Syntax of the Hebrew language of the Old Testament;

SYNTAX

OF

THE HEBREW LANGUAGE.

PRINTED BY MORRISON AND GIBB,
FOR

T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH.

LONDO.V, HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO.

DUBLIN, ...... GEORGE HERBERT.

NEW YORK, CHARLES SCRIBNER*S SONS.

SYNTAX

OF

THE HEBREW LANGUAGE

OF

THE OLD TESTAMENT.

BY HEINRICEL EWALD.

Cranslateb from tje Sig^tJ ffirerman !£tjft(on

BY

JAMES KENNEDY, B.D.

EDINBUEGH:
T. & T. CLAEK, 38 GEORGE STREET.

1891.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

MOEE than one attempt has already been made to lay
before the English reader the earlier labours of Ewald
in the field of Hebrew Grammar. A complete translation, by
Nicholson, of an early edition, was published at London in
1836; but so many changes were made in subsequent editions
of the original, both as regards arrangement and extent, that
it is long since out of date. A translation of the third edition
of Ewald's Introductory Hebrew Grammar was subsequently
made by J. E. Smith, and published at London in 1870 ; but,
though the arrangement of the work is substantially the same
as is found in the later editions of the larger grammar, the
whole is much too brief to prove satisfactory.

The following work is a translation of the third part ot
Ewald's Ausfuhrliches LeJirbuch der hebrdischen Sprache des
alien Bundes (Gottingen 1870). There is all the less need
for rendering the whole treatise into English because the first
two parts deal mainly with grammatical forms, a very full
knowledge of which may be obtained from the latest editions
of Gesenius (by Davies, London), from the work of W. H.
Green (New York), and, more in Ewald's peculiar line, from
the smaller, but excellent introductory grammar of Dr. A. B.
Davidson (Edinburgh) : to these works, for the sake of conveni-
ence, occasional reference has been made. But, indeed, evea
the labours of Ewald in that department have, in some respects,
been surpassed by the colossal work of Bb'ttcher (Ausfuhrliches
lehrbuch, Leipzig 1866-68).

vi TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

The pagination of the original is indicated by the bold
figures embodied in the text (thus, [734]). A few references
have been made to special treatises on Hebrew Syntax that
have recently appeared.

The translator has to record his thanks for assistance kindly
and freely rendered by Mr. David Patrick, M.A., and especially
by the Eev. Dr. A. B. Davidson, who has done so much to
stimulate and encourage him, as so many others, in the study
of the Old Testament Scriptures.

EDINBURGH, December 1878.

TABLE OP CONTENTS.

PRELIMINARY REMARKS ON THE VERB.

PACK

The Hebrew Tenses, viewed with regard to their Meaning, . . 1

The Relations (Moods) of the Verb :—

(1) The Relations of the Predicated Action, as impassioned or un-

impassioned (Voluntative, Imperative), . . .14

(2) Actions as stated absolutely, or relatively (Consecutive Moods

and Tenses), ....... 18

SYNTAX.

The Sentence generally, ....... 26

Structure and Meaning of particular Groups of "Words, as Members of a

Sentence, ........ 27

The Noun as Definite or Indefinite, . . . . .29

(«) First kind of "Word-groups : the Verb with its sphere of Free Sub-
ordination, ........ 42

(1) The Verb with the Accusative or with Prepositions, . . 43

(2) The Verb with another Verb subordinated, ... 71
(,S) Second kind of Word-groups : "Words in Attraction (the Construct

State) ; the Genitival and other similar Relations, . . 77

(1) Extension of the Chain of Words, . . . .77

(2) Consequences arising from the Concatenation of Words, . 102

(3) Expression of the Genitival Relation by Circumlocution, . Ill
(7) Third kind of Word-groups : Words in Co-ordination (Apposition), . 117

I. Formation and Completion of the Sentence, viewed in relation to
(A.) Its Members : —

(a) The two Chief Members, . . . . .123

(b) The Secondary Members, 141

(c) The Imperfect or Abbreviated Members, . . .145

viii TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

( B. } The Connection of the Words in the Sentence : —

(a) The Position, Relation, and Force of the Words, . .151

(6) Agreement of the Words in Gender and Number, . 176

(c) Special kinds of Sentences : —

(1) Negative Sentences, . . . . .186

(2) Interrogative Sentences, . . .192

(3) Exclamatory Sentences, .... 200

II. Dependent Propositions : —

1. Relative Sentences : —

(1) Relative Sentences proceeding from an Independent Word, 207

(2) Dependent Relative Sentences, .... 221

(3) Relative Discourse (oratio obliqua), . . . 231

2. Copulative Words and Sentences : —

(1) The usual Copulative Words and Sentences, . . 233

(2) The stronger kinds of Conjunctions, . . . 264

(3) Causal, Inferential, and Antithetical Propositions, . 266

III. Correlative Words and Propositions : —

1. Conditional Propositions, ..... 269

2. Equated Propositions, ...... 279

3. Miscellaneous Double Propositions, .... 283

Conclusion : Longer and more Complex Sentences, . . . 285

APPENDIX.

Agreement of the Accentuation with the Syntax, . . . 286

Index of Texts cited or illustrated, . .205

Index of Contents, .... .1)21

EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX.

THE VERB-STEMS VIEWED WITH REGARD TO THE DIFFERENCE
BETWEEN THE TWO TENSES.1

TJie Meaning of the Two Tenses.

[348] 134a. SINCE the verb signifies effective action and the
occurrence of events, while the latter, as passing on, cannot
but lead to the idea of time, distinction of tenses belongs to
the earliest stage in the formation of the verb ; and every one
of the verb-stems [viz. Qal, Mphal, etc.] must equally be sub-
ject to the distinction. But the simplest distinction of time
in an action is, that the speaker first of all merely separates
between the two grand and opposite aspects under which
every conceivable action may be regarded. Man has first
acted, passed through an experience, and sees before him some-
thing that is finished, or has taken place ; but this very fact
reminds him of that which does not yet exist, — that which
lies behind, arid is expected. The former, or positive side,
is that of experience, objective contemplation of action ; the
latter, or negative side, is the higher, subjective side of in-
dividual human thought and inference. Hence, with reference
to action, the speaker views everything either as already
finished, and thus before him, or as unfinished and non-existent,
but possibly becoming [Ger. werdend, Gr. fyiyvofjuevov] and coming:

1 [It has been deemed advisable to present, first, Ewald's account of these
verb-forms, since much of it really and properly, though not according to
the formal arrangement which he has actually made, belongs to the depart-
ment of Syntax. For a very full and able discussion of this subject, see
Driver's treatise, On the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew (Oxford 1874).]

A

2 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 134.

he states it as something that is, or denies that there already
is such a thing. There is here, as yet, nothing whatever of
the three tenses precisely distinguished in later languages as
past, present, and future. In fact, however, no language,
when it introduces distinctions, can start from anything three-
fold j1 antithesis is almost always merely simple and thorough-
going, because elicited by its [counter] thesis : first, statement
(thesis), then its counter-statement (antithesis). Thus, both
in thought and language, every distinction is at first drawn
between no more than two things. Just as, in the sphere of
personality, there is, first of all, distinction made merely
between / and tliou, and these two are only afterwards dis-
tinguished from the absolutely remote Tie (see § 1050); as,
secondly, in the case of all existent things, thdre is, first of all,
distinction made only between the animate and the inanimate,
and then, in the former class, between the masculine and the
feminine (see § 1*71) : so, in the primitive languages, the dis-
tinction of tenses has by no means originated with our three
tenses, or with the present as one of these three. Now, the
Hebrew has remained substantially upon the ancient basis of
this most simple distinction, and it is exactly in this respect
that it is still very strongly distinguished from later Semitic
languages ; it is only to a limited extent [350] that the parti-
ciple is employed as a specification of time, in addition to
these two, which still continue to be the main divisions
(see § 168).

I. These two ideas, viz. of what is complete and what is
incomplete (or coming), sharply distinguished from the point
of time at which the speaker takes his stand, lead, of course,

1 I have always shown, orally, in my lectures on Sanskrit grammar, that,
in the Indo-Germanic languages also, all the tenses and moods now em-
ployed, which have been so variously developed into their present condition,
point back to no more than two distinctions of time, just as in Semitic.
As regards the tenses, the same thing maybe shown to hold in the Turkish,
Coptic, and other languages. Thus, in Odschi (according to Kits, Basel
1853), there is first a perfect (formed by using a— ; cf. § 231&), and, in direct
contrast with this, a shorter imperfect; and, only afterwards, a more
definite future, present, and present future. In many respects the Bornuese
language also is very similar ; see Kblle on the Kanuri language (London
1854), p. 226 ff. ; see also the Amer. Oriental Journal, i. p. 370, cf. with
p. 391.

MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 3

to those of the purely past and future ; as, rpfv fc& njn &6 it
has not been, and will not ~be ; DHJ? &O] yatw He has sworn, and
will not repent. But, as the primitive languages generally
afford the freest scope to the imagination, and view everything
in an exceedingly animated and emotional manner (see § 171),
so also are these most natural distinctions of time far removed
from the more cold intellectuality of our tense-specifications.
Since, therefore, in virtue of the power and freedom accorded
to the imagination, the ideas of completeness and incom-
pleteness may also be used relatively, in such a way that the
speaker, in whichever of the three simple divisions of time
(past, present, or future) he may conceive of an action, can re-
present it either as complete, or as going on and coming ; there
arises, through this very fact, a manifold application of the two
expressions for time which the language has at its command ;
and, on the ground of this most simple distinction of time, a
multitude of finer distinctions and forms can be made. Such
forms — which no longer have any meaning, and hence appear
very strange, as soon as a language leaves this earliest founda-
tion and distinguishes the three tenses — the Hebrew possesses
as something peculiar to itself (see §§ 230-35). And, from
what has been said, this much is already evident, that here it
is really the connection of the whole discourse that must in
each case determine the meaning of the one tense-form or the
other. Since, as is already clear from what has just been
stated, the names " Preterite " and " Future " are unsuitable,
and have merely been derived from modern languages, we
designate them Perfect and Imperfect, — understanding these
names, however, not in the narrow sense attached to them in
Latin grammar, but in a quite general way.1

135a. I. The Perfect? accordingly, is used (1) of actions
which the speaker, from his present, regards as actually
finished, happened, past, — whether the act belongs to a parti-
cular period of the past, hence in narrative; as, in the beginning

1 These names I employed first in 1839 in my Gram. Arab. ; the idea
presented by them I had already given in the [Hebrew] Grammar of 1828 ;
and the names I. and //. mod, which I used at first, were merely an im-
perfect attempt to find substitutes for the unsuitable names "Preterite"
and " Future" (cf. further §§ 223-35).

2 [See Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, chap, ii.]

EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 135.

ia when God created the world, — or simply applies to the past,
with reference to the present of the speaker ; as, TV'wy n» what
hast thou done ? B*K vijnn &6 / have not slain any one. If such
an action is stated with special reference to [351] something
else that is past, as being already finished at that time, then
this simple perfect, merely in virtue of its connection, or the
mutual relation of the meaning in both actions, expresses our
pluperfect, for which the Hebrew still possesses no external dis-
tinguishing mark whatever.1 Such a perfect may either relate
to a past which has been already mentioned ; as, God blessed
the works which ns?y He made (but at that time they were
obviously in existence already ; hence the expression is equi-
valent to our had made), Gen. ii. 2, 3, and in many other
combinations, Gen. viii. 13 ; Job xv. 7, 19 ; Ps. xl. 76; or it
may contain a preliminary allusion to a past to be mentioned
in what follows ; as, from afar T^V^ / had heard Thee, but
now mine eye hath seen Thee, Job xlii. 5 ; Ps. xxx. 8, civ. 6 £,
cxxxix. 16c; or, the past may be mentioned both before and
after it, Gen. xxvii. 30; Job xxxii. 4 (cf. § 341). On the
contrary, the perfect may equally well be used, with direct
reference to something mentioned or regarded as future, to
indicate what would then appear as a past (hence, OUT future
perfect) ; as, they shall suffer rni* ny "W until the time when she
shall have "brought forth, Mic. v. 2 ; Ps. Ivi. 1 4, lix. 1 7 ; Isa.
xvi. 12 (nN"i3); 1 Chron. xiv. 15, cf. with 2 Sam. v. 24,
where TN then, stands beside the verb, with greater perspicuity.
5. (2.) It is used of actions which the speaker, indeed,
regards as already finished, but yet in such a way as to reach
quite to the present, — in which case modern languages put the
simple present. This, accordingly, applies especially to un-
impassioned states of mind and body, which are looked on as
actually existent;2 as, WT olSa, novi, vn?J meminif Num.
xi. 5 ; Won I trust, ^rrtn he hopes, Ps. xxxviii. 16 ; Wfc> oditf

1 The Arabic, however, and the Aramaic, can form it. But here, too,
the Ethiopic, in many cases, still resembles the Hebrew.

2 [Hence Bottcher (Ausfuhr. Lehrbucfi, § 948) has very properly desig-
nated these stative verbs."]

8 These, accordingly, are some remains of what was originally a similar
usage in the Indo-Germanic languages, just like *eQ6faftett and titioiza ;
but the same thing presents itself in many other languages also.

MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 5

|K» Tie refuses, Ex. x. 3, xvi. 28 ; 2n« he loves, DN» he despises,
2yri he abhors, Job vii. 16, xix. 20 ; ^HD^ / rejoice, Ps.
cxxii. 1 ; i& TOb|j / a??& too little for . . ., Gen. xxxii. 11. It
is also used for actions which, at the moment of speaking,
are really regarded as already past, though they may never-
theless still continue ; thus, ^I&K / say, mean, ^V^ I advise,
Amos v. 14; 2 Sam. xvii. 11 ; Eccles. vi. 3, viii. 14 ; Job
xxxiii. 3; Ps. xxxviii. 8 f., xxxix. 4, Ixxxviii. 10, 14,
cxviii. 26, cxxix. 8 ; Prov. iv. 11, xxii. 19 f., and in lengthy
descriptions, Jer. xiv. 1-6, Zeph. iii. 6 f., 1 Sam. ii. 1, in
which case, certainly, the imperfect also readily intrudes itself
(see § 1366). This perfect may thus frequently be expressed
by our present, with the addition of already, as in Cant. ii. 1 2 f.,
vii. 13 f. Or, general truths, which are plainly taught, and
already fully established by experience, are described in the
perfect ; [352] as, the wicked man ¥*$ despises God ; and
frequently in comparisons and proverbs, Ps. x. 3, 13, Ixxxiv. 4,
xxxiii. 13 f. ; Prov. xi. 2, 8, xxii. 12 f. ; 1 Sam. ii. 3-5.
The perfect is also used in two closely consecutive propositions,
the former of which puts the matter more as a condition, Ps.
xxxix. 12. The perfect has also a special liking for being
joined in this way with tih not, almost exclusively, however,
at the beginning, and quite independently in the proposition,
as Ps. xxiv. 4, xv. 3—5.

c. (3.) It is used of actions, which, though really neither past
nor present, are, through the inclination or lively fancy of the
speaker, regarded as being already as good as finished ; these
are, accordingly, stated as if they were quite unconditional and
certain. Modern languages, at least, in such cases, employ the
more energetic and definite present instead of the future.
Thus, the construction is adopted when any one briefly states
what he intends to do, as his settled determination ; hence it
is especially frequent in utterances of God, whose will is
equivalent to His deed : *J? WiJ / give to thee, vro'ia / Uess
him, Gen. xv. 18, xvii. 20 ; and in the language of contracts,
buying and selling, Gen. xxiii. 11, 13 ; Ptuth iv. 3 ; cf. ver. 5.
(Of. also § 2236.) Moreover, the fancy of the poet and
prophet frequently views the future as already clearly before
him, arid experienced ; this, however, is not, for the most part,
the case in unimpassioned description, but it is more common

6 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 135.

in more brief and rapid utterances ; as, it will dry up, ^ it is
blown away, and is no more ! Isa. xix. 7, xliii. 3 ; Jer. xxxi. 5 ;
Ps. xx. 7, Ixxxv. 11, cxvi. 16 ; Lam. iv. 22. In this case,
though nan lelwld, is readily prefixed, to indicate the future
(as in 1 Kings iii. 12 twice), the perfect must always occupy
a position of emphatic prominence at the beginning of the pro-
position, or show, by the clearest self-evidence arising from
the meaning of the whole proposition, that its realization is
possible only in the future, as in Isa. Ix. I.1 Sometimes,
however, a mental picture is also represented more fully, in
quite unimpassioned discourse, as it hovered before the eye of
the writer while in the ecstatic state, just as if it had been
actually experienced and were quite certain ; but, in that case,
such singularly unimpassioned discourse not merely must be
easily distinguishable from the whole connection of the state-
ment, but also always readily resolves itself once more into
the ordinary style, as Ps. 1. 1-6, xxxvi. 13, Ixiv. 8-10, ex. 5f. ;
Isa. viii. 23 on till ix. 3, 5.

In ordinary discourse, there are at least two cases in which
this perfect of mere representation or fancy is constantly used,
viz. in conditional propositions (regarding which, see further
§ 355), and when it is combined with the Vav [353] of
sequence, in order to constitute the peculiar essence of the
consecutive perfect. (Since this latter formation, however, is
now far from being a simple one, it cannot be further discussed
till a later stage; see § 234.) But the language comes more
and more to look upon all these manifold kinds of the perfect
of volition and fancy (to give it this brief designation) as some-
thing extraordinary, more momentary than permanent ; on this,
see further § 350.

d. Again, what is predicated simply of the past, may also,
from the rrieaning of the discourse (e.g. in a simple proposition,
through the influence of a particle), be regarded merely as the
statement of a possibility ; as, "O&a B#03 they almost killed me
(but, as is self-evident, did not do so) ; hence the expression is

1 This use of the perfect, accordingly, is not the same as that which is
found in Isa. Iv. 4, where, therefore, it is wrong to understand it as refer-
ring to the future. The extent to which this is imitated by the Septuagint
and Hellenistic writers, and may even be adopted among them (see Thilo,
on Jac. P*-otev. c. 2), is another question.

MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 7

equivalent to our : they would have killed me, Ps. cxix. 8 7 ;
Gen. xxvi. 10 ; cf. § 35Sa. Thus, there are contained in the
perfect a multitude of special references and meanings, which
might give occasion to the rise of as many new forms ; but
this Hebrew perfect still remains in a quite rigid and simple
state.

136tf. II. The Imperfect1 describes that which is incom-
plete, whether this be what does not yet exist, or what is
going on, merely progressing towards completion ; hence it
may also, on the other hand, indicate what merely is to take
place, i.e. what, according to the speaker's way of thinking, is
merely dependent on something else. This includes two
meanings, which, both in conception and expression, rnay be
very widely different from one another, without, however,
completely removing all trace of their common origin. What
I state absolutely as incomplete, remains a mere predication
regarding a time, hence, a mere time-form (tense) ; what, on
the other hand, I state as merely dependent on something
else, is set forth as in a particular kind of being, which hence
becomes more a mood than a tense (to use Latin terminology).

This is not yet the place, however, to discuss the kind of
being in its whole extent, since it brings new and finer dis-
tinctions into consideration (see §§ 223-35). We here confine
ourselves, therefore, to the explanation of the imperfect, so far
as it makes an absolute distinction of time. Now, it is very
evident that the idea of incompleteness in the imperfect may
at once further subdivide into two particular ideas. What is
incomplete is either viewed as becoming [i.e. progressing or
advancing], as just arising and continuing, but not yet gone
by ; or, as absolutely future, — not yet existing at all ; hence,
in accordance with the genius of our [modern] languages, as
present, or &s future.

I. (1.) The imperfect states what is merely becoming [or
advancing towards completion, i.e. coming to pass], arising ; or
it represents the action as present. Looked at more exactly,
however, this admits of being regarded in a twofold manner ;
the incomplete action is set forth either as incipient, or as
continuing in this incipiency. Hence, the imperfect indicates —

1 [On this whole section, see also Driver on the Tenses in Hebrew, chap.
iii. (The Imperfect alone.)]

8 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, § m.

(a.} An action which, at the present moment, is not yet
completed, but is beginning, and is being carried on with a
view to completion, or which happens in the present; as,
isvn ye are marching out, 1 Sam. xvii. 8. Thus, [354] the
perfect (see § 1355) is sometimes used interchangeably with
the imperfect for our present, according as the thing is depicted
as just completed, or rather, as still going on and scarcely
completed ; . as, n«3 |?KB, Gen. xvi. 8, xlii. 7, and Kbn £«»
whence comest tJwu? which latter is the more frequent con-
struction, Josh. ix. 8; Judg. xvii. 9, xix. 17; 2 Sam. i. 3;
Jonah i. 8 ; Job i. 7, ii. 2 ; cf. Isa. xxxix. 3.1 Similarly, the
two expressions may also be interchanged, merely for the sake
of variety, in poetic parallelism, Prov. xi. 7, xiv. 18, and in
negative propositions, Isa. v. 12. The distinction between the
two is often very slight ; because that which occurs in the
present may easily be viewed as already complete, and thus as
existent, by a language which does riot yet possess any settled
form for the present, strictly so called ; in actual practice,
however, this application of the perfect becomes more rare.

But the imperfect may also, with equal propriety, indicate
what was becoming realized in the past (praesens praeteriti) ; for,
in the case of a thing that is to be viewed as having simply
occurred, and gone by, prominence may be assigned, in animated
description, to the one side of its occurrence, — the moment
when it actually happens. This is done when the speaker,
fancying that he is lingering within the sphere of a definite
past, looks down on what was then "being realized, and thus
transports the hearer directly into the time when the thing
was taking place. The poets especially can do this with great
facility ; as, the, day TOK in which I was to le lorn (L. nascen-
dus eram) ; why HIDX *? did I not die from the womb (i.e.
just when I had been born)? Job iii. 3, 11, xv. 7; Ps.
cxxxix. 16. In prose, this usage, though not entirely absent,
is nevertheless confined to certain definite cases and combina-
tions; e.g. to the construction with D*Jt? before (see § 337c),
that with TK then ; as, W TK then sang . . ., Ex. xv. 1 ; Josh,
viii. 30 ; 1 Kings xvi. 21 ; 2 Kings xv. 16 ; Job xxxviii. 24;
Ps. cxxvi. 2, — especially, however, to the constant case of Vav
consecutive, explained in § 231.

1 Cf. a similar usage, e.g. in Vei : Kolle, Vei Grammar, pp. 100, 118.

MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 9

Since, now, this use of the imperfect, in the greater
portion of the language, is more confined to particular com-
binations, and accordingly seems further to be, even in its
form, rather a special kind of tense (modus temporis) than a
simple indication of time (see § 231), we must distinguish
from this the case in which a past action is, exceptionally,
and merely from the desire of producing a more graphic
representation, so put in the imperfect that we also may use
the present instead. This construction is almost exclusively
poetical, and hardly once occurs in prose, even in animated
conversation, as 1 Kings xxi. 6. Further, it is only possible
either because the speaker is thinking more of the mere
thing itself than of the time of the action ; thus, at the
beginning of the discourse ; as, out of Aram ^n?! he brings
me, Num. xxiii. 7 ; Job x. 1 0 f. ; Hab. iii. 3 ; Ps. Ixxx. 9 ;
1 Kings xxi. 6 ; or, it is used in protases and apodoses, or
even in interjected, parenthetical propositions, [355] for the
purpose of bringing the events more closely together in
rapid succession, and to depict everything in the most vivid
manner, as if it were present, Ex. xv. 12, 14-16 ; Ps. xviii. 7,
civ. 6, 8, cvii. 26 ; Job iv. 15 f. ; Ex. xv. 4 f. This construc-
tion, however, is also employed, with fine effect, in simple
narrative, to indicate the gradual occurrence of the event, as
Ezra ix. 4 ; or, the imperfect is used in giving more detailed
3xplanation and description of what has already been men-
tioned, Neh. iii. 1 4 f.

c. (5.) It is implied in the meaning of many expressions, or
in the relation subsisting between one action and another,
that the imperfect may express the special idea of duration,
continuance, or even (if the action be of such a character)
repetition; because that which endures is also incomplete, —
always occurs again and again for an indefinite period, Isa.
Iviii. 2, 3 ft. Even in the case of the present, when employed
to express what is usual, or customary, the imperfect is
preferred to the perfect for indicating this idea; as, ~\KW
dicitur, dicunt ; hence the form is particularly used in com-
parisons; as, t^K «^ "iBfcs as one is wont to carry, Deut. i. 31.
The imperfect comes to be of special importance, however, inas-
much as it may, in accordance with the context, be equally
transferred to the sphere of the past, in order to describe, in

10 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § ISG.

subordinate propositions, or in some other way by a sub-
ordinate relative clause, a circumstance that continued while
something else was going on, 2 Kings iii. 2 5 ; Jer. xiii. 7 ;
or even to depict, in piopositions of a more independent
character, past habits and customs; as, n^n rwt? nbjr he used to
do year ly year, 1 Sam. i. 7, ii. 19 ; for forty years BipK was
I grieved, Ps. xcv. 10 ; Job xxix. 2 f., 6 f. ; Prov. vii. 11 f. ;
also in dependent propositions ; as, they went away wW "i^?3
whithersoever they went, 1 Sam. xxiii. 1 3, where the Septuagint
has the appropriate rendering, ov lav eiropevovTo. Here,
accordingly, the Hebrew imperfect almost exactly corresponds
to the Latin imperfect, strictly so called (properly, imperfec-
tum prceteriti).

It often depends on the speaker whether he wishes to
state a thing that may have even been several times repeated,
simply as having happened, i.e. in the perfect, or to indicate it
more definitely [as having been repeated, by using the imper-
fect]. Hence, the one form may be exchanged for the other
in different lines of poetry ; as, never hath the low of Jonathan
turned lack (i.e. homewards) ; and never did the sword of Saul
return (i.e. it never used to return) in vain, 2 Sam. i. 22.

In Aramaic, this whole use of the imperfect for any kind
of present completely ceases, through the introduction of the
participle as & present, exactly as if it were a third tense-form;1
there is, indeed, a beginning made in the same direction by
the Hebrew also, but only to a limited extent (see § 168).
On the other hand, the Ethiopic has not at all admitted the
interchange of the participle with the imperfect : the Arabic
allows it, but at least to a still smaller extent than the
Hebrew.

d. (2.) The imperfect is the definite form of expression for
a thing that is absolutely future, in the strongest contrast with
the perfect; as, rw $] rrn *6 there has not been, and there will
not ~be. In narratives, however, this quite bald expression
may also indicate what was [356] then future, in relation to
the circumstances described ; as, the firstborn who ^t>\ was to
rule (regnaturus erat), 2 Kings iii. 27, xiii. 14 ; Eccles. iv. 15.

1 [Regarding the Syriac, see Uhlemann's Grammar, § 64. 2, A. In
Chaldee, the pronominal fragments are sometimes completely fused with
the participial forms ; see Winer's Grammar, § 13.]

MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 11

Similarly, the imperfect stands, without anything further, in
dependent propositions, even when the discourse treats of the
past (in which case, therefore, the Latin would employ the
imperfect subjunctive) ; as, "IBS'1 '3 jnan did we know that he
would say ? (like "i£Kt| ^ ^VIJ / know that he will say), Gen.
xliii. 7, 25, cf. ii. 19 ; Ex. ii. 4 ; 1 Sam. xxii. 22.

e. Such is only the most natural application of this mean-
ing of the imperfect. But the colour and character of the
discourse, and, together with these, its actual mode of delivery,
which cannot be expressed in any written form, as well as the
tone of the speaker, — all these may further present very great
variety as regards the mode in which they are arranged and
connected. Nevertheless, this simple meaning of the future
still continues to be applied ; while our [modern] languages,
in these cases, instead of the direct future, choose more definite
expressions. Thus (a) it stands in a doubting question when
there is uncertainty regarding what may happen ; as, ^N*n shall

1 (i.e. am I to) go? Mic. vi. 6 ; or in a question which indi-
cates rejection of a proposal ; as, 7JJBK &6n should I not do ?
Ps. cxxxix. 21 ; also, in discourse which signifies unwilling
rejection of a thought ; as, 3pK HD how am I to curse the good
man ? Num. xxiii. 8. But this may also be applied, once
more, in such a way that something actually past is meant ;
as, rwn should Abner die ? or rather (for he was at that time
actually dead), ought he to have died (moriendumne ei erat) ?

2 Sam. iii. 33; 1 Sam. xxi. 16; Gen. xliii. 7, W'j ^K how were
we to sing ! Ps. cxxxvii. 4. (@) In propositions which form
merely a calm concession that something may possibly be,
while, at the same time, nothing is thrown in the way of its
accomplishment; as, afterwards ^CT fhou wilt (or mayesf)
mock, Job xxi. 3 ; Prov. xxii. 2 9 ; especially when there im-
mediately follows an antithetical proposition, by which the con-
cession is restricted ; as, of all the trees of the garden fe?tfn thou
wilt (or mayesf) eat, "but not . . ., Gen. ii. 16 ; Lev. xxi. 22 f.,
xxii. 23 ; Deut. xii. 2 0 f. Similarly, it is used in propositions
indicative of general possibility ; as, beings CHK3T which people
will (or may, can) crush, — hence the Lat. conterenda, Job iv.
19, xxviii. 1; Jer. xxiv. 2, 3, 8, xxix. 17: [your children
n»K'1 may (might possibly) say, Josh. xxii. 24, according as he
may command, Ex. viii. 23; see Driver, p. 41]. (7) Or,

12 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § isc.

finally, in strict injunctions regarding what shall be done
and must be done (which, however, mostly occurs only in nega-
tive propositions, see § 328c), whether in the form of a law,
as, ^xn K? thou shalt not (i.e. thou must not, art not to) eat !
Gen. ii. 1 7, or merely in a general way, in solemn diction, as,
thou hast done nfe^ K7 "IB>K what is (or ought) not to le done,
the emphasis being laid on the negative (Lat. hand facienda)t
Gen. xx. 9, xxxiv. 7; Lev. iv. 2; Job xxviii. 18.1 In pro-
positions which are at the same time dependent on another,
the same thing also occurs without negatives ; as, he taught
them *&n* !]^ how they should (i.e. were to, ought to) fear God,
2 Kings xvii. 28 [357] (for, in this case, it is impossible to
use the imperative or infinitive absolute, § 328c).2

/. Moreover, as the perfect within its own sphere (see § 1 3 5«5),
so can this imperfect also indicate something which is merely
conceived of as becoming [i.e. progressing], coming and following,
if some other thing were (or in German [and English], more
briefly, of a thing which would be) ; as, for then (if I had died
when a child) BipB>'K shall I le at rest ; but, since the thing
is obviously now impossible, the expression is equivalent to,
would I le at rest, Job iii. 13, 16, vi. 27, ix. 15-18, xiii. 19,
xiv. 14f.; xxxi. 36£; Jer. iii. 1; with tiy£3 soon (easily)
would . . ., Job xxxii. 22.3 There may likewise (see above,
under e) come in here the idea of propriety, fitness, or obliga-
tion [Ger. das Sollen] (hence also the earnest wish that some-
thing, which actually belongs to the past, should have
happened) ; thus, JJUK / should die (if it were necessary that
I should be born), hence / ought to have died, Job x. 18, 19,
and negatively in Obad. 1 2 ;4 cf. fwn moriendumne ei erat ?
in e, above. In such cases, however, which are rare, the

1 Cf. <— c*2£> jJ U What is not to be (cannot be) described; JU-> ^ it must
not be said, etc.

2 Cf. they had ears \^> ^.yt4*uJ with which they were to hear, Sura xxii
45, and many similar expressions.

3 In Aramaic : we were angry at them \CU| j-^QJ? so that we would have
destroyed them, unless , . . Assemani's Bibl. orientalis, i. p. 371, 17. For
the sake of perspicuity, the later languages always readily add JOCTI or
i^&fuit to the imperfect when it refers to the past.

4 For all these words, in conformity with thw whole context, would be
more clearly rendered thus : But thou oucjlitest not to have . . .

MEANINGS OF THE TENSES. 13

immediately preceding context always contains some safe 'guide
to the correct meaning.

g. But it is something essentially new that presents itself
when the imperfect is used, in dependent propositions, to indi-
cate what is to take place as the intention of the agent ; the
form may then be also employed in narrating what is past ;
as, Tie commanded |ttl£ 'a that they should return (ut re-
dirent}, Job xxxvi. 1 0 ; V1BJPTI3D imperavit (ut} starent, more
briefly without '3 that, Dan. i. 5 ; Prov. viii. 29 ; cf. § 338 ;
also with ]$£?? that I might do this, they did that, Neh. vi. 13.
For, the idea of purpose may here be so completely predomi-
nant that the special mood already briefly mentioned in § a is
rather used instead. In Aramaic, certainly, the plain imper-
fect is always used in this sense as a future ; in Arabic, how-
ever, and in Ethiopic, it is always the subjunctive mood, which,
indeed, in the latter language, coincides with the voluntative.1
Here, also, the Hebrew vacillates between the two cases, and
when it employs a more definite mood, resembles the Ethiopic ;
cf. §§ 224, 337.

h. (3.) When neither these two tense-forms, either simply,
or as modified in accordance [358] with what is stated in
§§ 230-34, nor the participles (see § 168c) are sufficient to
determine the time of an action, then far more definite indica-
tions still may be formed ; thus, with the assistance of prepo-
sitions, the gate was iaipi> to [be] shut, i.e. was just about to be
closed, Josh. ii. 5 (cf. § 21*7d, 2); or, with the aid of the
verb to come, which is, in many languages, joined with the
chief verb in such a way that we could even say, Nte?p K2 he
had come from coming, i.e. he had just come, Gen. xxiv. 62.2
But all these rather prolix indications of more definite time-
relations are still very rare in Hebrew.

1 [See Wright's Arabic Grammar, II. § 15 ; and Dillmann's Aeihiop. Gram-
matik, § 90 ; 169, 7 ; 197a.]

2 See Ewald's Antiquities of Israel, pp. 202-3 [English translation. Cf.
also the French, il vient d'arriver].

14 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 223.

THE RELATIONS (MOODS) OF THE VERB.

[579] 1. THE RELATIONS OF THE PREDICATED ACTION, AS
IMPASSIONED OR UNIMPASSIONED.

Voluntative and Imperative, simple and intensified.

223a. The verb, as it appears in its earliest developed
form (described in §§ 190-199), expresses ideas, first of all, in
a wholly unimpassioned manner, without any indication that
the speaker feels an interest of his own in the subject of
which he treats. What he says consists of a mere mention :
he makes an objective, and hence unimpassioned statement,
contenting himself with simply doing this. But the speaker
may also, in quite another manner, directly import into the
predication of the action his own interest in it, — always sup-
posing that he wishes to take such an interest in it at all.
He can throw into it his whole personal (subjective) feelings
and desires ; and, inasmuch as this (like everything personal)
varies very much in degree and kind, there may possibly arise,
in contrast with the indicative, a multitude of subjective moods,
which, however, differ more or less from one another ; hence,
also, one may grow out of the other. That which, in the
case of the noun (see § 202&), is the exclamation (vocative), is
here the impassioned, abrupt mood. But we have now to
state here the special way in which the latter is expressed, and
to show how far this is done merely through the tone of the dis-
course (which, in the case of the fine shades of feeling imparted
by the addition of personal sympathy, may, of course, form an
element of considerable importance), or by fresh changes in
the form of the words.

b. The perfect, uttered more forcibly than at other times,
and as if in exclamation, may, even without any further modi-
fication, serve to express the wish of the speaker, — the special
emphasis with which he declares his own wish being indi-
cated merely by the more lively colouring imparted to the
discourse. JSTow, since the perfect represents the action as
completed, the speaker thereby expresses, in somewhat unim-
passioned form, though with an indication of the interest which

VOLUNTATIVE AND IMPEKATIVE. 15

he himself feels, what he would like to see already fulfilled,
and believes is already fulfilled at the very moment when he
utters the wish. Hence the infusion of this colouring into the
discourse produces the [580] appropriate form of expression
in Arabic for a pious (religious) desire ; and the perfect with
such a position and meaning is most fitly termed the precative.
That the perfect could be so used in Hebrew also, is safely
inferred from the occurrence of particular expressions which
otherwise remain unintelligible ; as, VUK perish the wicked !
Ps. x. 16, Ivii. 7 ; the counsel of the wicked fiiJ^J be far from me !
Job xxi. 16, xxii. 18 ; nnna thou (0 God) hast redeemed me !
(o?,redeemest me!) Ps. xxxi. 6, cxvi. 16; Lam. i. 21, iii. 57-61;
Isa. xxvi. 15.1 In Arabic, the perfect, in such a case, must
likewise always stand at the beginning with emphasis ; and
in the usage actually followed by the language, it has gradually
become restricted to certain expressions (see Ewald's Gram.
Arab. § 710). In Hebrew, as is shown by the instances
quoted above, somewhat greater freedom still remains here ; but,
besides the above few examples, all of which, moreover, belong
to the language of poetry, it can scarcely be said that there
are many others2 in the Old Testament.3 Still another old
mode of expression of this kind is njrp '•n may Jahve* live!
(see § 1425) which now occurs only in the genuine Davidic
poem, Ps. xviii. 47 (2 Sam. xxii. 47), and is accordingly
different from the expression used in swearing (see § 329#).

1 [Cf. the strong command in English, you go directly ! and Germ, du
gelist sogleich !~\

2 [Bbttcher, who also allows that there is a precative perfect in Hebrew
(Lehrbuch) §§ 9890, 9470), will not, however, admit it in all the cases cited
above by Ewald, but only in Ps. cxvi. 16 ; Job xxi. 16, xxii. 18 ; Lam.
iii. 57-61 ; but he further adds Isa. xliii. 9 ; Mic. i. 10 (KetJiib) • Ps. iv. 2,
vii. 7, xxii. 22, Ixxi. 3, cxli. 6, 7. See Driver, § 20.]

3 In Syriac, the verb ]oO"l> at least, is still employed thus as a remnant
of this old style, of discourse ; in this case, however, it is not subordinated
to another verb or an adjective, as under other circumstances, but, in the
most direct opposition to that construction, takes up a position of most
emphatic prominence at the beginning (like the Arabic preca live).

* [On the pronunciation of the divine name ni!T, see especially Gesenius,
Thesaurus; or "W. A. Wright's article in Smith's Bible Dictionary; Eussel
Martineau's treatise appended to vol. ii. of the English translation of Ewald's
History of Israel.]

16 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 224.

c. On the other hand, the imperfect (see § 136&), as the
expression for what is becoming [i.e. incipient], is very suitable,
when uttered with special emphasis, for indicating what,
according to the speaker's own mind and wish, ought to be,
and the attainment of which he represents as meanwhile
dependent on something. Thus, out of the imperfect, in
addition to its first and most natural form,1 there arise several
new moods, which agree merely in this, that they all express
the most direct motions of the will, and thus are the same in
the verb as a vocative would be in the noun. The form, how-
ever, which shows itself to be the most natural in this case, we
call, pre-eminently, the voluntative, — to give it the most general
name that best answers to the idea which it presents.2

d. But it lies in the very nature of volition to express
itself with great variety of degree and force, just in the same
way as [581], in the case of the noun (see § 202&), the exclama-
tion varies. The precative, indeed (see § 6), is merely a parti-
cular kind of it ; but here, gradation comes into more distinct
prominence, so that we must at once distinguish between the
simple and the intensified expression.

224. 1st. The voluntative is the emphatic expression of the
desire felt by the speaker that something should take place.
Hence it differs from the imperfect almost solely in being
uttered more briefly and rapidly (like the. ordinary vocative
in the case of the noun), the pause made by the voice being
rather strongly retracted from the end and laid on the begin-
ning of the word. The separate effects of this, however
(except in the mere tone of the proposition), are only in part
still distinctly perceptible in Hebrew ; in Aramaic they have
almost completely disappeared.

In the case of the many persons which end with the third
radical, the shortening must be shown in the stem itself. In

1 Viz. the indicative, which, inasmuch as the verb is not made dependent
on a word, either in impassioned language or otherwise, may also be com-
pared to the nominative. But it would be quite a mistake to suppose that
the Semitic originally formed the imperfect for the purpose of expressing
a nominative, because the resemblance between the indicative and nomi-
native is merely a remote one after all (cf. § 191a).

2 [Ewald includes, within the general designation Voluntative, both the
lengthened or Coliortative, and the shortened or Jussive forms of the
imperfect ; see §§ 224, 228.]

VOLUNTATIVE AND IMPERATIVE. 17

the strong verb, however, where, for the most part, two com-
pound syllables come together, and where, in the final syllable,
the vowels are very simple, the laws regarding the tone (see
§ 85) and those regarding the accented vowels (see § 32 ff.),
do not generally allow any further shortening of the final
syllable ; only in Hiphil is the i (see § 252) regularly shortened
into the short sound £, which, on account of the tone, becomes
£ (see § 336) ; as, |3B* let him cause to dwell, Wrtfl let it bring
forth, Gen. i. 10, 24"; Ps. vii. 6; Job xi. 14. But in weak
roots, the shortening is, for the most part, much more easily
effected, and more generally capable of being distinguished.1

[584] 226. 2d. The imperative is the highest degree of the
voluntative, — the briefest expression of a desire regarding what
is to be done. Hence it always presents itself in a still more
fragmentary form than the jussive, as a mere exclamation, and
thus also nearly always stands at the beginning of the pro-
position. And so little can it admit of being subordinated,
that the subjective negative ^ (^77, Lat. ne) is not joined with
it, but always continues to be construed with the voluntative ;
as, '•"n ^ ne sis! byn ^ nefac!1

[589] 228. 3d. An intensification of the voluntative and
imperative arises from the employment of n— } by which still
greater and more special prominence is visibly assigned to the
mental endeavour and the direction of the will towards a
definite object. This sign, which, in the noun, expresses the
idea of direction towards a place (see § 216), attaches itself
to these moods also, and thus indicates the will of the speaker
in a still stronger manner. The use of this intensified volun-
tative [now generally called the cohortative], however, is, in
Hebrew, more confined within certain limits. It is most
frequently and properly employed only in the first person, to
which, in fact, the short, quick command is less appropriate
than the effort which is founded on inward deliberation,
and which forms the impelling force urging on one's own more
tardy will ; as, >™!N then let me sing, nab then let us go. It
makes no difference whether that which one himself intends

1 [What immediately follows, in the original, refers to the forms assumed
by the jussive in the irregular verbs, and is here omitted, as belonging to
accidence rather than Syntax. — For a very full discussion of the cohortative
and jussive, see Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, chap. iv. and Appendix II.]

B

18 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 228.

to do, and is on the point of doing, is to proceed from an
entirely free determination of will, Prov. xii. 19; or is likewise
conditioned by external influence, in which case we may often
render the form by, I am to . . . Isa. xxxviii. 10 ; Jer. iv. 21,
vi. 10 ; or, / must . . . Jer. iii. 25, iv. 19 ; Ps. xlii. 5, Iv. 3,
Ivii. 5, Ixxxviii. 16. In the case of passive ideas, it is, of
course, more the fervency of the wish that is expressed in this
way, Ps. Ixix. 1 5. In the other persons, this intensified form
is very rare ; and, in the case of the third person, it occurs
only sometimes in poetry; as, nxnn let it come, Isa. v. 19 ;
Ps. xx. 4. But even the intensified form of the first person
becomes more and more restricted to poetry, and in Aramaic
this whole formation disappears. It may further be remarked
that it is most readily retained when, in contrast with a pre-
ceding unchangeable vowel, it is without the tone : it is least
likely to be preserved when it would necessitate the removal
of a preceding changeable vowel, as if a sound of this nature
mostly sought to defend itself against extinction ; thus the
form sp* is maintained between ny^K and rvvptf in Isa. i. 25.

[593] 2. AN ACTION, AS STATED BY ITSELF, OR IN
RELATION TO ANOTHER.

Consecutive Moods and Tenses.

230. As a preposition and its subordinated noun, so can a
conjunction and its subordinated verb form an inseparably close
combination, in which the one member conditions the other,
and the exact sense is given by both only in this close con-
nection. But this takes place only when certain new ideas are
formed ; because an ordinary conjunction, without such a force,
stands far more loosely before the proposition (see § 222).
A conjunction of this stronger kind is found pre-eminently in
the copulative "], inasmuch as it does not simply mean and,
but (like our then, or so) indicates, more emphatically, the
consequence of the action, the sequence of time, or thought;
and in such a case, it certainly received greater prominence in
the living language. If this, or a similar conjunction, be com-
bined with a tense or mood, progressive, connective, and there-
fore relative tenses and moods are formed; and for this purpose

THE RELATIVELY-PROGRESSIVE IMPERFECT. 19

the two tenses are developed in a new and peculiar fashion. That
which most readily suggests itself, however, in this case, is —
23 la. 1st. The relatively -progressive imperfect. To the
imperfect there is prefixed, as a particle of time referring to
the past, the syllable a-, while the consonant succeeding it
is doubled. This syllable, which was, perhaps, originally ad,
TK, is of pronominal origin, and corresponds to the augment
in other languages,1 has the meaning of then. But it has
always been fused with the conjunction } and (which thereby
becomes more emphatic) [594] into va-, while the succeeding
consonant is doubled ; and it is only through the fusion of
the two particles that there arises the more emphatic dnd,
which throws an action into the sphere of the past. To this
prefix is subordinated the imperfect in the form of the volunta-
tive, inasmuch as the latter posits the action itself as already
going on, and consequently dependent, or closely connecting
itself with some point or other.2 Thus there arises a composite

1 In Sanskrit and Zend, Greek, Armenian, Afghan ; cf. Zeitschr. fur
die Kunde des Moryenlandes, Band ii. p. 304 f . The aorist and the poten-
tial both arise from a tense which is no longer preserved anywhere in Indo-
Germanic in its original form, which must have formed the analogue of
the Semitic imperfect, and whose antithesis has now, similarly, in the Indo-
Germanic, after decay, resolved itself into the ancient perfect and the
modern present. The augment in Semitic may have been originally

-am ; if so, an explanation is thereby given of the employment of t with

the apocopated imperfect (see Ewald's Gram. Arab. § 210 ; [Wright's
Arabic Grammar, ii. § 18]). This form, however, is too plainly an abbrevia-
tion of 1M not yet, though it never occurs in protases.

2 It is necessary to assume that the form is the voluntative, especially on
account of the occurrence, in the first person, of the H— } because this does
not admit of explanation in any other way. And, in fact, the idea pre-
sented by the form ceases to be any objection whatever against its employ-
ment, as soon as we grant that, in a somewhat wider sense, it might
indicate generally what is dependent and relative (cf. § 338). The mere
shortening of the imperfect might, if necessary, be explained on the principles
laid down in § 181a and 2436; but such an explanation is not required.
The modern Persian, in a very similar way, prefixes be- (a syllable which
indicates approach, advance), not merely to the present, for the purpose of
forming the definite future (and hence also to the subjunctive and impera-
tive), but also to the shortened perfect, in order to form the imperfect of
narration, i.e. the Greek aorist. The ancient languages have not such a

20 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 231.

word-form which transfers an action that is taking place back
into the past (see § 1366); and attaches it there, at some
point already mentioned, in its necessary sequence, and in such
a way that it can be perceived in its beginning there. This
is the progressive imperfectum perfecti, which advances from
some point, or thought, already stated ; and which, conse-
quently, never stands by itself (absolutely), but always rela-
tively to another.

&. Now, since this imperfect (which, apart from the and
which ever adheres to it, exactly answers to the Greek aorist)
is always attached, by the emphatic and, to a perfect already
mentioned, or at least assumed as known, — like the produced
effect to the primary producing cause, — it is plain that, setting
aside the force of the relative sequence, the perfect would be
used instead. But as, in creation, through the continual force
of motion and progress, that which has become [Ger. das Geivor-
dene], and is, constantly modifies its form for something new ;
so, in thought, the new advance which takes place (and thus
. . ., then . . . ) suddenly changes the action which, taken by
itself absolutely, would stand in the perfect, into this tense,
which indicates becoming [Ger. das Werden, Gr. TO ytyve<T0cu~],
— the imperfect.1 But one [595] progressive action of this kind
may, in the case of a new advance in the course of thought,
be immediately succeeded by another, to an indefinite extent.
And various as the applications of the perfect are (see § 135),
equally so, in every single point, are those of its counterpart.

strong liking for the past as to narrate it merely under its proper form \
but they, as it were, quickly throw it into some definite place or other in
the past, attach it there, and depict its approach and progress from that
point: in the Hebrew, this is rendered only still more evident by the
employment of the and. In Coptic, at least the construction of the imper-
fect with JULTIG . . . and JUtH<!LT" . . ., which answers to the Arabic
negative already mentioned, is a similar instance (see Ewald's Sprachiviss.
Abhandlungen, i. p. 55 ff.) ; cf . also Gabelentz, Melan. Sp. p. 39 ; Schlegel,
Eice-Spr. p. 63.

1 Hence the old [Jewish] grammarians had already begun to speak of a
Vav conversive, — a name which, properly understood, is not incorrect,
though, to be more precise, it should be Vav consecutive-conversive. [Hit-
zig calls it Vav relative, but this designation is rather indefinite.] That
the *1 itself is derived from a Hjn fuit, as was formerly supposed, is
incorrect, in spite of an apparent similarity in Vei (see Kb'lle, p. 137 f ).
[See further, Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, pp. 76-78.]

THE RELATIVELY-PROGRESSIVE IMPERFECT. 21

Thus, in the case of simple narration, W "i»K he spake, dnd
(as he had spoken, so) it was done ; or, in the case of actions
which, at the moment when the statement is made, are
evidently completed, but, in their effects, reach to the present;
this one has come as a stranger BSB^ dnd judges (as we have
seen) nevertheless! Gen. xix. 9> xxxi. 15; 2 Sam. iii. 8. See
further, § 342.

c. But if, "besides, we look to history, it must be said that
this form, as owing its origin to the extremely lively fancy
which characterizes the language (like everything in this
department in which the youthful vigour of the language
shows itself, e.g. the distinction of gender made in relation to
all objects; on which, see § 171ff.), belongs to an earlier
period, and hence gradually gives way to other forms. In
Hebrew, indeed, this modification of the imperfect continues
very prevalent, and forms one of its essential characteristics ;
but even so early as the later times of the Old Testament
(especially, for instance, in the Book of Ecclesiastes1 [i. 13, 16,
ii. 5, 9, 12, 13, etc.]), the simple perfect with the ordinary 1
is employed instead ; and, in the rest of the Semitic languages,.
it almost wholly ceases to be used.2

[599] 233a. It is only the poetic writers who sometimes ven-
ture on using these short imperfects without the prefix. Though

1 [Ewald assigns Ecclesiastes to the end of the fifth or the beginning of
the fourth century B.C., i.e. to the later times of the Persian supremacy ; he
thinks the book was written after Malachi, but before Chronicles and Esther.
See his History of Israel (Eng. translation), vol. v. pp. 182, 189 ; cf. also
pp. 192, 200, 202, and what he says in his Introduction to Qohelet (Dichter
des alten Bundes).]

2 In Aramaic, completely so : in the Mishna, II 1 (to indicate it briefly
thus) is entirely wanting, and I \ (see § 234) is very rare. In Arabic, the
combination of t with the shortened imperfect (see Ewald's Gram. Arab.

§ 210 ; [Wright's Arabic Grammar, ii. § 18]) forms a still remaining instance
of the usage; and in the Saho language, ekke is the aorist, akke the
ordinary future, in which a similar distinction is still perceived, Journ.
asiat., 1843, torn. ii. p. 11 5 f. But the Phoenician here also still more closely
resembles the Hebrew (see Ewald's Abhandl. iiber die sidonische Inschrift,
pp. 18, 46) ; and in Arabic, the meaning still continues to be expressed, if
in no other way, at least by the great change in the sound of the prefixed

particle (_j instead of .).

22 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 233.

the omission is to be regarded, generally, in almost the same
way as when, in Sanskrit (where it rarely happens), or in
Greek, the aorist is used without the augment, yet it has
other special reasons of its own in Hebrew (see §§ 3435, 3465) ;
thus riB* in Ps. xviii. 12 for TWfa in 2 Sam. xxii. 12. Poets espe-
cially, in order to depict the past more vividly, as if it were
present, may designedly omit the augment and use the simple
1 with this imperfect; which, again, is most apt to be so
treated when it occurs in the first person, and has an affix
(as if the word became lighter at the beginning, before the
heavy termination); thus Isa. x. 13, xii. 1, xliii. 28, xlviii. 3,
li. 2, Ivii. 17, Ixiii. 3-6; Ps. civ. 32, cvii. 26-29, Ixvi. 6;
Prov. vii. 7 ; Hos. vi. 1 ; Deut. xxxii. 8. The form may then
also, contrary to its original use, and the general employment
of it everywhere else, be placed in some other position than at
the beginning of a proposition, as once actually happens in
Deut. xxxii. 18, where Wfi is found, in pause, for "TO (Hiph.
of rw = nnp, § 113d, forget, neglect).

I. This imperfect is also used under other circumstances
without augment, but mostly with the same shortening, and
in the first person with n— ; also after TK then, 1 Kings viii. 1 ;
Deut. iv. 41 ; Dt? there, used poetically of time, Ps. Ixvi. 6,
and iy until, Ps. Ixxiii. 17 (donee pervenirem). For here are
found in operation exactly the same causes which (according
to § 231) require that "'} should be followed by the volun-
tative. In prose, however, this takes place only in the case
of TK.

2 34 a. 2d. The relatively - progressive perfect. Since the
imperfect may have the perfect as its antithesis in every
respect, the relatively-progressive imperfect, of which we have
been treating, of itself calls forth the relatively-progressive
perfect. But this is a form in which the Semitic [600] alone
manifests thoroughgoing logical consistency, while the Indo-
Germanic stops short; and which very clearly shows the
highly exceptional wealth of peculiar forms which the Semitic
— amidst the seeming poverty arising from its having but two
leading tenses, which alone have been fully developed — has
at its command (see § 134&). As, therefore, in the combina-
tion previously explained, the flowing sequence of time or
thought causes that which has been realized [i.e. attained

THE RELATIVELY- PROGRESSIVE PERFECT. 23

completion, Ger. das Gfewordene], and exists, to be regarded as
passing over into new realization ; so, in the present case, it
has the effect of at once representing that which is advancing
towards realization [Ger. das Werdende], as entering into full
and complete existence [Ger. das Seyn\. Hence, each of the
plain tenses gracefully intersects the other, by interchanging
with its opposite,1 thus, —

Perfect o o Imperfect

Progressive Perfect oo oo Progressive Imperfect.

Cf. similar interchanges in § 1 7 *le f [Ges. § 87, 4 ; Gr.
§ 200/], 267/ [Ges. § 97, 1 ; Gr. § 223, 2 ; Dav. § 148, 3].
And in all those meanings in which (see § 136) the imperfect
itself, or even its abbreviations, the voluntative and impera-
tive, would be used, this perfect is at once introduced, with
the energetic dnd, or sd (then), when the discourse proceeds in
an unimpassioned manner (see § 342).

b. As this relatively - progressive perfect is the exact
opposite of the progressive imperfect in idea, so is it also in
its form. In front, it wholly drops the augment, and thereby
allows the \ to become a simple conjunction once more. But,
to compensate for this, the tone is so strongly placed on the
end of the word, that one would think the augment had
originally been wholly put behind. It is as if one wished
to say in English, MnT&peaJcs or thtn^spake, and, on the con-
trary, therTsptaks ; or as if the former, from the front, sought
to attach itself to the past, and the latter, from behind, to the
future. None of the later Semitic languages, however, shows
any trace of this ancient form,2 which, even in Hebrew,
is less and less employed. In the present condition of the
Hebrew, too, even the mere change of the tone is no longer
clearly marked in every case.

1 Cf. a similar usage in the Odschi (see Riis, p. 156).

2 Cf ., however, Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 347 ; here, too, the Phoenician
show a Hebraizing tendency.

24 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 234.

[602] In § 343 are shown the limitations to the em-

ployment of these two relative or modified tenses in a

proposition; as also the way in which, out of them again,

two new kinds of time-specifications are formed : so that

(to say nothing of the participle, on which see § 200)

we may, in Hebrew, even speak of six tense-forms (two

plain, two modified, two re-simplified).

23 5 a. 3d. The relatively-progressive voluntative presents the

desire and the design of attaining something as the conse-

quence or aim of something presupposed, — answering to the

English in order that, and the Latin ut with the subjunctive. It

is usually preceded by an imperative ; as, ""H^^l ^ stop, that

I may speak ! But it may follow any other kind of proposi-

tion to which the idea of a purpose is attached ; thus even, it

is good W] that he sJwuld wait, Lam. i. 19, iii. 26 ; Ex. i. 1*7;

Lev. xv. 24, xxvi. 43. It is most naturally employed, how-

ever, with the particles of purpose themselves ; see § 3 3 7&.1

And as the imperative, speaking generally, differs from the

voluntative merely in degree, so also a relative imperative

becomes possible, whenever the second person is employed ;

thus, that he may pray for thee F^rn and that tJiou (as I wish,

by this very means) mayest live, Gen. xx. 7 ; Euth i. 9 ; Job

xi. 6 ; cf. further, § 347. But where this voluntative has

more the sense merely of the Latin ut with the subjunctive,

and the imperative does not immediately precede, the n—

is less frequently used, even in the first person (see

§ 229).

[603] I. The voluntative remains in this case, through all
the persons, as it would appear even without this \ (according
to §§ 224-229) : the forms n^KhJTi and njKhrn ut veniant, are
both possible in this construction, as in § 225 ; cf. § 94a. In
the first person, the form frequently vacillates (as in § 232^)
between abbreviation and assumption of the n— ; so that words
like ^&w, Zech. i. 3, from verbs l"y, become possible, because

1 The Arabic here acquires greater power in exact distinction, by putting
the imperfect in a series of words, and thus making it dependent on the
telic particle, like an oblique case : in this way there arises a true subjunc-

tive mood; as, i^^j^j ^\ ut scribat. But the Ethiopic knows nothing of
this last development, and follows the Hebrew.

THE EELATIVELY-PROGKESSIVE VOLUNTATIVE. 25

the n— , wliich indicates motion, falls away, \vhile the short
voluntative form does not at once reappear. There are, to
be sure, in the mode of pronouncing the } in this combination,
minor anomalies which would be impossible when the simple \
and, is used; as, &7.5J9N?, Zech. vii. 14, instead of 'to (see
§ 621)-, i#$M, Zech. xi.X for % (see § 736), nayw (see §88d) ;
but these are, on the whole, rarely found. Since, however, the
idea of progress and sequence must be expressed somewhere
or other in the compound, we must assume that the ] here
employed is not the simple, but the stronger one ; which also,
there can be no doubt, was originally sounded more strongly,
and may have this idea in itself, as well as before any other
word (see § 348). The latter Q], therefore, has certainly
arisen in such a way from the other *! prefixed to the imper-
fect (already discussed in § 231), that it no longer indicates
anything more than sequence (consecution). Thus it corre-
sponds to the Arabic _i, which gives the same meaning as all
these Hebrew compounds, but which now, as bearing this
meaning in itself, may be prefixed to any simple tense or other
kind of word. Hence it is like a finer precipitate of the
much more cumbrous Hebrew compound forms.1

c. The voluntative may also be used (as in Arabic) in con-
ditional propositions (see § 3575); similarly, the shortened
imperfect ?$J2 is once closely joined with ""3, in the sense of
wJien, Job xxvii. 8. Moreover, it is employed in relative pro-
positions which state a mere remote possibility ; as, he receives
nothing ?{?*& which he may (can) take away with him, Eccles.
v. 14; cf. on the other hand, the form 1JW in Eccles. x. 2 0,
which, through the style and the context in which the propo-
sition stands, has quite a different meaning.

1 In Aramaic also, and still more in Ethiopia, the simple and may, never-
theless, in accordance with the context, always continue to bear the mean-
ing of the vav of sequence.

2 The root may be either *?$} or ^555? to draw out, imperf. ^r» or ^
(see § 2326), from which pp'i could easily be formed (see § 232c).

[684] SYNTAX,

A sentence is a longer or shorter series of notions
connected in such way that the subject, i.e. the person or thing
spoken of, as being the chief word, and the predicate, or state-
ment made regarding him or it, form its two essential and
necessary elements, to which every other that it may also
happen to contain is more or less closely attached. If one of
these two members be wanting (as in an exclamation), we have
a kind of incomplete, insufficient proposition. Even the sim-
plest sentence, if it is to be complete and unimpassioned, must
contain the two indispensable corner-stones on which the
whole fabric is built : it must, on the one hand, mention a
person (or something that occupies the place of this) ; and, on
the other hand, make a statement regarding him. But since
(see § 1 9 0) both of these two elements are combined in the
verb, every fully inflected verb necessarily contains in itself a
complete proposition ; as, 233 Jie (or, to take a more inanimate
subject, if) has been stolen. As both the subject and the pre-
dicate are the necessary, so they are also the direct and inde-
pendent members of the proposition ; hence, not merely the
former, as the leading word, but also the latter, or the state-
ment regarding it, if a mere noun, is to be considered as in
the nominative; and their several positions are to be regarded as-
proper to the nominative [thus, David is the king] ; cf. further,
§ 296. When one of these two main supports of the sentence
is omitted, it becomes incomplete, and there is but an imper-
fect expression of thought : this, indeed, may be tolerated,
Tinder certain circumstances, but there is always something
obscure and unsatisfactory in such a case. Provided that
these two main elements are present, there may be the greatest
possible variety in meaning and expression ; and to these two
chief constituents a number of others may be attached.

26

GROUPING OF WORDS. 27

Speaking generally, however, a sentence is either simple
[i.e. absolute] — an independent statement ; or subordinate
[dependent] — attached to another as its support; or con-
ditional— placed before another in a contingent or variable
relation. But even a simple sentence admits of manifold
variety as regards manner and style.

b. Now, though all the words in a sentence must stand in
mutual relation to each other [685], and though every one
must give a clear and distinct meaning in its own place and
connection, yet very much depends further on the means
which a language possesses of expressing the various possible
relations of a word in the sentence, and the manner in which
these are formed in it. This is that internal structure of the
parts of every sentence, which, more than anything else, ex-
hibits the distinctive character of each individual language.
Hence, before proceeding to consider more in detail the two
main elements in every sentence, first by themselves, and then
in their correlation, as well as in regard to their capability of
receiving additions, together with all other varieties in the
sentence, we must clearly understand the construction and the
peculiarities of separate groups of words that may possibly
be found in a sentence, inasmuch as these also help to de-
termine the special mode in which the sentence itself is
constructed.

STRUCTURE AND MEANING OF PARTICULAR GROUPS OF WORDS,
AS MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE.

c. There are certain groups of words in which, around one
word or particle, as if it were a stronger, or at least more
firmly fixed foundation-stone, there may be placed another, or
a multitude of others, which depend on it, and more or less
closely refer to it alone. Such a group, larger or smaller as
the case may be, when it does not happen to present an
incomplete proposition, may form any member of a whole
sentence ; but it has, besides, a law of its own, which regulates
its form and functions. And these laws are of so much the
more importance in proportion as a language, such as those
forming the Semitic family, and more particularly the Hebrew,

28 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, § 276.

is compelled to express the sense of many words in a sentence
merely through the position assigned to them, and the arrange-
ment of each one in relation to the others. Looking simply
to the most general mode of connecting words together, we see
there are three ways in which such groups may be formed.
(a) One word may be subordinated to [i.e. governed by]
another ; and this either freely [loosely] (i.e. by being placed
in the accusative), or by means of an outward sign (i.e.
by having prepositions and such like particles attached to
it), (b) Or, through the influence of the first, it allows itself
to be attracted, and becomes the first link in a closely con-
nected chain of words (i.e. it is placed in the so - called
construct state, § 208) [see also Ges. § 89; Gr. § 212; Dav.
§ 17].1 Or, finally, (c) two words may be placed beside
each other without any visible change in form, or inequality,
and show only by the sense of the whole that they are
connected, — the second merely sustaining in the sen-
tence the position and force of the first : this is co-ordina-
tion (apposition), which arises when subordination, in either
of its two forms just described, may not be possible, or
seems unnecessary.

d. The strict and the more free kinds of subordination,
much though they differ, yet come ultimately to exhibit a
large amount of similarity, so that the one may possibly
accord with the other (see §§ 288a, 279c). Both varieties are
opposed to the co-ordinate relation, and yet not in such a way
as to exclude the possibility of a transition, at certain points,
between it and its opposites. Hence, also, it is a matter
of prime importance [686] to show how and when these three
possible constructions resemble, agree with, or totally differ
from each other.

e. In every case, however, an element of considerable
importance in giving greater completeness of form to such

1 [Koch well remarks that, in Semitic, the noun, as such, has but one
mode of regimen, viz. the genitival attraction ; the finite verb, as the con-
tradictory opposite of the noun, has like wise really but one mode of govern-
ment, in virtue of which the subordinated word is put in the accusative ;
for the prepositions employed as more definite exponents of the verbal
regimen (see §§ 204a, 279) are nouns in the accusative, with genitival
attractions (Der semitische Iiifinitiv, Stuttgart 1874, p. 20).]

USE OF THE ARTICLE. 29

groups is the difference between the noun as definite or as
indefinite (with or without the article) ; this point, therefore,
must be discussed here by way of preliminary. Strictly speak-
ing, indeed, the article forms an instance of apposition (see
§ 293) ; but, in the languages in which it is employed, it has
become so much of a light demonstrative to a noun, and, as
such, has thus acquired so much additional importance and
variety of meaning, that it will be best to begin by setting
forth here, in a connected manner, all that pertains to this
subject.

The Noun as Definite or Indefinite.

2 7 7#. The article originally stood in apposition to the noun,
like a pronoun, but it no longer retains in Hebrew an inde-
pendent position (see § 181 [also Ges. § 35, Eem. 1; Gr.
§ 229, la; Dav. § 11]). It is very frequently employed
in ordinary speech. (1) It may point back to what has
been already named, as in Gen. vi. 1 4 [cm ark, the ark] ; .
Jer. xiii. 1, 2 [a girdle, the girdle]. (2) It may be joined
with well-known objects of a particular kind ; as, ^E$n the
sun, H*fn the earth. A kindred use of the article is its com-
bination with the singular of common nouns, which are thereby
rendered more prominent ; as, "n^n the lion (and not the bull),
Amos v. 19, 1 Sam. xvii. 34; "nan the mule,nd?yn the virgin,
Isa. vii. 14; B^n the man (see § 2945); ^b^n the ancient,
the forefather, 1 Sam. xxiv. 14 ; By an, the fugitive, i.e. the
messenger with evil tidings, Gen. xiv. 13, 2 Sam. xv. 13;
S'l.fcn the Her in wait, i.e. those of the soldiers who are placed
in ambush, Josh. viii. 1 9 ff'., Judg, xx. 3 3 ff., in contrast with
JVnSjSran the destroyer, i.e. those of the soldiers who openly
attack and destroy, 1 Sam. xiii. 1 7 ; ^] ^ the avenger oj
blood, viz. all on whom this duty devolves, 2 Sam. xiv. 11.
This use of the article is particularly exemplified in the names
of nations ; as, s?W3r? the Canaanite. (3) The noun may be
definite from the very circumstances under which the discourse
is carried on ; as in the stock expressions &isn to-day, also
(when past time is spoken of) that day, that time, then, 1 Sam.
i 4, Job i. 6 ; rWn this night, «wn this year, Jer. xxviii. 16 ;

30 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, § 277.

nyan this time, now. Also (4) when the speaker assumes that
the object is well known to his hearers ; as, saddle me ""ibnn
the ass, i.e. my ass, 1 Kings xiii. 13, 23, 27 ; 2 Sam. xix. 2*7 ;
or when the narrator assumes, from the circumstances of the
case, that a particular object must evidently exist ; as, he sat
down "by the well, Ex. ii. 15, because there is usually only one
well for cattle near a city ; the servant mentioned, Num. xi. 27,
2 Sam. xvii. 17, because it is usual for a special servant to
attend his master. (5) Further, a noun which must be re-
garded as in itself indefinite may nevertheless become definite
through the strongly retrospective influence of a succeeding
relative [687] clause ; as, there will not be the people (i.e. such
a people) whither the outcasts will not come, Jer. xlix. 36 (cf.
§ 332c).

6. In poetry, however, the article is, in general, less fre-
quently employed (as in Sanskrit and Latin), inasmuch as the
language used is more brief and archaic in character. The omis-
sion even serves as an intensification of the meaning ; thus, for
instance, the discourse in Mic. vii. llf. is altogether exceedingly
condensed and abrupt, and the use of the article is therefore
strenuously avoided. The omission of the article is also par-
ticularly suited to the artificially brief style of certain later
writers; as, &J> the people, Hab. iii. 16, Isa. xiv. 32 ; "9^ the
word, Ps. Ivi. 11 (cf. ver. 5), Job xix. 28 ; Ty or rn£, like urbs,
for Jerusalem, Num. xxiv. 19, Prov. viii. 3, ix. 3, cf. i. 21 j1
vfp the sanctuary, Dan. viii. 13 f., x. 1 ; hence, even nW may
mean to-night, Neh. vi. 10, and na^3 may signify, in poetry,
the whole mouth, Isa. ix. 11 (see § 290c). Less difficult of
explanation are cases like ffcft tyfcfy, which may be regarded as
equivalent to our King Lemuel, Prov. xxxi. 1 ; 2 also, the
omission of the article from an attributive ; as, '•n tfffrg the
living God, Isa. xxxvii. 4, 17. Cf. further, § d.

1 See the Jalirlucher der libl. Wisscnscliaften, xi. 202.

2 As on Maccabean coins, ^ fro rvnriD, Mattathiah, high priest, or
FUR jron. When the presence of the article can be indicated only by the
use of the vowel-points (§ 244a), the Massoretes in many cases appear to
have marked it, without sufficient reason ; cf . yuh and y&-(? in Ezek.
iii. 18-21 : this practice is especially frequent in the" case of smaller words.
On the other hand, in Gen. ii. and iii., Dltfn is the prevailing form, yet
DINJ) is the reading in iii. 17 ; see also the" interchange in 2 Sam. xii. 2-4.

USE OF THE AIITICLE. 31

e. Those proper names, which, though originally and properly
collectives, may take the article for the purpose of giving them
distinct prominence, drop it all the more readily in proportion
as their primary meaning is forgotten, and as, in coming to
represent simple and specific ideas, they sufficiently define
themselves; hence, names of persons more rarely retain it,
while names of places often have it still. Some words, espe-
cially archaic ones, never take it ; as, Dinri^ an almost mythical
term, like oceanus ; others have always retained it for the
purpose of distinction ; as, "injn the stream, i.e. the Euphrates
(but also, in poetry, simply "inj, Isa. vii. 20), fean Baal (pro-
perly, the lord), |Bfrn, an expression whose application to Satan
is still comparatively recent, HP!? [the] Jordan, ]V1?? Lebanon ;
the last two, however, are also used in poetry without the
article. In other cases, the article is dropped only gradually ;
as, ^L" and 1J&3 Gilead, Gen. xxxi. 21 ff., Num. xxxii. 1,
1 Sam. xiii. 7 ; l^if*?, Amos ii. 2, and ninp, Jer. xlviii. 24, a
city, rri&osn srptf the God of hosts, an expression which is still
found in Amos with the article, but which Hosea (xii. 6)
already mostly writes without it ; B^n and E";K man [man-
kind], men, with scarcely any perceptible difference, 1 Sam.
xvi. 7, xxiv. 10. Foreign [688] names, of obscure meaning,
are usually without the article ; as, rna the Euphrates ; and
when poets or prophets happen to form new proper names
after their own mind, these words, from the very fact of their
being without the article, assume the distinctive mark of most
proper names; as, rnfas and H3^b, Jer. iii. On the other
hand, every proper name of the new adjectival form [viz. with
the termination t|— , see § 164], especially in the singular, is
much more constantly written with the article, which gives it
a more lively turn; but even in this case the article may
gradually disappear ; e.g. *p^n, and poetically ^l\ the Jelusite,
as the name of the race, 2 Sam. v. 6, 8 ; D'nipta and DW^sn
the Philistines, 1 Sam. xvii. 52 f. ; D^K the Aramcans, 2 Kings
viii. 28 f. (which, indeed, through the weakness of K and its
vowel, has been changed into D^n in 2 Chron. xxii. 5 ; see
§ *72c). Moreover, a proper name which is only in a state of
transition to the complete loss of the article, is somewhat
more easily preserved against the loss, through the influence of
a preceding word, as with the construct state (according to

32 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 277.

§ 2906); e.g. nton viv the tribe of Manasseh, Deut. iii. 13,
though n$J», when used alone, no longer takes the article ;
so also B^Vsn ^ ^ w^ of God, Deut. xxxiii. 1 ; Judg. xiii.

6,8.

Finally, it is to be added that the Hebrew language,
by employing the article, can distinguish individuals in a
way different from the Arabic ; this construction, how-
ever, is rather an innovation ; nor was there at any time
so free a use of the article with proper names as in the
Greek. Thus, though &WK, as the name of the true God,
like the rarer ?&, dropped the article, it resumes it, in
conformity with the new construction employed by
certain writers, for the purpose of giving prominence to
the true God ; first of all, when it is intended to bring
out a contrast, Ex. xix. 19, or after other prefixed particles ;
as, D'nfrgn DN with God; cf. Gen. v. 22, 24, vi. 9, 11 f.,
cf. Ex. xxiv. 11 ; afterwards, in somewhat later writers,
^•P^'i becomes a standing formula, quite as much as the
Mohammedan all!;1 and the later narrator2 changes ffJK,

1 But tan is always used with new emphasis, e.g. with a relative clause ;
thus, the [that] God who ... see Ps. xviii. 31, cf. with vv. 33 and 48, and
Ps. Ixviii. 20, 21 ; it never stands absolutely for God [i.e. without further
specification].

2 [Ewald regards the Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua as forming but
one composite work, which he calls the Great Book of Origins (not to be
confounded with the Book of Origins, simply so called, mentioned below),
or Primitive History. The oldest part, he thinks, is the Book of the Wars
of Jahve, of which, however, only a few portions remain ; next in antiquity
he places the fragmentary Biography of Moses, written about a century
after the lawgiver : after this, the Book of Covenants, " of which many
more fragments have been preserved," and which he ascribes to Samson's
time. Later appeared the Book of the Upright, mostly a collection of
historical songs. Next, a Levite in Solomon's time, after the dedication of
the temple, wrote the Book of Origins, a large and important work, mainly
historical, sections of which begin with the words, " These are the origins
(nnpifi, A. V. generations) of . . ." Afterwards came the first prophetic
narrator, also designated the third (or, reckoning the whole number of
historical works, the fifth) historian, who is assumed to have lived in the
10th or 9th century B.C. (i.e. about the times of Elijah and Joel), and to
have belonged to the northern kingdom. Still later, towards the close of
the 9th century, there appeared the fourth historian, or second prophetic
narrator. The fifth historian, or third prophetic narrator, is supposed to
have belonged to Judah : he first began to collect, and work up into a

USE OF THE ARTICLE. 33

in the sense of Adam, Gen. v. 3-5, into tn«n, ii. 8 ff.
But proper names in common use, which once drop the
article, cannot easily resume it, as in Greek.
Pronouns also, whether used alone or as suffixes, are self-
defined words, having no need of the article, and yet approxi-
mate in meaning to nouns with the article ; as, nt this, "•» who ?
•OK fy "OS son of me (= my son). Numerals, and other words
which indicate relation, and resemble pronouns in their ground-
idea, are also readily regarded as definite in themselves ; cf.
further, p. 35 f.

In accordance with § 236, the infinitive, as being too much
akin to the verb,1 does not take the article, except in very
special instances, such as, *HR njnn ton ion is not that to know
(knowing) me? Jer. xxii. 16, where an unusual force lies in
the question ; moreover, nsn, more than other infinitives, is
also used [689] as a substantive. On the contrary, the article
is not un suited to intransitives ; na^na like the darkening,
rni«32 like the dawning, Ps. cxxxix. 12 ; and always in the
phrase v ijfa when I am in distress, Ps. xviii. 7, Ixvi. 14;
Deut. iv. 30; cf. Ps. cxx. 1.

whole, the materials left by his predecessors. Next came " the Deutero-
nomist," who is alleged to have lived in Egypt during the latter part of
Manasseh's reign ; but the Blessing of Moses (Deut. xxxiii.) is an inter-
polation in his work, and the product of an otherwise unknown poet of
Jeremiah's time. Lastly, an editor, who lived about the end of the 7th
century, brought the work into its present and final form. (See Hist, of
Israel, L pp. 63-132, English translation.)

It may be added that Ewald has never found any one to support him
wholly in his theory.]

1 [See footnote to § 304a.]

2 [We quote, from Riehm's (second) edition of Hupfeld On the Psalms
(vol. i. pp. 445-6), the following excellent Rules regarding the use of the
Article in comparisons: —

1. If the tertium comparationis is regarded as a property of the class formed
by the object compared, then 3 stands with the article before the noun.
2. If, on the contrary, it is regarded merely as a property of one or several
individuals of the class, the article is omitted.

The former construction is usually adopted when the object compared is
simply mentioned, Isa. i. 18, xxii. 18, xxxiv. 4, etc., but pretty frequently
also when there is further added (with or without TkJJtf) a relative clause
which states the point of the comparison, cf. Ps. i. 4, xlix. 13, 21, xc. 5
(according to the view indicated by the punctuation), Isa. liii. 7, Ixi. 10, 11,
etc. ; very rarely, on the other hand, when the noun which indicates the

34 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 277.

But the article may also be used to distinguish a word
which, though it has become an adverb, is restored in virtue
of a new force it receives. Thus, the oft-used OTp, Lat. parum,
by taking the article, once more obtains a higher meaning :
Byon the little [one], i.e. he who is little; hence it exactly
corresponds with the German der gering, Num. xxvi. 54,
xxxiii. 54, xxxv. 8 ; Deut. vii. 7. This is accordingly the
same usage as is found exemplified in the Greek o iravv.

Finally, it is to be observed that the article may be
omitted from an ordinary substantive whose meaning is quite
definite, inasmuch as definition may be regarded as implied
in the context, and thus superfluous. This is particularly the*
case with technical terms used in describing boundaries, build-
ing materials, etc. ; as, <OT and boundary, i.e. so far, Deut. iii.
KH. ; Josh. xiii. 23, 27, xv. 47; or, arn "breadth, for, the
breadth. When te"!^ its length, precedes, we expect its breadth,
or the breadth, to follow; but, instead of this, there is merely used
the shorter expression breadth, as if the context were already
sufficient to indicate the reference, Ezek. xli. 2, 4 ; 2 Chron.
iii. 3. This holds especially in compound expressions ; as,
i>nfc the tent of the council, which is found without the

object compared is further specified by another kind of additional clause,
and in this case, too, only when this addition also holds good of the whole
class ; cf. e.g. Ezek. xxxii. 2. The latter construction, on the contrary, is
regularly followed when the noun which indicates the object compared is
further defined by an additional clause, an adjective, or participle, Isa.
xxix. 5, xli. 2 ; Hos. ii. 5 ; Ps. i. 3, xxxvii. 35, cxliii. 6, etc. ; an adverbial
specification, Deut. xxxii. 26 (cf. the use of the article in the first part of
the verse) ; Hos. iv. 16 ; Mic. v. 7, etc. ; or a relative clause, mostly without
-lEW, as Ps. xvii. 12, xxxviii. 14, xlii. 2 ; Isa. liii. 7, Ixi. 10, 18 (in the
second comparison) ; Jer. xxiii. 29, etc.

Of a totally different character are the cases in which there is no real
comparison, but the expression of a mere adverbial notion, 3^3, "11333 (in
a fatherly manner, heroically}, where the article would not naturally be used ;
cf. Job xvi. 14, xxxi. 18 ; Isa. xlii. 13 ; Ps. xxxviii. 14a ; Ex. xxii. 24 ; Lev.
xiv. 35, xxv. 40, etc. : to this class also belongs the passage in Prov. iii. 12,
which is usually incorrectly explained.

The use of 3 makes the nearest approach to that of "it?tf 3 in Jer. xxxi.
10, \*ny ny'"»3 ; but this is scarcely to be regarded as a real exception, for
the comparison, strictly speaking, does not even here refer to a proposition,
but merely to the subject and object together (to the former in its relation
to the latter).]

NOUNS AS DEFINITE OR INDEFINITE. 35

article throughout the Book of Origins/ NJV "^ ^e captain of
the host, 1 Kings xvi. 16, and infra, § 292a, ^D rv»a the king's
house, 1 Kings xvi. 18.2

d. Thus all nouns used in connected discourse are definite
or indefinite, either from their own nature, i.e. in consequence
of the meaning in which they are used ; or from choice, i.e.
through their assumption of the article : and every substantive
in a sentence must necessarily be considered as standing in
either of these two relations. But this variability in the con-
dition of nouns, whether as definite (through assumption of
the article, or in virtue of their own meaning) or freely inde-
finite, is of very great importance and significance ; because
it must also exert a reflex influence on the surrounding words,
and because a definite noun, especially one which is necessarily
such, has much more weight and force in a sentence than one
which is not defined. This contrast will be found to reach
through a large portion of the sentence, and with it there is
associated the equally important antithesis between a noun
which indicates an animate, and another which signifies an in-
animate being (§ 172) ; for, though a definite noun is always
of more importance in a sentence than one which is indefinite,
what is animate [690] is likewise considered as of much greater
importance than that which is inanimate, and hence also as
having more need of being distinguished by an outward sign.
Several modes of indicating such words have already been
treated of elsewhere ; but a mark of peculiar importance in this
case is found in the use of rritf or ~J"IX as the sign of the accusative
(see § 207c; [Ges. § 117, 2 ; Gr.'§ 270]). This mark is—

(1.) Necessary only in the case of personal pronouns, when
these cannot appear in the suffix-form (see § 247 f. ; [Dav.
§ 31; Ges. §§ 57-61; Gr. §§ 101-106]); for, in these
pronouns, the distinction between what is dependent and what
is independent has become so complete, that, when the idea
of dependence is to be expressed, they must necessarily
appear as suffixes ; and when, on account of external dim-

1 [For an explanation of what Ewald means by this, see note at foot of
p. 32.]

2 Certain Greek writers, such as Paul and the author of the Epistle to
the Hebrews (to cite examples from the New Testament), omit the article,
as if they were following the style adopted by stone-cutters.

36 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 277.

culties, the suffix cannot be attached to the verb itself, it is
joined with ns. Thus (a) it may be necessary, for the sake
of emphasis, to place the accusative of the pronoun before
the verb, or quite by itself; as, wn ^nk thee I would have
slain, Num. xxii. 33 ; Jer. vii. 19. (5) When a verb has two
objects, both of which, however, are personal pronouns, the
second must stand by itself, since the verb in Hebrew can take
but one suffix;1 as, fr)fc ^&on fa caused me to see [= showed
me] him ; so also with the infinitive construct ; as, ink Dnk"i2
in their seeing [= when they saw] him. (c) Moreover, with
the infinitive in several cases ; thus, with the infinitive abso-
lute, because this form (see § 240) is too rigid to accept such
additions, 1 Sam. ii. 28 ; this is the case also with the infini-
tive construct, when a nearer noun must be put first (§ 304a),
as, ink THS Bni thy brothers seeking it, Deut. xxii. 2, or when
a suffix is to be distinguished as an accusative, Gen. iv. 15
(according to § 307&). But there is manifested, under other
circumstances also, a constantly increasing tendency to sepa-
rate the accusative of the pronoun from the verb, even when
no urgent necessity exists.

(2.) The sign n« is also pretty often prefixed to substantives,
especially when they precede the verb, or even under other
circumstances ; its actual use, however, is very variable and
limited. For (a) it is employed only before definite nouns,
and even then, more before names of persons than names of
things ; because such words, being possessed of more force
and independence, are also apt to become more strongly and
distinctly subordinated.2 Examples are, they anointed ^yn'nK
David ; they Irought YaK'nN his father ; we saw P^rmx the
land ; ^"ns whom ? Isa. vi. 8 (but it is not used with no
what ?) ; nj"n? this [fellow, or thing] ; TtffcrnK whom, or, very
definitely, that which, Gen. ix. 24. Also (&) with particles
which have a certain fundamental affinity, in nature and use,
with pronouns, inasmuch as, like the latter, they merely refer

1 In Arabic and Ethiopia, on the other hand, two different suffixes may
be attached to one verb, at least if arranged in suitable order ; see Ewald's
Gram. Arab. § 674; [Wright's Arab. Gram. i. § 187].

2 Cf. something very similar in the use of the accusative-sign in such
different families of speech as the Turkish and the Finnic (Zeitschr. fur
Sprachw. i. p. 114), and the 2 ... in Armenian.

NOUNS AS DEFINITE OR INDEFINITE. 37

to persons and things ; hence with b (cf. 2656), as, [691]
the whole, all; *PP ^"flK all fowls (according to § 2S6e), Gen. i.
21, 29, 30, viii. 21, ix. 3 ; Deut. ii. 34, iii. 6 ; Judg. vii. 8 ;
2 Sam. vi. 1 ; Ezek. xxvii. 5 ; Eccles. xii. 14 ; Esth. ii. 3.1 (c)
With "»nK another, Jer. xvi. 13. (d) With ^ one, Num. xvi.
15 ; 1 Sam. ix. 3, xxvi. 20 (similarly, with other numerals
joined to their substantives, Num. vii. 7 f . ; 2 Sam. xv. 16;

1 Kings vi. 16 ; according to § 287*). (e) When the singular
stands for the whole species; as, B^N a man, any person, every-
body, Ex. xxi. 28; cf. similar cases in Lev. vii. 8, xx. 14;

2 Sam. iv. 11. (/) With the participle, in the sense of he
who, as in Ezek. ii. 2. Lastly, (g) with a common noun
which has not the article, either, 1st, because the latter, in
accordance with poetic usage, is not considered necessary; asy
^r^ the weary one, Isa. 1. 4, xli. 7 ; Job xiii. 2 5 ; 2 Sam. v.
24 (prophetic address); Ezek. xiii. 20; Eccles. vii. 7; or, 2d,
because it [viz. the article] is not employed in prose either, as
1 Sam. xxiv. 6, where *|J3 is merely a shorter expression for
TtySn *|J3, cf. ver. 5, 2 Sam. xviii. 18, where 1B>*K at once intro-
duces the more exact specification. Thus it is only through
the use of this JIN that it becomes always evident when a word,
though without the article, has the meaning of one which is
more definite, — as if the mode in which the article is related
to the noun had become fixed at an earlier period in the
history of the language, while the use of n«, so far as it falls
to be considered here, is the most recent as well as living
and flexible element in the language as it now remains
to us.

Moreover, riK is found more frequently with the nearer com-
pletions [of the predicate, i.e. its objects] than with the more
remote (Gen. xvii. 11, 14, 25, cf. ver. 24), and never with ad-
verbs or adverbial expressions ; rarely even with specifications
of time, Ex. xiii. 7, Deut. ix. 25, and with indications of motion
to a place, Judg. xix. 18. Finally, it is to be borne in mind
that these remarks especially apply only to prose in its more
fully expressed form, the particle being much more rarely used
in poetry : and as, even in prose, it may be used in one case
and omitted in another, Gen. xvii. 11, 25, cf. 24, so the form
of expression may vary, in accordance with the change in the

1 In Armenian, zok, any one [accus.], Eznik iv. 1, is precisely similar.

38 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, § 277.

members of the sentence, Lev. xix. 27. But even before
proper names also, DN is frequently omitted, especially in
earlier times, and in poetic language ; thus, it nowhere occurs
in the song, Ex. xv., nor in the songs of Deborah, Judg. v.,
nor Ps. vii. 18, Ixvi. 8, Ixviii. 27, ciii. 21 f., and (if the reading
be correct) Judg. viii. 33.

It is very remarkable that Hebrew gradually begins, by
means of riN, to subordinate, as an accusative in the sentence,
every noun concerning which something new is to be stated,
without being decidedly set down as the subject; in such a
case it signifies as regards . . . (Lat. quoad),1 and approaches
in its use to that of ?, as described § 3 10 a. Thus, it is
employed in a transition to something new, Ezek. vi. 9&,
xvii. 21, xliv. 3 ; Isa. Ivii. 15 ; Neh. ix. 19 ; when a thought
is briefly added, Judg. xx. 44, 46 ; Ezek. xiv. 22 ; Jer. xlv. 4 ;
[692] 2 Sam. xxi. 2 2 ;2 at a complete break in the sentence, so
that 1 resumptive (§ 348a) is afterwards required, Jer. xxiii. 33 ;
Isa. Ivii. 12. Similarly, fitf begins to be employed in Hebrew,
instead of some more specific preposition, for indicating
generally any casus obliquus, Ezek. xxxvii. 19, xliii. 17;
Zech. xii. 10; Jer. xxxviii. 16, Kethib, 1 Kings vi. 5 (with
S'QD around, cf. § 292cT); especially after \ copulative, before
a circumstantial clause (§ 341a), which thereby becomes more
distinctly subordinate, Jer. xxxvi. 22 ; 2 Kings vi. 5 ; or else
after a copulative \ which merely appends something following,
to show it is less independent than what precedes,3 Num.
iii. 26; Josh. xvii. 11 ; 1 Kings xi. 25; 1 Sam. xvii. 34,
xxvi. 16; Jer. xxvii. 8; Ezek. xx. 16; 2 Chron. xxxi. 17;
cf. ver. 1 6 ; Neh. ix. 34. In the sentence TIK^ tKfc n^^aiSS 'a
for, all this (accus.) it is that I hate I Zech. viii. 1 7, the active
verb at the end preponderates; and similarly, Deut. xi. 2,

1 Similarly, fix is used to mean as regards, in making further sub-
divisions and explanations, Mishna, Berachoth, iii. 1.

2 We may, of course, in this passage also read n^ instead of V&> (see
§ 205) ; at least, the reading has been changed in 1 Chron. xx 8.

3 As the accusative may be used in Arabic after ^ and, when it means
together with, Ewald's Gram. Arab. § 564. But the reading in Gen. xlix. 25
is probably incorrect; see History of Israel, i. 409 [Eng. transl.]. Hence,
in the case of this riNl, we cannot regard it as a preposition, § 217/i, as if
it properly meant and with.

NOUNS AS DEFINITE OK INDEFINITE. 39

N fc& is an abrupt form of address, not your children
(I mean); cf. § 363c.

But this particle can never indicate the nominative ; how-
ever, the general meaning of the discourse alone often elicits
the accusative, since the active form of construction always
intrudes itself as the most natural; as, fttfrrriK |rp detur ( = dan-
dum est, let them give) terram, Num. xxxii. 5 (see § 2956);
also, in such forms of expression as "tinrrnK T^ya #1T*$ let
it not le evil in thine eyes, i.e. look not on this thing as evil,
2 Sam. xi. 25 ; 1 Sam. xx. 13 ; Josh. xxii. 17 ; Neh. ix. 32.1

e. The Aramaic avails itself, to a more limited extent, of the
preposition ?, in nearly the same cases in which the Hebrew
employs this DX to designate the accusative, thus using the
dative also for the stronger accusative ; in this, both languages
but evince a true philological instinct when they employ
their different means for the same end. This use of p2 is also
found here and there in some Aramaizing writers, Ps. Ixix. 6,
cxvi. 16, cxxix. 3 ; Jer. xl. 2 ; Lam. iii. 51, iv. 5 ; 1 Chron.
v. 26, xvi. 37, xxix. 20, 22 ; 2 Chron. v. 11, xxiv. 12 (where,
as is seen from the arrangement of the members, [693] it is
interchanged with the unmarked accusative), xxv. 10; Ezra
viii. 24; Neh. ix. 37; Dan. xi. 38 (twice).3

278a. The absence of the article from a noun which is
capable of receiving it, sufficiently expresses of itself that
the word is meant to be individualized, or to be taken
indefinitely; as, B*K a man; hence, even Byjp (§ 299c) in such
a connection may have the force of an adjective ; as, bJB? in pa

1 That the later instances must be regarded in this light becomes the
more certain when we compare the very similar case with •>•) riTI (see
§ 295d). However, the result attained through all this is, that DS never
becomes wholly unfaithful to its meaning, and never absolutely indicates
the nominative. This, of course, would be the case in 2 Kings xviii. 30,
but the correct reading here is given in Isa. xxxvi. 15. In Dan. ix. 13,
also, ?3~riK is perhaps to be taken in more of a subordinate way.

2 [An excellent treatise on this particle has lately been published by Dr.
Fried. Giesebrecht (Die hebrciische Praposition Lamed, Halle 1876). For a
fuller discussion of the point mentioned in the text, see p. 79 ff. of the
monograph.]

3 But DDftta 1 Sam. xxii. 7, probably means each one of you, according
to the signification of ^ given at p. 559 ; and as to Ezek. xxvi. 3, cf. the
note made on the passage [in Ewald's Commentary].

40 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 278.

letween great and little, Num. xxvi. 56. Consequently, the
indefinite plural also may contain the idea of some ; as, &W YW
after some days, Gen. iv. 3 ; 1 Kings xvii. 7 ; tW w a suckling
of some days, Isa. Ixv. 20, cf. Ps. xxxix. 6 ; Dan. xi. 8, 13, 33.
This seems a possible rendering even in the case of proper
names; as, B^V some Hebrews, 1 Sam. xiii. 7, xxiii. 19.

Earely, and mostly in other books than the Pentateuch, is
"intf one, employed for this purpose, as in modern languages.
First, it is placed in construction with the plural ; as, ni?aiH nnK
one of the foolish women, a foolish woman, Job ii. 10; then it
is placed after the noun, as an adjective, iriN B^K a man,
Judg. xiii. 2 ; still more rarely is this word applied to things ;
as, in*? i>D a basket, Ex. xxix. 3 ; Gen. xxii. 13 (reading inK) ;
in one instance it is prefixed, as in Aramaic, Dan. viii. 13.
When men are spoken of, this idea may also be expressed by
the addition of t^K one, ^BOK some, or even by the insertion of
such a word in a series, 1 Sam. xxxi. 3.

Generally, it is to be observed that the Hebrew, especially
in the condensed language of poetry, has great liberty in the
way of making every singular indefinite; as, YW 3h a multi-
tude of counsellors], Prov. xi. 14, xxiv. 6, so that, in our
modern languages, we must at least put the indefinite plural
for it, Job xxvii. 16; Ps. xii. 2 ; and even in the Hebrew itself,
the plural is readily interchanged with it, as,^ and &^^p
kings, Prov. xvi. 10, 12-15; b^n one slain, and O^n your
slain ones, Ezek. vi. 4, 7, xi. 6. (Cf. an important conse-
quence arising from this, § 319a.) But the short singular is
particularly convenient in the case of designations for whole
classes; as, vjl B^K, according to § 164a, almost our infantry,
^n B*K man of war, soldier, which, in 1 Chron. xxvi. 8, actually
stands in the predicate for the plural; cf. vers. 7, 9, "lira
young man, i.e. choice soldiers (see § 290/).

b. The indefinite meaning, however, also attaches itself
especially to some nouns which are most frequently put in-
tentionally in this short form ; thus, W word (thing), which
exactly expresses our something; cf. § 286/ Such a word,
also, may again assume different shades of meaning, varying
with the particular passages in which it occurs ; B^K, used
without special force, is very often our [indefinite] man, one
[a person; Ger. man, einer; Fr. on], Prov. xii. 14, xiii 2;

NOUNS AS DEFINITE OR INDEFINITE. 41

Job xii. 14 ; but when it must also indicate antithesis or
emphasis, like [694] our one, in the sense of every one, it is put
more strongly, appears as the subject, Ex. xvi. 19, and, instead
of becoming subordinate, rather presents an abrupt construc-
tion; as, every one his half, i.e. the half of every one, Gen.
xv. 10, ix. 5 (from the hand of every ones brother), Job i. 4 ;
cf. Gen. xlii. 25, xlix. 28 ; Num. xvii. 17, xxvi. 54; 1 Sam.
ii. 33 ; Ezek. xxii. 6, and the cases cited in § 301&.

c. It is shown in §§ 282a and 294c how the preposition
p can, in various ways, be used in a sentence to mark what
is indefinite ; but it is to be observed that it also thrusts itself
in before similar particles (according to § 2*70&) merely for
the purpose of particularizing the idea as strongly as possible ;
as, fep all whatever, Gen. vii. 22, ix. 10, xvii. 12, Cant. iii. 6 j1
inso any one whatever, Deut. xv. 7; Ezek. xviii. 10. More-
over, in later usage, by combining fiVp the end (the sum) with
IP, especial prominence is assigned to the idea of the individual
in contrast with the multitude, so that B£¥ip£, in anv Part °f
the sentence, may mean some, Dan. i. 2, 5, 15, 18 ; cf. how HVi^p
is interchanged with IP in the same expression, Neh. vii. 1 0 •;
Ezraii. 68. Cf. also rngtfp, 1 Sam. xiv. 45 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 11.
Independent sentences of the kind may next be formed by
the further addition of & there is (or are) . . .; as, ^rtop B^
fltaBOJ there are of our daughters enslaved, i.e. some of our
daughters have been enslaved, Neh. v. 5. But if distinction is
to be drawn between the different parts of whole, which has
been already mentioned, it is sufficient to refer to these by
using }£ combined with a suffix ; as, Q^? . . . Drift they partly
. . . partly (properly, some of them, and others of them) ; so
much does IP, especially in Aramaizing language, in itself express
the idea of partition.

d. Finally, another inducement for leaving a substantive
undefined consists in the fact that, combined with a verb, it
merely presents a compound verbal idea ; hence it gives up, as
much as possible, its noun-form, and consequently also the
article, attaching itself as closely as it can to its verb. Just
for this reason the construction is met with only in certain

1 Just like j£ ^«, which, according to Suia xxx. 58, may also be used
in other than negative propositions.

42 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 279.

current phrases, and these more belonging to a later than an
earlier period of the language: we see below (§ 2 8 3d) that Ufa n^y
to destroy, and nia occur very seldom, except in this expression,
especially in prose ; similar expressions are TSi £13 to 0w one

in hand, i.e. give him over, deliver him up, 1 Sam. xxvi. 23,
2 Chron. xxv. 20, and its contrary "JJ? n>P, 1 Kings xx. 42 ;

"P fl?J £0 #we a A<mc£, *.e. bind oneself in an engagement to
another, 2 Chron. xxx. 8, and its opposite *)"$ lOJ #we nec&, £e.
turn stubbornly away, flee, 2 Chron. xxix. 6, cf. Ps. xviii. 41 ;
T onn raise hand, i.e. rebel, 1 Kings xi. 2 6 f., like the more
poetic [695] PJ? K&5 lift horn, which has the same meaning,
Zech. ii. 4. To the same class belong the phrases J? 7V D^
like our to lay to heart, Jer. xii. 11, Mai. ii. 2 ; QWp ii? h&w he
asked him after (his) health, 2 Sam. viii. 1 0, where & (according
to § 292) must be regarded as a circumlocution for the genitive.
With regard to the similar construction "i^J 1^'n or "W njy fo
return word, reply, Num. xxii. 8, 2 Sam. xxiv. 13, 1 Kings xiL
6, 9, 16, 2 Kings xxii. 9, 20, Neh. ii. 20, see § 283d

FIRST KIND OF WORD-GROUPS.
The Verb with its Sphere of free Subordination.

2*79$. The verb occupies such an important and prominent
position in the sentence (see § 277), and has such a weight of
meaning connected with it, that, in most propositions, it seems
like a foundation-stone round which are placed many others
which depend on it. It may subordinate to itself one or
several nouns, or even another verb ; but every word which it
governs it subordinates, not directly and strictly (i.e. as in the
case of the construct state), but only indirectly and freely,
inasmuch as it is in itself so independent and so self-contained
as a member of the sentence. Hence the subordinated word
takes the form of the accusative whenever this is indicated
by an outward sign (see §§ 203-206) ; but where this case is
not shown by any external mark, the subordination is indicated
merely by the whole sense as given in the context. Even the
prepositions are, in themselves (see § 204& [and p. 28, note]),
words of this kind, placed in the accusative ; but since (see
§ 217 ff.) they indicate the relations of a noun in the proposition

THE VERB WITH THE ACCUSATIVE. 43

more exactly than an ordinary noun which is simply put in the
accusative, much depends in this, as in other similar cases of
word-grouping, on the way in which the verb subordinates a
word, — whether [directly] by means of the simple accusative,
or [mediately] by prepositions.

Since the participle and (though more remotely) the adjective
also, are derived from the verb, similar phenomena appear in
them ; even the participle, however, may easily be construed
in the proposition more as a noun than as a verb (see § 292c).
How far the infinitive is construed more as a verb> or more as
a noun, is further discussed in § 305.

The Verb with the Accusative and with Prepositions.

The ordinary accusative forms the proper completion and
extension of the verb (§§ 204-6 [and p. 34, note]), though, of
course, in different ways ; and all these modes may happen to
present themselves together in one sentence, and round the
same verb. In the Hebrew, this combination of a verb with a
noun, subordinated to it in all its possible modes (according to
§ 203&), is more generally employed than in the Indo-Germanic,
and especially to a much greater extent than in our modern
languages ; but since, in the case of many ideas, prepositions
may be employed almost equally well (see § 217 [Gr. § 272,
2]), we must here show [696] how the prepositions creep into
the shorter construction with the mere accusative, and which
of them, in particular, most readily interchange their construc-
tion with that of the simple accusative.

I. When the idea contained in the verb is to be defined in the
most general way, as to its relation, or as to its way and manner,
the mere accusative, without the addition of a special prepo-
sition, is for the most part sufficient in Hebrew. Thus —

1. An adjective may be subordinated to the verb ; but, along
with this subordination, (a) there may be combined a reference of
the whole to the sulject; as, DOJ Dti* he flees naked} Amos ii. 16,
and in a subordinate clause (§ 284#), lie sees the moon moving

1 In Latin, since the reference, in such cases, is wholly to the subject,
the nominative may be used [nudusfugit] ; whereas the Arabic shows that,
in the Semitic languages, it is really the accusative which is employed.
Yet it is to be observed that, while the Hebrew does not, for the most part

44 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 279.

^glorious, Job xxxi. 26, cf. Gen. xxxiii. 18 (where we see
that the same construction may be found in prose also); Ps.
xv. 2 ; Prov. xxiv. 15 ; or (b) the adjective may be more inti-
mately connected with the mere predication in the verb, in
such a way that, in Latin, an adverb could be used; as, rm ID to
weep litter, i.e. bitterly, Isa. xxxiii. 7, Lat. amare Here; $?ft *OjJ
to call full, i.e. aloud, Jer. xii. 6 ; hence an adjective may also
stand along with another, as if it were subordinated to it alone ;
as, tfta Vl\ quite dry, !N"ah. i. 10. In the latter of these two
cases, the adjective may quite as readily be used in the
feminine, i.e. the neuter ; as, rno pjft to cry Utterly, Ezek.
xxvii. 30; 3*1 or VIW T\y\ to be very full, Ps. cxxiii. 3 f. ; or,
if it is intended to describe an action which may possibly
make itself perceived in many different ways, the fern, plural
may also be used instead in poetry, fliN??? D^jinn to thunder
wondrously, Job xxxvii. 5 ; cf. Dan. viii. 24 and Ps. Ixv. 6
(cf. § 2046 [Ges. § 100, 2c ; Gr. § 235, 2 (3)]).

2. A substantive may be subordinated ; and in such a case
it is almost always indefinite, i.e. without the article, because
it is intended to specify merely the way and manner. But
this, again, may be done in many ways : —

(a) For the purpose of more closely specifying the extent,
amount, or duration, when a verb of similar meaning is em-
ployed : as, the water rose fifteen cubits, Gen. vii. 2 0 ; he lived a
hundred and thirty years, Gen. v. 3 ; cf. especially, 2 Sam. xiv.
26 ; the city that goes out [to war] *|?K a thousand, i.e. a thou-
sand men strong, Amos v. 3. In the same way we can say,
he has served thee for the double hire of a hireling, i.e. as if,
instead of him, thou hadst been obliged to keep two hirelings,
Deut. xv. 18; also, when the verb, on account of the connec-
tion, takes [697] the participial form ; as, nretsn DVinn that which
was sealed in accordance with the (well-known legal) require-
ments, Jer. xxxii. 11.

c. (b) Every single substantive may, certainly, be subordi-
nated to a verb, for the purpose of more exactly specifying the
manner, provided there be no restriction arising from the essen-
tial meaning of each: this, however, holds good in its fullest

(like the Arabic), affix an external mark to the accusative, it allows the
latter, especially in poetry, a much wider choice of position than the
Arabic does.

THE VERB WITH THE ACCUSATIVE. 45

extent only in Arabic ; in Hebrew, greater restrictions exist.
For (1) it is only certain verbs which have retained this power
in a special degree ; thus, ?jpn to go, may be combined with
noh (altitudinem) erect, Mic. ii. 3 ; rrin^ lowed down, Isa. Ix. 14;
nlnj?B with pleasure, confidence, 1 Sam. xv. 3 2 ; *at? captive (also
more definitely, by employing a preposition, ^$3, in captivity)-,
•Hp against (also '"ipa, Lat. occursu); *BB* gm'te alone.1 However,
(2) it is only certain substantives, at least in prose, which are
subordinated in this way whenever the sense demands it ; and
these, moreover, have usually been preserved only through this
use of them in the language as adverbs ; thus, IKE very (which,
however, is still combined with 3 in the expression "IK» 1NJD3
very much, § 3225); n&a securely, Judg. viii. 11 (though this,
according to § 2 1 7YZ, and more in harmony with Hebrew usage,
is also written nipaj, like nyj? or, more shortly, n¥J for ever] ;
Byp little. Others appear only in the transition- state ; as, n3^£
or ri£K ytrm, faithful, sure, Ex. xvii. 12; cf. Ps. xxxvii. 3, cxix.
75, Jer. xxiii. 28, Dife well (according to § 296d) ; cf. on the
whole subject, § 204&. But poets use more freedom here, and
briefly subordinate, in this way, many substantives which are
never so employed in prose ; thus, "ipB? to the lie, i.e. in vain,
1 Sam. xxv. 21, they at once shorten into "i£B>, Ps. cxix. 78, and
in the same sense ??n vainly, Job xxi. 34 ; similarly, Dfao high
(properly, to the height), Ps. Ivi. 3, cf. xcii. 9 ; also, construc-
tions such as, T'y spm to step forth with pride, Judg. v. 21;
nznj nsnx / love them with willingness = readily, Hos. xiv. 5,
xii, 15; Jer. xxxi. 7; cf. § 283. (3) Only seldom do they
venture so far as to subordinate the instrument to the verb, in
a passive construction ; as, ann fetfri ye shall le destroyed ~by the
sword, Isa. i. 20 ; Prov. xix. 23 ; of course, the construct state
may very well be employed, ann bltt destroyed ly sword (see
§ 288). To the same category, strictly speaking, belongs the
old sacred mode of expression found in Isa. i. 12, Ex. xxiii. 15,
etc., njrp "OB n^ro Jie appeared before Jehovah (properly, he was
seen by the face of God), which people in earlier times pre-
ferred to say, instead of " he saw the face of God."2 [698]
(4) Lastly, an indefinite plural may also be subordinated to a

1 See the Jahrbiicher der bibl Wiss. x. pp. 46-49.

2 It is true that the mere preposition ^, which is employed, in other
cases, of men before whom one appears (Lev. xiii. 19 ; 1 Kings xviii. 1),

46 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 279.

verb ; as, the Ammeans went out D^ria by lands, i.e. in bands,
2 Kings v. 2 ; and in poetic language, she sinks Z^*v>2 ly
wonders, i.e. as it were, in many a wonderful way, Lam. i. 9.

d. (c) By means of an amplifying substantive in the accusa-
tive, even whole combinations of words, of moderate extent,
may be subordinated to the predicate, in order to specify it
more closely, as soon as an internal connection can be estab-
lished between their meanings; in our [modern] languages,
such combinations are subordinated by means of a more definite
oblique case, or by means of a preposition. Thus, to speak, cry,
weep Hl3 %"> with a loud voice (Ger. starker Stimme), i.e. aloud,
1 Kings viii. 55, Deut. v. 19 ; they gathered themselves together
"iriN ns> with one mouth (Ger. eines Mundes), i.e. unanimously,
Josh. ix. 2, Zeph. iii. 9, Ps. Ixxxiii. 6 ; he who works nj£~] ?]3
with a slack hand (Ger. trdger Hand), i.e. sluggishly, Prov. x. 4,
vi. 12 ; cf. 2 Sam. xxiii. 3. A whole substantive-clause, even,
of small extent, or a circumstantial clause, may be subordinated
in the same way ; as, / have seen God B'OSr^x D^a face to face, i.e.
as near as it is possible, visibly, Gen. xxxii. 3 1 ; Ex. xxxiii. 1 1 ;
cf. further, §§ 341, 288. In particular, the kind of dress is
briefly indicated in this way, Prov. vii. 1 0 ; the style of sculp-
ture, Ps. cxliv. 12, Deut. iv. 16-18, 23, 25; the manner of
arranging genealogical lists, Neh. xii. 22f., and similar arts
or occupations in life ; also the nature of a custom, Ps. cxxii. 4.
An abrupt, half-explanatory clause of this kind may likewise
be introduced by \ and, as in Isa. xxx. 27 C^V).

A very similar construction is presented when the completion
[of the predicate] refers more to the subject ; as, ye shall be left
ispp sriD (as) few people, Deut. iv. 27; Jerusalem shall be in-
habited rriPQ (like) villages, i.e. in the manner of villages, Zech.
ii. 8. Cf. many similar examples in Job xvi. 9, xviii. 13,
xxiv. 5, xxxiv. 20 ; Jer. xxxi. 8, xxxvii. 1, xxiii. 5 ; also the
case in Gen. xv. 16.

e. The more, however, all such expressions, in Hebrew and
Arabic, attach themselves to the sentence without any external
mark of the accusative, the more easily do feminines at least,

used interchangeably with this ips ; but it does not therefore follow that,
in this ancient mode of expression, \j£) merely stands for *jjg£ before ; cf.
Jdhrliicher der bibl. Wiss. xi. p. 42 f.

THE VERB FOLLOWED BY THE INFINITIVE. 47

and especially adjectives which are essentially necessary for the
completion [of the predicate], assume the construct form, as if
in relation to the whole sentence ; this takes place, first of all,
in the current of the discourse, and hence also before the verb,
but it may even occur at the end of the sentence ; thus, nni
enough, very, Ps. Ixv. 10, cxx. 6 ; HND a hundred times, Eccles.
viii. 12 (see §§ 2046, 2696 [Ges. § 100, 2c; Gr. § 235, 3 (3)]).
280$. 3. The most remarkable fact, however, in connection
with this subject is, that the infinitive also is very often used
in this way for further explanation of the nature of the chief
action in the sentence. And there is nothing in the nature
of the current [i.e. the construct, see § 237a] infinitive to
prevent its being employed in this way; as, he who rules
D<l'?% n*?T., so that he fears God, in the ancient psalm, 2 Sam.
xxiii. 3 : this use of the bare infinitive, however (see § d),
has become very rare. Here, the widest use is rather made
of the infinitive absolute (see § 240), which, accordingly, at
least in this case, must be viewed as subordinated to the
sentence in the accusative : its meaning, in such a connection,
[699] can scarcely be rendered more fitly than by the Latin
gerund in -do (or the comitative of the Sanskrit infinitive in
-tvd), or more briefly among ourselves [in German and Eng-
lish] than by the participle ; the Semitic tongues, on the other
hand, make very little use of their active participle in such
modifications of the verbal idea. In this way, the further
explanation may even be followed by the absolute infinitive of
the same verb ;* as, we destroyed them . . . (after several words)
Binp destroying (so that we destroyed) every inhabited city, etc.,
Deut. iii. 6. A new verb may also be subordinated thus in
the infinitive absolute ; as, God shall smite them . . . (after a
break), Kisri] ^5 smiting and healing, i.e. so that He also heals
them again, Isa. xix. 22, vii. 11 ; Jer. xii. 17 ; 1 Kings xx. 37 :
on passages like Isa. xxxi. 5, cf. § 350a. Or there is added,
for further explanation, a different verb, or even two ; as, they
slandered me ... P^n gnashing against me with their teeth, Ps.
xxxv. 1 5 f. ; / will accomplish it, n^JI pnn beginning and ending,
i.e. fully, from beginning to end, 1 Sam. iii. 12; 2 Sam.
viii. 2 ; Gen. xxi. 16, xxx. 32 ; Ex. xxx. 36, xxxiii. 7 ; Deut.
jx. 21, xx vii. 8; Isa. xxx. 14; Jer. xxii. 19; Hab. iii. 13 ;
1 [See note at foot of next page.]

48 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 280.

Ze>jh. vii. 3 (Mai. ii. 16) ; in particular, nann to do much, and
3trn to do well, are very often placed in this way after a verb,
even an infinitive absolute, Neh. iii. 33. See further, § c and
§ 351c; cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 40, 134.

This whole construction assumes its strongest form
when, strictly speaking, another subject is assumed for
the subordinated infinitive absolute; as, he is buried
3inp in such a way that they drag him about (Ger.
sodass man ihn schleppt), Jer. xxii. 1 9 ; in the same way
also are explained the words in Jer. xxxi. 2 (7j6n so that
[other] people went). It is difficult, however, to prove
from Ezek. i. 14 that such infinitives absolute may be
placed after a subject simply for the purpose of indicating
an accessory circumstance.

I. When, however, the same verb is immediately repeated in
the infinitive absolute, and this in such a way that both words
are more closely connected so as to form one complete idea,
this peculiarly Hebraistic construction marks, in a picturesque
fashion, the constant progress, or else the complete, indubitable
existence of the action.1 Hence, according to the difference of
its connection with the rest of the sentence, it may signify
completely, utterly, continually, indubitably ; as, WW WQP listen
— listen, i.e. listen attentively, Job xiii. 17, xxi. 2, xxxvii. 2 ;
or listen continually, Isa. vi. 9 ; 'SJvn ^?n he is gone, gone, i.e.
quite gone, 2 Sam. iii. 24 ; n'^y DJ ^JJK up also will I assuredly
bring thee (not merely down), Gen. xlvi. 4, xix. 9, xxxi. 15 ;
Num. xi. 15, 32, xvi. 13, xxiii. 11, xxiv. 10 ; Josh. xxiv. 10,
vii. 7; Judg. v. 23 ; 2 Kings v. 11 ; Jer. vi. 29, xxii. 10,
xxiii. 17 ; Zech. viii. 21 ; Dan. xi. 10. Moreover, especially
when a verb of motion is used, another verb may be added on,
in this way, by means of } ; as, 3i^J N5T K£ he went repeatedly
out and in ; nbM Tp^n Tjpn he [700] went on, weeping, Gen. viii. 7 ;
Josh. vi. 13; Judg. xiv. 9; 1 Sam. vi. 12 ; 2 Sam. iii. 16,
v. 10 (1 Chron. xi. 9) ; 2 Sam. xv. 30, xvi. 5, 13 ; 2 Kings
ii. 11 (Joel ii. 26, without a verb of motion). In this con-

1 [A short but valuable paper on this subject has been written by A.
Rieder (Die Verbmdung des Infinitivus absolutus mil dem Verbum desselben
Stammes im Hebrciischen, Leipzig 1872), who cites and classifies all the
instances which occur in the Old Testament. See also Nagelsbach, Hebra-
ische Grammatik, § 92 ff.]

THE VERB FOLLOWED BY THE INFINITIVE. 49

struction, ^fj to go, often expresses merely the constant growth,
increase of a thing ; as, ty] spn ffw and he gradually became
greater and greater, Gen. xxvi. 13; Judg. iv. 24. Lastly,
many infinitives of this kind may be inserted with almost an
adverbial sense ; by this means the expression is but still further
polished and modified, as, 3wh ^pn ^;i, and they gradually
returned, Gen. viii. 3, xii. 9 ; nwi D3B>n W?tp I sent ever
earnestly (lit. early), Jer. vii. 13, xxix. 19.1

The leading verb may also be repeated in the participial
form (e.g. from t£n) when it stands too far off, near the begin-
ning, as in Jer. xli. 6 ; this construction, of course, shows that
the participle (which may always be used in German [and
English] in a case like this) is closely allied in meaning with
such an absolute infinitive, as an expression indicative of
duration. The last verb, certainly, may also fall back into the
indicative mood instead of the infinitive, Josh. vi. 1 3, 2 Sam.
xvi. 1 3 ; but, on the other hand, the participle of the verb
placed at the head of the sentence may be continued in that
form, ver. 5, Jer. xli. 6, and may even be used instead of the
first infinitive, 2 Sam. xv. 3 0 ; the second verb also may be put
in the participial form, Gen. xxvi. 13; Judg. iv. 24 (where
5n* and riBJjj are intransitive participles). Finally, we have to
call attention to the abbreviation of the expression which is
effected by the employment of the substantive verb, as, spn vn
"ibrn they gradually decreased, Gen. viii. 5 ; a similar result is
obtained when the participle is combined with rvn (see § 168c).
On the other hand, the simple expression 7tiy\ fftin, in the
sense of he became greater and greater, occurs only in Esth.
ix. 4 ; 2 Chron. xvii. 1 2.

c. This explains how some absolute infinitives have come
to be employed as loosely construed adverbs : ro«? £?.¥•? to walk
humbly with God, Mic. vi. 8 ; "inp quickly, Josh. ii. 5 (but
still also used in other places as a finite verb, e.g. 1 Sam.
xvii. 48) ; "inin more, Ex. xxxvi. 7 ; BSBV? (lit. to rise up early,
hence) diligently ; 3B*n well, very, ^i?an wonderfully ; 2 Chron.
ii. 8 ; all of these words, however, are almost exclusively to be
combined with verbs. But, just as all those words which have
been reduced to the condition of indeclinable adjectives or

1 Similarly, Acts xiii. 45 : dvrt'hsyQv . . . a^-nAgyoms x,»i
according to Cod. D.

D

50 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 2so.

adverbs (§ 110&) may again be employed in the sentence in a
somewhat more inflected form, so is it also with some of these
infinitives (§ 2400) : in particular, nann much, is even joined
with nouns; as, nsnn D'yy many logs, Isa. xxx. 33. Hence
it is not surprising that this word, in such a connection,
should again revert to the form of the infinitive construct
rriznn, since this is more closely allied to the noun than the
infinitive [701] absolute, and is placed, too, "before the sub-
stantive, as in an actual case of the construct state, Amos iv. 9,
though it is also placed after the noun, Prov. xxv. 2 7.1 Of.
§§ 294a, 296d

d. It is further to be observed, however, in this connection,
that the infinitive construct, also, with ? (according to § 237)
may serve as a means of briefly, yet comprehensively, sub-
ordinating an action in a sentence ; in such a case, the turn
in the expression for the most part corresponds to our so that,
that, although the meaning may also be fitly rendered by the
Lat. gerund in -ndo, or by our active participle. The differ-
ence between this infinitive with p and the infinitive absolute
which we have mentioned is almost always this, that the
former maintains a much more free position in the sentence,
while the latter, both by its nature and by its position,
keeps more closely to the finite verb, — the latter is more of an
inflexible, the former more of a plastic word in the sentence.
Hence an infinitive, which throughout refuses to enter into
close relations with another verb, attaches itself to p ; as the
oft-used "fo*v? to say (§ 245&), i.e. so that he says (or said, or
even thought, as in Ex. v. 19), an expression which always
refers to words immediately to be quoted.2 On the other
hand, such an infinitive with ^ can never be used for the
infinitive absolute in the important cases specified in § I.
We must not, however, fail to notice that the infinitive with

1 It would be strange if rna"l stood for this form in Dan. xi. 41, being
construed as subject, with a verb in the plural, and Piel being used instead
of Hiphil ; but the word is rather to be understood in accordance with what
is stated in § 177/, note [i.e. frisn is to be regarded as plur. masc., from an,
like Dins fathers, from ajj],

2 The Sanskrit iti exactly corresponds in sense to this. As that word is
placed after the noun which is to be made prominent, or the expression
which is to be regarded as a quotation, so also is our IBK£ placed afterwards,

THE VERB WITH COGNATE ACCUSATIVE. 51

^ comes gradually into more frequent use as a means of sub-
ordinating a verb which is itself imperfectly inflected, and
describes merely secondary circumstances ; hence it is even
found where the infinitive absolute might be employed with
greater force and brevity ; as, they tempted God ?NBv [by] asking
food, Ps. Ixxviii. 18, Ixiii. 3, ci. 8, civ. 14f., cxi. 6; Neh.
xiii. 18 ; 1 Chron. xv. 16 ; 1 Sam. xx. 20, 36. Specially
deserving of notice are expressions such as, they were like
gazelles "in»^ fcstinando (in speeding), 1 Chron. xii. 8, Prov.
xxvi. 2 ; Vtwb n^y he acted so that he wrought a wonder, i.e.
wonderfully, Joel ii. 26. And, that the explanation of the
leading idea in a discourse may be carried on in this way by
means of many subordinate verbs, is shown by such cases as
Jer. xliv. 7 f . Cf. also § 3510.

2 8 la. The connection becomes somewhat closer when the
accusative expresses what is contained in the verbal idea, in
such a way that [702] the general relation, showing vitality,
becomes more definite, and, as it were, glides smoothly over
into the particular. Hence, in this case, as in all the succeed-
ing applications of the accusative, which follow in ascending
series, it is never anything else than a substantive which the
verb subordinates ; this noun, too, may always be at once
made definite. To be specific, this takes place —

1. Most naturally and simply when the idea contained in
the verb is defined and explained ~by itself, i.e. by means of its
own [cognate] substantive, as TroKefiov iroXe/jLelv. By this means
the idea contained in the verb may simply revert on itself, —
may be contained in and complete within itself ; as, "^ "^ to
speak a word [Ger. Reden reden] (which, in a different context,
and with a different use of the expression, may also signify
to do nothing but speak, and not act, verba dare, Hos. x. 4 ;
Isa. Iviii. 13) ; rijrn JT?J to know (i.e. to possess) knowledge, Prov.

in Phoenician (cf. Ewald's treatise, entitled Die sidonische Inschriften, i. 24),
and the particle J>Q-^ lam, which is abbreviated from it, is placed after the
proper name (as in Lagarde's Analecta, p. 176, 24), or the expression
quoted. This is the most correct derivation of 2>Q^ ; it does not come
from iDWpf>» which has now become the usual form of the infinitive in
Aramaic, but from the older form. In another Aramaic dialect there was
used for this KD33» which is contracted from "1DW3 as we say. Cf. also on
Jonah iii. 7.

52 EW AID'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 281.

xvii. 27 ; cf. a similar construction in Jer. xxiii. 20 ; *]¥£ *]VI?
he has been angry, with anger, i.e. as we may say, he, has been so
angry! when one could state something further, but does not
feel inclined to do so just then, Zech. i. 2. If such an accusa-
tive precede its verb, then, though the context may show that
special emphasis is to be laid upon the idea presented in the
verb, as, ^?nn /on vanitatem vani estis, ye are utterly vain,
Job xxvii. 12,1 yet the construction formed by means of the
absolute infinitive (see § 312) is more frequently employed,
and more appropriate for this purpose. Such a verb, together
with its substantive, is frequently but a somewhat forcible
expression for the weakened have, so often used in modern
languages, but which is unknown in this sense to the more
ancient tongues ; as, BvH dpn to dream (i.e. to have) a dream,
and in the pi. nto?n Epn to dream (i.e. to have) dreams. For
the most part, however, it is only the idea of the particular to
which this stronger prominence is assigned : such an accusative
may be subordinated (a) simply by itself ; as, "O^ "^ t° speak
one word (no more than one), Job ii. 13, 2 Sam. vii. 7, Isa. v. 6,
viii. 10 ; or (&) with the addition of an adjective or pronoun;
as, ?VM "Ol POa to weep a great weeping, i.e. very much ; or (c) as
a noun in the construct state ; as, l^n riCOD 1DJ they fled the flight
of the sword, i.e. as one flees before the sword, Lev. xxvi. 36 ;
Isa. v. 1. In a relative clause, also (see § 331), a connection
may be formed thus with the preceding noun; as, p^ "iKte pton
the straitness (with) which he will straiten (or which he will
cause), Deut. xxviii. 53, Ps. Ixxxix. 51 f. ; and similar to this
are cases such as wn? ^na, / had a trembling, i.e. I trembled
before (or, for) something, and it was the very thing that/e^
on me, Job iii. 25. The more modern languages quite obscure
this simplicity of construction which appears in the more
ancient modes of speech, amidst the manifold forms which,
as has just been shown, they can employ. Moreover, since
the pure verbal idea is simply developed more fully, it
is quite indifferent whether the verb is taken as active,
intransitive, or passive (as Isa. xiv. 2 ; Zech. xiii. 6), and
whether it has one or two other objects, Jer. xxx. 14, Judg.
xv. 8 ; a substantive [703] of similar signification may also
be connected in the same way with a verb, Zech. viii. 2 ;
1 Precisely similar is #*/?* x»tpti, John iii. 29.

THE VEllii WITH THE ACCUSATIVE. *53

Jer. xiv. 1*7, xx. 11, xxx. 14, xxiii. 6; Isa. xxxvii. 6;
Ps. cxxxix. 22.

b. 2. Verbs which describe a circumstance or condition, take
into this direct and immediate connection with themselves the
nouns which specify the completion of the idea they contain.
To this class especially belong verbs which, possessing the idea
of fulness, take an object for the purpose of more distinctly
specifying the contents ; as, &*«?£> %•$ t° ^e faM, or satisfied with
bread, what is good, etc., the opposite "ion, rin to be in want of,
need, fe^ to be bereaved of anything; in all such cases the
simple accusative is sufficient to form the completion, though
we also find, even in these older languages, a beginning made
in the use of 21 in, etc., as a mediating particle, Ps. Ixxxviii. 4,
— a construction which has become predominant in our
modern languages. The verb may also signify a more definite
kind of fulness ; as, to move, swarm, swell, overflow with ;
thus H?* and toj to teem, swarm, Gen. i. 21, ix. 2; the
hills 2?n njapri stream with milk, Joel iv. 18; a similar con-
struction, of a bolder kind, occurs in Num. xxiv. 7 ; the eye
®ft rn*^ runs with water, Lam. i. 1 6 ;2 M to sprout with wisdom,
Prov. x. 31 ; the ground S^TP '^J? rises up (as the optical
delusion makes it appear) with thorns, which always become
higher, more bulky, Isa. v. 6, xxxiv. 13; Prov. xxiv. 31;
*pn and "OP to overflow, pass over, used of anything that is too
full through swelling from within, Hab. i. 11; Jer. v. 2 8 ;
Ps. Ixxiii. 7. And lastly, to the same class also belong verbs
of putting on [clothes], inasmuch as they really express a be-
coming full or covered, and hence also are half-passive ; as, &J?
(BW), and the poetic *lt?y, Ps. Ixv. 14, Ixxiii. 6. Moreover, in
the case of such ideas, what, in the first instance, holds true of
things, may further be extended to persons ; as, my soul (or
desire) ^Njori shall satisfy itself of them (or, on them, viz. the
enemy), Ex.'xv. 9. But if tffo or *&M (cf. § 123&) to be full,
be employed in speaking of a person or thing whose mere

1 [Two special treatises on this particle have recently appeared, one by
Orafenhan (Die Proposition 3 als Bezeichnung des hebrdischen Genitiv,
Eisleben 1870), the other by' "VVandel (De particular Hebraicte 3 indole,
vi, usu, Jena 1875).]

2 Similarly, jilt H^iy "ND^l JliJlB' error in doctrine becomes [grows into]
pride, M. Aboth/iv/lG.

54 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, § 231.

existence fills everything, i.e. of a divine, purely spiritual
nature, then the idea of fulness becomes connected with that
of filling, and hence also with the accusative of that which
is filled (see §§ 282, 2836), with the important difference,
however, that this filling or completion is not of an external
nature, hut is produced merely from an internal fulness ; as 1
(God) H?i?~n? ^s<?? amful1 and I fill the earth, Jer. xxiii. 24;
his glory FjWT^9"JlK fc&B? fills all the earth, Num. xiv. 21 ;
2 Chron. v.'lS £, vii. If. ; Ps. Ixxii. 19 ; cf. Isa. vi. 1. The
same construction of Bfci to put on (as clothing), but with
reference to non-material objects, is found in Job xxix. 14;
Judg. vi. 34.

c. 3. Finally, the accusative offers a brief mode of construc-
tion for pointing out that part or object, or that member, which
is specially concerned, and to which, along with the leading
idea, special prominence is to be assigned. Such cases
are — (a] Verbs which express more a state or condition ;
as, [704] vfjjn-ns ^ he was ill with his feet (cf. -rroSa? o>/nfe),

1 Kings xv. 23, in which case, of course, modern languages
always assume an auxiliary preposition ; and indeed, even in

2 Chron. xvi. 12, the subordination is thus evidenced by
means of ?: / will be greater than thou KB?? PI only (as
regards) tJie throne, Gen. xli. 40 ; but in prose the preposition
9 is readily assumed in such cases after the verb (see § 217^),
as in 1 Kings x. 2 3 ; such poetic constructions as >?H voa they
are mighty (in) strength, Job xxi. 7 ; TO *HK to err (in) the wayt
Ps. ii. 12, which also show how the words in Ps. xiv. 6 a are
to be understood, (b) Eeflexive verbs ; as, D'SN rnnpK>'n (rarely
with the suffix, as VSK in 2 Sam. xxiv. 20) to low oneself
down [as regards] the face, i.e. to bow the face ; D^S n?713 ^
us see one another (i.e. let us contend in) person (i.e. personally),
2 Kings xiv. 8, 11. Hence also (c) the second object of active
verbs ; as, Eton I&W he will attack thee on the head, Gen. iii. 15 ;
Dent, xxxiii. 11 ; Jer. ii. 16; Ps. Ixviii. 22 (cf. rbv $e <r/coro9
oacr iKaXinJre) ; he cooked them [as regards] the flesh, i.e. cooked
their fleshy parts, 1 Kings xix. 21 ; B;BJ iron, he strikes him [in
the] soul, i.e. in the life, i.e. dead, Deut. xxii. 26. Hence,
further, relative sentences ; as, apt? "ittte (the disease on account
of) which he has lain down, i.e. of which he is ill, Ps. xli. 9 ;
but of course a preposition may also be used to show the rela-

THE VERB WITH THE ACCUSATIVE. 55

tion more clearly ; as, to strike one ?V upon the back, Mic.
iv. 14; Deut. xxviii. 35. In poetry, even bolder constructions
of the same kind are formed; as, / cry *B with my mouth, i.e.
aloud ; / long for thee ^sa with my soul, i.e. fervently, where the
special instrument merely describes the essence of the action,
Ps. iii. 5, xii. 3, xvii. 10 f., 13 f., xxvii. 7, xliv. 3, Ix. 7, Ixvi. 17,
Ixix. 11, cix. 2, cxxxviii. 7 ; Isa. x. 30, xxvi. 9; cf. further,
§ 2930. A like construction is found with passives, etc.; as,
•W (by) my name Jahve I did not make myself known, Ex.
vi. 3 ; the city shall le "built }nrn nirn (with) walls and ditches,
Dan. ix. 25.

d. II. The construction with the accusative becomes still more
forcible when it expresses the direction of the action indicated
by a corresponding verb ; and such, certainly, is in general
the primary use and meaning of the accusative in relation to
material objects (see § 203). Thus, he ivent "W to the city ;
hence verbs which are also transitive may take two objects ;
and in poetry we even find such bold constructions as, lift up
your hands £Hp to the sanctuary, Ps. cxxxiv. 2 ; his enemies he
pursues ^n into darkness, Nah. i. 8 ; my soul transported me
nn3")D to the chariots of the nobles (so that I got there), — •
according to the peculiar language of Cant. vi. 12. This con-
struction is still more readily adopted in relative sentences ;
as, the land "i$K to which thou didst send us, Num. xiii. 27
(see § 331); and in this case also, just as in that treated
of in § 279c, the verb *]?n to go, especially delights in being
associated with short words ; as, ?V?"} "&*} to go about (for)
slander, Prov. xi. 13 ; DDfi !]pn to go to dissolution, Ps. Iviii. 9.

But names of persons do not allow themselves to be placed
under any such absolute rule as regards [705] subordination ;
there is barely an example even in the ancient song, Num.
x. 3 6 ; for, cases like Isa. xli. 2 5 (where Kin is to be taken in
accordance with what is stated in § 282a), or those in which
the people rather mean the country (as 1 Sam. xiii. 20, and at
most also Ps. xlvii. 1 0), do not fall under this category. And
when there is no verb of motion so near, it is only certain
words in frequent use to which the idea of direction can be
attached ; as, he called them n%n into the field, Gen. xxxi. 4.
At other times, indeed, the n— Of motion (see § 216) is often
used for making a statement more explicit; as, throw him

56 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 282.

rnjon to the Nile (or, into the Nile), Ex. i. 22 ; but inasmuch
as that termination, in the stage of development now attained
by the Hebrew language, has become so rare, the word [i.e.
the simple accusative] has sometimes also the same meaning
of to, as far as, even without it, though no verb of motion is
near, as 1 Kings v. 1 ; Noh. iv. 17; and in 1 Sam. ix. 26,
where Jan merely stands for to the roof (on to the roof), the
Qeri is fljjri.

It is only when unusually strong emphasis is intended,
that the accusatival riNt is also joined, in. this construction,
with definite names of places, as in Judg. xix. 18; cf.
p. 37.

This accusative, accordingly, may also be used more abstractly,
for briefly setting forth the final effect of an action, or what
flows from it as a consequence ; thus, the Mount of Olives will
l>e cleft, n>13 &03 (becoming) a large valley, Zech. xiv. 4 ; Zion
will be ploughed rns? (as) a field, i.e. becoming a field, Mic.
iii. 12, Jer. xxvi. 18, Job xxii. 16, Hab. iii. 9; it became
rotten D^in (turning into) worms, Ex. xvi. 2 0 ; the ashes "it?K
(to) which the fire consumes the sacrifice, Lev. vi. 3 ; rvisn |$J to
sleep (to) death, i.e. so that the sleep becomes death, Ps. xiii. 4 ;
thus also, the hand of God came on the city n?i1J nDirup (as)
a great fear, i.e. so that great fear arose, 1 Sam. v. 9, cf.
ver. 11.

Under other circumstances, the preposition ? (see
§ 217) must be used to express this idea of becoming
something ; as, QTJ^ ^J1 be for (i.e. become) men, 1 Sam.
iv. 9.

282a. III. The strongest meaning of the accusatival con-
struction comes out when the person or thing which it governs
is affected and defined by the action itself. Whether a
verb is able in any way to exhibit such power, depends
less on the mere verb-stem [or conjugation] than on the turn
given to the idea contained in each individual verb-stem ; for,
even a verb in a half-passive and reflexive form, when endowed
with ( a new force by such an application of its fundamental
idea, may subordinate [i.e. govern] a direct completion [of the
verbal idea, i.e. an object] without using a preposition (see

1 [For a fuller account of this construction, see Giesebrecht on the pre-
position Lamed, p. 51 ff.]

THE VERB WITH THE ACCUSATIVE AND PREPOSITIONS. 57

§§ 123&, 124&, 130c [Gr. § 272]). The language often vacil-
lates between this briefer construction and the mediate one,
which is formed by means of a preposition ; and the poets espe-
cially show great boldness and freedom here. E.G. p^'j to kiss,
properly signifies to affix (the mouth to some one), hence it is
primarily construed with ? of the person, 2 Sam. xv. 5, then
directly with the accus., 1 Sam. xx. 41 : 3"]N to lie in wait, is
construed with f or ^ for [706] something ; but in poetic
language it is also directly connected with the object, Prov.
xii. 6 : "132 to atone, propitiate, is used, first of all, with ?y
(because it properly means to stroke, paste, cover over some-
thing) ; then with TJEi for, in behalf of (see § 21 7m), and
more briefly a for ;l and finally, with the simple accusative,
as in Lev. xvi. 33 : "HIV to prepare (war), encamp, with ty
against the person, but in poetry it is equally used with the
accusative of the person, as in Job vi. 4, to besiege, surround
one ; fcjj ~be able, with the accusative of the person, overpower,
overcome, Ps. xiii. 5, Jer. xxxviii. 5 ; similarly Pjn, 1 Kings
xvi. 22 ; and even Dip to stand, may be used in poetry in the
sense of standing against, resisting anything, Ps. xli. 9 (cf.
§ 2 Sic) ; ma and \3W to dwell, are used poetically with the
accusative of the place, and even of the person, and then
signify to dwell with (or near) a thing or person, Ps. v. 5,
Ixviii. 19, cxx. 5, Prov. viii. 12, Judg. v. 17 ; fnij to be
rebellious = despise, Jer. xiv. 1 7, with which compare "no to
turn aside from, i.e. transgress the commandment, 2 Chron.
viii. 15; ruj to commit whoredom = seduce, Jer. iii. 1, Ezek.
xvi. 28 ; ^Bfc?* -^a^- Itttent t&> Ezek. xxviii. 3, as in prose
33P to sleep, is found in immediate connection with the name
of the woman, Gen. xxxv. 22 ; and ros to weep, is used for
bewail, with the accusative of the person or thing, Lev. x. 6 ;
05?K be guilty, owing anything (as we also say in German [and
English]), Ezra x. 19. It deserves particular notice that
verbs which primarily indicate merely a violent movement
towards any one, and are accordingly joined to the object by
a preposition, may finally also content themselves with the
accusative which defines the operation. Thus, :nn to murder,
1 The prep. 3 is used in Lev. xvi. 17, 27 and xvii. 11 ; in the last pas-
sage, however (it is to be expressly remarked), the sense requires the
rendering, " the blood itself atones for the soul"

58 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 282.

originally1 signifies merely the deadly aim at (against) a
person, and hence is joined, first mediately, by |>, and then
also directly, with its object in the accusative ; so also "'Win
to get into a passion, with the accusative, expresses the rousing
of wrath in another as the consequence of anger in oneself,
Prov. xx. 2. In many expressions, also, a small word, such
as a relative or a personal pronoun, that easily admits of
being connected with other words, can more readily be directly
subordinated than a substantive, which is of greater import-
ance ; cf. § 331c. It is needless to enumerate all the different
kinds of such verbs; the following are some of the more
important classes : —

1st. Verbs of going take as their object the place on which
the motion wholly falls, and which is thereby made directly
passive ; as, "Q'rarrnK 7j?n to walk the wilderness, i.e. to traverse,
go through it, Deut. i. 19, Jobxxix. 3, Ps. cv. 41, Isa. Ivii. 2 ;
or, where go, walk, is, in figurative language, equivalent to
act, practise, Isa. xxxiii. 15 ; Mic. ii. 11. Similarly, W?J [707]
to go out, when it is simply equivalent to leave (like the Lat.
exire urlem, and Gr. eKftaiveiv iroXw}, Gen. xliv. 4, and "OJJ
prceterire aliguid, Gen. xxxii. 33 ; also K13 to come, in the
sense of striking ; as, misfortune befalls thee, Ps. xxxv. 8 ; cf.
also [Ewald's commentary] on Jer, 1. 11. A very bold ex-
pression would be i33 l»jj he took his place, Dan. xi. 7 ; but
in vv. 20, 21, the prep, fy is used in addition. With such
cases, however, we must not class Jer. xiii. 18, D^nb^HD ^TT
as if it literally meant, the crown is fallen from your heads ;
the literal meaning rather is, the crown has fallen down your
heads.2 A rarer mode of expression also is, to turn aside
[from] the way, viz. intentionally (n^n, not HIM, see § 122c),
which signifies more than to miss it, Num. xxii. 23.3

2cl. Verbs of speaking subordinate to themselves not merely

1 Cf. the Arabic ^ j& ; it is remarkable that the Turkish <JH*JJ to kill,
as well as other verbs of striking and wounding, is also joined with the
dative.

2 [Ewald also calls attention (§ 160&, footnote) to the pointing n'tjfcnp
found elsewhere, but which may have arisen from a false explanation of
1 Sam. xxvi. 12, £ being regarded as the preposition.]

3 In this case, instead of the Hiphil, the Arabic, with greater precision,
would use the conative form (Ger. Zielstamm).

THE VERB AVITII THE ACCUSATIVE AND PREPOSITIONS. 59

what is uttered, viz. the words or contents of the speech
(which remark also applies to such a case as Don pyj clamare =
queri injustitiam, Hab. i. 2), but also the subject concerned,
even when the latter is a person, — though this is done to a very
limited extent ; as in the relative sentence iiEN*"1 IK-:K of which
they say. Gen. xxii. 14, 2 Kings xxi. 4, 7 (cf. § 331c) ; in the
expression ofe? frsn Tie spoke [of] him for peace, i.e. he spoke
of him in such a way that he wished him well, Gen. xxxvii. 4.
This is particularly the case with TO to notify any one,
i.e. to tell him something expected, mostly to answer, reply to ;
and so also with ^n (with or without "ijn) to return, in the
sense of answering, ajrofcplvecrOai,, Job xxxiii. 5, 32; nj¥ to
command, like the Lat. julere with the accusative of the per-
son, is properly to order, charge.

3d. Verbs of treating or dealing [acting towards any one]
subordinate not merely the action, but also the person con-
cerned ; such are «?J, 1 Sam. xxiv. 18, and a?&, to recompense,
Ps. xxxv. 12. The same remark applies to verbs of giving,
presenting with (on which, see further § 2S3c); verbs of
serving, and hence also "TO in the sense of sacrificing to a
God; cf. Ex. x. 25f. Yet TO to do, which is the most
general word of this kind, is not used simply with the accusa-
tive of the person.1

But those verbs which, in ordinary speech, almost always
govern the object directly, may also, in Hebrew, be construed
with prepositions in a great variety of ways, whenever the
idea requires to be more closely defined by means of them ;
this freedom would not be so largely exercised in the Semitic
languages, if it were possible in them, as in the Indo-Ger-
manic, to compound the verb with prepositions. Hence, as
VflfcOl? is / called him, so vbs ^n&OjJ is simply our I called to
him, or I called him [to come to me], as in 1 Sam. ix. 26
(which has already been referred to in § 2 8 Id), or, I invited
him, e.g. Ewp to peace, Deut. xx. 1 0 ; ft T^li? I proclaimed to
him, e.g. a name, or peace, Judg. xxi. 13, or liberty [708], Isa.
Ixi. 1 ; to '•n&Oj? / called to him, and nnK 'n&qjj / called after
him, 1 Sam. xx. 38, like vnqg Wan / looked after him, Gen.
xvi. 13. Accordingly, prepositions and words of similar

1 This cannot be shown at least from Isa. xlii. 16, and Jer. mnmi Ov
Ezek. xxiii. 25.

60 EWALD'S HEBIIEW SYNTAX, § 282.

character, in the Semitic languages, connect themselves, in
sense, with such verbs, quite as closely as in the Indo-Germanic,
without, however, being also joined more closely, as regards
their outward form, with these verbs, as in the latter class of
languages ; in this case, therefore, the preposition readily
assumes another meaning than what it bears when used alone.
Thus, T^R taken by itself, has the sensuous meaning given in
§ 21 7m [viz. at the hand, or side of] ; but when construed
with a verb of giving, it may signify to deliver up something
to a person for his management or guidance (to lay it upon
his hands, as it were), 1 Chron. xxix. 8 ; Ps. Ixiii. 11; cf.
1 Chron. xxv. 2-6 ; while, in earlier writings, there might be
used, instead of this expression, T nnri under the hand or pro-
tection of any one, Gen. xli. 35. In every separate verb-idea,
however, there is always some feature so peculiar, that it is
scarcely safe to add anything further to these general remarks.
c. In the Hebrew, generally, there prevails great flexibility
and boldness in the combination of verbs with prepositions
which have suitable meanings ; hence also, especially in
poetry, we find an extraordinary brevity of expression which
it is often difficult to render as briefly and clearly in our
modern languages. In particular, prepositions of motion are
joined in this way with verbs, which have thus communicated
to them, for the first time, the idea of motion (the so-called
constructio prcegnans) ; as, 1KB, Tin, quake, or tremble, with
ri&Opp to tremble before, 1 Sam. xxi. 2 ; with "vtf to, to tremlle
towards a person, or approach him trembling, Gen. xlii. 28,
cf. xliii. 33, Jer. xxxvi. 16 ; ^.nx K>>p to do, or to go fully after
him, i.e. to follow him completely, — an expression found in the
Eook of Origins,1 Num. xiv. 24, xxxii. llf.; H$ &? to
desecrate (by casting) to the earth, Ps. Ixxxix. 40 ; ^"}pjl fol-
lowed by "7K, signifies to le silent, turning towards any one (to
hear him in silence), Isa. xli. 1, — followed by IP, turning from
him (leave him alone in silence), Job xiii. 13 ; snow darkens
itself (casts itself in dark masses) on the rivers, Job vi. 16;
<"ijy to hear and answer one, |D (delivering him) out of troubles,
Ps. xxii. 22. Further, the preposition 21 with, construed with
a verb used in an active sense, readily serves to indicate briefly
a further extension of the predicate by means of a noun-idea ;
[See footnote, p. 32.]

THE VERB WITH PREPOSITIONS. 61

as, P^y? irp?3| / haw heard (and answered) thee with salvation,
i.e. by giving thee deliverance, Ps. Ixv. 6 ; cf. cxviii. 5.

Verbs signifying good-will or contempt, which at other
times may, by a brief construction, govern their noun directly
[in the accusative], also readily attach to themselves an object
of some importance by means of a preposition of motion ;
as, *? 2fiN to have love for a person, Lev. xix. 18, 34 ; ? ntn or
M3, and ^ or tfJWl fo mock and despise; also rnj £0 abominate,
2 Sam. vi. 16, Prov. xvii. 5, Ps. xxii. 8, Amos vi. 3, or
even with by, Neh. ii. 19. Similarly, verbs which express
skill in the exercise of an art may readily be construed with
a direct accusative (cf. § 130e); as, NS1 to AeaZ, which takes
the accusative, or 5», 2 Kings ii. 21 [709]; Win and ity to
/&e/j?, gradually begin to employ the construction with ? (as
such verbs in our modern languages take the dative), Judg.
vii. 2 ; 1 Sam. x. 1 9 (cf. on the contrary, xi. 3), xxv. 3 1 ;
2 Sam. viii. 5 ; Ps. Ixxii. 4 ; but verbs of an opposite mean-
ing, as, fins? to destroy, i.e. to injure, are equally construed with
b, Num. xxxii. 15; 1 Sam. xxiii. 10. Cf. besides, § 292e
[and especially Giesebrecht, p. 32 ff.].

On the other hand, such startling expressions as,
^ ion, Euth i. 20,$ n^n, Isa. xiv. 3, and the similar
construction, v nann, 1 Sam. xi. 3, as well as v nsnn,
Hos. x. 1, Prov. xxii. 16 (where the meaning is to cause,
i.e. in order to cause increase to him, i.e. in order that he
may gain the more), are explained by what is stated in
§ 122&, and § 295&; hence also, perhaps on account of
the idea employed in them, such expressions as v t^j?B>'n
he gave me rest, Ps. xciv. 13, and v P^V"? he judged in
my favour, Isa. liii. 11, and even such constructions as
"9 N^B^n, he gave me increase, also y n^ ^g grewe me room
to spread, Job xii. 23. All these verbs express a change
into a [new] condition, caused by the action of another
from without. [See further, Giesebrecht, p. 8 0 f.]
d. Something quite different from this takes place when a
verbal idea, instead of receiving a direct and wholly active turn,
is, without any essential change in meaning, merely subordi-
nated in a looser way by means of the preposition a with.
This primarily arises from the tendency rather to assign a
separate position to an idea which, though originally con-

62 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § -:si>.

nected with things of sense, becomes more and more a purely
mental 'conception ; and this separation finds its warrant in
the fact that these ideas are capable of bearing an independent
meaning. Instead of the direct and strong construction, the
indirect and milder is used ; while the fundamental idea itself
is refined and classified so as to assume a new, and somewhat
more of a peculiar and independent meaning. Thus, though
we can always say Hp fro, to give forth the voice, i.e. to make it
sound, and irtp D^.n to raise the voice, Ps. civ. 12, 2 Chron.
v. 13 ; yet, because such verbs also begin to be employed by
themselves in a musical sense (as in 1 Chron. xxv. 5, and
NB>2 in Job xxi. 12), they also subordinate the word ^ip by
means of the preposition 3 with, to sound with the voice, Jer.
xii. 8, 1 Chron. xv. 16 ; similarly, to open widely, or gape
widely, i.e. mock with the tongue [moutJi], Job xvi. 10, Ps.
xxii. 8 ; to spread out with (i.e. to wring) the hands, Lam. i. 1 *7 ;
in other places, however, the verb is used more in its ordinary
meaning, in a somewhat more diffuse style of speaking, and
takes the direct accusative, to spread out the hands, Ps.
cxliii. 6 ; Isa. i. 15. This may be called the elegant style of
certain poets (cf. p. 563 above), but it is also found gradually
making its way even into prose narrative ; as, to lift (i.e.
almost, to threaten) nsfca with the rod, Ex. vii. 20. The
formation of a causative verb (§ 122) is also intentionally
avoided in many expressions ; thus 3 Kto, to come with a thing
may mean the same as to bring it, Ex. xxii. 14; Ps. xl. 8,
Ixxi. 16; and *3 njy fa has dealt hard with me does not sound
so harshly as he lias afflicted me, Euth i. 21 ;* generally
speaking, however, 2, is not yet so frequently used by the
Hebrew in these [710], and in the similar instances explained
in § 299, as by the Arabic.

When the idea of an instrument would be unsuitable, the
new figurative meaning of a verb may become the occasion
for construing it rather with another preposition; as, K^J to
take away guilt, i.e. to pardon, hence with 5> of the person, but

1 On the other hand, 1^13 p^n, Ezra i. 6, is not to be understood in such
a way as if it meant, properly, to strengthen the hands of any one (cf . vi. 22,
where 3 is wanting), but it is properly, to seize the hands of any one, i.e. to
support him: p^n = P\tnn, since the Piel may gradually be substituted for
Hiphil.

THE VEKB WITH PREPOSITIONS. 63

later also with the same {, i.e. our dative, in relation to the
thing, i.e. the guilt, as in Gen. 1. 17, though the more primi-
tive construction, viz. the accusative of the guilt, is also still
retained, Lev. x. 1 7 ; 23i^} in the sense of restoring any one,
giving him once more his former health (as shown in the
expression mentioned on p. 430), takes the dative, Ps. Ix. 3.

When, for any reason, a verb may be construed with
the accusative, or a more definite preposition, whether
there be but little or no difference whatever in mean-
ing, both constructions are readily interchanged by the
poets in different members of a verse ; while, in prose, it
is at most late writers that avail themselves so readily of
such alternative constructions, - as in 2 Chron. xvi. 1 2 ;
cf. also Lev. xvi. 33.

As the preposition fp of, from, joined with the subject of a
sentence, in itself gives a somewhat more indefinite meaning
(§ 294c) ; so also, when such a ip, used partitively, is joined with
the object, there is as little, and even less need for specification
of the latter. This holds good whether the reference is to
(a) things; as, tfpj?np 'i?H to lighten [something] of the burden,
i.e. to lighten the burden somewhat (nothing further being
stated as to the amount), 1 Kings xii. 4 ; thus also, in the
case of similar relations which are to be considered merely as
partial or relative, and not absolute, in which, therefore, the
Greeks would readily employ their genitive ; as, the clouds
withheld 7Ep of dew (giving nothing of devS), Hag. i. 10; so
also, / will sing to thee ^T^'P of my song, i.e. lines of my
poetry, Ps. xxviii. 7 ; or whether (&) persons are spoken of ;
as, "|<l^^ B??"!1? he left remaining of the poor people, (it is not
to be, or cannot be, stated how many), Jer. xxxix. 1 0 ; the
construction is more rare when only one person is intended,
as in Ex. vi. 25 ; such an object, however, with IP, may also
be connected by means of 1 and, with a preceding object
having a different construction, as in Jer. xix. 1 ; 2 Chron.
xxi. 4. Much more rare is the use of this IP with an accusa-
tive cognate to the verb (see § 2 8 la); as, of the weeping of
Jazer will I weep for thee, i.e. I will devote to thee something
of the tears with which Jazer also is bewailed, Jer. xlviii. 32 ;
Cant. i. 2.

On the other hand, 3 as, like, though possessing the force

64 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 283.

of a preposition (§ 2 2 la [Ges. § 102, 2 ; Gr. § 231 ; Dav.
§ 14]), may thrust itself in before every accusative which,
from whatever reason, is dependent on a verb ; as, 0 that I
had Dip. sn"}^3 like moons [months] of yore, i.e. such as the
former were, Job xxix. 2; however (see § 2 2 la), [711], it
likes to exclude all other prepositions from the place which
these might otherwise occupy, as, their heart rejoices £! to?
as if there were wine, i.e. as it were from wine, Zech.
x. 7, 9, 15; cf., on Deut. i. 11, the Gott. Gel. Anz. for 1869,
p. 1033.

/. Lastly, a purely active verb, which, under other circum-
stances, is always followed by an accusative, or by a prepo-
sition, as the completion of the idea it contains, may also be
placed under entirely opposite conditions, and stand quite
alone, without reference to any other word, and even without
its own proper substantive (§ 2 8 la). This, in the case of
some verbs, is the consequence of a certain change in mean-
ing, as when H3K to wish, used absolutely, signifies to le com-
pliant, complaisant, Isa. i. 19, Prov. i. 10; or with the
negative, fen vh not to spare, i.e. to have no pity, 2 Sam.
xii. 6 ; bpn "bring contempt, l^n bring honour, Isa. viii. 23 ;
in other cases, however, such an unusual employment of the
verb by itself may have a somewhat more powerful effect, as
when, with great emphasis, some poets begin to use '"TO of
God, in the sense of working, i.e. helping, Ps. xxii. 32,
xxxvii. 5, lii. 11 ; and JHJ i6 for not to know, or to le ignorant,
Job viii. 9; Isa. i. 3; cf. Ps. IxxiiL 11, where the opposite
expression occurs.

283a. The construction of the same verb in different ways
with two or three accusatives, all of which cluster round, and
depend on it, forms a kind of power and liberty which has
become as rare in modern, as it is common in the ancient
languages, and which prevails in Hebrew to the fullest extent.
It has been already pointed out (§ 1226 [Ges. § 139, 1 ; Gr.
§ 273, 1]) how Hiphil or Piel, as the causal forms of an active
verb, possess the power of governing two different objects.
But every verb with an active meaning may also exhibit this
power in many ways : this has been already shown in part,
as occasion offered ; further details must now be presented in
the following view; —

THE VERB WITH MORE THAN ONE ACCUSATIVE. 65

(a) Every active verb, in addition to the accusative
primarily dependent on it, may take another more remote
accusative, specifying the circumstances (§ 279), or even the
essential nature of the action (§ 281c) ; in this, of course, the
poets take more liberty than other writers, who use a plainer
style, allow themselves. Thus, the instrument of the action
may be mentioned very briefly and indefinitely as a com-
pletion of the predicate : |?K ink l»:n they stoned him with
stones, Josh. vii. 25 ; TD D"£ he shot them with arrows, Ps.
Ixiv. 8, cf. cxli. 5, Isa. liii. 10 (following the reading ?££);
D"nn WW he hunts him with the net, Mic. vii. 2, cf. Mai.
iii. 24 ; so also, in a less sensuous meaning, ^3B>ni run DJJT,
he feeds them with knowledge and understanding, Jer. iii. 1 5 ;
to count something "I5DD according to the number, i.e. exactly,
Num. xxiii. 10; to judge one "ib^D according to equity, Ps.
Ixvii. 5 ; and in a relative sentence, as, the work "IS^N whereby
God makes all, Eccles. xi. 5. See further, § 331c.

b. (b) According to § 281&, many verbs may govern two
objects, when their intransitive meaning indicates any kind
of abundance, or possession, and covering. Thus : —

(1st.) Verbs of filling ; as, D&n n«rrnK ^ [712] they filled
(i.e. made full) the earth with cruelty. In the same manner
are construed V^ to satisfy ; nn to saturate, Isa. xvi. 9 ; ^Jn,
which bears a similar meaning, Prov. vii. 17, Ps. Ixv. 10,
Ixviii. 10; TO to refresh, Isa. 1. 4.

(2d.) Verbs which contain the idea of giving, presenting,
gracious bestowal. Those which belong to this class are,
however, not so much (cf. § 282#) the common and weak
|HJ to give,1 as rather the stronger t^n to favour, bestow graciously,
Gen. xxxiii. 5 ; ^H? to bless, in a similar sense, Deut. xv. 14;
tFij? to anticipate, present in anticipation of want, Ps. xxi. 4 ;
123 honour, honour by presenting, Isa. xliii. 23 ; ^D, 1JJD,
?!??, W*?> support, keep, uphold, maintain by giving, Jer.
xxxi. 3 ; on the other hand, W to serve, serve by giving, Ex.
x. 26. To this class also belong those verbs which express
want of the things mentioned ; as, "iDn to cause to want,
deprive; iTO and #?£ to oppress, despoil, Prov. xxii. 23,

1 The form ^nru, Josh. xv. 19, Judg. i. 15, does not belong to this
category ; see Hist, of the People of Israel, vol. ii. p. 58 [English trans-
lation.]

E

66 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 283.

Mai. iii. 5, 8 ; OT to fine a person something, Deut. xxii. 1 9.
Further,

(3d.) Verbs which signify clothing, covering of every kind
(cf. Lat. induo te vestem) ; as, "un and P?n to gird, Isa. xxii. 21 ;
?yj to shoe (put on shoes), ">BSJ and "W to crown, HBte fo anoint,
nD3 to cover, the poetic construction of 22iD fo surround,.
clothe, Ps. xxxii. 7, 10, cix. 3 ; nay to overlay. With these
coincide verbs of planting and sowing, since the seed is
regarded as the clothing of the field; as, JJBJ, Isa. v. 2;
jnj, Isa. xvii. 10, xxx. 23, Jer. xxxi. 27; also the use of
JHJ, to signify bestrew, Judg. ix. 45 ; also those verbs which
signify the covering of buildings, 1 Kings vi. 9. Moreover,
all such verbs may also be construed somewhat more loosely
with suitable prepositions ; thus, verbs of covering may take
W when it is rather a covering over that is meant, Job xv. 27,
xxxvi. 32 ; tnj? may also (as in modern languages) be con-
strued with 3 before the gift with which a person is pre-
sented beforehand, Mic. vi. 6. But when |HJ governs the
person in the accusative, and then subordinates an infinitive
with p, as, rrifrjp spring / gave (i.e. I allowed) thee to do it (see
especially, Ex. iii. 19), it is in such a case to be regarded, not
so much as meaning to give, as rather to cause, and the con-
struction is rather to be viewed in accordance with what is
stated in § 2845; it is not till 2 Chron. xx. 10 that we find
the dative [of the person] subordinated to the verb in this
use of it.

c. Since (according to § 2S2a) the ideas of asking, of teaching,
commanding, also those of answering, treating [using, dealing
with], and recompensing, govern the person affected as natu-
rally and readily as the thing concerned, verbs with these
meanings always easily admit of being construed with two
such objects at the same time; as, ink roy np what did he answer
him ? Mic. vi. 5, Job ix. 3 ; rrnn D^narrnx hxw, interroga
sacer dotes legem; D^n D£Wt|^ docui vos leges ; cf. ^R castigare
in the sense of docere, Prov. xxxi. 1 ; rnin [713] point out, in-
struct, Ps. xlv. 5. Sometimes, however, verbs of teaching are
construed with ? of the person (as in modern languages with
the dative), Isa. xxxviii. 19 ; Job xxi. 22 ; Prov. ix. 7-9,
xv. 12, xix. 25, xxi. 11, cf. xxii. 6 ; Hos. xi. 3 ; Dan. viii. 16,
XL 33 ; also verbs of asking and answering, as 2 Chron. x, 6

THE VEKB WITH MORE THAN ONE ACCUSATIVE. 67

(see, on the other hand, ver. 9 ; 1 Kings xii. 6) ; 2 Kings
viii. 6. And (as has been explained on p. 562 f.) the thing
may be subordinated in another way, by means of a or
~ta (Isa. xxxviii. 19) in the sense of about, concerning ; also
with ^, when the meaning is to keep a person at, or accustom
him to something, Ps. xviii. 35 ; Neh. viii. 7. With these
verbs are to be classed njy to command, order, Deut. i. 18 ;
and nfe; to send, Jer. xlii. 5. How frequently fe| and oW
to requite, are construed in this way is evident from 1 Sam.
xxiv. 18, Prov. xiii. 21, cf. Ps. xviii. 21 ; but >"TO is very
rarely so construed ; as, n^jjp tih P2tf Q^nzp make no lamenta-
tion for the dead, Ezek. xxiv. 1 7 ; the two former verbs may
also be construed with the dative of the person, Isa. iii. 9;
Deut. xxxii. 6; Ps. cxxxvii. 8. And lastly, the idea of hiring
follows that of treating ; hence ">?t? takes the accusative of the
person and the wages, 2 Sam. x. 6.

The various modes in which the second accusative forms
the completion of the member in question, has been shown
in § 28 Ic.

d. Something different takes place when (according to the
construction shown in 278<f) a verb is combined with a noun
in such a way that both together form a perfectly simple idea,
to which an object is subordinated ; thus, r6a nby or nro n^y?
to make completion, destroy, takes an accusative, Nah. i. 8, Isa.
v. 5 ; a similar case is presented in "tt*J TO, which simply
means to call one to account, Jer. xliv. 20, cf. Prov. xxii. 21,
and ZOS^p "ilM to speak justice, i.e. to accuse a person, frame a
lawsuit against him, Isa. xxxii. 7 (in 2 Kings xxv. 6, the
expression has a different meaning) ; while n^in with p may
mean to pronounce judgment to a person, Isa. ii. 4, xi. 4.

284$. A proposition which is already complete in itself, i.e.
contains a subject and predicate, may, in both of its consti-
tuent parts, be governed by an active verb in quite a different
way, so that the verb properly governs a whole proposition at
once ; as, people say 6033 nn« thou art a prophet (see § 296) ;
also, fcfSJ TF1H3 constitui te prophetam, Jer. i. 5. Thus : —

(1.) Verbs of making, jrn, tt&fTN0t nby ; in the case of
these, modern languages prefer to separate the mere remote
object, as portion of a subordinated and yet complete sentence,
by means of for (to) or as ; e.g. Germ, ich machte dich zum

68 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 284.

Tropheten, I made thee for (as) a prophet, Josh. xxii. 25.
Particularly in the case of verbs which signify to make, build,
however, two kinds of construction are to be distinguished :
(a) when the material receives the first consideration, and
forms the nearest object ; as, rate D'jnKjrnK nja he built the
stones (into) an altar, 1 Kings xviii. 32, cf. Isa. ix. 9 ;
(V) when the work executed forms the nearest object, while
the material, or rather the mode of execution, comes second,
it is without the article [714], as, H? ??P^ n^ n?7> ^e made
the altar wood, i.e. so that it consisted of wood, wooden, Ex.
xxxvii. 24 ; Prov. vii. 16. To this category also belong Gen.
ii. 7, vi. 14 (make the ark cells, i.e. cell-like, i.e. so as to con-
sist of cells). Such an idea might also be more fully ex-
pressed or understood thus, — he built the altar ftf nato as an
altar of wood (see § 28 7 f.) ; and it was only because such
constructions were generally employed in the Semitic lan-
guages, that like abbreviations were ultimately made use of
in the accusative also, and even (see § 296&) in the simple
predicate; cf. Mic. iv. 13.1

In this connection may also be mentioned the use of 3 (see
§ 282e) : thou didst make me ~>Eni) as the clay, i.e. as carefully
as when one forms a beautiful work of art out of clay,
Job x. 9.

(2.) Verbs of naming (which also is a kind of defining) and,
on the contrary, changing a name ; as, apn, 2 Kings xxiii. 34.

(3.) Other verbal ideas which indicate any kind of facing,
determining, making, producing ; as, he set up the stone HliJfD a
pillar, i.e. for (as) a pillar ; he beats the house, ^""p1*?"1. to ruins,
Amos vi. 11 (cf. § 281e); still more brief is the construction
in ^nn nW? Di*1 he darkens day to night, Amos v. 8. An
adjective may also be subordinated as a second object ; thus,
write down this man ST"$ as childless, Jer. xxii. 30; Gen.
xxxiii. 2 ; Job xxxix. 5.

In such constructions, indeed, the Hebrew, like our [modern]
languages, may also employ j> to (see § 21*7d); this, however,

1 The same thing is found in the Syriac, e.g. Knb's, Chrest. p. 87, 15 ;
and to a still greater extent in such languages as the Dyak, Hardeland,
pp. 172, 191. Another reason for the construction lies in the fact that the
Semitic languages are averse to the formation of adjectives indicating the
material (see § 164a [Ges. § 106 ; Gr. § 254, 6a]).

THE VEEB WITH MOKE THAN ONE ACCUSATIVE. 69

scarcely ever takes place, except when the change of condition
is also to be rendered somewhat more prominent, and hence
particularly with ^\} to change to something, Ainos v. 9, Jer.
xxxi. 13, Ps. Ixvi. 3; similarly, they anointed him 'fyy? for
king, so that he became king, 2 Sam. v. 3.1

To. In the sphere of more purely mental conceptions, the
same force is exercised by the verbs of sense, — seeing, hear-
ing, perceiving; also, those which indicate belief, estimation,
opinion, though, in the case of these last, the more remote
object may also be distinguished by ? ; as, he thought (took)
her rnl3B7 for drunk, 1 Sam. i. 13, Job xiii. 24 ;x while the
insertion of 3 as, rather expresses the formation of an arbitrary
judgment, Job xviii. 3, xix. 11.

If such a verb be construed with the two objects, then there
arises essentially the same construction as that which is called
in Latin the accusative with the infinitive. And inasmuch
as the word which, in the main proposition, would be the
predicate, may be of very various character, there are a great
many different constructions possible. (1) An adjective may
be subordinated as the more remote object, thus, 3
I found him (it) good ; or (2) a [715] noun, as, ^p3 yen
I perceive (consider, regard) wicked/ness a& folly, Eccles. vii. 25 f.;
or (3) any expression which, in meaning, would form the second
object, but which has been more fully expanded into a com-
plete proposition ; as, / saw every man VT his hands on his
loins, i.e. holding his loins, Jer. xxx. 6 ; cf. Hos. vi. 3. A
verb, used as the second object, generally takes the participial
form, because the action is mostly continuous during the time
when it is perceived or observed ; and it has only been with
the rise of modern languages especially, that the less animated
construction with the infinitive has been employed ; as, they
found him n^fr wandering, Gen. xxxvii. 15, cf. xxvii. 6, Ex.
xiv. 9, 2 Sam. vi. 16, Prov. vii. 7 f . ; thou hearest thy servant
^?P£> curse thee (prop, cursing thee\ Eccles. vii. 21. And when
the first object is not expressly co-ordinated, either because it
is plainly implied in the context (§ 303&), or because the
language is indefinite (§ 294), the participle also stands by

1 [For a full account of such constructions by means of 7, see Giesebrecht
(Die hebr. Proposition Lamed), p. 45 ff.]

70 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, § 284.

itself ; as, D^ofc 'ny®® I heard (them) speak, Gen. xxxvii. 1 7.
But when the action, at the moment of its being observed, is
actually and already past and done, the perfect itself must be
subordinated in this way, because the Semitic languages have
no perfect participle or perfect infinitive;1 in that case, how-
ever, the subordinated finite verb, as regards the order of the
words, must appear only as the second object ; 2 thus, n^o
1KB Dsi3} which in meaning is quite the same as the Lat. vidit
gentes venisse, Lam. i. 10; Neh. xiii. 23. Only very rarely
is this further abbreviated, when one of the objects is an in-
terrogative (§ 325) ; as, WB'JJ BTVKn n? quid me fecisse vidistis ?
Judg. ix. 48. The same construction is made with the im-
perfect; as, quid vidtis n^^ me vobis facere ? 2 Sam. xxi. 4.
Further, the imperfect might also be subordinated in this way,
instead of the participle, as a finite verb (see § 136&); the
construction, however, is less Hebraistic than Arabic, and is,
indeed, so rare, that only one instance seems to occur, and
this in poetry, Job xxii. 11.

It is to be observed that, in such a construction, nan,
in the sense of eos, is somewhat freely subordinated (i.e.
not added in the form of a suffix) ; this, however,
occurs only in Jer. xlvi. 5, Ezek. iii. 15 ; the proposition
which, logically, is subordinate, is then added, but only
in a somewhat looser construction, as is so frequently the
case in our modern languages. A similar usage is found
in Aramean.

The mode in which whole propositions are thus subordinated
to verbs signifying to require, permit, or habituate, is more
appropriately discussed in §§ 3365, 28 oe.

c. When active verbs which govern two objects (see §
281 ff.) become passive or reflexive, the first one, of course,
thereby disappears, but the second, more remote one, remains
(as in the case of Hophal, see § 133a) as the object which
indicates closer specification ; thus, D^ N"}i?J he was called by the
name of ... 2 Sain. vi. 2 ; the object which indicates the special
part (§ 281c) ^"1? "^f"^ ?B? circumcisus est prceputium suum,
Gen. xvii. 11, 14, 24, 25; the object indicative of fulness, as

1 The cases given in § 238d can scarcely be regarded as indicating the
beginning of such a construction.

2 This is most clearly seen in the Arabic ; Ewald's Gr. Arab. § 632.

THE VERB WITH ANOTHER VERB SUBORDINATED. 71

Ex. i. 7, and n»Vin i^D^ri /^ w/w is poor in oblation, i.e. lie who
cannot give any such [716] thing, Isa. xl. 20 ; the accusative
of the thing, when two wholly different objects are mentioned
(§ 283, I c), as, 0*133 &'»*$? imfati vestes, 1 Kings xxii. 10,
Hab. ii. 19, Ps. xxii. 16, 2 Sam. vi. 14; tons ynj; (LXX.
SteppiJX'®* T°v X^va), xv- 32 ; n^'? ^^ charged, i.e. com-
missioned with something hard, 1 Kings xiv. 6 (because rw,
to sewe? a person, may mean the same as giving him a charge
regarding something, and is thus construed like njv fo commis-
sion, § 2S3c) ; the accusative of the predicate (see a and 1} of
this present section), as in 1 Kings vi. 7. Thus also, indeed,
are explained, in accordance with § 2836, such brief poetical
constructions as JT1 ^i?.?"! he is visited with evil, Prov. xix. 23 ;
and "IW . . . -irri'1 le taught by experience, Eccles. xii. 12 ; but
it has already been remarked (§ 279c at the end) that the
language is capable of even still further development in this
direction.

The Verb with another Verb subordinated.

285a. Hitherto, we have been confining our attention
merely to a subordinated noun as forming the completion of
the idea presented in a verb : in the case mentioned in
§ 2846, the finite verb, which is unavoidably used, has the
force merely of a second object. But it is also possible that
a verbal idea may find its direct completion in a verb itself.
A consideration of the various modes in which a verbal idea
may serve to complete and elucidate another, in the course of
a sentence, shows that there are two leading methods.

1. The one verbal idea explains merely the circumstances
of the other, its nature and manner, or its tense, its relations,
and such like features of a more external and accidental
character. In the Indo-European languages, completions of
this kind are nearly all participles or similar forms, in which
the verb is found in a state of transition into a noun. In
accordance, however, with the most primitive simplicity of
construction, every idea which is conceivable as a verb may
also be preserved, along with another, as a finite verb, i.e. in
its original full and living form ; and the modifying verb may
appear, along with the leading verb, quite as strong and inde-

72 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 285.

pendent, outwardly, as the other, the former being placed first,
as a strong verb, while the other is joined with it by means
of the conjunction and. This simplicity has been pretty well
preserved in the Semitic languages generally. Illustrative
cases in Hebrew are, "i?"W 3SPJ1 and he returned and spake, i.e.
and he spake again ; 1£KS1 f]D51 and he added, and said, i.e. said
again ; and these two same verbs are very frequently employed
in such constructions merely for the purpose of expressing
our again and more. The verb *J?n to go, which is so con-
stantly met with, is likewise employed, along with another
verb, merely to express gradual increase ; as in the participial
phrase, P.t^l "n^1"1 going and becoming strong, i.e. always getting
stronger, Ex. xix. 19 ; cf. §§ 280& and 168c.

Of course, the Hebrew likewise possesses forms by which
it can more strictly subordinate such a modifying verb ; the
infinitive absolute, and, more rarely, the infinitive construct
with ?, are especially employed for this purpose (see § 280);
or, while [717] the modifying verb still keeps the first place
and remains in all its force, the other verb, which is the more
important in meaning, is subordinated in the infinitive with
b (see I, infra). This mode of expression has still very much
that is akin to the original one already referred to, and is not
so familiar in modern languages. Thus, one can say not merely,
"^l? *I9S} and Tie added to speak, i.e. he spake further, but also,
'£?'?'!'? l"1?1'? he did much to pray, i.e. prayed much, 1 Sam.
i. 12 ; TWJJ7 T^jn he made great to do, i.e. he did (acted)
greatly, proudly, Joel ii. 2 Of.; rh:6 V^i? / fled before [in
anticipation], Jonah iv. 2 ; Vfloi PDJJjl he went deep to hide, i.e.
hid deep (intentionally), Isa. xxix. 1 5 ; rri^j£ &O3 he created to
make, i.e. made creatively, Gen. ii. 3 ; rwb ran they have com-
pleted to die, i.e. are all dead, Deut. ii. 16; cf. "&!?!> >~fe? he
completed to reap, i.e. he wholly reaped, Lev. xix. 9 ; and, on
the other hand, rttyh inn they began to do, i.e. did for the
first time, Esth. ix. 23 ; and even "Wr6 wfch he was wonder-
fully delivered, 2 Chron. xxvi. 1 5 ; hence also such expressions
as te~n 2'^n to make his way good (well), i.e. to get on well,
Jer. ii. 33. Such an infinitive, however, in this as in similar
cases (see § &), may, in accordance with the more terse and
elegant poetic style (see § 3c), again drop b, the excessive use
of which is so conspicuous in prose, and assume a position of

THE VERB WITH ANOTHER VERB SUBORDINATED. 73

simple subordination ; thus, ^57 1^ he makes straight to go, i.e.
goes straight forward, Prov. xv. 21; nisn Wnn / have made a
wound, beating, i.e. wounded, Mic. vi. 13; this peculiar mode
of expression makes its way even into narrative also, Num.
xxii. 15. Notwithstanding the existence of these varieties of
construction, the original simplicity of connection between
words, already indicated, still continues very prevalent ; nay,
more, instead of giving way to the more strict subordination
of one verbal idea by another, it has finally produced a new
mode of connecting words more akin to itself than the sub-
ordination, already mentioned, of the second verb by means
of the infinitive with ? ; this construction we shall at once
explain.

&. The second verb (i.e. the verb which, in meaning, is the
leading one) may also be subordinated somewhat more palpably
by the very fact of its being placed alongside of the preceding
verb without a joining and ; as, B^B?? itttjfr he will return, will
sharpen, i.e. will again sharpen, — a mode of construction in
which this same 1W is frequently employed, Ps. vii. 13, Gen.
xxx. 31, Josh. v. 2, Zech. viii. 15, though it is also construed,
in other instances, with ? and the infinitive, as in Job vii. 7 ;
1"!)^ £9^1 and thou dost on the third day, descendest, i.e. and thou
comest down on the third day, 1 Sam. xx. 19 ; Viinn te"jn ye
do much, ye speak, i.e. ye speak much, 1 Sam. ii. 3, cf. Jer.
xiii. 18; sj^n TSiri he was willing (wished), went, i.e. went
intentionally, Hos. v. 11, cf. vi. 4, ix. 9 (cf. v. 2), xiii. 3;
3ty psn he crushed, left, i.e. he left (the poor) crushed, Job
xx. 19. It is but seldom that a word is interjected between
two such verbs, as in Ps. vii. 13, Isa. ili. 26, xxix. 4, since
it rather becomes more and more of essential importance that
the one should immediately follow the other, in order to
convey the idea of the subordination of the second. We have
here, then, an effort [718J, on the part of the Semitic languages,
to represent an idea by nothing more than a strict arrange-
ment of words, in the way so frequently exemplified in other
cases (see § 107d) : this mode of connecting two verbs is
most frequently resorted to in Aramaic,1 and least employed

1 But the same holds true with regard to many other languages, in pro-
portion as the verbs in them continue to be comparatively more primitive
and numerous, while abstract forms and adverbs are still comparatively

74 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 285.

in Arabic ; while, in Hebrew, it is met with more frequently
in later than in earlier writings ; cf. the strong examples in
1 Chron. xiii. 2, Neh. iii. 20.

c. 2. The one verbal-idea describes the immediate conse-
quence of the other, or that which necessarily proceeds from
the first ; hence, this construction is based on the more strict
relation of subordination (see § 281 f.), not, as in the pre-
ceding case, on the more loose kind (§ 2*79). And when the
second verb is subordinated, it should properly be put as an
accusative of the imperfect, i.e. as a subjunctive.1

But (a) even in this case, the Semitic languages continue
to exhibit their original simplicity of construction, in accord-
ance with which, by means of the progressive and stronger
dnd (230 ff.), they may still join the first verb to the second,
as a wholly living form, in full co-ordination, and in complete
independence. Thus T1^?. ^K I am able and sec, Esth.
viii. 6, because actual seeing can never be anything else than
a consequence of the power to see.

(5) Here, however, it is, of course, the verb which expresses
the necessary consequence of the verbal idea that is, for the
most part, subordinated. But since, in Hebrew, the infinitive
is the proper form to be used when a verb is to be shortly
summarised and subordinated, such a verb nearly always finds
its completion in that form, and particularly the infinitive
with i> (as in German [and English]). Thus DnW feitf / am
able to fight, Num. xxii. 1 1 ; rOf£ rQK &6 he would not, was
unwilling (properly, had no desire to) go ; Bnar6 f«» he refused
to let himself le comforted. Certainly, the infinitive may also
be subordinated without using this f>, just as in the Latin,
but such a construction is rare in prose ; as, Kte JHK &6 /
know not [how] to go in, 1 Kings iii. 7 (but in ver. 1 1 with £),
cf. Ex. xix. 12, Num. xxii. 13, 14 (where the construction
varies) : such a simple form of the infinitive is found, for the
most part, only in poetry, as K8W Wjfa / am wearied to lear
[with bearing], Isa. i. 14, Jer. ix. 4, xv. 6 ; C$3r6 fKD he would

rare ; e.g. the Sechuana, according to Casalis, p. 45 ; American Oriental
Journal, i. p. 419.

1 As is shown by the Ethiopic ; on the other hand, the Arabic has ac-
customed itself to use the subjunctive only after a conjunction appropriate
for the purpose.

THE VERB WITH ANOTHER VERB SUBORDINATED. 75

not le ashamed, Jer. iii. 3 ; cf. v. 3 (where there is a change
from the simple construction to that with ?), Amos iii. 10, Job
xiii. 3, cf. ix. 3, Isa xi. 9, cf. Hab. ii. 14 : similarly, with a
participle, "n'JJ T'O? paratus excitare, Job iii. 8. It is still
more rare to find the inftn. dbsol. thus subordinated, in
poetry; see examples cited in § 240« [Isa. vii. 15, 16 (but
see, on the other hand, viii. 4), xlii. 24]. Many verbs may
be regarded as capable either of this mode of construction, or
of that which has been indicated in § a ; such is inn to cease,
which might well adopt the construction indicated in § a,
though in actual fact it is always construed with r5.

[719] Moreover, (c) the imperfect also may be subordinated
in this way ; it is put in its most ready form, since the
Hebrew, in this case, has no means of distinguishing such
an accusative; as, TO?** ^JHJ / know [how] to flatter. But
this construction is more Arabic than Hebrew, and occurs
only very seldom in the latter language, being used merely
by some later poetic writers, as Job xxxii. 22, Isa. xlii. 21,
Lam. iv. 14.1

d. Though, in accordance with § 217&, verbs signifying to
desist, cease, or le ashamed, are mostly construed with the
infinitive by means of the preposition IP from, yet, since the
meaning of the whole is pretty clear from the subordination of
the verb in the infinitive, they may gradually also be construed,
in a more simple manner, by means of the usual p, with the
infinitive; as,^R?? "•ijii^si / am ashamed to ask, Ezra viii. 22 ;
a still stronger case occurs in iv. 4.

On the contrary, when the idea of a comparison between
two objects, a higher and a lower, is contained in the pre-
position I*?, the infinitive also must regularly be construed
with it ; in such a case, the more simple infinitive with ? is

1 Also Num. xxii. 6, P133 oitf / am able to smite; here, the sudden
transition from the first pers. sing, into the plur. finds its explanation
in the mental condition of the speaker (who is doubtful whether he
can accomplish the deed alone). At least it is utterly impossible, by
changing the points, to read the word nbJ» as the inf. Qal (see § 170).
But in Hebrew we cannot think of attributing the irregularity to the weak-
ness and confusion displayed in more modern Semitic languages, which,
instead of the singular, put the first person plural of the imperfect, merely
on account of its greater strength.

76 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 235.

scarcely ever deemed sufficient, as in our modern languages ;
thus, r\^rf? TV* small, i.e. unworthy to be among the cities of
Judah, Mic. v. 1, luster. J of which we find elsewhere the more
exact expression fl^no too small to be; cf. further § 336&.
The IB, on the contrary, is so essentially necessary for express-
ing the definite idea too much (nimis), that we must even
say rti^p ni^riD 1"| prop, it is more than that there should be
thunders, i.e. there have been already too many thunders,
Ex. ix. 28.

e. Certain verbs may gradually receive a non-sensuous
meaning of so refined a shade, as no longer to indicate any-
thing but a relation to the action, or even the being engaged
in the act, or the being in a state or condition ; such verbs of
themselves require some fuller statement in order to complete
the idea they contain. This is given especially in the shape
of a more definite verb, or some other kind of predicate ; and
from the fact of their needing such completion, they might be
called incomplete verbs, just as there are, similarly, incomplete
nouns (see § 209c [examples are <&, ^, B*|, ftf, etc.]). Besides
the substantive verb njn to be, there are used

(1.) Verbs of acting, or living, and being in a particular time
and position ; these the Semitic languages still prefer to retain
in their original living form, while modern languages rather
seek to express the ideas they represent by means of attri-
butives [adjectives or adverbs].1 Such verbs, accordingly, are
construed [720] almost wholly in the way described above,
under § a, b; as, ^n D^n he morninged, went, i.e. he departed
early in the morning, Hos. vi. 4 (§ 280c); but they also like
to be construed with the participle, or the infinitive ; cf.
§ 2896.

(2.) Verbs signifying ability, knowledge, or fitness to act;
these also describe an action which is assumed to be possible ;
hence they may be construed with the participle, as describing
the circumstance still more vividly than the subordinated

1 The Greeks often, in such cases, continue to employ a fully declined
adjective, which gives somewhat more force and life to the expression ; as,
os he came on the third day ; •yevopevcti opdpwai, Luke xxiv. 22,

precisely like fgtpke ; ^xvvv^oi B/otrsXot/m?, Philo against Flaccnis ii
p. 535.

WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 77

imperfect, or even the mere infinitive (see § c) : thus, }23£ JH*
one who knows how to play, 1 Sam. xvi. 1 6 ; 2B* rw he shall
be fit to sit, Jer. xxii. 30. This construction appears most
readily in the case of such an expression as, it is vain for you,
which, in our modern languages, would be followed by to do
this or that : such, indeed, is also the usual construction in
Hebrew, though the participle also may be used, Ps. cxxvii. 2.1

SECOND KIND OF WORD-GROUPS.

Words in attraction (in the construct state):2 the Genitival and
other similar relations.

28 6 a. The proper completion of the noun is the construct
state (see § 208 ff., [and footnote, p. 28]); but, besides this,
another noun may be subordinated to it in the accusative ; or
the noun may be accompanied by another in mere co-ordina-
tion (apposition). We have thus to inquire what form these
three possible constructions assume ; and how, when all three
are insufficient, it may become necessary to use a preposition
for joining words. We shall also have to describe here the
various uses to which the construct state is applied, as well as
its consequences, all of which are of great importance in the
whole arrangement of a sentence.

1st. Extension of the chain of words.

I. The attraction of a word (or, to use at once a briefer
expression, the word-chain) is most necessary and strong, when
a noun in its most proper form (i.e. as a substantive) has to
subordinate another of like force and independence, in order
to complete its meaning ; e.g. when house and father, or even
son and son, are to become related. Here, co-ordination is not

1 In Greek and Syriac also, the verb, in such cases, likes to be followed
by the participle.

2 [The construct state has been most fully investigated by Dr. Fried.
W. M. Philippi in a special monograph ( Wesen und Ursprung des Status
constructus im Hebraischen, Weimar 1871), to which advanced students
may be at once referred.]

78 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 286.

enough, since this merely connects words which gradually
explain themselves (see § 293); nor is loose subordination of
the second noun in the accusative sufficient, because such a
relation affords no firm hold, or any close bond of connection
between the two words ; nothing but the strict subordination
of the second word to the first, or the formation of a word-
chain, gives, in such a case (see § 209 f.), the sense of our
modern genitive ; as, 2Xn rva house of the father, 15rr|3 the son
of the son. The first word of the chain is thus [721] always a
pure substantive, or an adjective with the force of a noun,
as, Vja fbj? the little one (or, the smallest) of his sons ; it may
also (though this is exceptional) be an adverb endowed once
more with the force of a substantive, as, ^DX yesterday evening
(properly, simply evening, darkness ; from the root n?^?), in
the language of the book of Job xxx. 3, the dark night of
• desolation and waste, i.e. the darkest desolation and waste ; cf.
Job viii. 9 and § 269d The second word is (a) an ordinary
substantive, or (b) a pronoun which has in itself the force
of a noun;1 or (c) an adjective which has been raised to the
position and power of a substantive ; or even (d) an entire
proposition, which, in force, even surpasses the noun [as, the
day (on which) God spake ; see § 2 8 62].

1). If the first noun signifies action or suffering, it may refer
to the second either (1) in such a way that the action must
be regarded as arising from the latter (genitive of the subject),
or (2) so that it is itself the object of the action (genitive of
the object). The context will always readily give the special
meaning ; modern languages, however, mostly mark the latter
case by means of prepositions ; e.g. ^na my fear, i.e. fear which
I have, or, fear of me; T!?? thy remembrance, i.e. which thou
hast, or remembrance of thee ; ^3 his vexation, i.e. which he
feels, Prov. xii. 16, Job vi. 2, or vexation regarding him, Deut.
xxxii. 27 ; Visi his word, which he speaks, but possibly also,
the word concerning him, Isa. xliv. 26, compared with
xlii. 19, xlvi. 10 f.; 03^ Don the cruelty of your hands, but
&tj the cruelty of Lebanon, which it suffers, Hab. ii. 17;
WpP the report about Saul, 2 Sam. iv. 4 ; TPP b« mourn-
ing for an only son, Amos viii. 10 ; *3"n my way, but HJn TO

1 [Hence, a noun with a suffix must be regarded as in the construct state
before the pronominal fragment.]

WORDS IN ATTRACTION: THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 79

the way to the tree, Gen. iii. 24. The participle also has the
force of a substantive in cases such as '•Oj? my adversaries ;*
^np my ragcrs, i.e. my raging enemies, Ps. cii. 9 ; but
n7n! '?."!* may also mean, when the connection of the whole
plainly requires it, the oppressors of Judah, i.e. out of Judah,
Isa. xi. 13.

c. Proper names are in themselves too definite and full in
their meaning, and hence also too rigid and inflexible, to enter
readily into such a combination as its first member. Some
cases, however, do occur ; and these have established themselves
mainly through their being very often used. But such nouns
are less frequently names of persons, as in the expression
ni&Oi' iW Jdhve of Hosts (which is also found elsewhere in the
fuller form rrttov *rptf nin* Jahve, the God of Hosts) than names
of towns ; as, CPriB^a n? Gath of the Philistines, i.e. the Philis-
tine [city] Gath (as in Latin, Ascalon Judceae), Amos vi. 2,
JDeut. xxiii. 5, 1 Sam. xvii. 12, 1 Kings iv. 12 f. Yet it is
not uncommon also to find here the more loose construction
described in § 292 &; cf. 1 Kings xv. 27, xvii. 9. The
strongest possible cases of such a kind [722], however, are P^I
"IJ?YS Damascus (the city) of Eliezer, Gen. xv. 2, Zion of the
Holy One of Israel, Isa. Ix. 14.2

d. The first member of the series may merely set forth the
relations in which the following word stands to space, number,
existence, and nature, etc. The first word is then a purely
mental conception with an imperfect reference, having no
independent position, and partaking of the nature of a particle ;
while the second is, outwardly, the most stable and important.
The attraction between the two, when it takes place, is very
close and strong ; but, just because the first merely describes
a relation, it may, if still retaining a somewhat more indepen-

1 It is clear from § 282a how ^3$ my dweller, Ps. xxxi. 11, may come to have
the meaning of one who dwells near me, my neighbour ; but the Arabic goes
still further than this in its use of the words ^*MJJ£>. he who is sitting with
me, -JLiflj ic->.^r^> which, in their original meaning, always require such
a reference ; cf. Tabrizi, Hamasa, p. 729.

2 The same construction may also be used in Arabic, especially in poetry ;

thus, we can say <Luai* his Qais, Hamasa, p. 193, second last line ; cf.
other instances there, pp. 244, 21 ; 239, 12.

80 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 286.

dent meaning and extensive reference, more easily free itself
from the construction, liberate the word subordinated, and
assume a more unfettered position in the sentence. Under such
imperfect nouns, as they have been already named (§ 209c),
are classed the following : —

1. The simple numerals from two to ten inclusive, also n«» and
*]ta, which, as being originally nouns, are to be placed first, in
the construct state (see § 267 c,d [Ges. § 120, la; Gr. § 250,
2 (2) ; Dav. § 48, 5]), and hence also may be joined with
suffixes ; thus, D'B$> *M tivo peoples, D'KO W two women, «\JP
prop, the pair of us, i.e. we two, DH'Of they two, or loth (for
which the Aramean also has no special word), as is shown in
§ 267Z>, DJJB^ they three. But they may also be separated,
and stand alone, without the closer subordination ; see further,
§ 267 [Ges. § 120, 15, c; Gr. § 250, 2 (1), (3) ; Dav. § 485].
Of the numerals from three to ten, joined with feminine nouns,
yiwt V^fl, Eton., and B&P are thus used, in the Old Testament,
as constructs, only before another numeral with which they
are closely joined, or at least before a noun which is, in some
way or other, more closely defined, as in Ex. xxvi. 3, 9 ; and
with these we must class nWn&P these three, Ex. xxi. 11, as
well as the instance found in Gen. xviii. 6. Similarly, n:^p
double, is either put in the construct state, Deut. xv. 18, or
used adverbially, doubled ; in the latter case, it is either placed
before the word it modifies, Jer. xvii. 18, Gen. xliii. 15, or
after it, Ex. xvi. 22 [cf. § 28"7&]. Very high numbers also
readily take up their position after a word put in the con-
struct state ; as, *1?K 'Tin mountains of (or to the number of)
a thousand, Ps. 1. 10, 2 Chron. i. 6, compared with 1 Kings
iii. 4 ; and when we find that, in poetic language, BwK rriayj
myriads of thousands, Num. x. 36, is used interchangeably
with nzQ"i ''S&K, Gen. xxiv. 60, it would appear that the first
word stands in the construct state merely for the purpose of
connecting the two (see § 2"70d).

The numeral 1H£ one, though mostly used as an adjective,
may nevertheless be also subordinated to its noun, put in the
construct state ; as, 1HK B&ato one law, Lev. xxiv. 22, ^ fl"iK
a chest, 2 Kings xii. 10 (2 Chron. xxiv. 8), "inN nna one
Pasha, Isa. xxxvi. 9 (2 Kings xviii 24).

e. i>b properly all, totality, is always used only in the con-

WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 8 1

struct state, for the German [and English] all and whole;
cf. further, § 290c. And though the word, as answering to
the idea [723] of an adjective, is sometimes also placed (in
apposition) after the noun it modifies, the latter, which has
been already mentioned, must again be represented in the
suffix of f>b, since the word always continues to be a noun ;
thus, rfc) Ttfjfe* all Israel. It is but rarely that bb, becoming
more inflexible, is used by itself for the perfectly definite
everything, or all, every one, Gen. viii. 21, ix. 3, xvi. 12, Jer.
xliv. 1 2 ; then by degrees also ten, with the article, for the
whole, all, Ps. xlix. 18, xiv. 4, Dan. xi. 2 ; cf. § 290c, and
Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 343. However, particularly where
it is applied to persons, and means every one, it often resumes
its original necessary reference, at least when a neuter suffix
is assumed; thus, $3 every one (of them), Isa. i. 23, ix. 16,
Hab. i. 9, 15, Jer. vi. 13, viii. 6, 10, xv. 10, xx. 7,
Ps. xxix. 9.

With these we may further class l"i multitude of, ^ fulness
of, i.e. much, enough of; as, &fe :n much peace, nb ^ all
power, omnipotence, J?n ^ milk enough, and some others ;
cf. § 209c. The word VnlV (which has been explained under
§ 258c), since it no longer means anything more than together,
is gradually shortened, by dropping the suffix, into the simple
"in*, which form is also found, in simple narrative, in the
Books of Samuel, but is quite unknown in the Pentateuch
(except in the Song, Deut. xxxiii. 5). The opposite of the
meaning presented in this last word is given by the com-
pound fa^p he alone (S^Sp ye, alone), prop, for his being alone,
so that he is alone1 (see § 217^), which is always to be
construed in this way with suffixes, if not joined with a more
definite noun ; but it is slow to connect itself with such a
word, and, when it does enter into the connection, always

1 In this and all similar cases, the Arabic does not need the *?, since it

possesses an accusative which is clear enough in itself, #Jo-«, Ewald's
Gram. Arab. § 562. The Ethiopic goes still further in this, since it even
makes such a form as gheraqeya, I naked ; see the Gotting. Gel. Anz. for
1857, p. 1087 [Dillmann, Grammatik, § 174, la; 1896]. Here, again, the
nearest to the Hebrew is the Coptic, with its JUUmT^-TCJ, which has
arisen from a combination of the prepositional particle en, corresponding to
$>, with vauat (abstract of OT£. one).

P

82 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, § 286.

seeks the help of the preposition j» (which so well accords
with its meaning, see § 217&), in the way more fully
described in § 270&; hence also, ^7 occurs less readily by
itself as a mere attributive (adverb), meaning alone. Words
like Hrfot except (see § 211V) are even found quite loosely, as
mere attributives, at the head of a proposition, or somewhere
in it, 1 Kings iii. 18 ; but they may further also be con-
strued with suffixes, as, SH^I except it, 1 Sam. xxi. 10.

/. 2. Words that express some kind of existence : nouns
which are still used elsewhere, in their full [concrete] mean-
ing, may likewise be employed, in the same way, as purely
mental concepts. This remark applies specially to $B3 soiU
= independent life = self, which is used to express our self,
Lat. ipse, where this idea would not otherwise be sufficiently
clear (cf. § 105/) ; the word is, however, still chiefly used with
reference to animate beings, or those [724] resembling them,
Isa. xlvi. 2, and especially with the suffixes, to express the
reflexive ; as, HB>BJ my soul, i.e. I myself, D^'a: they themselves.
When, however, prominence is rather to be assigned to the
whole person, in his external appearance, "05) face of, is used
instead; as, ^a my person, i.e. I myself, Ex. xxxiii. 14f.,
2 Sam. xvii. 11. For inanimate objects, DSy lone, body, is
preferably used, in the same sense ; as, tPD$n Dsy heaven
itself, Ex. xxiv. 10 ; and, when followed by fcttnn (according
to § 105/), the reference is to what precedes: the very
same, Gen. vii. 13.

"tyi word, affair, thing, in the construct state, often serves
merely to form a new idea which might be presented in a
neuter noun ; as, Dto &V "Dl. [a daily matter in a day, what
happens daily], Ger. das tagliche, see p. 534, line 3 f.; "n^n
nfoijj things of sins, i.e. what is iniquitous, as neut. pluf. in
Ps. Ixv. 4. A different case is presented when (as shown in
§ 2*78&) it is intentionally left quite indefinite in the chain of
words ; as, ?5?v3 "On something of mischief, something evil,
Ps. xli. 9 ; or when it is put still more strongly, as the second
member of the series, in such a construction as, i:n rip.? a
nakedness of anything, or any kind of nakedness, Deut. xxiii. is,
xxiv. 1.

"top voice of . . . used by itself in this manner, with its
subordinated word or particle, simply means our hark! as,

WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 8 3

^ifa bip harlc, — my friend ! Cant. ii. 8, v. 2 ; in such a case, a
verb may follow, but only under the conditions described in
§ 322«; as, top? niir ^ip ftarfc, Ja/we ca#s / see Ps. xxix. 3-9,
where the same construction and meaning are sustained
throughout. Since the word, construed in such a way, may
merely bear something of the meaning of our adverb loud,
aloud, it may even take a preposition before it again ; . . .
?ip£> loud from the choirs of song — there let them praise, Judg.
v. 11. But, as in the cases mentioned in § h below, such
a combination of words may also be placed by itself as a
complete proposition, at least after ^ because; as, "iBls? pip th&
trumpet waxes loud, Job xxxix. 24.

g. Small words which have the force of a negative merely on
the idea presented by a noun in the singular, must, in Semitic,
precede such noun, in the construct state, and be immediately
followed by this governed noun, the opposite of which is
meant to be expressed. The particles employed for this, in
prose, are PK and W? (see § 2116), the latter of which,
however, is used only to a very limited extent (see § 322«);
but in poetry, there are also used, in this way, y? and the
very short particles tih and ?K, which, in prose, can only be
used to negative a whole proposition, and hence have the
force of adverbs (§ 320a). These words thus correspond, in
the construct state, to our without t or non- [in-, un-, -less'], and
are joined, in prose, only with substantives ; as, "i3p*? pK with-
out number [numberless, unnumbered, innumerable],1 ""PJ pK

1 Arabic *j> with the oblique case, and without nunnation ; see Ewald's

/ o /
Gram. Arab. ii. p. 45 [Wright's A rabic Grammar , ii. 39, 1]. For

certainly forms, at first, a combination like our without doubt; and only
afterwards, through* taking the expression by itself, does there arise from
it the meaning of no doubt, i.e. there is no doubt. Hence, originally at least,
the noun has been subordinated in the genitive ; this subordination, too,
has been so strict, and the idea is, in the case when ^ not, is alone em-
ployed, so exclusively formed by the mere juxtaposition of the words, that,
from the influence of the ^, even the nunnation at the end is neglected.
The English no man, no doubt, correspond pretty well to this. When the
subordination gradually becomes more loose, and passes over into the
accusative, this is merely the same thing as when (see § 262c/) DD^K
may finally become DSHN pX- Cf. Baidhavi on Sura xxxvii. 37, and the
line in Hamdsa, p. 227, 16.

84 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 286.

without one free [725], i.e. without one being exempt, 1 Kings
xv. 22 ; nor^D p« without war, 1 Kings xxii. 1 ; D?» ^3
without water, Job viii. 1 1 ; but, in poetry, any infinitive also
may be subordinated by these words, as, pan ptf without
intelligence, Ps. xxxii. 9 ; also, any adjective or participle,
as, rPBfo ^3 not anointed, 2 Sam. i. 21; JJBfJ $3 unheard,
Ps. xix. 4; ^"'K ?wtf Nameless (§ 215&). Poets may even
avail themselves of this mode of compounding, in order to
form, out of nouns, new adjectives (see § 270c), which, how-
ever, are for the most part used almost solely as predicates ;
thus, b$ P£ one without strength, i.e. feeble, Ps. Ixxxviii. 5,
Prov. xxv. 3, 28, xxviii. 27, Jer. v. 21, 2 Chron. xiv. 10 ;
DK> ^3 one without name, i.e. ignolilis, Job xxx. 8 ; <"Wab? K?
what is not for satisfaction, i.e. what cannot satisfy, Isa. Iv. 2.
It is, however, to be observed that such combinations of words
in a sentence may always occupy a somewhat more dependent
position (i.e. never be used simply as the subject), in such a
way that their connection with the rest of the words in the
proposition throws light on their meaning in it. But a sub-
stantive in the singular may also be subordinated more loosely
to the sentence by means of &&a with not, i.e. without, just like
a preposition; see Num. xxxv. 22 f., 1 Chron. xii. 17, 33,
2 Chron. xxi. 20 ; and in poetry even tib simply, as in Job
xii. 24, xxxiv. 24, xxxviii. 26, Ps. lix. 4, 2 Sam. xxiii. 4,
(in prose, only 1 Chron. ii. 30, 32).

In poetry, but only sometimes, and when special emphasis
is intended, the simplest negative particle is prefixed to a
noun singular, in order to form a sharp negation of the idea in
the noun; as, ?N & a non-god, idol, Deut. xxxii. 5, 17, 21,
Jer. xvi. 20, Amos vi. 13, 2 Chron. xiii. 9 ; with the infinitive,
or any other form having a similar meaning, 5w [the subjective
negative] is joined ; as, IWvR, which is exactly like the Greek
TO fjirj 6vr)(TK€iv, immortality, Prov. xii. 28, xxx. 31 ; cf. the
expression SK? D11^ bring to nought, els fjirjSev, Job xxiv. 25.

h. The whole family of particles (more fully discussed in
§ 299a) which, without being verbs, yet have their meaning,
and which may therefore be briefly designated nominal-verbs,
consists of nouns (except such words as nan behold, and n>«
where?) originally in the construct state, which require their
proper complement; see § 262 [Ges. § 100, 5 ; Gr. § 236 J

WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 85

They may also be combined with one another in order to repre-
sent more exactly the idea intended ; thus, in 1 Sam. xxi. 9,
"£?. PS? more precisely indicates what is elsewhere more briefly
expressed by the simple pK (see § 213e) ; a similar combina-
tion is "tfV ''pSX there is none besides, Zeph. ii. 15, Isa. xlvii. 8,
10, *•— being the mark of the construct state (see § 211& [Ges.
§ 90, 3a; Gr. § 218 ; Dav. § 17, 1] ; cf. 2 Sam. ix. 3. Hence
also, B?. by itself, in an [726] incomplete proposition, means
no more than existence of ; but the whole of them may also
be regarded as forming separate propositions, as we have
already seen in the similar case of ^ip (§ / above) ; and ^, as
the particle which indicates simple existence, or affirms that
a thing is not wanting, is now only used in this way, quite
independently, as in the proposition 07? ^» there exist (or
there are) men. For further details, see §§ 299a, 321.

i. 3. Lastly, substantives which, similarly, only in a quite
general sense define the place, time, or kind and manner of
the expression which follows, may be placed, in the construct
state, before an entire proposition ; as, rttrP "i2n DV3 on the day
God spake, i.e. on the day on which (or when) God spake ;
ny time when, i.e. at the time when, Ex. vi. 28, 1 Sam. xxv.
15, Job vi. 17, xxix. 2, Ps. xlix. 66, Ivi. 4, Jer. ii. 17,
Ezek. xxvii. 34; iffni? & "iBte "nyity on account of the thing
that, i.e. because, they did not anticipate, Deut. xxiii. 5 ; cf.
§ 222a, above, and § 332c, d, below.

287a. II. The exact opposite of the constructions hitherto
described, in which essentially dissimilar elements are con-
nected, and one substantive acts forcibly on another, is formed
by the complement of a substantive, in the shape of a word
which merely describes its character or its contents. Such
additions, viewed with regard to their meaning, are much
more loosely connected with the substantive round which they
are gathered, and which, in meaning, must always remain the
leading word. Hence,

1. If an adjective or a pronoun be joined with its sub-
stantive, for the purpose of rendering the latter more definite,
the former is regularly co-ordinated, not subordinated to the
other ; cf. § 293a. Of course, by making a further extension
of its use, the construct state might be employed for the
purpose of forming a closer connection between the following

86 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 237.

adjective and its substantive,1 and some few initiatory steps
in this direction have, certainly, been taken by the Semitic
languages also ; but these have always been more in the line
of making such completions follow somewhat -loosely, than in
the way of forming a close connection by means of the con-
struct state. The rare instances of this description, in which
the construct state is used in Hebrew, seem to belong merely
to the somewhat later stages of the language, when it was
becoming less steady in its character; and they are almost
wholly confined to the definite mode of expression, in which
the article, instead of being twice employed (see § 293a), is
prefixed only to the adjective following ; while the noun,
just because it stands without the article, is more closely
attached to the succeeding word, and the article, thus placed
between the two, binds them more firmly together. Such is
the case when the number of a year is given ; as, W'inn n^2
in the fourth year, Jer. xxxii. 1 (Kethiti), xlvi. 2, li. 59,
2 Kings xvii. 6, while, in other places, we find instead
rpyznn n:^3 (compare, however, the positions of n^ [727]
under kindred circumstances, as shown below, in § &); also,
when ideas frequently recur together ; as, p^L1} nnton Tj-VTa in
the good and upright way, 1 Sam. xii. 23] ; N?^ &1 the innocent
blood, Jer. xxii. 17, Deut. xix. 13, which occurs along with
^ &$, and (without the article) ^J &% Deut. xxi. 8 f. ;
nViraan \3xn early figs, Jer. xxiv. 2.2 Besides what has now
been mentioned, it is chiefly ideas often used, such as great,
"bad, etc., that enter into these and other looser constructions
(see § 2936), which are rather more frequently met with
in later poets than in earlier writers ; thus, n2n non Great
Hamath, Amos vi. 2 (for the name of the city, under other cir-
cumstances, is written fiDn, see 1*7 3d) ; R70 aoa a large ravine,
Zech. xiv. 4 (cf. § 146/) ; to} rva large 'house, 2 Kings
xxv. 9, cf. Jer. lii. 13 ; 113 ^n strong force, 2 Kings xviii. 17,
Isa. xxxvi. 2, these nouns, of course, being of such a character
that their root-vowel is readily shortened (see § 146e) ; ''1&&?
O'jn evil angels, Ps. Ixxviii. 49 ; VI \W sore vexation, Eccles.

1 Like the Indo- Germanic compounds maharajd, great king, etc. ; or
rather, as the fa (^\ [izafat], in Persian, joins adjectives.

2 Also more briefly and simply imaa, in the singular, a being changed
into i ; see §§ 155/, ISSg.

WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 8 7

i. 13, v. 13. To this category also belongs the construction
rnD "TP21 nzo a blow without ceasing, i.e. a continuous stroke,
Isa. xiv. 6, but probably not the expression &WJ '5?tM, Isa.
xvii. 10, as if it meant pleasant plants} Where the adjective,
though without the article, nevertheless possesses in itself the
force of a definite word, the genitival relation is, of course,
admissible ; as, tPiljJ B^pB the place of the holy one, i.e. the holy
place, Eccles. viii. 10, ^fopfip^B Dip» the place of so and so
(the speaker omitting more definite mention of the name, as no

longer necessary to the narrative, like \ j£. \ j£ *UU <j), 2 Kings

vi. 8 ; cf. § 332c. The union-vowel <ur is indeed still used
pretty freely ; but, as the old remains of what is, properly
speaking, no longer a living form, its [occasional] employment
cannot at once be taken as a model and rule.

This possibility of using the construct state to join an adjec-
tive [with its noun] attains fuller development only when the
adjective is placed after its substantive, like a neuter, so as
simply to present the idea it contains, and thus in as short a
form as possible, without any further indication of gender and
number ; whereas, in the Indo-Germanic, when combined in
this way, it precedes its noun. This brief construction is occa-
sionally met with, at least among the poetic writers, particularly
when the most general adjectival-ideas good, lad, little, and such
like, are employed ; by such a combination, however [728], which
is still more rare than those already mentioned, the adjective
receives somewhat greater prominence ; examples are Sten ^
the lest wine, Cant. vii. 1 0 ; V1] n^N lad woman, or most wicked
woman, Prov. vi. 24; cf. ii. 9, 12, 14, xxiv. 25, Ps. xxi. 4,
xciv. 13, Jer. v. 28 ; jtojan "93 the smallest vessels, Isa. xxii.
24; N!?O '» most abundant water, Ps. Ixxiii. 10; JJTK nhru

1 A rendering more suitable for the context is, plantation of Adonises
(i.e. strange gods) ; pjp was probably a name of the Syrian Adonis, and
only afterwards used as a name for men among the Syrians and Arabs, as
the river near Accho [Acre], called Belus, which is pretty nearly synony-
mous, is still so called; see Seetzen's Travels, ii. p. 101 [Stanley's Sinai
and Palestine, p. 328]. Whether Dpfpp in Ezek. xii. 24 (cf. xiii. 7) is in
the construct state, might be open to question, but the cases in xxiii. 14,
xxiv. 12, are more plain. In Neo-Hebraic, cases like few ""bp^N are
possible ; M. Megilla iv. 8.

88 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, § 237.

everlasting streams, Ps. Ixxiv. 15 ;* also Isa. xxviii. 1, 4, on
which see § 289a. The words ?& the right, and *?&& the left,
may. certainly, have been originally adjectives ; but, on account
of the more easy combination by means of the construct state,
they have now merely the force of substantives which are
to be subordinated (or even to be used alone) ; as, P»;n T the
right hand, p»jn flw the right leg.

c. 2. Ideas which, in accordance with the form which the
Hebrew language, in the course of its development, has actually
assumed, are most easily expressed by means of attributives
(adverbs), or compounds formed by using prepositions, or in
some other similar way, are more often put merely in the out-
ward form of co-ordination with their noun, than subordinated
to it by a closer bond of connection. Simple co-ordination takes
place when prepositions are used, as in the case, ^ *rn$ my
help in me, i.e. my inward help (because such an idea as inward
would need to be expressed otherwise with much greater pro-
lixity), Job vi. 13, cf. iv. 21, xx. 2, Hab. ii. 4, Isa. xix. 3 ;
moreover, in the expression Paja "OSK my foes against the soul,
i.e. my mortal enemies, Ps. xvii. 9, cf. Ezek. xxv. 6, 15. Very
many attributives are thus co-ordinated in their shortest
possible form. In prose, indeed, it is only certain constantly
recurring words which are found thus employed, especially na/in
much (see § 280c); as, na/in D^y logs [pieces of wood] much,
i.e. many logs, Isa. xxx. 3 3 ; *!$£> nann own very many spices,
1 Kings x. 1 0 ; and £>'£ little, as, £#£ &VJK few people, Neh.
ii. 12 ; By» &6 D?i3 not a few nations, Isa. x. 7. This BV»,
however, because it was originally a substantive (§ 147), also
very frequently, and much more readily than nann (see
§ 280c), assumes the construct state and subordinates a word
succeeding it; as, &?& W? parum aquae, BO'n BVD a little (of"
honey, i&tirn BJflp the few sheep, 1 Sam. xvii. 28. The difference
between the two constructions, then, is this, that a word which
signifies a thing, or one of the lower animals, is more easily
subordinated than a word applied to men. The poetic writers,
on the other hand, everywhere make large use of this brief
and easy method of construction ; as, D»Fi ja« the stone dumb,

1 Cf. a similar usage in Arabic ; see Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 29; and
p !?3 white clothes, M. Ta'anith, iv. 8.

WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 89

i.e. the dumb stone, Hab. ii. 19 (cf. § 204£) ; naa vfa Cash
secure (careless), i.e. the careless Gush, Ezek. xxx. 9 ; ^nnry
ion l our help vain, i.e. our vain help, Lam. iv. 1 7, and the fre-
quently occurring expressions ">i?B> "O^N or 03H "O^K my groundless
foes, i.e. foes who have no grounds for their enmity, Ps. xxxv.
19, Ixix. 5, Lam. iii. 52 ; cf. further, § 2916.

d. Besides this, however, there is also found the closer con-
struction, which is (1st) readily employed before attributives ;
as in tW Via few people, Deut. xxvi. 5, xxviii. 62 ; TBn nb'y
continual sacrifice, Num. xxviii. 5, near which [729], in ver. 3,
we find T'pri ^piy ; EJ1? ^l blood shed causelessly, 1 Kings ii.
31, besides which we find the sing. &jn D1^ innocent blood
1 Sam. xxv. 31 ; (2d) also when there follows an idea which
is to be expressed by prepositions, or some other similar
means ; as, ^'">i?P S'T>?* a god from near, or pn-jp ^N a god from
afar, i.e. a god coming from some place near, or from afar,
Jer. xxiii. 23, cf. Prov. vii. 19 ; njbv TO7DD the kingdoms to
the north (see § 216, [Ges. § 90, 2 ; Gr. § 219 ; Dav. § 17, 3]),
i.e. the northern kingdoms, Jer. i. 15, xxiii. 8. Such words
are actually very closely connected in meaning ; still more
closely connected are the elements in the expression W3 ^?
according to sufficiency in us, i.e. as far as we were able, Noh.
v. 8 (from *!, § 209c) ; TO rjE& fo/br{> /rom ^'s (§ 183a), *.e.
hitherto, formerly, Neh. xiii. 4. But if the construct state
were always employed in this way, its use would be extended
far beyond its most natural province (see § 210) ; hence, since
the close construction is not necessary in this case, other laws
of language also come in and exert their combined influence.
On this, see § 2896.

e. 3. A substantive remains loosely co-ordinated with the
[other] substantive when, though more closely specifying the
meaning of the first, it is essentially so like it, that both might
be mutually related as subject and predicate, or that the second,
as such, might form the predicate of a relative clause ; thus,
7|?an in David the king, where [the name] David is more

1 [Philippi shows, against Nagelsbach, Delitzsch, and Hupfeld, that, in
such cases, the second noun is an accusative of closer specification, and not
a genitive governed by the first noun, whose subordinating force is con-
tinued beyond its suffix. (Status constructus, pp. 13, 14, and footnote.)
See also § 291a and footnote.]

90 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 287.

"before the mind of the speaker, or "TO ^n King David, where
the idea of kingship is the nearer; see further under § 293^
But this construction is also capable of being applied in a
more loose, as well as in a more stringent form. Thus : —

(a) In the looser application, there is joined [with the prin-
cipal noun] a substantive which at the same time refers to the
whole proposition, and this in such a way that, in modern
languages, we use as (like) to explain the relation ; hence also
it stands more freely in the sentence. Though, in the Hebrew,
it may also be introduced by ? (see § 217^), it is usually
added [to the chief noun] simply as it is in itself ; thus, they
lend their tongue Bfif £ like their low, Jer. ix. 2 ; my mother
has lorn me fft® tJ^K as a man of contention for the whole
earth, Jer. xv. 10.

(Z>) In the closer application made of it, and position assigned
to it, a substantive is perhaps co-ordinated because there is no
corresponding adjective, while subordination would not afford
a correct meaning ; as, rfera rnjtt puella virgo, 1 Kings i. 1 ;
cf. 2 Sam. xv. 16, xx. 3 ; D*6f> D'rnr thank-offerings, Ex.
xxiv. 5 ; n$j3 nih a marksman, archer, i.e. a marksman skilled
in using the bow, Gen. xxi. 20, cf. 1 Kings v. 29, Neh.
iv. 11. Moreover, in this case, different numbers and genders
may be conjoined ; as, '"tDvari D^n^n the Jews, the remnant, i.e.
the Jews who had been spared, Nell. i. 2, cf. ver. 3 ; ^"W
niTnlft cities, separate places, i.e. separate cities, Josh. xvi. 9.

Two such substantives, however, constantly manifest so
strong a tendency to unite inseparably with one another, that
every [730] language gradually begins to form a closer connec-
tion between some words of this kind ; thus, there occurs in the
construct state rna iru [the river of Euphrates'], which would
exactly answer to the Ger. der Euphratstrom (like Rhine-
stream), also Dnp p« terra JZgypti, land of Egypt, Ger.
^gyptenland ; n^Jpn &?£> the tribe of Manasseh, where the
article is joined with the proper name Manasseh only because
of this construction (see § 2906) ; also iis? rm daughter (i.e. a
poetic title of honour for city) of Zion ; feinn nn? the chief pilot,
Jonah i. 6.1 For the same reason we can only say, 1^3 psn

1 That the expression cannot mean the master of the mariners, is further
evident from the fact that the mere DTl?D mariners (sailors) are very
clearly distinguished from the D^Sh in Ezek. xxvii. 8, 9, 27-29.

WORDS IX ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 91

the land of Canaan, Num. xxxiv. 2 ; ps? nan tlie daughter of
Zion, Lam. ii. 13 (in this latter passage, however, the article
likewise serves as an interjection; see § 327<x). To the same
category belongs the expression B'nnn ^N, which is the same
as our merchant-men, 1 Kings x. 14 (2 Chron. ix. 14).

/. A substantive which does not admit of being thus co-
ordinated must, of course, be subordinated to the preceding
noun, which takes the construct state, though the second
merely serves, by a circumlocution, to describe a property of
the first, and hence also is always, in itself, without the article
(cf. § 290a). Such constructions are all the more frequently
formed, because derivative adjectives are rare, or altogether
wanting in the Semitic languages (see § 2096 [Ges. § 106;
Gr. § 254c]); thus, ^n ina hero of power, i.e. a powerful
hero, Judg. xi. 1 ; ^HD B»K, man of contentions, i.e. a conten-
tious one ; from many nouns there are no adjectives derived
at all, hence we must use the construct state in ft? jVitf chest
of wood, i.e. wooden ; ^DD WK idols of silver, silver idols ; |t?5 V.?
children of the womb, i.e. uterine children ; ta rnj; assembly of
God, i.e. divine assembly, Ps. Ixxxii. 1 ; TyKfl ntotao the
kingdoms of the idols, i.e. the idolatrous kingdoms, Isa. x. 1 0 ;
such words as God and idols, in the last two examples, being
abbreviated as much as possible, so as to serve merely as the
description of a property. Or, the adjectives, [if they do exist],
indicate persons acting, and are not used with reference to
things ; as, P^V just, ^"lij holy ; hence, p"TC "TO sacrificia juris,
{.Q.jiista ; BH'p yusi vestes sanctitatis, i.e. sacrce. And many ideas,
such as numerable (i.e. easy to look over, small in number),
readily enter into numerous combinations, in exact accordance
with this mode of linking words together; as, "ispl? ^x men
of number, i.e. capable of being counted.

Through this lack of common adjectives, it has also come
about that abstract or neuter nouns are frequently subordi-
nated to general names of persons, or nouns which indicate
the possessor, origin, derivation; these nouns are combined
thus: (1) frequently with t^K man; as, "Wfo B^N vir formce,
i.e. formosus [731], 1 Sam. xvi. 1 8 ; &s~] J"? t^K vir verborumt
.i.e. facundus, Ex. iv. 10. (2) Often with ^3 master, owner;
as, O^fn ^3, having words (a complaint), i.e. a complainant,
Ex. xxiv. 14; HiDpn pyn having dreams, i.e. one who dreams

EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 237.

much, Gen. xxxvii. 1 9 ; IWpB fe one who keeps the oversight,
i.e. an officer in charge, Jer. xxxvii. 13 ; rriQDX vJB possessed
tf fittings, i.e. well fitted, Eccles. xii. 11. (3) With |3 sow, for
the purpose of indicating derivation, or even any other kind of
special reference ; as, fltonjjn \33 sons of guarantees, i.e. hostages,
2 Kings xiv. 14; ^D \33 sows of wealth, i.e. wealthy, Deut.
iii. 18 ; nten-}3 a son of beating, deserving to be beaten, Deut.
xxv. 2, 1 Sam. xx. 31 ; n^"i? son of a night, produced in a
night and depending on it, Jonah iv. 10. In such construc-
tions, also, poetic writers venture on much that is novel, as in
Isa. v. 1, Eccles. xii. 11. In Aramaic, it is the last-mentioned
construction that is most frequently used : it is employed for
the purpose of forming a word indicating a unit, or individual,
a class in which the language, in accordance with its ancient
character (see § 1*7 6 a), still continues very poor. Thus also,
in the later Hebrew of the more lofty style, there is formed
the expression tfj?"!3. an individual man, hence, in the plur.
D"i« "02 men; and further, in accordance with the same
Aramean and Neo-Hebraic usage, %P H3 a voice, plur. ?iP rriaa
voices, and the poetic Wn nfo3 singing voices, Eccles. xii. 4.1

g. The subordinated noun may also describe the relation of
the individual [part] to the whole [genus], the figurative to
the actual : D*JK NT??, the anointed of [or, among] men, i.e. the
anointed, and no other among men ; &!$ rtoK poor of men, i.e.
the poor, and no other men ; D*JK TOf the offering of men, i.e.
those who offer, men actually offering; all these expressions,
however, formed after the model of the above - mentioned
DlK 'OS sons of men, are rather merely poetic, Mic. v. 4,
Isa. xxix. 19, Hos. xiii. 2 ; D1K fcOB a wild ass of a man,
i.e. a very wild man, Gen. xvi. 12, Prov. xv. 20, xxi. 20;
Ytff* K^B a wonder of a counsellor, i.e. a wonderful counsellor,
Isa. ix. 5 ; ^3 syriD an abomination of a people, which is a
very strong expression for an abominable people, Isa. xlix. 7 ;
DV rp"i2i a covenant (i.e. means of union) of people, i.e. a media-
torial nation, Isa. xlix. 8, xlii. 6, Ps. Ixviii. 3 1.2 In every
such case it is essential that the subordinate noun should
assume the indefinite form of construction (i.e. remain without
the article), at least in the first instance ; however, "i^nn 7pn

1 See the Jahrbiicher der Ubl Wissenschaften, iii. p. 123.

2 Of. narasiriha (male lion), naravjahra (male tiger), in Sanskrit.

WORDS IN ATTRACTION: THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 93

may signify the inner court, 1 Kings viii. 64, inasmuch as 7|JR
alone has a similar meaning already, Isa. Ixvi. 17.

h. But it is not very strange that many a substantive,
whose meaning indicates merely the extent, number, or time,
or even the contents of the first, and which, accordingly, is
most easily subordinated, somewhat loosely, after the fashion
of an adjective, should gradually disengage itself from the
closer combination, of which it forms the second member, and,
by renouncing the construct state, enter into a freer kind of
subordination ; in actual fact, this looser species of construc-
tion has [732] already been very largely developed in the
Hebrew. Thus, BOB ^]V a foal of a wild ass, i.e. a wild ass's
colt, Job xi. 12; besides the expression "ispE ^K already
treated of (see above, § /), there is also found "ispo D^pj few
days, Num. ix. 20 ; D'BJ DV?JP two years, days (i.e. of time),
an expression which is nearly equivalent to the Ger. zwei
Jahre lany, for (the space of) two years ; CW j/ttt? a week's
time, 2JH DW' JD$ seven years (of) famine, 2 Sam. xxiv. 13,
cf. Gen. xli. 29; ^V D^fiin fc&D two fists full (of) toil (see
§ 209c), Eccles. iv. 6 [Judg. vi. 38], cf. 2 Kings v. 17;
PJT^3 nnty'N a grove [of] any kind of wood whatever, Deut.
xvi. 21, 2 Kings iv. 2, Eccles. ii. 7; "i$f B'^K, rams (i.e.
fleeces of) wool, 2 Kings iii. 4 ; ""^pD nfeW? a w0r& o/ artf [of]
something curled, i.e. something artificially curled, Isa. iii. 24.
Even such constructions as the following occur : niorte nia >*n
a power (i.e. a host) o/ warriors, 2 Chron. xiii. 3, xiv. 8, cf.
1 Chron. xxix. 3 ; 7") ">ij? o^e?i (of) pasture, i.e. which were at
pasture, 1 Kings v. 3, and fn? D)O water (of) affliction, which is
to be understood figuratively, 1 Kings xxii. 27, Isa. xxx. 20 ;
as also njJTW |^ wme (of) reeling, i.e. producing reeling, Ps. Ix. 5.1
Hence, the second noun may easily be separated from the

1 On the other hand, in Cant. viii. 2, the sense of the passage requires
that the words npin pB should be taken in a connected series, and as
simply meaning of the wine of spice (i.e. of spiced wine, the best wine).
The construct state of this word is, certainly, elsewhere, and even in Cant,
vii. 10, always written pj but there are also some other very rare instances
in which the Massoretes have left i — instead of putting i — when a word
is attracted (see § 21 Ic, note) ; and in the Mishna (for instance, Sheqalini
iv. 4) pig is thrice left thus in the construct state. Cf. however, the
Jahrbiicher der bibl. Wissensch. viii. p. 172.

94 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 237.

first by one or more words ; as, &^n rnfcn D^pBD stores in the
field (of) wheat, Jer. xli. 8 ; nsntp rn|>3 -\V2 flesli (of) what has
been torn in the field, Ex. xxii. 30, cf. Deut. vi. 10f.,
xxviii. 36, 64; D?D . . . fcaisn ^ flood . . . (of) water, Gen.
vii. 6, cf. vi. 17 ; ?Vv3 . . . "i:n a won£ . . . (of) wickedness,
Deut. xv. 9, cf. viii. 15, Judg. vi. 25: nay more, the dis-
course may also be resumed in this way, after a considerable
interruption, and briefly concluded, Deut. xvii. 8. Especially
must the more close specification of the thing intended be
repeated, in this way, somewhat loosely, after no what, or
*W?$ which, what, as in German ; thus, njn njnfHD what shall
happen (of) evil [Ger. was geschehen ivird ubles~\, or, what evil
shall happen, Eccles. xi. 2, Esth. vi. 3 ; P^a . . . "i^N which, . . .
of ruinous, i.e. whatsoever (that is) ruinous, 2 Kings viii. 12,
xii. 6. See further, §§ 2900, 293e.

i. It is enough to put the noun indicating the contents of a
number, or measure, in the singular simply, and without the
article (according to § 2795), at the end, provided the first-
mentioned noun gives the meaning of a plural; hence, we
may not merely say npp D^p vhw three measures (of) meal,
Gen. xviii. 6, but also JJK B*?»B nV?1^ four rows (of) stone, i.e.
stones, Ex. xxviii. 17, 1 Kings vii. 12, instead of which
construction, however, there is also used interchangeably *]*D
in the construct state, 1 Kings vi. 36, Ex. xxxix. 10 [733].
Similarly, in certain frequently-occurring combinations, even
the name of the measure is omitted, when it is quite evident,
from the mention of the material, what is intended ; as, ?£&?
pound, shekel ; ft&$ bushel, ephah ; ">33 piece, talent : thus,
Dnyb> e>t? six (ephahs of) barley, Euth iii. 15; *]D3 D^P
thirty (pounds, shekels of) silver , Zech. xi. 12, cf. 1 Sam.
xvii. 1*7.

In particular, the numerals which indicate the tens (see
§ 267c [Ges. § 120, 2 ; Gr. § 250, 2; Dav. § 48, 5]), as
being indeclinable words, always place the noun in free sub-
ordination ; moreover, in their case, as well as in that of all
numbers higher than ten, the singular of the thing subordinated,
to which reference has just been made, is readily accepted as
sufficient ; thus, fi^K B'n^y twenty men (corresponding to the
Ger. zwanzig mann, or the Eng. ten pound, cf. 1 Kings xx. 16),
^3^ seventy thousand burden-bearers, 2 Chron. ii. 17;

WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 9 5

this singular is also continued though the numeral still
remains in the construct state ; as, nj&? ns?p a hundred years.
For, since the idea of mere multitude continues to be asso-
ciated with the word in the plural (see §§ 176, 179 c, 3l7a),
the Semitic, following its finer instinct,1 delights in so dis-
tinguishing between the numbers 2-10 and those which are
higher, that, while the object is joined with the former in
the proper plural form, it is combined with the latter in its
rigid [i.e. undeclined] state ; hence, with the former, the idea of
the individual is rendered much more prominent. However,
just as we also find, though more rarely, such a combina-
tion as ^N n"TO ten thousand, Ezek. xlv. 1, a like case, even
with a number under ten, in Ex. xvi. 22, and (at least in the
Kethib} njtf nabtf eight years, 2 Kings viii. 17, so also, the
plural occurs in combination with the higher numbers, Ex.
xxvi. 19, xxxvi. 24f. But adjectives which, in this connec-
tion, have once come to occupy the place and fulfil the
functions of substantives, may more conveniently be retained
in the plural, Gen. xviii. 24, 28. As in § 290/, the article
is still attached, not to the numeral, but to the object, Zech.
xi. 12, 15, Judg. vii. 6-8, 16, xviii. 16 f., Deut. ix. 25,
1 Chron. xxvii. 15, 2 Chron. xxv. 9; see, however, Josh,
iv. 4. A singular noun, in this construction, is followed by
the co-ordinated adjective, either in strict agreement (accord-
ing to § 293«), 1 Sam. xxii. 18, Judg. xviii. 17, or more
loosely in the plural, Judg. xviii. 16, cf. 1 Kings i. 5, xx. 30,
with verse 16, Cant. iv. 4.

If the chain of words is broken, in the way indicated
in §§ h, i, the noun which is left more loosely at the
end either falls simply into the accusative, as the free
subordination of a noun, or (in accordance with § 293c)
by a still freer construction, it may simply continue the
same case already given in the first. In the Arabic,
which presents the three cases more clearly, these two
possible constructions are more precisely distinguished ;2

1 This tendency has been very fully and strongly developed in the Arabic
especially.

2 On this subject, see the treatise in the Nachrichten der Gott. Gel. Anz.
1857, pp. 98-112. The Ethiopic, like the Arabic, may have simple co-
ordination ; as, seduse 'elathe, a series of six days, Jubil. ix. 1, x. 1 (but

96 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 287.

while the Hebrew and the Aramaic, on the other hand,
have no clear perception of finer distinctions such as
these. The plainest proof of this is the fact that, in
these cases, for the sake of distinctness, the language
readily avails itself of the aid afforded by the prepo-
sition 3 (see § 217/); as, tnwa nforio gifts in men, con-
sisting in men, Ps. Ixviii. 19, and n^?, § 3l7c.
Tc. Since (as stated § 269a) there are no adjectives [i.e.
ordinal forms] [734] for numbers above ten, the number, in
the form which it usually assumes with the object, is sub-
ordinated to the construct state of the latter ; as, &*#pnn r\w
rut? the year of the fifty years, i.e. which can originate only
through fifty years, hence, the fiftieth year, Lev. xxv. 1 0 f.
But briefer constructions are frequently resorted to : either
this construct state is omitted, so that the precise meaning is
decided by the context; as, D^ "W ntjWa on the fourteenth
day, cf. Gen. xiv. 4 ;* or the last noun is omitted, though the
gender of the numeral remains the same, — a mode of con-
struction which afterwards became more and more prevalent,
and was adopted by all numbers, as, Bv5? iwa in the third
year, prop, in the year (of) three; hence, this last mode of
expression can once more be rendered definite by employing
the article, as, 5H$n r\M the seventh year, Deut. xv. 9. But
sometimes also, even in the case of numbers under ten, the
more exact meaning is to be inferred from the mere subordi-
nation ; as, &^J fiB^BJp in three days, i.e. on the third day,
Ex. xix. 15 ; compare with this the more precise expression
in vers. 11, 16, and even without this 9, 2 Sam. xx. 4. The
most distinct of such formulae is the construction ntpsp Di*n
D'tojn to-day the three days, i.e. to-day is the third day, i.e. the
day before yesterday, 1 Sam. ix. 20, instead of which, finally,
we have the still briefer construction nsw Disn, 1 Sam.
xxx. 13.

also p. 12, line 7 from bottom) ; and in Syriac also, this construction may
be employed in poetry, ^ » ».».j ]^n. p a covering (of) brass and iron^
Knos, Chrest. p. 88, 4. But it is only the most rugged of modern languages
that make use of such an expression as girdle-leather for leathern girdle f
see Gabelentz, Melon. Spr. p. 24.

1 The mode of expressing such numbers in the old Persian inscriptions
of Bagastan is very similar.

WORDS IN ATTRACTION: THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 97

When the looser subordination thus forces in, instead of
the construct state, the noun, subordinated and attached in
this looser manner, takes its place in the series, as usual (see
also § li), in such a rigid and inflexible form, that it is slow
to enter anew into the construct state in relation to a noun
following: this is shown, not merely in cases like snj n3¥ DTIKD
two hundred shields (of) gold, 2 Chron. ix. 15, but in far more
striking instances, Esth. ix. 30. Yet sometimes cases exhibiting
the opposite of this rigid arrangement continue to occur; as,
'rnin te~i ten thousand laws of mine, Hos. viii. 12 (where the
singular nnin is accounted for only on the ground of what is
stated in § i), and iSN n»n a glow of anger of his, Isa. xlii. 25
(see § h).

I. To still another peculiar class, under the present cate-
gory, belongs natt'p in the sense of a second place (see § 160)
or second grade (dignity), i.e. inferior worth. Although, in
accordance with this meaning, the word was originally sub-
ordinated to a noun in the construct state, as, •"UB'tsri ML!^ the
priests of the second class, i.e. under priests, 2 Kings xxiii. 4,
it afterwards not merely disengaged itself from this closer
construction (as shown in § Ji), as in nais^p T'yn the lower [part
of the] city, Neh. xi. 9, but also, in the sense of a subordinate,
i.e. a man of second rank, governs another noun in the con-
struct state ; thus, Sjfen n?.fP the subordinate (i.e. substitute, or
representative) of the king [735], 2 Chron. xxviii. 7 ; ^TOO his
second, i.e. his younger brother, 1 Sam. xvii. 13. It even
becomes at last exactly an adjective in form, and hence takes
the plural ending after a plural noun ; as, D^Bipn DrrnK ^e{r
under [i.e. younger] brothers, 1 Chron. xv. 18.1

288a. III. Any participle or adjective may be restricted in
its reference, just like a noun, by any substantive following.
Whenever the verb [from which the participle is derived], for
any reason, loosely subordinates the accusative of a noun (see
§ 299 ff.), the closer subordination by means of the construct
state is here [i.e. in the case of the participle] not merely in
every instance possible, but even always primarily suggests
itself ; for what, in the case of the verb, is the accusative, is,

1 With an exact correspondence in meaning, ^j likewise takes the
form of a substantive ; Hamasa, p. 257, 3 ff.

G

98 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 288.

in the case of the noun, the construct state ; l nay more, in
the close subordination by means of the construct state, there
is readily shown greater boldness than in the subordination
formed by means of the accusative, which is more of an
external and formal character. Yet, even in the case now
under consideration, the looser construction also, by means
of the accusative, is not an unnatural one for the substantive
which forms the second member [see Ges. § 135]: it may
be employed with the participle, inasmuch as the latter
represents its verb ; and with the adjective, inasmuch as the
idea which it represents is further denned, though in a merely
external way, by other ideas akin to it (see § 2 7 9 a). Hence,
in the present case, a most essential element, in the choice
between the closer and the more loose subordination, is the
special relation in which the speaker is inclined to place two
such associated ideas ; but this depends, again, partly on the
meaning of the discourse, partly on mere convenience in the
arrangement of words in the sentence. Hence the following
different cases : —

1. Participles of active verbs : ^^y^. ^H^ amantes Dei ;
D^y TKB enlightening the eyes, Ps. xix. 8 £ ; *JJnte ^ those
who eat at thy table,, i.e. of thy food, 1 Kings ii. 7 ; "W SK2
those who enter in at the gate ; "Vy *&f egredientes (or egressi}
urbem ; ?iN$ TT going down (or, when the context requires it,
gone) to Hades ; 3D '•IDS? those who turned aside to what is false ,
Ps. xl. 5, since these verbs of motion are used with a direct
accusative (see § 282c?) ; bolder are the poetic constructions,
""?? ^ crawling in the dust, i.e. serpents, Deut. xxxii. 24,
Mic. vii. 17 ; "1JP. ''SDbJ lying in the grave, Ps. Ixxxviii. 6,
evil 10. The absolute state occurs more frequently with the
accusative only when the participle has more of a verbal force
(see §§ 168c, 200&), but not necessarily even then, as Hos.
iii. 1, Cant. iii. 8, Jer. xvii. 26, xx. 10, cf. 1 Kings xx. 40,
according to the points.

Similarly, even before the accusatival particle itself
(see § 2 7 7^), the construct state may be retained ; as,
'fiK '•rng'b those who serve me, Jer. xxxiii. 22 ; in ordinary
speech, however, this is not possible.

b. 2. Participles from passive verbs, construed in different
1 [See footnote, p. 28.]-

WORDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 9 9

ways ; as, \>W "Wn clothed in sackcloth, n3*n jftVQ broken in pieces,
Deut. xxiii. 2, where the substantive would be the second
accusative in the verbal construction (see § 2810) ; but also
[736] n$K WJ fom 0/ woman, since this expression is equivalent
to OTIC whom a woman has lorn, in which, therefore, the second
member is more firmly connected [with the participle], and is
not easily separated from it, so as to be put in the accusative ;
similarly, ?y? npyzi a woman ruled ly a lord, i.e. a married
woman ; Q*3V5| "^D. idol-allied, Hos. iv. 1 7 ; 3"in '•so plur.
Jy £Ae swore? (fallen in battle), Jer. xviii. 21 ; Bte f]nfe>
wttY/i fire, Isa. i. 7 ; also with a mere suffix, as, *?&$> those
invited ly her, Prov. ix. 18, xiii. 1.

But, inasmuch as the participle contains within itself the
force of a relative (he who is . . .), a whole passive proposition
may take this construction, in such a way that the substantive
which, in this proposition, is really the subject of the passive
verb, is now subordinated to its own verb, which is turned
into a participle in the construct state. In this way there
arises an exceedingly brief yet perspicuous mode of expression,
which, however, occurs somewhat more rarely in Hebrew : x
thus, l'iy N^J he who is forgiven iniquity, i.e. he whose iniquity
is forgiven, Isa. xxxiii. 24, Ps. xxxii. 1; ESJB fetttw respected, prop.
one whose face is lifted up, who is riot refused ; &^J? T}p
those of rent garments (or, with torn clothes), 2 Sam. xiii. 31.
In this case, therefore, the passive participle has really a double
force, viz. that of the person referred to, and that of a passive
verb, which would be the predicate if the whole proposition
were not reduced to the form merely of a relative clause ; the
whole proposition is further referred, only in the most general
way, to something or other, — attached to an individual, or one
who . . . ; but this itself is in turn expressed by the mere
fact that the finite verb is changed into the participle, and
the latter put first. A further consequence of this is, that
such a participle attaches to itself, in the construct state, as
shortly and sharply as possible, what is to be its subject.
If, however, such a participle (according to § 279 or 341&)
is itself again more loosely subordinated in the sentence, as

1 Compare Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 242 ff., and all the Sanskrit coin-
pounds of the kind named Bahuvrihi ; also very strong instances in the
, p., 293, v. 3.

100 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 288.

a word which merely indicates some minor circumstance,
and therefore becomes more rigid and indeclinable, it may
return to the absolute state, and this in such a way that its
original subject, possibly with its appropriate suffix, is quite
loosely placed beside it. Thus, lie came ifi^3 JJVijJ rent [as to]
his garment, i.e. in such a condition that his garment was torn,
2 Sam. xv. 32 [but see also § 341&, 3 (&)] ; cf. the eminent
example in Neh. iv. 12, WJJtr^ Dn«« fenn B*« D-jan ^se
i#A0 builded were eac/t o?ie ^W with 7m sword upon his loins}

[737] c. 3. Simpler words which indicate a property or con-
dition,— adjectives or participles ; as, H3 TI3 </rea£ m strength ;
rop PO3 ^a^ m stature, Ezek. xxxi. 3 ; PV JH evil of eye, i.e.
envious ; J> ttD rebellious in heart, Prov. xiv. 1 4 ; rripnn frOi: 7^
is fearful in praises, Ex. xv. 11; aa? ?]"} tender-hearted ;
Nfttp unclean of lips, properly, one who (is) of unclean
lips ; DVD ID tasteless, Prov. xi. 22 ; also B^a nan $7z,e ^Tw Acts
m<my sews, 1 Sam. ii. 5 ; nariK npin a woman who is sic& of love ;
nDnpp ''l^ those who have turned away from war, i.e. men
who hate war, Mic. ii. 8 ; 210 vpn pierced with the sword ;
and as n9p?P ^"W arrayed for battle, Joel ii. 5, so NJV ^^.
equipped for (active) service, and K2V t|N>'* marching out for
(active) service, 1 Chron. vii. 1 1 ; also |JK "nja sinfully faithless
(faithless sinners), Ps. lix. 6 (see § 2 7 9 a), and many similar
expressions. Such words are also found with a pretty long
description, as in Deut. iii. 5 ; and even before a brief modi-
fying clause ; as, j^? ^ ^1?^ drunken, yet not with wine, as if
it were m?£ wine-drunk, Isa. Ii. 2 1.2 In such cases, poetic
writers are generally more venturesome ; thus, not merely do
they, from DfJ, in the sense of one who is risen up, i.e. an open
enemy, form ^ (see § 286a), but also, in like manner
T'DDipnD thine opponents, adversaries, Ps. lix. 2 ; TiP.n1"! those
who withdraw from thee, i.e. thy betrayers, Ps. Ixxiii. 2 7.
Similarly, David says, v T'pn ^e o?ie wfo? ^s pious, or de-
voted to him, Ps. iv. 4 ; and not till later (though already in

1 In the Arabic, the second word which thus more freely disengages
itself, as that which may now also have the force of the subject in the
subordinate proposition, readily returns to the nominative case ; but we
cannot speak of such a thing in Hebrew, inasmuch as this language has
no such noun-form.

2 Just as in the Sanskrit apdnamattd.

WOJiDS IN ATTRACTION : THE CONSTRUCT STATE. 101

1 Sam. ii. 9) is the expression shortened into fr^pn his pious
one.

In poetry, an infinitive also may be closely subordi-
nated in this way, when it is construed with the finite
verb in a manner correspondingly close (see § 285); as,
jnn *lM5b those accustomed to do evil, Jer. xiii. 23, and
still more strongly, Crtp W3W? those who rise early, Ps.
cxxvii. 2. When another word becomes like an adjec-
tive, it also may be employed in this way ; as, ?W ">n»
he who is of speedy spoil, i.e. whose gain cornes soon
enough, Isa. viii. 1, 3 (see § 240e).

The subordinated noun seldom takes its reflexive pronoun ;*
as, ^97^ ft'? the perverted of his ways, i.e. he whose ways are
perverse, Prov. xiv. 2 ; 1 vii *F\W nDQ lame in both of his feet,

2 Sam. ix. 3, Prov. xix. 1, Isa. i. 30 ; top ppK he who is strong
in his heart (in his own opinion), i.e. he who thinks himself
strong, Amos ii. .16 ;2 similarly teN "W3 burning in his anger,
Isa. xxx. 17, in which case the second word stands more
apart.

The substantive, certainly, may also be construed more
loosely, in the accusative ; but this occurs (1) only when the
first word [738] has the article, and thereby stands more apart
by itself (see § 290); or (2) when, considering the normal
arrangement, another word rather intrudes itself between the
two, as in Job xv. 10, cf. xi. 9 ; or (3) when the word to
be subordinated has nevertheless the greater emphasis in the
sentence, as Isa. xxii. 2 (see § 309a). But in such cases, too,
the relation between the words is easily rendered clear by the
employment of a preposition ; as, &)$ "OK "W small (young)
am / in days, Job xxxii. 4, 6, cf. Ps. xii. 7 ; with members
of the body 3 is preferably used, as, tyf}3 ?\>_ swift with his
feet, Amos ii. 15, Prov. ii. 15, xvii. 20. To this category
belongs the expression which, in accordance with the spirit of
the Old Testament religion, is very rarely used ; CTCT&O ^3

1 Compare a similar construction in Arabic, with intransitive verbs ;

^ / o / / /

<Uu&J dJL: he was foolish of his soul, Sur. ii. 124.

2 On the other hand, ^ D2H, with the article, is (according to § 3315)
he whose heart is puffed up, M. Aboth, iv. 9 ; subsequently, rpp D3, used
merely as a predicate, came to mean proud-spirited.

102 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 289.

God-great, or divinely great, and which is met with only in
the popular narrative style, Jonah iii. 3.1

d. When an adjective is to have its meaning completed
by an adverb, the latter can only be co-ordinated with the
former ; as, "IND pi*ia very great, Djn '•jM vainly (uselessly) inno-
cent, Prov. i. 11. The same holds true of an adjective which
happens to be used for the purpose of more closely denning the
idea of another, as in the cases given in § 2*7 Qd [reddish-white,
Lev. xiii. 19, 24, 43]. Cf. § 293d

2. Consequences arising from the concatenation of words.

289a. Since the chain of words subsists only through the
force of the closest mutual connection, and this is of such a
nature that the first member attracts the second, the following
results arise : —

(1) No adjective, pronoun, or other word, can intervene be-
tween the noun which limits, and that which is limited by it ;
because every word [thus intruding] would have the force of a
substantive limiting the construct state, and thus confuse the
meaning. Hence, every word in apposition to that which is
in the construct state, whether an adjective or a pronoun (see
§ 293&), must be placed only at the end, after the limiting
substantive ; so that, when two nouns in construction do not
differ in gender and number, it is only the general sense of the
passage that could show to which the word in apposition refers.
Thus, Jfaffl ^SH'ja may signify either, the son of the great king,
or, the great [i.e. eldest] son of the king ; the language, however,
easily avoids such a possible ambiguity (see § 292<x, &) [also
Appendix, § 365, c, 2]. But the ending n— , indicating motion
to a place, may very well be joined to the first word [as, nrpa
^Ipi*1 to the house of Joseph, Gen. xliii. 17] (see § 216a). Only
after 5>b (see § 286e) can a small word be inserted, and this
because it begins to have more the force of an adjective, like
our all ; thus, nty still, is interposed in 2 Sam. i. 9, Job xxvii. 3 ;
only in Hos. xiv. 3 do we find the insertion of a verb, which
is a much heavier word.2

1 See the Jabrluclier der bibl Wissensch. x. p. 50 f., xi. p. 197.

2 In Isa. xxxviii. 16, if the meaning were, therein consists the whole life
of my soul, a word would even be inserted from the other half of the sen-

CONSEQUENCES OF CONCATENATION. 103

But, of course, the adjective which belongs to a foregoing
substantive seeks to come into immediate connection with the
latter. If, then, [739] the second noun, in consequence of the
meaning (see § 287/0, a^ a^ readily admits of being separated
[from the first] by the looser subordination, an adjective or
similar descriptive word may also intrude itself between ; as,
J;DE nofe |3K whole (i.e. undressed) quarry-stones, 1 Kings
vi. 7, iv. 13. But, if the sense does not admit of this (see
§ 286), then the adjective, if inconvenience would be caused
by removing it too far back from the word which it qualifies,
is itself introduced into the chain of words, after having been
perhaps also raised to the possession of substantival force. This
readily takes place with ^HK (see § 286cT), as in Isa. xxxvi. 9,
but more rarely and less easily in the case of other words ; as,
ifinxar) "ax tab pf, Isa. xxviii. 1, fading flower (prop, flower of
what fades ; cf. ri^V in ver. 4) of the ornament of its splendour.
But sentences like Jer. iv. 11 do not fall under this category.1

&. The intervention of a preposition would, of course, strictly
speaking, also break the chain of words in process of being-
formed by means of the construct state, and hence would not
be a thing to be tolerated in such a case ; this is shown by the
Arabic, in the grandly pure structure of its sentences. The
Hebrew, however, especially in the loftier language of poetry,
from want of proper cases, generally uses the construct state
more largely than the Arabic ; in the Aramaic, a preposition
between two nouns which are to be more intimately connected
in meaning, does not prevent the employment of the construct
state ; and in the same way also the Hebrew, poets especially
allow themselves this freedom, particularly in the case of a
small preposition, when the meaning invites to the formation
of the closer construction. (1) The following word, which
is construed with the preposition, may describe a property
of the first substantive ; as, &3pp ^rn prophets out of their

tence. But, on such a view, it would be further necessary to consider the
^ as prefixed to the nominative, — which does not suit this passage (see
§ 310a). Hence, we shall perhaps be forced to come to the conclusion
that for '•nil we must read irVP ; thus, therein has every man the life of his.
soul. [But see Delitzsch on the passage.]

1 Great caution must also be exercised in other cases ; cf. [Evvald] on
xxi. 6.

104 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 289.

heart, i.e. of their own arbitrary fancy, Ezek. xiii. 2, Isa.
ix. 2 ; or (2) the preposition may merely specify more pre-
cisely the relation existing between two words in a passage ;
as, y^l ^.n mountains in Gilboa, 2 Sam. i. 21 (without 3 in
prose, ver. 6, 1 Sam. xxxi. 1), Prov. xxiv. 9, Job xviii. 2,
Hos. vii. 5, and (in Kethib) 2 Sam. x. 9. The preposition is
thus used especially when it belongs to the construction of a
verb which has become a participle ; as, fa ""Din those who attach
thernselves to Mm, i.e. trust him, Ps. ii. 12, Ixxxiv. 7, Job
xxiv. 5, xxxvi. 16, Isa. ix. 1, Jer. viii. 16, Judg. v. 10,
viii. 11, Neh. ix. 5 (according to a different reading). There
are also cases in which ^ (according to § 292c) intrudes itself,
whilst the construct state nevertheless still remains ; as, fO^D
IW on the, right of the house, Ezek. x. 3, Josh. viii. 11, xv. 21,
Judg. ii. 9, 2 Kings xxiii. 13, Hos. ix. 6, 1 Chron. xxiii. 28.
Lastly, the construct is used before ? of the infinitive (see
§ 288c), as in Isa, Ivi. 10.

[An entire word is sometimes placed between the construct
one and that which it subordinates, but this separation is at
most to be regarded as a bold poetic construction ; thus, *?Y$?
nsn "I&P3 those who cast the hook into the river (Nile), Isa. xix. 8,
xxii. 16, Gen. xlix. 11.]

c. A noun which is merely repeated, or explained by a
similar noun, may be continued in the construct state, inas-
much as the discourse remains in suspense ; as, £0*] \i?nj "nrw
rivers, brooks of honey, Job xx. 17; *)J3 73 "itey t^JJ large (and)
small birds of every feather, Ezek. xxxix. 4, cf. 2 Sam. xx. 19,
Ps. Ixviii. 34, Ixxviii. 9, Lam. ii. 14, Isa. xxiii. 12, xix. 11,
Gen. xiv. 10 ; worthy of attention also is the expression ^K
MtftN ^n [740], which is like our style of saying, the gentle-
men, sons of your king, 2 Kings x. 6 (cf. ver. 8, where the
epithet indicative of honour is rightly omitted in the narrative),
and a similar case in Judg. xix. 22 ; also, in somewhat later
style, Dan. xi. 14. In such a case, however, the first noun
may, of course, remain in the absolute state, so that it is only
the meaning of the whole which shows to what it refers, as in
Jer. vii. 24 ; or the suffix is repeated, as, Dnn^K on^nK their
nolle brethren (Ger. Hire HerrenBruder), Nell. x. 30. Similarly,
a poetic writer may only mentally resume the construct state
in the case of a subsequent member of the sentence, whether

CONSEQUENCES OF CONCATENATION. 105

this be in the beginning of the following part, Prov. i. 3, or
after some other words in the middle of it, Job xxvi. 1 0.

[But two or more words of different meaning, though
logically co-ordinate, are not, regularly, put in construction
before one and the same noun ; this must be repeated, either
itself or in its suffix, as shown in § 339&. Nor does the
Hebrew even like to have two or more nouns co-ordinated after
one construct noun; the governing word is rather repeated
before the second subordinated noun : thus, the God of heaven
and the God of earth, Gen. xxiv. 3 ; the God of Abraham, and
the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, Ex. iii. 6,15; but the
shorter mode of expression is also used, see ver. 16.]

2 9 Oct. (2.) The first noun does not readily assume the
article, which draws the force of the expression more towards
the beginning (see § 18 la), whereas, in a chain of words, the
tone hurries on towards the end : the article is therefore thrown
upon the second word, but still in such a way that, considering
the close connection between the two, its influence extends to
the first also. Hence, —

1. Though both nouns be definite in themselves, yet the
article stands with the second only; as, "V^n v"^ the great men
of the city : hence also in the case of words derived from com-
posite proper names (see § 164) ; as, ""^n^n rP3 the Bethlehemite,
from Dr£ rpa; nryn ris the Abiezerite, Judg. vi. 11; but nr^Kij,
Num. xxvi. 30, because the first part of WK (see §§ 84c and
273c, footnote) could no longer be separated as a distinct and
intelligible word.

2. If the first noun be definite, and the second indefinite,
while the latter (according to § 288) contains merely the
specification of the former, and both are so far kindred in
meaning, then the article is placed upon the second ; as, ?H
33? a faint-hearted person, 33^n ^l the faint-hearted one, Deut.
xx. 8 ; ting *fiTW (an ear) scorched by the east wind, *|W
O^lijn the (ear) scorched "by the east wind, Gen. xli. 6, 23, 27,
xxxvii. 3, 23, Jer. xxiii. 25 f. If the second noun readily
serves as an object (§ 284c), then the article may be ap-
plied to both together ; as, 0^3 £*i37 indutus vestes linteas,
D*on tetajsi the man clothed with linen, Ezek. ix. 2, 3 ; cf. on
the other hand, Ezek. x, 6, Judg. xviii. 17. Such a chain of
words, in accordance with its meaning, always admits of being

106 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 290.

expanded into a relative sentence, to which, indeed, it is
equivalent (see § 331 ff.). On the other hand, when both
words are quite dissimilar, and the second is the chief one,
though (in accordance with § 2 7 8 a) necessarily indefinite,
then the article is wholly dropped ; as, D^ 11T the thing of a
day, i.e. the daily [portion], Ex. xvi. 4 ; «>3 T the hand of all,
Gen. xvi. 12 ; G^K snn the sword of every one, Judg. vii. 22.

3. If the first is to be regarded as indefinite, but the
second definite in itself, then the first may also remain in that
condition, before the article, and in the construct state, provided
no ambiguity arises ; as, "W ??& plunder of the city, 2 Sam.
xii. 30 ; nffjKn B*K a farmer, Gen. ix. 20 ; j£0n p<j?j a deft of
the rock, Jer. xiii. 4 ; f&^a B*K a Benjamite, I Sam. iv. 12;
compare further, Gen. xvi. 7, Lev. xiv. 34 [741], Deut. xxii. 19,
Jer. xli. 16. But if ambiguity would arise, because it is
necessary that the first word should indicate individuality
and indefiniteness in kind, then this first word can not be put
into the construct state, and the arrangement mentioned in
§ 292a is resorted to instead.

1). A proper name, or a pronoun, as being a kind of second
noun, has the same influence as a noun with the article (see
§ 2 7 7c) ; e.g. in ^ a my son, ^ ria whose daughter ? ^"1? the
son of Jesse, the first noun is quite as definite as in ^rrja the
son of the man ; but whenever it is possible, the proper name,
in such a case, further takes the article ; as, n^on Dat? the tribe
of Manasseh (see § 277c).

c. 5>a is used with a definite noun in the singular, which can
be conceived of, as to its meaning, only as a singular, in such
a way as to signify the ivhole, totus (see § 286c); thus, D¥'7~'3?
the whole people. When it stands with a singular noun, which,
in accordance with the meaning of the proposition, may be
conceived of as repeated in kind, then it means all, or every
(omnis), and hence is usually found with an indefinite noun; as,
DiT?3 every people. But it is also found before a definite noun,
as in Deut. iv. 3, Jer. iv. 29, Prov. xix. 6, Ps. cl. 6 ; in 1 Sam.
ii. 36, with a relative clause, where its occurrence is accounted
for on the principles stated in § 335&; perhaps also it corre-
sponds in this case to our all kinds of, Gen. ii. 9, Prov. i. 13.
But, inasmuch as te, as a pronoun, has something definite in
its own meaning, a singular, indicating a whole genus, may be

CONSEQUENCES OF CONCATENATION. 107

joined to it without any further denning mark (see § 286e);
as, ^n~^3 all living, everything that lives, Gen. viii. 21, i. 29,
30; "WsrfE all the picked soldiers, 2 Sam. vi. 1, 1 Chron.
xix. 10 (but differently in 2 Sam. x. 9).1 And, since the article
is not so much used by poetic writers (see § 277fr), such an
expression, for instance, as v$r\ f>3 may certainly, if the sense
require it, mean the whole head, Isa. i. 5, ix. 11, Ezek. xxix. 7,
xxxvi. 5. Compare besides, § 3232>.

d. Only in a few cases does the first member in the series
of words retain the article: 1st. On account of the looser
connection in meaning, in view of which the first member
separates itself more readily (see § 2S7A) ; this, accordingly,
happens (a) when the second noun describes merely the
quality or the material of the first [and hence must be regarded
as really an accusative of description ; see Philippi, Stat. Const.
p. 39] : thus, fl^nan nsttsn the brazen altar, 2 Kings xvi. 14,
1 Sam. ii. 13 ; W? n^n the coat of lyssus, in which case,
moreover, the article has not been attached to the second
word, which is in itself indefinite, Ex. xxviii. 39, xxxix. 27;
or (&) when merely a participle or adjective is described, as in
[D^nxi W$n those tvho dwell in tents] Judg. viii. 11 (where
a preposition also intervenes; see § 289c). The active parti-
ciple, especially, may retain the article with some degree of
force, before the suffix, since the latter might also represent
the accusative ; as, Tfen fre Wh0 redeemed thee, ^yton he who
led [742] thee, Deut. xiii. 6, 11, viii. 14-16, 2 Sam. i. 24,
Job xl. 17, Isa. ix. 12, Ps. ciii. 4.2 The article may also be
prefixed to a word in the construct state, which has, besides,
the local postfix n— t as in Gen. xxiv. 67, Ezek. xlvii. 8.3 —
2d. The article is rarely, in addition to the case already men-
tioned, placed before the suffix as a lighter word, Mic. ii. 12,

1 The expression D^tWN >bn for all men, Ezra x. 17, seems strange ; but
compare the similar construction ^n ^33. for all that, Eccles. v. 8. [But
see other modern commentaries.] This is, at any rate, not an ancient mode

' of expression.

2 Compare Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 25 f., 157, and the later treatise
mentioned above, p. 95, footnote.

3 Here, in the same way, and following the same construction of the
words as in 2 Kings xv. 29, we must read nWan as even to the boundary of
the East; mb^n, prop, the east wind

108 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 290.

Lev. xxvii. 23, Josh. vii. 21, viii. 33, 2 Kings xv. 16 ; in the
case of ^Jfls!? for his purpose, Prov. xvi. 4, it is inserted for a
special reason, viz. that the word may not be confounded with
VUJJD? for his sake (§ 2225). — 3d. It is a later usage to place
the article before two nouns which are always joined so as to
form a proper name, as 2 Sam. xxiv. 5, Jer. xxxviii. 6, Neh.
iii. 19. Besides these cases, the article is sometimes joined
with the construct state in language of a later or more careless
style, and most readily in cases where a somewhat stronger
retrospective power may be contained in it; as Judg. xvi. 14,
1 Kings xiv. 24, 2 Kings vii. 13 (Kethil>\ ix. 4, xxiii. 17,
Jer. xxxii. 12, xlviii. 32 (according to § 327a; but it is
wanting in Isa. xvi. 9), xxv. 26, Ps. cxxiii. 4, 1 Chron.
xv. 27, 2 Chron. viii. 16, Ezra viii. 29 ; or when a third
noun rather forms the beginning of a new series, as in Josh,
iii. 11. Of. also the case pointed out in § 332c.

e. When the first member of the series, which should stand
in the construct state, thus becomes more detached through its
assumption of the article, it sometimes even returns to the
absolute state. The article may then be likewise repeated
with the second word; as, n^'rtin ijjan the brazen oxen,1 Di3
fl|?!?(? r*jl the cup of burning wine, 2 Kings xvi. 17, Jer. xxv.
15, Josh. viii. 11, Ezek. xlv. 16, Dan. viii. 13; also Ktfn
Pttfrn that which springs up in the field, Deut. xiv. 22, since the
elements in this expression have been somewhat more loosely
connected (see § 288a); or it may not be joined with the
second member, so that the latter is only very loosely sub-
ordinated ; as, nnt D'Onsn the cherubim of gold, 1 Chron. xxviii.
18, cf. Num. xxi. 14; novvi }3pE>n he who is grown poor in
oblation (who can bring no oblation), Isa. xL 20.2 Hence also
a word may intervene, as in D^WJ njn Dyn this people of Jeru-

1 In the same way also the words in Isa. xxix. 10 may signify your eyes
the prophetic [ones], (properly, those of the prophets), with which corre-
spond, in the following clause, your seeing heads, though the construction ,
is slightly changed. We need not, then, strike out the words D^^nTIK.
It is certainly probable that Isaiah is here speaking against false prophets ;
but, on such a view, some words are wanting after ver. 11 to complete the
strophe.

2 Still more easy is it from jnj fW&D/H# of seed, to resolve the expres-
sion jnjn nK^pn that which is full of the seed, Deut. xxii. 9 ; because

CONSEQUENCES OF CONCATENATION. 109

salem, Jer. viii. 5 ; while so loose a construction as 'tfj'P? D^ the
people of Israel, in Ezra ix. 1, is unknown in the language of
an earlier period. While, therefore, the construction B^K
ntoy is also in itself possible, because the first word is definite
even without the article (§ 277c), it is certain, from [743] Ps.
Ixxxiv. 9 and other passages, that it has merely arisen from
DiN3V rnrp (see § 286C).1 All such constructions are most
easily effected when the first member, considering its ordinary
use in the language, would also be intelligible enough by
itself, as n^n P^ri the ark (of the covenant), Josh. iii. 14,
though, to be more exact, the first word, which has been placed
by itself [in the absolute state], may also be repeated in the
construct state ; as, JT1B "in? "inan the river Euphrates, Deut.
xi. 24, Ezra viii. 21, cf. ver. 31, Ex. xxxviii. 21.

Moreover, the fact that, in the case of words which
become proper names, the article readily falls away (see
§ 2 7 7c), explains the construction DW>Q *]nsi the shoulder
(i.e. as a proper name, the elevated region) of the Philistines,
Isa. xi. 14.

/. In the case of the numerals (mentioned in § 286<f), the
article is originally placed according to the principles laid
down in § 290«; as, D^Kn n£9£> the three men,2 and remains
with the second word even when the numeral is prefixed
without being put in the construct state, Josh. xv. 14; cf.
the similar construction Q^I^L1 D>?'*?n the fifty righteous ones,
Gen. xviii. 28. Passages like Ex. xxvi. 3, xxxvi. 10, plainly
show the difference caused in such cases by the insertion or
omission of the article. Inasmuch, however, as every number,
Like a proper noun, is definite in itself, the numeral may, with-
out being put into the construct state, or in any other way
made more definite, freely subordinate the following noun,
whether the latter, from the meaning of the whole, be definite
or not; as, Gen. xxi. 28-30, 2 Sam. xv, 16, xx. 3 ; cf. a
similar construction with f»a (in § c). Wh36" the numeral, con-
trary to its original construction, is placed after the noun, it

(according to § 281&) $p may also, as a participle, subordinate the
accusative.

1 Ewald's Diehter des alien Bundes, La. p. 250.

2 On the other hand, F)D3n DK)p is, the hundredth [part] of the money, —
the percentage, as we say, Neh. v. il.

110 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 291.

may remain without the article, as in 1 Kings vii. 43 f., and
ver. 27, cf. ver. 38; in the same way also, "in** one, as being
definite in itself, is sometimes placed after the noun, without
the article, Gen. xlii. 19, Num. xxviii. 4, 1 Sam. xiii. 17, 18,
Jer. xxiv. 2, Ezek. x. 9. A numeral, not joined with a noun,
but in apposition to a [definite] adjective or pronoun, may
be marked by the article, as, D^infan n$$n the six remaining
ones, Ex. xxviii. 1 0, Deut. xix. 9 ; on the contrary, Gen.
ix. 19, 1 Sam. xvii. 14, cf. ver. 13. In the case of the com-
posite numbers 11-19 (see § 268« [Ges. § 97, 2; Gr. § 224;
Dav. § 48]), the article is either joined to the second member,
as in "OTH &w the twelve, Josh. iv. 4, or to the first, 1 Chron.
xxvii. 15.

291&. (3.) When the series of construct words extends to
three or more nouns, the same laws obtain (see § 289 f.). If
the second noun describes merely the property of the first, or
is in any other way intimately connected with it, the third
noun refers equally to the two preceding ; as, ^TJ^ D™ *$}
the mountains of the height (i.e. the lofty mountains) of Israel,
Ezek. xvii. 23, xxxiv. 14, cf. Deut. xxxi. 16, Jer. xxxiv. 1,
2 Chron. xxxvi. 10; "•JJfr IliDTOD B^X the man of wars (i.e. a
warlike foe) of Toi, 2 Sam. viii. 10 ; f^B* rhipt D^ he who
is of sweet songs (see § 288c; and since this is equivalent to
[744] the sweet singer, there is at once added) of Israel, 2 Sam.
xxiii. 1. But since, in order to secure perspicuity, two merely
descriptive nouns cannot be placed in this way after a word
in the construct state, the first one is repeated in the con-
struct form, Deut. ix. 9 ; or the third noun is separated from
the others (see § 292«). At times, however, the second noun
of such a series certainly seems to remain in the absolute, so
that it is only from the meaning of the whole that the third
can be seen to refer to the two preceding ; thus, nBto Dpty W
the days of yore (i.e. the ancient days) of Moses, Isa. Ixiii. 1 1 ;
fen -m *|to the last word of the whole, Eccles. xii. 13 (cf.
§ 290TJ).

I. To the foregoing construction of three or several nouns,
corresponds that of several nouns, which are intimately con-
nected in idea, with the pronominal suffix as the final mem-
ber of the series ; as, *BhjJ "in my mountain of holiness, i.e.
my holy mountain, Ps. ii. 6 ; WDrrap 73 his weapons of war.

CIRCUMLOCUTIONS FOR THE GEN1TIVAL RELATION. Ill

Deut. i. 41 ; fr»* T his right hand (the right, properly speak-
ing, being a noun) ; toj&W Tpy his proud exulting (warriors),
Zeph. iii. 11, Isa. xiii. 3 ; hence also, 1"ri^ "»133 may mean /&&
first-lorn ox, Deut. xxxiii. 1 7, because "^ "to properly means
firstling of an ox (see § 287#). Poetic writers, however, readily
attach the suffix to the first noun, with which it is associated
in idea, and then place the second in free subordination (see
§ 2 8 7e) ; as, T'V ''pmp my refuge in strength, i.e. my strong refuge,
15$ '•fcOtr my lying foes, Ps. Ixxi. 7 ; other instances are Gen.
xlix. 4,1 Hab. iii. 8, Ezek. xvi. 27, xviii. 7, 2 Sam. xxii. 33
(but the better reading is [in the parallel passage of] Ps. xviii.) ;
also Ps. Iviii. 10, according to the Massoretic division of the
verse. In prose, the first noun, in such a case, is rather
repeated, in the construct state, as Gen. xxxvii. 23 ; to this
construction, however, belongs such an expression as Mrs
E^ny?®? their register of descent (their genealogical tree),
from D^rrnttn ana look of those enrolled genealogically, Ezra
ii. 62, cf. Neh. vii. 64 (where the singular K^co more cor-
rectly stands). On the other hand, the combination Di*n W3,'
Jer. xxxiii. 20, cannot mean my covenant with the day • cf.
§ 2116.2

3. Expression of the Genitival relation "by circumlocution.

292a. When, for some reason or other, the idea of our
Genitive cannot be expressed in Hebrew by the close sub-
ordination of a second noun to one which precedes, it is
necessary to employ, as an auxiliary, a preposition which is
inherently capable of presenting this idea. For this purpose
f is the most appropriate ; because, as the preposition of the

1 Cf. Ewald's History of Israel [Eng. transl.], i. p. 373, footnote. The
Ethiopia especially presents much that is similar to this construction ; as,
serata qdleka haze, the arrow-flight of thy word, Dillinann's Chrestomathy,
p. 127, 8, 10. [See also p. 89, at the top, and footnote.]

2 [Ewald takes the final •» — to be, not the suffix my, but the old genitival
ending (Ges. § 90, 3 ; Gr. § 218 ; Dav. § 17, 1), and thinks that, as the
covenant of Abraham is that which the patriarch observed, so the covenant

. of the day is that which, as it were, the day, when it was instituted, pledged
itself to keep ; hence, it is the same as that which, in Jer. xxxiii. 25, is
called its taw. See also his Dichter des alien Bundes (on Jeremiah).]

112 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 292.

dative, it expresses the closest mediate relation of a noun to
the sentence.1 The cases in which [745] this takes place may
be very various, but the most important are these : —

1. When the first noun is wholly wanting, as (a) in inscrip-
tions ; thus, TTO Davidis (carmen), a psalm of David, Ps. Ixix. 1 ;
or (6) when son, day, etc., is omitted ; as, D3fcl|nfiO jbON Amnon
(son) of Ahinoam, 2 Sam. iii. 2, 3, 5, Deut. i. 3, Isa. viii. 1 ; or
(c) when, considering the whole structure of the sentence, a
genitive is sufficient to set forth a relation which has to be
expressed as briefly as possible, — in which case the German
might perhaps employ von as a circumlocution for the genitive
[case proper], Amos v. 3, ix. 1, 1 Kings xiv. 13, Jer. xxii. 4.

2. When the second noun, which is definite in itself, must
be separated from the first, in order to leave the latter inde-
finite (see § 290a) ; as, *?^v ja son of Jesse (^"1? would almost
necessarily mean the son of Jesse), 1 Sam. xvi. 18, Gen.
xli. 12, Ps. cxxii. 5& ; in? "ibttD a psalm of David, "sfefc aoy ~)K>
a general of the king, 1 Chron. xxvii. 34, cf. Ezra ii. 63, and
with this, Neh. vii. 6 5 ; similarly, / am come as the first [adj.,
Ger. erster], i.e. first [adv., Ger. zuerst] of the house of Joseph,
pjpi11 rv:A fiKJ&o, 2 Sam. xix. 21, where the noun [adjective]
belongs more to the verb, as a mere attributive (adverb). It
is possible, also, that the indefinite mode of expression arises
merely from a desire after ease in brevity of statement, which
the speaker nevertheless believed to be sufficiently intelligible
(see § 277c, at the end); as, in? "^'fc? &G¥ "ib> 2 a general of
David's (a mode of expression similar to what we may use),
2 Sam. ii. 8 ; flfo&6 D'EJ&o heads of fathers, i.e. chiefs of
families, Neh. xi. 13, cf. with xii. 12.

3. When a word has been inserted, or the narrative inter-
rupted, as is especially the case after numerical statements ;
7J7B7 DW T13B& in the year two of the king, Hag. i. 1, Gen.

1 Of course, other prepositions also might be used for the same purpose,
when, in particular instances, they are still more exact than 7 ; cf. Ewald's
Gram. Arab. ii. pp. 91-95 ; but, for this construction, (> is by far the most
largely employed. In certain combinations, 2, for instance is also used (see
§ 287^). [On this use of *?, see further, Giesebrecht, p. 70 ff.]

2 [In Rabbinical literature, ?£% a contraction of ^ "IB>N, has come to be
used merely as the mark of the genitival relation: the advance in this
direction is already seen in Cant. iii. 7, i. 6.]

CIRCUMLOCUTIONS FOR THE GENITIVAL RELATION. 113

vii. 11, 1 Kings iii. 18. Though this construction is also
employed in the expression, fa*? . . . ^2 Uessed be ... of God
(see § 295c), Gen. xiv. 19, 1 Sam. xxiii. 21, yet the same
idea would also be conveyed by the construct state, imme-
diately succeeded by the second word, i.e. without the inter-
vention of a preposition; thus, fa sjvia, Gen. xxiv. 31, Deut.
xxxiii. 13, Ps. xxxvii. 22. Similarly, when, in accordance
with the meaning, and yet in some other way than that
which is indicated in § 291, it is better to divide a series of
constructs by a suffix or other word placed among them,
then, instead of subordinating the last member in the accu-
sative, it may be more firmly affixed to the rest by means
of *? ; as, $nt? ^PO^ thine outpouring of seed} Lev. xviii. 20,
23, compared with r>J TV3&t Lev. xv. 16, 17, 18, 32, xix. 20.
With these also is connected, though more remotely, the well-
known expression E^NP npna Ty a great city of God, Jonah
iii. 3 (see § 288c). This arrangement is also readily resorted
to, when, of three or more nouns, the first two are more
closely connected; the separation, however, does not always
take place under these circumstances (see § 2 9 la), and
becomes advisable only when greater clearness of construction
is required ; as, fan&l ^*?v? D^jn ^^i daily events (chronicle)
of the kings of Israel, 1 Kings xv. 23, Gen. xli. 43, Judg. iii. 28
[746], Euth ii. 3, iv. 3. [Further, this mode of connecting two
nouns is adopted when it becomes necessary to distinguish
the relation subsisting between them from that of apposition,
or more strict subordination, between the succeeding members
of the series ; as, **&& ^K &\h nuhtfn the asses of Kish, the
father of Saul, 1 Sam. ix. 3.] And lastly, this construction
may also be employed when the speaker does not like imme-
diately to append the following completion of the word he is
using, and thus (contrary to § 290&) places the article with
the first word ; as, nbPBJp "I8?K D'n&n n?K these (are) the princes
of Solomon, 1 Kings iv. 2, Gen. xxix. 9, xl. 5, cf. ver. 1. But
the construct, without the article, might also be frequently
employed in such a case ; the more wordy, instead of the
more terse mode of expression is especially peculiar to the
somewhat more diffuse, and often also to the later style (hence
also the Aramaic much more avoids the short and simple con-
1 [But see Philippi, Status constructus, p. 13, footnote.]
H

114 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 292.

struct state), 2 Kings v. 9, Eccles. v. 11 ; the two possible
modes of expression may also be found in two different
members of the same sentence, Jer. xlvii. 3, even when the
latter is very short, Ps. cxxiii 4.

b. If such an indirect expression of the genitival relation
happens not to stand at the beginning of the sentence, or
before the word with which it is connected in meaning, it
may likewise be referred to its word by "iBfc which (see § 3316),
as in the case cited already (under 2), 2 Sam. ii. 8 ; and in the
•example v "»Bfc njBton nna^D Ms chariot of the second order, Gen.
xli. 43. This more precise construction is especially suitable
in the case of (1) proper names, when they are not to be
specified quite so rigorously, by some addition, as in § 286c;
thus, in the somewhat later style, DW^ai? itPK }irB3 G-ibbethon
of the Philistines, i.e. the Philistine (city) Gibbethon, 1 Kings
xv^ 2 7, xvii. 9 ; (2) with smaller additions, as in the case of
the personal pronoun ; in this way there is made a first step
in the direction of the possessive pronoun, which is otherwise
quite wanting in Hebrew, though already very fully developed
in Aramean; thus, $ 1PK my, 1 Kings i. 33, cf. 38, Kuth
ii. 21. This "I^N cannot be employed when there is a mere
interruption of the discourse.1

c. The infinitive construct readily attaches itself to any fore-
going noun which can enter the construct state ; thus, TID Di1
DHBN, Isa. vii. 1 7, the day when Ephraim departed (see § 2 3 7a).
It is very seldom that the preceding noun so strongly takes up
a separate position in the sentence, as an indefinite word, that
the inf. const, is appended to it by means of the preposition *?
(see § 237c) [747] ; as, Trhh ny (there is) a time to Iring forth,

1 In the Aramean, the vsj or -^ (which corresponds to the Hebrew
'*1E^X\ even without ^> (which regularly remains only when compounded
with pronouns), has finally come to be the mere sign of the genitive [see
p. 112, footnote], since the relative particle in itself expresses the peculiarly
genitival idea of one thing belonging to another. In Hebrew, i^ seems
to occur in some few passages with this meaning ; as, i?MD£> 1t?K ^Wftb
the appointed time of Samuel (Samuel's appointed time), 1 Sam. xiii. 8,
Tin "I^K njnn the mischief of Hadad, 1 Kings xi. 25. It is unsafe, how-
ever, to found, upon these few passages merely, what must so largely change
the whole tone and colour of the Hebrew language: the text of the four
Books of Kings [i.e. the two Books of Samuel, and the two Books of Kings,

CIRCUMLOCUTIONS FOR THE GENITIVE. 115

Eccles. iii. 2 ff. ; cf. vers. 4, 8. So, this infinitive with ? expresses
also the genitive of the Latin gerund (nascendi), just as we
find it serving at other times as a circumlocution for other cases.
d. The preposition p, especially, is used as a medium of
attachment to ideas which essentially resemble those of pre-
positions, or are even compounds formed out of prepositions,
but which, nevertheless, are too inflexible to be immediately
subordinated, like prepositions, to a noun. Thus, ^riD never
has any other force in the language than that of an adverb,
around, and does not admit of being immediately placed in
the construct state, like a preposition ; hence, in the case of
this word, the mediate completion of the idea, by means of ^,
must be resorted to, as, v Mp round about him} To this
category, accordingly, belong the words compounded with |p,
which, just because they are compounds, form a new simple
idea (see § 218c); as, OT over (above) . . ., ?&& on the right
side of . . . Such words, from the very fact that they form a
simple idea, take up more of a separate and independent
position when thus compounded, and enter the sentence more
as indeclinable words, like mere adverbs ; especially because
compound prepositions (see § 219a) arise from quite a different
meaning, and must always be placed in immediate construc-
tion. Hence, we have v 7JJ» or v 7X&3O over (above) him,
i? nnrip beneath him, "13JM? and v *U3D opposite to him, Judg.
vii. 25, xx. 34, Prov. xiv. 7. Similarly b n?<™ is, on the
other side of (beyond) him, Amos v. 27. When the second
member in the compound is a noun, it may remain in the
construct state, but only because such a modification of the
word is not necessarily cancelled by the intervention of a

usually so called] is, generally speaking, none of the purest [see Thenius,
Die Buclier Samuels (Kurzgef. exeg. Handbuch), and the more recent
treatise of Wellhausen, Der Text der Bucher Samuelis (Gottingen 1871) ;
also, Bottcher, Neue AeJirenlese, I. n.] ; and the Septuagint lends its sup-
port to the conjecture, which so readily suggests itself, that iotf has fallen
out of the first passage, and nb>y out of the second. In the same way,
•£sn IPK, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 22, is not to be rendered " the king's people;"
but here also, according to the Septuagint, IBK has dropped out after
-IBfc; and, in 2 Kings xxv. 10, n^ is wanting after i^'K, according to
Jer.'lii. 14.

1 [See further, Giesebrecht, p 77 ff.]

116 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, § 292.

preposition like ? (see § 289c); as, ft rPSB ms^0 o/ tY, Ex.
xxvi. 33, Lev. xvi. 2 ; ft ite^p fo £Ae nor^A o/ $, ft QJ? wes£ of
it, Josh. viii. 11, 13. Such compound words, however, are
sometimes also construed directly, as, BWfa ^D^P under the
heaven, Gen. i. 9, with which compare JT'iP'ft I"1™?*?, ver. 7, in the
same sense, Ezek. ix. 3, x. 4, PB*» ow ^ H#&£ of . . . without
^, 1 Sam. xxiii. 1 9 ; and for ft TO, in the sense of being
[raised] above him (which it means in Mai. i. 5, Jonah iv. 6,
like /V®1®, which has arisen from FP^OTO), there is used the
shorter expression Iv???, Neh. viii. 5, cf. Ezra ix. 6 ; also (with
the cumulation of expressions carried out in later times, as ex-
plained in § 315c) Bnv^p n^VP? raised high over them, 2 Chron.
xxxiv. 4. In the more diffuse popular style, even simple
prepositions begin to be construed mediately, when they are
anything longer than a single syllable, and thus can easily
admit of being separated from the word which follows :
thus, ft nnri under it, Cant. ii. 6, cf. the omission of r5 in
viii. 3, and just in the same way 2 Chron. iv. 3 compared
with ver. 15 ; hence also ft rftPSOfrom between it, Ezek. x. 6, 7,
and ? lysft from behind anything, Cant. iv. 1, vi. 7.1

[748] Even an inflected substantive may enter the
construct state, in spite of the fact that i intrudes itself
immediately after (see § a), as, rap ratao the kingdom of
the daughter of Jerusalem, Mic. iv. 8 ; here, the first word,
though without the article, has the force of a definite one,
in poetic language (see § 277&).

e. As the preposition p, within these limitations just speci-
fied, necessarily forms a substitute for the idea of the genitive,
so does this same sign of the dative also gradually come to be
used as an outward expression of the accusative, — the mediate,
and hence stronger, indication of an " oblique " case taking, in
this instance also, the place of an immediate and weaker one.
In classic Hebrew, certainly, this use of ? is still very rare, and
chiefly confined to the case in which a verb, in harmony with
the context in which the proposition stands, becomes a parti-
ciple (or infinitive), and then, as having in this way become a

1 Euphony requires ^2 instead of iya (see § 217m) after jjp, just as
in ^ifatt (§ 218c), perhaps, as in other cases, from the concurrence of
the voweis » . . . a (see §§ 108c, 2496).

WORDS IN CO-ORDINATION (APPOSITION). 117

noun, no longer admits of being construed as a verb ; while,
on the other hand, as having not yet become an ordinary noun,
it does not allow itself to be forced into the construct state.
This is especially the case, for instance, when the participle
briefly describes a subordinate circumstance; as, lie follows
7bp ^ENp closing up [in the rear] all the lines of the army,
Num. x. 25, cf. Lev. xii. 7, Gen. xlv. 7, Ezek. xxvi. 3,
1 Chron. xxvi. 2 7, xxix. 1 2 ; precisely the same usage is
found in Arabic also (see Ewald's Gram. Arab. § 652). This
construction occurs most readily in the case of certain verbs
with which, even under other circumstances, the dative might
intrude itself, instead of the accusative ; as, v ^Jfnp to deliver
him (almost the German ihm zu helfen), Jonah iv. 6 (see § 282c).
Moreover, this seems also to occur when the accusative, con-
trary to the usual arrangement of words in a sentence (see
§ 309a), precedes its verb, as in Job v. 2 and Isa. xi. 9, —
a sentence which is arranged quite differently when repeated
in Hab. ii. 1 4. In the Aramean, however, this use of ? to
mark the accusative generally prevails where, in classic Hebrew,
that case is indicated by nix ; and, that this Aramean mode of
construction gradually makes its way into Hebrew also, has
already been pointed out (see § 277e).

THIRD KIND OF WORD-GROUPS.

Words in Co-Ordination (Apposition).

293#. When neither the looser subordination of which we
have first treated (see § 279 ff) nor the more strict subordi-
nation which was last discussed (in § 28 6 f.), is possible, then
mere co-ordination always takes place. One verb may be
simply co-ordinated with another, or a noun with another,
but in such a way that even then, in accordance with the
general mode of constructing sentences in Semitic, the co-ordi-
nated word does not precede, but follows the other (see § 5c).
It has already been shown how this is realized in the case of
the verb (§ 285&). But, as regards the noun, in which there
is merely a continuation of the same thing, we have to remark, —

1. Adjectives and [demonstrative] pronouns are almost

118 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 293.

always joined with their noun by co-ordination ; for the more
strict subordination of the adjective (see § 2 8*7 a) is at least
rare, and employed somewhat more frequently [749] only in a
few connections.1 It is just here, then, that co-ordination finds
its most frequent and most important application; and this is
carried out in such a way that every co-ordinated word of this
kind must follow the substantive to which it belongs. But the
[demonstrative] pronoun, when it appears in one connection
of thought along with the adjective, finds its strictly logical
position only after the latter ; thus, njn foan Djn, where the
order of the words is the most direct opposite of ours, viz., —
this great sea (Deut. i. 19, ii. 7, Num. xvi. 26). When the
pronoun precedes [the adjective], the thought would be almost
concluded with it ; for, Tinjn njn D*n is rather, this sea, the great
(one), i.e. this sea which is great; cf. Ps. civ. 25. But the
adjective and the pronoun are strictly regulated by the pre-
ceding noun, not merely in gender and number, but with
respect to its character as definite or indefinite in expression.
Hence, if the noun be definite, either in its own nature or
because it has the article (see § 277), the adjective, out of
regard for the evident reference of the noun, cannot remain
without the article, even though this needs to be repeated ;
thus, Tfran ^sn the great man, SHlH ^a my greater (elder) son,
(prop, the son of me, the greater). With several adjectives,
the article must always be repeated ; and only after this has
been done is the pronoun added, in the same way, at the
close; see Gen. xli. 35, Deut. i. 10, xxviii. 58. The pro-
noun also, though definite in itself, nevertheless continues the
use of the article in this word-group, in order to make the
connection stronger ; as, ronn "tivr that (the same) generation,
njn t^Kn o avrjp o euro?. Moreover, it is even possible, in
such a case, that any other word whatever, which occupies
the position of an adjective, may assume the article; as,
ITjrran Df>n the next day, Neh. xi. 32 ; cf. § 2206. But the
influence of a preposition, placed at the beginning, extends
over the whole group of words [as, wnn Dto on that day].
Favoured, however, by the restless desire of the language to

1 How far, however, the post-fixing of an attributive and of the [demon-
strative] pronoun has from the first been a peculiarity of the Semitic, is
shown in Ewald's Sprachwiss. Abh. ii. p. 58 ft

WORDS IN CO-ORDINATION (APPOSITION). 110

attain the greatest possible brevity of expression, there already
occur many different kinds of exceptions to the foregoing rule,
and these, too, in Hebrew more than in the other Semitic
languages. Thus : —

The separate pronoun is frequently without the article,
when the noun has only a suffix ; as, n?K Tjhfc these my signs,
Ex. x. 1, Judg. vi. 14, Jer. xxxi. 21, 1 Kings xxii. 23
(2 Chron. xviii. 2 2) ; but it is very seldom anarthrous when
the noun itself has the article ; as, V "fan this generation, Ps.
xii. 8 ; while, in the phrase wn rfrpa in the same night, Gen.
xix. 31, xxx. 16, xxxii. 23, 1 Sam. xix. 10, the omission of
the n before Nin is easily accounted for, on considering the
relation of the sounds to each other (see § 70c). But the
adjective must continue to employ the article much more
steadily ; the latter is rarely omitted after a noun which
merely has a suffix ; as, njn Dnsrn their evil report, Gen. xxxvii.
2, xliii. 14, Cant. vi. 12, Hag. 1 4, Ezek. xxxiv. 12; still
more rarely after the article has been already used, as in Ezek.
xxxix. 27, Jer. ii. 21, xxii. 26 [750], Dan. viii. 13, xi. 31;
more frequently with "IHK one, Num. xxviii. 4, compared with
ver. 7 (see § 290/) ; and in the case of other numbers also,
when, contrary to their original construction, they are placed
after their noun (see § 2 9 O/).

The desire of finding convenience in brevity of expression
was of itself strong enough to introduce the rare and peculiarly
late construction, in accordance with which the defining power
is placed only in the middle; as, 'fajn "in the great mountain,
Zech. iv. 7, xiv. 10, 2 Sam. xii. 4, 1 Kings vii. 8, 12 (see,
on the other hand, ver. 9), Jer. xxxii. 14, xl. 3 (KetMH) ; with
numerals, Gen. i. 31, ii. 3, xii. 26, Ex. xx. 30, Dent. v. 14,
Jer. xxxviii. 14; compare, especially, Judg. vi. 25 with the
still more definite expression in vers. 26, 28.1 The strongest
instance would be njn watf t^s this Ephrathite man, 1 Sam.
xvii. 12 ; but it is somewhat doubtful whether this be really
the original reading.2 Cases in which the article is used

1 In later languages, this more convenient mode of expression becomes
more widely used ; this is especially true of the language of the Mishna, in
•which the article is never found both with the noun and the adjective. The
Arabic, on the other hand, constantly repeats the article.

2 Namely, on account of the question as to the sources of the text [see

120 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 293.

merely as a relative (see § 305&), to complete something, do
not belong to this category ; nor the poetic construction found
in Ps. civ. 18. But the article may certainly be omitted also
before a noun which is immediately to be further explained
by a relative clause, as in 1 Sam. xxii. 6, 2 Sam. xviii. 18 ;
and B*K man, which is so often used, is sometimes even placed,
without the article, before a definite adjective following, as,
^nfe^n B*N the Israelite, Lev. xxiv. 10, 2 Sam. xii. 2-4
(according to the Massoretic punctuation) ; so that, at least in
the intensely brief and rapid style adopted in poetry, we may
even say Kin Di^ that day, Mic. vii. 12 (see § 2776).

b. Only the simple demonstrative pronoun is sometimes
placed before a definite noun ; as, &yn nr this people, neto nr
this [fellow] Moses (contemptuously, like iste [and ovro?]), Ex.
xxxii. 1, Josh. ix. 12 f., Isa. xxiii. 13 ; but this comes to be
the only mode of construction in Arabic and Aramean. It is,
however, also worthy of remark that, before a [demonstrative]
pronoun, which is, of course, already definite in itself, the noun
is sometimes left undefined [by the article], as being already
definite through the pronoun following ; thus nt "6n this sick-
ness, 2 Kings i. 2, viii. Sf.1 A totally different case is presented
when the article is omitted from the preceding substantive
merely because, for some special reason, it could not well be
employed ; thus, W Dr6 rn&g these ten loaves, 1 Sam. xvii. 1 7,
is to be judged according to what is stated in § 287^, and ttJJD
njn &y\ this little piece of honey, 1 Sam. xiv. 29, according to
§V290a, 2.

On the other hand, there also arises, in Semitic, a
tendency to place numerals, quite contrary to their
original position (see § 2S6c£), after the noun, simply
because they gradually come to have the force of attri-
butives ; nay, there is [751] even an inclination to make a
complete inversion of the original order of words, the noun
remaining in the singular (as in § 287i). This was a

the note at the foot of pp. 114-5] ; for the same reason, in 1 Sam. xix. 22,
for ^iian, we must read, with the Septuagint, pan.

1 It is doubtful, on the other hand, whether i^n nf fliay also be used
in the same meaning; because, in Jer. x. 10, we may also read instead
*^n FIT this my sickness (see § 17&).

WORDS IN CO-ORDINATION (APPOSITION). 121

very ancient practice among the Canaanites, as is shown
by the names of the towns VI® "»«a and V3"|K nnp (Ewald's
History of Israel [English translation], i. pp. 340, 344,
footnotes) ; in Hebrew, on the contrary, it is unusual, and
is met with only in Neo-Hebraic ; as, nynsp pp the seven
kinds, M. Berachoth, vi. 4. This form of construction
is somewhat different when the numeral is freely sub-
ordinated (see § 290/).

Of adjectives, £^2n many, is almost the only one prefaced
to its noun, rarely, however, and in indefinite speech, as Jer.
xvi. 16, Ps. xxxii. 10, Ixxxix. 51, 1 Chron. xxviii. 5; at
other times, the monosyllabic JH evil, Prov. xxix. 6 (where it is
pronounced JH, that it may not be taken for the construct
state), and similarly E^N, Jer. xxx. 15. Another and stronger
example is found only some few times at most, in poetry, and
for indicating special emphasis, as in Isa. xxviii. 21 (not
necessarily in Judg. v. 15, 16). But cf. also § 329#.

c. It is something quite different that occurs when an
adjective, which has been raised to the position and power of
a noun, rather subordinates the noun with which it might be
co-ordinated ; by this means, the idea contained in the adjec-
tive is rendered prominent, as the more important. Such a
construction may be very suitable in many connections, but it
is only poetic, and rare. Thus nb PQN the strength of force, TO
/cparepov rrjs laj(vo$, i.e. the very strong power, Isa. xl. 26 ;
TflfaSBto BH? the holy [part] of thy dwellings, i.e. thy holiest,
dwellings, Ps. xlvi. 5, cf. Ixviii. 14, cxlv. 7 ; Job xxxvii. 22 :
the construction is found even so early as in the ancient song
which was, perhaps, in this respect the model for later writers,
Ex. xv. 16, for in all these passages, divine attributes or
things are spoken of; "VSDn ro:6 the most brilliant [whiteness]
of sapphire, i.e. the most brilliant sapphire, Ex. xxiv. 10. In
the same way, however, the quality of a thing may also receive
prominence, as the more important, by the employment of
a suitable noun ; as, "ijj*n "HK the magnificence of the price, i.e.
(ironically) the most magnificent price ! Zech. xi. 13 ; c£
Job xv. 26, Ezek. xxviii. 14.

d. 2. An attributive (adverb), in the same way, stands, regu-
larly, after its adjective ; as, Ifco ^1} very great. But, at other
times, it has greater freedom in the choice of position, and may

1 22 EWALD S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 293.

readily precede the verb ; as, n?w 1N£ he is very exalted ! Ps.
xlvii. 10 (see also the two examples in § 2I79&); W na

On the other hand, every word which merely indicates place
or relation, and is intended further to describe a leading word
in the sentence, either by itself or with the help of a preposi-
tion, must be placed, without any addition, after that word ;
as, iflN D^SWNn the men with him ; their offerings D^o of blood,
i.e. their bloody-offerings, Ps. xvi. 4 ; see further, § 2 8 7c. In
these cases, the article cannot [752] be repeated ; but, in
prose, such accessory descriptions manifest an evident tendency
and preference at once to become full relative sentences (see

e. 3. The way in which one noun is more loosely or more
closely co-ordinated with another has already been described
(see § 287e). If they are freely connected in this way, then
the idea of the one must be covered by that of the other, or at
least directly serve to limit it. But, even in highly impas-
sioned language, one word that is quite heterogeneous in rela-
tion to another cannot merely be immediately co-ordinated
with it, nor therefore, in a certain sense, subordinated to it ;
thus, even in an address to God in a style that is quite
unusual, the words, Thou, Thy name, art alone, Ps. Ixxxiii. 19,
would give no sense ; these words rather mean, Thou, Thy name
is Jahve (i.e. Thou art called Jahve) alone; see § 308a.2 Some-
what different is the case in which a merely supplementary
word is still more fully and exactly denned ; as, ^3 Thee we
praise ^\ftW Thy name ! Isa. xxvi. 13, a passage in which there
was the less need for repeating the a [before Thy name], because
it may also be omitted with "1WJ, when this verb means to
praise.

In such constructions, however, as n^'nan nstTEn (see
§ 2 9 OtQ, the second substantive might also be regarded as
merely co-ordinate (see p. 107); and how readily the

1 If, for instance, we wish to say the man here, we must either employ
the fully inflected pronoun, thus, njn K^SH, or more feebly £»Kn HT,
or (if na is to be used, § 105c) nb 1E>K fc^sn.

2 If it were merely said ffij? *jp5? flflK, the words might perhaps be
understood (according to § 281c) as signifying Thou art the only one of Thy
name, but the meaning would be less suitable.

THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 123

rigid concatenation of words resolves itself into this looser
construction, is perceived most clearly from the fact that
0*3333 D'nn, Ps. Ixviii. 17, is found near O'mji "in, ver. 16 ;
for, that the latter expression means hill of summits
(eminences), follows from § 157 a. The expression
fhuritefav lepels, Eev. i. 6, may be regarded as a
Hellenistic imitation of this; it would then originally
mean a kingdom of priests.

I. FORMATION AND COMPLETION OF THE SENTENCE, VIEWED
IN RELATION TO

(A) Its Members.

(a) The two chief Members.

294a. 1. The person forming absolutely the leading word
or subject of the sentence, is to be understood in the sense
already explained (§ 2766). This word consists of a noun or
pronoun ; if the former, it must always have the force of a
substantive. Even an adjective may be raised to the posses-
sion of this power ; as, "J3X P'TOn the righteous perisheth, Isa.
Ivii. 1, where the article is added for the purpose of distin-
guishing, though, in the brief style of poetry, this particle is
not exactly necessary, Gen. xxv. 23. A word that has been
reduced to the condition of an attributive (adverb) [753] may
certainly, under any circumstances, be readily used as the
predicate of a sentence (§ 296^), but not as the subject, unless
such a word were again to become more of a living form
in the language generally, as is the case with nsnn (cf. § 2SOc);
thus, 7&J nsnn many (of the people) fell, 2 Sam. i. 4. And,
inasmuch as words like 'inba as he [like him], ites as thou
[like thee], merely express our such, though much more
definitely in relation to the person, they may not only occupy
any position in the sentence (in any [oblique] case ; see
§§ 221a, 282c), but also form the subject.

In the artificial poetic language of the second period
(see § 3c), even ft 'bao (see § 323a) stands as a sort of
compound (§ 270c) in the sense of what is not his (for
it is construed as a fern, or neut.), forming the subject,

124 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 291.

Job xviii. 15&: possibly also, N3 here, is once used, in
Job xxxviii. 11, for the (this) place ; but the LXX. had
a different reading.

I. This person, however, which stands as the subject of the
sentence, is frequently left without being specified, though
living; because the speaker either does not exactly know
it himself, or because he does not like to name it. If, then,
it is necessary actually to use a verb, it may be put, —

(1.) In the third pers. plur., if it cannot be more exactly
stated who and how many are engaged in the transaction;
as, Viotf they say, it is said [Ger. man sagt ; Fr. on dif], — a
construction which is very frequently used, especially be-
cause, whenever possible, active constructions are preferred
to passive ones (see § 128a); as, "VaK WDJ they take away
[Ger. man entfemf] the mighty one, i.e. he is removed, Job
xxxiv. 20 ; so that there is even formed a union of construc-
tions (according to § 2856), as in T£ «Oj£ '^pin *6 thou shalt
not add, they call thee, i.e. thou shalt no longer be called,
Isa. xlvii. 1.

(2.) The verb alone is much more rarely used impersonally
in the singular, because it is less easy to think of the indivi-
dual than the multitude, as indefinite in itself. This mode of
construction is readily employed only in some special cases,
as (a) the phrase GW N"J£ they called the name (of the city, child,
etc.) : who devised the name is often indeterminate, but it must
have been only one person : hence, the singular has become
quite confirmed in the case of this expression. (/3) When it
is possible to infer, from the action itself, who the actor was ;
as, Bnrj! he (the farmer) ploughs, Amos vi. 1 2, cf. viii. 3 ;
1 Kings xiv. 10, xviii. 26, Esth. iii. 7, Isa. vi. 10, xxxviii. 12,
liii. 9, Ex. xxxiv. 4, Deut xxxiv. 6, Job xxviii. 2 f., xl. 24;
very remarkable, also, in the language of the prophets, is the
expression, he (the angel, the spirit of the prophet) commanded,
or spake, 1 Kings xiii. 9, cf. vv. 17, 18, like \e<yei, in the quota-
tions made in the N. T., and similarly "J^D in Zech. ix. 12,
it is said (declared). (7) Rarely under other circumstances ,
as, ~>£K he (the man, without specifying who) said, hence the
Ger. man spricht, or it is said, 1 Sam. xix. 22, 23, xxiv. 11 ;
Hab. ii. 6, Zech. xiii. 6, Ezek. xiii. 15 (following one of the
various readings). Eccles. i. 1 0 : other cases are found in Ex.

THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 125

x. 5, 21, Lev. xxvii. 8, 11, Num. vi. 13 [754], xix. 3, 5,
cf. ver. 8, 2 Sam. xvi. 23 (where the Qeri adds B>SK), Jer.
xix. 11 ; also the expression "OJJ. K? one must not transgress it
(viz. the law), Ps. cxlviii. 6, Esth. i. 19, ix. 27; especially
in poetry, as Job vi. 20, xv. 3, xvii. 5 f., xxi. 22, xxx. 24,
Num. xxiii. 22, Isa. viii. 4, Mic. ii. 4, 8, vii. 12, and more
often in Hosea.1 This singular may also be interchanged with
the plural (§ 319a); the variation is particularly easy in the
different parallel members of poetry in its higher nights,
Jer. viii. 4, ix. 7. However, because the singular is thus
always rather obscure in itself, the participle from the same
root is employed as the subject, for the sake of greater clear-
ness ; as, ?S3n ?B] the falling one falls (he who, any one who
falls), Deut. xxii. 8, Jer. ix. 23 ; but this method is rarely
adopted in the case of the plural, Jer. xxxi. 5. Moreover,
when the meaning and structure of the sentence otherwise
demand it, the personal pronoun may be added to the verbal
form which has been left undetermined, as in Job xxviii. 3,
Eccles. x. 10. In the expression ffJPJ she (i.e. one, in an
indefinite sense) bare, even the feminine singular also some-
times stands alone in this way, as in Num. xxvi. 59, 1 Kings
i. 6; cf. § 2955.

It is, of course, possible that a person, left in this somewhat
indeterminate state, when it does not form the subject of the
sentence, should be subordinated as a suffix; but such a
construction is not so frequently employed, on account of the
greater ambiguity which would arise ; see Ps. iv. 8, xxxix. 7,
xlix. 9, Ixv. 10, Zech. v. 6, where the plur. suffix Q— (cf.
Isa. ix. 2) is used, and Eccles. v. 17, vii. 1, Hag. i. 6, where
the sing, suffix is employed in this way.

Though, in other cases, B^K man, like the Ger. man, is made
use of (cf. Isa. vii. 21 with ver. 24), it is far from being so
weakened in meaning as the latter word [Fr. on, Eng. one, a
person, a man, indefinitely], and can rather still assume the
article, as in 1 Sam. ix. 9 ; see further, § 278&.

1 This usage occurs in Sanskrit also. In the legal style of the Mishna,
the sing, and the plur. are often interchanged in this way ; as, Rosh ha-shana,
ii. 3 ff. Notably, fyp»<pe is thus used, in the most various ways, 1 Mace,
vii. 16, viii. 22, xiv. 28, xv. 22, 24 (according to the more correct reading),
also x. 38.

126 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 295.

Address in the second pers. sing., thou, in the sense of
every one, any one whatever, is generally employed, in Hebrew,
only in the common expression used when one is indicating the
way (road) ; thus, "^"ly as far as thy coming [Gen. xiii. 10],
which has become so much of an adverb that we even find
no more than the shorter ^K3, which is then subordinated (as
shown in § 2045). This use of tlwii is sometimes also found
in legal language, as Lev. xxvii. 2 if., Ezek. xliii. 19-27; cf.
further, § 319a.

c. Somewhat different from the cases explained in the
preceding section, in which the person of the verb is left
indeterminate, is that in which the meaning of the -undefined
word may also be so apparent from other words of the
passage, that it becomes quite unnecessary to add another
one specially to explain it, even though such an addition
might very well be made, as is mostly the case in modern
languages. Thus, with reference to subjects previously treated
of, y&y *tf yn is there still with thee ? namely, one of the kind
about which we have hitherto been speaking, — a dead person,
Amos vi. 10 ; or with reference to a limitation made [755],
as, 1^3 P&? there is not one like Thee among the gods, Ps.
Ixxxvi. 8. Or, the preposition |B gives prominence to the
part as distinguished from the whole (see § 217&, [and the
Lexicons]) : this construction is very easy to understand when
the verb is in the plur. ; as, ^yn"|O ^feWJ there went out [some]
from the people (how many is not specified), Ex. xvi. 27;
but it is less intelligible, and hence more rarely used, with
the verb in the sing., as Mic. v. 1, 2 Kings x. 10, Dan.
xi. 5, 7; cf. further, § 278C.1

295a. But the predicate alone may also become, to such
an extent, the most important member in the sentence, that
the strong prominence of the person, as compared with what
is predicated, entirely disappears; accordingly, though the
subject then always and necessarily occupies a place in the
sentence, it is, under such circumstances, reduced to the
smallest and least animate form possible, viz. the mere neuter
of the third person in the verb, which is the antithesis of
every living person. But, because the Hebrew has not

1 In the same way awfodov xoti (Ix) *J»t ftotfaraV) Acts xxi. 16, according
to the correct reading.

T1IE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 127

produced any distinct form for the neuter (see § 171 f.), the
verb, in such a case, stands either in the masc. or fern,
singular: of the two (a) the most commonly employed is
the most natural, viz. the masculine, as in expressions of
feeling; here, the construction preferred is, to subordinate,
by means of the dative, the person who experiences the
feeling ; as, y 2iD it is good for me, or it goes well with me,
"6 "ID it is bitter to me, y JH it is evil to me, y DVJ* it is
pleasant to me, y T3f (regarding which, cf. p. 33, line 19);
also y 21 there grew for me, i.e. I increased, had enough
(cf. also the expression mentioned on p. 61, note), y W
it is quiet for me, i.e. I feel quiet, Job iii. 13, Neh.
ix. 28, y DH it is warm to me, I am warm (hence, in the
infin., v DHp to warm liimsdf, Hag. i. 6), cf. Jer. vii. 6, 23,
Prov. xxiv. 25, Hos. x. 1, and b nn it is wide to him, easy,
he is refreshed, 1 Sam. xvi. 23. Moreover, this construction
with the masculine is used, almost without exception (but see.
Job xv. 3 2), for the passive ; as, ?n^n coeptum est, Tn8? dirutum
est, "J3TO there is spoken, Ps. Ixxxvii. 3, Mai. i. 11. (b) The
feminine is especially used in the case of occurrences produced
by an unseen power ; as, n?^'[? it has become dark, Mic. iii. 6,
TippPi (it — without specifying what — makes rain) it rains,
Amos iv. 7, Jer. xiii. 16; it is also found, though rarely, in
such constructions as y nnv / fell into straits, Judg. x. 9.
(c) In the remaining miscellaneous expressions, the genders
are used almost indifferently ; .as, masc. npy there is sprouting,
Zech. vi. 12 ; fern, nnpjj it comes up in my mind, Jer. vii. 31,
xix. 5, xxxii. 35, xliv. 21 ; hence, they also change merely
with the change of clauses in the same verse, Mic. i. 9 ;
something similar is found in Ezek. xii. 25, 28.1

[756] It is conceivable that a person, indicated in this

1 On the other hand, it can scarcely be proved that the subject proper
may ever, under other circumstances, be omitted. For though, instead
of 12X mn his anger burned, we may say more briefly i^ mn, this is
really a new mode of expression, he became hot, i.e. angry; and in the case
of onrn, .1 Sam. xxiv. 11, we have probably only a defective reading, tjpg
having dropped out before Tpjjy. Further, the Hebrew in this case, as in
other respects, maintains a proper medium between the Arabic, which, at
least in prose, never uses the feminine, and the Aramean, which alwayb
employs it.

128 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 295.

indefinite manner, should not stand as the subject in the
sentence, but be more closely subordinated ; reference can
then be made to such a person in a suffix sing, (like the
way shown in § 294&), as in Job vi. 17, tena when it is hot
(inf. of EH it is hot) ; but this construction is not often used
(see § 305); cf. avrols eicel, according to the better reading in
Matt. xxvi. 71.

b. Though the brief paraphrastic mode (just mentioned in
§ a) of using the neuter of the passive to indicate an action
that is going on, is more frequently, and in every case more
easily, employed in Hebrew than in Aramean, yet it is care-
fully to be observed that the language regards this as nothing
but an easy and compendious method of expressing the idea
contained in the 3d pers. plur. of the active ; for, according to
the Semitic forms, dicitur has almost a shorter sound than
dicunt. Hence, also, an accusative is always quite as readily
subordinated to such a passive (see §§ 207, 277d) as to the
3d pers. plur. of the active, to which it exactly corresponds
in meaning; as, H??"*"1? \^. let them give the land (let the
land be given), Num. xxxii. 5, xxvi. 62, 1 Kings ii. 21,
Jer. xxxv. 14 (in ver. 16 stands the corresponding active
person). This construction is very common, as Gen. xvii. 5,
xxvii. 42, Ex. x. 8, xxi. 28, xxv. 28, xxvii. 7, Lev. x. 18,
Deut. xii. 22, xx. 8, Josh. vii. 15, 2 Sam. xxi. 11, Jer.
xxxviii. 4, 1. 20, Amos iv. 2, Prov. xvi. 33; the subject
may either precede, as in the examples now mentioned, or
follow ; as, 23K.1 HiSfD unleavened bread must be eaten, Ex.
xiii. 7, Num. xxviii. 1 7 ; lyj1? n^??? glorious things are
spoken of thee, Ps. Ixxxvii. 3, cf. Ex. xii. 16, xxxi. 15;
Lev. ii. 8, Job xxii. 9, Isa. xiv. 3, xxi. 2, Hos. x. 6 :
among these occurs even the expression i?n~riN TfJ the son
has been born to him, which admits of easy explanation,
especially when the existence of polygamy is considered,
Gen. iv. 18, xxxv. 26, xlvi. 22 (x. 21, 25), Num. xxvi. 20.
From this, then, we perceive how, in Hebrew, the original
passive (or, more correctly, weak personal form) was so
decidedly a favourite, that it was even readily preferred
when the personal form was equally available ; for all these
examples admit of being converted into personal passives,
whenever the object is made the subject ; and how easily

THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 129

interchangeable the two modes of expression are, is seen, e.g.,
from Num. xxvi. 53, 55.

The transition into the strongly personal passive is most
frequently made only when the active would have two
objects ; and then, not merely can that which, in meaning,
is the nearer object, become the subject of the passive verb
(as in the instances given in § 133& [Ges. § 143, 1 ; Gr.
§273, 5]), but also the more remote object, whenever the
connection of the passage shows that it would be better to
make the second one the subject ; as, jnbrrnK njorn then shall
it (the spot already spoken about) ~be showed to the priest, Lev.
xiii. 49, which is, properly speaking, abbreviated from the
active form of expression, jnbrrnx ^ntorn then shall they show
the priest it (viz. the spot).

[757] c. Generally, however, in Semitic (see § 12S&) the
passive is preferred only when the agent is not to be named ;
because, when he is to be mentioned, the active construction
is in every case much more convenient. In this respect, the
Semitic languages form the direct antithesis of the Indian,
which (as if the passive disposition of the people impressed
itself on their language also) prefer the passive constructions
before all others. If, however, as sometimes, the agent is to be
mentioned along with a passive, which has been preferred to
every other form, the former is appended by means of the pre-
position ?, i.e. by the dative, which simply expresses relation
to the other ; * as, death is chosen ?3? for all (i.e. by all), Jer.
viii. 3 ; wealth is kept *vW? for its owner (by its owner),
Eccles. v. 12, Prov. xiv. 20 (cf. Neh. xiii. 26), 1 Sam. ii. 3
(where & stands for ifj, and is to be understood thus), Gen.
xiv. 19, 2 Sam. xvii. 16 (y J&3> it is swallowed by me, i.e.
I must suffer the misfortune) : this freer mode of expression
appears not to have become usual in prose till later, Neh.
vi. 1, 7, xiii. 27, Esth. iv. 3, v. 12. Much more rare is the
use of ft? by (as in Latin and the modern languages) to give
greater prominence to the person, Job xxiv. 1, xxviii. 4, Ps.
xxxvii. 23, Eccles. xii. 11, Dan. viii. II;2 these passages,

1 [See further, Giesebrecht on the Hebrew preposition Lamed, p. 62 if.]

2 Probably also Isa. Iviii. 12, taking ya as the reading ; because the
rendering some [out] of tliee shall build (see § 294c) is unsuitable in this
connection.

130 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 295.

moreover, exhibit a purely poetic style of speech ; and they
are different from those cases in which IP, placed before a
similar noun, merely expresses the cause, and is thus used
interchangeably with 3, as Isa. xxviii. 7.

d. Just as we saw (in § &) that an idea which, strictly
speaking, might be raised to the position of the subject in a
sentence, sinks to the condition of the object when it is found
with a passive form, in consequence of an active turn being
given ^to the meaning; so the same thing may take place
with v rpn / came to have, since this is nearly equivalent
in meaning to / have,1 as we may with certainty infer from
Gen. xlvii. 24, Ex. xii. 49, xxviii. 7, Num. ix. 14, xv. 29,
Deut. xviii. 2, Eccles. ii. 7, 1 Chron. xxiv. 28, 2 Chron.
xvii. 13 ;2 hence, the noun is even subordinated in the accu-
sative, in Ezek. xxxv. 10, though njn is not taken as a neuter;
but in 2 Sam. iv. 2, we must read ]J? for ft. With this we
may also class !(?*, which, in Prov. xiii. 10, Job xxxvii. 10,
exactly answers to the Ger. es gibt [lit. it gives], there is.

[758] e. Of cases in which the subject of a proposition is
scarcely indicated, the direct opposite seems at first sight to be
exemplified when a whole proposition is simply made the sub-
ject of a larger one, and therefore not stated by itself, but
(perhaps by* employing the infinitive, as shown in § 237)
briefly comprised under a mere noun-idea, and placed in the
sentence in this form. But such a subject is, rather, not less
inanimate because that half of the sentence which it represents
always endeavours to take up a more independent position as
a proposition ; hence, the predicate, in this case also, becomes
the more prominent member. And if the person, in the sub-
ordinate proposition, is not specified, the infinitive, as in
German [and English], may be very loosely joined with it ;
as, ra^v 2to it is good to dwell, or that one should dwell, Prov.
xxi. 9 (cf. ver. 19, where ? is wanting); "flppjjp v *O it is not

1 [See Giesebrecht, p. 61.]

2 In the same way in Ethiopia, baka, prop, there is in ihee, i.e. thou
hast, and negatively 'alibaka, are used with the accusative, as Matt. v. 46,
vi. 1. The same construction presents itself in Syriac, as Cyr. horn. syr.
p. 4, 1, line 8, 5; and in the Coptic, in which OTOTi (corresponding to
C'\ on which see § 299a), with a suffix of possession, governs the accusa-
tive, Acts ix. 31, xv. 21, xviii. 10, xix. 38.

THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 131

thine (thy business) to offer sacrifice, 2 Chron. xxvi. 18 ; the
infinitive may even be joined still more loosely, with a ; as,
*jn^a T^r1 ^'P. *& it must not be hard in thine eyes (i.e. appear
hard to thee) in thy discharging (when thou dost release) thy
slave, Deut. xv. 18. It is only when the infinitive is placed in
the construct state, in immediate relation to a person, as the
subject of its original sentence, that it is not subordinated by
means of *? (see § 287); as, ffj&fn n^n ato & not good is the being
of the man (i.e. it is not good that the man should be) alone,
Gen. ii. 18 ; cf. a similar case in Prov. xxv. 7. But under
other circumstances also, *? is by no means indispensable [before
the infinitive] at least in poetic discourse ; and passages like
Prov. xvii. 26, xviii. 5, show that it is especially avoided when
it is to be required afterwards, for giving more support to
another infinitive.

If possible, the subject is still more briefly indicated in
expressions resembling those just explained, except that the
leading thought consists in a still smaller word, e.g. a negative,
or a preposition. Thus, ^]^? *6 (is it) not to be mentioned, i.e.
one must not mention . . . Amos vi. 10;1 cf. njnp D3J &6n
(is it) not yours (L. vestnm, according to § 292), i.e. your duty,
to know ? Mic. iii. 1 ; nay, the infinitive with p may be used
alone in this way, quite shortly, Isa. Ivii. 15. This is parti-
cularly often the case when the preposition 7JJ may be regarded
as expressing what is obligatory or necessary (see § 2 1 7*) : the
action which is incumbent on a person is loosely subordinated
by means of the infinitive with ?, as, fifv vy it is incumbent on
me to give, 2 Sam. xviii. 1 1 ; but a noun gradually comes to be
subordinated quite as loosely, by means of a (which has, per-
haps, the same force with nouns as ? with infinitives), as,
na&osa DnvJJ prop, it is incumbent on them with the business,
i.e. they must execute the business, 1 Chron. ix. 33, Ezra iii.
3 (following the Massoretic reading), Zech. xii. 2. But con-
trariwise, w$ v may mean, it is mine (i.e. I must show care)
over thee} Ezek. xv. 10.2

1 [But this construction may also express impossibility, as t?Hin$> tfi> in
Judg. i. 19 ; such a meaning is required by the context, and confirmed by
the fuller parallel passage, Josh. xvii. 12.]

2 [Xo such passage exists, nor is it evident what special instance Ewald
could have meant.]

132 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, § -226.

Similarly, we even find the substantive verb once used;
Irvin njvn njna with misfortune was it in his house (misfortune
befell his house), [759] 1 Chron. vii. 2 3 : the writer, indeed,
has ventured on this mode of expression only for the purpose
of explaining a proper name ; but similar brevity is shown
when it is said, according to the anger of Jahve njvn it hap-
pened (or came) fTWSi to Judah, 2 Kings xxiv. 3 (where we
must read *|K for *fi), 20.

296a. 2. Though the predicate forms, as it were, the match
of the subject, is of equal importance with it, and (see § 276&)
is to be regarded, equally with it, as in the nominative, when
represented by a mere noun ; yet, inasmuch as it can merely
describe the state or condition of the leading word, the latter
remains comparatively less affected by inflection, while the
other [viz. the predicate] may exhibit much greater variety in
expression. However, it is almost always a verb, or a mere
descriptive word (an adjective or participle) ; if it be the latter,
the article is unnecessary, and the predicate is quite simple
[i.e. takes no addition]; as, nirp p^x righteous (is) Jahve. The
sense, however, may necessitate the use of the article, e.g. when
comparison or pre-eminence is to be specially indicated ; as,
p'HSfn nirp Jahve is the righteous one, viz. in this matter which
is spoken of, Ex. ix. 27 (cf. § 277a); or when a participle
gives such strong prominence to a property, that it combines
with the article and takes up more of a separate position, the
article having the meaning of he who (that which) ; as, "la^n *a
my mouth is that ivhich speaks, Gen. xlv. 12, Isa. xiv. 27,
Zech. vii. 6, cf. Ps. xix. 11.

&. Instead of an adjective, there may also be found a noun
which indicates the property ; and this because an adjective
either has not yet been formed, or become current. [Ges.
§ 106.] In this respect, the Hebrew, like the Arabic, is very
brief and bold, especially because it expresses so many descrip-
tive ideas by means of nouns (see § 287/) which are subor-
dinated to another. If, then, one were constantly to say H> T1!?
a wall of wood, i.e. a wooden wall, this would only be some-
what further abbreviated by such a noun being used absolutely
as the predicate (as also for the object; see § 284&). Thus,
yy vrrvjp its walls are wood, i.e. wooden, Ezek. xli. 22 ; the same
construction is often used in speaking of artificers' work ; also,

THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 133

in the language of agriculture, as the flax vf&$ flower (in bloom),
Ex. ix. 31, cf. Cant. ii. 15,1 Ezra x. 13, and in other miscel-
laneous expressions of a similar kind, 1 Sam. xxi. 6, Gen. xL
1, Ex. xxxii. 16, Deut. xxxiii. 25, Jer. xxiv. 2, Isa. vii. 24,
Jer. xliv. 2, xlix. 23, Ps. cxix. 75. With such predicates,
accordingly, the subject which has just been mentioned is
easily repeated, mentally, in the construct state, as part of the
predicate (thus, its walls are walls of wood} ; this case is found
in the following poetic expressions of a bolder kind, B^N "^03
thy throne is (a throne of) God, i.e. divine, Ps. xlv. 7, cf. ver. 9 ;
thine eyes are (eyes of) doves, Cant. i. 15. Further, [760] many
words of the kind are found only in poetry ; as, *BO}1 a rock,
i.e. barren, Jobxv. 34, xxx. 3. Or, an abstract noun surpasses
the adjective itself in extreme brevity combined with fulness;
as God is truth, i.e. nothing but truth, Jer. x. 1 0, Ps. xix. 1 0 ;
be a blessing! i.e. an example and instrument of blessing (hence,
more than merely blessed), Gen. xii. 2, cf. Ps. xxi. 7 ; / am
prayer, nothing but prayer, — as it were quite lost in, and iden-
tified with it, Ps. cix. 4, cf. ex. 3, Job xix. 29, xxiii. 2, xxvi.
13, Eccles. x. 12, Isa. v. 12, xi. 10, xxix. 2, Ezek. xxvii
36, xxviii. 19, Dan. ix. 23, cf. x. 11, 19. That the lan-
guage regarded such a word as really in the nominative, is
plainly shown at least by the Arabic; see Ewald's Gram. Arab.
§ 655, ii. p. 146.

c. More rarely, the predicate is represented by the infinitive,
while a noun forms the subject of the sentence ; thus, the words
of the ivicked are D'H'^N to lie in wait for blood, i.e. that they
wish to lie in wait for the innocent, Prov. xii. 6, cf. xiii. 19.
More frequent is the use of an infinitive with ? (see § 237c);
as, 381™ *JW ?"*? it is not (possible) to stand before thee, i.e. no
one can stand before thee, 2 Chron. xx. 6 ; W£>inp rw Jahve
is to help me, i.e. must and will help me, is cst qui me juvet,
Isa. xxxviii. 20.

d. But lastly, it is possible that an idea, from having been
generally so employed already, may have become a mere word
expressing a relation (i.e. a preposition), or an attributive
(adverb), and hence must be used as the predicate in that

1 On the other hand, in ver. 13, because the full predicate is found only
after them, the same words form a mere group (see § 287/0 signifying the
vineyards in bloom, i.e. the blooming vineyards.

134 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 297.

form, just because the language lias no word more suitable.
Tims, D^^K Difen is your father well? Gen. xliii. 27, 2 Sam.
xx. 9, because DW is a noun (see § 150), and we can still
say, in accordance with, the earlier mode of construction, Dwn
B3*2W?, 2 Sam. xviii. 32, Gen. xxix. 6, Ps. cxx. 7; moreover,
thy reward ifcp nann is very great, Gen. xv. 1 (see § 280c).
Similarly, BVO, Lat. parum, as a word that has become inde-
clinable, serves for any relation in the sentence, hence also for
the predicate, even when combined with other words, as, VV®
QTJ! few an& wM (the latter word being properly plur.) were
the years of my life, Gen. xlvii. 9, cf. Jer. xlii. 2 ; and with the
article, when the meaning requires it, as, ye are BJJOn the fewest
of all peoples, Deut. vii. 7 ; it is only the latest writers who
form from it the new plur. E^D, when this, as the predicate,
refers to the subject in the plural, Ps. cix. 8, Eccles. v. 1.
The artificial style of the second age of poetry (see § 3c) goes
still further in this direction : one may briefly say, in it, we
are yesterday [L. hesterni, ^Oeaivol, Ger. gestrige], Job viii. 9,
because originally such an expression as ?ton ^s might very
well be used (see § &) ; the word which was gentle (on B^J>, see
§§ 146/, 217^ [or the Lexicons, under Btf]) with thee, or to-
wards thee, Job xv. 11, after the manner of a relative sentence
(§ 332). But such an expression as, ye are become &6 not, in
the sense of nothing, nonentities [Ger. nichtiy], would be im-
possible even for the boldest poet ; because one could never
say, using N& (which is too weak for the purpose), *O ^K ;
hence, in Job vi. 21, for the negative we must read v.

[761] Moreover, every noun subordinated by means of a pre-
position may serve as the predicate ; thus, rnfett fc^n he is in the
field : but the brief Kin may then, like any substantive, serve
as the leading word (see § 2975); however, rnfea nr might
easily bear quite another meaning, viz. here in the field (see p.
481).

297a. 3. The conjunction of these two necessary elements
forms, in Semitic, as in every primitive language, a complete
proposition ; as, iW "OK / am Jahve, wn P^V He is righteous,
rrroa ^ fo me (i.e. mine; see § 292) is strength, Di*n "VViJ harvest
is to-day, 1 Sam. xii. 17. An external sign for connecting
these two main constituents of a proposition, when the predi-
cate is not to be a verb — in other words, a copula (as it is

THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 135

now called) — is really unnecessary; because the mode in
which the discourse is delivered by the living voice is of
itself sufficient to indicate the separation, in meaning, between
the two different halves of the sentence ; and, in Hebrew, a
special word for this purpose is, in actual fact, very rarely
used. The Indo-Germanic languages began pretty early to
use the verb to be for this sign, when the predicate did not
consist of a more complete verb, and thus the substantive
verb came to be the mere copula in a sentence ; whereas
the Semitic languages properly do not yet know of any
such usage, and have, in this respect also, remained much
more simple.

b. The pronoun of the third (i.e. the most general) person,
however, serves to indicate existence in the most general way,
wherever there is an absence, in the sentence, of any more specific
predicate ; as, Nin ^$ / am he (or, as we may then say, using
words of more neuter meaning, it is /), EH wnjtf it is we,
Mn jjjj) it is a stroke [plague, spot], Lev. xiii. 4, 49, and in .a
stronger case, what has been long ago Kin is [now], Eccles. iii.
15.1 Beginning with this use, it of course serves, in other
cases also, to indicate our verb to be, when tense and mood
are not of much importance (see § 298), but specially only
when it is most necessary to separate the subject from the
predicate, because both of these are definite ; as, £:£3n mn Q-nn
the Hood is the soul, Deut. xii. 23, flji?? Nin "in David is (or, in
a circumstantial clause, when the past is spoken of, was) the
smallest, 1 Sam. xvii. 14 (see § 3066), where |Bj3n would readily
be joined in apposition (according to § 293a), so as to mean
the little David; yet, even in this case, the pronoun is by no
means necessary, see 1 Kings iii. 22, 23, 26. Moreover, it is
readily employed after a pronoun, placed, for greater emphasis,
in front, and apart from other words, especially in the case of
actual persons ; as, n|>« nan nn what are these ? Zech. iv. 5 (but
compare ver. 4 and i. 9, where the pronoun is wanting), Gen.
xxv. 16. It is different when (in accordance with § 309&)
the subject precedes, and is of considerable extent, the con-
tinuity of discourse being therefore somewhat interrupted ; as,
these men — veaceable (are) they, Gen. xxxiv. 21, xlii. 11 [762]
Mai. i. 7, 12. But it gradually comes to be frequently used
1 This rendering, of course, is contrary to the accents.

136 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 293.

as the copula in other cases also, and to a very large extent,
for instance, in Ecclesiastes ; also with an indefinite subject,
Jer. 1. 25. But, because Kin itself always contains the predi-
cate, though imperfectly,1 this third personal pronoun is also
used, quite correctly, along with one of a different person ; as,
D'rftKn Kin nnK Thou art God, 2 Sam. vii. 28, Ps. xliv. 5, Zeph.
ii 12.

Poetic writers come to use this personal pronoun also
by itself, for he is, after a word in the construct state (see
§ 2 8 62), hence in a sentence already half begun, Nah.
ii. 9, Isa. xviii. 2, 7.

Hence also, Kin, which is the most handy pronoun,
serves as the briefest explanatory particle, to express
our that is; as,itf? K*n jfa Beta, i.e. Zoar, Gen. xiv. 7, 8,
Judg. vii. 1 : this is a mere literary form of expres-
sion; see, however, Gen. xxxvi. 19, 43. But the pro-
noun varies, of course, with the number and gender of
the noun that is to explained; as, Egypt (i.e. the Egyptians)
Dn they are . . . ; or, as we express it, that is . . . Isa.
xxx. 7.

29 Sa. The verb njn to be, is, strictly speaking, used only
when a verb is required to represent the idea of becoming, being,
existing, hence for what is absolutely past or future ; as, B^K
n^n a man was once (there was once a man), Job i. 1 ; and
often for the voluntative, as also constantly for the imperative.
Except in Ex. ix. 3, a participle, being, occurs only in later
writers ; because, for the present, as the tense which most
readily suggests itself, there is usually no copula at all, or the
personal pronoun is sufficient ; in parenthetical sentences, also,
•^n is seldom used of the past, Judg. viii. 11. The word, of
course, gradually comes to be employed somewhat more freely,
for our verb to be; it is particularly to be observed that rvn &6
is often used, in a negative sentence (i.e. one of a more em-

1 That we must so regard the matter admits of no doubt in itself, and is
further confirmed by the Ethiopia, in which the pronoun already serves
rather as the copula, though still in such a way that we must say, for in-
stance, ye (are) it the salt of the earth. A different course of development,
indeed, has been followed by the Syriac, which may repeat the same person,
as if it constituted a verb ; this, however, applies in Syriac only to the first
person, not the second [rather, both to the first and second persons ; see
Uhlemann's Syriac Gram. § 54, 3].

THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A .SENTENCE. 137

pliatic character), for our lie is not} Gen. xlii. 11, 31, and placed
alone [without any other word following] in the sense of he is
lost, gone, Isa. xv. 6, xxiii. 13, Ezek. xxi. 32 : still, it always
remains far from being identical with our modern verb to be.

b. Moreover, just as the idea of the verb to be is placed in
immediate construction with the word which more exactly
forms the predicate, so [763] also may those verbs which de-
scribe a somewhat more specific kind of being (see § 2S5e),
e.g. verbs which signify commencing to be, i.e. becoming, Gen.
ix. 20, 1 Sam. iii. 2; verbs of hastening, i.e. quickly becoming,
Isa. xlix. 17; and those of ceasing to be, Isa. xxxiii. 1, Ps. ix.
7, Hos. vii. 4: indeed, it is just through this immediate con-
struction with the more exact predicate, and only after it is
formed, that they receive their restriction to the particular
kind of being ; as, ncj92 t?icnn ?nn the sickle has begun (i.e. is
only now for the first time) in the (growing) corn, Deut. xvi. 9.
But, because a species of being — a state or condition — is
thereby described, the following verb, if such a word be re-
quired for the more specific predicate, most readily chooses the
participial form2 (see § 168c); as Isa. xxxiii. 1, where, how-
ever, in the other member, the infinitive with 7 is used instead
of the participle. Verbs denoting continuance would be con-
strued in the same way, and may have the same force in the
language ; in Jer. xxiii. 2 6 is found an example of this, at least
in meaning; cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 150 f. [Wright's
Arab. Gram. ii. § 42]. The verb ^SH to turn, at least in the
Book of Origins [see footnote, p. 32], Lev. xiii. 3 ff., also 22iD
in the sense of becoming, in Jer. xxxi. 22, is put in immediate
construction with what more precisely forms the predicate,

1 Compare also ^j J and Ewald's Gram. Arab. § 658; in particular,

the Ethiopic 'ikdna, and Syriac |OCTI JJ, in many constructions, merely
express the more decided not. Care must be taken not to class under this
category what does not belong to it ; thus, nTl in Eccles. vi. 10, vii. 24, is
in the perfect only because it depends on $-,-]£> (see § 357c) whatever exists;
and in Eccles. vii. 19, VH may be the simple preterite.

2 This construction is quite usual in Syriac, and cannot have arisen from
imitation of the Greek. So, too, the Neo-Hebraic verb ^ririn to beyin, de-
rived from the old word p^nn beginning (see § 161&), is construed with the
participle, in M. T»tJ 2, 9, twice.

138 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 299.

just as the Ger. werden, which is connected with the Lat. vertere
and Sansk. vrit, properly expresses the change into a new
condition.1

299a. Those particles which, without being actually verbs,
yet really and properly express being, either generally, or in
some of its special kinds (see § 262& f.), mostly subordinate that
to which they refer, so that the whole sentence, strictly speak-
ing, proceeds from a terse and pointed particle of this nature;
as, "0?? behold me! i.e. here I am, njjpn & existence of hope, i.e.
there is hope, one is not without hope, Job xi. 18, cf. Lam. iii.
29, Euth i. 12, nnx & there are friends, or rather, in conjunc-
tion with a succeeding relative clause, many a friend (is more
faithful than a brother), Prov. xviii. 24, *$y B* there is one
that hears (and answers) thee, such an one is not wanting, Job
v. 1. Here, ^ is always followed by indefinite nouns, and
these, too, in the singular (see § 2 7 8 a); far more rarely is B*
construed with a definite noun, e.g. on account of a circumstan-
tial clause (see § 306c), as in Judg. vi. 13, or on account of
a similar [764] conditional sentence (see § 3555). Hence we
must say that K^J always posits the is emphatically, and indi-
cates that there is no want of something. Similarly, on the one
hand, D'JN 3h, taken by itself, signifies enough of men, but, with
a following relative clause, there are often men; on the other
hand, \*& there is not (see § 3 2 la), D2K there is no more, as
DipE DSN there is no more place (room), Isa. v. 8, and, with a
similar meaning, vB, Isa. xxviii. 8 ; also, by compounding, as
D^K "riy they arc no more, Ps. civ. 3 5 ; in the case of "ity, special
notice should be taken of the exceedingly brief expression,
there is yet to him only the kingdom, i.e. nothing more than this
is wanting to him, it is only this that he does not yet possess,
1 Sam. xviii. 8. If a verb be added to such a particle, in
order to render the predicate more complete and exact, it is
mostly subordinated as a participle, just as in § 298&, Josh.
iii. 11, Job i. 16, unless, for some special reason, the preterite

1 Cf. the English lie turns monk, a mode of expression which most readily

/ /

agrees with that in Jeremiah, loc. cit. But jU to return is also frequently
construed with the accus., in the sense of once more becoming, Hariri, p.
164, 1, Fakili. Kind. p. Ill, thrice; cf. the Hellenistic dnotrroiipetv ii$
f&ix,pdv (fern.) to lecome small, Bar. ii. 29.

THE TWO CHIEF MEMBERS OF A SENTENCE. 139

is to be more precisely distinguished, Gen. xxii. 20; it deserves
to be noticed that nan, inasmuch as it seeks to subordinate a
noun, also takes the verb into construction with itself by means
of the infinitive, Judg. xix. 9.

Since, however, these particles oscillate in meaning between
the noun and the verb, — having their origin in the former and
deriving their force from the latter, — they also begin to be
regarded as the second half of the proposition, and hence to
be used more freely, like the third person of a verb. They
may be employed by themselves, whenever the meaning is
evident from the context;1 as, "n^K & it is with thee, i.e.
thou certainly hast it, or canst do it, Prov. iii. 28. nan
especially has an independent power of reference to some-
thing existing, when the subject treated of is a person already
defined, or plainly indicated by the context; as, ?nfca nan
there he is (or she is ; also plur. they are) in the tent, Gen.
xviii. 9, 1 Sam. xix. 22, 1 Kings xxi. 18 ; and, when the
past is spoken of, he was (or, they were), 2 Kings vi. 20 ; but
also "intf Dy nan there is (or, it is) one people, — the reference
being presupposed by the speaker, Gen. xi. 6, Num. xxiii. 9, 24 ;
and finally, it is used wholly by itself, without any more
specific predicate, though such a construction is possible only
in brief poetic speech ; as, nan there he is ! (the well-known
one), Job ix. 19, — just in the same way as n»K where is he?
Job xv. 23. Further, these particles may also be separated
from that to which they refer, by intervening words ; or they
may even be placed after a subject, just like a verb (except in the
case of nan, which, as being merely demonstrative, must always
stand at the beginning) ; they then revert to the absolute state,
especially when a short, pointed, circumstantial sentence is to
be formed (see § 306c) ; as, an $ B* / have much, & D^g there
are eyes, eyes are not wanting, |*N na tJiere is no strength,
Gen. xxxiii. 9, 11, Judg. xix. 19, Isa. xliii. 8, xxxvii. 3.
And finally, they may also stand alone in this way, when it is
evident from the context to what they refer ; as, DBK there is
no more [765], Amos vi. 10 : and in the concinnate style of
the later poets, j^a when there would be nothing, then . . . i.e.

1 In this whole matter, the Hebrew and Aramaic have become much
more free than the Arabic, which can never allow such particles to remain
without their complementary words.

140 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 299.

there was not much wanting, so that . . . [i.e. almost, well-
nigh], Ps. Ixxiii. 2. Of. §§ 2867*, 3 2 la.1

1}. Instead, then, of the one verb to le, with its abstract,
general meaning, which is used by the Indo-European lan-
guages, the Semitic tongues, when that which more exactly
forms the predicate is not at once and by itself introduced
into the proposition, have really a large number of expressions
of different kinds, which render the idea of that verb in a
manner suitable to each particular instance ; this could not be
otherwise, so long as the proper particle, sufficient for all re-
quirements, was still wanting. Lastly, another expression still,
belonging to the category now under consideration, is afforded
by the preposition a (see § 217/), inasmuch as this particle
is capable of specifying that in which or for which anything
consists ; it is found almost solely with the more specific
predicate, as, / appeared to them (in which statement there is
already a predication) ^ b»| in the character of the Almighty
God, Ex. vi. 3, Ps. xxxix. 7 ; then also in such a way that it
serves to introduce a name, as, pn>^ as Isaac, or, as we say
more briefly, " Isaac " is to be the name of a descendant of
thine,2 Gen. xxi. 12 ; hence also, in the last place, to impart
a greater degree of solemnity to the predicate itself when this
consists of a noun or similar word, as, tow n£ as Jah is His
name (or, His name passes as Jah), i.e. " Jah " is His name,
Ps. Ixviii. 5, Job xxiii. 13 ; but, beyond these few examples
of a purely poetic and rare mode of expression, the latter
usage is scarcely met with in Hebrew.8

1 The Semitic is not quite singular in using such noun-verbs; in the
Coptic, OTOrt and such like words show most resemblance ; the Turkish

yj exactly corresponds in meaning to the Heb. ty\ the only difference
being that, in the former language, as regards the arrangement of words,
it was originally put after the word to which it referred. Even in
Armenian something similar is found, see Ewald's Spracliwiss. AWiandl. i.
p. 63 ff. ; and the Greek also falls back upon the same method, in the case
of etft.

2 This is the same as when, to a proper name, an -itl or -ndma is added
in Sanskrit, or a X6 prefixed in Coptic. [But, in opposition to Ewald's
rendering, see the context of the passage itself, and Rom. ix. 7.]

3 In Arabic it is more frequent ; but, even there, it is found only in
negative sentences. Formerly, much was said about a Beth essentiae, which,
however, was not properly understood ; cf. also Tabriz! on the Hamdsa,

THE SECONDARY MEMBERS OF THE SENTENCE. 141

A different case is presented when an adjective in the

neuter, with 3, forms the predicate, either alone, as,

&ttn sna it (the people) is in evil plight, Ex. xxxii. 22,

cf. v. 19; or with the more specific predicate, as Isa.

xl. 10, Gen. xlix. 24, which have been already explained

(see § 1*7 2&) ; or when a noun with a predicates wherein

something consists, or indicates the power, quality, etc.,

which anything possesses, as, a wise man is with firmness,

i.e. possesses it, Prov. viii. 8, xxiii. 17&, xxiv. 5. The

idea of our verb to have may also be expressed in this

way : the days of our years DH3 in them are (i.e. they

have, comprise) seventy years, Ps. xc. 10.1

c. Finally, either half of the [766] proposition may consist

of a broken sentence, or part of a sentence, so that it is only

those possessed of considerable acumen who can perceive

that such broken words are intended to form the half of a

true intelligible proposition. This is not to be looked for so

much in the simpler as in the more artificial and facetious

style ; Eccles. vii. 1 2 affords two examples — -

Shaded by wisdom — shaded by wealth!

The benefit of knowledge: wisdom refreshes its possessor !

Or the predicate may merely refer, quite briefly, to all that
has already been stated; as in Eccles. xii. 13, this (such) is
the whole man ! 2

(Z>) The Secondary Members of the Sentence.

300&. A sentence may be very largely extended, merely in
consequence of the fact that its two leading members are
conjoined, since each of these admits of being expanded into
groups of words of greater or less extent (see § 276 ff.).
But still further additions may be made to the sentence in
the shape of more freely placed extensions, consisting of indi-
vidual words or groups of words, and attached in such a way

p. 185, 20 if. In Ethiopic, eneta is used, as in Dillmann's Chrcstomathy,
p. 10, line 5 from bottom.

1 In similar cases, the Arabic employs its . .

2 Cf. Ewald's Johanneischen Schriften, i. p. 501.

142 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 300.

that they belong more to the sentence as a whole than to any
special one of its two main portions. Strictly speaking, how-
ever, such extensions are, for the most part, either more par-
ticularly connected with the meaning of the predicate, or with
that of the leading word (the subject) ; hence we have the
three following kinds of secondary members in a sentence : —

1. Statements of time, place, and similar relations, which,
though not more closely connected with the predicate, yet
really refer more to it than to the subject. The prepositions,
of course, are most largely used here to indicate such relations
in the sentence ; but the mere accusative, as such, likewise
readily suffices for the purpose (see § 204a). And certain
modes of expression, whose meaning may be rendered still
more explicit by the employment of a preposition, are, either
in consequence of frequent use, or from the innovations of
poetic licence, gradually abbreviated in such a way that they
accept the shortest mode of construction by means of the
accusative. This construction is of itself sufficient, —

(a) In statements of measure, or space. But much depends
on the usage observed by the language in each particular
instance; thus, &?B$n the heaven, i.e. above, 1 Kings viii. 32ff.,
as we can even say, for a predicate, E^ ^2 heights of heaven!
i.e. as high, as heaven, Job xi. 8, cf. xxii. 12 ; fl^^n ^-C1- ^l&
other court, in brief architectural description, for in the other
court, 1 Kings vii. 8. In statements of time, the accusative
alone is sufficient, when the action continues throughout the
whole length of the period indicated, as, he wandered D^l Q^pj
many days ; (during the whole of) the thirteenth year they had
rebelled, Gen. xiv. 4, cf. ver. 5 ; Q^an D'Tpjn (during) the coming
(future) days [767], all is forgotten, Eccles. ii. 16. But the
accusative may also be used when the action does not extend
through the whole space of time mentioned, as in common
expressions like na$n the (this) year thou shalt die, Jer.
xxviii. 16 ; or, they came rnblPKn ^tf'l at the "beginning of the
(middle) night-watch, Judg. vii. 19 ; rW Jiten at the middle of
the night, Job xxxiv. 20, Ps. cxix. 62, instead of which we
still find in prose the full infinitival expression rWn rtisns,
Ex. xi. 4, so that the infinitive has, in this case, finally
become as much shortened as in *JN3, which has already been
explained on p. 125 f.

THE SECONDARY MEMBERS OF THE SENTENCE. 143

(5) In statements of place, the simple accusative is sufficient,
whenever it is used to indicate measurement in length and
breadth. Under other circumstances, a in, is omitted only in
certain expressions which are frequently used ; as, nriQ; door
of . . . i.e. outside, in front of . . . ; TV? house of . . . i.e. with a
person [Lat. apud, Er. chez, Ger. bei] ; hence, even in the case
of proper names, we can say, quite shortly, on? JV3 at (in)
Bethlehem, 2 Sam. ii. 32, ^ nra at Bethel, Hos. xii. 5, Zech.
vii. 2. But JV3 and JVa? can always be used interchangeably ;
cf. 2 Chron. xxxiii. 20 with ver. 24.1

(c) In statements which describe the circumstances or the
purpose of the action ; as, they came ?&jnb\> nviy according to
law (which is construed as an indefinite word, in accordance
with § 2 9 2) for Israel, i.e. in the manner that had been pre-
scribed to Israel, Ps. cxxii. 4 ; he offered for them Q?3 "'SDD
number of them all, i.e. as many sacrifices as there were of them,
Job i. 5, Ex. xvi. 16 (hence also such an accusative is used
at once, in the beginning of a sentence, as the predicate, Jer.
ii. 28), though it is still possible to use also "iSDJp? instead,
Josh. iv. 5, 8, Judg. xxi. 23 ; ^bf\ rn^jj, according to the
work of the Levites, i.e. as they wrought, Ex. xxxviii. 21, cf.
1 Chron. ix. 13. Hence a circumstantial clause (see § 303c)
may also be very briefly subordinated in this way, as, God
gives it K3ty in sleep, or sleeping, Ps. cxxvii. 2, cf. Deut. iv. 11;
see more on this subject in § 341 below. In such cases, the
accusative is almost always enough ; a preposition, however,
may also become necessary, as when it is required to begin a
sentence thus : njna with evil, or malevolently, has he led them
out, Ex. xxxii. 12, where the adjective alone, without the pre-
position, would be too feeble and unintelligible ; or, as when, to
the proposition. God who forms it, there is added (according to
§ 237c) BJI^L!? to make it subsist, i.e. in reality, Jer. xxxiii. 2.

3 Ola. 2. Such an adjunct in the proposition may refer
chiefly to the subject, and thereby tell on the whole sentence;
as, two supported him inK 1TO IHK njD on this side one, and on
that side one, i.e. on both sides, Ex. xvii. 12. In particular, a
subject in the plural may at once be so individualized by

1 On the other hand, ptf for in the land, Deut. vi. 3, would be strange ;
hence the word must be understood in a different way ; cf. the Septuagint.

144 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 302.

adding B^K, in the sense of every (see § 278?)), that further
amplifications follow the example of this singular ; as, vun
ia"in t^tf gird (ye) on every one his sword ! And when recipro-
cal actions are in question [768], to this B^K is subordinated
vnK his brother, or injn his friend ; as, VnK B»N JlpHT *6 they
do not thrust every one his brother, i.e. one another, Joel ii. 8 ;
'injrrptf B^K ^PfJ ^y &wV£ every one to his friend, i.e. among
themselves. This method of expressing our " one another"
" each other " (Gr. a\\tj\cov\ has become so firmly established,
that it is even applied to inanimate subjects, Ex. xxvi. 3.

1. This construction VHK . . . B*K (or ffijn . . . B>\s) has in this
way preserved itself, as a smaller sentence within the larger,
much more in its original perfection and independence in the
Hebrew than in most other languages, which either always
contract the two words into one, as the Sanskr. anydnydm
(where, however, the first member at least has always remained
in the nominative) and the Ger. einander (one another), or
even, after the two have thus coalesced, proceed to treat the
word as a plural, and employ it afterwards only as a subordi-
nated word (in an oblique case), like the Gr. aK\r)\wv and the

Syr. Ij^ (from "in-in one-one). Even though it may be

*

completely subordinated, it still remains in its full form ; as,
/ deliver them injn "Til B^K one into the other's hand, i.e. into
each other's power, Zech. xi. 6, vii. 9. But it is to be
remarked that, with later writers, even the closer construction
sometimes begins to appear, mostly in the subordination of the
construct state ; as, do not devise VHfejl B*N njn the evil of one
(against) another, Zech. vii. 10 (cf. also, on the other hand,
the earlier form of construction in viii. 1 7) ; and Ezekiel, even
more briefly still, once uses merely B^K in this sense, i. 11,
cf. ver. 9.

302&. 3. A number of larger or smaller secondary mem-
bers may, in the character of dependent secondary propositions,
be added to the main sentence, which is otherwise complete
in itself ; such an addition may be made at the very begin-
ning, e.g. a specification of time, as in Gen. i. 1, Isa. vi. 1 ; or at
the end, even in a sentence of considerable length, Isa. ix. 6 ;
or it may be inserted into the body of the sentence itself, as in
Ezra ii. 68. These adjuncts are really very loosely attached ;

IMPERFECT AND ABBREVIATED PROPOSITIONS. 145

they are, however, mostly connected with the sentence proper
by means of prepositions, or (less frequently) even by the
mere accusative, without being themselves able to pass for
independent propositions. Even whole circumstantial clauses
(see § 306c) may be briefly attached in this way (cf. Dan. iii. 1
in Aramean) ; it will be better, however, not to enter on the
explanation of the contracted circumstantial sentences, which
would properly fall to be considered here, till later on (see
§ 341). To a proper noun may be appended, in quite a brief
way, toB>* his name, merely as an indication that the noun is
to be regarded as a proper name ; thus Job i. 1, Ezra v. 14.1
&. It is worth while observing how one or more words,
which might originally be also independent, have gradually,
through [769] the influence of the larger sentence, become
mere secondary clauses, or even subsidiary particles. Thus,
the words nj^ D^n^ nr no longer form a separate and inde-
pendent proposition, these are seventy years, but, associated
with another sentence, merely signify these seventy years
[past] (see § 18 3 a near the end), since pronouns generally,
when, contrary to the original order of their arrangement (see
§ 2 9 3a), they precede the noun, readily become mere sub-
ordinate particles.

(c) Imperfect and Abbreviated Members of Sentences.
The Infinitive Construct in the Sentence,

303&. If, in a proposition standing quite alone, one of the
two necessary constituent parts be wanting, such a sentence
must be regarded as incomplete : but this may very possibly
occur, for instance, in an exclamation (see § 327). The same
remark holds true when the proposition merely consists of
a subordinated word. Sometimes in ordinary language, as
in impassioned speech, there is found nothing but an accusa-
tive referring to a verb, which, though certainly implied in the
whole, is merely understood rather than expressed; as, &6n

1 The latter passage is Arainean ; but the correct Aramean for such an
expression has been already given on p. 50, footnote 2. In exactly the
same way, we find the ndma or iti attached to proper names in Sanskrit.

K

146 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 303.

K what ! have you not heard the words ? Zech. vii. *7 ;
should I drink the Hood of men ? 2 Sam. xxiii. 1 7 (in the
parallel passage, 1 Chron. xi. 19, the ellipsis is unnecessarily
supplied); cf. also Lam. i. 12, and the cases described on
pp. 38, 39,1 also § 329a below.

b. "When a sentence is connected with something preced-
ing, an idea which would otherwise require to be indicated
may more readily be omitted, if it would merely consist of an
unemphatic pronoun ; this is because the reference to what is
omitted lies in the very meaning of the whole, and the
Hebrew, like the other ancient languages, does not, in this
respect, require any superfluity of expression. Hence, —

(1.) The subject, though somewhat definite, may be omitted,
when it can be made out otherwise from a preceding word ;
as, in the image of God made He (God) him, Gen. ix. 6, xiv.
1, 2, Esth. ii. 21 ;2 such a subject may also become more
distinctly indicated as the discourse proceeds, as in Isa. xxiii. 11.
Or, there may be the total omission of a subject which is
evident from what precedes, when a particle, placed at the head
of the sentence, itself forms so strong an introduction to the
proposition, that it can take the place of the one half of the
sentence, while the predicate immediately follows ; thus, with
an interrogative particle, D^itDn are (they, viz. the kingdoms
previously mentioned) better ? Amos vi. 2 ; or with a particle
indicative of time, as, ^^P ^ when (He, i.e. God) is at my
right hand, Ps. xvi. 8, Joel ii. 1, 2 Sam. xiv. 13 ; or with the
more emphatic 1 (see § 345), as, Q?tyi> "H"}-1^51 then (i.e. therefore,
hence) it (viz. the house) is blessed for ever [770], 1 Chron.
xvii. 27, 2 Sam. xiv. 14. Some later writers, however, who
use the artificially brief style (see § 3c), go further in this
respect than the writers of the best period would have ventured ;
they omit a subject which can be made out, from what has
previously been stated, only in a very general form ; as,
O':n DW '•a because (it is) for many (long) days, Dan. viii. 19,
26 ; or even one which can only be supplied orally in the

1 With this, accordingly, we would need to compare a similar case in
which the accusative is employed in Arabic ; see Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii.
p 217 f.

2 Cf. the precisely similar usage in Syriac ; Assemani's Bibl. orient.
i. p. 407, 83.

THE INFINITIVE CONSTRUCT IN THE PROPOSITION. 147

language of the passing moment, as, T?V *O not against thee
(have I any evil desire), 2 Chron. xxxv. 21, cf. xviii 3.1
Similarly, —

(2.) The object may be omitted, when it is easily inferred
from the context ; in most cases, it is evident from what has
already been stated before, especially when only things are
spoken of, as, he saw and told (what he had seen), Gen. ix.
22 ; still stronger instances occur in Amos vi. 12, Job vi. 7;
nvnnp in order to preserve (them, viz. the animals that had
been spoken of) alive, Gen. vi. 20, — a construction which
changes to the passive in order to be preserved, though the
active infinitive is always preferred (see § 304), cf. Isa. vi. 13.
Hence, also, in changing from one member of a sentence to
another, a suffix, which was previously mentioned with the
first, is readily omitted from the second, as Hab. i. 3, iii. 2.
More rarely, the object is omitted under such conditions
that the idea of it can be gathered only in a general
way from what precedes ; as, thou bringest then (what thou
hast reaped) and thus tliy lord has bread, 2 Sam. ix. 10. In
negative sentences, &6, under such circumstances, evidently
means nothing, as in Job v. 24.

304a. The infinitive"2 is a part of speech which includes
in its idea a greater degree of incompleteness and deficiency
(see §§ 237a, 240a) ; because, according as the meaning or
the context demands, it can always stand for the [finite] verb,
and yet it really contains less than this. Such is the case
with the infinitive absolute, which, in accordance with its
essential nature, cannot be dependent on a word in the
construct state, or even a preposition ; nor again can it stand

1 In 2 Chron. xix. 6 also, we must in the same way understand
(which was the reading before the Septuagint translator) and with you is
He (God) : there is no need for reading D^JJ instead (see § 29 5/).

2 [A very full discussion of this part of speech has lately been written
by Adolf Koch (Der semitische Infinitiv, Stuttgart 1874). It may be of
advantage to give the summary of his investigations in his own words
(pp. 70, 71). 1. " The Semitic infinitive is really not an infinitive in the
sense of the term as used in Greek, Latin, German [and English] grammar ;
for it was originally, and has remained to the present day, a true noun,
which contains in itself all the properties of the noun, and is construed as
such in the sentence. The most which can be admitted is, that this noun
sometimes gives up its capacity for inflection, and becomes an adverb ; but

148 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, § 204.

itself in the construct state, or assume suffixes in any sense
whatever; but it can merely subordinate a noun somewhat
remotely (cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 140); see further,
§ 328c. But the noun which is subordinated to an infinitive
construct may either be changed into the subject, if the finite
verb were used, as, ^n S?foB>3 at the hearing of the king, i.e.
when the king heard ; or into the object ; as, tDS^'p rnb*JJ to
execute judgment. When, then, the finite verb would only be
put in the person which most readily suggests itself and is
most indefinite (viz. the third), without any definite subject
being further mentioned, the infinitive construct, as dependent
merely on the form of the sentence, also stands without such
[771] a completion. (Cf. the similar construction mentioned
in § 200 [where it is shown that the participle (sing, or
plur.) is often used impersonally; as, one says, people say,
Ex. v. 16, Isa. xxi. 11].) The finite verb, in such a case,
may require to be viewed as in the singular or plural, and
relating to a definite person; as, DtanviK DJO3 when (he) saw
the ring, Gen. xxiv. 30, 1 Kings xx. 12, vii. 47", and
when the infinitive is used with ?, 1 Sam. xxii. 1 3 ; also
rri^JJ n'np on account of giving much milk, or, because they
(viz. the animals mentioned) give much milk, Isa. vii. 22, where
the word nh is used as described in § 286e; or the verb may
need to be regarded as in the indefinite plural, foKVviK Tfas
when they were shearing (Wa) his sheep, 1 Sam. xxv. 2, Gen. ii. 4
(following the Kethib\ xxv. 26, xxxiii. 10, Ex. ix. 16, xix. 13,
2 Sam. iii. 34, Ps. xlii. 4 (cf. ver. 11), Ixvi. 10, cii. 22,
Prov. xxv. 7, xxviii. 8, Job xiii. 9, xx. 4 ; i? "ivn njD in the

never in any case does it pass over into the verb-system, in the manner
which characterizes the proper infinitive idea. 2. The Semitic nomen
actionis expresses the abstract idea of being, acting, or suffering ; and has
been derived from the verb in the way in which verbal derivatives, with a
concrete meaning, passed over into the abstract meaning. 3. This abstract
verbal noun, through its derivation from the verb, has received! the power
of construction peculiar to the verb, so that it can subordinate another
noun in the accusative, and attach to itself a subject in the nominative ;
while, on the other hand, it has no power whatever, in itself, of expressing
any difference in tense, or in the kind of verb. 4. From the agreement in
form among the different branches of the Semitic family of languages, it
plainly follows that even the original Semitic language had already handed
over the function of the abstract verbal noun to certain forms."]

THE INFINITIVE CONSTRUCT IN THE PROPOSITION. 149

time of causing grief to him, i.e. when others caused grief to him,
when he felt himself distressed, 2 Chron. xxviii. 22, xxxi. 10,
xxxiii. 12, 19. But the infinitive may also be used, poetically,
(see a similar case in § 285&) without any preposition what-
ever ; as, their words are Six to lie in wait, i.e. that they are
going to lie in wait, Prov. xii. 6. When the person is definite,
and at the same time not in itself evident from the context
alone, it must be marked, though merely by a suffix ; this
indication, however, is readily dropped again at once, when
not indispensably necessary; as, he sware $1 w^pi """py ^J?
that I should not cross over, nor come, Deut. iv. 21 (cf. § 322a).
Some writers use the mere infinitive still more briefly, in such
a way even that the first person can but remotely be inferred
from the context, as the subject; Jer. xxvii. 10, cf. ver. 15,
and Ezek. viii 6 (where even the Septuagint translators
stumbled).

b. Now, since the subordinated noun, if the finite verb were
used [instead of the infinitive], may need to be regarded as
the subject, or the object, it can be attached to the infinitive
construct as to a word in the construct state, and this infini-
tive may further take suffixes. This attachment, however [of
the noun], to the infinitive, is not so close and so necessary,
inasmuch as it is not found in the case of the finite verb for
which the infinitive is used ; more especially does the noun
often stand separately as the object, Isa. xi. 9, also with HK as
the sign of the accusative (see § 277^). Moreover, the suffix
may also be separated [from the infinitive] by this HN, and that,
too, all the more readily if the infinitive stands for the third
person of the finite verb without a more definite subject ; thus,
i) when he saw, inx DN"i3 when (he) saw him, 2 Sam. vi. 2 1 ;
>Jo? when one "bare, them (a common mode of expression
derived from polygamy; see § 2956), Gen. xxv. 26 ; but the
separation does not necessarily take place, as Prov. xxv. 7,
Nah. ii 4; hence also, ritf is used after the infinitive of a
passive form (according to § 2956), as, ifiK n^'sna when one
anointed it (when it was anointed), Gen. xxi. 5, Lev. xiii
55, 56, Num. vii. 10, Ezek. xvi. 4, 5. Cf. also §§ 307a,
3196, 326.

c. Similarly, though the passive infinitive is always a
possible i'orii: in Hebrew, the active is far more frequently

150 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 305.

employed, provided that the circumstances just described
actually exist.1 Thus, fiTO Tty a time to bear, i.e. when one is
born, Eccles. iii. 2 [772] ; your days are near natpp to the
slaughtering, i.e. when they shall slay you, or, when ye shall
be slain, Jer. xxv. 34.

3 0 5 a. The pointed brevity generally characteristic of these
[Semitic] languages is not a little favoured and intensified by
the fact that they, and especially the Hebrew, have no case-
endings like those employed by our modern languages, which
are in this respect more flexible. Accordingly, nouns also,
combined with prepositions, may, in indefinite discourse, serve
either as the subject or the object, according to the connection
of the sentence ; as, niPPa pN there is not (one, — indefinitely)
like Jahveh ; 0 that I had D*ij5 •'HTa like the months of yore
i.e. days like those of former times (cf. § 2 2 la) ; further,
Dyn \Jj>'[D n|5 take of the elders of the people, i.e. some of them
(see § 2820), D^rrftp IfcttP there went out (some) of the people
(see § 2 9 4c) ; or, as in the expression there was not left
T?*rny ^^ among them even to one, i.e. not even one was left
among them, Ex. xiv. 28 (cf. also the use of 3 in Isa. x. 22).
This is the most appropriate place to remark that a word
like *nfo3 as he (like him), may also, as the subject, signify
such a, Joel ii. 2, Hag. ii. 3.2 Cf. also the case presented in
§ 3106.

&. Moreover, the precision originally displayed, and still so
strongly maintained by the Hebrew language, in the use which
it makes of all the prepositions, but especially those denoting
comparison, permits a word to remain in a quite brief form,
when we would prefer to employ a subordinate sentence
instead. On the cases in which 3 is used, see § 2 2 la; still
stronger instances are those in which ft? occurs, as, for the
shining of the countenance (i.e. in order that the face may
shine) !P^? more than oil (i.e. more than oil makes it shine),
or more briefly, more than with oil, Ps. civ. 15.

1 The Sanskrit has no [special] passive infinitive at all [distinct in form
from the active.]

2 The Arabic presents a more decided instance of the same thing in

i« **6

^ which is used after the manner of the particles mentioned in § 286g.

THE ORDER OF WORDS IN A SENTENCE. 151

FORMATION AND COMPLETION OF A SENTENCE, VIEWED WITH
REFERENCE TO

(B) The Connection of the Words in the Sentence,
(a) The Position, Relation, and Force of the Words.

3 06 a. In languages which, like the Sanskrit, have attained
the highest perfection as regards fulness and variety of gram-
matical forms, the position and arrangement of words in a
sentence, together with certain rules for gracefully rounding
off a period, are entirely dependent on the meaning and
colour of the discourse in each individual instance, and are
very apt to be modified in accordance with the influence
exerted by the spirit within, which seeks to express itself
in words. The Semitic languages, on the contrary, in view of
their less complete stock of grammatical forms (see §§ 5-7),
have been forced to depend, in a substantial measure, on the
position of the words in a sentence, as a factor in the expres-
sion of the sense ; this shows itself not merely in the forms
assumed by the many different kinds of word-groups (see
§§ 207ff., 285), but here also, in the formation of a connected
sentence. The most important words and word-groups are
subject to a strict law [773], as regards their position in the
sentence ; and even, to a large extent, receive their full
meaning only through that position. At the same time,
however, it is specially to be observed that the Hebrew, in
the position and order which it assigns to words in a sentence,
exhibits far greater flexibility and ease than the Arabic
(see § 6&), though the latter far surpasses the former in the
formation of words. Thus, the Hebrew has, first of all, the
arrangement of words in a sentence which is followed when
the mind of the speaker is in its usual calm and unimpas-
sioned state ; herein it agrees with the Arabic in its most
essential points. But secondly, it has also a mode of arrang-
ing sentences which is adopted when the speaker becomes
more strongly excited, and departs from the usual dispassion-
ate order; this forms a prominent peculiarity in the language,
and is one which, as regards this vivacity and excitability,

152 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § SQG.

cannot be imitated by any other member of the Semitic
family whatever.

b. I. When we consider the ordinary calm style of discourse
in connection with the inviolable laws which regulate the
arrangements of words in it, we find, —

1. That the predicate, according to the simplest mode
of arrangement, precedes the subject, because, in most cases,
it contains the new and more important element which
the speaker wishes to bring forward. The predicate pre-
cedes, when it consists of an adjective, as, rnrp p11^ right-
eous (is) Jahve. But there is all the greater reason for the
verb, as the predicate, being placed first, because, like all
the persons of the verb, the third really already includes a
subject within itself (see § 2766); hence, the definite noun
is originally but a word placed in apposition to this third
person, as, fttrp ION there spake Jahve. When, however, as
happens in rare instances, the predicate as well as the sub-
ject is a noun, the former always follows the latter, when
both members of the sentence are, outwardly, of equal force ;
this order is observed for the express purpose of obviating all
doubt regarding the subject ; thus, D^gn Kin *pnfi)K rnrp' Jahve
thy God is (cf. § 2976) God,— God absolutely, Deut.' iv.' 35, 39,
cf. x. 17. And even under other circumstances also, the
subject always precedes, when, looking at the meaning, there
might be some doubt regarding it, as in Prov. xiv. 2 (both
members of the verse).

c. But here, the mere order assigned to the words must also
be at once made to serve in forming a new idea. From the
arrangement just described, which is the simplest of all, is
distinguished, in unimpassioned discourse, the mode in which
a descriptive or circumstantial clause1 is formed, by assigning a
significant order to the words. By putting the subject first
(contrary to what is stated in § &), and the predicate after-
wards, the action, its development, and its progress do not
come into the foreground, as in ordinary narrative discourse ;
but the person is placed first, by himself, in order to be
immediately thereafter more fully described and depicted as
he is ; and the whole proposition, in a manner quite the

1 [On the circumstantial clause, see also Driver on the Hebrew Tenses,
Appendix I. p. 200 ff.]

THE ORDER OF WORDS IN A SENTENCE. 153

opposite of the usual narrative style, presents us with a
harmonious and placid picture of something continuous, per-
manent,— just as the speaker conceives it. This inverse
arrangement of words for the purpose mentioned, is, accord-
ingly, of the highest importance and significance throughout
the whole language : it is substantially carried out [774] in
the Arabic also, and is thus one of the most important peculi-
arities of the Semitic (see Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 168).
Accordingly, the verb then stands mostly in the participial
form (see § 168), because, in such a case, the action is, for the
most part, regarded as still going on. Thus Ex. xii. 11, where
the circumstance mentioned is even introduced by the words,
thus shall ye eat the Passover ^"Un DJ^no yOUT loins girded, etc.,
Judg. xv. 2, 1 Sam. xii. 1*7, 2 Sam. iii. 34, 2 Kings xi. 5,
Jer. vii. 1 7 f ; the passive participle is also used in narrative,
Neh. xiii. 4; cf. further, § 168c. Hence Ity still (see § 262c),
and PN there is not, also B* there is (though the last is very
seldom used), suit very well for these sentences ; Ex. iii. 2,
v. 16, ix. 2. All this becomes of more importance in the
construction of compound sentences (see §§ 341, 355), and
even of a mere relative sentence ; as, they did not know
nbty "OK no what I was about to do, Nell, ii. 16, cf. vers.
12, 19.

d. This arrangement becomes specially significant, if the
participle which is placed in this order (see § 168c) serves
likewise, as the tense-form, to indicate the time of the action
just going on, — the present of the circumstance described ; as,
Dn?n» T?N nan lehold, thy brother is angry with thee, Gen.
xxvii. 42, Jer. xvi. 12 ; or the future, which the speaker
regards in his own mind as already quite near, or at least as
certainly coming, almost as present, as, riD nrix moriturus es,
Jer. xxviii. 16 ; fcOao "OJn en me allaturum, jam allaturus sum,
Gen. vi. 1 7.1 Equally possible, though more rarely found in a
simple sentence, is the preterite of the circumstance described,
in which the hearer, perhaps through some preceding words,
is reminded that he must transfer himself, in thought, into
some definite circumstance of past time, as in the description
of a dream ; "lo'y ^n lehold 1 was (I thought, during the dream,
that I was) standing, Gen. xii. 17 ; or in answer to the ques-
1 Cf. Jaltil'ticlier der bill. Wissen9c7i(iflent vi. p. 102.

154 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § soe.

tion which some one has asked, during a certain time, Jer.
xxxviii. 26.

When the participle is thus used with the meaning of a
tense-form, nan behold, is placed before it merely for the purpose
of giving more liveliness to the discourse ; hence it is used
especially when a new beginning is made. And though, in
accordance with its original use, it readily subordinates the
subject (see §§ 262c, 299a), whose suffix, accordingly, it com-
bines with itself, when that subject is not more definitely

indicated, it does not maintain this construction quite so

•
rigorously as the corresponding Arabic ^!, inasmuch as it is

also found without the subject of its sentence, when this has
already been given, in meaning, in what precedes ; as, itf* nan
behold He (viz. Jahve, who has just been mentioned) formed,
Amos vii. 1, cf. ver. 7. But it is rare to find the subject
following nan only in some place or other farther on, as Amos
vii. 4 (where, however, there is rather a mere superaddition of
the subject [775], cf. ver. 1). It is also an innovation to say
rig? 'ON nan "behold, I take (where nan occupies more of an inde-
pendent position), Ezek. xxxvii. 19, 21. But when nan is not
used, the participle, as a simple form for the present and the
immediate future, may be put first, like the other tense-forms,
as in Gen. xxxi. 20, Judg. xv. 11, Jer. xxiii. 16, xxv. 31,
xliv. 15, Joel iv. 4, Amos vi. 8 j1 in this usage the Aramaic
goes still farther.

e. As in other circumstantial clauses, however, so also, when
nan is used, the meaning may require the perfect, which is then
subordinated as a second word (on the principles explained in
§ 284) ; thus, ID* ^n, prop, behold me having founded, where
the third person is used, as being the most general, Isa.
xxviii. 16; with the same person [in both words] ^ritf ^jn
behold, we are come, Jer. iii. 22; and with nan alone, placed
more briefly before the perfect, as W&O nan^ which, just like
the Arab. L^-oJj AJJ, gives the idea of the strong perfect, — /
have seen it! Jer. vii. 11. If, however, the circumstantial

1 A doubtful case is the rare construction yp^ n^3n nj'Hty, prop, our
eyes are still pining, Lam. iv. 17, where the imperfect is substituted for the
participle (see § 136c). The Qeri «Hty gives the somewhat different turn
of meaning, we are still of pining eyes.

THE OllDEIt OF WOEDS IN A SENTENCE. 155

sentence lias already been introduced by another word at the
head of it, as tfi>n (see § 324&), the perfect may also be placed
before, by itself, for the sake of brevity, Job iv. 21. When,
therefore (as in later language), the perfect is further preceded
by "123 long since, already, for the purpose of giving prominence
to the verb as a complete perfect, in the temporal sense, as in
Eccles. ix. 7,1 there is all the less need for the subject coming
first.

Moreover, nan, like our see, lo ! begins to be used inter-
changeably with this nan, in such a way that it not merely
takes the same meaning and position, but also, like an
impersonal particle, neglects to distinguish gender and
number, as in Deut. i. 8, xi. 26.

/. When the circumstantial clause has no verb, while the
predicate itself has the appearance of a mere subordinate word
(i.e. is introduced by a preposition), the latter rather likes to
be placed first ;2 as, In the mouth of the fool is a rod of pride,
Prov. xiv. 3. The reason is, that by this means the two parts
of the sentence are distinguished from each other in a more
palpable manner ; because, under any other arrangement, the
subordinate word might easily again have the force of a mere
adjunct modifying the subject.

[776] 307a. 2. The object, according to the arrangement
observed in most calm discourse, only follows the subject,
which again, as has been shown, is placed after the verb ; and
it is indicated by the very position which is thus assigned to
it; as, B^NpD nyj rw David sent messengers, I Sam. xxv. 14,
Gen. xlii. 30. This order of arrangement is regularly observed
in calm discourse, especially when the sentence is headed by a
strong introductory word with which it is intimately connected ;
either, one of the stronger conjunctions may stand at the

/ / c / o .

1 Exactly equivalent to this is ^oj JcJ> all the more because jj also

* ' * Y

(as cognate with Li ever, always, and like O^S, as well as the Ethiopic
teka, — the letters of the latter word being transposed) signifies enough.
This word is itself found once in Hebrew under the form of ftp, Ezek.
xvi. 47 ; but it is very frequently used in Talmudic, Neo-Syriac, and
Sabian, and shortened into tfp.

2 In Arabic, this has even come to be the universal rule ; cf. also § 3 41 a,
below.

156 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 307.

beginning, as *3 that, or because, nan "behold; or a specification
of time, or an emphatic word may be prefixed, Jer. xxiii. 2*7,
Gen. i 1, § 309; cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. p. 164. If it
be convenient to put the verb, agreeably to syntactical
arrangement, in the infinitive construct, the same order is
preserved, — nay, is still more necessary : the noun which, if
the verb were finite, would be the subject, follows first, in
such a way that the infinitive can be put in the construct
form (as shown in § 304a) j the object remains as such, even
in its form of expression, and is placed last : thus, "^^ 5?k$3
in the hearing of the king, i.e. when the king heard ; rnrp fin^n
tfiDViK in Jahve's destroying (i.e. when Jahve destroyed) Sodom,
Gen. xiii. 10, xxix. 13, Ezek. xxxiv. 12. Cf. however, § I,
below.

When several accusatives are dependent on one verb (sea
§ 282), the one which, in meaning, is the first, — considering,
at least, the most natural order of the words, — is also put first
in the order of expression ; thus, ^^ ^yviK tfPSHpri they have
caused my people to forget my name, Jer. xxiii. 2 7 ; E?*ni 33 n:HE>?
Vtt teach (ye mothers) your daughters wailing, Jer. ix. 19, cf.
ver. 4, xii. 16, Ps. xxv. 9.

&. 3. Smaller words, and accessory specifications, however,
are apt to intrude themselves everywhere between the more
important constituents of the sentence, viz. the predicate and
the subject, — or, when these two form one word, between the
verb and the object ; as, P.Nn V K?*? / will give thee the land
wwy T\w no what (how) have we done this? Ex. xiv. 5. A
smaller word may even intrude itself (contrary to what is
stated in § a) between a construct infinitive and what is
really the subject of that infinitive as a verb, which [subject]
then fully reveals itself as such; this is because the connection
of the inf. constr. with another word is not very close (see
§ 2920); as, |fl"}n Infc rbwsin Tartan's sending (i.e. when Tartan
sent) him, Isa. xx. 1, v. 24, Gen. iv. 15, Josh. xiv. 11, Prov.
xxv. 8. Or, what is, in meaning, a more remote accusative, is
attached in the form of a small suffix, or in some other way
inserted as a small word at an earlier stage in the sentence;
Deut. xxxi. 7, Jer. xxv. 15, Eccles. xii. 9. Moreover, the
somewhat loose connection between a participle in the con-
struct state and the word depending on it (see § 2S9c) may

THE ORDER OF WORDS IN A SENTENCE. 157

be broken in the same way, at least in poetry; as, nan "IJ03 *y&Q
those who cast the hook into the river, Isa. xix. 8. A similar
but even stronger case of this kind presents itself in ^3
(see § 2S9&); the strongest of all, however, is tan n\h (instead
of h\\> tar6), Jer. x. 13, where the peculiar arrangement is made
with the view of rounding off the expression; the abnormal
position of "INO in Jer. xviii. 13 is also due merely to the
desire for rounding off the period. In a similar way must be
understood the insertion of a if? immediately after }, as in Ps.
vii. 14, 1 Sam. ii. 3, Isa. ix. 2; and, for a like reason also, the
feeble ^fuit is inserted in the body of the sentence rather
than placed at the beginning, Job i. 1.

[777] c. But the latest writers go much further in thus
freely rounding off sentences (as is done in Aramaic also, to a
large extent) : they insert the object at some intermediate
stage, when the classic Hebrew would rather place it at the
end, as in the infinitival expression, ^D%: ^W "VKnp for our
God's enlightening our eyes, i.e. that our God may enlighten our
eyes, Ezra ix. 8; and their insertions are, besides, so lengthy
that earlier writers would scarcely form a sentence in such a
way, 2 Chron. xxxi. 6, xxxv. 8, Ezra ii. 68, vii. 6, Esth. i. 15.
The most important instance of a similar construction of sen-
tences, found in an earlier narrator, 2 Sam. xvii. 27-29, is
certainly of a different character. Even in early times, how-
ever, some poetic writers set the example of making bolder
arrangements of words, as Job xix. 23, Ps. cxx. 7, cxli. 10
(but these cases properly belong only to § 331 ff.).1

308. Something may be thrown out at the beginning of a
proposition in such a way that the discourse assumes its full
and proper shape only in the course of the sentence, when a
new turn comes in. This, however, in a simple sentence (see
§ 309), i§> j, rather impassioned and excited style of discourse;
as, Isa. ii. 1 8 (but the reading is uncertain here), Zech. ix. 1 1 ;
and one must take care not to confound with this case those
in which the change is more of a mere appearance than a
reality; as, ^r5 DV ^. / (it is, or was) in my heart, i.e. simply
/ thought, but as a circumstantial clause (see § 306c), 1 Chron.

1 See Ewald's Beitrage, i. p. 68 ; Ps. xc. 5b would also require to be
rendered, like the grass which is green in the morning. But see the Jahr-
bucher der bibl. Wiss. v. p. 1 75.

158 EWALD'S HEBIIEW SYNTAX. § 309.

xxviii. 2, cf. Ps. xli. 5, cxvi. 11, Isa. xxxviii. 10; or, as in the
case from Jer. xxx. 6, explained on p. 69.

Care must also be taken not to regard the discourse as
interrupted, when, in true Semitic fashion, a circumstantial
clause is prefixed merely for the purpose of appending to it
what properly forms the statement to be made; as, Prov. xxii.
15, Deut. xxvi. 5; on this subject, cf. further, § 341c.

309a. II. In quite a different way, contrary to this calm
order just described, the discourse may assign greater pro-
minence to a single idea in the sentence, either (a) because of
the emphasis which the speaker, for any reason, lays on it, or
(&) for the purpose of indicating a contrast (cf. § 354a); the
sentence thereby receives the tinge of juvenile restlessness and
vivacity which still clings firmly to the Hebrew, especially in
verse. The degree, however, in which this stronger colouring
of the discourse is expressed, varies partly in accordance with
the tone of the discourse itself in each individual instance,
and partly in accordance with the kind of words employed.
Thus,—

1. When slight emphasis is to be indicated, it is sufficient to
put the subject or the object first, contrary to the order usually
followed in calm discourse; the verb then almost always comes
in between (see § 3075); as, tn «£>£ & «>T OUR hands did
not shed blood, OUR eyes saw it not, Deut. xxi. 7 ; D^ Ipn^ D*33N_
(even) stones [778] water wears away, Job xiv. 19. Rare and
more poetic are the arrangements, object, subject, verb, 2 Kings
v. 13; subject, object, verb, Isa. xiii. 18, Zech. x. 2, and with
greater emphasis in prose, 2 Chron. xxiii. 10 [?] ; on the other
hand, the very unusual arrangement, verb, object, subject, gives
greater prominence to the member delayed to the very end,
THY MOUTH declares thy guilt i Ps. xxxiv. 22, Job xv. 5.
Moreover, a substantive which is subordinated for the purpose
of giving more detailed description (see § 2S8c), may, at least
in the more lofty style, precede its adjective, for the sake of
emphasis; as in the exclamation, n^D DiN^ri (0 thou city)
filled with noises! Isa. xxii. 2.

A noun prefixed in this way often receives great emphasis
by being repeated in the form of its personal pronoun; as,
Wj?n ion mir n:zn3 the blessing of Jahve, — it (that) enriches,
Prov. x. 22, 24; *^pn infc njnniK Jahve, — Him shall ye

THE ORDEK OF WOItDS IN A SENTENCE. 159

sanctify! Isa. viii. 14. A somewhat milder case is presented
when the word is repeated merely in the usual order, and with-
out any additional emphasis, by its personal pronoun (or by
itself, when pretty long words intervene) ; as, "^gn D?!3"ri^
iriN l>ut the people, — he led them over, Gen. xlvii. 21, 1 Sam.
xxv. 29, 2 Kings ix. 2*7, Neb. ix. 29. [The pronoun itself may
be repeated, as in 1 Sam. ix. 13.] Something similar appears
in the case of words combined with prepositions, Gen. ii. 1 7.

I. The leading noun, concerning which something is to be
predicated, often stands abruptly at the beginning of the sen-
tence; the speaker first of all places it by itself, as the chief
word for the time being, and afterwards sees he is obliged to
refer to it, through its pronominal suffix, in the place to which
it would be assigned by the rules of syntax; as, i^pa B^f^i n.10!
Jahve, — in heaven (not on earth) is His throne, Ps. xi. 4; ">nj
ttfrfi a river, — its brooks, i.e. the brooks of a river, as we can
say, putting the genitive first, Ps. xlvi. 5, cf. Nan. i. 4, 2 Kings
x. 29, Gen. xvii. 4, 1 Chron. xxii. 7, xxviii. 2, Zech. ix. 11.

It is very seldom that such a noun remains without
being resumed in this way, when the following proposi-
tion also gives a complete meaning by itself, so that the
construction is easily perceived from the context. This,
however, is found only (a) where the discourse becomes
exceedingly strained; as, that day, — far off is the time!
i.e. its appointed time, Mic. vii. 11; your answers (as re-
gards them, I must briefly say — ) the remainder is deceit!
Job xxi. 34b; (&) after the conjunction \ (which, in a
certain respect, completes the reference), Ps. cxv. V;1 see
§ 348a. The case is different when the discourse, as it
were, corrects and defines itself; thus, them, — their princes,
Ps. Ixxxiii. 12; cf. the similar case in § 293c.

On the emphasis similarly produced by prefixing B^K,
in the sense of every one, see § 301&.

[779] c. A special way in which prominence is given to a
noun of considerable importance in a sentence is, to refer to it
first merely through its pronoun, and then actually to mention
1 Kare, and more in the Aramaic style, is the expression fciD'» ntsn them
Jie founded (appointed), 1 Chron. ix. 22, as if the prefixed nBH could like-
wise (contrary to § 277 d) signify the accusative; but the construction is
similar to that which is followed in the cases mentioned on p. 70.

160 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 309.

it only after such preparation. This mode of expression is,
among all the Semitic languages, quite common only in the
Aramaic, which by this means (1) distinguishes nouns which
are of considerable importance in themselves, hence those
which have a strong reference to persons (see § 277V£), and
(2) in other cases obtains an expression for a pronoun of iden-
tity ; as, in it, the time, i.e. in the same time (which latter
construction belongs to § 314). In Hebrew, this mode of
expression is very rare in prose, and in the older writings
generally, as, they saw him, the boy, Ex. ii. 6, Josh. i. 2, Isa.
xvii. 6, Job xxix. 3 j1 also with the infinitive, as, he was afraid
Tlrf) ttlSrt? of that, (viz.) to rebel, Josh. xxii. 29 (see § 329a); it
is found more in certain writings where language of a popular
cast is used, as, he seeks it [viz.] correction, Prov. xiii. 24, cf.
v. 22, ^V 1PB3 his soul [viz. that of] the sluggard (i.e. as is said
in German, des Faulen Seele [Eng. the sluggard's soul], the more
important word being placed first), where there is likewise
added afterwards, very briefly, without any further mark of
subordination, the noun which serves as a genitive in mean-
ing, Prov. xiii. 4, xiv. 13, xxii. 11. It is also expressed in a
more diffuse way, and more in the Aramean style, thus : toBE
Tfcbvfaw his bed, Solomon's (see § 292d"),i.e. as we might say in
like manner, Solomon, his bed (Solomon's bed), Cant. iii. 7.
The remaining instances of such a mode of expression are from
later writings, Jer. ix. 14, xxvii. 8, 1 Kings xiv. 12 (where
napa, in accordance with § 247c£ [Mappiq being omitted from
the n, as also in 2 Kings viii. 6, Jer. xliv. 19, etc.], is to be
taken as n&pa, and referred to "W the city, which is the third
word further on), Eccles. ii. 21, iv. 10, 2 Chron. xxv. 10.
xxvi. 14, Ezra iii. 12, ix. I.2

When, on the contrary, instead of the noun, which is not
mentioned at all, nothing but a pronoun is used, because the
speaker thinks the former must be presupposed from a con-
sideration of the context, — as in the beginning of the discourse,
Isa. viii. 21, 23, xiii. 2, or during the course of it, Prov. xii, 6,
xxviii. 2, Isa. xvii. 5b, or in such a way that it is repeated in
the following member of the discourse, Ps. xxix. 6, — this is

1 This, certainly, is the only case found in the Book of Job; but, in other
older writers also (e.g. Isaiah), this mode of expression is rare.

2 In this passage we must read Dn^nhytoi; cf. ver. 11.

THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS : EMPHASIS. 1 G 1

to be regarded as merely accidental ; and the whole can be
understood only from a consideration of the circumstances in
each particular instance.

310a. A further peculiarity, in connection with the present
subject, is the use of ? for the purpose of giving prominence
to a noun in the sentence. This prepositional particle, when
it is not so much connected with a word somewhat closely
attached to the sentence, as rather joined with one which
stands freely in it, has the peculiar power of indicating a
brief reference to something not to be overlooked, a considera-
tion of the separate parts, or even a rapid and compendious
survey of the whole, like our expressions, with reference to
. . ., as regards . . ., Lat. quoad. But, while these expres-
sions are extremely prolix, and so far not at all to be com-
pared to the use of r5,1 the latter gives [780] this meaning only
in a very quiet and unobtrusive manner, in a way, too, that, in
modern languages, scarcely admits of being rendered by words,
but rather at most by the tone of voice, though it is still
perceptible. Thus, we find it even so early as in the ancient
language of the Decalogue, where, at the end of a proposition
already complete in itself, it briefly states, as a further remark,
the special respect in which the truth is to be considered ;
"^"N?, ^^Y as regards those who love me, . . . who hate me,
Ex. xx. 5 f . ; cf. the passage of equal antiquity2 found in
Josh. xvii. 16f., 1 Kings vi. 5, Deut. xxxiv. llf. But?
may also be equally well used in this way at the beginning of
a sentence ; thus, D^j? as regards the princes, an expression
which is just the same as when we say, with somewhat
stronger emphasis, the princes . . . Isa. xxxii. 1, Ps. xvi. 3,
xvii. 4, Num. xviii. 8 : regarding this particle, however,
joined with a noun which is indefinite in meaning, see § I,
below. From such a beginning, £ comes to be used (of course
in some later writings, particularly the Books of the Chronicles)
much more frequently than the older writers allowed them-
selves to do, so that it even occurs after } and; the expres-
sion ??b as regards everything (even all) is an especial favourite,
when the object intended is to give a brief summary of all
that has been specified, almost in the same way as if we

1 [See Giesebreclit on the Hebrew preposition Lamed, p. 111.]

2 [See note 2, at foot of p. 32.]

L

162 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, § 311.

wanted to say, in explanation, / mean; cf. Gen. ix. 10,
xxiii. 10, Ex. xiv. 28, Lev. xi. 42, 1 Chron. xiii. 1,
xxviii. 1, 21, 2 Chron. v. 12, vii. 21 (but *? is wanting in
the parallel passage, 1 Kings ix. 8), xxviii. 15, xxxiii. 8
(so also 2 Kings xxi. 8), Ezra i. 5, vii. 28, Jer. xix. 13,
xlii. 8, 21. But the expression is frequently found under
other circumstances also, and is then even several times
repeated, Lev. vii. 26, 1 Chron. xxi. 9, xxvi. 26, xxix. 6,
2 Chron. xxvi. 14, Neh. ix. 32, Jer. i. 18, cf. 1 Kings vii. 12:
it is even found, besides, after the simple and, with objects
preceding, as in 1 Kings i. 9. It is, however, evident from
what has been stated that even this ? has always its limits,
and never, for instance, can indicate the simple subject, or
the simple predicate ; hence, it is not admissible in such cases
as Ps. Ixxxix. 19 or Jer. xxx. 12.

h Quite different, therefore, from what has been described,
is the very rare case in which *?, before the subject, means
even (see §§ 2l7c, 219c), 2b Nin *n nW> even a living dog is
letter than the dead lion, Eccles. ix. 4.

c. Generally, however, in discourse which is any way
animated, a small word, which involuntarily expresses this
excitement, likes to be placed at the beginning of the sen-
tence ; thus, fctibn yes ! [Lat. nonne] (see § 324Z>) ; *?, which is a
weaker yes (see § 330&), as 1 Sam. xxii. 21 ; or, when there is
a reference to the future, or the present, and the reason of the
matter, jn or nan behold! Here, also, the Arabic, with its
invariable *V is much more uniform.

°i

311 a. 2. The greatest emphasis, certainly, is produced by
the repetition of the word itself ; but this, the strongest means,
is more frequently employed, and more necessary, only in
cases where the emphasis can be indicated [781] in no other
way. In accordance with the circumstances of the different
kinds of words, this repetition takes place only in the following
cases : —

(1.) With the pronoun; because this part of speech is apt to
be so abbreviated that it cannot receive prominence merely
in virtue of the position assigned to it. Thus (a) emphasis
on the person of the verb is indicated by repeating anew the
personal pronoun ; as, ^N p"] ntjbgKj and I only am escaped,

THE AUK ANGEMENT OF WORDS : EMPHASIS. 163

Job i. 15. [The separate pronoun is often placed first in the
proposition, as in Josh. xxiv. 27, it (the stone) has heard:
this is especially the case when a contrast is drawn, as
2 Chron. xii. 5.] It is only later writers, especially the
author of Ecclesiastes [see footnote, p. 21], who, when there
is no emphasis intended, and merely for the sake of clearness
in a style of discourse which was gradually becoming more
full in expression, write the separate personal pronouns along
with the persons of the verb. It is, further, only H?N /, that
first begins to be joined in this way with the verb (see it, e.g.,
already in Ps. xxxix. 11, Ixxxii. 6), and especially prefixed,
when no great emphasis is intended.1 Moreover, (6) in the
case of a pronominal suffix which is attached to a noun, and
which, as being very much abbreviated, is quite unemphatic,
and yet cannot be separated from its noun and placed in
front, strong emphasis is indicated by adding the full form
of the personal pronoun ; as, fcttH ^M his soul, his, i.e. his own
soul, Mic. vii. 3, Num. xiv. 32, Neh. v. 2 ; *JK 'a in ME,

1 Sam. xxv. 24 : this is also particularly the case with
particles requiring emphasis, as, Kin D3 VBa in HIS mouth also,

2 Sam. xvii. 5, Prov. xxiii. 15, xxviii. 10 (contrary to the
accents), Hos. xiii. 2, Ps. ix. 7, 1 Kings xxi. 19, Jer. xxv. 14,
xxvii. 7 [the separate pronoun may even be placed first in
the proposition, as Josh, xxiii. 9]. The repetition of the
pronoun in the dative is rarer, and more in the Aramaic
style ; v '3*N mine own enemies, Ps. xxvii. 2, or even *b& W3
mine own vineyard, Cant. i. 6 (see §§ 292 &, 1816). An affix
to a verb, however, is seldom repeated in this way (only with
D3, and *]**, placed after, Gen. xxvii. 34, Prov. xxii. 19), because
it can easily be separated and prefixed (see § 2 7 7d) ; equally
rare is it to find a pronoun that has been broken off placed in
front; as, 7?.i?? ^ Da- it will happen to ME also, Eccles. ii. 15,
2 Chron. xxviii. 10, Gen. xlix. 8.

b. A noun or adjective may already be so distinctly marked
out, by its mere position in the sentence, that it is at most
repeated once, in very highly impassioned discourse, Dent.

1 Evidently because the 1st pers. sing, of the perfect (see § 1.9 Oe/), on
account of the dull and indistinct sound at its close, might easily be mis-
taken for the second; and also because the I most prefers a prominent
place.

164 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 312.

xvi. 20, Gen. xiv. 10, Eccles. vii. 24; double repetition is
quite unusual, Jer. xxii. 29, Ezek. xxi. 32, though found in
Isa. vi. 3 for a special reason. But to repeat a verb in this
way seems too barbarous, just because it is already and really
in itself the leading word in the discourse ; and though even
indeclinable words which were originally nouns may become
more emphatic by repetition, because their position in the
sentence is less free, yet, even in their case also, it is observed
that a certain multiplicity seeks expression for itself in the
repetition ; as "ifc» very, is repeated only in the expression
Tfco 1NB2 [782] (see § 110&), which is equivalent to our very
much, and as JJP because, is repeated in IV!?* |J£ because and
because, Lev. xxvi. 43.

312 a. 3. Since the verb, in unimpassioned discourse,
already in its own right stands at the head of the sentence
(see § 306&), and therefore cannot be marked out by its
position as emphatic, it is repeated for the sake of emphasis,
not, however, in the crude manner which is distasteful to the
language (see § 311&), but in such a way that it, first of all,
stands at the beginning merely in the form of the infinitive
absolute (see § 240), — since the verb receives great force by
being placed in this way at the head of the sentence (see
§ 328c), — and then is explained immediately afterwards in a
smoother form, and in the way in which, apart from this
emphasis, it would stand in the discourse.1 Thus there is
formed a mode of expression which continues to retain almost
its original juvenile and popular form, and for that very
reason is- as intensely characteristic of the Hebrew language
as it is of frequent use in it, — one, too, which really only
renders prominent the emphasis resting on the verb among
the other ideas in the sentence: in German [and English]
popular language there is a similar idiom ; as, speak he did
not. The emphasis of the action, however, is very variously
exhibited. It may be shown (a) in an antithesis to a pre-
ceding action, and thus particularly after *3 in the sense of
but [after a negative, like the Ger. sondern after nicht] ; as,
thou shalt not give it to me, but njj?K nbj5 / will BUY it, 2 Sam.

1 [See an excellent treatise on this subject by A. Rieder (Die Verbindung
des Infinitivus absolutus mit dem Verbum finitum desselben Stammes, Leipzig
1872), especially chap, iv.]

THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS: EMPHASIS. 165

xxiv. 24 ; also without this particle, Ezek. xvi. 4 : hence, it
helps to express our but [Ger. aber] when the antithesis (as
is usually the case) refers to what precedes [and modifies the
positive statement there made], as in Judg. i. 28 [they put
the Canaanites to tribute, but did not utterly drive them ouf\ ;
but it is also our [concessive] certainly, indeed [Ger. zwar ;
Gr. fjuev followed by Se] when the antithesis refers to what
follows, as in Ps. cxviii. 13, 18; both cases are exemplified
together in Ps. cxxvi. 6. (&) In limitations, frequently after
^ and PI only ; as, he had only GONE OUT (nothing more than
merely this), Gen. xxvii. 30, xliv. 28, Judg. vii. 19 ; or even
after the simple 1 and, when the sense requires such a re-
striction, Amos iii. 5 : hence also, it is very often used when
conditions are laid down, particularly with the one which is
somewhat strongly opposed to another possible condition ; as,
Wan "ran DK if ye TELL it, Judg. xiv. 12, Ex. xix. 5. (c) Often
in interrogative sentences, when it is just the action that
forms the most important element in the question ; as, ^^L!
TpJpri wilt tlwu (actually) REIGN ? Gen. xxxvii. 8. Generally
(<f) when an action is stated as quite certain ; thus, / know
that ?ppfl v» thou shalt [assuredly] be king, 1 Sam. xxiv. 21,
Job xxvii. 22, Amos v. 5, and of past things, Joel i. 7,
Jer. xx. 15; also of fancies which are firmly believed ; as,
/ thought N)f! NiP he will certainly go out, 2 Kings v. 11 (on
Ps. 1. 21, cf. § 240c) ; further, in the beginning of a narrative,
with a certain amount of emphasis on the precise thing which
the narrator wishes to describe as actually seen by him, itf^
tt'&n we have SEEN, Gen. xxvi. 2 8 ; and hence also (what is
very remarkable) after the subject of a circumstantial clause
(see § 306c-e), in order to mark the perfect as an actual

o /

preterite (where in Arabic jjj would stand before the perfect),

Num. xii. 14. Finally, also (e) very often with solemn com-
mands or threatenings [783], a mode of expression for which
even the mere infinitive absolute is frequently left as suffi-
cient (see § 328c) ; as, jnn 3/T thou must KNOW, Gen. xv. 13,
Amos vii. 17, Zech. xi. 17.

The participle, active as well as intransitive, may also
receive emphatic prominence like the finite verb, Judg. xi. 25.
And, of course, a somewhat impassioned expression of this

166 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 312.

kind is more frequently met with in lively discourse than in
historical narrative.1

5. The infinitive, however, almost always stands at the
beginning of the sentence (like the same form when used
alone, see § 328), or at least the continuity of the discourse
has previously been broken ; hence, —

1. No negation can come before the infinitive (in the same
way as it cannot be used in the case described in § 328) : it
does not come in until immediately before the following finite
verb, where, generally, everything is more exactly specified ;
as, W®) *6 n»n we will not KILL thee, Judg. xv. 13. (Very
rare exceptions occur in Gen. iii. 4, — where, however, the con-
struction may be defended on the ground of the corresponding
passage ii. 17, — Ps. xlix. 8, and 2 Kings viii. 10 according to
the Ketliib, though not according to the better rendering.)

2. The infinitive, since its primary function is merely to
give prominence to the action, may stand in the Qal, if it is
followed by the more precise expression (e.g. the passive), with
the rest of the closer specification in the finite verb ; as,
nDV nto he is to le KILLED ! Thus, we often find such an ex-
pression as *nb *pB, Gen. xxxvii. 33, Prov. xi. 15, Job vi. 2 ;
but it is seldom that a similar verbal form [conjugation], with
the same meaning, is used in the infinitive, e.g. Hophal with
Niphal, 2 Kings iii. 23. It is rare also to find a weak root of
similar form, and which may bear the same meaning (c£
§ 1 1 2 if.), used in this way ; yet, on account of their similarity
in sound (see § 240c), the infinitive of a verb «"a, especially,
may easily stand before the imperfect of a verb i"y ; as,
f]pij *|bK I will utterly take away, Zeph. i. 2, Jer. viii. 1 3, Isa.
xxviii. 28. On the other hand, the infinitive absolute, when
placed after its finite verb, must regulate itself much more
strictly in accordance with the latter (see § 280): it is very

1 Hence also, in Hellenistic writings and in the New Testament, nothing
shows their Hebrew colouring so much as the imitation of this in the Greek.
[See Winer's Grammar of the N. T. Diction, Moulton's edition, §§ iii., iv.,
xxviii.] This colouring, however, often presents itself in Syriac also (e.g.
Xystos' Proverbs), and in Neo-Syriac, — see Amer. Orient. Journal, v. p.

167 f.; in Lithuanian (Schleicher, p. 313 f.), in Dyak (Hardeland, p. 125),
in Akra (see J. Zimmermann's Gram. Sketch of the Akra Language, i.
p. 124), in Kabyl (see the work of Hanoteau, p. 204 f.,, who, however, does
not understand it).

THE AIIKANGEMENT OF WOliDS : EMPHASIS. 107

rare, in such a case, to find Qal after Hiphil, Gen. xlvi. 4,
Isa. xxxi. 5.

c. Not to be confounded with this mode of placing the
absolute infinitive, and the meaning attached to it, is the rare
case in which it is put before its finite verb with the meaning
described in § 280, partly because a preceding verb is con-
tinued in that way, Isa. iii. 1 6, and partly also for the purpose
of thereby laying a certain emphasis on the verb, 2 Sam.
xxiii. 7, Hos. iv. 18, Amos ix. 8, Lam. v. 22 : in this case,
even the negative may be put first, Amos ix. 8. But here
also, just as in the cases described under § 280, a new infini-
tive absolute may be superadded, Ps. cxxvi. 6.

[784] d. When, considering the connection of the words in
the sentence, the emphasis, which the meaning of the whole
discourse requires to be laid on the verb, cannot be at once
expressed by prefixing the absolute infinitive, it may also, of
course, be brought out in a small clause farther on by such an
infinitive, together with, perhaps, another weaker word from
the same root, as in Isa. xxix. 14. This, however, is a rare
case, which, when the syntax is considered, leads us back to
§ 280$. Equally rare is it to find both constructions meeting
round the same verb ; in such a case, however, instead of the
usual infinitive (in accordance with § 293«), a somewhat
different form is preferred for the second occurrence, as in Isa.
xxii. 1 7 f., where the infill, abs. after the verb is twice used to
express the full completion of the action; while, the third
time, there is further added this special indication of emphasis :
yes, roll will lie, — roll thee up!1

313 a. From such rhetorical repetition of a word we must
carefully distinguish those cases in which the repetition must
serve to express a 'pure mental concept; because, considering
the stage it has reached in the history of its development, the
language could not express an idea of the kind in a briefer
and clearer way. Thus, repetition may express, —

(1.) The idea of a continual progress from one to several, —
the constant duration and indefinite continuation of the same
thing ; as, TJ^si TjTtt on the way, on the way, i.e. always (ad-
vancing) on the way, Deut. ii. 27, Judg. v. 7, 22 ; nje>

1 After ftfos in front, ns:^ is used behind; see § 16 6a.

"

168 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, § sis.

year, year, i.e. yearly, every year, Deut. xiv. 22 ;
every Sabbath (see § 339<x); nnKB nhiO pits, pits, i.e. nothing
but pits, Gen. xiv. 10, Joel iv. 14, 2 Chron. xxxi. 6; also
with adverbs, as, npyft n?yc> upwards, upwards, i.e. always up-
wards, Deut. xxviii. 43 ; BJJE DVE little, little, i.e. gradually, Ex.
xxiii. 30 ; especially in the case of numbers, when the same
one is to be referred several times to individual objects, because
the Hebrew has no special form for distributives, as, ""W^
njDP, Gen. vii. 2, or njOBn njn^ Zech. iv. 2, seven "by seven, by
sevens, also JiB^D °^?D. ty fives, repeated in the construct state,
Num. iii. 47 ; but also without a numeral, as, ntSD iiB£ ro^,
roc?, i.e. always a rod, a rod each, Num. xvii. 17; "in ^3 nation,
nation, i.e. every single nation, 2 Kings xvii. 29,1 and in the
plural rrin3K>p ninae'p each of the families, Zech. xii. 14. A
verb is seldom fully repeated in such a case as this, Judg. v. 7,
Isa. x. 1, Jer. x. 25 (where it is better [785] to divide the
members), because the idea of continuance is stamped on it in
another and more pleasant fashion (see § 280&). On the other
hand, however, the Hebrew, in accordance with its ancient
simplicity of style, sometimes repeats whole series of words
and sentences, merely for the purpose of representing the un-
interrupted continuation of a thing or an action, Ex. xxviii. 34,
Num. vii. 11, xvii. 21 (cf. the briefer mode of statement in
ver. 18), and, in more poetic passages, Hos. viii. 11, Eccles.
iv. 1, Ezek. i. 2 Of., xvi. 6, Isa. liii. 7.2 In the same way
also, in lengthy narratives, it does not grow weary of con-
stantly repeating the same words, with few alterations in each
instance, as Num. vii., Zech. xii. 12-14. It is observed, how-

1 Cf. also Mark vi. 39 f. A briefer mode of expression is, to add merely
^int? one, i.e. always one, one each, as Num. xvii. 18, cf. vers. 17 and 28 ;
but to this word, or ^3, corresponds the more definite jntf, prop. i%6-
ftsvos, continuing, going on, constantly, which therefore, along with the
simple numeral, is equivalent to always [Ger. je] ; also in the Book of
Origins [see tocniiiote, p. 32], Num. xxxi. 30, 47, 1 Chron. xxiv. 6; here,
in ver. 6b, instead of the numeral already known, fntf itself is repeated
(for it is perhaps unnecessary to take *inK as the correct reading).

2 Compare the strongest form of such a mode of expression in "they
dwelt there, and dwelt there, and dwelt there," and similar instances in
Grey's Polynesian Mythology (1855), pp. 38, 145, 184, 237 : [also, the nar-
rative style employed by children; thus, he ran, and ran, and ran, i.e.
went on running].

THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS : EMPHASIS. 169

ever, that the language already begins to place !>b, i.e. ever,
always, along with two words repeated in this way ; as, Num.
xvii. 28, Ps. xlv. 18, Esth. ii. 11, iii. 14, iv. 3, viii. 11, com-
pared with i. 22, ii, 12, iii. 12, and frequently thus in the Book
of Daniel and the Chronicles (cf. 1 Chron. xxviii. 14— 18).1
Accordingly, as one of the nouns might, in fact, be omitted when
i?b is used, so there is already an actual beginning made in the
employment of D^ for daily, while the older Dr DV, Jer. vii. 25,
and Qoi\ Ezek. xxx. 16, Ps. xiii. 3,2 are still retained in use.

6. (2.) Repetition serves to express doiibleness, variety, hence
also falseness, duplicity ; but in this case \ and must always
intervene; as, £KJ 13£ stone and stone, i.e. different weights, Deut.
xxv. 13 ; 2?J ^? heart and heart, i.e. false heart, Ps. xii. 3 ; cf.
§ 360c. A somewhat different idea is conveyed by ^J ^ who
and who ? i.e. who all, individually ? Ex. x. 8.

c. (3.) Repetition may also express the idea of a high, or
the highest degree ; and this becomes of special importance,
inasmuch as the Hebrew has no proper adjectival forms for
indicating comparison (see § 1626). This language, therefore,
when it can conveniently do so, forms the idea of the highest
degree briefly, in such a way that, by means of the construct
state, the individual is taken from among the subordinated
whole, and made distinctly prominent : this is effected partly
(a) by juxtaposition of the same noun, as, BWiJ Knp the
sanctuary of sanctuaries, i.e. the holiest of all ; B^?? 1?? slave
of slaves, i.e. meanest slave, Gen. ix. 25, Hos. x. 15, cf. Jer.
vi. 28 ; partly (6) by an adjective of a peculiar kind being
raised into distinct prominence from the following plural or
collective noun (see §§ 2S6a, 293c), as, VJ3 fbj? the little one
(least) of his sons, 2 Chron. xxi. 17 ; B^n ^i?t the elders of the
people, Mic. vii. 4,3 Gen. xxiv. 2, 1 Sam. ix. 21 [786], Job
xxviii. 6 ; D?fa \H wicked (the worst) nations, Ezek. vii. 24 ;
njna ^ '•can the wise ones of the counsellors (i.e. the wisest

1 Compare M. Berachoth, vi. 6, ix. 5 ; Seder Olam, c. ii. 4.

2 That nWl has dropped out from this latter passage seems too bold a
conjecture.

3 This expression is all the more easily explained, because D*0j^n, again
taken by itself, might signify the elders [Ger. die Aelteste, lit. Me oldest men
in the community], Gr. oi Kpsfffiimpot ; Lat. seniores ; the course followed in
this case is the same as we saw in § 2966.

170 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 313.

counsellors) of Pharaoh, Isa. xix. 11, Judg. v. 20, cf. Ps.
xxxv. 16, xlv. 13, Zeeh. xi. 7, 11, 1 Sam. xvii. 40, Job
xxx. 6, xli. 22, Deut. xxxiii. 19, Esth. ii. 9. The adjective
may also be regarded as a neuter ; thus, J"risn P"]3 the strong
(strongest) of beasts, Isa. xxxv. 9. Or the whole may be
more loosely construed with the adjective by means of 2 in
among ; as, 0^33 na^n the beautiful among the women, i.e. the
most beautiful woman, Cant. i. 5, Amos ii. 16, Judg. vi. 15, —
to say nothing of possible circumlocutions like ^iW "iniD the
choice of thy valleys, i.e. thy best valleys, Isa. xxii. 7. If the
whole is mentioned elsewhere, or is evident from the context,
it is sufficient, in the case of general ideas like great, good,
near, to give prominence to the adjective by means of the
article ; as, Jesse had eight sons, and David was fljjjn the little
one, where, from the comparison drawn, and the context, the
meaning plainly is the least (or, if there be no more than two
between which the choice can be made, the less), 1 Sam. xvii.
12-14, ix. 21, Gen. i. 16, xix. 38, xxix. 16, Joel iv. 5,
Deut. xxi, 3 ; E^n the most, Esth. iv. 3, or the majority r,
1 Kings xviii. 25; Ey1!? the greatest, 2 Sam. vii. 9. When,
however, the whole is not indicated at all, but a high degree
is to be stated absolutely (as in the proposition, the question is
very difficult), this idea can be expressed only through the repe-
tition of the adjective ; as, pby pby deep, deep, i.e. very deep,
Eccles. vii. 24, — unless *to very, or (what is very rare) ?3£ than
all, before all, Jer. xvii. 9,1 be co-ordinated with the adjective.
Later writers even readily repeat the i>3 before and after its
noun, as in Ezek. xliv. 30, and elsewhere in this writer, also
Ps. cxix. 128.2 Or there is left a mass of words resembling
one another, as, &2nrp Djn a wise man become knowing, i.e. one
who is completely, supremely wise, Prov. xxx. 24, Ps. Ixiv. 7,
Ex. xii. 9, Isa. xxviii. 1 6 ; 3 and, as we can say in rhetorical

1 This construction is more frequent in the Arabic (see Ewald's Gram.
Aral. ii. p. 179) and in the Syriac, see Epliraemi Carmina, ed. Halm,
p. 80, last line, 81, line 2.

2 Compare also Gl-^3 x^, Catalog, codd. Syr. Lond. p. 15a, and other
passages in Syriac writers.

3 Compare JjJii* J!?> Hamdsa, p. 43, second last line;

Fukih. Kliulaf. p. 20, 14. The form D3ntp itself already includes the idea

THE AKKANGEMENT OF WORDS: EMPHASIS. 171

style, nstrc* nsst? waste and [787] devastation, i.e. the greatest
desolation, Job xxx. 3, Ezek. vi. 14 ; ^P? nsnn 6e astonished,
astonied [Ger. si'c& erstaunen, staunen], Hab. i. 5, Zeph. ii. 1,
Isa. xxix. 9. In the case of the adverb "wo #e?*y, there
remains no other mode of indicating a high degree than
simple repetition (see § 311&).

3 14$. 3. The construction whereby a person [or thing]
receives the most distinct prominence is that in which special
reference is once more made to it by means of the pronoun
wn, avros, Lat. ipse (see § 105/), the word being marked out
in this way more than others ; thus, fc^n D'nn the blood itself ;
Kin ^n the Levite himself, Lev. xvii. 11, Num. xviii. 23, Isa.
vii. 14, Ps. 1. 6, Prov. iii. 34, xxviii. 10, Hos. iv. 14, Esth.
ix. 1. Because Nin, in this case, simply means self, and thus
forms a somewhat freer subordinate adjunct to the word which
it modifies, it is placed without the article after the noun de-
fined ; while wnn (which, as shown in § 293<z, is co-ordinated
with a preceding definite noun) rather means the same, Lat.
idem, thus, wnn Di»n the same day. This ^nn, in the sense
of that, as contrasted with njn this, comes more and more to
occupy the place of nr?n yon, which is not used at all in the
plural (see § 18 35 [Ges. § 34, Eem. 2 ; Gr. § 73, 2 ; Dav.
§ 13]). The marked difference which thus exists between
fcttfin the same (which can be used only in apposition) and the
above more loosely attached Kin, shows itself further when
prepositions are added ; for, when there is merely co-ordina-
tion, it is sufficient in this, as in other cases (see § 293&), to
use the preposition once at the beginning, as, fcflnn Dis2 tJiat day ;
while, in the other instance, the preposition may be repeated,
as, v £13? to the priest himself \ Lev. vii. 8, cf. vers. 9, 14 ; in the
case of the combination wn Da, however, in the sense of et
ipse, there is no further change made on the pronoun, as if it
had already come exactly to mean our likewise, also, Gen.

of a gradation (see § 1206), and thus also a retrospect to wards the preceding
'word, in the same way as b'SHJO in Ps. Ixiv. 7 and ^ao in Ex. xii. 9 ;

exactly similar cases are IxuJu buJ, Sura xix. 23 ; |2.5j-KKlQ |Zo5(_»,

Lagarde's Anal. Syr. p. 49, 21. Closely connected with this usage is the
accumulation of words haviDg a similar meaning, and resembling each other
'u sound; as, njW eyo, Isa. viii. 22.

172 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 314.

iv. 26, x. 21, cf. iv. 4. The prefixing of Kin, in the sense of
ipse, certainly introduces more of a finish into the sentence,
but is found, in old Hebrew, only in such a collocation of
words as njn rWn wn this same night, Ex. xii. 42, where
another pronoun is already employed ; the construction,
however, is genuine Aramaic,1 and accordingly we read OHD
fltt&O '02E of the same sons of Reuben, 1 Chron. iv. 42, cf. Jer.
ii. 31, 2 Chron. xxxii. 29, Ezra vii. 6. Though this Kin, in
the sense of ipse, may be joined with the second or first person
also, as, fcttn nriK thou thyself, Jer. xlix. 12, yet we likewise
find W) BflN see (for) yourselves! Jer. ii. 31, and EfiN Mf w&w
apsis, Hag. i. 4.

&. Since, then, this small word wn possesses such a strong
retrospective power in Hebrew, we cannot be surprised to
find that, even when placed alone in the predicate, it may
retain its meaning of the same, as is undeniably the case at
least in the artificially brief style, often mentioned already,
adopted by the poets of the second period ; proof passages are
Job iii. 19, Isa. xli. 4, Ps. cii. 28. Or wni is added in a new
proposition, with special force, as the subject, he himself, Gen.
xlix. 13 ; W wm [788] and he himself also, 2 Sam. xvii. 10 ;
but (what is most remarkable, though only in accordance with
the case explained in § a) fcflfi D3 is also prefixed, in Isa.
xxx. 33, not as the subject [but with the dative].

c. Since the Hebrew language has no reflexive pronoun self
in current use, it employs instead (1) the suffix pronoun of
the third person, when another noun (or what is properly the
same thing, a preposition) separates the suffix from the sub-
ject ; as, tops "IBK he said in his heart, ?N & HE^y he made for
himself (or simply the dative, himself) a god ; without this
[intervening word or particle, i.e.] in a case of direct, immediate
construction, as, interficit se, laudat se, the suffix can never
have this meaning. The suffix of the third person, however,
when attached to HN (especially considering the original mean-
ing of this particle [which is similar to that of avro?], see
§ 2 0 7c), may very well have a reflexive sense ; thus, infc se
ipsum, Ex. v. 19, 2 Sam. xv. 25, Jer. vii. 19, Ezek. xxxiv.

1 And Neo-Hebraic ; as, Dis2 12 on the same day, an expression often
found in the Mishna.

THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS : EMPHASIS. 173

2, 8, 10. (2) When this pronoun is not sufficient, the pro-
nominal suffixes are joined with B>SJ soul, or similar words
(see § 2 8 6/) ; as, / know *&& my soul, i.e. myself ; w* N?3 my
face (i.e. my person) will go (i.e. I shall go personally) ; D^23
their soul (i.e. they themselves) went into captivity, Isa. xlvi. 2 ;
DBfeJ^ for themselves, Hos. ix. 4 ; ^BJ3 in (or by) itself, Lev.
xrii/14.1

31 5 a. III. An unemphatic pronoun in the dative, joined
to the verb in the same person with it, may very palpably
express the way in which the action returns upon itself, is
terminated and completed ; as, v ^?n fa is gone'2 [Ger. er
ist sich gegangen], i.e. he has taken himself off, made off with
himself, is quite vanished, as it were, Cant. ii. 11, Gen. xii. 1 ;3
nay, such a pronoun may even accompany a reflexive verb,
as, i? ^nnn Ps. Iviii. 8 ;4 a similar expression is v DJ he fled
for himself, i.e. betook himself to flight, Isa. xxxi. 8, Cant,
viii. 14, Amos vii. 12, though, in prose, DJ and rna alone [i.e.
without the reflexive pronoun] are always used in the same
meaning. In most cases, however, this mode of expression
rather indicates a special participation in the action by the
agent or speaker, a certain earnestness or zeal with which he
acts ; but it occurs, as an expression of heartiness, more in the
diffuse and easy-going popular style, both in poetry and in
unimpassioned prose ; thus, to }3jp they hoped for themselves
(i.e. almost our earnestly), Job vi. 19; with an intransitive
participle, which is at the same time applied to an inanimate
object, as, the cart W nxpDn which is full for itself (i.e. which
has quite filled itself) with sheaves, Amos ii. 13; and espe-
cially in sentences in which advice is tendered or a question
asked, such a dative is apt to intrude itself, Isa. ii. 22, xxiii. 7.

1 On this passage, compare the remarks in Ewald's Antiquities, p. 38
[Eng. transl.].

2 [This so-called '• ethical dative " serves to indicate that the action is of
special importance for the agent. See Giesebrecht on the Hebrew pre-

• position Lamed, p. 68 ff .]

3 French s*en aller ; the construction is frequently found in the Mishna.
* In Prov. xiii. 13, if) ^n"1 might be taken to mean he is utterly destroyed,

like CnA ^\^LKjZ| in the Epistle of Ignatius to Poly carp (Cureton's
Corpus lyn. p. 10, line 6) ; but the expression in the former passage has
rather quite another meaning.

174 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 315.

The strong liking on the part of certain later poets for the
use [789] of the particle, in the Aramaic fashion, is clearly
evidenced by Ps. cxx. 6, cxxii. 3, cxxiii. 4. On the other
hand, the extensive accumulation of pronouns having a reflex
reference produces a degree of pleasantry, such as is found in
the Lat. ipsissimi, Ger. hochstsdbst : Q«"b nan . . . nan^ Eccles.
iii. 18.

I. Through the influence of dialectical peculiarities in the
decadence of the language, some poets have occasionally ad-
mitted, into the current of discourse, the smoother construction
by means of the suffix ^— me, and ^J— thee, instead of the
stronger v to me, *p to thee;1 but in nearly every case these
suffixes are used for the pronoun when it is not of much im-
portance, and readily rejected, as Ezek. xxix. 3 (cf. ver. 9,
where it is omitted), Isa. xliv. 21, Ixv. 5, Job xxxi. 18 ; it
would be uttered with emphasis only in Zech. vii. 5, where,
however, it must rather be an accusative.2 It is different
with VFirw, Ezek. xxi. 32, if this means, I give (it) to him; since
this brevity of expression, though very rare, is explained by
what is laid down in § 283Z>.

c. Lastly, another phenomenon which presents itself in
connection with this subject, is the profuse accumulation of
particles for the purpose of forming an idea which the language,
at an earlier stage, and when less effeminate, could easily
express in a much more brief and simple way. As the
language generally, in its later stages, is characterized partly
by an artificial brevity in the written style, partly by a greater
diffuseness of expression quite the opposite of the other feature,
so this diffuseness reveals itself, on the lower side, partly by
the presence of some foreign elements derived from corrupt
dialects which gradually made their way into the language,

1 The same tendency shows itself in the Aramaic and Ethiopia ; but in the
old Arabic it is exhibited only in the well-known L^<\N for <J_£ j that,

and in the dialectical (^Jj\j\ do you think f (On this point, cf. Hamdsa,
p. 213, 1, and the Scholia there.)

2 Compare the Aramaic, "his colour infat? changed (on) Aiw," Dan. v. 6,
instead of which in ver. 9, where the participle is used, we find ifyby
upon him; the like construction is found in Neo-Syriac, see Amer. Orient.
Journal, v. p. 155 ; also in modern Persian, Armenian, and even in Coptic.

THE ARRANGEMENT OF WORDS IN A SENTENCE. 175

but mostly, or at least most perceptibly, by these accumulations
of smaller particles. The tendency of the language to adopt
these was at first only dimly perceptible, but reached its
climax in the Books of the Chronicles. Thus (1) the prep.-*'
appears in places where the language, in its older and more
vigorous period, readily dispensed with it : this begins pretty
early in the case of the word "^H^f, from "K3JJ3, which properly
means, in moving, but, like the German wegen,1 is now used
merely to indicate the cause, etc. (as, """TO^ ^nttjo for my
[790] sake, etc. [Ger. meinetwegen, u. s. w.] ) ; or, in construction
with a verb (hence, according to § 3375, mostly with the
infinitive), to indicate the issue kept in view, i.e. the object or
aim. In this latter meaning, however, the word is combined
with p, because this particle also can indicate the same idea
only in a more imperfect way (see § 3375); as, rrtD3 "82l|aS for
because of proving, i.e. in order that he may try, Ex. xx. 20,
2 Sam. xiv. 20, xvii. 14. For a similar reason the much-,
worn ? (joined, according to § 237c, with the inf. const.) is
also used after $& (see § 2225) with a similar meaning,
Ezek. xxi. 20 ; as well as after ^a^ (see § 322a) in 2 Kings
xxiii. 10, where it did not originally exist. Moreover, ? "^JD
occurs in 1 Chron. xix. 3, with which compare 2 Sam. x. 3,
where first ">^2 is used with the bald form of the infinitive,
and then the briefer p instead of it, with the following infinitive.
But further, not merely is !"W used in the sense of, so that there
is no ... (a, meaning which is adequately expressed, in the
earlier style, by ftf, subordinated as shown in § 286#), 1 Chron.
xxii. 4, 2 Chron. xx. 25, but 7 is even placed before the
absolute infinitive, as, nann^) much (prop, that there is much),
2 Chron. xi. 12, xvi. 8, Neh. v. 18; cf. also nfc6 completely
(see § 28 3d), 2 Chron. xii. 12, and, similarly, Djrrta, like our
in vain, ie. vainly [Ger. zum vergeblichen, i.e. vergeblicli] (see

1 The root "ny signifies to go beyond, exceed, both in height (hence to
swell; iuy the fruit, Josh. v. 11 f.) and in length, so that it also corre-
sponds to our beyond, past, over [Ger. vortiber~], and -|!Qy in another dialect
might mean the main road; thus, lUyn HBha (for "this is the proper
reading), M. Berachoth, iv. 4, is most correctly rendered the cross-way, i.e.
danger. When used with reference to time, it is also equivalent to so long
as, while [during the time that] ; but it occurs in this way only once, and
as a provincialism, 2 Sam. xii. 21.

176 EWALD'S HEBREW SYKTAX, § BIG.

§ 204&), Ezek vi. 10. (2) As, in the cases just mentioned, p
merely serves to give more definite form to adverbs, so also
rnnoa quickly, Eccles. iv. 12, Dxnsa suddenly, 2 Chron. xxix. 36,
and DOto daily, Nell, ix. 19, stand for ideas which, in older
books, are clear enough without this preposition. (3) "v£ iy
•even to, occurs in 2 Kings ix. 20 ; also p "W in many cases
where, at an earlier period, the simple *JV was sufficient ; as,
1fc!p$> "W even to much, i.e. very much, 2 Chron. xvi. 14, cf.
1 Kings xviii. 29, 1 Chron. xxviii. 7, 20, 2 Chron. xiv. 12,
xxvi. 8 (twice), 15, 16, xxix. 28, 30, xxxvi. 16, Ezra iii. 13,
ix. 4, 6, x. 14: even before the absolute infinitive we now
find such prepositions as, ffc *W, or n?3p iy even to complete, i.e.
completely, 2 Kings xiii. 17, 19, 2 Chron. xxiv. 10, xxxi. 1,
with which compare ver. 10.1 Other special cases of this
kind are, njo *yh as it were formerly from this, Neh. xiii. 4 ;
*?y inb as it were apart from, besides, Ezra i. 6 ; and "^NJD ^n«
a/ter when . . ., Josh. ii. 7.

d As is to be expected in a language formed to serve
especially as an instrument for divine communications, the
older Hebrew, along with the greatest possible clearness, rather
exhibits an extreme brevity and precision in the expression of
its sentences, — features which, when there is special occasion,
sometimes reach their climax, as in Mic. vii. 12. Similarly,
in architectural descriptions and specifications of such a
character, greater brevity is gradually attained, as 1 Kings
vii. 12, Neh. iii., and Chronicles.

[791] (&) Agreement of Words in Gender and Number.

316$. When adjectives, pronouns, and verbs are put into
construction with their nouns, these parts of a sentence must
almost always exhibit complete similarity in gender and num-
ler. When words forming a group are placed in apposition, the
adjective and pronoun are most rigidly regulated by the noun

1 A form like n^3, however, may be regarded as the construct infinitive
(see § 238e) [Ges. § 52, Rem. 3, and § 75, Rem. 10 ; Gr. § 174, 3], and
there is no necessity in this case for reading r6s, in accordance with
, already cited.

AGREEMENT OF WORDS IN GENDER AND NUMBER. 177

(see § 293ft): but when there is opposed to the latter a verb,
adjective, or pronoun, as the predicate; when the sentence is
further extended in many ways; or when one sentence is
attached to the other, then the connection of the discourse,
in this respect, becomes more slight, and not a few exceptions
to the general rule seem to present themselves. Besides this,
of course, the original inflected forms for gender and number
gradually cease to be used; and here, again, we perceive how
widely the language, in its present shape, differs from what it
originally was (see § 1 7 1 ff.). A tendency that seeks to gain
ground in the language is, to employ, as much as possible, the
singular instead of the plural, and the masculine instead of the
feminine ; but this is far from having yet become so widely
prevalent as in later languages (e.g. the modern Persian, and
even Armenian), and the Hebrew is perhaps, in this respect,
still like the Greek. Accordingly, the manifold deviations
[from the general rule] do not arise from mere caprice, but from
the great freedom and lightness of the language, which pays
less regard to a word in the outward form which it has retained
from antiquity, than to the position it occupies, or the ever
changing idea which it represents.

1. If the verb or adjective, as the one half of the sentence,
is mentioned before the subject has been named (and thus
clearly presented to the mind), it may remain in the person-
form which is most convenient, and still undefined, viz. the
masc. sing., especially when the predicate, according to its usual
position, precedes the subject (see § 306&); but if the subject
has been mentioned, this indefiniteness cannot be begun or
continued.1 In the Arabic at least, this convenient mode of
construction has become very prevalent; in the Hebrew, too,
it is not rare when the verb is used, as, H3"in "ay there passed

T • T j T M

along the cry, 1 Kings xxii. 36 ; &]T DH3 rpn &o there were in

1 It is continued in one case, 1 Kings x. 12, but this passage is also found
in an altered form, 2 Chron. ix. 11 ; its adoption here, moreover, finds ground
for excuse in the group of words i^y \3 thus trees, i.e. such trees, where
|3 might be regarded as the principal word in the group. In 1 Kings
xxii 13, we must probably read visn for ^3*1, though this form is repeated
in 2 Chron. xviii. 12; compare the Septuagint. In other passages also, the
present text is sometimes defective on this score, as Jer. xlviii. 15, accord-
ing to the points, and 1 Sam. xix. ^!0, where we inuist read ^*ial1

M

178

EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 317.

them no hands, i.e. they had no power, Josh. viii. 20, Gen.
i. 14, xli. 50, Mic. i. 13, Job xxx. 15, Eccles. vii. 7, Ps. cxxiv. 5,
Deut. xxxii. 5, 2 Kings vii. 11, [792] Esth. ix. 23; such cases,
however, as Hipn "iBflB* there are kept the statutes, Mic. vi. 16,
may also be explained from what is stated in § 295&. It is
much more rare to find an adjective, used as the predicate,
treated in this way; but see Ps. cxix. 137, 155.

b. It is but seldom that an adjective, when employed as a more
remote description of the predicate (see § 2*79«), and conse-
quently subordinated in the accusative, remains merely in this
most handy [uninflected] form, in the same way as the German
constantly permits the adjective, even when forming the nearest
predicate, to remain without inflection; as, they go ^"W naked
[Ger sie gehen nackt], Job xxiv. 7, 10, xii. 17, 19, Isa. xx. 4;
in all these passages, the adjective is not the nearest predicate.
But it is just such adjectives as D'"VJJ or Dfry naked that must
soonest have lost the feminine form (see § I75a), as is
to be inferred from Ezek. xvi. 7, 22, 39, xxiii. 29; they are,
however, rather originally nouns (see § 2860).1 We must re-
gard in a different way Isa. iii. 12 (where the first member of
the verse is to be taken in connection with the following) and
Jer. 1. 41 f. (where the sing, and plur. interchange, for the
reasons shown in § 3175). Cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. § 681 ff.

3l7a. 2. The vast majority of deviations from the rule
arise out of disregard for the external form of a word, because
the idea contained in it comes to exercise more influence : —

(1.) Inasmuch as the feminine is the proper form for abstracts
(see § 179 [Ger. § 86, 6; Gr. § 198]), while the individuals
forming the plural may be comprehended in an abstract noun,
any plural may be construed with a predicate in the fern, sing.;
this is especially easy in the case of inanimate objects, beasts,
or co-operating members of one body, etc., in which the action
of the individuals is not so very conspicuous (contrast § &);
as, J"ri&D? ty$, like the Greek TO, d^pia avaf&eirei, the beasts
look up, Joel i. 20, Isa. xxxiv. 13, Jer. iv. 14, xii. 4, and,
according to the Kethib, ii. 15, xxii. 6; also Ps. xviii. 35,

1 In a manner exactly parallel, vuZ^L naked, is also used for the fern.
and plur., Clem, de virg. ii. 10; and from this word is derived a new
adjective . . ^fcs Barhebrseus, p. 328, 1.

AGREEMENT OF WOUUS IN GENDE11 AND NUMBER. 179

xxxvii. 31, Prov. xv. 22, Job xiv. 19, xvi. 16, xx. 11, xxvii.
20, xxx. 15, Zech. vi. 14, Neh. xiii. 10, 2 Sam. xxiv. 13:
also with the dual, as, nv\> l^y his eyes stood out, 1 Sam. iv. 15,

1 Kings xiv. 6, 12, Mic. iv. 11; with an adjective as the
predicate, Mic. i. 9. This freedom, however, is never possible
in the case of adjectives or pronouns placed in immediate co-
ordination, thougli it may be allowed in pronouns which refer,
more remotely, to a plural; as, the wild least of the field
ncrin tramples on it (prop, them, viz. the eggs), Job xxxix. 15,
xiv. 19 (where the irregularity does not show itself till the
second member), Ps.cxix. 98 (Qeri], 2 Kings iii. 3,x. 26,xvii.22.
On the whole, however, this construction is still rare, and
almost exclusively confined to poetry, though, to be sure, it has
become quite predominant in Arabic. Still more easy is it to
understand why a plural which [793] already contains in itself
the idea of a mere abstract noun (see § I79a [and Ges. § 108,

2 ; Gr. § 201, la]), such as D^iijtt youth, is construed with the
fern. sing, of the verb, Ps. ciii. 5.

&. (2.) The opposite of this is presented by the many cases
in which a transition is made from the sing, to the plur., when
the subject intended by the singular consists of several equally
independent and active parts (i.e. when it is a collective). This
construction is adopted most frequently when, by the singular,
animate and active beings are understood, but seldom when inani-
mate objects are meant; and it is most easily applied, the looser
the connection that subsists between the words themselves;
hence, it is rare in so close a construction as SN"]1 M^V ^ lift
up (fern. sing. ; for a city, i.e. its inhabitants, is thus addressed;
hence, [with the plur. masc. suffix] your eyes and see! Jer. xiii.
20 (Kethib\ cf. Mic. i. 11. Further, it is not readily employed
in cases of apposition, except when the participle, together with
the article, takes up a somewhat more independent and separate
position (see § 335a), as in Num. xiv. 35; but often in the
predicate, and frequently at a later stage in the progress of the
discourse, after some words have intervened, when the external
[grammatical] form of the subject is less distinctly before the
mind. The gender also is regulated merely by the sense.
Thus, E5?n ipig the people (i.e. the men and women) cry out;
WV nnip the city (i.e. the inhabitants) is in fear, Isa. xxv. 3 ;
(IfJB rule, i.e. rulers, Judg. v. 7 ; 3>*n the Her in wait, i.e. the

180 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 317.

soldiers in ambush (see § 277&), Judg. xx. 37; inb the merchant,
Isa. xxiii. 2; ">3N the ploughman, Amos v. 16; ^ the player on
a stringed instrument (see §§ 164a, 177& [Ges. §§ 86, 5 and
87, 16; Gr. §§ 194 and 199&]),Ps. xlv. 9, ix. 7; -TW B*K ^
w<m (*.e. men) of Judah (see § 277&), Jer. xliv. 27, 2 Chron.
xiii. 15, like Khpn JH! tffo Ao^ *^, Ezra ix. 2; HDn^rp ^ar, for
enemies, with plur., 1 Kings v. 1 7 ; ffi& small cattle, often with
fern, plur.; aa1! often a means of transport generally, for the plur.
masc. and fern., chariots, Nah. ii. 5 ; rnJV the rest, remainder that
has been acquired, i.e. the riches, Jer. xlviii. 3 6, like n^lpn desire,
i.e. jewels, Hag. ii. 7, and 5>?n power of the nations, i.e. their
treasures, Isa. Ix. 5; '"TIEK speech, i.e. words, Ps. cxix. 103.
Since, under these circumstances, the construction with the
sing, may be adopted equally as well as that with the plur.,
it is not surprising that poetic writers have availed themselves
of the possibility of changing from one to the other, in order
to give greater variety of form to the different members of a
verse; as Jer. vi. 22 f.

c. (3.) When several nouns are joined in a series by means
of the construct state, the predicate is, properly, regulated by
the first, as the chief member of the group; sometimes, how-
ever, rather by the second, if, looking at the meaning of the
whole series together, the first member is much less important
than the second, especially therefore if the first merely men-
tions a property or circumstance of the second. Thus (a)
always when i>3 is the first (see § 286e); as, W'? vn all his
days were ; rnyrrpa $&F\\ then all the assembly lifted up; only
in extremely rare instances does the predicate seem capable of
being referred to bb, as, Prov. xvi. 2,1 Isa. Ixiv. 10, Zech.
xiv. 15, Ezek. xxxi. 15 [794]. Similarly (&) with i>ip voice,
when it merely expresses the idea of our adverb aloud (see
§ 286/); as, D^ift T"? ^ ^P the voice of the Uood (i.e. hear how
the blood-drops, i.e. the shed blood) of thy brother cries! or, the
blood of thy brother cries aloud ! Gen. iv. 10, cf. iii. 8, 1 Kings
i. 41, xiv. 6, Isa. Iii. 8, Job xxix. 10. And (c) when any

1 But in this case it is better, in accordance with Prov. xxi. 2, to read
•q-n in the sing., instead of l|a"n; moreover, from the simple fact that iTn
to be, which is so very plastic, occurs in them, Isa. Ixiv. 10 and Zech. xiv. 15
cannot be taken as very strong proof -passages : regarding Ezek. xxxi. 15,
where, perhaps, f»y should be read lor •»£#, see § 1256.

AGREEMENT OF WORDS IN GENDER AND NUMBER. 181

abstract noun stands before a substantive, especially one which
indicates a person, so that the former comes to have almost
the meaning and the force of an adjective, — as in the case of
irno choice, i.e. the lest; thus, W3B *$& "inap the choice of his
knights (i.e. his best knights) sank, Ex. xv. 4 ; ah multitude,
i.e. many, Job xxxii. 7, which is least surprising, on account
of what is stated in § 28 6e; but it is followed by ">BD» number,
Job xv. 20, xxi. 21, xxxviii. 21 : moreover, all numerals be-
yond two really belong to this category. A rare construction
is ya~]K rwn nj^jmi then there arose an appearance of four, i.e.
like four, forms that seemed like four, Dan. viii. 8, where
rwn has almost exactly the meaning of 3 like; but, indeed,
every noun subordinated to 3 (see § 2 2 la), and yet placed as
the leading word in a proposition, really falls under this head.
Further, when any other noun, of whatever kind, precedes a
much more important one signifying a person or persons, so
that the former admits of being regarded as similarly sub-
ordinated; thus, D^jin Dnina n^'jp the bow (a word which, like
ntprpo in § 6, may even in itself easily mean bowmen) of heroes
(i.e. heroic bowmen) are confounded, 1 Sam. ii. 4; the eyes of
man (i.e. proud man, who throws his eyes aloft) is humbled, Isa.
ii. 11, cf. Jer. viii. 5; these constructions are chiefly confined
to poetry.1 Moreover, it is very rare that the predicate, when
placed after, is referred to the penult noun of the series, when,
in accordance with the meaning, the last one also may have
the predicate; see 1 Kings xvii. 16 (contrast ver. 14), Lev.
xiii. 9, Zech. viii. 10, cf. Job xxii. 12. Generally speaking,
such constructions were the more easily formed, because the
noun subordinated to the construct state does not suffer the
least change of form, — has not, for instance, the form of the
genitive [as in Latin, Greek, German, etc.]; the case is different
in the Arabic, where, just for that reason, this liberty is far
from being so extensive.

The simple numerals from one to ten always follow
the gender of their noun (§ 276&, c), whether they are
attached to the latter by the construct state or not (see

1 Regarding similar combinations of words by Arabic poets, see Ibn
'Aqil on the Alfiyya, ver. 394, p. 195, in Dieterici, Tabrizi on the Hamdaa,
p. 882, second last line. On the other hand, in Jer. ii. 34, for QR we must,
perhaps, read ••B'n with the Septuagint.

182 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § sis.

§ 286^). But, with the fern. nBK3 ly the ell, a formula
frequently used in reckoning by ells, this numeral [795]
always stands in the feminine, as if a served merely as a
more specific circumlocution for the genitive -relation ;
thus, nsx2 raj ftve ells, 1 Kings vi. 3, 6.
318«. Besides these cases, which are more reducible to
general laws, there is still a number of miscellaneous instances
in which gender and number, as indicated by a long-established
form, are overlooked in favour of a later and more special mean-
ing attached to the word as actually employed in the living lan-
guage. Thus, D^ri means clamores, then a female ostrich, ostrich,
hence as fern. sing, in Job xxxix. 13-18; D^BD (like litcrae),
for letter as plur., and more remotely as sing., 2 Kings xix. 14
(Isa. xxxvii. 14); ntopno kingdoms, but inasmuch as warriors
are meant, it is masc. in 1 Sam. x. 18; riNEjn sin, is used as a
masc., from the figure of a lion being employed, in Gen. iv. 7;
'njp"| indolence, is used as a masc. for the indolent man, in Prov.
xii. 27; 'inn vanity, for false gods, is used as plur. in 1 Sam.
xii. 21; regarding 5JJS, see § 1765.1 The gender indicated
by the grammatical form also frequently changes with that
of the meaning, or the figure employed; as, K;B3 soul, signifying
man, is fern, or masc., Gen. xlvi. 27, Lev. xx. 6, xxii. 6, Num.
xxxi. 28; jacj? sheep, used figuratively for men, is construed as
plur. fern, and masc., Jer. xxiii. 2-4, Ezek. xxxiv. 1 ff.; niDVj;
bones, fern, plur., and with the meaning of dead, as masc. plur.,
Ezek. xxxvii. Iff.; wnv sun (see § I74c), is construed as a
masc., on account of a poetic figure, in Ps. xix. 6. Plurals
especially, whose meaning seems that of a singular, come
gradually to be construed as such; thus, ntoh mcenia (see § 180&
[Ges. § 87, 5, Eem. 1; Gr. § 2035]), as masc. plur. and fern.
sing., Neh. ii. 13, Jer. li. 58; ritoiin waves, i.e. the sea, as fern,
sing., in Ps. Ixxviii. 15; D^B face (see § I78a [Ges. § 87,
Eem. 2; Gr. § 201, 1]), sometimes with the sing., as 2 Sam.
x. 9 (1 Chron. xix. 10), and in the Kethib of Prov. xv. 14, Job
xvi. 16; probably also the similar &£ water, Num. xix. 13, 20;
CW heaven, is sing, in Job xxxviii. 33; Tftcnw arva, a poetic

1 [There it is stated that this word, which signifies wickedness, destruction,
cannot, as being a peculiar compound, take the plural form, but may, as
it stands, be used to mean destructive men, as in 2 Snm. xxiii. 6; this signi-
fication, however, is usually expressed by prefixing '.32 or i^J

AGREEMENT OF WORDS IN GENDER AND NUMBER. 183

word, without singular, hence, as being almost synonymous
\vitli rnt? field, construed with the sing., Hab. iii. 17, Isa. xvi. 8.
Dv6x God (see § 1786 [Ges. § 87, Eem. 2; Gr. § 201, 2]), ia
construed very frequently and intentionally with the plural,
only when used with reference to polytheism or superstition,
Ex. xxxii. 4, 8, 1 Kings xii. 29, or when a visible spirit (god)
is meant, 1 Sam. xxviii. 13, or when heathens are addressed
or spoken about, Gen. xx. 13, 1 Sam. iv. 8, 1 Kings xix. 2,
xx. 10, or, lastly, when angels may likewise be understood,
Gen. xxxv. 7; under other circumstances, however, in con-
formity with the Mosaic monotheism, it is joined with the sing,
of the predicate, without exception (even 2 Sam. vii. 23 being
no exception [since the plur. form of the verb is an incorrect
reading; compare the parallel passage in 1 Chron. xvii. 21,
where the sing, is used]), and but rarely with ihe plur. of
an adjective placed in apposition, Ex. xx. 3 (where, however,
" God " is still used in a general sense, just as in Josh. xxiv. 19),
1 Sam. xvii. 26; in the case of D^fi peviates, the construction
fluctuates between the plur., Gen. xxxi. 34, and the sing.,
1 Sam. xix. 13, 16. Eegarding tea and |HX lord, master, the
plural forms of which always have the force of the singular,
when in construction, see § 1785 [Ges. § 108, 26; Gr. § 201, 2],

&. Certain writers also, especially those who lived in the
declining period of the language, are less careful and steady
than others with regard to such constructions ; yet even in
these cases, on closer inspection, there is always discovered a
more [796] or less remote reason for the deviation from the
rule, though this cause operates only more strongly than is
necessary. Thus the masc. sing. ">9i? the incensing, because it
has the meaning of sacrifice, comes after a considerable time
to be construed with the plural, and then, as a neuter or
collective, with the fern, sing., Jer. xliv. 21. Similarly, the
pronouns n^K and nen> though plural, are referred by later
writers, simply as neuters singular (see § 17 25), to a singular,
so that \)y themselves they form the one half of the proposition,
1 Chron, xxiv. 19, 2 Chron. iii. 3, xvii. 14, viii. 11, Jer. vii. 4 ;
the suiiix &— also, like the Lat. ea, may have the force of a
neuter, Ex. xxiii. 11.

3190. 3. Lastly, seeming deviations also arise from in-
definite discourse (see § 294?)). An individual may first be

184 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 319.

named instead of all that resemble it, and the discourse then
expanded into the plural, which is equally correct ; or, con-
versely, what is first regarded generally may afterwards be
individualized. But this change very rarely occurs in separable
parts of the same sentence, especially a short one, as Hos.
iv. 8, Ps. Ixii. 5, Prov. xxviii. 1, Jer. x. 4, xvi. 6, 7, Hag.
ii. 16; it is usually met with only in new sentences and
descriptions, Jer. ix. 7, Prov. xvi. 13, xxi. 27, xxviii. 4,
xxxi. 4, 5, Job v. 5 (where it begins with the suffix, after the
change to a new member), xii. 6, xvii. 5, xxiv. 5, 16-18,
22-24, xxviii. 4, Ps. v. 10, Ixiv. 9, Amos vi. 9, 10, Zech.
xiii. 4-6, xiv. 12, Isa. v. 23, viii. 20, xli. 2, 3, Ivii. 2, Ezek.
xliv. 25, Lev. xxv. 29-31, 1 Chron. xxix. 8, Neh. iv. 11. A
participle, however, may form a short, separate sentence ; as,
^In? T5139 those wlio bless thee (i.e. if any one bless thee) may
he be blessed ! fiBV1 i^Tpno those who profane it (i.e. if any one
profane it) he is to be put to death! Ex. xxxi. 14, Gen.
xxvii. 29, cf. xii. 3, Lev. xix. 8, 1 Sam. ii. 10 (Kethib), Zech.
xi. 5, Hos. x. 5. This freedom, also, is far more largely exercised
in poetry than in ordinary prose, in which it scarcely once
happens that a word like &"]K man [Ger. mensch, Lat. Jiomo],
011 account of its general meaning, is regarded and construed
both as sing, and plur., Gen. vi. 3. If a noun, taken by
itself, be indefinite in meaning, it may of course (as shown in
§ 317&) be construed as the subject, with a plural in the
predicate ; as, ">nx another, which, put in this general way, is
equivalent to others, Job viii. 8, 19 ; *?3 all, Deut. xxviii. 60,
Ezek. xxviii. 3 ; it is seldom that an indefinite adjective or
substantive is used in this way, Ps. xi. 7, Isa. xvi. 4, Amos
v. 16.1

The case is similar when ye and thou interchange in a
general proposition, where both may happen to be equally
possible, Lev. xxv. 1 4, cf. Mic. i. 1 1 ; or when thou and he,
i.e. one, a person [Ger. man, Fr. on] (see § 294 regarding both),
are used interchangeably, with the same meaning, Lev. ii. 8,
xiii. 52, 55, 57, Mai. ii. 15.

1 Hence, even this change in number is regulated by a law of its own ;
and we cannot say, for instance, that, in the case of TDK in lsa- x- 4, tne
plural can be used instead, in that part of the sentence where it is
found.

AGREEMENT OF WORDS IN GENDER AND NUMBER. 185

[797] But the case is somewhat different when the discourse
is purposely changed, in a new sentence, from a plural into a
singular, because, of the multitude previously mentioned, no
more than a particular individual is to be understood, Lev.
ii. 2,1 Kings vi. 23, Deut. xxi. 10, xxviii. 48, Isa, v. 26.

I. Since, then, the reasons for a possible interchange of
different genders and numbers may be found together in one
word and subject, and under very various conditions, inter-
changes of an extreme kind take place even within one sen-
tence, especially in poetry, as, Ainos ix. 11, Isa. xxiii. 13,
xxx. 11, 12,1 x. 5 ; nay more, change of structure may also be
carried out, in this way, within the different members of a
verse of poetry, as, Jer. viii. 5, xxiii. 6 ; the degree, however,
in which this change is possible and appropriate, must be
determined by a consideration of each particular case. A
certain amount of stiffness frequently attaches to the rapid
interchange, within the same sentence, in the mode of address-
ing superiors, the master (lord), the king being changed for thou
(see § 1S4&), and thy servant for the correlative /; as 2 Sam.
xiv. 11. [See also Ges. § 137, Eem. 3 ; Gr. § 279.]

c. 4. Though the copula between the subject and predicate
(see § 297&) is regulated, as far as possible, by the subject, it
agrees quite as readily with the predicate, especially when
this lies nearer it, and is of more importance ; as, Jer. x. 3,
Prov. xiv. 3 5 : the most loose construction is exhibited in
Josh. xiii. 14.

1 In ver. 31 of this chapter we must read ns*1 B3Bfc>i because the mean-
ing must be, "For the voice of Jahve will the Assyrian be afraid, for the
rod (with which) He will smite him ; and then, whenever [i.e. as often as]
the rod (viz. the punishment) of destiny [i.e. the decreed punishment]
passes over, which Jahve brings down upon him (cf. § 345&), they [Ger.
man] will make war on him with timbrels and harps, and with wars of
sacrifice," i.e. fight him as one destined to be sacrificed amidst temple
music and festal rejoicing. Assyria is thus regarded as masc. and fern.
Something different is presented when a word, because it is in itself of
doubtful gender (see § 174 ff.), allows this uncertainty to appear in the
construction ; as, nnan, which is properly fern., changes into masc. in Isa.
xxx. 33.

186 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 320.

(c) Special Kinds of Sentences,
1. Negative Sentences.

320$. The Hebrew, like every primary language/
originally possesses very many different kinds of nega-
tives, which (1) vary in accordance with the parts of
the sentence. For, first of all, (a) the negative affects
only a single definite word, which it sharply subordi-
nates (see § 321); next, (6) and only after this, there
arise particles which are used more freely, to produce
a negation of the whole sentence ; and lastly, (c) new
ones of a stronger kind, which are formed in order the
more sharply to subordinate a word designed to com-
prise a whole proposition within short compass (see
§ 322a). But (2) the same twofold indication of the
feeling in the mind of the speaker, which pervades the
verb (see § 223 ff.), is ultimately carried out in the
[798] negative particle also ; thus, its idea closely
approaches that of the most finished part of speech.
And (3) when it is considered that these particles —
though the original likeness of the Semitic admits of
being recognised in them also — interchange very much,
in accordance with the difference of languages and
dialects, and when, to this diversity, wTe further add
the great variety found among the Hebrew writers, one
can fancy what various phenomena meet together here.
1. The two negative particles &6 and ?N, which are the
simplest, and at the same time the most widely prevalent
throughout the language, may have originally sprung from
the same root;2 but, looking at the use actually made of

1 See Ewald's Sprachiviss. AWiandlungen, i. p. 54 if.

2 For, in Arabic and Syriac, yb is also used for ^ ; the sounds, too, are
similar; moreover, the ptf (see § 321a) is certainly only a more strongly
developed form of the same original word, which is found in Indo-Germanic
also, where, used as the first member of a compound word, it takes the
sound of an- and na, when used to negative a proposition. I am of opinion
that, even in this primary word, the Semitic agrees with the Indo-Ger-
manic; and that the Lat. alius, Gr. <#AAo£, Sanskr. anyas, Ger. anderer,

NEGATIVE PROPOSITIONS. 187

the forms, as these have now been developed in the history
of the Hebrew language, they are always distinguished in
such a way that (a) *?$ [the subjective negative], like the
Greek py, merely expresses a negation in accordance with the
mind and feeling of the speaker : hence, it is employed only
with the imperfect, and this, too, mostly the voluntative, as,
nb* ^ let him not die ! «^3N ^ may I not le ashamed ! Ps.
xxv. 2 ; (b) &6, on the other hand, is the direct [objective]
negative, non, OVK, as, %>n &6 he is not gone ; hence, in contra-
distinction with btf, it may, before the imperfect (rarely the
voluntative, Gen. xxiv. 8), set forth a command as an objective
(i.e. pressing) necessity ; thus, rnnn &6 tJwu shalt not kill ! but
nrin ^ do not kill! (Regarding this, see further, § 328c.)
It is but seldom that ?K occurs in mere predicative sentences ;
even then, however, it always expresses a more hearty sym-
pathy on the part of the speaker, like ov fitf, as, Ps. xli. 3,
1. 3, xxxiv. 6, Jer. xiv. 17, 2 Chron. xiv. 10 ; and in this way
they interchange in poetry, perhaps merely through the change
from one member to another, Jer. vii. 6.

I. Both particles serve as negations for the whole sentence,
and accordingly almost always precede the verb (or whatever
else may happen to form the predicate) as the most important
and comprehensive word in the sentence ; or if, on account of
the meaning to be expressed, they stand before another word,
their circumstances are always such that they likewise refer
to the whole sentence ; e.g. njrp 'Jnj^ &6 is simply Jahve sent
me not, just as "ob&J &03J 5O means not a prophet am I, Amos
vii. 14 ; but ^nfe mrp &6 is, not Jahve (but another) hath sent
me, Num. xvi. 29. Hence, these negatives are usually placed
immediately before the verb; seldom do some words thrust
themselves [799] in between (according to the law stated in
§ 3076), Ps. xlix. 18, Jer. xv. 15 ; yet we may also clearly
perceive, in the placing of the inf. abs. before the same verb

which have been developed as adjectives, have one common origin with it
(the ideas not and otherwise are plainly allied, as the Ethiopic ako [not]
may be connected with "ins) 5 moreover, that the sounds of n and I have
here interchanged is shown by the Ethiopic C-, which (an abbreviation
of ps) merely serves as the negation of a proposition. Thus, then, it is
only when we come to ^ and its cognates (see § 322) that purely Semitic
words are found

188 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 321.

(see § 312?/), how powerfully the original law operates in this
case. But after the verb, at least, they can never stand,
though they are readily placed in such a way that the whole
sentence is not expressed, but merely indicated in brief; as,
K^, when used by way of reply, not I i.e. no I1 NJ'^N pray do
not ! used deprecatingly.

c. The extreme degree to which these particles prefer the
inflected finite verb, and avoid the noun-proposition when
possible, is especially evinced by the fact that, strictly speak-
ing, they can never stand before a participle or infinitive, in
closer construction with it ; the participle [through their
influence] passes into the finite verb (see § 350<x), Hos. i. 6,
Ps. xxxvii. 21,lxxviii. 39, Ex. ix. 20, 21, xiii. 21, 22, 1 Sam.
i. 13, 2 Sam. iii. 34. The same holds true with regard to the
infinitive, in its manifold applications ; hence, either the finite
verb comes in (as, for instance, in the objective form of com-
mand, regarding which, see § 328c) ; or, in the case of the inf.
absol. (which is to be explained according to § 280), Isa. xxx. 14,
or when the irifin. constr. may be used, another negative particle
must be selected (cf. § 322a). However, &6 may be used be-
fore an adjective or similar word, when placed in apposition to
another, because such a word gives the meaning of a relative
proposition (see § 335). Thus then, though our present tense,
when joined with the negative, cannot often be expressed by
the participle, as may be done under other circumstances, and
though the personal verb must be used instead, yet it is to be
observed that it is precisely here that the perfect and the
imperfect, though taking a different view of the action,
frequently coincide in their final aim, Lev. xi. 5, 6, xvii. 4, 9.
The perfect, however, is more natural and convenient; and
the meaning might always be expressed by the rendering, " he
never did or does," Num. xxiii. 21, Ps. i. 1, xv. 3.

3 2 la. 2. As has been already shown (in § 286g)}T$, pro-
perly speaking, negatives only a single part of a sentence, i.e.
never the inflected personal verb (as that which contains both
subject and predicate together), but a noun, — in the same
way as our prep, without, or the prefixes in-, un-, non- ; hence

1 This use of the negative is pretty common ; but it has, strangely, been
mistaken in the pointing of 1 Kings iii. 22, 23, though correctly appre-
hended in ii. 30, xi. 22.

NEGATIVE PROPOSITIONS. 189

it is employed in the subordinate parts of a sentence, as,
they increased 12DD ps without number, innumerably. But it
afterwards conies to serve also as a negation of existence in
general (see § 298a), by being subordinated as the negative of
a subject merely ; this occurs, first of all, before an indefinite
noun, as, "=]•?£ P&? without king ! i.e. no king ! or, there is no
king ; or by a relative sentence being immediately attached to
it (see § 332), as, no king . . ., nbfy pN there is not one doing, or no
one does, B*K . . . PN nobody at all . . . Jer. iv. 29. Then it also
comes to be used before a definite noun, because the word
(compare Gen. vii. 2 with ver. 8), as an imperfect verb, more
and more describes non-existence in general (see § 299#).
Since, however, no definite time is contained in the idea it
presents, the word primarily expresses our present (as in Prov.
vii 19, [800] Jer. iv. 25, viii. 19; *lpi' pK no Joseph, i.e.
Joseph is gone, Gen. xxxvii. 29, where a present perfect is
indicated) ; yet it is so frequently employed, that it forces its
way even into narratives of past events, merely for the pur-
pose of stating, in the current of discourse, he was not, Gen.
v. 24. But since, notwithstanding the great frequency of this
intrusive use of the negative, it still retains in Hebrew its force
and value as a noun,1 the verb, when required in the sentence,
must properly be subordinated in the way shown in § 322, or,
most briefly, as stated in § 279a; when, then, the participle
is subordinated to it,2 there arises a new and pointed expres-
sion for the negative present, as, Jtt?fe? WJPK he is not hearing, i.e.
hear he does not, Jer. vii. 16, 17. As it thus indicates the
simple present, so it may also, in narrative, form the negative
present of the preterite, indicating continuance, though this is
not very common, Gen. xxxix. 23, Jer. xxxii. 32, Esth. ii. 20,
iii. 5 ; it forms the futurum instans in Jer. xxxvii. 14 ; cf.
ver. 13. But the perfect also may follow in this way, as in
narrative, n&oa |3N pK no stone was seen, 1 Kings vi. 18. And
lastly, the particle has been so long in frequent use, especially
for indicating a negation of the present, that it remains even
when the subject has to be placed first, by itself ; in this case,

1 In the language of the Mishna, it has already come to be used as a
mere particle.

2 A single exception, due to the employment of the peculiar verb-form
fal* (see § 1276), occurs in Jer. xxxviii. 5.

190 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 322.

however, the verb is strictly subordinated in the participial
form, as |W ptf |?n straw there is none (as we also might say, or,
straw is not) given, Ex. v. 16 (but the construction is different
in ver. 18).1 It is extremely rare, however, to find this
negative in a sentence indicating a wish, Jer. v. 13.

I. As it has now become much more frequently and freely
used than B* (see § 299$), which is essentially similar, so it
may also be placed, in the sentence, still more freely than
that particle. Thus it may stand not merely after the sub-
ject, and at the very end (in which latter instance the absolute
state ptf is used, even in narrative, 1 Sam. ix. 4), but even in
cases like P^V PN CHK no man whatever is just, Eccles. vii. 20 ;
"i£? ?$ there is nothing tlwt he hath punished, Job xxxv. 1 5 (see
§ 332). In poetry we may also say P.KJ |H: to bring to nothing;
and; with the same meaning, the expression stih D11^ is once
ventured on, Job xxiv. 25.

c. It is not till we get among somewhat later writers
that this negative comes to be more frequently construed
with the infinitive preceded by ? ; as, SJPnnp ^ray pK it is not
to stand (i.e. one cannot stand) before thee, 2 Chron. xx. 6, [801]
Ezra ix. 15, Esth. viii. 8; also in narrating what is past,
2 Chron. v. 11, xxxv. 15. And since this ? may be dropped
again, in the artificially neat style (see § 285c), we also find
T$ P$ there is no comparing, i.e. nothing can be compared
with thee, Ps. xl. 6, 2 Chron. xxxv. 3.

322a. vfa, prop, want of . . . (see § 2116 [Ges. § 90, 3a,and
the Lexicons]), means, besides, #eeep£, before a whole proposition,
Gen. xliii. 3 (™t except, is used more before a single word) ;
in the sense of not, it is found merely in close construction
with nouns or prepositions, when fcO cannot well be employed
(see § 320&) ; it is specially used before the infin. with ^ (see
§ 237c); as, "ND *fbJn iba6 to keep and not to turn aside,
Dent, xvii. 19, 20, Gen. iii. 11. Before the finite verb, how-
ever, we find it so early as Ex. xx. 20, inasmuch as ^P?? may
express intention (in order that . . . not) ; and in Ezek. xiii. 3,

1 If nb'p px in Eccles. viii. 11 were correct, then it would be necessary to
regard the verb-form as the fern, participle, because DHJIS is feminine ;
but, in Aramaic, this word is not feminine. And that it is better to read
instead, has been shown in Ew aid's Dichter des A. B., ii. p. 294.

NEGATIVE PROPOSITIONS, 191

where, however, it occurs after a preposition, and in accordance
with the construction described in § 333&; compare a similar
case in which the almost synonymous v]^? is used (see § 21Sc),
Job xxxiv. 32.

A somewhat weaker and milder negative, from the same
root, is ^2 (prop, disappearance, hence, no more, no longer, Ps.
Ixxii. 7), which in poetry signifies without, un- (see § 286^),
but, after a preposition, stands before a finite verb, as, *?$
Tan "93 because he did not tell. Gen. xxxi. 2 0 ; and finally, it is
even used by itself, in poetry, before the [finite] verb, in the
same sense as vh, Job xli. 18, Hos. viii. 7, ix. 16 (Ketkify. The
form 73, which is an abbreviation of this word, is merely
poetic, and has exactly the same meaning as the simple
negative (§ 320) ; it may also be used for ?K, with which it
interchanges in Ps. cxli. 4 ; hence, before the voluntative, it
means, in order that . . . not, Isa. xiv. 21 (see § 337&).1

1. DSK (prop, want) is usually placed at the beginning of
sentences which indicate restriction or limitation, only, Num.
xxii. 3 5, often '3 D3K except that. On the other hand, when
construed like I"1**, it has the more definite signification of ...
is no more, 2 Sam. ix. 3, Amos vi. 10.

c. It has been already shown (see § 286</) how far *6 also
may be used in those constructions in which, at other times,
pK or the still stronger negatives are employed. Late, and
wholly Aramaic, however, is the combination &6 ">^N, like P?,
Chald. K? **[, in the sense of without, prop, so that . . . not ;
but this occurs only in Esth. iv. 16. More in accordance
with the genius of the Hebrew, though very loosely employed,
is *O|, in the sense of without, 2 Chron. xxx. 18. But
this &6s, inasmuch as it may have the force of a preposition
(see § 222c [or the Lexicons]), is also construed with the infin.
constr. ; as, rriao &6| without seeing [Ger. ohne sehen], Num.
xxxv. 23, cf. ver. 22.

323&. 3. Two such negatives are sometimes joined together
[802] for the purpose of intensifying the meaning in some
degree ; but this is rarely done in the case of the simple

1 Even in Syriac, the archaic expression, A^ . i n ^_LO from

ignorance, is still used interchangeably with ,->]] r^D ; see Lagarde's
Analecta, p. 62, 11 ff.

192 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 324.

negatives, 1 Kings x. 21 (cf. the parallel passage, 2 Chron. ix. 20,
where the second is omitted), and is more frequently exem-
plified only in the construction PK y3E> from want that there is
not . . . i.e. because there is not ... 2 Kings i. 3, 6, Ex. xiv. 11.
A kind of double negative is also formed by |O (see §§ 217& and
2706), as the first part of ^itap besides, without (see § 218 c),
Ps. xviii. 32, Isa. xxxvi. 10, and of the shorter *5>2Up and
pKpj both of which latter forms, at the beginning of the pro-
position, represent it more as a secondary, modifying clause, so
that no . . ., as in Isa. v. 9, vi. 11, Jer. vii. 32, xix. 11, ix. 9 ff.,
Deut. xxviii. 5 5 ; but they may also be employed at any place
in the proposition, merely in something like the sense of no one
at all, not at all, without any, as in Job xviii. 15, Jer. x. 6, 7,
hence even into pND so that there is none like him, Jer. xxx. 7.1
This negative is also used with the infinitive (according to
§ 322c) nfoa "riV pK£ so that there is no more regarding, with
which the following verb [without the negative] is connected
by means of X Mai. ii. 13. In all this, therefore, PNB is but
a stronger PN.

&. If the negative be combined with ^3 in such a way that
the latter has the meaning of omnis (see § 2 9 Oc), then the two
words together give the idea of nullus (for such compound words
are unknown in Hebrew ; cf. also "91 ^, nftitfp not anything,
nothing) ; as, ne edas KEB i>3 omne impurum (nihil impuri),
Judg. xiii. 4;2 5>3rr*6 nothing of all that, Ps. xlix. 18 ; ^ pS
nothing at all, 2 Kings iv. 2, Jer. xiii. 7 ; and similarly (in
accordance with § 286/) ^'P*?, Ex. v. 11, Jer. xxxviii. 5.
But when h'3 signifies totus, it is this idea alone to which the
negation applies ; as, n&on fc6 i?3 the whole of him thou shalt
not see, Num. xxiii. 13.

2. Interrogative Sentences.

324#. 1. If the sentence as a whole be interrogative, that
word upon which the force of the question chiefly falls is
placed first in order ; and the emphatic position thus assigned

1 Many MSS., however, have p£N here, as the other similar passages in

Jer. x. 6, 7.

2 [Hence such New Testament Hebraisms as oy ^Aaa. yap% (the rendering

for nb>3-3 &6> Matt- xxiv- 22» Rom- iji- 20> and ^ '™J

INTERROGATIVE SENTENCES. 193

to this word at the beginning of the sentence (together with
the interrogatory tone, of course) may be sufficient, without
any interrogative particle, to indicate the nature of the pro-
position, as, 1 Sam. xi. 12, 2 Sam. xvi. 17, Ex. xxxiii. 14,
Neh. v. V, Zech. viii. 6, Ezek. xi. 13, xxxii. 2, Job ii. 9.
Hence, even & by itself may mean nonne, as 2 Sam. xxiii. 5,
Hos. x. 9, xi. 5, Ezek. xi. 3, Lain. i. 12, iii. 38, Mai. ii. 15 ;
and negative-interrogative sentences, indicating doubt, which
connect themselves with what precedes by means of \ and,
followed by the imperfect, are always uttered without an in-
terrogative particle, since the leading word in the question is
placed at the beginning, and receives special emphasis ; as,
T2S !jh and should I tell the'e ? Judg. xiv. 16, Jer. xxv. 29. On
the whole, however, both in Hebrew (especially of early times)
and in Aramaic, and still more in Ethiopia, interrogative
particles are rather almost always actually employed; and
though there is some excuse [803J for the omission of the
particle before a new question, Job xxxvii. 18, cf. ver. 16, yet,
on the other hand, in cases like Job xl. 25, it is quite un-
usual.1 But the interrogative particles themselves, like the
negatives (see § 320a), fall into two classes : —

b. (1.) n (see § 1046), Lat. an, Gr. fj,2 as the most con-
venient particle, puts into shape an ordinary question regarding
something about which the speaker is uncertain ; as, &&#!
"IJJ3? is it well with the ~boy? 2 Sam. xviii. 32 (cf. ver. 29, where
it is wanting). The question serves to give expression to a
doubt; hence, in Gen. xviii. 12, the brief, have I had . . .?
may also be equivalent to, am I to have . . . ? (how impossible
that seems !). But it frequently serves also to indicate a some-
what spirited denial, when the speaker inquires regarding a
well-known matter, and the hearer must answer in the negative
(cf. Lat. num) ; as, "OJK EffifTM nnnn am I instead of God? i.e. am
I omnipotent ? (this you yourself will surely not presume to
believe), Gen. xxx. 1, 1. 19. On the other hand, &6n nonne,

1 Should we prefer to read here TjEfop) dost ihou draw, in order to pro-
duce, and bring out more clearly, a play on the Egyptian word for the
crocodile, TGJULC^.^, which also found its way into the Arabic, as,

2 The Coptic also has an A.H, though it is more rarely used.

N

194 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 324.

when an affirmative answer is expected, often serves to refer to
something well known, as, E^nzi Dn N?n are they not written ?
i.e. behold, they are written ; EK *6n yes assuredly, if only . . . /
2 Kings xx. 19, cf. Isa. xxxix. 8. Nothing has become more
common, in the beginning of sentences, than this *6n, which
corresponds to something like our yes, certainly ! but it is also
frequently shortened into & (see § a). On the other hand,
?K, like JJLTJ (see § 320a), means surely not ? Ps. cxxi. 3. When
this negative ?N is used, as also sometimes in the case of other
words beginning with an aspiration, the n is readily dropped,
in accordance with the law regarding the fusion of aspirates
(see § 70c); as, rnv ran shall it teach? Hab. ii. 19, 1 Sam.
xxii. 15, 2 Sam. xix. 23, 1 Kings i. 24, Job ii. 9, xxxviii. 18,
Gen. xviii. 12, cf. vers. 13, 14; it is even omitted, too, after
a word ending with an a sound, Gen. iv. 7.1

"On an quod . . . ? is it . . . that . . .? is used when the
reason is unknown ; thus it is the Lat. numquid, Ger. etwa,
Job vi. 22, 2 Sam. ix. 1, xxiii. 19 (where it occurs even in
narrative), Gen. xxvii. 36, xxix. 15. On the other hand,
^3 ^ (Sept. fj,rj OTI) means it is not (I do hope) really the case
that . . .? or, surely not . . .? 2 Kings iii. 13.

c. (2.) EK (or jn, Jer. ii. 10), which is properly a conditional
particle (see § 255), is frequently employed in interrogation.
Thus,—

(a) First of all, with an indirect question, depending on a
preceding proposition or thought ; as, ask n"T!K DK if (whether,
Ger. ob) I shall live, el ^a-opai,, 2 Kings i. 2 (but n is also
used in this way, Gen. viii. 7) : hence it also expresses, of
itself, the uncertainty or doubt of the questioner, whether that
which is asked be really true, Job xxxix. 13.

[804] (&) It is the most proper particle to be employed in
a question which propounds a second possible alternative, in
which case it is, properly, compounded ; thus, DNl and if, i.e. sive
(see § 361), Job xxii. 3, xl. 8, 9, instead of which, however,
there is often found the simple &$, especially in short sen-
tences; as, & EN n.T njnsn is it tlwu or not? Gen. xxvii. 21,
Amos iii. 3-6. Moreover, the antithesis between two such
questions may also lie merely in the change from one member
of a verse of poetry to another, as Hab. iii. 8 ; in this case
1 See the Jahrbiicher der UU. Wissensch. vi. p. 14.

INTEllllUUATlVE SENTENCES. 195

also, L! may be used even a second time, though by this con-
struction the members are less closely connected, Judg. xiv. 15.

(c) But, further, it is not exactly necessary that another
question should have preceded, but merely something or other
from which a transition may be made to another possible
something; like our or . . .? Isa. xxix. 16. Still different,
again, is a case like 1 Kings i. 27, where, as if from modesty
or from haste, nothing but BN is left, there being no apodosis,
and no stronger question preceding.

When the chief word in the question is not used at the
very beginning of the sentence, though the interrogative, as
usual, is prefixed to the whole, then n or &6n may be repeated
in the middle of the longer proposition, before this leading word,
and after OK or n, Gen. xvii. 1 7, Ps. xciv. 9,10; similarly
after how long . . . ? Jer. xxiii. 26.

d. In answering such questions, or otherwise replying to
the words of another, when it is not enough to take a single
word out of the proposition to be answered (e.g. the pro-
noun /, in Judg. xiii. 11), instead of our simple affirmative
yes, still greater fulness of statement must be resorted to ; as,
rna1! |3. On the other hand, for our no ! it is quite sufficient
to use A (see § 3205), or Kin a6 it is not, Jer. v. 12. Only in
solemn address is IBS verily, used as a reply.

325ft. 2. Regarding 'B who ? nn what? see § 182 [Ges.
§ 36 ; Gr. § 75 ; Dav. § 13]. These words may, indeed, as
having the force of substantives, form the second member in a
group of two, placed in the construct relation (see § 2S6a), as
^D D3 whose daughter ? no J"i£3n cujusnam (rei) intelligentia ?
Jer. viii. 9 ; but, except in this case, which is conditioned by
the law of the construct state, these interrogatives also must
always stand at the beginning of the proposition, otherwise
the calm flow of the sentence is disturbed: very curt is nn yroi
yet what are we? Ex. xvi. 7, 8. In particular, ^ at the
beginning of the sentence is made so sharply prominent and
distinct from other words, that, especially in the old poetic
style, *«n is first inserted before the predicate j1 as, who is he

1 In the Kabyl language, to the [interrog.] who, there is almost always
a corresponding participle, i.e. a form with the meaning of. he that (the one
who) . . ., used as the predicate; see Hanoteau, p. G6 ; also in the Tuaric,
see Hanoteau, p. 46 ff.

196 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 325.

(that) . . . ? Job iv. 7, xiii. 19, xvii. 3, Isa. 1. 9 ; cf. the double
question, indicating considerable earnestness, fcttn npfrO nt Kin ^p
wAo ts Ae, and! which (see § 326) is he? Esth. vii. 5. By
placing the demonstrative pronoun nt (see § 103 [Ges. §34;
Gr. § 73]) after Vp, the question not merely becomes more
animated, as when [805] Kin is similarly used, but it is also
still more closely referred to the object already perceived or
called (who there ? who then ? Lat. quisnam ?) ; more fully,
iiT Kin t|»j Ps. xxiv. 10, cf. ver. 8, Jer. xxx. 21, Job xxxviii. 2.
Words which follow form an explanatory or relative proposi-
tion (see § 332), which, however, is always closely attached, as
if the demonstrative pronoun were merely used to define the
interrogative more closely. Just because ^ always continues
to have so much the force of a substantive, the proper render-
ing for what we mean by which man . . . ? must, in Hebrew,
be more fully expressed thus : who is the man that . . . ? or, in-
definitely, "JHK "na . . , ^ what one nation, i.e. what single nation
(that you may take out of the whole ; see § 278 I, c) is . . . ?
2 Sam. vii. 23, Judg. xxi. 8, Deut. iii. 24, where, however, a
pretty long relative sentence always follows. A similar case,
found in prose, is nj ncy why then ? and the briefer nj HD is
also sometimes used in almost the same sense, Gen. xxvii. 2 0 ;
but in Ex. iv. 2, 1 Sam. x. 11, nrnio is employed as one of the
two main parts of the sentence. Since the idea of indefinite-
ness is intensified in interrogative and negative sentences by I*?
(see § 278c), TfnBTIB may signify, what kind (sort) of friend?
a signification which it actually bears in Cant. v. 9.

The difference of meaning between the two interrogatives
(see § 182 [or the Lexicons]) is always firmly maintained: HD
inquires after the nature of the object, even when persons are
concerned; as, n?K rift what are these? i.e. of what kind, or
character (Lat. quales), Zech. i. 9, iv. 5, 13; and *& asks about
the person or persons, even when this meaning is only within
the mind of the speaker, as, '"W titan *p who is the camp ? i.e.
who are the human beings and living creatures in it, Gen.
xxxiii. 8, Cant. iii. 6; a mode of expression, however, that re-
quires special notice is ^KW ^ who [what] is thy name, i.e. qiiis
nominaris? Judg. xiii. 17; in Aramaic (Ezra v. 41) the same

1 Cf. a similar usage even in Amharic and Neo-Sytiac; Isenberg's Gram.
p. 172; Amer. Orient. Journal, v. p. 24,

INTERROGATIVE SENTENCES. 197

construction is found. A different construction is s& (like) whom
(i.e. how) shall Jacob stand? Amos vii. 2, 5. Noteworthy, also,
is the contraction of two short sentences into one ; as, nriN '•p
n&ojj who art thou that hast called? 1 Sam. xxvi. 14. — The
accusative of ^ is always ^"fiN whom? (see p. 36); but
no is left without this riN even when used with consider-
able force as the second object, thus, toN B^N"] B^N n? as w/ia£
(i.e. of what kind, what like, Lat. qualem) do you see it (viz. the
temple), Hag. ii. 3.

b> yf ^ who Jenoivs ? is placed in immediate construction,
just like a particle, with the meaning of perhaps, Joel ii. 14,
Jonah iii. 9, 2 Sam. xii. 22 (Kethib}. But the shorter ^ or
"6^ is much more frequently used for the expression of this
idea.1

[806] no is also the what of objurgation, blame, i.e. equiva-
lent to wherefore? as in Gen. iii. 13, Ex. xvii. 2, Ps. xlii. 12,
Job vii. 21; further, the what of objection, and, as such,
equivalent to how? as in Job ix. 2, xxv. 4. From this
meaning, it is natural and easy to make the transition to
that of an animated negation, which, though widely pre-
valent in Arabic, is still very rare, and has only begun to
make its appearance, in Hebrew, among the poets, Job
xxxi. 1, Cant. viii. 4, cf. ii. 7, iii. 5, 6, 1 Kings xii. 16, cf.
with 2 Sam. xx. 1.

7]7J ^ nn what (is there) to me and thee? i.e. what have we

1 It might be supposed that this word vj^ contained the elements whether
not (Ger. ob niclif), as if it had arisen from itf (see § 352a) and ^ (cf.
&6^, § 358&) ; and this view seems to find special support in a statement
by Schlicnz, in his Views on the Improvement of the Maltese Language, p.
Ill, according to which the Maltese evella, i.e. SJ, means perhaps; in con-
firmation of this meaning, we would then have to compare also pqTrore,
like the Neo-Hebraic MSW that not (where the not is only expressed more
strongly by what), which is formed in imitation of the Aramaic; hence, in
Syriac, the still stronger 1V)N> dalmo, which is further contracted into

A

^O5 dam; and the Turkish X*. But while jS) (see § 377Z>) rather serves
for the expression of this idea in Hebrew, actual use, in the case of i^tf

(see § 337&), leads to the idea whether that, whether possibly (Ger. ob dass,

•*//

ob cfrca); and this is precisely the meaning of J*], with which it is un-
doubtedly allied. Now, since, according to the Qanius, this Arabic word is

198 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 325.

to do with one another? 2 Kings iii. 13, is uttered by way of
repelling some one;1 the \ may also be omitted (see § 3495),
Hos. xiv. 9. More severe reproof is contained in the ex-
pression ^ HD what (is there) to thee ? what hast thou . . . ?
not only when it is construed with the ? of an infinitive or
abstract noun, as, to do, Ps. I. 16, Jer. ii. 18, but also when
joined, merely as the why, indicative of strong rebuke, with
the finite verb, Isa. iii. 15, or the participle, for our present,
Jonah i. 6. A different meaning, however, arises when the
prep, fltf with is used instead of the second ?; as, what has the
chaff (in common) with the grain? Jer. xxiii. 28.

c. '"ID? about what, i.e. how much? and afterwards, when
applied to time, how long ? n^7 wherefore, why ? is very often
used in asking about the object or aim, and thus also, ulti-
mately, the cause (see § 2435 [Ges. § 102, 2d; Gr. § 231,
4a]). A more definite interrogative J/FM? why? is, properly, a
much shortened form of 5?nj~nD what having seen, experienced
[cf. TL fjiaOav;], because the action arises from experience and
knowledge of something; cf. JVK'J n», Gen. xx. 11. Though
we can scarcely perceive any longer that, in the case of this
VVTO, there is presented a contraction of two propositions, an
interrogative and a relative, which may also be distinctly
separated, it still remains much more evident in other in-
stances ; as, wherefore [807] then is there to me (i.e. what use
is there in offering to me) incense, immediately after which
there follows the relative sentence, coming (or, that comes)
from Slieba ? where we say, more prosaically, why should there

used interchangeably with lau anna, and this latter again (see § 35Sa) signifies
whether that (Ger. ob dass), we must suppose that, in ipjitf, the I has fallen
away in front (as in the similar case presented in § lie [viz. the Sanskr.
aqru, a tear, compared with ^xx.pv, lachrymal), and that lai is allied with
the pronoun (see § 103c, rf); cf. the Septuagint of Josh. ix. 7. If, then,
the main force of the double particle rests on its second half, whether that
. . . , its abbreviation at the front part is also accounted for ; and we have
therefore no occasion for thinking that it originally signified whether not,
and is possibly shortened from tf^ (see § 358&), — a view which is opposed
by the very fact that the final syllable is always written and pronounced
in a different way. Once, indeed, in Num. xxii. 33, ^K seems to mean if
not (unless), just like y^h in the protasis; but the former word may, in this
one passage, be an incorrect reading for the latter.
1 [Cf. the Greek, ri uial -/,tx.\ aoi; John ii. 4.]

INTERROGATIVE SENTENCES. 199

come to me . . . ? Jer. vi. 20 ; liow long is it that than wilt not
turn away from me? Job vii. 19.1

326«, 3. nPN is the interrogative adjective (see § 104c [or
the Lexicons]), which ? and thus sufficiently distinguished from
other interrogatives. As an interrogative, however, it must
stand before the noun to be subordinated (see § 2S7c), and
hence remains unchangeable in gender and number; nt, as
the pronoun with the more living form of the two, changes
only in accordance with the circumstances of the proposition,
i.e. it is used as the nominative or accusative, takes a preposi-
tion, or remains without one; while the ^ at the beginning
remains as unchangeable as the "^ before its more living
pronoun in the relative sentence (see § 331). But the sub-
stantive has as little need of being denned in this case as in
the similar instances described in § 290«; thus, JV3 nj ''K
which house ? ">^ TO ^ from which city ? The article, indeed,
is found in cases like ?I?n ^n npK which way did he go ?
1 Kings xiii. 12 (after which we must read ^")5, and they
showed, following the Septuagint), 2 Kings iii. 8, 2 Chron.
xviii. 23 (from which we must take ^H to complete the text
of 1 Kings xxii. 24), Job xxxviii. 19, 24; but these construc-
tions are rather to be regarded as having originally been, which
is the way that he went? (see §§ 325c and 332). This com-
pound pronoun, however, like any other, may again be used
by itself also, as a neuter ; thus, TO ^from which, i.e. whence ?
Job ii. 2, cf. i. 7, or even, of what descent ? 2 Sam. i. 13 ; and,
when employed in this way, the pronoun, in order to express
the neuter more precisely, may take the feminine form; as,
J1KP SK why ? Jer. v. 7, the answer to which follows in ver. 9.2

The same meaning is more briefly expressed by n» linked
in series with a following substantive ; as, Jflf? n?? what of ad-
vantage ? i.e. what profit ? rno15] n» what likeness ? Gen. xxxvii.
26, Ps. xxx. 10, Ixxxix. 48, Job xxvi. 14, Isa. xl. 18, Mai.
iii. 14, Eccles. i 3, iii. 9, v. 15, xi. 2. It is more in the

1 Cf. similar interrogative propositions in Ewald's Arab. Gram. ii. p. 215,
and similarly contracted sentences in §§ 3326, 33 66, 3376, below.

2 In the Syriae ]j-*1 at'no, the two particles have already coalesced; but
the feminine is always distinguished under the form Ij-i) a ido. This do is
contracted from nNT» the c?, which in the masc. has 'been softened to w,
being retained.

200 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 327.

Aramaic style to separate the two, in the way described in

o

§ 2 8 *7h ; and, through the influence of the Arabic, a ^ of,

from, intrudes itself in this case, as in that quoted on p. 196
from Cant. v. 9.

5. Since, considering their meaning as a whole, interrogative
sentences with who, what, possess in many respects a certain
resemblance to conditional propositions, the interrogative
particle, in conformity with the nature of a conditional sen-
tence, may subordinate the perfect, as a comparatively stronger
tense, instead of the [808] imperfect, as if quid fecerit were
less harsh in expression than quid fecit (see § 355a, &).
This usage, however, is only very rare, Ps. xi. 3, xxxix. 8,
Ix. IH, Num. xxiii. 10, 23, Ezek. xviii. 19.1

c. T^ (see § 105c) before the imperfect marks strong aver-
sion to an act ; how should I . . . ? Hos. xi. 8, Jer. ix. 6,
xii. 5. But, with a wholly different tone and manner of
delivery, it may also express joy : 0 how shall I . . . $ Jer.
iii. 19.

3. Exclamatory - Words and Sentences.

327 a. 1. A single noun may be used in exclamation,
either by itself, or inserted in a sentence of considerable
length; and, since a special exclamatory particle is rarely
employed in Hebrew (see § 101), the noun is used without
any further alteration, with or without the article, in accord-
ance with the laws which regulate the latter particle ; as,
D222H your perverseness ! i.e. 0 how perverse ye are ! Isa.
xxix. 16 ; inbn the (0} priest! ^sn 0 king ! 1 Sam. xxiii. 20,
if the person addressed is standing before the speaker, and in
poetry p.K (O) earth! Job xvi. 18. The article, however,
especially in prose, is more frequently employed in this case
for the purpose of distinguishing the noun in some measure ;
hence, in Ps. Ivii. 9, it is used merely with the first of two
nouns joined by } and ; probably also, if we may judge from
Jer. xlviii. 32, it is used, though exceptionally (see § 290d),
before the construct state. In all these instances, it is,

1 Cf. ^XD Hft what </o we Jindf M. Menachoili vii. 3, and Jdhrliicher
der bill. Wiss. v. p. 1 65 f.

EXCLAMATIONS. 201

properly speaking, always the third person that is employed
in addressing;1 and, in exclamations, we actually see that the
third person is only gradually changed into the second, Hab.
ii. 15; hence, in addressing others, there is used D3?3 or even
D^3 you all ! Job xvii. 1 0 : our yc is still wanting even in
cases like, Uess God, ye who are from the fountain of Israel !
i.e. ye who are descended from Israel, Ps. Ixviii. 27. It is
seldom that the word used in exclamation is preceded by a
small particle which does not belong to it, as, *3 for, \ and.,
Isa. xxx. 19; see § 340&.

b. Before ^ix my lord ! or, what is properly the same (see
§ I77a), ^'"^ 0 Lord (God): there sometimes stands ^ (see
§ lOlc), Gen. xliii. 20, xliv. 18, Judg. vi. 13, 15. In an
exclamation, ""in, before the noun, imparts a greater degree of
earnestness to the whole ; it is especially frequent before the
participle, and is particularly characteristic of Isaiah's style,
but is rarely met with elsewhere, Amos v. 18, vi. 1, Mic. ii. 1,
Hab. ii. 6 if., Isa. xlv. 9, 10, etc. The stronger Pins (see
§ 1015) is construed with the dative; as, Div Fins alas for the
day ! Joel i. 15; so also v vpK woe to me !

c. Every word or sentence used in swearing is properly an
exclamation, whether introduced by 3 by . . . ! (see § 2 IT/, 3)
or by \ (see § 340c); the abbreviation of the discourse is most
clearly perceived in the latter case, [809] but in the former
also, whole sentences may be abbreviated in this way, cf. Ezek.
v. 13-16. Cf. further, § 329a.

32S&. 2. If the verb, the main word in the sentence, is to
appear as an interjection, the voluntative and imperative are
very smooth and polished forms that may be so employed
(see § 223 ff.). But a more vigorous and rough interjectional
form, and at the same time one which is capable of being
much more extensively employed, is the infinitive absolute,
inasmuch as it sets forth, with the fullest emphasis, the simple
idea of the verb, to the exclusion of all other elements ; so
that, in less impassioned diction, the verb would be placed in
a more definite person, tense, or mood. This takes place
especially —

(1.) When the speaker is too full of his subject to mention
the action in any other than an ejaculatory manner, and as
1 On this, compare also § 331c/.

202 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 328.

briefly as possible ; thus, to eat and leave remaining ! i.e. (as
shown by the connection of that passage) ye shall certainly
eat . . ., 2 Kings iv. 43, cf. 2 Chron. xxxi. 10 ; 2'in contend
with God? i.e. will he (actually) contend with God? Job xl. 2,
Jer. iii. 1, vii. 9 ; P$n strengthen ! i.e. (as shown by the context)
I must strengthen, ISTeh. vi. 9.1 An antithesis may also be
expressed more pointedly in this way, Ps. xvii. 5 ; also an
abrupt protasis, as, look on the right and see I (i.e. though I
look . . .) yet I have no friend, Ps. cxlii. 5,2 Jer. xxxii. 33.
In all these rare cases, the discourse would become less
impassioned by merely adding the finite verb (see § 312&).
It is very seldom that a prophet, in a similar way, throws into
the current of the discourse a pure noun-sentence, which then
gives out a far more emphatic ring than an unimpassioned
verb-sentence, Isa. i. 2 8 a, xxii. 5b.3

&. (2.) In a kind of vehement and rapid description of a
number of actions that excite astonishment or displeasure,
when it is enough for the speaker to mention the actions
simply by themselves, which gives them all the greater force ;
as, n'^1 3^} t?'roi_ n^x false swearing, and lying, and stealingy
and murder ! After the first violent outburst of feeling, the
discourse may then easily return, as it progresses, into its
usual channel; cf. Hos. iv. 2, x. 4, Isa. xxi. 5, lix. 4, Job
xv. 35, Jer. viii. 15, xiv. 19, xxiii. 14, xxxii. 33. Some-
thing similar takes place when strong reference has already
been made beforehand to the action, so that it is then suffi-
cient to mention it in the simplest and briefest manner;
as, in this let people boast, ^ tfv\ ??^ in being prudent
and in knowing me, Jer. ix. 23, Isa. v. 5, xx. 2, Iviii. 6, 7,
Zech. xiv. 12, Mai. ii. 13, Ps. Ixv. 11, Num. vi. 23 (in Josh,
ix. 20, 1 stands before such an infinitive absolute; see § 348#).
In this case also, as in all others, the speaker may revert to
the ordinary style of speech as he proceeds.

1 It is thus unnecessary to read pJHK; the Septuagint translator, how-
ever, read it so, viz. IxpotTxiaffot.

2 In this passage we have, then, but to change the vowels, making nfc-jl

instead of jiNTI.

3 Here we merely follow the Massorah ; but the original and better mean-
ing is, Qir seeks to lay in ruins, and Shda (likewise the name of a nation)
is on the mountain ! — like the Latin, Hannibal ante portas.

EXCLAMATIONS. 203

[810] c. (3.) This abrupt, energetic mode of expression is
most frequently employed to indicate an absolute command :
what is required is stated in the simplest way, and prescribed
in the boldest manner (just as the infinitive is used in ancient
Greek also) ; thus, nfe>jf to do, make, i.e. faciendum est ; 13J to
remember, i.e. thou, ye must remember ! Ex. xx. 8 ; fen all
flesh to le circumcised ! i.e. it must be circumcised, Gen. xvii. 10,
and Isa. xiv. 31, where the infinitive is interchanged with the
imperative, after the transition from one member of the verse
to another, In this way the Hebrew obtains the peculiar
form for expressing a command that is to have absolute force
(i.e. to be regarded as a law) ; and as this form for expressing
enactments is sufficiently distinct from the imperative and
voluntative, as the command proceeding merely from one's
own will and wish, so also, in negative propositions, there is
a perceptible difference between n^j;n tfb tliou shalt not do, and
£>yn ta do not (see § 320a). In this case also, by adding the
finite verb (according to § 312a), a less rigid and harsh form
of expression would be produced. When negation is made,
the imperfect must be used instead of the absol. inf., simply
because the latter can never be employed except by itself,
and as a wholly uninflected form, not even a closely connected
negative being tolerated.

In all cases, however (whether those now discussed or others
mentioned elsewhere), in which the inf. als. is placed quite by
itself, it is construed like the finite verb for which it stands ;
if the context requires it, the following noun may also be the
subject of the verb (Job xl. 2, Prov. xvii. 12, Ps. xvii. 5, Lev.
vi. 7, Num. vi. 5, Deut. xv. 2, and with the inf. pass., Gen.
xvii. 10): on the other hand, the subject is omitted if the
finite verb has an indefinite subject (i.e. one, people, Ger. man,
Fr. on; see § 2946), Prov. xii. 7, xv. 22, xxv. 4, 5, Jer.
xxxii. 33. Further, the abnormal mode of expression is used
for all the persons of the verb : it most rarely stands for the
first person, yet some indubitable instances of this case are
found, Ezek. xxi. 31, xxiii. 30, 46, 1 Kings xxii. 30 (2 Chron.
xviii. 29), 2 Kings iii. 16. A second infinitive absolute, joined
to the first by ] and, may also express the consequence or result
of the first action (see § 34*76), Prov. xiii. 20 (Kethib\

329#. 3. The words of a complete sentence may form an

204 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 329.

abrupt exclamation, even without the help of an outward sign ;
as, v Bw peace be to thee ! B*i3K sjna bussed be Abram ! It
is precisely in the case of an exclamation that the descriptive
word (see § 293£) can be most easily prefixed in an abrupt
manner, as in Isa. xxiii. 13 ; and the most important instance
in which this takes place is the standing formula used in
uttering an oath, *I^B3 '•n living thy soul, i.e. as sure as thy soul
liveth ! by thy life ! Instead of this construct state, the
Massorah constantly puts the uninflected adjective *n in the
construction nvr '•n as true as God lives ! which is also correct,
inasmuch as, in the first person, it is said of God, 'ON in as
sure as I live! Num. xiv. 28, Deut. xxxii. 40, Jer. xxii. 24,
xlvi. 18, Isa. xlix. 18.1 But we must certainly regard [811]
in the same way also, as the words of an oath, the expression
ntehn ^W by thine eyes which see ! i.e. as sure as thine eyes
see, Deut. iii. 21, iv. 3, xi. 7. And since, in instances like
those, the accusative always readily suggests itself (see § 203&),
its sign also is placed before such fragmentary oaths (for so
we must regard these expressions, judging by all the traces we
can find) ; as, "igfc DK ly that which . . . / 1 Sam. xxx. 2 3 ;
"in^n n&? ~by the word . . ., Hag. ii. 5.2

A common expression is also nWn to the profane ! (see
§ 21 6 a [and the Lexicons]), i.e. away, far be it! It takes
the dative of the person, far le it from thee ! hence it is often
joined with nin*K) before God, who abhors it, after which the
thing to be shunned is construed with ft? (see § 217&) ; hence,
when a verb is required, the latter is put in the infinitive
with ft? before it (see § 237a), or follows in another way by
which the abhorrence is still more strongly expressed. Re-
garding sentences employed in swearing, which begin with },
see § 340c.

1 Hence, this is one of the rare instances of an attributive adjective
prefixed (see § 293&) : the expression properly means living God! The
Hellenistic translation £»5 6 &&6g and tyv kyu recurs also in Judith ii. 12
(where, with xat/, there is added still another oath of the same kind, used
as an exclamation), xi. 7, xii. 4, xiii. 6, and often in the Protevang. Jacobi,
in the Evang. Nicodemi, c. 13f., and in the Apoc. Mosis (Tischendorf's
Apocalypses apocr. p. 9, line 12, p. 25, line 4 from bottom, p. 62, line 2).
That the particle before the fern. ^a:j prefers the construct state, is easily
explained from what is stated in § 287«.

2 See the Jahrliicher der bibl. Wissensch. xi. p. 196 f.

EXCLAMATIONS. 205

Again, in the looser diction of poetry, the mere force of the
exclamation often contains the meaning of the substantive
verb in the imperative mood, be it, let there be ! which we
would add by way of giving adequate expression to the Hebrew;
as, according to mine innocence be it (or, let it come) upon me !
Ps. vii. 9b, xlv. 2c, Ivii. 6, civ. 35b, Job vi. 14, xii. 5, Isa.
iii. 6, xii. 5.

5. The stronger conditional particle A (see § 38 5a) is pro-
perly an optative particle, and as such is construed primarily
with the imperfect, or, more precisely, with the voluntative
and imperative ; as, nw 6, prop. 0, if he lived ! i.e. may he
live, 0 that he might live ; *}$&& A 0 hear me ! Gen. xvii. 18,
xxiii. 13, xxx. 34. If, however, the wish refers to something
actually past, which it is no longer possible to accomplish, or
to something which for the present appears impossible, and
is merely imagined to have an actual existence, the particle
governs the perfect ; as, ^np P utinam mortui essemus ! Num.
xiv. 2, xxx. 3 ; FH1J v utinam descenderis ! (Ger. 0 stiegest
du nieder /) Isa. Ixiv. 1-4 ; similarly, the perfect is mostly
used in conditional propositions. Still greater urgency is
indicated by the compound vHK 0 that . . . / Ps. cxix. 5,
2 Kings v. 3, from HK ah ! alas! (see § 1015) and ^ = ^;

cf.

In a similar way, but less frequently, the ordinary con-
ditional particle EN is used with the imperfect, prop, if tJiou
didst it [812] (how nice that would be) ! cf. elfa, and see Prov.
xxiv. 11, Ps. cxxxix. 19, Ixxxi. 9 ; &K a6n yes, if only . . . /
2 Kings xx. 19 (a different turn, certainly, is given in the
parallel passage, Isa. xxxix. 8) ; *? DK if only there were not
. . . ! Job xvii. 2, with the voluntative in the second member.

c. A wish whose fulfilment is expected from others is often
put in the form of a question asked by "to, with the imperfect
following ; as, D?P ^j3E^ '£ who will cause me to drink water ?
i.e. 0 that some one would give me water ! or, 0 that I had
water ! 2 Sam. xxiii. 15, Ps. iv. 7; particularly frequent is

1 !)!? has itself been softened down from Idu (Arabic), Ivdi (Aramaic),
and hence might the more easily be interchanged with Idi. In accord-
ance with the accents, the word assumes as it were a construct form
^n^ in 2 Kings v. 3.

206 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 330.

JFP •"» who would give ? i.e. would that . . . ! Though, this
expression, as already containing a complete proposition, may
be followed by the leading verb, attached by Vav consecutive
(see § 342), — thus, rvni \W •>» would that there were . . . ! Deut.
v. 29, — yet this Vav may also be omitted, simply because \n\ ^,
by itself, is like a conjunction, and employed as if it were a
mere optative particle, Job vi. 8 ; or the verb is put in the
infinitive, as fiPK "i^ ffi? *& who would give (cause) the speak-
ing of God ? 0 that God would speak ! Ex. xvi. 3 ; but the
infinitive may also be placed after its subject (according to
§ 309a), if the noun is to receive more emphasis, — a some-
what looser construction, which then becomes precisely similar
to the Latin accusative with the infinitive, Job xi. 5 ; it may
also be followed merely by a noun as its object, Ps. xiv. 7.1

330&. n» (see § 3255) serves also as an exclamation of
astonishment at the nature of a thing ; as, N~ji3 no how dread-
ful ! faTO H£ what (goodness) his goodness (is) ! i.e. how kind
he is ! Zech. ix. 17; and in the same way &W n?|D nt (see
§ 302&) these how many years! or, as we may say, with the
same meaning, so many years already, Zech. vii. 3.

&. *3 that, often serves to strengthen an affirmation, I maintain
that . . . / Hence (like the Lat. imo), it is with us either (a)
yes ! and employed in swearing, 1 Sam. xiv. 44, at the begin-
ning of a sentence, Isa. vii. 9, xxxii. 13, Ps. Ixxvii. 12, Ixxi. 23,
Ex. xxii. 22, Job viii. 6, or when an interruption occurs,
Gen. xviii. 20, Ps. cxviii. 10-12, cxxviii. 2 ; or, (&) when the
connection of the discourse, with what precedes, of itself points
to an antithesis, it is our no ! or yet, nevertheless, as Isa. ii. 6,
viii. 23, xxviii. 28, Ps. cxli. 8, Lam. iv. 15. Still more plain
is '•a DJEK yes, verily I Job xii. 2, cf. ix. 2. Hence, this
"•3 is also introduced after actual adjurations, as in Gen. xxii.
16, 17, 1 Sam. xx. 3, 1 Kings i. 29, 30, ii. 23, 24, 2 Kings
iii. 14. It is also used with the imperfect when a statement
is rejected as incredible ; that she should be rejected ! i.e. she
cannot by any means be rejected, Isa. liv. 6, see also § 354c.

c. A lamentation over an event that has taken place is
thus expressed : K^jJ ^ FJJK alas, that he called . . . / 2 Kings
iii. 10.

1 Compare a similar construction in Coptic, Ewald's Sprachwiss. Ab-
liandl. i. p. 48.

INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 207

[813] II. DEPENDENT PROPOSITIONS.

1. Relative Sentences.

3 3 la. Of these, there are in general two kinds : the relative
sentence starts (a) from a word which indicates a person or a
thing (qui, or, with less indication of life, quod, — who, or
which, that] ; as, qui tacet and vir qui tacet ; or, (&) from a
particle which merely serves to gather up a thought and show
the relation in which it stands, i.e. a conjunction, as, gaudeo
quod vales. According to the simplest syntactical arrangement,
both kinds in Semitic always prefix the word which indicates
the relation ; arrangements of a more complicated character,
as, quam vidi urbem magna est, are, at least generally speaking,
foreign to the Hebrew. We shall 'consider —

(1.) Eelative Sentences proceeding from an Independent Word.

From what has been already stated, it follows, under this
head, —

I. That, though the word which indicates relation has the
force of a substantive, it is nevertheless placed quite separate
and apart from others, at the head of the proposition, and
hence is, outwardly, more like a conjunction, as it has neither
gender nor number in Hebrew. But because it stands at the
beginning in this abrupt and incomplete condition, it must,
like any other word so placed, explain itself more fully (when
necessary) by means of the personal pronoun, in the sentence
following, when the usual calm order of discourse is observed ;
thus, we must say, vir, dixi ei, when vir is abruptly placed first
(see § 309&), and similarly, quit dixi ei for the Lat. cui dixi.1

1 [It will be evident that our " relative pronouns " are really composite,
having the force of a conjunction and that of a pronoun combined in one
word. E.g. in the statement, " Rebekah had a brother whose name was
Laban," the relative pronoun, introducing the second proposition, and
formally subordinating it to the other, is equivalent to " and his," though
this plainer construction makes the two propositions co-ordinate. Simi-
larly, cnjuSj cui, etc., are compounds formed out of the conjunction, or

208 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 331.

I. This custom, however, of placing the relative pronoun
by itself at the head of the sentence, — a construction which is
extensively followed in Coptic and Turkish, in modern Persian
also, and other similar languages, — may be regarded merely as
a kind of weakness, and a breaking down in the language of
the power to form sentences j1 but, of course, it finds excuse in
the fact that, in such languages, for the most part, the cases
have not been fully developed, and there is less liberty allowed
in the whole arrangement of words in the sentence. For, if
we further consider the manner in which the relation is
expressed at the beginning of the sentence, we find that, pro-
perly, it always requires to be set forth by a word whose
meaning is wholly that of a person, hence by a fully developed
pronoun ; in this case, therefore, we must quite exclude ""3,
which may always stand at the head of the sentence, but
merely as a conjunction that, with no personal meaning what-
ever (see §§ 104&, 336). Of words that may be used in this
way, we have —

1. I?*8 which (see § 1816 [Ges. § 36 ; Gr. § "74]), the most
convenient and commonly used particle having this force.
Interchanging with it, we find nt, or somewhat more frequently,
X (see § 183a),3 the particle employed in Aramaic for the same

relative particle, and ejus, ei, etc. Cf. the careful treatise of Windisch
( Untersuchungen uber den Ursprung des Eelativ -pronomens in den indoger-
manischen Spracheii), in Band II. of the Studien zur griechischen und
laleinischen Grammatik, herausgegeben von Georg Curtius, Leipzig 1869.]

1 [Cf. the vulgar English expression, " This is the man that, his mother
is dead " (= whose mother is dead).]

2 [A valuable paper on the origin and employment of this word has
recently been written by A. G. Sperling (Die Nota llelationis im Heb-
raischen, Leipzig 1876), who regards it as a mere sign of relation, of a
very general and indefinite character. Hence, in order to give the more
definite meaning of our relative pronoun, there must be joined with it a
personal pronoun, either in the separate or in the suffix form (see § c,
below). And when it is to be used as a relative conjunction, it must be
combined with a preposition, an adverb, or another conjunction (see § 336c;
Ges. § 104, Ic; Gr. § 239, 2). When it goes to form a relative pronoun,
the compensating element follows ; in the formation of a relative conjunc-
tion, the determining element precedes."]

3 Just in the same way as . j also came to be used poetically, i.e. in certain

dialects and ancient writers, in the sense of ^jjl, and hence without being
declined ; Hamdsa, p. 514, 17.

INDEPENDENT HELATIVE SENTENCES. 209

purpose, [814] which occurs more in poetry, and only some-
times even there ; but when it does occur, it must give up
every distinguishing mark of gender and number, just like
"tt?''K, Job xv. 17, xix. 19, Ps. Ixxviii. 54, civ. 8, Ex. xv. 13,
Ps. ix. 16, x. 2, xxxii. 8, Ixii. 12. Considering its meaning,
the article also, as in German, might always be used inter-
changeably with the relative (see § 18 la); but, inasmuch as
the former is so much abbreviated in Hebrew, it is but very
rarely, and, in the earlier period of the language, not at all
used (properly speaking) for this purpose ; it is found merely
in Josh. x. 24, 1 Sam. ix. 24, Ezek. xxvi. 17, 1 Chron.
xxvi. 28, xxix. 8, 17, 2 Chron. xxix. 36, Ezra viii. 25,
x. 14, 17.1

2. The pronouns *& who, no what, which are properly in-
terrogative, are employed as relatives in general propositions
(see § 10 5a [Ges. § 37, 2 ; Gr. § 75, 1]), when, as it were by
way of inquiry or summons, everything, known or unknown,
that can possibly belong to the subject, is to be comprised in
the statement made; the words are then to be pronounced
with a different tone. When this is the case, we may always
render the expression more fully by whoever, whatever, Gen.
xix. 12, Prov. ix. 4, Isa. 1. 8, 1 Sam. xx. 4, Judg. vii. 3,
though, for whatever, there may also be formed the more de-
finite combination n& -\y\ (see § 286/, cf. § 325a), Num.
xxiii. 3. Since these words are properly interrogative, a
more definite expression may be formed by adding the purely
relative particle ; thus, "i??K '•O who that . . ., i.e. whoever . . .,
2 Sam. xx. 11, Ex. xxxii. 33 ; but this combination does not
occur in Hebrew in the case of no, which has always a feebler
force, and it is not till we come to Ecclesiastes that the
Aramaizing construction *Brn» what that (whatever) ... is
formed, i. 9. The employment of these particles is further
limited by the fact that, when a verb in the present belongs to

1 According to the Massorah, indeed, the article'would occur pretty often
in this way, and in all the Old Testament writers, without distinction, Gen.
xviii. 21, xxi. 3, xlvi. 27, Isa. Ivi. 3, Job ii. 11, Ruth iv. 3, Dan. viii. 1;
but since, in these cases, the participle may equally well be understood,
if we disregard the points, and since the participle is evidently much more
suitable, we have here every reason for leaving the Massorah. But that
the latter also was itself vacillating in this matter, is evident from a
comparison of 1 Kings xi. 9 with Gen. xii. 7.

0

210 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 331.

the sentence, the simple participle, with or (especially in poetry)
without the article (see § 335), is quite sufficient to express
the idea ; it is not till we reach Ecclesiastes (v. 9) that SHK IB
he who loves, an Aramaic mode of expression, presents itself,
in one of the members of the verse along with, and as the
equivalent of, snk in the other parallel member.

c. Through the dismemberment of the relative pronoun
(described in § a) at the beginning of the sentence, there
arises, of course, a greater diffuseness of expression, because
two words necessarily come to be used instead of one. But
alongside of this is found the endeavour after the greatest
possible brevity of expression ; in consequence of which the
completion of the idea by means of the personal pronoun is
often dropped, when this omission may readily be allowed.
The separate cases are the following : —

(1.) When, according to the sense of the whole proposition,
the word indicative of relation has the force of the subject, the
personal pronoun follows in the nominative, and in the place
which it would [815] otherwise occupy; as, ^n Kin I^N that
which is living, Gen. ix. 3, Deut. xx. 15, Ps. xvi. 3, 2 Chron.
viii. 7.1 This pronoun, however, may also be omitted, because
the word which marks the relation readily bears, besides, the
idea of the subject, especially in short sentences ; as, DHSbWJ
faiN ngte ol a^Spe? 01 <rvv aura) (for, in prose, brief defining
clauses, belonging to individual nouns, are also readily joined
with the latter, for the sake of greater clearness and precision ;
see § 293d); Via Vp he who is foolish, Prov. ix. 16. But the
pronoun is necessarily omitted before every finite verb which
is used as the predicate, inasmuch as the latter already con-
tains the idea of the person (see § 190); as, "to?K "igfc who
said.

(2.) When the word indicating relation points to the object,
the latter finds its complementary specification in the suffix;2
as, iK73 "iPK the man whom he imprisoned. This complement,
however, may also be omitted, since the relative-word has like-
wise the force of the object, because the latter may also stand
first in the proposition, if necessary : this omission becomes
particularly easy in short sentences, and when only things are

1 [See, further, Sperling, Die Nota Relationis im Hebraischen, p. 33 f.]

INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 211

spoken of, as, "^ "i£>N "i:nn the word, which he spake; but in
the same way also, the ashes l^N to which (see § 2 8 1 e) the fire
consumes the sacrifice, Lev. vi. 3 ; "io*£ i^N of which it is said,
Gen. xxii. 14.

(3.) When the relative- word points to an idea which is
to be closely subordinated, the suffix can never be omitted,
whether it follows an actual noun, as, foa lEN "i^N he whose son
said, or a preposition, as, T? "iBK "iBte he to whom he said. It
is only to substantives which state the time, place, kind, and
manner, that the relative-word can be attached without the
complement, because these general ideas of relation may, if
necessary, be regarded merely as in the accusative (see § 279) ;
thus, N2 "iBfc &isn iy till the day that lie came, 2 Sam. xix. 2 5 ;
"i^n "icfc DipGfl in the place that (where) he spake, Gen. xxxv.
13, 14, xl. 13 ; also, ">^. l^nn nj this is the reason why, 1 Kings
xi. 27. That in the case of "1K>K, however, accessory explana-
tions by means of the suffix and a preposition are avoided
whenever this is possible, is also shown by far stronger
instances, such as Isa. viii. 12, and especially xxxi. 6, Ps.
xli. 9 (where Dip, accordingly, assumes the meanings given in
§§ 281c, 282a), Dan. xi. 39. In prose, too, while, for instance,
1H3 to choose, is at other times almost always construed with
3, in relative sentences it is very frequently used without this
preposition, Num. xvi. 17 (cf. ver. 5), 2 Sam. xvi. 18 ; tan to
spare, construed with H' in Job xx. 13, stands without it in
vi. 1 0 ; and, whenever it is possible, an expression beginning
with "iBfc is somewhat contracted, without injuring its per-
spicuity, Ex. i. 15. At other times, for the sake of clearness,
when the words are at a considerable distance from each other
in the sentence, instead of using the suffix, the noun itself may
be repeated, Gen. xiii. 16, Jer. xxxi. 32, Num. xxvi. 64; cf.
the Septuagint.

d. Since the relative-word, then, is very different from a

Latin relative pronoun, it may be construed not merely with

the pronoun of the third person, but also quite as readily with

. (a) a demonstrative adverb, as, D^ itjfc where, [816] D$D IPK

whence;1 (5) with the suffix of the first and second person,

1 The Arabic here differs widely from the Hebrew, inasmuch as it does
not like to degrade ite jjl to such an extent as to make it a mere local

212 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 332,

by which construction greater brevity and precision may be
attained in Hebrew, as, tlwu T^NVin "IPK whom 1 brought out,
Dent. v. 6, iii. 24, Hos. xiv. 4 ; / W? ")Bfc wtee covenant . . .,
Jer. xxxi. 32.1 The same thing also may take place, especially
in poetry, when there is a gradual transition from the third to
the second person, and conversely, Hab. ii. 15, Isa. xxiii. 2, 3.
For it is to be remarked generally, that, in the oldest Semitic,
neither thou nor / have ever been employed in direct exclama-
tion ; hence such expressions as, 0 thou ! etc. (Ger. o du! o ich!
o er /), are in it impossible, so largely do these pronouns, in
this form, continue to have the force merely of nominatives, as
explained in § 202&.2 Hence, address [i.e. something stated
in the second person] almost exclusively passes on to the
subject, i.e. to something that would correspond to the third
person ; but the second person is all the more apt to arise
during the progress of the discourse, as Isa. xxxiii. 1. On the
other hand, such constructions as, I "ObK "IB>K who . . . [Ger. der
ich . . .], Deut. xxx. 16, are self-evident.

33 2a. II. We must next carefully distinguish between the
three possible positions and connections of such a relative-
sentence : —

1. The proposition which merely forms a further description
of a noun that has been mentioned, is most closely allied to
the apposition indicated by an attributive adjective (see § 293&).
But, since the person has already been defined in this way by
the noun, which must always precede, and does not need to
be put before a relative-word, as the basis of the statement;
since also, on the other hand, the relative-word is very loosely
connected with its own sentence (see § 331), which itself,
strictly speaking, must also be complete without it, — it is not
surprising that a particular relative-word may, in this case, be
omitted. It is most readily dropped when the noun to be

particle ; for this idea it prefers to use ei^Ars-, which is explained at
p. 268.

1 [See Sperling, p. 38.]

2 We have, in this, another plain indication that the an- forming the
first syllable of HfiX and 'ojtf is a prefixed nominative-sign, correspond-

ing to the am in the Indo-Germanic aliam, twam ; but J<}n is probably also
only shortened from huam, hua.

INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 213

described is indefinite ; because "igte which, in its origin and
force, answers to a demonstrative pronoun, and thus to the
article (see § 10 5a [Ges. § 35]); and the Arabic maintains
this difference more firmly. But, in the Hebrew, it may be
omitted under other circumstances also, especially in the neat,
brief style (see § 3 c) j1 as it may likewise, on the other hand,
be retained after a noun which is to be regarded as quite in-
definite, if such a course be rendered advisable by the require-
ments of parallelism in arranging the members of a verse,
and by the structure of the propositions, as Mic. ii. 3. The
separate cases (according to § 331c) are as follows : —

(1.) When the reference by the relative has the meaning of
the subject ; as, fcttn j^K sia a nation that is lasting, Jer. v. 1 5,
1 Kings xi. 14 ; [817] £$ & p«n in a land which is not to
them (not theirs), i.e. a foreign land, Gen. xv. 13, Hab. i. 6,
Prov. xxvi. 1 7 ; and with a definite noun, Lev. xviii. 1 1 ; also
with a finite verb, Wi} ntonas) like the leasts that are destroyed,
i.e. in the same way as the beasts are destroyed, Ps. xlix. 13,
Isa. xxx. 6.

(2.) When the reference is to the object ; as, njT£ pK a
land, — he knew it, i.e. a land (that) he knew ; and, since the
suffix may be omitted (see § 331c), the construction may also
be as in *5HJ &6 7]"n a way (that) they do not know, Isa. xlii. 1 6,
Ps. vii. 6 ; "inn? 7|~n:i wifr he teaches him concerning the way
which he should choose, i.e. shows him which way he should
choose (a very condensed mode of connecting thoughts), Ps.
xxv. 12 (xxxii. 8), xlix. 15, Prov. vi. 16, xxiii. 8, Job xxviii. 1,
1 Chron. xxix. 3 ; also when the accusative is to be regarded
as more freely subordinated, as in "riK pTTP TjTin nj ''K where is
the way where light divides, Job xxxviii. 19, 24, xxi. 27, Ps.
xx vii. 7, Isa. xxxi. 6 ; / throw down before him a stumbling-
block, whereby JW fcttn M may die, Ezek. iii. 20.

(3.) When the reference is to a closely subordinated idea;
as, fis Op* TO? the way wherein they must go, i.e. in which way
they are to go, Ex. xviii. 20, Ps. xix. 5 (following the better
reading DP), xciii. 19 (see § 293e).

It is seldom that the noun stands at a considerable distance
from its relative clause, whether this has "iPK. or not, as, Ps.

1 [Cf. the omission of the relative in English also, as exemplified by the
instances given hereafter.]

214 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 332.

xlix. 12, 14, xvi. 4, cf. Isa. xxix. 22, Job iv. 2, Zepli. iii. 19.
The same case, properly speaking, occurs when reference has
just been made to the object by means of its suffix ; as, on it
(viz. the altar) which was before Jahve, 1 Kings ix. 25. If
stronger reference be made by this means (see § 309c) to the
person, so that there arises, as a preliminary, a kind of suspen-
sion and break in the discourse, then riN, as the sign of the
accusative, may be placed before "iBfc (see § 333&), as Zech.
xii. 10, cf. Eccles. x. 15 ; but this sign may also be used in
such a construction as is presented in Lev. xxii. 15, Jer.
xxxviii. 9.

&. The "iBfc, however, especially in certain cases, may be
dispensed with, either constantly, or at least more conveniently
than in other instances. This closer construction is invariably
adopted after certain incomplete propositions ; thus, after fettn *n
who is he (that) . . . ? i.e. who? (see § 3315, and the similar
constructions given in § 286A), as, &Oj^ Q^N lh there are many
people who proclaim, i.e. many a one proclaims, Prov. xx. 6, or,
DH TjvtPn "OBn 3*1 there are enough of the corpses which people
have silently cast forth, i.e. corpses enough have been silently
cast forth, Amos viii. 3. Moreover, the prepositions 3, ?, and
others, instead of putting themselves before the whole sentence
in a more full and explicit manner by means of a relative
particle (thus, "MfK?, etc., as shown in § 222a), may merely
subordinate a single noun in such a way that the rest of the
statement is joined, in the form of a relative sentence, but
without "iPK, to that noun ; as in the example *B"W flto[?3?
already given in § a; KnrrnNi£9 against devastation coming
from afar, i.e. for the time when it comes, Isa. x. 3 ; "nlJJ in«
*Bj53 after my skin which they have removed, i.e. after my skin
has been removed, Job xix. 26, cf. Hab. ii. 14, Isa. xi. 9.
Lastly, [818] the shorter construction is, on the whole, more
convenient when the relative proposition stands in a more
necessary connection with the main sentence ; as in the case
inn? Tpni \srfr already cited in § a. Cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab.
ii.p. 238 f."

c. Rarely, and only in poetry, is the complementary proposi-
tion at once, and more sharply, subordinated to a noun put in
the construct state (cf. § 286*), so that the second sentence
also is as brief as possible, and without the relative particle ;

INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 215

as, "TO n"}W the gain that he made, Jer. xlviii. 36 (on the other
hand, iT31?'1. is placed in a looser construction in Isa. xv. 7) ;
toi non the "burning wrath which is to them, which they have,
Ps. Iviii. 5 ; &n ^T^? T^ the excellent ones in whom my
whole pleasure is, Ps. xvi. 3. The construct state, however,
also interchanges with the article joined to the absolute state,
in the second member of a verse, Job iii. 3 ; or is followed by
the relative particle nt or IT (see § 331&), Isa. xliii. 21, Ps.
civ. 8. On the other hand, the construct state is much em-
ployed in cases where "iBte quite briefly, like an accusative,
sets forth general relations of place, time, or kind and manner;
for, the noun to which the relative particle corresponds being
quickly combined with it in the construct state, the relative
itself takes a greater share in the meaning of the noun, and
becomes more closely intertwined with the whole adverbial
expression. Accordingly, though the form of expression first
used is "IK>"K ttf PJ?3 in the place that, i.e. in what place, or simply
our where, Lev. iv. 24, 33, Jer. xxii. 12, igfc il'n ?y (see
§ 286^), yet the construction afterwards becomes still closer,
when possible, by the noun before "i^N being also put in the
accusative ; as, "iKte Dipjp what place, where, Eccles. xi. 3, Esth.
iv. 3, viii. 17; and "i3?K SV what day, i.e. Lat. quando, Deut.
iv. 10, Gen. xxxix. 20.

d. Such mere nouns of time and place, however, may also
be put in the construct state, by themselves, without it?K, at
the head of the relative sentence, not merely in poetry, but
also in ordinary prose ; and in consequence of this construc-
tion a certain neatness of expression is imparted to the dis-
course ; as, fMfifrH} at the beginning when . . ., an expression
which is equivalent to when first . . ., Gen. i. 1, and fipnfl, Hos.
i. 2, in the same meaning j1 Di"1 the day that . . ., or, on the day
when, Ps. Ivi. 4, Ixxxviii. 2 ; rij; at the time when . . ., Ps. iv. 8,
xc. 15, Job vi. 1*7, 2 Chron. xxiv. 11 (cf. also the cases cited
above, at p. 85), nnjp the city where . . ., Isa. xxix. 1. And
that, as required by the law. stated in § 306c, the leading word
may then also stand first in the relative clause, is shown by
such cases as Ps. iv. 8, Gen. xxii. 14.

1 On the question whether, in Gen. i. 1, we should, following v. 1, read
NH3 for ana, cf. Getting. Gel. Anz. 1866, p. 186 f.

216 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 333.

Conversely, in diffuse, ordinary discourse, Ei*n fl?** since the
day, with the article (contrary to § 290&, cf. d), is placed
before an infinitive, like ^i? my going, because this may
equally mean, that I go (went), and is thus (see §§ 331c, 332#)
equivalent to a brief relative sentence, 2 Sam. xix. 25, [819]
Ex. ix. 18.1 Accordingly, D$ip may in like manner signify
whence (from which place), as in the ancient poetic style,
Gen. xlix. 24.

333a. 2. The relative has the force even of a noun, being
used instead of any other and more definite word ; in such a
case, ^ or no most naturally suggests itself (see § 331&).
But "iBte also may be employed in this way, like an adjective
raised to the position and power of a noun, without, however,
coinciding in idea with either of these ; e.g. JVnn ?y "iPtf who
(i.e. he who) is over the house, viz. the definite person whom we
call house-steward, manager. Every relative in such a position
retains, indeed, all its own peculiar modes of construction
with that sentence which it begins (see § 331c) ; but, besides,
though without detriment to its connection with its own sen-
tence, it is directly interwoven with another, and thus in fact
hangs midway between two propositions.2 Hence, it may like-
wise form the subject of the other sentence ; as, rpan ?y "igte HD
he is dead who was placed over the house; or it may be sub-
ordinated as an object, and, as such, marked externally by JlK
(see p. 36), as, rnj^ iK'N'ns yn know that which shall happen,
Dan. x. 14 ; anoint ipfc TBlplM him whom I shall name, 1 Sam.
xvi. 3. In the latter case, if the relative particle be likewise
the accusative in its own sentence, it might be followed by its
appropriate suffix (see § 331c); but, in accordance with the
spirit prevailing in the Hebrew language, this is no longer
necessary, since n$ sufficiently indicates the accusative.3 Or,

1 Here the Massorah forbids the Mappiq in the final n of mpin, which,
however, can be nothing else than the Inf. Niphal with the suffix (see

2 Hence other languages also, particularly modern ones, express this
double connection — before and behind — by means of the demonstrative [or
personal] pronoun and the relative ; thus, Tie (his, him) who . . .

3 On the other hand, the words in Deut. xviii. 20 are rather to be taken
thus : ike prophet who utters, as a word (i.e. as an oracular message) in my
name -IE»K DN that which I have not commanded him.

INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 217

it may be dependent on a word in the construct state, or on
a preposition ; as, ">£•* J"P3n *?V "iKW say to him who is over the
Iwuse, »"OT "iK'K by on account of that which he did, Jer. xv. 4.
Hence, at the beginning of the double sentence, one may say,
Kypri "iBJtf DJJ with whom (whomsoever) tlwu shalt find . . . let
him die! Gen. xxxi. 32; but also fow K*»n "i^, Gen. xliv.
9, 10.1 Since, then, "i^'K, as an accusative, also contains a
general reference to place, time, kind, and manner (see
§ 331c, 3), we can understand how ")&?K hy may signify whither
(i.e. to the place which), 1 Kings xviii. 12, ")Bte 7bn wherever
(i.e. in every place in which), 2 Sam. vii. 7, and how the simple
"IK'K can stand for our as, &OM;, Ex. xiv. 13, xviii. 9, 1 Kings
iii. 12, 13, xiv. 19, cf. xi. 27, 1 Chron. xiii. 6 (on this passage,
however, cf. 2 Sam. vi. 2), Deut. vii. 19, Job ix. 5, [820] Zeph.
iii. 7, Ps. xii. 5, xvi. 7, xxxi. 8, cxxxix. 15. If, now, it is
at the same time dependent on an active verb, it may be
preceded in this, as in every other case (see § 277^), by nx •
as, Deut. ix. 7, xxix. 15, 1 Sam. ii. 22, xxiv. 11, 19, 1 Kings
xix. 1, 2 Kings viii. 5, Esth. v. 11. Similarly, "iBte DK means
exactly our wJien, as in 1 Kings viii. 31 (in the parallel
passage, 2 Chron. vi. 22, it is explained by EN if), and so
"iPK, as in 1 Kings viii. 33, 38. We may say that, in such
cases, "igte is not so much OTA (which is rather ^ see § 336)
as Co?.

b. As the relative may be omitted in the first case men-
tioned in § 332c, so it may also be dropped in this; but it is
only certain poets who employ the short, neat style, that allow
themselves to exercise so much brevity here. Moreover, it is
only when the discourse has already been begun in such a
way that the idea of completion, or relation, though concealed,
is plainly enough contained in the context, that its outward
indication is unnecessary. Hence, the relative is most readily
omitted after a noun in the construct state, because the force
of the construct state already contains the necessity of sub-
ordinating the whole of what follows, like a noun, whether it
actually has the form of a noun, or is merely regarded as
such ; so that the relative particle, which invests it with the

1 The liberties which the Hebrew takes in such cases, by prefixing the
fiS, or a preposition, are much less easily practised in the cognate lan-
guages.

218 EW AID'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 333.

appearance and character of a noun, may now be omitted.
Moreover, in the relative sentence, the verb (or its equivalent)
usually comes in at the very beginning ; so that, in every way,
there arises the sharp antithesis of two ideas which are
evidently separate, and connected merely through the higher
meaning which pervades the whole. Thus, *?$ JHJ XV Dip£ the
place of him who knows not God, Job xviii. 21; ^P »W fc6 ^3,
in the hand of him whom / cannot withstand, Lam. i. 14,
Job xix. 16, Ps. Ixxxi. 6; or after prepositions (which comes
to the same thing), £>&& &w to those who did not ask, vn &6a
like those who were not (indefinitely), Isa. Ixv. 1, Iv. 2,
Jer. ii. 8, 11, Obad. ver. 16, Ezek. xiii. 3, and (in accordance
with § 2S6#) H3 K?p to him who has not power, Jobxxvi. 2, 3 ;
rferi T2 rbw send by (for the Lat. manu, by the hand of, is,
like a preposition, also equivalent to per) him whom Thou wilt
send, Ex. iv. 13; ^rnn njp'K happy (see § 258c) is the man
whom Thou choosest, Ps. Ixv. 5, Prov. viii. 32 ; V^n nJti!5 ^$1
what is beyond that which / see (i.e. what I do not see) teach
tlwu me, Job xxxiv. 32. Another special reason for the
omission in the case of &6 (where it occurs most frequently),
is the impossibility of construing this negative with a participle
(see § 320c). In prose, however, the omission of the relative
is almost entirely confined to the Books of the Chronicles ;
Neh. viii. 10, 1 Chron. xv. 12, xxix. 3, 2 Chron. i. 4, xvi. 9,
xxx. 18, 19 (where the two verses have been infelicitously
separated). On the employment of the relative with te, cf.
Gen. xxxix. 4-6.

But this omission further takes place when the idea of the
object is included in what precedes : hell carries off iNtan those
who sinned, Job xxiv. 19, xxxiv. 32, Jer. viii. 13, Hab. ii. 6.
Nay, even when the meaning of the whole requires that the
subject shall be understood as contained in the relative, its
omission is not quite impossible, — partly when this subject at
the same time forms the one half of the larger proposition, as
in Prov. xiii. 1, 8, Isa. Ixiii. 19 (&6 being also employed in
every one of these cases), Job xviii. 15a, Isa. xli. 24, — but
partly also when it is the subject of the accessory proposition
(and this is the boldest construction) ; as, toriN njrp he whom
Jahve loves performs his pleasure, Isa. xlviii. 14 (for [821]
tf, because mm is meant to be emphasized) ; those

INDEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 219

not Dyfol rrinnns whom He led through deserts, Isa. xlviii. 2 1,1
Judg.'v. 14, Ezek xi. 2 1.2

334#. 3. Though the relative stands first (according to
§ 333), it is afterwards more fully explained, as to its con-
tents, in the course of the sentence, by a noun which is
subordinated in the accusative (see § 2S'7A). This is essen-
tially the same thing as when, in Arabic, the compound

o o /

..^-tc or -c is used,3 or when we would say, in German,

was-von ... or was fur . . . [i.e. what kind of . . . what sort of].
In this way there is formed a somewhat more general idea than
would be presented if the noun stood quite alone, immediately at
the beginning of the sentence; thus, what of evil, i.e. what kind of
evil. This turn, however, because of its convenient brevity, is
much more largely employed in Arabic, and is a circumlocu-
tion for something like the German derjenige . . . welcher, i.e.
such a one as ... In Hebrew, this conveniently brief mode
of expression is still rare ; as, rnpp ~\2i rrn -IPK the kind of
word of Jehovah that came, i.e. the kind of words that came,
Jer. xiv. 1, xlvi. 1, xlvii. 1, xlix. 34, Ezek. xii. 25, Amos
v. 1 ; n$K"i£:\s which (i.e. what kind of) woman, more in the
sense of when a woman, Num. v. 29 (cf. ver. 30), Lev. iv. 22 ;
cf. the examples given in § 287/z., at the end. Further, it is
an Aramaic construction to use the relative in a new sentence,
and before a genitive, as a means of referring briefly to a noun
previously mentioned ; as, ^^ ">^! and that [viz. the letter]
of Tobijah, ISTeh. vi. 17.

I. In all these three possible modes of placing the relative

1 Such is the proper way in which this passage is to be understood.

2 Hence, vftylp in Prov. xiv. 14 also might mean from (by) that which
is incumbent upon him, i.e. his duty ; in Job xxiv. 9, we might even, after
the simple 1 and, read what is upon the poor (viz. his clothing) they take
as a pledge ; and, without admitting the necessity of such an explanation
as is given in § 174/7, Job viii. 7 might be regarded as meaning, thy future
will be something that greatly increases. But this would be the very utmost
possible here ; the sharp juxtaposition of the sentences would be wanting,
at least in Job xxiv. 9 ; and in Prov. xiv. 14, the correctness of the reading
may be doubted.

8 The Arabic, in such cases, likes to smooth the construction by meana

o c.

Oi ^ of, as it also uses ^^i-Us for the cases mentioned in § 326e.

220 KWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 335.

pronoun, the words of the sentence which "belongs to it are
arranged in exactly the same calm order of succession that is
to be expected in accordance with § 307. Yet even here
also, we may observe the greater freedom which characterizes
the Hebrew ; in Ps. Ixix. 27, the subject of the relative
sentence is, for the sake of emphasis, even retracted and
placed before 15PK : thus, there is evinced a freedom in the
arrangement of words which reminds us of Greek and Latin,
but cannot be imitated in German [or English], and is at
least possible in Hebrew, though rarely exercised.

[822] 335#. III. The participle, or even the adjective, con-
tains in itself the idea of a verb used as a relative clause in
giving descriptions (see § 168& [Ges. § 134]); accordingly,
wherever it can be employed, it forms a briefer expression for
the finite verb with a relative (cf. § 331&). The participle
may be used in this way by itself, when, in prose, it receives
prominence by taking the article, as, fcrgn the fearing one, i.e.
he who is afraid, 6 fyoftovpevos, Ex. ix. 20 ; it may also be
put in even a looser construction, thus, ^h "i^n he who walks
uprightly, which is the same as "jjpn IB* iBte, Mic. ii. 7 (see
§ 2 9 7 a) ; this combination may also be found in the predicate,
as, who are Cw'nn the going ones, i.e. who are those that go ?
Ex. x. 8. Or, it may be attached to a preceding substantive,
in which case, even after an indefinite noun, the more loosely
construed participle (or corresponding adjective) may easily
assume the article, by which it is more firmly connected [with
the noun] ; as, njnn Bfea soul the living, i.e. soul that lives, Gen.
i. 21, 28, ix. 10 (cf. vers. 12, 15, where the article, in itself
unnecessary, is omitted) ; on the same principle, also, cases
like Ps. Ixii. 4, xix. 11, and conversely, Ps. civ. 25, are ex-
plained. But, inasmuch as the participle already contains in
itself the power of indicating the person to whom it relates,
even in prose, and after a definite noun, the article need not
be joined with it, as in 1 Kings xi. 8, 2 Kings x. 6 ; hence,
in poetry, D v^K may signify those who are foolish, even when
there is no preceding noun, Ps. cvii. 1 7 ; on the other hand,
in the case of HitD, Jer. xl. 4, 5, the article is omitted at most,
perhaps, on account of the following "i^jni.

I. Since the participle thus envelops the finite verb within
the idea of the personal reference, it surrenders the distinction,

DEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 221

contained in the verb, between the two kinds of time (see
§ 16Sa [Ges. § 134]); hence, according to the meaning and
the connection of the discourse, in any case, it may stand for
the perfect as well as the imperfect. It is readily used in the
sense of the perfect, as, Ijn wn •"» who is he that has hunted?
Gen. xxvii. 33, 1 Sam. iv. 8, xi. 9, Prov. viii. 9 ; hence, also,
for the perfect of the future, when the future has already been
treated of, Ps. xxii. 32, cii. 19. But it is also used, quite
correctly, especially for our immediate future (see § 168c);
as, Dwhf?, in the passage quoted in § a from Ex. x. 8, which
properly means those who are about to go, ol 'Tropevo-o^evoi, cf.
ver. 9 ; and hence it must further serve, in narration, to indi-
cate the future of the preterite, as, vnba *njp Vjnn his sons-in-
law who were to take (to have taken) his daughters, Gen. xix.
14, Ex. xi. 5 (cf. 2 Kings iii. 27, where it has been avoided),
2 Kings xi. 2 (2 Chron. xxii. 11), Judg. xiii. 8 ; rrornn Yia a
wall that is to le knocked down, Ps. Ixii. 4.

c. If, now, we gather together all the possible constructions
that have been explained in §§ 331—335, it is easy to see that,
in Hebrew, there may be formed an exceedingly long series of
relative clauses, which collectively, as if in one continued
chain, depend on their chief noun previously mentioned ; thus,
all the clauses in Ps. civ. 2-23 are attached, at their starting-
points, to the name Jahve in ver. 1, by who, which is always
mentally repeated.1 It is also evident, [823] from § 331^,
how7 readily the first or second person may be interchanged
with the third ; see Ps. xci. 1, 2.

(2.) Dependent Eelative Sentences.

336&. In accordance with a deep and correct instinct ex-
hibited by the original languages, ideas, which may at any
point be taken into the main sentence, are interwoven with it
in the closest manner ; so that there is, so far, much less need
for our [conjunction] that in Hebrew. For instance, if one were
to say, it is vain for you . . ., or, how long is it in your heart

1 This fact has been further established by the explanations which I
[Ewald] have now given on the Song, and on so many other passages of
the Old Testament.

222 EWALD'S HEBUEW SYNTAX, § sss.

(i.e. are you pleased) . . ., then, if e.g. a particular kind of
habit or custom is meant, this is immediately attached by
means of the participle (see § 168c), which, therefore, is
closely referred to the you, and loosely subordinated to it, as
in Ps. cxxvii. 2, Jer. xxiii. 26 ; while modern languages, in a
much colder manner, use the mere infinitive with to, instead.
(Of. a similar phenomenon in § 325&, c.)

If, however, a thought is merely to be gathered up, and re-
ferred to something else, the particle (the relative conjunction)
"•3 that, is used for the purpose. Sometimes, indeed, "it?K is
employed instead, as a neuter, quod; but this is more of an
Aramaic construction, and restricted to certain writings, like
Ecclesiastes and Chronicles. In pure Hebrew, the difference
between the two is always this — that the idea formed by ^ is
more of a wholly inanimate, dependent, and (as it were) im-
perfect kind, while "is?tf forms an idea of a more complete and
vigorous character.1 Hence, —

(1.) When our [conjunction], that, may be regarded as equi-
valent to the subject, it prefers to be expressed by "it?K ; as, ...
iBte Ty still (with emphasis laid on the word to make it pro-
minent) it is the case that . . ., Zech. viii. 20; "it?K 2iD good
is it that . . ., Eccles. v. 4.

(2.) On the contrary, ^ is properly used after a verb, to
indicate its object ; as, ^ Tan he told that . . . ; I trust ^ that
he shall . . ., Job xxxix. 1 2 ; he said (or commanded') filW ^3
that they should return, Job xxxvi. 10, the tense and mood
of the verb in the relative sentence being always regulated in
accordance with the sense of the discourse in each particular
case. With verbs of seeing? however, and all others of a
similar character, that can have two objects (see § 2845),
these may be subordinated in a more compact manner, corre-
sponding to the Latin construction of the accusative with the
infinitive. According to the first and simplest mode, the
arrangement is such that mention is first made of the imme-
diate object, of the whole thing that is seen, and afterwards

1 [On the use of 1^'tf as a conjunction, see, further, Sperling, Die Nota
lidationis im Hebraischen, p. 41 ff.]

2 In this case, however, there is also the possible construction gfdoi/ art,

< /
Rev. vi. 1, 12; >. Ac, Sura xxi. 40.

DEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 223

of any property perceived in it ; as, lie saiv the light that it was
good, instead of which we say, more tersely, he saw that the
light was good, Gen. i. 4, vi. 2, Ex. ii. 2, 1 Kings v. 17, and
still more fully, xi. 28; also, dicitejustum 2io ^ quod lonus,
i.e. esse lonum, where [824] greater prominence is assigned to
the subject of the subordinate sentence, Isa. iii. 10, cf. Eccles.
viii. 17, and similarly in a subordinated question, Eccles. iii. 21.
But, further, instead of this construction with ^ which is
always somewhat more loose (see § 2845), the subject and
predicate of the proposition which is to form the object may
also be more strictly subordinated together by the one active
verb, and this in a twofold manner, (a) If the proposition to
be subordinated expresses, by itself, a state or condition, the
predicate, if a verb, is mostly put in the participial form, and
in the perfect only when the sense requires this (see § 2846);
it is very seldom that, with ^, the imperfect is found, in the
sense of the past imperfect [was doing\ Gen. xlviii. 17, Job
xxxi. 26. (6) If, however, the proposition to be subordinated
expresses what is going to be, or ought to be done, it is rarely
that the mere imperfect, without ^ is subordinated ; as, n»
ITOK Dn»fc DfiN what do ye think (that) / should do for you ?
2 Sam. xxi. 4 ; this is VE^n rm* 1£>K ^uJlat He commanded that
ye should do, Lev. ix. 6, and with a6 not, Lam. i. 10 ; while
sentences such as that in Ps. Ivii. 3, 4, / cry (wish) He may
send (i.e. that He may send), already exhibit a complete transi-
tion to the mode of construction in those explained at the end
of § 3476.1 Much more natural in this case is the infinitive,
which, further, is mostly construed with j>, so that there arises
here a species of the Latin accusative with the infinitive; thus,
the construction is followed in the case of asking and wishing;
as, rnc& V^arn^ W he wished that his soul should die (where
the 7 with the infin. is more necessary to indicate the wish),
1 Kings xix. 4, Jonah iv. 8, cf. 2 Sam. xxiv. 13 ; with verbs
which signify permission and allowance, Num. xx. 21, Judg.
xi. 20, exclamation or command, Jer. xxxvi. 9 (where the
infin. precedes its subject). Nay, even verbs of knowing,
hearing, seeing, and others of similar character, begin to avail
1 Even the Syriac readily subordinates the imperfect in this case ; as,
* thou didst leave me to <li<>.

224 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § sse.

themselves of this more convenient mode of subordination by
means of the infinitive ; as, they know not JH n^JJ^ that they do
evil (where the subordinate proposition does not take a new sub-
ject), Eccles. iv. 17, cf. Jer. xv. 15, 2 Sam. xviii. 29,1 1 Chron.
xxix. 17. And inasmuch as an infinitive like the Lat. esse
is unnecessary in conjunction with a more definite predicate,
one may even say, tliou [thyself] hast taught them to be "$$
Vtrv D^ptf over thee as friends bearing rule, Jer. xiii. 21, cf.
vi. 6, Job xx. 4, 1 Kings xiv. 2, Ezek. xxiii. 20; He gave him
^r>? for favour before him, i.e. He caused him to find favour
before him, Dan. i. 9; so also, still more involved construc-
tions may be carried out, such as Eccles. vii. 22.

On the other hand, verbs of fearing (because the idea of
avoiding, doing nothing, is associated with them) almost always
[825] like to be construed with IP before the infinitive, as,
timuit ne, Judg. vi. 27, Gen. xlvi. 3; and an infinitive like
esse may, as in the case previously mentioned, be omitted when
any such preposition is used, provided the predicate can be
clearly made out, as in Jer. xvii. 16, ii. 25. Yet (as in
modern languages) even the feebler ? to, may also be enough,
in the case of such verbs, before the infinitive, Gen. xix. 30;2
while the stronger nWn (see § 329<x) always retains its }?.

c. (3.) Both particles may be used when, by means of
them, a preposition is made to serve as a conjunction (see
§ 222&). But, since several prepositions, without the [rela-
tive] conjunction, also stand immediately at the beginning
of the sentence, becoming themselves conjunctions, we have
always to discern, in each particular case, whether the relative
conjunction is necessary or not. The very short prepositions
3 and 3 can never be without the support of ">^N, and are never
placed before ""S ; thus, "i??&?3 while, when, and (of place) where,
")Bfc3 sicut ; the prepositions T$ and ^.nts (or ">nN, Jer. xli. 16)

1 Here, in the very loose style of framing sentences already noticed under
§ 307c, the accusative depending on the subordinate verb is placed before
it, and only after that is the primary accusative with DK brought in ; cf .
Ewald's History of the People of Israel, vol. iii. p. 188 [English transla-
tion].

2 This case, accordingly, is similar to that of adjectives used in compari-
sons (see§317&), when, instead of fp before the infinitive (see § 2856), there
is merely used the feebler fj; as, rfrrh "l^tf too little to be, Mic. v. 1.

DEPENDENT KELATIVE SENTENCES. 225

are rarely used by themselves as conjunctions, whereas *W
until, is more frequently employed as a conjunction, and to
a more limited extent as a preposition, 'a spy or ">K'K npy
(seldom merely 2PV) because that, S3 DSN accept £7^£, unless,
\yd? in order that, — with or without ">^'K ; on the other hand,
~J3 lest, that . . . not, and D1&21 &e/bre £to, which have become
pure conjunctions, always remain without the [relative] con-
nective particle. All the prepositions, of course, may sub-
ordinate the verb more briefly in the infinitive construct,
and ^ can never become a conjunction through means of a
relative particle.

3 3 7a. Here belong especially all simple propositions, intro-
duced by particles, which indicate relation, and which, whether
they precede or follow the main proposition, are always
attached, or even inserted, in a mere loose fashion : —

1. Propositions which indicate some special modification or
consequence of what is stated in the other, and which are intro-
duced by the most convenient relative particle, the Latin ut,
particularly in questions ; as, what incites thee (so much) '•a
ruyn that tliou repliest ? Job vi. 11, vii. 12, xv. 14, xvi. 3,
iii. 12 (where the imperfect is applied even to past time), Ps.
viri. 5, Ex. iii. 11 ; or in expressions of astonishment, 0 that
we had died in Egypt, onNVin 'a — that (instead) ye have "brought
us out of Egypt, Ex. xvi. 3, Gen. xxi. 7, 2 Kings v. 7, Jer.
xviii. 14, 15. If the consequence be more loosely attached
to what precedes, and if, accordingly, the connection must
rather be indicated by such an expression as so that, then,
instead of 'a, there rather appears ^'K (see § 333a), Eccles.
vii. 21, Deut. xxviii. 27, 35, 51, 2 Kings ix. 37, Mai. iii. 19.
The consequence, indeed, may also be expressed by the stronger
1 dnd (see § 342 ff.), and both modes of expression are, of
course, closely connected in Hebrew; but the distinction
between them is, that, when the two propositions are joined
together by means of a relative particle, the consequence [826]
is expressed in a far less smooth and even manner than is done
when dnd is employed. More definite is *aa (see § 221a) to
such a degree that, Zech. ii. 4, but in other places also inas-
much as, Mai. ii. 9.

I. 2. Propositions used to indicate purpose and intention.
When a preceding verb expresses causation, the simple that,

P

226 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 337.

with the imperfect, is sufficient ; as, God has caused ^T?^ that
people should fear Him, Eccles. iii. 14; i^n ">^ps "n"^ so
shall I cause that you go (ut eatis), Ezek. xxxvi. 27, exactly
in accordance with the construction explained in § 333&. If,
however, the clause stands more loosely by itself, the mere
infinitive with p to do, is sufficient to indicate a purpose, —
whether the agent is thereby to be more exactly pointed out,
as, WO for my giving, i.e. that I might give, 2 Sam. iv. 10, or
not, as in Jer. xxxiii. 2, 2 Chron. xxvi. 15. If such a closer
specification is wanting, and it is not more likely that the
reference is to some other subject, the person of the infinitive
is always that of the leading word mentioned.1 Other ex-
pressions, however, which serve to convey the idea more
definitely, are \W& for purpose, (see 2226), and ittga (§ 315c).
These may be construed either as prepositions, meaning because
of, on account of, in genuine Hebrew style, with the infinitive ;2
or as conjunctions, in the sense of in order that, with the
imperfect, as, jnn "WJ[3 ut cognoscas, Ex. ix. 1 4, and in speak-
ing of what is past, Win |jJDp ut cognoscaretis, Deut. xxix. 5 ; *
however, fcfc T£>K fjp is found in the sense of in order that not,
lest, Ezek. xii. 12. To give greater prominence to the purpose,
i^Dp may be construed with the voluntative, as, «TJBpK |JJfc? tliat
I may recount, Ps. ix. 15 ; and, with still greater precision, ?
may be prefixed to "W$D, which is then put before the infinitive
(see § 315c). If the purpose is easily inferred from what pre-
cedes, it may be sufficient to employ the briefer construction by
means of "iKfc simply (like our [German and English] that) with
the imperfect, as Gen. xi. 7, Josh. iii. 7, Deut. iv. 40 (where,

1 This remark comes to be of importance, e.g., in Ps. civ. 26, where the
meaning certainly is, that God has created the leviathan to play with it.
This representation, which seems so strange at first sight, is accounted for
by the circumstance that the poet has before his mind the words of Job
xl. 29, or rather refers to them as quite well known : a man may well
avoid playing with him, but not his Maker.

2 But never with the perfect ; in Josh. iv. 24 (as I noticed so far back aa
1826), DDJO11 must necessarily be read instead of DflKTS which has now
crept into the text, but is quite incorrect.

3 But since we must suppose that the imperfect originally stood in
the voluntative, "It^K |i^?» construed with the simple imperfect, and
dropping the accessory idea of purpose, may signify with regard to this,
that . . ., Gen. xviii. 19.

DEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 227

with greater perspicuity, \yoft is afterwards employed). And
after a verb of motion, where a purpose is already indicated,
the mere imperfect even is sometimes enough, as in Job xvi. 8,
xxx. 28, Hab. iii. 16, Ps. Ixxxviii. 11, cii. 14. Of. Ewald's
Gram. Arab. § 618.

To indicate the contrary, that not, there is used & "^N with
the imperfect, like the Lat. ut ne, or simply ne, Gen. xi. 7 ;
also (at least in poetry), a sentence of this kind may be closely
attached merely by ta (see § 320<x), Ps. xix. 14, or its equiva-
lent, fei, Isa. xiv. 21. [827] But, while £ is extensively
employed to indicate purpose and intention, w?? with the
infinitive (see § 3326) is frequently sufficient to mark the
negative;1 or, still more briefly, ft? (see § 2176) with the
infinitive, Job xxxiv. 30; but ft? may also be used simply
with a noun as the predicate, if the preceding, closely con-
nected verb leaves no doubt as to the meaning, e.g. Jahve hath
rejected tliee SJ^BB that thou mayest not be king, 1 Sam. xv. 23,

1 Kings xv. 13 ; 19 is employed as a conjunction, in the sense
of that not, with the imperfect, only in Deut. xxxiii. 11,
poetically.2 Much more definite, however, is "|B (from the
root nj35 to turn aside), which is construed with the imperfect
as a brief expression for that not, lest ; this particle, however,
is also used, like the Lat. ne, by itself [i.e. without indicating
that the sentence which it introduces is dependent on another],
in such a way that it almost describes merely the dread of a
misfortune, rather than the wish to avoid it, as if it were said
(/ fear) there might . . ., Gen. iii. 22, Ex. xiii. 17 ; frequently
also, as it were in exclamation, 0 that . . . not . . . / Prov. v. 6,
Job xxxvi. 1 8 ; and hence, with the perfect to indicate fear for an
action which may almost certainly be expected to have actually
been accomplished already, — like fir), — as in 2 Kings ii. 1 6, x. 2 3,

2 Sam. xx. 6. The expression which, in the Aramaizing style,

1 According to the points, this word, in Jer. xxiii. 14, xxvii. 18, would
be used even with the perfect; probably, however, we must read the
imperfect instead, the 1 at the beginning of the verb-form having been
dropped, after the final * of the connecting particle. For ptf in 1 Kings
xi. 2, we must perhaps read ja.

2 It would be arbitrary to suppose that we must read |3 instead; in
Syriac, also, _j ^D, and in modern Hebrew -$D that not, are used with
a following imperfect.

228 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 337.

most closely corresponds to this in meaning is nts>7 iBfo, Dan.
i. 1 0, or HDJ^ Cant. i. 7, 0 that he would lut not . . . / that not}

c. 3. Sentences of time are formed —

(a) Most simply by Va <zs, or "itffcs (a more poetic word is
tos, Gen. xix. 15) when, Lat. quum, describing the occurrence
of an event (cf. § 2 2 la). These are used with reference to
an action that has once happened (like the German wie, als),
as well as to the present and future, in which case the Lat.
quum (Ger. wann) is employed, but not Lat. si (Eng. if,
Ger. wenn), Job v. 21, Ps. xlix. 16, Ixxiii. 21, 22. But they
are also used of duration in time past (when being in that
case equivalent to as often as), with the imperfect (see § 136c) ;
or, because this verbal form gradually comes to be less and
less used for continuance in the past, with the perfect, 2 Sam.
vi. 13. The word has no influence on the tense of the verb :
it is followed even by a circumstantial-clause with the parti-
ciple, for the immediate future, in Num. xxxiii 51, xxxiv. 2
(see § 306c), or with the imperfect, for the [828] present, in
Ps. xi. 3, Job xxxviii. 41. It is very seldom that 3, as a
preposition, is put in immediate construction with the participle,
for the preterite of duration (see § 168c), Gen. xxxviii. 29
(cf. the participle with nva in Jer. ii. 17). There also require
to be noticed the abbreviated expressions "inap nja, prop, at
the time to-morrow, i.e. when it is to-morrow, 1 Sam. ix. 16,
and njn nys at the time reviving, i.e. when the year shall have
been renewed, in the next year, or rather, spring,2 Gen.
xviii. 10. The simple "iPK (see § 333&) is sometimes em-
ployed instead of ^ ; cf. 1 Kings viii. 33 with 2 Chron. vi. 24.
nya which, by itself, may mean at that time, then (if it were
so, we would be . . .), Judg. xxi. 22, is also used, in relation
to something else, for the very definite then when . . ., Num.
xxiii. 23, Job xxxix. 18 ; and the article may then be used
or not, just as in the cases mentioned in § 332d

1 For, since ]Vo\ simply, also occurs with the imperfect in the sense of
0 that he would but not! and indicates dissuasion merely in a somewhat
more lively manner than ^Jj (see Lagarde's Analecta Syriaca, pp. 13, 19»),
it is better to regard the nsjfc as superadded merely for the purpose of
showing that what follows is not dependent on a preceding idea of fear.

2 An exactly corresponding expression is . « w i Vr>\ ; see the Jahrbilcher
der lill Wissensch. x. p. 86 f.

DEPENDENT RELATIVE SENTENCES. 229

(&) "^j? in that, when (Ger. indem), has more the sense of
inasmuch as, because, — the idea of time passing over into that
of causation (cf. § 222c). The purely temporal when, while,
is contained in the infinitive construct with 3, Ps. iv. 2 ; and,
that it differs from the simple 3 perhaps only in the same
way as when differs from as (Ger. da and wie), is most clearly
seen from passages in which both occur together, as in

1 Kings xvi. 11. More definite in meaning is liy still, yet*
which is found in circumstantial clauses with the participle,
Job i. 16 (see § 341e) ; regarding "W whilst, see § 2170;
1ty3 (see § 222c) as long as, with a circumstantial clause,

2 Sam. xii. 22, and in the same way "if'K r^'?? so long as,
Esth. v. 13. The poetic construction JTO means in time that,
i.e. as soon as, Job vi. 17, 2 Chron. xx. 22, xxiv. 11, xxix. 27 ;
*&3 without [followed in English by a participial noun ; Ger.
ohne dass, followed by the finite verb], Lam. iv. 14.

(c) 0^9 2 not yet, is, in accordance with its fundamental
meaning, directly construed with the imperfect as the mark
of what is incomplete, whether the discourse treats of the
present or the past (see § 1366); it stands too, for the most
part, in a circumstantial clause, preceded by the subject, Gen.
ii. 5, 1 Sam. iii. 3, Josh. ii. 8 ; and, though it may also occur
without previous mention of the subject, if this be easily
understood, as in 5nn D^B thou dost not yet know, it is always
construed as a circumstantial clause (see § 341), Gen. xix. 4.
It may also, however, be more briefly subordinated to a pre-
ceding sentence, in the same way as our [conjunction] before,
Ex. xii. 34, Josh. iii. 1 ; but this subordination is more
definitely and generally expressed by means of &193, 2 Kings
ii. 9, Jer. i. 5 ; it is combined with &6 (see § 323&) in Zeph.
ii. 2. Only very rarely does it appear with the perfect, in
reference to past time, [829] Gen. xxiv. 15 (cf. ver. 45),

1 This particle, though merely in an antique form, and not understood

»• C /

by later generations, has also been preserved in the Arabic, as, u^T^i par-

ticularly in the expression ^j^aj ^JBJS. the tarrying of those who tarry,
i.e. so long as people live, Hamdsa, p. 271, 6-8.

2 The proper meaning is probably freshness, novelty, 'beginning, the word
being a contraction of Qnj, Ruth iii. 14, Kethib, from the root rna (see

230 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, § 337.

Ps. xc. 3, 1 Sam. iii. 7, — just in the same way as W"*1JJ while
. . . not yet, Prov. viii. 26 (cf. ver. 25), and the Aramaic HDnj?
ere, before, Ps. cxxix. 6. CnBfc with the infinitive, Hag. ii. 15,
is a compound like 1530 (see § 218c). Moreover, ^.^ with
an infinitive following, also means our [conjunction] "before,
2 Sam. iii. 13 ; in circumstantial clauses, however (see § 341a),
even & alone, with the perfect, may signify not yet, with our
pluperfect, Jer. xxxvii. 4 ; and &6 tolty with the imperfect
may signify, while he had not yet done, Jer. xl. 5.

(d) "JV until, with the infinitive construct, or the finite verb,
as, "igte IV mfo7 ito . . ., 2 Sam. xvii. 13, "*? IV m&7 $ (they,
etc.) became (see § 315e), occurs only in 1 Chron. xii. 22,
2 Chron. xvi. 12. With the representation of the end, or
terminus, that of the purpose or intention readily associates
itself ; until that = in order that, Job xxxii. 1 1 ; hence, in
cases where the meaning of time predominates, it may also be
construed with the voluntative, Lam. iii. 50, and, in narratives,
with the imperfect in a preteritive sense, like donee pervenir em,
Josh. x. 13, Ps. Ixxiii. 17, Eccles. ii. 3, 2 Chron. xxix. 34;1
K7 "IB>"K IV, irplv av, is even joined with the voluntative, Eccles.
xii. 2, 6, like njP3"itf IV until I move my eyes, i.e. for a moment,
Prov. xii. 19, instead of which we also find njrrjK "3 that I
move, Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 44. The opposite of this mode of ex-
pression is EN "W till if . . ., with the perfect (see § 3555), fixing
a definite limit in the future, or, more briefly, "IV, with the
same force, 2 Kings vii. 3.

(e) "ins tf/jter [as a conjunction, Ger. nachdem"], after that . . .,
mostly with the infinitive, more rarely with the finite verb
(see § 336c); and, curiously, also £ "nriK a/jfcr swe&, ie. after-
wards, is used again for [the conjunction] after, 2 Sam. xxiv. 1 0
(cf. I?«, § 105d).

TXip or TN \o from then (that time) that, i.e. smce2 [as a con-
junction, Ger. se^cfom], with the infinitive construct, or a noun,
like [the preposition] since [Ger. seif], because TN (see § 103e)
refers more than the mere !*? to previous time; hence it is
construed in either of these ways (see § 222c), Ps. Ixxvi. 8,
Ex. iv. 10, or with the finite verb, Ex. v. 23, Jer. xliv.

1 Like CtJA.m~e in Coptic ; see Ewald's Sprachw, AbJiandl. i. § 37.

j O -J O -J

2 With this ja,«, «x« exactly corresponds.

ORATIO OBLIQUA. 231

18. But IP alone more briefly expresses the same meaning,
Hag. ii. 16.

(/) *$? as often as; ^3, Job xxxix. 25, always as soon as
(see § 209c) ; the same meaning is given in another way by
"iBfc^?,1 Isa. xix. 17.

But, from all the simple sentences expressive of relation,
there still remains a further step to

(3.) Relative Discourse.

3 3 Set. This is usually called indirect speech. The expression
of discourse in this form is most necessary when a sentence,
which was originally interrogative, depends on [830] a verb
of hearing, or knowing and speaking : in this case, there still
remain the same verb -forms that would be used in simple
[i.e. direct] speech. Hence, when the future is treated of, the
imperfect is mostly employed, as, she stood afar off, to know
rU8$»~ntD what will (i.e. would) be done, Ex. ii. 4 (cf. § 136<f), or
the participle for the immediate future, Judg. ii. 22. Where
this constraint [regarding the employment of indirect speech]
is not felt, the language, in its earlier stages, mostly seeks to
retain the direct form of discourse, and in this it preserves
much of its ancient simplicity ; cf. even cases like 2 Sam.
xiii. 32, 2 Kings ix. 25. And though the indirect form of
discourse, with its greater compactness and finish, may also be
employed, yet it is, for the most part, found only in short
clauses, where it is not long sustained, and even then, it often
stands quite abruptly ; hence, it is only partly indirect : as, /
have heard concerning thee as follows : thou art an interpreter of
dreams, Gen. xli. 15; let the nations know nan B>foK (that) they
are men, Ps. ix. 21, cf. 2 Chron. xxv. 19, Hos. vii. 2, Ps.
Ixiv. 6 ; hence, the discourse may fluctuate between the two
possible modes of construction, as in 2 Sam. xiii. 16, but this
specially occurs only after the change from one member of a
verse to another, Job xix. 28, xxii. 17, xxxv. 3. Brief clauses,
relating to the future, are also readily subordinated by means
of the infinitive with p, whenever the verb in them refers to

w*»

1 Corresponding to UK and 5

232 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 338.

what is to be done (see § 237c), whether the same person is
continued or not ; as, he cried pj to judge (i.e. that he was going
to judge) ; he expected r\m*?_ to produce (i.e. that the vineyard
would produce) grapes, Ps. 1. 4, Isa. v. 2, Amos vii. 4, Ps.
civ. 27, Jer. xviii. 7, xxxiv. 8, 9, xxxv. 8, 9, xl. 14, — not to
mention those passages in which the infinitive with £ is re-
quired to express the idea of necessity, as Dan. ix. 2 (quos dixit
complendos esse urbi).

Gradually, however, there appear the beginnings of greater
freedom in quoting thoughts under the form of relative sen-
tences ; and it is just then that the voluntative comes to be
largely used, and maintained for a considerable length, Isa.
xxxviii. 15, 16, Job x. 14-18, xvi. 4, 5, xxiii. 7, xxxi. 1-4,
Ps. xl. 4, Iv. 7-9, cxxjix. 8 ff., Prov. viii. 295, Isa. liii. 10, 11 ;
hence also after ]$£?? that he might know, Ps. Ixxviii. 6-8.
Truly astonishing is the change which has finally resulted
from this, in historical narrative : while the older writers quote
almost every command and thought literally, the later like
to subordinate these in the imperfect, with or without ^ or
"i^K, as in Dan. i. 5, 8, 1 Chron. xxi. 18 (quite differently in
2 Sam. xxiv. 18), N"eh. xiii. 19, 22 ; or, as is more frequently
the case, they append them by means of the infinite with ^ —
which is at least a shorter construction, — as, they said 15 n^J^
to do (i.e. that they were going to do) so; he told him fc^nnp to
bring (i.e. that he was to bring), 1 Chron. xiii. 4, xv. 16, xvii.
25 (the construction is different in 2 Sarn. vii. 27), xxi. 18,
xxii. 2, xxvii. 23, 2 Chron. i. 18, etc., Esth. i. 10, 11, iii.
13, 14, ix. 20, 21, Dan. i. 3, 5, 18, ii. 2, and even already in
2 Sam. xxi. 16. Specially to be noticed here is the entirely
novel method of employing the passive infinitive, Esth. ix. 14 ;
as also the use of 3 to indicate the agent,1 by the side of ?,
joined with the infinitive in a passive sense, Esth. iv. 7 (see
§ 304c). Indeed, the passage !N"eh. x. 29-40 shows, in the
[831] clearest manner, that the indirect mode, even when used
on a large scale, and through a long series of sentences, had
finally attained as high a degree of perfection as with us.

I. In quoting a statement or thought, fc'toK7 is used (see
§§ 245 &, 280^); the speaker, however, may also begin a pretty

1 [The passage cited is by no means an instance of such a use of 3.]

COPULATIVE WOKDS AND SENTENCES. 233

long explanatory statement even with "ifc'K (like on, Syr. ?, and
Ger. ndmlich), as, 1 Sam. xv. 20, 2 Sam. i. 4 (cf. 2 Sam. iv. 10,
where ">^K likewise signifies the Ger. ndmlicli, Eng. namely),
Ps. cxix. 38. But also in sentences which are less closely
connected with what precedes, the imperfect may express, in
narrative discourse, what was to take place in accordance with
the signified wish of another; as, every one N"1^ was to bring,
Cant. viii. 11. If, however, the quotation indicates what
others think (or thought) will assuredly take place, the im-
perfect likes to be preceded by its own infinitive absolute (see
§ 312«); as, /^^ ^ am to sit (he thinks that I shall certainly
do so), 1 Sam. xx. 5, xxii. 22: in this way is explained the diffi-
cult expression Ps. 1. 21, in closely connected relative discourse
(cf. § 240c). And, since ] with the voluntative expresses the
result aimed at (see § 347a), thoughts of this kind may also
be introduced by such a means of attachment, Jer. xxxvi. 7.
The mode in which the narrative of what took place makes a
rapid transition into an account of what was prescribed by
contract, is shown on a large scale in 2 Kings xii. 10—17.

c. The way in which two sentences, of which the second
would be a relative one, gradually blend together in an abbre-
viated style of discourse, is shown by the case found in 2 Sam.
xiv. 32, SW "OK Ty ^ nto letter (would it be) for me, if /were
still there; here, however, the word still, which is prefixed for
the sake of emphasis, refers to a state of things whici: would
be better (if it existed).

2. Copulative Words and Sentences.
(1.) The usual Copulative Words and Sentences, with their opposite.

339&. I. In accordance with an original peculiarity of all the
Semitic languages,1 the simplest copulation, by means of \ and,
is so frequently formed, that it even takes place with two ideas
of which the one, as less important, readily admits of being

1 See Ewald's Spracliwiss. AWiandlungen, ii. pp. 38, 63. If any one wishes
to see the sharp contrast presented, in this respect, by the rugged and
inflexible Norse, let him compare especially the long Doem in Castreri'a
KoibaliscJier und Karayassischer SL. pp. 169-208.

234 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 339.

subordinated to the other ; and this, too, is repeated in the
conjunction of single nouns, as well as of whole verbs and
sentences. Thus, a noun is often attached to one preceding
it by means of and, when we would rather subordinate it by
means of the preposition with, even after many other words,
as in Num. xvi. 18, 27; this is particularly observed if the
appended verb, in meaning, [832] refers more to the first than
to the other, as Judg. vi. 5, 1 Sam. xviii. 6, xxv. 42, xxix. 10,
2 Sam. xii. 30, Gen. xliii. 24, Jer. xix. 1, Isa. xiii. 9, xlii. 5,
2 Chron. ii. 3, xiii. 11, Esth. iv. 3; greater artificiality seems
displayed in Eccles. vii. 25, Dan. ix. 26, x. 1. Very rare,
however, is the closer connection of two such nouns by means
of the construct state, in addition to their copulation by means
of the conjunction (see § 210) ; it occurs only in Isa. xxxiii. 6,
xxxv. 2, Ezek. xxvi. 10; cf. the similar construction nn^ nn^
every Sabbath (see § 313&), 1 Chron. ix. 32. Cf. besides, p.
38 and § c.

b. If a noun in the construct state (or a preposition) refers
to several nouns, it is always to be repeated (see § 289), unless
those which follow attach themselves readily, in accordance
with the meaning, to the first; as, BO*n J?n r\l\ flowing with
milk and honey, Ex. iii. 8, and other examples in Judg. i. 6, V
1 Chron. xxix. 2, Prov. i. 3. When there are several nouns, the
construct state is often repeated with every one, or with every
two, Jer. viii. 1, Isa. xi. 2. But the construct state, or the
preposition, must always be repeated, if the first or second
noun has merely a suffix, because this cannot be separated ;
as, T3N nfoai Trta thy daughters and thy fathers, ^ '•HK ^3 my
brother's sons and mine. If the same suffix refers to two nouns,
they must, for that reason, both be given [with the suffix
attached to each] ; as, vrto vja his sons and [his] daughters;
and it is only in exceedingly rare instances that the same
suffix is omitted in the case of the second, closely connected
noun, as, rnop. *W my pride and praise, Ex. xv. 2 (repeated,
from this passage, in Isa. xii. 2, Ps. cxviii. 14), cf. § 1*7 3d,
1 Sam. i. 9,1 2 Sam. xxiii. 5. If, again, two nouns, whose
reference is to be limited, have the same limiting noun, this
word is subordinated to the first, and repeated with the second

1 In this passage, accordingly (contrary to § 304), the infinitive in the
second clause stands as the infinitive absolute.

COPULATIVE WOKDS AND SENTENCES. 235

merely in the form of a suffix; as, vnni 2Nn \33 the sons of the
father, and his daughters, or, the sons and daughters of the father,
the father's sons and daughters. It is more rare to find two
nouns, allied in sense and brief in sound, put in the construct
state beside each other, as, faJ? 2iDl nnap the choice and the
lest of Lebanon, Ezek. xxxi. 16, Dan. i. 4; in such a case, the
first noun may also remain in the absolute state, as, /ini npp
D^K despised and forsaken of men, Isa. liii. o, 4, Iv. 4. Or,
the preposition ?, as a sign of the genitive, is brought in as an
auxiliary, Gen. xl. 5 ; or, the mere article is sufficient for re-
ferring one of the denned nouns to its logical position, Gen.
xl. 1. Similarly abbreviated is the expression IT &] W$ mine
eyes and not a stranger, Job xix. 27, where, had it not been
necessary to repeat the word in the construct state, it might
have been said, (the eyes) of a stranger. A rare abbreviation
is presented by the expression the sins of their fathers DflN with
them (i.e. and their own sins), Lev. xxvi. 39; but the meaning
is plainly enough given by the context there. A preposition,
and words of similar character, are not always repeated [833] ;
but, in that case, the word [before which the omission is made]
holds more of a subordinate position, considering the meaning
of the whole, 1 Kings i. 44, Job xix. 24.

If, after some interval, a new noun be joined in this way
to the person contained in the verb [as its subject] or in the
suffix, or to a substantive, then the preceding noun is readily
repeated, in the form of its personal pronoun, before the new
noun, in order to receive sufficient distinctness and importance
in comparison with the noun which follows; as, HJJN nyr
TnhKI ihou knowest, thou and thy Jathers, Deut. ii. 32, iii. 1,
v. 14, vi. 2, xii. 7, 12, 18 ; this construction, however, is not
so necessary in the case of the suffix, as in the case of the
accusative, Isa. xxix. 7, Ezek. xxxiv. 26, Zech. v. 4. On the
other hand, constructions like V^J&O fefln nvj David, lie and his
men (i.e. David with his men), 1 Sam. xxx. 31, serve to give
prominence to the first noun as the more important ; cf.
1 Kings i. 17.

A description which begins with an adjective may
also, at least in poetry, be continued by another in which
a noun comes first, according to the way mentioned in
§ 287/, g; as, Ezek. xxxi. 3.

236 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 340.

c. If a verb, or an adjective as the predicate, or a pronoun,
refers to several such subjects connected by the copulative
particle, then there arise different possible forms of relation: —

(1.) When the predicate precedes, it is (a) most frequently
put in the masc. sing., as the most convenient form (cf. § 316a),
even though different genders and numbers follow ; as, N¥J
?ipj rnin there goes forth praise (fern.) and a loud voice (masc.),
Jer. xxx. 19, 1 Sam. xxvii. 8, Gen. xxiv. 55. More rarely
(5) is the predicate put in the plural form, because the speaker
takes in all that follows ; as, V3M 7iKK> tfio dead are Saul and
his sons, 1 Sam. xxxi. 7. Or (c) it is put in the feminine, with
reference to the gender of the word which stands first, whether
sing, or plur.; this is especially the case when the feminine
indicates a person, Gen. xxxiii. 7, Num. xii. 1.

(2.) "When the predicate follows, it stands (a) usually in the
plural, whether several nouns in the singular, or one or several
plurals precede, Gen. xxxiii. 7. (&) It may stand in the
singular, only when one person is the chief (see § a) ; as, "OK
D1VK ''rnjttl. I and [or with~\ my maids will fast, Esth. iv. 16,
Ex. ix. 19, xxi. 4, 2 Sam. xx. 10, ISTeh. vi. 12, cf. ver. 17 (in
2 Kings iv. 7, even the 1 would be wanting, if the reading
were correct); or when the nouns have more of a neuter sense,
or are almost synonymous, Deut. xxviii. 24, Hos. iv. 11, Esth.
iv. 14. (c) The masculine is, in this case also, the most con-
venient, Gen. xxxiii. 7, 2 Chron. xi. 12; it is put in the singular
when the first noun is masc. and the second fern., Zech. vii. 7,
Prov. xxvii. 9, and even when the converse is the case, Ps. Iv. 6,
or even when the first noun is plural, 1 Kings v. 8, vi. 7 ; it
is seldom that the feminine is used, in reference to a noun of
that gender which stands last, Job xix. 15, or because the
feminine is more important, Jer. xliv. 25, xlix. 24.

A similar irregularity takes place when the verb, in
accordance with its meaning, is at once referred to the
noun which, at the moment of utterance, seems much the
nearer and more important ; as, life and grace hast thou
shown to me, Job x. 12.

340a. In accordance with the same simplicity of the lan-
guage, new sentences are attached, whenever [834] possible, by
means of 1; and all through, in the arrangement of connected
propositions, there prevails the same plan of simple annexation

COPULATIVE WOKDS AND SENTENCES. 237

to one that was first stated by itself. The copulative particle
attaches, not merely a proposition which, in the ordinary calm
progress of discourse, connects itself with the preceding one,
but also —

(1.) An antithetical proposition. The particular word, how-
ever, with which the antithesis is especially concerned, must then
(contrary to the usual arrangement in calm discourse, § 3 0 7 f .)
always receive strong prominence by being placed at the be-
ginning of the proposition ; so that it is not the \ which indi-
cates the antithesis, and of itself signifies lut, but the position
assigned to the words, the tone of the discourse, and the com-
parison of the proposition with that which precedes; as, he
called the dry [land] earth, and (but) the collection of water he
called sea, Gen. i. 10. It is only when no other word can
easily be placed at the beginning, for the purpose of indicating
the antithesis clearly, that its antithetical meaning sometimes
follows merely from the connection existing between the pro-
positions ; as, jni. but know, Eccles. xi. 9, xii. 1. (Of. further,
§ 354a.)

I. (2.) A thought which, in meaning, is more of a subordinate,
explanatory character, is attached by means of \ as soon as it
can take an independent place as a proposition ; nearly every
thought, however, continues to appear, when possible, as a
proposition by itself. Hence, though a proposition which indi-
cates a comparison may also be loosely attached in the same
way, — whether the comparison comes after, as in Job v. 7,
xii. 11, or precedes, as in Job xiv. 11, 12, 19, Prov. xxv. 3,
20, 25,1 — yet this construction rather forms a distinctive
feature in the somewhat later neat style of certain poets.

The copulative J, especially in later writings, is also used,
at times, for superadding something new and of importance
for the same proposition already stated, — like our even, and
that too ; as, Judg. vi. 25, vii. 22, Mai. i. 11, Eccles. i. 5, iii.
17, viii. 2, 1 Chron. ix. 27, 2 Chron. viii. 13, xxix. 27. Of.
something different in § 352&.

c. (3.) It is placed before an exclamation, — rarely, indeed,
yet in undeniable instances, as Jer. xx. 12, Joel ii. 23, 2 Sam.
i. 21 ; in the same way also we must understand Deut. xxxiii. 3.

1 See similar propositions indicating comparison, in poetic discourse,
Hamasa, p. 234, 14 f.

238 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 341.

This use of 1 is very important, inasmuch as it also serves (as
in Arabic) for our ~by, to introduce an oath, Joel iv. 20, Amos
ix. 5, Hos. xii. 6, Jer. xxix. 23, Isa. li. 15, Deut. xxxii. 31,
Ps. Ixxi. 19, Ixxxix. 38, — because all these passages are
correctly understood only in this way. But these propositions
or individual words, employed in swearing, were doubtless, at
first, properly sentences indicating a circumstance or state (see
§ 341), but uttered as exclamations; thus, for (or, as sure as)
God is witness ! — an expression which is only afterwards used
more briefly in the sense of ly God ! l

[835] 341a. The most important point to observe here is,
that propositions describing a circumstance or state [circum-
stantial clauses]2 (see § 306c), which serve to elucidate the
main proposition, are attached to it in this way by means of
the copulative 1, both being, as it were, placed on an equal
footing. When such a construction is formed —

(a) The proposition which indicates the state is usually
placed only after the main proposition, and thus takes the ]
at the beginning. The subject regularly stands first (see
§ 306c) ; and this rule is so very strictly observed, that if the
subject of the subordinate proposition is a noun already men-
tioned in the leading one, it must be repeated, either itself, or
at least in its pronoun ; as, he smote the camp ntpl rpn njntsrn
and the camp was quiet, i.e. while the camp was quiet ; Saul
spake . . . "M?K TtitW] and Saul thought, i.e. thinking ; they came
to her niB* wn\ and she (was) sitting, i.e. while she was sitting;
and in the same way, they came 3W Di?1 while Lot was sitting,
Judg. viii. 11, xiii. 9, 1 Sam. xviii. 17, Gen. xix. 1, xxiv. 21,
Ps. L 17, Prov. vi. 27, 28. Even & (see § 299a) has a
posterior position assigned to it, in order that what is, in

1 That short, concluding words like <d!U originated, in Arabic also,
from complete propositions describing a circumstance, is evident, for in-
stance, from the solemn concluding formula aJJ! y&. as sure as God is . . .,
Haret. M. ver. 82, though this closing verse has been misunderstood by the
Scholiasts. A trace of such confirmatory oaths, used in concluding, is
found even in 2 Mace. ii. 17, 18, 2 Cor. i. 21, 22, and in similar proposi-
tions ; but they still occur in Syriac also, as in Assemani's Bibl. Orient, ii.
p. 260, 21.

2 [Regarding these, see also Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, Appendix L
p. 200 ft]

CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES. 239

meaning, the true subject, may occupy the first place, Isa.
xliii. 8, cf. Prov. xi. 24, xvii. 16 (xiii. 7). The subject always
comes first in this way, if the verb is in the participial form
(according to § 168c), whether the discourse be a narrative of
what is past, or an account of the future, 1 Sam. x. 8, or of the
present, Ps. xxxv. 5, 6. This is also the rule even when the
meaning demands the perfect, because the action has already
been completed along with that of the main proposition ; as,
they prophesy, EWfe K? "OKI and (but) / have not sent them, i.e.
without my having sent them, Jer. xiv. 15 ; and in narrating
past events, in which case the perfect indicates either that the
action was already finished [before that which is mentioned in
the other proposition], and is thus equivalent to our pluperfect,
— as, njA DWnw and Absalom had taken, 2 Sam. xiii. 18, —
or at least that it is more transitory, not permanent, 1 Sam.
xviii. 17. If, however, there comes first an emphatic word,
which necessarily precedes the verb, — like nan behold, which
even of itself refers to the circumstance described, — then the
finite verb, according to its usual position, may remain at the
beginning of the proposition, as, Gen. viii. 13, cf. Ex. xvi. 10,
ix. 7, 1 Sam. xxv. 14, Ezek. xliii. 5, xliv. 4 j1 so, too, in the
case of KP not, which is always put first, in an emphatic way,
as in Job xxxii. 14, xiii. 3, Ps. xliv. 18 ; cf. Ewald's Gram.
Arab. ii. p. 264. In the case of a proposition without a verb,
too, the subject is indeed regularly put first, as, Gen. ix. 23,
xi. 4, xii. 6, xiii. 7, Ps. xxviii. 3, 1. 8, cxxxix. 16, Prov. xv. 16,
xvii. 1, Hos. iv. 4 ; yet a smaller word may also stand at the
beginning (see § 308a), as, save us 07? W^ *®w\ when (or
because) vain is the help of men, Ps. Ix. 13, Lev. xiii. 4, Gen.
xlix. 10,2 Kings x. 2 ; and then it gradually comes to be
even very common to prefix accessory descriptive propositions
(see § 111), as, he came nstf") 5T31 while [836] there was (i.e.
holding) in his hand a burning coal, Isa. vi. 6, Amos vii. 7,
Zech. ii. 5. It is only in poetry that a finite verb is put last,
without giving renewed prominence to the subject, Job x. 3c.
b. In several cases, however, such a subordinate proposition
may actually be put in closer construction, and subordinated

o / /

1 This is quite the same kind of construction as \vhen, in Arabic, j^* ,
with the perfect, comes first,

240 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § :;4i.

in the accusative, without the copulative particle (see § 279)
as if it formed a dependent clause. Thus —

(1.) Instead of 13DD pfctt or ">£>pD K7) and there is no number
(see § 286^), may be used the shorter emphasis "'Spp ftf or
"iBprp &6 without number, Judg. vi. 5 ; but the \ remains before
pK when this is followed by a participle, which is regarded as
containing a more complete proposition, Lev. xxvi. 6, Gen.
xli. 8, cf. ver. 15.

(2.) Generally speaking, mere noun-propositions are readily
subordinated in this way ; as, he pitched his tent, Bethel on the
west, and Ai on the, east, i.e. in such a manner that he had . . .,
Gen. xii. 8 ; he stood Dipftn n*i enough of space (i.e. so that there
was enough of space) between them, 1 Sam. xxvi. 13, Ps.
xlv. 14 : similarly, / saw every man, his hands on his loins, i.e.
in such a state that he was holding his hands on his loins,
Jer. xxx. 6 (see § 284&).

(3.) But verb-propositions also, chiefly participles, are sub-
ordinated in this way, either (a) without a new subject, and
hence as briefly as possible, as, MJB WSJ they went out, taking
up their position, i.e. in such a way that they took their stand,
Num. xvi. 27 (with which compare the expression, not yet
contracted in this manner, in Ex. xxxiii. 8), Judg. viii. 4, Jer.
xli. 6, xliii. 2, 1 Chron. xii. 1, Ezra x. 1, Mai. i. 7, Hab. ii. 15,
Hag. i. 4, Ps. vii. 3, Ixxviii. 4, Job xiv. 20, xxiv. 5, xxix. 12 ;
or (&) in such a way that the subordinated proposition would
have a new subject for itself, as, there met him Hushai JJVii?
in:Dfi3 his garment torn (i.e. in such a condition that his garment
was torn; see § 284c) and earth on his head, 2 Sam. xv. 32,
where V^jJ (contrary to § 2885) is preferably put in the absolute
state (and hence njns with the suffix), in order to give greater
prominence to the subordinate circumstance, though there is
nothing, in the nature of the case, to prevent the construct
state from being used ; cf. 2 Sam. xiii. 31. It often becomes
necessary, on account of &6, or a corresponding negative (see
§ 320a), to employ the finite verb, in the imperfect, as signify-
ing duration, Ps. xxxv. 8, xxi. 12, Ivi. 5, 12, cxl. 11, Job
xxix. 24, xxxiv. 31, Prov. v. 6, xix. 23, Nan. i. 12 ; or in the
perfect, when this form is more suitable for the meaning and
the mode of representation, as Judg. v. 19, Job ix. 25, iii. 18,
Deut. xxi. 1, Ezra x. 6 ; indeed, even a negative proposition

CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES. 241

of considerable extent may be briefly attached in this way, as
in Judg. v. 8c, where the subject is intentionally placed first.
But an affirmative proposition may also be subordinated in
this manner, at least in the brief poetic style ; thus, with the
imperfect, those who sit late DiP.v'V j« wine inflaming them (i.e.
while wine inflames them, — where the active construction
forces its way in more easily than the passive, inflamed with
wine), Isa. v. 11, i. 5, Ps. xxvii. 5, Ixii. 5, cvii. 5 ; most rarely
with the perfect, as, hasten hither rpw DQCnp having commanded
judgment, Ps. vii. 7, Ivii. 4, Ixxi. 3. [837] Still more rarely
does the predicate, in the form of the participle, come first,
when it is of more importance, as regards meaning, than the
subject, which is not new in the sentence, Ex. xxvi. 5, xxxvi.
1 2 ; but it is very seldom that the imperfect, so used, comes
first, in a more loosely attached new proposition, as in Ps.
ciii. 5b.*

All this reappears most briefly in cases such as, he thrust
the spears into Absalom's heart ^ Wtiy he still living, i.e. while
he was still living, 2 Sam. xviii. 14, Ps. Ixix. 4 ; and in its
boldest form, the proposition being at the same time prefixed,
in Job xiv. 18, Prov. xx. 14, Dan. ix. 21 ; in the case of a
noun-proposition also, Ps. iv. 3 ; such a proposition may even
be further inserted into a circumstantial clause, as, inw wni
te'S3 SjfQfor he, warned (i.e. if he had taken warning), would
have saved his soul, Ezek. xxxiii. 5. Verbs of sense, on the
other hand, readily subordinate a participle, as a secondary
object (see § 384&). It is very seldom that, in spite of such
abbreviation, the \ is retained, as in Hab. ii. 10, and in narra-
tive, 2 Sam. xiii. 20, Dan. viii. 2*7.2 Similarly, \ is dropped
when a word of this kind, used to represent the circumstantial
clause (see § 332&), is immediately attached to a noun intro-
duced in the construct form ; as, on account of the, ground
being (i.e. because the ground is) terrified, Jer. xiv. 4, 2 Sam.
xii. 21. It is merely because the word which describes the

1 If we were here to think of the construction, so that thou renewest thy
youth (see § 124&), we should expect '•BHfinn.

2 In these cases at least the same person is continued ; in Judg. xiii. 19,
with rriC^ K*6aoi and it moves strangely (for the words in this connection
cannot well mean anything else), there is also a change of the person, in the
middle of the narrative. See something similar below, § 342&.

Q

242 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 341.

circumstance is in this case not co-ordinated (according to
§ 293), but more loosely attached, that it appears as the pre-
dicate to the preceding noun.

c. (&) If the circumstantial clause is more loosely inserted
in a somewhat lengthy series of narrative statements, so much
the more faithfully must it maintain its peculiar form ; for
the most part, however, it still retains the \ and, as its intro-
ductory particle, as Gen. xviii. 11, xxiv. 11, Josh. vi. 1. But
when a greater separation is made, the ] may also be omitted,
partly, perhaps, because another specification of time is placed
at the head of the proposition, as in Judg. xviii. 1, partly
because the subject is at once put first, as in Deut. v. 5.

Even at the beginning of a new discourse, the \ of the cir-
cumstantial clause may remain, under the tacit assumption,
however, that some other words have previously been expressed,
or are obviously to be understood, as in Num. xii. 14 (where
the verb in the perfect — with the infinitive absolute prefixed,
in accordance with §§ 312& and 3385 — very well indicates, in
a more lively manner, what might have taken place), xvi. 11,
Ps. ii. 6, Isa. iii. 24 : in all these passages, there is an inter-
ruption produced by a statement which is, as it were, angrily
torn from its connection.

(c) Lastly, if, in fuller accordance with the meaning, the
circumstantial clause is placed first, in order to describe there-
after the event taking place under those circumstances (whether
the past, present, [838] or future, is in question, Josh. ii. 18),
then the subject must always remain distinctly at the begin-
ning, unless, for a special reason, the predicate remains first,
as receiving exceptional and much more decided prominence ;
thus, when the perfect, after 5JK merely, and its own infinitive
absolute (according to § 312a), only the more strongly
expresses our pluperfect,1 Gen. xxvii. 3 0 ; and the action
which occurs under that condition of things, previously de-
scribed, is then attached by means of the copulative particle.
If it be a sudden and unexpected event which, like a disturb-
ing element, breaks in upon the calm state of things, it is
again represented as actually going on, the subject being placed

w/

1 Just in the same way as, in Arabic, the perfect after jj. remains at

the beginning.

CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES. 243

first ; but the whole clause is at the same time made strongly
antithetical.1 The first proposition may (a) contain a parti-
ciple, as, thy children were eating and drinking (i.e. during the
feast), when lo, a great storm came ; or, they were going up (i.e.
while they were going up) wyo ntam and they found (i.e. then
suddenly they found), Job i. 1 6 ff., 1 Sam. ix. 1 1, Isa. xxxvii.
38, Gen. xxxviii. 25, 1 Kings xiv. 17, 2 Kings ii. 12, 23,
vi. 5, 26, ix. 25, xx. 39 ; it may also (6) contain an imperfect,
Prov. xvii. 11, xix. 3, cf. Ps. cxvi. 3, 4 ; or (c) the meaning in
the first proposition may require the perfect, as, Jacob had lout
(i.e. scarcely, hardly, as in Prov. xvii. 11) gone out $2 1*OT and
(i.e. when) Esau came, Gen. xxvii. 30, Ex. x. 13, Judg.
iii. 24 ; or (d) still another turn may be suitable, Gen. vii. 6,
10, xix. 4, Num. x. 33, 2 Kings x. 12 £, Jonah iii. 4, 1 Chron.
xxviii. 2, Ps. Ixxviii. 3 Of. In the second proposition, the
event which suddenly occurs may possibly be in the participle
also, as in 2 Kings viii. 5, Dan. ix. 2 Of. ; usually, however,
it is in the simple perfect or imperfect, 1 Kings i. 14. But,
at other times, the main proposition in the narrative is imme-
diately attached, in a smoother way, by using the [finite] verb
with Vav consecutive (see § 342), Gen. xxiv. 1, 2, Deut.
xxvi. 5, Judg. iv. 4, 5, 1 Kings xiii. 11, when the participle,
as regards its meaning, almost corresponds to a perfect parti-
ciple in Greek, 2 Sam. xi. 4. If, however, a question or an
interjection follows, the copulative particle is almost always
omitted, Gen. xlix. 29, 1. 5, Ex. iii. 13 ; it may also be omitted
under other circumstances, as Prov. xxii. 1 5, and in the grand
instance, Ps. xix. 4, 5 : —

Without loud speech, and without words,

Without their voice being heard,
Their sound has gone through all the earth,

And their language to the world's extremity?

[839] e. If the subject of the circumstantial clause is quite

i

1 In Arabic, under such circumstances, \£\ would stand first, along with

the subject ; see Ewald's Gram. Arab. § 740.

2 I.E. the heavens, though they do not speak aloud, nevertheless make
known God's praise everywhere. The two members of ver. 4 correspond
to one another ; and it was unnecessary to put K¥s<l at the beginning of
ver. 5, to indicate antithesis (see § 354a).

244 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 342.

indefinite, the mere combination of the participle with it is
sufficient to indicate a possible case ; as, Fin 73 every one killing
(i.e. if any one kills), Gen. iv. 15, 1 Sam. ii. 13, Prov.
xxix. 9, Jer. xxiii. 17, cf. Eccles. v. 18. And since there is
already contained in the participle, as such, the reference to a
person, a participle which has been purposely left indefinite
may, in poetry, even of itself form the proposition in this
case ; as, P^V ^D one ruling, just, i.e. if one rules justly,
2 Sam. xxiii. 3, 4, Job xli. 18.

Moreover, when mention is to be made of an event which
unexpectedly occurs, a simple proposition, which is not of the
nature of a circumstantial clause, may be followed by another,
in which greater prominence is assigned to the subject by
being placed [immediately] after the 1, while the verb-tense
in its simple [i.e. unconverted, see § 342 ff.] form comes after,
as Gen. xxii. 1, 2 Kings iv. 40, 2 Chron. xiii. 15, xxvi. 19,
2 Sam. xxiv. 11, Esth. vi. 4; in this case the Arabic would

o

use Jl.
*

342«. II. From this usual feeble \ and, we must carefully
distinguish the stronger, more significant dnd (see §§ 231—5).
This latter has a strongly connective and retrospective force ;
it presents the word with which it is connected as conditioned
by, and issuing from, what precedes ; hence it expresses a
sequence of the second from the first, a necessary progression
from the first to the second, and consequently, an internal
reference on the part of the second to the first. It is briefly
named Vav consecutive (or relative) ; and is our more pointed
dnd, or and thus (so), so that, also then. This Vav of sequence,
accordingly, is one of the most important elements of the
language when consecution of time is concerned, as well as in
the mere consecution of ideas and thoughts. According as this
Vav, however, is combined with the various kinds of words, it
falls into three species : —

1. Vav consecutive of the imperfect and perfect (see §§ 231-4)
is the most frequent and important ; the form, too, in which
it is expressed is quite definite and distinct. For, in this way,
the consecution of time comes most directly and clearly into
view, the Vav of sequence being more closely united with the
tense of the finite verb, in such a way, too, that the action

COPULATIVE WOKDS AND SENTENCES: VAV CONSECUTIVE. 245

likewise enters a new line of sequence ; viz., that which actually
exists (the perfect) advances to new stages of development
(the consecutive imperfect), while that which does not yet
exist (the imperfect) is represented as progressing towards
actuality (the consecutive perfect). Both combinations, how-
ever, have their own peculiar meanings, as well as the simple
tenses ; and though the corresponding simple tense often
precedes (i.e. though the simple perfect is frequently found
before this consecutive imperfect, and conversely), yet a
proposition in any other form may also serve as the basis
on which to lay one of these two Vavs of sequence.

[840] (a) The consecutive imperfect, accordingly, for the
most part occurs in the narration and representation of what
once took place and is absolutely completed ; as, W "IDK he
spake and it was done, or, after he had spoken, it was donet
fioto JV&O thou sawest and didst rejoice, or, having seen it,
thou didst rejoice ; it is found with a transition from the
present to the past, in Job ii. 3, xi. 3f., Ps. xxxrv. 2 Of. But
that which, though already completed, yet, as being finished,
reaches down to the present (see § 1356), may also be in-
dicated by this compound form ; as, what is man ^njnw
that Thou Jcnowest him? Ps. cxliv. 3, Isa. li. 12f. ; this one
has come as a stranger BiD^ ti&vfa and yet he always goes
on judge -judging, Gen. xix. 9, xxxi. 15, 2 Sam. iii. 8 (cf.
the present in the Septuagint), Jer. xxxviii. 9, Ps. xxix. 10,
cxix. 90, Amos vi. 9, Nan. i. 4. In mentioning a wish, too,
the speaker may attach its expression to the preterite ; as,
nrnni thus my soul would choose . . ., i.e. thus I would
rather wish . . ., Job vii. 1 5 : this is especially the case
when the discourse arises out of the precative (which is
explained in § 2235), Ps. cix. 17 f., 28b. Eegarding the
future, cf. § c.

(&) The consecutive perfect is used with reference to —
&. (1.) The present, especially in the case of actions that
may frequently be repeated, or which last for a time ; as, one
flees from a lion and comes on a lear JttB* D«*, Amos v. 19,
Nah. iii. 12, Job vii. 4, Jer. xviii. 7-10, and after the parti-
ciple, Gen. ii. 10. But in an account of past actions which
continue for a time, or are frequently repeated, the imperfect
may likewise be used in the first proposition; as, mist arose

246 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 342.

(used always to arise, during the long period), and watered^
hence njji^'ni n!?y* the ground, Gen. ii. 6 : or the participle (see
§ 306c), as Gen. xxxvii. 7 (in describing the vision as it was
when present to the dreamer's mind), Josh. vi. 13, Isa. vi. 2, 3,
Dan. viii. 4, Jer. xviii. 3, 4 ; or anything else whatever, since,
for instance, in the midst of an account of what once happened,
there may be further attached something that lasted longer, or
that was repeated, 1 Sam. i. 3, vii. lof, xvi. 23, xvii. 20,
Gen. xxx. 41 f., xxxviii. 9, 2 Kings vi. 10, xxi. 6 ; the con-
secutive perfect may also arise out of a preceding participle,
2 Sam. xvii. 17 (where all these propositions merely present
another form of expression for our whilst, during the time that) ;
or similarly from an infinitive absolute (see 280&), 2 Sam.
xii. 16. Especially in the account given of a work, a build-
ing, etc., where so many individual points require to be briefly
mentioned, there is also a strong tendency to pass over into
this representation of one as present, 1 Kings vi. 32, 35, vii. 8,
Neh. iii. 1 4 f . ; nay more, a transition may further be made
into what is perhaps even a more brief mode of representa-
tion, viz. that in which the passive participle is employed
(cf. p. 241, footnote), 1 Kings vii. 3, 7, 10. Instead of this
more rare mode of narration, however, there is a beginning
already made, particularly among later writers, in employing
the construction more common in descriptions of the past (see
§ a), the verbs being put in the form of sequence, and in the
plain form, so that the colour of the discourse varies much,
particularly in certain passages, Gen. xxxvii. 7, Ex. xvi. 21,
Num. xi. 8 f, Jer. xviii. 4, xix. 4, 5, Job i. 4, 5, [841] Euth
iv. 7, Ps. Ixxviii. 34f., 40 ff.1 When, merely for the sake of
liveliness, the past is depicted as if it were present, the
discourse readily reverts to the usual construction, Judg. v. 2 6,
Prov. vii. 12, 13, Ezek. xxxvii. 2, 7, 8, 10.

(2.) To the future (see § 136d); as, Dhfe] ^ he will go and
then fight. Even when the discourse, at its opening, employs
the perfect in the sense of a future which is already quite
certain (see § 135c), change is made, in what follows, into this

1 The change in the place of tone (see § 234c) appears not to be made in
"•flyifc^ Job vii. 4, — if, indeed, this is not rather to be regarded as a pausal
form ; for, that it is not neglected in other cases, even when the past is
spoken of, is shown by passages like Amos iv. 7, Jer. vi. 17.

COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES: VAV CONSECUTIVE. 247

less impassioned form of statement, Gen. xvii. 20, Deut. xv. 6,
cf. Ps. xx. 7 ; it is only very seldom that this change appears
more in the body of the discourse, or that the form in which
the sentence was begun is continued somewhat longer, as if
the eye of the prophet were wholly and solely engaged in the
contemplation of this certainty, Mic. ii. 13, Isa. ii. 9 (cf. vers.
11, 17), v. 15, viii. 23, on to ix. 6, xxxii. 14. Moreover, a
conclusion may also be at once drawn from the present and
past to the new present, or the future ; as, there is no fear of
God here ^"}pl and hence (because this is the case) they will
kill me, Gen. xx. 1 1 ; this hath touched thy lips "ipl and so thine
iniquity shall depart, Isa. . vi. 7, Jer. iv. 1 0, Ps. Ixxx. 1 3 f.,
2 Sam. vii. 8—10. The second member may likewise be
interrogatory (see § 320&), Ex. v. 5, Job xxxii. 16, Ezek.
xv. 5, xviii. 13, 24; in this way we must understand Wptf],
Ps. cxli. 6, as meaning, and should they hear that my songs are
joyful ?

In the same manner, and with equal propriety, this form of
the verb follows the plain imperfect in all its various con-
structions and shades of meaning, and even the voluntative
and imperative, provided only there is an unimpassioned
progress in the discourse ; as, ^3?) s'^~||i lest he come and then
smite me, Gen. xxxii. 12; ^tpp] tt?.1 let them go and gather,
Ex. v. 7 ; tol?!? Jtta slay and then lury him ; fi"}P^ ^T speak
and (so as to) say. But even when the imperative or volun-
tative would be used by itself, it rather appears transformed
into the mode of expression employed in calm discourse, when
the context prefers smooth and easy consecution, as, Ps.
xxv. 11 (see § 3445), Ezek. ii. 5 ; the attractive force of this
Vav of sequence is so great that even the precative particle
*O~ (see § 246a) may remain, Gen. xl. 14.

343«. Instead of the second kind [of this Vav of sequence,
viz. that which is joined with the perfect], which, on the whole,
comes to be less and less used,1 there frequently and readily
occurs, particularly in poetic writers, the stronger first kind
[viz. that with the imperfect], when the past and present are
spoken of, and a somewhat stronger connective force is really
appropriate ; hence it is employed when the case stands alone,

1 In the Mishna, indeed, traces of it continue to be found, as Berachotli
iii. 4, 6, but these are very few.

248 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 343.

without being continued, as in Job vii. 17, 18, ix. 20, x. 22,
xii. 22-25, xiv. 10, 17, [842] xxxi. 27, 34, xxxiv. 24,
xxxvii. 8, xxxix. 15, Ps. xxxiv. 8, xlix. 15, Hi. 9, Prov.
xx. 26, 1 Sam. ii. 6, Amos ix. 5. This extended application,
however, of the stronger of the two modified tense-forms,
is never carried so far as that the consecutive imperfect
would be employed where the imperative, as a simple tense,
or rather as a simple mood, is required by the sense (see
§ 3426).

But the present, and even the future, is also readily repre-
sented, by the fancy of the poets, in the simple perfect, and
with Vav consecutive of the first kind [viz. of the imperfect],
as if the thing were already seen and certain ; this is particu-
larly the case in shorter propositions, and when new figures
are introduced, often with beautiful variety, but never in
lengthy propositions; thus, Job xx. 15, xxiii. 13, xxiv. 2,
10-16, 20, xxx. 12 f., Ps. vii. 13f., 16, xxii. 30, Iv. 18 f.,
Ixiv. 8ff., ex. 5, 6, Isa. ii. 9, 11 (cf. ver. 17), v. 15 £ A
perfect, with or without t6» inserted in a sentence, has then
obviously more the meaning of a conditioning clause (see
§ 355 f.), Lev. xx. 18, 20, cf. ver. 19, .Num. xxx. 12, cf.
ver. 15, Ezek. xxxiii. 4-8. The clearest cases are presented by
those passages in which the simple form of the perfect (which
might be succeeded by the consecutive imperfect) suddenly
occurs in a description of the present and future, in order
briefly to indicate what was then as good as complete and
certain (futurum exactum), Job v. 20, xi. 20, xviii. 6, xix. 27,
Ps. xxxvii. 20, Hos. x. 5, 15.

&. Thus the two simple tenses cross with the two modified
ones (as they may briefly be designated) ; but so do these,
again, in turn, cross with their opposites. When the discourse
becomes most highly animated and impetuous, the imperfect
with the simple \ and [i.e. not the Vav of sequence (" Vav
conversive"), but Vav copulative] may always be repeated in
rapid succession ; as, Isa. v. 29f., xix. 20, Job xi. 10 with
reference to the future. On the other hand, in descriptions
of the present and past, the imperfect prefers to assume its
relative form (see § 231), but this without any addition, or
with the simple }-, as, Job xiii. 27, xviii. 9, 12 ff., xx. 23-28,
xxvii. 20-23, xxxviii. 14£, Ps. xi. 6, xviii. 12, xxvi. 6,

COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES : VAV CONSECUTIVE. 249

Prov. xv. 25, Isa. xii. 1 ; cf. §§ 233a, 3466 y1 and it is very
obvious that these least common modes of representation are
continued only so long as appears convenient. These two
tenses may fitly be named the reduced ones, inasmuch as they
happen to be employed in cases where, in Latin, a brief and
rapid outline of events is sketched by means of a series of
mere infinitives. In actual fact, however, the progressive
imperfect results from the decomposition of the second, while
the progressive voluntative arises out of the dissolution of the
first modified tense-form ; hence, there are, properly speaking,
six tense-forms in Hebrew. But, of course, the reduced forms
did not originate till a period when we can, as it were, see
them rising before our eyes ; while the two modified tenses
reach back into an early age, regarding which we can but
form conjectures.

[843] c. Besides this gradual transition of the second tense
into the first (indicated in § a), there are found, in the last
period of the language, the traces of a complete breaking up
of both tenses in the following phenomena : — (1) The modified
imperfect with \ is used instead of the second tense : this
construction, which is, properly, but a further advance in the
usage mentioned in § &, is found so early as in Joel ii. 20,
Mic. iii. 4, vi. 14, Lev. xv. 24, xxvi. 43, then much more
frequently, in Ezek. xiv. 7, xxxiii. 31, Isa. Iviii. 10, lix. 10,
xxxv. 1, 4, 6, Dan. viii. 12, xi. 4, 10, 16-19, 25, 28, 30,
2 Chron. vii. 13 f., xxiv. 11, Ps. civ. 32 ; cf. also the remarks
already made in §§ 232A, 233a. From passages, however,
like 2 Chron. xxiv. 11, we may clearly infer how easily, in
is case, the plain tense also was, by degrees, simply substi-
tuted for the modified one, as in Aramaic and Arabic. For
(2) the plain perfect is sometimes used, in the same way,
instead of the modified imperfect, Jer. xxxvii. 15, 2 Kings
xiv. 7, xxiii. 4, 5, 8, 10, xii. 14, Ezra viii. 30, 36 ; and this
construction is already prevalent in Ecclesiastes [i. 13, 16,
ii. 5, 9, etc.]. Lastly, we have to observe that, in accordance
with the Aramaic idiom, instead of the second simple or
modified tense, the participle, indicating continuance (see
§ 168c), forces its way into descriptions in which duration

1 In cases like Eccles. xii. 4-6, however, an additional determining
<jlement is the specification of time, as explained in § 337c, d.

250 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 344.

is marked, Esth. ii. 12-14, 20, iii. 2, viii. 17, ix. 28,
2 Chron. xvii. 11.

344$. Thus, this Vav of sequence occurs in cases wherever
any kind of progress, or a development of the action, is con-
ceivable ; it is always the most convenient means of attaching
what is new, and is developed out of that which stands at the
beginning; it is, as it were, the constant lever of the narrative.
It is possible, for instance, to say WK1^ ^K / am able dnd
see, i.e. to see (§ 285c). Any verb, even one which is merely
explanatory, may readily be attached in this way, especially
if the series to which it belongs has already assumed this form
of expression ; as, "isnj l$ji and he returned dnd spake, i.e. again
he spake (see § 285a) ; but a verb with a meaning similar to
that of another also readily changes from the simple form into
this one, — the conjunction meaning dnd, so that, Job x. 8, Ps.
vii. 15, Mic. iv. 8. Finally, the sequence need not necessarily
be connected with the very last particular mentioned, but may
proceed from anything whatever that precedes, Jer. v. 7, vi. 14.

1). The consecution of thought, however, is presented in such
a way that (1) a conclusion is drawn from what goes before ;
as, BiJJ} so it was confirmed, Gen. xxiii. 20, Joel ii. 27. (2) What
follows is the more pointedly attached to a thought which,
though incomplete, is emphatic through being prefixed ; or it is
attached to a particular idea ; and what was broken off is again
joined on more closely: the conjunction then corresponds in
meaning to our so, so that, e.g. ^n Da T>rrt lEWa* and his con-
cubine (with regard to her), then, she also bare, Gen. xxii. 24,
Isa. xliv. 12, Jer. vi. 19, Job xxxvi. 7, Dan. viii. 25, xi. 15,
2 Chron. i. 5 (where we must read Df ), nrte) IQW $d? for Thy
name's sake, then (or, therefore), Thou wilt pardon, or simply,
then pardon, Ps. xxv. 11, Isa. xliv. 14, 1 Kings ii. 6. This con-
struction frequently occurs after a statement of time, abruptly
put first; as, on^T? y$ in the evening, then shall ye know, Ex.
xvi. 6, 7, xvii. 4, [844] Gen. iii. 5, xxii. 4, Jer. vii. 25, Prov.
xxiv. 2 7 ; also, after an interrogative proposition which requires
a new reference and inference, as, what is man that Thou knowest
him? (see § 342&) — where, however, ""3 that may also be used
as the connective particle, in the same way as with us (see
§ 3 3 7a) ; and lastly, after a protasis which takes the form of
a relative proposition, as after $! "because, 1 Sain. xv. 23,

COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES : VAV CONSECUTIVE. 251

he who, whoever, Ex. ix. 21, where, however, this closer attach-
ment of the apodosis may also be omitted.1

345a. There are cases, however, in which these two tense-
forms, employed in consecutive discourse, though still capable
of being used in complete accordance with the idea of the
passage, are nevertheless set aside in favour of the simple
forms. For, in the former, the Vav and the verb-form are
connected in the closest and most inseparable manner, so that
the meaning is conditioned by the combination formed. If,
however, another word than the verb necessarily forces its way
in at the beginning of the proposition, so that the copulative
particle cannot but be immediately prefixed to that word,
while the verb follows it, then that combination is broken up,
and the whole form thereby destroyed ; the members of the
compound, accordingly, now appear by themselves, and stripped
of accessories, viz. the simple copulative particle, and the
corresponding simple tense-form, which would be used if there
were no such consecution of discourse ; hence, 3ro~l for sto},
and Stop, for 3roi. This takes place (1) with *6, which must
always precede the verb (see § 320&), but cannot stand before
the conjunction ; the operation of this influence extends even
to such a case as Mic. vi. 14 (mentioned in § 343&, c). More-
over, since this 1 retains its consecutive force, *?[ before the
imperfect may even signify that not (i.e. in order that . . .
not, lest), whether it be the present or the future that is
spoken of, Ex. xxviii. 35, 43, xxx. 2 Of., Lev. x. 9, Deut.
xvii. 17 (cf. ver. 20), 1 Kings ii. G, Jer. x. 4, xi. 21, Jonah
iii. 9, Neh. vi. 9, and similarly, after Wl has previously been
used, Jer. xxv. 6, xxxvii. 20, xxxviii. 24f.; here it is to be
observed that the 1 joined with this N^ may gradually be
dropped, so that this case exactly corresponds to that of the
Latin ne, Ex. xxviii. 32, xxxix. 23. Further, the } used with
the perfect of sequence may also mean that, in the sense of in
order that. (2) The same separation is made in the case of
any other word which the sense requires to be prefixed, e.g. for

1 In 2 Chron. viii. 9, i^x also, in the sense of [the conjunction] that,
before fc^, seems to form such an apodosis ; the Septuagint wholly omits
the word, and in actual fact the passage would be better without it. The
case is too exceptional to allow the thought that it is an imitation of the
Syriac construction by means of —5.

252 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 345.

the sake of forming an antithesis (see § 309); thus,
fr^i?"!, Gen. i. 10. Even in cases where the Vav of sequence
is maintained, however, there may likewise be a slighter anti-
thesis, either because the proposition consists merely of the
verb, or because no other word can have the antithesis attached
to it; but this is rare (see § 340a), Jer. iv. 10, xxx. 11, Ps.
vii. 5, Ixxiii. 14, Job iii. 26, xxii. 13, xxiv. 22, xxxii. 3.

~b. Especially in the case of protases of considerable extent
and importance, however, the [845] consecutive arrangement
is always unwillingly abandoned ; so that, in order to keep up
the consecutive force, the appropriate Vav, with the simplest
substantive verb, njj to be, is first prefixed by way of pre-
liminary ; the proper verb then follows, either with the Vav
of sequence again, or, more loosely, without this, in the simple
tense-form.1 This happens most frequently before a new
specification of time (where it seems 'really more important to
mark the progress of the events), and before any word having
the same meaning ; more rarely before other stronger protases,
but never before the monosyllabic a6. Thus (1) W; as,
15 *?.(!!£ "''T.l and it came to pass afterwards, that . . .; iNM W
and it came to pass in his coming (i.e. when he came), that
• • • ; 'TlD.fi^? *^n NTI and it came to pass, he worshipping (i.e.
while he was worshipping, see § 341c), that . . ., Isa. xxxviL
38 ; and it came to pass, the best valleys had been filled (i.e. after
they had been filled), — a circumstantial clause, — Isa. xxii. 7, 8,
2 Kings viii. 21 (in 2 Chron. xxi. 9, wn is omitted, to the
detriment of the text) ; ft'BJ Dnx^n NT$ and it came to pass,
iJwse who were, left (Lat. si qui superant) fled, 1 Sam. x. 11,
xi. 11. Other cases still, of rarer occurrence, are found in
Num. ix. 6, 1 Kings xviii. 12, xx. 6, Ezek. xlvii. 10, 22.2

1 For something very similar in Coptic, see Ewald's Sprachwiss. Abhand-
lungen, i. p. 37 if. It is precisely this peculiarity of style which is so much
imitated by the Hellenistic in its use of xett eysvero, until, in Luke, it
gradually becomes more and more of a loose, floating expression, which is
continually presenting itself.

2 In these two passages of Ezekiel, nVT) is placed before the imperfect
merely because the latter may then introduce a circumstantial clause (see
§ 3416). But, in ver. 22, we must next strike out of D'Harta the i? (which
also offends against what is laid down in § 244a), and translate thus : then,
when ye divide it among yourselves by lot for an inheritance, let also the
strangers . . . be . . .

COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES: VAV CONSECUTIVE. 253

Not till a very late period does it give way to the feeble }, in
cases where it would be employed, were the style more classic,
as Ezra ix. 1, 3, x. 1. (2) rrrn (on which see § 3426); as,
fcttnn Di*n rpni and it happens (shall come to pass) on that day,
when . . ., QK rpni «^ then, if (i.e. whenever), Gen. xxxviii.
9, Num. xxi. 9 ; also, in many similar instances, as before the
accusative of time, Isa. xxx. 32 ;x cf. besides, Gen. iv. 14, Ex.
iv. 16, xviii. 22, Deut. vii. 12, 1 Kings xvii. 4, Isa. iii. 24, vii.
22, Hos. ii. 1. It is but rarely, and more in somewhat later
pieces of composition, that n^rn is used for '•rm, 1 Sam. xxv.
20, 2 Sam. vi. 16 (1 Chron. xv. 29), 2 Kings iii. 15, Jer. iii.
9, and 'rn for n^rn, 2 Sam. v. 24 (1 Chron. xiv. 15), and in
the Book of Euth ; these, however, are not unexpected inno-
vations (see § 343). It is also an innovation to make such
a rvm refer, by agreement in person, etc., to the nearest sub-
ject, as in Jer. xlii. 16 f. The simple form W also occurs in
this way, in excited discourse (see § 343&), Job xx. 23.

Since, however, such a parenthetical proposition also may
pass into the current of discourse, it is often only the deeper
meaning which pervades the whole that enables us to decide
where the main proposition is resumed.

346$. At a full stop in the narrative or representation, [846]
the verb may follow, designedly stripped of this indication of
sequence (i.e. in the plain tense-form), an explanatory and acces-
sory action being appended, without any copulative particle ;
as, 1 Sam. vi. 12, Gen. xxi. 14, Num. xi. 32, Isa. iii. 26; cf.
§ 349&. It is seldom that the verb which describes an acces-
sory action is attached by means of the simple }, as in Gen.
xxi. 25, xxviii. 6, Amos i. II.2

&. If, again, in simple narrative, the [simple] imperfect is
sometimes continued, after ] and other words, when we would
perhaps expect to meet with the simple perfect, it will be found,
on closer inspection of such cases, that there is always some-
thing simultaneous, or of considerable duration, described; as,
Ex. viii. 20, 1 Chron. xi. 8, 2 Sam. ii. 28, xv. 37, 1 Kings i. 1

1 Here, every passing over is to be regarded as such an accusative of time,
and equivalent to as often as (the rod) passes over; cf. further, on ver. 31 f.,
what is stated above, on p. 185.

2 In Arabic, however, the use of the simple . comes to preponderate
very much in such cases, so that j , on the whole, is more rarely employed.

254 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 346.

(cf. ver. 2), viii. 8, xx. 33, Jer. lii. 7, and in the Kethib 1 Sam.
xxvii. 4, Josh. xv. 63. But, in poetry, the modified imperfect
may also, of course, be retained when it is separated from
its 1, and even when this is dropped; as, Job iv. 12, Prov.
xxiv. 32, Ps. xviii. 12, Ixix. 22, Ixxviii. 15, 26, 29, 45-50,
Ixxxi. 7 £, cvi. 18 f., cvii. 6, 13 f. ; the simple \ is also inten-
tionally joined to the imperfect in Ps. cvii. 19 f., 26 ff., in
accordance with what is stated in § 343&. The modified
perfect is more frequently retained in this way, at least among
the poets; as, Prov. i. 22, ix. 4, cf. ver. 16, Job xxviii. 10,
cf. ver. 11, Isa. viii, 8, xi. 8, xiii. 10, xviii. 5, xxx. 32, Hos.
iv. 10, Mic. i. 11, ii. 4, Zech. ix. 15, xiii. 9,1 Ps. xi. 2, xxii. 22,
Ivii. 4, Ixiv. 6, even after JS (see § 342&), and the infinitive
with p indicative of design, Ps. xxxviii. 1*7, Job v. 11, xxviii. 25.
The case is different when the perfect has been inserted as a
short circumstantial clause (see § 341&).

c. When any parenthetical proposition begins, whether it be
a relative one with iKfc who, ^ for, etc., or a circumstantial
clause (see § 341), the simple tense-form always reappears.2
The perfect may then, in a representation given of things
which once occurred, indicate what was at that time already
finished, and thus express OUT pluperfect (see §§ 135, 341&, c) ;3
[847] also, quite simply, after W and a specification of time
(see § 345a), as in Gen. viii. 13. For the same reason, in the
second great division of time [viz. the future], the perfect,

1 But, in Isa. xxviii. 2, it is better, for the sake of clearness, to read
instead of rvan : he (this mighty one whom God has already in His hand,
viz. the Assyrian) throws it (the crown) to the earth with force. Notice has
already been taken of the similar phenomena that appear in Arabic ; see
Gram. Arab. p. 347.

2 It still remains a strange fact that the imperfect ^ns"1 is used after
-)£>K in simple narrative, even twice in reference to the same thing, 2 Kings
viii. 29, ix. 15; in 2 Chron. xxii. 6, however, the perfect is found instead,
and perhaps H311 was a provincialism for n3n« Equally strange, at least
when the accents are considered, is nniO in 2 Kings xxi. 13 : we rather

T T

expect nh)D, with an accent joining it to what follows.

3 A most remarkable construction is O^Ha?*! and they went . - . they
had gone, 1 Sam. xvii. 13, where the verb, first placed in sequence, is after-
wards more definitely explained as the pluperfect by its own perfect ; cf.
ver. 14.

COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES : VAV CONSECUTIVE. 255

introduced in this way, may denote our future perfect, Isa.
xvi. 12 (cf. a similar construction with nnt?? before, Zeph.
ii. 2).

d. That TN then (as 1 Kings ix. 1 0 £, even in the apodosis),
and some other similar particles, may be construed, in the
same way as the strong '}, with the modified imperfect, has
already been mentioned in § 2336.

3 47 a. 2. The Vav of sequence before the voluntative and
imperative expresses mere consecution of thought, by referring
the consequence to the volition, or by representing the voli-
tion, and the endeavour after what is to be attained; as the
consequence and conclusion resulting from a possibility pre-
viously before the mind. It is, for the most part, only an
expression of an excited and impassioned character, for the
Vav of sequence with the perfect, after words which occur
somewhat abruptly, as in Ex. xii. 3, xv. 2, Gen. xlix. 25, Ps.
lix. 13, Ixix. 33, Jer. xiii. 10 ; but is especially used for the
purpose of stating the design of the previous action, and thus
corresponds to the Latin ut with the subjunctive ; as, *H n
•™1^,1 desist, that I may (thus, when thou dost desist) speak ;
'$?} v ^rpan let him alone that he may curse (i.e. let him curse
without being disturbed), 1 Sarn. xv. 16, Prov. xx. 22, Jer.
xvii. 1 4 ; hence i&O that not, lest, 2 Chron. xxxv. 2 1 ; who is
wise |1J] so that he understands this ? Hos. xiv. 10, Ps. cvii. 43,
Jer. ix. 11, Mai. i. 10, Ezra i. 3 ;* God is not man 1W] that
He should lie, Num. xxiii. 19 ; Thou desirest not sacrifice njri^1!
that I should give them (if Thou didst require them), Ps.
li. 9, 18, Iv. 13, xlix. 10, bum. 15, xxvii. 6, ix. 10 f., lii. 8,
Hos. vi. 1, Jer. v. 1, Zech. x. 6, 1 Sam. ii. 10, Ex. ii. 7,
xiv. 4, 17. The imperative, however, is employed in this
way with great brevity and force, prescribing the certain con-
sequence, as if it were an imperat. futuri;2 let him pray for
fhee rprn and live (i.e. that thou mayest then live, as I wish),
Gen. xx. 7, xii. 2, xlii. 18, Euth i. 9, 2 Kings v. 16, Job

1 Here we must strike out i,T, or read niJT instead ; cf . ver. 5 and
2 Chron. xxxvi. 23.

2 Something very similar, and stronger, is often found in Ethiopia (Liber
JubiL c. 2, p. 10, 4 ; c. 3, p. 14, 11. 16 ; Ethiopia version of Gen. iii. 14-19)
In the other cognate languages, such an imperative is more rare ; cf. how-
ever, Kolle, On the Bornu Language, p. 245.

256 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 348.

xi. 6, Ex. iii. 10, and still stronger instances in 2 Sam.
xxi. 3, 1 Kings i. 12 ; in the strongest cases, even the con-
junction is omitted, Ps. ex. 2, in the same way as stated in
§ I. This mode of construction also, though more rarely,
follows immediately on an action which is represented simply
as past, so that it corresponds to the Latin construction of
ut with the imperfect subjunctive, Isa. viii. 11, xlii. 6 (cf.
xliv. 24), Lam. i. 19 ; it is also employed in negative pro-
positions, in which even the simple &6 [without 1] is sufficient
(see § 345a), Neh. xiii. 19, 2 Chron. xxiii. 19. The strongest
use is made of it in cases like Job vi. 10, where an actual
wish follows. That such a voluntative may easily be re-
peated in the same way as any imperative, lies in the nature
of the case ; [848] it may also, however, at any time readily
pass over into the tranquil flow of discourse, through the
employment of Vav consecutive with the perfect.

I. Since, then, the second proposition always thus pre-
supposes the first as its condition, the first may also be stated
merely with reference to the second, so that the double whole
forms a brief expression, in the shape of a challenge or
demand, for conditional propositions ; as, bring an advice "iBrvj
that it may le frustrated, i.e. if ye bring an advice, it shall
(assuredly) be frustrated ; vrn •OBh'n seek me and live, i.e. if ye
seek me, ye shall live, Isa. viii. 9, 10, Amos v. 4, 6, 14, Prov.
iii. 3, 4, iv. 6, 8, 10, xvi. 3, xx. 13, Jer. xxv. 5, xxxv. 15,
Gen. xlii. 18, 2 Chron. xx. 20 ; both are joined in Ex. viii. 4.
Hence, there is a beginning made in the direction of completely
dropping the and before the second proposition (which must
state the consequence of the hypothesis or condition), and
thereby only connecting the two propositions the more closely,
because the second would now be utterly impossible without
the first ; as, cast it down *n\ that it may lecome, Ex. vii. 9,
Prov. iii. 7, 8, y. 15-18, Ps.'xxxvii. 3, cf. ver. 27, xlv. 17 f.,
1. 14 f., li. 10, 16, Ixxii. 3, 5, cxviii. 19, cxix. 17, 145,lxi. 8,
ciii. 5, cxl. 9, Job ix. 32, 34, xl. 32 ; cf. Ewald's Gram. Aral.
ii. p. 271. But here also (as in § 345a) *6, or another word,
may destroy the union, Isa. viii. 10, 2 Kings xviii. 32, Prov.
xix. 25.

3 4:8 a. 3. Again, } in any other connection also, and before
any word, may indicate consecution of thought ; as, Wtt know

COPULATIVE WORDS AND SENTENCES. 257

tlien (therefore), Ps. iv. 4, 2 Kings iv. 41. Mai. iii. 6 ;
rp'f'n then tliou wilt hear, 1 Kings viii. 30, 32, 34, 36, 39,
cf. ver. 43, where the \ is omitted, because it merely indi-
cates the apodosis, and wyoan without the emphatic thou, in
ver. 49 ; or thus, thy father s servant (as regards that), TSD ^1
such was / formerly, but now ^13$ ^N1 / am thy servant ;
2 Sam. xv. 34, thy hope (with regard to this) Drn # (cf.
§ 3036), or, in English, merely that is the integrity of thy
ways, Job iv. 6, xv. 17, xxiii. 12, xxv. 5, xxxvi. 26, 1 Sam.
xxvi. 22,1 2 Sam. xxii. 41, xxiii. 3, 4, Ps. cxv. 7, 1 Chron.
xxviii. 21, and likewise before a circumstantial clause, Ps
cxli. 5. This \ is also used for the purpose of giving an
immediate answer to a question, Job xxviii. 2 0 f. (where,
accordingly, it also stands before the plain perfect). Before
the imperfect verbs (see § 299), it must express sequence of
time, Gen. v. 24, Isa. xli. 17, Prov. xii. 7. In this case,

/
accordingly, it has become exactly the Arabic .J.

&. Hence also the compound |??i now therefore (or, thus then)
may be used, Isa. viii. 7 ; but this indication of sequence is
usually omitted, when it [viz. the consecution] has already
been expressed by another particle at the head of the pro-
position. But, on the other hand, after this Vav of sequence,
with its modified tense-form [849] to which it is inseparably
attached, the interrogative particle n also disappears ; 2 so that,
in cases like wjtoj, in the sense of and do I wait ? or, should
I wait ? Job xxxii. 16, the interrogative meaning arises merely
from the context ; so also Ps. cxli. 6.

349a. III. The opposite of each of these two chief kinds
of 1 and, is formed, both in the case of single words, and in
entire propositions, by —

(1.) Self-explanatory, or self-corrective discourse ; as, i^n
to} in his soid, viz. his blood, Gen. ix. 4, xi. 30, 1 Kings
xiii. 18, Hab. ii. 4, Isa. xxiii. 4, Amos iii. 1 ; also as in Ps.
xix. 8—10. In particular, two verbs which describe what
were, originally, simultaneous states or acts, often come more

1 Here, Tanchum correctly explains it by _ •.

2 The sole example would be JVfiSrp, Prov. xx\v. 28 ; but see the Com-
mentary [of Ewald] on the passage.

I?

258 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 349.

closely together (see § 2855), in order, as it were, by their
juxtaposition, to afford mutual explanation ; as, she has been
made desolate, sits, i.e. sits desolate, Isa. iii. 26, Ps. xlv. 5, Job
xxviii. 4, xxix. 8, Prov. xxiv. 32, xxvii. 12, Jer. ii. 20, ix. 9 ;
and in this way, merely by not employing and, circum-
stantial clauses even of considerable extent may be reduced to
a quite short form, as Isa. xlix. 2. This is still more obvious
in the case of whole propositions, particularly in poetic dis-
course, as Joel ii. 8.

(2.) Discourse in which a climax is formed, often in a flight
of oratory, 2 Sam. xxiii. 3, Jer. xxxi. 21, xv. 7, Joel i. 14,
Amos iv. 5, Job xxxii. 15 f. ; or, in order to depict the fulness
of the things, Job xx. 17, Prov. xxii. 5, Ps. x. 3, Lam. ii. 16,
or the rapidity of the actions, Judg. v. 27; or in a long, and
what would be an endless enumeration of homogeneous things,
Gen. i. 11, cf. vers. 12, 21 ; in this case, also, it may per-
haps be only the third word from which \ is dropped, as in
Ps. xlv, 5, 9, Deut. xxix. 22, 1 Kings vi. 7. The same thing
may happen in the case of entire propositions, as Prov. i 4 f.

(3.) Brief, abrupt discourse, Judg. v. 13, 2 Kings xi. 13 ;
the same construction is also employed for making an addi-
tional remark, 1 Sam. xxii. 15, or in rapid enumeration, Isa.
i. 1, Ezek. x. 12, Ps. Ixxxviii. 2.

By means of such a condensed, compact mode of description,
also, there is often formed the most appropriate style for a brief
proverbial saying, a kind of composition exactly suited for monu-
mental inscriptions ; as, Prov. xxvii. 12 (see § 2855), a proverb
whose colouring is already changed in xxii. 3 (see § 3576).

I. There are also connected expressions in which }, from a
desire for greater condensation, gradually disappears ; thus
especially v ^ n» (on which see § 325&), *fa "TO to generation
of generation, Ex. xvii. 16, or ^"H "TO to generation of genera-
tions, for "HJ "rt to generation and generation ; cf. the similar
contractions in Mic. vii. 12, Nah. iii. 8. Moreover, there
are found such combinations of words as Db?BJ PiDW yesterday,
the day before yesterday, i.e. generally, formerly;1 *?\> nnnp

1 On the other hand, jw>$n "IHE, 1 Sam. xx. 12, is, the third next day
(see § 220&), i.e. the day after to-morrow, ,"inD» as a name indicative of
time, being fern, (see § 174cQ.

CHANGE OF CONSTRUCTION IN A SENTENCE. 259

[850] hastening quickly, Isa. v. 26; SKnrn "13 a stranger and
sojourner, Gen. xxiii. 4, Lev. xxv. 35, 47, and the same also,
without 1, in ver. 47b.

350a. As the perfect and imperfect are the sole main
divisions and supports of the verb, so also, according to the
form which the Hebrew has now attained, all the various other
modes in which the idea of a verb may be apprehended,
always revert, in the progress of the discourse (with or without
the copulative particle), to those two leading forms. In the
beginning of the discourse, the style of expression may be
more definite and forcible, or, on the other hand, it may be
more brief; but when the discourse proceeds in a calm and
dispassionate manner, all the different shades resolve them-
selves once more into the two leading ones ; and it is, for all
this, indifferent whether the second proposition is introduced
by the and, or not (see § 349). Hence —

(1.) The stronger modes of expression return to the ordinary
ones ; even an exceptional perfect or imperfect is not long con-
tinued (see §§ 135c, 342/). The imperative and wluntative
forms are continued only so long as the vigour of the discourse
is still fresh,1 and are, therefore, rarely maintained through
several verbs ; yet it is precisely in their case that such a
continuation is still most frequent, Ps. xxii. 28, xlv. 11 f., Gen.
xli. 34—36 : the discourse usually changes at once into the
unimpassioned representation of what is to be done, hence,
into the imperfect, Judg. vi. 39c, or the perfect with the Vav
of sequence, Deut. xxxiii. 7. Accordingly, ?$ is correctly
followed by t&], Amos v. 5, 1 Kings xx. 8 ; so also, the im-
perative is not used at all, whenever the description of the
sequence becomes predominant, 1 Sam. xii. 14 : nevertheless,
when the tone of the discourse becomes more urgent, the
voluntative or imperative may always be resumed, Ex. xiv. 2,
2 Kings x. 3, xi. 8, Isa. ii. 9, Job xi. 13 f. ; and it is only in
the case of the modes of expression mentioned in §§ 347 and
338 that these forms are often kept up for a longer time, Job
vi. 8-10, Ps. v. 12, 2 Kings v. 10. So, too, the force of the
infinitive absolute (see §§ 280, 328) does not last long: it
soon resolves itself more quietly into the appropriate tense-
form ; and even &6 not, whenever it comes in, anforces this
1 Cf. J. Zimmermann's AJcra LangiKige (1858), i p. 111

260 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 350.

transition, since the inf. abs. never stands except by itself, as
TbTF frO flins, "breaking, not sparing ! Isa. xxx. 14, xxxi. 5, Iviii.
6 f., Jer. ii. 2, xxiii. 14, Job xv. 35, Ps. Ixv. 11. No parti-
ciple, too, used as a circumstantial cause, remains long in its
peculiar form, whether the consecution of time demands the
Vav of sequence, with its appropriate tense-form, or not, Prov.
vii. 8, Isa. vi. 2, Ps. xix. 2 f. ; nor can the participle readily
stand in this way with &6, and even when it is so joined, in
poetry, it at once resolves itself again into the finite verb,
2 Sam. iii. 34.

b. (2.) The briefer modes of expression are not maintained.
The infinitive construct, which is a short form presenting the
general idea of the verb, and merely dependent on the context,
resolves itself once more, as the discourse progresses, into the
usual current mode of speech ; thus, ^ft&D ^^7 to make (i.e. in
order that he may make) the land a desolation, and destroy its
sinners, Isa. xiii. 9, 2 Chron. xvi. 7, [851] Ex. viii. 5, 1 Sam.
iv. 19, Amos viii. 6, Hos. ix. 7, Mic. vi. 16, Jer. xxx. 14 f.,
Prov. i. 4 f., Josh, xxiii. 7 ; hence also, — teach (us) to number
(i.e. that we may number) our days, and that we may bring
(K3J1 voluntative, according to § 224&) a pure (wise) heart, Ps.
xc. 12.1 In like manner, the participle, which is another
means of briefly expressing a relative proposition (see §§ 168&
and 335a), is changed for the finite verb, as, ItoK D*"£ 7*1 D^j?D
who raiseth up the lowly, exalts the needy, 1 Sam. ii. 8, cf. ver. 7,
Isa. xxx. 2, xxxi. 1, xlviii. 1, Amos v. 7, 8, 12, vi. 6, Ps.
Ixxviii. 39 ; even in a case of mere repetition, Isa. x. 1 (see
§ 313a), Ivii. 3, Ps. xiv. 4, xxii. 30, Dan. xii. 12 ; cf. Ps. xv.
3, 4, to see the change made by & (§ 3206). A like change is
made in the case of an adjective, used in the same way, Hab.
i. 13, Job vi. 14 (according to the present reading). The
new element superadded in the construction of the infinitive
construct and of the participle maintains its influence ; hence,
the force of the preposition joined with the infinitive, and that
of the relative idea contained in the participle, continue to be
felt ; but the simple verb-idea — which may now, in fact, stand
quite by itself, and yet be intelligible — is at once continued
in the definite tense, Isa. xxxvi. 17.

1 In Ethiopic, also, a similar construction is used; as, Book of Enoch,
xciii. 12 : JiMl. c. 2. p. 8.

CHANGE OF CONSTRUCTION IN A SENTENCE. 261

3 5 la. Anything superadded to a negative proposition must
be at once attached by means of N7i nor, Ex. iii. 1 9 ; l cf.
§ 352a. But, in a sentence which goes straight on, there is
no need for repeating the negation of the preceding proposi-
tion, inasmuch as the powerful influence of the negative, placed
at the beginning, continues to be felt. So also in prose, with
the Vav of sequence, Num. xvi. 14, Ps. xliv. 19, Job iii. 10 ;
similarly after JS (see § 342c), Isa. vi. 10, and in cases where,
at the same time (see § 347a), the voluntative appears; as, let
him not die, that his people may become few, Deut. xxxiii. 6,
Jer. v. 28 ; hence also without the 1 (see § 347#), which is
the boldest construction, Ps. cxl. 9.2 Moreover, in poetry, the
and is often omitted when a climax is formed, Isa. xxiii. 4,
xxxviii. 18, Ps. ix. 19, xxxviii. 2, Ixxv. 6, 1 Sam. ii. 3. A
still bolder construction is adopted when. the verb in its second
member changes its position, Prov. xxx. 3.3

In synonymous propositions which run on continuously, and
in which a thought is only divided into two halves, poetic
writers may, similarly, omit from the second a word (especially
a preposition) occurring in the first, because it is sufficiently
evident from the continuation and the context, and because its
influence still continues to be felt in this mode of delivering
the discourse; thus Judg. v. 9, 11, Isa. xv. 8, xxviii. 6, xl. 21,
xlviii. 14, Ixi. 7, Jer. iii. 23, Ezek xxv. 9, 15, Hab. iii. 15,
Job xxxiv. 10. Bolder constructions are found in cases like
Job xxii. 23, and xx. 2, where a longer preposition on that
account stands by itself with retrospective force ; [852] Ps.
xlix. 14, where, in the middle of the second member, and
before a relative proposition, we must supply, from the first
member, "tfvi the way of those, who ; and Ps. cxxvii. 3b, where
we find, in the absolute state, and without the article, a noun
to which, in meaning, there belongs the second of two preced-

1 I.E. according to the common reading in this passage ; but, according
to the Septuagint, and Ex. vi. 1, xiii. 9, we must read & Q^. Even
long ago, xh was incorrectly rendered unless, except; see Journal asiatique
(1862), i. p. 64.

2 On the other hand, according to this reading, the second proposition in
Ezek. xi. 11 would be a mere circumstantial clause.

3 In Job xxx. 20, however, the negative cannot be repeated with
from the first member.

262 EWALD'S HEBBEW SYNTAX, § 35 1.

ing nouns placed in construction.1 If, then, the first member
states a reason (e.g. by using the preposition /$ on account of,
because of, and a following infinitive), the meaning requires that,
whenever a finite verb follows, the conjunction because shall
be employed in forming the continuation, as Hos. ix. 7, cf.
Ezek. xxx vi. 18.

More rarely, a word is for the first time introduced in a
second proposition, corresponding to the first, to which also
the word necessarily belongs: this is possible only through
the poetic parallelism, which, generally, is the cause of many
an instance of more free arrangement and more bold con-
struction of the words, Ps. xx. 8, Zech. ix. 1*7, Jer. I 39, Isa.
xlviii. 11, Ixiii. 18, Dan. xii. 3 (cf. xi. 33). A stronger case
of the kind, too, is Isa. x. 5 ; here, not merely does D^3 (which
is to be regarded as a relative clause) likewise depend on the
meaning of the first member, but there is also introduced,
in the second member, a further variety in expression : —
0 Asshur who art the rod of mine anger,
And who, like a staff, dost convey my wrath.2

b. Since the relative-sign stands very loosely at the begin-
ning of the proposition (see § 331 if.), there are attached to a
relative-sentence, in whatever manner it may be introduced, a
multitude of others, of every kind and variety, — just in the
same way as they are joined to the simple proposition, with-
out any further internal change, Ps. xv. 3—5, xxii. 30, iv. 2,
xcii. 16, Job xxxvii. 23, Prov. xvi. 27, xxii. 11, ix. 13, and
in the address in Amos vi. I.8 Similarly, a proposition like
man ^ij"1? in grand estate (i.e. who lives in splendour) may be
immediately succeeded by ]^\ K?\ but is without understanding
(see § 282/), Ps. xlix. 21 (cf. ver. 13 in the same way without
V), and, without the and, Neh. xi. 17. This easy mode of
attachment is far from being capable of imitation by us.

1 This, however, cannot be carried so far that, in the second member,
merely the second of two combined prepositions would be repeated after
the first occurrence : in Gen. xlix. 25, fiNI should be corrected into ^KV

... .. ;

2 Properly, — and in whose hand, as a sceptre, is my wrath. The first
member speaks of the Assyrian as if he were himself the rod, as in ver. 15;
the second introduces him as holding the rod. The a^n is, therefore, the
copula, and the words DTI Mil are correct.

3 The same thing holds in Luke i. 49 f.

CHANGE OF CONSTRUCTION IN A SENTENCE. 263

The relative-sentence, also, is especially ready to change its
peculiar construction, as soon as possible, for the Vav of
sequence, so that, in the neat, short style of certain writers,
there may also be used such brief expressions as, njrni f|K3D jnt
the seed of the adulterer and she (the mother, consequently)
played the harlot, Isa. Ivii. 5, Dan. viii. 22, cf. xi. 22. Similarly,
an impersonal relative proposition (see § 336) maybe attached
without any introductory mark whatever, Amos iii. 9 f., Hos.
vii. 10, Jer. ii. 19, li. 46. Eccles. vi. 10.

c. A peculiar kind of brevity in description [853] has further1
arisen from the fact that a second verb, connected with the
preceding by means of a ], may be subordinated to it merely
in the infinitive absolute (see § 280), as if it were sufficient,
after the discourse has once been begun, to attach a succeed-
ing act, by means of the conjunction, as briefly as possible.
Here, the form in which the preceding verb, in accordance
with the meaning of the proposition, appears, is a matter qf
indifference : every possible shade and variety of proposition is
represented by this general and indefinite form.1 In the older
pieces of composition, such brevity is still rare ; and it occurs
most readily in cases where the action [indicated by the
infinitive] is simultaneous with that which is previously men-
tioned, and where there is no change in the person; as.
Gen. xli. 43, Ex. viii. 1, xxxii. 6 (where the inf. const,
with !> precedes), 1 Sam. xxii. 13, xxv. 26, 33 (but ^rfa
receives a different turn in ver. 31), Amos iv. 4f., Jer. vii. 18,
xix. 13, cf. with xxxii. 29, xliv. I7f., Zech. iii. 4, vii. 5,
xii. 10, Judg. vii. 19, Isa. viii. 6, Eccles. viii. 9, Dan. ix. 5, 11,
1 Chron. xxi. 24. In later writers, however, this brief con-
struction comes to be more and more freely employed, as,
i&Oi ^ro^ / turned and saw, Eccles. ix. 11, cf. iv. 1, 7", Jer.
xiv. 5, xxxvii. 21, Zech. iii. 4, ISTeh. viii. 8, ix. 8, 13, Esth.
ii. 3, iii. 13, vi. 9, ix. 6, 12, 2 Chron. vii. 3, xxviii. 19 ; and
at last it becomes so prevalent, that, in giving a rapid de-
scription, even a large number of verbs may be presented
thus, in outline, Jer. xxxii. 44, Esth. ix. 16—18.

1 Cf. a similar usage in Ethiopia, as Liber JuUl pp. 10, 15 ff., and in the
beginning of the Organon Maryam. But in the Coptic, also, the same
thing frequently occurs ; see the Sahidic version of Isa. i. 4, 7 (Ewald's
Sprackw. AWiandl. i. p. 50).

264 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 352.

Moreover, in a cursory style of speech, there is also a
beginning made in the employment of the infin. const, with ?
(see § 237c), in this way, as a continuation of the [preceding
finite] verb; see Jer. xvii. 10, xix. 12, xliv. 14, 19, Job xxxiv. 8,
Isa. xliv. 28, Ivi. 6, Eccles. ix. 1, 2 Chron. vii. 17 (but there
is a different reading in 1 Kings ix. 4), viii. 13, xxxvi. 19
(where the inf. is separated from the V), ISTeh. viii. 13. The
earliest instances of this free and easy mode of employing the
infinitive with \ and, as a continuation of the [finite] verb, are
cases in which a further description is to be given of what must
be done; thus, Ex. xxxii. 29, and especially Lev. x. 9—11,
1 Sam. viii. 12; or in which an accessory circumstance is to
be more fully described, 1 Sam. xiv. 2 1 : on both constructions,
see § 237c.

But, indeed, the same brevity begins to show itself, now
and then, after similar particles also (see § 352) ; thus, after
iN, Lev. xxv. 14, Deut. xiv. 21, after *)«] and also, Hab. ii. 15,
and others, cf. 1 Chron. x. 13, 2 Chron. xi. 22, xii. 12. The
strongest feature in this construction is the fact that, for
distinctness' sake, even a personal pronoun may be added [to
the infinitive], Eccles. iv. 2, Esth. ix. 1.

(2.) The stronger kinds of Conjunctions.

352&. itf or} is most closely allied to 1. and, since, like the
latter, it states something new, though merely as a possibility ;
hence, it may also, [854] like the Vav of sequence, and with
like force, be used before the perfect, Num. v. 14. It is also
corrective, or rather, and is used in this way with the second
question, as different from DN (see § 324c), Judg. xviii. 19,
Gen. xxiv. 55. Hence, it easily assumes also the meaning if
haply, Lat. sin, Lev. iv. 23, 28 ; HD IK what if possibly . . .,

1 When it is considered that the Armenian kdm, the Turkish Jwlj, the
Polish liib or lubo, and Russian Itbo (Ger. lieber), are all derived from willing,
wishing; when, further, it is borne in mind that many other languages
also derive the name of the disjunctive particle from the same idea (Lat.
vel: on the Bornu, see Kolle, Bornu Language, p. 146), — there can be no
doubt that itf comes from nitf = rOK» to be willing, wish, and that the
Sanskrit va is shortened from val

THE STRONGER CONJUNCTIONS. 265

1 Sam. xx. 10. After a preceding negative proposition, it
has a lessening force, nor, and is so used in the middle of
the proposition, Prov. xxxi. 4, Ketliib. At other times, in
necessitous cases, \ also is sufficient to indicate the meaning
or, 2 Sam. xxiii. 7, Isa. xvii. 6, Ps. xc. 4; the strongest
instances are Jer. xx. 17, xliv. 28.

&. D3 also, expresses mutual relation in such a way that the
two sides are represented as belonging to each other ; syw Q3
is exactly uterque, 1 Sam. xxv. 43, Prov. xvii. 15, xx. 10, 12,
Ps. cxxxiii. 1 ; similarly, Abel Nin &3 likewise (see §31 4a) ;
and at the beginning of new propositions, with emphasis, 03
*)* I also, Job vii. 11, Ps. lii. 7, Amos iv. 6, Mic. vi. 13, Zech.
ix. 11, cf. §§ 354, 359. In a wider sense, it is more simply
indicative of increase, also, even, before entire propositions
or single words ; it is seldom that \ stands in this way before
single words, Mic. iv. 5, 2 Chron. xxvii. 5, Amos iv. 10, Hos.
viii. 6, Ps. xxxi. 12, Eccles. v. 6 ;* hence, in a negative pro-,
position, it signifies not even, Amos v. 22. Placed before an
entire proposition, Ml means besides, moreover, 1 Kings i. 6.

*|N, or *|N1, is merely a stronger copulative particle than \
(with which it is etymologically connected) also — that there
may be nothing wanting; even — in forming a climax, like our
dnd when uttered with emphasis ; it also likes to be placed
before entire propositions, Ps. xviii. 49 ; hence, Q3 *[$] and even
also, Lev. xxvi. 44. It very frequently occurs in certain poets,
Ps. Ixv. 14, and is used interchangeably, in meaning, with D3,
Job xxxii. 10, 17.2 Cf. further, § 354c.

c. On the other hand, BV (see § 2 1 7/i), in the sense of as
well as, may connect two adjectives; this is a very rare con-
struction, however, and is more of a provincialism, 1 Sam. xvi.
12, xvii. 42. When used in joining two nouns, it is merely a
stronger and, 2 Sam. i. 24,3 Amos iv. 10.

1 On the other hand, in Ezek. xxxiv. 26, the more correct meaning is,
*' I make them, and what is round about my hill, a blessing," see § 33%.

/

2 In Arabic, it has become shortened into _j, and then assumed the much
more general meaning often noticed already.

3 In the same way as, in Coptic, one noun can be connected with another
only by means of UGJUL, i.e. with, and one proposition with another by

(from which } has been formed by abbreviation) ; and as many Ian-

266 EW AID'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 353.

(3.) Causal, Inferential, and Antithetical Propositions.

353a. In assigning a reason for a statement previously
made, it is seldom that [855] nothing more is used than the
stronger dnd (see §§ 342-8) ; but this particle is actually so

employed, inasmuch as it may signify accordingly, for (because),

i ~

as also the Arabic _}, or rather the stronger .U expresses our

[causal conjunction] for, Ex. xv. 2, 8, Jonah ii. 4, Isa. viii. 14,
x. 27, Ps. Ixxvi. 3.1 '3 is usually employed, like our for, to
append a reason for what has been already stated; that this
word, however, is properly the relative because (OTL, and not
yap), though it also serves to express our for, is evident from
the fact that two reasons may successively be assigned in this
way, ^] . . . *3 because . . . and because, Gen. xxxiii. 11,
Judg. vi. 30 ; cf. no ^ for, what . . J 2 Kings viii. 13. Less
frequently do we find, in this case, "i^K, which has more the
character of a noun (like Lat. quod), Gen. vi. 4, 1 Kings iii. 19,
viii. 33, cf. 2 Chron. vi. 24; only in Ecclesiastes (e.g. vi. 12,
viii. 11) is it often thus employed. More definite, however,
is |JP, an emphatic because, found chiefly at the beginning of a
new turn in the discourse, and usually distinguished in this way
from jy£ (see § 337£); since it is, properly, a noun, like the
Germ, wegen [cf. the Eng. because of, on account of], it may be
also joined, in poetry, with the infinitive, 2 Kings xxii. 19,
but it is mostly put before the whole proposition, like *?, in
the form "ifc?K |JP, or simply |JP. Here, moreover, ?JJ on account
of (see § 2 1 7*), may be used for the conjunctional phrase on
account of this (fact) that, but it is rarely found without "iBfc,
Ps. cxix. 136 (before fc6) ; in accordance with a peculiarity of the
later language, the same meaning is more briefly given by n»^
•&i>, 1 Chron. xv. 13 (cf. § 22a).

The ground of what has already been stated is rendered
more strongly prominent by the compound |3 ^ *3 for there-

guages distinguish the general idea contained in and in accordance with
the various kinds of words.

1 Similarly, in the Odschi, na is _j and _j as well as for (because) ; see
Riis, p. 154.

CAUSAL, INFERENTIAL, AND ANTITHETICAL PROPOSITIONS. L'lj 7

fore, — the reason being adduced the second time by the demon-
strative therefore, after the relative [conjunction] (like nr '•p,
§ 325#, and |3 ^n^ § 337e), something like the Lat. quando-
quidem, forasmuch as, Gen. xviii. 5, xix. 8, xxxiii. 10, xxxviii.
26, Num. x. 31, xiv. 43, Judg. vi. 22, Jer. xxix. 28, xxxviii. 4,
2 Sam. xviii. 20, Qeri. For a similar strengthening of |JP, which
refers more to something new, see § 8116.

&. A conclusion or inference, stronger than can be formed by
the Vav of sequence merely (see §§ 342—8), and which, more-
over, may be generally applied, is expressed (1) by nTO and
now, now therefore, i.e. since this is so; in letters, it marks the
transition to the contents proper, 2 Kings v. 6, x. 2. (2) By
|3 ty on such grounds, therefore; nearest to this comes J5J for
that reason (prop, on account of such a thing), which is usually
inserted at the beginning of an important inference, often of
a threatening character, therefore, i.e. assuredly, Zech. xi. 7,
or, in spite of this, i.e. nevertheless, Jer. v. 2.1 (3) Wherefore
(i.e. [853] when this is so) is expressed by TN (see § 103e)
inserted in the proposition, Eccles. ii. 15.

354&. The idea of an antithesis, presented during the current
of discourse, often lies merely in the context ; hence, it is
•usually indicated in such a way that the feeble \ precedes (see
§ 340&), but is sometimes also without this mark, by which
construction the contrast may be rendered still more sharp, Job
vi. 14f., Ps. xlvi. 4, cxix. 51, 61, Ex. xix. 12f.; the more
pointed and (see §§ 342-8), as in Job xxii. 13, xxiv. 22, and
the still stronger *]«, Ps. Iviii. 3, Judg. v. 29, Ps. Ixviii 17,
have also more force in relation to a contrast implied in the
meaning. It is worth noticing, however, how speedily, in the
concise style of later times, our yet, however, denoting limita-
tion or restriction, is expressed quite briefly by means of 1
alone, Dan. ix. 25, 27, xi. 24.

Expressions proper for indicating antithesis are op&\ however,
on the other hand, seldom merely DJ^K on the other hand (see
§ 163/), from the root ^K; also, in certain writings, £? "but (see
§ 105d), shortened into ?]K, Jer. v. 5, Isa. xiv. 15, Jonah ii. 5 ;
and ^9^, which properly means strength (the root being allied

1 It has already been shown, in the Gott. Gel. Anz. for 1829, p. 1403,
that jai> is quite different in origin and meaning from i.

2G8 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 354.

to 13S, and also TiK), hence certainty, certainly, undoubtedly, like
the Lat. vero.1 While, now, these stronger words have more
of a special and restricted meaning, a previous thought, or an
objection that might be made, is sharply set aside by D3, Dai
nevertheless, however (cf. opcos), Ps. Ixxxiv. 7, cxix. 24, cxxix. 2,
Job xviii. 15, MaL iii. 15, Eccles. vi. 7, Jer. vi. 15, viii. 12,
Ezek. xvi. 28, Jer. li. 44, Neh. v. 8, vi. 1 ; cf. similarly, W,
our nevertheless, Hos. xi. 7, and strongest of all, nfcT D5 f\$\ lut
yet for all this, Lev. xxvi. 44; later, ]tt even considering such
a thing (i.e. nevertheless), Eccles. viii. 10, as also £1, 2 Chron.
xxxii. 31. In poetry, also, TK then, may have the force of even
then (Germ, dann for dennoch, i.e. dann noch), Ps. Ivi. 10,
Ixix. 5, Mai. iii. 16.

For indicating the antithesis which immediately follows a
negative (like the Ger. sondern after nicht}, the simple \ is
usually too weak, though it does occur in that sense, Ps.
Iv. 14, 2 Sam. xxiii. 7, Dent. xi. 10 f., Jer. x. 8. The proper
expression for this is rather the asseverative, affirmative *3
(see § 330&), Isa. xlviii. 2, or the stronger DK S3 (see § 3566);
as, nriK ^ to« & not I, lut tlwu. And further, that the sub-
ject, nevertheless, likes to be placed antithetically at the
beginning (see § 340&), is shown by Zeph. iii. 13. But even
when no negative proposition precedes, ^ may mean yet,
nevertheless (see § 330&), as in Isa. ii. 6, xxviii. 28.

1. Restrictive particles are PI (properly, thin, hence our
merely, only) and SJK (see § 10 5 d) except, only, which are both
very often used, and at first differed more in being peculiar to
different dialects : before a single idea [857] also, they signify
nothing else than, only, Deut. iv. 6, Judg. xiv. 16, 1 Kings
xiv. 8, Isa. xix. 11; EK PI, Lat. dummodo, provided that (see
§ 2706). Also DBK except (see § 3226), "3 DSK only that, i.e.
nevertheless, Deut. xv. 4 ; "igte 17310 except, or only that, Eccles.
iii. 11; *O DK if only not, Job xvii. 2 [rather, here, assuredly}.
Further, ?y (see § 2226) is also used as a conjunction, in the
sense of although, Job xvi. 17. Regarding E^ *3, see § 356&.

c. *3 *)N dnd that, as an exclamation, may mean (1) when

o/

1 Jj is merely an abbreviation of this ; the corresponding word in
Aramaic, taking the cognate root, is D12, which thus, in sound, resembles

ITC, but only by accident,

CONDITIONAL PROPOSITIONS. 269

placed first, in interrogative discourse, "And is it really
the case that . . .?" or, more briefly, "actually?" as if one
could not believe it, Gen. iii. 1. (2) When used with refer-
ence to a previous proposition (in which case 1 and, may be
superadded), it appends, with increasing certainty, the chief
point yet to be stated, and signifies liow much less, when a
negative proposition precedes, 1 Kings viii. 27, Job ix. 14,
Prov. xvii. 7, xix. 10, 1 Sam. xxi. 6, and how much more,
when an affirmative sentence goes before, Prov. xv. 11, xxi. 27,
1 Sam. xiv. 30, 2 Sam. iv. 11, xvi. 11: only, *3 cannot be
repeated [after this expression], so that ^ *|K must also signify
how much more when . . ., Prov. xxi. 27. If it stands at the
beginning of the passage, it may be rendered and really also,
Hab. ii. 5. However, *|N alone may also, if need be, have
this sense (see § 3525), as Job iv. 19, how much less, Num.
xvi. 14, rather: hence, combined with the semi-interrogative,
semi-negational EN (see § 3 5 6a), forming the compound DN *JK,-
it means, with a following imperfect, and if he would . . ., i.e.
"but how should he . . ., Job xxxvi. 29.

The strongest restrictive is ^ W\, more briefly "O1 or simply
*3, in a pointed exclamation, when, after a negative proposi-
tion, it scornfully rejects something that is impossible, taking
the preceding statement into account ; e.g. where are the gods
of yore ? (i.e. they are no more) and that they should deliver
thee ! (i.e. how much less will they deliver thee), Isa. xxxvi. 1 9 f '.,
xliii. 22, Hos. i. 6, cf. with 2 Chron. xxxii. 14 f., 1 Sam.
xxiii. 3. On the other hand, '3 S3 is yea also, Euth ii. 21.

III. COREELATIVE WORDS AND PROPOSITIONS.

1. Conditional Propositions*

355$. Among double sentences, in which the first pro-
position necessarily refers to that which follows, a most
prominent position is occupied by all kinds of conditional
propositions, since the condition renders necessary the intro-
duction of another proposition, although it [viz. the condition]

1 [On this subject, see also Driver on the Hebrew Tenses, ck.p. x. (On
Hypotheticals).]

270 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 355.

may also, in many cases, be merely appended to, or inserted
in the other member. But it is most natural that the con-
dition should regard things which are still future : and, since
the imagination occupies itself with picturing what would
happen if the condition lias leen fulfilled ; since, therefore, it
has already got beyond the supposition made, and is merely
looking forward to what still lies before, the most natural
and appropriate form of the verb, in the conditional proposition,
is [858] the perfect, viz. the perfect of fancy or imagination
(see § 135c), Lat. futurum exactum, as si fecero, for which
modern languages, more simply, employ the present, if I make
(do). Hence, the perfect is generally the most convenient
tense-form in conditional propositions. This is a higher or
non-sensuous employment of the tense generally used with
reference to sensuous objects, similar to the perfect with the
Vav of sequence (see § 3426). It is a perfect used with a par-
ticular force, and especially with a higher meaning, and may be
briefly designated the perfect of condition.1 A real perfect, indeed,
may also be employed to indicate a condition, si fed; but
the Hebrew, far more than the Arabic and Syriac, still leaves
these two possibilities to be discriminated merely by feeling.
The result of this has been that the perfect of condition is no
longer so constantly employed in Hebrew as in Arabic : as
the modified perfect, with the Vav of sequence, gradually
disappears (see § 342 f.), so also, at a still earlier stage, does
this perfect of condition ; and then the imperfect comes to be
used instead of our present.

If, however, that which is really future is regarded as
complete, then, simply because of the mutual relation subsist-
ing between the two members of the sentence, the apodosis
also may, in anticipation, look upon the consequence as, under
the circumstances, certain to be realized ; i.e. the perfect of
fancy or imagination may be continued in the apodosis also,
though this tense does not so readily and necessarily appear
as in the first clause ; this construction, however, promotes the
strong mutual correspondence between the two propositions,

1 How closely these two are related, is evident also from the example in
Deut. xxxii. 41, quoted under § 197a. In Semitic, accordingly, through
the fusion of the conditional particle with the verb, there arises a true
concatenation of words, as is most conclusively shown by the Arabic.

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 271

and is, accordingly, the rule in Arabic. Finally, what is
contained in the conditional proposition may either, in accord-
ance with the mind of the speaker, be assumed absolutely,
without determining whether it is true and possible or not ;
or the speaker may state it, notwithstanding his feeling that it
does not at present exist : this difference we are obliged to
express by means of the indicative or subjunctive, — if there is,
if there were ; in Hebrew, however, especially because distinc-
tion of moods, in this sense, has not been stedfastly carried
out, the difference is indicated in a still more objective and
distinct manner, by means of various particles.

&. 1. OK is the simple if (*6 DK if not, unless) ; it is also used
when one side is taken notwithstanding the other, in which
case it answers to our although, Isa. i. 18-20, Jer. v. 2, xiv. 7,
xv. 1, xxii. 24, li. 14, Eccles. xi. 8, 1 Sam. xv. 17. A word
of like meaning is in (see § 103#), Ex. iv. 1, viii. 22, Job
xxxvi. 22, 2 Chron. vii. 13.1 Considered with respect to
time, it is construed —

(1.) With the imperfect, or rather, equally with this and the
perfect, whether simple futurity be intended, as, W^? Dfi* si
fecero, [859] if I do (if I shall have done), Ps. vii. 4 f., cxxxii. 1 2,
Job xi. 13, Gen. xliii. 9, Isa. iv. 4, Jer. xxxvii. 10 ; or whether
prominence be given to one among many possible cases, as, Ps.
Ixiii. 7, Job vii. 4, Jer. xiv. 18, Ex. i. 16. Here also belongs
the use of CN in describing continued states and repeated
actions, Gen. xxxviii. 9, Num. xxi. 9 (cf. § 342&) ; hence our
when, in the case of continued states, Amos vi. 2 ; or our as
often as, whenever (for which *3 is more rarely used, Judg.
ii 18, Job vii. 13 f., see § 337c; or i^K, Deut. xi. 27, cf.
ver. 28, see § 333a). In every case, the perfect is used
thus, only in the first proposition, and afterwards the plain,
feeble tense (see § 350&), i.e. here, the imperfect, or, what is
the same thing, Vav consecutive with the perfect: in poetry,
however, there is greater freedom of form, Job xvii. 13 ff. In
the apodosis appears the imperfect, as a plain tense-form, e.g.
always when the verb does not stand first, Isa. i. 9, 20, Prov.

1 Both of these forms have, as it were, become merged in the Aramaic
and Arabic f ^ ; but, that jn originally signifies behold, is also evident from

the Coptic ICXG, prop, see that . . ., i.e. provided that . . .

272 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 355.

iii. 24, Amos ix. 2 ; at other times, Vav consecutive with the
perfect may be used, Mic. v. 7, Ps. Ixxxix. 32 f., sometimes
also the perfect without Vav, in which case the connection is
indicated merely by the meaning, Prov. ix. 12, 1 Sam. ii. 16,
Hos. xii. 12a ; further, by Vav consecutive with the imperfect :
the case is different when the perfect, in the apodosis, refers
to an event actually past, Ps. cxxvii. 1. Moreover, BK may
also be used with the participle, for the immediate future,
Judg. ix. 1 5, xi. 9 (similarly with *3 when, Judg. xv. 3), 1 Sam.
vi. 3; hence, B* (see § 306c) with a suffix readily occurs in
this case, Gen. xxiv. 49 (sifacturi estis, cf. ver. 42, where the
precatory particle NJ", § 246&, intrudes itself), xliii. 4, Judg.
vi. 36; also T^, Ex. viii. 1 7, 1 Sam. xix. 1 1 (where the parti-
ciple is used in the apodosis also). The conditional particle
may likewise be used with the infinitive and a suffix ; as,
n»K DK if my saying, i.e. if I say, Job ix. 27, cf. Zeph.
iii. 20.1

(2.) With the perfect, as the sign that an event is actually
past, 1 Sam. xxi. 5, Job viii. 4, ix. 16, Isa. xxviii. 25 ; also,
when the apodosis goes into the future, Nah. i. 12.

(3.) When, however, there is made an assumption, which,
in the opinion of the speaker, is not altogether impossible, the
imperfect is used ; thus, if a man were to (should) give, Cant,
viii. 7, Amos ix. 2-4, Obad. 4, Isa. x. 22, Ps. 1. 12, cxxxix. 8,
Job xxxiv. 1 4 f. The imperfect must likewise be employed
when desire is meant to be expressed, as, if ye wish to ask,
Isa. xxi. 12 (also with the n— of the voluntative, Job xvi. 6),
or for the actual future, 2 Kings xx. 9, Judg. xiii. 16 : with
this we must not confound the case in which the imperfect
stands for our present, — instead of which the perfect is some-
times employed, Num. xxxv. 20 f., cf. ver, 22, Nah. iii. 12.
It is obvious that the apodosis may have the voluntative or
imperative, when the sense requires it, 2 Kings ii. 10, Jer.
xxiii. 22, 1 Sam. vi. 3.

The negative is & EN if not, for which, it is to be observed,
there is employed the simple 7K fj,r) (el jitf) in 2 Kings vi. 27,
a mode of construction which is probably due to the in-
fluence of some dialect.

1 In Dan. xi. 1, however, VJEJJ is a wrong reading.

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 273

"•3 when, differs from EK in not generally having this power
of subordinating the perfect of condition ; it is but seldom
that this particle occurs with the same force, as [880] Euth
i. 12 f., Job vii. 13, cf. ver. 4 ; and with the voluntative, Job
xxvii. 8 (see § 235c). Equally rare is it to find "1PK3 in the
sense of quasi; but then it is used, like a conditional particle,
with the perfect, Ps. Ivi. 7. And ^3 *iy, Cant. iii. 4c, with the
perfect, is, in the sense of the Lat. donee fecero, and our until 1
do, the exact equivalent of the much more common &K *W, which
likewise takes the perfect, Isa. vi. 11, xxx. 1*7, Gen. xxiv. 19 :
instead of which there is used, in the more solemn style, ny iy
until the time when . . ., Mic. v. 2, but more briefly also the
simple "Jy (see p. 230).

c. When two conditional sentences occur consecutively, the
apodosis of the first may be omitted, as being evident from the
whole : thus, if . . . (well and good), otherwise . . ., Judg. ix.
16-20, Ex. xxxii. 32. In every apodosis, too, a member of
the protasis may be repeated merely in thought, as being self-
evident, Job xxvii. 14, Ps. xcii. 8. If, in the second sentence,
the negative hypothesis is to be stated very briefly, without
repeating the first proposition, then it is better to say P.K Dfcfl
and if not (see § 3216), or &6 DK1), 1 Sam. vi. 9.

356&. In the numerous forms of asseveration and swearing,
the second proposition, in which the speaker lays himself under
obligation, is almost always omitted, as being self-evident ; so
that BK, simply, has assumed the meaning of certainly not, and
& fix that of certainly, fix is then, for the most part, loosely
joined with the imperfect; as, 1?T$JK Di* if I forsake thee ! (may
I perish), i.e. I shall certainly not leave thee ; we find, how-
ever, ^nn^' X? ^ if I shall not strengthen thee ! i.e. I shall
certainly do so, Jer. xv. 11, Ps. Ixxxix. 36, xcv. 11. Hence
DKH occurs, though rarely, with the same meaning as N?n (see
§ 3246), Job vi. 13, Num. xvii. 28.

~b. DK t>3> after a negative proposition, may signify but if
(see § 354:0) ; and, in this as in other cases, EK is followed by
the perfect, used with reference to the present or future, as,
nj"]ii DK ""S n^j &6 it does not return but if (unless) it has
watered, Isa. Iv. 10, Ixv. 6, Amos iii. 7, Gen. xxxii. 27, Lev.
xxii. 6. Hence, this construction generally has acquired the
sense of the strong restrictive except, only, 2 Sam. xiii. 33

s

274 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 357.

Kethib (nevertheless, Num. xxiv. 22), lut, even when it is not
succeeded by a verb. Though it is most frequently put after
a negation (see p. 268), as, ^^ BK ^ apjr fc6 W0£ Jacob lut
Israel, Gen. xxxii. 29, Prov. xxiii. 17,1 or after a question,
w/to . . . lut (except), Isa. xlii. 19, yet it is also found, at times,
without such protases, so that, if a verb immediately follows, it
remains in the perfect, as, ^fn?J BK ^ (except) only, tJwu shalt
remember me, Gen. xl. 14, Job xlii. 8, Num. xxiv. 22, 2 Sam.
v. 6, 2 Kings xxiii. 9. In the same way also is used the
stronger &N "WS save only, Judg. vii. 14, and the simple W3
only, with the perfect, Isa. x. 4 (see § 322&) ; hence also, in
strong asseverations and oaths, it signifies only, in the sense of
assuredly, 2 Sam. xv. 21 (Kethib, as in Jer. xxxix. 12), 1 Kings
xx. 6, 2 Kings v. 20, Jer. li. 14. Nay more, EX ^ except, comes
at last to be merely a [861] stronger or than the simple £$; it
states another case, and yet still continues to be construed
with the perfect, Lam. v. 22 (cf. § 312c).2 It is different when
QS '3 is used to indicate a continuation, yea if, Prov. ii. 3, or
in the sense of although, Jer. li. 14 ; a different case, too, is
found in Prov. xix. 19.3

3 5*7 a. When several propositions are closely connected, it
is even sufficient to introduce a new case, as a condition, by
means of Vav consecutive, — mostly with the perfect, — in such
a way that the absence of the conjunction, for the most part,
indicates where the apodosis begins ; as, dnd tliou awakest (if
thou dost awake), she will guide thee, Prov. vi. 22, 31, Gen.
xxxiii. 13, Num. xxiii. 20, 1 Sam. xxv. 29 (where, in the
protasis, the imperfect, with the Vav of sequence, is employed
for the purpose of referring to the case that has already hap-
pened) 31, Isa. vi. 13 (where Ity is an imperfect verb; see
§ 299a), Jer. xviii. 4, 8, xx. 9, Job v. 24b, x. 15, xi. 18,
xxxiii. 19—25, Ps. cxxxix. 11 f . ; and, by dropping the *\
according to § 233a), with the apocopated imperfect, Job

1 [But a second occurrence of DK ^3 in this passage creates some diffi-
culty : see the commentaries, and Riietschi's remarks in the Studien und
Kritikcn for 1868, pp. 157, 158.]

2 Hence, the Greek «?VA' # is a combination which closely corresponds to
this.

8 On this passage, cf . Ewald on the Poetic Writers of the Old Testament,
ii. p. 186.

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 275

xxxiii. 21 f. The meaning of the apodosis may also be con-
tained merely in the Vav of sequence, Gen. iv. 14 (where, in
the protasis, the imperfect is used : if I must hide . . . and
lie come a fugitive and vagabond, then . . .) ; this is particularly
the case when, on account of a preceding fa lest, that not, an
ordinary protasis cannot well be formed, Ps. xxviii. 1.

b. The conditional meaning, however, may also be expressed
in very many other ways, without using DK, partly in a more
pointed manner, but partly also in a much briefer way ; as,
when nny nan behold now . . ., i.e. supposing that he is . . . stands
before a circumstantial clause, 2 Sam. xvii. 9, or when the
simple nan behold, with a participle following, points to an
immediate future, 2 Kings vii. 2, 19, and with the perfect of
the future, Hos. ix. 6 ; the latter construction is especially
employed, when, in the continued progress of the discourse,
there is to be formed a new proposition which shall serve as
the protasis of a conditional sentence, Ezek. xiv. 22, xv. 4,
xvi. 27.

In this matter, there is much more liberty accorded to
poetic writers than is given in ordinary discourse. Thus, a
proposition with the perfect may be prefixed, or even boldly
inserted, in such a way that this action must obviously pre-
cede the following action in the imperfect, as its condition ; so
"ID!?!<! • • • n?l he has seen it, and hides himself, i.e. having seen
it, he hides himself, Prov. xxii. 3, Ps. Ixix. 33, ciii. 16, Amos
iii. 8, Hos. ix. 6, Hab. iii. 10, Job vii. 20, xxiv. 24, iii. 11,
13, iv. 21, xxiii. 10; also, with the omission of Vav con-
secutive before the perfect of the apodosis, in Prov. xxiv. 10,
Ps. Ivii. 7 (with an interrogation for the protasis in Prov.
xxii. 29). Thus, too, the perfect may always be suddenly
introduced in new conditional propositions ; but when this is
the case, it is almost always continued, Ezek. xviii. 5-9, 10 f.,
xxxiii. 3-9.1 The opposite of this [862] is, I call (imperf.),
Thou hast delivered me, i.e. as soon as I cry, Thou deliverest,
Ps. xxx. 3-12, xxxii. 5, and with the Vav of sequence, iii. 5.
Or, the protasis announces, in the voluntative, the wish, the
hypothesis, and the possibility on the ground of which an
apodosis must follow ; and this may be at once added in the

1 This same construction becomes very frequent in the brief legal style
of the Mishna,

276 EWALD'S HEBEEW SYNTAX, § 357.

same expression with the other member, as, V^Ti HDipN if /
wish to rise, then they speak ; Wl . . . r\wr\ if Thou maJcest dark-
ness, then it becomes night ; this is especially the case when the
apodosis intimates willingness or intention, as, do Thou quicken
us V^nfl,1 then (so) will we call on Thy name, Job xix. 18, x. 16 f.,
xi. 17, xvi. 6, xxii. 28, xxxvi. 14 f., Ps. xl. 6, xlii. 5, Ixxi. 2 If.,
Ixxvii. 4, Ixxx. 19, xci. 15, civ. 20, cxxxix. 8-10, 18, cxlvi. 4,
Isa. xxxiii. 1 1, Zech. x. 8 f. The cases in which two imperatives
are used (see § 3476) likewise belong to this class of sentences.2
The mere infinitive with ^, in a kind of protasis, may also give
a rough outline of what is nothing more than a possibility ,
as, nftjfp to le weighed in the balance (i.e. if they are accurately
weighed), they are . . ., Ps. Ixii. lOb. It is similar when the
first member is put as it were interrogatively, Isa. xxvi. 10,
xlviii. 13, Eccles. i. 10, Neh. i. 8.

But again, two essentially different actions may also be
simply opposed to each other (which, however, is best accom-
plished by the significant omission of the and), so that the
protasis may possibly receive prominence merely through the
change of tone (as in English) : thus Hos. viii. 12, Ps. xci. 7,
cxix. 23, 51, 61, not to mention such a case as Ps. Ixviii. 2,
where the voluntative ceases to be clearly distinguished ; but
the apodosis may be more precisely indicated by a prefixed D3
(like our then, Ger. so), Hos. xii. 12b. In the briefest form
of construction, two perfects are brought together (see § 355&),
as, "•ntpi? "wSJ / fall, I rise, i.e. if I fall, I rise again, Mic.
vii. 8, Hos. x. 13, cf. with xii. 11 ; this brevity of expression
is particularly appropriate when use is made of ">^3, indi-
cating equality, Jonah i. 14. And finally, we may even say
fcrco . . . «yp he found . . . he found, i.e. if he found the one,
he found the other also, Prov. xviii. 22.3

c. To this category also properly belong all those relative
propositions which are of such a nature that they must have
other propositions to correspond with them ; as, he who . . .
that person is (Ger. wer . . . der), who am I that I . . . (see

1 Hence, this is particularly the case also where it becomes necessary to
employ the voluntative of the second person (see § 229a).

2 Even in modern Persian they occur in the same way ; Shahname L
p. 226, 15.

8 Cf. Mishna, Aloth ii. 7. cf. 10.

CONDITIONAL SENTENCE& 27*7

§ 34 7 a). In these cases, accordingly, *B and HD have the
force of [relative] pronouns (see § 3316), as Num. xxiii. 3,
1 Sam. xx. 4, Job vi. 24b, Ps. xxv. 12 f., Zech. iv. 10, Esth.
v. 3, 6, vii. 2, ix. 12, Eccles. v. 9, ix. 4; other turns are
found in iii. 13, v. 18 ; nay, every circumstantial clause, or
the simple participle, admits of being resolved into such a pro-
position, and has the force of one, Prov. xiii. 18, xiv. 22,
xxii. 15, xxvii. 7, Job xli. 18, Jer. xxiii. 17, 2 Sam. xxiii. 3.
")^tf 73 whoever, "Wfc"?3*7N whithersoever, etc., are construed
exactly in the same way as BK with the perfect ; thus 1 Sam.
i. 28, Judg. ii. 15, [863] Prov. xvii. 8, cf. Dan. i. 20 ; in
Ecclesiastes there is used . . . W~n® whatever . . ., vi. 10, vii. 24.
In the apodosis, the perfect is used, at least according to the
Massoretic punctuation, Prov. xiv. 31, xvii. 5,xix. 17.

358a. 2. £>l sets forth the condition, notwithstanding the
feeling that the statement contained in it is now impossible ;
this difference comes out distinctly in the case of things past
and present. (1) Though the perfect may be used of the
present (just as in the case of DN), as, Wl? *MH O if they were
wise (which they are not) they would perceive this, Deut. xxxii.
29, yet a mere circumstantial clause occurs still more fre-
quently, as, ypb> W v if my people heard (which they do not),
Ps. Ixxxi. 14, 2 Sam. xviii. 12, 2 Kings iii. 14; it is found
in the same way also with £?., Job xvi. 4, Num. xxii. 29. i is
also used with the imperfect, in speaking of things which are
not desired, and are not now actually existent, though perhaps
possible ; as, ^ODB^ & if he hated us (we would be lost, Gen.
L 15, which is a case of aposiopesis similar to that which
occurs in Ps. xxvii. 1 3) ; the imperfect, however, makes its way

1 The more primitive form is lam (see § 3196). But, as we saw that i^tf
(see § 325&) is an abbreviation of 1^, so, in 2 Kings v. 13, there is found
— doubtless, through the influence of a dialect — UN (according to the
Massoretic punctuation) for vj£, i.e. ^ (if the prophet had commanded thee
[to do] something great, thou wouldest do it; how much more this small
matter!); hence it serves for the expression of a wish, Job xxxiv. 36,
like & (see § 329Z>), and may therefore also be rightly placed before the
imperative, as in 1 Sam. xxiv. 12 (for, even here, UN cannot mean, my
father!). Moreover, the form ^ (which, in many passages, is unquestion-
ably equivalent to ^) shows that in Hebrew also, at least in some of its
dialects, one might always readily say 16 = law.

278 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 353.

into other cases also, Deut. xxxii. 26 f. (2) ^ may also be
used in connection with things of the past, as, nvi £> if it had
happened, — which it has not; cf. § 135d

The apodosis need not necessarily be considered as in the
same actual division of time [with the protasis] : thus, if ye had
spared them, I would not kill you (pret. pres.) ; if I had a
sword, I would have already slain thee (pres. pret.). If, now,
the present is intended in the apodosis, then imperfect of the
first proposition may, certainly, be continued (as in § 355fr),
Isa. i. 9, Judg. viii. 19 ; but — especially when it is the present
which is spoken of in the protasis also — it is a simpler con-
struction for the imperfect to be used, or, instead of this, the
stronger construction with the perfect and the Vav of sequence
(see § 3426), Mic. ii. 11, and with ^i'D3 in a little, soon, Ps.
Ixxxi. 15. If the preterite is to be understood, the perfect
must be used, Judg. xiii. 23 ; and, in this case, TN ^ or
nny 13 surely then, is often employed to indicate more strongly
what would otherwise have happened, Num. xxii. 29, Gen.
xliii. 9, 1 Sam. xiv. 30, 2 Sam. ii. 27; "W then, is found only in
Aramaizing language, as Ps. cxxiv. 3 f. (It is very seldom, on
the other hand, that these particles are found after EN, which
indicates much less passion, Job viii. 6,xi. 15.) In other cases
also, when such a protasis is wanting, and is only covertly
implied in the meaning, [864] this W or nny then, which
points to what is more remote, is sufficient to indicate that
what is expressed in the perfect or imperfect after " then,"
either would have happened, or would happen, if the condition
were fulfilled, Ex. ix. 15, 1 Sam. xiii. 13, 2 Kings xiii. 19,
Job iii. 13, xiii. 19. It is still more obvious that, after some-
thing future has been already indicated, the perfect, with TfcJ '3
surely then, sufficiently expresses our futurum exactum, 2 Sam.
v. 24 (in the parallel passage, 1 Chron. xiv. 15, TK is im-
properly omitted).

The conditional proposition, however, may also be merely
added during the progress of the discourse, without exercising
the influence already mentioned, Job xvi. 6, Ps. cvi. 23.

6. N?v or vv if there were not (which, however, is actually
the case), is contracted from & & (see § 108c). In Aramaic,
the lighter conditional particle DN also thrusts itself in before
v ; the particle v>K [if} — which is not the case], contracted from

EQUATED PROPOSITIONS. 27'.)

the combination of these two, is found in EC les. [vi. 6] and
Esth. [vii. 4] : in the same sense must be understood N? QN
in Ezek. iii. 6 ; tfb is also to be understood as equivalent to
6 (see § 329) in 1 Sam. xx. 14, 2 Sam. xiii. 26, 2 Kings
v. 17,1 Job xiv. 4.

2. Equated Propositions.

359. Equated propositions, or, taking a more restricted
view, equating words, are, generally speaking, more commonly
found among poetic writers than in plain narrative.

1. Such propositions are formed for the purpose of repre-
senting things which differ, as, nevertheless, agreeing and corn-
lining in one respect: thus, 03 ... 03 also . . . also, i.e. ... as
well as . . ., both . . . and . . ., not only . . . but also, Ex. x. 25 i.
xii. 31, Gen. xxiv. 25, 1 Sam. xvii. 36, Jer. li. 12, 49 ; *!«.:.
*)K is rare, and used only in poetry, Isa. xl. 24, xli. 26, xlvi. 11 ;
also 1 ... 1, Isa. xvi. 5, xxxviii. 15, Ps. Ixxvi. 7, Job xxxiv. 29 ;
and in prose, Num. xvi. 17, Jer. xxxii. 14, xl. 8, 1 Kings
xvi. 11. Propositions of considerable length are rarely con-
nected in this way. In negative propositions, the particles
mean neither . . . nor . . ., 1 Kings iii. 26. The case is different
when 03 is repeated merely for the sake of emphasis, Job
xv. 1 0, Judg. v. 4. In another way, 7 ... f 3 (see § 2 1 7#), as
in Arabic, is equivalent to ... as well as . . ., the two extremes
being connected, 2 Chron. xiv. 10.

360&. 2. For connecting different things, as being, in a
certain manner, exactly similar, the particle 3, used in com-
parisons, is simply repeated, in order to express our as . . . so;
SQ as the righteous, so the wicked, [865] Gen. xviii. 25,

1 In these two passages, the Massoretes doubtless meant to indicate, by
the vocalization fc^l (see § 343a) and the accents, that the word has the
peculiar meaning and 01 as, in both, the &O~ (see § 246a) follows the volun-
tative. But the sense requires, in 2 Sam., 0 if lie would but go! (i.e. O
that he might go); and in 2 Kings, even though a pair of mules tvith
precious stones (i.e. as many precious stones as a couple of mules can carry;
see § 2870 were fliven me, is to be regarded as a mere protasis, so that &o-
simply serves to give prominence to the voluntative. Instead of niDTN we
must read

280 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § SGO.

xliv. 18, Judg. viii. 18, 2 Chron. xviii. 3. To indicate equality
between two adjectives, there is used the somewhat longer tea
(see § 222a), which, even under these circumstances, stands
more before a complete proposition; as the fresh, as the parched,
— one or the other indifferently, Ps. Iviii. 10.1 If the second
member possesses more of the force and weight belonging to
the discourse ; or if it is very much separated from the first
member, and requires to have its connection indicated some-
what more decidedly ; or if, finally, it is a complete proposition,
then the full form |3 so (see § 105&), is introduced, as, Ps.
cxxvii. 4, Joel ii. 4, 2 Kings vii. 18-20 ; in Ps. cxxxi. 2, how-
ever, 7*B23, at the beginning of a short proposition, sufficiently
expresses the sense of 5*B|n j? so is the weaned [child].2 If the
first member also is a complete proposition, then we must say
")B>tf3 instead of 3 (see § 337). In shorter, or more closely
connected propositions, the first particle may also be omitted ;
so also, on the other hand, the second 3 is likewise more
pointedly attached by means of the Vav of sequence, Josh.
xiv. 11, Dan. xi. 29, 1 Sam. xxx. 24. *W Hfi^S means exactly
in the same way as, Eccles. v. 15, cf. 1 Chron. xxv. 8.

But the comparison is not always expressed in both mem-
bers in an equally complete manner. Even the mere "^K
is employed for as, in Jer. xxxiii. 22, xlviii. 8, Isa. liv. 9,
a use of the word which is not surprising (see § 333&);
the same application is made, in Isa. Ixii. 5, of '3, which, of
course, originally signifies as, but is not usually employed for
"l|to. In the brief, poetic style, it is also sufficient to attach
merely the second proposition by means of I?, Judg. v. 1 5 ;
more readily, 3 is placed only with the first half, Neh. v. 5,
or the Vav of sequence is enough for the second, Isa. viii. 23.

&. If the comparison relates to time, j? is our immediately,
Ps. xlviii. 6, 1 Sam. ix. 133 (cf. weaker modes of expression
in § 337c). If it refers to degree, it is our the more . . . the

1 Cf. }.Q_»_K»5 1^**> however remote, Knbs' Chrestomatliy, p. 74.

2 We must not omit noticing here, that 3 is a particle which, properly,
in every case, subordinates the word or words used as its completion, after
the manner of the incomplete nouns (see § 286dff.) ; so that Di*3, or, more
precisely, n-tn Di*3, may signify as it is to-day, Jer. xliv. 6, 22 f. (instead
of which ri;tn Di*n is used in ver. 2).

8 Cf. wra in 1 Mace. xii. 26.

EQUATED PKOPOSITIONS. 281

more, Ex. i. 12, Hos. iv. 7, x. 1, xi. 2, cf. Nah. i. 12;1 but
this idea is more strongly expressed by means of the combina-
tion 7#3 . . , 7JJ3 according to . . . so, of which only the second
may afterwards be used,2 Isa. lix. 18, Ixiii. 7.

When the same thought is repeated under the same form
of expression, — either from doubt, as in w^w Wblp "iBtes as
(or, when) I am bereaved [866] / am bereaved, Gen. xliii. 13,
Esth. iv. 16 ; or merely because the speaker does not choose
to say anything more about the matter, as in Zech. x. 8, —
the perfect is used (according to §§ 355, 357c).3 A propo-
sition with where, however, may also be stated by itself,
2 Sam. xv. 20, though 1 Sam. xxiii. 13 shows that the
leading tense is apt to be repeated in it.

c. When correlation can be sufficiently and most simply
expressed by repeating a noun or pronoun, and placing one
form in opposition to the other, the language generally con-
tents itself with this method. So, nn . . . nj this . . . that,
when different individuals are introduced, as they present
themselves to the mind of the speaker, Jer. xliv. 5 ; TOi njo
from (or, on) this and that side; H3HJ njn here and there (see
§ 103/), or, this and that, I Kings xx. 40 (see § 184);
-in&O intf one to another, 1 Kings iii. 25, 2 Kings iv. 35 ;
similarly B^Kp C^N, *yp ^} Mic. iv. 3 ; cf. other instances in
1 Kings vi. 27, 2 Kings xxi. 16, Ezek. xiii. 18, Ezra ix. 11,
Esth. i. 7 : the idea may even be conveyed simply by repeat-
ing the article, Jer. li. 46 ; hence also igte tsh . . . "I^'K B» some
. . . others, K"eh. v. 2—4 ; or a slight change of the word, such
as is found in nftp . . . fitfp the one end of . . . the other end of it,
Ps. xix. 7, because the plural form also is very natural and
convenient in this passage.

This simplicity of construction is radically the same as that
according to which the comparative and superlative merely
follow from the connection of the whole ; e.g. D^'inN last, twice

1 The Syriac also frequently expresses this by *vn . .

2 Similarly, of two such words, the first [as well as the second] remains
in the case of ^yjj? . . . fyip^ therefore . . . in order that / . . ., Neh.
vi. 13 ; and the still shorter mode of expression is presented in the case of
"TQJJS) Job xx. 2, 3. The possibility of forming such constructions results
from what is stated in § 220a.

8 The same mode of expression is frequently used in Arabic.

282 EWALD'S HEBKEW SYNTAX, § SGI.

repeated, is to be rendered by latter and last, Gen. xxxiii. 2,
Eccles. i. 11; as the Hebrew also, in the case of general
ideas like great, often leaves modifications of these, like our
too great, or too little, to be inferred merely from the drift
of the discourse, Zech. xii. 7, 2 Chron. xxix. 34, 2 Kings
iii. 18.

361. 3. Mutual connection between different cases which
are represented as possible, is formed by repeating the con-
ditional particle : thus, DW . . . DK if one likes this, and if one
likes that, i.e. sive . . . sive ; as, JH n«] nto DK sive bonum, sive
malum. In shorter propositions, however, and in interroga-
tive sentences (see § 324c), the second member is also intro-
duced, more briefly, by ON merely, or \ Job xvi. 6 ; so also,
on the other hand, OKI may be found merely with the second,
Prov. xxvii. 24, or even ON, 1 Kings xxi. 2, cf. ver. 6.
Though disjunctive questions may be formed by simply repeat-
ing the n, Num. xiii. 18, yet the second question is oftener
indicated more definitely by this 0*0 or OK. On the other
hand, iK (see § 352a), the essential meaning of which is ory
forms the transition to something new which rises after other
things, and thrusts itself into greater prominence : hence, also,
it is used with the voluntative ; thus, or (rather) let him make
peace (if he does not like the previous alternative), Isa. xxvii. 5,
Lev. xxvi. 41. Then also, put antithetically, itf . . . itf means
either in this way, or in that ; hence, it is stronger than the
mere &N : and while the double EN is used more before single
nouns, this particle stands more before whole propositions.
In this latter case, however, since it includes the meaning of
the conditioning BK, it resembles this particle [867] in being
•Joined with the perfect (see § 355&); thus, JHJ IN nsi IN sive
nderit, sive cognorit, Lev. v. 1, 2 If.; and with the second
member only, in Lev. xv. 3, Num. v. 14: the same idea is
also more briefly indicated by } ... } (see § 3526), Prov.
xxix. 9;1 cf. Ewald's Gram. Arab. ii. pp. 119, 322. Many
different kinds of possible cases are also set forth by means
of "i^'N W, repeated, with reference to the past : if it were the
case that . . . and if it were the case that, i.e. if it were ever at
any time thus ... or thus : the same thing is afterwards
several times more briefly indicated by IN, Num. ix. 20 ff.
1 See the Jahrbucher der bibl. Wissensch. xi. p. 28.

MISCELLANEOUS DOUBLE I'KOPOSITIONS. 2Sl>

3. Other Kinds of Double Propositions.

362#. Of these, there are many other particular kinds; as,
9*l . . . W3P 7p.jn was it too little (i.e. almost, because it was
too small a matter) that he followed after evil, he actually took
a wife of such a character, 1 Kings xvi. 31, cf. 2 Sam.
xxiii. 19.1 ^ns.! ^I!l ^n ?)N2 scarcely had he struck the water,
when it parted, 2 Kings ii. 14; cf. Cant. iii. 4.

Propositions which destroy each other (in something of the
way that is done by pev . . . Se, though . . . yet, Ger. zwar . . .
doch), like cases of simple antithesis (see § 354&), are more
rarely distinguished in Hebrew by an outward mark; nor, in
the case of the protasis, does the language at all possess any
special word such as, among the Semitic tongues, is employed
by the Ethiopic for this purpose. By the use of other means,
however, such propositions are, of course, capable of being put
in a form in which they can be tolerably well distinguished.
In extreme cases, even an &s if (i.e, although, see § 355&) in
the protasis is sufficient for this purpose, as 1 Sam. xv. 17,
Eccles. vi. 3 ; or there is merely put first, in an emphatic way, a
proposition whose meaning is the direct opposite of the following
one with which it is contrasted (see § 3o7&), Mic. iv. 11—13,
iv. 14-v. 1, Zeph. iii. 18 f., 1 Chron. xxvi. 10, 2 Chron. xxiv.
24: the latter member becomes still more significant when the
protasis also assumes an antithetical form, e.g. by employing
the voluntative, Isa. xl. 3 Of., or by the pronominal subject
being expressly mentioned first, as, ^N in Isa. xlix. 4, Jonah
ii. 5 (in which case I5&J or ^ nevertheless, is prefixed to the
apodosis), Ps. xxxi. 23, xli. 5-13; or when the second member
is preceded by also (see § 3526), Prov. iii. 34 (though . . . yet
also . . .). The first member, however, frequently, by means
of ^P that! uttered as it were by way of challenge, or strong
request, makes a concession which the apodosis then — often
even without an antithetical particle — sharply revokes (Lat. ut
faciat . . . tamen, though he should . . . yet), as, 2 Sam. xvi.
10 Kethib (twice), Gen. iv. 24, Job xv. 27-29, Ps. xxvii. 10,

1 Cf. very similar forms of sentences in Neo-Hebraic, Gemara,
fol. 30&.

2 Instead of this we must perhaps read TJX (see § 3415).

284 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 362.

xlix. 19£, xxi. 12, Ixxi. lOff., cxix. 83, Hos. xiii. 15, Mic.
vii. 8, ISTah. i. 10 (where, in the apodosis, the perfect is used,
in accordance with § 3555), Deut. xviii. 14, Jer. iv. 30, xxx.
11, xlvi. 23 f., xlix. 16, 1. 11, li. 53, Zech. viii. 6, Mai. i. 4,
Eccles. iv. 14f., 1 Chron. xxviii. 5 ; hence also, with ^l placed
unusually further on in the proposition, / — peace though I
speak, they desire war, Ps. cxx. 7.1 The same thing happens
even in the case of a proposition [868] with ^3, which is placed
after the other, Prov. vi. 35. The iKfc which indicates a chal-
lenge, or earnest request, is [very rarely] used instead of *3 , in
Aramaizing language, Eccles. viii. 12, where, before the apo-
dosis, there stands the stronger D3 *3 nevertheless; hence, also,
with a similar transposition, we find V>rw in multi ut sint,
though the days of his life be ever so many, Eccles. vi. 3.
With this 3 there is also sometimes joined E3 (see § 350«), to
strengthen it, so that the expression corresponds still more to
our although, Josh. xxii. 7, Hos. viii. 10, Isa. i. 15, Jer. xiv. 12;
in the same way also "^ D3, Neh. iii. 35, and EN D3, Eccles. viii.
17; nay, even the simple Wl has a like meaning, Jer. xxxvi.
25, as also f\X, Ezra x. 15f. And even D3 alone, repeated
before two propositions, may of itself give prominence to the
sharp antithesis subsisting between them, Ps. cxix. 23 f.

c. Paraphrastic expressions of similar ideas are ")B>K bbzfor
all that . . ., i.e. however much, Eccles. viii. 17 (where we
must read b*3 instead of the meaningless ?^); and iKte "linn in
spite of the fact that . . ., i.e. notwithstanding that, Deut. i.
3 If.;2 also with '3 to strengthen the expression, ")f« W3 '3
despite the fact that . . ., Ex. xviii. II.3

But, without any such external mark of distinction what-
ever being used, the same meaning may also be contained
merely in the sharp antithesis which exists between two short
propositions, as in Ps. cxix. 51, 61.

1 A similar liberty taken in arranging words is exhibited, during the
period of artificial poetic composition, in the case of *jj;, Ps. cxli. 10.
' 2 For, in this passage, we must undoubtedly read "Q*n instead of the
meaningless "OllDS, and then regard ver. 32 as the apodosis of ver. 31 ;
though, even so early as the tune when the Septuagint translation was
made, the present reading \tv T»J spy/aip] was found.

3 In the language of the Mishna, there frequently occurs the expression
'& ifi ^y ?]tf although.

INVOLVED SENTENCES. 285

CONCLUSION.

Longer and more Complex Sentences.

363&. From all that has been stated above, it is further
evident how more than two propositions and trains of thought,
of considerable length, may be arranged so as to meet and
form one whole; because what has been explained merely pre-
sents itself again, interwoven in various ways, as, Neh. iii. 35,
Judg. vi. 36 f., Job x. 13-1 7, XL 13-15, xxxiii. 15-28, Ezek
viii. 11, Esth. ix. 1, 2. But, though the connection of the
propositions (see § 340 ff.) is for the most part maintained by
using and, at least in narrative, on the other hand, when a
grand idea is to be introduced in as precise, and yet as brief
and pointed a form as possible, one proposition may also press
closely upon another without any conjunction being employed,
as in the fine example found in Isa. xxx. 33. The notion
that the Hebrew language is incapable of forming large and
involved sentences, is a- mere groundless prejudice ; the first
two pieces of narrative in the Bible begin at once with such
sentences,1 and we have already treated of the long relative
sentences (see § 335c).

[869] 6. Insertion of one sentence in another, though not
very frequently resorted to, is advantageously employed when
it serves to round off the whole more speedily, as, Ps. xviii. 4,
Gen. iii. 3 ; and, among the poets, a circumstantial clause may
often be abruptly thrown in between two other members of a
verse which stand in mutual relation, for the purpose of giving
a general explanation of their meaning, Gen. xlix. 8, Ps. xl. 7,
xlv. 6, Job xxxvii. 12: the same construction is more freely
and fully adopted in rhetorical passages, as, 2 Kings xxii.
18-20 (2 Chron. xxxiv. 26-28), 2 Chron. ii. 2-6 : it is
rarely followed in the narrative style, as, 1 Sam. xxvii. 11
(from the first iba!? to toBBto). It is something different with
those insertions in the narrative which merely append, in a
brief manner, what might have been stated at a previous stage,
1 Sam. xxv. 2-4.

c. Changes in the mode of construction first adopted (see
1 Gen. i. 1-3, ii. 5-7; cf. the Jahrbticher der libl. Wiss. i. p. 84, ii. p. 151.

286 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 364.

§ 308) may occur during the course of a somewhat long and
composite sentence, or in joining one proposition to another,
when the one expression is almost as suitable as the other, or
when the discourse becomes more condensed, as, 1 Kings
vi. 12, Num. xv. 29, Dent. xi. 2 ft, Zech. vii. 7 ff., Dan. i. 15 :
these changes, however, require to be carefully examined as
they stand in every separate passage, and to be viewed in
accordance with the peculiar style of each individual author.
Many, too, merely appear to be changes, but are not such in
reality.1

APPENDIX.

AGKEEMENT OF THE ACCENTUATION WITH THE SYNTAX.2
(SEE § 97/.)

364a. In order to see how well the accentuation accords
tvith the nature and spirit of a proposition, as described in the
syntax, we must especially bear in mind that it embraces the
meaning quite as much as the rhythm of the words in the pro-
position or verse, and yet in such a way that the latter can
never be opposed to the former. There must be a necessary
order and arrangement, a connection or separation of the words
which form a proposition, arising out of the internal meaning
of the thoughts and modes of expression, — quite apart from
the rhythm, or any peculiarly appropriate or beautiful turn
that may be formed in the attempt to express the whole.

1 Thus, it would be necessary to complete Job xxxix. 27Z> from a : " and
dost thou command him that" etc. But, instead of t^l, we should rather
read ifcO and the vulture, following the Septuagint and xxviii. 7 : ''K and
n»X are then related to each other (see § 176a).

2 [Unfortunately, the printed text of the Hebrew Bible has never been
accented on uniform principles. But a laudable attempt in the right direc-
tion has been made, within the past few years, by Baer ; see his editions
of Genesis, Isaiah, Job, Psalms, and the Minor Prophets. For a clear
and succinct account, in English, of these signs, see Dr. A. B. Davidson's
Outlines of Hebrew Accentuation (London 1861), especially pp. 35-52,
which bear on the subject of this section.]

AGREEMENT OF ACCENTUATION WITH .SYNTAX. 287

From the deep foundation of an ultimate law, the internal
meaning presents all the separate materials, which the rhythm,
embracing the whole externally, puts into shape and form, not
for the purpose of rendering these materials indistinct and con-
fused, but to make them produce one beautiful and harmonious
unity ; for the rhythm is the meaning for the whole, or the
breath which combines and animates all the individual parts.
Hence, we must treat of —

[870] I. I. The arrangement of the words, as regulated ly
the meaning of the constructions, viewed ~by themselves. Here,
therefore, we are really concerned with the various kinds of
connections formed between words, and their differences, as
these have already been explained. And we start from the
most intimate connections which are formed : —

1. The first place must be assigned to the connection of
words by means of the construct state. This construction is the
closest that can be conceived ; so that it is scarcely possible
for the greatest separation (i.e. the division into different parts
of a verse ; see § 9 7) to be carried out between words con-
nected in this way. A preposition or conjunction is rightly
regarded as the first member of a construct expression ; so
also, negatives placed before the words which they modify;
interrogates, too, are very closely connected with the pro-
position.

c. 2. The connection formed by apposition (see § 293) is, cer-
tainly, a close one also, though loose, not strict (as in the case
of the construct state) ; for the first member is posited by itself,
without reference to what follows : there is simply a succession,
in which each word is stated separately, and co-ordinated with
the other. Hence, the various kinds of apposition differ very
much. Two words are easily connected ; and the connection
is all the more close and necessary, the less the second ex-
presses a merely accidental property ; for, "in *jj®n, E^n nt will
combine more closely than Sw E^Nn, inasmuch as, in the two
former cases, the first word already points to the second and
more independent word. But, when the apposition is more
widely extended, the individual parts very easily separate, e.g.
the two adjectives in three other great men, Gen. xli. 20, Ex. xii.
5 ; so that even the greatest separation may take place, through
the incidental addition of something else (as, for instance, a

288 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § sci.

relative clause) to the description which is already complete in
itself : thus, three great men, who are come (or, who had come).

For, unquestionably, a relative clause which defines a pre-
ceding word belongs to this category (see § 331); and the
closest connection is formed between a single noun and a brief
relative clause, as well as between a noun and an adjective,
Isa. Iv. 5, Iviii. 5, 6. If, however, the connection between
the words is more broken up by the fact that the relative pro-
position is expressly introduced by "it?K, then the proposition
to be defined becomes more and more separated.

d. A word connected by means of the copulative particle is
still more readily separated, from what precedes, than a word
in apposition. In certain cases, indeed, two words thus con-
nected, as being mutually explanatory, may be joined together
in the closest manner, as, *MJ VJ, Gen. iv. 14; but the most of
such connections are formed contingently, and are easily broken
up again. On the other hand, when two words are connected
without employing the copulative particle (see § 349), the
union is always closer.

e. 3. With regard to propositions, the following remarks will
be easily understood from what is stated in § 306 ff. The
verb and the subject — or even, another predicate and subject
— always follow in uniform succession. And though this
connection is not so close as the two which have already been
mentioned, inasmuch as the two main elements of a proposi-
tion, the predicate and the subject, may also be very easily
separated, yet it is very natural, and is easily effected ; in
short, it is a succession which as readily allows itself to be
broken through on the slightest occasion, as it is, in itself, in-
clined for the closest union. The same holds true with regard
to the accusative, or a nominative which follows the verb or
subject, as a fuller explanation. But a subject placed before
the verb is much less inclined to submit to close construction :
such a word, indeed, does allow itself to be intimately joined
with what follows, when the series in which it occurs is of
the shortest description, but it much rather prefers separation,
when this is possible. A prefixed object is still less inclined
for close connection. But a subject, prefixed as shown in
§ 306c, forms an exceptional case, which one can readily under-
stand : personal pronouns, too, on account of their sniallness,

AGREEMENT OF ACCENTUATION WITH SYNTAX. 289

[871] like to be closely joined with other words. The more
definite predicate belongs, and is attached, more to the verb
than the subject ; cf. Mic. iv. 1 with Isa. ii. 2.

/. Let us here designate every word which does not neces-
sarily belong to the proposition, pure and simple, an addition
made to it, — as, for instance, a word with a preposition, an
accusative of time, particles descriptive of particular circum-
stances. With regard to such an addition, this much, of a
definite character, admits of being stated generally, — that it is,
necessarily, less firmly and closely connected with the whole,
and is naturally inclined for separation, whether attached at
the beginning, or middle, or end of the proposition.

365#. II. The greatest difficulty only now arises, and this
in the application of the accents to the rhythm. For, in the
first place, those connections which are in themselves possible
are found together in a proposition, generally in the most
strangely diversified ways that can be imagined ; so that, at
almost every turn, the question arises, — what, in view of such
conflicting elements, and considering the great length of the
proposition in many cases, is the true, the fitting, the most
graceful arrangement and succession ? Secondly, since the
arrangement into verses is the great regulating principle, while
many short propositions are often joined together in the verse,
the rhythm itself may vary in accordance with the position of a
smaller whole in the greater; and the same member of the
sentence may assume one form at the beginning and another
at the end of the verse, or part of the verse, or even section
of the verse. Prom all this, there arises such an immense
number of special modifications of those general rules, that
we can here touch merely on some of the most common
and important.

&. 1. Two words which come together and in any way give
forth a meaning, are almost always connected in accentuation
also, whether they were intended as parts of an incomplete
or truncated proposition, as, ^K tit? not (no), my lord ! Gen.
xix. 2, or whether the arrangement was meant to be exceptional,
as when the subject is placed first; cf. 2 Sam. xviii. 18, xix.
27, with xix. 10, 41. Such a connection is marked, unless
the second word from the end must be made to serve as a
member of the verse (see § 97c,ff.), because there is no other

T

290 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § 355.

that can be used for the purpose : in this case, the words are
kept apart, always and necessarily in 1&, but seldom, and only
when the separation is easier, in 2c.

c. 2. When three words coine together, one of them is
necessarily separated, more or less, from the others ; for it is
inconceivable that three words should have exactly the same
weight, and run on in a perfectly even course. But even in
the most calm and steady consecution, out of three words, two
will almost always be inclined to, and attract each other, not
merely in meaning, but also especially in rhythm ; so that the
third is, by this very circumstance, separated from the others.
In the higher members, indeed, which are more rapidly gone
through, such a separation, if slight, becomes less readily per-
ceived ; and even when the separation becomes somewhat more
perceptible, Pesiq is sufficient : in the inferior members, how-
ever, the separation becomes the more precise and necessary.

When the last two of three words are in any way closely
connected, they jointly repel the third, ale, even in cases in

which the first two are no less closely connected ; for, since
the end, as that which limits and embraces the whole, almost
always possesses the right of final decision, the second last
word, if possible, remains in its natural connection with the
last. It is only when the first two are, comparatively, more
closely connected than the last two, that they take a common
stand against the last. This accordingly takes place (a) in
the case of three words joined in the construct state, and even
when the first is merely a preposition, or conjunction, or a
particle resembling these, as, ^JL1 31? ™ ; in the same way,
even ")t?K (contrary to § 364c) [872] is separated, when followed
by &6> which, however, more closely belongs to the verb, Isa.
Ivi. 5. Whenever the third word stands more apart, the first
two are connected, as, B*K "OT B^.F twelve men.

(ft) On the other hand, when three words stand in apposi-
tion, the last one, as merely descriptive, will generally be
separated more easily: ale. But when, along with two words

placed in construction, there stands a third in apposition, then
the separation is made at the construct word, if the word in
apposition belongs in meaning to the second noun ; and at the
second noun, if the apposition belongs to the first word; for,

AGREEMENT OF ACCENTUATION WITH SYNTAX. 291

•fi w-pl ?5 is the son of the great king, but bftan Tpjsn \j. the
great (elder, or eldest) son of the king. When, of three words
possessing equal weight, two are without the copulative par-
ticle, while the third has it, the conjunction in any case makes
the separation, as, &JHJ rap tt£, Isa. Iv. 1 ; on the other
hand, we find even D^nbn W3$ pto, 2 Sam. xix. 12. More-
over, when a and & are two verbs, these combine against c,
the subject, as in Ex. xii. 28.

(7) The subject and predicate are disjoined, when the one
or the other contains two words. And, though the verb and
the subject are inclined to each other, they are nevertheless
separated, whenever the subject has a complement, in the
shape of a word joined by the construct state, or placed in
apposition, to which it is much more closely attached [than to
the verb], Gen. vii. 19, viii. 5, 13, ix. 22, xxxiv. 1, 2 Sam.
xvi. 5, xix. 17; or when the verb actually embraces more than
the subject which most readily suggests itself, as when vtfjP they
asked, is followed by injrrriK WX each the other, Ex. xi. 2; the
same holds in the case of the object, Isa. liv. 3. On the other
hand, if a I, representing the verb and subject, be followed by
the object, then the former join in common as against the latter;
as also in the rare case when the subject is the third word; if,
however, the subject or object comes first, then the two follow-
ing words combine against the other, Isa. liv. 3. Two different
objects (or — if the one forms a more definite explanation of
the predicate — two different nominatives also) make their
separation more clearly perceptible; e.g. verb, subject, then the
more definite predicate, 2 Sam. xviii. 10, xix. 10, Isa. Ivi. 7.

A word which forms an addition (see § 364/) is always
distinctly separated, when placed among three others, of which
two, in the manner described above, are more intimately con-
nected. If it stands at the beginning or the end, it unites, by
its counterpoise, the last two or the first two, if these follow
in calm succession (e.g. at the beginning, nan, Isa. lix. 1, 2 Sam.
xviii. 10, cf. on the contrary, ver. 11, Gen. xviii. 9, at the
end, N^3D, Qen< jv> 13). the reverse holds true when the con-

secution is impassioned, ^ log iW, a I c. When placed in the

middle, it attaches itself to the first, if the sense at all allows
this; e.g. an adverb is attached to the verb, 1V^ rnnp aoj let

292 EWALD'S HEBREW SYNTAX, § SGS.

thy salvation come quickly; on the contrary, it is joined to the
last, when the subject precedes, as, N^ rnrup sjjfljfr thy salvation
shall come quickly, Isa. Iviii. 8, 2 Sam. xix. 10, 41.

d. 3. When there are four or more words, it is, in fact, but
the same thing that recurs with an ever-increasing variety of
arrangement. Thus, when we have four words, there are four

possible ways of connecting them : a I c d, a b c d, a I c d, a I c d;

so that, in the last two cases, three words again, in the sense
of what is stated in § 365c, form a member capable of being
further divided. In the case of words forming an even num-
ber, the most graceful and natural arrangement is the divi-
sion into two equal members; a short, feebler word, however,
likes to be joined to a stronger one which precedes, as, Kin
in 2 Sam. xix. 33, nij> in Gen. iv. 25, vii. 4, cf. ix. 11.

If a word which does not belong to the chief matters
treated of in the verse, or even some words of such a nature,
be opposed to what is, however, a very suitable arrangement
and division of the words of the verse, their opposition may
always be easily removed by using Maqqef, i.e. they may
easily be hurried over by pronouncing them with the greatest
rapidity, cf. § 97.

e. The interruption of a discourse by the insertion of a
new proposition is [873] distinctly marked; since, for instance,
*3 for, though regularly placed in close construction, to which
it is partial (see § 364c), is nevertheless sharply separated from
its own proposition by another which indicates comparison
and is introduced by "itftesi as, Isa. Iv. 10. But so little does
the biblical accentuation resemble our punctuation, which is so
meagre and at the same time so paltry, that it indicates the
impassioned exclamation or emphasis connected with a word in
the proposition by employing, at most, a Pesiq, in addition to
the succession of accents, which are otherwise necessary of
themselves, as, B jn?K | &£"£«, Gen. xxii. 1 1 ; and, at the point
where the statement that is quoted begins, it very properly
does not form a great division in the verse, as if the reader
were so shortsighted as not to perceive that, as has just been
stated, an address here follows. It is only when a longer in-
troduction precedes, as with the expressly inserted "ifoK? saying,
that a longer section is formed, Deut. i. 16, 2 Sam. xix. 10.

AGREEMENT OF ACCENTUATION WITH SYNTAX. 293

366. By further consideration and investigation in this
way, there will always be found a beautiful harmony between
the accentuation and the syntax, so that each may afford
explanation and support to the other. Whether we start
with the syntax, and come to understand it without knowing
anything yet of the accentuation (as the author once actually
did), or proceed from the latter to the former, accurate investi-
gation will always lead to the same result, so that he who
has a correct understanding of the syntax, has already nearly
mastered the accentuation also, and he who understands the
latter will always find himself more easily at home in the
former. But this is, at the same time, the highest praise that
can be given to the accentuation.

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

(The numbers refer to the pages of the Translation.)

PAGE PAGE

PAGK

Genesis —

Genesis— contd.

Genesis— contd.

1. 1,

144, 156, 2IS,

4. 15, 36, 156, 244

9. 24,

. . 3<5

285

18, . . 128

25,

169

4,

. 223

24, . . 283

10. 21,

. 128, 172

7,

9, . . 116

25, . . 292

25,

. 128

10,

17, 237, 252

26, . . I?2

11. 1,

• J33

11,

12, , 258

5. 1, . . 2i5

4,

. 239

14,

. . 178

3, • 33, 44

6,

• '39

16,

. 170

22, . . 32

7,

. 226, 227

21,

37, 53, "°, 258

24, 32, 189, 257

30,

• 2S7

24,

• '7

6. 2, . . 223

12. 1,

• 173

28,

. 220

3, . . 184

2,

• !33, 2*5

29,

30, . 37, 107

4, . . 266

3,

. 184

31,

. 119

9, 11, . 3*

6,

. 239

2. 2,

4

14, . 29, 68

7,

. 209

3,

• 4, 72» "9

17, . 94, 153

8,

. 240

4,

. 148

20, . . 147

9,

. 49

5,

. 229, 285

7. 2, . 168, 189

13. 7,

. 239

6,

. 246

4, . . 292

10,

126, 156

7,

. 68

6, . 94, 243

16,

. 211

8,

33

8, . . 189

14. 1,

2, . . 146

9,

. 106

10, . . 243

4,

96, 142

10,

. 245

11, . . 113

5,

. 142

16,

ii

13, . . 82

7,

8, . . 136

17,

12, 159, 166

19, . .291

10,

104, 164, 1 68

18,

. 131

20, . . 44

13,

29

19,

ii

22, . . 41

19,

. 113, 129

3. 1,

. 268

8r>
. 3, . -49

15. 1,

• '34

3,

. . 285

5, . 49, 291

2,

79

4,

. 166

7, . 48, 194

10,

. 41

5,

. 250

13, 4, 239, 254, 291

13,

. 165, 213

8,

. 180

21, 37, 81, 107

16,

. . 46

11,

. 190

9. 2, . . 53

18,

5

13,

. 197

3, 37, 81, 210

16. 7,

. 106

15,

. 54

4, . . 257

8,

8

17,

. 30

5, . . 41

12,

81, 92, 106

22,

. 227

6, . . 146

13,

. 59

24,

. 79

10, 41, 162, 220

17. 4,

• iS9

4. 3,

40

11, . . 292

5,

. I2&

4,

. 172

12, 15, . 220

10,

203 (twice)

7,

. 182, 194

19, . . no

11,

37, 7°

10,

. 180

20, . 106, 137

12,

. 41

13,

. 291

22, . 147, 291

14,

37, 7°

14,

253> 275, 288

23, . . 239

17,

. 195

295

296

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED.

Genesis — contd.

PAGE

PAGE

Genesis — contd.

PAGH

Genesis — contd.

17. 18,

. 205

24. 21,

. . 238

33. 18,

44

20, .

5, 247

25,

. 279

34. 1,

. 291

24, 25, .

37, 7°

30,

. . 148

7,

12

18. 5,

. 267

31,

. 113

21,

• 135

6,

80, 94

42,

. 272

35. 7,

9, .

139, 291

45,

. 229

13,

14,! ! L?

10, .

. 228

49,

. 272

22,

57

11, .

. 242

55,

. 236, 264

26,

. 128

12, .

i93» X94

60,

. 80

36. 19,

. 136

13, 14, .

• 194

62,

• '3

43,

. . 136

19, .

. 226

67,

. 107

37. 2,

. 119

20, .

. 206

25. 16,

• J35

3,

. 105

21, .

. 209

23,

• 123

4,

• .59

24, .

• 95

26,

. 148, 149

7,

246 (twice)

25, .

• 279

26. 10,

7

8,

. 165

28, .

95, I09

13,

49

15,

. 69

19. 1,

. 238

28,

. . 165

17,

70

2, .

. 289

27. 6,

. . 69

19,

. 92

4, .

229, 243

18,

. 119

23,

. 105, in

8, .

. 267

20,

. 196

26,

• 199

9, 21, 48, 245

21,

. 194

29,

. 189

12, .

. 209

29,

. 184

33,

. 166

14, .

. 221

30,

4, 165, 242, 243

38. 9,

246, 253, 271

15, .

. 228

33,

. 221

25,

• 243

30, .

. 224

34,

• I63

26,

. 267

31, .

. H9

36,

. 194

29,

. 228

38, .

. 170

42,

. 128, I53

39. 4-6

, . . 218

20. 7, .

H, 255

28. 6,

• 253

20,

. 215

9,

12

29. 6,

• J34

23,

. 189

11, .

198, 247

9,

. 113

40. 1,

5, • 113, 235

13, .

. I83

13,

. . 156

13,

211

21. 3,

. 209

15,

• 194

14,

. 247, 274

5, .

. 149

16,

. 170

41. 6,

. IOS

7, .

. 225

30. 1,

• J93

8,

. 240

12, .

. I40

16,

. 119

12,

. 112

14, .

• 253

31,

• 73

15,

. 231, 240

16, .

• 47

32,

47

17,

• 153

20, .

. 90

34,

. 205

20,

. . 287

25, .

- 253

41,

42, . . 246

23,

. lO^

28, .

. 109

31. 4,

• 55

26,

. II9

22. 1,

• 244

15,

21, 48, 245

27,

. 105

4, .

. 250

20,

. 154, 191

29,

• 93

11, •

. 292

21,

• 31

34,

• 259

13, .

40

32,

. 217

35,

60, 118

14, 59,

211, 215

34,

. . 183

40,

• 54

16, .

. 206

32. 11,

5

43,

113, 114, 263

20, .

• *39

12,

. 247

50,

. 178

24, .

. 250

23,

. 119

42. 7,

8

23. 4,

. 259

27,

• 273

11,

• 135, 137

10, .

. 162

29,

. 274

18,

. 255, 256

11, .

s

31,

. . 46

19,

no

13, .

5, 205

33,

. 58

25,

. 41

20, .

. 250

33. 2,

68, 282

28,

. 60

24. 1, .

• *43

5,

. 65

30,

. 155

2, .

. 169

7,

236 (thrice)

31,

. 137

3, .

. 105

8,

196

43. 3,

190

8, .

. 187

9,

• 139

4,

. 272

11, .

. 242

10,

. 148, 267

7,

. ii (twice)

15, .

. 229

11,

139, 266

9,

. 271, 278

19, .

• 273

13,

• 274

13,

. 281

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

297

Genesis— contd.

PAGE

Exodus— contd.

PAGE

Exodus— contd.

PAGE

43. 14,

. 119

4. 16,

• 253

13. 10,

. 125

15, .

. 80

5. 5, .

. 247

17, .

. 227

17, .

. 102

7, .

. 247

21, .

. 188

20, .

. 201

9, .

. 26l

14. 2, .

. 259

24, .

• 234

11, -

192, 161

4, .

. 255

25,

II

16, 148,

153, 19°

5, .

. 156

27,

• 134

18, .

190

9,

. 69

33, .

60

19, 50,

HI, 172

11, .

. 192

44. 4,

• 58

23, .

• 230

13, .

. 217

9, 10, .

• 217

6. 1, .

. 261

17, .

• 255

18,

201, 280

3, .

55, i4°

28, .

150, 162

28, .

. I65

25, .

. 63

15. 1, .

8

45. 7,

. 117

28, .

. 85

2, 234,

255, 266

12, .

• IS2

7. 9, .

. 256

4, .

9, 18!

46. 3,

. 224

20, .

. 62

8, .

. 266

4,

48, l67

8. 1, .

. 263

9, .

53

22, .

. 128

4, .

. 256

11, .

. 100

27, .

l82, 209

5, .

. 260

12, .

9

47. 9, .

• 134

17,

. 272

13, .

. 209

21, .

• 159

20, .

• 253

14, .

9

24, .

. 13°

22, .

. 271

16, .

121

48. 17,

. 223

23, .

ii

16. 3,

206, 225

49. 4,

III

9. 2, .

• i53

4, .

106

8, .

163, 285

3, .

. 136

6, .

. 250

10, .

. 239

7, .

• 239

7,8, .

11, •

104

14, .

. 226

10, .

• 239

13, .

. 172

15, .

. 278

16,

24, .

141, 216

16, .

. 148

19, .

41

25, 38,

255, 262

18, .

. 216

20, .

. 56

28, .

. 41

19, .

. 236

21,

.. 246

29, .

. 243

20, .

188, 220

22, .

80, 95

50. 5, . .

. 243

21, .

. 251

27, .

. 126

15, .

. 277

27, .

. 132

28, .

5

17, .

. 63

28, .

. 76

17. 2, .

. 197

19, .

. 193

31, .

• 133

4, .

. 250

10. 1, .

. 119

12, .

45, !43

Exodus —

3, .

5, 243

16, .

1. 7, .

71

5, .

. 125

18. 9,

. 217

12, .

. 281

8, 128,

169, 220,

11, •

. 284

15, .

. 211

221

20, .

• 213

16, .
17, .

. 27I
. 24

9, .
13, .

. 220
• 243

22, .
31, 32, .

: 35

22, .

. 56

21, .

. 125

19. 5, .

. i65

2. 2, .

. 223

25, .

59, 279

11, •

. 96

4, .

II, 231

26, .

. 65

12, .

74, 267

6, .

1 60

11. 2, .

. 291

13, .

. 148

7, .

. 255

4, .

. 142

15, 16, .

. 96

15, .

3°

5, .

. 221

19, .

32» 7s

3. 2, .

• 153

12. 3,

. 255

20. 3,

. 183

6, .

. 105

5, .

. 287

5, .

. 161

8, .

. 234

9, .

. 171

8, .

. 203

10, .

. 256

11, .

• 153

10, .

. 119

11, •

. 225

16, .

. 128

20, .

175, 190

13, .

. 243

28, .

. 29I

21. 4,

. 236

15, 16, .

. 105

31, .

. 279

11, .

. 80

19, .

66, 261

34, .

. 229

28, .

37, "8

4. 1, .

. 271

42, .

. 172

22. 14,

62

2, .

196

49, .

. I30

22, .

. 206

10, .

91, 230

13. 7,

37, "8

24, .

• 34

13, .

. 218

9, .

. 261

30, .

• 94

298

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

Exodus— contd.

PAGE

PAGE

Leviticus — contd.

PAGE

Leviticus— contd.

23. 11,

. l83

4. 28,

. . 264

26. 39,

• 235

15,

• 45

33,

. 215

41,

. 282

30,

. 168

5. 1,21,

22, . 282

43, 24,

164, 249

24. 5, .

. 90

6. 3,

56, 211

44, .

265, 268

10, .

82, 121

7,

. 203

27. 2,

. 126

11, •

• 32

7. 8,

37, !?i

8, 11, .

. 125

14, .

91

9,14,

. 171

23; .

. 108

25. 28,

. 128

26,

. 162

26. 3, 80,

109, 144

9. 6,

. 223

Numbers —

5,

. 241

10. 6,

• 57

3. 26,

• 38

9,

80

9,

. 251, 264

47, .

. 168

19, .

• 95

17,

. . 63

5. 14,

264, 282

33, .

. 116

18,

. 128

29, 30, .

. 219

27. 7, .

. 128

11. 5,

4, 188

6. 5, .

. 203

28. 7, .

. 130

42,

. 162

13, .

. 125

10, .

. no

12. 7,

. 117

23, .

. 202

17,

. 94

13. 3,

7. 7, .

37

32, .

. 251

4,

• 135, 239

10, .

. 149

34, .

. 168

9,

. 181

11, .

. 168

35, .

. 251

19, 24,

43, . 102

9. 6,

. 252

39, .

. 107

49,

. 129, 135

14, .

43, .

. 251

52,

. 184

20, .

93, 282

29. 3,

. 40

55,

. 149, 184

10. 25,

. 117

30. 20, 21, .

. 251

56,

• H9

31, .

. 267

36, .

47

57,

. 184

33, .

• 243

31. 14,

. !84

14. 34,

106

36, .

55, 80

15, .

. 128

35,

• 34

11. 5, .

32. 1,

. 120

15. 3,

. 282

8,9, .

. 246

4, .

. I83

16,

. 113

15, .

. 48

6, .

. 263

24,

24, 249

27, .

3°

8, .

. I83

32,

. 113

32, .

48, 253

12, .

. 143

16. 2,

. 116

12. 1, .

• 236

16, .

• >33

17, 27,

• 57

14, .

165, 242

22, .

. 141

33,

57, 63

13. 18,

. 282

29, .

. 264

17. 4,9,

. 188

27, .

• 55

32, .

• 273

11,

57, J7i

14. 2, .

. 205

33, .

. 209

14,

• J73

21, .

• 54

33. 7,

47

18. 11,

. 213

24,

. 60

8, .

. 240

20, 23,

. "3

28, .

. 204

11,

. 46

19. 8,

. 184

32, .

. 163

14, .

82, 193

9,

• • 72

35, .

. 179

34. 4,

. 124

18,

. 61

43,

. 267

35. 35,

. 168

20,

. "3

15. 29,

130, 286

36. 7, .

. 49

27,

. . 38

16. 5,

. 211

10, .

. 109

34,

. 61

11, .

. 242

12, .

. 241

20. 6,

. 182

13, .

24, .

• 95

14,

• 37

14, .

26l, 269

37. 24,

. 68

18-20,

. . 248

15, .

• 37

38. 21,

109, H3

21. 22,

ii

17, .

211, 279

39. 10,

. 94

22. 6,

. 182, 273

18, .

• 234

23, .

. 251

15,

. 214

26, .

. 118

27, .

. 107

23,

ii

27, .

234, 240

24. 10,

. I2O

29, .

. 187

Leviticus —

22,

80

17. 17, .

41, 168

2. 2, .

. 185

25. 10,

. . 96

18, .

. 168

8, .

128, 184

14,

184, 264

21, .

. 168

4, 2, .

12

29,

. I84

28, .

169, 273

22, .

. 2I9

35, 47,

. 259

18. 8,

. 161

23, .

. 264

26. 6,

. 240

23, .

. 171

24, .

. 315

36,

19. 3,5,8,

. 125

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTKATED.

299

PAGE

Numbers— contd.

PAGE

Deuteronomy —

PAGE

Deuteronomy — contd.

19. 13,

20,. . 182

1. 3,

112

12. 22,

. 128

20. 21,

. 223

8,

. 155

23,

21. 9,

253, 271

10,

. 118

13. 6,

11, .' ." llj

14,

. 108

11,

. . 64

14. 21,

. 264

22. 6,

- 75

16,

22,

. 108, 168

8,

. 42

18,

'. .' *67

15. 2,

. 203

11,

74

19,

58, 118

4,

. 268

13,

. 74

31,

9, 284 (twice)

6,

. 247

15,

73

41,

in

7,

41

23,

. . 58

2. 7,

. 119

9,

94, 9^

29,

. 277, 278

16,

. 72

14,

33,

36, 198

27,

. . 167

18,

44, 80, 131

23. 3,

. 209, 277

32,

. 235

16. 9,

7,

9

34,

37

20,

' 163

8,

3. 1,

21,

07

9

• i39

5,

100

17. 8,

X J

94

10,

65, 200

6,

37, 47

17,

. 251

11,

. . 48

13,

19,

. 190

13,

. I92

16,

• 34

20,

. 251

19,

. 255

18,

. 92

18. 2,

. 130

20,

. 274

21,

. 204

14,

. . 284

21,

. 188

24,

196, 212

20,

. 216

22,

. 125

4. 3,

106, 204

19. 9,

no

23,

. 228

6,

. 268

13,

. 86

24,

• '39

10,

. 215

20. 8,

105, 128

24. 7,

• 53

11,

10,

59

10,

• • 48

16,

: ; 'JI

15,

. 210

19,

. ,3°

21,

. 149

21. 1,

. 240

22,

274. (twice)

23,

25, . . 46

3,

. 170

25. 40,

• 34

27,

. 46

7,

. 158

26. 20,

. . 128

30,

33

8,

86

30,

. 105

35,

39, . . 152

10,

. . 185

53,

. 129

40,

. 226

22. 2,

. . 36

54,

34, 41

41,

22

8,

. 125

55,

. 129

5. 5,

. 242

9,

. 108

56,

. 40

6,

. 212

19,

66, 106

59,

. 125

14,

• "9, 235

26,

. 54

62,

. 128

19,

23. 2,

99

64,

. 211

29,

. 2O6

5,

76, 85

28. 3,

. 89

6. 2,

• 235

15,

. 82

4,

. no, 119

3,

• 143

24. 1,

32

5,

. . 89

10,

. 94

25. 2,

. 92

7,

. 119

7. 7,

34, 134

13,

. . 169

17,

. 128

12,

• 253

26. 5,

89, 158, 243

30. 3,

. 205

19,

. 217

27. 8,

47

12,

15, . . 248

8. 14,

. 107

28. 24,

. . 236

31. 28,

. 182

15,

94

27,

. 225

30,

. 168

9. 7,

. 217

35,

55, 225

47,

. 168

9,

. no

36,

94

32. 1,

• 31

21,

. 47

43,

168

5,

39, "8

25,

37, 95

48,

. . 185

11,

. 60

10. 17,

. 152

51,

. 225

15,

.61

11. 2,

. 38, 286

53,

33. 51,

. 228

7,

. 204

55,

. 192

54,

34

10,

11,. . 268

58,

. 118

34. 2,

91, 228

24,

. 109

60,

. . 184

35. 8,

34

26,

62,

. . 89

20,

. 272

27,

28, .' ! 271

64,

. 94

22,

84, 191, 272

12. 7,

12,18, . 235

29. 5,

. 226

23,

. 191

20,

n

15,

. 217

300

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTKATED.

PAGE

Deuteronomy — contd.

Joshua— contd.

PACK

Judges— contd.

PACK

29. 22,

. 258

9. 12,

. 1 2O

6. 13,

138, 201

30. 16,

. 212

20, .

. 202

14, .

. 119

31. 7,

. I56

10. 13,

• *3°

15, .

I7O, 201

16, .

no

24, .

. 209

22, .

. 267

32. 2,

• 34

13. 14,

. 185

25, 94,

"9, 237

5, .

84, 178

23, 27, .

• 34

26, .

. 119

6, .

. 67

14. 11,

156, 280

27, .

. 224

8, .

22

15. 14,

109

28, .

. 119

17, .

. 84

19, .

. 65

30, .-

. 266

18, .

22

21, .

. 104

34, .

• 54

21, .

. 84

47, .

• 34

36, .

. 285

24, .

63, .

. 254

38, .

93

26, .

; 278

16. 9,

90

39,

• 259

27, .

17. 11,

7. 1, .

. 136

29, .

. 277

12, .

' i3i

2, .

. 61

31, .

. 238

16,

161

3, .

. 209

40, .

. 204

22. 7,

. 284

6,

95

41, .

. 270

17, .

• 39

8, .

• 37

33. 1,

• 3*

24, .

ii

14, .

. 274

3, .

• 237

25, .

. 68

16, .

95

5, .

81

29, .

. 1 60

19, 142,

165, 263

6, .

. 261

23. 7,

. 260

22, .

106, 237

7, .

. 259

9, .

. 163

25, .

. 115

11, .

54, "7

24. 10,

. 48

8. 4, .

. 240

13, .

• "3

19, .

. 183

11, 104,

107, 136,

17, .

. in

27, .

. 163

238

19, .

. 170

18, .

. 280

25, .

• 133

Judges —

19, .

. 278

34. 6,

. 124

1. 6,7, .

• 234

33, .

. 38

11, .

. 161

15, .

• 65

9. 15, .

. 272

19, .

16-20, .

. 273

Joshua —

28,

'. 11]

45, .

. 66

1. 2, .

160

2. 9, .

104

48, .

. 70

2. 5, .

13, 49

15, .

. 277

10. 9,

. 127

7, .

. 176

18, .

. 271

11. 1, .

. 91

8, .

. 229

22, .

. 23!

9, .

. 272

18, .

. 242

3. 24,

• H3

20, .

. 223

3. 1, .

. 229

28, .

• "3

25, .

. 165

7,

. 226

4. 4,5, .

• 243

13. 2,

. 40

11, •

108, 138

24, .

• 49

4, .

. 192

14, .

109

5. 4, .

• 279

6, .

• 3*

4. 4, .

95, no

7, 167,

168, 179

8, .

32, 221

5,8, .

. 143

8,

. 241

9, .

. 238

24, .

. 226

9, .

. 261

11, •

• 195

5. 2, .

73

10, .

. 104

16, .

. 272

11, •

• »75

11, •

83, 261

17, .

. I96

6. 1, .

. 242

13, .

. 258

19, .

. 241

13, .

48, 246

14, .

. 219

23, .

7. 7, .

. 48

15, .

121, 280

14. 9, .

48

15, .

. 128

17, .

• 57

12, .

. I65

21, .

. 108

19, .

. 240

15, .

• 195

25, .

. 65

20, .

. 170

16, .

193, 268

8. 11, 104,

108, 116

21, .

• 45

15. 2, .

• 153

13, .

. 116

22, .

. 167

3,

. 272

19, .

. 29

23, .

. 48

8, .

• 5*

20, .

. 178

26, .

. 246

11, •

. 154

30,

8

27, .

. 258

13, .

. 166

33,

. 108

29, .

. 267

16. 14,

. 108

9. 2, .

. 46

6. 5, .

234, 240

17. 9,

8

8, •

. 8

11, •

. 105

18. 1,

. 242

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

301

Judges — contd.

PAGE

PAGE

1 Samuel— contd.

PAGE

1 Samuel — contd.

18. 16, . 95 (twice)

4. 19,

. 260

17. 36,

. 279

17, .

95, I05

5. 9,

11,. . 56

40,

. 170

19, .

. 264

6. 3,

272 (twice)

42, .

• 265

19. 9,

• 139

9,

• 273

48, .

49

17,

8

12,

• 48, 253

52,

31

18, .

37, 56

7. 15,

16, . . 246

18. 6,

• 234

19, .

8. 12,

. . 264

8, .

. 138

22, .

. 104

9. 3,

37, "3

17, .

238, 239

20. 33,

. 29

4,

. 190

19, 10,

. 119

34,

. 115

9,

. 125

11,

. 272

37, .

. 180

11,

• 243

13, 16, .

. 183

44, 46, .

• 38

13,

. 159, 280

20, .

. 177

21. 8,

. 196

16,

. 228

22, 120,

124, 139

13, .

• 59

20,

. . 96

20. 3,

. 206

22, .

. 228

21,

. 169, 170

4, .

209, 277

23, .

• '43

24,

. 209

5, .

• 233

Buth—
1. 9, .
12, .
20, 21, .

o q

24. 255
i38» 273
61, 62

26,
10. 8,
11,

. 18,
19,

56, 59
• 239
196, 252
. 182
. 61

10, .
12, .
13, .
14,
19, .

. 265
. 258

• 39

. 279

73

A. d,
21, .
3. 14,
15, .
4. 3, 5,

114, 269
. 229

• 94
113, 209

11. 3,
9,
11,
12,
12. 14,

. 61

. 221
. 252
• 193

• 259

20, .
31, .
36, .
38,
41,

• 51

. 92

• 59
57

7,' '.

. 246

17,
21,

• 134, 153
. . 182

21. 2,

5, .

. 60

. 272

1 Samuel —

23,

. 86

6, .

133, 269

1. 3, .

. 246

13. 7,

31, 40

9, .

• 85

4, .

. 29

8,

. 114

10, .

. 82

7, .

10

13,

. 278

16, .

ii

9, .

• 234

17,

29, no

22. 6,

. 120

12, .

• 72

20,

55

7, .

39

13, .

69, 188

14. 21,

. . 264

13, .

148, 263

28, .

. 277

29,

. 120

15,

194, 258

2. 1, .

5

30,

. 269, 278

18, .

95

3, 5,

73, I29>

44,

. . 206

21, .

. 162

157, 261

45,

. 41

22, .

", 233

4, .

. 181

15. 11,

. 269

23. 3,

. 269

5, .

. 101

16,

• 255

10, .

. 61

6, .

. 248

17,

13, .

10, 281

7,8, .

. 260

20,

. ' 233

19, .

40, 116

9, .

. IOO

23,

. 227, 250

20, .

. 200

10, .

. 184

32,

. 45

21, .

• IJ3

13, .

107, 244

16. 3,

. 216

24. 5,6, .

37

16, .

. 272

7,

• . 31

10, .

31

19, .

10

12,

. . 265

11, 124,

127, 217

22, .

. 217

16,

• 77

12, .

. 277

28, .

. 36

18,

91, 112

14,

29

33, .

. 41

23,

. I27, 246

18, .

59, 67

36, .

. 106

17. 8,

8

19, .

. 217

3. 2, .

. 137

12,

79, 119, 170

21, .

. 165

3, .

. 229

13,

97, 1 10, 254

25. 2,

148, 285

7, .

. 230

14,

no, 135, 254

14, .

155, 239

12, .

• 47

17,

94, 120

15, .

. 85

4. 8, .

183, 221

20,

. 246

20, .

• 253

9, •

. 56

26,

. 183

21, .

45

12, .

. 106

28,

. 28

24, .

. 163

15, .

. 179

34,

29, 38

26, .

302

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

PAGE

PAGE

PAGE

1 Samuel — contd.

2 Samuel— contd.

2 Samuel-

-contd.

25. 29,

159, 274

7. 7,

52, 218

17. 16,

. 129

31, 61

, 89, 263

8,

. 247

17,

30, 246

33, .

. 263

9,

. 170

27,

. 157

42, .

• 234

23,

. 183, 196

18. 10,

291 (twice)

43, .

. 265

27,

. 232

11,

. 131

26. 13,

. 24°

28,

. . I36

12,

. 277

14, .

. 197

8. 2,

. 47

14,

. 241

16, .

• 38

5,

. 61

18,

37, 120, 289

20, .

• 37

10,

42, no

20,

. . 267

22, .

. 257

9. 1,

. 194

29,

. 193, 224

23, .

. 42

3,

85, 101, 191

32,

• J34, J93

27. 4,

. 254

10,

. 147

19. 10,

289, 291, 292,

8, .

. 236

10. 3,

. 175

293

11, .

. 285

6,

. . 67

12,

. 291

28. 13,

. 183

9,

104, 107, 182

17,

. 291

29. 10,

• 234

11. 4,

• 243

21,

. 112

30. 13,

. 96

25,

39

23,

. 194

23, .

. 204

12. 2,

30, 120

25,

211, 2l6

24,

. 280

4,

119, 120

27,

30, 289

31, .

• 235

6,

. . 64

33,

. 292

31. 1, .

104

16,

. 246

41,

. 289, 292

3, •

. 40

21,

. 175, 241

20. 1,

. 197

7, .

. 236

22,

. 197, 229

3,

90, 109

30,

. 106, 234

4,

. . 96

2 Samuel —

13. 16,

. 231

6,

. 227

1. 3, .

8

18,

• 239

9,

• '34

4, .

123, 233

20,

. 241

10,

, . 236

6, .

. 104

26,

. 279

11,

. 209

9, .

102

31,

99, 240

19,

. 104

13, .

. 199

32,

. 231

21. 3,

. . 256

21, 84,

104, 237

33,

• 273

4,

70, 223

22, .

10

14. 11,

29, 41, 185

8,

• *35

24, .

107, 265

13,

146

11,

. 128

2. 8, .

112, 114

14,

. 146

16,

. 232

27, .

. 278

20,

. 175

22,

. . 38

28, .

• 253

26,

• 44

22. 12,

22

32,

• H3

32,

• 233

33,

. . Ill

3. 2,3, .

. 112

15. 5,

• 57

41,

• 257

8, .

21, 245

13,

. 29

47,

• 1S

13, .

. 230

16,

37, 9°, I09

23. 1,

. no

16, .

. 48

20,

. 281

3,

46, 47, 244,

24, .

. 48

21,

. 274

257, 258, 277

33, .

II

25,

. 172

4,

84, 257

34, 148,

153, 188,

30,

48, 49

5,

• 193, 234

260

32,

71, 100, 240

6,

. 182

4. 2, .

. 130

34,

. 257

7,

167, 265, 268

4, .

• 78

37,

• 253

15,

. 205

10, .

226, 233

16. 5,

48, 49, 291

17,

. . 146

11, •

37, 26g

10,

. . 283

19,

. 194, 283

5. 3,

. 69

11,

. 269

24. 5,

. 108

6, .

3i, 274

13,

48, 49

10,

. 230

8, .

• 3i

17,

• 193

11,

. 244

10, .

. 48

18,

. 211

13, 42, 93, '79, 223

24, 4, 37,

253, 278

23,

. 125

18,

. 232

6. 1, .

37, i°7

17. 5,

. . I63

20,

. 54

2, .

70, 217

9,

. 275

24,

. . 165

13, .

. 228

10,

. 172

14, .

• 71

11,

. • 5, 82

1 Kings—

16, 61

, 69, 253

13,

. 230

1. 1,

9°, 253

21, .

• H9

14,

. 175

2,

• . 254

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

303

]
1 Kings — contd.

3AGE

1 Kings— contd.

PAGE

1 Kings — contd.

PAGE

1. 5, . .

95

8. 31,

. 2I7

18. 12,

217, 252

6, . 125,

265

32, .

. 142

25,

. 170

9, . .

162

33, 217,

228, 266

26, .

. 124

12, . .

256

34, 36, .

• 257

29, .

. I76

14,

243

38,

. 217

32, .

. 68

17, . .

30, 43, 49,

• 257

19. 1,

. 217

24, . .

194

55, .

• 46

2, .

. 183

27,

64, .

93

4, .

. 223

29, 30, .

206

9. 4, .

. 264

21, .

54

33, 38, .

114

8, .

. 162

20. 6,

252, 274

41, .

180

10, 11, .

. 255

8, .

. 259

44, . .

235

25, .

. 214

10, .

. 183

2. 6, . 250,

251

10. 10,

. 88

12, .

. 148

7, . .

98

12, .

• 177

16, .

94, 95

21, . .

128

14, .

30, .

95

23, 24, .

206

21, .

. 192

33, .

. 254

30, . .

188

23, .

• 54

37, .

47

31, . .

89

11. 2, .

. 227

40, .

98, 281

3. 4, . .

80

8, .

. 220

42, .

42

7, 11, .

74

9, .

. 209

21. 2,

. 282

12, . 6,

217

14,

. 213

6, .

9, 282

18, . .

IJ3

22, .

. 188

18, .

I39

19, .

266

25, .

38> "4

19,

. 163

22, . 135,

188

26,

. 42

22. 1,

. 84

25, . .

281

27,

211, 217

10, .

71

26, . 135,

279

28, .

. 223

13, .

. 177

4. 2, . .

"3

12. 4,

- 63

23, .

. 119

7, . .

137

6, .

42, 67

24, .

. 199

12, . .

79

9, .

42

27, .

93

13, . .

103

16, .

42, 197

30,

. 203

6. 1, . .

56

29, .

. I83

36, .

. 177

3, . .

93

13. 9,

. 124

8, . .

236

11, •

• 243

2 Kings—

17, . 180,

223

12, .

. 199

1. 2, .

120, 194

29, .

9°

13, .

3°

3, 6, .

. 192

6. 3,

182

17, .

. 124

2. 9, .

. 229

5, . 38,

161

18, .

124, 257

10, .

194, 272

6, . .

182

23, 27, .

3°

11,

. 48

7, 71, I03,

236,

14. 2, .

. 224

12, .

. 243

258

6, 71,

179, 180

14, .

. 283

9, . .

66

8, .

. 268

16, .

. 227

12, . .

286

10, .

. 124

21, .

. 61

16, . .

37

12, .

160, 179

23, .

• 243

18,

189

13, .

112

3. 3, .

. 179

23, . .

185

17, .

• 243

4, .

93

27, . .

281

19, .

. 217

8, .

. 199

32, 35, .

246

24, .

. 108

10, .

. 206

36, . .

94

15. 13,

. 227

13, .

194, 198

7. 3, 7, . .

246

22,

. 84

14, .

206, 277

8, 119, 142,

246

23, .

54, "3

15, .

• 253

9, . .

119

27, .

79, "4

16, .

. 203

10, . .

246

16. 11,

229, 279

18, .

. 282

12, 94, "9,

162,

16, 18, .

35

23, .

. 166

170

21,

8

25,

10

27, 38, 43,

no

22,

57

27,

10, 221

47, . .

148

31, .

283

4. 2, .

93, 192

8. 1, . .

22

17. 4, .

253

7, .

. 236

8, . .

254

7, .

40

35, .

. 281

27, . .

269

9, .

79, "4

40, .

. 244

30, . .

257

14, 16, .

. 181

41, .

304

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

2 Kings— contd.

PAGE

2 Kings— contd.

PAGE

PAGE

1 Chronicles — contd.

4. 43,

2O2

15. 16,

8, 108

13. 4,

. 232

5. 2, . .

46

29, .

. 107

6, .

. 217

3, . .

205

16. 14,

. 107

14. 15, 4,

253, 278

6, . .

267

17, .

. 108

15. 12,

. 218

7,

225

17. 6,

. 86

13, .

. 266

9, . .

114

22, .

179

16, 51

, 62, 232

10, . .

259

28, .

12

18,

• 97

11, . 48,

165

29,

. 168

27, .

. 108

13, . 158,

277

18. 17,

. 86

29, .

• 253

16, . 255,

279

24, .

. 80

16. 37,

39

17, . .

93

30,

39

17. 21,

. 183

20,

274

32,

. 256

25, .

. 232

6. 5, . 38,

243

19. 14,

. 182

27, .

. 146

8, . .

87

20. 9,

. 272

19. 3,

• J75

10,

246

19, .

194, 205

10, .

107, 182

20, . .

'39

39,

• 243

20. 8,

. 38

26,

243

21. 4, .

• 59

21. 9,

. 162

27, . .

272

6, .

. 246

18, .

. 232

7. 2, . .

275

7, .

• 59

24, .

. 263

3, . .

230

8, .

. 162

22. 2,

. 232

11, . .

178

13, .

. 254

4, .

13, . .

108

16,

. 281

7, .

. 159

18, . .

280

22. 9,

. 42

23. 28,

. 104

19, . .

275

18, .

. 285

24. 6,

. 168

8. 5, . 217,

243

19, .

. 266

19, .

. 183

6, . .

67

20, .

. 42

28, .

. 13°

10, . .

166

23. 4,

97, 249

25. 2,

. 60

12, . .

94

8, .

. 249

5, .

. 62

13,

266

9,

• 274

8, .

, 280

17, . .

95

10, .

J75, 249

26. 8,

40

21, . .

232

13, .

. 104

10, .

. 283

28, . .

31

17, .

. 108

26,

. 162

29, . .

254

34, .

. 68

27, .

. 117

9. 4, . .

108

24. 3,20,.

. 132

28, .

. 209

15, . .

254

25. 6,

. 67

27. 15,

95, no

20, . .

176

9, .

. 86

23, .

. 232

25, . 231,

243

10, .

. 115

34, .

. 112

27,

'59

28. 1,

. 162

37, . .

225

1 Chronicles—

2, 157,

X59> 243

10. 2, . 239,

267

2. 30, 32,

. 84

5, .

121, 284

3, . .

259

4. 42,

. 172

7, .

. 176

6,8, . .

104

5. 26,

• 39

14, .

. 169

10,

126

7. 11,

100

18,

. 108

12, 13, . .

243

23,

. 132

20, .

. 176

23, . .

227

9. 13,

• H3

21, .

162, 257

26, . .

179

22,

• 159

29. 2,

• 234

29, . .

'59

27,

3, 93,

213, 218

11. 2, . .

221

32,

• 234

6, .

. 162

5, . .

153

33,

8, 60,

184, 209

8,

259

10. 13,

; 264

12, .

. 117

13, . .

258

11. 8,

. 253

17,

209, 224

12. 6,

94

9,

. 48

20, 22, .

• 39

10, . 80,

233

19,

. 146

14, . .

249

12. 1,

. 24o

2 Chronicles —

13. 14,

10

8,

51

1. 4, .

. 218

17, . .

176

17,

. 84

5,

. 250

19, . 176,

278

22,

. 23°

6,

80

14. 7, . .

249

33,

. 84

18, .

. 232

8, 11, . .

54

13. 1,

. 162

2. 2, .

. 285

14,

92

2,

• 74

3, .

• 234

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED.

PAGE

2 Chronicles— contd.

PACK

2 Chronicles — contd.

Ezra — contd.

PACK

2. 8, . .

49

21. 20,

. 84

2. 62,

. Ill

17,

94

22. 5,

31

63,

lit

3. 3, . 34,

183

6, .

. 254

68, 41,

M4, i57

4. 3, 15, .

116

U, •

221

3. 3, .

5. 11, . 39,

190

23. 10,

. I58

12, .

160

12,

162

19, .

. 256

13,

. 176

13, . 54

,62

24. 8,

80

4. 4, .

75

6. 22, . .

217

10, .

. I76

5. 4, .

196

24, . 228,

266

11, 215,

229, 249

14, .

. 14?

7. 1, . .

54

(twice)

7. 6, .

1S7> J72

3, .

263

12, .

39

28,

. 162

13, . 249,

271

24,

. 283

8. 21,

109

17, .

264

25. 9,

• 95

22, .

75

21, . .

162

10, .

39, 160

24,

39

8. 7, . .

210

19, .

. 231

25, .

. 209

9,

251

20, .

42

29, .

. 108

11, . .

l83

26. 8,

. 176

30, .

• 249

13, . *37,

264

14, .

160, 162

31, .

. 109

15, . .

57

15, 72,

176, 226

36, .

16, . .

108

18, .

• 131

9. 1, 109,

160, 253

9. 11, .

177

19, .

. 244

2, .

. 180

14, . .

91

27. 5, .

. 265

3, .

• 253

15, . .

97

28. 7,

97

4, .

9, 176

20, . .

192

10, .

. 163

6, .

116, 176

10. 6,

66

15, .

. 162

8, .

• X57

9, . .

67

19, .

. 263

11, •

1 60, 281

11. 12, . 175,

236

22,

• 149

15, .

. 190

22, . .

264

29. 6,

42

10. 1, .

240, 253

12. 5, . .

163

27, .

229, 237

6, .

. 240

12, . 175,

264

28, 30, .

. 176

13, .

• T33

13. 3,

93

34, .

230, 282

14, .

176, 209

9, .

84

36,

176, 209

15,

. 284

11, . .

234

30. 8,

42

17, .

107, 209

15, . 180,

244

18, .

191, 218

19, .

57

14. 8,

93

31. 1, .

. 176

10, 84, 187,

279

6, .

157, 168

Nehemiah —

12, . .

176

10, 149,

176, 202

1. 2, 3, .

90

15. 7,

260

16, 17, .

• 38

8,

. 276

8, . .

175

32. 14, 15, .

. 269

2. 12,

88, 153

9, .

218

29, .

. 172

13,

182

12, 54, 63>

230

31, .

. 268

16, .

• '53

14, . .

176

33. 8,

. 162

19,

61, 153

17. 11, . •

250

12, 19, .

. 149

20, .

42.

12, . .

49

20, 24, .

3. 14, .

13, . .

130

34. 4,

'. 116

19, .

14, . .

183

22,

. 115

20, .

• 74

18. 3, . 146,

280

26-28, .

. 285

33,

. 48

12, . .

177

35. 3,

190

35, .

284, 285

22,

119

8, .

• '57

4. 11, .

9°, l84

23, . .

199

15, .

190

12, .

IOC

29, . .

203

21, .

J47, 255

17,

• 56

19. 6,

36. 10,

no

5. 2, .

163, 281

20. 6, . 133,

190

16, .

. 176

5, .

41, 280

10, . .

66

19, .

. 264

7, .

. 193

20, . .

256

23, .

• 255

8, •

. 268

22, . .

229

11, •

109

25, . .

'75

Ezra —

18, .

175

21. 4, . .

63

1. 3, .

• 255

6. 1, .

129, 268

9, . .

252

5, .

162, 255

7, .

129

17, . .

169

6, .

62, 176

9, .

202, 251

U

306

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED.

PAGE

Nehemiah — contd.

Esther — contd.

PAGE

Job— contd.

PAOB

6. 10,

• 3°

4. 16,

191, 28l

5. 1, .

. I38

12, .

. 236

5. 3, 6, .

. 277

2, .

. 117

13, .

13, 281

H, -

. 217

5, .

. I84

17, .

219, 236

12, .

. 129

7, .

• 237

7. 7, .

. 246

13, .

. 229

11, .

. 254

10, .

41

6. 3, .

. 94

20, .

. 248

64,

. in

4, .

. 244

21, .

. 228

65, .

. 112

9, .

. 263

24, .

H7, 274

8. 5,

. 116

7. 2, .

. 277

6. 2, .

78, 166

7, .

. 67

4, .

. 179

4, .

• 57

8, .

. 263

5, .

. 196

7, .

. 147

10, .

. 218

8. 6, .

• 74

8, .

206, 259

13, .

. 264

8, .

. 190

10, .

. 256

9. 5, .

. 104

11, •

169

H, .

. 225

8, 13, .

. 263

17, .

. 215

13, .

88, 273

19, .

38, 176

9. 1, 171,

264, 285

14, 205,

260, 267

28,

. 127

4, .

• 49

16, .

. 60

29, .

• '59

6, .

. 263

17, 85, 128, 215,

32, .

39, l62

12, .

263, 277

229

34, .

- 38

14,

. 232

19, .

37, .

39

16-18, .

. 263

20, .

. 125

10. 29,

. 232

20, 21, .

21, .

• J34

30, .

. 104

23, .

72, 178

22,

. 194

11. 9, .

• 97

27, .

. 125

24, .

. 277

13, .

112

28, .

. 250

27, .

12

17, .

. 262

30, .

• 97

7. 4, 246,

27!» 273

32,

. 118

7, .

73

12. 12,

. 112

Job—

H, •

. 265

22, .

46

1. 1, 136,

US. 157

12, .

. 225

13. 4, 89,

153, !76

4, .

41, 246

13, .

10, .

. 179

5, .

15, .

. 245

18, .

• 51

6, .

• *9

16, .

5

19, .

232, 256

7, .

8, 199

17, 18, .

. 248

22, .

. 232

15, .

. 163

19, .

. 199

23, .

. 70

16,

138, 229

20, .

. 275

26, .

. 129

2. 2, .

8, 199

21,

. 197

27, .

129

3, .

245

8. 4, .

. 271

9, .

193, 194.

6, .

206, 278

Esther—

10, .

. 40

7, .

. 219

1. 7,

. 281

11, .

. 209

8, .

. 184

10, 11, .

. 232

13, .

. 52

9, 64

, 78, i34

15,

• *57

3. 3, .

8, 215

11, .

. 84

19, .

. 125

8, .

• 75

19, .

. 184

22, .

169

10, .

. 261

9. 2,

197, 206

2. 3, .

37, *63

H, •

8,275

3, .

66, 75

9, .

. 170

12, .

. 225

5, .

. 217

11, .

169

13, 12,

"7, 275,

14,

. 269

12, .

169, 250

278

15,

12

20, .

189, 250

16, .

12

16, .

. 272

21, •

. 146

18, .

. 240

19,

3. 2, .

. 250

19, .

. I72

20, .

. 248

5, .

. 189

25, .

• 52

25, .

. 240

7,

. 124

26, .

. 252

27, .

. 272

12, .

169

4. 2,

. 214

32, 34, .

. 256

13,

232, 263

6, .

. 257

10. 3,

• 239

14,

169

7, .

196

8, .

. 250

4. 3, 129,

169, 170,

12, .

. 254

9, .

. 68

215, 234

15,

9

10, .

9

7, .

. 232

19, .

n, 269

12, .

14, .

. 236

21, 88,

'55, *75

13, .

. 285

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED Oli ILLUSTRATED.

307

Job— contd.

PAGE

Job— contd.

PACK

PAGE

Job— contd.

10. 14,

. 232

16. 4,

*32, 277

22. 28,

. . 276

15, .

6, 276,

278, 282

23. 2,

. 133

16, 17, .

'. 27*6

8, .

. 226

7,

. 232

18, .

12

9, .

. 46

10,

. 275

22, .
11. 3,4, .

. 248
. 245

10, .
14, .

62
34

12,
13,

. . 257

. 140, 248

5, .

. 206

16, .

179, 182

24. 1,

. 129

6, .

24> 255

17, .

. 268

2,

. 248

8, .

. 142

18, .

2OO

5,

46, 104, 184,

9, .

101

17. 2,

. 205

240

10, .

. 248

3, .

196

7,

. 178

12, .

• 93

5, .

125, 184

9,

219 (twice)

13, 259,

271, 285

10, .

. 201

10,

. 178, 248

14, .

13, .

. 27I

16-18, . .184

15, .

: 278

18. 2,

. 104

19,

. 218

17, .

. 276

3, .

69

20,

. 248

18, .

138, 274

6, .

. 248

22,

184, 252, 267

20, .

. 248

9, 12, .

. 248

24,

• 275

12. 2,

. 206

13, .

• 46

25,

84, 190

5, .

. 204

15, 124,

192, 218,

25. 4,

6, .

. 184

268

5,

. 257

11, •

. 237

21, .

. 218

26. 2,

3, . . 218

14, .

41

19. 11,

. 69

10,

. 105

17, 19, .

. i78

15,

. 236

13,

22, .

. 248

16, .

. 218

14,

• 199

23,

. 61

18,

. 276

27. 3,

. 102

24,

. 84

19, .

209

8,

25, 273

13. 3,

• 75

20, .

5

12,

• 52

9, .

. 148

23, .

. 157

14,

• 273

13, .

. 60

24, .

. 235

16,

40

17, .

. 48

26, .

. 214

20,

. 179, 248

19, 12,

196, 278

27,

235, 248

22,

. . 165

24, .

69

28, .

30, 231

28. 1,

n, 213

25, .

37

29, .

133

2,

. 124

27, .

. 248

20. 2, 88,

261, 281

3,

. 125

14. 4, .

. 279

4, .

148, 224

4,

129, 184, 258

10, .

. 248

11,

. 179

6,

169

11, 12, .

• 237

13, .

211

7,

. 286

14, .

12

15, .

. 248

10,

11,. . 254

17, .

. 248

17, .

104, 257

18,

12

18, .

241

19,

73

20,

21,. . 257

19, 15 8, 1 79 (twice),

23, .

248, 253

25,

• 254

237

21. 2,

. 48

29. 2,

. 10, 64, 85

20, .

. 240

3, .

ii

3,

10, 58, 160

15. 3,

125

7, .

. 54

8,

258

5, .

. 158

12, .

. 62

10,

180

7, .

. 4, 8

16, .

• 15

12,

. 240

10, .

101, 279

21, .

. 181

14,

• 54

11, .

• 134

22, .

66, 125

24,

. 240

14, .

. 225

27, .

. 213

30. 3,

78, 133, 171

17, .

209, 257

34, .

45, 159

6,

. 170

19, .

4

22. 3,

. 194

8,

. • 84

20, .

. 181

9, .

. 128

12,

13,. . 248

23, .

• '39

11, •

. 70

15,

. 178, 179

26, .

. 121

12, .

142, 181

20,

. 261

27, .

66, 283

13,

252, 267

24,

. 125

32, .

. 127

16, .

56

28,

. 227

34, .

17, .

• 23r

31. 1,

197, 232

35, .

. 260

18, .

X5

18,

34, 174

16. 3,

• 225

23, .

. 261

26,

44, 223

308

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

PAGE

Job — contd.

Job — contd.

PAGE

Psalms —

PAGE

contd.

31. 27,

34,. . 248

39. 13,

l82, 194

12. 2,

40

36,

12

15,

. 179, 248

3,

55, l69

32. 3,

252

18,

. 228

5,

. 217

4,

4, 101

24,

. . 83

7,

101

6,

. 101

25,

. 231

8,

. 119

7,

. 181

27,

. 286

13. 3,

. 169

10,

. . 265

40. 2,

202, 203

4,

. 56

11,

. 230

8,9,

. 194

5,

57

14,

• 239

19,

. I07

14. 4,

81, 260

15,

. 258

24,

. I24

6,

. 54

16,

• 247, 257

25,

. 193

7,

. 206

17,

. . 265

29,

. 226

15, 2,

44

22,

32,

. . 256

3,

5, 188, 260, 262

33. 3,

• ' 5

41. 18, i

JI, 244, 277

16. 3,

161, 210, 215

5,

59

22,

. 170

4,

122

15,

. . 285

42. 3,

. 239

7,

. 217

19,

. 274

5,

4

8,

. 146

21,

. 274

8,

• *74

14,

. 214

32,

• 59

17. 4,

. 161

34. 8,

. 264

Psalms —

5,

. 202, 203

10,

. 261

1. 1,

. 188

9,

. 88

14,

. 272

3,

• 34

10,

55

20,

. 46, 124, 142

4,

• 33

12,

34

24,

84, 248

2. 6,

. no, 242

13,

55

29,

. 279

12,

54, 104

18. 4,

. . 285

30,

. 227

3. 5,

55, 275

7,

• 9, 33

31,

. 240

4. 2,

15, 229, 262

12,

22, 248, 254

32,

191, 21 8 (twice)

3,

. 241

21,

. 67

36,

. 277

4,

. 100, 257

31,

32

35. 3,

. 231

7,

. 205

32,

. 192

15,

190

8,125

,215 (twice)

33,

32, in

36. 7,

. 250

5. 5,

• 57

35,

67, 178

10,

13, 222

10,

. 184

41,

. 42

14,

15,. . 276

12,

. 259

47,

. 15

16,

104

7. 3,

. 240

48,

32

18,

. 227

4,

. 271, 278

49,

. 265

22,

. 271

5,

. 252

19. 2,

3, . . 260

26,

. 257

6,

17, 213

4,

84, 243

29,

. 269

7,

15, 241

5,

. 213

32,

. 66

9,

. 205

6,

. 182

37. 2,

. . 48

13, 73

(twice), 248

7,

. 281

5,

. 44

14,

. 157

8,

. 98, 257

8,

. . 248

15,

. 250

10,

10,

. 13°

16,

. . 248

11,

. 132, 220

12,

. . 285

18,

. . 38

14,

. 226

16,

18, . . 193

8. 5,

. 225

20. 4,

. 18

22,

. 121

9. 7, 137, 163, 180

7,

6, 247

23,

. 262

10, 11,

. 255

8,

. 262

38. 2,

. 196

15,

. 226

21. 4,

65,87

11,

. I24

16,

. 209

7,

14,

. 248

19,

. 261

12,

. 240, 284

18,

. 194

21,

. 231

22. 8,

61, 62

19,

199, 213

10. 2,

. 209

16,

71

21,

. i8z

3, 13,

5, 258

22,

15, 60, 254

24,

8, 199, 213

16,

. 15

28,

• 259

26,

. . 84

11. 2,

. 254

30,

248, 260, 262

33,

. 182

3,

. 200, 228

32,

64, 221

41,

. 228

4,

. 159

24. 4,

5

39. 5,

. 68

6,

. 248

8,

10,. . 196

12,

. 222

7,

. . 184

25. 2,

. . 187

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

309

Psalms— contd.

PAGE

Psalms — contd.

PAGK

Psalms— contd.

PAGE

25. 9,

. I56

39. 6,

40

51. 10, 16, .

. 2S6

11,

247, 250

7, .

125, 140

18, .

• 255

12,

213, 277

8, .

. 200

52. 7, .

. 265

26. 6,

. 248

11, .

. I63

8, .

• 255

27. 2,

. I63

12, .

5

9,

. 248

5,

. 24I

40. 4,

. 232

11, •

. 64

6,

• 255

5, .

. 98

55. 3,

. 18

7,

55, 2I3

6, .

190, 276

6,

. 236

10,

. 283

7, .

4, 2*5

7-9, .

. 232

13,

28. 1,

. 277
. 275

41. 3,'

. 62
. 187

13, .
14,

: III

3,

• 239

5, .

158, 283

18, 19, .

. 248

7,

- 63

9, 54, 57

, 82, 211

56. 3,

45

14,

• 34

42. 2,

• 34

4, .

85, 216

29. 3,

. 83

4, .

. 148

5, .

3°, 24°

6,

121, 160

5, .

18, 276

7, .

• 273

9,

81, 282

11, .

. 148

10, .

. 268

10,

. 245

12, .

• 197

11, .

30

30. 3,

. 275

44, 3,

• 55

12, .

. 240

8,

4

5, .

. 136

14, .

4

9,

. 256

18, .

• 239

57. 3,

. 223

10,

. 199

19, .

. 261

4, .

241, 254

31. 6,

J5

45. 2,

. 205

5,

• '8

8,

. 217

5, .

66, 258

6,

. 205

10,

. 199

6, .

. 285

7, .

i5, 275

11,

79

7, .

• 133

9, .

200

12,

. 265

9, 133;

180, 258

58. 3,

. 267

23,

. 283

11, -

. 259

5,

• 2I5

32. 1,

• 99

13, .

. 170

8, .

• J73

5,

. 275

14, .

. 240

9, .

55

7,

. 66

17, .

. 256

10, .

in, 280

8,

209, 213

18, .

169

59. 2,

100

9,

84, 121

46. 4, .

. 267

4, .

. 84

10,

. 66

5, .

121, 159

6, .

100

33. 13,

5

47. 10,

55, i"

13, .

• 25S

34. 6,

. 187

48. 6,

. 280

17, .

4

8,

. 248

49. 6,

• 85

60. 3,

• 63

22,

. 158

8, .

. 166

5, .

93

35. 5,6,

• 239

9, •

. 125

7, .

55

8,

58, 240

10, .

. 255

11,

. 200

12,

• 59

12, .

. 214

13, .

• 239

15,
16,

• 47
. 170

13,14, .

213,214,
261, 262

61. 8,
62. 4,

. 256

220, 221

19,

. 89

15, .

213, 248

5, .

l84, 24I

20, 21,

. 245

16, .

. 228

10, .

. 276

36. 13,

6

18, .

81, 187

12, .

. 209

37. 3,

45, 256

19, .

. 284

63. 3,

• 5'

5,

44, 64

21, .

33, 262

7, .

. 271

20,

. 248

50, 1,

6

11, .

. 60

21,

. 188

3, .

. 187

64. 6,

23I, 254

22,

. 113

4, .

. 232

7, .

I70, I7I

23,

. 129

6, .

. 171

8, .

6, 65, 248

27,

. 256

8, .

- 239

9, .

. 184

31,

. 179

10, .

80

65. 4,

. 82

35,

34

12, .

. 272

5, .

. 218

38. 2,

. 261

14, 15, .

. 256

6, .

44, 61

8,

5

16, .

. 198

10, 4

7, 65, 125

16,

4

17, .

. *38

11, .

. 260

17,

. 354

21, .

. 165

14, .

53, 26$

39. 4,

5

51. 9,

. 255

66. 3,

. 69

310

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED.

Psalms— confd.

PAGE

Psalms— contd.

PAGE

PAGB

Psalms — contd.

63. 6,

22

78. 26, 29, .

• 254

102. 9,

79

8,

38

30, 31, .

• 243

14,

. 227

10,

. I48

34, 35, .

. 246

19,

. 221

14,

• 33

39,

188, 260

22,

. I48

17,

• 55

40, 41, .

. 246

28,

172

67. 5,

. 65

45,

. 254

103. 4,

107

68. 2,

. 276

49, .

. 86

. 179, 256

5,

. 140

54,

. 209

16,'

. 275

10,

. 65

80. 9,

9

21,

. 38

14,

. 121

13, .

. 247

104. 2,

. 221

16,

. I23

19, .

. 276

6,

• 4, 9

17,

81. 6,

. 218

8,

9, 209, 215

19,

57, 96

7, .

. 254

12,

62

20,

• 32

9, .

. 205

14,

51

22,

• 54

14, .

. 277

15,

. 150

27,

38, 201

15, .

. 278

18,

. 120

31,

. 92

82. 1,

. 91

20,

. ' .276

34,

. 104

6, .

. 163

25,

Il8, 220

69. 4,

. 241

83. 6,

. 46

26

. 226

5,

. 268

12, .

• J59

27;

. 232

6,

- 39

19, .

. 122

32,

22, 249

11,

- 55

84. 4, .

5

35,

138, 205

US'

. 18

7, .

104, 268

105. 41,

. 58

22,

. 254

9, .

109

106. 18,

19,. . 254

27,

. 220

85. 11,

6

23,

. 278

33,

255, 275

86. 8,

. 126

107. 5,

. 241

71. 3,

15, 241

87. 3,

127, 128

6

. 254

7,

. in

88. 2,

215, 258

10,

. 98

10,

. 284

4, .

• 53

13,

14,. . 254

16,

62

5,

. 84

17,

. 218

19,

. 238

6, .

• 98

19,

20,. . 254

21,

. 276

10, .

5

26,

. 9, 22, 254

23,

. 206

11, •

. 227

43,

. 255

72. 3,

. 256

14, .

5

109. 2,

55

4,

61

16, .

18

3,

. . 66

5,

89, 256

89. 19,

. 162

4,

• J33

7,

. 191

32, 33, .

. 272

8,

15,

. 255

36, .

• 273

17,

18, . . 245

19,

• 54

38, .

. 238

28,

. 245

73. 2,

. 140

40, .

. 60

110. 2,

. . 256

6,

• 53

48, .

. 199

3,

. 133

7,

• 53

51, .

52, 121

5,

. 6, 22, 248

10,

. 87

90. 3,

. 230

111. 6,

51

11,

. 64

4, .

. 265

115. 7,

159, 257

14,

. 252

5, .

33, '57

116. 3,

4, • . 243

17,

22, 230

10, .

. 141

11,

. 158

21, 22,

. 228

12, .

. 260

16

. 6, 15, 39

27,

100

15,

. 215

118. 5,

. 61

74. 15,

. 88

91. 1,2, .

. 221

10,

. 206

75. 6,

. 261

7, .

. 276

13,

. 165

76. 3,

. 266

15, .

. 276

14

. 234

7,

. 279

92. 8,

• 273

18,

. 165

8,

. 230

9, .

45

19,

. . 256

77. 4,

. 276

16, .

. 262

26,

5

12,

. 206

93. 19,

. 213

119. 5,

. 205

78. 4,

. 240

94. 9, 10, .

. 195

17,

. . 256

6-8,

. 232

13, .

61,87

23,

. 276, 284

9,

. 104

95. 10,

10

24,

. 268

15,

182, 254

11, .

• 273

51,

61,. 267,276,

18,

• 51

101. 8,

• Si

284

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

311

Psalms — contd.

PAGE

Psalms — contd.

PAGE

PACK

Proverbs— contd.

119. 62,

. 142

141. 10,

'57

10. 4,

. 46

75, .

45, '33

142. 5,

. 202

22, 24, .

158

78, .

45

143. 6,

34, 62

31, .

53

83,

. 284

144. 3,

. 245

11. 2, 8, .

5

87,

7

12,

. 46

7, .

8

90, .

• 245

145. 7,

. 121

13, .

55

98,

. 179

146. 4,

. 276

14, .

40

103,

. 180

148. 6,

. 125

15,

. 166

128,

. 170

150. 6,

106

22, .

100

136,

. 266

24,

250

137,

. 178

Proverbs —

12. 6, 57, 133, 149',

145, .

. 256

1. 3,, .

i°Si 234

1 60

155,

. 178

4, •

258, 260

7, .

203, 257

120. 1,

• 33

10, .

. 64

14, .

. 40

5,

57

H, -

102

16, .

. 78

6, .

47, 174

13, .

. 106

19,

18, 230

7, i34,

157, 284

21, .

• 3°

27, .

. 182

121. 3,

194

22, .

. 254

28, .

. 84

122. 1,

5

2. 3, .

. 274

13. 1,

99, 218

3,

. 174

9, 12, 14,

. 87

2, .

. 40

4, -

46, 143

15, .

101

4, .

. 160

5, .

112

3. 3, 4, .

. 256

7,

• 239

123. 3,

44

7, -

. 256

8, .

. 218

4, 108,

114, 174

12,

• 34

10, .

130

124. 3,

. 278

18,

• 139

13,

. 173

5, .

. 178

34, .

171, 283

18, .

• 277

126. 2,

8

4. 6, 8, 10,

. 256

19,

• 133

6, .

165, 167

11,

5

20, .

. 203

127. 1, .

. 272

5. 6,

. 227

21, .

; 67

2, 77,

101, 143,

15-18, .

. 256

24, .

160

222

22, .

. 1 60

14. 2, .

101, 152

3, .

. 26l

6. 12,

. 46

3, .

• '55

4, .

. 280

16, .

. 213

7, .

. 115

128. 2,

. 206

22, .

. 274

13,

160

129. 2,

. 268

24, .

. 87

H .

100, 219

3, .

• 39

27, 28, .

. 238

18, .

8

6, .

. 23°

31, .

. 274

20, .

. 129

8, .

5

35, .

. 284

22, .

• 277

131. 2,

. 280

7. 7, .

22, 69

31, .

• 277

132. 12,

. 271

8, .

. 26o

35, .

. 185

138. 1,

. 265

10, .

. 46

15. 11,

269

134. 2,

55

11, •

10

12, .

. 66

137. 4, .

ii

12, 13, .

. 246

14, .

. 182

8, .

. 67

16, .

. 68

16, .

239

138. 7, .

55

17, .

. 65

20,

92

139. 8, 232,

272, 276

19, .

89, 189

21, .

• 73

H, •

. 274

8. 3,

• 3°

22,

179, 203

12, .

33

8, .

. 141

25,

. 249

15, .

. 217

9, •

. 221

16. 2,

. 180

16, .

4, 8, 239

12, .

57

3, .

. 256

18, .

. 276

25, 26, .

• 23°

4, .

. 108

19, .

. 205

29,

13, 232

10, 12, .

40

21, .

ii

32, .

. 218

13,

. 184

22, .

53

9. 3,

3°

27, .

. 262

140. 9,

256, 261

4,

209, 254

33, .

. 128

11, .

240

7, .

66

17. 1, .

• 239

141. 4,

191

12, .

. 272

5, .

61, 277

5, .

65, 257

13,

. 262

7,

269

6, 15
8, .

> H7, 257
. 206

16, .

18, .

210, 254

99

it

• 277
243 (twice)

312

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

PAGE

Proverbs — contd.

PAGE

Proverbs — contd.

PAGE

Ecclesiastes — contd.

17. 12,

. 203

25. 8,

. . 156

5. 6, . . 265

15, .

. 265

20, 25,

8, . . 107

16, .

• 239

27,

. 50

9, . 210, 277

20, .

101

28,

. . 84

11, . . 114

26,

I31

26. 2,

51

12, . .129

27, .

. 52

17,

. 213

13, . . 87

18. 5,

• I31

27. 7,

• 277

14, . . 25

22, .

. 276

9,

. . 236

15, . 199, 280

24, .

. 138

12,

258 (twice)

17, . .125

19. 1,

101

24,

. 282

18, . 244, 276

3, .

• 243

28. 1,

. . 184

6. 3, 5, 283, 284

6,

106

2,

160

6, . . 279

10, .

. 269

4,

. . 184

7, . . 268

17, .

. 277

8,

. 148

10, 137, 263, 277

19,

. 274

10,

. 163, 171

12, . . 266

23, .

45, 71

27,

. 84

7. 1, . . 125

25, .

66, 256

29. 6,

. 121

7, . 37, 178

20. 2,

. 58

9,

. 244

12, . . i4l

6,

. 214

30. 3,

. 26l

19, . .137

10, 12, .

. 265

24,

. 170

20, . . 190

13, .

. 256

31,

. . 84

21, . 69, 225

14, .

. 241

31. 1,

30, 66

22, . . 224

22, .

• 255

4,

. 184, 265

24, 137, 164, 170,

26,

. 248

277

21. 2,

. 180

Ecclesiastes —

25, . 69, 234

6, .

. 103

1. 3,

. 199

8. 2, . 237

9, .

. 130

5,

237

9, . . 263

11, •

. 66

9,

. 209

10, . . 87

19, .

. 13°

10,

. 124, 276

11, . 190, 266

20, .

• 92

11,

. 282

12, . 47, 284

27, .

184, 269

13,

21, 87, 249

14, . . 5

(twice)

16,

21, 249

17, 223, 284 (twice)

22. 3,

258, 275

2. 3,

. 230

9. 1, . . 264

5,

. 258

5,

21, 249

4, . 162, 277

6, .

. 66

7,

93, 130

7, • . i5S

11, .

160, 262

9,

. 236, 249

11, . . 263

12, .

5

15,

21, 163, 267

10. 10, . .125

35, 158,

243, 277

16,

. 142

12, . . 133

16,

. 61

21,

. 1 60

15, . . 214

19, .

5, l63

3. 2,

115, 150

20, . . 25

21, .

. 67

4,8,

. IIS

11. 2, . . 199

23, .

. 65

9,

. 199

3, . . 215

29, .

ii, 275

11,

. 268

5, . .65

23. 8,

. 213

13,

. . 276

8, . . 271

15, .

. 163

14,

. 226

9, . . 237

17, .

141, 274

15,

• 135

12. 1, . . 237

24. 5, .

. 141

17,

• 237

2, . 94, 230

6, .

, 40

18,

4, . 92, 249

9, .

. 104

21,

. 223

6, . . 230

10, .

• 275

4. 1,

. 168, 263

9, . . 156

11, .

. 205

2,

. 264

11, 92 (twice), 129

15, .

. 44

6,

• 93

12, . . 71

25, .

87, 127

7,

. . 263

13, . no, 141

27, .

. 250

10,

160

14, • • 37

28, .

• 257

12,

. . 176

31, .

• 53

14,

. 284

Canticles —

32, .

254, 258

15,

10

1. 2, . . 63

25. 3,

84, 237

17,

. 224

5, . . 170

4,5, .

• 203

5. 1,

• 134

6, . 112, 163

7, .

131, 148

4,

. 222

7, . . 228

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

313

PAGE

Canticles — contd.

PAGE

Isaiah — contd.

Isaiah— contd.

PAGE

1. 15,

• i33

4. 4,

. 271

10. 4,

184, 274

2. 6,

. 116

5. 1,

52, 92

5, .

185, 262

7,

. 197

2,

66, 232

7, .

. 88

8,

. . ^83

5,

67, 202

10,

91

H,

6,

5Z, 53

13, .

22

12,

5

8,

. 138

15, .

. 262

15,

9,

. 192

22,

150, 272

3. 4,

• 273, 283

11,

. 241

27, .

. 256

5,

• J97

12,

8, 133

30, .

55

6,

41, 196

15,

. 247, 248

11. 2, .

• 234

7,

112, 1 60

19,

. 18

4, .

• 67

8,

. . 98

23,

. . 184

8, .

• 254

4. 1,

. 116

24,

. . 156

9,75,^7,

149,214

4,

• 95

26,

. 185, 259

10, .

5. 2,

29,

30, . . 248

13, .

79

9,

106, 200

6. 1,

54, 144

14, .

. 109

6. 7,

. 116

2,

. 246, 260

12. 1, .

22, 249

12,

55, "9

3,

. . 164

2, .

7. 10,

87, 93

6,

5, .

. 205

13,

5

7,

. 247

13. 2,

I 60

8. 2,

• 93

8,

. . 36

3, .

. Ill

3,

. 116

9,

. . 48

9, .

234, 260

4,

. 197

10,

124, 261

10,

. 254

7,

. 272

H,

. 192, 273

18, .

. I58

H,

13,

. 147, 274

14. 2, .

14,

• '73

7. 9,

. 206

3, .

61, 128

H,

47

6, .

• 87

Isaiah —

14,

29, 171

15, .

. 267

1. 1,

. . 258

15,

16,. . 75

21, .

191, 227

3,

. . 64

17,

. 114

27, .

. 132

4,

. . 263

20,

• 31

31,

5,

. 107

21,

. 125

32, .

3°

7,

99, 263

22,

• H8, 253

15. 6,

137

9,

. 271, 278

24,

125, 133

7,

. 215

12,

45

8. 1,

101, 112

8,

. 261

14,

• 74

4,

75, 125

16. 4,

. 184

15,

. 62, 284

6,

. . 263

5, .

. 279

18,

33, 271

7,

. 257

8, .

• 183

19,

. . 64

8,

. 254

9,

65, 108

20,

• 45, 271

9,

. . 256

12, .

4, 255

23,

10,

52, 256 (twice)

17. 5, .

1 60

25,

! .* 18

H,

256

6, .

160, 265

28,

. 202

12,

. 211

10, .

66,87

30,

. 101

14,

. 159, 266

18. 2,

• 136

2. 2,

. 289

20,

. . I84

5, .

. 254

4,

• • 67

21,

. 1 60

7, .

. 136

6,

. 206, 268

22,

. 171

19. 3,

. 88

9,

247, 248, 259

23,

6, 64, 1 60, 206,

7, .

6

H,

181, 247, 248

247, 280

8, .

104, 157

H'

. 247, 248

9. 1,

104

11, 104,

170, 268

18,

157

2,

104, 125, 157

17,

231

, 22,

• 173

3,

. 6, 92

20, .

. 248

3. 6,

. 205

5,

6

22, .

• 47

9,

. . 67

6,

. 144, 247

20. 1,

. 156

10,

. 223

9,

68

2, .

. 202

12,

. . 178

11,

30, 107

4, .

178

15,

. . 198

12,

. 107

21. 2,

. 128

16,

. 166

16,

. 81

5, .

. 202

24,

93, M2, 253

10. 1,

. 168, 260

11, .

148

26,

73, 253, 258

3,

. 214

12, .

„ 272

314

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

PAflS

Isaiah— contd.

PAGE

Isaiah — contd.

Isaiah — contd.

PAGE

22. 2,

101, 158

31 8,

• *73

42. 21,

75

5,

. 202

32. 1,

. 161

24, .

75

7,

• 17°, 25*

7,

. . 67

25, .

• 97

16,

. 104

13,

. 206

43. 3,

6

17,

. . 167

14,

. 247

8, .

• 139

18,

• 33

33. 1,

137 (twice),

9, .

• '5

21,

. 66

l6l, 212

21,

. 215

24,

. . 87

6,

. 234

22, .

. 269

23. 2,

l8o, 212

7,

. 44

23, .

• 65

4,

. 257, 26l

11,

. 276

28, .

22

7,

• *73

12,

. 204

44. 12,

. 250

11,

. . 146

15,

. . 58

14, .

. 250

12,

. 104

24,

. 99

21, .

. 174

13,

120, 137, 185,

34. 4,

• 33

24, .

. 256

204

13,

53» J78

26, .

. 78

25. 3,

• 179

35. 1,

. 249

28, .

. 264

26. 9,

• 55

2,

• *34

45. 9, .

. 201

10,

. . 276

4,6,

• »49

46. 2,

82, 173

13,

. 122

9,

. 170

10, .

• 78

15,

15

36. 2,

. 86

11, .

. 279

27. 5,

. 282

9,

80, 103

47. 1, .

. 124

28. 1,

88, 103

10,

. 192

8, 10, .

. 85

2,

. 254

15,

• 39

48. 1,

. 260

4,

88, 103

17,

. 260

2, .

. 268

6,

. 261

19,

. . 269

11, .

. 262

7,

. 130

37. 3,

• 139

13, .

. 276

8,

. . 138

4,

. 30

14, .

218, 261

16,

• '54. *7!

6,

21, .

. 219

21,

121

14,

. 182

49. 2,

. 258

25,

. 272

17,

3°

4, .

. 283

28,

166, 206, 268

38,

. 252

7,8, .

. 92

29. 1,

. 215

38. 10,

. 18, 158

17, .

• 137

2,

• 133

12,

. 124

18, .

. 204

4,

• 73

15,

. 232, 279

50. 4, .

37, 65

5,

34

16,

. IO2

8, .

. 209

7,

. 235

18,

. 26l

9, .

. 196

9,

. 171

19,

66, 67

51. 2,

22

10,

. 108

20,

• 133

12, 13, .

• 245

14,

. . 167

39. 3,

15, .

. 238

15,

. 72

8,

. 194

21, .

IOO

16,

. 195, 200

40. 10,

. 141

52. 8,

. 180

19,

. 92

18,

. 199

53. 3,4, .

• *35

22,

. 214

20,

71, 108

7, 33

, 34, 1 68

30. 2,

. 260

21,

. 261

9, .

. 124

6,

• 213

24,

. 279

10, .

65, 232

7,

. • 136

26,

. 121

11, .

. 61

11,

12,. . 185

30,

. 283

54. 3, 291 (twice)

14,

47, 188, 260

41. 1,

. 60

6, .

. 206

17,

. 101, 273

2,

. 34, 184

9, .

. 280

19,

. 201

4,

. 172

55. 1,

. 261

20,

• 93

7,

• 37

2, .

84, 218

23,

. 66

17,

. 257

4,

• 235

27,

. . 46

24,

. 218

5, .

. 288

31,

. . 185

25,

• 55

10,

273, 292

32,

• *53> 254

26,

. 279

56. 3,

. 209

33,

50, 88, 172,

42. 5,

• 234

5, .

290

185, 285

6,

92, 256

6, .

. 264

31. 1,

. 260

13,

34

7, .

. 291

5,

47, 167, 260

16,

59, 2I3

10, .

. 104

6,

. 2H, 213

19,

. 78

57. 1, .

• ^3

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED Oil ILLUSTRATED.

315

Isaiah— contd.

PAGE

PAGE

Jeremiah — contd.

PAGE

Jeremiah — contd.

57. 2, .

58, l84

3. 19,

. 200

9. 4,

74, 156

5, .

. 263

22,

. 154

6,

. 200

12, .

• S^

23,

. 26l

7,

. I25, 184

15, .

38, 131

25,

. 18

9,

. 192, 258

17, .

22

4. 10,

. 252

11,

. 255

58. 2,

9

11,

103

14,

. 160

5, .

. 288

14,

.178

19,

. 156

6, 7, • 202, 260

19,

21, . . 18

23,

125, 202

8, .

. 292

25,

. . 189

10. 3,

. I85

10, .

. 249

29,

106, 189

4,

. I84

12, .

. 129

30,

. . 284

6,7,

192 (twice)

13, .

51

5. 1,

• 255

8,

. 268

59. 1,

. 291

2,

. 267, 271

10,

• X33

4, .

. 202

3,

• 75

13,

. 157

10, .

• *49

5,

. . 267

19,

. 120

18, .

. 281

7,

. 199, 250

25,

. 168

60. 1,

6

9,

. 199

11. 21,

. 251

5, .

. 180

12,

. 195

12. 4,

. 178

14, .

45, 79

13,

. 190

5,

. 200

61. 1, .

• 59

15,

. 213

6,

44

7, .

. 261

21,

. . 84

8,

. 62

10, .

33, 34

28,

53, 87, 261

11,

. 42

62. 5,

. 280

6. 6,

. 224

16,

. . 156

63. 3,

22

10,

. 18

17,

47

7, .

. 28l

13,

. 81

13. 1,2,

29

11, •

110

14,

. 250

4,

. 106

18, .

. 262

15,

. 268

7,

10, 192

19, .

. 2!8

17,

. 246

10,

. 255

64. 1, .

. 205

19,

. 250

16,

. 127

10, .

. 180

20,

. 199

18,

58> 73

65. 1,

. 218

22,

. 180

20,

. 179

5, .

. 174

28,

. . 169

21,

. 224

6, .

• *73

29,

. • . 48

23,

. 101

20, .

. 4°

7. 4,

. . 183

14. 1,

5, 219

66. 17,

• 93

6,

. 127, 187

4,

. 241

9,

. 202

5,

. 263

Jeremiah —

11,

. 154

7,

. 271

1. 5, .

67, 229

13,

. 49

12,

. . 284

15, .

. 89

16,

. . 189

15,

• 239

18, .

. 162

17,

• J53

17,

53, 57, l87

2. 2, .

. 260

18,

. . 263

18,

. 271

8, •

. 218

19,

36» '72

19,

. 202

10, .

. 194

23,

. 127

15. 1,

. 271

11, .

. 218

24,

. 104

4,

. 217

15, .

. 178

25,

. 169, 250

6,

. 74

16, .

54

31,

. 127

7,

. 258

17, .

85, 228

32,

. 192

10,

81, 90

18, .

. 198

8. 1,

• 234

11,

• 273

19,

. 263

3,

. 129

15,

. 187, 224

20, .

. 258

4,

. 125

16. 6,7,

. . 184

21, .

. 119

5,

109, ill, 185

12,

. 153

25, .

. 224

6,

. 81

13,

• 37

28, .

• 143

9,

• 195

16,

. 121

31, 172

(twice)

10,

. 81

20,

• - 84

33, .

• 72

12,

. 268

17. 9,

. 170

34,

. 181

13,

166, 218

10,

. 264

3. 1, 12,

57, 202

15,

. 202

14,

. 255

3,

75

16,

. 104

16,

. 224

9, .

• 253

19,

. I89

18,

. 80

15, .

- 65

9. 2,

. 90

26,

• - 9»

316

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTKATED.

PAGE

Jeremiah — contd.

PAGE

Jeremiah — contd.

PAGE

Jeremiah — contd.

18. 3, . . 246

27. 7,

. 163

37. 21,

. ^63

4, 246 (twice), 274

8,

38, 160

38. 4,

. 128, 267

7, . 23*, 245

10,

15, . . 149

5,

57, 189, 192

8, . . 274

18,

. 227

6,

. 108

13, . . 157

28. 16,

29, 142 153

9,

. 214, 245

14, 15, . . 225

29. 17,

ii

14,

. 119

21, • . 99

19,

49

16,

. 38

19. 1, .63

23,

. 238

24,

. 251

4, . . 246

28,

. 267

26,

. 154.

5, . 127, 246

30. 6,

69, 240

39. 10,

. . 63

11, . 125, 192

7,

. 192

12,

. 274

12, . . 264

11,

. 252, 284

40. 2,

39

13, . 162, 263

12,

. 162

3,

. 119

20. 7, . .81

14,

• 52» 53, 26°

4,

. 220

9, . . 274

15,

. 121

5,

. 23°

10, . . 98

19,

. . 236

8,

. 279

11, • • 53

21,

196

14,

. 232

12, . . 237

31. 2,

. . 48

41. 6,

49 (twice), 240

15, . .165

3,

. 65

8,

. 94

17, . 86, 265

5,

6, 125

16,

. 106

22. 4, . . 112

7,

• 45

42. 2,

• i34

6, . . 178

8,

. . 46

5,

. 67

10, . . 48

10,

34

8,

. 162

12, . . 215

13,

. . 69

16,

17,. . 253

16, . . 33

21,

. 119, 258

21,

. 162

17, . . 86

22,

• 137

43. 2,

. 240

19, . 47, 48

27,

. 66

44. 2,

. 133, 280

24, . 204, 271

32,

. 211

5,

. 281

26, . . 119

32. 1,

. 86

6,

. 280

29, . . 164

11,

. 44

7,

. 51

30, . 68, 77

12,

. 108

12,

. 81

23. 2, . . 182

14,

. 119, 279

14,

. . 264

5, . .46

29,

. 263

15,

. 154

6, . 53, l85

32,

. 189

17,

. . 263

8, . .89

33,

202 (twice), 203

18,

. 230

14, 202, 227, 260

35,

. 127

19,

. . 264

16, . . i54
17, 48, 244, 277

44,
33. 2,

. 263
. 143, 226

20,
21,

. . 67
127, 183

20, . . 52

9,

59

22,

. 280

22, . . 272

20,

in

25,

. 184, 236

23, .. 89

22,

98, 280

27,

. 180

24, . . 54

25,

in

28,

. . 265

25, . . 105

34. 1,

. no

45. 4,

. . 38

26, 137, 195, 222

8,

9, . . 232

46. 1,

. 219

27, 156 (twice)

35. 8,

9, . . 232

2,

. 86

28, . 45, 198

14,

. 128

5,

. 70

29, . . 34

15,

. . 256

18,

. 204

33, . . 38

16,

. 128

23,

. . 284

24. 2,11,86,110,133

36. 7,

• 233

47. 1,

. 219

8, . .11

9,

. *23

3,

. 114

25. 5, . . 256

16,

. 60

48. 8,

. 280

6, . . 251

22,

. 38

15,

. 177

14, . . 163

25,

. 284

24,

15, . 108, 156

37. 1,

. . 46

32,

63, 108, 200

26, . . 108

4,

. 23°

36,

180, 215

29, . . 193

10,

. 271

49. 12,

. 172

3l! . . i54

13,

. 92, 189

16,

. 284

34, . . 150

14,

. . 189

19,

. 23°

26. 13, . .122

15,

• 249

23,

• • *33

18, . . 56

20,

24,

. 236

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED.

317

PAGE

Jeremiah — contd.

Ezekiel— contd.

PAGE

PAGE

Ezekiel— contd.

49. 34,

. 219

6. 9,

• 38

24. 17,

. 6^

36,

30

10,

. I76

25. 6,

. 88

50. 11,

58, 284

14, .

. 171

9,

. 261

20,

. 128

7. 24, .

. 169

15,

88, 261

25,

. 136

8. 6, .

. 149

26. 3,

39» "7

39,

. 262

11, .

. 285

10,

. 234

41,

. . 178

9. 2, .

. 105

17,

209

44,

. *3°

3, .

. 116

27. 5,

37

61. 12,

. 279

10. 3,

104

8,

90

14, 271

, 274 (twice)

4, .

. 116

27,

90

44,

. 268

6, .

105, 116

30,

44

46,

. 263

9, .

no

34,

. . 8j

48,

. 178

12, .

. 258

36,

• J33

49,

. 279

11. 3,

• J93

28. 3,

57, 184

53,

. . 284

6, .

. 40

14,

. 121

54,

. 268

11, .

. 261

19,

• *33

58,

. 182

13, .

• '93

29. 3,

. 174

59,

. 86

21, .

. 219

7,

. 107

52. 7,

. 254

12. 12,

. 226

9,

• 174

13,

86

24, .

. 87

30. 9,

. 89

14,

. 115

25,

127, 219

16,

. 169

28, .

. 127

31. 3,

. 100, 235

Lamentations —

13. 2,

. 104

15,

1 80 (twice)

1. 9,

. . 46

3, .

190, 218

16,

• 235

10,

• 7°, 223

7, .

. 87

32. 2,

34> *93

12,

• '46, 193

15,

. 124

33. 3,

. 275

14,

. 218

18, .

. 281

4,

. 248

16,

• 53

20, .

37

5,

. 241

17,

. 62

14. 7,

. 249

31,

• 249

19,

24, 256

22, .

38, 2?5

34. 1,

. 182

21,

. 15

15. 4,

• 275

2,8,

10, . 172

2. 13,

. 91

5,

. 247

12,

119, 156

14,

. 104

16. 4,

149, 165

14,

no

16,

. . 258

5, .

. 149

2C,

• 235> 265

3. 26,

. 24

6, .

. 168

35. 10,

• 130

29,

. . 138

7, 22, .

. 178

36. 5,

. 107

38,

• 193

27,

III, 275

18,

. 262

50,

. *3°

28, .

57, 268

27,

. 226

51,

39

39, .

. 178

37. 1,

. 182

52,

. . 89

47, .

• *55

2,7,

8, 10, . 246

57,

. 15

17. 21,

• 38

19,

38, i54

4. 5,

• 39

23, .

. no

21,

. 154

14,

75, 229

18. 5,

. 275

39. 4,

. 104

15,

. 206

7, •

. in

27,

. 119

17,

89, 154

10, .

4*i 275

41. 2,4,

34

22,

6

13, .

. 247

22,

. 132

5. 22,

. 167, 274

19, .

. 2OO

43. 5,

• 239

24,

• 247

17,

. 38

Ezekiel—

20. 16, .

• 38

19,

. . 126

1. 9, 11,

144

21. 20,

• J75

44. 3,

. . 38

14,

48

31,

. 203

4,

. 239

20,

168

32, 137,

164, 174

25,

. . 184

2. 2

37

22. 6,

41

30,

. 170

247

23. 14,

. 87

45. 1,

95

6,

279

20, .

. 224

16,

. 108

15,

70

25, .

• 59

47. 8,

. 107

18,

3°

29,

. 178

10, 22

, . .252

20,

2I3

30, 46, .

. 203

5. 13,

201

48, .

. 249

Daniel—

6. 4,7,

4°

24. 12,

87 1. 2,

. 41

318

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTKATED.

Daniel— contd.

PAGE

Hosea —

PAGE

Joel—

PAGE

1. 3,

. 232

1. 2, .

. 215

1. 7,

. 165

4, .

• 235

6, .

188, 269

14,

. 258

5, 13

2. 1, .

• 253

15,

. 201

(twice)

5, .

• 34

20,

. . I78

8, .

. 232

3. 1, .

. 98

2. 1,

. 146

9, .

. 224

4. 2, .

. 202

2,

. 150

10, .

. 228

4, .

• 239

4,

. 280

15, .

41, 286

7, .

. 281

5,

IOO

18, .

41, 232

8, .

. 184

8,

. 144, 258

20, .

. 277

10, .

. 254

14,

. 197

2. 2, .

. 232

11, •

20,

70, 249

3. 1, .

. 145

14, .

. 171

23,

. 237

8. 1, .

. 209

16, .

- 34

26,

48, 51

4, .

. 246

17, .

99

27,

. 250

8, .

. 181

18, .

. 167

4, 4,

. 154

11, .

. 129

5. 2,11,.

73

5,

. 170

12, .

. 249

6. 1, .

22, 255

14,

. 168

13, 3°»

40, 108,

3, .

. 69

18,

53

119

4, .

73, 76

20,

. . *38

16,

. 66

7. 2, .

19, .

. 146

• X37

Amos —

22, .

. 263

5; ;

104

1. 11,

• *5J

24, .

44

10, .

263

2. 2,

• 31

25, .

. 250

8. 6,

. 265

13,

• '73

26, .

. 146

7, .

. 191

15,

101

27, .

. 241

10, .

. 284

16,

43, 101, 170

9. 2, .

. 232

11, .

. 168

3. 1,

. 257

5, 11, .

. 263

12, .

97, 276

3,

. 194

13, .

39

9. 4, .

*73

5,

. . 165

20, .
21, .

- 243
. 241

6, .

104, 275
(twice)

7,
8,

• 273

• 275

23, .

7, .

260, 262

9,

. 263

25, .

26, .

55, 167

• 234

9, .

16, .

• 73
. 191

10,
4. 2,

: : ,11

27, .

. 267

10. 1, .

61, 127,

4,

. . 263

10. 1,

20, 234

281

5,

. 258, 285

11, 19, .

4, .

51, 202

6,

. . 265

11. 1, .

. 272

5, .

I84, 248

7,

. I27> 246

2, .

. 81

6, .

. 128

9,

50

4, .

. 249

9, .

. 193

10,

5, .

. 126

13, .

5. 1,

. 2I9

7, .

58, 126

15, .

169, 248

3,

44, 112

8, .

40

11. 2, .

. 28l

4,

. 256

10, .

48, 249

3,

66

5,

• 165, 259

13, .

. 40

5, .

I93

6,

. . 256

14, .

. 104

7, .

. 268

7,

. 260

15, 16, .

249, 250

8, .

2CO

8,

68, 260

20, .

. 58

12. 5,

*43

9,

. 69

22, .

. 263

6, .

31, 238

12,

. 260

24, .

. 267

11, .

. 276

14,

5, 2<;6

25, 28, .

. 249

12, .

272, 276

16,

. 180, 184

29, .

. 280

15, .

45

18,

.201

30, .

. 249

13. 2,

92, l63

19,

29, 245

31, .

. 119

3, .

73

22,

265

33, 40, 66, 262

15, .

. 284

27,

115

38, .

39

14. 3, .

102

6. 1,

201, 262

39, .

. 211

4, .

. 212

2,

79, 86, 146, 271

41, .

5°

5, .

45

3,

61

12. 3,

. 262

9, .

. 198

6,

. 260

12, .

. 260

10, .

• 255

8,

. 154

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OK ILLUSTRATED.

319

PAGE

Amos— contd.

PAGE

Micah— contd.

PAGl

Habakkuk— contd.

6. 9,

. 184, 245

4. 1, . . 189

3. 15,

. 261

10,

126, 131, 138,

3, . . 281

16,

30, 227

191

5, . 4, 265

17,

. 183

11,

68

8, . 116, 250

12,

. 124, 147

11, . 179, 283

Zephaniah —

13,

. . 84

13, . . 68

1. 2, .

. 166

7. 1,

• iS4

14, . 55, 283

2. 1, .

• I7l

2,

. 197

5. 1, 76, 126, 224

2, .

229, 255

4,

• 154, *32

2, • • *73

12, .

. 136

5,

. 197

4, . . 9*

15, .

. 85

7,

• 154, Z39

7, . 34, 272

3. 6, .

5

12,

• i?3

6. 5, . . 66

7, .

• 217

14,

. . 187

6, . n, 66

9, .

. 46

17,

. 165

8, . . 49

11, •

in

8. 3,

. 124

13, . 73, 265

13, .

. 268

6,

. 260

14, . 249,25!

18, .

. 283

10,

. 78

16, . 178, 260

19, .

. 214

9. 1,

. 112

7. 2, . 65

20, .

. 272

2,

272 (twice)

3, . . 163

5,

. 238, 248

4, . . 169

Eaggai—

8,

167 (twice)

8, . 276, 284

1. 1, .

112

11,

. . 185

11, . 30, 159

4, "9,

I72, 240

12, 120, 125, 176,

6, .

125, 127

Obadiah—

258

10, .

• 63.

4,

. 272

17, . . 98

2. 3, .

. 150

12,

12

5, .

. 204

16,

. 218

Nahum —

7, .

. 180

1. 4, . 159, 245

15, .

. 230

Jonah —

8, . 55, 67

16, .

184, 231

1. 6,

90, 198

10, . 44, 284

8,

8

12, 240, 272, 281

Zechariah. —

14,

. . 276

2. 4, . . 149

1. 2, .

• 5*

2. 4,

. 266

5, . . 180

3, .

24

5,

. 267, 283

9, . . 136

9, .

135, 196

3. 3,

. 102, II3

3. 8, . . 258

2. 4, .

41, 225

4,

• M3

12, . . 245

5, .

• 239

7,

51

8, .

46

9,

. 197, 251

Habakkuk —

3. 4, 263 (twice)

4. 2,

. 72

1. 2, . . 59

4. 2, .

. 168

6,

116, 117

3, . . 147

4, .

• '35

8,

. 223

5, . . 171

5, .

i355 196

10,

. 92

6, . . 213

7, .

. 119

9, . . 81

10,

• 277

Micah —

11, • • 53

13, .

' *,

196

1. 9,

. 127, 179

13, . . 260

5. 4, .

• ^35

10,

. 15

15, . . 81

6, .

. 125

11,

179, 184, 254

2. 4, 88, 149, 257

12, .

. 127

13,

. 178

5, . . 269

14, .

• !79

2. 1,

. 201

6, 124, 201, 21 8

7. 2, .

• '43

3,

45

10, . . 241

3, .

48, 206

4,

• i25, 254

14, 75, 117, 214

5, .

174, 263

7,

. 220

15, 201, 212, 240

6, .

• 13*

8,

ioo, 125

17, . . 78

7, 176,

236, 286

11,

58, 278

19, 71, 89, 194

9, 10, .

. 144

12,

. I07

3. 2, . . 147

7, 14, .

• 25

13,

. 247

3, . . 9

8. 2, .

52

3. 1,

. 131

8, . in, 194

6, .

193, 284

4,

• 249

9, . . 56

10, .

. 181

6,

. I27

10, . . 275

15, .

73

12,

56, 245

13, . . 47

17, .

38, 144

320

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED OR ILLUSTRATED.

PAGE

Zechariah — contd.

PAGE

Zechariah — contd.

Malachi-

PAOE

-contd.

8. 20,

. 222

11. 17,

. . 165

1. 7,

- J35, 24°

21,

. . 48

12. 2,

131

10,

• * -255

9. 11,

'57, 159, 265

7,

. 282

11,

• I27, *37

12,

. 124

10,

38, 214, 263

12,

• X35

15,

• 254

12,

. 168

2. 4,

42

17,

. 206

14,

. 168

9,

. 225

10. 2,

. . 158

13. 4,

. 184

13,

. 192, 202

6,

• 255

6,

52, 124

15,

. 184, I93

7,

. . 64

9,

. 254

16,

. 48

8,

. 276, 281

14. 4,

56, 86

3. 5,

. 66

11. 5,

25, 184

10,

. 119

6,

.257

6,

. 144

12,

184, 202

8,

. 66

7,

. 170, 267

15,

1 80 (twice)

14,

. 199

11,

. 170

15,

. 268

12,

94, 95

Malachi —

16,

. 268

13,

121

1. 4,

. . 284

19,

. 225

15,

• 95

5,

. 116

24,

. . 65

INDEX OF CONTENTS.

Abstract ideas expressed by the femi-
nine, 178.

Accentuation in accordance with syntax,
286 ff.

Accumulation of particles to form one
prepositional or adverbial idea, 1 75.

Accusative as completion of the idea in
a verb, 34, 43 ; of cognate significa-
tion, 51; of closer specification, 54;
of direction, 55 ; after verbs, 51 ff. ;

indicated by preposition $>, 116 ;

:

several round the same verb, 64.
Accusatival sign in Hebrew, 35 ; in

Aramaic, 39; after participle, 98;

accusative! form of affix to a verb,

used for the dative, 174.
Active forms preferred to passive in

Semitic, 129, 149.
Adjectives subordinated to a verb, 43 f. ;

co-ordinated with their nouns, 85 ;

after their nouns, 37 ; few, and seldom

used in Semitic, 91 ; placed in con-
struction, 100 ; contain the idea of a

relative descriptive-clause, 220.
Adverbs co-ordinated with adjectives,

102; used to express prepositional

ideas, 115.
Affix to verb-form may express the

dative, 174.
Agent expressed, after a passive verb,

by prepositions, 129 f.
Agreement of words in gender and

number, 176 ; neglect of agreement,

177.

Alternative propositions, 282.
Anticipatory word or particle prefixed

in a proposition, 157, 159, 161.
Antithetical words and propositions,

267 ; antithesis introduced by simple

conjunction, 237.
Apposition, 28 f., 89f.,117ff.; of nouns

substituted for construction, 93 f.;

indicated by accentuation, 287.
Arrangement of words in a sentence,

151 ff.

Article, its use generally, 29 ff., use in
comparisons, 33 (footnote) ; not usual
with proper names, 31 ; joined with
proper names because of a preced-
ing construct noun, 32, 90; with
numerals, 95, 109; not regularly
with construct words, 105; excep-
tionally joined with construct words,
107; with defining words, 108; re-
peated with definite co-ordinated
words, 118; abnormally omitted from
some co-ordinated words, 119.

Attraction of words, 77.

Attributive words appended, 118, 121f. ;
seldom prefixed, 120f.

Brevity of expression sought for in the
omission of the article, 30, the con-
junction, 258, 272; characteristic of
the earlier Hebrew, 172.

Causal propositions, 266.

Change of construction during the pro-
gress of discourse, 259 ff.

Circumlocutions for expressing the
genitival idea, 111 ff.

Circumstantial clauses (generally),
238 ff.; order of words in, 152, 238;
sometimes prefixed to the main pro-
position, 158; without introductory
particle, 240 ; verb is usually a parti-
ciple, 239, sometimes a finite verb,
239-241.

Cognate accusative, 51.

Comparison indicated in propositions,
279 ff.

Compound prepositions, 115.

Conclusion expressed in a proposition,
267.

Concord of words in gender and num-
ber, 176ff.

Condensed discourse, 258.

Conditional propositions (generally),
269 ff. ; expressed by a command and
the consequence of its fulfilment,
256.

322

INDEX OF CONTENTS.

Conjunctions, 233, 264 ff.; sometimes
dropped at the beginning of proposi-
tions, 240.

Consecutive moods and tenses, 18;
imperfect and perfect, 245.

Consequence, how expressed, 225.

Construct state (generally), 72 ff. ; be-
fore prepositions, 89. Construct
words in apposition, 104; do not
regularly take the article, 105, only
exceptionally, 107; in a series, 110;
rarely joined by a conjunction, 235.
Construct word with suffix, llOf. ;
regularly repeated before each word
depending on it, 234. Construction
of words broken by an adjective, 103,
by a preposition, 103 f. Construct
infinitive used as completion of the
predicate, 47.

Continuance the idea of the imper-
fect, 9.

Contrast indicated by special arrange-
ment of words in a sentence, 158;
by special conjunctions, 267.

Co-ordination, 28, 85, 90, 117.

Copula unnecessary, and rarely used in
Hebrew, 134; formed by personal
pronoun, 135 ; regulated, as to gender
and number, mostly by the subject,
185.

Copulative words, 223. Copulation of
words by both the conjunction and
the construct state, 234.

Diffuseness of expression indicative of
degeneracy in the Hebrew, 175.

Direct and indirect subordination of
nouns to verbs, 45.

Duration the idea of the imperfect, 9.

Emphasis on words indicated by special

position assigned to them, 158;

strongest when the word is repeated,

162 ff

Equality between propositions, 279.
Ethical dative, 173.
Exclamations, 200 ff. Verb-forms used

as exclamations, 201.
Explanatory particle, 136, clause, 257.

Feminine forms used as completions of
the predicate, 46 f.

Genitive expressed by circumlocutions,

111 ff., by means of the relative,

114.
Grammatical forms often determined

by the idea rather than by gender or

number, 178.
Groups of words, 27.

Identity, mode of expressing, 171.

Imperative mood, 14; highest degree
of the voluntative, 17; changed for
the constructive with Vav consecu-
tive, 259.

Imperfect, meanings and uses of, 7;
used for the future, 10; subordinated
to another verb, 75.

Imperfect members of sentences, 145 ff.

Incomplete verbs, 76, 138.

Indefinite nouns, 39-41 ; indefinite
subject, 124ff.

Indirect speech, 231.

Inferential propositions, 267.

Infinitive does not take the article, 33 ;
used as the completion of the predi-
cate, 47; subordinated to another
verb, 72, 74 ; subordinated to a
construct word, 101. Infinitive ab-
solute, its general use, 48 ; employed
as an adverb, 49; instead of the
imperative, 203; prefixed to finite
verb, 164; with a negative, 164;
gradually resolved into finite tense-
form, 259 ; used briefly for preceding
Unite verb of like form, 263; with
personal pronoun, 264. Infinitive
construct, its general meaning and
use in propositions, 147ff. ; after a
noun, 114; used as predicate, 133.

Intensification of the imperative and
voluntative, 17.

Intention or purpose, how expressed,
225 f.

Interchange of genders and numbers,
184.

Interrogative propositions, 192 ff.,
sometimes without interrogative
sign, 193 ; interrogative particles,
193 ff. , omitted after Vav of sequence,
257 ; interrogative pronouns, 195 ff.;
interrogative adjectives, 199.

Jussive mood, 16, 17.
Limiting propositions, 283.

Mediate and immediate construction,

43, 45, 57.

Members of a sentence, 123 ff.
Moods of the verb, 14.

Negatives in construction, 83 ; with
the infinitive, 166. Negative pro-
positions, 186, particles, 186.

Neglect of strict agreement in gender
and number, 177 ff.

Nouns as definite or indefinite, 35 ;
subordinated to verbs, 44.

Numerals, their combinations with
nouns, 80, 96 ; placed in apposition
rather than construction, 94 ; em-
ployed for ordinals, 96.

INDEX OF CONTENTS.

323

Object may be omitted, 147 ; usual
position in the sentence, 155 11'.
Objective negative, 187.

Omission of subject, 14G, of object,
147.

Oratio obliqna, 231 ff.

Order of words in a sentence, 158.

Participle, placed in construction,
97 11'. ; followed by the accusatival
sign, 98 ; mostly used in circum-
stantial clauses, 153 ; has the force
of a relative clause, 99, 220 ; in
progress of discourse, changes into
the finite verb, 2t>0.

Passive forms neglected in Semitic for
the active, 129, 149. Passive par-
ticiple in construction, 99.

Perfect and imperfect tenses, 3; use
and meanings of the perfect, 3 11'. ;
prophetic perfect, 5.

Personal pronoun used for copula, 135 ;
as explanatory particle, 136 ; used
to express identity, 171 ; joined with
infinitive, 264.

Precative perfect, 15.

Predicate mostly a verb, 132 ff. ; re-
gularly put first in the sentence,
152 ; variously construed, when
common to more than one subject,
236.

Prepositions used for the construction
of verbs, 43, 57 ff. ; formed from
adverbs, 115 ; with relative particle,
form conjunctions, 224.

Pronoun, contained in a verb (as its
subject), or attached (as suflix) to
a noun, is given separately, for em-
phasis, 235.

Proper nouns without the article, 31 ;
incapable of entering the construct
state, 79.

Prophetic perfect, 5.

Purpose, how expressed, 226.

Quotations, how introduced, 232.

Reciprocal action, Ml.

Reflexive pronominal idea, 172.

Relative used to express the genitive,
114 ; different, in Hebrew, from a
relative pronoun, 208, 211 ; may bo
omitted, 214, 215, 217 ; after a con-
struct word, 215 ; may drop its
complement, 213; combined with
preposition, forms a conjunction,
224. Relative clauses, 207 If. Rela-
tive particles, 208 ff. Relative dis-
course, 231 ff. ; soon changed into
construction with Vav of sequence,
263. Relative imperative, 24.

Urlativi-ly-progrossiye imperfect, 10 ;
voluntative, 24.

Repetition of a word for emphasis,
162 ; to express an abstract M< M,
such as duration or continuity, 167,
variety, or a lii^h decree, ir.'.i'.

Restrictive particles ami propositions,
268.

llliyilim as indicated by the accents,
289,

Secondary members of a sentence,
141.

Self-explanatory discourse, 257.

Sentence, its chief parts, 26 ; different
kinds, 27 ; order of words determines
their emphasis, 152 f.

Similar propositions, 279.

Stative verbs, 4 (note).

Strong copulative conjunctions, 244,
264 ff.

Subject and predicate properly nomi-
natives, 26 ; subject usually a noun
or pronoun, 123 ; when not expressed,
124 If.; omitted, 187.

Subordination of different kinds, 28,
43 ; subordination by verb, 42, of
one verb by another, 71 ff. Subor-
dinate proposition introduced by
ami, 237.

Sullix receives emphasis by being re-
peated as a separate pronoun, 163 ;
suflix referring to several nouns is
repeated with each, 234.

Synonymous propositions, 261.

Syntax in accordance with accentua-
tion, 268 ff.

Tenses, their meanings, 1 ff. Number

of tense-forms, 24.
Time, subordinate sentences indicating,

228 If.

Vav omitted, 257 ff., introducing a
condition, 224. Vav consecutive.
20, 244 ff., before the voluntati\e
and imperative, 255. Vav cons, of
the imperfect used for Vav cons, of
the perfect 247.

Verb subordinated to another, 71 ff. ;
stands regularly first in a sentence,
164 ; repeated for the sake of em-
phasis, 164 ; used in exclamation,
201 ; in circumstantial clause, usually
a participle, 239.

Volition, perfect of, 6.

Voluntative, 14 ; changed into the
construction with Vav consec., 259.

"Wish expressed by conditional par-
ticles, 205.

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