 29 


23, . 


. 48 


8, . 


5* 


20, . 


. 178 


26, . 


. 246 


11, 


. 154 


30, 


8 


27, . 


. 258 


13, . 


. 166 


33, 


. 108 


29, . 


. 267 


16. 14, 


. 108 


9. 2, . 


. 46 


6. 5, . 


234, 240 


17. 9, 


8 


8, 


. 8 


11, 


. 105 


18. 1, 


. 242 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



301 



Judges contd. 


PAGE 


PAGE 

1 Samuel contd. 


PAGE 

1 Samuel contd. 


18. 16, . 95 (twice) 


4. 19, 


. 260 


17. 36, 


. 279 


17, . 


95, I0 5 


5. 9, 


11,. . 56 


40, 


. 170 


19, . 


. 264 


6. 3, 


272 (twice) 


42, . 


265 


19. 9, 


139 


9, 


273 


48, . 


49 


17, 


8 


12, 


48, 253 


52, 


3 1 


18, . 


37, 5 6 


7. 15, 


16, . . 246 


18. 6, 


234 


19, . 




8. 12, 


. . 264 


8, . 


. 138 


22, . 


. 104 


9. 3, 


37, "3 


17, . 


238, 239 


20. 33, 


. 29 


4, 


. 190 


19, 10, 


. 119 


34, 


. 115 


9, 


. 125 


11, 


. 272 


37, . 


. 180 


11, 


243 


13, 16, . 


. 183 


44, 46, . 


38 


13, 


. 159, 280 


20, . 


. 177 


21. 8, 


. 196 


16, 


. 228 


22, 120, 


124, 139 


13, . 


59 


20, 


. . 96 


20. 3, 


. 206 


22, . 


. 228 


21, 


. 169, 170 


4, . 


209, 277 


23, . 


'43 


24, 


. 209 


5, . 


233 


Buth 
1. 9, . 
12, . 
20, 21, . 

o q 


24. 255 
i3 8 273 
61, 62 


26, 
10. 8, 
11, 

. 18, 
19, 


56, 59 
239 
196, 252 
. 182 
. 61 


10, . 
12, . 
13, . 
14, 
19, . 


. 265 
. 258 

39 

. 279 

73 


A. d, 
21, . 
3. 14, 
15, . 
4. 3, 5, 


114, 269 
. 229 

94 
113, 209 


11. 3, 
9, 
11, 
12, 
12. 14, 


. 61 

. 221 
. 252 
193 

259 


20, . 
31, . 
36, . 
38, 
41, 


5 1 

. 92 

59 
57 


7,' '. 


. 246 


17, 
21, 


134, 153 
. . 182 


21. 2, 

5, . 


. 60 

. 272 


1 Samuel 




23, 


. 86 


6, . 


133, 269 


1. 3, . 


. 246 


13. 7, 


31, 40 


9, . 


85 


4, . 


. 29 


8, 


. 114 


10, . 


. 82 


7, . 


10 


13, 


. 278 


16, . 


ii 


9, . 


234 


17, 


29, no 


22. 6, 


. 120 


12, . 


72 


20, 


55 


7, . 


39 


13, . 


69, 188 


14. 21, 


. . 264 


13, . 


148, 263 


28, . 


. 277 


29, 


. 120 


15, 


194, 258 


2. 1, . 


5 


30, 


. 269, 278 


18, . 


95 


3, 5, 


73, I2 9> 


44, 


. . 206 


21, . 


. 162 




157, 261 


45, 


. 41 


22, . 


", 233 


4, . 


. 181 


15. 11, 


. 269 


23. 3, 


. 269 


5, . 


. 101 


16, 


255 


10, . 


. 61 


6, . 


. 248 


17, 




13, . 


10, 281 


7,8, . 


. 260 


20, 


. ' 233 


19, . 


40, 116 


9, . 


. IOO 


23, 


. 227, 250 


20, . 


. 200 


10, . 


. 184 


32, 


. 45 


21, . 


IJ 3 


13, . 


107, 244 


16. 3, 


. 216 


24. 5,6, . 


37 


16, . 


. 272 


7, 


. 31 


10, . 


3 1 


19, . 


10 


12, 


. . 265 


11, 124, 


127, 217 


22, . 


. 217 


16, 


77 


12, . 


. 277 


28, . 


. 36 


18, 


91, 112 


14, 


29 


33, . 


. 41 


23, 


. I2 7 , 246 


18, . 


59, 67 


36, . 


. 106 


17. 8, 


8 


19, . 


. 217 


3. 2, . 


. 137 


12, 


79, 119, 170 


21, . 


. 165 


3, . 


. 229 


13, 


97, 1 10, 254 


25. 2, 


148, 285 


7, . 


. 230 


14, 


no, 135, 254 


14, . 


155, 239 


12, . 


47 


17, 


94, 120 


15, . 


. 85 


4. 8, . 


183, 221 


20, 


. 246 


20, . 


253 


9, 


. 56 


26, 


. 183 


21, . 


45 


12, . 


. 106 


28, 


. 28 


24, . 


. 163 


15, . 


. 179 


34, 


29, 38 


26, . 





302 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 





PAGE 




PAGE 




PAGE 


1 Samuel contd. 


2 Samuel contd. 


2 Samuel- 


-contd. 


25. 29, 


159, 274 


7. 7, 


52, 218 


17. 16, 


. 129 


31, 61 


, 89, 263 


8, 


. 247 


17, 


30, 246 


33, . 


. 263 


9, 


. 170 


27, 


. 157 


42, . 


234 


23, 


. 183, 196 


18. 10, 


291 (twice) 


43, . 


. 265 


27, 


. 232 


11, 


. 131 


26. 13, 


. 24 


28, 


. . I 3 6 


12, 


. 277 


14, . 


. 197 


8. 2, 


. 47 


14, 


. 241 


16, . 


38 


5, 


. 61 


18, 


37, 120, 289 


20, . 


37 


10, 


42, no 


20, 


. . 267 


22, . 


. 257 


9. 1, 


. 194 


29, 


. 193, 224 


23, . 


. 42 


3, 


85, 101, 191 


32, 


J 34, J 93 


27. 4, 


. 254 


10, 


. 147 


19. 10, 


289, 291, 292, 


8, . 


. 236 


10. 3, 


. 175 




293 


11, . 


. 285 


6, 


. . 67 


12, 


. 291 


28. 13, 


. 183 


9, 


104, 107, 182 


17, 


. 291 


29. 10, 


234 


11. 4, 


243 


21, 


. 112 


30. 13, 


. 96 


25, 


39 


23, 


. 194 


23, . 


. 204 


12. 2, 


30, 120 


25, 


211, 2l6 


24, 


. 280 


4, 


119, 120 


27, 


30, 289 


31, . 


235 


6, 


. . 6 4 


33, 


. 292 


31. 1, . 


104 


16, 


. 246 


41, 


. 289, 2 9 2 


3, 


. 40 


21, 


. 175, 241 


20. 1, 


. 197 


7, . 


. 236 


22, 


. 197, 22 9 


3, 


90, 109 






30, 


. 106, 234 


4, 


. . 9 6 


2 Samuel 




13. 16, 


. 231 


6, 


. 227 


1. 3, . 


8 


18, 


239 


9, 


'34 


4, . 


123, 233 


20, 


. 241 


10, 


, . 236 


6, . 


. 104 


26, 


. 279 


11, 


. 209 


9, . 


102 


31, 


99, 240 


19, 


. 104 


13, . 


. 199 


32, 


. 231 


21. 3, 


. . 256 


21, 84, 


104, 237 


33, 


273 


4, 


70, 223 


22, . 


10 


14. 11, 


29, 41, 185 


8, 


*35 


24, . 


107, 265 


13, 


146 


11, 


. 128 


2. 8, . 


112, 114 


14, 


. 146 


16, 


. 232 


27, . 


. 2 7 8 


20, 


. 175 


22, 


. . 38 


28, . 


253 


26, 


44 


22. 12, 


22 


32, 


H3 


32, 


233 


33, 


. . Ill 


3. 2,3, . 


. 112 


15. 5, 


57 


41, 


257 


8, . 


21, 245 


13, 


. 29 


47, 


1 S 


13, . 


. 230 


16, 


37, 9, I0 9 


23. 1, 


. no 


16, . 


. 4 8 


20, 


. 281 


3, 


46, 47, 244, 


24, . 


. 4 8 


21, 


. 274 




257, 258, 277 


33, . 


II 


25, 


. 172 


4, 


84, 257 


34, 148, 


153, 188, 


30, 


48, 49 


5, 


193, 2 34 




260 


32, 


71, 100, 240 


6, 


. 182 


4. 2, . 


. 130 


34, 


. 257 


7, 


167, 265, 268 


4, . 


78 


37, 


253 


15, 


. 205 


10, . 


226, 233 


16. 5, 


48, 49, 291 


17, 


. . 146 


11, 


37, 26g 


10, 


. . 283 


19, 


. 194, 283 


5. 3, 


. 69 


11, 


. 269 


24. 5, 


. 108 


6, . 


3i, 274 


13, 


48, 49 


10, 


. 230 


8, . 


3i 


17, 


193 


11, 


. 244 


10, . 


. 48 


18, 


. 211 


13, 42, 93, '79, 223 


24, 4, 37, 


253, 278 


23, 


. 125 


18, 


. 232 


6. 1, . 


37, i7 


17. 5, 


. . I6 3 


20, 


. 54 


2, . 


70, 217 


9, 


. 275 


24, 


. . 165 


13, . 


. 228 


10, 


. 172 






14, . 


7 1 


11, 


. 5, 82 


1 Kings 




16, 61 


, 6 9, 253 


13, 


. 230 


1. 1, 


9, 2 53 


21, . 


H9 


14, 


. 175 


2, 


. 254 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



303 



] 
1 Kings contd. 


3 AGE 


1 Kings contd. 


PAGE 


1 Kings contd. 


PAGE 


1. 5, . . 


95 


8. 31, 


. 2I 7 


18. 12, 


217, 252 


6, . 125, 


265 


32, . 


. 142 


25, 


. 170 


9, . . 


162 


33, 217, 


228, 266 


26, . 


. 124 


12, . . 


256 


34, 36, . 


257 


29, . 


. I 7 6 


14, 


243 


38, 


. 217 


32, . 


. 68 


17, . . 




30, 43, 49, 


257 


19. 1, 


. 217 


24, . . 


194 


55, . 


46 


2, . 


. 183 


27, 




64, . 


93 


4, . 


. 223 


29, 30, . 


206 


9. 4, . 


. 264 


21, . 


54 


33, 38, . 


114 


8, . 


. 162 


20. 6, 


252, 274 


41, . 


180 


10, 11, . 


. 255 


8, . 


. 259 


44, . . 


235 


25, . 


. 214 


10, . 


. 183 


2. 6, . 250, 


251 


10. 10, 


. 88 


12, . 


. 148 


7, . . 


98 


12, . 


177 


16, . 


94, 95 


21, . . 


128 


14, . 




30, . 


95 


23, 24, . 


206 


21, . 


. 192 


33, . 


. 254 


30, . . 


188 


23, . 


54 


37, . 


47 


31, . . 


89 


11. 2, . 


. 227 


40, . 


98, 281 


3. 4, . . 


80 


8, . 


. 220 


42, . 


42 


7, 11, . 


74 


9, . 


. 209 


21. 2, 


. 282 


12, . 6, 


217 


14, 


. 213 


6, . 


9, 282 


18, . . 


IJ 3 


22, . 


. 188 


18, . 


I 39 


19, . 


266 


25, . 


3 8 > "4 


19, 


. 163 


22, . 135, 


188 


26, 


. 42 


22. 1, 


. 84 


25, . . 


281 


27, 


211, 217 


10, . 


7 1 


26, . 135, 


279 


28, . 


. 223 


13, . 


. 177 


4. 2, . . 


"3 


12. 4, 


- 6 3 


23, . 


. 119 


7, . . 


137 


6, . 


42, 67 


24, . 


. 199 


12, . . 


79 


9, . 


42 


27, . 


93 


13, . . 


103 


16, . 


42, 197 


30, 


. 203 


6. 1, . . 


56 


29, . 


. I8 3 


36, . 


. 177 


3, . . 


93 


13. 9, 


. 124 






8, . . 


236 


11, 


243 


2 Kings 




17, . 180, 


223 


12, . 


. 199 


1. 2, . 


120, 194 


29, . 


9 


13, . 


3 


3, 6, . 


. 192 


6. 3, 


182 


17, . 


. 124 


2. 9, . 


. 22 9 


5, . 38, 


161 


18, . 


124, 257 


10, . 


194, 272 


6, . . 


182 


23, 27, . 


3 


11, 


. 4 8 


7, 7 1 , I0 3, 


236, 


14. 2, . 


. 224 


12, . 


. 243 




258 


6, 71, 


179, 180 


14, . 


. 283 


9, . . 


66 


8, . 


. 268 


16, . 


. 22 7 


12, . . 


286 


10, . 


. 124 


21, . 


. 61 


16, . . 


37 


12, . 


160, 179 


23, . 


243 


18, 


189 


13, . 


112 


3. 3, . 


. 179 


23, . . 


185 


17, . 


243 


4, . 


93 


27, . . 


281 


19, . 


. 217 


8, . 


. 199 


32, 35, . 


246 


24, . 


. 108 


10, . 


. 206 


36, . . 


94 


15. 13, 


. 227 


13, . 


194, 198 


7. 3, 7, . . 


246 


22, 


. 84 


14, . 


206, 277 


8, 119, 142, 


246 


23, . 


54, "3 


15, . 


253 


9, . . 


119 


27, . 


79, "4 


16, . 


. 203 


10, . . 


246 


16. 11, 


229, 279 


18, . 


. 282 


12, 94, "9, 


162, 


16, 18, . 


35 


23, . 


. 166 




170 


21, 


8 


25, 


10 


27, 38, 43, 


no 


22, 


57 


27, 


10, 221 


47, . . 


148 


31, . 


283 


4. 2, . 


93, 192 


8. 1, . . 


22 


17. 4, . 


253 


7, . 


. 236 


8, . . 


254 


7, . 


40 


35, . 


. 281 


27, . . 


269 


9, . 


79, "4 


40, . 


. 244 


30, . . 


257 


14, 16, . 


. 181 


41, . 





304 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



2 Kings contd. 


PAGE 


2 Kings contd. 


PAGE 


PAGE 

1 Chronicles contd. 


4. 43, 


2O2 


15. 16, 


8, 108 


13. 4, 


. 232 


5. 2, . . 


4 6 


29, . 


. 107 


6, . 


. 217 


3, . . 


20 5 


16. 14, 


. 107 


14. 15, 4, 


253, 278 


6, . . 


267 


17, . 


. 108 


15. 12, 


. 218 


7, 


225 


17. 6, 


. 86 


13, . 


. 266 


9, . . 


114 


22, . 


179 


16, 51 


, 62, 232 


10, . . 


259 


28, . 


12 


18, 


97 


11, . 48, 


165 


29, 


. 168 


27, . 


. 108 


13, . 158, 


277 


18. 17, 


. 86 


29, . 


2 53 


16, . 255, 


279 


24, . 


. 80 


16. 37, 


39 


17, . . 


93 


30, 


39 


17. 21, 


. 183 


20, 


274 


32, 


. 256 


25, . 


. 232 


6. 5, . 38, 


243 


19. 14, 


. 182 


27, . 


. 146 


8, . . 


87 


20. 9, 


. 272 


19. 3, 


J 75 


10, 


246 


19, . 


194, 205 


10, . 


107, 182 


20, . . 


'39 


39, 


243 


20. 8, 


. 38 


26, 


243 


21. 4, . 


59 


21. 9, 


. 162 


27, . . 


272 


6, . 


. 246 


18, . 


. 232 


7. 2, . . 


275 


7, . 


59 


24, . 


. 263 


3, . . 


230 


8, . 


. 162 


22. 2, 


. 232 


11, . . 


178 


13, . 


. 254 


4, . 




13, . . 


108 


16, 


. 281 


7, . 


. 159 


18, . . 


280 


22. 9, 


. 42 


23. 28, 


. 104 


19, . . 


275 


18, . 


. 285 


24. 6, 


. 168 


8. 5, . 217, 


243 


19, . 


. 266 


19, . 


. 183 


6, . . 


67 


20, . 


. 42 


28, . 


. 13 


10, . . 


166 


23. 4, 


97, 249 


25. 2, 


. 60 


12, . . 


94 


8, . 


. 249 


5, . 


. 62 


13, 


266 


9, 


274 


8, . 


, 280 


17, . . 


95 


10, . 


J 75, 249 


26. 8, 


40 


21, . . 


232 


13, . 


. 104 


10, . 


. 283 


28, . . 


3 1 


17, . 


. 108 


26, 


. 162 


29, . . 


254 


34, . 


. 68 


27, . 


. 117 


9. 4, . . 


108 


24. 3,20,. 


. 132 


28, . 


. 209 


15, . . 


254 


25. 6, 


. 67 


27. 15, 


95, no 


20, . . 


176 


9, . 


. 86 


23, . 


. 232 


25, . 231, 


243 


10, . 


. 115 


34, . 


. 112 


27, 


'59 






28. 1, 


. 162 


37, . . 


225 


1 Chronicles 




2, 157, 


X 59> 243 


10. 2, . 239, 


267 


2. 30, 32, 


. 84 


5, . 


121, 284 


3, . . 


259 


4. 42, 


. 172 


7, . 


. 176 


6,8, . . 


104 


5. 26, 


39 


14, . 


. 169 


10, 


126 


7. 11, 


100 


18, 


. 108 


12, 13, . . 


243 


23, 


. 132 


20, . 


. 176 


23, . . 


227 


9. 13, 


H3 


21, . 


162, 257 


26, . . 


179 


22, 


159 


29. 2, 


234 


29, . . 


'59 


27, 




3, 93, 


213, 218 


11. 2, . . 


221 


32, 


234 


6, . 


. 162 


5, . . 


153 


33, 




8, 60, 


184, 209 


8, 


259 


10. 13, 


; 264 


12, . 


. 117 


13, . . 


2 5 8 


11. 8, 


. 253 


17, 


209, 224 


12. 6, 


94 


9, 


. 48 


20, 22, . 


39 


10, . 80, 


233 


19, 


. 146 






14, . . 


249 


12. 1, 


. 2 4 o 


2 Chronicles 




13. 14, 


10 


8, 


5 1 


1. 4, . 


. 218 


17, . . 


176 


17, 


. 84 


5, 


. 250 


19, . 176, 


278 


22, 


. 23 


6, 


80 


14. 7, . . 


249 


33, 


. 84 


18, . 


. 232 


8, 11, . . 


54 


13. 1, 


. 162 


2. 2, . 


. 285 


14, 


92 


2, 


74 


3, . 


234 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED. 



PAGE 

2 Chronicles contd. 


PACK 

2 Chronicles contd. 


Ezra contd. 


PACK 


2. 8, . . 


49 


21. 20, 


. 84 


2. 62, 


. Ill 


17, 


94 


22. 5, 


3 1 


63, 


lit 


3. 3, . 34, 


183 


6, . 


. 254 


68, 41, 


M4, i57 


4. 3, 15, . 


116 


U, 


221 


3. 3, . 




5. 11, . 39, 


190 


23. 10, 


. I 5 8 


12, . 


160 


12, 


162 


19, . 


. 2 5 6 


13, 


. 176 


13, . 54 


,62 


24. 8, 


80 


4. 4, . 


75 


6. 22, . . 


217 


10, . 


. I 7 6 


5. 4, . 


196 


24, . 228, 


266 


11, 215, 


229, 249 


14, . 


. 14? 


7. 1, . . 


54 




(twice) 


7. 6, . 


1 S7> J 7 2 


3, . 


263 


12, . 


39 


28, 


. 162 


13, . 249, 


271 


24, 


. 283 


8. 21, 


109 


17, . 


264 


25. 9, 


95 


22, . 


75 


21, . . 


162 


10, . 


39, 160 


24, 


39 


8. 7, . . 


210 


19, . 


. 231 


25, . 


. 209 


9, 


251 


20, . 


42 


29, . 


. 108 


11, . . 


l8 3 


26. 8, 


. 176 


30, . 


2 49 


13, . *37, 


264 


14, . 


160, 162 


31, . 


. 109 


15, . . 


57 


15, 72, 


176, 226 


36, . 




16, . . 


108 


18, . 


131 


9. 1, 109, 


160, 253 


9. 11, . 


177 


19, . 


. 244 


2, . 


. 180 


14, . . 


9 1 


27. 5, . 


. 265 


3, . 


2 53 


15, . . 


97 


28. 7, 


97 


4, . 


9, 176 


20, . . 


192 


10, . 


. 163 


6, . 


116, 176 


10. 6, 


66 


15, . 


. 162 


8, . 


X 57 


9, . . 


67 


19, . 


. 263 


11, 


1 60, 281 


11. 12, . 175, 


236 


22, 


149 


15, . 


. 190 


22, . . 


264 


29. 6, 


42 


10. 1, . 


240, 253 


12. 5, . . 


163 


27, . 


229, 237 


6, . 


. 240 


12, . 175, 


264 


28, 30, . 


. 176 


13, . 


T 33 


13. 3, 


93 


34, . 


230, 282 


14, . 


176, 209 


9, . 


84 


36, 


176, 209 


15, 


. 284 


11, . . 


234 


30. 8, 


42 


17, . 


107, 209 


15, . 180, 


244 


18, . 


191, 218 


19, . 


57 


14. 8, 


93 


31. 1, . 


. 176 






10, 84, 187, 


279 


6, . 


157, 168 


Nehemiah 




12, . . 


176 


10, 149, 


176, 202 


1. 2, 3, . 


90 


15. 7, 


260 


16, 17, . 


38 


8, 


. 276 


8, . . 


175 


32. 14, 15, . 


. 269 


2. 12, 


88, 153 


9, . 


218 


29, . 


. 172 


13, 


182 


12, 54, 6 3> 


230 


31, . 


. 268 


16, . 


'53 


14, . . 


176 


33. 8, 


. 162 


19, 


61, 153 


17. 11, . 


250 


12, 19, . 


. 149 


20, . 


42. 


12, . . 


49 


20, 24, . 




3. 14, . 




13, . . 


130 


34. 4, 


'. 116 


19, . 




14, . . 


183 


22, 


. 115 


20, . 


74 


18. 3, . 146, 


280 


26-28, . 


. 285 


33, 


. 48 


12, . . 


177 


35. 3, 


190 


35, . 


284, 285 


22, 


119 


8, . 


'57 


4. 11, . 


9, l8 4 


23, . . 


199 


15, . 


190 


12, . 


IOC 


29, . . 


203 


21, . 


J 47, 2 55 


17, 


56 


19. 6, 




36. 10, 


no 


5. 2, . 


163, 281 


20. 6, . 133, 


190 


16, . 


. 176 


5, . 


41, 280 


10, . . 


66 


19, . 


. 264 


7, . 


. 193 


20, . . 


256 


23, . 


2 55 


8, 


. 268 


22, . . 


229 






11, 


109 


25, . . 


'75 


Ezra 




18, . 


175 


21. 4, . . 


63 


1. 3, . 


2 55 


6. 1, . 


129, 268 


9, . . 


252 


5, . 


162, 255 


7, . 


129 


17, . . 


169 


6, . 


62, 176 


9, . 


202, 251 




U 







306 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED. 



PAGE 

Nehemiah contd. 


Esther contd. 


PAGE 


Job contd. 


PAOB 


6. 10, 


3 


4. 16, 


191, 28l 


5. 1, . 


. I 3 8 


12, . 


. 236 


5. 3, 6, . 


. 277 


2, . 


. 117 


13, . 


13, 281 


H, - 


. 217 


5, . 


. I8 4 


17, . 


219, 236 


12, . 


. 129 


7, . 


2 37 


7. 7, . 


. 246 


13, . 


. 229 


11, . 


. 254 


10, . 


41 


6. 3, . 


. 94 


20, . 


. 248 


64, 


. in 


4, . 


. 244 


21, . 


. 228 


65, . 


. 112 


9, . 


. 263 


24, . 


H7, 2 74 


8. 5, 


. 116 


7. 2, . 


. 277 


6. 2, . 


78, 166 


7, . 


. 67 


4, . 


. 179 


4, . 


57 


8, . 


. 263 


5, . 


. 196 


7, . 


. 147 


10, . 


. 218 


8. 6, . 


74 


8, . 


206, 259 


13, . 


. 264 


8, . 


. 190 


10, . 


. 256 


9. 5, . 


. 104 


11, 


169 


H, . 


. 225 


8, 13, . 


. 263 


17, . 


. 215 


13, . 


88, 273 


19, . 


38, 176 


9. 1, 171, 


264, 285 


14, 205, 


260, 267 


28, 


. 127 


4, . 


49 


16, . 


. 60 


29, . 


'59 


6, . 


. 263 


17, 85, 128, 215, 


32, . 


39, l62 


12, . 


263, 277 




229 


34, . 


- 38 


14, 


. 232 


19, . 




37, . 


39 


16-18, . 


. 263 


20, . 


. 125 


10. 29, 


. 232 


20, 21, . 




21, . 


J 34 


30, . 


. 104 


23, . 


72, 178 


22, 


. 194 


11. 9, . 


97 


27, . 


. 125 


24, . 


. 277 


13, . 


112 


28, . 


. 250 


27, . 


12 


17, . 


. 262 


30, . 


97 


7. 4, 246, 


2 7 ! 2 73 


32, 


. 118 






7, . 


73 


12. 12, 


. 112 


Job 




H, 


. 265 


22, . 


46 


1. 1, 136, 


US. 157 


12, . 


. 225 


13. 4, 89, 


153, !7 6 


4, . 


41, 246 


13, . 




10, . 


. 179 


5, . 




15, . 


. 245 


18, . 


5 1 


6, . 


*9 


16, . 


5 


19, . 


232, 256 


7, . 


8, 199 


17, 18, . 


. 248 


22, . 


. 232 


15, . 


. 163 


19, . 


. 199 


23, . 


. 70 


16, 


138, 229 


20, . 


. 275 


26, . 


. 129 


2. 2, . 


8, 199 


21, 


. 197 


27, . 


129 


3, . 


245 


8. 4, . 


. 271 






9, . 


193, 194. 


6, . 


206, 278 


Esther 




10, . 


. 40 


7, . 


. 219 


1. 7, 


. 281 


11, . 


. 209 


8, . 


. 184 


10, 11, . 


. 232 


13, . 


. 52 


9, 64 


, 78, i34 


15, 


*57 


3. 3, . 


8, 215 


11, . 


. 84 


19, . 


. 125 


8, . 


75 


19, . 


. 184 


22, . 


169 


10, . 


. 261 


9. 2, 


197, 206 


2. 3, . 


37, * 6 3 


H, 


8,275 


3, . 


66, 75 


9, . 


. 170 


12, . 


. 225 


5, . 


. 217 


11, . 


169 


13, 12, 


"7, 2 75, 


14, 


. 269 


12, . 


169, 250 




278 


15, 


12 


20, . 


189, 250 


16, . 


12 


16, . 


. 2 7 2 


21, 


. 146 


18, . 


. 240 


19, 




3. 2, . 


. 250 


19, . 


. I 7 2 


20, . 


. 248 


5, . 


. 189 


25, . 


5 2 


25, . 


. 2 4 


7, 


. 124 


26, . 


. 252 


27, . 


. 2 7 2 


12, . 


169 


4. 2, 


. 214 


32, 34, . 


. 2 5 6 


13, 


232, 263 


6, . 


. 257 


10. 3, 


2 39 


14, 


169 


7, . 


196 


8, . 


. 250 


4. 3, 129, 


169, 170, 


12, . 


. 254 


9, . 


. 68 




215, 234 


15, 


9 


10, . 


9 


7, . 


. 232 


19, . 


n, 269 


12, . 




14, . 


. 236 


21, 88, 


'55, *75 


13, . 


. 285 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED Oli ILLUSTRATED. 



307 



Job contd. 


PAGE 


Job contd. 


PACK 


PAGE 

Job contd. 


10. 14, 


. 232 


16. 4, 


*3 2 , 2 77 


22. 28, 


. . 276 


15, . 




6, 276, 


278, 282 


23. 2, 


. 133 


16, 17, . 


'. 27*6 


8, . 


. 226 


7, 


. 232 


18, . 


12 


9, . 


. 46 


10, 


. 275 


22, . 
11. 3,4, . 


. 2 4 8 
. 245 


10, . 
14, . 


62 
34 


12, 
13, 


. . 257 

. 140, 248 


5, . 


. 206 


16, . 


179, 182 


24. 1, 


. 129 


6, . 


2 4> 2 55 


17, . 


. 268 


2, 


. 248 


8, . 


. 142 


18, . 


2OO 


5, 


46, 104, 184, 


9, . 


101 


17. 2, 


. 20 5 




240 


10, . 


. 248 


3, . 


196 


7, 


. 178 


12, . 


93 


5, . 


125, 184 


9, 


219 (twice) 


13, 259, 


271, 285 


10, . 


. 201 


10, 


. 178, 248 


14, . 




13, . 


. 2 7 I 


16-18, . .184 


15, . 


: 278 


18. 2, 


. 104 


19, 


. 218 


17, . 


. 2 7 6 


3, . 


69 


20, 


. 248 


18, . 


138, 274 


6, . 


. 248 


22, 


184, 252, 267 


20, . 


. 248 


9, 12, . 


. 2 4 8 


24, 


2 75 


12. 2, 


. 206 


13, . 


46 


25, 


84, 190 


5, . 


. 204 


15, 124, 


192, 218, 


25. 4, 




6, . 


. 184 




268 


5, 


. 257 


11, 


. 2 37 


21, . 


. 218 


26. 2, 


3, . . 218 


14, . 


41 


19. 11, 


. 69 


10, 


. 105 


17, 19, . 


. i 7 8 


15, 


. 236 


13, 




22, . 


. 248 


16, . 


. 218 


14, 


1 99 


23, 


. 61 


18, 


. 276 


27. 3, 


. 102 


24, 


. 84 


19, . 


209 


8, 


25, 273 


13. 3, 


75 


20, . 


5 


12, 


5 2 


9, . 


. 148 


23, . 


. 157 


14, 


2 73 


13, . 


. 60 


24, . 


. 235 


16, 


40 


17, . 


. 48 


26, . 


. 214 


20, 


. 179, 248 


19, 12, 


196, 278 


27, 


235, 248 


22, 


. . 165 


24, . 


69 


28, . 


30, 231 


28. 1, 


n, 213 


25, . 


37 


29, . 


133 


2, 


. 124 


27, . 


. 248 


20. 2, 88, 


261, 281 


3, 


. 125 


14. 4, . 


. 279 


4, . 


148, 224 


4, 


129, 184, 258 


10, . 


. 248 


11, 


. 179 


6, 


169 


11, 12, . 


2 37 


13, . 


211 


7, 


. 286 


14, . 


12 


15, . 


. 248 


10, 


11,. . 254 


17, . 


. 248 


17, . 


104, 257 


18, 


12 


18, . 


241 


19, 


73 


20, 


21,. . 257 


19, 15 8, 1 79 (twice), 


23, . 


248, 253 


25, 


2 54 




2 37 


21. 2, 


. 48 


29. 2, 


. 10, 64, 85 


20, . 


. 240 


3, . 


ii 


3, 


10, 58, 160 


15. 3, 


125 


7, . 


. 54 


8, 


258 


5, . 


. 158 


12, . 


. 62 


10, 


180 


7, . 


. 4, 8 


16, . 


15 


12, 


. 240 


10, . 


101, 279 


21, . 


. 181 


14, 


54 


11, . 


134 


22, . 


66, 125 


24, 


. 240 


14, . 


. 225 


27, . 


. 213 


30. 3, 


78, 133, 171 


17, . 


209, 257 


34, . 


45, 159 


6, 


. 170 


19, . 


4 


22. 3, 


. 194 


8, 


. 84 


20, . 


. 181 


9, . 


. 128 


12, 


13,. . 248 


23, . 


'39 


11, 


. 70 


15, 


. 178, 179 


26, . 


. 121 


12, . 


142, 181 


20, 


. 261 


27, . 


66, 283 


13, 


252, 267 


24, 


. 125 


32, . 


. 127 


16, . 


56 


28, 


. 227 


34, . 




17, . 


2 3 r 


31. 1, 


197, 232 


35, . 


. 260 


18, . 


X 5 


18, 


34, 174 


16. 3, 


22 5 


23, . 


. 261 


26, 


44, 223 



308 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



PAGE 

Job contd. 


Job contd. 


PAGE 


Psalms 


PAGE 

contd. 


31. 27, 


34,. . 248 


39. 13, 


l82, 194 


12. 2, 


40 


36, 


12 


15, 


. 179, 248 


3, 


55, l6 9 


32. 3, 


252 


18, 


. 228 


5, 


. 217 


4, 


4, 101 


24, 


. . 8 3 


7, 


101 


6, 


. 101 


25, 


. 231 


8, 


. 119 


7, 


. 181 


27, 


. 286 


13. 3, 


. 169 


10, 


. . 265 


40. 2, 


202, 203 


4, 


. 56 


11, 


. 230 


8,9, 


. 194 


5, 


57 


14, 


239 


19, 


. I0 7 


14. 4, 


81, 260 


15, 


. 258 


24, 


. I2 4 


6, 


. 54 


16, 


247, 257 


25, 


. 193 


7, 


. 206 


17, 


. . 265 


29, 


. 226 


15, 2, 


44 


22, 




32, 


. . 2 5 6 


3, 


5, 188, 260, 262 


33. 3, 


' 5 


41. 18, i 


JI, 244, 277 


16. 3, 


161, 210, 215 


5, 


59 


22, 


. 170 


4, 


122 


15, 


. . 285 


42. 3, 


. 239 


7, 


. 217 


19, 


. 274 


5, 


4 


8, 


. 146 


21, 


. 274 


8, 


*74 


14, 


. 214 


32, 


59 






17. 4, 


. 161 


34. 8, 


. 264 


Psalms 




5, 


. 202, 203 


10, 


. 261 


1. 1, 


. 188 


9, 


. 88 


14, 


. 272 


3, 


34 


10, 


55 


20, 


. 46, 124, 142 


4, 


33 


12, 


34 


24, 


84, 248 


2. 6, 


. no, 242 


13, 


55 


29, 


. 279 


12, 


54, 104 


18. 4, 


. . 285 


30, 


. 227 


3. 5, 


55, 275 


7, 


9, 33 


31, 


. 240 


4. 2, 


15, 229, 262 


12, 


22, 248, 254 


32, 


191, 21 8 (twice) 


3, 


. 241 


21, 


. 67 


36, 


. 277 


4, 


. 100, 257 


31, 


3 2 


35. 3, 


. 231 


7, 


. 205 


32, 


. 192 


15, 


190 


8,125 


,215 (twice) 


33, 


32, in 


36. 7, 


. 250 


5. 5, 


57 


35, 


67, 178 


10, 


13, 222 


10, 


. 184 


41, 


. 42 


14, 


15,. . 276 


12, 


. 259 


47, 


. 15 


16, 


104 


7. 3, 


. 240 


48, 


32 


18, 


. 227 


4, 


. 271, 278 


49, 


. 265 


22, 


. 271 


5, 


. 252 


19. 2, 


3, . . 260 


26, 


. 257 


6, 


17, 213 


4, 


84, 243 


29, 


. 269 


7, 


15, 241 


5, 


. 213 


32, 


. 66 


9, 


. 205 


6, 


. 182 


37. 2, 


. . 48 


13, 73 


(twice), 248 


7, 


. 281 


5, 


. 44 


14, 


. 157 


8, 


. 98, 257 


8, 


. . 248 


15, 


. 250 


10, 




10, 


. 13 


16, 


. . 248 


11, 


. 132, 220 


12, 


. . 285 


18, 


. . 38 


14, 


. 226 


16, 


18, . . 193 


8. 5, 


. 225 


20. 4, 


. 18 


22, 


. 121 


9. 7, 137, 163, 180 


7, 


6, 247 


23, 


. 262 


10, 11, 


. 255 


8, 


. 262 


38. 2, 


. 196 


15, 


. 226 


21. 4, 


65,87 


11, 


. I2 4 


16, 


. 209 


7, 




14, 


. 248 


19, 


. 261 


12, 


. 240, 284 


18, 


. 194 


21, 


. 231 


22. 8, 


61, 62 


19, 


199, 213 


10. 2, 


. 209 


16, 


71 


21, 


. i8z 


3, 13, 


5, 258 


22, 


15, 60, 254 


24, 


8, 199, 213 


16, 


. 15 


28, 


2 59 


26, 


. . 84 


11. 2, 


. 254 


30, 


248, 260, 262 


33, 


. 182 


3, 


. 200, 228 


32, 


64, 221 


41, 


. 228 


4, 


. 159 


24. 4, 


5 


39. 5, 


. 68 


6, 


. 248 


8, 


10,. . 196 


12, 


. 222 


7, 


. . 184 


25. 2, 


. . 187 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



309 



Psalms contd. 


PAGE 


Psalms contd. 


PAGK 


Psalms contd. 


PAGE 


25. 9, 


. I 5 6 


39. 6, 


40 


51. 10, 16, . 


. 2 S 6 


11, 


247, 250 


7, . 


125, 140 


18, . 


2 55 


12, 


213, 277 


8, . 


. 200 


52. 7, . 


. 265 


26. 6, 


. 2 4 8 


11, . 


. I6 3 


8, . 


2 55 


27. 2, 


. I6 3 


12, . 


5 


9, 


. 248 


5, 


. 2 4 I 


40. 4, 


. 2 3 2 


11, 


. 64 


6, 


2 55 


5, . 


. 98 


55. 3, 


. 18 


7, 


55, 2I 3 


6, . 


190, 276 


6, 


. 236 


10, 


. 283 


7, . 


4, 2 *5 


7-9, . 


. 232 


13, 

28. 1, 


. 277 
. 275 


41. 3,' 


. 62 
. 187 


13, . 
14, 


: III 


3, 


239 


5, . 


158, 283 


18, 19, . 


. 248 


7, 


- 6 3 


9, 54, 57 


, 82, 211 


56. 3, 


45 


14, 


34 


42. 2, 


34 


4, . 


85, 216 


29. 3, 


. 83 


4, . 


. 148 


5, . 


3, 2 4 


6, 


121, 160 


5, . 


18, 276 


7, . 


2 73 


9, 


81, 282 


11, . 


. 148 


10, . 


. 268 


10, 


. 245 


12, . 


197 


11, . 


30 


30. 3, 


. 275 


44, 3, 


55 


12, . 


. 240 


8, 


4 


5, . 


. 136 


14, . 


4 


9, 


. 256 


18, . 


2 39 


57. 3, 


. 223 


10, 


. 199 


19, . 


. 261 


4, . 


241, 254 


31. 6, 


J 5 


45. 2, 


. 205 


5, 


'8 


8, 


. 217 


5, . 


66, 258 


6, 


. 205 


10, 


. 199 


6, . 


. 285 


7, . 


i5, 2 75 


11, 


79 


7, . 


133 


9, . 


200 


12, 


. 265 


9, 133; 


180, 258 


58. 3, 


. 26 7 


23, 


. 283 


11, - 


. 259 


5, 


2I 5 


32. 1, 


99 


13, . 


. 170 


8, . 


J 73 


5, 


. 275 


14, . 


. 240 


9, . 


55 


7, 


. 66 


17, . 


. 256 


10, . 


in, 280 


8, 


209, 213 


18, . 


169 


59. 2, 


100 


9, 


84, 121 


46. 4, . 


. 267 


4, . 


. 84 


10, 


. 66 


5, . 


121, 159 


6, . 


100 


33. 13, 


5 


47. 10, 


55, i" 


13, . 


2 5S 


34. 6, 


. 187 


48. 6, 


. 280 


17, . 


4 


8, 


. 248 


49. 6, 


85 


60. 3, 


63 


22, 


. 158 


8, . 


. 166 


5, . 


93 


35. 5,6, 


2 39 


9, 


. 125 


7, . 


55 


8, 


58, 240 


10, . 


. 255 


11, 


. 200 


12, 


59 


12, . 


. 214 


13, . 


2 39 


15, 
16, 


47 
. 170 


13,14, . 


213,214, 
261, 262 


61. 8, 
62. 4, 


. 256 

220, 221 


19, 


. 89 


15, . 


213, 248 


5, . 


l8 4 , 2 4 I 


20, 21, 


. 245 


16, . 


. 228 


10, . 


. 2 7 6 


36. 13, 


6 


18, . 


81, 187 


12, . 


. 209 


37. 3, 


45, 2 5 6 


19, . 


. 284 


63. 3, 


5' 


5, 


44, 64 


21, . 


33, 262 


7, . 


. 271 


20, 


. 248 


50, 1, 


6 


11, . 


. 60 


21, 


. 188 


3, . 


. 187 


64. 6, 


2 3 I, 254 


22, 


. 113 


4, . 


. 232 


7, . 


I 7 0, I 7 I 


23, 


. 129 


6, . 


. 171 


8, . 


6, 65, 248 


27, 


. 256 


8, . 


- 239 


9, . 


. 184 


31, 


. 179 


10, . 


80 


65. 4, 


. 82 


35, 


34 


12, . 


. 272 


5, . 


. 218 


38. 2, 


. 261 


14, 15, . 


. 256 


6, . 


44, 61 


8, 


5 


16, . 


. 198 


10, 4 


7, 65, 125 


16, 


4 


17, . 


. * 3 8 


11, . 


. 260 


17, 


. 354 


21, . 


. 165 


14, . 


53, 2 6$ 


39. 4, 


5 


51. 9, 


. 255 


66. 3, 


. 69 



310 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED. 



Psalms confd. 


PAGE 


Psalms contd. 


PAGE 


PAGB 

Psalms contd. 


63. 6, 


22 


78. 26, 29, . 


254 


102. 9, 


79 


8, 


38 


30, 31, . 


2 43 


14, 


. 227 


10, 


. I 4 8 


34, 35, . 


. 246 


19, 


. 221 


14, 


33 


39, 


188, 260 


22, 


. I 4 8 


17, 


55 


40, 41, . 


. 246 


28, 


172 


67. 5, 


. 65 


45, 


. 254 


103. 4, 


107 


68. 2, 


. 276 


49, . 


. 86 




. 179, 256 


5, 


. 140 


54, 


. 209 


16,' 


. 275 


10, 


. 65 


80. 9, 


9 


21, 


. 38 


14, 


. 121 


13, . 


. 247 


104. 2, 


. 221 


16, 


. I2 3 


19, . 


. 276 


6, 


4, 9 


17, 




81. 6, 


. 218 


8, 


9, 209, 215 


19, 


57, 96 


7, . 


. 254 


12, 


62 


20, 


3 2 


9, . 


. 205 


14, 


51 


22, 


54 


14, . 


. 277 


15, 


. 150 


27, 


38, 201 


15, . 


. 278 


18, 


. 120 


31, 


. 92 


82. 1, 


. 91 


20, 


. ' .276 


34, 


. 104 


6, . 


. 163 


25, 


Il8, 220 


69. 4, 


. 241 


83. 6, 


. 46 


26 


. 226 


5, 


. 268 


12, . 


J 59 


27; 


. 232 


6, 


- 39 


19, . 


. 122 


32, 


22, 249 


11, 


- 55 


84. 4, . 


5 


35, 


138, 205 


US' 


. 18 


7, . 


104, 268 


105. 41, 


. 58 


22, 


. 254 


9, . 


109 


106. 18, 


19,. . 254 


27, 


. 220 


85. 11, 


6 


23, 


. 278 


33, 


255, 2 75 


86. 8, 


. 126 


107. 5, 


. 241 


71. 3, 


15, 241 


87. 3, 


127, 128 


6 


. 254 


7, 


. in 


88. 2, 


215, 258 


10, 


. 98 


10, 


. 284 


4, . 


53 


13, 


14,. . 254 


16, 


62 


5, 


. 84 


17, 


. 218 


19, 


. 238 


6, . 


98 


19, 


20,. . 254 


21, 


. 276 


10, . 


5 


26, 


. 9, 22, 254 


23, 


. 206 


11, 


. 227 


43, 


. 255 


72. 3, 


. 256 


14, . 


5 


109. 2, 


55 


4, 


61 


16, . 


18 


3, 


. . 66 


5, 


89, 256 


89. 19, 


. 162 


4, 


J 33 


7, 


. 191 


32, 33, . 


. 272 


8, 




15, 


. 255 


36, . 


2 73 


17, 


18, . . 245 


19, 


54 


38, . 


. 238 


28, 


. 245 


73. 2, 


. 140 


40, . 


. 60 


110. 2, 


. . 256 


6, 


53 


48, . 


. 199 


3, 


. 133 


7, 


53 


51, . 


52, 121 


5, 


. 6, 22, 248 


10, 


. 87 


90. 3, 


. 2 3 


111. 6, 


51 


11, 


. 64 


4, . 


. 265 


115. 7, 


159, 257 


14, 


. 252 


5, . 


33, '57 


116. 3, 


4, . 243 


17, 


22, 230 


10, . 


. 141 


11, 


. 158 


21, 22, 


. 228 


12, . 


. 260 


16 


. 6, 15, 39 


27, 


100 


15, 


. 215 


118. 5, 


. 61 


74. 15, 


. 88 


91. 1,2, . 


. 221 


10, 


. 206 


75. 6, 


. 261 


7, . 


. 2 7 6 


13, 


. 165 


76. 3, 


. 266 


15, . 


. 2 7 6 


14 


. 234 


7, 


. 279 


92. 8, 


273 


18, 


. 165 


8, 


. 230 


9, . 


45 


19, 


. . 256 


77. 4, 


. 276 


16, . 


. 262 


26, 


5 


12, 


. 206 


93. 19, 


. 213 


119. 5, 


. 205 


78. 4, 


. 240 


94. 9, 10, . 


. 195 


17, 


. . 256 


6-8, 


. 232 


13, . 


61,87 


23, 


. 276, 284 


9, 


. 104 


95. 10, 


10 


24, 


. 268 


15, 


182, 254 


11, . 


2 73 


51, 


61,. 267,276, 


18, 


5 1 


101. 8, 


Si 




284 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



311 



Psalms contd. 


PAGE 


Psalms contd. 


PAGE 


PACK 

Proverbs contd. 


119. 62, 


. 142 


141. 10, 


'57 


10. 4, 


. 46 


75, . 


45, '33 


142. 5, 


. 202 


22, 24, . 


158 


78, . 


45 


143. 6, 


34, 62 


31, . 


53 


83, 


. 284 


144. 3, 


. 245 


11. 2, 8, . 


5 


87, 


7 


12, 


. 46 


7, . 


8 


90, . 


2 45 


145. 7, 


. 121 


13, . 


55 


98, 


. 179 


146. 4, 


. 2 7 6 


14, . 


40 


103, 


. 180 


148. 6, 


. 125 


15, 


. 166 


128, 


. 170 


150. 6, 


106 


22, . 


100 


136, 


. 266 






24, 


250 


137, 


. 178 


Proverbs 




12. 6, 57, 133, 149', 


145, . 


. 256 


1. 3,, . 


iSi 2 34 




1 60 


155, 


. 178 


4, 


258, 260 


7, . 


20 3, 2 57 


120. 1, 


33 


10, . 


. 64 


14, . 


. 40 


5, 


57 


H, - 


102 


16, . 


. 78 


6, . 


47, 174 


13, . 


. 106 


19, 


18, 230 


7, i34, 


157, 284 


21, . 


3 


27, . 


. 182 


121. 3, 


194 


22, . 


. 254 


28, . 


. 84 


122. 1, 


5 


2. 3, . 


. 274 


13. 1, 


99, 218 


3, 


. 174 


9, 12, 14, 


. 87 


2, . 


. 40 


4, - 


46, 143 


15, . 


101 


4, . 


. 160 


5, . 


112 


3. 3, 4, . 


. 256 


7, 


2 39 


123. 3, 


44 


7, - 


. 256 


8, . 


. 218 


4, 108, 


114, 174 


12, 


34 


10, . 


130 


124. 3, 


. 278 


18, 


139 


13, 


. 173 


5, . 


. 178 


34, . 


171, 283 


18, . 


2 77 


126. 2, 


8 


4. 6, 8, 10, 


. 256 


19, 


133 


6, . 


165, 167 


11, 


5 


20, . 


. 203 


127. 1, . 


. 272 


5. 6, 


. 227 


21, . 


; 67 


2, 77, 


101, 143, 


15-18, . 


. 256 


24, . 


160 




222 


22, . 


. 1 60 


14. 2, . 


101, 152 


3, . 


. 26l 


6. 12, 


. 46 


3, . 


'55 


4, . 


. 280 


16, . 


. 213 


7, . 


. 115 


128. 2, 


. 206 


22, . 


. 274 


13, 


160 


129. 2, 


. 268 


24, . 


. 87 


H . 


100, 219 


3, . 


39 


27, 28, . 


. 238 


18, . 


8 


6, . 


. 23 


31, . 


. 274 


20, . 


. 129 


8, . 


5 


35, . 


. 284 


22, . 


2 77 


131. 2, 


. 280 


7. 7, . 


22, 6 9 


31, . 


2 77 


132. 12, 


. 271 


8, . 


. 26o 


35, . 


. 185 


138. 1, 


. 265 


10, . 


. 4 6 


15. 11, 


269 


134. 2, 


55 


11, 


10 


12, . 


. 66 


137. 4, . 


ii 


12, 13, . 


. 2 4 6 


14, . 


. 182 


8, . 


. 67 


16, . 


. 68 


16, . 


2 39 


138. 7, . 


55 


17, . 


. 65 


20, 


92 


139. 8, 232, 


272, 276 


19, . 


89, 189 


21, . 


73 


H, 


. 274 


8. 3, 


3 


22, 


179, 203 


12, . 


33 


8, . 


. 141 


25, 


. 249 


15, . 


. 217 


9, 


. 221 


16. 2, 


. 180 


16, . 


4, 8 , 2 39 


12, . 


57 


3, . 


. 256 


18, . 


. 276 


25, 26, . 


2 3 


4, . 


. 108 


19, . 


. 205 


29, 


13, 232 


10, 12, . 


40 


21, . 


ii 


32, . 


. 218 


13, 


. 184 


22, . 


53 


9. 3, 


3 


27, . 


. 262 


140. 9, 


256, 261 


4, 


209, 254 


33, . 


. 128 


11, . 


240 


7, . 


66 


17. 1, . 


2 39 


141. 4, 


191 


12, . 


. 272 


5, . 


61, 277 


5, . 


65, 2 57 


13, 


. 262 


7, 


269 


6, 15 
8, . 


> H7, 2 57 
. 206 


16, . 

18, . 


210, 254 

99 


it 


2 77 
243 (twice) 



312 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



PAGE 

Proverbs contd. 


PAGE 

Proverbs contd. 


PAGE 

Ecclesiastes contd. 


17. 12, 


. 203 


25. 8, 


. . 156 


5. 6, . . 265 


15, . 


. 265 


20, 25, 




8, . . 107 


16, . 


239 


27, 


. 50 


9, . 210, 277 


20, . 


101 


28, 


. . 84 


11, . . 114 


26, 


I3 1 


26. 2, 


51 


12, . .129 


27, . 


. 52 


17, 


. 213 


13, . . 87 


18. 5, 


I3 1 


27. 7, 


277 


14, . . 25 


22, . 


. 276 


9, 


. . 236 


15, . 199, 280 


24, . 


. 138 


12, 


258 (twice) 


17, . .125 


19. 1, 


101 


24, 


. 282 


18, . 244, 276 


3, . 


243 


28. 1, 


. . 184 


6. 3, 5, 283, 284 


6, 


106 


2, 


160 


6, . . 279 


10, . 


. 269 


4, 


. . 184 


7, . . 268 


17, . 


. 277 


8, 


. 148 


10, 137, 263, 277 


19, 


. 274 


10, 


. 163, 171 


12, . . 266 


23, . 


45, 7 1 


27, 


. 84 


7. 1, . . 125 


25, . 


66, 256 


29. 6, 


. 121 


7, . 37, 178 


20. 2, 


. 58 


9, 


. 244 


12, . . i 4l 


6, 


. 214 


30. 3, 


. 26l 


19, . .137 


10, 12, . 


. 265 


24, 


. 170 


20, . . 190 


13, . 


. 256 


31, 


. . 8 4 


21, . 69, 225 


14, . 


. 241 


31. 1, 


30, 66 


22, . . 224 


22, . 


255 


4, 


. 184, 265 


24, 137, 164, 170, 


26, 


. 248 






277 


21. 2, 


. 180 


Ecclesiastes 


25, . 69, 234 


6, . 


. 103 


1. 3, 


. 199 


8. 2, . 237 


9, . 


. 130 


5, 


237 


9, . . 263 


11, 


. 66 


9, 


. 209 


10, . . 87 


19, . 


. 13 


10, 


. 124, 276 


11, . 190, 266 


20, . 


92 


11, 


. 282 


12, . 47, 284 


27, . 


184, 269 


13, 


21, 8 7 , 249 


14, . . 5 




(twice) 


16, 


21, 249 


17, 223, 284 (twice) 


22. 3, 


258, 275 


2. 3, 


. 2 3 


9. 1, . . 264 


5, 


. 258 


5, 


21, 249 


4, . 162, 277 


6, . 


. 66 


7, 


93, 130 


7, . i5S 


11, . 


160, 262 


9, 


. 236, 249 


11, . . 263 


12, . 


5 


15, 


21, 163, 267 


10. 10, . .125 


35, 158, 


243, 277 


16, 


. 142 


12, . . 133 


16, 


. 61 


21, 


. 1 60 


15, . . 214 


19, . 


5, l6 3 


3. 2, 


115, 150 


20, . . 25 


21, . 


. 67 


4,8, 


. IIS 


11. 2, . . 199 


23, . 


. 65 


9, 


. 199 


3, . . 215 


29, . 


ii, 275 


11, 


. 268 


5, . .65 


23. 8, 


. 213 


13, 


. . 2 7 6 


8, . . 271 


15, . 


. 163 


14, 


. 226 


9, . . 237 


17, . 


141, 274 


15, 


135 


12. 1, . . 237 


24. 5, . 


. 141 


17, 


237 


2, . 94, 230 


6, . 


, 40 


18, 




4, . 92, 249 


9, . 


. 104 


21, 


. 223 


6, . . 230 


10, . 


275 


4. 1, 


. 168, 263 


9, . . 156 


11, . 


. 205 


2, 


. 264 


11, 92 (twice), 129 


15, . 


. 44 


6, 


93 


12, . . 71 


25, . 


87, 127 


7, 


. . 263 


13, . no, 141 


27, . 


. 250 


10, 


160 


14, 37 


28, . 


257 


12, 


. . 176 




31, . 


53 


14, 


. 284 


Canticles 


32, . 


254, 258 


15, 


10 


1. 2, . . 63 


25. 3, 


84, 237 


17, 


. 224 


5, . . 170 


4,5, . 


203 


5. 1, 


134 


6, . 112, 163 


7, . 


131, 148 


4, 


. 222 


7, . . 228 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



313 



PAGE 

Canticles contd. 


PAGE 

Isaiah contd. 


Isaiah contd. 


PAGE 


1. 15, 


i33 


4. 4, 


. 271 


10. 4, 


184, 274 


2. 6, 


. 116 


5. 1, 


52, 92 


5, . 


185, 262 


7, 


. 197 


2, 


66, 232 


7, . 


. 88 


8, 


. . ^83 


5, 


67, 202 


10, 


91 


H, 




6, 


5 Z , 53 


13, . 


22 


12, 


5 


8, 


. 138 


15, . 


. 262 


15, 




9, 


. 192 


22, 


150, 272 


3. 4, 


273, 283 


11, 


. 241 


27, . 


. 256 


5, 


J 97 


12, 


8, 133 


30, . 


55 


6, 


41, 196 


15, 


. 247, 248 


11. 2, . 


234 


7, 


112, 1 60 


19, 


. 18 


4, . 


67 


8, 


. . 9 8 


23, 


. . 184 


8, . 


254 


4. 1, 


. 116 


24, 


. . 156 


9,75,^7, 


149,214 


4, 


95 


26, 


. 185, 259 


10, . 




5. 2, 




29, 


30, . . 248 


13, . 


79 


9, 


106, 200 


6. 1, 


54, 144 


14, . 


. 109 


6. 7, 


. 116 


2, 


. 246, 260 


12. 1, . 


22, 249 


12, 


55, "9 


3, 


. . 164 


2, . 




7. 10, 


87, 93 


6, 




5, . 


. 20 5 


13, 


5 


7, 


. 247 


13. 2, 


I 60 


8. 2, 


93 


8, 


. . 36 


3, . 


. Ill 


3, 


. 116 


9, 


. . 48 


9, . 


234, 260 


4, 


. 197 


10, 


124, 261 


10, 


. 254 


7, 


. 272 


H, 


. 192, 273 


18, . 


. I 5 8 


H, 




13, 


. 147, 274 


14. 2, . 




14, 


'73 


7. 9, 


. 206 


3, . 


61, 128 






H, 


47 


6, . 


87 


Isaiah 




14, 


29, 171 


15, . 


. 267 


1. 1, 


. . 258 


15, 


16,. . 75 


21, . 


191, 227 


3, 


. . 64 


17, 


. 114 


27, . 


. 132 


4, 


. . 263 


20, 


3 1 


31, 




5, 


. 107 


21, 


. 125 


32, . 


3 


7, 


99, 263 


22, 


H8, 253 


15. 6, 


137 


9, 


. 271, 278 


24, 


125, 133 


7, 


. 215 


12, 


45 


8. 1, 


101, 112 


8, 


. 261 


14, 


74 


4, 


75, 125 


16. 4, 


. 184 


15, 


. 62, 284 


6, 


. . 263 


5, . 


. 279 


18, 


33, 271 


7, 


. 257 


8, . 


183 


19, 


. . 64 


8, 


. 254 


9, 


65, 108 


20, 


45, 271 


9, 


. . 256 


12, . 


4, 255 


23, 




10, 


52, 256 (twice) 


17. 5, . 


1 60 


25, 


! .* 18 


H, 


256 


6, . 


160, 265 


28, 


. 202 


12, 


. 211 


10, . 


66,87 


30, 


. 101 


14, 


. 159, 266 


18. 2, 


136 


2. 2, 


. 289 


20, 


. . I8 4 


5, . 


. 254 


4, 


67 


21, 


. 1 60 


7, . 


. 136 


6, 


. 206, 268 


22, 


. 171 


19. 3, 


. 88 


9, 


247, 248, 259 


23, 


6, 64, 1 60, 206, 


7, . 


6 


H, 


181, 247, 248 




247, 280 


8, . 


104, 157 


H' 


. 247, 248 


9. 1, 


104 


11, 104, 


170, 268 


18, 


157 


2, 


104, 125, 157 


17, 


231 


, 22, 


173 


3, 


. 6, 92 


20, . 


. 248 


3. 6, 


. 205 


5, 


6 


22, . 


47 


9, 


. . 67 


6, 


. 144, 247 


20. 1, 


. 156 


10, 


. 223 


9, 


68 


2, . 


. 202 


12, 


. . 178 


11, 


30, 107 


4, . 


178 


15, 


. . 198 


12, 


. 107 


21. 2, 


. 128 


16, 


. 166 


16, 


. 81 


5, . 


. 202 


24, 


93, M2, 253 


10. 1, 


. 168, 260 


11, . 


148 


26, 


73, 253, 258 


3, 


. 214 


12, . 


272 



314 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



PAflS 

Isaiah contd. 


PAGE 

Isaiah contd. 


Isaiah contd. 


PAGE 


22. 2, 


101, 158 


31 8, 


*73 


42. 21, 


75 


5, 


. 202 


32. 1, 


. 161 


24, . 


75 


7, 


17, 2 5* 


7, 


. . 67 


25, . 


97 


16, 


. 104 


13, 


. 206 


43. 3, 


6 


17, 


. . 167 


14, 


. 247 


8, . 


139 


18, 


33 


33. 1, 


137 (twice), 


9, . 


'5 


21, 


. 66 




l6l, 212 


21, 


. 215 


24, 


. . 87 


6, 


. 234 


22, . 


. 269 


23. 2, 


l8o, 212 


7, 


. 44 


23, . 


65 


4, 


. 257, 26l 


11, 


. 276 


28, . 


22 


7, 


*73 


12, 


. 204 


44. 12, 


. 250 


11, 


. . 146 


15, 


. . 58 


14, . 


. 250 


12, 


. 104 


24, 


. 99 


21, . 


. 174 


13, 


120, 137, 185, 


34. 4, 


33 


24, . 


. 2 5 6 




204 


13, 


53 J 7 8 


26, . 


. 7 8 


25. 3, 


179 


35. 1, 


. 249 


28, . 


. 264 


26. 9, 


55 


2, 


*34 


45. 9, . 


. 201 


10, 


. . 276 


4,6, 


49 


46. 2, 


82, 173 


13, 


. 122 


9, 


. 170 


10, . 


78 


15, 


15 


36. 2, 


. 86 


11, . 


. 279 


27. 5, 


. 282 


9, 


80, 103 


47. 1, . 


. 124 


28. 1, 


88, 103 


10, 


. 192 


8, 10, . 


. 85 


2, 


. 254 


15, 


39 


48. 1, 


. 260 


4, 


88, 103 


17, 


. 260 


2, . 


. 268 


6, 


. 261 


19, 


. . 269 


11, . 


. 262 


7, 


. 130 


37. 3, 


139 


13, . 


. 276 


8, 


. . 138 


4, 


. 30 


14, . 


218, 261 


16, 


'54. *7! 


6, 




21, . 


. 219 


21, 


121 


14, 


. 182 


49. 2, 


. 258 


25, 


. 272 


17, 


3 


4, . 


. 283 


28, 


166, 206, 268 


38, 


. 252 


7,8, . 


. 92 


29. 1, 


. 215 


38. 10, 


. 18, 158 


17, . 


137 


2, 


133 


12, 


. 124 


18, . 


. 204 


4, 


73 


15, 


. 232, 279 


50. 4, . 


37, 65 


5, 


34 


16, 


. IO2 


8, . 


. 209 


7, 


. 235 


18, 


. 26l 


9, . 


. 196 


9, 


. 171 


19, 


66, 67 


51. 2, 


22 


10, 


. 108 


20, 


133 


12, 13, . 


245 


14, 


. . 167 


39. 3, 




15, . 


. 238 


15, 


. 72 


8, 


. 194 


21, . 


IOO 


16, 


. 195, 200 


40. 10, 


. 141 


52. 8, 


. 180 


19, 


. 92 


18, 


. 199 


53. 3,4, . 


*35 


22, 


. 214 


20, 


71, 108 


7, 33 


, 34, 1 68 


30. 2, 


. 260 


21, 


. 261 


9, . 


. 124 


6, 


213 


24, 


. 279 


10, . 


65, 232 


7, 


. 136 


26, 


. 121 


11, . 


. 61 


11, 


12,. . 185 


30, 


. 283 


54. 3, 291 (twice) 


14, 


47, 188, 260 


41. 1, 


. 60 


6, . 


. 206 


17, 


. 101, 273 


2, 


. 34, 184 


9, . 


. 280 


19, 


. 201 


4, 


. 172 


55. 1, 


. 261 


20, 


93 


7, 


37 


2, . 


84, 218 


23, 


. 66 


17, 


. 257 


4, 


2 35 


27, 


. . 46 


24, 


. 218 


5, . 


. 288 


31, 


. . 185 


25, 


55 


10, 


273, 292 


32, 


*53> 2 54 


26, 


. 279 


56. 3, 


. 209 


33, 


50, 88, 172, 


42. 5, 


234 


5, . 


290 




185, 285 


6, 


92, 256 


6, . 


. 264 


31. 1, 


. 260 


13, 


34 


7, . 


. 291 


5, 


47, 167, 260 


16, 


59, 2I 3 


10, . 


. 104 


6, 


. 2H, 213 


19, 


. 78 


57. 1, . 


^3 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED Oil ILLUSTRATED. 



315 



Isaiah contd. 


PAGE 


PAGE 

Jeremiah contd. 


PAGE 

Jeremiah contd. 


57. 2, . 


5 8, l8 4 


3. 19, 


. 200 


9. 4, 


74, 156 


5, . 


. 263 


22, 


. 154 


6, 


. 200 


12, . 


S^ 


23, 


. 26l 


7, 


. I2 5 , 184 


15, . 


38, 131 


25, 


. 18 


9, 


. 192, 258 


17, . 


22 


4. 10, 


. 252 


11, 


. 255 


58. 2, 


9 


11, 


103 


14, 


. 160 


5, . 


. 288 


14, 


.178 


19, 


. 156 


6, 7, 202, 260 


19, 


21, . . 18 


23, 


125, 202 


8, . 


. 292 


25, 


. . 189 


10. 3, 


. I8 5 


10, . 


. 249 


29, 


106, 189 


4, 


. I8 4 


12, . 


. 129 


30, 


. . 284 


6,7, 


192 (twice) 


13, . 


5 1 


5. 1, 


2 55 


8, 


. 268 


59. 1, 


. 291 


2, 


. 267, 271 


10, 


X 33 


4, . 


. 202 


3, 


75 


13, 


. 157 


10, . 


*49 


5, 


. . 267 


19, 


. 120 


18, . 


. 281 


7, 


. 199, 250 


25, 


. 168 


60. 1, 


6 


9, 


. 199 


11. 21, 


. 251 


5, . 


. 180 


12, 


. 195 


12. 4, 


. 178 


14, . 


45, 79 


13, 


. 190 


5, 


. 200 


61. 1, . 


59 


15, 


. 213 


6, 


44 


7, . 


. 261 


21, 


. . 84 


8, 


. 62 


10, . 


33, 34 


28, 


53, 87, 261 


11, 


. 42 


62. 5, 


. 280 


6. 6, 


. 224 


16, 


. . 156 


63. 3, 


22 


10, 


. 18 


17, 


47 


7, . 


. 28l 


13, 


. 81 


13. 1,2, 


29 


11, 


110 


14, 


. 250 


4, 


. 106 


18, . 


. 262 


15, 


. 268 


7, 


10, 192 


19, . 


. 2!8 


17, 


. 246 


10, 


. 255 


64. 1, . 


. 205 


19, 


. 250 


16, 


. 127 


10, . 


. 180 


20, 


. 199 


18, 


5 8 > 73 


65. 1, 


. 218 


22, 


. 180 


20, 


. 179 


5, . 


. 174 


28, 


. . 169 


21, 


. 224 


6, . 


*73 


29, 


. . 48 


23, 


. 101 


20, . 


. 4 


7. 4, 


. . 183 


14. 1, 


5, 219 


66. 17, 


93 


6, 


. 127, 187 


4, 


. 241 






9, 


. 202 


5, 


. 263 


Jeremiah 




11, 


. 154 


7, 


. 271 


1. 5, . 


67, 229 


13, 


. 49 


12, 


. . 284 


15, . 


. 89 


16, 


. . 189 


15, 


239 


18, . 


. 162 


17, 


J 53 


17, 


53, 57, l8 7 


2. 2, . 


. 260 


18, 


. . 263 


18, 


. 271 


8, 


. 218 


19, 


3 6 '7 2 


19, 


. 202 


10, . 


. 194 


23, 


. 127 


15. 1, 


. 271 


11, . 


. 218 


24, 


. 104 


4, 


. 217 


15, . 


. 178 


25, 


. 169, 250 


6, 


. 74 


16, . 


54 


31, 


. 127 


7, 


. 258 


17, . 


85, 228 


32, 


. 192 


10, 


81, 90 


18, . 


. 198 


8. 1, 


2 34 


11, 


2 73 


19, 


. 263 


3, 


. 129 


15, 


. 187, 224 


20, . 


. 258 


4, 


. 125 


16. 6,7, 


. . 184 


21, . 


. 119 


5, 


109, ill, 185 


12, 


. 153 


25, . 


. 224 


6, 


. 81 


13, 


37 


28, . 


143 


9, 


195 


16, 


. 121 


31, 172 


(twice) 


10, 


. 81 


20, 


- 8 4 


33, . 


7 2 


12, 


. 268 


17. 9, 


. 170 


34, 


. 181 


13, 


166, 218 


10, 


. 264 


3. 1, 12, 


57, 202 


15, 


. 202 


14, 


. 255 


3, 


75 


16, 


. 104 


16, 


. 224 


9, . 


2 53 


19, 


. I8 9 


18, 


. 80 


15, . 


- 65 


9. 2, 


. 90 


26, 


- 9 



316 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTKATED. 



PAGE 

Jeremiah contd. 


PAGE 

Jeremiah contd. 


PAGE 

Jeremiah contd. 


18. 3, . . 246 


27. 7, 


. 163 


37. 21, 


. ^63 


4, 246 (twice), 274 


8, 


38, 160 


38. 4, 


. 128, 267 


7, . 23*, 2 45 


10, 


15, . . 149 


5, 


57, 189, 192 


8, . . 274 


18, 


. 227 


6, 


. 108 


13, . . 157 


28. 16, 


29, 142 153 


9, 


. 214, 245 


14, 15, . . 225 


29. 17, 


ii 


14, 


. 119 


21, . 99 


19, 


49 


16, 


. 38 


19. 1, .63 


23, 


. 238 


24, 


. 251 


4, . . 246 


28, 


. 267 


26, 


. 154. 


5, . 127, 246 


30. 6, 


69, 240 


39. 10, 


. . 63 


11, . 125, 192 


7, 


. 192 


12, 


. 274 


12, . . 264 


11, 


. 252, 284 


40. 2, 


39 


13, . 162, 263 


12, 


. 162 


3, 


. 119 


20. 7, . .81 


14, 


5 2 53, 26 


4, 


. 220 


9, . . 274 


15, 


. 121 


5, 


. 2 3 


10, . . 98 


19, 


. . 2 3 6 


8, 


. 279 


11, 53 


21, 


196 


14, 


. 232 


12, . . 237 


31. 2, 


. . 4 8 


41. 6, 


49 (twice), 240 


15, . .165 


3, 


. 6 5 


8, 


. 94 


17, . 86, 265 


5, 


6, 125 


16, 


. 106 


22. 4, . . 112 


7, 


45 


42. 2, 


i34 


6, . . 178 


8, 


. . 46 


5, 


. 67 


10, . . 48 


10, 


34 


8, 


. 162 


12, . . 215 


13, 


. . 69 


16, 


17,. . 2 53 


16, . . 33 


21, 


. 119, 258 


21, 


. 162 


17, . . 86 


22, 


137 


43. 2, 


. 240 


19, . 47, 48 


27, 


. 66 


44. 2, 


. 133, 280 


24, . 204, 271 


32, 


. 211 


5, 


. 281 


26, . . 119 


32. 1, 


. 86 


6, 


. 280 


29, . . 164 


11, 


. 44 


7, 


. 51 


30, . 68, 77 


12, 


. 108 


12, 


. 81 


23. 2, . . 182 


14, 


. 119, 279 


14, 


. . 264 


5, . .46 


29, 


. 263 


15, 


. 154 


6, . 53, l8 5 


32, 


. 189 


17, 


. . 263 


8, . .89 


33, 


202 (twice), 203 


18, 


. 230 


14, 202, 227, 260 


35, 


. 127 


19, 


. . 264 


16, . . i54 
17, 48, 2 44, 2 77 


44, 
33. 2, 


. 263 
. 143, 226 


20, 
21, 


. . 67 
127, 183 


20, . . 52 


9, 


59 


22, 


. 280 


22, . . 272 


20, 


in 


25, 


. 184, 236 


23, .. 89 


22, 


98, 280 


27, 


. 180 


24, . . 54 


25, 


in 


28, 


. . 265 


25, . . 105 


34. 1, 


. no 


45. 4, 


. . 38 


26, 137, 195, 222 


8, 


9, . . 232 


46. 1, 


. 219 


27, 156 (twice) 


35. 8, 


9, . . 232 


2, 


. 86 


28, . 45, 198 


14, 


. 128 


5, 


. 70 


29, . . 34 


15, 


. . 256 


18, 


. 204 


33, . . 38 


16, 


. 128 


23, 


. . 284 


24. 2,11,86,110,133 


36. 7, 


2 33 


47. 1, 


. 219 


8, . .11 


9, 


. * 2 3 


3, 


. 114 


25. 5, . . 256 


16, 


. 60 


48. 8, 


. 280 


6, . . 251 


22, 


. 38 


15, 


. 177 


14, . . 163 


25, 


. 284 


24, 




15, . 108, 156 


37. 1, 


. . 46 


32, 


63, 108, 200 


26, . . 108 


4, 


. 2 3 


36, 


180, 215 


29, . . 193 


10, 


. 271 


49. 12, 


. 172 


3l! . . i54 


13, 


. 92, 189 


16, 


. 284 


34, . . 150 


14, 


. . 189 


19, 


. 2 3 


26. 13, . .122 


15, 


2 49 


23, 


*33 


18, . . 56 


20, 




24, 


. 236 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED. 



317 



PAGE 

Jeremiah contd. 


Ezekiel contd. 


PAGE 


PAGE 

Ezekiel contd. 


49. 34, 


. 219 


6. 9, 


38 


24. 17, 


. 6^ 


36, 


30 


10, 


. I 7 6 


25. 6, 


. 88 


50. 11, 


58, 284 


14, . 


. 171 


9, 


. 261 


20, 


. 128 


7. 24, . 


. 169 


15, 


88, 261 


25, 


. 136 


8. 6, . 


. 149 


26. 3, 


39 "7 


39, 


. 262 


11, . 


. 28 5 


10, 


. 234 


41, 


. . 178 


9. 2, . 


. 105 


17, 


209 


44, 


. *3 


3, . 


. 116 


27. 5, 


37 


61. 12, 


. 279 


10. 3, 


104 


8, 


90 


14, 271 


, 274 (twice) 


4, . 


. 116 


27, 


90 


44, 


. 268 


6, . 


105, 116 


30, 


44 


46, 


. 263 


9, . 


no 


34, 


. . 8j 


48, 


. 178 


12, . 


. 258 


36, 


J 33 


49, 


. 279 


11. 3, 


J 93 


28. 3, 


57, 184 


53, 


. . 284 


6, . 


. 40 


14, 


. 121 


54, 


. 268 


11, . 


. 261 


19, 


*33 


58, 


. 182 


13, . 


'93 


29. 3, 


. 174 


59, 


. 86 


21, . 


. 219 


7, 


. 107 


52. 7, 


. 254 


12. 12, 


. 226 


9, 


174 


13, 


86 


24, . 


. 87 


30. 9, 


. 89 


14, 


. 115 


25, 


127, 219 


16, 


. 169 






28, . 


. 127 


31. 3, 


. 100, 235 


Lamentations 


13. 2, 


. 104 


15, 


1 80 (twice) 


1. 9, 


. . 46 


3, . 


190, 218 


16, 


2 35 


10, 


7, 22 3 


7, . 


. 87 


32. 2, 


34> *93 


12, 


'46, 193 


15, 


. 124 


33. 3, 


. 275 


14, 


. 218 


18, . 


. 281 


4, 


. 248 


16, 


53 


20, . 


37 


5, 


. 241 


17, 


. 62 


14. 7, 


. 249 


31, 


2 49 


19, 


24, 256 


22, . 


38, 2?5 


34. 1, 


. 182 


21, 


. 15 


15. 4, 


2 75 


2,8, 


10, . 172 


2. 13, 


. 91 


5, 


. 247 


12, 


119, 156 


14, 


. 104 


16. 4, 


149, 165 


14, 


no 


16, 


. . 258 


5, . 


. 149 


2C, 


2 35> 26 5 


3. 26, 


. 24 


6, . 


. 168 


35. 10, 


130 


29, 


. . 138 


7, 22, . 


. 178 


36. 5, 


. 107 


38, 


193 


27, 


III, 275 


18, 


. 262 


50, 


. *3 


28, . 


57, 268 


27, 


. 226 


51, 


39 


39, . 


. 178 


37. 1, 


. 182 


52, 


. . 89 


47, . 


*55 


2,7, 


8, 10, . 246 


57, 


. 15 


17. 21, 


38 


19, 


38, i54 


4. 5, 


39 


23, . 


. no 


21, 


. 154 


14, 


75, 229 


18. 5, 


. 275 


39. 4, 


. 104 


15, 


. 206 


7, 


. in 


27, 


. 119 


17, 


89, 154 


10, . 


4*i 2 75 


41. 2,4, 


34 


22, 


6 


13, . 


. 247 


22, 


. 132 


5. 22, 


. 167, 274 


19, . 


. 2OO 


43. 5, 


2 39 






24, 


2 47 


17, 


. 38 


Ezekiel 




20. 16, . 


38 


19, 


. . 126 


1. 9, 11, 


144 


21. 20, 


J 75 


44. 3, 


. . 38 


14, 


48 


31, 


. 203 


4, 


. 239 


20, 


168 


32, 137, 


164, 174 


25, 


. . 184 


2. 2 


37 


22. 6, 


41 


30, 


. 170 




247 


23. 14, 


. 87 


45. 1, 


95 


6, 


279 


20, . 


. 224 


16, 


. 108 


15, 


70 


25, . 


59 


47. 8, 


. 107 


18, 


3 


29, 


. 178 


10, 22 


, . .252 


20, 


2I 3 


30, 46, . 


. 203 






5. 13, 


201 


48, . 


. 249 


Daniel 




6. 4,7, 


4 


24. 12, 


87 1. 2, 


. 41 



318 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTKATED. 



Daniel contd. 


PAGE 


Hosea 


PAGE 


Joel 


PAGE 


1. 3, 


. 2 3 2 


1. 2, . 


. 215 


1. 7, 


. 165 


4, . 


2 35 


6, . 


188, 269 


14, 


. 2 5 8 


5, 13 




2. 1, . 


2 53 


15, 


. 201 




(twice) 


5, . 


34 


20, 


. . I 7 8 


8, . 


. 232 


3. 1, . 


. 98 


2. 1, 


. 146 


9, . 


. 224 


4. 2, . 


. 202 


2, 


. 150 


10, . 


. 228 


4, . 


2 39 


4, 


. 280 


15, . 


41, 286 


7, . 


. 281 


5, 


IOO 


18, . 


41, 2 3 2 


8, . 


. 184 


8, 


. 144, 258 


20, . 


. 277 


10, . 


. 254 


14, 


. 197 


2. 2, . 


. 232 


11, 




20, 


70, 249 


3. 1, . 


. 145 


14, . 


. 171 


23, 


. 237 


8. 1, . 


. 209 


16, . 


- 34 


26, 


48, 51 


4, . 


. 246 


17, . 


99 


27, 


. 250 


8, . 


. 181 


18, . 


. 167 


4, 4, 


. 154 


11, . 


. 129 


5. 2,11,. 


73 


5, 


. 170 


12, . 


. 249 


6. 1, . 


22, 255 


14, 


. 168 


13, 3 


40, 108, 


3, . 


. 6 9 


18, 


53 




119 


4, . 


73, 76 


20, 


. . * 3 8 


16, 


. 66 


7. 2, . 








19, . 


. 146 




X 37 


Amos 




22, . 


. 263 


5; ; 


104 


1. 11, 


*5J 


24, . 


44 


10, . 


263 


2. 2, 


31 


25, . 


. 250 


8. 6, 


. 265 


13, 


'73 


26, . 


. 146 


7, . 


. 191 


15, 


101 


27, . 


. 241 


10, . 


. 284 


16, 


43, 101, 170 


9. 2, . 


. 232 


11, . 


. 168 


3. 1, 


. 257 


5, 11, . 


. 263 


12, . 


97, 276 


3, 


. 194 


13, . 


39 


9. 4, . 


*73 


5, 


. . 165 


20, . 
21, . 


- 2 43 
. 241 


6, . 


104, 275 
(twice) 


7, 
8, 


2 73 

2 75 


23, . 




7, . 


260, 262 


9, 


. 263 


25, . 

26, . 


55, 167 

234 


9, . 

16, . 


73 
. 191 


10, 
4. 2, 


: : ,11 


27, . 


. 267 


10. 1, . 


61, 127, 


4, 


. . 263 


10. 1, 


20, 234 




281 


5, 


. 258, 285 


11, 19, . 




4, . 


51, 202 


6, 


. . 265 


11. 1, . 


. 272 


5, . 


I8 4 , 2 4 8 


7, 


. I2 7> 246 


2, . 


. 81 


6, . 


. 128 


9, 


50 


4, . 


. 249 


9, . 


. 193 


10, 




5, . 


. 126 


13, . 




5. 1, 


. 2I 9 


7, . 


58, 126 


15, . 


169, 248 


3, 


44, 112 


8, . 


40 


11. 2, . 


. 28l 


4, 


. 256 


10, . 


48, 249 


3, 


66 


5, 


165, 259 


13, . 


. 40 


5, . 


I 93 


6, 


. . 256 


14, . 


. 104 


7, . 


. 268 


7, 


. 260 


15, 16, . 


249, 250 


8, . 


2CO 


8, 


68, 260 


20, . 


. 58 


12. 5, 


*43 


9, 


. 69 


22, . 


. 263 


6, . 


3 1 , 2 3 8 


12, 


. 260 


24, . 


. 267 


11, . 


. 276 


14, 


5, 2<;6 


25, 28, . 


. 249 


12, . 


272, 276 


16, 


. 180, 184 


29, . 


. 280 


15, . 


45 


18, 


.201 


30, . 


. 249 


13. 2, 


9 2 , l6 3 


19, 


29, 245 


31, . 


. 119 


3, . 


73 


22, 


265 


33, 40, 66, 262 


15, . 


. 284 


27, 


115 


38, . 


39 


14. 3, . 


102 


6. 1, 


201, 262 


39, . 


. 211 


4, . 


. 212 


2, 


79, 86, 146, 271 


41, . 


5 


5, . 


45 


3, 


61 


12. 3, 


. 262 


9, . 


. 198 


6, 


. 260 


12, . 


. 260 


10, . 


2 55 


8, 


. 154 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED. 



319 



PAGE 

Amos contd. 


PAGE 

Micah contd. 


PAGl 

Habakkuk contd. 


6. 9, 


. 184, 245 


4. 1, . . 189 


3. 15, 


. 261 


10, 


126, 131, 138, 


3, . . 281 


16, 


30, 227 




191 


5, . 4, 265 


17, 


. 183 


11, 


68 


8, . 116, 250 






12, 


. 124, 147 


11, . 179, 283 


Zephaniah 




13, 


. . 84 


13, . . 68 


1. 2, . 


. 166 


7. 1, 


iS4 


14, . 55, 283 


2. 1, . 


I 7 l 


2, 


. 197 


5. 1, 76, 126, 224 


2, . 


229, 255 


4, 


154, *3 2 


2, *73 


12, . 


. 136 


5, 


. 197 


4, . . 9* 


15, . 


. 85 


7, 


154, Z 39 


7, . 34, 272 


3. 6, . 


5 


12, 


i?3 


6. 5, . . 66 


7, . 


217 


14, 


. . 187 


6, . n, 66 


9, . 


. 46 


17, 


. 165 


8, . . 49 


11, 


in 


8. 3, 


. 124 


13, . 73, 265 


13, . 


. 268 


6, 


. 260 


14, . 249,25! 


18, . 


. 283 


10, 


. 78 


16, . 178, 260 


19, . 


. 214 


9. 1, 


. 112 


7. 2, . 65 


20, . 


. 272 


2, 


272 (twice) 


3, . . 163 






5, 


. 238, 248 


4, . . 169 


Eaggai 




8, 


167 (twice) 


8, . 276, 284 


1. 1, . 


112 


11, 


. . 185 


11, . 30, 159 


4, "9, 


I 7 2, 240 






12, 120, 125, 176, 


6, . 


125, 127 


Obadiah 


258 


10, . 


63. 


4, 


. 272 


17, . . 98 


2. 3, . 


. 150 


12, 


12 




5, . 


. 204 


16, 


. 218 


Nahum 


7, . 


. 180 






1. 4, . 159, 245 


15, . 


. 230 


Jonah 




8, . 55, 67 


16, . 


184, 231 


1. 6, 


90, 198 


10, . 44, 284 






8, 


8 


12, 240, 272, 281 


Zechariah. 




14, 


. . 276 


2. 4, . . 149 


1. 2, . 


5* 


2. 4, 


. 266 


5, . . 180 


3, . 


24 


5, 


. 267, 283 


9, . . 136 


9, . 


135, 196 


3. 3, 


. 102, II 3 


3. 8, . . 258 


2. 4, . 


41, 225 


4, 


M3 


12, . . 245 


5, . 


239 


7, 


51 




8, . 


46 


9, 


. 197, 251 


Habakkuk 


3. 4, 263 (twice) 


4. 2, 


. 72 


1. 2, . . 59 


4. 2, . 


. 168 


6, 


116, 117 


3, . . 147 


4, . 


'35 


8, 


. 223 


5, . . 171 


5, . 


i35 5 196 


10, 


. 92 


6, . . 213 


7, . 


. 119 






9, . . 81 


10, 


277 


Micah 




11, 53 


13, . 


' *, 

196 


1. 9, 


. 127, 179 


13, . . 260 


5. 4, . 


^35 


10, 


. 15 


15, . . 81 


6, . 


. 125 


11, 


179, 184, 254 


2. 4, 88, 149, 257 


12, . 


. 127 


13, 


. 178 


5, . . 269 


14, . 


!79 


2. 1, 


. 201 


6, 124, 201, 21 8 


7. 2, . 


'43 


3, 


45 


10, . . 241 


3, . 


48, 206 


4, 


i 2 5, 2 54 


14, 75, 117, 214 


5, . 


174, 263 


7, 


. 220 


15, 201, 212, 240 


6, . 


13* 


8, 


ioo, 125 


17, . . 78 


7, 176, 


236, 286 


11, 


58, 2 7 8 


19, 71, 89, 194 


9, 10, . 


. 144 


12, 


. I0 7 


3. 2, . . 147 


7, 14, . 


25 


13, 


. 247 


3, . . 9 


8. 2, . 


52 


3. 1, 


. 131 


8, . in, 194 


6, . 


193, 284 


4, 


249 


9, . . 56 


10, . 


. 181 


6, 


. I2 7 


10, . . 275 


15, . 


73 


12, 


56, 245 


13, . . 47 


17, . 


38, 144 



320 



INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED. 



PAGE 

Zechariah contd. 


PAGE 

Zechariah contd. 


Malachi- 


PAOE 

-contd. 


8. 20, 


. 222 


11. 17, 


. . 165 


1. 7, 


- J35, 2 4 


21, 


. . 4 8 


12. 2, 


131 


10, 


* -255 


9. 11, 


'57, 159, 265 


7, 


. 282 


11, 


I2 7, *37 


12, 


. 124 


10, 


38, 214, 263 


12, 


X 35 


15, 


2 54 


12, 


. 168 


2. 4, 


42 


17, 


. 206 


14, 


. 168 


9, 


. 225 


10. 2, 


. . 158 


13. 4, 


. 184 


13, 


. 192, 202 


6, 


255 


6, 


52, 124 


15, 


. 184, I 93 


7, 


. . 64 


9, 


. 254 


16, 


. 4 8 


8, 


. 276, 281 


14. 4, 


56, 86 


3. 5, 


. 66 


11. 5, 


25, 184 


10, 


. 119 


6, 


.257 


6, 


. 144 


12, 


184, 202 


8, 


. 66 


7, 


. 170, 267 


15, 


1 80 (twice) 


14, 


. 199 


11, 


. 170 






15, 


. 268 


12, 


94, 95 


Malachi 




16, 


. 268 


13, 


121 


1. 4, 


. . 284 


19, 


. 225 


15, 


95 


5, 


. 116 


24, 


. . 65 



INDEX OF CONTENTS. 



Abstract ideas expressed by the femi- 
nine, 178. 

Accentuation in accordance with syntax, 
286 ff. 

Accumulation of particles to form one 
prepositional or adverbial idea, 1 75. 

Accusative as completion of the idea in 
a verb, 34, 43 ; of cognate significa- 
tion, 51; of closer specification, 54; 
of direction, 55 ; after verbs, 51 ff. ; 

indicated by preposition $>, 116 ; 

: 

several round the same verb, 64. 
Accusatival sign in Hebrew, 35 ; in 

Aramaic, 39; after participle, 98; 

accusative! form of affix to a verb, 

used for the dative, 174. 
Active forms preferred to passive in 

Semitic, 129, 149. 
Adjectives subordinated to a verb, 43 f. ; 

co-ordinated with their nouns, 85 ; 

after their nouns, 37 ; few, and seldom 

used in Semitic, 91 ; placed in con- 
struction, 100 ; contain the idea of a 

relative descriptive-clause, 220. 
Adverbs co-ordinated with adjectives, 

102; used to express prepositional 

ideas, 115. 
Affix to verb-form may express the 

dative, 174. 
Agent expressed, after a passive verb, 

by prepositions, 129 f. 
Agreement of words in gender and 

number, 176 ; neglect of agreement, 

177. 

Alternative propositions, 282. 
Anticipatory word or particle prefixed 

in a proposition, 157, 159, 161. 
Antithetical words and propositions, 

267 ; antithesis introduced by simple 

conjunction, 237. 
Apposition, 28 f., 89f.,117ff.; of nouns 

substituted for construction, 93 f.; 

indicated by accentuation, 287. 
Arrangement of words in a sentence, 

151 ff. 



Article, its use generally, 29 ff., use in 
comparisons, 33 (footnote) ; not usual 
with proper names, 31 ; joined with 
proper names because of a preced- 
ing construct noun, 32, 90; with 
numerals, 95, 109; not regularly 
with construct words, 105; excep- 
tionally joined with construct words, 
107; with defining words, 108; re- 
peated with definite co-ordinated 
words, 118; abnormally omitted from 
some co-ordinated words, 119. 

Attraction of words, 77. 

Attributive words appended, 118, 121f. ; 
seldom prefixed, 120f. 

Brevity of expression sought for in the 
omission of the article, 30, the con- 
junction, 258, 272; characteristic of 
the earlier Hebrew, 172. 

Causal propositions, 266. 

Change of construction during the pro- 
gress of discourse, 259 ff. 

Circumlocutions for expressing the 
genitival idea, 111 ff. 

Circumstantial clauses (generally), 
238 ff.; order of words in, 152, 238; 
sometimes prefixed to the main pro- 
position, 158; without introductory 
particle, 240 ; verb is usually a parti- 
ciple, 239, sometimes a finite verb, 
239-241. 

Cognate accusative, 51. 

Comparison indicated in propositions, 
279 ff. 

Compound prepositions, 115. 

Conclusion expressed in a proposition, 
267. 

Concord of words in gender and num- 
ber, 176ff. 

Condensed discourse, 258. 

Conditional propositions (generally), 
269 ff. ; expressed by a command and 
the consequence of its fulfilment, 
256. 



322 



INDEX OF CONTENTS. 



Conjunctions, 233, 264 ff.; sometimes 
dropped at the beginning of proposi- 
tions, 240. 

Consecutive moods and tenses, 18; 
imperfect and perfect, 245. 

Consequence, how expressed, 225. 

Construct state (generally), 72 ff. ; be- 
fore prepositions, 89. Construct 
words in apposition, 104; do not 
regularly take the article, 105, only 
exceptionally, 107; in a series, 110; 
rarely joined by a conjunction, 235. 
Construct word with suffix, llOf. ; 
regularly repeated before each word 
depending on it, 234. Construction 
of words broken by an adjective, 103, 
by a preposition, 103 f. Construct 
infinitive used as completion of the 
predicate, 47. 

Continuance the idea of the imper- 
fect, 9. 

Contrast indicated by special arrange- 
ment of words in a sentence, 158; 
by special conjunctions, 267. 

Co-ordination, 28, 85, 90, 117. 

Copula unnecessary, and rarely used in 
Hebrew, 134; formed by personal 
pronoun, 135 ; regulated, as to gender 
and number, mostly by the subject, 
185. 

Copulative words, 223. Copulation of 
words by both the conjunction and 
the construct state, 234. 

Diffuseness of expression indicative of 
degeneracy in the Hebrew, 175. 

Direct and indirect subordination of 
nouns to verbs, 45. 

Duration the idea of the imperfect, 9. 

Emphasis on words indicated by special 

position assigned to them, 158; 

strongest when the word is repeated, 

162 ff 

Equality between propositions, 279. 
Ethical dative, 173. 
Exclamations, 200 ff. Verb-forms used 

as exclamations, 201. 
Explanatory particle, 136, clause, 257. 

Feminine forms used as completions of 
the predicate, 46 f. 

Genitive expressed by circumlocutions, 

111 ff., by means of the relative, 

114. 
Grammatical forms often determined 

by the idea rather than by gender or 

number, 178. 
Groups of words, 27. 

Identity, mode of expressing, 171. 



Imperative mood, 14; highest degree 
of the voluntative, 17; changed for 
the constructive with Vav consecu- 
tive, 259. 

Imperfect, meanings and uses of, 7; 
used for the future, 10; subordinated 
to another verb, 75. 

Imperfect members of sentences, 145 ff. 

Incomplete verbs, 76, 138. 

Indefinite nouns, 39-41 ; indefinite 
subject, 124ff. 

Indirect speech, 231. 

Inferential propositions, 267. 

Infinitive does not take the article, 33 ; 
used as the completion of the predi- 
cate, 47; subordinated to another 
verb, 72, 74 ; subordinated to a 
construct word, 101. Infinitive ab- 
solute, its general use, 48 ; employed 
as an adverb, 49; instead of the 
imperative, 203; prefixed to finite 
verb, 164; with a negative, 164; 
gradually resolved into finite tense- 
form, 259 ; used briefly for preceding 
Unite verb of like form, 263; with 
personal pronoun, 264. Infinitive 
construct, its general meaning and 
use in propositions, 147ff. ; after a 
noun, 114; used as predicate, 133. 

Intensification of the imperative and 
voluntative, 17. 

Intention or purpose, how expressed, 
225 f. 

Interchange of genders and numbers, 
184. 

Interrogative propositions, 192 ff., 
sometimes without interrogative 
sign, 193 ; interrogative particles, 
193 ff. , omitted after Vav of sequence, 
257 ; interrogative pronouns, 195 ff.; 
interrogative adjectives, 199. 

Jussive mood, 16, 17. 
Limiting propositions, 283. 

Mediate and immediate construction, 

43, 45, 57. 

Members of a sentence, 123 ff. 
Moods of the verb, 14. 

Negatives in construction, 83 ; with 
the infinitive, 166. Negative pro- 
positions, 186, particles, 186. 

Neglect of strict agreement in gender 
and number, 177 ff. 

Nouns as definite or indefinite, 35 ; 
subordinated to verbs, 44. 

Numerals, their combinations with 
nouns, 80, 96 ; placed in apposition 
rather than construction, 94 ; em- 
ployed for ordinals, 96. 



INDEX OF CONTENTS. 



323 



Object may be omitted, 147 ; usual 
position in the sentence, 155 11'. 
Objective negative, 187. 

Omission of subject, 14G, of object, 
147. 

Oratio obliqna, 231 ff. 

Order of words in a sentence, 158. 

Participle, placed in construction, 
97 11'. ; followed by the accusatival 
sign, 98 ; mostly used in circum- 
stantial clauses, 153 ; has the force 
of a relative clause, 99, 220 ; in 
progress of discourse, changes into 
the finite verb, 2t>0. 

Passive forms neglected in Semitic for 
the active, 129, 149. Passive par- 
ticiple in construction, 99. 

Perfect and imperfect tenses, 3; use 
and meanings of the perfect, 3 11'. ; 
prophetic perfect, 5. 

Personal pronoun used for copula, 135 ; 
as explanatory particle, 136 ; used 
to express identity, 171 ; joined with 
infinitive, 264. 

Precative perfect, 15. 

Predicate mostly a verb, 132 ff. ; re- 
gularly put first in the sentence, 
152 ; variously construed, when 
common to more than one subject, 
236. 

Prepositions used for the construction 
of verbs, 43, 57 ff. ; formed from 
adverbs, 115 ; with relative particle, 
form conjunctions, 224. 

Pronoun, contained in a verb (as its 
subject), or attached (as suflix) to 
a noun, is given separately, for em- 
phasis, 235. 

Proper nouns without the article, 31 ; 
incapable of entering the construct 
state, 79. 

Prophetic perfect, 5. 

Purpose, how expressed, 226. 

Quotations, how introduced, 232. 

Reciprocal action, Ml. 

Reflexive pronominal idea, 172. 

Relative used to express the genitive, 
114 ; different, in Hebrew, from a 
relative pronoun, 208, 211 ; may bo 
omitted, 214, 215, 217 ; after a con- 
struct word, 215 ; may drop its 
complement, 213; combined with 
preposition, forms a conjunction, 
224. Relative clauses, 207 If. Rela- 
tive particles, 208 ff. Relative dis- 
course, 231 ff. ; soon changed into 
construction with Vav of sequence, 
263. Relative imperative, 24. 



Urlativi-ly-progrossiye imperfect, 10 ; 
voluntative, 24. 

Repetition of a word for emphasis, 
162 ; to express an abstract M< M, 
such as duration or continuity, 167, 
variety, or a lii^h decree, ir.'.i'. 

Restrictive particles ami propositions, 
268. 

llliyilim as indicated by the accents, 
289, 

Secondary members of a sentence, 
141. 

Self-explanatory discourse, 257. 

Sentence, its chief parts, 26 ; different 
kinds, 27 ; order of words determines 
their emphasis, 152 f. 

Similar propositions, 279. 

Stative verbs, 4 (note). 

Strong copulative conjunctions, 244, 
264 ff. 

Subject and predicate properly nomi- 
natives, 26 ; subject usually a noun 
or pronoun, 123 ; when not expressed, 
124 If.; omitted, 187. 

Subordination of different kinds, 28, 
43 ; subordination by verb, 42, of 
one verb by another, 71 ff. Subor- 
dinate proposition introduced by 
ami, 237. 

Sullix receives emphasis by being re- 
peated as a separate pronoun, 163 ; 
suflix referring to several nouns is 
repeated with each, 234. 

Synonymous propositions, 261. 

Syntax in accordance with accentua- 
tion, 268 ff. 

Tenses, their meanings, 1 ff. Number 

of tense-forms, 24. 
Time, subordinate sentences indicating, 

228 If. 

Vav omitted, 257 ff., introducing a 
condition, 224. Vav consecutive. 
20, 244 ff., before the voluntati\e 
and imperative, 255. Vav cons, of 
the imperfect used for Vav cons, of 
the perfect 247. 

Verb subordinated to another, 71 ff. ; 
stands regularly first in a sentence, 
164 ; repeated for the sake of em- 
phasis, 164 ; used in exclamation, 
201 ; in circumstantial clause, usually 
a participle, 239. 

Volition, perfect of, 6. 

Voluntative, 14 ; changed into the 
construction with Vav consec., 259. 

"Wish expressed by conditional par- 
ticles, 205. 



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KEV. WILLIAM J. DEANE, M.A., 

KKCTOR OF ASHEN, ESSEX; 
AUTHOR OF 'THE BOOK OF AVISDOM, AVITH PROLEGOMENA AND COMMENTARY' 

(OXFORD: CLARENDON PRESS), ETC. ETC. 

CONTENTS: INTRODUCTION. I. LYRICAL The Psalter of Solomon. II. 
APOCALYPTICAL AND PROPHETICAL The Book of Enoch. The Assumption of 
Moses. The Apocalypse of Baruch. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. 
III. LEGENDARY The Book of Jubilees. The Ascension of Isaiah. IV. 
MIXED The Sibylline Oracles. 

4 This volume will meet what, we believe, has been a real want. To many readers 
Mr. Deane's well-written papers will be most attractive. Certainly no better introduction 
to the subject could be desired.' Scottish Leader. 

' Mr. Deane gives an account of the various manuscripts of the books under descrip- 
tion, their wonderful preservation, and more wonderful recovery in many instances after 
they had been supposed to be lost, the search for them being often keen and persevering, 
as for hid treasure. In the course of the narrative much curious and valuable information 
is given, clearly and succinctly.' Scotsman. 

Just published, in post Svo, price 7s. Qd., 

MESSIANIC PROPHECY: 

ITS ORIGIN, HISTORICAL GROWTH, AND RELATION 

TO NEW TESTAMENT FULFILMENT. 

BY DR. EDWARD RIEHM. 

NEW EDITION, TRANSLATED BY REV. LEWIS A. MUIRHEAD, B.D. 
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY PROFESSOR A. B. DAVIDSON, D.D. 

' No work of the same compass could be named that contains so much that is instructive 
on the nature of prophecy in general, and particularly on the branch of it specially 
treated in the book.' Professor A. B. DAVIDSON, D.D. 

' I would venture to recommend Riehm's "Messianic Prophecy" as a summary account 
of prophecy both reverent and critical.' Principal GORE in Lux Mundi. 



T. and T. Clark's Publications. 



DELITZSCH'S NEW COMMENTARY ON GENESIS. 

Now complete, in Two Vols., 8vo, price 21*., 

A NEW COMMENTARY ON GENESIS. 

BY PROFESSOR FKANZ DELITZSCH, D.D., LEIPZIG. 
TRANSLATED BY SOPHIA TAYLOR. 

NOTE While preparing tlie translation, the translator has been favoured by 
Prof. Delitzsch with such numerous improvements and additions, that it may 
be regarded as made from a revised version of the New Commentary on Genesis. 

4 Thirty-five years have elapsed since Prof. Delitzsch's Commentary on Genesis first 
appeared ; fifteen years since the fourth edition was published in 1872. Ever in the van 
of historical and philological research, the venei'able author now comes forward with 
another fresh edition in which he incorporates what fifteen years have achieved for 
illustration and criticism of the text of Genesis. . . . We congratulate Prof. Delitzsch 
on this new edition, and trust that it may appear before long in an English dress. By 
it, not less than by his other commentaries, he has earned the gratitude of every lover 
of biblical science, and we shall be surprised if, in the future, many do not acknowledge 
that they have found in it a welcome help and guide.' Professor S. R. DRIVER in The 
Academy. 

' We wish it w r ere in our power to follow in detail the contents of Dr. Delitzsch's most 
interesting introduction, and to give specimens of the admirable, concise, and lucid 
notes in his exposition ; but we have said enough to show our readers our high estimate 
of the value of the work.' Church Bells. 

* The work of a reverent mind and a sincere believer, and not seldom there are touches 
of great beauty and of spiritual insight in it.' Guardian. 

Just published, in Two Vols., 8vo, price 2ls., 

COMMENTARY ON THE PROPHECIES OF ISAIAH. 

TRANSLATKD FROM THE FOURTH AND LAST EDITION. The only Authorised Translation. 

BY PROFESSOR FRAXZ DELITZSCH, D.D., LEIPZIG. 

' Delitzsch's last gift to the Christian Church. ... In our opinion, those who would 
enter into the meaning of that Spirit as He spake long ago by Isaiah, words of comfort 
and hope which have not lost their significance to-day, cannot find a better guide; one 
more marked by learning, reverence, and insight, than Franz Delitzsch.' Professor 
W. T. DAVISON in The Expository Times. 

' Commentaries in Europe are not often republished after their authors' deaths, what- 
ever is of permanent value in them being appropriated by their successors. But it may 
be long before one undertakes the task of expounding the Prophets possessing so many 
gifts and employing them so well.' Guardian. 

' His Isaiah is indispensable to scholars.' Sword and Trowel. 

In post Svo, price 9s., 

THE TEXT OF JEREMIAH; 

Or a Critical Investigation of the Greek and Hebrew, with the Variations 
in the LXX. retranslated into the Original and Explained. 

BY PROFESSOR G. C. WOKKMAN, M.A., 

VICTORIA UNIVERSITY, COBURG, CANADA. 

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY PROFESSOR F. DELITZSCH, D.D. 

Besides discussing the relation between the texts, this book solves the difficult 
problem of the variations, and reveals important matter for the history, the inter- 
pretation, the correction, and the reconstruction of the present Massoretic text. 

' A work of valuable and lasting service.' Professor DELITZSCH. 

' The most painstaking and elaborate illustration of the application of his principles 
to this end that has yet been given to the world. . . . Scholars will hail it with grati- 
tude, and peruse it with interest.' Guardian. 

' By his lucid and masterly discussion of the subject, no less than by his able retrans- 
lation of the Septuagint, Prof. Workman has at once put under obligation to himself 
all students of the prophet Jeremiah, and has earned for himself a high degree as a 
scholarly, able, and judicious critic.' Nonconformist. 



T. and T. Clark's Publications. 



In demy 8vo, price 10s. 6c?., 

THE JEWISH 

AND 

THE CHRISTIAN MESSIAH: 

A STUDY IN THE EARLIEST HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY. 
BY PROF. VINCENT HENRY STANTON, M.A., 

TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 

'Mr. Stanton's book answers a real want, and will be indispensable to students of the 
origin of Christianity. We hope that Mr. Stanton will be able to continue his labours 
in that most obscure and most important period, of his competency to deal with which 
he has given such good proof in this book.' Guardian. 

' We welcome this book as a valuable addition to the literature of a most important 
subject. . . . The book is remarkable for the clearness of its style. Mr. Stanton is never 
obscure from beginning to end, and we think that no reader of average attainments will 
be able to put the book down without having learnt much from his lucid and scholarly 
exposition.' Ecclesiastical Gazette. 

Now complete in Five Vols., Svo, price 10-s. 6d. each, 

HISTORY OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE IN THE 
TIME OF OUR LORD. 

BY EMIL SCHUKER, D.D., M.A., 

PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF KIEL. 

TRANSLATED FROM THE SECOND EDITION (REVISED THROUGHOUT, AND 
GREATLY ENLARGED) OF ' HISTORY OF THE NEW TEST AM EXT TIME: 

' Under Professor Schiirer's guidance, we are enabled to a large extent to construct a 
social and political framework for the Gospel History, and to set it in such a light as to 
see new evidences of the truthfulness of that history and of its contemporaneousness. 
. . . The length of our notice shows our estimate of the value of his work.' English 
Churchman, 

'We gladly welcome the publication of this most valuable work.' Dublin Review. 

'Most heartily do we commend this work as an invaluable aid in the intelligent study 
of the New Testament.' Nonconformist. 

'As a handbook for the study of the New Testament, the work is invaluable and 
unique.' British Quarterly Review. 

%* Prof. Schtirer has prepared an exhaustive INDEX to this work, to which 
he attaches great value. The Translation is now ready, and is issued in a 
separate Volume (100 pp. Svo). Price 2s. 6d. 

In demy 8vo, price 10s. Qd. , 

AN EXPLANATORY COMMENTARY ON 
ESTHER. 

TOttjj Jour ^ppentu'ces, 

CONSISTING OF 

THE SECOND TARGUM TRANSLATED FROM THE ARAMAIC 

WITH NOTES, MITHRA, THE WINGED BULLS 

OF PERSEPOLIS, AND ZOROASTER. 

BY PROFESSOR PAULUS CASSEL, D.D., BERLIN. 

' A specially remarkable exposition, which will secure for itself a commanding 
position in biblical literature. It has great charms from a literary and historical point 
of view.' Sword and Trowel. 

1 A perfect mine of information.' Record. 

' It is manifestly the ready expression of a full and richly stored mind, dispensing the 
treasures accumulated by years of labour and research. . . . No one whose fortune it is 
to secure this commentary will rise from its study without a new and lively realization 
of the life, trials, and triumphs of Esther and Mordecai.' Ecclesiastical Gazette. 



T. and T. Clark's Publications. 



PROFESSOR GODET'S WORKS. 

(Copyright, by arrangement with the Author.) 



In Two Volumes, demy Svo, price 21s. v 
A COMMENTARY ON 

ST. PAUL'S FIRST EPISTLE TO THE 
CORINTHIANS. 

BY F. GODET, D.D., 

PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY, NEUCHATEL. 

'We do not know any better commentary to put into the hands of theological 
students.' Guardian. 

' We heartily commend this work to our readers as a valuable and substantial 
addition to the literature of this noble Epistle.' Homiletic Magazine. 

'A perfect masterpiece of theological toil and thought. . . . Scholarly, evangelical, 
exhaustive, and able.' Evangelical Review. 

In Three Volumes, Svo, price 31s. Qd. 

(A New Edition, revised throughout by the Author.) 

A COMMENTARY ON 

THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. 

' This work forms one of the battle-fields of modern inquiry, and is itself so rich in 
spiritual truth that it is impossible to examine it too closely ; and we welcome this treatise 
from the pen of Dr. Godet. We have no more competent exegete, and this new volume 
shows all the learning and vivacity for which the author is distinguished.' Freeman. 



In Two Volumes, Svo, price 21s., 
A COMMENTARY ON 

THE GOSPEL OF ST. LUKE. 

* Marked by clearness and good sense, it will be found to possess value and interest as 
one of the most recent and copious works specially designed to illustrate this Gospel.' 
Guardian. 

In Two Volumes, Svo, price 21s., 
A COMMENTARY ON 

ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 

'We prefer this commentary to any other we have seen on the subject. . . . We 
have great pleasure in recommending it as not only rendering invaluable aid in the 
critical study of the text, but affording practical and deeply suggestive assistance in the 
exposition of the doctrine.' British and Foreign Evangelical Review. 

In crown 8t'0, Second Edition, price 6s., 

DEFENCE OF THE CHRISTIAN FAITH. 

TRANSLATED BY THE 

HON. AND KEV. CANON LYTTELTON, M.A., 

RECTOR OF HAGLEY. 

' There is trenchant argument and resistless logic in these lectures ; but withal, there 
is cultured imagination and felicitous eloquence, which carry home the appeals to the 
heart as well as the head.' Sword and Trowel. 



T. and T. ClarKs Publications. 



(Keil}. 


PSALMS, 3 VOLS. . 


(Delitzsch\ 


(Keil). 


PROVERBS, 2 VOLS. 


(Delitzsch). 


?H, 


ECCLESIASTES AND S 


ONG 


(Keil). 


OF SOLOMON . 


(Delitzsch). 


(Keil). 


ISAIAH, 2 VOLS. . 


(Delitzsch). 


I- 


JEREMIAH AND L AME1 


*TA- 


. (Keil). 

D 


TIONS, 2 VOLS. . 
EZEKIEL, 2 VOLS. . 


(KeiT). 
(Keil). 


(Keil). 


DANIEL, 1 VOL. . 


(Keil\ 


(Delitzsch). 


MINOR PROPHETS, 2 VOLS. (Keif). 



1 This series is one of great importance to the biblical scholar, and as regards 
its general execution it leaves little or nothing to be desired.' Edinburgh Review. 

KEIL AND DELITZSCH'S 

COMMENTARIES ON AND INTRODUCTION 
TO THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

INTRODUCTION, 2 VOLS. 
PENTATEUCH, 3 VOLS. 
JOSHUA, JUDGES, AND EUTH 

1 VOL. . 

SAMUEL, 1 VOL. . 
KINGS, 1 VOL., AND CHRONI- 

OLES, 1 VOL. 
EZEA, NEHEMIAH, AND 

ESTHER, 1 VOL. 
JOB, 2 VOLS. . 

THE above Series (published in CLARK'S Foreign Theological Library) is now 
completed in 27 Volumes, and Messrs. CLARK will supply any EIGHT 
VOLUMES for Two GUINEAS (Complete Set, 7, 2s.). 

Separate volumes may be had at the non-subscription price of W$. Qd. each. 
So complete a Critical and Exegetical Apparatus on the Old Testament is 
not elsewhere to be found in the English language ; and at the present time, 
when the study of the Old Testament is more widely extended than perhaps 
ever before, it is believed this offer will be duly appreciated. 

4 Very high merit, for thorough Hebrew scholarship, and for keen critical sagacity, 
belongs to these Old Testament Commentaries. No scholar will willingly dispense 
with them.' British Quarterly Review. 

In One Volume, 8vo, price 12s., 

A SYSTEM OF BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY. 

BY F. DELITZSCH, D.D. 

By the same Author. 
In Two Volumes, 8vo, price 21s., 

COMMENTARY ON THE EPISTLE 
TO THE HEBREWS. 

By the same Author. 

In the Press, 

MESSIANIC PROPHECIES 

IN THEIR HISTORICAL SUCCESSION. 

TRANSLATED, WITH INTRODUCTORY NOTICE 
BY PROFESSOR S. I. CURTISS, D.D., CHICAGO. 

In crown 8vo, price os., 

THE LEVITICAL PRIESTS. 

A Contribution to the Criticism of the Pentateuch. 

BY PROFESSOR S. I. CUETISS. 

4 We can strongly recommend Dr. Curtiss' book as a real contribution to the criticism 
of the Pentateuch.' Literary Churchman. 



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