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SMITHSONIAN 



CONTRIBUTIONS TO KNOWLEDGE. 



YOL. XVII. 




EVEUY MAN IS A VALUABLE MEMBER OK SOCIETY, WIIO, BY HIS OBSERVATIONS, RESEARCHES, AND EXPERIMENTS, TROCUKKS 

KNOWLEDGE FOR MEN. SMITUSON. 



CITY OF WASHINGTON: 

PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 

JIDCCCLXXI. 

mi 



y./7 



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v i ADVERTISEMENT. 

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ADVERTISEMENT. v ii 



DETAILS OF THE SECOND PART OF THE PLAN OF ORGANIZATION. 

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viii ADVERTISEMENT. 

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OFFICERS 



OF THE 



SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 



THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

o PRESIDING OFFICER OF THE INSTITUTION. 



THE VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

Ex-officio SECOND PRESIDING OFFICER. 

SALMON P. CHASE, 

CHANCELLOR OF THE INSTITUTION. 

JOSEPH HENRY, 

SECRETARY OF THE INSTITUTION. 

SPENCER F. BAIRD, 

ASSISTANT SECRETARY. 

RICHARD DELAFIELD, 

PETER PARKER, \ EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

JOHN MACLEAN, 



B 



REGENTS. 



SCHUYLER COLFAX, Vice-President of the United States. 

SALMON P. CHASE, Chief Justice of the United States. 

MATTHEW G. EMERY, Mayor of the City of Washington. 

LYMAN TRUMBULL, Member of the Senate of the United States. 

GARRETT DAVIS, " " " " " " 

HANNIBAL HAMLIN, " " " " " " 

JAMES A. GARFIELD, Member of the House of Representatives U. S. 

LTJKE P. POLAND, ....'... " " " " " " 

SAMUEL S. Cox, " " " " " " 

WILLIAM B. ASTOR, Citizen of New York. 

THEODORE D. WOOLSEY, " of Connecticut. 

Louis AGASSIZ, " of Massachusetts. 

JOHN MACLEAN, "of New Jersey. 

RICHARD DELAFIELD, "of Washington. 

PETER PARKER, " " 



MEMBERS EX-OFFICIO OF THE INSTITUTION. 



ULYSSES S. GRANT, President of the United States. 

SCHUTLER COLFAX, Vice-President of the United States. 

HAMILTON FISH, Secretary of State. 

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W. W. BELKNAP, Secretary of War. 

GEORGE M. EOBESON, Secretary of the Navy. 

J. A. J. CRESWELL, Postmaster- General. 

AMOS T. AKERMAN, Attorney- General 

SALMON P. CHASE, Chief Justice of the United States. 

, Commissioner of Patents. 

M. G. EMERY, Mayor of the City of Washington. 



HONORARY MEMBER. 



COLUMBUS C. DELANO. The Secretary of the Interior. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

ARTICLE I. INTRODUCTION. Pp. 14. 

Advertisement . ' 

List of Officers of the Smithsonian Institution . . . . iv 

ARTICLE II. SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. By 
LEWIS II. MORGAN. Accepted for Publication, January, 1868. Pub- 
lished June, 1870. 4to pp. 602. Fourteen Plates and six Diagrams. 



SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO KNOWLEDGE. 



S Y S T EM S 



CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



CF THE 



UMAN FAMILY. 



BY 



LEWIS H. MORGAN. 



[ACCEPTED FOR PUBLICATION, JANUARY, 1868.] 



ADVERTISEMENT. 



THE present memoir was first referred to a commission consisting of Professor 
J. H. Mcllvaine and Professor William Henry Green, of Princeton, New Jersey, 
who recommended its publication, but advised certain changes in the method of 
presenting the subject. After these modifications had been made, it was submitted 
to the American Oriental Society, and was by it referred to a special committee, 
consisting of Messrs. Hadley, Trumbull, and Whitney, who, having critically 
examined the memoir, reported that it contained a series of highly interesting 
facts which they believed the students of philology and ethnology, though they 
might not accept all the conclusions of the author, would welcome as valuable 
contributions to science. 

JOSEPH HENRY, 

Secretary S. I. 

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, 
1870. 



(iii) 



PREFACE. 



PHILOLOGY has proved itself an admirable instrument for the classification of 
nations into families upon the basis of linguistic affinities. A comparison of the 
vocables and of the grammatical forms of certain languages has shown them to be 
dialects of a common speech ; and these dialects, under a common name, have thus 
been restored to their original unity as a family of languages. In this manner, and 
by this instrumentality, the nations of the earth have been reduced, with more or 
less of certainty, to a small number of independent families. 

Some of these families have been more definitely circumscribed than others. 
The Aryan and Semitic languages have been successfully traced to their limits, and 
the people by whom they are severally spoken are now recognized as families in 
the strict and proper sense of the term. Of those remaining, the Turanian is 
rather a great assemblage of nations, held together by slender affinities, than a 
family in the Aryan or Semitic sense. With respect to the Malayan it approaches 
nearer to the true standard, although its principal divisions are marked by 
considerable differences. The Chinese and its cognates, as monosyllabic tongues, 
are probably entitled upon linguistic grounds to the distinction of an independent 
family of languages. On the other hand, the dialects and stock languages of the 
American aborigines have not been explored, with sufficient thoroughness, to 
determine the question whether they were derived from a common speech. So far 
as the comparisons have been made they have been found to agree in general plan 
and in grammatical structure. 

The remarkable results of comparative philology, and the efficiency of the 
method upon which as a science it proceeds, yield encouraging assurance that it 
will ultimately reduce all the nations of mankind to families as clearly circum- 
scribed as the Aryan and Semitic. But it is probable that the number of these 
families, as finally ascertained, will considerably exceed the number now recognized. 
When this work of philology has been fully accomplished, the question will remain 
whether the connection of any two or more of these families can be determined 
from the materials of language. Such a result is not improbable, and yet, up to 
the present time, no analysis of language, however searching and profound, has 



vi PREFACE. 

been able to cross the barrier which separates the Aryan from the Semitic lan- 
guages, and these are the two most thoroughly explored, and discover the pro- 
cesses by which, if originally derived from a common speech, they have become 
radically changed in their ultimate forms. It was with special reference to the 
bearing which the systems of consanguinity and affinity of the several families of 
mankind might have upon this vital question, that the research, the results of 
which are contained in this volume, was undertaken. 

In the systems of relationship of the great families of mankind some of the 
oldest memorials of human thought and experience are deposited and preserved. 
They have been handed down as transmitted systems, through the channels of the 
blood, from the earliest ages of man's existence upon the earth ; but revealing 
certain definite and progressive changes with the growth of man's experience in 
the ages of barbarism. To such conclusions the evidence, drawn from a comparison 
of the forms which now prevail in different families, appears to tend. 

All the forms thus far discovered resolve themselves, in a comprehensive sense, 
into two, the descriptive and the classificatory, which are the reverse of each other 
in their fundamental conceptions. As systems of consanguinity each contains a 
plan, for the description and classification of kindred, the formation of which was 
an act of intelligence and knowledge. They ascend by the chain of derivation to 
a remote antiquity, from which, as defined and indurated forms, their propagation 
commenced. Whether as organic forms they are capable of crossing the line of 
demarcation which separates one family from another, and of yielding evidence of 
the ethnic connection of such families, will depend upon the stability of these 
forms, and their power of self-perpetuation in the streams of the blood through 
indefinite periods of time. For the purpose of determining, by ample tests, whether 
these systems possess such attributes, the investigation has been extended over a 
field sufficiently wide to embrace four-fifths and upwards, numerically, of the entire 
human family. The results are contained in the Tables. 

A comparison of these systems, and a careful study of the slight but clearly 
marked changes through which they have passed, have led, most unexpectedly, to 
the recovery, conjecturally at least, of the great series or sequence of customs and 
institutions which mark the pathway of man's progress through the ages of barba- 
rism ; and by means of which he raised himself from a state of promiscuous inter- 
course to final civilization. f The general reader may be startled by the principal 
inference drawn from the classificatory system of relationship, namely, that it 
originated in the intermarriage of brothers and sisters in a communal family, and 
that this was the normal state of marriage, as well as of the family, in the early 
part of the unmeasured ages of barbarism. But the evidence in support of this 
conclusion seems to be decisive. Although it is difficult to conceive of the ex T 



PREFACE. vii 

tremity of a barbarism, which such a custom presupposes, it is a reasonable 
presumption that progress through and out from it was by successive stages of 
advancement, and through great reformatory movements. Indeed, it seems probable 
that the progress of mankind was greater in degree, and in the extent of its range, 
in the ages of barbarism than it has been since in the ages of civilization; and 
that it was a harder, more doubtful, and more intense struggle to reach the thresh- 
old of the latter, than it has been since to reach its present status. Civilization 
must be regarded as the fruit, the final reward, of the vast and varied experience 
of mankind in the barbarous ages. The experiences of the two conditions are 
successive links of a common chain of which one cannot be interpreted without 
the other. This system of relationship, instead of revolting the mind, discloses 
with sensible clearness, " the hole of the pit whence [we have been] digged" by 
the good providence of God. 

A large number of inferior nations are unrepresented in the Tables, and to that 
extent the exposition is incomplete. But it is believed that they are formed upon 
a scale sufficiently comprehensive for the determination of two principal questions: 
First, whether a system of relationship can be employed, independently, as a basis 
for the classification of nations into a family 1 and, secondly, whether the systems 
of two or more families, thus constituted, can deliver decisive testimony concern- 
ing the ethnic connection of such families when found in disconnected areas 1 
Should their uses for these purposes be demonstrated in the affirmative, it will not 
be difficult to extend the investigation into the remaining nations. 

In the progress of the inquiry it became necessary to detach from the Turanian 
family the Turk and Finn stocks, and to erect them into an independent family. 
It was found that they possessed a system of relationship fundamentally different 
from that which prevailed in the principal branches of the Southern division, which, 
in strictness, stood at the head of the family. The new family, which for the 
reasons stated I have ventured to make, I have named the Uralian. At the 
same time the Chinese have been returned to the Turanian family upon the basis of 
their possession, substantially, of the Turanian system of consanguinity. Still 
another innovation upon the received classification of the Asiatic nations was ren- 
dered necessary from the same consideration. That portion of the people of India 
who speak the Gaura language have been transferred from the Aryan to the Tura- 
nian family, where their system of consanguinity places them. Although ninety 
per centum of the vocables of the several dialects of this language are Sanskritic, 
against ten per centum of the aboriginal speech, yet the grammar as well as the 
system of relationship, follows the aboriginal form. 1 If grammatical structure is 

1 CaldwelFs Dravidian Comp. Gram. Intro, p. 39. 



PREFACE. 

the governing law in the classification of dialects and stock languages, and this is 
one of the accepted canons of philology, 1 then the " Dialects of India," as they are 
called in the Genealogical Table of the Aryan Family of Languages, do not, for 
this reason, properly belong in that connection, but in the Turanian. 'Their 
system of relationship, which has followed the preponderance of numbers or of the 
blood, is also Turanian in form, although greatly modified by Sanskritic influence. 
The Sanskritic people of India, notwithstanding their Aryan descent, and the 
probable purity of their blood to the present day, have been, in a linguistic sense, 
absorbed into an aboriginal stock. Having lost their native tongue, which became 
a dead language, they have been compelled to adopt the vernacular idioms of the 
barbarians whom they conquered, and to content themselves with furnishing, from 
the opulent Sanskrit, the body of the vocables, whilst the remainder and the gram- 
mar were derived from the aboriginal speech. If they are ever rescued from this 
classification it must be affected through reasons independent of their present lan- 
guage and system of consanguinity. 

LEWIS II. MORGAN. 

ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, 
January, 1866. 



Acknowledgments. 

For the materials, out of which the Tables were formed, I am indebted upon a 
scale which far outruns my ability to render a sufficient acknowledgment. The 
names attached to the list of schedules will afford some impression of the extent to 
which correspondents in foreign countries must have been taxed, as well as wearied, 
in studying through the intricate and elaborate forms they were severally solicited 
to investigate, and to develop in a systematic manner upon a schedule of printed 
questions. Without their co-operation, as well as gratuitous labor, it would have 
been impossible to present the Tables, except those relating to the American Indian 
nations. Each schedule should be received as the separate contribution of the 
person by whom it was made, and the credit of whatever information it contains is 
due to him. Without intending to discriminate, in the least, amongst the number 
of those named in the Tables, I desire to mention the fact that much the largest 
number of the foreign schedules were furnished by American missionaries. There 
is no class of men upon the earth, whether considered as scholars, as philanthro- 
pists, or as gentlemen, who have earned for themselves a more distinguished repu- 
tation. Their labors, their self-denial, and their endurance in the work to which 

1 Muller's Science of Language. Scribner's ed., p. 82. 



PREFACE. ix 

they have devoted their time and their great abilities, are worthy of admiration. 
Their contributions to history, to ethnology, to philology, to geography, and to 
religious literature, form a lasting monument to their fame. The renown which 
encircles their names falls as a wreath of honor upon the name of their country. 

I am also indebted to S. B. Treat, D. D., Secretary of the American Board of 
Commissioners for Foreign Missions; to Hon. Walter Lowrie, Secretary of the 
Board of Missions of the Presbyterian Church ; to J. G. Warren, D. D., Secretary 
of the American Baptist Missionary Union; and to Rev. Philip Peltz, Secretary of the 
Board of Missions of the American Dutch Reformed Church, for their co-operation, 
and for the facilities which they afforded me during a protracted correspondence 
with the missionaries of their respective boards. 

In an especial manner I am indebted to the Smithsonian Institution for efficient 
co-operation in procuring materials for this work. 

To the late Hon. Lewis -Cass, Secretary of State of the United States, and to his 
immediate successor, Hon. William H. Seward, I am also under very great obliga- 
tions for commending this investigation to the diplomatic and consular representa- 
tives of the United States in foreign -countries ; and for government facilities 
whilst conducting with them an equally extended correspondence. 

Among many others whom I ought to mention I must not omit the names of my 
friends J. H. Mcllvaine, D. D., of the College of New Jersey, who has been 
familiar with the nature and objects of this research from its commencement, and 
from whom I have received many important suggestions ; Chester Dewey, D. D., 
of the University of Rochester, now an octogenarian, but with undiminished relish 
for knowledge in all its forms, whose friendly advice it has been my frequent 
privilege to accept ; and Samuel P. Ely, Esq., of Marquette, at whose hospitable 
home on Lake Superior the plan for the prosecution of this investigation was 
formed. 

There is still another class 01 persons to whom my obligations are by no means 
the least, and they arc the native American Indians of many different nations, both 
men and women, who from natural kindness of heart, and to gratify the wishes of a 
stranger, have given me their time and attention for hours, and even days together, 
in what to them must have been a tedious and unrelished labor. Without the 
information obtained from them it would have been entirely impossible to present 
the system of relationship of the Indian family. 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

ADVERTISEMENT .......... iii 

1 REFACE V 

PART I. 

DESCRIPTIVE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP. 
ARYAN, SEMITIC, AND URALIAN FAMILIES. 

CHAP. I. Introduction ......... 3 

II. General Observations upon Systems of Relationships . . . .10 

III. System of Relationship of the Aryan Family . . . . .16 

IV. System of Relationship of the Aryan Family Continued . . . .29 
V. System of Relationship of the Semitic Family . . . . .50 

VI. System of Relationship of the Uralian Family . . . . .57 

APPENDIX TO PAKT I. Table of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Semitic, Aryan, and 

TJralian Families . . . . . . .71 

PART II. 

CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP. 

GANOWANIAN FAMILY. 

CHAP. I. System of Relationship of the Ganowaniau Family . . . .131 

II. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family Continued . . . 150 

III. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family Continued . . . 170 

IV. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family Continued . . . 200 
V. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family Continued . . . 230 

VI. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family Continued . . . 254 

VII. System of Relationship of the Eskimo . . . . . . 267 

APPENDIX TO PART II. System of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Ganowanian Family . 279 

(xi) 



x ii CONTENTS. 

PART III. 

CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP CONTINUED. 
TURANIAN AND MALAYAN FAMILIES. 

PAGE 

CHAP. I. System of Relationship of the Turanian Family ... .385 

II. System of Relationship of the Turanian Family Continued . . . 399 

III. System of Relationship of the Turanian .Family Continued . . . 413 

IV. System of Relationship of Unclassified Asiatic Nations .... 438 
V. System of Relationship of the Malayan Family ... . 448 

VI. General Results . . . . . . . . .467 

APPENDIX TO PAKT III. Table of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Turanian and Malayan 

Families .... 515 



PART I. 

DESCRIPTIVE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP. 



ARYAN, SEMITIC, AND URALIAN FAMILIES. 



WITH A TABLE. 



1 May, 1868. ( 1 ) 



CHAPTEE I. 
INTRODUCTION. 

Causes which induced this Investigation Peculiar System of Relationship among the Iroqnois Discovery of the 
same among the Ojibwas Inferences from their Identity Its prevalence throughout the Indian Family rendered 
probable Plan adopted to determine the Question Results Reached Evidence of the existence of the same 
Systetn in Asia obtained Range of the Investigation Extended Necessity for including, as far as possible, all 
the Families of Mankind Method of Prosecuting the Inquiry General Results Materials Collected Order of 
Arrangement Tables of Consanguinity and Affinity Systems of Relationship as a Basis of Classification Their 
Use in Ethnological Investigations. 

As far back as the year 1846, while collecting materials illustrative of the 
institutions of the Iroquois, I found among them, in daily use, a system of relation- 
ship for the designation and classification of kindred, both unique and extraordinary 
in its character, and wholly unlike any with which we are familiar. In the year 
185 1 1 I published a brief account of this singular system, which I then supposed 
to be of their own invention, and regarded as remarkable chiefly for its novelty. 
Afterwards, in 1857, 2 1 had occasion to reexamine the subject, when the idea of its 
possible prevalence among other Indian nations suggested itself, together with its 
uses, in that event, for ethnological purposes. In the following summer, while on 
the south shore of Lake Superior, I ascertained the system of the Ojibwa Indians; 
and, although prepared in some measure for the result, it was with some degree 
of surprise that I found among them the same elaborate and complicated system 
which then existed among the Iroquois. Every term of relationship was radically 
different from the corresponding term in the Iroquois; but the classification of 
kindred was the same. It was manifest that the two systems were identical in 
their fundamental characteristics. It seemed probable, also, that both were 
derived from a common source, since it was not supposable that two peoples, 
speaking dialects of stock-languages as widely separated as the Algonkin and 
Iroquois, could simultaneously have invented the same system, or derived it by 
borrowing one from the other. 

From this fact of identity several inferences at once suggested themselves. As 
its prevalence among the Seneca-Iroquois rendered probable its like prevalence 
among other nations speaking dialects of the Iroquois stock-language, so its 
existence and use among the Ojibwas rendered equally probable its existence and 
use among the remaining nations speaking dialects of the Algonkin speech. If 
investigation should establish the affirmative of these propositions it would give to 

1 League of the Iroquois, p. 85. 

Proceedings of American Association for Advancement of Science for 1857, Part II., p. 132. 

(3) 



4 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

the system a wide distribution. In the second place, its prevalence among these 
nations would render probable its like prevalence among the residue of the 
American aborigines. If, then, it should be found to be universal among them, it 
would follow that the system was coeval, in point of time, with the commencement 
of their dispersion over the American continent; and also that, as a system trans- 
mitted with the blood, it might contain the necessary evidence to establish their 
unity of origin. And in the third place, if the Indian family came, in fact, from 
Asia, it would seem that they must have brought the system with them from that 
continent, and have left it behind them among the people from whom they sepa- 
rated; further than this, that its perpetuation upon this continent would rendei 
probable its like perpetuation upon the Asiatic, where it might still be found; 
and, finally, that it might possibly furnish some evidence upon the question of the 
Asiatic origin of the Indian family. 

This series of presumptions and inferences was very naturally suggested by the 
discovery of the same system of consanguinity and affinity in nations speaking 
dialects of two stock-languages. It was not an extravagant series of speculations 
upon the given basis, as will be more fully understood when the Seneca and Ojibwa 
systems are examined and compared. On this simple and obvious line of thought 
I determined to follow up the subject until it was ascertained whether the system 
was universal among the American aborigines; and, should it become reasonably 
probable that such was the fact, then to pursue the inquiry upon the Eastern Con- 
tinent, and among the islands of the Pacific. 

The work was commenced by preparing a schedule of questions describing the 
persons in the lineal, and the principal persons embraced in the first five collateral 
lines, which, when answered, would give their relationship to Ego, and thus spread 
out in detail the system of consanguinity and affinity of any nation with fullness 
and particularity. This schedule, with an explanatory letter, was sent in the form 
of a printed circular to the several Indian missions in the United States, to the 
commanders of the several military posts in the Indian country, and to the 
government Indian agents. It was expected to procure the information by 
correspondence as the principal instrumentality. From the complicated nature of 
the subject the results, as might, perhaps, have been foreseen, were inconsiderable. 
This first disappointment was rather a fortunate occurrence than otherwise, since it 
forced me either to abandon the investigation, or to prosecute it, so far as the 
Indian nations were concerned, by personal inquiry. It resulted in the several 
annual explorations among the Indian nations, the fruits of which will be found in 
Tables II., which is attached to Part II. By this means all the nations, with but 
a few exceptions, between the Atlantic and the Rocky Mountains, and between the 
Arctic Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, were reached directly, and their systems of 
relationship procured. Some of the schedules, however, were obtained by corre- 
spondence, from other parties. 

Having ascertained as early as the year 1859 that the system prevailed in the 
five principal Indian stock-languages east of the mountains, as well as in several 
of the dialects of each, its universal diffusion throughout the Indian family had 
become extremely probable. This brought me to the second stage of the investi- 



OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 5 

gation, namely, to find whether it prevailed in other parts of the world. To 
determine that question would require an extensive foreign correspondence, which 
a private individual coukl not hope to maintain successfully. To make the attempt 
effectual would require the intervention of the national government, or the co-ope- 
ration of some literary or scientific institution. It is one of the happy features of 
American society that any citizen may ask the assistance of his government, or ef 
any literary or scientific institution in the country, with entire freedom ; and with 
the further consciousness that his wishes will be cheerfully acceded to if deserving 
of encouragement. This removed what might otherwise have been a serious 
obstacle. In this spirit I applied to Prof. Joseph Henry, Secretary of the Smith- 
sonian Institution, for the use of the name of theiatter in foreign countries in the 
conduct of the correspondence ; and further desired him to procure a letter from 
the Secretary of State of the United States to our diplomatic and consular repre- 
sentatives abroad, commending the subject to their favorable attention. With 
both of these requests Prof. Henry complied in the most cordial manner. From 
January, 1860, until the close of the investigation, the larger part of the corre- 
spondence was conducted under the official name of the Institution, or under cover 
by the Secretary of State. By these means an unusual degree of attention was 
secured to the work in foreign countries, the credit of which is due to the influence 
of the Smithsonian Institution, and to the official circular of the late General Cass, 
then Secretary of State. In addition to these arrangements I had previously 
solicited and obtained the co-operation of the secretaries of the several American 
missionary boards, which enabled me to reach, under equally favorable conditions, 
a large number of American missionaries in Asia and Africa, and among the 
islands of the Pacific. .^-. 

From the distinguished Ame-incan missionary, Dr. Henry W. Scudder, of Arcot, 
India, who happened to be in. -this country in 1859, I had obtained some evidence 
of the existence of the American Indian system of relationship among the Tamilian 
people of South-India. This discovery opened still wider the range of the proposed 
investigation. It became necessary to find the limits within which the systems of 
the Aryan and Semitic families prevailed, in order to ascertain the line of demarca- 
tion between their forms and that of the eastern Asiatics. The circumscription of 
one was necessary to the circumscription of the other. In addition to this it seemed 
imperative to include the entire human family within the scope of the research, 
and to work out this comprehensive plan as fully as might be possible. The 
nearer this ultimate point was approximated the more instructive would be the 
final results. It was evident that the full significance of identity of systems in 
India and America would be lost unless the knowledge was made definite concern- 
ing the relations of the Indo-American system of relationship to those of the 
western nations of Europe and Asia, and also to those of the nations of Africa and 
Polynesia. This seeming necessity greatly increased the magnitude of the under- 
taking, and at the same time encumbered the subject with a mass of subordinate 
materials. 

In the further prosecution of the enterprise the same schedule and circular were 
sent to the principal missions of the several American boards, with a request that 



6 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

the former might be filled out, according to its design, with the system of rela- 
tionship of the people among whom they were respectively established ; and that 
such explanations might be given as would be necessary to its interpretation. This 
class of men possess peculiar qualifications for linguistic and ethnological researches ; 
and, more than this, they reside among the nations whose systems of consanguinity 
were relatively of the most importance for the purpose in hand. The tables Avill 
show how admirably they performed the task. 

They were also sent to the diplomatic and consular representatives of the United 
States in foreign countries, through whom another, and much larger, portion of 
the human family was reached. By their instrumentality, chiefly, the system of 
the Aryan family was procured. A serious difficulty, however, was met in this 
direction, in a difference of language, which the official agents of the government 
were unable, in many cases, to surmount. In Europe and Asia the number of 
schedules obtained through them, in a completely executed form, was even larger 
than would reasonably have been expected ; while in Africa, in South America, 
and in Mexico and Central America the failure was nearly complete. 

To supply these deficiencies an attempt was made to reach the English missions 
*!! the Eastern Archipelago and in Polynesia ; and also Spanish America through 
the Roman Catholic bishops and clergy of those countries ; but the efforts proved 
unsuccessful. 

The foregoing are the principal, but not the exclusive, sources from which the 
materials contained in the tables were derived. 

A large number of schedules, when returned, were found to be imperfectly filled 
out. Misapprehension of the nature and object of the investigation was the prin- 
cipal cause. The most usual form of mistake was the translation of the questions 
into the native language, which simply reproduced the questions and left them 
unanswered. A person unacquainted with the details of his own system of rela- 
tionship might be misled by the form of each question which describes a person, 
and not at once perceive that the true answer should give the relationship sustained 
by this person to Ego. As our own system is descriptive essentially, a correct 
answer to most of the questions would describe a person very much in the form of 
the question itself, if the system of the nation was descriptive. But, on the con- 
trary, if it was classificatory, such answers would not only be incorrect in fact, but 
would fail to show the true system. The utmost care was taken to guard against 
this misapprehension, but, notwithstanding, the system of several important nations, 
thus imperfectly procured, was useless from the difficulty, not to say impossibility, 
of repeating the attempt in remote parts of the earth, where it required two years, 
and sometimes three, for a schedule to be received and returned. In some cases, 
where the correspondent was even as accessible as India, it required that length of 
time, and the exchange of several letters, to correct and perfect the details of a single 
schedule. Every system of relationship is intrinsically difficult until it has been 
carefully studied. The classificatory form is complicated in addition to being diffi- 
cult, and totally unlike our own. It is easy, therefore, to perceive that when a 
person was requested to Avork out, in detail, the system of a foreign people he would 
find it necessary, in the first instance, to master his own, and after that to meet 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 7 

and overcome the difficulties of another, and, perhaps, radically different form. 
With these considerations in mind it is a much greater cause for surprise that so 
many schedules were completely executed than that a considerable number should 
have failed to be so. 

The schedule is necessarily self-corrective as to a portion of the persons described, 
since the position of Ego and his or her correlative person is reversed in different 
questions. It was also made self-confirmatory in other ways, so that a careful 
examination would determine the question of its correctness or non-correctness in 
essential particulars. This was especially true with respect to the classificatory 
system. Notwithstanding all the efforts made to insure correctness, it is not sup- 
posable that the tables are free from errors ; on the contrary, it is very probable 
that a critical examination will bring to light a large number. I believe, however, 
that they will be found to be substantially correct. 

It was a matter of some difficulty to determine the proper order of arrangement 
of the materials thus brought together. The natural order of the subject has been 
followed as closely as possible. All the forms of consanguinity exhibited in the 
tables resolve themselves into two, the descriptive and the classificatory. Of these 
the former is the most simple in its structure, and for this reason should be first 
considered. It embraces the systems of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families, 
which are identical in their radical characteristics. The classificatory system has 
one principal form, the Indo-American, and two subordinate forms, the Malayan 
and the Eskimo. Of these, the Malayan is the most simple, and probably under- 
lying form, and, as such, would come first ; after this in its natural order would be 
either the Turanian or the American Indian, at convenience, since each stands in 
the same relation to the Malayan; and after these the Eskimo, which stands discon- 
nected from the systems of either of the families named. But it was found advisable 
to reverse this order, as to the classificatory form, on account of the preponderating 
amount of materials, and to consider, first, the American Indian, then the 
Turanian, and after all these the Malayan and Eskimo. 

In Part I., after discussing the elements of a system of relationship considered 
in the abstract, the Roman form of consanguinity and affinity is taken up and 
explained with fulness and particularity, as typical of the system of the Aryan 
family. This is followed by a brief exposition of the forms which prevail in other 
branches of the family for the purpose of indicating the differences between them 
and the typical form; and also to ascertain the general characteristics of the 
system. The systems of the Semitic and Uralian families are then treated in the 
same manner, and compared with the Aryan form. By this means, also, the 
limits of the spread of the descriptive system of relationship are determined. 

In Part II., after discussing certain preliminary facts, the Seneca-Iroquois 
form is first explained with minuteness of detail, as typical of the system of the 
American Indian family. After this the several forms in the remaining branches 
of this family are presented ; confining the discussion, so far as could properly be 
done, to the points of difference between them and the typical system. 

In Part III., the Tamilian form is first presented and explained as typical of 
the system of the Turanian family ; after which the forms that prevail among tho 



8 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

other Asiatic nations represented in the tables, are considered and compared with 
the typical form. These are necessarily presented with fulness of detail, particu- 
larly the Chinese, from the great amount of divergence from the typical form 
which they exhibit. After this the system of the Malayan family, of which the 
Hawaiian form is typical, is presented and explained in the same manner. The 
Eskimo system concludes the series. 

Lastly, the general results of a comparison of these several forms, together with 
a conjectural solution of the origin of the classificatory system, furnish the subject 
of a concluding chapter. 

The tables, however, are the main results of this investigation. In their 
importance and value they reach far beyond any present use of their contents 
which the writer may be able to indicate. If they can be perfected, and the 
systems of the unrepresented nations be supplied, their value would be greatly 
increased. The classification of nations is here founded upon a comparison of 
their several forms of consanguinity. With some exceptions, it harmonizes with 
that previously established upon the basis of linguistic affinities. One rests upon 
blood, the preponderance of which is represented by the system of relationship; 
the other is founded upon language, the affinities of which are represented by 
grammatical structure. One follows ideas indicated in a system of relationship and 
transmitted with the blood ; the other follows ideas indicated in forms of speech 
and transmitted in the same manner. It may be a question which class of ideas 
has been perpetuated through the longest periods of time. 

In Table I., which is appended to Part I., will be found the system of the 
Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families ; in Table II., which is likewise appended 
to Part II., that of the American Indian family; and in Table IV., which is 
appended to Part III., that of the Turanian and Malayan families. The plan 
adopted in framing these tables was to bring each specific relationship, among a 
certain number of affiliated nations, into the same column, so that their agreement 
or disagreement as to any particular relationship might be seen at a glance. This 
arrangement will facilitate the comparison. The names of the several nations, 
whose systems are brought together, will be found in a column on the left of the 
page ; and the descriptions of the several persons, whose relationships to Ego are 
shown, are written in a consecutive series at the top of the several columns. In 
this series the lineal line is first given. This is followed by the first collateral line 
in its male and female branches ; and this, in turn, by the second collateral line in 
its male and female branches on the father's side, and in its male and female 
branches on the mother's side ; after which, but less fully extended, will be found 
the third, fourth, and fifth collateral lines. An inspection of the tables will make 
the method sufficiently obvious. 

If these tables prove sufficient to demonstrate the utility of systems of relation- 
ship in the prosecution of ethnological investigations, one of the main objects of 
this work will be accomplished. The number of nations represented is too small 
to exhibit all the special capabilities of this instrumentality. The more thoroughly 
the system is explored in the different nations of the same family of speech, espe- 
cially where the form is classificatory, the more ample and decisive the evidence 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 9 

will become which bears upon the question of their genetic connection. The 
threads of this connection between remotely affiliated nations are sometimes 
recovered in the most unexpected manner. These tables, therefore, as but the 
commencement of the work if this new instrument in ethnology invite the test 
of criticism. The remaining nations of the earth can be reached and their systems 
procured, should it seem to be desirable ; and it may be found that this is the most 
simple as well as compendious method for the classification of nations upon the 
basis of affinity of blood. 1 



1 In the appendix to this volume will be found a schedule of questions adapted to this work. 
Any person interested in the furtherance of this object, who will procure the system of any nation 
not represented in the tables, or correct or complete any deficient schedule therein, will render a 
special service to the author. The schedule may be sent to the Smithsonian Institution, at Wash- 
ington; and when published full credit will be given to the person furnishing the same. 



May, 186a 



10 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



CHAPTER II. 

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS UPON SYSTEMS OF RELATIONS HI PS. 

Marriage the basis of the Family Relationships Systems of Consanguinity and AS nity Each Person the Centre of 
a Group of Kindred The System of Nature Numerical Not necessarily adopted Every System embodies Defi- 
nite Ideas It is a Domestic Institution Two Radical Forms The Descriptive, and the Classificatory Aryan, 

Semitic, and Uraliau Families have the former Turanian, American Indian, and Malayan the latter Divergence 
of Collateral Lines from Lineal, Characteristic of the First Mergence of Collateral Lines in the Lineal, of the 
Second Uses of these Systems depend upon the Permanence of their Radical Forms Evidence of their Modi- 
fication Direction of the Change Causes which tend to the Stability of their Radical Features. 

IN considering the elements of a system of consanguinity the existence of mar- 
riage between single pairs must be assumed. Marriage forms the basis of rela- 
tionships. In the progress of the inquiry it may become necessary to consider a 
system with this basis fluctuating, and, perhaps, altogether wanting. The alter- 
native assumption of each may be essential to include all the elements of the 
subject in its practical relations. The natural and necessary connection of 
consanguinei with each other would be the same in both cases; but with this 
difference, that in the former the lines of descent from parent to child would be 
known, while in the latter they would, to a greater or less extent, be incapable 
of ascertainment. These considerations might affect the form of the system of 
consanguinity. 

The family relationships are as ancient as the family. They exist in virtue 
of the law of derivation, which is expressed by the perpetuation of the species 
through the marriage relation. A system of consanguinity, which is founded upon 
a community of blood, is but the formal expression and recognition of these 
relationships. Around every person there is a circle or group of kindred of 
which such person is the centre, the Ego, from whom the degree of the relationship 
is reckoned, and to whom the relationship itself returns. Above him are his 
father and his mother and their ascendants, below him are his children and their 
descendants; while upon either side are his brothers and sisters and their 
descendants, and the brothers and sisters of his father and of his mother and their 
descendants, as well as a much greater number of collateral relatives descended 
from common ancestors still more remote. To him they are nearer in degree than 
other individuals of the nation at large. A formal arrangement of the more 
immediate blood kindred into lines of descent, with the adoption of some method 
to distinguish one relative from another, and to express the value of the relation- 
ship, would be one of the earliest acts of human intelligence. 

Should the inquiry be made how far nature suggests a uniform method or plan 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 11 

for the discrimination of the several relationships, and for the arrangement of 
kindred into distinct lines of uescent, the answer would be difficult, unless it was 
first assumed that marriage between single pairs had always existed, thus rendering 
definite the lines of parentage. With this point established, or assumed, a natural 
system, numerical in its character, will be found underlying any form which man 
may contrive ; and which, resting upon an ordinance of nature, is both universal 
and unchangeable. Ah 1 of the descendants of an original pair, through intermedi- 
ate pairs, stand to each other in fixed degrees of proximity, the nearness or re- 
moteness of which is a mere matter of computation. If we ascend from ancestor 
to ancestor in the lineal line, and again descend through the several collateral lines 
until the widening circle of kindred circumscribes- millions of the living and the 
dead, all of these individuals, in virtue of their descent from common ancestors, 
are bound to the "Ego" by the chain of consanguinity. 

The blood relationships, to which specific terms have been assigned, under the 
system of the Aryan family, are few in number. They are grandfather and grand- 
mother, father and mother, brother and sister, son and daughter, grandson and 
granddaughter, uncle and aunt, nephew and niece, and cousin. Those more 
remote in degree are described either by an augmentation or by a combination of 
these terms. After these are the affineal or marriage relationships, which are 
husband and wife, father-in-law and mother-in-law, son-in-law and daughter-in-law, 
brother-in-law and sister-in-law, step-father and step-mother, step-son and step- 
daughter, and step-brother and step-sister; together with such of the husbands and 
wives of blood relatives as receive the corresponding designation by courtesy. 
These terms are barely sufficient to indicate specifically the nearest relationships, 
leaving much the largest number to be described by a combination of terms. 

So familiar are these ancient household words, and the relationships which they 
indicate, that a classification of kindred by means of them, according to their 
degrees of nearness, would seem to be not only a simple undertaking, but, when 
completed, to contain nothing of interest beyond its adaptation to answer a 
necessary want. But, since these specific terms are entirely inadequate to desig- 
nate a person's kindred, they contain in themselves only the minor part of the 
system. An arrangement into lines, with descriptive phrases to designate such 
relatives as fall without the specific terms, becomes necessary to its completion. 
In the mode of arrangement and of description diversities may exist. Every 
system of consanguinity must be able to ascend and descend in the lineal line 
through several degrees from any given person, and to specify the relationship of 
each to Ego ; and also from the lineal, to enter the several collateral lines and 
follow and describe the collateral relatives through several generations. When 
spread out in detail and examined, every scheme of consanguinity and affinity will 
be found to rest upon definite ideas, and to be framed, so far as it contains any 
plan, with reference to particular ends. In fine, a system of relationship, originat- 
ing in necessity, is a domestic institution, which serves to organize a family by 
the bond of consanguinity. As such it possesses a degree of vitality and a power 
of self-perpetuation commensurate with its nearness to the primary wants of man. 

In a general sense, as has elsewhere been stated, there are but two radically 



12 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

distinct forms of consanguinity among the nations represented in the tables. One 
of these is descriptive and the other classificatory. The first, which is that of the 
Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families, rejecting the classification of kindred, except 
so far as it is in accordance with the numerical system, describes collateral consan- 
guinei, for the most part, by an augmentation or combination of the primary 
terms of relationship. These terms, which are those for husband and wife, father 
and mother, brother and sister, and son and daughter, to which must be added, in 
such languages as possess them, grandfather and grandmother, and grandson and 
granddaughter, are thus restricted to the primary sense in which they are here 
employed. All other terms are secondary. Each relationship is thus made inde- 
pendent and distinct from every other. But the second, which is that of the 
Turanian, American Indian, and Malayan families, rejecting descriptive phrases in 
every instance, and reducing consanguine! to great classes by a series of apparently 
arbitrary generalizations, applies the same terms to all the members of the same 
class. It thus confounds relationships, which, under the descriptive system, are 
distinct, and enlarges the signification both of the primary and secondary terms 
\ beyond their seemingly appropriate sense. 

Although a limited number of generalizations have been developed in the system 
of the first-named families, which are followed by the introduction of additional 
special terms to express in the concrete the relationships thus specialized, yet the 
system is properly characterized as descriptive, and was such originally. It will 
be seen in the sequel that the partial classification of kindred which it now con- 
tains is in harmony with the principles of the descriptive form, and arises from it 
legitimately to the extent to which it is carried ; and that it is founded upon con- 
ceptions entirely dissimilar from those which govern in the classificatory form. 
These generalizations, in some cases, are imperfect when logically considered ; but 
they were designed to realize in the concrete the precise relationships which the 
descriptive phrases suggest by implication. In the Erse, for example, there are no 
terms for uncle or aunt, nephew or niece, or cousin ; but they were described as 
father's brother, mother's brother, brotJier's son, and so on. These forms of the 
Celtic are, therefore, purely descriptive. In most of the Aryan languages terms 
for these relationships exist. My father's brothers and my mother's brothers, in 
English, are generalized into one class, and the term uncle is employed to express 
the relationship. The relationships to Ego of the two classes of persons are equal 
in their degree of nearness, but not the same in kind; wherefore, the Roman 
method is preferable, which employed patruus to express the former, and avunculus 
to indicate the latter. The phrase " father's brother" describes a person, but it 
likewise implies a bond of connection which patruus expresses in the concrete. 
In like manner, my father's brother's son, my father's sister's son, my mother's 
brother's son, and my mother's sister's son are placed upon an equality by a similar 
generalization, and the relationship is expressed by the term cousin. They stand 
to me in the same degree of nearness, but they are related to me in four different 
ways. The use of these terms, however, does not invade the principles of the 
descriptive system, but attempts to realize the implied relationships in a simpler 
manner. On the other hand, in the system of the last-named families, while cor- 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 13 

responding terms exist, their application to particular persons is founded upon very 
different generalizations, and they are used in an apparently arbitrary manner. In 
Seneca-Iroquois, for example, my father's brother is my father. Under the system 
he stands to me in that relationship and no other. I address him by the same 
term, Ha-nili', which I apply to my own father. My mother's brother, on the con- 
trary, is my uncle, Hoc-no'-seh, to whom, of the two, this relationship is restricted. 
Again, with myself a male, my brother's son is my son, Ha-ali'-wult, the same as my 
own son ; while my sister's son is my nephew, Ha-ya' -wan-da ; but with myself a 
female, these relationships are reversed. My brother's son is then my nephew; while 
my sister's son is my son. Advancing to the second collateral line, my father's 
brother's son and my mother's sister's son are my brothers, and they severally 
stand to me in the same relationship as my own brother ; but my father's sister's 
son and my mother's brother's son are my cousins. The same relationships are 
recognized under the two forms, but the generalizations upon which they rest are 
different. 

In the system of relationship of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families, the 
collateral lines are maintained distinct and perpetually divergent from the lineal, 
which results, theoretically as well as practically, in a dispersion of the blood. 
The value of the relationships of collateral consanguine! is depreciated and finally 
lost under the burdcnsomeness of the descriptive method. This divergence is one 
of the characteristics of the descriptive system. On the contrary, in that of the 
Turanian, American Indian, and Malayan families, the several collateral lines, 
near and remote, are finally brought into, and merged in the lineal line, thus 
theoretically, if not practically, preventing a dispersion of the blood. The 
relationships of collaterals by this means is both appreciated and preserved. This 
mergence is, in like manner, one of the characteristics of the classificatory system. 

How these two forms of consanguinity, so diverse in their fundamental concep- 
tions and so dissimilar in their structure, came into existence it may be wholly 
impossible to explain. The fir&fc question to be considered relates to the nature 
of these forms and their ethnid distribution, after the ascertainment of which their 
probable origin may be made a subject of investigation. While the existence of 
two radically distinct forms appears to separate the human family, so far as it is 
represented in the tables, into two great divisions, the Indo-European and the Indo- 
American, the same testimony seems to draw closer together the several families 
of which these divisions are composed, without forbidding the supposition that a 
common point of departure between the two may yet be discovered. If the 
evidence deposited in these systems of relationship tends, in reality, to consolidate 
the families named into two great divisions, it is a tendency in the direction of 
unity of origin of no inconsiderable importance. 

After the several forms of consanguinity and affinity, which now prevail in the 
different families of mankind, have been presented and discussed, the important 
question will present itself, how far these forms become changed with the pro- 
gressive changes of society. The uses of systems of relationship to establish the 
genetic connection of nations will depend, first, upon the structure of the system, 
and, secondly, upon the stability of its radical forms. In form and feature they 



14 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

must be found able, when once established, to perpetuate themselves through 
indefinite periods of time. The question of their use must turn upon that of the 
stability of their radical features. Development and modification, to a very 
considerable extent, are revealed in the tables in which the comparison of forms 
is made upon an extended scale; but it will be observed, on further examination, 
that these changes are further developments of the fundamental conceptions which 
lie, respectively, at the foundation of the two original systems. 

V " There is one powerful motive which might, under certain circumstances, tends 
to the overthrow of the classificatory form and the substitution of the descriptive, 
but it would arise after the attainment of civilization. This is the inheritance of 

/ estates. It may be premised that the bond of kindred, among uncivilized nations, 
is a strong influence for the mutual protection of related persons. Among nomadic 
stocks, especially, the respectability of the individual was measured, in no small 
degree, by the number of his kinsmen. The wider the circle of kindred the 
greater the assurance of safety, since they were the natural guardians of his rights 
and the avengers of his wrongs. Whether designedly or otherwise, the Turanian 
form of consanguinity organized the family upon the largest scale of numbers. 
On the other hand, a gradual change from a nomadic to a civilized condition 
would prove the severest test to which a system of consanguinity could be sub- 
jected. The protection of the law, or of the State, would become substituted for 
that of kinsmen; but with more effective power the rights of property might 
influence the system of relationship. This last consideration, which would not 
arise until after a people had emerged from barbarism, would be adequate beyond 
any other known cause to effect a radical change in .a pre-existing system, if this 
recognized relationships which would defeat natural justice in the inheritance of 
property. In Tamilian society, where my brother's son and my cousin's son are 
both my sons, a useful purpose may have been subserved by drawing closer, in 
this manner, the kindred bond; but in a civilized sense it would be manifestly 
unjust to place either of these collateral sons upon an equality with my own son 
for the inheritance of my estate. Hence the growth of property and the settlement 
of its distribution might be expected to lead to a more precise discrimination of 
the several degrees of consanguinity if they were confounded by the previous 
system. 

Where the original system, anterior to civilization, was descriptive, the tendency 
to modification, under the influence of refinement, would be in the direction of a 
more rigorous separation of the several lines of descent, and of a more systematic 
description of the persons or relationships in eacH> It would not necessarily lead 
to the abandonment of old terms nor to the invention of new. This latter belongs, 
usually, to the formative period of a language. When that is passed, compound 
terms are resorted to if the descriptive phrases are felt to be inconvenient. 
Wherever these compounds are found it will be known at once that they are 
modern in the language. The old terms are not necessarily radical, but they have 
become so worn down by long-continued use as to render the identification of their 
component parts impossible. While the growth of nomenclatures of relationship 
tends to show the direction in which existing systems have been modified, it seems 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 15 

to be incapable of throwing any light upon the question whether a classificatory 
form ever becomes changed into a descriptive, or the reverse. It is more difficult, 
where the primitive system was classificatory, to ascertain the probable direction 
of the change. The uncivilized nations have remained substantially stationary in 
their condition through all the centuries of their existence, a circumstance 
eminently favorable to the permanency of their domestic institutions. It is not 
supposable, however, that they have resisted all modifications of their system of 
consanguinity. The opulence of the nomenclature of relationships, which is 
characteristic of the greater portion of the nations whose form is classificatory, 
may tend to show that, if it changed jnaterially, it would be in the direction of 
a greater complexity of classification. It is extremely difficult to arrive at any 
general conclusions upon this question with reference to either form. But it may 
be affirmed that if an original system changes materially, after it has been adopted 
into use, it is certain to be done in harmony with the ideas and conceptions which 
it embodies, of which the changes will be further and logical developments. 

It should not be inferred that forms of consanguinity and affinity are either N 
adopted, modified, or laid aside at pleasure. The tables entirely dispel such a 
supposition. When a system has once come into practical use, with its nomen- 
clature adopted, and its method of description or of classification settled, it would, 
from the nature of the case, be very slow to change. Each person, as has else- 
where been observed, is the centre around whom a group of consanguine! is 
arranged. It is my father, my mother, my brother, my son, my uncle, my cousin, 
with each and every human being ; and, therefore, each one is compelled to 
understand, as well as to use, the prevailing system. It is an actual necessity to 
all alike, since each relationship is personal to Ego. A change of any of these 
relationships, or a subversion of any of the terms invented to express them, would 
be extremely difficult if not impossible; and it would be scarcely less difficult to 
enlarge or contract the established use of the terms themselves. The possibility of 
this permanence is increased by the circumstance that these systems exist by usage 
rather than legal enactment, and therefore the motive to change must be as 
universal as the usage. Their use and preservation are intrusted to every person 
who speaks the common language, and their channel of transmission is the blood. 
Hence it is that, in addition to the natural stability of domestic institutions, there 
are special reasons which contribute to their permanence, by means of which it is 
rendered not improbable that they might survive changes of social condition 
sufficiently radical to overthrow the primary ideas in which they originated. 

These preliminary statements being made, it is now proposed to explain and 
compare the systems of relationship of the several nations and families represented 
in the tables. In doing this the order therein adopted will be followed. Invoking 
the patient attention .of the reader, I will endeavor to perform this task with as 
much brevity and clearness as I may be able to command. 



16 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



CHAPTER III. 
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE ARYAN FAMILY. 

Roman System of Consanguinity and Affinity Framed by the Civilians Relationships of two kinds By Consan- 
guinity, or Blood By Affinity, or Marriage Lineal and Collateral Consanguinity Diagram Method of Descrip- 
tion by Lines explained Diagram of the Roman Civilians Completeness and precision of the Roman System 
Immense number of Consanguine! within the near Degrees Computations Rapid intermingling of the Blood 
of a People Mode of Computing Degrees under the Civil Law Under the Canon Law Under the Common 
Law Origin of the Variance Marriage Relationships fully discriminated English System barren of Terms 
Opulence of the Roman Nomenclature of Relationships. 

AN understanding of the framework and principles of our own system of rela- 
tionship is a necessary preparatory step to the consideration of those of other 
nations. It was originally strictly descriptive. After the settlement and civiliza- 
tion of the several branches of the Aryan family, there was engrafted upon it, 
among several of them, a method of description differing materially from the primi- 
tive form, but without invading its radical features, or so far overspreading them 
as to conceal the simple original. The new element, which came naturally from 
the system itself, was introduced by the Roman civilians to perfect the framework 
of a code of descents. Their improvements have been adopted into the system of 
the several branches of the family, to which the Roman influence extended. To 
obtain a knowledge historically of our present English form, we must resort to the 
Roman as it was perfected by the civilians, and left by them in its codified form. 
The additions were slight, but they changed materially the method of describing 
kindred. They consisted chiefly in the establishment of the relationships of uncle 
and aunt on the father's side, and on the mother's side, which were unknown in 
the primitive system, and in the adoption of a descriptive method based upon these 
terms, which, with proper augments, enabled them to systematize the relationships 
in the first five collateral lines. We are also indebted to the Latin speech for the 
modern portion of our nomenclature of relationships. 

It is evident, however, that the elaborate and scientific arrangement of kindred 
into formally described lines of descent employed by the civilians, and which 
became the law of the State, was not adopted by the Roman people, except in its 
least complicated parts. There are reasons for believing that the ancient method, 
modified by the substitution of some of the new terms of relationship in the place 
of descriptive phrases, was retained for those nearest in degree, and that more dis- 
tant relatives were described without any attempt to preserve the artificial distinc- 
tions among the several lines. This variance between the forms used by the 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 17 

people and by the State, whenever it occurs in this family of nations, is entirely 
immaterial, since the two do not conflict. 

It should also be observed that it is impossible to recover the system of consan- 
guinity and affinity of any people, in its details, from the lexicon, or even from the 
literature of their language, if it has ceased to be a living form. The Hebrew and 
Sanskrit are examples. If it had been reduced to a statute and thus had become 
a law of the State, it would be found in a codified form. In all other cases it 
can only be obtained, in its completeness, by a direct resort to the people. 

In the Pandects 1 and in the Institutes 2 the system of relationship of the Roman 
civil law has been preserved with minuteness and precision, with full explanations 
of its provisions and method of arrangement. A careful examination of its details 
will furnish us the readiest knowledge of our own, as well as unfold the principles 
which must govern the formation of any strictly philosophical system. 

Relationships are of two kinds : First, by consanguinity, or blood : second, by 
affinity, or marriage. Consanguinity, which is the relation of persons descended 
from the same ancestor, is also of two kinds, lineal and collateral. Lineal con- 
sanguinity is the connection which subsists among persons of whom one is 
descended from the other. Collateral consanguinity is the connection which 
exists among persons who are descended from a common ancestor, but not from 
each other. Marriage relationships exist by custom. 

In every supposable plan of consanguinity, where marriage between single pairs 
exists, there must be a lineal and several collateral lines. Each person, also, in 
constructing his own table becomes the central point, or Ego, from whom outward is 
reckoned the degree of relationship of each kinsman, and to whom the relationship 
returns. His position is necessarily in the lineal line. In a chart of relationships 
this line is vertical. Upon it may be inscribed, above and below any given person, 
his several ancestors and descendants in a direct series from father to son, and 
these persons together will constitute his right lineal male line, which is also called 
the trunk, or common stock of descent. Out of this trunk line emerge the several 
collateral lines, male and female, which are numbered outwardly. It will be suffi- 
cient for a perfect knowledge of the system to limit the explanation to the main 
lineal line, and to a single male and female branch of each of the collateral lines, 
including those on the father's side and on the mother's side, and proceeding in 
each from the parent to one only of his or her children, although it will include 
but a small portion of the kindred of Ego either in the ascending or descending 
series. An attempt to follow all the divisions and branches of the several collateral 
lines, which increase in number in the ascending series in a geometrical ratio, 
would embarrass the reader without rendering the system itself more intelligible. 
The first collateral line, male, consists of my brother and his descendants, and the 
first, female, of my sister and her descendants. The second collateral line, male, 
on the father's side, .consists of my father's brother and his descendants, and the 
second, female, of my father's sister and her descendants; the second collateral 

1 Panel., Lib. XXXYIII. tit. x. "Dc gradibus et adfinibus et nominibus eorum." 
8 Inst. Just., Lib. III. tit. vi. " De gradibus cognation urn." 

3 May, ISC 8. 



18 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

line, male, on the mother's side, is composed of my mother's brother and his 
descendants, and the second, female, of my mother's sister and her descendants. 
The third collateral line, male, on the father's side, consists of my grandfather's 
brother and his descendants, and third, female, of my grandfather's sister and her 
descendants ; on the mother's side, the same line, male, is composed of my grand- 
mother's brother and his descendants, and the same, female, of my grandmother's 
sister and her descendants. It will be noticed, in the last case, that we have turned 
out of the lineal line on the father's side into that on the mother's side. The 
fourth collateral line, male, on the father's side, consists of my great-grandfather's 
brother and his descendants; and the fourth, female, of my great-grandfather's 
sister and her descendants ; the same line, male, on the mother's side, is composed 
of my great-grandmother's brother and his descendants ; and the same, female, of 
my great-grandmother's sister and her descendants. In like manner, the fifth col- 
lateral line, male, on the father's side, consists of my great-great-grandfather's 
brother and his descendants ; and the fifth, female, of my great-great-grandfather's 
sister and her descendants ; the same line, male, on the mother's side is composed 
of my grcat-great-grandmother's brother - and his descendants ; and the same, 
female, of my great-great-grandmothcr's sister and her descendants. These five 
lines embrace the great body of our kindred who are within the range of practical 
or even necessary recognition. 

Where there are several brothers and sisters of each ancestor, they constitute so 
many branches of each line respectively. If I have several brothers and sisters, 
they and their descendants constitute as many lines, each independent of the other, 
as I have brothers and sisters ; but all together they form my first collateral line 
in two branches, a male and a female. In like manner the several brothers and 
sisters of my father and of my mother, with their respective descendants, make up 
as many lines, each independent of the other, as there are brothers and sisters ; but 
all unite in forming my second collateral line in two divisions, that on the father's 
side and that on the mother's side, and in four principal branches, two male and 
two female. If the third collateral line were run out fully in the ascending series, 
it would give four general divisions of ancestors and eight principal branches ; and 
the number of each would increase in the same ratio in each successive collateral 
line. With such a maze of branches, lines, and divisions, embracing such a multi- 
tude of consanguinei, it will be seen at once that a method of arrangement and 
description which should maintain each distinct, and render the whole intelligible, 
would be no ordinary achievement. This work was perfectly accomplished by the 
Roman civilians, and in a manner so entirely simple as to elicit admiration. It 
will be seen, however, in the sequel, that the development of the nomenclature to 
the requisite extent must have been so extremely difficult that it would probably 
never have occurred except under the stimulus of an urgent necessity. The 
absence, from the primitive system, of the relationships of uncle and aunt, in the 
concrete form, was the first want to be supplied to render the new method attain- 
able. Nor was this alone sufficient ; it was also necessary to discriminate those on 
the father's side from those on the mother's side, and to elaborate independent 
terms for each, an achievement made in a limited number only of the languages of 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 19 

mankind. These indispensable terms finally appeared in patruus and amita for 
uncle and aunt on the father's side, and in ammculus and matertera for uncle and 
aunt on' the mother's side, which, with suitable augments, enabled the civilians to 
indicate specifically the first person in the second, third, fourth, and fifth collateral 
lines on the father'* side and on the mother's side. After these were secured, the 
improved Roman method of describing collateral consanguinei became possible, as 
well as established. The development of these relationships, in the concrete, was 
the principal, as well as the greatest advance in the system of relationship, made by 
any of the members of the Aryan family. 

All languages are able to describe kindred by a combination of the primary 
terms ; and this method is still used, to the exclusion of the secondary terms, 
when it becomes necessary to be specific, unless the Roman method is employed. 
In the description we commence at Ego, and ascend first to the common ancestor, 
and then down the collateral line to the person whose relationship is sought, as in 
the English ; or, reversing the initial point, commence with the latter, and ascend 
to the common ancestor, and then descend to the former as in the Erse. To 
describe a cousin, in the male branch of the second collateral line, we use in Eng- 
lish the phrase father's brother's son ; or, in Erse, son of the brother of my father ; 
for a second cousin, in the same branch of the third collateral line, we say, in Eng- 
lish, fatJier's father's brother's son's son ; in Erse, son of the son of the brother of the 
father, of my father. Where the relationship of grandfather is discriminated by a 
specific or a compound term, we may say grandfather's brotJier's grandson ; but as 
this would fail to show whether the person was on the father's side or on the 
mother's side, a further explanation must be added. The inconvenience of this 
method, which was the primitive form of the Aryan family, is sufficiently obvious. 
It was partially overcome, in process of time, by the generalization of the rela- 
tionships of uncle and aunt, nephew and niece, and cousin, and the invention of 
special terms for their expression in the concrete. A little reflection upon the 
awkwardness and cumbcrsomeness of a purely descriptive system of relationship 
will illustrate the necessity, first, for common terms for the nearest collateral 
degrees, and, secondly, of a scientific method for the description of consanguinei. 
It will also enable us to appreciate the serious difficulties overcome, as well as the 
great advance made, by the Romans in the formal system which they established, 
or, rather, engrafted upon the original form. 

If, then, we construct a diagram of the right lineal line, male, and the first five 
collateral lines, male and female, on the father's side, and limit each collateral 
line at its commencement to a single brother and sister of Ego, and to a single 
brother and sister of each of the lineal ancestors of Ego, and these several lines 
are projected from parent to child, the collateral lines will be parallel with each 
other and divergent from the lineal in the actual manner of the outflow of the 
generations. The diagram (Plate I.) will afford a more distinct impression of the 
relation of the lineal and several collateral lines to each other, and of the nomen- 
clature of the Roman system, than could be given by a description. It exhibits 
the lines named, arranged with reference to a central person, or Ego, and indicates 
the relationship to him of each of the persons in these several lines. The great 



30 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

superiority of its nomenclature over those of the remaining Aryan nations will be 
recognized at once, as well as the thoroughly scientific method of description by 
which it is distinguished above all other systems which have ever been framed. 

From Ego to tritavus, in the lineal line, are six generations of ascendants, and 
from the same to trinepos are the same number of descendants, in the description 
of which but four radical terms are used. If it were desirable to ascend above the 
sixth ancestor, tritavus would become a new starting-point of description; thus, 
tritavi pater, the father of tritavus, and so upward to tritavi tritavus, who is the 
twelfth ancestor of Ego in the lineal right line, male. In our rude nomenclature 
the phrase grandfather's grandfather must be repeated six times to express the 
same relationship, or rather to describe the same person. In like manner trinepotis 
trinepos carries us to the twelfth descendant of Ego in the right lineal line, male. 
He is the great-grandson of the great-grandson of trinepos, the great-grandson of 
the great-grandson of Ego. 

The first collateral line, male, which commences with brother, frater, is composed 
of him and his lineal descendants, proceeding in the right line from father to son; 
thus, fratris filius, literally son of brother, fratris nepos, grandson of brother, and 
on to fratris trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of the brother of 
Ego. If it were necessary to extend the description to the twelfth generation, 
fratris trinepos would become a second starting-point, from which we should have 
fratris trinepotis trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of fratris trinepos, 
the great-grandson of the great-grandson of the brother of Ego. By this simple 
method frater is made the root of descent in this line, and every person within it 
is referred to him by the force of this term in the description ; and we know at 
once that each person described belongs to the first collateral line, male. It is, 
therefore, in itself complete as well as specific. In like manner, and with like 
results, the first collateral line female commences with sister, soror, giving for the 
series sororis filia, sister's daughter ; sororis neptis, sister's granddaughter ; and on 
to sororis trineptis, her sixth, and to sororis trineptis trineptis, her twelfth descendant. 
While these two branches of the first collateral line originate, in strictness, in the 
father, pater, who is the common bond of connection between them, yet by making 
the brother and sister the root of descent of their respective branches in the 
description, not only this line, but, also, its two branches, are maintained distinct; 
and the relationship of each person to Ego is specialized by force of the description. 
This is one of the chief excellencies of the system as a purely scientific method of 
distinguishing and describing kindred. 

The second collateral line, male, on the father's side, commences with father's 
brother, patruus, and is composed of him and his descendants, limited in the 
diagram to the right line. Each person, by the terms used to describe him, is 
referred with entire precision to his proper position in the line, and his relationship 
is indicated ; thus, patrui filius, son of paternal uncle, patrui nepos, grandson of 
paternal uncle, and on to patrui trinepos, the sixth descendant of patruus. If it 
became necessary to extend this line to the twelfth generation we should have, 
after passing through the intermediate degrees, patrui trinepotis trinepos, the great- 
grandson of the great-grandson of patrui trinepos, the great-grandson of the great- 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 21 

grandson of patruus. It will be observed that the term for cousin is rejected in 
the diagram, as it is, also, in the formal method of the Pandects. He is described 
as patrui filius, but he was also called a brother patruel, frater patruelis, and 
among the people at large by the common term for cousin, consobrinus. The second 
collateral line, female, on the father's side commences with father's sister, amita, 
paternal aunt ; and her descendants are described according to the same general 
plan ; thus, amitce filia, paternal aunt's daughter, amitce neptis, paternal aunt's 
granddaughter, and so on to amitce trineptis, and to amitce trineptis trineptis. In 
this branch of the line the term for cousin, amitinus, amitina, is also set aside for 
the formal phrase amitce filia, although the former indicates specifically, by its 
etymology, this particular one of the four cousins. 1 " Among the people the term 
consobrinus, consobrina was applied to this cousin, as it was indiscriminately to each 
of the four. 2 

In accordance with the same general plan the third collateral line, male, on the 
father's side commences with grandfather's brother, who is styled patruus magnus, 
or great-uncle. At this point in the nomenclature special terms fail and compounds 
are resorted to, although the relationship itself is in the concrete, the same as 
grandfather. It is evident that this relationship was not discriminated until a 
comparatively modern period. No existing language, so far as this inquiry has 
been extended, possesses an original or radical term for great-uncle, although 
without the Roman method the third collateral line cannot be described except by 
the Celtic. In the Turanian, Malayan, and American Indian forms, where the 
classification of consanguinei is altogether different, he is a grandfather. If he 
were called simply grandfather's brother, the phrase would describe a person, leaving 
the relationship as a matter of implication ; but if great-uncle, it expresses a 
relationship in the concrete, and becomes equivalent to a specific term. The 
specialization of this relationship Avas clearly the work of the civilians to perfect a 
general plan of consanguinity. With the first person in this branch of the line 
thus made definite as a great-uncle, all of his descendants are referred to him, in 
their description, as the root of descent ; and the line, the side, whether male or 
female, and the degree of the relationship of each person, are at once severally and 
jointly expressed. This line may be extended, in like manner, to the twelfth 
descendant, which would give for the series patrui magni filius, son of the paternal 
great-uncle ; patrui magni nepos, grandson of paternal great-uncle ; and thus on 
to patrui magni trinepotis trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of 
putrid magni trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of paternal great- 
uncle. The third collateral line, female, on the same side commences with grand- 
father's sister, who is styled amita magna, or great-aunt ; and her descendants are 
described in like manner, and with the same effect. 

1 Amitse tuse filii consobrinum te appellant, tu illos amitinos. Inst. Just., Lib. III. tit. vi. ii. 

' Item fratres patrueles, sorores patrueles, id est qui quse-ve ex duobus fratribus progenerantnr ; 
item consobrini consobrinae, id est qui quae-ve ex duobus sororibus nascflntur (quasi consorini) ; 
item amitini amitinae, id est qui quse-ve ex fratre et sorore propagantur ; sed fere vulgus istos omncs 
comrauni appellatione consobrinos vocat. Pand., Lib. XXXVILI. tit. x. 



22 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

The fourth and fifth collateral lines, male, on the father's side, commence, 
respectively, with great-grandfather's brother, who is styled patruus major, greater 
paternal uncle, and with great-great-grandfather's brother, who is called patruus 
maximus, greatest paternal uncle. In extending the series we have in the fourth 
line, patrui majoris films, patrui majoris nepos, and on to patrui majoris trinepos ; 
and in the fifth, patrui maximi filius, patrui maximi nepos, and thus onward to 
patrui maximi trinepos. On the same side the corresponding female collateral 
lines commence, respectively, with amita major, greater paternal aunt, and amita 
maxima, greatest paternal aunt ; and the description of persons in each follows in 
the same order. 

Both the diagram and the description of consanguinci have thus far been limited 
to the lineal line male, and to the several collateral lines on the father's side. 
Another diagram with an entire change of terms, except in the first collateral line, 
is required to exhibit the right lineal line, female, and the four collateral lines, 
male and female, beyond the first. The necessity for independent terms for uncle 
and aunt on the mother's side to complete the Roman method is now apparent, 
the relatives on the mother's side being equally numerous, and entirely distinct. 
These terms were found in avunculus, maternal uncle, and matertera, maternal 
aunt. The first collateral line, as before stated, remains the same, as it commences 
with brother and sister. In the second collateral line, male, on the mother's side 
we have for the series avunculus, avunculi filius, avunculi nepos, and on to avunculi 
trinepotis trinepos, if it were desirable to extend the description to the twelfth 
descendant of the maternal uncle. In the female branch of the same line we have 
for the series matertera, matertera} /ilia, matertera) neptis, and on to matertera} 
trineptis. In the third collateral line, male, same side, we have for the series 
avunculus magnus, avunculi magni filius, avunculi magni nepos, and on as before ; 
and the female branch of the same line, commencing with matertera magna, 
maternal great-aunt, is extended in the same manner. The fourth and fifth 
collateral lines, male, on the same side commence, respectively, with avunculus 
major, and avunculus maximus ; and the corresponding female branches with 
matertera major, and matertera maxima, and their descendants, respectively, are 
described in the same manner. 

Since the first five collateral lines embraced as wide a circle of kindred as it was 
necessary to include for the practical purposes of a code of descents, the ordinary 
diagram used by the Roman civilians did not extend beyond this number. In the 
form of description adopted by Coke and the early English lawyers, and which was 
sanctioned by the same use of the terms in the Pandects, we find propatruus mag- 
nus instead of patruus major, and abpatruus magnus instead of patruus maximus. 
By adopting this mode of augmentation, which is also applied to avus in the lineal 
line, we have for the commencement of the sixth and seventh collateral lines, male, 
on the father's side, atpatruus magnus and tripatruus magnus, with corresponding 
changes of gender for the female branches. This would exhaust the power of the 
nomenclature of the Roman system. For collateral lines beyond the seventh it 
was necessary to resort again to the descriptive form Avhich followed the chain of 
consanguinity from degree to degree. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 23 

The diagram (Plate I.) is not in the form of that used by the civilians. It is 
framed in accordance with the form adopted by Blackstone 1 for the purpose of 
showing the several persons in the lineal and collateral lines, who stand at equal 
distances in degree from their respective common ancestors, in the same horizontal 
plane. Since the movement downward is with equal step in each of the lines, the 
common law method has an advantage over that of the civil law in illustrating to 
the eye the relative position of consanguinei. In the Institutes of Justinian 2 the 
original diagram of the civilians is given and verified in the text (Plate II.). It 
arranges the several collateral lines at right angles with the lineal, which makes 
them transverse instead of collateral, and, at the same time, furnishes the reasons 
why they are described both in the Pandects and in the Institutes, as the transverse 
rather than the collateral lines. 3 In this diagram three lines meet in each ancestor, 
one of which is lineal, and the other two, consisting of a male and female branch, 
are transverse. With a slight examination it becomes perfectly intelligible. In 
some respects it is the most simple form in which the system can be represented. 
But since it does not show the relative position of consanguinei in the lineal and 
collateral lines with reference to their distance with Ego from the common ancestor, 
the first form appears to be preferable. This diagram is a venerable relic of the 
all-embracing Roman jurisprudence. It is interesting, even impressive, to us, as 
the chart with which that greatly distinguished class of men, the Roman jurists, 
" illustrated to the eye," as well as explained to the understanding, the beaiitiful 
and perfect system of consanguinity we have been considering. 

It is obvious, as before remarked, that these diagrams include but a small por- 
tion of the immediate consanguinei of each individual, as the right line only is 
given proceeding from the parent to one only of his or her children, while there 
might be several brothers and sisters of Ego, and of each of his several ancestors, 
each of whom would send off as many additional lines as he or she left children, 
each leaving descendants. This might be true also of every person in each of the 
collateral lines. Beside this, the number of common ancestors increases at each 
degree, ascending, in geometrical progression, which multiplies indefinitely the 
number of ascending lines. It would be entirely impossible to construct a diagram 
of the lineal and first and second collateral lines alone, which would show all the 
possible consanguinei of Ego within six degrees of nearness. These considerations 
will serve to illustrate the complexity of the problem which the civilians solved by 
furnishing a logical and comprehensive system of relationship. It is the singular 
merit of the Roman form that, without being obscure or complicated, it contains 
all the elements of arrangement and description which are necessary to resolve any 
given case, and all that is material to a right understanding of descents. 

1 Blackstonc's Commentaries ; Tables of Consanguinity, II. 254. Watkins adopts the same 
method ; Laws of Descent, Table of Con., p. 123. And Domat also substantially ; Civil Law, 
Strahan's Trans. Table on Con. II. 210. 

8 Lib. III. tit. vii. 

8 The usual phrase is "Ex transvcrso sive a latere." 



24 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

If we should follow the chain of relationship beyond the diagrams, and compute 
the number of the kindred of Ego, it would produce remarkable results. In strict- 
ness two lines commence at Ego, one ascending to his father and one to his mother ; 
from these last the number is increased to four, one of which ascends to the father 
and one to the mother of his father, another to the father and another to the 
mother of his mother ; and again from these four common ancestors the lines are 
increased to eight ; and so upwards in geometrical progression. As a matter of 
computation it will be seen that at the fifth degree each person has thirty-two 
ancestors^ at the tenth a thousand and twenty-four, and at the twentieth upwards 
of a million. 1 Carried to the thirty-first degree, or generation, it would give to 
each person a greater number of ancestors than the entire population of the earth. 
Such a .marvellous result, although correct as a matter of computation, is prevented 
by the intermarriage of these common ancestors, by which a multitude of them are 
reduced to- one. In the collateral lines the relatives are quadrupled at each gene- 
ration. " If we only suppose each couple of our ancestors to have left, one with 
another, two children ; and each of those on an average to have left two more (and 
Avithout such a supposition the human species must be daily diminishing"), we shall 
find that all of us have now subsisting near two hundred and seventy millions of 
kindred at the fifteenth degree, at the same distance from the several common 
ancestors as ourselves are ; besides those that are one or two descents nearer to or 
farther from the common stock, who may amount to as many more." 2 But, as in 
the former case, the intermarriage of these collateral relatives would consolidate 
many thousands of these relationships into one, while others would, from the same 
cause, be related to Ego in many thousand different ways. The rapidity with 
which the blood of a people is interfused, or, in other Avords, tends to intermingle 
throughout the entire mass of the population, Avith the progress of the generations, 



1 In Black. Cora. 

Lineal 
Degrees. 

1 .... 


II. 204, note, if 

Number of 
Ancestors. 

2 


) the following 

Lineal 
Degrees. 

8 . . . 


Number of 
Ancestors. 

256 


Lineal 
Degrees. 

15 . 


Number of 

Ancestors. 

. . 32768 


2 .... 


4 


9 . . . 


515 


16 . 


. . 65536 


3 .... 


8 


10 . . . 


1024 


17 . 


. . 131072 


4 .... 


16 


11 . . . 


2048 


18 . 


. . 262144 


5 ... 


32 


12 


4096 


19 


. . 524288 


6 .... 


64 


13 . . . 


8192 


20 . 


. 1048576 


7 .... 


. 128 


14 . 


16384 






3 Black. Com. II. 

Collateral 
Degrees. 

1 .... 


207, note, vide 

Number of 
Kindred. 
1 


as follows: 

Collateral 
Degrees. 

8 ... 


Number of 
Kindred. 

16384 


Collateral 
Degrees. 

15 


Number of 
Kindred. 

. 268435456 


2 .... 


4 


9 . . 


65536 


16 


. 1073741824 


3 .... 


16 


10 


262146 


17 


. 4294967296 


4 .... 


64 


11 


1048576 


18 


17179869184 


5 .... 


. 256 


12 


4194304 


19 


68719476736 


6 .... 


. 1026 


13 


16777216 


20 


274877906944 


7 


. 4096 


14 . 


67108864 







OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 25 

is forcibly illustrated by these computations. 1 It is both a singular and an extra- 
ordinary fact, that the blood and physical organization of so many millions of 
ancestors should be represented in the person of every human being. The specific 
identity of the individual of the present with the ancestor of the past generation 
illustrates the marvellous nature of a structural organization, which is capable 
of transmission through so many ancestors, and of reproduction as a perfect whole 
in one individual after the lapse of indefinite periods of time. 

In the mode of computing the degrees of consanguinity the Aryan nations differ 
among themselves. It is apparent that the relationships which collaterals sustain 
to each other are in virtue of their descent from common ancestors. It is also 
obvious that each step in ascending from ancestor to ancestor in the lineal line, 
and in descending from parent to child, in either of the collateral lines, is a degree. 
Hence in tracing the connection between Ego and any given person in a collateral 
line, we must first ascend from Ego to the common ancestor, and then descend to 
the person Avhose relationship is sought, counting each intervening person as one 
degree, or unit of separation ; and the aggregate of these units will express, numeri- 
cally, the nearness, and, upon this basis, the actual value of the relationship. The 
difference made was upon the starting-point, whether it should commence with Ego, 
or with the common ancestor. The Roman civilians reckoned from the former ; 
thus, if the degree of the relationship of the first cousin were sought, it would be 
estimated as follows : From Ego to father, pater, is one ; from father to grandfather, 
avus, who is the common ancestor, is two; from grandfather down to paternal 
uncle, pa truus, is three; and from paternal uncle to cousin, patrui filius, is four; 
therefore he stands to Ego in the fourth degree of consanguinity. Under this 
method the first person is excluded and the last is included. This Avas also the 
manner of computing degrees among the Hebrews. 2 But the canon law, and after 
it the common law, adopted the other method. It commenced with the common 
ancestor, and counted the degrees in the same manner, down to the person most 
remote from the latter, whether Ego or the person whose relationship was to be 
determined ; thus, a first cousin stands in the second degree, since both the cousin 
and Ego are removed two degrees from the common ancestor ; the son of this cousin 
is in the third degree, as he is three degrees from the common ancestor, which 

1 These figures bear directly upon one of the great problems in ethnology; namely, the multi- 
plicity of the typical faces and forms of mankind. If a fragment of a people became insulated, as 
the Erse in Ireland, or repelled immigration to their territories by peculiar manners and customs, as 
the Hebrews, it matters not whether the original elements of population were simple or mixed, if 
the blood was left free to intermingle, the physical peculiarities of the people would rapidly assimi- 
late, so that in a few centuries there would be developed a national face and form, which would be 
common, distinctly marked, and typical. The only conditions necessary to produce this result, in 
any number of cases, are an absolute respite from foreign admixture, with freedom of intermarriage 
among all classes. Under these conditions, which have been occasionally attained, typical faces and 
forms, such as the Hebrew, the Irish, and the German, oould be multiplied indefinitely ; and the 
differences among them might become very great, in the course of time, through congenital pecu- 
liarities, modes of subsistence, and climatic influences ; not to say, processes of degradation of one 
branch or family, and of elevation in another. 

a Selden's Uxor Hebraica, I. c. 4. 

4 May, 1868. 



26 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

corresponds with the fifth of the civil law. These two methods will be more fully 
understood by consulting the diagram, Plate I., on which the degrees are numbered 
according to the civil law, and the diagram of English descents, Chapter IV. Plate 
III., on which they are given according to the common law. Our English ances- 
tors, at an early day, adopted the canon law mode of computation, in which they 
clearly made a mistake, if the matter were of any particular consequence. It is 
sufficiently obvious that the civil law method of computation is the only one which 
is consistent and logical. 

llelationship, or cognation, was further distinguished by the civilians into three 
kinds, superior, inferior, and transverse ; of which the first relates to ascendants, the 
second to descendants, and the third to collaterals. It results, also, from the civil law 
method of estimating degrees, that several persons in the lineal and collateral lines 
stand in the same degree of nearness to Ego, which rendered necessary some quali- 
fication of the relative value of the numerical degrees. The consanguine! of Ego 
were classified into six grades, according to their degree of nearness, all those who 
were in the same degree being classified in the same grade, whether ascendants, 
descendants, or collaterals ; but they were distinguished from each other by these 
three qualifications. 1 

1 DE GRADIBUS COGNATIONUM. Hoc loco necessarium est exponere, quemadmodum gradus cog- 
nationis numerentur. Quare inprimis admonendi sumus, cognationem aliam supra numerari, aliam 
infra, aliam ex transverse, quae etiam a latere dicitur. Superior cognatio est parentum : inferior 
liberorum : ex transverso fratrum sororumve, et eorum, qui quaeve ex his generantur ; et conveni- 
enter patrui, amitae, avunculi, materterce. Et superior quidem et inferior cognatio a prinio gradu 
incipit; et ea, quse ex transverso numeratur, a secundo. 

I. Primo gradu est supra pater, mater : infra dins, filia. Secundo gradu supra avus, avia: infra 
nepos, neptis : ex transverso frater, soror. Tertio gradu supra proavus, proavia : infra pronepos, pro- 
neptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque filius, filia : et convenienter patruus, amita, avunculus, mater- 
tera. Patruus est patris frater, qui Graecis narpaStx?>os appellatur. Avunculus est frater matris, qui 
Graece Mijrpaiextoj dicitur ; et uterque promiscue 0coj appellatur. Amita est patris soror, quas Greece 
nafpaSeXifif appellatur : matertera vero matris soror, quro Grace MytpatiWi] dicitur : et utraque pro- 
miscue Ea appellatur. 

II. Quarto gradu supra abavus, abavia : infra abnepos, abncptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque 
nepos neptisve : et convenienter patruus magnus, amita magna, id est, avi frater et soror : item 
avunculus magnus et matertera magna, id est, aviae frater et soror : consobrinus, consobrina, id est, 
qui quaeve ex sororibus aut fratribus procreantur. Sed quidam recte consobrinos eos proprie dici 
putant, qui ex duabus sororibus progenerantur, quasi consororinos : eos ver6, qui ex duobus fratribus 
progenerantur, proprie fratres patrueles vocari : si autem ex duobus fratribus dice nascuntur, sorores 
patrueles appellari. At eos, qui ex fratre et sorore progenerantur, amitinos proprife dici putant. 
Amitae tuae filii consobrinum te appellant, tu illos amitinos. 

III. Quinto gradu supra atavus, atavia : infra atuepos, atneptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque 
pronepos, proneptis : et convenienter propatruus, proamita, id est, proavi frater et soror : et proavun- 
cnlus et promatertera, id est, proavise frater et soror: item fratris patruelis, vel sororis patruelis, 
consobrini et consobrinae, amitini et amitinae filius, filia : proprior sobrino, proprior sobrina ; hi sunt 
patrui magni, amitae magnae, avunculi magni, materterae magnas filius, filia. 

IV. Sexto gradu supra tritavus, tritavia : infra trinepos trineptis : ex transverso fratris sororis- 
que abnepos abneptis : et convenienter abpatruus abamita, id est, abavi frater et soror : abavunculus, 
abmatertera, id est, abaviae frater et soror : item propatrui, proamitae, proavunculi, promaterterae 
filius, filia : item proprius sobrino sobrinave filius, filia : item consobrini consobrinae nepos, neptis : 
item sobrini, sobrinae ; id est, qui quaeve ex fratribus vel sororibus patruelibus, vel consobrinis, vel 
amitinis progenerantur. Institutes of Justinian, Lib. III. tit. vi. 



OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 27 

It will not be necessary to pursue further the minute details of the Boman 
system of consanguinity. The principal and most important of its features have 
been presented, and in a manner sufficiently special to have rendered it perfectly 
intelligible. For simplicity of method, felicity of description, distinctness of 
arrangement into lines, truthfulness to nature, and beauty of nomenclature, it is 
incomparable. It stands pre-eminently at the head of all the systems of relation- 
ship ever perfected by man, and furnishes one of the many illustrations that what- 
ever the Roman mind had occasion to touch, it placed once for all upon a solid 
foundation. 

From its internal structure it is evident that this system, in its finished form, was 
the work of the civilians. We have reasons, also, for believing that it was not 
used by the people except within narrow limits. Its rigorous precision and 
formality, not to say complication of arrangement, tends to this conclusion; and 
the existence and use of common terms for near kindred, after its establishment, is 
still more decisive. It is not even probable that the common people employed 
either of the four special terms for uncle and aunt, or that either term for uncle or 
for aunt was used promiscuously. The disappearance of all of these terms from 
the modern Italian language, and the reappearance in it of the Greek common 
term for uncle and aunt, Oeiog, Beta, in the Italian Zio, Zia, renders it conjecturable 
at least, that the Greek term, in a Latinized form, was used among the ancient 
Romans*; or, it may have been, that they retained the original descriptive phrases. 
Consobrinus, we know, was in use among the people as a common term for cousin, 1 
and nepos for a nephew 2 as well as a grandson. In addition to the special terms 
heretofore named were sobrinus, edbrina' a contraction of consobrinus for cousin, 
which were sometimes applied to a cousin's children ; and proprior sobrinus, sdbrina, 
to indicate a great uncle's son and daughter. If the people used the common 
terms, while the civilians and scholars resorted to the formal legal method, it 
would not create two systems, since one form is not inconsistent with the other, and 
the latter was developed from the former. From the foregoing considerations it 
may be inferred that the Roman form was not perfected merely to describe the 
several degrees of consanguinity, but for the more important object of making 
definite the channel, as well as the order of succession to estates. With the need 
of a code of descents, to regulate the transmission of property by inheritance, would 
arise the further necessity of specializing, with entire precision, the several lines, 
and the several degrees of each. A descriptive method, based upon particular 
generalizations, became indispensable to avoid the more difficult, if not impossible, 
alternative of inventing a multitude of correlative terms to express the recognized 
relationships. After the kindred of ego had been arranged in their appropriate 
positions, by the method adopted by the civilians, a foundation was laid for a code 
of descents for the transmission of property by inheritance. 

It remains to notice briefly the affincal relationships. The Latin nomenclature 

1 Pandects, Lib. XXXVIII. tit. x. 9 Eutropins, Lib. VII. cap. i. 

8 Nam mihi sobrina Ampsigura tua mater fuit, pater tuus, is erat frater patruelis meus. Plautus. 
Com. Pceuulus, Act V. Scene II. 109. 



28 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

of the marriage relationships, unlike our own, which is both rude and barren, was 
copious and expressive. For the principal affinities special terms were invented, 
after this language became distinct, and it contributed materially to the perfection 
of the system. It contains even more radical terms for the marriage relationships 
than for that of blood. Our English system betrays its poverty by the use of 
such unseemly phrases as father-in-law, son-in-law, brother-in-law, step-father, and 
step-son, to express some twenty very common and very near relationships, nearly 
all of which are provided with special terms in the Latin nomenclature. On the other 
hand, the latter fails to extend to the wives of uncles and nephews, and to the hus- 
bands of aunts and nieces the corresponding designations, which the principal 
European nations have done. The absence of terms for these relatives is the only 
blemish upon the Latin system. The wife of the paternal uncle, for example, was 
described as patrui uxor, and the husband of the paternal aunt as amitce vir. A 
reason against the use of the principal terms existed in their fixed signification, 
which would render their use in the English manner a misnomer. 

In the Latin nomenclature, as given in the table, there are thirteen radical 
terms for blood kindred and fourteen for marriage relatives. These, by augmen- 
tation to express the different grades of what is radically the same relationship, 
and by inflection for gender, yield twenty-five additional terms, making together 
fifty-two special terms for the recognized relationships. In this respect it is the 
most opulent of all the nomenclatures of relationship of the Aryan nations, except 
the Grecian. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 29 



CHAPTEK IV. 

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE ARYAN F A M I L Y CONTINUED. 

Forms of Consanguinity of the remaining Aryan Nations Reasons for their ascertainment Original System deter- 
mined by a comparison of their Radical Characteristics I. Hellenic Nations : Ancient Greek System less accessi- 
ble than the Roman Descriptive in Form Modern Greek System founded upon the Roman II. Romaic Nations 
Italian System Illustrations of its Method French Illustrations of same Spanish and Portuguese, not ex- 
ceptional III. Teutonic nations English System Illustrations of its Method Prussian and Swiss Illustrations 
of their Forms Holland Dutch Method Imprecise Belgian The same Westphalian Illustrations of its 
Form Danish and Norwegian Free from Roman Influence Illustrations of its Form Swedish Agrees with 
the Danish Icelandic Its form purely Descriptive Illustrations IV. Sanskrit Illustrations of its Method 
V. Sclavonic Nations Polish System Peculiar Method of designating Kindred Presence of a Non-Aryan 
Element Illustrations of its Form Bohemian Bulgarian Illustrations of its Method Russian Illustrations 
of its Method Special Features in the Slavonic System Their Ethnological Uses Lithuanian Presump- 
tively Original Slavonic Form Schedule Imperfect VI. Celtic Nations Erse System Purely Descriptive 
Typical Form of Aryan Family Illustrations of its Method Gaelic and Manx The same Welsh Its Nomen- 
clature developed beyond Erse and Gaelic VII. Persian Nation System Descriptive Illustrations of 
its Method VIII. Armenian Nation System Descriptive Identical with the Erse in its minute Details 
Illustrations of its Method Results of Comparison of Forms Original System of the Aryan Family Descrip- 
tive Limited amount of Classification of Kindred not Inconsistent with this Conclusion Secondary Terms 
represent the amount of Modification System Affirmative in its Character A Domestic Institution Stability 
of its Radical Forms. 

THE several forms of consanguinity which prevail among the remaining Aryan 
nations will be presented and compared with the Roman, and also with each other, 
for the purpose of ascertaining whether they are identical. After this the common 
system, thus made definite, can be compared with those of other families of man- 
kind. It will be sufficient for the realization of these objects to exhibit, with the 
utmost brevity, the characteristic features of the system of each nation, and to 
indicate the points of difference between them and the Roman. This method will 
supersede the necessity, except in a few cases, of entering upon details. 

I. Hellenic nations. 1. Ancient Greek. 2. Modern Greek. 

1. Ancient Greek. The same facilities for ascertaining the classical Greek 
method of arranging and designating kindred do not exist, which were found in 
the Institutes and Pandects, for the Roman. An approximate knowledge of the 
Grecian form can be drawn from the nomenclature, and from the current use of 
its terms in the literature of the language. For the most part these terms are 
compounds, and still indicate, etymologically, particular persons, as well as express 
particular relationships. They were evidently developed subsequently to the 
separation of the Hellenic nations from their congeners, since they are not found in 
the cognate languages. The multiplication of these terms also tends to show that 
the Greeks of the classical period had no formal scientific method of designating 
tonsanguinei like the Roman, but attempted, as a substitute, the discrimination 



30 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

of the nearest relationships by special terms. This, carried far enough, woufd 
realize the Roman plan, but it would render the nomenclature cumbersome. 

Several of the Greek terms are inserted in the table as conjectural ; but a suffi- 
cient number are certain to show that consanguinei were arranged, by virtue of 
them, in accordance with the natural order of descents; and that the collateral 
lines were maintained distinct and divergent from the lineal line. This is a mate- 
rial characteristic. 

The method for indicating the relationships in the first collateral line was 
irregular, /last's, the ancient term for brother, gave place to adelphos ; in like 
manner anepsios, which was originally the term for nephew, and probably like 
nepos signified a grandson as well, was superseded by adelplddous. This gave for 
the series adelplios, brother, adelpJiidous, nephew, and anepsiadoiis, nephew's son. 
After the substitution of adelpliidous for anepsios the latter was restricted to cousin. 

Whether consanguinei in the second collateral line were described by the 
Roman or the Celtic method, or were designated by special terms, does not clearly 
appear. The form in the table must, therefore, be taken as in a great measure 
conjectural. The tendency to specialize the principal relationships is shown by 
the opulence of the nomenclature ; thus, for paternal uncle there are patros, patra- 
delphos, and patrolcasignetos ; and for maternal uncle metro-s, metr adelphos, and 
metrokasignetos ; and also common terms, theios tJieia and nannos nanne, for uncle 
and aunt, which were used promiscuously. Patrolcasignetos and nannos appear to 
have fallen out of use after the time of Thucydides, but theios and theia remained 
in constant use among the people, and probably to the exclusion of the other more 
recent terms. This fact is noticed in the Institutes of Justinian as follows : 
" Patruus est patris frater, qui Grsecis narpa<5e/l$o$ appellatur. Avunculus est 
frater matris, qui Greece MrirpaSehtpos dicitur ; et uterqure promiscue Qetog appel- 
latur. Amita est patris soror, qua? Greece TlaTpaoetyri appellatur. Matertera vero 
matris soror, quas Greece M^rpa&X^ dicitur; et uterquae promiscue Qeia appel- 
latur." 1 It is worthy of mention that all of these terms have disappeared from the 
modern Greek language, 2 except theios tfieia, which reappear, as has elsewhere 
been stated, in the Italian Tio Tia, and in the Spanish Tis Tia, uncle and aunt. 
There was but a single term for cousin, which shows that the four classes of persons, 
who stand in this relationship, were generalized into one. The same amount of 
classification here indicated is found in the system of several of the branches of the 
Aryan family. It is evident that the special terms were used as far as they were 
applicable, and that the remaining kindred were described by a combination of the 
primary terms. 

It is not necessary to trace further the details of the Grecian system, since it is 
not exceptional to the plan of consanguinity of the Aryan family. The great ex- 
pansion of the nomenclature in the classical period, to avoid the inconvenience of 

1 Lib. III. tit. vi. 1. 

a Glossary of Later and Byzantine Greek, by E. A. Sophocles. Memoirs of the American Aca- 
demy of Arts and Sciences. New series, vol. vii. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 31 

descriptive phrases, tends to the inference that the original system was purely 
descriptive. 

There are twenty-two specific terms in this language given in the table for blood 
kindred, and nineteen for marriage relatives. These, by augmentation to express 
decrees of the same relationship, and by inflection for gender, yield forty-four 
additional, making together eighty-three special terms for the recognized relation- 
ships. 

2. Modern Greek. The schedule in the table was taken from the glossary, before 
cited, of Prof. Sophocles. 1 It was compiled by him according to the Roman 
method. In the later period of the Empire the two systems, in their legal form, 
doubtless became identical. It does not, therefore, require special notice. One 
of its interesting features is the contraction of the nomenclature which it exhibits 
in the direction of original terms. 

II. Eomaic Nations. 1. Italian. 2. French. 3. Spanish. 4. Portuguese. 

1. Italian. The Italian system is not fully extended in the table. It presents 
the popular rather than the legal form, the latter of which was doubtless based 
upon the Roman. The collateral lines are maintained distinct from each other 
and divergent from the lineal line, with the exception of the first collateral, in 
which respect the Italian form agrees with the Holland Dutch, Belgian, Anglo- 
Saxon, and early English. The nephew and grandson are designated by the same 
term, nipote ; in other words, my nephew and grandson stand to me in the same 
relationship. This classification merges the first collateral line in the lineal, and 
in so far agrees with the Turanian form. 

The readiest manner of showing the characteristic features of the system of the 
Aryan nations will be to give illustrations of the method of designating kindred in 
one of the branches of each of the first three collateral lines. This will make it 
apparent, first, that the connection of consanguine! is traced through common 
ancestors; secondly, that the collateral lines are maintained distinct from each 
other, and divergent from the lineal line, with some exceptions ; thirdly, how far 
the system is descriptive, and how far the descriptive form has been modified by 
the introduction of special terms ; and, lastly, whether the systems of these nations 
are radically the same. The illustrations will be from the first collateral line, male 
branch, and the male branch of the second and third collateral lines on the father's 
side. For a more particular knowledge of the details of the system of each nation 
reference is made to the table. 

In the Italian the first collateral line gives the following series, brother, 
nephero, and great-nephew, and thus downward with a series of nephews. This 
is a deviation from the Roman form. The second collateral runs uncle, cousin, and 
cousin's son, which is also a deviation from the Roman. 

2. French. The French method is also unlike the Roman. My brother's 
descendants are designated as a series of nephews, one beyond the other, e. g., 
neveu, petit-neveu, and arriere-peiii-neveu. The second collateral line likewise 
employed a different method, e. g., oncle, cousin, cousin-sous-germain. In the first 

1 Article BaO/jLi 



32 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

the uncle is made the root of this branch of the line, and afterward the cousin is 
made the second starting-point. As uncle and cousin are common terms, explana- 
tory words are required to show whether they belonged to the father's or to the 
mother's side. The following is the series in the third collateral : Grand-oncle, 
fils du grand-oncle, and petit-fils du grand-oncle. In the fourth and fifth collateral 
lines the descriptive method was necessarily adopted. 

Among the Aryan nations the French alone, with the exception of the ancient 
Sanskrit speaking people of India, possess original terms for elder and younger 
brother, and for elder and younger sister. It is a noticeable feature for the reason 
that in the Turanian, Malayan, and American Indian families the fraternal and sororal 
relationships are universally conceived in the twofold form of elder and younger. 

3. Spanish. 4. Portuguese. There is nothing in the systems of these nations 
which is exceptional to the general plan of consanguinity of the Aryan family, or 
that requires' special notice. 

III. Teutonic Nations. 1. English. 2. Prussian, and German-Swiss. 3. Hol- 
land-Dutch. 4. Belgian. 5. Westphalian. 6. Danish and Norwegian. 7. Swedish. 
8. Icelandic. 

These nations possess the same system of relationship. Presumptively they 
commenced with the same primitive form, wherefore a comparison of their several 
forms, as they now exist independently of each other, should show, first, what is 
still common among them all, and consequently radical ; secondly, that which has 
been developed independently in each ; thirdly, the portion that has been borrowed 
frorn the Roman ; and, lastly, the true character of the original system. 

1. English. The English legal method of indicating relationships is founded 
upon the Roman. It has followed the latter very closely, borrowing a portion of 
its nomenclature, and also its method. In the Diagram Plate III. this form is 
shown in detail, but limited to the relatives on the father's side. A similar dia- 
gram, with slight changes, would show the same lines on the mother's side. 

In daily life, however, this formal plan is not resorted to for the near relation- 
ships. The common terms are employed in all cases as far as they are applicable; 
while for such kindred as are not thus embraced, descriptive phrases are used. 
The first collateral line gives for the series brother, nephew, great-nephew, and 
great-great-nepheio ; the second, uncle, cousin, cousin's son, and cousin's grandson ; 
the third collateral, great-uncle, great-uncle's son, second cousin, and second cousin's 
son. These illustrations reveal a tendency to avoid the full descriptive phrases. 
If, however, the terms uncle, aunt, and cousin, which are borrowed, through 
Norman sources, from the Latin speech, were struck out of the nomenclature, 
nephew alone of the secondary terms would remain ; and their loss would render 
compulsory the original descriptive form by a combination of the primary terms. 
Of discarded Anglo-Saxon terms one, at least, earn 1 , uncle, was in general use before 

1 The word nephew, as used by our early English ancestors, must have had two correlatives, uncle 
and grandfather, or the difference in these relationships, as in the case of nephew and yrandnun, was 
not discriminated. In King Alfred's Orosius earn is used as frequently for grandfather as for uncle. 
Vide Bohn's Ed., pp. 297, 284, 497. 



OFT II E HUMAN FAMILY. 33 

the Norman period. Whether federa, paternal uncle, and fatJie, aunt, were in 
common use among the Saxons, or were developed by scholars with the first 
attempts at Saxon composition, is not so clear. 

It is evident from the present structure and past history of the English system, 
that its original form was purely descriptive ; thus, an uncle was described as 
fatliers's brother, or mother's brotJier ; a cousin as a father's brother's son or a motJter's 
brother's son, as the case might be, these relationships in the concrete being then 
unknown. 

In the English language there are but eleven radical terms for blood relatives, 
of which three are borrowed; and but two in practical use for marriage relatives. 

2. Prussian, and German-Swiss. The German-Swiss form, as given in the table, 
presents the legal system of the people speaking the German language. It is 
founded upon the Roman form of which it is nearly a literal copy, and, therefore, 
it does not require a special explanation. 1 

On the other hand, the Prussian exhibits more nearly the common method of the 
German people for designating their kindred. There are original German terms 
for uncle and aunt, grandson and granddaughter, and male and female cousin, 

1 After receiving the carefully prepared German-Swiss Schedule given in the table, which was filled 
out by Mr. C. Hunziker, attorney-at-law of Berne, Switzerland, I addressed to this gentleman some 
questions in reference thereto through the Hon. Theodore S. Fay, U. S. Minister Resident in Switz- 
erland, and received from him through the same channel the following answers. The translation was 
by Samuel J. Huber, Esq., Attache of the Legation. 

Translation of the Ecport of Mr. Hunziker by Sam. J. Huber. 

Question 1. Is the wife of a nephew now called a niece (Nichte), in common speech ; and, in like 
manner, is the husband of a niece called a nephew (Neffe) ? 

Answer. No. 

Question 2. Are the foreign terms Onkel and Tante also applied by a portion of the people both 
to the paternal and maternal uncles and aunts as well as Oheim and Muhme? 

Answer. Yes. The terms are identical, only the denominations Onkel and Tante are of more 
recent [French] origin, while the terms Oheim (abbreviated Ohm.) and Muhme are German. So, 
in French, Onkel is called oncle, in old French uncle, derived from the Latin avunculus. Tante is 
the French word for Muhme ; old French ante from the Latin amita. Before the aforesaid terms 
Onkel and Tante were adopted a portion of the people, for Oheim and Muhme, used the term Vetter 
and Base. This is still the case, even at present, with many, particularly country people, who not 
unfrequently apply the term Vetter and Base to all collateral relatives. 

Question 3. Are my father's sister's son, my mother's brother's son, and my mother's sister's son 
described by the term cousin {Vetter), the same as marked on the schedule for my father's brother's 
son? And, in like manner, is each of the four female cousins called Base? 

Answer. Yes. The terms Vetter and Base are often used in common life not in a strict sense 
(in einem uneigentlichen Sinne), and, indeed, their application has nothing actually fixed; the rule, 
however, may be fixed that no nearer relative but the descendants of brothers and sisters to each 
other (Geschwisterkinder) are called Vettern and Basen (cousins), and that, therefore, these terms 
embrace the first and second cousins, and, perhaps, even more remote collateral relations. 

Question 4. Was the term Muhme, in ancient times, used to describe a niece and a cousin as well 
as an aunt, or either of them ? 

Answer. No. The term Muhme never described anything but an aunt. 

Question 5. Did the term Neffe originally signify a grandson as well as a nephew? 

Answer. No. Even our most ancient legal sources contain but the term Enkel for Grosssohn 

5 May, 1868 



34 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

which appear to have been developed, with the exception of the first, after the 
separation of this dialect from the common Teutonic stem. These terms greatly 
improve the nomenclature and consequently the method of the system. 

(grandson), and in no instance that of Neffe, Even this last mentioned term was but recently 
adopted in legislative documents, having been in former times circumscribed by the term Bruder's 
or Schwesterkind. 

Question 6. Desired : a list of obsolete terms of relationship, and the persons they were employed 
to describe. 

6. Report on the obsolete terms of relationship. 

After the defeat of the Romans in the fifth century ancient Helvetia formed a part of the great 
Germanic nation, and later a part of the Germanic empire. Though the Helvetian territory, and 
particularly the towns, were governed by their own national legislation, it is not to be mistaken 
that, besides the domestic legal sources, the laws of the Germanic family (the so-called Leges Bar- 
barorum, of which, particularly, the Lex Allemannorum and the Lex Burgundionum, and, later, 
the Sachsen- and Schwaben- Spiegel) enjoyed a high authority, and that the domestic law has been 
amended and completed from that source. If we, therefore, now give a brief statement of the views 
of the ancient Germans with regard to relationship and their terms, it is thereby to be understood 
that throughout ancient Helvetia the same views had been adopted. 

1. The term parenlela, in ancient legal documents, is used to describe the family as a separate 
fellowship (geschlossene Rechtsgenossenschafl) as well as a number (Mchrheit) of relatives united 
under the same pair of parents as their next common stock (Stamm). The following expressions 
are remarkable : 

2. Lippschaft, Magschaft (kin), means, in its larger sense, the kindred in general ; in its proper 
sense the law distinguishes between Busen (bosom), comprehending only the descendants of a 
deceased, and the Magschaft (kin proper), comprehending only the remote relatives. (According to 
the " Sachsenspiegel") the kin begins at the cousinship. 

3. Schwermagen, Speermagen, Oermagen (male issue), are called the male persons united by 
but male generation (Zeugung). In its real sense it means the blood-cousins upon whom rests the 
propagation of the family name and of the house-coat. Opposite to them are the 

4. Spillmagen, Spindelmagen, Kunkelmagen (female issue), that is, all the rest of kindred whoso 
consanguinity, either in the ascending or in the descending line, is founded upon the birth from a 
woman, or who, although relatives by but male generation, for their female issue are not born for 
the sword and lance, but only for the spindle. (Spillmagen is also called Niftel ) 

5. To count the degrees of consanguinity two different ways have been used the one representing 
them by a tree with branches, the other by the form of a human body. The following representation 
is from the " Sachsenspiegel :" Husband and wife, united in marriage, belong to the head ; the 
children, born as full brothers and sisters from one man and one wife, to the neck. Children of full 
brothers and sisters occupy that place where the shoulders and arms join. These form the first 
kindred of consanguinity, viz., the children of brother and sister. The others occupy the elbow, the 
third the hand, &c. For the seventh degree there is an additional nail, and no member and the kin, 
which ends here, is then called Nagelmagen. 

6. Schooss are often called the ascendants. 

7. Lidmagen is often used for consanguineous with 

8. Vatermagen. This term is more comprehensive than that of Scliwertmagen , for it embraces 
all the relatives from the father's issue and descent, and it also includes all the women issuing from 
the fathers immediately, for instance, the sister and the aunt from the father's grandfather; and 
further, in the descending line, also the degrees of consanguinity arising from women, because, in the 
ascending line, fathers are at the head of parentelas. In certain cases this term can even compre- 
hend all consanguineous with the father. 

9. Mullermagen are called the relatives from the mother's side, or, according to circumstances, 
from a mother's side. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 35 

In the first collateral line, male, the scries is as follows : Brother, nephew, 
great-nephew, and great-yreat^nephew ; or a series of nephews, one beyond the 
other, which is analogous to the common English and French usage. The 
second collateral runs as follows : Uncle, cousin, cousin 's son, and cousin's grandson. 
Cousin is thus made a second starting point, and his descendants are referred to 
him as the root, instead of the uncle. In the third, and more remote collateral 
lines, the Roman form is followed. The German is a very perfect system, but its 
excellence is due to its fidelity to its Roman model. 

3. Holland Dutch. As presented in the table the manner of designating 
kindred is rather the common form of the people Jhan the statutory method. It 
will be perceived, by consulting the table, that the system is defective in arrange- 
ment, and imprecise in the discrimination of relationships. The absence of Roman 
influence, which has been so apparent in the previous cases, is quite observable. 
The terms neef and nicht are applied indiscriminately to a nephew and niece, to a 
grandson and granddaughter, and to each of the four classes of cousins. 1 These 



1 The term nepos, and its cognates, in the dialects of the Aryan language has a singular history, 
which if fully elaborated would be found instructive. Some of the facts are patent. This term exists 
in nearly all the dialects of the language, from which it is inferable that it was indigenous in the pri- 
mitive speech. The terms for grandfather and uncle arc different in the several stock-languages, from 
which it is also inferable that the terms for these relationships, where found, were developed subse- 
quently to the separation of these nations from each other, or from the parent stem. Consequently 
nepos, and its cognates, must have existed as a term of relationship without a correlative. While the 
relationships of grandfather and grandson, and of uncle and nephew, were in process of being sepa- 
rated from each other, and turned into proper correlation, the use of nepos must have fluctuated. 
Among the Romans, as late as the fourth century, it was applied to a nephew as well as a grandson, 
although both avus and avunculus had come into use. Eutropius in speaking of Octavianus calls 
him the nephew of Ca;sar, "Ceesaris nepos" (Lib. VII. c. i.). Suetonius speaks of him as sororis 
nepos (Cajsar, c. Ixxxiii.), and afterwards (Octavianus, c. vii.), describes Cssar as his greater uncle, 
major avunculus, in which he contradicts himself. When nepos was finally restricted to grandson, 
and thus became the strict correlative of OHMS, the Latin language was without a term for nephew, 
whence the descriptive phrase fratris vel sororis filius. In English nephew was applied to grand- 
son as well as nephew as late as 1611, the period of King James' translation of the Bible. Niece is 
so used by Shakspeare in his will, in which he describes his granddaughter, Susannah Hall, as " my 
niece." But in English, and likewise in French and German, nephew, neveu, and neffe were finally 
restricted to the sons of the brothers and sisters of Ego, and thus became respectively the correlative 
of uncle. This, in turn, left these dialects without any term for grandson, which deficiency was sup- 
plied by a descriptive phrase, except the German, which in enkel found an indigenous term. In 
Greek, however, anepsios appears to have been applied to a nephew, a grandson, and a cousin, and 
finally became restricted to the last. Neef in Holland Dutch still expresses these three relationships 
indiscriminately. In Belgian and Platt Dutch nichte is applied to a female cousin as well as niece. 
These uses of the term tend to show that its pristine use was sufficiently general to include grandson, 
nephew, and cousin, but without giving any reason to suppose that it was ever as general as the 
words relative or kinsman. The difference in the relationships of these persons to Ego was undoubt- 
edly understood, and each made specific by description. A term of relationship once invented and 
adopted into use becomes the repository of an idea ; and that idea never changes. Its meaning, as 
indicated by its use, may become enlarged or restricted among cognate nations after their separation 
from each other, or in the same nation in the course of ages ; but the subversion of its meaning or 
use is next to impossible. A term invented to express a particular relationship cannot be made to 
express two as distinct and dissimilar as those for grandson and nephew ; and, therefore, its exclusive 



36 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

several relationships were made definite, when necessary, by a description of the 
persons. 

In the first collateral line, male, the following is the series : BrotJier, nepliew, 
and nephew, which is the popular form ; and brotJier, brother's son, and brother's 
grand-child, which is the formal method. The second collateral runs as follows : 
Uncle, nephew, and nephew ; or formally uncle, uncle's son, and uncle's grand-child. 
The novel feature here revealed of holding grandson, nephew, and cousin in the 
same identical relationship still records the first act in the progress of the Aryan 
system from a purely descriptive form. 

4. Belgian. The Belgian system of consanguinity is closely allied to the pre- 
ceding. It has the same defects and nearly the same peculiarities. Neve and 
nichte are applied to the children of the brothers and sisters of Ego ; but not to his 
grand-children. Nichte is also applied to a female cousin and it is probable that 
neve was used to designate a male cousin prior to the adoption of Icozyn into the 
Belgian dialect. Where terms are found in a dialect cognate with our own, 
which are employed in a manner not sanctioned by our usage, it does not follow 
that it is either a vague or improper use of the term ; but it shows, on the con- 
trary, that the several relationships to which a particular term is applied are not 
discriminated from each other ; and they are regarded as one and the same rela- 
tionship. In the primitive system of the Aryan family the relationship of cousin 
was unknown. 

5. Westphalian or Platt Dutch. The schedule in the table presents the common 
form of the people. In the absence of special terms for nephew and niece the first 
collateral line is described, e. g., brother, brother's son, and brother's grand-child. 
The second collateral gives the following series : Uncle, cousin, cousin's son, and 
cousin's grand-child. Nichte still remains in the Westphalian dialect; but it is 
restricted to female cousin. In the third collateral the series is still more irregular 
from the absence of a term for great-uncle, e. g., father's uncle, father's cousin, 
and father's cousin's son. This is simply a modification of the old descriptive 
method by the use of secondary terms. 

6. Danish and Norwegian. The system of these nations is entirely free from 
Roman influence, from which we have been gradually receding, and is, therefore, 
presumptively nearer the primitive form of the Aryan family. The presence of 
German influence, however, is seen in the use of the term fatter, cousin, which 
introduces into the system the only feature that distinguishes it from the Celtic. 

With the exception of the term last named there are no terms of relationship in 
this dialect but the primary. For uncle and aunt on the father's side it has far- 
broder and faster ; and on the mother's side morbroder and moster, which it will 
be noticed are contractions of the terms father, mother, brother, and sister, and, 
therefore, describe each person specifically. In the cities the borrowed terms onkel 
and tante are employed to a great extent, as they are in all German cities ; but the 

application to one would render it inapplicable to the other. It follows that nepos did not originally 
signify either a nephew, grandson, or cousin, but that it was used promiscuously to designate a class 
of persons next without the primary relationships. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 37 

rural populations in Denmark, Norway, and Germany as well, still adhere to the 
native term. 

The first collateral line male gives the series, brother, brother's son, and brother's 
grand-child ; the second, father's brother, cousin, and cousin's grand-child ; and the 
third, far-father's brother, father's cousin, father's cousin's son, and father's cousin's 
grand-child. These illustrations reveal the character of the system. 

7. Swedish. The Swedish form agrees so closely with the Danish and Norwegian 
that it does not require a separate notice. 

8. Icelandic. The insulation of the Icelandic Teutons would tend to preserve 
their form of consanguinity free from foreign influence. It has original terms for 
grandfather and grandmother in afi and arnma, and a term ne.fi for nephew, which 
is given in the Mithridates, but does not appear in the Table. It has terms, also, 
for first and second cousin, which are used concurrently with the descriptive 
phrases. In form and method, however, it approaches nearer to a purely descriptive 
system than any yet presented. 

In the first collateral line, male, the scries is as follows : Brother, son of 
brother, son of son of brother, and son of son of son of brother. It agrees with 
the Celtic in, commencing the description at the opposite extreme from Ego, which, 
although it may be an idiomatic peculiarity, is yet significant, and will reappear in 
the Armenian and also in the Arabic. For the second collateral we have father's 
brotJier, son of father's brother, son of son of father's brother, and son of son of 
son of father's brother. The same form, which is seen to be purely descriptive, 
runs through the several lines. It follows strictly the natural streams of descent, 
and makes each relationship specific. This realizes what we understand by a 
descriptive system. It is evidently nearer the primitive form of the Aryan family 
than that of any other nation of the Teutonic branch. The advances made by 
some of the nations, which it is the object of this comparison to trace, are seen 
to be explainable. They have not proceeded far enough to obscure the original 
form with which they severally commenced. 1 

1 Nomenclatures of relationship develop from the centre outward, or from the near to the more 
remote degrees. The primary terms would be first invented since we cannot conceive of any people 
living without them; but when the nomenclature had been carried to this point it might remain 
stationary for an indefinite period of time. The Celtic never passed beyond this stage. By means 
of these terms consanguine!, near and remote, can be described, which answered the main end of a 
nomenclature. Further progress, or the development of secondary terms, would result from a desire 
to avoid descriptive phrases. The first of these reached would, probably, be nepos, as elsewhere 
stated, and made to include several classes of persons. Next to this would, probably, be terms 
for grandfather and grandmother. In the Romaic, Hellenic, and Slavonic stock languages there are 
terms for these relationships, which, it is somewhat remarkable, are distinct and independent of each 
other. In the other dialects they are wanting. It would seem to follow that no terms for these 
relationships existed in the primitive speech, and that the persons were described as "father's 
father," and so on. 

Next in order, apparently, stand the relationships of uncle and aunt. These do not appear to 
have been discriminated, in the concrete, in the primitive speech. A common term for paternal 
uncle is found in the Sanskrit patroya, Greek patros, and Latin patruus; but this term seems to be 



38 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



IV. Sanskrit. Very naturally the Sanskrit would be regarded as one of the most 
important systems of consanguinity in the Aryan connection, from the weight of its 
authority in determining what the original form of the family may have been. It 
is to be regretted that the system, as given in the Table, is so incomplete, although 
it is shown as fully as competent scholars were able to reproduce it from the remains 
of the language. Where the special terms are " numerous, and their etymologies 
apparent, as in the Greek, it facilitates the attempt; but where the language is 
barren of radical terms, and the compounds are limited in number, as in the 
Sanskrit, a failure to recover an ancient, after it has ceased to be a living system, 
is not surprising. 

There is, however, another view of the case which is not without significance. 
The absence of radical terms for collateral relatives, and the presence of a limited 
number of compound terms which are descriptive of particular persons, tend to show 
that kindred were described, among them, by a combination of the primary terms ; 
and that the system, therefore, was originally descriptive. 

The following diagram exhibits a fragment of the original method of arranging 
and designating kindred : 



LINEAL LINK. 



Female. 



Male. 



Praplt^mahl. 



PrapitJjaah*. 



2d Col. Line. 
Female. F. side 
Pitrshvasar. 

PUrahvasriya. ( C. 



2d Col. Line. 
Male. F. Bide. 



PitSmahl. / a.F.\ 'it.'.imilia. 
G.M. 




Pitvoya. 



C. ) Pitroyapulra. 



It will be observed that most of these terms are compounded of the primary, and 
describe persons. They also indicate the line and branch, and whether on the 



made from the term for father, by the addition of a termination, and might have come into use 
independently, after the separation of these dialects from each other, as faedera, paternal uncle, 
from feeder, father, in Anglo-Saxon. The same remarks apply to mdtula, metros, and matertera, 
for maternal aunt. There are also common terms for uncle and aunt in the Greek theios theia, 
German Oheim and Muhme, English uncle and aunt, derived the last two from avunculus and 
amita. In Slavonic we have stryc and ujec for paternal and maternal uncle, and tetka, common 
for aunt. From the fact that the same terms do not run through the several dialects of the Aryan 
language, the inference is a strong one that these relationships, in the concrete, were not discrimi- 
nated in the primitive language. 

Uncle is a contraction of avunculus, the literal signification of which is a "little grandfather." 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 39 

father's side or on the mother's side. Naptar and naptri are restricted to grand- 
son and grand-daughter, although, without much doubt, they were originally applied 
to a nephew and niece as well. From the diagram it is a proper inference that the 
remaining persons in the several lines are described in a similar manner. The 
Sanskrit system appears to agree with the general form prevalent in the Aryan 
family. In its development it took the same direction before noticed in the Grecian, 
and, to a great extent, in the other dialects of the Aryan language, but without 
changing essentially its original form. 1 



This term, together with that of aunt from amita, has been adopted with dialectical changes into 
several of- the branches of the Aryan family, and promises ultimately to displace indigenous terms 
developed since the separation of its branches from each other. 

In the order of time a term for cousin would be the last invented, on the supposition of a growth 
of the nomenclature outward from Ego. It is the most remote collateral relationship discriminated 
in any language or dialect represented in the tables, unless the Slavonic is regarded as an exception. 
A special term for this relationship must be founded upon a generalization of four different classes 
of persons into one class; and, therefore, it is more difficult than either of those previously named. 
This term cousin, which seems to be from the Latin consobrinus, was in strictness limited to the 
children of sisters ; but it became a common term, and from this source it has been propagated into 
several branches of the Aryan family. With these facts before the mind it becomes more and more 
apparent that the original system of the family as to its present form was purely descriptive. 

1 Note on Sanskrit. Schedule by Fitz Edward Hall, D. C. L. : 

1. The prescribed scheme of vowel-sounds being very inadequate for the Sanskrit, I have 
adhered to that more usually followed by Orientalists. According thereto, A is like a in "father;" 
a, like a in "America;" e, like our alphabetic a; i, like i in "pin;" i, like i in "machine;" o, like 
o in " no ;" u, like u in " bull ;" u, like oo in " fool ;" ai and au, as in the Italian. A peculiar vowel 
is represented by ri, which is sounded somewhat like the ri in "rivalry." Sh, s', and s, indicate 
three different sibilants. 

2. In consequence of prefixing mama, "my," to each word, I have had to give it a case. I have 
selected the nominative. The crude form, that found in the dictionaries, of the words for "father," 
"mother," "son," "brother," &c., are pitri, matri, bhrdtri, pvira, &c. 

3. It requires great credulity to believe that the Hindus know much of the origin of Sanskrit 
words. Generally, they can only refer words to verbal themes, which are, of course, the invention 
of the grammarians. Putra, "son," for instance, is fancifully derived from pu, one of the "hells," 
and the etymon "tra," "to draw out;" quasi, "an extractor from hell." Duhitri, " daughter," is 
thought, with more of reason, to mean "the milker." See Prof. Max Miiller on Comparative 
Mythology, in the Oxford Essays. Paulra, "grandson," is from putra, "son." To paulra, the 
preposition pra, "before," is prefixed in prapautra, "great-grandson." "Elder brother" and 
"younger brother," agraja and anuja, mean, when analyzed, " foreborn" and "after-born." In 
pitamaha and mdtdmaha, "paternal grandfather" and "maternal grandfather," and so of the femi- 
nines, maha and mahi are inseparable affixes. The vriddha, in the word for " great-great-grandfather," 
imports "old." Pali, "husband," "lord," we have in the post-Homeric Ssajto*^, the first syllable 
of which is the same as the Sanskrit drsa, "country." The feminine of pati, patui, occurs in the 
Homeric and later Siartoiva. Dhara, "husband," is seen in the Latin vidua, in Sanskrit, vidhava, 
" without husband." Hence appears the absurdity of the masculine viduus, and so of our "widower." 
Vimatri, "step-mother," means "a different mother;" for vi has numerous senses in Sanskrit. 
Dattaka, "adopted son," =" given." In vimatreya, "half-brother," we seem' and matri, "mother." 

4. Degrees of relationship representable only by compounds of other degrees have been omitted. 
And here I should mention that pitrivya, "father's brother," is the only word for "paternal uncle" 
in Sanskrit. It contains pitri, " father," and an ending. Compare bhratrivya and bhayineya. 
Matula is connected, not very obviously, with mdtri. 



40 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

V. Slavonic Nations. 1. Polish. 2. Slovakian or Bohemian. 3. Bulgarian. 
4. Russian. 5. Lithuanian. 

Among the nations of Slavonic lineage the method of designating kindred is, in 
some respects, original and distinctive. There appears to be a foreign element in 
their system of consanguinity which finds no counterpart in those of the remaining 
Aryan nations. The same ideas, both of classification and of description, run 
through all the forms heretofore presented in a manner so obvious as to leave no 
doubt that they sprang from a common original. But a new element is found in 
the Slavonic which is unexplainable by the hypothesis that it has departed, like the 
Roman, from an original form in all respects common. The schedules in the Table 
are neither sufficiently numerous nor perfect to illustrate the system fully in its stages 
of growth ; but enough may be gathered from a comparison of them to encourage 
belief that a full knowledge of the system, in its several forms, would tend to 
explain the order of the separation of the Slavonic nations from each other, as well 
as their relative position in the Aryan family. It would also demonstrate a non- 
Aryan source of a portion of the Slavonic blood. 

1. Polish. The Polish system has an opulent and expressive nomenclature, 
inferior only to the Roman ; and in the fulness of its development it stands at the 
head of the several Slavonic forms. 

There are two terms for nephew applied to a brother's son, bratanec and synowicc, 
with their feminine forms for niece ; also a separate term siostrzenca for nephew 
applied to a sister's son, with its feminine for niece. The opulence of the nomen- 
clature is still further shown by the presence of special terms, evolved from the 
foregoing, for the husbands and wives of these nieces and nephews : namely, 
bratancowa and siostrzencmva, for the two former ; and synowice and siostrzenin, for 
the two latter. In the first collateral line, male, we have for the scries : brother, 
nepJtew, son of nepliew, and grand-son of nephew. In so far there is nothing 
peculiar in the Polish system. 

There are separate terms for uncle on the father's and on the mother's side, and 
a common term for aunt. The members of the second collateral line are thus 
indicated: stryj, paternal uncle, stryjecznybrat, "brother through paternal uncle;" 
and stryjecznywnulc, " grandson through paternal uncle." That is to say ; my 
father's brother's son is not my cousin, for there is no term in the Slavonic 

5. All Sanskrit dictionaries hitherto published, whether Indian or European, are very defective ; 
and the Pundits of the present day are, ordinarily, most indifferent scholars. For some of the words 
I have given, I am indebted to neither of these sources. My own reading has furnished them to me; 
and I dare say I might, at a future time, fill up a number of the many blanks which the paper still 
exhibits. Among words indicative of kin which I have met with in Hindu law-books, but which 
you do not require, are atydryas'was'ura, "paternal great-grandfather of a woman's husband;" 
atydryavriddhaprapitamaha, "paternal great-grandfather's paternal great-grandfather;" &c. &c. 

6. The remarriage of widows not having been current in old times in India, a number of words 
expressive of relationship that might be counted on, do not exist in the Sanskrit. 

7. Should any further information be required in connection with the accompanying table, I would 
refer you to Prof. W. D. Whitney, of Yale College. Mr. Whitney's knowledge of the Sanskrit 
is acknowledged, by the best of living Sanskrits, to entitle him to rank fully on a level with them- 
selves. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



41 



stock-language for this relationship : but he is my brotJier through this uncle my 
brother in a particular way. The son of this collateral brother is my nephew, and 
the son of the latter is my grandson in the same peculiar sense, since these terms 
express the relationship which comes back to Ego. But for the qualification here 
placed upon the terms for brother, nephew, and grandson, the mode of classification 
would be identical with one of the Asiatic forms hereafter to be presented. How 
the Polish made such a wide departure from the primitive descriptive method is a 
suggestive question. 

The following diagram will make more familiar the lineal and first three collateral 
lines on the father's side : 



LIKEAL LIKE. 



3d Collateral, Kale 



Frawnflk 1 COS I V. nfik Synowca 




G U 1 ZImny Dziadek 



8 } Zirancy StryJ 



Slryjcczny Brat 



Bratano 



Wnttk 



Prawnttk 



Having no term for great uncle, my grandfather's brother is my grandfather; 
but to distinguish him from the real ancestor, and to express, at the same time, the 
difference in the relationship, the word, zimny = cold, is prefixed, which qualification 
is continued to each of his descendants. This gives for the series, in the third 
collateral, as shown in the diagram, cold grandfather, cold paternal uncle, brother 
through cold paternal uncle, nephew through cold paternal uncle, and grandson 
through cold paternal uncle. For a further knowledge of this interesting system 
reference is made to the Table. 

2. Slovaldan or Bohemian. The Bohemian schedule seems to have been imper- 
fectly filled in consequence of following a variant translation of the questions from 
English into German, by means of which the learned Professor it would seem was 
misled in all the branches of the second collateral line. In this line the most re- 
markable features of the Slovakian system appear. It exhibits the nomenclature, 
and some portion of each line in agreement with the Polish or Russian, and it is 
given entire in the Table as furnished, as it is at least possible that it may be correct. 
Since the Bohemians and Poles are of the western Slavonic branch, and the Bulga- 
rians and Russians of the eastern, the forms of consanguinity that now prevail in these 

6 December, 1868. 



42 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



nations would probably exhibit all the diversities in the system of the Slavonic na- 
tions. For this reason the incompleteness referred to, and which is true, to nearly 
the same extent, of the Bulgarian, is the more to be regretted. The Bohemian form, 
as it appears in the Table, is nevertheless Avorthy of a careful examination. 

3. Bulgarian. Two schedules of the Bulgarian are given in the Table. It 
agrees with the Polish in a part of the first and second collateral lines. When 
both forms are fully investigated, they will doubtless be found in full agreement. 
The series of the first collateral line, male, is as follows : Brother, nephew, little 
grandson, and little great-grandson. In the second collateral is found the same 
extraordinary series before given in the Polish ; namely, chicha, " paternal uncle ;" 
otchicha brat, "brother through paternal uncle;" otchiclia bratanetz, "nephew 
through paternal uncle ;" and otchicha vnoolc, " grandson through paternal uncle." 
this remarkable classification -of kindred, and which is the same in the other 
branches of these lines, is peculiar to the Slavonic nations within the limits of the 
Aryan family. 1 In the remaining branches of this line the persons, as shown in 
the Table, are described, which was not to have been expected. It probably indi- 
cates that both forms are used. 2 

4. Rmsian. In some respects the Russian differs from the Polish and Bohemian. 
The following diagram exhibits these differences, as well as all that is peculiar in 
the Russian method : 

LINEAL LINE. 

MALE. 
G G. G. F. Q Prapradjed 



G.G.F. Apradjed 




4th Collateral, 
Male, F. S. 



Itt Collateral. 

Male. 
QBrat 

. I 

Son O Svn O Pljemjannik 



I Djadja 

| Dvojurodnyi Brst 



Dvojurodnyi Djodja 
Trojurodnyi Brat 



Q Trojurodnyi Djadja 
) Tchetverojnrodnyi Brat 



) Dvojnrodnyi Pljemjannik Q Trojurodnyi Pljemjannik Q Tchetverojurodnyi Pljemjannik 



G. 8. QVnuch O Vnntchatnyi Pljemjannik O Dvojurodnyi Vnutchatnyi O Trojnrodnyi Vnutchatnyi Q Tchotverojnrodnyi Vnutchatnyi 

Pljemjannik Pljemjaunik Pljetnjanuik 



1 The fulness of the Bulgarian nomenclature is further shown by the possession of terms not called 
out by the questions in the Table : as bratetz, " husband's younger brother ;" malina and sestritza, 
"husband's younger sister;" nahranenitz, "adopted son;" nahraneitza, "adopted daughter;" 
streekovi, " the children of brothers. 

Mr. Morse, in his letter to the author, remarks : " The only things peculiar which I have noticed 
are the three following : First, otchicha brat, brother from paternal uncle, for father's brother's son, 
or cousin ; but in eastern Bulgaria uncle's son is used ; second, vnook is used both for one's grand- 
son, and for a brother's and sister's grandson ; third, deda is both grandfather and great-uncle. This 
is the reciprocal of the preceding. If I call my brother's grandson my grandson, it is proper that 
he should call me grandfather." Elsewhere he states that vnook was used in the twofold sense of 
grandson and nephew, and that the distinction, in the last use, was sometimes made by prefixing 
mal = little. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 43 

The first collateral line, male, gives the following series : Brother, nepliew, and 
nephew-grandson. The second: Paternal uncle, double-birth brotlier, double- 
birth nephew, and double-birth nephew-grandson. The same peculiarity runs 
through the other branches of this line, and also through the several branches 
of the third and more remote collateral lines. Thus, in the third we have for the 
series, grandfather, double-birth uncle, triple-birth brother, trifle-birth nephew, 
and triple-birth nephew-grandson. A reference to the Table will show that the 
same form of designation runs through the entire system. It will be observed that 
in the Russian, as in the Polish, the terms for brother and sister are applied to first, 
second, third and fourth cousins, male and female : thus the double-birth brother 
is in the second collateral line, the triple in the third, and the quadruple in the 
fourth. The son of each of these collateral brothers is a nephew of Ego, and the 
son of each of these nephews is his nephew-grandson of a certain birth. This 
realizes, in part, the classification of consanguinci which is found in the Hindi and 
Bengali, and in other forms in the several dialects of the Gaura language. It 
appears to be its object to bring collateral kindred within the near degrees of rela- 
tionship, instead of describing them as persons; leaving the relationship to be 
implied from the force of the description. The same idea repeats itself in calling 
a grandfather's brother a grandfather, which he is not, instead of great-uncle, or 
describing him as grandfather's brother. 

Special features, such as these, incorporated in a system of relationship, are of 
great value for ethnological purposes. Where not essentially foreign to the system 
they may be explained as deviations from uniformity which sprang up fortuitously 
in a particular branch of a great family of nations, after which they were trans- 
mitted with the blood to the subdivisions of such branch ; or, if fundamentally 
different from the original system of the family, they may have resulted from a 
combination of two radically distinct forms, and, therefore, indicate a mixture of 
the blood of two peoples belonging to different families. These special features 
of a system, when as marked as in the Polish and the Russian, have a history 
capable of interpretation which reaches far back into the past. They are worthy 
of investigation for the possible information they may yield upon the question of 
the blood affinities of nations which concur in their possession, however widely 
separated they may be from each other. If the divergent element is unexplainable 
as a development from the materials of the common system of the family, its foreign 
origin, through mixture of blood, will become a strong presumption. The peculiar 
features of the Sclavonic system cannot be explained as arising by natural growth 
out of a form originally descriptive. There is a distinct element of classification 
of kindred applied to collaterals which does not seem to spring by logical develop- 
ment from the ideas that underlie the common system of the Aryan family. It 
falls far below the comprehensive method of classification which distinguishes the 
Turanian system; but it finds its counterpart to some extent, as before stated, in 
the Hindi and Bengali forms, which have been placed in the Turanian connection. 

5. Lithuanian. The Lithuanian system of relationship is not fully extended in 
the Table. So much of it only is given as could be drawn from the lexicon or 
vocabulary of the dialect. It is therefore limited to the special terms. The 



44 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

method of designating collateral kindred, which is the most important part of the 
system, is wanting. It is for this reason of but little value for comparison. Since 
both the Lithuanian and Lettish dialects are still spoken, the system of relationship 
of each of these nations is still a living form. The absence of the Lithuanian, 
therefore, is the more to be regretted, since it might have shown the original 
Slavonic form, and thus tended to explain its peculiar features. 

VI. Celtic Nations. 1. Erse. 2. Gaelic. 3. Manx. 4. Welsh. 

1. Erse. The forms in the Gaelic and Manx are in so near agreement with the 
Erse that they will be considered together ; but the illustrations will be taken from 
the latter. 

The Celtic system, as it appears in the forms of these three nations, is purely 
descriptive. It is more strictly the typical form of the Aryan family than the 
Roman, and on some accounts should have been first presented. But as the Roman 
was based upon the same original, and embodies all the developments from it sub- 
sequently made, it furnished a better starting-point for the exposition of the 
descriptive system. Whilst the Turanian and American Indian systems employ 
special terms for every recognized relationship, and are therefore non-descriptive, 
the Celtic, possessing no special terms except the primary, is descriptive, pure and 
simple ; and thus holds the opposite extreme. The difference, as will appear in 
the sequel, is fundamental. There is every probability that the Erse and Gaelic 
forms have remained as they now are from a very early period. 

Where relatives by blood and marriage are described, without exception, by a 
combination of the primary terms, it might be supposed to indicate the absence of 
any positive system of relationship ; but this would be an erroneous inference. 
Such a form is essentially affirmative. To describe kindred in this manner we 
must ascend step by step, by the chain of consanguinity, from Ego to the common 
ancestor, and then descend in the same definite manner in each collateral line to 
the particular person whose relationship is sought; or, we must reverse -the process, 
and ascend from this person to the common ancestor, and then down to Ego. By 
this means the natural outflow of the generations is recognized, the several colla- 
teral lines are preserved distinct from each other and divergent from the lineal, and 
absolute precision in the description of kindred is reached. So far it contains a 
positive element. In the second place, to resist for ages the invention or adoption 
of special terms for the near collateral relationships which are so constantly needed 
in domestic life, evinces a decisive, not to say pertinacious, preference for the 
descriptive method. Although this form suggests from within itself a certain num- 
ber of generalizations of kindred into classes, with the use of special terms for these 
relationships in the concrete, yet a system must be developed up to and beyond the 
Roman standard form to render the use of these common terms definitely expres- 
sive ; or, in other words, to secure the precision of the purely descriptive method. 
As a domestic institution the system necessarily possesses the elements of perma- 
nence ; and its modifications are the slow products of time and growth. Beside 
the adoption of the Roman as our legal form, the only changes in the English sys- 
tem within the last five centuries, so far as the writer is aware, is the restriction 
of the terms wpliew and niece to the children of the brother and sister of Ego, and 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



45 



the substitution of grandson and granddaughter in their places in the lineal line. 
It is not probable that it will be changed as much as this within the same period 
of time in the future. 

The following diagram exhibits the Erse form : 



LINEAL LINE. 



FEMALE 



MALE 



FATHER'S Sins 
V Collateral, FemaU 

Driffur nmhar ' 
Mac driffer mahar 
Mac mic driffer mahar 
Mac mic mic driffer mahar 
.lac mic mic mic d 



Shan vahair mahar Q Shan ahair mahar 

Mohair mo han ahair Q Ahair mo ban ahu 

Mo han Tahair (~) Mo ban ahair 



1st Collateral, Female 
Mo yriffur I 
Mac mo driffer ( 



I 

Mo vahair^ Q M 



o ahair 



Euo O Eao 



Ho ineean O Mo Tac 



FATHER'S SIDE. 
2 Collateral, Male 
\st Collateral, Male O Drihair mahar 

O Ma< > drihar mahar 



~O Mo yrlhair 

I 



Mac mo drihar O 



Mac mic drihar mahar 



riffer mahar O Mac mic mic mo dri 

.1 



Mac mic mo driffer O lueean mo iueeaa O Mac mo T ^ c 

ffer O Ineean mic mo vie O Mac mic mo Tic 



Mac mic mo driha O Mac mic m ' c irinar mahar 

Mac mic mic mo drihair O Mac mic mic mic drihar mahar 



>ir O 
O Ma 



ilac mic mic mic mic driffer Q Mac mic mic mic mo O In a n mic mic mo Tic Q Mac mic mic mo Tic Q Mac mic mic mic mo O Mac ""'" mlc m ' c mlc drihar 
mahar driffer drihar mahar 

For consanguinei and marriage relatives the Erse and Gaelic have but eight, and 
these the primary terms. 1 By means of these terms, which exhaust the nomencla- 
ture, all of their kindred, near and remote, are described. The diagram represents 
the lineal line, male and female, and the first and second collateral lines, male and 
female. Each relationship is made personal to EGO by the use of the pronoun my 
in the description. of each person. 

In the first collateral the series is as follows : Brotlier, son of my brother and 
son of son of my brother ; the second collateral, brotJier of my father, son of brotJier 
of my father, and son of son of brother of my father. In the third collateral the 
description is modified by the use of shan ahair, " old father," in the place of 
" father of father," which gives for the series, brother of my old father, son of 
brother of my old father and son of son of brother of my old father, and so downward 
as far as the line is followed. The description, as in the Icelandic, commences 
at the opposite extreme from Ego. In the Table, the Erse, Gaelic and Manx forms 
will be found fully extended. 

4. Welsh. It is probable that the Welsh form of describing kindred was origi- 
nally the same as the present Erse ; but it is now distinguished from it by the 



1 The term uncle has been naturalized in the Erse dialect in uncail, pronounced Oonchail. 



46 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



possession of several special terms for collateral relations, which were evidently 
indigenous in the Welsh dialect. The use of these terms, as a part of the nomen- 
clature, modified the method of describing kindred in the same manner as it did 
in other Aryan dialects. They were evolved by generalizing certain persons into 
classes, and were used as common terms to express the corresponding relationships. 

In the first collateral line, male, the series is as follows : brother, nephew, and 
grandson of brother ; in the second, uncle, male cousin, son of male cousin, and 
grandson of male cousin. The cousin, as in other forms, is made a second start- 
ing-point. Which uncle, or which cousin is intended, does not appear ; and the 
defect in the statement could only be corrected by resorting to the Erse method, 
or general words explaining the line and branch to which each person belonged. 
The prevalence of a concurrent as well as anterior descriptive method, is plainly 
inferrible. 1 

VII. Persian. The modern Persian dialect of the Aryan language has a remark- 
able history : not so much from the changes through which it has passed, as from 
its having been a literary language from the earliest period, nearly, of authentic 
history. After passing through several forms of speech, the Zend, the Pahlevi, 
and the Parsee, each of which is permanent in written records, it still remains a 
lineal descendant of the Zend, as well as a closely allied dialect of the Sanskrit. 

1 In the " Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales," there is a curious diagram illustrative of the 
Welsh system of consanguinity, of which the following is a copy. (Vide British Records, Com- 
mission Series, Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, book xi, ch. iv, p. 605.) 




If Ego is placed between the father and son the lineal and first collateral lines would become 
intelligible, and would be in the same form as the Holland Dutch ; but the remainder would bo 
unintelligible. The same result follows each change of Ego upon the lineal line. But it shows that 
the arrangement of the lines was correctly apprehended. G. = {?orAenc?(Z=great-grandfatlier ; II. = 
Hendad = grandfather ; T. = Tad = father ; M. = j)fo6 = son ; W. = Wyr = grandson ; ~B.=Braivl = 
brother; K. probably represents either Nai, nephew, or Nghfnder (pronounced hevendcr), cousin, 
under a different orthography. C. probably Ooroyr = great-grandson. 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



47 



It is the only Aryan dialect which can point to more than one antecedent form in 
which it was established by a literature, and from which it successively broke 
away. It still retains its grammatical structure as an Aryan dialect, whilst it has 
drawn its vocables so largely from Semitic and other sources as to seriously alter its 
family complexion. 

For many reasons the Persian system of relationship was very desirable for com- 
parison with those of the remaining branches of the family. It is given with toler- 
able fulness in the table. Its nomenclature has been augmented by the adoption 
of several terms from the Arabic, which in turn have introduced a change in the 
mode of designating kindred ; but it is still evident, notwithstanding the foreign 
element, that its original form was descriptive. The following diagram exhibits the 
material parts of the system. 



LINEAL LINE. 



FEMALE 



MALE 



FiTHEB'8 SlDB 

td Collateral, Female 



FATHER'S Sins 

M Collateral, Malt 



Ami 



Poosari hahar ( S ' Dflhktarf g 1 Poosar 



NaTadai hahar I > 1 Navada GS KN'avada 




Poosari amoo 



Navadai moo 



GGS ) Nili J *""> 



There is no term in the Persian for grandfather ; he is described as an " elder 
father." The term ndtija, great-grandchild, was either borrowed from the Nesto- 
rian, or the latter obtained it from the former. In the Persian terms for paternal 
uncle and aunt amoo, ama, are recognized the Arabic 'amm, 'ammet, for the same 
relationships ; and in hdloo, hdla, maternal uncle and aunt, the Arabic 'Khdl, 
'.Khdlet, also for the same. From the presence of these foreign terms in the Persian 
it is inferrible that these relationships were not discriminated either in the Zend, 
Pahlevi or Parsee, nor in the Persian until after they were borrowed. These several 
persons, therefore, must have been described by the Celtic method. 

In the first collateral line, male, the series is as follows : brotJier, son of brotJter 
and grandchild of brother ; and in the second: paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, 
grandchild of paternal uncle, and great-grandchild of paternal uncle. The other 
branches follow in a similar form. 1 



1 The pronoun my is a suffix in the Persian, as it is in the Finn and also in the Arabic. 

Father. Mother. Son. Daughter. Paternal Uncle. 

My Poodiiriim, Madaram, Poosaam, Duhktaram, Amooyam. 

Our Poodarima, Madarima, Poosaima, Dfihktarima, Amooyama. 

His Poodarioo, Madiirioo, Poosaioo, Duhktaroo, Amooyaoo. 



48 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

VIII. Armenian. The great antiquity of the Armenians as a people, and their 
intimate connection, at different periods, with members of the three great families 
of mankind, which have held dominion in Asia Minor, invests their system of consan- 
guinity with some degree of interest. It is a simple and yet complete system. In 
its radical features, and in its minute details, it is substantially identical with the 
Erse and Gaelic forms. One more term is found in its nomenclature than the Erse 
contains, namely, tor, grandson ; but this was probably borrowed either from the 
Osmanli-Turkish, or the Nestorian, in both of which it is found. The Armenian 
system is purely descriptive, the description of kindred being effected by a combi- 
nation of the primary terms. 

In the first collateral line, male, the . following is the series : brother, son of my 
brotJier, and son of son of my brother ; in the second collateral : brother of my fatfter, 
son of brotlier of my father, and son of son of brother of my father ; and in the third 
collateral : brother of my old-father, son of brother of my old-father ; and son of son 
of brother of my old-fatlier. These illustrations are sufficient to exhibit the cha- 
racter of the system, and also to show its identity of form with the Erse and 
Gaelic. There is also a seeming identity of some of the terms in their nomencla- 
tures of relationship. With the Armenian the series of Aryan nations represented 
in the Table is closed. 

Very little reference has been made to the marriage relationships as they exist 
in the several nations of this family. They are not material in the descriptive sys- 
tem, except for comparison of the terms as vocables. They will be found in the 
Table to which the reader is referred for further information. 

From this brief review of the more prominent features of the system of relation- 
ship of the Aryan nations it has been rendered apparent that the original form of each 
nation, with the possible exception of the Slavonic nations, was purely descriptive. 
It is also evident that it is a natural system, following the streams of the blood, and 
maintaining the several collateral lines distinct from each other, and divergent from 
the lineal line. In several of the subdivisions of this great family it is still exclu- 
sively descriptive as in the Armenian, the Erse, and the Icelandic, while in others, 
as the Roman, the German, and the English, it is a mixture of the descriptive, 
with a limited amount of classification of kindred by means of common terms. 
These terms embrace but a fraction of our kindred. Their use, in describing more 
distant relations, in combination with the primary terms is but a further expansion 
of the original system. The origin of these secondary terms, which represent the 
extent of the modification made, must be found in the constantly recurring desire 
to avoid the inconvenience of descriptive phrases. Such modifications as have been 
made are neither inconsistent with the inference that the original form of each 
nation was descriptive, nor such a departure from it as to render it other than a 
descriptive system at the present time. This general conclusion, I think, must be 
considered established. 

It may be farther remarked that certain persons who stand in the same degree 
of nearness to Ego were classed together, and a common term invented to express 
the relationship ; but some of these terms, as olieim and uncle, vedder and cousin, 
are radically distinct, and are yet applied to the same persons. At the same time 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 49 

descriptive phrases are used concurrently to designate each respectively. It might 
be a reasonable supposition that an elaborate nomenclature of relationships was 
developed in the formative period of the primitive speech of the family, yielding 
synonyms more or less in number ; and that some of these terms had fallen out of 
certain dialects of the language after their separation, and had been retained by 
others. But the constancy of the primary terms in all these dialects, and the 
ascertained subsequent development of several of the secondary, such as uncle and 
cousin, forbid this supposition. There is nothing in the original nomenclature, or 
in its subsequent growth, which seems to favor an assumption that the present has 
advanced or receded from a primitive form that was radically different. On the 
contrary, the evidence from the Sanskrit and Scandinavian, and conclusively from 
the Celtic and Armenian, tends to show that the system of the Aryan family, im- 
mediately before its subdivision commenced, was purely descriptive, whatever it 
might have been at an anterior epoch. The changes that have occurred are ex- 
plainable by the changes of condition through which the branches of this family 
have passed. And when the amazing extent of these changes is considered it is 
chiefly remarkable that the primitive system of consanguinity should still so clearly 
manifest itself. 

If each distinct idea or conception embodied in the common system of relation- 
ship of the Aryan family were detached by analysis from its connections, and placed 
as a separate proposition, the number would not be large ; and yet when associated 
together they are sufficient to create a system, and to organize a family upon the 
bond of kindred. A system thus formed became, when adopted into practical use, 
a domestic institution, which, after its establishment, would be upheld and sustained 
by the ever-continuing necessities that brought it into being. Its mode of trans- 
mission, like that of language, was through the channels of the blood. It becomes, 
then, a question of the highest moment whether its radical forms are stable ; and 
whether they are capable of self-perpetuation through indefinite periods of time. 
The solution of these problems will decide the further, and still more important 
question, whether or not these systems, through the identity of their radical features, 
can deliver any testimony concerning the genetic connection of the great families 
of mankind, as well as of the nations of which these families are severally com- 
posed. Without entering upon the discussion of these topics, which is reserved 
until the facts with reference to the systems of other families have been presented, 
it may be observed that the perpetuation of the descriptive system through so many 
independent channels, and through the number of centuries these nations have 
been separated from each other, was neither an accidental nor a fortuitous occur- 
rence. There are sufficient reasons why the Erse, the Icelandic, and the Armenian 
forms are still identical down to their minute details ; why the system of the re- 
maining nations of this family has departed so slightly from the original common 
form ; and why it has moved independently, in each dialect and stock-language, 
in the same definite direction. 

The systems of the Semitic and Uralian families remain to be noticed, which, as 
they are also descriptive, properly precede the classificatory. 

7 January, 1839. 



50 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



CHAPTER V. 

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEMITIC FAMILY. 

Arabic System Illustrations of its method Nearly identical with the Celtic Druse and Maronite Agrees with 
the Arabic Hebrew System Restoration of its Details difficult Illustrations of its Method Agrees with 
the Arabic Neo-Syriac or Nestorian Illustrations of its Method Agrees with the Arabic System presump- 
tively follows the Language Comparison of Aryan and Semitic Systems Identical in their Radical Charac- 
teristics Originally Descriptive in Form Probable Inferences from this Identity. 

THE Semitic language, in its three principal branches, is represented in the 
Table, with the system of consanguinity and affinity peculiar to each. First, the 
Arabic, by the Arabic and Druse and Maronite ; second, the Hebraic, by the 
Hebrew; and third, the Aramaic, by the Neo-Syriac or Nestorian. Since the 
Arabic and Nestorian are spoken languages, and their systems of relationship are in 
daily use, and as the Hebrew exhibits the Jewish form as it prevailed when this 
language ceased to be spoken, the schedules in the Table present, without doubt, 
the ancient plan of consanguinity of that remarkable family which has exercised 
such a decisive influence upon the destiny of mankind. Although the influence of 
the Semitic family has been declining for centuries, before the overmastering 
strength of the Aryan civilization, the family itself will ever occupy a conspicuous 
position in human history. These schedules are the more interesting because they 
reveal, with so much of certainty, not only the present but also the ancient system 
which prevailed in the Semitic kingdoms of Babylon, Nineveh and Jerusalem, and 
in the Commonwealth of Carthage. They are likewise important for comparison 
for the purpose of ascertaining the nature and ethnic boundaries of the descriptive 
form of consanguinity, and its relations to the forms in other families of mankind. 

The two distinguishing characteristics of the system of the Aryan family are 
present in the Semitic. In the first place, it is substantially descriptive in form, 
with the same tendency to a limited number of generalizations to relieve the bur- 
densomeness of this method ; and in the second, it maintains the several collateral 
lines distinct from each other and divergent from the lineal line. In other words, 
it follows the streams of the blood, as they must necessarily flow where marriage 
exists between single pairs. 

Whilst the Semitic system separates the family by a distinct and well defined 
line from the Asiatic nations beyond the Indus, it places it side by side with the 
Aryan and Uralian. So far as the descriptive system of relationship can deliver 
any testimony through identity of radical forms, which is worthy of acceptance, it 
tends to show, that while there is no traceable affinity from this source between the 
Semitic and Turanian families, there is a positive convergence of the Aryan, Semitic 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 51 

and Uralian families to a common point of unity, the evidence of which is still 
preserved (if it can be said to amount to evidence) in their several modes of indi- 
cating the domestic relationships. 

I. Arabic Branch. 1. Arabic. 2. Druse and Maronite. 

1. Arabic Nation. There are original terms in this language for grandfather 
and grandmother, which is the more singular as there are none in Hebrew. 
Ascendants above these degrees are described by a combination of these terms 
with those for father and mother, in which respect the Arabic is variant from the 
Aryan form. While we would say grandfather's father or great-grandfather, an 
Arab would say, father of grandfather. It is a slight difference, and yet it reveals 
a usage with respect to the manner of expressing this relationship. There are no 
terms in Arabic for grandson or granddaughter, nephew or niece, or cousin. These 
persons are described by the Celtic method. 

The following is the series in the first collateral line, male : brother, son of my 
brother, son of son of my brother, and son of son of son of my brotlier. It is in 
literal agreement with the Roman and Erse. 

It is a noticeable feature of the Arabic system that it has separate terms in 'amm 
'ammet for paternal uncle and aunt, and in 'Midi 'khdlet for maternal uncle and 
aunt. By means of these terms the manner of describing the four branches of the 
second collateral line was carried up fully to the Roman standard in convenience 
and precision, and became identical with it in form. It also tends to show that 
the development of a system originally descriptive has a predetermined logical 
direction. With the exception of the discrimination of the relationships named, 
and the changes thereby introduced in the method of indicating consanguinei, the 
Arabic form is identical with the Erse. 

In the second collateral line, male branch, the series gives paternal uncle, son 
of paternal uncle, and son of son of paternal uncle. The third, which is variant 
from the Roman, is as follows : paternal uncle of father, son of paternal uncle of 
father, and son of son of paternal uncle of father. This line is described as a series 
of relatives of the father of Ego. In like 'manner the fourth collateral line is 
described as a scries of relatives of the grandfather of Ego, e. g., paternal uncle 
of yrandfatlver, son of paternal uncle of grandfather, and so downward as far as 
the line was traceable. For a further knowledge of the details of the Arabic system 
reference is made to the Table. 

No attempt is made in this system to classify kindred by the generalization of 
those who stand in the same degree of nearness to Ego into one class, with the use 
of a special term to express the relationship. On the contrary, the four special 
terms for collateral kindred, above named, are each applied to a single class of per- 
sons who are brothers and sisters to each other, which is the lowest form of gene- 
ralization in any system of consanguinity. It is the same as the generalization of 
the relationship of brother or son, each of which terms is applied to several persons 
who stand in an identical relationship. Nephew, in our sense, on the contrary, 
involves the generalization of two classes of persons into one class, and cousin that 
of four into one. Neither does the Arabic employ the Sanskritic or Grecian method 
of compounding terms by contraction to express specific relationship ; but it adheres 



52 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

closely to a purely descriptive method by the use of the primary terms. The 
Erse and Gaelic are nearer to the Arabic in their minute forms than they are to 
any form of any Aryan nation, except the Armenian and the Scandinavian. 

It is quite probable that the words for uncle and aunt are of comparatively 
modern use in Arabic as terms of relationship, as they have other meanings, which 
for a period of time may have been exclusive. In answer to an inquiry upon this 
point the distinguished American missionary Dr. C. V. A. Van Dyck, of Beirut, 
Syria, writes : " The Arabic words for uncle and aunt, 'amm 'ammet, 'khdl 'khdlet, 
are derived from pure Arabic roots, but are not necessarily of very ancient use in 
the above meanings, as they have several other meanings. Their use in describing 
degrees of relationship may be somewhat later than the early history of the 
language, yet they are found as far back as we have any remains of the language. 
If the Himyaritic were sufficiently restored to be of use, it might throw some light 
upon what you remark concerning the Erse and Gaelic." 

The presence of two of these terms in the Hebrew, and of the four in the Nes- 
torian, gives to them necessarily a very great antiquity as terms of relationship ; 
but it may be possible to reach beyond the period of their first introduction. 

The marriage relationships are quite fully discriminated, and reveal some pecu- 
liarities. For an inspection of them reference is again made to the Table. 

2. Druse and Maronite. This form is so nearly identical with the last that it 
does not require a separate notice. The fact of its identity, both in form and terms, 
is important, however, since it furnishes a criterion for determining the stability of 
the system during the period these nations have been politically distinct. 

II. Hebraic Branch. Hebrew Nation. The same difficulty that prevented the 
restoration of the Sanskrit system of relationship in its full original form exists also 
with reference to the Hebrew. It ceased to be a living form when the language 
ceased to be spoken, and from the remains of the language it can only be restored 
conjecturally beyond the nearest degrees. 

In the lineal line all persons above father and below son must have been described 
by a combination of the primary terms. This is inferable also from the general 
tenor of the Scripture genealogies. There are special terms for descendants of the 
third and fourth generation which were applied to each specifically. 

The series in the first collateral line, male, as given in the Table, is limited to two 
persons, namely, brother and son of brother. It is to be inferred that the remain- 
ing descendants were described as son of son of IrotJier, and so downward as far as 
the relationship was to be traced. 

In this language the term for paternal uncle is dodhi, the literal signification of 
which is " beloved." Is it to be inferred that this relationship was not discrimi- 
nated until after the Hebrew became a distinct dialect, or that it superseded the 
original of the Arabic 'amm? The first two members of this branch of the line 
only are given in the table, namely, paternal uncle and son of paternal uncle. 
Without doubt the remaining persons were described as in the Arabic. The ana- 
logy of the system suggests this inference. In a khi and "kliotli, maternal uncle and 
aurt, we find words from the same root as Mdl and khdlet for the same relation- 
ships. The description of persons in these branches is the same as in the last case, 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 53 

namely, maternal uncle and son of maternal uncle; maternal aunt and son of 
maternal aunt. This fragment is all that remains of the Hebrew system as it is 
shown in the table. The nature, and to some extent the form, of the system may 
be gathered from the Scripture genealogies, in which it is found to be descriptive. 

So far as the characteristic features of the Hebrew form of consanguinity are 
given in the Table, they are seen to be identical with the Arabic substantially. 
This fact becomes important when it is remembered that the Hebrew system is 
shown as it existed when the language ceased to be spoken, which event is gene- 
rally placed at the period of the Babylonian captivity 720 B. C. At the commence- 
ment of the Christian era the Aramaic dialect of the Semitic language had become 
substituted for the Hebrew among the Jews. The slight differences between the 
Arabic of to-day and the Hebrew form of twenty centuries and upwards ago, is a 
fact of some significance in its bearing upon the question of the stability of the 
radical features of descriptive systems of relationship. 

There are several points concerning the use of terms of consanguinity in the 
New Testament Scriptures, as well as in the Old, which it would be instructive to 
investigate. This is particularly the case with reference to the term for brother, 
which appears to have been applied to a cousin as well, and which use finds 
its parallel in the Turanian form. But with the radical features of the Hebrew 
system before us, these uses of the term must either find their explanation in some 
particular custom ; or point to a different and still more primitive form. 

III. Aramaic Branch. Neo-Syriac, or Nestorian. 

The Syriac and Chaldee are the two principal dialects of the Aramaic branch of 
the Semitic language. Of these, the Nestorian is the modern form of the Syriac, 
and stands to it in the same relation Italian does to Latin. It is a lineal descend- 
ant of the ancient language of Babylon and Nineveh. We are indebted to the 
American missionaries for rendering the dialect accessible. 

The Nestorian nomenclature of relationships has been developed slightly beyond 
the Arabic and the Hebrew. It has original terms for grandfather and grand- 
mother, by means of which, and in combination with the terms for father and 
mother, ascendants are described in the same manner as in the Arabic ; also, origi- 
nal terms for grandson and granddaughter, and for the next degree beyond, by 
means of which descendants are distinguished from each other. This is the extent 
of the difference, but it introduces a slight variation in the method of describing 
kindred. 

The first collateral line, male, gives the following series : Brother, son of 
brother, grandson of brother, and great grandson of brother. The form is the 
same as in the Arabic, but with the substitution of the new terms. In the second 
collateral we have paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, and grandson of paternal 
uncle ; and in the third, brottier of grandfather, son of brotfier of grandfather, 
and grandson of brother of grandfather. The remaining branches of these lines 
are described, with corresponding changes, in the same manner. 

In the Nestorian there are no terms for nephew or niece or cousin, consequently 
dmuwee and umte, KMluwee and Kdhleh, uncle and aunt, and which are from the 



54' SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

same root as the corresponding Arabic words, were without any correlatives except 
in the form of descriptive phrases. Notwithstanding the slight deviations between 
the Nestorian and the Arabic forms, after an independent and separate existence 
of many centuries, they are still identical in their radical characteristics. 

Terms for the marriage relationships are less numerous in the Semitic than in the 
Aryan language. From their limited number and the manner of their use they 
are of but little importance as a part of the general system of relationship, except 
for comparison as vocables. In the systems of the Turanian and American Indian 
families they enter more essentially into their framework, and are of much greater 
significance from the manner of their use. 

The system of relationship of the Semitic family has a much wider range than 
is indicated in the Table. It will doubtless be found wherever the blood and lan- 
guage of this family have spread. Among the Abyssinians, who speak a Semitic 
dialect, it probably prevails ; and most likely among the people who speak the Ber- 
ber dialects of North Africa, which are said to be Semitic. Traces of it exist in 
the system of the Zulus or Kafirs of South Africa, which, Malayan in form, has 
adopted Semitic words into its nomenclature. The Himyaritic dialect, if investi- 
gated with reference to this question, would probably disclose some portion of the 
primitive form. 

A comparison of the systems of relationship of the Semitic and Aryan families 
suggests a number of interesting questions. It must have become sufficiently obvi- 
ous that in their radical characteristics they are identical. Any remaining doubt 
upon that point is removed by the near approach of the Arabic and Nestorian to 
the Erse and Icelandic. It is rendered manifest by the comparison that the sys- 
tem of the two families was originally purely descriptive, the description being 
effected by the primary terms ; and that the further development of each respec- 
tively, by the same generalizations, limited to the same relationships, was, in each 
case, the work of civilians and scholars to provide for a new want incident to 
changes of condition. The rise of these modifications can be definitely traced. 
Whether the system in its present form is of natural origin, and the two families came 
by it through the necessary constitution of things ; or whether it started at some 
epoch in a common family and was transmitted to such families as now possess it 
by the streams of the blood, are the alternative questions. Their solution involves 
two principal considerations : first, how far the descriptive system is affirmative, 
and as such is a product of human intelligence ; and secondly, how far its radical 
forms are stable and self-perpetuating. It is not my purpose to do more than make 
a general reference to the elements of those propositions which will require a full 
discussion in another connection. 

The descriptive system is simple rather than complex, and has a natural basis in 
the nature of descents, where marriage subsists between single pairs. For these 
reasons it might have been framed independently by different families, starting 
with an antecedent system either differing or agreeing; and its perpetuation in 
such a case might be in virtue of its foundation upon the nature of descents. And 
yet these conclusions are not free from doubt. With the fact established that the 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 55 

plan of consanguinity of the two families is identical in Avhatever is radical, and with 
the further fact extremely probable that it had become established in each at a 
time long anterior to their civilization, the final inference is encouraged that it pre- 
vailed in the two original nations from which these families were respectively 
derived. Standing alone, without any contrasting form, the descriptive system of 
the two families would scarcely attract attention. But it so happens that in other 
portions of the human family a system of relationship now exists radically different 
in its structure and elaborate and complicated in its forms, which is spread out over 
large areas of human speech, and which has ^perpetuated itself through equal 
periods of time as well as changes of condition. The conditions of society, then, 
may have some influence in determining the system of relationship. In other 
words, the descriptive form is not inevitable ; neither is it fortuitous. Some form 
of consanguinity was an indispensable necessity of each family. Its formation 
involved an arrangement of kindred into lines of descent, with the adoption of 
a method for distinguishing one kinsman from another. Whatever plan was 
finally adopted would acquire the stability of a domestic institution as sodn as 
it came in general use and had proved its sufficiency. A little reflection will dis- 
cover the extreme difficulty of innovating upon a system once established. Founded 
upon common consent, it could only be changed by the influence of motives as uni- 
versal as the usage. The choice of a descriptive method for the purpose of special- 
izing each relationship, by the Semitic family, and the adoption of the classificatory 
by the Turanian, for the purpose of arranging consanguine! into groups, and 
placing the members of each group in the same relationship to Ego, were severally 
acts of intelligence and knowledge. A system of relationship is to a certain extent 
necessarily affirmative. Those parts which embody definite ideas and show man's 
work are capable of yielding affirmative testimony concerning the ethnic connection 
of nations among whom these ideas have been perpetuated. The descriptive sys- 
tem is simple in its elements, and embraces but a few fundamental conceptions. It 
is therefore incapable of affording such a body of evidence upon these questions as 
the classificatory : but it does not follow that it is entirely without significance. It 
is something that the Aryan and Semitic families have a system which can be defi- 
nitely traced to the same original form, and to a period of time when each family, 
in all probability, existed in a single nation. It is something more that this sys- 
tem has positive elements as a product of human intelligence ; and that it has 
perpetuated itself through so many centuries of time, in so many independent 
channels, and under such eventful changes of condition. To these may be added 
the further fact that the several systems of the Aryan nations, taken in connection 
with the terms of relationship as vocables, demonstrate the unity of origin of these 
nations, and their descent from the same stem of the human family. In like 
manner, the systems of the several Semitic nations, considered in connection with 
the terms as vocables, demonstrate the unity of origin of the latter nations, and 
perform this work in the most simple and direct way. Upon the present showing 
it will not be claimed, against the testimony of the vocables, and in the face of 
the radical differences in the grammatical structure of the Aryan and Semitic lan- 
guages, that it affords any positive evidence of the unity of origin of the two 



5& SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

families. 1 It will be sufficient to say that the descriptive system separates these 
families and the Uralian from all the other families of mankind by a clearly defined 
line ; and that it seems to point to a nearer connection among them than either 
has with any other family of man. 

1 " It is impossible to mistake a Semitic language, and what is more important, it is impossible to 
imagine an Aryan language derived from a Semitic, or a Semitic from an Aryan language. The gram- 
matical framework is totally distinct in these two families of speech. This does not preclude, however, 
the possibility that both are divergent streams of the same source; and the comparisons that have been 
instituted between the Semitic roots, reduced to their simplest form, and the roots of the Aryan lan- 
guages, have made it more than probable that the material elements with which both started, were ori- 
ginally the same." Muller's Science of Language, Lee. viii. p. 282. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 57 



CHAPTER VI. 

SYSTEM OP RELATIONSHIP OF THE TJRALIAN FAMILY. 

Reasons for Detaching Ugrian and Turk Nations frorff the Turanian Connection Their System of Relationship 
Descriptive Uralian proposed as a Name for the New Family I. Ugrian Nations Their Subdivisions 
System of the Finns Illustrations of its Method Marriage Relationships Limited Amount of Classification 
System of the Esthonians Purely Descriptive System of the Magyars Illustrations of its Method 
Peculiar Features Chiefly Descriptive II. Turk Nations Closely Allied to the .Ugrian Their Subdivisions 
Area of Uralian Family Osmanli-Turks An Extreme Representative of the Turkic Class of Nations 
Relative Positions of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian Families Osmanli-Turkish System of Relationship- 
Illustrations of its Form Kuzulbashi A Turkic People System of Relationship Illustrations of its 
Form Descriptive in Character Identity of System in the Branches of this Family Its Agreement with that 
of the Aryan and Semitic Families Objects gained by Comparisons Ascertainment of the Nature and Prin- 
ciples of the Descriptive System Ethnic Boundaries of its Distribution Concurrence of these Families in 
its Possession Subordinate in Importance to the Classificatory Exposition of the Classificatory System the 
Main Object of this Work. 

IT is proposed to detach from the assemblage of nations, distinguished as the 
Turanian family, the Ugrian and Turk branches, and to erect them into an inde- 
pendent family under the name of the Uralian. All of the Asiatic dialects which 
fell without the Aryan and Semitic connections, have been gathered into the Tura- 
nian family of languages, with the exception of the Chinese and its cognates. 
This classification, however, philologists have regarded as provisional. These 
dialects are not parts of a family speech in the same sense as are the Aryan and 
Semitic dialects. 1 The latter respectively agree with each other in their minute as 
well as general grammatical forms, and this, in turn, is corroborated by the iden- 
tity of a large number of vocables in the several branches of each. On the other 
hand, in the Turanian dialects, in addition to morphological similarities, which are 
inconclusive, there is a partial identity of grammatical forms, and also of vocables 
which serve to connect particular groups, but fail to unite the several groups as 
a whole. In other words, the Turanian family of languages, as now constituted, 
cannot hold together if subjected to the same tests upon which the Aryan and 
Semitic were established ; or upon which a new dialect would now be admitted 
into either. 

The introduction of this new family does not contravene any established philo- 
logical conclusion. In the formation of a family of languages the method of the 
philologists was rigidly scientific. Such dialects as were derived from the same 
immediate source, the evidence of which was preserved in the vocables, were first 
brought together in a stock-language, such as the Slavonic. A further comparison 

1 Science of Language, p. 289. 

8 January, 1869, 



58 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

of these stock languages with each other was then made, to find how far the root 
forms of their vocables were identical ; and also to discover another class of affini- 
ties which the grammatical structure of these stock languages might reveal. It 
was early ascertained that grammatical structure was the ultimate criterion by 
which the admission of a doubtful language must be determined, since the number 
of constant vocables became smaller in the extreme branches of a family ethnically 
connected, and the subtile process of naturalization might explain their presence in 
each without being indigenous in either. In this manner a true family of lan- 
guages was bound together by common grammatical forms, and by the more simple 
and conclusive bond of common vocables. The Turanian dialects, so called, have 
been much less investigated, and are less thoroughly known than the Aryan or 
Semitic, in consequence of their great numbers, their inaccessible position, and the 
vast extent of the areas over which they are spread. It is not claimed that the 
same coincidences in grammatical forms, or identity of vocables exist in the several 
branches of the Turanian speech. A limited number of common words and of 
common roots, running, not through all the branches of the Turanian speech, but 
here and there through certain portions, furnished some evidence of original unity, 
but not enough, standing alone, to sustain the classification. These dialects also 
agree with each other with respect to their articulation. They are agglutinated in 
their structure, and this common feature has entered, to some extent, into the basis 
upon which they have been organized into a family of languages. If, however, 
agglutination is a stage of growth or development through which all languages 
must pass after emerging from the monosyllabic and before reaching the inflectional, 
which is the received opinion, it does not furnish any basis for the organization of 
these dialects into a family of speech. Beside this, the use of this common feature 
of agglutination, as a ground of classification, forces the Chinese and its cognate 
dialects into a position of isolation, and interposes a barrier between them and the 
proper Turanian dialects where none such may exist. For these reasons the reduc- 
tion of this great body of languages, under a Northern and Southern division, into 
one common family, the Turanian, could not be other than a provisional arrange- 
ment. The science of language is impeded rather than advanced by raising to the 
rank of a family of languages such an incongruous assemblage of dialects as are 
now included in the Turanian. The Aryan and Semitic standard is much to be 
preferred. 

Upon the basis of the systems of consanguinity and affinity of the Asiatic 
nations, they divide themselves into at least two distinct families, each of which, 
it seems probable, will ultimately become as clearly distinguished from the 
other as the Aryan now is from the Semitic. A comparison of the systems of a 
limited number of these nations has led to singular and rather unexpected 
results. The system of the Turanian family proper, Avhich will be presented in 
a subsequent part of this work, separates it from the Aryan and Semitic by a 
line of demarcation perfectly distinct and traceable. Such a result furnishes no 
occasion of surprise. On the other hand, it excludes from the Turanian connec- 
tion, by a line not less distinct and unmistakable, the Ugrian and Turk stocks, 
which are the principal members of the Northern division of the family, as now 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 59 

constituted. In other words, the Ugrian and Turk nations detach themselves, 
through their system of relationship, from the Turanian family, and stand indepen- 
dent. Such a result was not to have been expected. Their system of consanguin- 
ity is not classificatory, but descriptive. If any inference can be drawn from the 
joint possession of such a system it would be that these nations are nearer akin to 
the Aryan and Semitic nations than they are to the Turanian ; and that- the blood 
of the Finn, the Magyar, and the Turk, if traced back to its sources, will be found 
to revert to the common stream from which issued the Semitic and Aryan currents 
before it can approach the still older Turanian channel. 

The Ugrian and Turk nations represented in the Table are few in number. A 
much larger number is fairly necessary to substantiate the claims of these nations 
to the rank of a family ; but nevertheless, the indications revealed in their system 
of relationship are unmistakable. It will be quite satisfactory to leave the final 
recognition of the Uralian family dependent upon the concurrence of the unrepre- 
sented nations in the possession of the same system of consanguinity. For the 
present it will suffice to present the system as it now exists in some of the branches 
of the proposed family as a justification of their removal from the Turanian con- 
nection. 

The term Uralian, which is suggested for this family, has some advantages of a 
positive character. Ugrian and Turkic have definite significations in ethnology ; 
and Mongolian, which was formerly applied to both, as well as to other and more 
Eastern nations, includes stocks not represented in the Table, whose system of rela- 
tionship when procured may be variant. Uralian has been used in various connec- 
tions, but without becoming limited to any exclusive use. The Ural chain of 
mountains traverses the areas of the Ugrian and Turk nations, and with it they 
have been territorially associated from time immemorial. Uralian, therefore, as an 
unappropriated term, is not only free from objection, but there are general reasons 
commending it to acceptance. 

I. Ugrian Nations. 1. Finn. 2. Esthonian. 3. Magyar. 

Under the general name of Ugrians are now included the Laps, Samoyeds, Yenis- 
cians, and Yukahiri ; the several subdivisions of the Permians, and of the Finns of 
the Baltic and the Volga; and the Voguls, Ostiaks, and Magyars. 1 They hold the 
chief part of the polar area both of Europe and Asia, and spreading southward 
through several parallels of latitude, they are confronted on the south by the Sla- 
vonic and Turk nations. The Ugrians are believed to be older occupants of North- 
eastern Europe than the Slavonians, 2 and stand to this area in the same relation 
that the Celts do to Western Europe. The southern portion of their area lies 
between that of the Turk stock on the east, and the Slavonic on the west, by 
both of whom it has been encroached upon and reduced from century to century. 
It seems probable that they have been forced northward to the Arctic region from 
a much lower primitive area ; and that they have become a polar people from neces- 
sity rather than choice. They are still a numerous, and, in many respects, an 

1 For the systematic classification of these nations, see Latham's Descriptive Ethnology, I, 461. 
" Latham's Native Races of the Russian Empire, p. 5. 



60 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

interesting race of men. Their capabilities for future improvement may be inferred 
from the progress made by the Magyars and Finns. The system of relationship 
of the Ugriari nations, so far as it is given in the Table, is limited to that form of it 
which now prevails among the Finns of Finland, the Esthonians, and the Magyars. 
Of these, the first two belong to the same and the third to a different subdivision 
of the Ugrian stock. Presumptively, the system of the remaining nations is the 
same in fundamental characteristics ; but a knowledge of their forms is necessary 
to the determination of that fact. 

1. Finns. Two schedules were received, fully and minutely filled out with the 
system of consanguinity and affinity of the Finns. One of them was prepared by 
Mr. G. Selin, a student in the University of Helsingfors, at the request of the late 
President Retzius ; and the other by Dr. Urjo Koskinen, one of the Faculty of the 
University of Jacobstad, both of them Finns. The differences between the two 
schedules were so slight, although made without any knowledge of each other's 
work, that they are given in the Table as one under their joint names. A special 
notation was furnished with each schedule, but the pronunciation of the words is 
indicated by the common characters. 1 

As it is important to know the precise character of the Finn system, it will be 
presented with more fulness than in previous cases. 

There are no terms in this language for ancestors above father and mother, 
except eulclco, grandmother; or for descendants below son and daughter. They 
are described, with the exception named, by an augmentation or reduplication of 
the primary terms. Among the Turanian nations the relationship of brother and 
sister is conceived in the twofold form of elder and younger, as is shown by the 
possession of separate terms for these relationships, and the absence, usually, of 
terms for brother and sister in the abstract. The Finns, in this respect, foUow the 
usage of the Aryan and Semitic families. 

In the first collateral line male, the scries is as follows : Brother, son of trotJier, 
son of son of brotJwr, and son of son of son of brother. There is a term for nephew, 
nepaa, but none for niece ; while the female branch of this line necessarily employs 
the descriptive method, the male has the same, and also a second form, as follows : 
Brother, nephew, son of nephew, and son of son of nephew. 

There are separate terms for paternal and maternal uncles, a common term for 
aunt, and two terms for cousin, which give to the Finn nomenclature quite a full 
development, and to its form a sensible approach to the Roman. 

1 Mr. Selin, in his letter, remarks : " The information relating to the ancient condition of the Fin- 
nish nation is scarce and defective, which is not surprising, the nation having been for seven centu- 
ries subjected to foreign influence and subdued, before they had brought forth a history of their 
own, or reached any high degree of culture. The ancient national songs, proverbs, and fables, which 
have been gathered of late, with great zeal and application, are almost the only source from which we 
derive any knowledge of the life, customs, and institutions of our ancestors. Among these monu- 
ments of times gone by, the celebrated cycle of songs called "Kalevala" stands foremost. Concern- 
ing most of the circumstances of which you desire to be informed, all positive knowledge is wanting. 
. . . . No division into tribes has as yet been traced among the Finns. We. call ourselves 
Susmalaisct," 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. (jl 

The second collateral line male on the father's side runs as follows : Paternal 
uncle, son of paternal uncle, and son of son of paternal uncle. Another, and perhaps 
more common form, is the following: Paternal uncle, cousin, son of cousin, and 
son of son of cousin. The other branches of this line show the same forms with cor- 
responding changes of terms. 

Assuming that the Finn system was originally purely descriptive, it will be seen 
that it has developed in the precise direction of the Roman form and of the forms 
among some other Aryan nations. In this respect the comparison is instructive, as it 
tends to show: first, that however simple the ideas may be which express the connec- 
tion of consanguinci, they serve to organize a family upon the bond itself, and thus 
assume the form of a domestic institution ; secondly, that it is extremely difficult 
to change essentially an established system, whether descriptive or classificatory ; 
thirdly, that the inconvenience of the descriptive form tends to suggest the use of 
the common terms found in the Finn, and English as well, which arise out of the 
system by logical development; and lastly, that the direction this development 
would take was predetermined by the logical trend of the ideas embodied in the 
system. The phrase " father's brother" describes a person, but it also implies, as 
elsewhere remarked, a bond of connection between that person and myself, which 
is real and tangible. When the idea suggested by the phrase found a new birth 
in patruus or seta, these terms superseded the former, and became the living 
embodiment of the idea itself. It was not so much an overthrow of the descrip- 
tive method as the realization of the conception it suggested in an improved as \vell 
as concrete form. Centuries of time may have elapsed before this much of advance 
was made. Having thus gained the relationship of paternal uncle, the Finns could 
say, setani polled, " son of my paternal uncle," instead of " son of my father's 
brother," which is slightly more convenient. The same remarks apply to the rela- 
tionships of nephew and cousin. 

The third collateral line gives the following series: Paternal uncle of my father, 
son of paternal uncle of my father, and son of son of the same ; or, in another form, 
brother of my great father, cousin of my father, and son of cousin of my father. The 
relatives of Ego in the remaining branches of this line are designated in a similar 
manner. 

The marriage relationships are quite fully discriminated. There are special 
terms for husband and wife, father-in-law, and mother-in-law, son-in-law and 
daughter-in-law ; and also three different terms for the several brothers-in-law, and 
two for the several sisters-in-law. Its nomenclature, therefore, is nearly equal to 
the Roman. Fulness in the discrimination of the marriage relationships is also a 
characteristic of the Turanian system. 

There are but five generalizations in the system of relationship of the Finns. 
First, the several brothers of a father are generalized into a class, and the term 
seta, parental uncle, is used to express the relationship ; secondly, the several 
brothers of the mother of Ego are generalized into another class, and a different 
term, eno, maternal uncle, is employed to distinguish it from the former ; thirdly, 
the several sisters of his father and mother are generalized into a class, and a com- 
mon term, idle, aunt, is used to indicate the relationship ; fourthly, the sons of the 



62 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

brothers and sisters of Ego are brought into a common class, and the term nepdci, 
nephew, indicates the relationship ; and lastly, the children of these several uncles 
and aunts are generalized into one class, and the common term serkku, and another, 
orpdnd, cousin, were used to express this relationship. Such an amount of classi- 
fication, and following so closely in the direction of the lloman, suggests a pre- 
sumption of influence from that source. But it is difficult to see how it can be 
sustained. ' At the same time there is a striking similarity, not to say affinity, 
between several of the Finnish terms of consanguinity, and the corresponding 
terms in the Aryan dialects : for example, sisar, sister ; tytar, daughter ; pol7ca, 
son ; nepdd, nephew ; tdte, aunt ; seta, parental uncle ; and eno, paternal aunt. The 
terms for collateral consanguine! may have been borrowed from Aryan sources, 
which is not improbable, but this could not be affirmed of sisar, tytar, and pmka. 
What the explanation of these affinities may be, I am unable to state. As the 
Turanian system has not yet been presented, it cannot be contrasted with that 
here shown. It may be premised, however, that the Finn system does not contain 
a single characteristic of the Turanian, the two former being the reverse of each 
other in every respect, as will appear in the sequel. 

From what has been seen of the gradual development of special terms in the 
Aryan languages, and of the modification, by means of them, of the descriptive 
form ; and from what now appears on the face of the Finnish system, it is a reason- 
able, if not a necessary inference, that the latter was also originally descriptive, 
and that the special terms for collateral consanguine! were of comparatively modern 
introduction. This view will be materially strengthened- by the present condition 
of the Esthonian form. 

2. Esthonians. The system of relationship of the Esthonians was furnished by 
Charles A. Leas, Esq., United States Consul at Revel, Russia. It is the more 
valuable and interesting from the fact that this people are rude and uncultivated, 
and still possess their native language, usages, and customs, although surrounded 
by Slavonic and German populations. 1 It is, therefore, presumptively nearer to the 

1 From the instructive letter of Mr. Leas, which accompanied the schedule, the following extracts 
are taken. " The Esthonians who inhabit this province, and who for the past seven hundred years 
have constituted its peasantry, were found a comparatively wild and uncultivated people by the 
German Knights, when they invaded and took possession of the country, A.D. 1219. This people 
were at that time divided into a number of tribes, each being governed by a chief. At that period 
they had, to some extent, abandoned their nomadic life, and a portion of them had commenced the 
cultivation of the land, by making farms ; but they have preserved no traditions, nor have they the 
slightest conception as to their origin, or from whence they came. And although they have lived 
among a highly intelligent and cultivated people (the Germans) for the past six hundred years, they 
have persistently and obstinately refused to adopt or learn their language, habits, customs, or dress ; 
but to this day have preserved with tenacity the language, habits, customs, and even dress of their 
fathers, living in the same condition substantially in which they were found in 1219. No traditions 
are known or related among them which throw any light upon their origin or ancient history ; nor 
have the Germans preserved any knowledge of their civil organization or mode of government, beyond 
the simple fact that they were divided into tribes, and that these tribes were governed by chiefs. 
From 1219 to about fifty years ago, this people were held as slaves by the German nobility; and 
they now constitute the peasantry of that province. Until lately they had no written language ; and 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 63 

primitive form of consanguinity of this branch of the Uralian family than that of 
the Finns. The two- peoples speak closely allied dialects of the same stock lan- 
guage. 

Mr. Leas remarks upon the system as follows : " The system of relationship now 
in use among the Esthonians is nearly the same as our own, the terms being few, 
and extending only to the nearest kindred. You will notice from the annexed 
schedule that the native Esthonian has no condensed form of expression, as with 
us, for the principal relationships. For example, instead of calling his father's 
brother his uncle, he says, 'my father's brother ;'~and instead of calling his father's 
or his mother's sister his aunt, he says, ' my father's sister,' or ' my mother's 
sister ;' and instead of condensing the phrase, ' mother's sister's husband' into 
uncle, he says, 'my mother's sister's husband.' In like manner, instead of calling 
his son's wife his daughter-in-law, he would say, minu poeg naine, that is, ' my 
son's wife ;' and so on with the other relationships." 

He thus gives, in a few words, the substance and the characteristics of the 
Esthonian system. Having no terms in their language for uncle or aunt, nephew 
or niece, or cousin, and no classification of kindred of any kind, they describe them 
by a combination of the primary terms. It is, therefore, the Erse and Gaelic 
method, pure and simple, and the only instance in which it has been found without 
the circle of the Aryan family. The terms of relationship are, for the most part, 
the same, under dialectical changes, as the Finnish; from which the inference 
arises that the system, with the terms, came down to each from the same original 
source. Since the Esthonian form is the simpler of the two, it seems to be a 

even now are extremely ignorant and uneducated, abounding in superstitions, and bitterly opposed 
to all modern improvements. That the line of succession in their original chiefs was from the father 
to his eldest son (and not elective), seems probable from the fact that to this day all the property 
of the father descends to the eldest son, the other children inherited nothing ; and this rule prevails 
outside of the Russian law. The people are 'hewers of wood and drawers of water,' having no 
part whatever cither in making laws, or in the administration of the general or provincial govern- 
ment. The old German nobility make and execute all the laws of the province, under the Emperor, 
who permits them to do so ; nor are the peasantry possessed of any wealth worth mentioning. The 
land of the province is owned by the German nobles, who have divided it into estates of immense 
dimensions, called Knights' Estates, some of which are twenty and thirty miles square ; and none, 
I believe has less than eight or ten miles square. These estates can neither be reduced below what 
is called a Knight's estate, which is some three or four thousand acres ; nor can any man purchase 
an estate in the province except he be an Esthonian nobleman. The most distinguished Russian, 
of whatever rank, could not purchase an Esthonian estate, unless the Esthonian nobility first admitted 
him as a member of their body ; and as the Esthonians proper are peasants, and none of them noble- 
men, so none possess estates. They rent the land and cultivate it, and in payment give either work 
or money. Each estate has one, two, or three thousand acres of land immediately around the resi- 
dence of the nobleman, which he cultivates himself through the labor of the peasants, the balance 
being parcelled out in peasant farms of one or two hundred acres. The peasant farmers, if they pay 
in work, which is generally the case, send their sons, wives, and daughters to work for the nobleman, 
who, in this manner, without personal labor, secures the ample cultivation of that part of the estate 
which remains for his own use, as first stated. The peasants live in small wood houses without 
chimneys, which are filled with smoke the entire winter, and live on black bread, milk, and salt 
They have stoically resisted all the kind efforts of the nobility to give them chimneys to their houses, 
declaring, as they do, that it is a destructive innovation, only tending to destroy their lives." 



64 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

further necessary inference that it still exhibits the system of the original stock 
from which both were derived ; thus tending to confirm, by an independent argu- 
ment, a conclusion previously formed, that the system of the Finns was originally 
purely descriptive. The two forms are identical in their radical conceptions, the 
difference consisting in the limited amount of classification of kindred which is 
found in the latter. In like manner, the absence from the Esthonian dialect 'of 
several of the terms of relationship now existing in the Finnish, tends to show that 
the latter have been developed in the Finnish, or introduced from external sources, 
with the modifications of form thereby produced, since the separation of these 
nations from each other, or from the parent stem. The same system of consan- 
guinity being thus found in two parallel streams of descent, carries back its exist- 
ence, as a distinct system, to the time when the Finns and Esthonians, or their 
common ancestors, were one people. It can therefore claim an antiquity in the 
Uralian family of many centuries. 

It will not be necessary to take up the Esthonian system in detail after this gene- 
ral explanation of its character. For a further knowledge of its form reference is 
made to the Table. Although not fully extended, the remainder, from what is 
given, can be readily inferred. 

3. Magyars. The ethnic connection of the Magyars with the Ugrian nations is 
well established. Since their irruption into Hungary they have been surrounded 
by Slavonic populations, of whose progress they have, to some extent, partaken ; 
but their system of consanguinity appears to have remained uninfluenced from this 
source. The schedule in the Table, by some misconception, was filled out as far 
only as special terms are used, leaving all the remaining questions unanswered. 
Of this omission the following explanation was given in a note. " The degrees of 
relationship left unfilled, or marked with [a wave line] have no popular nouns 
[terms] in the Hungarian or Magyar language, and are circumscribed [described] 
as in English." It would have been more satisfactory to have had the full details 
of the system, since the method of description is material ; but yet it will be suffi- 
cient for general purposes to know that it is descriptive in all cases where special 
terms are not used. 

Grandfather is expressed by prefixing oreg, old, to the term for father, and 
great-grandfather by prefixing tied, the signification of which is not given. A 
grandson is described as " son of my son." 

The relationships of brother and sister are concieved in the twofold form of elder 
and younger, and not in the abstract. It is one of the remarkable features of the 
Magyar system, and one which may be expected to reappear in the forms of other 
nations belonging to this branch of the family. The four terms are radically dis- 
tinct from each other, and as follows: batyam, "my elder brother;" ocsem, "my 
younger brother;" nenem, "my elder sister;" and hugom, "my younger sister." 
This is the first, and the only Turanian characteristic in the Magyar system. 

I call my brother's son, Ids ocsem, kis = little, literally, " my little younger brother ;" 
and my brother's daughter, kis hugom, "my little younger sister." My brother's 
grandson and great-grandson are described, but the form of description is not given. 



OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 65 

In the second collateral line the same peculiarity reappears. I call my father's 
brother, nagybatyam,nagj grand, literally, "my grand elder brother," and my 
father's sister, nac/y nenem, " my grand elder sister." My mother's brother and 
sister are designated by the same phrases ; and therefore, which branch was intended 
must be indicated, when necessary, by additional words. In what way the child- 
ren and descendants of these several uncles and aunts are described, does not 
appear. 

No explanation is given in the schedule of the manner of indicating the series 
of relatives in the third, and more remote collateral lines, except that they are 
described. 

The novel method found in the Magyar system for expressing the relationships 
of uncle and nephew, aunt and niece, has not before appeared, and does not appear 
again in the system of any nation represented in the Tables. The nearest approach 
to it occurs in the system of the Minnitaree and Upsaroka Indian nations of the 
Upper Missouri, among whom uncle and nephew stand in the relation of elder and 
younger brother. This form, however, is exceptional, and confined to these cases 
in the Indian family. Such deviations as these from the common form are 
important, since they are apt to reappear in other branches of the same stock, and 
thus become threads of evidence upon the question of their ethnic connection, and 
also with reference to the order of their separation from each other, or from the 
parent stem. When such a method of indicating particular relationships comes 
into permanent use to the displacement of a previous method, the offshoots of the 
particular nation in which it originated, are certain to take it with them, and to 
perpetuate it as an integral part of their system of consanguinity. A feature of 
the same kind has been noticed in the Slavonic, and still others will appear in the 
systems of other families. The most unexpected suggestions of genetic connection 
present themselves through such deviations from uniformity, when it reappears in 
the systems of other nations. 

In Magyar, the marriage relationships are not fully discriminated by special 
terms. There are terms for husband and wife, father-in-law and mother-in-law, 
son-in-law and daughter-in-law, and one term for sister-in-law. All others are 
described. 

Notwithstanding the absence of full details of the Magyar system of relation- 
ship, enough appears to show that it is not classificatory in the Turanian sense, 
but chiefly descriptive. The generalizations which it contains are : first, that of 
brothers and sisters into elder and younger ; secondly, that of the brothers of the 
father and of the mother into one class, as grand elder brothers ; thirdly, that of 
the sisters of the father and of the mother into one class, as grand elder sisters ; and 
fourthly, that of the children of the brothers and sisters of Ego into two classes, 
as his little younger brothers and little younger sisters. The last three, while they 
exhibit a novel method of description, failed to develop in the concrete form the 
relationships of uncle and aunt, or nephew and niece. It gives to the system a 
certain amount of classification ; but it is in accordance with the principles of the 
descriptive form. 

9 February, 1869. 



66 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

II. Turk Nations. 1. Osnianli-Turks. 2. Kuzabbashi. 

The Turk stock is allied to the Ugrian. 1 It is one of the most important in 
Asia, both with respect to its past history and its future prospects. More highly 
endowed, and more energetic in impulse than other Asiatic nomades, their migra- 
tory movements, and military and civil achievements have been more conspicuous 
than those of other nomadic nations. The principal subdivisions of the Turk 
stock are the Kirgiz, the Bashkers, and the Nogays, on the north and west ; the 
Yakuts, or Sokhalars, detached geographically and established on the Lena within 
the Arctic circle; the Osmanli-Turks on the west; and the inhabitants of Bokhara, 
Chinese Tartary, and Turkistan on the east and south. 2 The differences among 
the several dialects of these nations are said to be less than among the Ugrian. 

It is thus seen that the Uralian family, in its several branches, occupies an immense, 
a compact, and a continuous area, extending from the Arctic Sea to the Mediter- 
ranean and Caspian, and from China and Mongolia to the territories of the Aryan 
family. 3 This fact is equally true of all the great linguistic families of mankind. 
Reasons for this are found in the causes which control the migrations of nations, 



1 " Those writers, in short, who adopt the nomenclature of Blumenbach, place the Ugrians and 
Turks in the same class, that class being the Mongol. So that, in the eyes of the anatomist, the 
Turks and the Ugrians belong to the same great division of mankind." Latham's Native Races of 
the Russian Empire, p. 30. 

a " It suggests the idea of the enormous area appropriated to the Turkish stock. It is perhaps 
the largest in the world, measured by the mere extent of surface ; not, however, largest in respect 
to the number of inhabitants it contains. In respect to its physical conditions, its range of difference 
is large. The bulk of its surface is a plateau the elevated table-land of Central Asia so that, 
though lying within the same parallels as a great part of the same area, its climates are more extreme. 
But then its outlying portions are the very shores of the icy sea ; whilst there are other Turks as 
far south as Egypt." Native Races of Russian Empire, p. 29. 

8 Lamartine describes the prairie or table-lands of Asia between the Caspian Sea and the frontiers 
of China, the home country of the pastoral tribes of the Turks, as follows. " This basin, which ex- 
tends, uncultivated, from the frontiers of China to Thibet, and from the extremity of Thibet to the 
Caspian Sea, produces, since the known origin of the world, but men and flocks. It is the largest 
pasture-field that the globe has spread beneath the foot of the human race, to multiply the milk 
which qoenches man's thirst, the ox that feeds him, the horse that carries him, the camel that follows 
him, bearing his family and his tent, the sheep that clothes him with its fleece. Not a tree is to be 
seen there to cast its shade upon the earth, or supply a covert for fierce or noxious animals. Grass 
is the sole vegetable. Nourished by a soil without stones, and of great depth, like the slimy and 
saline bottom of some ocean, emptied by a cataclysm ; watered by the oozings of the Alps of Thibet, 
the loftiest summits of Asia ; preserved during the long winters by a carpet of snow, propitious to 
vegetation ; warmed in spring by a sun without a cloud ; sustained by a cool temperature that never 
mounts to the height of parching, grass finds there, as it were, its natural climate. It supplies there 
all other plants, all other fruits, all other crops. It attracted thither the ruminant animals the 
ruminant animals attracted man. They feed, they fatten, they give their milk, they grow their hair, 
their fur, or their wool for their masters. After death they bequeath their skin for his domestic 
uses. Man, in such countries, needs no cultivation to give him food and drink, nor fixed dwellings, 
nor fields inclosed and divided for appropriation. The immeasurable spaces over which he is obliged 
to follow the peregrinations of his moving property, leads him in its train. He takes with him but 
his tent, which is carried from steppe to steppe, according as the grass is browsed upon a certain 
zone around him ; or he harnesses his ox on to his leather-covered wagon, the movable mansion of 
his family." History of Turkey, I, 181 (Book II, S. xix.) Appleton's edition, 1355. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 67 

of which the principal are physical ; but among the moral are those relating to 
the sympathy and mutual protection which flow from community of blood. 

1. Osmanli-Turks. In many respects the Osmanli-Turks are an extreme repre- 
sentative of the Turkic class of nations. Their language, originally scant in 
vocables, has drawn largely, as is well known, from Persian, Arabic, and other 
incongruous sources, but without yielding its primitive grammatical forms. Their 
blood, also, has become intermixed, in the course of centuries, with that of the 
Semitic and Aryan families, without disturbing, however, the influence of the 
preponderating Turk element, or infusing, to any perceptible extent, Aryan or 
Semitic ideas. As a people they are still under the guidance of the same impulses 
and conceptions which existed in their brains when they left the table-lands of Asia 
to enter upon their eventful migration for the possession of one of the ancient seats 
of Aryan civilization. Their civil and domestic institutions, which are still oriental, 
have proved incapable of developing a State of the Aryan type, because the ele- 
ments of such a political organism did not exist in the conceptions of the Turk 
mind. It is impossible to develop from the primary ideas deposited in the intel- 
lectual and moral life of a people, and transmitted with the blood, a series of institu- 
tions which do not spring logically from them. There is a fixed relation between 
rudimentary institutions and the State which rises out of them by the growth of 
centuries. These institutions are developments from pre-existing ideas, conceptions, 
and aspirations, and not new creations of human intelligence. Man is firmly held 
under their control, and within the limits of expansion of which they are suscep- 
tible. It is by the free admixture of diverse- stocks, or, better still, of independent 
families of mankind, that the breadth of base of these primary ideas and concep- 
tions is widened, and the capacity for civilization increased to the sum of the original 
endowments and experiences of both. Where the intermixture of blood is greatly 
unequal, the modifications of institutions are relatively less than the quantum of 
alien blood acquired ; since, in no case, will the preponderating stock adopt any con- 
ceptions that do not assimilate and become homogeneous with the prevailing ideas. 
Hence, the most favorable conditions for a new creation, so to express it, of mental and 
moral endowments is the consolidation of two diverse and linguistically distinct peoples 
into one, on terms of equality, that they may become fused in an elementary union. 

The Aryan family unquestionably stands at the head of the several families of 
mankind. Next to the Aryan stands the Semitic, and next to the latter the Ura- 
lian ; and they are graduated at about equal distances from each other. Each has 
its points of "distinguishing excellence ; but taken in their totalities, the Aryan 
family has the greatest breadth and range of intellectual and moral powers, and 
has made the deepest impression upon human affairs. By what combination of 
stocks this immense mental superiority was gained we are entirely ignorant. The 
same may be said of the Semitic as compared with the Uralian, and of the Uralian, 
though in a less degree, as compared with the Turanian. 

In the light of these suggestions the failure of the Osmanli-Turks to reach or 
even to adopt the Aryan civilization is not remarkable. Six hundred years of expe- 
rience, of civilizing intercourse with Aryan nations, and of localized government have 
failed to raise them to the necessary standard of intelligence. Instead of working 



68 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

their way up to civilization by the slow process of internal growth, as each of the 
Aryan nations has done independently of each other, they attempted to seize it 
ready-formed at the point of the scimitar. .It cannot be won in this manner ; neither 
can it be acquired by formal attempts to practise its arts and usages. It has an 
older and deeper foundation in the mental constitution of the people. These 
suggestions have a direct bearing upon systems of relationship, which are under the 
same law as to their development, and share the same elements of permanence which 
inhere in domestic institutions. 

The Osmanli-Turkish system, having borrowed a portion of the Arabic nomen- 
clature, is not the best type of the system of this branch of the family. That of 
the Kirgiz or Bashkirs would have been much better had it been procured. It is 
inferior to the Kuzulbashi which follows. 

There are terms in this language for grandfather and grandmother, and a term 
in common gender for grandchild. Ascendants and descendants beyond these are 
described by a combination of terms. 

I call my brother's son and daughter yeyenim, which is a term in common gender 
for nephew and niece. The children of the latter are described. 

The term for paternal uncle, ammim or amujam, and paternal aunt, lialam, appear 
to be from the Arabic. It has terms also for maternal uncle, dayem, and for pater- 
nal aunt, diazam. These terms determine the form for the designation of kindred 
in the second collateral line, at least in part. The series, in the male branch used 
for illustration, is as follows : paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, and son of son 
of paternal uncle. Of the next degree below this, Dr. Pratt remarks in a note 
that " the same form of description, if any, is employed." This is a novel feature 
in the system, since it appears that all the descendants of an uncle, near and remote, 
are designated as uncle's sons and uncle's daughters, and all the descendants of an 
aunt as an aunt's soiis and daughters. 

Of the third collateral line Dr. Pratt remarks, " that no account is made of these 
degrees," which is repeated as to each of its branches. This is a significant state- 
ment, as it shows that they are not classified, and thus brought within the near 
degrees of relationship, as in the Turanian system ; but are left without the sys- 
tem, and to the descriptive method for their designation. 

It would seem from the present features of the Osmanli-Turkish system, barren 
as it is in its details, that it must have been originally purely descriptive. The 
changes that have occurred are limited to the same generalizations which have 
been found in those of the Aryan and Semitic families. On the other hand, the 
Turanian form does not admit of the description of a solitary kinsman, however 
remote in degree he may stand from Ego. Each and all, so far as the connection 
can be traced, are brought into one of the recognized relationships for the indica- 
tion of which a special term exists. It will be found in the sequel that the 
Osmanli-Turkish form separates itself, by a clearly-defined line, from the Turanian 
in its fundamental characteristics. The degree of importance which rightfully 
attaches to this radical difference will be hereafter considered. 

2. Kuzulbasfd. Our knowledge of this people, and of their proper linguistic 
position, is not altogether definite, if they are identical with the Tajicks referred 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 69 

to by Dr. Prichard, who speaks of them as " genuine Persians." 1 Max Miiller sets 
them down as a Turkish nation. The latter remarks : " The northern part of 
Persia, west of the Caspian Sea, Armenia, the south of Georgia, Sherwan and 
Dagestan, harbor a Turkic population known by the general name of Kisel-batih 
(Red Caps). They are nomadic robbers, and their arrival in these countries dates 
from the eleventh and twelfth centuries." 2 

The late Kev. George W. Dunmore, formerly a missionary of the American 
Board at Diarbekir, in Turkey, speaks of them in his letter which accompanied 
the schedule, as Kuzulbashi-Koords. He remarks, " Not being myself familiar 
with the language of the Kuzulbashi, I am indebted [for the filling out of the 
schedule] chiefly to an educated native, whose vernacular may be said to be that 
of the Kuzulbashi-Koords, among whom he spent his early days. * * * None 
of the missionaries, however, know the language of the Kuzulbashi, and all inter- 
course with them is through converted Armenians familiar with their language, or 
by means of the Turkish, which many of them know." 3 

There are special terms in this language for grandfather and grandmother, and 
for grandchild. 

In the first collateral line male, the series is as follows : brother, son of my 
brother, grandchild of my brother, and son of grandchild of my brother. There 
is a special term for nephew, which is applied by a man to the children of his sis- 
ter, and restricted to that relationship. 

The Arabic terms for uncle and aunt reappear in the Kuzulbashi language in 
apli, ammeh, for those on the father's side, and in kdlleh, a term in common gender, 
for those on the mother's. From the presence of these terms it is inferable that 
the relationships named were not discriminated among this people until a compara- 
tively recent period. The series in the branch of the second collateral line, usually 
cited, is the following : paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, grandchild of paternal 
uncle, and son of grandchild of paternal uncle. 

In the third collateral line the form is similar, namely : brother of grandfather, 
son of brother of grandfather, and grandson of brother of grandfather. The per- 
sons in the fourth collateral line, in the several branches, are similarly described. 

From these illustrations it is evident that the system of relationship of the Kuzul- 
bashi is descriptive. With the exception of the terms borrowed from Arabic 
sources, and the term for nephew, applied to a sister's son, it is purely descriptive. 
The method of description is such, both in this and in the Osmanli-Turkish, as to 
imply the existence of an earlier form substantially identical with the Celtic. 

1 " The modern Tajicks, or genuine Persians, called by the Turks Kuzulbashes, are well known as a 
remarkably handsome people, with regular features, long oval faces, black, long, and well-marked eye- 
brows, and large black eyes." Prichard's Nat. Hint, of Man, 173, c. f. Latham's Descrip. Eth. II, 191. 

2 Science of Language, Lee. VIII. p. 302. 

3 I cannot forbear to mention the manner in which this estimable missionary laid down his life. 
At the date of his letter (July, 1800) he was at Constantinople, but he returned to his native country 
the following year, and in April, 1862, enlisted as a chaplain in the Union army. In August of that 
year he fell mortally wounded at Helena, Arkansas, in an engagement in which he participated, and 
while defending the place against an assault of the rebel forces. Thus perished, in the prime of life, 
a brave, patriotic, and Christian citizen, in the service of his country. 



70 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY. 

The Kuzulbashi closes the series of nations comprised in the Uralian family, 
whose system of consanguinity is given in the Table. A comparison of their 
several forms shows them to agree in their fundamental characteristics. Upon the 
basis of this agreement, but more particularly upon the ground of total variance 
between the system of the Turanian family proper and that of the Ugrian and 
Turk nations, the Uralian family has been constituted. Although the number of 
nations, whose system has been procured, is small in comparison with the number 
unrepresented, and for this reason may seem inadequate to establish properly the 
foundations of a new family, it will be found, in the sequel, that they are entitled 
to an independent position. 

The system of consanguinity and affinity of the Aryan and Semitic families, and 
of the Uralian, so far as it is given in the Table, is one and the same in general 
plan and in fundamental conceptions. In each family, the system, as it now pre- 
vails, is in accordance with the nature of descents where marriage subsists between 
single pairs, and the family in its proper sense exists. It recognizes the distinction 
between the several lines, and the perpetual divergence of those which are col- 
lateral from that which is lineal, together with the bond of connection through 
ascertainable common ancestors. Advancing a step beyond this, such generaliza- 
tions of kindred into classes as it contains, limit the members of each class to 
such persons as stand in the same degree of nearness to Ego. These generaliza- 
tions are suggested, with more or less distinctness, by the principles of the system 
with which they are in harmony, and out of which they rise by natural develop- 
ment. In so far as nature may be said to teach this form of consanguinity, the 
nations comprised in each of these great families have read her lessons alike. It 
is not, however, a necessary inference that the descriptive system springs up spon- 
taneously, and consequently that all nations must inevitably gravitate toward this 
form ; since it is known that much the largest portion of the human family, numeri- 
cally, have a system radically different, the forms of which have stood permanently 
for ages upon ages. It is far easier to conceive of the formation of the descriptive 
than of the classificatory system ; but when once formed and adopted into use, 
each is found to possess, to an extraordinary degree, the power of self-perpetuation. 

In the foregoing exposition of the descriptive system of relationship, the utmost 
brevity, consistent with an intelligible presentation of the subject, has been sought. 
At best it is but a superficial discussion of the materials contained in the Table. 
It was necessary to show: first, the nature and principles of the system; secondly, 
the ethnic boundaries of its distribution ; and thirdly, the concurrence of these 
three great families in its possession. To these propositions the discussion has been 
chiefly confined. The bearing which the joint possession of the descriptive system 
by these families may have upon the question of their ethnic connection, and 
which is believed to be deserving of consideration, is entirely subordinate to 
another, and that the main object of this work, to which attention will now be 
directed. It is to present the classificatory system of relationship of the American 
Indian and Turanian families, to show their identity, and to indicate some of the 
conclusions which result therefrom. Having ascertained the nature and limits of 
the descriptive system, it will be much easier to understand the classificatory, 
although it rests upon conceptions altogether different. 



APPENDIX TO PART I. 

TABLE OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SEMITIC ARYAN 

AND URALIAN FAMILIES. 



(71) 



APPENDIX TO PART I. 



GENEALOGICAL TABLE or THE SEMITIC, ARYAN, AND URALIAN NATIONS, WHOSE SYSTEM or CONSAN- 
GUINITY AND AFFINITY is CONTAINED IN THE TABLE HERETO ANNEXED. 



Families. 


Classes. 


Branches. 


Peoples. 




ARABIC . . j SOUTHERN . . . j g ' 


Arabic, 
Druse and Maronite. 


SEMITIC . ' 


HEBRAIC . . MIDDLE .... 3. 


Hebrew. 




ARAMAIC . . NORTHERN ... 4. 


Neo-Syriac, or Nestorian. 




5' 


A rtrvtf,nin n 




\ [ 6. 


ArulvUi&H. 

Erse, or Irish, 




GAELIC . . . . j i 
CELTW . J 

I 8 " 


Gaelic, or Highland Scotch, 
Manx. 




1 CYMRIC .... 9. 


Welsh. 




IRANIC 1 


Persian. 




INPIC 11 


Sanskrit 




f 12. 


Danish and Norwegian, 






SCANDINAVIAN. . J 13 


Icelandic. 






I M. 


Swedish. 






' 15. 


Anglo-Saxon, 






16. 


English, 




TEUTONIC. . 


Low GERMAN . . -^ 17. 


Holland Dutch, 






18. 


Belgian. 






. 19- 


Westphalian, or Platt Dutch. 


ARYAN . . ' 




f Ofl 

HIGH GERMAN . ] 
(. 21. 


German (Prussian), 
German (Swiss). 






!22. 


French, 




ROMAIC . . < 


23. 
24. 


Spanish, 
Portuguese, 




I 25. 


Italian. 




1 26. 


Latin. 




( ANCIENT ... 27 
HELLENIC . 
I MODERN .... 28. 


Ancient Greek. 
Modern Greek. 






' LETTIC , . . 29. 


Lithuanian. 






30. 


Polish, 




SLAVONIC . . < 


31. 

QO 


Slovakian, or Bohemian, 
Bulgarian, 








33. 


Bulgarian, 






34. 


Russian. 




TURKIC . . . 


f I* 5 ' 


Osmanli-Turk, 
Kuzulbashi. 


I 1 36. 


URALIAN . . 




QIT 


Magyar. 






UORIC . . . J f QO 
1 FINNIC . 


Esthonian, 




1 39. 


Finn. 


10 February, 1869. 


( "73 ) 



APPENDIX. 



LIST OP SCHEDULES IN TABLE I. 



Nations. 



Names of Persons by whom, and places where Schedules were filled. 



1. ARABIC . . . 

2. DRUSE and 

MARONITE 

3. HEBREW . . 

4. NEO-SYRIAC or 

NESTORIAN 

5. ARMENIAN 

6. ERSE . . . 

7. GAELIC. 

8. MANX . . . 

9. WELSH . . . 

10. PERSIAN . . 

11. SANSKRIT . . 

12. DANISH and 

NORWEGIAN 

13. ICELANDIC . . 

14. SWEDISH . . 

15. ANGLO-SAXON 

16. ENGLISH . . 

17. HOLLAND 

DUTCH 

18. BELGIAN . . 

19. WESTPHALIAN 
or PLATT DUTCH 

20. GERMAN 
(PRUSSIAN) 

21. GERMAN 

(Swiss) 

22. FRENCH . . 

23. SPANISH . . 

24. PORTUGUESE . 

25. ITALIAN . . 

26. LATIN . . . 

27. CLASSICAL 

GREEK 

28. MODERN 

GREEK 



Rev. C. V. A. Van Dyck, D. D., Missionary of the American Board of Com- 
missioners for Foreign Missions, Beirut, Syria, May, 1860. 
Hon. J. Augustus Johnson, U. S. Consul at Beirut, Syria, May, 1860. 

Prof. W. Henry Green, D. D., Theological Seminary, Princeton, New Jersey, 

June, 1861. 
Austin K. Wright, M. D., Missionary of the American Board above named, 

Ooromiah, Persia, July, 1860. 
Lewis H. Morgan, with the aid of John D. Artin and James Thomason, native 

Armenians, residents of Rochester, N. Y., 1859. 
Prof. D. Foley, D. D., Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland, March, 1860. Procured 

through Hon. Samuel Talbot, U. S. Consul at Dublin. 
Rev. Duncan McNab, Glasgow, Scotland, April, 1860, through Hon. George 

Tail, U. S. Consul, Glasgow. 

John Moore, Esq., Rochester, N. Y., December, 1864. 
Evan T. Jones, Esq., Palmyra, Portage Co., Ohio, August, 1861. 
Rev. G. W. Coan, D. D., Missionary of the American Board, Ooromiah, Persia, 

April, 1863. 

1. Prof. W. D. Whitney, Yale College, New Haven, March, 1860. 

2. Fitz Edward Hall, D. C. L., Saugor, North India, August, 1861. 

Hon. W. De Rasloff, Charge d'Affairs of Denmark in the United States. At 

New York, April, 1861. 
Prof. Sigwrdsson, Copenhagen, Denmark, May, 1862, through Prof. C. C. Raffn, 

Secretary of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquarians, Copenhagen. 
Edward Count Piper, Minister Resident of Sweden in the United States, 

Washington, February, 1864. 
Compiled from Bosworth's Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, from Orosius and other 

sources. 

Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y. 
Gerard Arink, M. D., Rochester, N. Y., January, 1861. 

Rev. P. J. De Smet, S. J. St. Louis, Missouri, June, 1862. 

Lewis H. Morgan, with the aid of M. Wischemier, Rochester, N. Y., April, 

1862. 
Joseph Felix, Esq., Rochester, N. Y., May, 1860. 

C. Hunziker, Attorney at Law, Berne, Switzerland. Prepared at the request of 
the Hon. Theodore S. Fay, U. S. Minister Resident at Berne, March, 1860. 

Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y. 

The Counsellor Senhor Miguel Maria Lisboa, Minister Plenipotentiary of Brazil 
in the United States. Washington, December, 1862. 

The Counsellor Senhor M. M. Lisboa, above named. December, 1862. 

Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y. 



Glossary of Later and Byzantine Greek, by Prof. E. A. Sophocles. Memoirs 
Am. Acad. N. S., vol. vii. Article 



APPENDIX. 



75 



LIST OF SCHEDULES IN TABLE I. Continued. 



Nations. 



Names of Persons by whom, and places where Schedules were filled. 



29. LITHUANIAN . 

30. POLISH . . . 

31. SLOVAKIAN or 

BOHEMIAN 

32. BULGARIAN . 

33. BULGARIAN . 

34. RUSSIAN . . 

35. OSMANLI- 

TURK 

36. KUZULBASHI . 

37. MAGYAR 



38. ESTHONIAN . 

39. FINN 



Prof. Francis Bopp, Berlin, Prussia, April, 1860. Procured through Hon. 

Joseph A. Wright, U. S. Minister Resident in Prussia. 
Augustus Plinta, Esq , Civil Engineer, Albany, N. Y., January, 1861. 
Prof. Kanya, Pesth, Hungary, ^February, 1861. Procured through Hon. J. 

Glancy Jones, U. S. Minister Plenipotentiary in Austria. Vienna. 
Rev. Elias Riggs, D. D., Missionary of the American Board at Constantinople, 

Turkish Empire, February, 1862. 
Rev. Charles F. Morse, Missionary of same Board, Sophia, Turkey, January, 

1863. 

By a Russian gentleman. 
Rev. Andrew T. Pratt, Missionary of the American Board, Aleppo, Syria, 

August, 1860. 

Rev. George W. Dunmore, Missionary of the same Board, at Kharpoot, Turk- 
ish Empire. July, 18CO. 
Prof. Paul Hunfalvy, Member of the Hungarian Academy, Pesth, Hungary, 

January, 1861. Procured through Hon. J. Glancy Jones, U. S. Minister 

Plenipotentiary in Austria. 
Hon. Charles A. Leas, U. S. Consul Revel, Russia, February, 1861. 

1. G. Seliu, Student of the Physico-Mathematical Faculty in the University of 
Helsingfors, Russia, April, 1860. Prepared at the request of President A. 
Retzius, President of the Academy of Sciences, Stockholm, Sweden. 

2. Urjo Koskinen, Prof, in the University of Jacobstad, Finland, September, 
1860. Procured through Hon. B. F. Angel, U. S. Minister Resident in 
Sweden. 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY. 



TABLE I. SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY. 



Families. 


Classes. 


Branches. 




Dialects. 


Author of Schedule. 


Pronoun Mj 


SEMITIC . 


ARABIC . 
UFBRAIC 


< Southern . . 
Middle 


I i 

3 


Arabic 
Druse and Maronite . . . 
Hebrew 


C. V. A. Van Dyck, D.D. . 
Hon. J. A. Johnson . . . 
Prof. W. Henry Green . 


Suffix i. 
" i. 
" i. 




ARAMAIC . 


Northern . . 


4 
5 


Neo-Syriac or Nestorian . . 
Armenian 


Austin H. Wright, M.D. . . 
John De Artin (Native Arm ) 


" e. 
Im 






r 


f 6 


Erse or Irish 


D. Foley, D. D 


Mo. 




CELTIC . < 


Gadhelic . . - 


! 


Gaelic or Highland Scottish, 
Manx 


Rev. Duncan McNab . . . 
John Moore 


Mo. 
My. 






Cymric 


9 


Welsh 


Evan T. Jones Esq 


Fy. 








10 




Rev George W Coan D D 


Suffix am 




INDIC 




11 


Sanskrit 


(Prof. W. D. Whitney | 


Mama 






Sciindiiitiviiui < 


12 
13 


Danish and Norwegian . . 
Icelandic 


(FitzEd. Hall, D.C.L.j 
Hon. W. Raasloff .... 

Prof. I. Sigwrdson 


Post i m ! nn \ 
(mm ( 

1 mini J 








14 


Swedish 


Edward Count Piper . 


^niin ( 
Min. 








" 15 


Anglo-Saxon 


Lewis H. Morgan .... 










16 


English 


it u it 


My 




TECTONIC . < 




17 


Holland Dutch 


Gerard Arink, M. D. . 


( My ( m 






Low German. < 


18 




Father P J De Srnet S J 


(Myne (fe 
< Myn ( m 








19 


Platt-Deutsh 


Lewis H. Morgan . 


( Myuen ( fe 
(Me (n 








20 


German 


Joseph Felix Esq . 


( Mene ( fe 
J Mein in 


LRYAN . 




High German - 





German-Swiss 


Herr C. Hunziker .... 


| Meine fe 
( Mein IE 








i 
' 22 


French 


Lewis TT. Morgan .... 


] Meine fe 
JMon re 








23 


Spanish 


Senhor Miguel Maria Lisboa 


|Ma fe 
Mi 






Modern . . - 


24 


Portuguese. 


it tt ti tt 


( Min ( n 




ROMAIC . - 




25 


Italian 


Prof. Paul Marzolo 


(Mia jf( 
(Mio (ir 








26 


Latin 


Lewis H. Morgan .... 


jMia (fe 
j Meus ( m 






Ancient 


27 


Classical Greek 


a u it 


(Mea (fe 
(Emos f ra 




HELLENIC - 


Modern . 


28 


Modern Greek 


Glossary of Prof. Sophocles . 


(Erne { fe 






Lettic . . . 


29 


Lithuanian .... 


Prof. F Bopp 










' 30 


Polish 


Augusta Plinta, Esq. . 


( Moj f m 








31 


Slovakian or Bohemian . 


Prof. Kanya 


(Moja (fe 
{Moj } m 




SLAVONIC . < 










Moja ( fe 








32 


Bulgarian 


Elias Riggs, D. D 


Post mi. 








33 


Bulgarian 


Rev. Charles F. Morse . 


" mi. 








34 


Russian 


By a Russian 


( Moi ( m 









f 35 


Osmanli-Turk 


Rev. Andrew T. Pratt . . 


(Maja (fe 
Suffix m. 




TURKIC 




i 36 


Kuzulbashe 


Rev. George W. Dunmore . 


Post mu 








37 


Magyar 


Prof Paul Hunfalvy 


Suffix m 


JRALIAN < 






f 38 


Estboniau ... . . 


Hon. Chas. A. Leas . . 


Minn. 




UGRIC . . 


Finnic . . . - 


\ 
) 39 


Finn 


(Dr. Urio Koskinen') r, , 


Suffix ni. 








( 




(Mr. G. Selm j 





NOTATION IN TABLE I. 



VOWEL SOUNDS. 

a as a in ale. o as o in tone. 

a " " " father. 6 " " " got. 
a " " " at. u " 11 " unit. 

e " e " mete. u " oo " food. 

g u u u me k fe and o in Greek 

i " i " ice. (are long e and o. 
I " " " it. 



The literary languages represented in the Table, with two or three exceptions, 
have their own diacritical marks. 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY. 



79 



TABLE I. SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SEMITIC, ARYAN, AND UBALIAN FAMILIES. 



1. Great-grandfather's great-grandfather. 



Translation. 



2. Great-grandfather's grandfather. 



Translation. 



1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

S 

9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36. 
37 
38 
39 



Jidd jidd jiddi... 
Jadd jadd jaddi . 



Sawuna d'sawua d'sawunee 



Tip tip tip olde fader., 



Farfars farfars farfar 

Eald eald eald eald eald faeder ... 
Gt. grandfather's gt. grandfather.. 
Over over over oud groot vader. ... 
Groot groot groot groot groot vader 

Antke vader's antke vader 

Urururur grossvater 

Urnrumrgrossvater 

L'a'ieul de 1'a'ieul de mon ai'eul. ... 



Tritavus.... 
Tripappos .. 
Trispappos . 



Moj prapraprapra dziadek., 



Moi prapraprapradjed . 



Grandfather of g. f. of g. f. my. 



Bavkaleh bavkaleh bavkaleh mun 



Great gd. father's gt. gd. father. 

Grandfather's grandfather's grandfather 
Gt. gd. father's gt. gd. father. 



Gt. gt. gt. gt. grandfather. 

(( u ft 

The grandfather of the gd. f. of my g. f. 

Great grandfather's great grandfather, 
(i it a ft 

n n a ti 

My great gt. gt. gt. grandfather. 

My great gt. gt. gt. grandfather. 
Grandfather of g. f. of g. f. my. 



Jidd jidd abi... 
Jadd jadd abi . 



Sawuna d'sawunii d'babee . 



Tip tip oldefader., 



Farfars farfars far 

Eald eald eald eald faeder 

Great grandfather's grandfather 

Over over oud groot vader 

Groot groot groot groot vader.... 

Antke vader's bess vader 

Ururur grossvater 

Urururgrossvater 

La pere de 1'a'ieul de mon a'ieul. 



Atavus 

Dispappos . 
Dispappos.. 



Moj praprapra dziadek . 



Moi praprapradjed 

Bavkaleh bavkaleh baveh mun. 



Grandfather of g. f. of father my. 



Great grandfather's grandfather. 

Grandfather's grandfather's father. 
Gt. grandfather's grandfather 



Great gt. gt. grandfather, 
it a a 

The father of the g. f. of my g. f. 

Great grandfather's grandfather. 
K it it 

it tt it 

My great gt. gt. grandfather. 

My great gt. gt. grandfather. 
Grandfather of g. f. of father my. 



3. Great grandfather's father. 



Translation. 



4. Great grandfather's mother. 



Translation. 



Ill 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
Hi 
17 
IS 
19 
20 
21 
22 

2-; 

24 
2f> 
-i 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
33 
29 



Jidd jiddi., 
Jad jaddi.., 



Sawuna d'sawunee 

Metzhorus metzliorii hira. 

Shan ahair mahar 

Mo shin sin seanair 



Fy ngororhendad , 



Vriddhaprapitamahah 1 

Tip oldefader 

Langalangafi minn 

Farfars farfar 

Kald eald eald faeder 

Great-grandfather's father. 

Over oud groot vader 

Groot groot groot vader 

Autke vaders vader 

Ururgrossvater 

Ururgrossvater 

Mou trisa'ieul 

Tatarabuelo 

Tataravo 



Aba vug 

Epipappos . 
Apopappos . 



Moj prapra dziadek . 

Muj prapraded 

Prepredyed 

Preprededa 

Moi prapradjed 



Bavkaleh Bavkaleh mun. 



Grandfather of grandfather my. 



Grandfather of grandfather my. 

u tt tt tt 

I The old father of my father. 
My great grandfather's father. 



My great great grandfather. 
Great great grandfather. 

" " " my. 

Grandfather's grandfather. 
Great grandfather's father. 



u tt tt 

Great great grandfather. 
it t( (t 

My great great grandfather. 

(( U tt ft 

Great great grandfather. 
Great great grandfather. 



it u 



My great great grandfather. 



Grandfather of grandfather my. 



Sitt sitti. 
Sitt sitti. 



Nana d'nanee 

Metzmorus metziuora mira 

Sliau vahair mahar 

Mo shin sin sear mhathair 



Fy Ngororhenfam. 



Vriddhaprapit&mahi 

Tip oldemoder 

Langalangamma inin 

Farfars mormor 

Eald eald eald modor 

Great grandfather's mother. 

Over ond groot moeder 

Groot groot groot moeder .... 

Antke vader's mohder 

Ururgrossmutter 

Ururgrossmutter 

Ma trisai'eule 

Tatarabuela 

Tataravo 



Abavia . . 
Epitethe . 
Apomme. 



Moj a praprababka. 

Ma praprababa 

1'reprebaba mi 

Preprebaba mi 

Moja praprababka. 



Dapeei eh dapeerch mun. 



Grandmother of grandmother iny. 



Grandmother of grandmother my. 

tt tt tt tt 

The old mother of my father. 
My great grandfather's mother. 



My gt. gt. grandfather's mother 
Great grandfather's mother. 

" " " my. 

Grandfather's grandmother. 
Great grand father's mother. 



Great great grandmother. 

it it tt 

My great great grandmother. 

tt ti it ti 

Great grandfather's mother. 

Great great grandmother, 
tt ti u 

tt tt (i 

My great great grandmother. 

ft U ft ft 

Great great grandmother my. 



tt tt 



tt tt 



Grandmother of grandmother my. 



1 The Sanskrit terms are in the nominative case. " Mama," my is omitted. 



80 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 




fl. Greatgrandfather. 


Translation. 


6. Great grandmother. 


Translation. 


I 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Jidd abi 


Grandfather of father my. 

(1 ft U ft 

u n it tt 

ft li 11 if 

Father of my old father. 
My ancestral old father. 
My old ancestor. 
My great grandfather. 

it U tt 

Great grandfather. 
Great grandfather my. 

a it tt 

Great grandfather, 
tt 

u 
<t 
a 
H 

a t 

My great grandfather. 

it tt u 

Great grandfather. 

ft it 

n ft 
a ft 
t( tt 

My great grandfather. 

tt tt 

Great grandfather my. 

tt tt it 

My great grandfather. 
My grandfather's father. 

Grandfather of father my. 

tt tt tt tt 

My father's father's father. 


Sitt abi 


Grandmother of father my. 

it tt tt 

ft tt tt 

tt ti ti 

My old father's mother. 
My ancestral old mother. 
Mother of mother of my mother. 
My great grandmother. 

li Cl f( 

Great grandmother. 

Great grandmother my. 
tt tt a 

Great grandmother. 

tt 

ft 
tt 
u 
tt 
u tt 
My great grandmother. 

if it ft 

Great grandmother. 

tf tt 

it tt 

it ti 
it n 

My great grandmother. 

tt tt tt 

Great grandmother my. 
ft tt tt 

My great grandmother. 
My grandmother's mother. 
Grandmother of father my. 
Grandfather's mother my. 
My mother's mother's mother. 


Jad abi 


Sitt abi 


Sawfina d' bab& 


































Langamma minn. b Edda min 














Over groot moeder 
















Grossgrossmutter 
































Moj a prababka 


















DSdfimin babazfi 




Baveh bavkaleh mun 






Ded anyain 




Miuu ema ema emu. 










7. Grandfather. 


Translation. 


8. Grandmother. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Jlddi 


Grandfather ray. 
tt d 

u ti 
u it 

My old father. 

a it tt 

Father of my father. 
My grandfather. 
Father elder. 
Grandfather. 

" my 

u 
tt 
ft 

ft 
ft 
H 

M 
tt 

My grandfather. 

n tt 

Grandfather, 
tt 

H 
tt 
tt 
tt 

My grandfather. 

tt tt 

Grandfather my. 
tt tt 

My grandfather. 
Grandfather my. 

tt tt 

Old father my. 
My father's father. 
Father of fath. my. b Father my great. 


J-Mtti ' 


Grandmother my. 
tt ti 

tt tt 
c( tt 

My old mother. 

it tt tt 

Mother of my mother. 
My grandmother. 
Mother elder. 

Grandmother. 
ft 

Grandmother my. 
Grandmother. 

! 

My grandmother. 
" " 
Grandmother. 

:: 

: 

My grandmother. 

u d 

Grandmother my. 

it it 

My grandmother. 

Grandmother my. 

ii i< 

Old mother my. 
My mother's mother. 
Great mother my. 


J&ddi 


Sitti. b Judatti 




Nanee 




Metz mire 


Mo han ahair. b Mohair ereeno... 


Mo han vahair 






Moir my moir. b Woavey 




















Amina min 
































GTossmutter 




Mon aieule. b Ma grand'mere.. 










Ava 








Tethe .. 








Mauo Senute 


Moj dziad. b Dziadek dziadnnio.. 
Muj ded 


Moja babka. b Babunia 










Baba my 
















Oreg anyam 




Minu ema ema 


Tso isani b Tsani is& 









OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



81 



TABLE I. Continued. 




9. Father. 


Translation. 


10. Mother. 


Translation. 


I 

2 
3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


; \bi . 


Father my. 
ti 

tt ti 
(< 
<t it 

My father. 
K tt 
it tt 
tt tt 

Father. 

K 
H 

Father ray. 

Father, 
(i 

II 

it 

Father my. 
Father. 

H 

a 

My father. 

u t 

Father. 
u 

H 

ft 
It 

My father. 

tt tf 
fi tt 

Father my. 

K tt 

My father. 
Father my. 
u tt 

ft U 

My father. 
Father my. 




Mother my. 
tt ft 
ft tc 
tt tt 
n it 

My mother. 

tt ft 

U tf 

tt tt 

Mother. 
tt 
tt 
Mother my. 

Mother. 

tt 

t( 
it 
Mother my. 

Mother. 

tt 

ft 

My mother. 
Mother, 
ft 
tt 
ft 
it 
tt 

My mother. 
ft tt 
ti tt 

Mother my. 
tt tt 

My mother. 
Mother my. 
tt it 
ft tt 
My mother. 
Mother my. 


Abi 




.Abhi / .. . 




Babee 




Hire 








M'athalr 














Madar 


Pit& b Janitar .... 












Fader 
























Vater 


Mutter 


Vater 




Mon pere 


Ma mere.... 






Pae 


Moe 


Padre 




Pater 




Pater 




Pater 








Moj ojoiec. b Rodzioiet 


Moja matka. b Rodzicietka .... 




Otetg. b Baghtami 












Biiba-m 












Minu esa 




Tsani 


Aitiul b Emoni 






. 




11. Sin. 


Translation. 


12. Daughter. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
21) 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibni 


Son my. 
it tt 
tt tt 
tt <t 
it tf 
My son. 

tt a 
tl tt 
ft ft 

Son. 

tf 

u 
Son my. 

Son. 

it 

<t 

H 

ft 
ft 
If 
ft 

My son 

Son. 

H 

fl 

H 
H 
It 

My son. 

tt t 
u tt 

Son my. 

tt tt 

My son. 
Son my. 
tt tt 
tt 

My son. 
Boy my. 


Ibneti b Binti 


Daughter my. 
tt tt 
ft tt 
tt tt 
ti tt 

My daughter. 

tt tt 

tf tt 
tt tt 

Daughter. 

tt 
ii 

Daughter my. 

Daughter. 

tt 

it 
ft 
ft 
tt 

tf 
it 

My daughter. 

tt ti 

Daughter. 

tc 
tf 
ft 
ft 

My daughter. 

tt tt 

u ft 

Daughter my. 

tt tt 

My daughter. 
Daughter, my girl, 
it tt 
u tt 
My daughter. 
Daughter iny. 


Ibni 




B'nl 


Bitti 




Bratee 




Tooster 






Mo mhc 












Poosar 


Dftkhtar 


Putrih. b Siiuuh. Sutah 


Putrfi, b Suta c Duhiti 


Son 


Datter 






Sou 


Dotter 






Son 




















Sohn 




Mon flls 


Ma fille 


Hijo 


Hija 


Kilho 


p'ilha 






Filins 


Filia 


Huios 




Huios 




Mano sunns 




Moj syn 




Muj syu 




Sin mi 




Sin mi 




Moi sin. b Syn 




<'glil-um 


Kfis-um 






Fia-m 




Minu Poeg 




Polkanl 


TyttSLreiii 







11 



November, I860. 



82 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 




13. Grandson (common term). 


Translation. 


14. Grandson (descriptive phrase). 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
Id 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
2( 
24 
25 
2tf 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3o 
37 
38 
39 




Son of son my. 

II U It 

u u ti 

Grandson my 
Grandson. 
Son of my son. 
My grandchild. 
Son of my son. 
My grandson. 
Grandchild. 
Grandson. 

M 

Son's son my. 
u it 

Grandson. 
Grandson. b Nephew. 

It 

Grandchild. 
Grandson. 
u 

My grandson. 

Grandson. 
it 

Grandchild. 

Grandson. 

tt 

tt 

Son of my son. 
My grandson. 

14 tt 

Grandson my. 

tt tt 

My grandson. 

Grandchild my. 

tt tt 

Son of my son. 
My son's son. 
Son's son. b Daughter's son. 


Ibn ibneti 


Son of daughter my. 
it it it u 

it it it if 
Grandson my. 
My daughter's son. 
Sou of my daughter. 
Grandchild. 
Sou of my daughter. 
My grandson. 
Grandchild. 

Son's son. b Daughter's son. 
u it it it 

Daughter's son and son's son my. 
Son's son, daughter's son. 
Grandson. 

it 

Son's son. b Daughter's son. 
Son's son. b Daughter's sou. 
Grandchild. 

Son's son. b Daughter's son. 
it it it 

My grandson. 

ti u 

Grandson. 
Grandchild. 
Grandson. 
Son's son. b Daughter's son. 
Grandson. 
Daughter's son. 
My grandson. 
it tt 

Grandson my. 

tt ti 

My grandson. 

Grandchild my. 
Son of my daughter. 
My daughter's son. 


Ilm ibui. b Hafidi 


Ibn binti 


Bfin b'ni 


BBn bittl 






Tor 


Toostris voretin 




Mac mo ineean 








Mac my inneen 




Fy wyr 


Navadii, 


Navada 




Pautrah. b Dauhitrah ... 








Dottur sonr. b Sonar sonr inin 
sonsou. b Dotttersou 


Sonson 




Nefa 


Grandson 


Son's son. b Daui;hter's son.... 
Zoon's zoon. b Dot-liter's zoon . 
Zoon's zoon. b Dochter's zoon. 








Enkel 


Sohn's sohn. b Tochter sohn... 
Sohn's sohn. b Tochter sohn... 


Enket 




Nieto 


Nieto 


Neto 


Neto .. 


Nipote 




























Vnuk mi 




Vnook mi 




Moi vntik 




TorGn-flm 




TOrneh mnn 


Fiam fija 




Minn poeg poeg 




Polkaui polka. * Tyttareul poika 








15. Granddaughter (common term). 


Tranalation. 


16. Granddaughter (Descriptive phrase). 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
1 

8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibnet ibni 


Daughter of son my. 

tt n tt 

tt tt tt 

My granddaughter. 
Son's daughter. 
Daughter of my son. 
My grandchild. 
Daughter of my son. 
My granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 
Granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 
Son's daughter my. 
Daughter's daughter. 

Granddaughter. 

tt 

Little daughter. b Niece. 
Granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 

Granddaughter. 

tt 

My granddaughter, 
tt tt 

Granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 

Granddaughter. 

tt 

it 
Son's daughter. 

My granddaughter. 

it it 

Granddaughter my. 

tf tt 

My granddaughter. 
Grandchild my. 
tt it 

Daughter of my son. 
My daughter's daughter. 
Son's daughter. b Daughter's daughter. 


Ibn binf 


Daughter of daughter my. 
it it it tt 

tt tt it ft 
My granddaughter. 

Daughter of ruy daughter. 

ti it ft 

My grandchild. 
Daughter of daughter. 
My granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 

Sou's daughter. b Daught. 's daugh. 

ft u u u 

Daughter's daughter my. 
Sou's daughter, daughter's daugh. 

Granddaughter, 
it 

Son's daughter. b Danght.'s daugh. 

it it u u 

Grandchild. 

bun's daughter. b Daughter's child. 

it it ii u 

My granddaughter, 
u ii 

Granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 
Grand daughter. 
Son's daughter. b Daught. "s dangh. 
Granddaughter. 
Daughter's dau-hter. 

My grauddaughter. 
u u 

Granddaughter my. 
ti u 

My granddaughter. 

Grandchild my. 
Daughter of my daughter. 
My son's daughter. 


Bint ibni 




Bathb : nl 


Bath bittl 


Narrigtee 




Voretees tooster 




Ineean mo vio 




M'ogha 




Inneeu my vac 


, & . 


Fy wyres 




Navada 


Navada 


Naptrf 


Pautri b Dauhitri 




Sonnedatter. b Datterdatter ... 


Sonar dottir minn 


Dotter dotter 


Son's dotter. b Dotter dotter... 


Nefane 


Granddaughter 


Son'sdaught. b Daught. daught. 
Zhou's dochter. b Dochter's doch. 
Zoou's dochter. b Dochter's doch. 


Klein dochter. b Nicht 




Kinds kind 




Sohn's tochter. b Tochter kind 
Sohn's tochter. b Tochter kiud 
Ma petite-fille 
Nieta 
Neta 


Enkeliu 


Ma petite-fille 
Nieta 
Neta 


Neptis 
Eggone 
EggonS 


Nipote 
Neptis 
Huione. b Thugatride 
Eggono ;. 


Moja wnuczka 
Ma wuucka 
Viiuka mi 


Dukters dukter 
Moj wuuczka 
Ma wuucka 


Vnooka mi 
Moja vnutcbka 
Torfln-utn 


Vnooka mi 
Maja vuutchka 

TOrneemun 


Tdruee mnn 


Miiiu tutiirtutiir 


Leanyon lanya 


PoikanI tytar. b TyttarenT tytar.. 





OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



83 



TABLE I. Continued. 




17. Great-grandson. 


Translation. 


18. Great-granddaughter. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 

H 

24 
25 
26 

27 
28 
2!) 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
38 
37 
38 
39 


Ibnibnilmi 


Son of son of son my. 

it it it ii 

Descendants of the third generation. 
Great grandson my. 
Son's son's son. 
The son of the son of my son. 
My great grandchild. 
Son of son of my son. 
My great grandson. 
Great grandchild. 
Great grandson. 
Great grandchild. 
Sou's son's son my. 
ii it ii 

Great grandson. 
After little son. b Nephew. 
Great grandson. 
" grandchild. 
" grandson. 
ii ii 

My great grandson. 
Great grandson, 
i it 

' grandchild. 

' grandson, 
i ii 

i ii 

My great grandson, 
ii ii ii 

Great grandson my. 
ii it ii 

My " " 
Grandchild of my child. 
Son of grandchild my. 

My son's son's son. 
My son's sou's son. Daughter's daugh- 
ter's son. 




Daught. of daught. of danght. my. 
ii ii ii it 

Descendants of third generation. 
Great granddaughter my. 
Daughter's daughter's daughter. 
The daughter of the son of my son. 
My great grandchild. 
Daught. of daught. of my daught. 
My great granddaughter. 
Great grandchild. 
Great granddaughter. 
" grandchild. 

Daughter's daughter daughter my. 

it it tt ii 

Great granddanahter. 
After little daughter. Niece. 
Great granddaughter. 
Child's child's child. 

Great granddaughter, 
it ii 

My great granddaughter. 

it ii ii 

Great granddaughter. 
" grandchild. 

" granddaughter, 
it ii 

ii ii 

My great granddaughter. 

Great granddaughter my. 
ii it ii 

My " " 
Grandchild of my child. 
Daughter of grandchild my. 

My daughter's daughter's daughter. 
The son's daughter of my son. The 
daughter's daught. of my daught. 






Slulleshim 






Natigta 


Voretees voretein voretiu 




















Niitija 




Pratnaptar. b Prapautrah 




Barnebarn's l>aru 








Sou's sou's son 










Aihter klein douhter. b Nicht. 




Kinds kiucls kind 












Mon arrit re petit fils 












Secundo Nipote 








Trite^gonos. b Apeggonos 








Mnj prawn ilk 




Miij Prawnuk 








Prevnook tin 








Torunumun 




Laveh tOrueh uiun 








Polkani poian polka. b Tyttareui 
tyttaren poika 


Polkani poian tytar. b Tyttareni 
tyttareu tytar 










19. Great-grandson's son. 


Translation. 


20. Great-grandson's daughter. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 

2:; 

24 
25 
2(1 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
86 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn ibn ibn ibni 


Son of son of son of son my. 

ii it ii it ii 

Descendants of the fourth generation. 
Grandson of grandson my. 
Sou's son's son's son. 
The son of the son of the son of my son. 
My great great grand child. 
Son of son of son of my son. 
My great great grandson. 
Great great grandchild. 
Great great grandson. 
Grand child's grand child. 
Son's son's son's son my. 
it it ii it it 

Great grandson's son. 
After little sou's son. b Nephew. 
Great great grandson. 
Child's child's child's child. 
Great great grandson, 
ii it ii 

Third grandson. 
Great great grandson. 
" " grandchild. 

" " grandson, 
ii ii ii 

it ii ii 

My great great grandson, 
ii ii ii ii 

Great great grandson my. 
ii ii ii it 

My great great grandson my. 
Grandchild of my grandchild. 
Grandchild of grandchild my. 

The grandson of my grandson. 


Bint bint bint binti 


Daughter, of dt. of dt. of dt. my. 
ii ii ii ii 

Descendants of fourth generation. 
Grand daught. of g daught. my. 
Daught. 's daught. 's daught. 'a dt. 
The dt. of son of son of my sou. 
My great great grandchild. 
Dt. of dt. of dt. of my daughter. 
My great great granddaughter. 
Great great grandchild. 
Great great granddaughter. 
Grandchild's grandchild. 
Daught. 's dt. dt. dt. my. 
it ii it ii 

Great grandson's daughter. 
After little son's little dt. b Nephew. 
Great great granddaughter. 
Child's child's child's' child. 
Great great granddaughter, 
ii ii ti 

Third granddau '-liter. 
Great great granddaughter. 
" " grandchild. 
" " granddaughter, 
ii ii ii 
ii it ii 

My great great granddaughter, 
ii ii ti it 

Great great granddaughter my. 
ii ii u 

My " " 

Grandchild of my grandchild. 
Grandchild of grandchild my. 

[of my son. 
The daughter of the sou of the on 






Rlbbeiui 


Ribbeim 






Voretees voretein voretein voretin. 


Toostris toostrin toostrin toostra. 




M'' ' h 




Inneeninneen inneennyinneen. 












Barnebarns barnebarn 




Sonar sonar sonar sonr ininn 


Dottur dottur dottur dottir rain. 
Dotters dotters dotter dotter 

Gt. grandson's daught. [ b Neef. 
Achter klein zoon's klein docht. 
Groote groote groote dochter .... 




Achter klein zoon's zoon. b Neef. 


Kinds kinds kinds kind 












g 


Tataraneto 








Abnepoa 




Tetartos apogonos 












Muj praprawnuk 




Preprevmik mi 




Veprevnook mi 




Moi prapravnuk 




Toruniimiin toriinii 










Polkani poTan poian tytar 





84 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



I 

10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
14 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



21. Great-grandson's grandson. 



Ibn ibn ibn ibn ibni. 
Ibn ibn ibn ibn ibui. 



Nateja d'nawigee 

Voretees voretein vn. vn. voretin.. 

Mio mic mio inio mo vie 

M'iar iar iar ogha 

Mac vac vac vac my vac 

Fy orororwyr 

NabirS, 



Barnebarns barnebarns barn 

Sonar sonar sonar sonar sonr minn. 
Sons son sons son sou 



Great grandson's grandson 

Achter klein zoons k. z. b Neef.. 

Groot groot groot groot zoon 

Kinds kinds kinder 

Ururgrossenkel - 

Urargrosseukl 



Cnarto nieto 

Cuarto neto 

Quarto nipote 

Atnepos 

Pemptos apogonos f . 
Diseggonos , 



Moj prapraprawntik. 
Muj prapraprawnnk. 
Prepreprevuuk tni,... 



Lftveh tOrneh torneh mun. 



Translation. 



Son of son of son of son of son my. 



Great grandson of grandson my. 
Son's son's sou's sou's son. 
The son's son of the son's son of my son 
My great grandchild's grandchild. 
Son of son of son of son of my son. 
My great grandson's grandson. 
Great great great grandchild. 

Great grandson's grandchild. 
Son's son's son's son's son my. 



Great grandson's grandson. 

After little son's little sou. b Nephew. 

Great great great grandson. 

" " " grandchild. 

" " " grandson. 



Fourth grandson, 
ft tt 

It tl 

Great grandson's grandson. 

ti tt it 

it it it 

My great great great graudson. 
it tt it tt tt 

Great great great grandson my. 
Son of grandchild of grandchild my. 



22. Great-grandson's granddaughter. 



Bint bint bint bint binti. 
Biiit bint bint bint binti. 



Nawigta d'nawigtee 

Toostris toostrin t. t. toostra.... 

Ineean mic mic mic mo vie 

M'iar iar iar ogha 

Inneeu in. in. in. my inneen ... 

Fy orororwyres 

Nabira 



Barnebarns barnebarn barn 

Dotturd. d. d. dottirmin 

Dotters dotters dotter dotter 



Gt. grandson's g. d. [ b Nicht. 
Achter klein zoons kn. dochter. 

Groote g. g. g. dochter 

Kinds kinds kinder 

Ururgrossenkelinn 

Ururgrossenkelin 



Cuarta nieta 

Cuarta neta 

Quarta nipote.... 

Atneptis 

Pempte eggone?. 
Diseggone 



Moja prapraprawnficzka. 

Ma prapraprawnucka 

Prepreprevnuka mi 



Keeza t8rneh tOrneh mun. 



Translation. 



D. of d. of d. of d. of daughter my 



Gt. gd. daughter of grandson my. 
Daughter's d. d. d. d. 
The d. of the son's s. of my son's s 
My great grandchild's grandchild. 

if (f ft 41 

My gt. grandson's granddaughter. 
Great great great grandchild. 

Great grandson's grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. d. d. my. 



Gt. grandson's granddaughter. 
After little son's little d. b Niece. 
Great great great granddaughter. 

" " " grandchild. 

" " " granddaughter. 



Fourth granddaughter, 
tt tt 

(t ft 

Great grandson's granddaughter, 
tt tt ft 

<t tt it 

My gt. gt. gt. granddaughter. 

ft ft tt tt 

Gt. gt. gt. granddaughter my. 
Daughter of g. child of g. child my. 



23. Great grandson's great grandson. 



Translation. 



24. Great grandson's g't granddaughter. 



Translation. 



1 

2 
a 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn ibn ibu ibn ibn ibni. 
Ibn ibn ibn ibn ibn ibni. 



Nateja d' natejee 

Voretees voretein v. v. v. voretin. 

Mac mic mic mic mic movie 

M'iar iar iar iar ogha 

Mac vac vac vac vao my vac 

Fy ororororwyr 



Baruebams barnebarns barnebarn 
Sonar sonar sonar s. a. sonr minn 
Sonson sousou sonson 



Great grandson's great grandson... 
Achter klein zoons a. k. z. b Neef 
Groot groot groot groot groot zoon 

Kinds kinds kinds kinder 

Ururururenkel 

Grossenkels grosseukel 



Cninto Nieto 

Cuiuto Neto , 

Quinto Nipote 

Trinepos 

Hektos Apogonos . 
Triseggonos 



Moj praprapraprawnuk . 
MQj praprapraprawnuk . 
Preprepreprevnuk mi.... 



Torneh tSrneh tBrneh mun . 



Son of son of s. of s. of s. of s. my. 



Great grandson of great grandson my. 

Son's son's son's sou's son's son. 

The son's son of s. of s. of s. of my s. 

My great grandchild's great grandchild, 
tt tt tt tt tt 

My great grandson's great grandson. 



Great grandchild's great grandchild. 
Sou's sou's son's sou's son's son my. 



Great grandson's great grandson. 

" grandson's neph. 
Great great great great grandson. 

" " " grandchild. 

Great great great great grandson. 
Great grandson's great grandson. 

Fifth grandson, 
tt 

it tt 

Great grandson's great grandson. 
it it tf ti 

ft ft it it 

My great great great great grandson." 
ft ft tt it tt tt 

Great great great great grandson my. 
Grandchild of grandchild of g. c. my. 



Bint bint bint bint bint binti.... 



D. of d. of d. of d. of d. of d. my. 



Natejta d' natejee Great granddaughter of g. grandson, 

Toostris toostrin t. t. t. toostra.. Daughter d. d. d. d. daughter. 



Ineean mic mic mic mic mo vie 

M'iar iar iar iar ogha 

Inueen in. in. in. in. my in 

Fy ororororwyres 



[barn. 

Barnebarns tnrnebarns barue- 

Dottnr d. d. d. d. dottir rnin.... 

Dotter' dotter's dotter's dotter's 

[dotter dotter. 

G't granddau's g't granddanglit. 
A. k. zoons a. k. dochter. b Nicht 
Groote g. g. g. groote dochter.... 

Kinks kinds kinds kinder 

Ururururenkelinn 

Grossenkelins grossenkelin 



Cninta nieta... 
Cuinta neta 
Quinta Nipote. 

Trineptis 

Hehte eggone.. 
Triseggone 



Moja praprapraprnwrmrzka 

Ma praprapraprawnuk a 

Preprepreprevnuka mi 



Torneh tSrneh torneh mun. 



The d. of son's s. of s. s. of my s. 

My gt. grandchild's gt. grandchild, 

ti it it it tt 

My gt. grandson's gt. granddaugh. 



Gt. grandchild's gt. grandchild. 

Daughter's d. d. d. d. daughter my. 
tt tt tt tt 

Gt. grandson's gt. granddaughter. 

" " " " niece. 

Gt. gt. gt. gt. granddaughter. 

" " " grandchild. 

" " " granddaughter. 
Gt. granddaughter's gt. gd. daugh. 

Fifth granddaughter. 
1 1 ti 

tt it 

Gt. grandson's gt. granddaughter, 
u ti it it 

tt ft ti u 

My gt. gt. gt. gt. granddaughter, 
tt it tt it 

Gt. gt. gt. gt. granddaughter my. 
Grandchild of g. c. of g. o. my. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



85 



TABLE I. Continued. 




25. Elder brother. 


Translation. 


26. Younger brother. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 




Brother my older than me. 
Brother my the greatest. 
Brother my great from me. 
Brother my the greater. 
My hrother. 
My brother the eldest, 
tt (t u 

ti it ft 

ft If ft 

Brother elder. 

Elder brother. 
tt it 
tt a 
tt it 

tt tt 

tt tt 
it tt 
tt tt 
u u 
tt u 

My elder brother. 

Brother the elder. 
Elder brother. 

My elder brother. 

K ft tt 

Brother. 
Elder brother. 
My elder brother. 
Brother my. b Womb companion. 
Brother my the elder. 
Elder brother my. 
My old brother. 
Elder brother my. 




Brother my younger than me. 
Brother my the smallest. 
Brother my small from me. 
Brother my the younger. 
My hrother. 
My brother the younger. 

(f It U 
tt (f U 

ft tt (( 

Younger brother. 

tt tt 
t< it 
tt tt 

tt u 
tt tt 
tt tt 
t< <t 
it tf 
tt tt 
My younger brother. 

Brother the younger. 
Younger brother. 
A little brother. 

My younger brother. 
tt ff tt 

Brother. 
Younger brother. 
My younger brother. 
Brother my. b Womb companion. 
Brother my the younger. 
Younger brother my. 
My young brother. 
Rounger brother my. 


Akhi il akbar 
































Bradar buzurk .. 






Oldre broder 
















Audste broeder 




















Mon aim: 






















Brat 


Brat 


Bave. b Nane 




Moi starshi brat 










Bra mua e tnSzun 




Batyam 




Minu vanem vend 




Vau herupl veljeuT 










1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


27. Elder sister. 


Translation. 


28. Younger sister. 


Translation. 




Sister my older than me. 
Sister my the greatest. 
Sister my great from me. 
Sister my the greater. 
My sister. 

My sister the eldest. 

it tt tt <t 

ti tt n it 

My sister the elder. 
Sister elder. 

Elder sister, 
tt tt 
tt it 
tt it 

tt tt 

it tt 
it it 
<t <t 
tt tt 
tt t< 

My elder sister. 

Sister the elder. 
Elder sister. 

My elder sister, 
tt tt tt 

Sister. 
Elder sister. 
My elder sister. 
Sister my. b Girl womb companion. 
Sister my the elder. 
Elder sister my. 
My elder sister. 
Elder sister my. 




Sister my younger than me. 
Sister my the smallest. 
Sister my small from me. 
Sister my the small. 

My sister. 

My sister the younger. 

f< it tt tt 
ft ft tt tt 
tt tt ft u 

Younger sister. 
t< it 

tt ft 
ft tt 

tt tt 
tt (t 
tf it 
tt tt 
tt it 
tt tf 
My younger sister. 

Sister the younger. 
Younger sister. 

My younger sister, 
tt it tt 

Sister. 
Younger sister. 
My yoxinger sister. 
Sister my. b Girl womb companion. 
Sister my the younger. 
Younger sister my. 
My young sister. 
Younger sister my. 


Akhti il kubra 






ft Khothi hakkitanna mtmm&nni.. 
Khatee Siirta 


a Khothi hagg'dhol.i mluiraennl... 


Kooere 




Mo yrilfur as shune ...." 




Mo plriuthar as sinne...... 




My shuyr shinnay 




Fy chwaer henaf. 




Hahiir buzurk 




Agrajri 


Uldre stister 




Eldri systir 




Aldre syster 




Elder sister 




Auiiste zuster 




Vredste sister 




Oelste sister 




Aeltere schwester 








Mon ainfie 


Ma cadette b Puinee 


Sorella maggoire 




Soror Major 




Moja starsza siostra 




Ma starsa sestra 




Sestra 




Kaka 








Kus kiirndarih-um 






Khooshkeh inun eh puchook 


Nenein 















86 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 




29. Brothers." 


Translation. 


30. Sisters. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3li 
37 
38 
39 




Brothers my. 

tf (( 

It tt 
11 tt 

u ti 

My brothers. 

ft ( 

u tt 
tt tt 

Brothers. 

ii 


Brothers my. 

Brothers. 
u 
ti 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
ti 

My brothers. 
Brothers. 
My brothers. 

Brothers, 
it 

M 

tt 

My brothers. 
n ti 
tt tt 

Brothers my. 
it a 

My brothers. 
Brothers my. 

(( U 

Sons of my father. 
My brothers. 
Brothers iny. 


Ahwati 


Sisters my. 
t it 
ti 
tt tc 
ti it 

My sisters. 
it K 

*f (t 
n u 

Sisters, 
tt 
u 
Sisters my. 
Sisters. 

H 
U 

tt 
tf 
ft 
If 
ft 

My sisters. 
Sisters. 
My sisters. 

Sisters, 
tt 

tt 
it 

My sisters, 
tt tt 

tt tt 

Sisters my. 
tt ft 

My sisters. 

sisters my. 
tt tt 

Daughters of my father sisters. 
My sisters. 
Sisters my. 


\kwiti 


Akhawati 


^khai 


















Mo pbethrichean 












Haharaiii 


Bhratarah 


Swasarah. b Bhaginyah 








Systur minar 




systrar 




Swusters 












Sisters 










Briider 
















Fratelli 


Sorelle 










Adulphoi 




MS.no brolei 






Moje siostry . 




Moje sestry ... 


Bratia mi 


Sestri mi 


Bratie mi 




Moi bratja. b Bratia 




Karndashlar uin 




Brungeh unun 




Atyam fijai. b Testvreim 




Minu vennad 




Weljeni 












SI. Brother. (Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


32. Brother's son. (Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
C 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
2!) 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Akhi 


Brother my. 

u 
(( 
tt tt 
tt tt 

My brother. 
(t tt 
tt u 
tt tt 
Brother. 

M 

tt 

Brother my. 

Brother. 

tt 

H 
tf 
M 
tf 
tl 
it 

My brother. 

Brother. 

tt 



H 
H 

tt 
tt 

My brother. 

U tt 

Brother my. 
tt it 

My brother. 

Brother my. 
Brother elder. b Younger, 
My brother. 
Brother my. 


Ibn akhi 


Son of brother my. 

tf tt tt tt 

tt tt tt tt 
tt tt tt tt 
Brother's son my. 
Son of my brother. 
ft tt tt 
<t tf tt 

My nephew. 
Son of brother. 

Brother's son. 
tt tt 

Brother's son my. 
Brother's son. 
Nephew. 
Nephew 
Nephew or grandson. 
Nephew. 
Brother's son. 

Nephew, 
tf 

tt 

My nephew. 
Nephew. 
Nephew. b Grandchild. 
Son of a brother. 
Nephew. 

Brother's son. 

My nephew, 
tt tt 

Nephew my. 
Nephew. 
My nephew. 
Nephew my. 
Son of brother my. 
Little younger brother my. 
My brother's son. 
Brother's son. b Nephew. 


Akhi 


Ibn akhi 


Akhi 


B<n akhi 


Akhonee 




Yakepire 




Mo yrihair 


M" ^ H 'Is 610 


Mo bhrathair 




My braar 




Fy mrawd 


Fy Na'i 


Bradar 


Poosari bradar 


Bratar. b Sodare 




Broiler 




Brodir in inn 




Broiler 




Bro.ior. b Brothor 


Nefa 


Brother 




Breeder 


Neef 


Breeder 


Nev6 


Brohr 




Brader 


Neffe 


Bruder 


Neffe 


Mon frt>re 




Ilermano 


, , 


I mi. -i no 


. . . 


Kratello 




Prater 




Adelphos. b Kasignetos. Kasis ? 
Adelphos 


Adelphidous. b Kasignetos 'adel- 


Brolis 








Muj bratr 




Brat mi 




Hrat mi 




Moi brat 




Bra mnn 


Yeyen Im 




Batyam. " Ocsera 


Kis ocsem 


Veljeni 


Minu venna poeg 







OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



87 



TABLE I. Continued. 




33. Brother's eon's wife. (Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


34. Brother's daughter. (Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
38 
37 
38 
39 




Wife of son of brother my. 

K i< it it 

if it it it 
Daughter-in-law of my brother. 
Brother's son's wife my. 

Wife of the son of my brother, 
if fi it ft tt 
it tt tt ft tt 

My niece. 
Wife of son of brother. 

Brother's son's wife. 
Wife of brother's son my. 
Brother's sou's wife. 

Niece. 
tt 
tt 

Brother's son's wife. 
Niece. 
Wife of nephew. 
My niece. 
Niece (by courtesy). 
Niece by affinity. 
Acquired niece. 
Wife of the son of a brother. 
Wife of nephew. 

My niece-in-law. 

tt ti tt it 

My called niece. 
Nephew's my wife. 
Daughter-in-law of brother my. 

My brother's son's wife. 
Nephew's wife. 


Bint akhi 


Daughter of brother my. 

t. tf tt tt 

tt it tt it 
tf ft tt tt 
Brother's daughter. 
Daughter of my brother. 

tt ft ' II 

tf ft tt 

My niece. 
Daughter of brother. 
Brother's daughter. 

Brother's daughter my. 
Brother's daughter. 
Niece. 
Niece. b Brother's daughter. 
Niece's granddaughter. 
Niece. 
Brother's daughter. 

Niece, 
tt 

My niece. 

Niece, 
ti 

Niece. b Grandchild. 
Daughter of a brother. 

Niece, 
it 

My niece. 

ti tt 

Niece my. 
Niece. 
My niece. 
Niece my. 
Daughter of brother my. 
Little younger sister my. 
My brother's daughter. 
Brother's daughter. 




Bint akhi 


Eshgth bSn ukhl 


Bath ikhi 




Bratad'akhBuee 
























Dukhtiiri bradar 






















Nicht 


Nicht 


NichtS 








Nichte 


Nichte 




Nichte 


















Fratris filii uxor 






















Bratanitza. b Bratoochoctka 


Yey5num kariisu 














Nepaan vaimo 


Veljen tytar 










35. Brother's daughter's husband. 
(Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


36. Brother's prandson. 
(Male -peakicjr.) 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
]2 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Zoj bint akhi 


Husband of daughter of brother my. 
it ft tt tt it tt 
tt tt tt tt tt tt 

Son-in-law of brother my. 
Brother's daughter's husband. 
Husband of daughter of my brother. 
Brother's daughter's husband. 
Husband of daughter of my brother. 
My nephew. 
Husband of daughter of brother. 

Brother's daughter's husband. 
Husband of brother's daughter my. 
Brother's daughter's husband. 

Nephew. 
tt 
ff 

Brother's daughter's husband. 
Nephew. 
Husband of niece. 
My nephew. 
Nephew by courtesy. 
NephHW by affinity. 
Acquired nephew. 
Husband of a daughter of a brother. 
Husband of a niece. 

My nephew-iii-law. 

ti tt tt 

My called nephew. 
Niece's my husband. 
Son-in-law of brother my. 

My brother's daughter's husband. 
Brother's daughter's husband. 


Ibn ibn akhi 


Son of son of brother my. 
it tt it it 

Grandson of brother my. 
Brother's sou's son. 
Son's sou of my brother. 
Brother's grandchild. 
Son of son of my brother. 
Grandson of my brother. 
Grandchild of brother. 
Brother's grandson. 
Brother's grandchild. 
Son's son of brother my. 
Brother's son's son. 

Great nephew. Brother's grandson. 
Brother's grandson, nephew. 
Great nephew. 
Brother's child's child. 
Great nephew. 
Brother's grandson. 
My little nephew. 
My grandson. 
Nephew's grandson. 
Great nephew. Great grandson. 
Grandson of a brother, 
tt ii tt 
tt tt it 

My nephew's son. 

Little grandson my. 
My nephew's grandson. 
Brother's my grandchild. 
Grandchild of brother my. 

My brother's son's son. 
Nephew's my son. 


Zauj bint akhi 




Ish bath akhi 




Gora d'brata d'AkhSnee 


Yakeporus toosttin arega 




Far ineeni mo drihar 




Fear pOsda nglien brathair 




Sheshey iuneeu my braar 




Fy nai 




Shohiiri dukhtiiri bradar 




Broder datter's husbond."- 






Madr brodur dottur minn 




Brorsdotters man 








Neef. 




NevS 


Groot Nev6 


Broh rs dochters man 




Neffe 




Gatte der nichte 




Mon neveu 




Sobrino politico 




Sobrinho por affiuidade 




Aquistata nipote 




Fratris filiae vir 






Adelphou eggonos. b Anepsiadous? 


Moj synowice 




Muj sestrin 




Shena moega pljemiannik 


Moi vnutchatuyi pljemianuik 


Y6yenum kojiisu 






Minu vennii tutiir mees... . 




Veljen tyttareu mies 









88 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 




37. Brother's granddaughter. 
(Mule speakiug.) 


Translation. 


38. Brother's great grandson. 
(Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Bint ibn akhi 


Daughter of sou of brother my. 
tt tt it tt 

Granddaughter of brother my. 
Brother's daughter's daughter. 
Daughter of son of my brother. 
Brother's granddaughter. 
Daughter of daughter of my brother. 
Granddaughter of my brother. 
Grandchild of brother. 
Brother's granddaughter. 
Brother's grandchild. 
Daughter's daughter of brother my. 
Brother's daughter's daughter. 

Great niece, brother's granddaughter. 
Brother's granddaughter, niece. 
Great niece. 
Brother's child's child. 
Daughter of my niece. 
Brother's granddaughter. 
My little niece. 
My granddaughter. 
Nephew's granddaughter. 
Great niece. Great granddaughter. 
Grauddaughter of a brother. 

It 11 tt 
tt ' 11 tt 

My nephew's daughter. 

Little granddaughter my. 
My niece granddaughter. 
Brother's my grandchild. 
Grandchild of brother my. 

My brother's son's daughter. 
Nephew's my daughter. 


Ibn ibn ihn akhi 


Sou of son of son of brother my. 
it tt tt tt tt 

Great grandchild of brother my. 
Brother's son's son's son. 
Sou of the son of the son of my b'ther. 
Brother's great grandchild. 
Son of son of son of my brother. 
Great grandson of my brother. 
Great grandchild of brother. 

Brother's great grandchild. 
Sou's son's son of brother my. 
Brother's son's son's sou. 

Brother's great grandson. 
Brother's great grandson. b Nephew. 
Great great nephew. 
Brother's child's child's child. 
Great great nephew. 
Brother's great grandson. 
My great little nephew. 
My grandson. 

Great nephew. 

Great grandson of a brother, 
(t tt tt tt 
tt tt tt tt 

My nephew's grandson. 

Little great grandson my. 
My nephew great grandson. 
Brother's my great grandchild. 
Son of grandchild of brother iny. 

My brother's son's son's son. 
Nephew's my grandson. 




Ibn ibu ibn akhi 


Niiwigata d'akhfinee 


Nateja d'akh5nee 




Yakeporus voretein v. voretin 












Mac mac mac my braar 




Orwyr fy mrawd 


Navadar bradar 


Niitijar bradar 




Broders barnebams barn 






Sonar sonar sour brodur minn .. 








Great great nephew 


Breeder's kleiu dochter. b Nicht. 


Breeders achter klein zoon. b Neef 




























Fratris neptis 




Adelphou Huione. b Anepsiades ? 










Mai vnooka mi 




Moja vnutchatnajapljemiannitza.. 


Moi pravnntchatnyi pljemannik.. 
Karndashmun toriinum torunu.... 




















39. Brother's great granddaughter. 
(Male bpeaking.) 


Translation. 


40. Sister. 
(Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
2'J 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3,i 
37 
38 
39 


Bint bint bint akhi 


Daughter of d. of d. of brother my. 
tt it it tt tt 

Great granddaughter of brother my. 
Brother's daught. danght. daught. 
Daughter of son of son of my brother. 
Brother's great grandchild. 
Daughter of sou of son of my brother. 
Great granddaughter of my brother. 
Great grandchild of brother. 

Brother's great grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of brother my. 
Brother's sou's sou's daughter. 

Brother's great granddaughter. 
Brother's gt. granddaught. b Niece. 
Great great niece. 
Brother's child's child's child. 
Great great niece. 
Brother's great granddaughter. 
My great little niece. 
My granddaughter. 

Great niece. 

Great granddaughter of a brother. 
<t u " tt tt 
tt tt it it 

My nephew's granddaughter. 

Little great granddaughter my. 
My niece great granddaughter. 
Brother's my great grandchild. 
Daughter of g. d. of brother my. 

My brother's son's Ron's daughter. 
Nephew's my son's daughter. 


Akhti 


Sister my. 

n ti 

tt it 
tt it 

My sister. 
tt tt 
tt tt 
it tt 
tt it 

Sister. 

H 

it 

Sister my 
Sister. 

M 

M 
a 
tt 
ft 
tt 

My sister. 

Sister. 
t( 

i 
i 
i 
i 

( 

My sister. 

it it 

Sister iny. 
tt u 

My sister. 

Sister my. 
Sister elder. b Younger. 
My sister. 
Sister my. 


Bint bint bint akhi 


Ikhti 


Natijta d'akhSnee 


a Khothi 


Khiitee 


Yakeporus toostrin t. toostra 




Jneean raic mio modrihar 




lar lar oglia brathar 




Ineen mac mac my braar 




Orwyres fy mrawd 






Hahar 


Broders barnebams barn 


Svasar. b Jami. c Bhagini 




Dottur dotturdottir brodir ruimi.. 
Brorsons sons dotter 


Systur minn 


Syster 


Great great niece 


Sister 


Broedersachterkleindoch. b Nicht 
Groote groote nichte 


Zuster 


Sister 


Brohrs kinds kinds kind 


Sister 


Urgross nichte 




Bruders grossenkelin 




Mon arriere-petite fille 




Sobrina 




Pronipote 




Sorella 


Fratris proneptia 




Adelphou apogone trite 


Adelphe. b Kasignete. c Kase ?.. 


Adelphou preggone 


Moja wnuozka synowca 






Mai prevnooka mi [nitza 


Muj Sestra 


Sestra mi 




Moja pravnntchatnaja pljemian- 
Karndashmun torunum torfum 
Keezii t&rueh briirnun 






Minti rennii poeg poeg tutiir 


Nenem. b Hugoia 


Minu odde 


NVpaan polan tytar 









OF THE II UMAX FAMILY. 



89 



TABLE I. Continued. 




41. Sister's son. (Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


42. Sister's eon's wife. (Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


lira akhti 


Son of sister my 
ti n it 
n tt tt 
Son of sister my. b Nephew. 
Son of sister my. 
Sou of my sister, 
it a 
tt tt tt 

My nephew. 
Son of sister. 

Sister's son. 
tt tt 

Sister's sou my. 
Sister's son. 

Nephew. b Sister's son. 
tt tt tt 

Nephew. b Grandson. 
Nephew. 
Sister's son. 

Nephew, 
tt 

My nephew. 

Nephew, 
it 

Nephew. b Grandchild. 
Son of a sister. 

Nephew. 

tt 

My nephew. 

it it 

Nephew my. 

it tt 

My nephew. 

nephew my. 

ii tt 

Little younger brother. 
My sister's son. 
Sister's my son, nephew. 




Wife of sou of sister my. 
ft tt tt it 
tt tt tt tt 

Daughter-in-law of my sister. 
Wife of son of sister my. 

Wife of son of my sister, 
ft tt ti tt 

tt tt it it 

My niece. 
Wife of son of sister. 
Sister's son'a wife. 

Wife of sister's son my. 
Sister's son's wife. 

Niece, 
ft 
tt 

Sister's son's wife. 
Niece. 
Wife of nephew. 
My niece. 
My niece (by courtesy). 
Niece by affinity. 
Acquired niece. 

Wife of a son of a sister. 
it it tt it 

My niece-in-law. 

tt tt 

Wife of my nephew. 
Nephew's my wife. 
Daughter-in-law, nephew my. 

My sister's son husband. 
Nephew's my wife. 






Ben. ' Khothi 


Esheth b6n Kothi 


Bruna d'khiitee. b Khwiirza 


Calta d'khiitee 










































Niece ., . 




Neef. 


Nicht 




Nichte 






Neffe 


Nichte 


Neffe 








Sobriiio 
















Ailelphidous. b Kasignetos. An- 




















Yfiy&n-mi 














SidiLren poTka. b Nepaa 












43. Sister's daughter. 
(Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


44. Sister's daughter's husband. 
(Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Bint iikhti 


Daughter of sister my. 
it tt ti 
tt it it 

Daughter of sister my. b Niece. 
Sister's daughter. 

Daughter of my sister, 
it tt it 

tt tt tt 

My niece. 
Daughter of sister. 
Sister's daughter. 
it tt 

Sister's daughter my. 
Sister's daughter. 
Niece. 
Niece, sister's daughter. 
Niece. b Granddaughter. 
Niece. 
Sister's daughter. 

Niece, 
tt 

My niece. 

tt tt 

Niece. 
Niece or grandchild. 
Daughter of a sister. 
Niece, 
ft 

My niece, 
tt ti 

Niece my. 
it it 

My niece. 
Niece my." 
it it 

Little younger sister my. 
My sister's daughter. 
Sister's my daughter. 


Zoj bint akhti 


Husband of daughter of sister my. 
ft tt it it 
ft tt tt tt 
Son-in-law of sister my. 
Sister's daughter's husband. 
Husband of the daught. of ray sister. 

Husband of daughter of my sister, 
tt tt tt it 

My nephew. 
Husband of daughter of sister. 

Sister's daughter's husband. 
Husband of sister's daughter my. 
Sister's daughter's husband. 

Nephew, 
it 
it 

Sister's daughter's husband. 
Nephew. 
Husband of niece. 
My nephew. 
My nephew (by courtesy). 
Nephew by affinity. 
Acquired nephew. 
Husband of a daughter of a sister. 
Husband of a niece. 

Uy nephew-in-law. 

ti it tt 


Bint ikhti 




Bath a Khothi 


Ish bath a Khothi 


























Dukhtiiri hahlir 


Shohari dukhtari hahar 


Svasriya 




















Nicht 


Neef 


Nichte 


Nev6 






Nichte 


Neffe 


Nichte 




















Sororis filia 




Ailelphide. b Kasignete. Anepsie 






Moja siostrzenica 


















Piece's my husband. 












Hy sister's daughter's husband. 
Sister's my daughter's husband. 













oiabcr, 18CO. 



90 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
2{ 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
3* 
39 


43. Sifter's prnndson. 
(Male speaking.) 


Translation. 


4t>. Sister's great grandson. 
(Male speaking.) 


Translation. 




Sou of son of sister my. 

u u it " 

Grandson of sister my. 
Sister's son's son. 
Son of the son of my sister 
Grandson of my sister. 
Son of son of my sister. 
Grandson of my sister. 
Grandchild of sister. 
Sister's grandson. 
Sister's grandchild. 
Son's son of sister my. 
Sister's sou's son. 

Grand nephew. Sister's grandson. 
Sister's grandson. b Nephew. 
Great nephew. 
Sister's child's child. 
Great nephew. b Sister's grandson. 
Sister's grandson. 
My little nephew. 

Nephew's grandson. 
Great nephew. 

Graudsou of a sister, 
it n n 
it tt (t 

My nephew-son. 

Little grandson my. 
My nephew grandson. 
Sister's my grandchild. 
Son of nephew my. 

My sister's son's sou. 
Sister's my son's sou. 


Ibn ibn ibn iikhti 


Son of sou of son of sister my. 

tt it it tt tt 

Great grandson of sister my. 
Son of son of son of sister my. 
Son of the son of the sou of a sister. 
Great grandson of my sister. 
Son of son of son of niy sister. 
Great grandson of my sister. 
Great grandchild of sister. 

Sister's great grandchild. 
Son's sou's son of sister my. 
Sister's sou's sou's son. 

G't grandueph. Sister's g'tg'dson. 
Sister's great grandson. b Nephew. 
Great great nephew. 
Sister's child's child's child. 
Great great nephew. 
Sister's great grandson. 
My great little nephew. 

Great nephew. 
Great grandson of a sister. 

tt tt tt t. 

it tt tt ti 
My nephew-grandson. 

Little great grandson my. 
My nephew-great grandson. 
Sister's iny grandchild. 
Son of nephew my. 

My sister's son's son's son. 
Sister's my son's son's son. 




Ibn ibn ibuikhti 




Natija d'khatee 




Crochus voretein v. vorettn 




Mac inic mic mo driffer 




lar ogha pethar 




Mac mac mac my shuyr 




Orwyr fy chwaer 




Natijar hahai 




Siisters barnebarns barn 


arnap 




St.nar sonar sour systur uiinn 




tiyster's son's sonson 




Great grand nephew 




Zuster's achter klein zoou. b Neef 
Uroot groot neve 






Sister's kinds kinds kind 


Gross neffe. b Schwester enkel... 




















Adelphea. b Eggonos. c Anepsia- 












Mai prevnook mi 


Moi vnutchatnyi pljeraiannik 


Moi prevmitchatuyi pljemiannik.. 


h kl 1 






Minu odde poeg poeg poeg 




Sisareu potan polau polka 










47. Sister's great granddaughter. 
(Male bpeakiog.) 


Translation. 


48. Brother. 
(Female speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
96 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
30 
37 
38 
39 




D. of d. of d. of sister my. 
u a t( tt u 

Great granddaughter of sister my. 
Dan. of dau. of dau. of sister my. 
Dau. of the son of the sou of my sist. 
Great grandchild of my sister. 
Daughter of son of son of my sister. 
Great granddaughter of my sister. 
Great grandchild of sister. 

Sister's great grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of sister my. 
Sister's daughter's daught. daught. 

Gt. grandniece, sister's gt, granddau. 
Sister's great granddaughter. Niece. 


Akhi 


Brother my. 

tt tt 

it n 
ft ft 

My brother. 

tt tt 

tt tt 
tt tt 

Brother, 
tt 

ft 

Brother my. 
Brother. 

My brother. 
Brother. 
My brother, 
tt 

Brother. 

tt 

tt 
tt 

My brother. 

tt tt 

Brother my. 

tt tt 

My brother. 
Brother my. 
Brother my. 
Brother elder. b Younger. 
My brother. 
Brother my. 




Akhi 


Natijta d'khatee 
























Natiiai hahar 


Bradiir 




Bratar. b Sodare 




Dottur dottur dottir systurminn.. 










Zuster's achter kleiu dochter. b 








Sister's child's child's child. b Neph. 
Great great niece. 
Sister's great granddaughter. 
My great little daughter. 

Great niece. 
Great granddaughter of a sister. 

it it u 
ft it 

My nephew-granddaughter. 

Little great granddaughter my. 
My niece great granddaughter. 
Sister's my great grandchild. 
Grandchild of nephew my. 

My sister's son's son's daughter. 
Sister's niy sou's son's daughter. 


Brohr 




























Adelphos. b Kasignetos. c Kasis ? 






Biolis 


M<>j brat 










Moja prevnuLchatnaja p'jemian- 


















V.'lifni 







OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



91 



TABLE I. Continued. 




49. Brother's son. 
(Female speaking.) 


Trauslation. 


50. Brother's son's wife. 
(Female speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 

4 

5 

6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
10 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3i) 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn akhti 


Son of brother my. 

(t if U 

a a tt 
n it a 
Brother's son. 
Son of my brother. 
it it U 
n it a 

My nephew. 
Son of brother. 
Brother's son. 

it It 

Brother's son my. 
Brother's son. 
Nephew. 
Nephew. Brother's son. 
Nephew and grandson. 
Nephew. 
Brother's son. 

Nephew. 

tt 

My nephew. 
Nephew. 
My nephew. 
Nephew. b Grandchild. 
Son of a brother. 

Nephew, 
n 

Brother's son. 

My nephew. 

(t (t 

Nephew my. 
Nephew. 
My nephew. 
Nephew my. 
Son of brother my. 
Little younger brother my. 
My brother's son. 
Brother's son. b Nephew. 




Wife of son of brother my. 

a it it tt ti 

n ti it tt tt 
it it tt n it 

Brother's son's wife. 

Wife of son of my brother. 

it it u tt 

if it it tt 

My niece. 
Wife of son of brother. 

Brother's son's wife. 
Wife of brother's son my. 
Brother's sou's wife. 

Niece, 
tt 
u 

Brother's son's wife. 
Niece. 
Wife of nephew. 
My niece. 
My niece (by courtesy). 
Niece (by affinity). 
Acquired niece. 
Wife of a son of a brother. 
Wife of nephew. 

My uiece-in-law. 
it it 

Wife of my nephew. 
Nephew, my wife. 
Daughter-in-law of brother my. 

My brother's son'a wife. 
Nephew's my wife. 


Ibn akhi 




Ben akhi 


Esheth ben akhi 


I In i nil d'iikhSnee 


Calta d'akhSnee 




















Fy nith 




















Nefa 






Neef 


Nicht . 


Neve" 


Nichte 






Neffe 


Nichte . 


Neffe 




















Fratris filius 


Fratris filii uxor... 


Adelphidous. b Kasignotes 












Muj sestrenec 










Moj pljemiannik 














Minu vennii poeg 


Veljen polka. b Nepaa 












51. Brother's daughter. 
(Female b peaking.) 


Translation. 


52. Brother's daughter's husband. 
(Female speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
n 

3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Bint akhi 


Daughter of brother my. 

ti 11 11 U 
<f (1 (1 It 
It 11 11 It 

Brother's daughter. 
Daughter of my brother. 

t ft ft 

tt tt ft 
My niece. 
Daughter of brother. 

Brother's daughter, 
tt tt 

Brother's daughter my. 
Brother's daughter. 
Niece. 
Niece. Brother's daughter. 
Niece. b Granddaughter. 
Niece. 
Brother's daughter. 

Niece, 
tt 

My niece. 
Niece. 
My niece. 
Niece. b Grandchild. 
Daughter of a brother. 

Niece, 
tt 

My niece. 

tt 

Niece my. 
Niece. 
My niece. 
Niece my. 
Daughter of brother my. 
Little younger sister my. 
My brother's daughter. 
Brother's my daughter. 


Zuj bint akhi 


Husband of daughter of brother my. 
tt u tt it it u 

Husband of sister of brother my. 
Son-in-law of my brother. 
Brother's daughter's husband. 
Husband of daughter of my brother. 
Son-in-law of my brother. 
Husband of daughter of my brother. 
My nephew. 
Husband of daughter of brother. 

Brother's daughter's husband. 
Husband of brother's daughter my. 
Brother's daughter's husband. 

Nephew. 

it 

it 
Brother's daughter's husband. 
Nephew. 
Husband of niece. 
My nephew. 
My nephew (by courtesy). 
Nephew by affinity. 
Acquired nephew. 
Husband of a daughter of a brother. 
Husband of a niece. 

My nephew- in-law. 

tt ti 

Husband of my niece. 
Niece's my husband. 
Son-in-law of brother my. 

My brother's daughter's husband. 
Brother's my daughter's ImsK'iihl. 


Bint akhi 




Bath akhi 


Ish bath akhi 


Briita d'iikhonee 




Yiiheporus toostra 




Ineean mo drihar 












Fy nith 




Dukhtari bradiir 


Shohari dukhtari bradiir 






Broderdatter 


Brodur dottir min 




Brorsdotter 




Nefane 




Niece 


Nicht 


Neef 


Nichte 


NevS 






Nichte 


Neffe 


Nichte 




Ma niece 








Sobrinha 




Nipote 




Fratris filia 








Adelphide. b Anepsia 




Moja sio^trzenica 


Ma sestrina 




Bratanitsa mi 




Bratanitza. b Bratovchactka 


Yey&n-im 














Veljen tytar 









92 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



53. Brother's grandson. 
(Female speaking.) 



Ilm ibn akhi. 

Ilin ibn akhi. 



Nawiga d'akhOnee 

Yakeporus voretein voretin. 

Mac mic mo drihar 

Ogha mo brathar 

Mao tnac my braar 

Wyr fy mrawd 

Navadai bradar 

Bhratrnaptar 

Broders barnebarn 

Sonar sour brodur min 

Brorsons son 



Great nephew. Cousin-nephew... 

Breeders kleiu zoon. b Nerf 

Groot neve 

Brohrs kinds kind 

Gro.ss neffe. b Bruders enkel 

Bruders enkel 

Mon petit-ne veu 

Sobrinho neto 

Pronipote 

Fratris nepos 

Adelphou eggonos. b Anepsiadous ? 
Adelphou eggonos 



Moj syn synowca.. 



Mai vnook mi 

Moi vnutchatnyi pljemiannik 

Karndashmun torii 

Tunieh bra man 



Minn venna tutar poeg. 
Nepaan polka 



Translation. 



Son of son of brother my, 



Grandson of brother my. 
Brother's son's son. 
Son of son of iny brother. 
Grandchild of my brother. 
Son of son of my brother. 
Grandson of my brother. 
Grandchild of brother. 
Brother's grandson. 
Brother's grandchild. 
Son's son of brother my. 
Brother's son's son. 

Great nephew. Brother's grandson. 

Brother's grandson. b Nephew. 

Great nephew. 

Brother's child's child. 

Great nephew. b Brother's grandson. 

Brother's grandson. 

My Little nephew. 

Nephew-grandson. 
Great nephew. 
Grandson of a brother. 



My nephew's son. 



Little grandson my. 
My nephew-grandson. 
Brother's my grandchild. 
Grandchild of brother my. 

My brother's daughter's son. 
Nephew's my son. 



64. Brother's grainldiingliter. 
(Female speaking.) 



Bint ilin akhi. 
Biiit ibn akhi. 



Nawigta d'akhBnee 

Yakeporus toodtrin toostra. 

Ineean mic mo drihar 

Ogha mo brathar 

Inneean mac braar 

Wyres fy mrawd 

Navadai bradar 

Bliratrnaptri 

Broders barnebarn 

Dottur dottir brodur min... 
Brorsdotters dotter 



Great niece. b Cousin-niece 

Broders klein dochter. b Nicht... 

Groote nichte 

Brohrs kinds kind 

Bruders enkelinu 

Bruders enkelin 

Ma petite-fille 

Sobrinha por affinidade 

Pronipote 

Fratris neptis 

Adelphou huione. b Anepsiades ? 
Adelphou eggoue 



Moja corka syuowca. 



Mai vnooka mi 

Moja vnutchatnaja pljemiannitza 

Karndashmun tori 

Tfiineh bra, rnuii 



Minn venna tutar tutar. 
Nepaan tylar 



Translation. 



Daughter of son of brother my. 



Granddaughter of brother my. 
Brother's daughter's daughter. 
Daughter of son of my brother. 
Grandchild of my brother. 
Daughter of son of my brother. 
Granddaughter of my brother. 
Grandchild of brother. 
Brother's granddaughter. 
Brother's grandchild. 
Daughter's daughter of brother my. 
Brother's daughter's daughter. 

Grandniece. Brother's granddaught. 

Brother's granddaughter. Niece. 

Great niece. 

Brother's child's child. 

Brother's granddaughter. 

it u 

My little niece. 

Niece by affinity. 
Great niece. 
Granddaughter of a brother. 



My nephew's daughter. 



Little granddaughter my. 
My niece granddaughter. 
Brother's my grandchild. 
Grandchild of brother my. 

My brother's daughter's daughter. 
Nephew's my daughter. 






65. Brother's great grandson. 
(Female speaking.) 



Translation. 



56. Brother's great granddaughter. 
(Female speaking.) 



Translation. 



10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20. 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn ibn ibn akhi. 
Ibn ibn ibn akhi. 



Natija d'akhSnee 

Yakeporus voretein v. voretin. 

Mac mic mic mo drihar 

lar ogha mo brathar 

Mac mac mac my braar 

Orwyr fy mrawd 

Natijaiii bradiir 



Broders barnebarns barn 

Sonar sonar sonr brodur min , 
Brorsons sonson 



Great great nephew..... 

Breeders achter klein zoon. 

Groot grootnevg 

Brohrs kinds kinds kind.... 

Urgross neffe 

Bruders grossenkel 

Mon arriere-petit-ueveu 



Neef. 



Pronipote 

Fratris pronepos 

Adelphon apogonos tritos. 
Adelphou proeggonos 



Moj wnuk synowca.. 



Mai prevnook 

Moi pravnutchnayi jiljemiannik . 
Karndashmun tnnlnfuu torfinfi... 
Laveh torneh bra uiun 



Minn venna poep poeg poeg.. 
Nepaan poTan polka 



Son of son of son of brother my. 



Great grandson of brother my. 
Brother's son's son's sou. 
Sou of son of son of my brother. 
Grandchild of my brother. 
Son of son of son of my brother. 
Great grandson of my brother. 
Great grandchild of brother. 

Brother's great grandchild. 
Son's son's son of brother my. 
Brother's sou's son's sou. 

G't g't nephew, bro. g't grandson. 
Brother's g't grandson. b Nephew. 
Great great nephew. 
Brother's child's child's child. 
Great great nephew. 
Brother's great grandson. 
My great little nephew. 



Great nephew. 

Great grandson of a brother. 



My nephew-grandson. 



Little great grandson. 
My nephew-great grandson. 
Brother's my great grandchild. 
Son of grandchild of brother my. 

My brother's son's son's son. 
Nephew's my son's son. 



Bint hint bint akhi. 
Bint bint bint akhi. 



Natijta d'akhSnee 

Yakeporus toostrin t. too=tra 

Ineean mic mic mo drihar 

lar ogha mo brathar 

Inneen mac mac my braar 

Orwyres fy mrawd 

Natijai bradar 



Broders barnebarns barn 

Dottur dottur dottir brodur min. 
Brorsdotters dotter dotter 



Great great niece [Nuht 

Breeders achter klein dochter. b 

Groote groote nichte 

Brohrs kinds kinds kind 

Bruders ureukel i n n 

Bruders prossenkelin 

Mou arriere-petite-u.ece 



Pronipote 

Fratrin proneptis 

Adelphou eggone trite. 
Adelphou proeggone ... 



Moja wnuczka synowca.. 



Mae prevnooka mi fnitza 

Mnja pravnntchatnaja pljemian- 
Kilrndiishnum torumun torfliiu. ... 
Keeza, tonieh bra mun 



Minu venna poe<r poeg tutar. 
Nepaan poian ty tar 



Daughter of d. of d. of brother my. 



Great granddaughter of brother my. 
Brother's daughter's daught. daught. 
Daughter of son of son of my brother. 
Great grandchild of my brother. 
Daughter of son of son of my brother. 
Great granddaughter of my brother. 
Great grandchild of brother. 

Brother's great grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of brother my. 
Brother's daughter's daught. daught. 

G't g't niece, brother's g. g. daughter. 
Brother's g't granddaughter. b Niece. 
Great great niece. 
Brother's chilli's child's child. 
Brother's great granddaughter. 
ii d '( 

My great little niece. 



Great niece. 

Great granddaughter of a brother. 



My nephew-granddaughter. 



Little great granddaughter. 
My niece great granddaughter. 
Brother's my great grandchild. 
Daughter of grandchild brother my. 

My brother's son's son's daughter. 
Nephew's my son's daughter. 






OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



93 



TABLE I. Continued. 




57. Sister. (Female speaking.) 


Translation. 


58. Sister's son. (Female speaking.) 


Translation. 


I 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Akhti 


Sister my. 

it ti 
it it 
it it 

My sister. 
n it 

tt tt 
tt tt 

Sister. 
ii 
n 

Sister my. 

Sister. 
u 
<i 

H 
(( 
tt 
It 

tf 

My sister. 
Sister. 
My sister. 

Sister, 
it 

ti 
tt 

My sister, 
tt tt 
<t ti 

Sister jay. 
tt tt 

My sister. 

Sister my. 
Sister elder. b Younger. 
My sister. 
Sister my. 




Son of sister my. 

ti u u 

It It ( 

11 If 11 

Sister's son. 
^on of my sister. 

(( f (f 14 

it tt 

My nephew. 
Son of sister. 

Sister's sou. 
tt t 

Sister's sou my. 
Sister's son. 
Nephew. 
Nephew, sister's son. 
Nephew. b Urandsou. 
Nephew. 
Sister's son. 

Nephew, 
u 

My nephew. 

44 tt 

Nephew. 
Nephew. b Grandchild. 
Son of a sister. 

U t( tt 

tf tt tt 

My nephew. 

( > 4f 

Nephew my. 
(t 

My nephew. 
Nephew my. 
Son of brother my. 
Little younger sister my. 
My sister's son. 
Sister's my son. b Nephew. 


Ikhti 


Ibn ikhti 


1 khothf 


B5n * Khothi 


Khutee 




Kooere 




Mo yriffur 




Mo phiuthar 




My Shuyr 




Fy chwaer 


Fy nai 


Hahar 




Svasar. * lami. c Bhainni 




Sbster 




Systur mm 




Syster 




Swuster. b Theoster 


Nela . 


Sister 




Zuster 


Neef 


Sister 


Nev6 


Sister 




Schwester 


Neffe 


Sohwester 


Neffe 


Ma soeur 




Hermaua 




Irman 




Sorella 




Soror 




Adelphe. b Kasignete. c Kase ?... 
Adelphe 


Adelphidous. b Kasignatos. An- 


Mano suse T. 




Moj siostra 


Muj sestra 




Sestra mi 




Sestra mi 




Moja sestra 




Khooshkeh man 


Yej6n-im 




Nenem. Hugom 




Mina odde 




Sisareni 












59. Sister's son's wife. 
(Female speaking.) 


Translation. 


60. Sister's daughter. 
(Female speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Amrat ibn iikhti 


Wife of son of sister my. 
tt tt tt ' tt tt 
tt tf tt tt tt 

Daughter-in-law. 
Daughter-in-law of my sister. 
Wife of son of my sis'er. 
tt tt ft tt tt 

it tt tt tt tt 

My niece. 
Wife of son of sister. 

Sister's son's wife. 
Wife of sister's son my. 
Sister's sou's wife. 

Niece, 
tt 
tt 

Sister's son's wife. 
Niece by marriage. 
Wife of nephew. 
My niece. 
My niece (by courtesy). 
Niece by affinity. 
Acquired nephew. 
Wife of a son of a sister. 
Wife of a nephew. 

My niece-in-law. 
tt tt tt 

Wife of my nephew. 
Nephew's my wife. 
Daughter-in-law of sister my. 

My sister's son wife. 
Nephew's my wife. 


Bint iikhti 


Daughter of sister my. 

U tt (( it 

(t (f ft ft 
(f ft ft tt 

Sister's daughter. 
Daughter of my sister. 

it tt * it 

tt ft ft 

My niece. 
Daughter of sister. 

Sister's daughter. 
tt tt 

Sister'a daughter my. 
Sister's daughter. 
Niece. 
Niece. Sister's daughter. 
Niece. b Granddaughter. 
Niece. 
Sister's daughter. 
Niece. 

tt 

My niece. 
Niece. 
My niece. 
Niece. b Grandchild. 
Daughter of a sister. 

Niece, 
tt 

My niece, 
tt tt 

Niece my. 

tt tt 

My niece. 
Niece my. 
Daughter of sister my. 
Little younger sister my. 
My sister's daughter. 
Sister's my daughter. 


Zaujat ibn ikhti . 


Bint ikhti 


Eslieth b6n " Kiiothi 


Bath a Khothi 


Calta d'Khatee 


Bivita d'Khiitee .. 






Ban mac mo driffer 




Bean mic pethfir 


Nighean mo phiuthar. 


Brii mac my shuyr 




Fy nitli 


Fy nith 


Zani poosiiri hahiir 


Diikhtari liahlir 


Siistersotis hustrun 


Svasriya 


Sosterdatter 


Kon.'i systur son;ir min 


Systur dottir min 


Systersous hustru 


Systerdotter 


Niece 


Nefane 




Nii-ht 


Nicht 


Niclite 


Nichte 






Nichte 


Nu-hte 




Nichte 


Ma niece 


Ma niece 


Sobrina politica 


Sobrina 


Sobrinha por affinidade 




Aquistella nipote 


Nipote 






Adelphidou gune 


Adelphide. b Kasignete. "Anepsia? 
Adelphide. ** Anepsia 


Moja siostrzencowa 




Ma sestrencowa 


Ma sestrina 






Sestrenitza mi 




YeySnum k..rii -u 























94 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



1 
2 
3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
in 
11 
11 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
2ti 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



61. Sister's daughter's husband. 
I. m.u< speaking.) 



Z6j bint akhti 

Zauj bint ikhti 

Ish bath "Khuthl 

Klmtna d'Khiitee 

Crochus toostrin arega 

Far ineeni modriffer 

Cleeamhiun rao phiuthar... 
Sheshey inneen my shuyr. 

Fy nai 

Shoharl dukhtiiri hahar 



Sosterdatter husbond.... 
Madr systur dottur min. 
Systerdotters man 



Nephew 

Neef 

Neve 

Sisters docbters man.... 

Neffe 

Gatte dernichte 

Mon neven 

Sobrino politico 

Sobrinho por affinidade. 

Aquistata nipote 

Sororis filise vir 

Adelphides aner 



Moj siostrzenin. 
Muj sestrin 



Mush moego pljeraiannik 

Yeyen-um kojasii 

Mereh keeza khodshkeh muu. 



Minn odde tntar mees. 
Sisaren vavy 



Translation. 



Husband of daughter of sister my. 



Son-in-law of my sister. 
Sister's daughter's husband. 
Husband's daughter of my sister. 



My nephew. 

Husbaud of daughter of sister. 

Sister's daughter's husband. 
Husband of sister's daughter my. 
Sister's daughter's husband. 

Nephew. 



Sister's daughter's husband. 

Nephew. 

Husband of niece. 

My nephew. 

My nephew (by courtesy). 

Nephew by affinity. 

Acquired nephew. 

Husband of a daughter of a sister. 

Husband of a niece. 



My nephew-in-law. 



Husband of my niece. 

Niece's rny husband. 

Husband of daughter of sister my. 

My sister's daughter's husband. 
Sister's my son-in-law. 



62. Sister's grandson. 
(Female speaking.) 



Translation. 



Ibn ibn akhti Son of sou of sister my. 

Ibn ibn ikhti 



Nawiga d'khatee 

Crochus voretein voretin. 

Mac ineeni mo driffer 

Egha mo phiuthar 

Mac mac my shuyr 

Wyr fvchwaer 

Niivad'ai hahar 

Svasrnaptar 

Siisters barnebarn 

Sonar sonr systur min.... 
Systersons sou 



Great nephew. "Wain-nephew... 

Zusters klein zoon. b Necf 

Groot nevfi 

Sisters kinds kind 

Gross neffe. b Schwester enkel... 

Schwester enkel 

Mon petit-neveu 

Sobrino 

Sobrinho neto 

Pronipote 

Sororis nepos 

Adelphes eggonos. b Anepsiades? 
Adelphes eggouos 



Moj syu siostrzenca. 



Mai vnook mi 

Moi vnutchatnyi pljemiannik 

Kuz karndashinuu toru 

Tfirueh khodshkeh muu 



Minn odde poegpoeg My sister's son's son. 

Slsaren polau polka Sister's my son's son. 



Grandson of sister my. 
Sister's son's sou. 
Sister's daughter of my sister. 
Grandchild of my sister. 
Son of son of my sister. 
Grandson of my sister. 
Grandchild of a sister. 
Sister's grandson. 
Sister's grandchild. 
Son's son of sister niy. 
Sister's son's son. 

Great nephew. Sister-grandson. 

Sister's grandson. b Nephew. 

Great nephew. 

Sister's child's child. 

Great nephew. b Sister's grandson. 

Sister's grandson. 

My little nephew. 

My nephew. 

Nephew's grandson. 

Great nephew. 

Grandson of a sister. 



My nephew's son. 



Little grandson my. 
My nephew's grandson. 
Sister's my grandchild. 
Grandchild of sister my. 



63. Sister's granddaughter. 
(Female iptaklng.) 



Translation. 



64. Sister's great grandson. 
(Female speaking.) 



Translation. 



1 
I 

B 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
38 
17 
28 
J'.i 
BO 
31 
32 
:;:-, 
34 
M 
M 
:.' 
M 
89 



Bint ibn akhti. 
Bint ibn ikhti.. 



Nawigta. d'khatee 

Crochus toostrin toostra. . 

lueean mic modriffer 

Ogha mo phiuthar 

Inneen mac my shuyr .... 

Wyres fychwaer 

Navadai hahur 

Srasrnaptri 

Sosters barnebarn 

Dottur dottir systur min . 
Systersons dotter 



Great niece. Cousin-niece , 

Zusters klein dochter. b Nicht. 

Groote nichte 

Sisters kinds kind 

Schwester enkelinu 

Schwester enkelin 

Ma petite-niece 

Sul ii ina 

Sobriuha neta 

Pronipote 

Sororis neptis 

Adelphes eggone. "Anepsiade?. 
Adelphes eggoue 



Moja corka siostrzenca., 



Mai vnooka mi 

Mnja vmr.i/hiitiiiija plji'inianuitza.. 

Kuz k.irnd.ishniiin torii 

Tfirni'h khooshkeh mun 



Minn odde poeg tutiir. 
Sisaren polan tytar 



Daughter of son of sister my. 



Granddaughter of sister my. 
Sister's daughter's daughter. 
Daughter's son of my sister. 



Granddaughter of my sister. 

Grandchild of sister. 

Sister's granddaughter. 

Sister's grandchild. 

Daughter's daughter of sister my. 

Sister's son's daughter. 

Great niece. Sister's granddaughter. 
Sister's granddaughter. b Niece. 
Great niece. 
Sister's child's ehild. 

Sister's granddaughter. 

u 11 

My little niece. 

My niece. 

Niece's granddaughter. 

Great niece. 

Granddaughter of a sister. 



My nephew's daughter. 



Little granddaughter my. 
My niece's granddaughter. 
Sister's my grandchild. 
Grandchild of sister my. 

My sister's son's daughter. 
Sister's my son's daughter. 



Ibn Ibn ibn akhti 
Ibn ibn ibu ikhti. 



Niitija d'khatee 

Crochus voretein v. voretin. 

Mac mic mic modriffer 

lar ogha mo phiuthar 

Mac mac mac my shuyr 

Orwyr fy chwaer 

Nitijiii hahar 



Sosters barnebarns barn 

Sonar sonar sonr systur miu. 
Systersons sonson 



Great grand nephew 

Zusters achter klein zoon. b Nee 

Groot groot nevg 

Sisters kinds kinds kind 

Urgross neffe 

Sell wester grossenkel 

Mon arriere-petit-neveu 



Pronipote 

Sororis pronepos 

Adelphes tritos apogonos. 
Adelphes proeggonos 



Moj wnuk siostrezenca.. 



Mai prevnook mi 

Moi pravnutchatnyi pljemiannik.. 
Karndrislnn fin torunum torunu 
Laveh tOrnuli khoushkeh mun 



Minu odde poeg poeg poeg . 
Slsaren poTan poian po!k;i. 



Sou of son of son of sister my. 



Great grandson of sister my. 
Sister's son's son's son. 
Son's son's son of my sister. 
Great grandchild of my sister. 
Son of son of son of my sister. 
Great grandson of my sister. 
Great grandchild of sister. 

Sister's great grandchild. 

Son's son's son of sister my. 
Sister's son's son's son. 

G't grandnephew. Sister's p. g. son. 
Sister's great grandson. b Nephew. 
Great great nephew. 
Sister's child's child's child. 
Great great nephew. 
Sister's grrat grandson. 
My great little nephew. 



Great nephew. 

Great grandson of a sister. 



My nephew-grandson. 



Little great grandson my. 
My nephew's great grandson. 
Sister's my great grandchild. 
Son of grandchild of sister my. 

My sister's son's son's son. 
Sister's my son's son's son. 






OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



95 



TABLE I. Continued. 



65. Sister's Great granddaughter. 
(Female speaking.) 



Translation. 



66. Father's brother. 



Translation. 



1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

IS 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

37 

38 

39 



Bint bint bint akliti . 
Bint bint bint ikhti. 



Natigta d'khatee 

Crochus toostrin t. toostra 

Ineean mic mic mo drifter 

lar ogha mo phiuthar 

Inueen mac mac my shuyr 

Orwyres fy chwaer 

Niitijiii hahar 

Sosters barnebarns barn 

Dottur dottur dottir systur min... 
Systerdotters dotter dotter 

Great grandniece [ b Nicht 

Zusters achter kleiu dochter. 

Groote groote nichte 

Sisters kinds kinds kind 

Schwester ureukeliun 

Schwester grossenkelin 

Mou arriere-petite-niuce 



Pronipote 

Sororis proneptis 

Adelphes trite eggonos. 
Adelphes proggoue 



Moja wnuczka siostrzenca. 



Daughter of d. of d. of sister my. 



Great granddaughter of sister my. 
Sister's daughter's d. 'daughter. 
Daughter's s. son my sister. 
Great grandchild of my sister. 
Daughter of son of son of my sister. 
Great granddaughter of my sister. 
Great grandchild of sister. 

Sister's great grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of sister my. 
Sister's daughter's danght. daught. 

G't g'ndniece. Sister's g. g. daught. 
Sister's g't granddaughter. b Niece. 
Great great niece. 
Sister's child's child's child. 

Sister's great granddaughter, 
tt it tt 

My great little niece. 



Great niece. 

Great granddaughter of a sister. 



My nephew-granddaughter. 



Mai prevnooka mi [nitza Little great granddaughter my. 

Moja pravnutcuatnaja plemian- ' My niece, great granddaughter. 



Karndashmun toiunum toriinu.... 
Keeza torneh khou^hkeh muu 



Minu oilde poeg poeg tutar.. 
Sisareii poliin poian tytar 



Sister's my great grandchild. 
Daughter of grandchild of sister my. 

My sister's son's son's daughter. 
Sister's my son's sou's daughter. 



Ammi 

Amuii 

Dodhi 

Amuwee 

Horns yakepira 

Drihar m'ahar 

Brathair m'athair 

Braar my ayr 

Fy ewyrth (pr. aworth). 

Amoo 

Pitroya. b Pitrbhratar.. 

Farbroder 

Fodnr brodir niiiin 

Farbroder. b Farbror.... 



Paternal uncle.... 

Oom 

Oom 

Ohm. b Onkel.... 
Oheim. b Onkel. 
Oheim. b Oukel. 

Mou oncle 

Tio 

Tio carnal 

Tio-.... 



Patruus 

Patros. b Patradelphos. Theios 
Theios. [ d nanuos? c Patrokasignatos 

Mauo dode 

Moj stryj 

Muj stryo 

Chicha. " Strika mi 

Chicha. b Streeka 

Moi djadja 

Ammi-m. b Amfija-m 

Apeh mun 

Nagy batyam 

Minu esii vend 

Setani 



Paternal uncle my. 



Father's brother. 
Brother of my father. 



My uncle. 
Paternal uncle. 



Father's brother my. 
Father's brother. 

Uncle (father's side.) 



My uncle. 

Uncle. 

Blood uncle. 

Uncle. 

Paternal uncle. 

Uncle. 

Uncle. 

My father's brother. 

My paternal uncle. 

tt t tt 

Paternal uncle my. 
tt tt 

My uncle. 

Uncle my (paternal). 
Paternal uncle my. 
Grand elder brother. 
My father's brother. 
Uncle my. 



67. Father's brother's wife. 



Translation. 



8. Father's brother's SOD. 



Translation. 



1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
23 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Amrat ammi 

Zoujat ammi 

Dodhathi 

Bakhta d'amuuiee 

llorus yakeporagena.... 

Ban drihar inahar 

Bean brathar m'athair . 

Ben braar my ayr 

Fy modrib 

Zari amoo 



Farbroders hustrue 

Kona fodur brodurmin. 
Farbroders hustru 



Wife of paternal uncle my. 
tt tt tt tt tt 

Aunt uiy. 

Wife of paternal uncle my. 

Father's brother's wife. 

Wife of the brother of my father. 



My aunt. 

Wife of paternal uncle. 

Uncle's wife (father's side). 
Wife of father's brother uiy. 
Father's brother's wife. 



Aunt 

Ooms vrouw. b 

Moej 

Molm. b Tante .. 
Muhme. b Taute 

Oheim.s frau 

Ma taute. 

Tia politica 

Tia por affinidade 
Tia 



Moej. 



Aunt. 

Uncle's wife. 
Aunt. 



b Aunt. 



Patrui uxor... . 
Patroos gune. 



1 Thiou gune. 



Uncle's wife. 

My aunt. 

My aunt by courtesy. 

Aunt by affinity. 

Aunt. 

Wife of paternal uncle. 



Mano dedene My father's brother's wife. 

Moja stryjeuka \ My aunt. 

Ma stryna.. 



Strinka mi 

Streena. b China . 
Moja tjotka 



Amje mun 

Nagy angyom 

Minn esa venna naine 
Setaui valino 



Aunt my. 
Aunt. 

My aunt. 

Uncle's wife. 

Wife of paternal uncle my. 

Grand sister-in-law. 

My father's brother's wife. 

Wife of my uncle. 



Ibn ammi 

1 1 in ammi 

Ben dodhl 

Bruna d'amiiwee 

Horns yakepora voretin 

Mac drihar mahar 

Mac brathar m'athair 

Mac brear my ayr 

Fy nghefnder (pr. hevender) 

Poosari amoo 

Pitroyaputra 

Falters sodskendebarn 

Brodur sonr fodur min 

Farbrors son. b Sysling 

(Swor?) 

Cousin. Uncle's son 

Ooms zoon. * Neef 

Kozyn. b Ooms zoon 

Vedder 

Vetter. b Gesehwister kind 

Oheims sohn. b Vetter 

Mon cousin-germain 

Primohermano 

Primo irmao 

Cugino 

Patrui li! ins. b Frater patruelis., 

Anepsios. b Kasis t , 

PrStos exadelphos 



Moj stryjeczny brat. 



Bratooche mi 

Otchicha brat. b Chichersin. 

Moi dvoiurodnyi brat 

Amiijamun oghlii 

l.iivch iipeh mun 



Minu esii vennii poeg. 
Serkkunl. Orpauaui. 



Son of paternal uncle my. 

tt tt tt tt 

Son of uncle my. 

Son of paternal uncle my. 

Father's brother's son. 

Son of brother of my father. 



My cousin. 

Sou of paternal uncle. 

Paternal uncle's son. 

Cousin. 

Brother's son of father my. 

Father's brother's son. b Cousin. 

Cousin germain. 

First cousin. Uncle's son. 

Uncle's son. b Nephew. 

Cousin. b Uncle's son. 

Cousin. 

Cousin. b Relative's child. 

Uncle's son. b Cousin. 

My cousin germaiu. 

My cousin-brother. 

Cousin-brother. 

Cousin. 

Son of pat. uncle. b Bro. patruel. 

Cousin. 



My brother through paternal uncle. 

Uncle's son my. [ b Uncle's son. 

Brother through paternal uncle. 

My double birth brother. 

Son of uncle my. 

Son of paternal uncle my. 

My father's brother's son. 
Cousin my. 



96 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



9. Father's brother's son's wife. 



Amrat ibn ammi., 
Xaujat ibn 



Calta d'amiiwee 

Horns yukejioree voretin gena., 

Ban mic driliar niahar 

Bean mac brathar m'athair , 

Ben mac braar my ayr 

Fy cyfnither (pr. ketuether)..., 
Zani poosiri amoo , 



Falters hnstrne 

Sonar kona todnr brodur mins., 
Farbrors sonhustru 



Cousin 

Ooms zoons vrouw. 



Nichte ................... 

Base ...................... 

Oheinis sohnsfrau .... 

Ma consine ............. 

Prima politica .......... 

Prima por affinidade. 
Aquistella cugina ..... 

Patrui filii uxor ....... 

Anepsiou guue ......... 



Moja stryjeezna bratowa . 



Sbena moego dvoinrodnaja brata. 

Amnjainnn oghlfinum kari'i-n 

Thuuieh lavehapehmun 



Minu esa venna poeg naiue. 
Serkkuui vaimo 



Translation. 



Wife of son of paternal uncle my. 



Daughter-in-law of patern. uncle my. 
Fatber's brotber's son's wife. 
Wife of the son of my father's bro. 
Wife of the son of the bro. of my fa. 

it fi it ii li 1' " 

My cousin. 

Wife of son of paternal uncle. 

Cousin's wife. 

Son's wife of father's brother my. 

Father's brother's son's wife. 

Cousin. 

Uncle's son's wife. 

Cousin. 



Uncle's son's wife. 

My cuii-iii. 

My cousin (by courtesy). 

Cousin by affinity. 

Acquired cousin. 

Wife of son of paternal uncle. 

Wife of cousin. 



My sister-in-law through p. uncle. 



Wife of my double birth brother. 
Wife of the son of my uncle. 
Daughter-in-law son of pater, uncle. 

My father's brother's son's wife. 
Wife of my cousin. 



70. Father's brother's daughter. 



Bint ammi 

Bint ammi 

Bath dodhi 

Brata d'amuwee 

Horus yakepora tooster 

Ineean drihar mahar 

Nighean brathar m'athair 

Inneen braar myiiyr 

Fy cyfnither 

Dftkhtari amoo 

Pitroyaputri 

Karbrodersdatter. b Sb'dskendebarn 

Dottir fodurbrodur mins 

b'arbrors dotter. b Syssling 

Cousin. Paternal uncle's danght. 

OIHUS dochter. b Nicht 

Nichte. b Ooms dochter 

Nichte 

Base. b Gerschwisterkind 

Oheims tochter. b Base 

Ma cousine germaine 

Prima hermana 

Prima 

Cugina 

Patrui filia. b Soror patruelis 

Anepsia. b Kase ? 

Prote exadelphe 

Moja stryjeczna siostra 

Bratovchetka ini 

[tera 
Otchicha sestra. b Chichev dush- 

Maja dvoinroilnaja sestra 

Amuiamun kiisii 

Keesaiipeh mun 



Minu esa venna tutilr., 
Serkkunl orpanani.... 



Translation. 



Daughter of paternal uncle my. 

ti it it it 

Daughter of uncle my. 
Daughter of paternal uncle my. 
Father's brother's daughter. 
Daughter of my father's brother. 
Daughter of the brother of my father. 
tt it u fi tt 

My cousin. 

Daughter of paternal uncle. 

Paternal uncle's daughter. 

Cousin. 

Daughter of father's brother's my. 

Father's brother's daught. Cousin. 

First cousin. 

Uncle's daughter. b Niece. 
Niece. b Uncle's daughter. 
Cousin, 
it 

Uncle's daughter. b Cousin. 
My cousin germain. 
My cousin sister. 
Cousin. 

H 

Daught. of pat. uncle. b Sist. pat. 
Cousin. 



My sister through paternal uncle. 
Uncle's daughter my. 

[dauehter. 

Sister through pat. uncle. b Uucle's 
My double birth sister. 
Daughter of uncle my. 
Daughter of paternal uncle my. 

My father's brother's daughter. 
Cousin my. 



71. Father's brother's daughter's husband. 



Translation. 



72. Father's brother' s grandson. 



Translation. 



1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 

n 

34 
:::. 
M 
87 
88 



Ziij bint ammi... 
Zauj bint ammi. 



Khutna d'amuwee 

Horus yakepora toostriu arega . 

Far ineeni drihar mahar 

Cleeamhuin brathar m'athair... 
Sheshey inneen braar my ayr... 

Fy nghefnder 

Shohari dukhtari&moo 



Farbrodersdatters mand 

Dottur madr fodurbrodur mins. 
Farbrors dotters man 



Cousin 

Ooms .In. hti-r man 

Ki'/.vn 

Vedder 

Vetter 

Oheims tochter maun . 

Mon cousin 

Primo politico 

Primo por affinidade ... 

Aquistata cugiuo 

Patrui filise vir 

Auepsiasauer 



Moj stryjeczny szwagier. 



Mush moego dvoinrod naja sestra. 

Amujamun kusunumk ojii.su 

Keuza apch mun 



Minn esa venna tutar meeft.. 
rirrkkuuT mies 



Husband of daught. of pat. uncle my. 



Son-in-law of paternal uncle my. 
Father's brother's daught. husband. 
Husb. of daught. of bro. of my husb. 



My cousin. 

Husb. of daught. of paternal uncle. 

Uncle's daughter's husband. 
Daughter's husb. of fath. bro. my. 
Father's brother's daughter's husb. 

Cousin. 

Uncle's daughter's husband. 

Cousin. 

Cousin. 
tt 

Uncle's daughter's husband. 

My cousin. 

My cousin by courtesy. 

Cousin by affinity. 

Acquired con.-in. 

Husband of son of paternal uncle. 

Husband of cousin. 



My broth.-in-law through pat. uncle. 



My double-birth sister's husband. 
Uncle's my daughter's husband. 
Son-in-law of paternal uncle my. 

My father's brother's daught. husb. 
Cousin's my husband. 



Ibn ibn ammi. 

Ibu ilni umiui. 



Nawiga d'amfiwee 

Horus yakepora voretein voretin. 

Mac mic drihar mahar 

Kgha brathar m'athair 

Mao mac braar my ayr 

Mab fy nghefnder 

Navadai amoo 



Farbroders barnebarn 

Sonar sour fodurbrodur mins. 
Farbrors souson 



Paternal uncle's grandson .. 
Ooms klein zoon. b Neef.... 
Ooms groot zoon. b Kozyn. 

Vcddurs soohu 

Vetters sohn 

Oheims eukel 

Mon cousin sous-germain 

Sobrino 

Primo distante 

Secondo cugino? 

Patrui nepos 

Anepsiades? 

Theiou eggonos 



Moj stryjeczny bratanek. 



Otrhicha bratanetz 

Moi dvoiurodnyi plemiannik. 

Amujainun oghlu 

Torueh apeh mun 



Minu esa vcnnii poeg. 
Sorkkuni polka 



Son of son of paternal uncle my. 



Grandson of paternal uncle my. 

Father's brother's son's son. 

Sou of the s. of the broth, of my fath. 

Grandchild of brother of my father. 

Son of sou of brother of my father. 

Son of my cousin. 

Grandchild of paternal uncle. 

Uncle's grandchild. 

Son's sou of father's brother my. 

Father's brother's sou's sou. 

Uncle's grandson (father's side). 
Uncle's granson. b Nephew. 
Uncle's grandson. b Cousin. 

Cousin's son. 
i< it 

Uncle's grandson. 

My cousin's son. 

My nephew. 

Distant cousin. 

Second cousin. 

Grandson of paternal uncle. 

Cousin's son. 

Uncle's grandson. 

My nephew through paternal uncle. 



From paternal uncle nephew. 

My double birth nephew. 

Son of uncle my. 

Grandchild of paternal uncle my. 

My father's brother's sou's son. 
Son of my cousin. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



97 



TAHLE I. Continued. 



73. Father's brother's granddaughter. 



Translation. 



74. Father's brother's great grandson. 



Tra nblation. 



1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Bint ibn amiui. 
Bint ibu amnii. 



Niiwigta d'amuwee 

Horus y&kepora too-trin toostra. 

Ineean mic dribar mahar 

Egha brathar m'athar 

Inneen mac braar my ayr 

Merch fy nghefuder 

Navadai amoo 



Farbroders barnebarn 

Sonar dottir fodurbrodur rnins... 
Farbrors dotter dotter 



Paternal uncle's granddaughter., 
Ooms klein dochter. b Nicht 
Ooms groote doubter. * Nichte.. 

Vedders dochter 

Vetters tochter 

Oheims enkelin 

Ma cousine sous-germaine 

Sobrina 

Prima distante 

Seconda cugina ? 

Patrui neptis 

Anepsiade? 

Thiuu eggone 



Moja stryjeczna siostrzenca. 



Otchicha bratanitza 

Moja dvoinrodnaja plemiannitza. 

Amujamiin kusu 

Torneh. apeh iiiun 



Minn esii venna poeg tutar. 
Serkkuul tytar 



Daughter of son of pat. uncle my. 



Granddaughter of pat. uncle my. 
Father's brother's dau. dau. 
D. of the sou of the bro. of my dau. 
Grandchild of brother of my father. 
Daughter of son of bro. of iny father. 
Daughter of my cousin. 
Grandchild of paternal uncle. 

Uncle's grandchild. 

Son's daughter of father's bro. my. 

Father's brother's daughter's daught. 

Uncle's granddan. (father's side). 

Uncle's granddaughter. b Niece. 
u a u 

Cousin's daughter. 

(( U 

Uncle's granddaughter. 

My cousin's daughter. 

My niece. 

Distant cousin. 

Second cousin. 

Granddaughter of paternal uncle. 

Cousin's daughter. 

Uncle's granddaughter. 

My niece through paternal uncle. 



From paternal uncle niece. 
My double birth niece. 
Daughter of uncle my. 
Grandchild of paternal uncle my. 

My father's brother's son's daughter. 
Cousin's my daughter. 



Ibn ibn ibn ammi , 
Ibn ibn ibu ammi , 



Natija d'amtiwee 

Horusyakeporeevoretein v.voretiu 

Mac mic mic dribar mahar 

lar ogha brathar m'athair 

Mac mac mac braar my ayr 

Wyr fy ngnefnder 

.Niitijiii amoo 

Farbroders barnebarns barn 

Sonar sonar sonr fodnrbrodur mins 
Farbrors sousous sou 

Paternal uncle's great grandson... 
Ooms achter klein zoon. b Neef... 
Kyzyu. b Oomes groot groot zoon 

Vedders kinds kind 

Vetters enkel 

Oheims grossenkel 

Petit-fils de mon cousin 

Sobrino 

Primo distante 

Terzo cugino? 

Patrui pronepos 

Anepsiou eggonos ? 

Thiou proeggonos 



Moj stryjeczny wnuk., 



Otchicha vnook [annik 

Moi dvoiurodnyi vnuteha plemi- 



Laveh t5rneh apeh num. 



Minn esa venna poeg poeg poeg... 
Serkkuni poian poika 



Son of son of son of pat. uncle lay. 



Great grandson of pat. uncle my. 
Father's brother's sou's son's son. 
Son of son of son of bro. of my fa. 
Great grandchild of bro. of my fa. 
Son of son of son of bro. of my fa. 
Grandson of my cousin. 
Grandchild of paternal uncle. 

Uncle's great grandchild. 

Son's son's son of father's bro. my. 

Father's brother's sou's son's sou. 

U. great grandson (father's side). 

Uncle's great grandson. b Nephew. 

Cousin. b Uncle's great grandson. 

Cousin's child's child. 

Cousin's grandson. 

Uncle's great grandson. 

Grandson of my cousin. 

My nephew. 

Distant cousin. 

Third cousin. 

Great grandson of paternal un<;le. 

Cousin's grandson. 

Uncle's great grandson 

My grandson through paternal uncle. 



From paternal uncle grandson. 

Son of grandchild of pat. uncle my. 

My father's brother's son's son's son 
Cousin's my sou's son. 



75. Father's brother's great-granddaughter. 



Translation. 



70. Father's sister. 



Translation. 



1 

2 
3 
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5 
6 
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8 
9 

10 
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IS 
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37 
:w 
39 



Bint bint bint ammi. 
Bint bint bint ammi. 



Natijta d'amuwee 

Horns yakepora t. t. toostra 

Ineean mic mio drihar mahar 

lar ogha brathar m'athair 

Inneeu mac mac braar my ayra... 

Wyres fy nghefnder 

Niitijiii amoo 

Farbroders barnebarns barn. [mins 
Dottur dottnr dottir fodurbroder 
Farbrors dotters dotter dotter 

P. uncle's gt. granddaughter 

Oom achter klein douht. b Nicht 
Nichte. b Ooms groote g. dochter 

Vedders kinds kind 

Vetters enkelin 

Oheims grossenkelin 

Petite-fille de ma cousiue 

Sobrina 

Prima distante 

Terza cugina? 

Patrui proneptis 

Anepsion eggone ? 

Theiou proeggone 



Moja stryjeczua wnuczka. 



Otchicha vnooka 

Moja dvoiurodiiaja vnutcaatnaja 

[plemiannitza 

Keezit tSrneh apeh mnn 

Min e?a venna poeg poeg tntiir 
Serlckmu polan tytar 



D. of d. of d. of paternal uncle my. 



Gr't granddanght. of pat. uncle my. 
Father's brother's d. d. daughter. 
D. of the son of son of bro. of my fa. 
Great grandchild of bro. " " " 

(( (( (t U It It II 

Granddaughter of my cousin. 
Great grandchild of paternal uncle. 

Uncle's great grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of f. b. my. 
Father's brother's daughter's dau. 

Uncle's gt. granddau. (fa.'s side). 

Uncle's great granddaught. b Niece. 

Cousin. b Uncle's great grauddau. 

Cousin's child's child. 

Cousin's granddaughter. 

Uncle's great granddaughter. 

Granddaughter of my cousin. 

My niece. 

Distant cousin. 

Third cousin. 

Great granddaughter of pat. uncle. 

Cousin's granddaughter. 

Uncle's great granddaughter. 

My granddaughter through p. u. 



From paternal uncle granddaughter. 



Dau. of grandchild of pat. u. my. 

My father's brother's son's son's dau 
Daughter of the son of my cousin. 



Ammeti 

Ammati 

Doduathi. b Akhoth abhi 

Uintee 

Horus koverii 

Driffur mahar 

I'liinthar m'athair 

Shuyr my ayr 

Fy modryb 

Ama ..... ............... . 

Pitrshvasar 

Faster 

Fodnrsystermin 

Faster 

Fathe 

Paternal aunt 

Moeje. b Tante 

Moej 

Miihn. b Tante 

Muhme. b Tante 

Muhme. b Tante 

Ma tante 

Tia 

Tia. b Tia carnal 

Tia 

Amita 

Patradelphe. b Theia. 

Theia 

Mr>no teta 

Moja ciotka 

Ma tetka 

Lyelya mi 

Lelya mi 

Moja tjotka 

Hill ii- in 

Ammeh mun 

Nacy nencm 

Minti esil odde 

Tatiul 



Nanne t 



Paternal annt my. 

K u u 

Aunt my. b Sister of father my. 
Paternal aunt my. 
Father's sister. 
Sister of my father. 



My annt. 
Paternal aunt. 
Father's sister. 
Annt (father's side). 
Father's sister my. 
Father's sister. Aunt. 
Aunt. 
Aunt (father's side). 



My annt. 

Aunt. b Blood aunt. 

My aunt. 

Paternal aunt. 

Paternal aunt. Aunt. 

Aunt. 

My father's sister. 

My aunt. 

U K 

Paternal aunt my 

K li U 

My aunt. 

Aunt my (paternal). 
Paternal aunt my. 
Grand elder sister my. 
My father's sister. 
Aunt my. 



13 



November, 1869. 



98 



SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY. 



TABLE I. Continued. 




77. Father's sister's husband. 


Translation. 


78. Father's sister's son. 


Translation. 


I 

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36 
37 
38 
39 


Aral ammeti 
Zauj aminati 


1 1 ii.-liand of paternal aunt my. 

It (( It U II 

(1 II II II II 
Father's sister's husband. 
Husband of sister of my father. 




Son of paternal aunt my. 
it it it u 

Son of aunt my. 
Son of paternal aunt my. 
Father's sister's son. 

Son of sister of my father, 
ii u it u 

u u ii ii 

My cousin. 
Son of paternal aunt. 
Father's sister's sou. 
Cousin. 
Sister's son of father my. 
Father's sister's sou. Cousin. 
Cousin germain. 
First cousin. 
Aunt's son. * Nephew. 
Cousin. b Aunt's son. 
Cousin, 
u 

Aunt's son. * Cousin. 
My cousin. 
My cousin's brother. 
Cousin's brother. 
Cousin. 
Son of paternal aunt. b Cousin. 

Cousin, 
u 

My brother through paternal aunt. 

Aunt's son my. 
Paternal aunt's son my. 
My double birth brother. 
Son of paternal aunt. 
Son of paternal aunt my. 

My father's sister's sou. 
Cousin my. 




Ben dodhathl 


Bruna d'umtee 




Horns crocha voretin 


Far driffur mahar 


Mac driffer mahar 


Fear phiuthar m'athair 


u u ii u u 

My uncle. 
Husband of paternal aunt. 

Father's sister's husband. 
Husband of father's sister my. 
Father's sister's husband. 

Uncle. 
Aunt's husband. Uncle. 

Uncle. 
(i 

Uncle. 
Husband of my aunt. 
My uncle. 
My nncle (by courtesy). 
Uncle. * Uncle by affinity. 
Acquired nncle. 
Husband of paternal aunt. 
ii ii ii it 

My father's sister's husband. 

My uncle. 
ii it 

Uncle my. 
u it 

My nncle. 
Brother-in-law my. 
Husband of paternal uncle my. 

My father's sister's husband. 
Aunt's my husband. 


Mac phiuthar m'athair 
Mac shuyr my ayr 








Poosiiri ama 






Fatter. b Sodskendebaru 


M H fod 


Systur sonr fodur rnins 


a u sys ur 


Faster's son. b Syskoubarn 




(Swor ? ) 


Cousin. b Paternal aunt's son 
Moejes zoon. b Neef 






Kozyn. b Moejes zoon 




Vedder 








Muhme sohn. b Vetter 








Primo hermano 








Cugino 




Amitae films. * Amitinns. 






Manoteterus 


















Moi djadja 




























79. Father's sister's son's wife. 


Translation. 


80. Father's sister's daughter. 


Translation. 


1 

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39 




Wife of son of paternal uncle my. 

II U II II II 

Daughter-in-law of paternal aunt my. 
Father's sister's son's wife. 
Wife of sou of sister of my father. 




Daughter of paternal aunt my. 
ii ii it it 

Daughter of aunt my. 
Daughter of paternal aunt my. 
Father's sister daughter. 
Father's sister of my father, 
u it u ii 
it ii u it 
My cousin. 
Daughter of paternal aunt. 
Father's sister's daughter. 
Cousin. 
Sister's daughter of father my. 
Father's sister's daughter. b Cousin. 

First cousin. 
Aunt's daughter. * Niece. 
Niece. b Aunt's daughter. 
Cousin. 
Cousin (father's side). 
Aunt's daughter. f Cousin. 
My cousin. 
My cousin-sister. 

Cousin. 

ii 

Daughter of paternal aunt. b Cousin. 

Cousin. 

ii 

My sister-in-law through pat. aunt. 

Aunt's daughter my. 
Paternal aunt's daughter. 
My double birth sisti-r. 
Daughter of paternal aunt my. 
ii (i it it ii 

My father's sister's daughter. 
Cousin my. 






Kelta d'nmtee 


Bath dodhathl 








Ban mic driffur mahar 


Ineean mo driffer mahar 


Bean mac phinthar m'athair 


ii ii ti ii u u 
My cousin. 
Wife of son of paternal aunt. 

Cousin's wife. 
Wife of sister's son of father my. 
Father's sister's sou's wii'e. 

Cousin. 
Aunt's son's wife. 

Niece. 

Cousin, 
u 

Aunt's son's wife. 
My cousin. 
My cousin by courtesy. 
Cousin by affinity. 
Acquired cousin. 
Wife of sou of paternal aunt. 
Wife of cousin. 

My sister-in-law through pat. aunt. 

Wife of my double birth brother. 
Wife of son of aunt my. 
Daughter-in-law of pat. aunt my. 

My father's sister's son's wife. 
Cousin's my wife. 


Nighean phiuthar m'athair 








Dukhtari ama 














Fasters dotter. b Syskoubarn 
Cousin. * Paternal aunt's daught. 






Nichte 




Nichte 




Base 




Mahme sohnsfrau 




Ma cousine 




Prima politica 




Prima por afflnidade 




Aqnistella cugiua 




Amitae filii uxor 




Anepsiou guno 




Moja cioteczna bratowa 






Shena moega dvoinrodnaja brata.. 
Halam ogluuum kariisu 




Lelina dushtera 






Bookeh iiimijtth mini 




Minn es5 odde poeg naine 




Serkkunl vaimo 









OF T1IE HUMAN FAMILY. 



99 



TABLE I. Continued. 



81. Father's sister's daughter's husband. 



Translation. 



82. Father's sister's grandson. 



Translation. 



9 

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39 



Zoj bint ammeti... 
Zauj bint ammati. 



Khutna d'umtee 

llorus crocha toostra arega 

Far ineeni mo driffer mahar. .... 
Cleeamhiun phiuthar m'athair. 
Sueshey inneen shuyr my ayr... 

Fy Nghefnder 

Shohari dukhtari ama 



Sb'dskendebarns husbond 

Madr systurdottur fodur mins. 
Fasters dotters man 



Cousin , 

Moejes dochters man. 

Kozyn 

Vedder 

Vetter 

Muhme toehterrnann., 

Mon cousin 

Primo politico 

Prime por affinidade.. 

Aquistata cugino 

Amitae filiae vir 

Auepsias aner 



Moj cioteczny szwagier. 



Mush moego dvoiurodnaja sestra., 

Huliim kusunum kojiisu 

Zavii iiuimeli uiuu 



Minn esa odde tutiir mees. 
Serkkum mies 



Husband of daught. of pat. aunt my. 



Son-in-law of paternal aunt my. 
Father's sister's daughter's husband. 
Husband of d. of sister of my father. 



My cousin. 

Husband of daughter of pat. aunt. 

Cousin's husband. 

Husb. of sister's daught. of fath. my. 

Father's sister's daughter's husband. 

Cousin. 

Aunt's daughter's husband. 

Cousin. 
K 

Cousin. 

Aunt's daughter's husband. 

My cousin. 

My cousin by courtesy. 

Cousin by affinity. 

Acquired cousin. 

Husband of daught. of pat. aunt. 

Husband of cousin. 



My brother-in-law through p. aunt. 



Husband of my double birth sister. 
Aunt's my daughter's husband. 
Son-in-law of paternal aunt my. 

My father's sister's daughter's husb. 
Cousin's my husband. 



Ibn ibn ammeti . 
Ibu ibn ammati . 



Nawigee d'umtee 

Horus crocha voretein voretin. 

Mac mic driffer mahar 

Egtia phiuthar m'athair 

Mac mac shuyr my ayr 

Mab fy nghefnder 

Navadai ama 



Pasters baruebarn 

Sonar sonr fodursystur minuar. 
Pasters sonson 



Paternal aunt's grandson 

Moejes klein zoou. b Neef. 

Kozyn. b Moejes groot zoon 

Vedders Soohu. b Nichtes Soohn. 
Vetters Sohn. 

Muhme enkel 

Mon cousin sous-gerinain 

Sobrino 

Primo distante 

Secoudo cugino 

Amitae nepos 

Anepsiades 

Theias eggonos 



Moj cioteczny bratanek. 



Lelina vnook 

Moi dvoiurodnyi plemianuik 

Halam oghlu 

TSrneh arnnieh muu 



Minu esa odde poeg poeg. 
Serkkuui poika 



Son of son of paternal aunt my. 



Grandson of paternal annt my. 

Father's sister's sou's son. 

Son of son of brother of my father. 



Son of my cousin. 
Grandchild of paternal aunt. 

Aunt's grandchild. 

Son's son of father's sister my. 

Father's sister's sou's sou. 

Aunt's grandson (father's side). 

Aunt's grandson. b Nephew. 

Cousin. b Aunt's grandson. 

Cousin's son. b Cousin's sou (f.) 

Cousin's son. 

Aunt's grandson. 

My cousin's son. 

My nephew. 

Distant cousin. 

Second cousin. 

Grandson of paternal aunt. 

Cousin's son. 

Aunt's grandson. 

My nephew through paternal aunt. 



Paternal aunt's grandson. 
My double birth nephew. 
Son of paternal aunt my. 
Grandchild of paternal aunt my. 

My father's sister's son's son. 
Cousin's my son. 



83. Father's sister's granddaughter. 



Translation. 



84. Father's Bister's great grandson. 



Translation. 



1 
2 
8 
4 
5 
G 
7 
8 
9 

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39 



Bint ibn ammeti. 
Bint ibn ammati. 



Nawigtee d'umtee 

Horus crocha voretiu toostra 

lueean mic drifter mahar 

Ogha phiuthar m'athair 

Inneen mac shuyr my ayr 

Merch fy nghefnither 

Navadai ama 



Fasterg barnebarn 

Dottur dottir fodursyster miunar.. 
Fasters dotter dotter 



Paternal aunt's granddaughter.... 
Moejes klein dochter. b Nicht. ... 
Nichte. b Moejes groote dochter.. 
Vedders dochter. b Nichter doch. 

Vetters tochter 

Muhme enkel in 

Ma cousine sous-germaine 

Sobrina 

Prima distante 

Seconda cugina 

Amitae neptis 

Auepsiadu 

Theias eggoiie 



Moja cioteczna synowiec. 



Lelina vnooka 

Moja dvoiuroduaja plemiannitza. 

Hiilam kusu 

Torneh amnieh mun 



Minu esa odde poeg tutar.. 
Serkkuui tytar 



Daught. of sou of paternal annt my. 



Granddaughter of paternal aunt my. 
Father's sister's sou's daughter. 
Daughter of son of sister my father. 
Grandchild of sou of sister of my fa. 
daughter of son of sister of my father. 
Daughter of my cousin. 
Grandchild of paternal aunt. 

Father's sister's grandchild. 
Daughter's daught. of fa. sister my. 
Father's sister's daughter's daught. 

Aunt's granddaughter (father's side), 
Aunt's granddaughter. b Niece. 
Niece. b Aunt's granddaughter. 

Cousin's daughter. 

tt tt 

Aunt's granddaughter. 

My cousin's daughter. 

My niece. 

Distant cousin. 

Second cousin. 

Granddaughter of paternal aunt. 

Cousin's daughter. 

Aunt's granddaughter. 

My niece through paternal aunt. 



Paternal aunt's granddaughter. 
My double birth niece. 
Daughter of paternal aunt my. 
Grandchild of paternal aunt my. 

My father's sister's son's daughter. 
Cousin's my daughter. 



Ibn ibn ibn ammeti. 
Ibu ibn ibn ammati. 



Natija d'umtee 

Horus crocha voretein v. voretin.. 

Mac mic mic driffer mahar 

lar ogha phiuthar m'athair 

Mac mac mac shuyr my ayr 

Mab wyr fy nghefnder 

Natijai ama 



Fasters barnebarns barn [nar 

Sonar sonar sonr fodursysturmin- 
Fasters sonson son 



Paternal aunt's great grandson.... 
Moejes achter klein zoon. b Neef 
Kozyn. b Moejes groot groot zoon 

Vedders kinds kiud 

Vetters enkel 

Muhme grossenkel 

Petit-fils de mon cousin 

Sobrino 

Primo distante 

Teszo cugino 

Amitae pronepos 

Anepsiou eggonos ? 

Theias proeggouos 



Moj cioteczny wnuk . 



Lelin prevnook [miannik 

Moi dvoiurodnyi vnutchatnyi ple- 



Laveh tSrneh ammeh mun . 



Minn esa odde poeg poeg poeg.. 
Serkkuni poian polka 



Son of sou of son of pat. annt my. 



Great grandson of paternal aunt my. 
Father's sister's son's son's son. 
Son's son's son's sister of my father. 
Great grandchild sister of my father. 
Daught. of sou of son of son of iny fa. 
Grandson of my cousin. 
Great grandchild of paternal aunt. 

Father's sister's great grandchild. 
Son's son's son of father's sister my. 
Father's sister's son's sou's sou. 

Aunt's great grandson (fath. side). 

Aunt's great grandson. b Nephew. 

Cousin. b Aunt's great gramlson. 

Cousin's child's child. 

Cousin's grandson. 

Aunt's great grandson. 

Grandson of my cousin. 

My nephew. 

Distant cousin. 

Third cousin. 

Great grandson of paternal uncle. 

Cousin's grandson. 

Aunt's great grandson. 

My grandson through paternal annt. 



Paternal uncle's great grandson. 



Son of grandchild of pat. aunt my. 

My father's sister's son's son's son. 
Cousin's my sou's son. 



100 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 




85. Father's sister's great grandson's 
daughter. 


Translation. 


86. Mother's brother. 


Translation. 


1 

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39 




Daught. of d. of d. of paternal aunt. 
u t* ti tt ft 

Great granddaught. of pat. aunt my. 
Father's sister's daughter's dau. dau. 
Son of son of son of sister of my fa. 
Gt. grandchild of sister of my father. 
Danght. of son of s. of sister of my fa. 
Granddaughter of my cousin. 
Great grandchild of paternal aunt. 

Father's sister's great grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of fath. sister my. 
Father's sister's dau. dau.' dau. 

Aunt's gt. granddaught. (fath. side). 
Aunt's gt. grauddaught. b Niece. 
Cousin. b Aunt's gt. granddaught. 
Cousin's child's child. 
Cousin's granddaughter. 
Aunt's great granddaughter. 
Granddaughter of my cousin. 
My niece. 
Distant cousin. 
Third cousin. 
Gt. granddaughter of paternal aunt. 
Cousin's granddaughter. 
Aunt's great granddaughter. 

My granddaughter through pat. aunt. 

Paternal aunt's great granddaughter. 
My double birth grandchild niece. 

Dau. of grandchild of pat. aunt my. 

My father's sister's son's son's dau. 
Cousin's my daughter's daughter. 


Khali 


Maternal uncle my. 
tt tt ft 
tt tt tt 
tt it tt 
Mother's brother. 

Brother of my mother, 
tt tt tt 

tt tt tt 
My uncle. 

Maternal uncle. 

tt tt 

Uncle (mother's side). 
Mother's brother my. 

Uncle. 
Uncle (mother's side.) 

Uncle. 
tt 

tt 

tt 
tt 

My uncle. 
My uncle maternal. 
Uncle. b Blood uncle. 
Uncle. 
Maternal uncle. b Uncle. 
Maternal uncle. 
Uncle. 
My mother's brother. 

My uncle, 
tt tt 

Uncle my. 
tt tt 

My uncle. 
Maternal uncle my. 
tt tt tt 

Grand elder brother my. 
My mother's brother. 
Maternal unulo my. 




Kliiili 












Ineean mic mio driffer inahar 






I nneeii mac mac mac shuyr my ayr 








Haloo 




Matula b Matrbhratar 




Dotturd. dottirfodursysturininDar 
Fasters dotters dotters dotter. 

Paternal annt's gt. granddaughter 
Moejes aohter klein doch. b Nicht 
Niohte. b Moejes groote g. docht. 






Earn 




Ooin 




Ohm. b Onkel 




Oheim. b Onkel. Ohm 
Oheiin. b Onkel 














Tio. b Tio carnal 




Tio 








Metros. b Metradelphoa. c Thios. 
Theios..[ d Patrokosignetosuaimos ? 










Muj ujec 






Moja dvoiurodnaja vnutchatnaja 
[plemiannitza 




Dayi-m 




Minn esa odde poeg poeg tutar 
Serkkuni tyttaren tytar 






EuOiiT 










87. Hother'i brother's wife. 


Translation. 


88. Mother's brother's son. 


Translation. 


1 

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39 


Ararat khali .. 


Wife of maternal uncle my. 
tt ft ft (t 

Wife of brother of mother my. 
Wife of maternal uncle my. 
Mother's brother's wife. 

Wife of brother of my mother, 
ft tt n it it tt 

tt d u n ft ft 

My aunt. 
Wife of maternal uncle. 

Uncle's wife. 
Wife of mother's brother my. 
Mother's brother's wife. 

Aunt. 
Uncle's wife. b Aunt. 
Aunt. 

ft 
u 

My uncle's wife. 
My aunt. 
My aunt by courtesy. 
Aunt. b Aunt by affinity. 
Acquired aunt. 
Wife of maternal uncle. 

f ( 1 ( tf 

My mother's brother's wife. 
My aunt, 
ft it 

Aunt my. 
tt tt 

My aunt. 
My uncle's wife. 
Wife of maternal uncle my. 

Wife of maternal uncle my. 


Ibn khali 


Son of maternal uncle my. 
ft tt ft tt tt 

Son of maternal uncle my. 
Mother's brother's son. 

Son of brother of my mother. 

tt tt tt ft tt tt 


Zaujat khali 


Ibu khali . . 


EshSth khi imtni 


Briina d'khilumee 


Bakhta d'khalumee 


















Fy modryb 




My cousin. 
Son of maternal uncle. 
Maternal uncle's son. 
Cousin. 
Son of mother's brother my. 
Mother's brother's son. b Cousin. 

First cousin. 
Uncle's son. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Uncle's sou. 
Cousin, 
tt 

Uncle's son. ' Cousin. 
My cousin. 

Cousin-brother, 
tt tt 

Cousin. 
Son of maternal uncle. b Cousin. 
Cousin, 
tt 

My brother through maternal uncle. 
Uncle's son my. 

My double birth brother. 

Son of maternal uncle iny. 
tt tt tt tt tt 

My mother's brother's son. 
Cousin my. 


Zani haloo 




Morbroders hustrue 


Matulaputra 




Kona modurbrodur mins 










Cousin. b Maternal uncle's son.. 


Ooms vrouw. b Tante 


Moej 




Miihn. b Tante 




Muh me. b Taute 








Ma tante 




Tia politica 




Tia. b Tia por affinidade 




Aquistella tia 






Avuuculi filius. b Consobrinus... 


Metradelphou guue 




Protos exadelphos 






Ma tetka 




Vuyna mi 






Moja tjotka 


Khiil zhiineh mun 


Davim ogh'.u 




EnonT vaiinO 














OP TIIE 11 U MAN FAMILY. 



101 



TABLE J. Continued. 



89. Mother's brother's son's wife. 



Translation. 



90. Mother's brother's daughter. 



Translation. 



i 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
IB 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Amrat ibn khali.. 
Zaujat ibn kb.ii.li. 



Caltii d'khaliiwe 

Morus yilkepora voretin gena.... 

Ban mic driliar mo valiar 

Bt-an mic brathar mo m'hathair. 

Hen mac braar my moir 

Fy Nghefnither. 

Ziui poosilri haloo 



Fatter's hustrue 

Sonar kona modurburodur uiins. 
Morbrors sous hustru 



Cousin 

Ooins zoous vrouw 

Nicbte 

Nichte 

Base 

Oheims schwiegertochter. 

Ma cousiue 

Priina politica 

Prima por affinidade 

AquUtella cugina 

Avuncnli filii uxor 

Auepsiou gune 



Moja wujeczna bratowa. 



Sliena moega dvoiurodn.rjabrata., 

Diiyine ogblunum kiirusu 

Bookeh khilleh 



Wife of son of maternal uncle my. 



Danghter-in-law of maternal uncle. 
Mother's brother's son's wife. 
\\ife of son of bro. of my mother. 



Serkkuni vaim5. 



My cousin. 

Wife of son of maternal uncle. 

Cousin's wife. 

Son's wife of mother's brother my. 

Mother's brother's son's wife. 

Cousin. 

Uncle's son's wife. 

Niece by marriage. 

Cousin. 



Uncle's daughter-in-law. 

My cousin. 

My cousin by courtesy. 

Cousin by affinity. 

Acquired cousin. 

Wife of son of maternal uncle. 

Wife of cousin. 



My sister-in-law through mat. unc. 



Wife of my double birth brother. 
Wif of son of uncle my. 
Daughter-in-law of mat. unc. my. 



Wife cousin's my. 



Bint khali . 
Bint khali . 



Briita d'khaluwee 

Morus yiikepora toostra 

Ineean driliar mo vahar 

Nighean brathair mo m'brathair... 

Inneen braar my nioir 

Fy Nghefuither 

Dukhtiiri haloo 

Matulapntri 

Siklskendebarn 

Dottir modurbrodurmins 

Morbrors dotter. b Syskonban. ... 

Cousin. b Mat. uncle's daughter. 

Ooms dochter. b Nk-ht 

Nichte. b Ooms dochter 

Nichte 

Base. b Muhmchen 

Oheims tochter. b Base 

Ma cousine 

Prima hermana 

Prima 

Cugina 

Avnnculi filia. b Consobrina 

Anepsia. b Kase ? 

Prote exadelphe 



Moja wujeozna siostra. 
Bratoochetka mi 



Moja dvoiurodnajasestra. 

Diiyine kusu 

Keezil khiileh iiiuu 



Sarkuni. b Orpanani. 



Daughter of maternal uncle my. 



Mother's brother's daughter. 
Daughter of brother of my mother. 

tt (( II U it tl 

ft II II tt (t (( 

My cousin. 

Daughter of maternal uncle. 
Maternal uncle's daughter. 
Cousin. 

Daughter of mother's brother my. 
Mother's brother's daughter. Cons. 

First cousin. 

Uncle's daughter. ' Niece. 

Niece. b Uncle's daughter. 

Cousin. 

it 

Uncle's daughter. b Cousin. 
My cousin. 
Cousin-sister. 
Cousin. 
u 

Daughter of mat. uncle. b Cousin. 
Cousin. 



My sister through maternal uncle. 
Uncle's daughter my. 

My double birth sister. 
Daughter of maternal uncle my. 

il U U tt t< 

Cousin my. 



1. Mother's brother's daughter's husband. 



Translation. 



92. Mother's brother's grandson. 



Translation. 



10 

11 

12 
13 
14 

15 
16 

17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
2S 
211 

to 

31 
82 

33 
34 
35 
3(5 
37 
38 
39 



Zoj bint khali... 
Zauj bint khali. 



Khutna d'khaluwee 

Morus yiikepora toostra arega 

Far ineeni dribar mo vahar 

Cleeamhuin brathair mo rn'hathar 
Sheshey imieeu braar my nioir.... 

Fy Nghefnder 

Skohari dukhtari haloo 

Sodskendebarns husbond 

Madr brodnrdottur niodur mius... 
Morbrors dotters man 



Cousin 

Ooms dochters man 

Kozyn 

Vedder 

Vetter 

Oheims schwiegersohn. 

Mon cousin 

Primo politico 

Primo por affinidade.... 

Aquistata ougino 

Avunculi filiae vir 

Auepsias aner 



Moj wujeczny szwagier. 



Mush moegodvoiurodnaja sestra. 

Dayim kusunum kojiisu 

Zilvii khiileh mun 



Serkuni mies. 



Husband of daught. of m. uncle my. 



Son-in-law of maternal uncle my. 
Mother's brother's daught. husband. 
Husband of dan. of bro. of my husb. 



My cousin. 

Husband of daught. of mat. uncle. 

Cousin's husband. 

Husband of brother's d. of m. my. 

Mother's brother's daughter's husb. 

Cousin. 

Uncle's daughter's husband. 

Cousin. 



Uncle's son-in-law. 

My cousin. 

My cousin by courtesy. 

Cousin by affinity. 

Acquired cousin. 

Husband of dau. of maternal uncle. 

Uusband of cousin. 



My brother-in-law through m. uncle. 



Husband of my double birth sister. 
Husband of daughter of uncle my. 
Son-in-law of maternal uncle my. 



Cousin's my husband. 



Ihn ibn khali . 
Ibu ibu khali. 



Nawiga d'khaluwee 

Morus yakepora voretein voretin... 

Mac mic driliar mo vahar 

Ogha brathar mo m'hathair 

Mac mac braar my moir 

Mab fy nghefuder 

Navadai haloo 



Morbroders barnebarn 

Sonar sour modurbrodurmins 

Morbrors souson 



Maternal uncle's grandson 

Ooms klein zoou. b Neef 

Kozyn. b Ooms groot zoon 

Vedders soohn. b Niclites soohn. 

Vetters sohn 

Oheims enkel 

Men cousin sous-germain 

Sobrino 

Primo distante 

Secoudo cugino 

Avunculi nepos 

Anepsiades 

Theiou eggonos 



Moj wujeezny bratauek. 



Moi dvoiurodnyi plemiannik . 

Dilyim oghlii 

TOrueh khaleh mun 



Minu emii vennii poeg poeg. 
Serkkum polka, 



Son of sou of maternal uncle my. 



Grandson of maternal uncle niy. 

Mother's brother's son's son. 

Son of son of brother (if my mother. 

Grandchild of brother of my mother. 

Sou of son of brother of my mother. 

Son of .my cousin. 

Grandchild of maternal uncle. 

Uncle's grandson (mother's side). 
Son's son of mother's brother my. 
Mother's brother's son's son. 

Uncle's grandson (mother's side). 
Uncle's grandson. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Uncle's grandson. 

Cousin's son. 

<t u 

Uncle's grandson. 

My cousin's son. 

My nephew. 

Distant cousin. 

Second cousin. 

Grandson of maternal uncle. 

Cousin's son. 

Uncle's grandson. 

My nephew through mat. uncle. 



My double birth nephew. 
Son of maternal uncle my. 
Grandchild of maternal uncle nay. 

My mother's brother's son's son. 
Cousin's my son. 



102 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



Mother's brother's granddaughter. 



Translation. 



94. Mother's brother's great grandson. 



Translation. 



3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
33 
39 



Bint ibn khali. 

liiiit ibukhiili. 



NUwigta d'khiiluwee 

Morns yakepora toostrin toostra... 

Ineean mic drihar mo vahar 

Ogha brathar mo m'hathair 

Inneen mac braar my moir 

Merch fy nghefuither 

Navadai haloo 



Morbroders barnebarn 

Dottur dottir modurbrodur mins.. 
Morbrors dotter dotter 



Maternal uncle's granddaughter.. 

Ooms klein dochter. " Nicht 

Nichte. * Oouis groote dochter... 
Vedders dochter. b Nichtes doch. 

Vetters tochter 

Oheims enkelin 

Ma cousin sous-germaine 

Sobrina 

Prima distante 

Seconda cugina 

Avunculi neptis 

Anepsiade 

Theiou eggone 



Moja wujeczna syuosvica. 



Moja dvoiurodnaja plemiannitza. 

Dayine kusu 

TSrueli khaleh mun 



SerkkunT tytar . 



Daughter of son of mat. uncle my. 



Granddanght. of maternal uncle my. 
Mother's brother's daught. danght. 
Daught. of sou of bro. of my mother. 
Grandchild of brother of my mother. 
Daughter of son of my mother. 
Daughter of my cousin. 
Granddaughter of maternal uncle. 

Uncle's grandchild. 

Daughter's d. of mother's bro. my. 

Mother's brother's daught. daught. 

Uncle's granddaughter (m. s.) 
Uncle's granddaughter. b Niece. 
Niece. b Uncle's granddaughter. 
Cousin's daughter. 
ti tt 

Uncle's granddaughter. 

My cousin's daughter. 

My niece. 

Distant cousin. 

Second cousin. 

Granddaughter of maternal uncle. 

Cousin's daughter. 

Uncle's granddaughter. 

My niece through maternal uncle. 



My double birth niece. 
Daughter of maternal uncle my. 
Grandchild of maternal uncle my. 



Cousin's my daughter. 



Ibn ibn ibn kha'.i. 
Ibn ibu ibn khali. 



Natijad'khaluwee 

Morus yakepora voretein v. voretin 

Mac mic mic drihar mo vahar 

lar ogha brathar ruo m'hathar 

Mac mac mac braar my moir 

Wyr fy nghefnder 

Natijai haloo 

Morbroders barnebarns barn 

Sonar sonar sour modurbrodur mins 
Morbrora sonsons son 

Maternal uncle's great grandson . 
Ooms achter klein zoon. b Neef.. 
Kozyn. b Ooms groot groot zoou.. 

Vedders kinds kind 

Vetters enkel 

Oheims grossenkel 

Le petit-fils de mon cousin 

Sobrino , 

Primo distante 

Terzo cngino 

Avuncnli pronepos 

Anepsiou eggonos ? 

Theiou proeggonos 



Moj wujeczny wnuk . 



Moi dvoiurodnyi vnutchatnyi ple- 

[miannik. 

Laveh tSrneh khaleh mini 



SerkkunI potan poika. . 



Sou of son of sou of mat. uncle my. 



Gt. grandson of maternal uncle tny. 
Mother's brother's son's son's son. 
Son of son of s. of bro. of my mother. 
Gt. grandchild of bro. of my mother. 
Son of son of s. of bro. of my mother. 
Grandson of my cousin. 
Gt. grandchild of maternal uncle. 

Uncle's great grandchild. 

Son's son's sou of mother's bro. my. 

Mother's brother's sou's son's son. 

Uncle's gt. grandson (mother's side). 

Uncle's gt. grandson b Nephew. 

Cousiu. b Uncle's great grandson. 

Cousin's child's child. 

Cousin's grandson. 

Uncle's great grandson. 

The grandson of my cousin. 

My nephew. 

Distant cousin. 

Third cousin. 

Gt grandson of maternal uncle. 

Cousin's grandson. 

Uncle's great grandson. 

My grandson through mat. uncle. 



My double birth grandson nephew. 
Sou of grandchild of mat. uncle my. 

Cousin's my son's son. 



1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
2li 
27 
28 

u 

M 

31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
7 



95. Mother's brother's great granddaughter. 



Bint bint bint khali. 
Bint bint bint khali. 



Natijta d'khaluwee 

Morns y. toostiin t. tooster 

IneSan mie mic drihar mo vahar.. 

lar ogha brathar mo m'hathar 

Inneen mac mac braar my moir... 

Wyres fy nghefnither 

Natijai haloo 

Morbroders barnebarns barn 

Dottur d. dot tir mod nrbrodur mins 
Morbrors dotters dotter dotter 

Maternal uncle's gt. granddanght. 
Ooms achter klein dochter. b Nidi t 
Nichte. b Ooms groote g. dochter 

Vedders kinds kind 

Vettera enkelinn 

Oheims grossenkelin..'. 

La petite-fille de mon cousin 

Sobrina 

Prima distante 

Terza cugina 

Avunculi proneptis 

Anepsion eggone 

Theiou proeggone 



Moja wujeczna wnuczka. 



Moja dvoiurodnaja vnutchatnaja 
[ 'pleiniaiinitza. 
Keeza tOrneh khilleh muu 



S-t-rkkuni tyth'iren tytar., 



Translation. 



Daught. d. of d. of mat. uncle my. 
*t it u it tt tt 

Gt. granddaugnt. of mat. uncle my. 
Mother's brother's dau. dau. dau. 
Uau. of son of s. rff bro. of my moth. 
Great grandchild of my mother. 
Danght. of son of son of my mother. 
Granddaughter of my cousin. 
Great grandchild of mat. uncle. 

Uncle's great grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of m. brother my. 
Mother's brother's dau. dau. dau. 

Uncle's great granddaughter (m. s.). 

Uncle's gt. granddaughter. b Niece. 

Niece. " Uncle's gt. granddaughter. 

Cousin's child's child. 

Cousin's granddaughter. 

Uncle's great granddaughter. 

The granddaughter of my cousin. 

My niece 

Distant cousin. 

Third cousin. 

Great granddaughter of mat. uncle. 

Cousin's granddaughter. 

Uncle's great granddaughter. 

My granddaughter through m. uncle. 



Dau. of grandchild of m. uncle my. 
Cousin's my daughter's daughter. 



96. Mother's sister. 



Khaleti 

Khalati 

" Khoth iiumi 

Khultee 

Morns kovera 

Driffurmo vahar 

Phiuthar mo m'hathair. 

Shuyr my ayr , 

Fy modryb 

Hala 

Matershvasar 

Moster 

Modursystirmin 

Moster 

Moddrie. b Modrie 

Maternal aunt 

Moeje. b Tante 

Moej 

Mo'hn. b Tante 

Muhme. b Tante 

Muhme. b Tante 

Ma tante 

Tia materna 

Tia. b Tia carnal 

Tia 

Matertera 

Metrapdelphe. b Theia. 

Theia 

MTino teta 

Moja ciotka 

Ma tetka 

Tetka mi 

Tetka mi 

Moja tjotka 

Diaza-m 

Khiileh mun 

Nagy nenem 

Minu ennii odde 

Tati... 



Translation. 



Maternal aunt my. 



Mother's sister. 
Sister of my mother. 



My aunt. 
Maternal aunt. 
Mother's sister, 
tt it 

Mother's sister my. 
Mother's sister. 
Maternal aunt. 
Aunt (mother's side). 
Aunt. 



My aunt. 

My aunt maternal. 

Aunt. b Blood aunt 

Aunt. 

Maternal annt. 
u tt 

Aunt. 

My mother's sister. 

My aunt. 

t< it 

Aunt my. 
it tt 

My aunt. 
Maternal annt my. 

tt tt tt 

Grand elder brother my. 
My mother's sister. 
Aunt. 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



103 



TABLE I. Continued. 



97. Mother's sister's husband. 



Translation. 



8. Mother's sister's son. 



Translation. 



1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Z6j khaieti 

Zauj khalati 

Ish * klioth Immf 

Gorii d'khultee 

Morns crochus arega 

Kar driffiir mo vahar 

Fear phiuthar mo m'hathair. 

Sheshey shuyr my inoir 

Fy ewyrtli 

Shohari hala 



Mosters husbond 

Madr modursytur minnar. 
Mosters man 



Husband of maternal aunt my. 



Mother's sister's husband. 
Husband of sister of my mother. 



My uncle. 

Husband of maternal aunt. 

Mother's sister's husband. 
Husband of mother's sister my. 
Mother's sister's husband. 



Ibn Khaieti. 
Ibn Khalati. 



Uncle 

Moejes man. b Oom 

Oom 

Ohm. Onkel 

Oheim. b Onkel. c Ohm , 

Meiner mnhme gatte 

Mon oncle 

Tio politico 

Tio. b Tio por affinidade.., 

Aquistata tio 

Materterae vir 

Metradelphe aner 



Uncle. 

Aunt's husband. 

Uncle. 



b Uncle. 



Moj wnj 

Muj ujec 

Tetin mi 

Tetin mi 

Moi djadja 

Knisbte-m 

Mereh khaleh mun. 



TatlnT mies. 



My aunt's husband. 

My uncle. 

My uncle by courtesy. 

Uncle. b Uncle by affinity. 

Acquired uncle. 

Husband of maternal aunt. 



My uncle. 

U (( 

Uncle my. 
it (i 

My uncle. 

Brother-in-law my. 

Husband of maternal uncle my. 

Husband of my aunt. 



Briina d'khultee 

Morus crocha voretin 

Mac driffur mo vahar 

Mac phiuthar mo m'hathair 

Mac shuyr my moir 

Fy Nghefnder , 

Poosari hala 

Matershvasriya 

Fatter. b Sodskendebarn 

fystur sonr modur miunar 

Mosters son. b Syskonbarn 

(Swor ?) Modrigan sunn 

Cousin. Maternal aunt's son 

Moejes zoon. b Neef 

Kozyn. b Moejes zoon 

Vedder 

Vetter. b Geschwisterkind , 

Muhme sohn. b Vetter 

Mon cousin 

Prinio hermano 

Primo irmao 

Cugino 

Materterse filius. b Consobrinus., 

Anepsios. b Kasis? , 

Protos exadelphos 



Moj cioteczny brat. 



Bratovchemi 

Tetun sin. b Sestrenche. 

Moi dvoiurodnyi brat 

Diazameoghlu 

Laveh khaleh mun 



Minu emil odde poeg 
Serkkuni. b Orpanani. 



Son of maternal aunt my. 



Mother's sister's son. 

Son of sister of my mother. 



My cousin. 

Son of maternal annt. 

Mother's sister's son. 

Cousin. 

Sister's son of mother my. 

Mother's sister's son. b Cousin. 

(Cousin?) Maternal aunt's son. 

First cousin. 

Aunt's son. b Nephew. 

Cousin. b Aunt's son. 

Cousin. 
u 

Aunt's Bon. b Cousin. 

My cousin. 

My cousin-brother. 

Cousin-brother. 

Cousin. 

Son of maternal aunt. b Cousin. 

Cousin. 



My brother through maternal aunt. 

Aunt's son my. 

Maternal aunt's son. b Cousin. 
My double birth brother. 
Son of maternal aunt my. 



My mother's sister's son. 
Cousin my. 



99. Mother's Bister's son's wife. 



Translation. 



100. Mother's sister's daughter. 



Translation. 



1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 

26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ararat ibn khaieti . 
Zaujat ibn kluihiti. 



Calta d'khultee 

Morus crocha voretein gena 

Ban mic driffer mo vahar 

Bean mic phiuthar mo m'hathair 

Ben mac shnyrmy moir 

Fy nghefnither 

Zaui poosari hala 

Patters hustrue 

Sonar kona molursystur niinnar.. 
Mosters sous Lustru 



Cousin 

Mojes zoons vrouw 

Nii'hte : 

Nichte 

Base 

Muhme schwiegertochter. 

Macousine 

Prima politica 

Prima por affinidade 

Aquistella cugina 

Materti'rse filii uxor 

Anepsiou gune 



Moja cioteczna bratowa., 



Shena moego dvoiurodnaja brata.. 

Diazam oghlunum karusu 

Bookeh khaleh mun 



Serkknni vaimo. 



Wife of son of maternal aunt my. 



Daughter-in-law of mater, aunt my. 

Mother's sister's son's wife. 

Wife of son of sister of my mother. 



My cousin. 

Wife of sou of maternal aunt. 

Cousin's wife. 

Son's wife of mother's sister my. 

Mother's sister's sou's wife. 

Cousin. 

Aunt's son's wife. 

Niece. 

Cousin. 

H 

Aunt's daughter-in-law. 

My cousin. 

My cousin by courtesy. 

Cousin by affinity. 

Acquired cousin. 

Wife of son of maternal aunt. 

Wife of cousin. 



My sister-in-law through mat. aunt. 



Wife of my double birth brother. 
Wife of son of maternal aunt. 
Daughter-in-law of maternal aunt. 



Wife of my cousin. 



Bint khaieti. 
Bint khalati. 



Brata d'khultee 

Morus crocha toostra 

Ineean driffer mo vahar 

Nighean phiuthar mo m'hathair.., 

Inneen shuyr my moir 

Fy nghefnither 

Dukhtaribala 

MatrshvasriyS, 

Sodskendebarn 

Systurdottir inodur minnar 

Mosters dotter. Syskoubarn 

Cousin. Maternal aunt's daught. 

Moi-jes dochter. b Nicht 

Nichte. b Moejes dochter 

Nichte 

Base. b Muhrnchen. "Biischeu.. 

Muhme tochter. b Base 

Ma consine 

Prima hermana 

Prima 

Cugina 

Materterse filia. b Cousobrina 

Anepsie. b Kase ? 

Prote exadelphe 



Moja cioteczna siostra. 



Bratovchetka mi 

Tetuna dushtera 

Moja dviourodnaja sestra. 

Diazam kuzu 

Keesa khaleh mun 



Minu ema odde tutlir... 
Serkkuul. b Orpanani. 



Daughter of maternal aunt my. 



Mother's sister's daughter. 
Daughter of sister of my mother. 



My cousin. 

Daughter of maternal aunt. 

Mother's sister daughter. 

Cousin (mother's side). 

Lister's daughter of mother my. 

Mother's sister's daughter. b Cousin 

First cousin. 

Aunt's daughter. b Niece. 
Niece. b Aunt's daughter. 
Cousin. 


Aunt's daughter. b Cousin. 

My cousin. 

Cousin-sister. 

Cousin. 

H 

Daughter of mat. aunt. b Cousin. 
Cousiu. 



My sister through maternal aunt. 

Aunt's daughter my. 
Maternal aunt's daughter. 
My double birth sister. 
Daughter of paternal aunt my. 



My mother's sister's daughter. 
Cousin my. 



104 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
.16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



101. Mother's sister's daughter's husband. 



7.6} bint khaleti.... 
Zauj bint khiilati , 



Khntna d'khultee 

Morus croolia toostriu arega 

Far ineenl driller mo vahar 

Cleeamhiun phiutliar mo ru'hathair 
Sheshey inneen shuyr my moir... 

Fy nghefnder 

Shohari dukhtari hala 



Siidskendebarns liusbond 

Madr systurdottur modur minnar 
Musters dotters man 



Cousin 

Moejes dochters man.... 

Kozyn 

Vedder 

Vetter 

Muhrae schwiegersohn. 

Mon cousin 

Pri mo politico 

Primo por affinidade.... 

Aquistata cngino 

Materterie filiae vir 

Auepsiou aner 



Moj cioteozny szwagier. 



Mash moego dvoinrodnaja sestra. . 

Diazam kuzunum kojasu 

Zavah khaleh muu 



Serkkuul mies., 



Translation. 



Husband of dauglit. of mat. aunt my. 



Son-in-law of maternal aunt my. 
Mother's sister's daughter's husband. 
Husb. of daught. of sist. of my uioth. 



My cousin. 

Husband of daughter of mat. aunt. 

Cousin's husband. 

Husb. of sister's danght. of mo. my. 

Mother's sister's daughter's husband. 

Cousin. 

Aunt's daughter's husband. 

Cousin. 



Aunt's son-in-law. 

My cousin. 

My cousin by courtesy. 

Cousin by affinity. 

Acquired cousin. 

Husband of daught. of mat. aunt. 

Husband of cousin. 



My broth. -in-law through mat. aunt. 



Husband of my double birth sister. 
Aunt's my daughter's husband. 
Son-in-law of maternal aunt my. 



Cousin's my husband. 



102. Mother's sister's grandson. 



Ibn ibn khaleti.. 
Ibu ibu khiilati. 



Nawiga d'khultee 

Morus crocha voretein voretin 

Mac mic driffer mo vahar 

Ogha phiuthar mo m'liathair 

Mac mac shuyr my moir 

Mai) fy nghefnder 

Navadai hala 



Mosters barnebarn 

Sonar sonr modursystur minnar... 
Mosters soiison 



Maternal aunt's grandson 

Moejes klein zoou. b Neef. 

Kozyn. b Moejes groot zoon 

Vedders soohn. b ISichtes soohn 

Vetters sohn 

Muhme enkel 

Mon cousin sous-germain 

Sobrino 

Primo distante 

Secondo cugino 

Materterse uepos 

Anepsiades 

Theias eggonos 



Moj cioteczny bratanek. 



Tetum vnook : 

Moi dvoiurodnyi plemiaunik. 

Diazam oghlu 

Torneh khaleh mun 



Minu ema odde poeg poeg.. 
Serkkunl poika 



Translation. 



Son of sou of maternal aunt my. 



Grandson of maternal aunt my. 

Mother's sister's son's son. 

Son of sou of sister of my mother. 

Grandchild of sister of my mother. 

Son of son of sister of my mother. 

Son of my cousin. 

Grandchild of maternal aunt. 

Mother's sister's grandchild. 
Son's son of mother's sister my. 
Mother's sister's son's sou. 

Aunt's grandson (mother's side). 
Aunt's grandson. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Aunt's grandson. 
Cousin's son. 
( n 

Aunt's grandson. 

My cousin's son. 

My nephew. 

Distant cousin. 

Second cousin. 

Grandson of maternal aunt. 

Cousin's son. 

Aunt's grandson. 

My nephew through maternal aunt. 



Maternal aunt's grandson. 
My double birth nephew. 
Son of maternal aunt my. 
Grandchild of maternal aunt my. 

My mother's sister's son's son. 
Cousin's my sou. 



103. Mother's sister's granddaughter. 



Translation. 



104. Mother's sister's great grandson. 



Translation. 



1 
2 
I 

4 
B 

6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
H 
34 

Be 

86 
VI 
K 

39 



Bint ibn khaleti. 
Bint ibn khalati. 



Nawigta d'khultee 

Morus crocha toostrin toostra 

Ineean mic driffer mo vahar 

Ogha phiuthar ino m'hathar 

Inneen mac shuyr my moir 

Mereh fy nghefuither 

Navadiii hala 

Mosters barnebarn 

Dottur dottir modursystur minnar 
Mosters dotters dotter 

Maternal aunt's granddaughter.... 
Moejes klein dochter. b Nicht.... 
Nichte. b Moejes groote dochter. 
Vedders dochter. b Nichle docht. 

Vetters tochter 

Muhme enkelin 

Ma cousine sous-germaine 

Sobrina 

Prima distante 

Seconda cugina 

Matertera neptis 

Anepsiade 

Theias eggone 



Moj a cioteczna siostrzenica . 



Tetuna vnooka 

Moja dvoiurodnaja plemiannitza.. 

Iiiit/.iim kusu 

TBrueh khaleh muu 



Serkknn! tytar., 



Daughter of son of mat. aunt my. 



Granddaughter of maternal aunt my. 
Mother's sister's daughter's daught. 
Daught. of sist. of sist. of uiy moth. 
Grandchild of sister of my mother. 
Daught. of son of sist. of my mother, 
Daughter of my cousin. 
Daughter of maternal aunt. 

Mother's sister's grandchild. 
Daughter's d. of maternal sister my. 
Mother's sister's daughter's daught. 

Aunt's granddaughter (moth. side). 
Aunt's granddaughter. b Niece. 
Niece. b Aunt's granddaughter. 
Cousin's daughter. 
<t it 

Aunt's granddaughter. 

My cousin's daughter. 

My niece. 

Distant cousin. 

Second cousin. 

Granddaughter of maternal aunt. 

Cousin's daughter. 

Aunt's granddaughter. 

My niece through maternal aunt. 



Maternal aunt's granddaughter. 
My double birth niece. 
Granddaughter of maternal aunt my, 
Grandchild of maternal aunt my. 



Cousin's my daughter. 



Ibn ibn ibn khaleti. 
Ibu ibn ibn khalati. 



Natija d'khultee 

Morus crocha voretein v. voretin.. 

Mac mic mie driffer mo vahar 

lar ogha phiuthar mo m'liathair... 

Mac mac mac shuyr my moir 

Wyr fy nghefnder 

Natijai hala 



Mosters barnebarns barn [nar. 

Sonar sonar sonr modursytur miu- 
Mosters sonsous son. 

Maternal aunt's great grandson... 
Moejes achter klein zoon. b Neef 
Kozyn. b Moejes groot groot zoou 

Vedders kinds kind 

Vetters enkel 

Muhme grossenkel 

Le petit-fils de mou cousin 

Sobrino 

Primo distante 

Terzo cugino 

Materterae pronepos 

Anepsiou eggonos ? 

Theias proggonos 



Moj cioteczny wnuk. 



Tetun prevnook 

Moi dvoiurodnyi vnutchatnyi ple- 
[miannik 
Liiveh torneh khaleh mun 



Serkkunt poian poika. 



Son of son of son of mat. aunt my. 



Great grandson of mat. aunt ray. 
Mother's sister's son's son's son. 
Son of son of p. of sist. of my mother. 
Gt. grandchild of sist. of my mother. 
Son of son of s. of sist. of my mother. 
Grandson of my cousin. 
Great grandchild of maternal aunt. 

Mother's sister's great grandchild. 
Son's son's son of mater, sister my. 
Mother's sister's son's son's sou. 

Aunt's gt. grandson (mother's side). 

Aunt's great grandson. b Nephew. 

Cousin. b Aunt's great grandson. 

Cousin's child's child. 

Cousin's grandson. 

Aunt's great grandson. 

The grandson of my cousin. 

My nephew. 

Distant cousin. 

Third cousin. 

Great grandson of maternal aunt. 

Cousin's grandson. 

Aunt's great grandson. 

My grandson through maternal aunt. 



Maternal aunt's great grandson. 

My double birth grandson-nephew. 
Son of grandchild of mat. aunt my. 



Son's son of my cousin. 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



105 



TABLE I. Continued. 



10,5. Mother's Bister's great granddaughter. 



1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
G 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Bint hint bint kluileti. 
Biut bint biiit khiiliiti. 



Natijta d'khnltee 

Mortis crocha toostrin t. toostra.... 
Ineean mic mic driffermo vahar... 
lar oglia phiuthar mo ni'hathair.. 
Inneen mac mac shuyrmy moir... 

Wyres fy nghefnither 

Natijiiihala 

Mosters barnebarns barn..[minnar 
Dottur dottur dottir inodursystur 
Mosters dotters dotter dotter 

Maternal annt's gt. granddaught. 
Moejes aehter klein doeh. b Nicht 
Niehte. b Moejes groote g. docht. 

Vedders kinds kind 

Vetters enkelinn 

Muhnie grossenkelin 

La petite-fllle de ma cousine 

Sobrina 

Prima distante 

Terzaougina 

Materterse proneptis 

Anepsiou eggone ? 

Theias proeggoue 



Moja cioteczna wnuczka.. 



Tetuna prevnooka 

Moja dvoiurodnaja vnutihatiiaja 

[plemiannitza. 

Keeza torneh khilleh luuu 



Serkkuni poiau tytar. 



Translation. 



Daught. of d. of d. of mat. aunt my. 



Gt. granddaughter of mat. aunt my. 
Mother's sister's dau. dau. dau. 
Daught. of s. of s. of sist. of iny mo. 
Gt. grandchild of sist. of my mother. 
Dau. of son of son of bro. of my mo. 
Granddaughter of my cousin. 
Gt. grandchild of maternal aunt. 

Aunt's great grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of mat. sister my. 
Mother's sister's dau. dau. dau. 

Aunt's gt. granddaughter (in. s.) 

Aunt's gt. granddaughter. b Niece. 

Niece. Aunt's gt. granddaughter. 

Cousin's child's child. 

Cousin's granddaughter. 

Aunt's great granddaughter. 

The granddaughter of ruy cousin. 

My niece. 

Distant cousin. 

Third cousin. 

Gt. granddaughter of maternal aunt. 

Cousin's granddaughter. 

Aunt's gt. granddaughter. 

My granddaught. through mat. aunt. 



Maternal aunt's great granddaughter. 
Dau. of grandchild of mat. aunt my. 
Daughter of the son of my cousin... 



106. Father's father's brother. 



Amm abi 
Akhu jaddi. 



Akhona d'sawunee 

Metz horus yakepira... 
Drihar mo ban ahar.... 
Brathair mo sheauair. 

Braar ayr my ayr 

Brawd fy hendad 



Farfaders broder. 
Afa brodir luinn. 
Karfars bror 



Paternal great uncle 

Oud oom 

Groot oom 

Bess vadera brohr. b Vaders ohm 

Gross oheim 

Gross oheirn. b Gross onkel 

Mon grand-oncle 

Tio abnelo 

Tio avo 

Provo 

Patruus magnus 



Megas theios . 



Moj Zimny dziadek . 
Muj prestryc 



Deda mi 

Moi djed 

Dgdcniin karndashu . 
Bra bavkaleh mun... . 



Tso setanl.. 



Translation. 



Paternal uncle of father my. 



Brother of grandfather my. 
Grandfather's brother. 
Brother of my grandfather. 



Grandfather's brother. 
Grandfather's brother my. 
Grandfather's brother. 

Great uncle (father's side). 
Great uncle. 
K it 

Grandfather's bro. b Father's uncle. 
Great uncle. 

it n 

My great uncle. 

My uncle-grandfather. 

Uncle-grandfather. 

Great uncle. 

Great paternal uncle. 

Great uncle. 

My cold grandfather. 
My great uncle. 

Grandfather my. 
My grandfather. 
Grandfather's my brother. 
Brother of grandfather uiy. 



Great uncle my. 



107. Father's father's brother's son. 



Translation. 



10S. Father's father's brother's daughter. 



Translation. 



1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
Hi 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn ammi abi ... 
Ibn akhi jaddi. 



Brfin'a d'akhSna d'sawunee... . 
Metz horus yiikepora voretiu. 

Mac drihar mo hau ahar 

Mac brathar mo sheanair 



Faders fatter 

Brodur sonr afa mins. 
Farfars brorson 



Paternal great uncle's son. 

Oud ooms zoon 

Groot oouis zoon 

Vaders vedder 

Gross oheims sohu 

Gross oheims sohn 

Le fils de inon grand-oncle. 



Patrni magni films... . 
Megalou theiou pais. 
Moj ximny stryj 



Moi dvoiurodnyi djndja... 
Laveh bra. bavkaleh mun. 



TsanT serkkn. 



Son of paternal uncle of father my. 
Son of brother of grandfather my. 

Son of the brother of grandfather my. 
Grandfather's brother's son. 
Son of brother of my old father. 



Father's cousin. 

Brother's son of grandfather my. 

Father's father's brother's son. 

Great uncle's son (father's side). 

<( it d 

Great uncle's son. 
Father's cousin. 

Great uncle's son. 
u <( tt 

The son of my great uncle. 



Son of great paternal uncle. 
Son of great uncle. 
My cold uncle. 

My double birth uncle. 

Son of the brother of grandfather my. 

Father's my cousin. 



Bint ammi abi 
Bint akhi jaddi. 



Daught. of pat. uncle of father my. 
Daught. of bro. of grandfather my. 



Brata d'akhona d'sawunee Daught. of the bro. of grandfath. my 

Metz horus yiikepora toostra Grandfather's brother's daughter. 

Ineean drihar mo han ahar i Daught. of brother of my grandfath. 

Nigheau brathar mo sheauair 



Faders sodskandebarn.. 
Brodur dottir afa mins. 
Farfar brosdotter 



Paternal gt. uncle's daughter. 

Oud ooms dochter 

Groot ooms dochter 

Vaders nichte 

Gross oheims tochter 

Gross oheims tochter 

La fille de mon graud-oncle 



Patrui magni filia. ... 
Megalou theiou pais. 
Moja zinnia ciotkn... 



Moja dvoiurodnaja tjotka. 
Keeza bra biivkaleh mun.. 



Tsn.nl my serkku. 



Father's cousin. 

Brother's daught. of prandfath. my. 

Father's father's brother's daughter. 

Great uncle's daught. (father's side), 
it ti 11 it 11 

Great uncle's daughter. 
Father's cousin. 
Great uncle's daughter, 
it ti it 

The daughter of my great uncle. 



Daughter of great paternal uncle. 
Daughter of great uncle. 
My cold aunt. 

My double birth aunt. 

Daught. of the bro. of my grandfath. 

Father's my cousin. 



14 



K"ovember, I860. 



106 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



109. Father's father's brother's grandson. 



Translation. 



110. Father's father's brother's grand- 
daughter. 



Translation. 



9 

10 

11 
12 
IS 

1-1 
u 

16 
17 
IS 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn ibn ammi abi : Son of sou of pat. uncle of father uiy. 

Ibn ibu akhi jaddi Sou of son of bro. of grandfather my. 



Nawiga d'akhOna d'sawunee..[tin 



Grandson of the bro. of gd. father my. 



Metz horus yakepora voretein vore- Grandfather's brother's son's eon. 



Mac mic drihar mohan ahar., 
Ogha brfithar mo sheanair . 



Faders falters siin 

Sonar sour brodur afa mins 

Farfars brorsons son 

[uncle's grandson 
Second cousin. h Paternal great 
Oud ooms klein zoon. b Neef. 
Kozyn. * Groot ooms groot zoon.. 

Vadders vedders soohn 

Gross obeims enkel 

Gross oheims enkel 

Le petit-fils de mon grand-oncle... 

Primo segnndo 

Primosegundo 

Secondo cugino 

Patrni maguinepos 



Denteros exadelphos 

Moj zimny stryjeczny brat. 



Moi trojurodnyi brat 

T5rneh bra, bavkalek muu. 



Tsani Berkknni polka., 



Son of s. of s. of bro. of n:y gd.fat her. 
Grandchildof s. of bro. ot my gd.l'ath. 



Father's cousin's son. 

Sou's son of bro. of grandfather my. 

Father's father's brother's sou's son. 

Second cousin. 

Great uncle's grandson. b Nephew. 

Cousin. b Gt. uncle's grandson. 

Father's cousin's son. 

Great uncle's grandson. 

ti (( U 

The grandson of my great uncle. 
Second cousin. 



Grandson of great paternal uncle. 

Second cousin. 

My brother through cold uncle. 

My treble birth brother. 
Grandchild of the bro. of gd. fath. my. 

Son of cousin of father my. 



Bint ibn ammi abi Dan. of son of p. uncle of father my. 

Bint ibn akhi jaddi Dau. of son of bro. of gd. father my. 

NawigtadakhBna d'sawunee..[tra Gd. dau. of the bro. of gd. father my. 

Metz horus yakepora toostriii toos- Grandfather's brother's dau. dan. 

Ineean mic drihar mo ban ahar... Dau. of son of bro. of my old father. 

Ogha brathar nio aheanair Grandchild of bro. of my gd. father. 



Faders fatters datter 

Dottur dottir brodur afa mins 

Farfars brorsons dotter 

[uncle's granddaughter. 
Second cousin. b Paternal great 
Oud ooms klein dochter. b Nicht 
Nichte. b Groot ooms groote doch. 

Vadders nichtes dochter 

Gross oheims enkelinn 

Gross oheims enkelin 

La petite-fille de mou grand-oncle 

Prima segunda 

Prima segunda 

Seeouda cugina 

Patrui magni neptis 



Deutera exadelphe. 



Moj a zinnia stryjeczna siostra. 



Moja trojurodnaja sestra. ... 
TOrneh brii bavkalek num. 



TsanT serkkuni tytar. 



Father's cousin's daughter. 
Daughter's dau. of bro. of gd. fath. my 
Father's father's bro. sou's daughter 

Second cousin. 

Gt. uncle's granddaughter. b Niece. 
Niece. b Gt. uncle's granddaughter. 
Father's cousin's daughter. 

Great uncle's granddaughter. 
tt it 

The granddaughter of my gt. uncle. 
Second cousin. 



Granddaughter of gt. paternal uncle. 

Second cousin. 

My sister through cold uncle. 



My treble birth sister. 

Grandchild of the bro. of gd.fath. my. 

Daughter of cousin of father my. 



111. Father's father's brother's great 
grandson. 



Translation. 



112. Father's father's brother's great 
granddaughter. 



Translation. 



1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
M 
'.',:, 

M 

37 
M 

3:1 



Ibn ibn ibn ammi abi..., 
Ibn ibn ibn akhi jaddi. 



Natijii d'akh&na d'sawunee 

Metz horus y. voretein v. voretin 
Mac mic mic drihar mo ban ahar 
lar ogha brathar mo shenair 



Faders fatters barnebarn 

Sonar sonar sonr brodur afa mins 
Farfars brorsons sonson 

Paternal gt. uncle's gt. grandson 
Oud ooms acbter klein zoon. b Neef 
Kozyn. b Groot ooms gt. gt. zoon 
Vaders vedders kinds kind. 

Gross oheims urenkel 

Gross oheims grossenkel 

L'arriere petit-fils de mon grand- 
[oncle 



Patrui magni pronepos 

Megalou theiou proeggonos 

Moj zimny stryjeczny bratanec. ... 



Moi trojnrodnyi plemiannik 



Laveh torneh btii bavkaleh mun... 



Tsani serkkun poTan potkii . 



Son of son of son of p. u. of fath. my. 
Son of B. of s. of bro. of gd. fath. my. 

Gt. gd. son of the bro. of gd. fath. my. 
Gd. father's brother's son's sou's son. 
Son of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. fath. 
Gt. grandchild of bro. of my gd. fath. 



Father's cousin's grandchild. 

Son's son's son of bro. of gd. fath. my. 

Father's father's bro. son's son's son. 

Gt. uncle's gt. grandson (fath. side). 
Gt. uncle's gt. grandson. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Gt. uncle's gt. grandson. 
Father's cousin's child's child. 
Great uncle's great grandson. 

(( U It ft 

The great grandson of my gt. uncle. 



Gt. grandson of gt. paternal uncle. 
Great grandson of great uncle. 
My nephew through cold uncle. 

My treble birth nephew. 

Son of the grandchild of the brother 
[of grandfather my. 

Father's my cousin's son's son. 



Bint bint bint ammi abi... 
Bint bint bint akhi jaddi. 



Natijii d'akhSn'si d'sawQnee 

Metz horus y. toestrin t. toostra ... 
Ineean mic mic drihar mo hau ahar 
lar ogha brathar mo sheanair 



Faders fatters barnebarn 

Dottur d. dottir brodur afa mins.. 
Farfars brorson dotter dotter 

Pat. gt. uncle's gt. granddaughter 
Oud ooms achter k. dock. ' Nicht 
Nichte. b Gt. ooms gte. gte. doch. 

Vaders nichtes kinds kind 

Gross oheims urenkeliun 

Gross oheims grossenkelin 

L'arriere-petite-fille de mou grand- 
[oucle 



Petrui magni proneptis 

Megalou theiou proeggone 

Moja zimna stryjeczna siostrzenica 

Moja trojurodnaja plemiannitza... 
Keezii tBrnek brii bavkalek mun... 

TsanT serkkun poian tytar 



Dau. of d. of d. of p. u. of fath. my. 

Dau. of d. of d. of bro. of gd. fath. my. 

[grandfather my. 

Gt. granddaughter of the brother of 
Grandfather's bro. dau. dau. dau. 
Dau. of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. lath. 
Great grandchild of brother of my 
[grandfather. 



Father's cousin's grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of bro. of gil. f. my. 
Father's father's bro. son's dau. dau, 

Gt. uncle's gt. granddaughter (f. s.). 
Gt. uncle's gt. granddaught. b Niece. 
Niece. b Gt. uncle's gt. granddau. 
Father's cousin's child's child. 

Great uncle's great granddaughter. 
n n <( 

The gt. granddaught. of my gt. uncle. 



Gt. granddau. of gt. paternal uncle. 
Gt. granddaughter of great uncle. 
My niece through cold uncle. 

My treble birth niece. 

Daughter of grandchild of the bro- 
ther of grandfather my. 

Father's my cousin's son's daughter. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



107 



TABLE I. Continued. 




113. Father's father's sister. 


Translation. 


114. Father's father's sister's son. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 

(IB 

3G 
37 
38 
39 




Paternal aunt of father my. 
Sister of grandfather my. 

tt tt tt it 
Grandfather's sister. 
Sister of my grandfather. 
Sister of my ancestral old father. 
Sister of the father of my father. 

Grandfather's sister. 
Grandfather's sister my. 
Father's father's sister. 

Great aunt (father's side). 

if tt ' tt tt 

Great aunt. 
Grandfather's sister. b Father's aunt. 
Great aunt (father's side), 
tt tt tt tt 

My great aunt. 
My grandfather-aunt. 
Grandfather-aunt, 
tt tt 

Paternal great aunt. 
Great aunt. 

My cold grandmother. 
My great aunt. 

Grandmother my. 
My great aunt. 
Grandfather's sister my. ' 
Sister of grandfather my. 

Great aunt my. 




Son of paternal aunt of father my. 
Son of sister of grandfather my. 

tt tt tt tt 
Grandfather's sister's son. 

Son of sister of my grandfather, 
ft tt tt tt 

Father's cousin. 
Sister's sou of grandfather my. 
Father's father's sister's son. 

Great aunt's sou (father's side). 
ft tt tt tt tt 

Great aunt's son. 
Father's cousin. 
Great aunt's sou. 
tt tt tt 

The son of my great aunt. 

Son of paternal great annt. 
Son of great aunt. 
My cold paternal uncle. 

My double birth uncle. 
Son of the sister of grandfather my. 

Great aunt's my son. 


Ikht jaddi 


Ibn ikhti jaddi 




Bruna d'khatii d'sawunee 


Metz horus kooera 








Phiuthar mo han sheanair 










Afa systur miu 








Paternal great aunt 








Groot inoej 




Bess vaders sister. b Vaders inohn 
Gross muhme. b Grosstante 






Gross muhme. b Grosstante 












Tia avo 










Moja zimna babka 




Ma prestyua 




Baba mi 




DedemTn kuzkarndashu 


Laveh khooshkeh bavkaleh. mun 
Tso tJ-UTiri poika 


Khooshkeh bavkaleh 


Tso tatini 








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39 


ll.j. Father's father's sister's daughter. 


Translation. 


116. Father's father's sister's grandson. 


Translation. 




Daughter of pat. aunt of father my. 
Daughter of sister of grandfather my. 

tt tf tt tt it 

Grandfather's sister's daughter. 
Daughter of sister of my grandfather, 
tt tt tt tt 

Father's cousin. 
Sister's daughter of grandfather my. 
Father's father's sister's daughter. 

Great aunt's daughter (father's side), 
ft ti tt tt tt 

tt ft tt tt tt 

Father's cousin (father's side). 

Great aunt's daughter, 
ti ft ft 

The daughter of my great aunt. 

Daughter of paternal great aunt. 
Daughter of great aunt. 
My cold aunt. 

My double birth aunt. 

Daughter of the sister of grandfather 
[my. 

Daughter of great aunt my. 




Son of son of pat. aunt of father my. 
Sou of sou of sister of grandfath. my. 
[my. 
Grandson of the sister of grandfather 
Grandfather's sister's son's son. 
Son of son of sister of my grandfath. 
Grandchild of sister of my grandfath. 

Second cousin. 

Father's cousin's son. 
Son's son of sister of grandfather my. 
Father's father's sister's sou's son. 

Second cousin. 
Great aunt's grandson. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Great aunt's grandson. 
Father's cousin's son. 
Great aunt's grandson, 
ft tt tt 

The grandson of my great aunt. 
Second cousin, 
tf ft 
tt tt 
Grandson of paternal great aunt. 

Second cousin. 
My brother through cold aunt. 

My treble birth brother. 

Grandchild of the sister of grand- 
father my. 

Son of cousin of father my. 


Bint ikhti jaddi 










Mets horus crocha voretein voretin 


Ineean driffer mo ban ahar 


Nighin phiuthar mo shean athar.. 


Ogha phiuthar mo sheen athar.... 
Cyfferder. (Pro. Keverdther) 






Farfars systers dotter 




Paternal great aunt's daughter.... 


[aunt's grandson 
Second cousin. b Paternal great 
Oud moejes klein zoon. b Neef. ... 
Kozyn. b Groote moejes groot zoou 




Vaders nichte 






Gross muhme tochter 






Le petit-fils de ma grand* tante.... 














Moja zimna ciotka ? 








Keeza kooshkeh bavkaleh mun.... 


T8rneh kooshkeh bavkaleh mun... 







108 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 






TABLE I. Continued. 



117. Father's father's sister's grand- 
daughter. 



Translation. 



118. Father's father's sister's great grand- 
son. 



Translation. 



1 

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39 



Bint bint ammet alii.. 
Bint bint ikhti jiiddi.. 



Nawigta d'khata d'sawflnee' 

Melz horus crocha toostrin toostra 
Ineean inic driffer mo ban ahar... 
Ogba phiuthar mo sheau at liar.... 



Cyfferders . 



Faders falters datter 

Dottur dottir systur afa mins 

Farfars systers dotter dotter 

[granddaughter 

Second cousin. b Pater, gt. aunt's 
Oud moejes klein dochter. b Nicht 
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. docht. 

Vaders nichtes dochter 

Gross inuhme enkelinn 

Gross muhme enkelin 

La petite-fille de ma grand' tante 

Prima segunda 

Prima segnnda 

Seconda cngina 

Auntie rnagnae neptis 



Dentera exadelphe. 



Moja zinnia cioteczna siostra 

Moja trojurodnaja sestra 

T6rneh khooshkeh bavkaleh mun 

Ts&nT serkkun tytar 



Dau. of d. of pat. aunt of father my. 
Dau. of d. of sister of gd. father my. 

Ga. dau. of the sister of gd. fath. my. 
Grandfather's sister's dau. daut. 
Daut. of sister of sister of my gd. fa. 
Grandchild of sister of my gd. father. 

Second cousin. 



Father's cousin's daughter. 
Daughter's d. of sister of gd. fath. my. 
Father's father's sister's dau. dau. 

Second cousin. 

Gt. aunt's granddaughter. b Niece. 
Niece. b Gt. aunt's granddaughter. 
Father's cousin's daughter. 

Great aunt's granddaughter. 
n ft it 

The granddaughter of my great aunt. 
Second cousin. 



Granddaughter of pat. great aunt. 

Second cousin. 

My sister through cold aunt. 



My treble birth sister. 

Grandchild of the sister of gd. fa. my. 

Father's my cousin's daughter. 



Ibn ibn ibn ammet abi. 
Ibn ibn ibn ikhti jaddi. 



Natijii d'khata d'sawunee [tin 

Metz horus crocha voretein v. vore- 
Mac mic mic driffer mo ban ahar 
lar ogha phiuthar mo shean athar 



Faders falters barnebarn 

Sonar sonar sour systur afa mins 
Farfars systers sonsous son 

Paternal gt. aunt's gt. grandson... 
Oud moejes acbterk. zoon. b Neef 
Kozyn. b Groote moejes gt. gt. zoon 

Vaders vedders kinds kind 

Gross muhme urenkel 

Gross muhme grossenkel 

L ' arricre-petit-fils de ma grand' 
[laute 



Amitse inagiue pronepos 

Megalou Iheia proeggonos 

Moj zimny ciolneczny siostrzeniec 

Moi trojurodnyi plemiennik 

Laveh tSrneh khooshkeh bavka- 
[leh mun 

Tsani serkkun tyttaren polka 



S. of s. of s. of pat. aunt of fath. my. 
S. of s. of s. of sister of gd. fath. my. 

Gt. gd. son of the sister of g. f. my. 
Grandfather's sister's son's son's son 
S. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. fath. 
Gt. grandchild of sister of my gd. f. 



Father's cousin's grandchild. 
Son's son's sou of sisler of gd. f. my. 
Father's father's sisters's son's son's 

[sou. 

Gt. aunt's gt. grandson (fath. side). 
Gt. aunt's gt. grandson. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Gt. aunt's gt. gt. gd. son. 
Father's cousin's child's child. 

Great aunt's great grandson, 
it tt tt tt 

The gt. grandson of my great aunt. 



Gt. grandson of paternal great aunt. 
Great grandson of great aunt. 
My nephew through cold aunt. 

My treble birth nephew. 

Sou of grandchild of the sister of 
[grandfather my. 

Father's my cousin's daughter's son. 



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39 



119. Father's father's sister's great grand- 
daughter. 



Bint bint bint ammi abi ... 
Bint bint bint ikhti jaddi. 



Natijta d'khata d'sawQuee [tra 

Metz horns crocha toostriu t. toos- 
Ineean mio mic driffer moban ahar 
lar ogha phiulhar mo sheau athar 



Faders falters barnebarn 

Dottur d. dottir systur afa mius... 
Farfars systers sonsons dotter 

Pat. gt. aunt's gt. granddaughter 
Oud moejes acht. k. doch. b Nicht 
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. gte. doi-h, 

Faders nichtes kinds kind 

Gross mnhme urcnkelinn 

Gross mnhme prossenkelin 

L'arriere-petite fille de ma grand' 
[tante 



Amitffl magnae proneptis 

Megalou theias proeggong 

Moja zirr.na cioteczna siostrzenica 

Moja trojurodnaja plemiannitza... 

Keezii turner, kooshkeh biivkiileh 
[muu 

Tsani serkkun tyttaren tytar 



Translation. 



D. of d. of d. of pat. aunt of fath. my. 
D. of d. of d. of sist. of gd. father my. 

Gl. granddaught. of sister of g. f. my. 
Grandfather's sister's dau. dau. dau. 
Dau. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. f. 
Gt. grandchild of sister of my gd. f. 



Father's cousin's grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of sister of gd. f. my. 
Father's father's sister's son's son's 
daughter. 

Gt. aunt's gt. granddaughter (f. s.) 
Gt. aunt's gt. granddaught. b Niece. 
Niece. b Gt. aunt's pt. granddaught. 
Father's cousin's child's child. 

Great aunt's gt. granddaughter, 
it it it ti 

The gt. grauddaught. of my gt. aunt. 



Gt. gd. daughter of pat. great aunt. 
Gt. granddaughter of great aunt. 
My niece through cold aunt 

My treble birth niece. 

Dau. of d. of d. of sister of gd. f. niy. 

Father's my cousin's daught. daught. 



120. Mother's mother's brother. 



Khal ummi . 
Akhu sitti.. 



Akhona d'nanee 

Metz morus yiikepira 

Drihar mo han vahar 

Brathair mo shean m'hathar 

Braar moir my moir 

Brawd fy henfan 



Mormoders broder . 
Ommubrodir min.. 
Mormors bror 



Maternal great uncle 

Oud oom 

Groot coin 

Bess mohders brohr. b Moders ohm 

Gross oheim 

Gross oheim. b Grossonkel 

Mou grand oucle 

Tio abnela 

Tio avo 

Tio ava 

Arunculns magnus 



Megas Iheios. 



Moj zimny dziadek. 
Mfij predujec 



Deda mi .............. 

Moi djed .............. 

NBnBnim .............. 

Bra diipeereh mun. 



Tso BnonT.. 



Translation. 



Uncle of mother my. 
Brother of grandmother my. 



Grandmother's brother. 
Brother of my grandmother. 



Grandmother's brother. 
Grandmother's brother my. 
Mother's mother's brother. 

Great uncle (mother's side), 
tt tt tt tt 

Great uncle. 

Grandmother's bro. h Mother's uncle. 

Great uncle (mother's side). 
tt ft tt tf 

My greal uncle. 

My grandmother-uncle. 

Grandmother-uncle, 
tt tt 

Maternal great uncle. 
Great uncle. 

My cold grandfather. 
My great uncle. 

Grandfather my. 
My great uncle. 
Grandmother's my brother. 
Brother of grandmother my. 

Great uncle's my. 



OF THE HUM AX FAMILY. 



109 



TABLE I. Continued. 



121. Mother's mother's brother's son. 



Translation. 



122. Mother's mother's brother's daughter. 



Translation. 



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39 



Ibn khal iimmi. 
Ibn akhi sitti ... 



Briina d'akhBna d'nanee 

Metz moms yiikepora voretin 

Mac drihar mo lian vahar 

Mac brathar mo shean m'hather.. 



Moders fatter 

Brodur sour ommu minna., 
Mormors brorson 



Maternal great uncle's son. 

Oud ooms zoon 

Groot ooms zoon 

Mohders redder 

Gross oheimrf sohn 

Gross oheims sohn 

LB fils de niou grand oncle. 



Avunculi magni fill us . 
Megalou theiou pais. ... 
Moj zimny wuj 



Moi dvojurodnyi djadja.. 
Laveh bra dapereh mun. 



Tso 6nonl polka. 



Son of maternal uncle of mother my. 
Sou of brother of grandmother my. 



Grandmother's brother's son. 

Son of brother of my grandmother. 

Son of brother of niy mother. 



Mother's cousin. 

Brother's son of grandmother. 

Mother's mother's brother's son. 

Great uncle's son (mother's side). 



Mother's cousin (mother's side). 
Great uncle's son. 

n a it 

The son of my great uncle. 



Son of maternal great uncle. 

Sou of great uncle. 

My cold maternal uncle. 

My double birth uncle. 

Son of brother of grandmother my. 

Great nncle's my son. 



Bint khal ummi. 
Bint akhi sitti.... 



Briltii d'akhona d'nanee 

Metz morus yiikepora toostra 

Ineean drihar mo han vahar 

Nighiu brathar mo shean mhathar 



Moders sodskendebarn 

Brodur dottir ommu minna. 
Moruiors brorsdotter 



Maternal great uncle's daughter. 

Oud ooms dochter 

Groot ooms dochter 

Mohders nichte 

Gross oheims tochter 

Gross oheims tochter 

La fille de mou grand oncle , 



Avunculi magni filia. 
Megalou theiou pais.. 
Moja zimna ciotka.... 



Moja dvojurodnaja tjotka. 
Keezii bradilpeereh mun.. 



Tso enonl tytar., 



Daught. of mat. uncle of mother my. 
Dauyht. of bro. of grandmother my. 



Grandmother's brother's daughter. 
Daught. of brother of my gd. mother. 



Mother's cousin. 

Brother's daughter of gd mother my 

Mother's mother's brother's daught. 

Gt. uncle's daughter (mother's side), 



Mother's cousin (mother's side). 

Great uncle's daughter. 
tt n u 

The daughter of my great uncle. 



Daughter of maternal great uncle. 
Daughter of great uncle. 
My cold aunt. 

My double birth aunt. 

Daught. of brother of gd. mother my. 

Great uncle's my daughter. 



123. Mother's mother's brother's grandson. 



Translation. 



124. Mother's mother's brother's graud- 
daughter. 



Translation. 



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Ibn ibn khal iimmi. 
Ibn ibn akhi sitti... 



Nilwiga d'akhona d'nanee. ..[retin 
Mt'tz morus yiikepora voretein vo- 

Mac inic drihar mo han vahar 

Ogha brathar mo sheau m'hathar 



Cyfferder. 



Moders falters son 

Sonar sour ommnbrodnr mius 

Mormors brorsous son 



Second cousin. b M. g. u. g. Bon.. 

Oud ooms klein zoon. b Neef 

Kozyn. b Groot ooms groot zoon. 

Mohders veddera soohn 

Gross oheims enkel 

Gross oheims enkel 

Le petit-fils de mon grand oncle.. 

Primo segundo 

Primosegundo 

Secondo cugino 

Avunculi magni nepos 



Deuteros exadelphos 

Moj zimny wujeczuy brat. 



Moi trojurodnyi brat 

TBrneh bra dapeereh mun. 

AltTnl serkkun poTkii 



S. of s. of mat. uncle of mother my. 
S. of s. of brother of grandmother my. 

Gd. son of the bro. of gd. mother my. 
Grandmother's brother's son's son. 
Son of son of bro. of my gd. mother. 
Grandchild of bro. of my gd. mother. 

Second cousin. 



Mother's cousin's son. 

Son's son of gd. mother's bro. my. 

Mother's mother's brother's son's s. 

Second cousin. 

Great uncle's grandson. b Nephew. 

Cousin. b Great nncle's grandson. 

Mother's cousin's son. 

Great uncle's grandson. 

II U II 

The grandson of my great uncle. 
Second cousin. 



Grandson of maternal great uncle. 

Second cousin. 

My brother through cold mat. uncle. 



My treble birth brother. 

Grandchild of the brother of grand- 
[mother my. 

Mother's my cousin's son. 



Bint ibn khal iimmi. 
Bint ibn akhi sitti... 



Nawigta d'akhona d'nanee [tra 

Metz morus yiikepora toostrin toos- 
Ineean mic drihar mo han vahar.. 
Ogha brathar mo shean mhathar.. 



Cyfferders. 



Moders fatters datter 

Dottgr dottir ommubrodur mins. 
Mormors brorsons dotter... 



Second cousin. b M. g. u. gd. dan. 
Oud ooms klein dochter. b Nicht 
Nichte. b Gt. ooms groote dochter 

Mohders nichte dochter 

Gross oheims enkelinn 

Gross oheims enkelin 

La petite-fille de mon grand oncle 

Prima segunda 

Prima segunda 

Seconda cugina 

Avunouli magni neptis 



Dentera exadelphe 

Moja zimna wujeczna siostra. . 



Moja trojurodnaja sestra. .. 
TSrneh bra dapeereh mun. 

AltTnl serkkun tytitr 



Dau. of s. of mat. uncle of moth. my. 
Dau. of s. of bro. of gd. mother my. 

Gd. dan. of the bro. of pd. mo. my. 
Gd. mother's brother's dau. dan. 
Dau. of son of bro. of my gd. mother. 
Gd. child of bro. of my grandmother. 

Second cousin. 



Mother's cousin's daughter. 
Daughter's d. of g. in. brother my. 
Mother's mother's bro. son's dau. 

Mat. gt. uncle's gd. daughter (m. s.) 
Gt. nncle's granddaughter. b Niece. 
Niece. b Great uncle's gd. daughter. 
Mother's cousin's daughter. 
Great uncle's granddaughter. 
it it tt 

The gd. daughter of my gt. uncle. 
Second cousin. 



Gd. daughter of mat. great uncle. 

Second cousin. 

My sister through cold mat. uncle. 



My treble birth sister. 

Grandchild of the brother of prand- 
[mother my 

Mother's my cousin's daughter. 



110 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



125. Mother's mother's brother's great 
graudson. 



Translation. 



126. Mother's mother's brother's great 
granddaughter. 



Translation. 



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39 



Ibn ibn ibn khal ummi. 
Ibn ibn ibn akhi sitti.... 



Natija d'akhona d'nanee 

Metz morus yakepora v. v. v 

Mac mic mic drihar tnohan valiar 

lar ogha brathar mo sheau m'hat- 

[har 



Moders falters barnebarn 

Sonar sonar sonr ommnbrodurmin 
Mornuors brorson souson 



Maternal gt. uncle's gt. grandson 
Ond iicniis achter k. zoon. b Neef 
Kozyn. b Gt. ooms pt. groot zoou 

Moliders vedders kinds kind 

Gross oheiins urenkel 

Gro?s oheims grossenkel 

L'arriere petit-tils de mon gr. oucle 



Avnnculi magni pronepos 

Megalon theiou proeggonos 

Moj zimny wnjeczuy bratanec 

Moj trojnrodnyi p'emiannik 

Laveh tfirneh bra dapeereh mun... 

Aitml serkkun poian poikii 



S. of s. of s. of mat. uncle of mo. my. 
S. of s. of 8. of bro. of gd. mo. my. 

Gt. grandson of the bro. of g. m. my. 
Grandmother's brother's son's s. s. 
S. of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. mo. 
Gt. gd. child of bro. of my gd. mo. 



Mother's cousin's grandchild. 
Son's son's son of g. m. brother my. 
Mother's mother's brother's son's 
[son's son. 

Gt. uncle's gt. grandson (m. s.). 
Gt. uncle's gt. grandson. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Gt. uncle's gt. grandson. 
Mother's cousin's child's child. 
Great uncle's great grandson. 
<t <( ti n 

The gt. grandson of my great uncle. 



Gt. grandson of mat. great uncle 

Great grandson of great uncle. 

My nephew through cold mat. uncle. 

My treble birth nephew. 

Sou of grandchild of the brother of 
[grandmother my. 

Mother's my cousin's son's son. 



Bint bint bint khal ihnmi. 
Bint bint bint akhi sitti... 



Natijta d'akhona d'nanee 

Metz morus yakepora t. t. toostra 
Ineean mic m. drihar mo han vahar 
lar ogha brathar mo shean m'hat- 

[har 



Moders fatters barnebam 

Dottur d. dottir ommubrodur mins 
Mormon brorsons dotter dotter. ... 



Mat. gd. uncle's gt. gd. daughter 
Oud ooms achter k. doch. b Nicht 
Nichte. b Gt. ooms gte. gte. doch. 

Mohders nichtes kinds kind 

Gross oheims urenkelinn 

Gross oheims grossenkelin 

L'arriere petite fille de mon grand 
[oncle 



Avunculi magni proneptis 

Megalou theiou proeggone 

Moja zimna wnjeczua siostrzenica 

Moja trojurodnaja plemiaunitza ... 
Keeza tOrneh brii dapeereh mun... 



ATtiui serkknn poian tytar. 



D. of d. of d. of mat. uncle of mo. my 
D. of d. of d. of bro. of gd. mo. my. 

Gt. gd. d. of the bro. of gd. mo. my. 
Gd. mother's brother's dau. dan. dau 
D. of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. mo. 
Great grandchild of brother of my 
[grandmother. 



Mother's cousin's grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of g. m. bro. my. 
Mother's mother's brother's son's 
[daughter's daughter. 
Pat. uncle's gt. granddaught. (m. s.) 
Pat. uncle's gt. granddau. b Niece. 
Niece. b Gt. uncle's gt. pd. dau. 
Mother's cousin's child's child. 
Great uncle's great granddaughter. 

X <! II 11 

The great granddaughter of my great 
[uncle. 



Great granddaughter of mat. great 
[uncle. 
Great granddaughter of great uncle. 

My niece through cold mat. uncle. 



My treble birth niece. 

Daughter of grandchild of brother of 
[grandmother my 

Mother's my cousin's son's daughter. 






127. Mother's mother's sister. 



Khalet ummi. 
Ikht sitti ... 



Khata d'naaee 

Metz morus kooera , 

Driffur mo han vahar 

Phiuthar mo shean m'hathar. 

Shnyr moir my moir 

Chwaer fy henfam , 



Mor moders Boater., 
Ommnsystir min... 
Mormors syster 



Maternal great aunt 

Ond moeje 

Groote moej [mohn 

Bess mohders sister. b Mohders 

Gross muhme. b Grosstante 

Gross muhme. b Grosstante 

Ma grand' tante 

Tia abuela 

Tiaava 

Tiaava 

Matertera magna 

Megale theia 



Mnj zimna babka . 
Ma staratetka.... 



Baba m 

Moja babka 

Neiic'iiim kiizkilrndii-ilin. ... 
Khooshkeh dupeereh mun. 



Tsotatinl. 



Translation. 



Maternal aunt of mother my. 
Sister of grandmother my. 



Grandmother's sister. 
Sister of my grandmother. 



Grandmother's sister. 
Grandmother's sister my. 
Mother's mother's sister. 

Great aunt (mother's side.) 



Gd. mother's sister. * Mother's aunt. 
Great aunt (mother's side). 
tt <t 

My great aunt. 
Grandmother-aunt. 



Maternal great aunt. 
Great aunt. 

My cold grandmother. 
My great aunt. 

Grandmother my. 
My great aunt. 
Grandfather's my sister. 
Sister of grandmother my. 



Great mother my. 



12S. Mother's mother's sister's son. 



Ibn khalet ummi. 
Ibu ikhti sitti 



Bruna d'khata d'nSnee 

Metz morus crocha voretin 

Mac driffur mo han vahar 

Mac phiuthar mo sheau m'hathar 



Moders fatter 

Systur sonr ommu minnar. 
Mormors systerson 



Maternal great aunt's son 

Oud moejes zoon 

Groote moejes zoon 

Mohders vedder 

Gross muhme sohn 

Gross muhme sohn 

Le fils de ma grand' tante 



Materterse magnse films. 

Megales theias pais 

Moj zimny wnj? 



Moi dvojnrodnyidjadja 

Laveh khooshkeh dapeereh mun 

Tso tatinl polka 



Translation. 



Son of maternal aunt of mother my 
Son of sister of grandmother my. 



Grandmother's sister's son. 

Son of sister of my grandmother. 



Mother's cousin. 

Sister's son of grandmother my. 

Mother's mother's sister's son. 

Great aunt's son (mother's side). 



Mother's cous n (mother's side). 



Great aunt's s 



n (mother's side). 



The son of my great aunt. 

Son of maternal great aunt. 

Son of great aunt. 

My cold maternal nncle 



My double birth uncle. 

Son of sister of grandmother my. 

Great mother's my son. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



Ill 



TABLE I. Continued. 



1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
1-2 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



129. Mother's mother's sister's daughter. 



Bint klialet timmi. 
Bint ikhtisitti 



Bratii d'khata d'nanee 

Metz morns crocha toostra 

Ineenn driffer mo ban vahar 

Nighin phiuthar rno sheau in'hat- 
[liar 



Moders siidskendebarn 

Systur dottir oinmu minuar. 
Morniors systurdotter 



Maternal great aunt's daughter. 

Oud moejes dochter 

Groote moejes dochter 

Molnlers nichte 

Gross inuhine tochter 

Gross muhme tochter 

La lillu de ma grand' taute 



Materterae magnae filia . 

Megalus tbeias pais 

Moja zimna ciotka ? 



Moja dvjurodnaja tjotka 

Keezii khoshlvi-h dapeereh mun... 



Tso tatlnl tytar. 



Trait eilation. 



Dau. of mat. aunt of mother my. 
Dau. of Bister of grandmother my. 



Grandmother's sister's daughter. 
Daught. of sister of my grandmother. 



Mother's cousin's daughter. 
Sister's daughter of grandmother my. 
Mother's mother's sister's daughter. 

Gt. aunt's daught. (mother's side). 

it ft (t tf tt 

Great aunt's daughter. 
Mother's cousin. 

Great aunt's daughter, 
tt tt tt 

The daughter of my great aunt. 



Daughter of maternal great aunt. 
Daughter of great aunt. 
My cold aunt. 

My double birth aunt. 

Daughter of sister of gd. mother my. 

Great mother's my daughter. 



130. Mother's mother's sister's grandson. 



Ihu Ibn khalet nmmi . 
Ibn ibn ikbti sitti 



Niiwipa d'khata d'nanee 

Metz moms crocha voretein voretin 

Mac mif driflur molian vahar 

Ogha phiutharmo shean m'bathar 



Cyfferder . 



Moders fatters son 

Sonar sonr ommu systur minnar.. 

Monitors systers sonson 

[aunt's grandson 
Second cousin. b Maternal great 
Oud moejes klein zoon. b Neef... 
Kozyn. b Groote moejes groot zoon 

Mohdera vedders soolin 

Gross muhme enkel 

Gross muhme enkel 

Le petit flls de ma grand' tante... 

Primo segundo 

Primo segundo 

Secondo cugino 

Materterse magnae nepos 



Deuteroa exadelphos. 



Moj zimuy cioteczny brat. 



Moi trojurodnyi brat. 



TSrneh khooshkeh dapeereh mun 



Altlni serkkun polka. 



Translation. 



S. of son of mat. aunt of mother my, 
S. of s. of sister of grandmother my, 

Gd. son of the sister of gd. mother rny 
Grandmother's sister's son's son. 
S. of s. of sister of my grandmother. 
Gd. child of sister of my gd. mother. 

Second cousin. 



Mother's cousin's son. 
t-on'a son of g. m. sifter my. 
Mother's mother's sister's son's son. 

Great aunt's grandson (moth, side), 
Great aunt's grandson. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Great aunt's grandson. 
Mother's cousin's son. 

Great aunt's grandson. 

u tt tt 

The grandson of my great aunt. 
Second cousin. 



Grandson of maternal great aunt. 

Second cousin. 

My brother through cold aunt. 



My treble birth brother. 
Grandchild of the sister of g. m. my. 



Mother's my cousin's son. 



10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



131. Mother's mother's sister's grand- 
daughter. 



Bint ibn khalet limmi. 
Bint ibii ikhti sitti 



Nawigta d'khata d'nanee 

Metz morus crocha toostrin toostra 
Ineean mic driffermohan vahar.. 
Ogha phiuthar mo shean m'hathar 



Cyfferders. 



Moders fatters datter 

Dottur dottir ommnsystur minuar 

Mormora systers dotterdotter 

[aunt's granddaughter 
Second cousin. b Maternal great 
Oud moejes klein dochter. b Nicht 
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. dochter 

Mohders nichtes dochter 

Gross muhme enkelinn 

Gross muhme enkelin 

La petite fille de ma grand' taute 

Prima segunda 

Prirna segunda 

Seconda cugina 

Materterae magnse neptia 

Deutera exadelphe 

Moja zimna cioteczna siostra 



Moja trojurodnaja sestra 

T5rneh kooshkeh dapeereh mun... 

ATtini serkknn tytar 



Translation. 



D. of s. of mat. aunt of mother my. 
D. of s. of sister of grandmother my. 

Gd. d. of the sister of gd. mother my. 
Gd. mother's sister's dau. dau. 
D- of s. of sister of my grandmother. 
Gd. child of sister of my gd. mother. 

Second cousin. 



Mother's cousin's daughter. 
Daughter's dau. of g. m. sister's my. 
Mother's mother's sister's daughter's 
[daughter. 

Gt. aunt's gd. daughter (ruoth. side), 
tt tt tt tt tt tt 

Niece. b Gt. aunt's granddaughter. 
Mother's cousin's daughter. 

Great aunt's granddaughter. 
it ft tt 

The granddaughter of my gt. aunt. 
Second cousin. 



The gd. daughter of mat. gt. aunt. 

Second cousin. 

My sister through cold aunt. 



My treble birth sister. 

Gd. child of the sister of gd. mo. my. 

Mother's my cousin's daughter. 



132. Mother's mother's sister's great 
grandson. 



Ibn ibn ibn khalet limmi. 
Ibn ibn ibn ikhti sitti 



Translation. 



S. of s. of s. of mat. aunt of mo. my. 
S. of s. of s. of sister of gd. mo. my. 

Natija d'khata d'nanee Gt. gd. son of the sister of g. m. my. 

Metz morus crouha v. voretin j Gd. mother's sister's son's son's sou. 

Mac mic mic driffer mo han vahar ' S. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. mo. 
lar ogha phiuthar mo m'hathar... Gt. gd. child of sister of my gd. mo. 



Modera sodskendebarns barnebarn 
Sonar s. sonr ommusystur minnar 

Mormora systers sousons son 

[son 

Maternal great aunt's great grand- 
Oud moejes acht. kl. zoou. b Neef 
Kozyn. b Gte. moejes gt. gt. zoon 

Mohdera veddera kinds kind 

Gross muhme urenkel 

Gross muhme grossenkel 

L ' arriere-petit-fils de ma grand' 
[tante 



Matertrse magnse pronepos. 



Megates theiaa proeggonos 

Moj zimny cioteczny siostrzeniec 

Moi trojurodnyi plemiannitz 

Laveh tflrneh kooshkeh dapeereh 
[mun 

Altlni serkkun poTan polka 



Mother's cousin's grandchild. 
Son's son's son of g. 'in. sister my. 
Mother's mother's sister's son's pen's 

[son. 

Gt. aunt's gt. grandson (moth. side). 
Gt. aunt's gt. grandson. b Nepliew. 
Cousin. b Gt. aunt's gt. grandson. 
Mother's cousin's child's child. 

Great aunt's great grandson, 
tt ft tt tt 

The great grandson of my great aun.. 



Great grandson of mat. great aunt. 
Great grandson of great aunt. 
My nephew through cold aunt. 



My treble birth nephew. 

Son of grandchild of sister of grand- 
[ mother my. 

Mother's my cousin's son's son. 



112 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



9 

10 

11 

12 

18 
14 

15 
16 
17 
18 
19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

37 

38 

39 



133. Mother's mother's sister's great 
granddaughter. 



Bint bint bint khalet Qmmi 

Bint bint bint ikhti sitti 

NUtijta d'khata d'nanee [tra 

Metz moms crocha toostrin t. toos- 

Ineean mic m.driffermohan vahar 

lar ogha phiuthar mo shean m'hat- 

[har 



Moders sijdskendebarns barnebarn 
Dotturd. dottirommusyst. minnar 
Mormors systers dotters dotter 

[dotter 

Mat. gt. aunt's gt. granddaughter 
Oud moejes acht. kl. doch. b Nicht 
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. gte. doch. 

Mohders nichtes kinds kind 

Gross tnuhme urenkeliun 

Gross muhme grossenkelin 

L'arricre-petite-fille de ina grand' 

[tante 



Materteras magnae proneptis 

Megales tlieias proeggone 

Moja zinnia cioteczna siostrzenica 

Moja trojurodnaja plemiannitza... 

vcezil torneh kooshkeh dapeereh 
[mun 

Aitini serkknn tyttaren tytar 



Translation. 



D. of d. of d. of mat. aunt of mo. my. 
D. of .".. of d. of sister of gd. mo. my. 

Gt. gd. d. of the sister of g. m. my. 
Gd. mother's sister's dau. dau. dau, 
D. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. mo. 
Gt. gd. child of sister of my gd. mo, 



Mother's cousin's grandchild. 
Daughter's d. d. of g. in. sister my. 
Mother's mother's sister's daughter's 
[daughter's daughter. 
Gt. aunt's gt. gd. daughter (in. s.). 
Gt. aunt's gt. gd. daughter. *> Niece. 
Niece. * Gt. aunt's gt. gd. daughter. 
Mother's cousin's child's child. 
Great aunt's great granddaughter. 
u a " 

The great granddaughter of my great 

[auut. 



Great granddaughter of mater, great 

[aunt. 
Great granddaughter of great aunt. 

My niece through cold aunt. 



My treble birth nieoe. 

Daughter of grandchild of the sister 
[of grandmother my. 

Mother's my cousin's dau. dau. 



134. Father's father's father's brother. 



Amm jiddi 

Akha jadd abi. 



AkhBna d'biiba d'siiwunee. 
Metz horns bora yiikepira.. 
Drihar aharmo lian ahar... 
Brathair mo shin sean air... 

Braar shen shanner 

Brawd fy ngorheudad 



Oldefaders broder 

Langafi brodir minn . 
Farfars farbror 



Paternal great great nucle 

Over oud com 

Groot groot com 

Autke vaders brohr 

Urgross oheim 

Urgross oheim. b Urgross onkel. 

Le frere demon bisa'ieul 

Tio bisabuelo 

Tio bisav6 

Tio bisavo 

Patru us major 



Meizon theios 

Moj zimny pradziad. 
Miij pra stryc 



Translation. 



Prededa mi 

Moiprarljed 

De'lemTn haliasunum karndashu. 
Brii bitveh buvkaluhmuu... 



Tso tsani seta. 



Paternal uncle of grandfather my. 
Brother of grandfather of father my. 



Great grandfather's brother. 
Brother of father of mv grandfather. 
Brother of my ancestral grandfather. 
" u u 

Brother of my great grandfather. 



Great grandfather's brother. 
Great grandfather's brother my. 
Father's father's father's brother. 

Great great uncle (father's side). 
ti u u (t t 

Great great uncle. 
Great grandfather's brother. 
Great great uncle. 
t it it 

The brother of my great grandfather. 
Uncle-great grandfather. 



Paternal great great uncle. 
Great great uncle. 

My cold great grandfather. 
My great great uncle. 

Great grandfather my. 
My great great uncle. 
Grandfather's my father's brother. 
Brother of father of grandfather my 



Grandfather's mv uncle. 



1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
M 
37 
88 



135. Father's father's father's brother's 

BOD. 



Ibn amm jiddi 

Ibu akhi jadd abi. 



Metz horus hora yakepora voretin 

Mac drihar ahar mo han ahar 

Mac brathar mo shin seau air... 



Oldefaders broders son 

Brodur sonr langafa minn . 
Farfars farbrors son .... 



Paternal great great uncle's son. 

Over oud ooms zoon 

Groot groot ooms zoon 

Antke vaders brohrs soohn 

Urgross oheims sohn 

Urgross oheims soon 



Patrui majoris filing ., 
Meizouos theion pais. 



L'tiveh bra bUveh bavkaleh mun... 
Tso tsani setan polka 



Translation. 



Son of pat. nncle of gd. father my. 
Son of bro. gd. father of father my. 



Great grandfather's brother's son. 
Son of bro. of father of my gd. father. 



Great grandfather's brother's son. 
Brother's son of gt. grandfather my. 
Father's father's father's brother's 

[son. 
Great great uncle's son (fath. side). 

U It t< (( tt U 

Great great uncle's son. 

Great grandfather's brother's son. 

Great great uncle's son. 



Son of paternal great great uncle. 
Son of great great uncle. 



Son of brother of father of grand- 
[ father my. 

Great father's my uncle's son. 



136. Father's father's father's brother's 
grandson. 



Ibn ibn amm jiddi 

Ibu ibu ibn akhi jadd abi . 



[tin 

Metz horus hora yakepora v. vore- 
Mac inic drihar ahar mo han aliar 
Ogha brathar jno shin seau air.... 



Oldefaders broders barnebarn 

Sonar sonr brodur langafa miun ... 
Farfars farbrors sonson 

Paternal gt. gt. uncle's grandson 
Over oud ooms klein zaon. b Neef 

Groot groot ooms groot zoon 

Antke vaders brohrs kinds kind... 

Urgross oheims enkcl 

Urgross oheiuis enkel 



Translation. 



Patrui majoris nepos 

Meizouos theiou eggonos . 



Moi trojnrodnyi djadjaf 

Torneh bra biiveh bavkaleh mun 



Tso tsani setan polan polkii. 



Son of s. of pat. uncle of g. fa. my. 
Sou of s. of bro. of g. fa. of fa. my. 



Gt. gd. father's brother's son's son. 
Son of son of bro. of fa. of my g. fa. 
Gd. child of bro. of iny ancestral g. f 



Gt. gd. father's brother's gd. child. 
Son's sou of bro. of gt. g. father my. 
Father's father's father's brother's 
[son's son. 

Gt. gt. uncle's grandson (fa. side). 
Gt. gt. uncle's grandson. b Nephew. 
Great great uncle's grandson. 
Gt. gd. father's brother's child's child. 
Great great uncle's grandson. 



Grandson of paternal gt. gt. uncle. 
Grandson of great great uncle. 



My treble birth uncle. 

Grandchild of the brother of father of 
[grandfather my. 

Groat father's my uncle's son's son. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



113 



TABLE I. Continued. 



137. Father's father's father's brother's 
great grandson. 



Translation. 



13S. Father's father's father's sister. 



Translation. 



9 

10 
11 
112 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn ibn ibn amm jiddi 

Ibii ibn ibn akin jadd abi . 



Metz horus hora yUkepora v. v. v. 
Macm. m. d rihar ahar mo ban ahar 
lar ogha brathar mo shin sean air 



Oldefaders broilers barnebarnsbarn 
Sonar s. sonr brodur langal'a minn 

Farfars farbrors sonsons son 

[gt. grandson 

Third cousin. b Pat. gt. gt. uncle's 
Over oud ooms acb . kl. zoon. b Neef 
Kozyn groot gt. ooms groot gt. zoon 
Antke vaders brohrs kinds k. k. 

Urgross oheims urenkel 

Urgross oheims grossenkel 



Primo terceiro 

Primo terceiro 

Terzo cupino 

Patrui rnajoris pronepos., 

Tritos exadelphos 



Moi tohetverojurodnyi brat 

Laveh tfirneh bra bavkaleh mun... 

Tso tsanT setan poian poian poTka 



Son of s. of s. of p. uncle of g. f. my. 
Son of s. of s. of bro. of g. f. of f. my. 



Gt. gd. father's bro. son's son's son. 

Son of a. of s. of bro. of f. of my g. f. 

Gt gd. son of bro. of fa. of ancestral 

[grandfather. 



Gt. gd. father's brother's gd. child. 
Son's son's son of bro. of gt. g. f. my. 
Father's father's father's brother's 
[son's son'? son. 

Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son (fa. side). 
Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. s. b Npb. (f.s.) 
Cousin. b Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son. 
Gt. gd. father's brother's gt. gd. child. 
Great great uncle's great grandson. 



Third cousin. 
(( tt 
tt tt 

Great gd. son of pat. gt. gt. uncle. 
Third cousin. 



My quadruple birth brother. 

Son of grandchild of brother of 
[father of grandfather my. 

Gt. fa's, my uncle's son's son's son. 



Arnmet jiddi.. 
Ikht jadd abi. 



Metz horus hora kooera , 

Driffiir ahar mo hau ahar... 
Phiuthar mo shin sean air. 

Shuyr shen fhaner 

Chwaer fy ngorhendad 



Oldefaders sb'ster.... 
Langafa syster min. 
Farfars faster 



Paternal great great aunt 

Over oud moeje 

Groote groote moeje 

Antke vaders sister 

Urgross mnhme. b Urgrosstante 
Urgross muhme. b Urgrosstante 



Tia bisabuelo . 

Tia bisavd 

Tiabisavo 

Amita major... 



Mrizuu theia.c 



Moja zimuaprababka.. 
Ma prastryna 



Prebaba mi 

Moja prababka [dashu 

DSdgmin babasnmun kuzkarn- 
Khooshkeh baveh bavkaleh mun 



Tso tsanltati. 



Paternal aunt of grandfather my. 
Sister of grandfather of father my. 



Great grandfather's sister. 

Sister of father of my grandfather. 

Sister of fa. of my ancestral gd. fa. 

tt tt tt a tt (( t( tt 

Sister of my great grandfather. 



Great grandfather's sister. 
Great grandfather's sister my. 
Father's father's father's sister. 

Great great aunt (father's side). 

it U (I II U 

Great great aunt. 
Great grandfather's sister. 
Great great aunt, 
u it tt 

Aunt-great grandfather. 

It If II 

II li tt 

Paternal great great aunt. 
Great great aunt. 

My cold great grandmother. 
My great great aunt. 

Great grandmother my. 
My great great aunt. 
Grandfather's my father's sister. 
Sou of father of grandfather my. 

Grandfather's my aunt. 



139. Father's father's father's sister's son. 



Translation. 



140. Father's father's father's sister's 
grandson. 



Translation. 



10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn atnmet jiddi.. 
Ibn ikht jadd abi. 



Metz horns hora crocha voretin. 
Mac driffur ahar mo ban ahar... 
Mac phiuthar mo shin sean air. 



Oldefaders siisters son 

Systar sonr langafa inins. 
Farfars fasters son 



Paternal great great aunt's son. 

Over oud moejes zoon 

Groote groote moejes zoon 

Antke vaders sisters soohn 

Urgross mnhme sohn 

Urgross muhme sohn 



Amitse majoris filius.. 
Meizonos theias pais. 



Son of pat. aunt of grandfather my. 
Son of sister of gd. father of fa. my. 



Great grandfather's sister's son. 
Sister of sister of fa. of my gd. fa. 
Sister of sister of my ancestral gd. 
[father. 



Great grandfather's sister's son. 
Sister's son of great gd. father my. 
Father's father's father's sister's son. 

Great great aunt's son (fa's side). 

It it tt tt It tt 

Great great annt's son. 

Great grandfather's sister's son. 

Great great aunt's son. 



Son of paternal great great aunt. 
Son of great great aunt. 



Ibn ibn amniet jiddi.. 
Ibu ibu ikht jadd abi. 



Metz horus hora crocha v. voretin 
Mac mic driffer ahar mo hau ahar 
Ogha phiuthar mo shean seau air 



Oldefaders sosters barnebarn 

Sonar sonr systur langafa mins.. 
Farfars fasters sonson 



Paternal gt. gt. aunt's grandson. 

Over oud moejes klein zoon 

Groote groote moejes groot zoon.. 
Antke vaders sisters kinds kind. 

Urgross mnhme enkel 

Urgross muhme enkel 



Amitse majoris nepos 

Meizonos theias eggonos. 



Son of son of pat. aunt of gd. fa. my. 

Son of son of sister of grandfather 

[of father my 

Great grandfather's sister's son's son. 

S. of s. of s. of fa. of my gd. father. 

Grand.son of sister of my ancestral 

[grandfather. 



Gt. gd. father's sister's grandchild. 

Son's son of sister of gt. gd. fa. my. 

Father's father's father's sister's 

[son's son. 

Great great aunt's grandson (f. s). 
tt tt tt tt tt 

Great great annt's grandson. 

Gt. gd. father's sister's grandchild. 

Great great aunt's grandson. 



Grandson of pat. great great aunt. 
Grandson of great great aunt. 



Laveh khoushkeh baveh bavkaleh 
[mun 

Tso tsanT serkku 



Son of sister of father of gd. fa. my. 
Grandfather's my cousin. 



TSrneh khooshkeh baveh bavka- 
[leh mun 



Grandchild of 



sister of father of 
[grandfather my. 



Tso tsanT serkknn potka. 



Grandfather's my cousin's son. 



15 November, 1860. 



114 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
| 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
2:5 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
3S 
39 



141. Father's father's father's sister's 
great grandson. 



Ibn ibn ibn ammet jiddi... 
Ibn ibn ibn ikht j&dd abi. 



Metz horns bora crooha v.v. voretin 
Mac mic in . driffer ahar mo hail ahar 
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin seau air 



Oldefaders siiaters barnebarns barn 
Sonar s.sonr systnr langafa mins.. 

Farfars fasters sonson son 

[aunt's great grandson. 
Third consin. b Paternal great gt. 
Overoudmoejesach. k. z'n. b Neef 
Kozyn. b Qte.gte. moejes gt.gt. z'n 
Antke vaders sisters kinds k. kind 

Urgross muhme ureukel 

Urgross muhme grossenkel 



Primo terceiro 

Primo terceiro 

Terzo cngino 

Ainitse majoris pronepos. 



Tritos exadelphos. 



Moi tchetverojurodnyi brat. 



Laveh tSrneh khooshkeh baveh 
[bavkaleh luun 

Tso tsani serkkun poian polka.... 



TraDslation. 



S. of s. of 8. of p. a. of gd. fa. my. 
S. of s. of s. of sist. of gd. fa. of f. iny. 



G. g. father's sister's son's son's son. 

S. of s. of s. of 8. of fa. of my gd. fa. 

Great grandson of sister of my an- 

[cestral grandfather. 



Gt. gd. fa.'s sister's great grandchild. 

Son's s. B. of sister of pt. gd. fa. my. 

Father's father's father's sister's 

[sou's sou's son. 

Gt. gt. aunt's gt. grandson (f. s.). 
Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son. 
Gt. gd. father's sister's gt. gd. child. 
Great great aunt's great grandson. 



Third cousin, 
(i 

ft tt 

Gt. grandson of pat. gt. gt. aunt. 
Third cousin. 



My quadruple birth brother. 

Son of grandchild of sister of father 
[of grandfather my. 

Grandfather's my cousin's son's son. 



112. Mother's mother's mother's brother. 



Khal sitti 

Akha sitt umiui. 



Metz morns mora yiikepira 

Drihar mahar mo ban v. ahar.... 
Brathair mo shin scan in'hattiar.. 

Braar moir moir my moir 

Brawd fy ngorheufain 



Oldemoders broder 

Langommu brodir muni. 
Morinors morbror 



Maternal great great uncle 

Over oud oom 

Groot groot oom 

Antke mohders brohr 

Urgross oheim 

Urgross oheim. b Urgross onkel. 



Tiobisabuela 

Tio bisava 

Tio bisavS, 

Avunculus major. 



MeizOn theios. 



Moj pradziad ?. 
Muj babinec 



Prededa mi 

Moi pradjed 

DSdgmin babasunum karndashn. 
Bra deeya dapeereh mun 



Tso tsant enfi. 



Translation. 



Maternal uncle of grandmother my. 
Brother of gd. mother of mother my. 



Great grandmother's brother. 
Brother of mother of my gd. mother. 



Brother of my great grandmother. 



Great grandmother's brother. 
Great grandmother's brother my. 
Mother's mother's mother's brother. 

Great great uncle (mother's side). 
u n it t* tt 

Great great uncle. 

Great grandmother's brother. 

Great great uncle. 



Uncle-great grandmother. 

Uncle-great grandmother. 
it tt tt 

Maternal great great uncle. 
Great great uncle. 

My cold great grandfather. 

My great great uncle (mother's side). 

Great grandfather my. 

My great great uncle. 

My grandmother's mother's brother. 

Brother of mother of gd. mother my. 



Grandfather's my uncle. 



143. Mother's mother's mother's brother's 
SOD. 



Translation. 



144. Mother's mother's mother's brother's 
grandson. 



Translation. 



10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
M 
M 
M 
87 
tt 

39 



Ibn khal sitti 

Ibn akhi sitt umuii. 



Metz morns mora yakepora voretin 
Mac drihar mahar mo han vahar.. 
Mac brathar mo shin seau m'hathar 



Oldemoders broders son 

Brodur sour langommu mins. 
Mormors morbrors son ... 



Maternal great great uncle's son., 

Over ond ooms zoon , 

Groot groot ooms zoon 

Antke inohders brohrs soohn 

Urgross oheims solm 

Urgross oheims sohn 



Avunculi majoris filius. 
Meizonos theiou pais.... 



Son of mat. uncle of grandmother my, 
Son of bro. of gd. inc. of mother my. 



Gt. grandmother's brother's son. 
Son of bro. of mother of my g. m. 



Gt. grandmother's brother's son. 
Brother's son of gt. grandmother my. 
Mother's mother's mother's brother's 

[son. 
Gt. gt. uncle's son (mother's side). 



Great grandmother's brother's son. 
Great great uncle's son. 



Son of maternal great great uncle. 
Son of great great uncle. 



Tbn ihn Ich-U sitti 

Ibn ibn akhi sitt limmi. 



Metz mortta mora yakepora v. v. 
Macm. driharmahar mo lian vahar 
Ogha brathar mo shin seau m'hat- 
[har 



Oldemoders broders barnebarn 

Sonar sonr brodur laugoramu minn 

Mormors morbrors sonson 

[son 
Maternal great groat uncle's graud- 

Over ond ooms klein zoon 

Groot groot ooms groot zoon 

Antke mohders brohrs kinds kind 

Urgross oheims enkul 

Urgross oheims enkel 



Avunculi majoris nepos..., 
Meizonos theiou eggonos. 



Son of s. of mat. uncle of g. in. my. 
Son of s. of brot. of g. m. of m. my. 



Gt. gd. mother's brother's son's son. 
Son of son of bro. of in. of my p. m. 
Grandchild of bro. of m. of my g. m. 



Gt. gd. mother's brother's pd. child. 
Son's son of bro. of p. g. mother my. 
Mother's mother's mother's brother's 
[son's son 
Great great uncle's grandson (m. s.). 



Gt. gd. mother's brother's pd. child. 
Great great uncle's grandson. 



Grandson of maternal gt. gt. uncle. 
Grandson of great great uncle. 



Laveh bra deeya dapeereh mnn. 
TsoaltTnlaerkku... 



Son of brother of mother of graud- 
[mother my. 

Grandmother's my cousin. 



TSrneh bra deeyii dlpeereh mun. 



Tso aitint serkkun poTka. 



Grandchild of brother of mother of 
[grandmother my. 

Grandmother's my cousin's son. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 



115 



TABLE I. Continued. 



145. Mother's mother's mother's brother's 
great grandson. 



Translation. 



146. Mother's mother's mother's sister. 



Translation. 



10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn ibn ibn khal sitti 

llm ibn ibn aklii sitt uiumi. 



Metz morns mora yakepora v. v. v. 

Mac m. m. driharmaharmoh'n v'r 

lar oglia brathar mo slim sean 

[m'hathar 



[barn 

Olderaoders Vjroders barneliarns 
Sonar s. sonrbrodurlangommu m. 
Monitors morbrors sousons son 

Third cousin [ b Neef 

Over oud ooms aehter klein zonn. 
Kozyn. b Gt. gt. ooms gt. gt. zoon 
Antke mohders brolirs kinds k. k. 

Urgross oheims urenkel 

Urgross oheims grosseukel 



Prime terceiro 

Primo teroeiro 

Terzo ougino 

Avunculi majoris pronepos. 



Tritos exadelphos. 



Moi tchetverojurodnyibrat. 



Laveh tOrneh bra deeya dilpeereh 
[mun 

Tso altlni serkknn poian polka.... 



Son of s. of s. of mat. u. f. g. m. my. 
S. of s. of s. of bro. of g. m. of m. my. 



Gt. gd. mother's brother's son's s. s. 
Son of s. of s. of bro. of m. of my g. m. 
Gt. gd. child of bro. of m. of aiy g. m. 



[grandchild. 

Great grandmother's brother's great 

Son's s. s. of bro. of gt. gd. mo. my. 

Mother's mother's mother's brother's 

[soil's son's son. 

Gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson (m. s.). 
Gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson. b Neph. 
Cousin. b Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son. 
Gt. gd. mother's bro. gt. gd. child. 
Great great uncle's great grandson. 



Third cousin. 



Great grandson of maternal great 
[great uncle. 
Third cousin. 



My quadruple birth brother. 

Son of gd. child of brother of mother 
[of grandmother uiy. 

Grandmother's my cousin's son's son. 



Khalet sitti 

Ikht sitt ummi. 



Metz morns morii kooera 

Uriffur mahar mo han valiar 

Phiuthar mo shin sean m'hathar 

Shuyr moir moir mymoir 

Chwaer fy ngorhenfam 



Oldemoders sb'ster 

Langommu syster min. 
Mormors moster 



Maternal great great aunt 

Over oud moeje 

Groote groote moej 

Antke mohders sister 

Urgross muhme. b Urgrocstante., 
Urgross muhme. b Urgrosstante. 



Tia bisabuela 

Tia bisava 

Tia bisava 

Matertera major.. 



Meizon theia. 



Moja prababka?. 
Ma babiuka 



Prebaba mi 

Moja prababka [shu 

Dedgmiu babasunvtm kuzkarnda- 
Khooshkeh deeya dapeereh mun.. 



Tso altTnl tail.. 



Maternal aunt of grandmother my. 
Sister of grandmother of mother my 



Great grandmother's sister. 

Sister of mother of my grandmother 



Sister of my great grandmother. 



Great grandmother's sister. 
Great grandmother's sister my. 
Mother's mother's mother's sister. 

Great great aunt (mother's side). 

tl (( U U tt 

Great great aunt. 

Great grandmother's sister. 

Great great aunt. 



Aunt-great grandmother. 
tt ft 

u u 

Maternal great great aunt. 
Great great aunt. 

My ccld great grandmother. 
My great great aunt. 

Great grandmother my. 

My great great aunt. 

My grandmother's mother's sister. 

Sister of mother of grandmother my. 

Grandmother's my aunt. 



147. Mother's mother's mother's sister's 
son. 



Translation. 



148. Mother's mother's mother's sister's 
grandson. 



Translation. 



10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
IB 
16 
17 
IS 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibnklialet sitti 

Ibn ikht sitt ummi. 



Metz morus morii crocha voretin... 

Mac driffer mahar nio han vahar.. 

Mac phiuthar mo shin sean m'hat- 

[har 



Oldemoders sosters son ~... 

Systur sonar edda minn 

Mormors mosters son 



Maternal great great aunt's son... 

Over oud inoejes zoon 

Groote groote nioejes zoon 

Antke mohders sisters soohn 

Urgross mnlime sohn 

Urgross muhrne sohn 



Materterae majoris films , 
Meizonos theias pais 



Son of mat. aunt of grandmother my. 
Son of sister of gd. mother of m. my. 



Gt. grandmother's sister's son. 

Sou of sister of m. of my gd. mother. 



Great grandmother's sister's son. 
Sister's son of great grandmother my. 
Mother's mother's mother's sister's 

[son. 
Great gt. aunt's son (mother's side). 

U tt ti tt ft (( 

Great great aunt's son. 

Great grandmother's sister's son. 

Great great aunt's son. 



Son of maternal great great aunt. 
Son of great great aunt. 



Ibn ibn khalet sitti 

Ibn ibn ikht sitt ummi. 



[tin 

Metz morus morS c. voretein vore- 
Mac m. driffer mahar mo h'nvah'r 
Ogha phiutharmo shin seau m'hat- 

[har 



Oldemoders sosters barnebarn 

Sonar sonr systur edda minn 

Mormors mosters sonson 

[son 

Maternal great great aunt's grand- 
Over oud ooms klein zoon 

Groote groote moejes groot zoon... 
Antke mohders sisters kinds kind 

Urgross muhme enkel 

Urgross muhme enkel 



Materterse majoris nepos. 
Meizonoa theias eggonos. 



Laveh khoashkeh deeya dapeereh 
[mun 

Aidini alti serkku 



Son of sister of mother of gd. mother 

[my. 

My grandmother's cousin. 



Tornehkhooshkeh deeya dapeereh 
[mun 



Aidini altl serkkun poTkii.. 



Son of s. of mat. aunt of g. m. my. 
Sou of a. of sister of g. m. of m. my, 



Gt. grandmother's sister's son's son 
Son of s. of sister of m. of my g. m. 
Gd. child of sister of m. of my g. m 



[child. 

Great grandmother's sister's grand- 
Son's son of sister of g. g. m. my. 
Mother's mother's mother's sister's 
[sou's son. 

Gt. gt. aunt's gd. son (mother's side), 
it tt tt tt <t 

Great great aunt's grandson. 

Gt. gd. mother's sister's grandchild. 

Great great aunt's grandson. 



Grandson of mat. great great aunt. 
Grandson of great great aunt. 



Grandchild of sister of mother of 
[grandmother my. 

Grandmother's my cousin's son. 



116 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

37 

38 

39 



149. Mother's mother's mother's sister's 
great grandson. 



Ibu ibn ibn khUlet sitti 

Ibu ibn ibn ikht sitt limmi. 



[voretin. 

Metz morus mora crocha v. v. 

Mac m. m. driff. m'h'r mo h'n v'h'r 

lar ogha phiuthar mo shin sean 

[m'hathar 



[barn. 

Oldemoders sostera barne barns 
Sonar sonar sonr systur edda mins 
Monnors mosters sonsons son 

Third cousin -. [ b Neef 

Over oud ooms achter klein zoon. 
Kozyii. b Gte. gte. moejes gt. zoon 
Autke mohders sisters kinds k. k. 

Urgross muhme urenkel 

Urgross muhme grossenkel 



Primo terceiro 

Frimo terceiro 

Terzo cugino 

Materterse majoris pronepos. 



Txitos exadelphos. 



Moi tohteverojurodnyi brat. 



TBrneh kooshkeh deeya dapeereh 
[mun 

Aidln altl serkkun poian polka. ... 



Translation. 



Son of s. of s. of mat. a. of g. m. my. 
Son of s. of s. of sister of g. m. of m. 

[my. 

G. g. mother's sister's son's son's son. 
S. of s. of s. of sister of m. of my g. m. 
Gt. gd. child of sist. of . of my g. m. 



Gt. gd. mother's sister's gt. g. child. 

Son's s. son of sister of g. g. m. my. 

Mother's mother's mother's sister's 

[son's son's son. 

Gt. gt. aunt's gt. grandson (m. s.). 
Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son. b Nephew. 
Cousin. b Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son. 
Gt. gd. mother's sister's gt. gd. child. 
Great great aunt's great grandson. 



Third cousin. 



Great grandson of mat. great great 

[aunt. 
Third cousin. 



My quadruple birth brother. 

Grandchild of sister of mother of 
[grandmother my. 

Grandmother's my cousin's son's sou. 



150. Father's father's father's father's 
brother. 



Ainm jidd abi 

Akha jadd jaddi. 



Metz horus metz hora yakepira... 
Dribar mo han ahar mo han ahar 

Brathar mo shin sin sean air 

Braar ayr my shen shanner 



Tip oldefaders broder 

Langa langafi brodir minn. 
Farfars farfars bror. 



Paternal great great great uncle. 

Over over oud oom 

Groot groot groot oom 

Antke vaders vaders brohr 

Ururgross oheim 

Ururgross oheiin 



Patruus maximus. 
Megistos theios 



Bra bavkaleh bavklileh mun. 



Translation. 



Pat. uncle of the gd. fath. of fath. my. 
Brother of grandfather of gd. father 

[my. 

Grandfather's grandfather's brother. 
Brother of gd. fath. of my gd. fath. 



Great grandfather's father's brother. 

Gt. grandfather's gd. fa. brother my. 

Father's father's father's father's 

[brother. 

Great gt. gt. uncle (father's side.) 
n ti it K (t 

Great great great uncle. 

Great grandfather's father's brother. 

Great great great uncle. 



Paternal great great great uncle. 
Great great great uncle. 



Brother of grandfather of grandfather 



151. Father's father's father's father's 
brother's son. 



Translation. 



152. Father's father's father's father's 
brother's grandson. 



Translation. 



9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
M 
M 



Ibn amm jidd abi.... 
Ibn akUi jadd jaddi. 



[voretin 

Metz horus metz hora yakepora 
Mao drih. mo h'n ah'r rno U'n ah'r 
Mac brathar mo shin sin sean air 



Tip oldefadders broders son 

Brodur sonr langa langafi minus... 
Farfar farfars brorson 

Paternal great gt. gt. uncle's son 

Over over ond ooms zoon 

Groot groot groot ooms zoon 

Antke vaders vaders brohrs sohn 

UrnrgrosB oheims sohn 

Ururgross oheims sohu 



Patrui maximi filins.. 
Megistou theiou pais. 



Son of pat. unc. of g. f. of fath. my. 

Son of brother of grandfather of gd. 

[father my. 

Grandfather's grandfather's bro. son. 
Son of bro. of gd. fath. of my gd. fa. 



Gt. gd. father's father's brother's son. 
Brother's son of gd. fa. gd. fa. my. 
Father's father's father's father's 
[brother's son. 

Gt. gt. gt. uncle's son (father's side) 
*( it it n tt ti 

Great great great uncle's son. 
Gt. gd. father's father's bro. son. 
Great great great uncle's sou. 



Son of pater, great great great uncle. 
Son of great great great uncle. 



Ibn ibn amm jidd abi 

Ibu ibn akhi jadd jaddi . 



Metzh. metz h. y. voretein voretin 
Mac mic drih. mo han ahar m. h. a. 
Ogha brathar mo shin sin sean air 



Tip oldefaders broders barnebarn 
Sonar sonrbrod. langa langafi mins 

Farfars farfars brorsons son 

[grandson. 

Paternal great great great uncle's 
Over over oud ooms klein zoon.... 
Groot groot groot ooms groot zoon 
Antke vaders v. brohrs kinds kind 

Ururgross oheims enkel 

Ururgross oheims eukel 



Patrui maximi nepos 

Megistou theiou eggonos. 



Son of s. of pat. unc. of g. f. of f. my. 
Son of s. of bro. of g. f. of g. f. my. 



Gd. father's gd. father's bro. son's s. 
Son of s. of bro. of gd. fa. of my g. f. 
Gd. child, of bro. of gd. fa. of my g. f. 



Gt. gd. father's fath bro. gd. child. 
Son's sou of bro. of gd. fa. gd. fa. my. 
Father's father's father's father's 
[brother's son's son. 

Gt. gt. gt. uncle's grandson (f. s.). 
it tt tt it it 

Great great great uncle's grandson. 
Gt. gd. father's fath. bro. gd. child. 
Great great great uncle's grandson. 



Grandson of pat. gt. gt. gt. uncle. 
Grandson of great great great uncle. 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



117 



TABLE I. Continued. 



153. Father's father's father's father's 
hrother'u great grandson. 



Translation. 



154. Father's father's father's father's 
sister. 



Translation. 



1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
1G 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
2(j 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
87 
38 
39 



Ibn ibn ibn amm jidd abi 

Ibu ibn ibn akhi jadd jaddi. 



[mo han aliar 

Mac mio mio drihar mo ban ahar 

lar ogha brathar mo shin sin sean 

[air 



[barn 

Tip oldefaders broders barnebarns 

Sonars, s. bro. langa langafi mi us 

Farfars farfars brorsons sonson.... 

[great grandson 

Paternal great great great uncle's 
Over o. oud corns acbt. klein zoon 
Kozyn. b Gt. gt.gt ooms gt.gt. zoon 
Antke vaders v. brohrs. kinds k. k. 

Ururgross oheims nrenkel 

Ururgross oheims ureukel 



Patrui maximi pronepos.... 

Mogistou theiou proggonos. 



Son of s. of s. of p. u. of g. f. of f. my. 

Son of s. of s. of brother of gd. father 

[of grandfather my. 

[of my grandfather. 
Son of s. of s. of brother of gd. father 
Gt. gd. child of brother of gd. father 

[of my grandfather. 



[grandchild. 

Gt. gd. father's father's brother's gt. 
Son's s. 8. of bro. of g. f. g. f. my. 
Father's father's father's father's 
[brother's son's son's son. 
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son (f. s.). 

II It II <( t( (( 

Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. s. 
Gt. gd. fath. fath. bro. gt. gd. child. 
Great gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson. 



Great grandson of pater, great great 
[great uncle. 

Great grandson of great great great 
[uncle. 



Ammet jidd abi. 
Ikht jadd jaddi. 



Metz horus metz horus kooera 

Diflur mo han ahar mo han ahar. 
Phiuthar mo shin sin sean air.... 
Shuyr inoir my sheii shanuer 



Tip oldefaders soster 

Langa langafa systur min., 
Farfars farfars systur , 



Paternal great great great aunt. 

Over over oud moeje 

Groote groote groote moeje 

Antke vaders vaders sister 

Ururgross muhme 

Urnrgross muhme 



Amita maxima. 

Megiote theia ... 



Pat. aunt of gd. father of father my. 
Sister of gd. father of gd. father my. 



Grandfather's grandfather's sister. 
Sister of gd. father of my gd. father. 



Gt. grandfather's father's sister. 
Gd. father's grandfather's sister my. 
Father's father's father's father's 
[sister. 
Great great great aunt (father's side). 

U It It H t( (( 

Great great great aunt. 

Gt. grandfather's father's sister. 

Great great great aunt. 



Paternal great great great aunt. 
Great great great aunt. 



Kodshkeh bavkaleh bavkiileh mun 



Sister of gd. father of gd. father my. 



155. Father's father's father's father's 
sister's SOD. 



Translation. 



156. Father's father's father's father's 
sister's grandson. 



Translation. 



1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn ammet jidd abi. 
Ibn ikht jadd jaddi. 



Metz horus metz h. crocha voretin 
Mao driffur mo han ahar m. h. a. 
Mac phiuthar mo shin sin sean air 



Tip oldefaders sosters son 

Systur sour langa langafi mins 

Farfara farfars syster son 

Paternal gt. gt. gt. aunt's son 

Over over oud moejes zoon 

Groote groote groote moejes zoon 
Antke vaders vaders sisters soohn 

Ururgross muhme sohn 

Ururgross nmhuie sohn 



Amitae maxima films. 
Megiotes theias pias ... 



Son of pat. aunt of gd. fa. of fa. my. 
Sou of sister of gd. fa. of gd. fa. my. 



Gd. father's gd. father's sister's son. 
Son of sister of gd. fa. of my gd. fa. 
Son of sister of my old father of old 
[father. 



Gt. gd. father's father's sister's son. 
Sister's son of gd. fath. gd. fath. my. 
Father's father's father's father's 
[sister's son. 
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's son (father's side). 



Gt. gd. father's father's sister's son. 
Great great great aunt's son. 



Son of pat. great great great aunt. 
Son of great great great aunt. 



Ibn ibn ammet jidd abi. 
Ibn ibn ikht jadd jaddi 



[tin 

Metz horus metz h. crocha v. vore- 
Mac micdriffurmohan aharm.h.a. 
Ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean 

[air 



Tip oldefaders sosters barnebarn... 
Sonar sonr syst. langa langafi min 
Farfars farfars systersons son 

Pat. gt. gt. gt. annt's grandson. ... 
Over over oud moejes klein zoon.. 
Groote groote gte. moejes gt. zoon 
Antke vaders vaders sisters k. k. 

Ururgross muhme enkel 

Ururgross muhme enkel 



Amitse maxima? nepos 
Megiotes theias eggonos., 



Son of s. of pat. aunt of g. f. of f. my, 
Sou of s. of sister of g. f. of g. f. my, 



Gd. father's gd. father's sister's son. 
Son of s. of sister of g. f. of my g. f. 
Gd. child of sister of my old father's 
[old father. 



Gt. gd. father's fath. sist. gd. child. 
Son's son of sister of g. f. g. f. my. 
Father's father's father's father's 
[sister's son's son, 
Great great gt. aunt's gd. son (f. s.), 



Gt. gd. father's fath. sist. gd. child. 
Great great great aunt's grandson. 



Grandson of pat. gt. gt. gt. aunt. 
Grandson of great great great aunt. 



118 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 



157. Father's father's father's father's 
sister's great graudsun. 



Translation. 



158. Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
brother. 



Translation. 



2 

a 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn ibn ibn ammet jidd abi 

Urn ibn ibn ikht jidd jaddi 



M. h. m. h. o. voretein v. voretin 
Mac m. m. drill', mo ban aharm.h.a 
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean 

[air 



[barn 

Tip oldefaders sosters barnebarns 
Sonar a. s. syst. langa langafi inins 

Farfars farfars systersons son 

[great grandson 

Paternal great great great aunt's 
Over o. oud moejes acht. kl. zoon 
Kozyn. b Gte. gte. gte. moejes g.g.z. 
Antke vaders v. sisters kinds k. k. 

Ururgross muhme urenkel 

Ururgross muhme grosseukel 



Amitse maximsepronepos.... 
Megiotes tbeias proeggonos. 



S. of s. of s. of p. a. of g. f. of f. my. 
S. of s. of s. of sist. of g. f. of g. f. my. 

[son. 

Gd. father's gd. fa. sister's son's son's 

S. of s. of s. of sist. of g. f. of my g. f. 

Great grandchild of sister of my old 

[father's old father. 



[great grandchild. 

Great grandfather's father's sister's 
Son's son's s. of sist. of g. f. g. f. my. 
Father's father's father's father's sis- 
[ter's son's son. 
Gt. gt. gt. annt's gt. gd. sou (f. s.). 

tf tl II II ft it It II 

Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. s. 
Gt. gd. fa', fa. sister's gt. gd. child. 
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's great grandson. 



Great grandson of paternal great gt. 
[great aunt. 
Great grandson of great great great 

[aunt. 



Khal silt ummi. 
Akhasitt sitti... 



Metz morns metz morns yiikepira 

Drihar mo han vahair m. h. v 

Brathar mo shin sin sean rn'hat- 
[hair 



Tip oldefaders broder 

Langa langommu brodir miiin 

Mormors mormors bror... 



Maternal great great great uncle. 

Over over oud com..... , 

Groot groot groot oom 

Antke mohders mohders brohr. .. 

Ururgross oheim 

Ururgross oheim 



Avnnculns maximns. 
Megistos theios 



Mat. uncle of gd. mo. of mother my. 
Brother of gd. mo. of gd. mother my, 

Gd. mother's gd. mother's brother. 
Brother of gd. mother of my gd. mo. 
Brother of my x>ld mother's old mo. 



Gt. grandmother's mother's brother. 
Gd. mother's gd. mother's bro. my. 
Mother's mother's mother's mother' 
[brother. 
Great gt. gt. uncle (mother's side). 



Great gd. mother's mother's brother 
Great great great uncle. 



Maternal great great great uncle. 
Great great great uucle. 



Bra dilpcereh dapeereh muu. 



Brother of grandmother of gd. mother 

[my 



1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
B 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
3V 
38 
39 



159. Mother's mother's mother's mother 1 ! 
brother's son. 



Ibn khal sitt ummi. 
Ibu akhi sitt sitti... 



M. m. m. m. ySkepora voretin 

Mac drihar mo han vahair m. h. v. 

Mac brathar mo shin sin seau m' 

[hathar 



Tip oldemoders broders son 

Brodur sonr langa langommu ruins 
Mormors mormors brorsou 

Mat. great gt. gt. uncle's son 

Over over oud oonis zoon 

Groot groot groot ooms zoon "... 

Antke mohders moli. brohrssoohn. 

Ururgross oheims sohn 

Ururgross oheims sohn 



Avunculi mazimi filing. 
Megiston theiou pais 



Translation. 



Son of mat. unc. of g. m. of mo. my. 
Son of brother of g. m. of g. m. my. 

Gd. mother's gd. mother's bro. son. 
Son of bro. of gd. mo. of my gd. mo. 
Son of brother of my old mother's 
[old mother. 



Gt. gd. mother's mother's bro. son. 
Brother's sou of gd. mo. gd. mo. my. 
Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
[brother's son. 
Great great great uncle's son (m. s.). 

II II II II <( <f 

II II II II (I ft 

Gt. gd. mother's mother's bro. son. 
Great great great uncle's son. 



Son of maternal great great great 
[uncle. 
Son of great great great uncle. 



160. Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
brother's grandson. 



Ibu ibn khal ummi .... 
Ibn ibu akhi sitt sitti . 



M. m. m. m. y. voretein voretin 

Mac mic drihar mo h. v. mo h. v. 

Ogha brathar mo shin sin sean 

[m'hathar 



Tip oldemoders broders bamebarn 

Sonars, bro. langa langommu mins 

Mormors mormors brorsons son.... 

[grandson 

Maternal great great great uncle's 
Over over oud ooms klein zoon... 
Groot groot groot ooms groot zoon 
Antke mohders m. bro kinds k. 

Ururgross oheims enkel 

Ururgross oheims eukel 



Avunculi maximi nepos. 
Megistou theiou eggonos. 



Translation. 



Son of s. of m. u. of g. m. of m. my 
Sou of s. of bro. of g. m. of g. m. my 

[son's son. 

Gd. mother's gd. mother's brother's 

Sou of s. of bro. of g. m. of my g. m. 

Grandchild of brother of my old mo- 

[ther's old mother. 



[grandchild. 

Great gd. mother's mother's brother's 
Son's son of bro. of g. in. g. m. my. 
Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
[brother's son's son. 
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's grandson (m. s.). 



Gt. gd. mo. mother's bro. gd. child. 
Great great great uncle's grandson. 



Gd. son of maternal great great great 

[uncle. 

Grandson of great great great uncle. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



119 



TABLE I. Continued. 



161. Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
brother's great grandson. 



Translation. 



162. Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
sister. 



Translation. 



10 
11 
12 
13 

14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
'21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn ibn ibn kMl sitt timmi. 
Ibn ibn ibn aklii sitt sitti... 



Metz m. metz m. y. v. v. voretin 

Mac m. m. drihar m. b. v. m. h. v. 

lar ogha brathar mo shin sin sean 

[m'liattiar 



[barns barn 

Tip oldemoders broders barne- 

Sonar s. s. bro. langa 1'mmu mins 

Mormors mormors brorson sonson 

[great grandson 

Maternal great great great uncle's 
Over o. oud ooms achter kleiu zoon 
Kozyn. b Gt. gt. ooms gt. gt. zoon 
Antke mohders m. brohrs k. k. k. 

Ururgross oheims ureukel 

Ururgross oheiins grosseukel 



Avnnculi maximi pronepos. 
Megistou theiou proggonos.. 



S. of s. of s. of m. u. of g. m. of m. my. 
H. of s. of s. of bro. of g. m. of g. m. my. 

[son's son's son. 

Gd. mother's gd. mother's brother's 

S. of s. of s. of bro. of g. m. of my g.m. 

Gt. gd. child of brother of my old 

[mother's old mother. 



[great grandchild. 

Gt. gd. mother's mother's brother's 
Son's s. s. of bro. of g. m. g. m. my. 
Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
[brother's son's son's son. 
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son (m. s.). 

u it it u K it t( 

Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. s. 
Gt. gd. mo. mo. bro. gt. gd. child. 
Great gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson. 



Great grandson of mater, great great 
[great nncle. 

Great grandson of great great great 
[uncle. 



Khalet sitt ummi., 
Ikht sitt sitti 



Metz morns metz mora kooera 

Driffur mo han vahair mo ban v'r 

Phiuthar mo shin sin seau m'hat- 

[har 



Tip oldemoders soster 

Langa langommu systirr min.... 
Mormors mormors syster 



Maternal great great great aunt. 

Over over oud moeje 

Groote groote groote moeje 

Antke mohders mohders sister.. 

Ururgross muhme 

Ururgross muhme 



Matertera maxima. 
Megiste theia 



Mat. aunt of gd. moth, of moth. my. 
Sister of gd. moth, of gd. moth. my. 



Grandmother's grandmother's sister. 
Sister of gd. moth, of my gd. moth. 
Sister of my old mother's old mother. 



Great grandmother's mother's sister. 
Gd. mother's gd. mother's sister my. 
Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
[sister. 
Great great gt. annt (mother's side). 



Great grandmother's mother's sister. 
Great great great annt. 



Maternal great great great aunt. 
Great great great aunt. 



Khooshkeh dapeereh dapeereh uiun 



Sister of grandmother of grandmother 

[my. 



163. Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
sister's sun. 



Translation. 



164. Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
sister's grandnon. 



Translation. 



10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 



Ibn khalet sitt ummi. 
Ibn ikht sitt sitti 



Metz m. metz m. crocha voretin... 

Mac driffur mo han vahair m. h. v. 

Mac phiuthar mo shin sin sean 

[m'hathar 



Tip oldemoders sb'sters son 

Systur sonr langa langommn mins 
Mormors mormors systerson 



Maternal gt. gt. gt. aunt's son 

Over over oud mojes zoon 

Groote groote groote moejes zoon.. 
Antke mohders mohders sist. soohn 

Ururgross muhme sohn 

Ururgross muhme sohn 



Materterae maximse filius . 
Megistes theias pais 



Son of mat. aunt of g. m. of mo. my. 
Son of sister of g. m. of g. m. my. 



Gd. mother's gd. mother's sist. son. 

Son of sister of gd. mo. of my gd. mo. 

Son of sister of my old mother's old 

[mother. 



Gt. gd. mother's mother's sist. son. 
Sister's son of gd. mo. gd. mo. my. 
Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
[sister's son. 
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's son (mother's side]. 



Gt. gd. mother's mother's sist. son. 
Great great great aunt's son. 



Son of mat. great great great aunt 
Son of great great great aunt. 



Ibn ibn khalet sitt ummi.. 
Ib 11 ibn ikht sitt sitti 



M. m. m. m. c. voretein voretin... 

Mac mic driffer m. h. v. m. h. v. 

Ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean 

[m'hathar 



Tip oldemoders sosters barnebarn 
Sonar s. syst. langa I'mmim mins 
Mormors mormors systers sonson.. 

Mat. gt. gt. gt. annt's grandson... 
Over over oud moejes klein zoou.. 
Groote gte. gte. moejes klein zoon 
Antke mohders m. sisters kinds k. 

Ururgross muhme enkel 

Ururgross muhme enkel 



Materterse maximse nepos. 
Megistes theias eggonos... 



S. of s. of mat. u. of g. m. of m. my. 
S. of s. of sister of g. m. of g. m. my. 



Gd. mo. gd. mo. sister's son's son. 
S. of s. of sister of g. mo. of my g. m. 
Gd. child of sister of my old mother's 
[old mother. 



[grandchild. 

Gt. grandmother's mother's sister's 
Son's son of sister of g. m. g. m. my. 
Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
[sister's sou's son. 
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's grandson (m. s.) 



Gt. gd. mother's sister's grandchild. 
Great great great aunt's grandson. 



Grandson of matern. gt. gt. gt. aunt. 
Grandson of great great great aunt. 



120 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 




165.. Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
sister's great grandson. 


Translation. 


166. Husband. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn ibn ibn khalet sitt finiini 


S. of s. of s. of m. a. of g. m. of m. my. 
S. of s. of s. of sist. ofg.m. ofg. rn.my. 

Gd. mo. gd. mo. sist. son's son's son. 
S. of s. of s. of sis. of g. m. of my g. m. 
Great grandchild of sister of my old 
[mother's old mother. 

[great grandchild. 
Great grandmother's mother's sister's 
Son's s. s. of sist. ofg. m. g. m. my. 
Mother's mother's mother's mother's 
[sister's son's son's son. 
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son (m. s.). 

it tf ft tt ft it it, 

Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. s. 
Gt. gd. mother's sister's gt. gd. child. 

Great gt. gt. aunt's great grandson. 
tt tt tt it 

Great grandson of maternal great 
[great great aunt 
Great grandson of great great great 
[aunt. 


Zuji 


Husband my. 

t( u 

Husband my (lit. man iny). 

Husband my. 

a ct 

My husband. 

It (( 

(t ft 
ft ft 

Husband, 
tt 

it 

Husband my. 
Man. 
Husband, 
ft 

u 

ti 

tt 
tf 
u 

My husband. 

tt tt 

Husband. 
tt 
it 
tt 
tt 

My husband. 
t u 

(C ff 

Husband my. 

u tt 

My husband. 
Husband my. b Old man. 
Husband my. 
Lord my. 
Husband. 
Man my. b Consort. 


[tin 
Metz m. metz m. crocha v. v. vore- 
Mac mio m. driffer m. h. v. m. h. v. 
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean 
[m'hathar 

[barn 
Tip oldemoders sosters barnebarns 
Sonars, s. syst. langa I'ommu mins 
Mormors niormors systersons son- 
[son 
Mat. gt. gt. gt. aunt's grandson... 
Over o. oud nioejes aoht. kl. zoon 
Kozyn. b Ge. ge. ge. moejes g. g. z. 
Antke mohders m. sisters k. k. k. 


Ishi 














Snohixr 


Pati. b Bhartar. Dhavar 


Husbond. b Mand. c Genial 
Madr (boiidi) min 




Huv. b Wir. c Bonda 










Mann. b Gatte. c Gemahl 


Ururgross muhuie grossenkel 


Gatte 










Vir. b Maritua 
























M6reh mun 














167. Husband's father. 


Translation. 


168. Husband's mother. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 




Uncle my. 
tt (t 

Father-in-law my. 

ft K t( u 

Half father. 

My other's father. 
it t( ft 

u tt tt 
Father of my husband. 

Father-in-law. 
tt it it 

Father-in-law my. 

Father-in-law. 

u tt tt 

tt it it 
tt tt it 
tt tt tt 

Father. 
Father-in law. 
it it u 

My father-in-law. 

Father-in-law. 

tt u it 

it it it 
tt it tt 
tt tt it 

My husband's father. 
My father-in-law. 
tt it tt tt 

Father-in-law my. 
tt <t tt tt 

My father-in-law, 
tt tt tt tt 

Father of husband my. 
Father-in-law my. 




Wife of uncle my. 
Mother-in-law my. 

tt tt u a 
tf tf ft ft 

Half mother. 

My other's mother. 
ti tf ti 
it tt tf 

Mother of my husband. 

Mother-in-law. 

tf tt a 

Mother-in-law my. 

Mother-in-law. 
ft <f it 

it u tt 

ft tf tt 
<t ft ti 

Mother. 
Mother-in-law. 

it tt ft 

My mother-in-law. 

Mother-in-law. 
ti tt ft 
K tt tf 
tt ft tt 
<t ft ft 

My husband's mother. 
My mother-in-law. 

tt tt 11 tt 

Mother-in-law my. 

tt ti tt ft 

My mother-in-law. 
(i ft tt tt 

Mother-in-law my. 
Mother-in-law my. 




Hamati 


KIlflMlI 








































Svarfar.... 




















Vader 




Schwiegervater. b Schwaher 
















Sogro 


So^ra 














Mano szeszuras 












Svekr mi 












Kayni biibam 




Baveh. m6reh mun 




Ipaxu 




AppTni 









OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



121 



TABLE I. Continued. 




168. Husband's grandfather. 


Translation. 


170. Husband's grandmother. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Jidd zoji 


Grandfather of husband my. 
u *t - a tf 

it if tt u 
Father of my half father. 
Father of my husband. 

Grandfather of my wife. 

Father-in-law's father. 
Grandfather of man my. 
Husband's grandfather 

Father-in-law's father. 
Husband's grandfather. 

it u 
My husband's grandfather. 

it t( U 

The grandfather of my husband. 
Great father-in-law. 

U (( (( tt 

Father of father-in-law. 
My grandfather. 

tt U 

Grandfather my. 

My grandfather-in-law. 
Grandfather of husband iny. 

Great father-in-law my. 


Sitt zoji 


Grandmother of husband my. 

ti it K ti 

u u tt it 

tt tt It U 

Grandmother of my husband. 
ti ti tf 

Father-in-law's mother. 
Grandmother of man my. 
Husband's grandmother. 

Mother of mother-in-law. 
Husband's grandmother. 

it ti 

My husband's grandmother, 
tt tt tt 

The grandmother of my husband. 
Great mother-in-law. 

tf ft it (i 

Mother of father-in-law. 

My grandmother. 

tt tt 

Grandmother my. 

My grandmother-in-law. 
Grandmother of husband my. 

Great mother-in-law my. 




Sitt zauji 




Sawunta d'goree 




















































Ante su opera 














Muj ded 




Deda mi 
























171. Wife. 


Translation. 


172. Wife's father. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
G 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ainrati 


Woman my. 
Wife my. 
Wife my (lit. woman my). 

Wife my. 
"it a 

My woman. 
if it 
it tf 

My wife. 

Wife, 
it 

H 

Wife my. 

Wife. 
u 

It 

tt 
It 
It 
It 
It 

My wife. b My woman. 
Spouse. b Wife. c Consort. 
Wife. 
Wife. b Consort. 

Wife. 
<( 

My wife. 

ft ft 

tt ft 

Wife iny. 

u ti 

My wife. 
Wife uiy. b Woman. 
Wife my. 
Half my. 

Wife. 
Woman my. h Consort.. 




Uncle my. 
tt ft 

Giver in marriage my (masculine). 
Wife's father my. 
Father-in-law my. 

My other's father. 

tt it ft 
tt it it 

My father-in-law. 

Father-in law. 
<t tf tf 

Father-in-law my. 

Father-in-law, 
ft it if 
it if (f 
tt tt tt 
it tt ii 

Wife's father. 
Father-in-law. 

it if it 

My father-in-law. 
Father-in-law. 

it ii it 

K it ti 
it it ti 
ti tt it 

My wife's father. 
My father-in-law. 

If ft U tt 

Father-in-law my. 

ft it it ft 

My father-in-law, 
tt tt tt ti 

Father-in-law my. 
Father-in-law my. 






Ishtl* 


Klidtk' in! 








Ahnare 


















zau 




Patui. b Bhirya. c Juya 












Svarfar 


\Vif 




Wife. Spouse 












Frau 




Weib. b Frau. c Gattin. d Gemah- 
Gattin [lin 










Epose. b Mujir. Consorte 
































Test mi 




Tust mi 





























16 November, 1809. 



122 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 




173. Wife's mother. 


Translation. 


174. Wife's grandfather. 


Translation. 


I 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ararat ammi 


Wife of unule my. 

(( tl tl U 

Giver in marriage my (fem.). 
Wife's mother my. 
Mother of wife my. 
My other's mother. 
11 a 11 
it 11 ti 
My mother-in-law. 

Mother-in-law. 
11 11 u 

Mother-in-law ray. 
Mother-in-law, 
ti u u 
ti u 11 
u u u 

11 (1 11 

Wife's mother. 
Mother-in-law. 
ti u i< 

My mother-in-law. 
Mother-in-law. 

11 It fl 

a tc (t 
11 u a 

it ti tt 

My wife's mother. 
My mother-in-law. 
it it ti it 

Mother-in-law my. 
ti ii it it 

My mother-in-law. 

it u ti it 

Mother of wife my. 
Mother-in-law my. 


Jidd amrati 


Grandfather of wife my. 
u ti n it 

tt if It tc 

Grandfather of my wife, 
tt tt tf ii 

Wife's grandfather. 
Grandfather of wife my. 
Wife's grandfather. 

u u 
it tt 

tt ti 
The grandfather of my wife. 

it It It ' U 

ft ft ff ft 

Great father-in-law. 

(f tt tf it 

Wife's grandfather. 

My grandfather, 
ft tt 

Grandfather my. 

My grandfather-in-law. 
Grandfather of wife my. 

Great father-in-law my. 


Ininu'it ammi 
Khiith 'antl 


Jaddzauji 


Klimiitee 


Mo han ahair mo cheli 


Aiinarocnus 






Moir si laigh 


Mam fy ngwraig 
(Jvaqura 




Svigermoder 


Afl gonu minnar 




Hustrus farfar -.. 




Wife's grandfather 






Behuwd groot vader 




Frauen bess vader 






Der grossvater meiner frau 


Schwiegermutter 




L'ai'eul de ma femme 




Ante suocero 








Socer magnus 








Moj dziadek 
















Kayni dSdSm 










Tso appTni 












175. Wife's grandmother. 


Translation. 


176. Step-father. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
M 
37 
38 
39 


Sitt amrati 


Grandmother of wife my. 
u tt a 

it ii ti 
My other's old mother. 

Grandmother of my wife. 

Wife's grandmother. 
Grandmother of wife mine. 
Wife's grandmother. 

it ii 
a ti 

ii ii 

The grandmother of my wife, 
it ti ti " ti 
u u ii it 

Great mother-in-law. 

tt it ii it 

Wife's grandmother. 

My grandmother. 

it u 

Grandmother my. 

My grandmother-in-law. 
Grandmother of wife my. 

Great mother-in-law my. 




Uncle my. 

it U 

Husband of mother my. 
Father my (step). 
My step-father, 
tt tt tt 
ft tt tt 

ft U tf 

ft ll tl 

Step- father. 
Step-father mine. 
Step-father, 
ft it 
a f< 
(t tt 
tt tt 
tt ft 
ft ft 
tt tt 
My step-father. 
Step-father, 
tt tt 
it tt 
ft tf 
tt tt 

My step- father. 

tt a n 
tt tt it 

Step-father my. 
My step-father. 
My fatherhood. 
My step-father. 

My father half. 






Sawiiuta d' bakhtee 














M'oide 




Fy llus tad 




Stedfader 




Styupfadir min 




Styffar 












Frauen bess mohder 




Stief vader 












































Kayni mSnfina 






Diipeereh zhumay 




Ts& anopplnl 











OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



123 



TABLE I. Continued. 




177. Step-mother. 


Translation. 


178. Step-son. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
l(i 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3t> 
37 
38 
39 


Khaleti 


Aunt my. 
ft it 

Wife of father my. 
Mother my (step) 

My step-mother. 
it a ti 

(i n it 

Step-mother. 

n it 

Step-mother mine. 

Step-mother. 

ti tt 

tt it 
it u 
tt it 
tt tt 
tt tt 
ti tt 

My step-mother. 

Step-mother. 
tt tt 

it it 
tt tt 
tt it 

My step-mother. 

tt n n 

ti it ti 

Step-mother my. 

" it tt 

My step-mother. 
My motherhood. 
Step-mother my. 

My mother half. 


Karfiti 


Step-son my. 
Son of wife my. 
Son of husband or wife my. 
Son my (step). 
My step-son. 

ti U it 
(( (C 11 

Husband's son. 
Step-son. 
Step-son mine. 
Step-son. 

(( 4i 
tt 11 

I It 

c tt 

t u 
t ti 

I U 

My step-son. 

Step-son. 
u tt 

II <C 

tt tl 
tt tl 

My step-son. 

(( U tl 

n tt it 
Step-son my. 

(i u it 

My step-son. 
My souhood. b Not own son. 
My step-son. 

Son half my. 


Khiilati 


Kiibihi . ... 


Esheth abhi 




Ymmee ligii 




Hortmire 




Mo las valiair 




Fy llus fam 


Fy llus fab 


Vimuta 




Stedmoder 




Styupmodir mill 




Styfmor 


gtyf^nn 


Steop modor 




Stepmother 




Stief moeder 




Step moeder 




Stief mohder 




Stiefmutter 


Stief sohn . 






Ma belle-mere 




Madrastra 




Madrastra 




Matrigna 




Noverca 




Matruia 




Mano moczeka 




Moja macocha 




Ma ruacocha 




Mash te!i a mi 




Mashteha mi 




Maja matchikha 






(Vhulukun b Eoy oghiil 


DamSereli mun 




Mostoha anyain 




Alt! puoleni 


Poikix puoleni 










170. Step-danghter. 


Translation. 


180. Step-brother. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
IS 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Kariiteti 


Step-daughter my. 
Daughter of wife my. 
Daughter of husband or wife my. 
Daughter my (step). 
My step-daughter. 
a ti a 

ti it it 

Husband's daughter. 
Step-daughter. 
Step-daughter my. 
Step-daughter. 
a tt 
it ti 
it it 
it it 
it it 
ti tt 
tt it 

My step-daughter. 

Step-daughter. 
a a 

it it 
u a 
it it 

My step-daughter. 
<( u n 

t< it it 

Step-daughter my. 
tt tt tt 

My step-daughter. 
My daughterliood. '' Not own dau. 
My step-daughter. 

Daughter half my. 


Akhi 


Brother my. 
ti n 

Son of father or mother my. 
Son of mother my (step). 
My step-brother. 

U (( (( 

It tt tl 
It tl tl 

Step-brother. 

(t <( 

Step-brother mine. 

Step-brother. 

tt 

it 
it 
tt 
u 
tt 
it 

My step-brother. 
My step-brother or half brother. 
Step-brother. 
a u 
tt ti 

My half brother. 
tt it tt 

Step-brother my. 

My brotherhood. 
My .step- brother. 
Son of father my. 

Brother half my. 


Kabihati 


Akhi.. 


Bath Mil " bath Ishti . 


Bgn abhi or ben immi 






Horte tooster 








Fy llus ferch . 






Bhartr suta 


Vaimatra 


Steddatter 




Styupdottir miu 




Styfdotter 


Styfbror 














Step dochter 




Stief dochter 


Stief brohr 


Stieftoohter 




Stieftochter . 


Stiefbruder 


Ma belle-fille 




Hijastra 










Fratellastro 




Frater 














Dovedenitsa mi 
Paisterka mi 


Zavarnik mi 


Maja padtcheritza 























124" 



SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 




181. Step-sister. 


Translation. 


182. Son-in-law. 


Tran.slation. 


I 
Z 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Akhti 


Sister my. 

ft U 

Daughter of father or mother my. 
Daughter of mother my (step). 

My step-sister, 
u ft tt 

tt ti tt 
it it tt 

Step-sister. 

t it 

Step-sister my. 
Step-sister, 
u it 

tt tt 
tt tt 
tt tt 
tt tt 
tt it 
tt tt 

My step-sister. 
My step-sister or half-sister. 
Step-sister. 

tt If 

t< tt 

My half-sister, 
tt tt tt 

Step-sister my. 

My not own sister. 
My step-sister. 

Sister half my. 


Khatan. b Saha 


Son-in-law. l( Bridegroom. 

11 U 
it U ti 
U ti 11 

Son in-law my. 
My son-in-law. 

u a 

11 11 H 
it tt tt 

Son-in-law. 

a tt 

Son-in-law my. 

Son-in-law. 

it tt 

tt tt 
tt M 
it 

Daughter's husband. 
Son-in-law. b Daughter's husband. 

tt U ft (( 

My son-in-law. 

Son-in-law. 

t< u 

tt tt 
ft tt 
tt <t 

tt <t 

My son-in-law. 
Son-in-law. 

Son-in-law my. 

tt tt tt 

My son-in-law. 

U H (t 

Son-in-law my. 

It tt U 

tt tl tt 


Ikhti 


Suhri 




Klrthani 
















Mo chliamhiun 






Mabnnghy fraith 


Vaimatri . . 














Mag... 
























Schwiegersohn. b Tochtermann.. 
Schwiegersohn. b Tochterniann.. 






















Mfmo pussesu (utrao) 






Ma newlastna aestra 












Eoy6 knzkarndashum 






ihooshkee munch khort 








Slsar puolent 


WS-vyut 










183. Daughter-in-law. 


Translation. 


184. Brother-in-law (husbaud's brother). 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
:i4 

u 

M 

37 
88 
89 


Kinnet 


Daughter-in-law. 

ti tt 

Daughter-in-law. b Bride. 

tt ti tt 

My son's woman. 

My danghter-in-law. 
tt it tt 

Danghter-in-law. 
tf ft 

ft tf 

Danehter-in-Iaw mine. 
Daughter-in-law, 
f tt 
t tt 
t tf 
t tf 
Son s daughter. 

Daughter-in-law, 
it it 

My danghter-in-law. 
Daughter-in-law, 
if u 
it it 
tt ti 
ft tt 

My daughter-in-law, 
fi it it 

Daughter-in-law my. 

ti tt ft 

My daughter-in-law, 
u tt it 

Daughter-in-law my. 
ti u it 

ti u u 




Son of uncle my. 
Husband's brother my. 
Brother-in-law my. 

Husband's brother my. 
Brother-in-law. 

My other's brother, 
tt u t< 

Husband of my brother. 
My brother-iii-law. 

Brother-in-law, 
tf ft 

Brother-in-law mine. 

Brother-in-law. 

tt it 

i it 
t ti 
t u 
t tt 
i tt 
t it 
My brother-in-law. 

Brother-in-law, 
tt tt 

tt tt 

tt <t 
tt tt 

Husband's brother. 
My brother-in-law. 
a tt tt 

Brother-in-law my. 

ft ft tt 

My brother-in-law, 
tt it tt 

Husband's brother my. 
tt tt ti 


Kinnati 


Silfi 


Kallathf 


Y'bhami 


Kelta 




Ban mo vie 






Inneen sy laigh 


Mo bhrathair ceille 




Merch yunghy fraith 


R 1 1 - fl 


Aroos 




Snuska 


Svigerdatter 




Tengdadottir min 




Sonhustru 




Snor. b Snorn 




Daughter-in-law 




Schoon dooliter 


7 


Schoon dochter 


<Z \ V. A 


Soohns frail 




Schwiegertochter. b Schnnr 
Schwiegertochter 
Ma bru 
Nuera 
Nora 


Schwager 
Sch wager 
Mon beau-frere 
Cxinado 


Figliastra 
Nurns 
Nuos 

Moja ziec 


Cognato 
Lerir 
Daer 




Ma nevesta 
Snnha mi 


MQj swat (swagor) 


Snuha mi 
Moja tmokha. b Nevestka 
GSlInim 


Dever mi 
Moi dever 
Kiiyinim 


Menyem 
Mlnl&ni 


Vu.stiioora 
Kytyni 







OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



125 



TABLE I. Continued. 




185. Brother-in-law (sister's husband). 


Translation. 


186. Brother-in-law (wife's brother). 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Znj akhti 


Husband of sister my. 
it (t it 

a tt it 

My sister's man. 
it tt it 

Husband of my sister. 
My brother-in-law. 

Brother-in-law. 
Brother-in-law (sister's man). 
Brother-in-law mine. 

Brother-in law. 
< 

i 

i 
c 
< 

ft 

(C 

My brother-in-law. 
Brother by courtesy. 
Brother-in-law. 
tt tt 
it it 
tt tt 

My brother-in-law. 
tt tt n 

Brother-in-law my. 

tt tt it 

My brother-in-law, 
tt tt it 

Brother-in-law my. 
Sister's husband my. 




Son of uncle my. 

ft it if 

Brother of wife my. 


Suhri 






AkhSna d'bakhtee 








My other's brother. 

tl U it 

Brother of my wife. 
My brother-in-law. 

Brother-in-law. 
n 

Brother-in-law mine. 
Brother-in-law. 

a n 

tt H 
tl 11 
It It 
tt tt 
11 tt 
tt It 

My brother-in-law. 
Brother-in-law. 

u t( 

t( (C 

(( It 

Wife's brother. 

My brother-in-law, 
u tt tt 

Brother-in-law my. 

tt tt 

My brother-in-law. 

(4 tt if 

Son. 
Wife's brother my. 


Fear uio pkiuthar cbeille 










Brawd ynnghy fraith 




Syalah. b Syalakah 


Svo^er. Sosters mand 








Svager 




Athum 








Z wager 




Reihtswaer 




Swoger 




Sch waiter 




Srhwager 




Mon beau-frere 








Cunhado 




Cognati 




Maritus sororis 


Kedestes 






Laigon&s 




Muj swat 


Muj swat 


Zet mi 




Zet mi 




Moi dever 




EuTshtim 










NaalS.ni 










187. Brother-in law (wife's sister's husband). 


Translation. 


188. Sister-in-law (wife's sister). 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
2!) 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
: J >7 
38 
39 


Zoj bint ammi 


Daughter of uncle my. 
Sister's husband of wife my. 

Husband of my wife's sister. 

My other's sister's man. 
tt tt tt tt 

Sister's husband of wife mine. 
Sister's husband of wife. 

Wife's sister's husband. 
The husband of my sister-in-law. 

Wife's sister's husband. 
tt ft tt 

Husbands of two sisters. 

Brother-in-law my. 
Brother-in-law. 

My brother-in-law. 
Husband of my wife's sister. 

Wife's sister's husband my. 




Daughter of uncle my. 

ft ft tt tt 

Sister of my wife. 
Sister of my wife. 
My other's sister, 
tt tt tt 

Sister of my wife. 
My sister-iu-Iaw. 

Sister-in-law. 

(f U 

Sister-in-law my. 

Sister-in-law. 

tt 
tt tt 
it ti 
ti tt 
it tt 
it it 

My sister-in-law. 

Sister-in-law, 
tt tt 

if it 
u u 

Wife's sister. 
My sister-in-law, 
tt ft tt 

Sister-in-law (Turkish). 

My sister-in-law. 
tt it tt 

Sister-in-law my. 
tt tt tt 


Audili 






Barakhmatee 


Far driflur mo chelT 




Driffur mo ch&H 


Brathair ceille mo rnhua 










Syalika 


Svigerinde. b Kones soster 


Maggona. b Tengdasystur min. ... 
















Der uiaiiu meiuer suhwagerin 








Concuiihado 










Badjanak (Turkish) 

































126 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE I. Continued. 




189. Sister-iu-law (husband's sister). 


Translation. 


190. Sister-in-law (brother's wife). 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Bint m ' 


Daughter of uncle ray. 
a ii ii 

Sister of husband my. 
Sister-in-law my. 
My other's sister. 
11 11 11 

Sister of my husband. 
My sister-in-law. 

Sister-in-law. 
Sister-in-law. ( b Man's sister.) 
Sister-in-law mine. 
Sister-in-law. 

11 <! 

11 
11 
11 
it 
it 

My sister-in-law. 
My sister-in-law by courtesy. 
Sister-in-law. 

41 It 
(( 11 

Husband's sister. 

My sister-in-law, 
u tt 11 

Sister-in-law my. 
Sister-in-law. 

My sister-in-law. 

tt it tt 

Sister-in-law my. 

tt ti tt 

Husband's sister my. 


Ararat akhi 


Wife of brother my. 
ti it ti tt 

Sister-in-law my. 
Sister my. 
Sister-in-law. 
My brother's woman. 

Wife of my brother, 
it tt it ii 

My sister-in-law. 

Brother's wife. 
Sister-in-law. b Brother's wife. 
Sister-in-law mine. 
Sister-in-law. 

a ii 
ti i 
ti i 
nt . 
ti i 
ii i 

My sister-in-law. 

Sister-iu-law. 
it it 

ii ii 

My sisler-in-law. 

it it tt 

Sister-in-law my. 
tt it ti 

My sister-in-law. 
My brother's wife. 
Wife of brother my. 

Brother's my wife. 




Silfati 


Kliata d'jroree 


Y'chimti 


Khatee 


Dalles 










Beau mo bhrathair 




Beu my braar 




Chwaer ynughy fraith 




Prajavati 




Svigerinde. b Broders kone. 


Maggona. Systur Manns rains.. 


Maggona. b Br5dur koua mins... 






















Schwiigerin 


Schwagerin 






Canada politica 








Glos 


Fratria . 


Galos 




Mosza 


Moja zolovka 


Ma swatine. b Swagrina 




Zolovka. b Sestritza 




Zulva 




Moja zolovka 








Gorfimeh mun 








NatonI 










191. Sister-in-law (husband's brother's 
wife). 


Translation. 


192. Two father's-in-law to each other. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
S3 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ararat ibn ammi 


Wife of son of unole my. 
11 it it 11 tt 

Sister-in-law my. 
Wife of my husband's brother. 
Sister-in-law. 
My other's brother's woman. 

Sister-in-law. 

Wife of brother of man my. 
Wife of brother. 

My brother-in-law's wife. 
The wife of my brother-in-law. 

Husband's brother's wife, 
it 11 it 

11 it 11 
Wives of brothers. 

Sister-in-law my. 
Sister-iu-law. 

My sister-in-law. 
Sister-iu-law. 

Brother's wife my. 




Uncle of son my. 
Marriage relations. 

Marriage relations. 
(If not of same family.) 

Not related. 
The fathers of the married pair. 

Marriage relations. 


Silfati 




Y'clrimtl 






Nare ess 


Ban drihar mo ehell 


Yata 




Kona brodur manns minfl.. . . 


Svagerska 




Meines schwagers frau 


Die frau ineiuea schwagers 


Concufiada 




Concunhada 


Jamitrices 


Einateres 


Etnrva mi 


.Svat 


Eltl-m 


Svat 


Father-in-law. 


Idemta 


Kalynl 










OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



127 



TABLE I. Continued. 




193. Two mothers-in-law to each other. 


Translation. 


194. Widow. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 




Wife of uncle of son my. 

Marriage relations. 

Marriage relations. 
(If not of same family.) 

Not related. 
The mothers of the married pair. 

Mother-in-law. 




Widow. 

< 

i 
i 
t 

t 
t 

t 

Widow (wedder single). 
u 

M 
It 
H 
(( 
U 

a 

t 
i 

< 
t 

t 

A widow. 
Widow. 

M 

U 
M 

tt 

u 
tt 
M 

M 
(C 

tt 

tt 
it 
tt 

it 




























Enke 


Ekkya . . 




Enka 


Laf 








Widdefrau 


Wittfrau. b Wittwe 


Wittwe 






Vidua ' 










Naszle 




Wdowa 


Vdovitsa 


















Leskf 








195. Widower. 


Translation. 


196. Twins. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 

21; 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 




Widower. 



M 

It 
il 
fl 
tt 

H 

a 

H 
M 

({ 

| 

( 
1 
I 
I 

A TV i dower. 
Widower. 

H 
M 
H 
M 

tt 
it 
M 
H 

11 


H 
M 
H 

H 


T6me 


Twins. 

u 
tt 

Pairs. 
Twins. 
A pair. 

Twins. 

it 

H 

tt 
it 
It 
it 

tt 

tt 
tt 
tt 
it 
tt 
it 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 

tt 
tt 
It 
tt 
it 
tt 
tt 

tt 

it 




Taum 




T'omim 












Beirth b Deesh 












Efilliaid 








Ekkill 


Tviburar 








Twins 








Z welling 


Widdeman 




Wittmaun. b Wittwer 




Wittwer 








Viduo 


Gemelli. b Mellizi 










Viduus 








Naszlyg 




Wdowiec 














Blinatzi 




Dvoini 


Dfil ... 


Ekiz 


Zhunebee 


Iker 













PART II. 

CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP. 






GANOWANIAN FAMILY 



WITH A TABLE. 



17 Deoemoer, 1869. i -, on \ 



CHAPTER I. 

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY. 

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS, TOGETHER WITH AN ANALYSIS OF THE SYSTEM. 

Evidence of the Unity of Origin of the Indian Family Name proposed for this Family Their System elaborate 
and complicated Opulence of Nomenclatures Usages tending to its Maintenance American Indians, when 
related, salute by Kin Never address each other by Personal Name Manner of Procuring their System of Rela- 
tionship White Interpreters Indians speaking English Their Progress in this respect Many Languages now 
accessible Others which are not The Table Dialectical Variation Less than has been supposed Advan- 
tages of a Uniform Notation Of Using same Pronominal Forms Etymologies of Terms lost Identity of the 
System throughout the Family Deviations from Uniformity Their Uses The Tribal Organization Prohibi- 
tion of Intermarriage in the Tribe Descent in the Female Line Exceptions Two Great Divisions of the 
Family Roving Indians Village Indians Intermediate Nations Three Stages of Political Organization 
The Tribe, the Nation, and the Confederacy of Nations Founded upon Consanguinity, Dialect, and Stock Lan- 
guage Numbers of the American Aborigines overestimated Analysis of their System of Relationship. 

THE recognized families of mankind have received distinctive names, which are 
not only useful and convenient in description, but serve to register the progress of 
ethnology as well. Up to the present time the linguistic evidence of the unity of 
origin of the American aborigines has not been considered sufficiently complete 
to raise them to the rank of a family, although the evidence from physical charac- 
teristics, and from institutions, manners, and customs, tends strongly in the direction 
of unity of origin. Altogether these currents of testimony lead so uniformly to 
this conclusion that American ethnologists have very generally adopted the opinion 
of their genetic connection as the descendants of a common parent nation. In the 
ensuing chapters additional and independent evidence, drawn from their system 
of relationship, will be produced, establishing, as we believe, their unity of origin, 
and, consequently, their claim to the rank of a family of nations. The name 
proposed for this family is the Ganowanian; to consist of the Indian nations 
represented in the table, and of such other nations as are hereafter found to 
possess the same system of relationship. This term is a compound from Ga'-no, 
an arrow, and Wa-a'-no, a bow, taken from the Seneca dialect of the Iroquois 
language, which gives for its etymological signification the family of " the Bow and 
Arrow." 1 It follows the analogy of "Aryan," from cm/a, which, according to Miiller, 
signifies " one who ploughs or tills," and of " Turanian," from tura, which, according 
to the same learned author, " implies the swiftness of the horseman." Should the 
family thus christened become ultimately merged in the Turanian or Indo-American, 



1 Ga-no-wa/-ni-an : a, as a in father ; ft, as a in at ; a, as a in ale. 

(131) 



132 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

which is not improbable, the term would still remain as an appropriate designation 
for the American division. 

There are several features in the elaborate system of relationship about to be 
presented that will arrest attention, and, perhaps, prompt inquiries, some of which 
it may be advisable to anticipate. 

It may be premised, first, that every relationship which is discriminated by the 
Aryan family, as well as a large number unnoticed, is recognized by the Gano- 
wanian ; secondly, that the nomenclatures of relationship in the dialects of the latter 
family are more opulent than those of any other, not excepting the Turanian; 
and thirdly, that their system is so diversified with specializations and so compli- 
cated in its classifications as to require careful study to understand its structure 
and principles. Upon the strength of these statements it may be asked how rude 
and uncultivated Indians have been able to maintain such a system of relationship 
as that unfolded in the table \ and, lastly, how it was possible to prosecute, through 
so many unwritten dialects, the minute inquiries necessary to its full development, 
and to verify the results ? The answers to these questions have such a direct 
bearing upon the truthfulness of the table, upon which the final results of this 
research must depend, as to overcome, in a great measure, the repugnance of the 
author to refer to his personal labors in tracing out this extraordinary system of 
relationship amongst the American Indian nations ; and he trusts that the necessity 
which impels him to such a reference will be received as a sufficient apology. 

A single usage disposes of the first of the proposed questions. The American 
Indians always speak to each other, when related, by the term of relationship, and 
never by the personal name of the individual addressed. In familiar intercourse, 
and in formal salutation, they invariably address each other by the exact relation- 
ship of consanguinity or affinity in which they stand related. I have put the 
question direct to native Indians of more than fifty different nations, in most cases 
at their villages or encampments, and the affirmance of this usage has been the 
same in every instance. Over and over again it has been confirmed by personal 
observation. When it is considered that the number of those who are bound 
together by the recognized family ties is several times greater than amongst 
ourselves, where remote collateral relatives are practically disowned, the necessity 
for each person to understand the system through all its extent to enable him to 
address his kinsman by the conventional term of relationship becomes at once 
apparent. It is not only the custom to salute by kin, but an omission to recognize 
in this manner a relative, would, amongst most of these nations, be a discourtesy 
amounting to an affront. In Indian society the mode of address, when speaking 
to a relative, is the possessive form of the term of relationship; e. g., my father, 
my elder brother, my grandson, my nephew, my niece, my uncle, my son-in-law, my 
brotlier-in-law, and so on throughout the recognized relationships. If the parties 
are not related, then my friend. The effect of this custom in imparting as well as 
preserving a knowledge of the system through all of its ramifications is sufficiently 
obvious. There is another custom which renders this one a practical necessity. 
From some cause, of which it is not necessary here to seek an explanation, an 
American Indian is reluctant to mention his own personal name. It would be a 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 133 

violation of good manners for an Indian to speak to another Indian by his name. 
If I ask one to tell me his name he will probably comply with my request after a 
moment's hesitation, because, as an American, the question is not singular from 
me ; but, even then, if he has a companion with him, the latter will at once relieve 
him from embarrassment by answering in his place. 1 In repeated instances I have 
verified this peculiarity in widely separated localities. This reserve in the use 
of personal names has tended to prevent the relaxation of the usage of addressing 
by kin, whilst, at the same time, it has contributed powerfully to the knowledge 
and maintenance of the system. It may also be stated, as a summary of the causes 
which have contributed to its perpetuation, that it is taught to each in childhood, 
and practised by all through life. Amongst the numerous and widely scattered 
nations represented in the table the system of consanguinity and affinity therein 
unfolded is, at this moment, in constant practical daily use. 

To the second question the answer is equally plain. Thirty years ago it would 
have been impossible to work out this system of relationship, in its details, in any 
considerable number of the languages named, from the want of a medium of com- 
munication. There are nations still on the Pacific side of the continent whose 
languages are not sufficiently opened to render them accessible, except for the 
most common purposes. The same difficulty, also, exists with respect to some 
of the nations of New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and of the Upper Missouri. The 
trapper and the trader who spend their lives in the mountains, or at the posts 
of the Fur Companies, usually acquire so much only of each language as is 
necessary to their vocation, although there are instances among this class of men 
where particular languages have been fully acquired after a residence of twenty or 
thirty years in the Indian country ; as in the case of Robert Meldrum, of the Crow 
language, of Alexander Culbertson, of the Blackfoot, and of James Kipp, of the 
Mandan. Even the Missionaries do not acquire the complete range of an Indian 
language until after a residence of fifteen or twenty years among the people 
expended in its constant study and use. The difficulty of filling up one of the 
schedules was by no means inconsiderable when perfectly competent white inter- 
preters were employed. The schedule used contains two hundred and thirty-four 
distinct questions, all of which were necessary to develop the system without passing 
beyond the third collateral line except to elicit the indicative relationships. To 
follow it through without confusion of mind is next to impossible, except by 
persons accustomed to investigation. With a white interpreter the first obstacle 
was the want of a systematic knowledge of our own method of arranging and 
describing kindred. He had, perhaps, never had occasion to give the subject a 



1 Indian names are single, and in almost all cases significant. When a nation is subdivided into 
tribes, the names are tribal property, and are kept distinct. Thus, the Wolf Tribe of the Senecas have 
a class of names which have been handed down from generation to generation, and are so well known 
that among the Iroquois the tribe of the person can generally be determined from his or her name. 
As their names are single, the connection of brothers and sisters could not be inferred from them, nor 
that of father and son. Many of the nations have a distinct set of names for childhood, another for 
maturity, and still another for old age, which are successively changed. 



134 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

moment's reflection ; and when he was taken through the second or more remote 
collateral line, with a description of each person by the chain of consanguinity, he 
was first bewildered and then confounded in the labyrinth of relationships. It was 
necessary, in most cases, to explain to him the method of our own system; after 
which the lineal and first collateral line, male and female, and the marriage rela- 
tionship in this line, were easily and correctly obtained from the native through 
him ; and also the first relationships in the second collateral line in its several 
branches. But, on passing beyond these, another embarrassment was encountered 
in the great and radical differences between the Indian system and our own, which 
soon involved the interpreter in new difficulties more perplexing than the first. 
Suffice it to state that it required patient and often repeated attempts to prosecute 
the questions successfully to the end of the schedule ; and when the work was 
finally completed it was impossible not to be suspicious of errors. The schedule, 
however, is so framed as, from its very fulness, to be, in many respects, self-correc- 
tive. It was also certain to develop the indicative relationships of the system 
however defective it might prove to be in some of its details. The hindrances 
here referred to were restricted to cases where white interpreters were necessarily 
used. 

Another and the chief answer to the supposed question is found in the progress 
made, within the last thirty years, in the acquisition of our language by a number 
of natives in the greater part of the Indian nations represented in the table. 
The need of our language as a means of commercial and political intercourse has 
been seriously felt by them ; and, within the period named, it has produced great 
changes amongst them in this respect. At the present time among the emigrant 
Indian nations in Kansas, in the Indian territory occupied by the Cherokees, 
Creeks, and Choctaws, in the territories of Nebraska and Dakota, and also among 
the nations still resident in the older States, as the Iroquois in New York, the 
Ojibwas on Lake Superior, and the Dakotas in Minnesota, there are many Indians, 
particularly half-bloods, who speak our language fluently. Some of them are 
educated men. The Indian has proved his linguistic capacities by the facility and 
correctness with which he has learned to speak the English tongue. It is, also, 
not at all uncommon to find an Indian versed in several aboriginal languages. To 
this class of men I am chiefly indebted for a knowledge of their system of relation- 
ship, and for that intelligent assistance which enabled me to trace out its minute 
details. Knowing their own method of classification perfectly, and much better 
than we do our own, they can, as a general rule, follow the branches of the several 
collateral lines with readiness and precision. It will be seen, therefore, that with 
a native sufficiently versed in English to understand the simple form used in the 
schedule to describe each person, it was only necessary to describe correctly the 
person whose relationship was sought to ascertain the relationship itself. In this 
way the chain of consanguinity was followed step by step through the several 
branches of each collateral line until the latter were merged in the lineal. With 
a knowledge, on my own part, of the radical features of the Indian system, and 
of the formulas of our own, there was no confusion of ideas between my interlocutor 
and myself since we were able to understand each other fully. If, at times, he 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 135 

lost the connection in following the thread of consanguinity, we commenced again ; 
recording the several degrees, as we advanced, by counting the fingers on each 
hand, or resorting to some other device to preserve the continuity of the line we 
were following. If his knowledge of English was limited, which was frequently 
the case, it was always manifest whether or not he understood the question, in a 
particular instance, by his answer. It will thus be seen that to obtain their system 
of relationship it was far preferable to consult a native Indian, who spoke English 
even imperfectly, rather than a white interpreter well versed in the Indian language. 
Every question on the schedule was made personal to obtain the precise term of 
relationship used by Ego, when addressing the person described. Aside from the 
reason that this is the true method of ascertaining the exact relationship, the 
Indian sometimes uses, when speaking of a relative, a different term from the one 
used when speaking to him ; and if he employs the same term in both cases the 
pronominal form is usually different. The following are illustrations of the form 
of the question: "What do I call my father's brother when I speak to him." If 
the question is asked a Seneca Indian he will answer "Ha'-nih," my father. " What 
do I call my father's brother's son if he is older than myself]" He will answer 
" Ha'-je" my elder brother. " What do I call my father's brother's son's son V 
He will answer " Ha-ali' -wuk" my son. "What should I call the same person 
were I a woman 1" He will reply " Ha-so'-neh," my nephew. After going through 
all of the questions on the schedule in this manner, with a native speaking English, 
settling the orthography, pronunciation, and accent of each term by means of 
frequent repetitions, and after testing the work where it appeared to be necessary, 
I was just as certain of the correctness of the results as I could have been if a 
proficient in this particular Indian language. The same mode of procedure was 
adopted, whether a native speaking English or a white interpreter speaking Indian 
was employed. Such schedules as were obtained through the former agency were 
always the most satisfactory, and procured with the least labor. 

It is a singular fact, but one which I have frequently verified, that those 
Americans who are most thoroughly versed in Indian languages, from a long 
residence in the Indian country, are unacquainted with their system of relationship 
except its general features. It does not appear to have attracted their attention 
sufficiently to have led to an investigation of its details even as a matter of curiosity. 
Not one of the number have I ever found who, from his own knowledge, was able 
to fill out even a small part of the schedule. Even the missionaries, who are 
scholars as well as proficients in the native languages, were unfamiliar with its 
details, as they had no occasion to give the matter a special examination. The 
Rev. Cyrus Byington, who had spent upwards of forty years of missionary life 
among the Choctas, wrote to me that " it required the united strength of the 
mission" to fill out correctly the Chocta schedule in the table ; but the difficulty 
was not so much in the system of consanguinity, although it contained some extra- 
ordinary features, as in following the several lines and holding each person 
distinctly before the mind as formally described in the schedule. The same is also 
true of the returned missionaries from Asia, Africa, and the islands of the Pacific, 
as to the system of relationship which prevailed among the people with whom they 



136 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

had severally resided for years. The attention of many of them had been arrested 
by peculiarities in the classification of kindred, but the subject, from its very nature, 
was without the range of their investigations. But with native assistance this class 
of men possess peculiar qualifications for reaching the details of the system. The 
most perfectly executed schedules in the tables were furnished by the American 
Home and Foreign Missionaries. On the other hand, the rudest Indian is familiar 
with the system of his own nation, having used it constantly throughout its entire 
range from early childhood. He will follow you through the several branches 
of each line with but little embarrassment if you can manage to engage him in the 
work. It requires experience, as well as a knowledge of the Indian character, to 
hold a native to a protracted labor of such a tedious character, and to overcome 
his aversion to continuous mental exertion. He is, also, suspicious of literary 
investigations unless he understands the motive which prompts them ; and sensitive 
to ridicule, when their peculiar usages are sought, from his knowledge of their 
great unlikeness to our own. After answering a few questions he may abruptly 
turn away and refuse to be interrogated further unless his interest is awakened by 
a sufficient inducement. It was not always possible to complete a schedule without 
consulting the matrons of the tribe. They are skilled in relationships beyond the 
males, and can resolve, with facility, questions of remote consanguinity, if the 
person is described with sufficient accuracy to show who is intended. A sketch of 
the incidents connected with the procurement of such of the schedules as were 
worked out by the writer in the Indian country would furnish a number of singular 
illustrations of Indian character. 

Another fact will become apparent upon a close examination of the table, namely, 
the near approach of the terms of relationship to each other in the several dialects 
of the same stock-language ; or, in other words, the small amount of dialectical 
change these words have undergone, as compared with other words in the published 
vocabularies of the same dialects. This was a matter of no slight surprise to the 
author. It may be accounted for in part by the constant use of these terms in 
every family, and among the members of different families which would tend to 
preserve uniformity of pronunciation ; but the chief reason is that these dialects, in 
reality, are much nearer to each other than is shown by the ordinary vocabularies. 
The greater portion of the schedules in Table II attached to Part II were 
filled out by the writer, using the same notation, and after hearing the words, or 
terms of relationship, many times repeated by native speakers. This, of itself, 
would tend to keep the amount of dialectical variation within its actual limits. On 
the contrary, the published vocabularies were made by different persons, using 
notations not uniform, and in many cases none at all, which, of itself, would tend 
to exaggerate the amount of change. The words in the table are also given with 
the pronoun my in combination with the root, which in Indian languages is a 
matter of much importance where the words are to be used for philological pur- 
poses. The pronoun my or mine, if not in every case inseparable, enters so con- 
stantly into combination with terms of a personal kind, and with names for objects 
which are personal, that a very marked change is produced in the word itself 
when the pronominal form is changed. The following may be taken as illustrations : 



OF TUB HUMAN FAMILY. 



137 



My father. 
Thy " 
His " 
Our " 
Your " 
Their " 



Kenistenaux or Cree. 
Noh --tab- we'. 
Koh'-ta-we'. 
Oh'-tii-we'. 
Koolr-ta-we'. 
Koh'-ta-we-woo'. 
Oolr-tii-we-woo-wa' 



My mother. N'-ga'-we. 

Thy " Ke-ga'-we. 

His " Oh'-ga'-we-a, 

Our " Ke-ga-we-nan'. 

Your " Ke-ga-we-woo'. 

Their " Oh'-ga'-we-woo-a'. 



Cherokee. 
A-do'-da. 


Seneca-Iroquois. 
Ha'-nih. 


Tsa-do'-da. 


Ya'-nih. 


Oo-do'-da. 


Ho'-nih. 


E-ge-do'-da. 
E.-tse-do-da. 


Sa-dwa'nih. 
Sez-wa'-nih. 


Oo-ne-do'-da. 


Ha-go'-nih. 


A'-tse. 
Is-huh'-tse. 


Noh-yeh'. 
Ga-no'-eh. 


Oo'tse. 


Hoo-no'-eh. 


E-ge'tse. 
E-tse'-tse. 


A-te'no-eh. 
A-che'-no-eh. 


Oo-ne'-tse. 


Ho-un-de-no'-eh. 



These pronominal inflections are carried much further in the Ganowanian lan- 
guages than philologists have generally supposed, although this characteristic has 
been fully recognized. 1 From the fact that the terms of relationship almost uni- 
versally involve the pronoun it became important to secure the advantages which 
would result from a comparison of these terms as well as for ascertaining the direct 
relationship to Ego of his blood kindred that all the answers to the questions in the 
table should be in the same pronominal form. These questions, therefore, are to 
be understood as made in the direct form. " What do I call the person (described 
in the question) when I speak to him by the relationship which he sustains to 
me V and the term given in the table is to be understood as responsive to the 
question in this form ; e. g., " my father," " my son," " my nephew." It would be 
impossible for an American Indian, in most of the nations, to use one of these terms 
in the abstract. 2 There are some exceptions. 



1 There are specializations in the dual and plural numbers which, so far as the writer is aware, 
have never been presented by Indian grammarians. My attention was first called to these additional 
inflections by the Rev. Evan Jones, who for upwards of forty years has been a missionary among the 
Cherokees, and who during this period has fully mastered the structure and principles of this lan- 
guage. The pronoun myself in the Cherokee is perfect and independent ; the pronoun my, as also 
in Iroquois, is capable of a separate inflection ; and all the terms of relationship pass through the 
same form. The following illustrations are from the Cherokee : 



a a 
cc 



& 



Person. Myself. 

/ 1. A-gwa'-suh, Myself. 
J 2. Tsa'-suh, Thyself. 
( 3. Oo-wa'-suh, Himself. 
I 1 & 2. Ge'-na-suh, Ourselves, thou and I. 
1 & 3. O-ge-na'-suh, Ourselves, he and I. 



2. Sda'-suh, 
1 & 2. E-ga'-suh, 

1 & 3. O-ga'-suh, 



2. 
3. 



E-tsa'-suh, 
. O-na'-suh, 



Yourselves, you two. 

Ourselves, three or more of 

yon and me. 
Ourselves, three or more of 

them and me. 
Yourselves, three or more. 
Themselves. 



My or mine. 

A-gwa-tsa'-le, Mine. 

Tsa-tsa'-le, Thine. 
Oo-tsa'-le, 
Gin-e-tsa'-le, 

O-gin'-a-tsa-le, His and mine. 

Sta-tsa'-le, Yours, you two. 

E-ga-tsa'-le, Ours, yours and mine. 



His. 

Ours, thine and mine. 



My elder sister. 
Un'-ge-do. 
Tsuu'-doh. 
Oo-doh'. 
Gin-e-doh'. 
O-gin'-e-doh. 
Sta-doh'. 
E-ge-doh'. 



O-ga-tsa'-le, Ours, thine and mine. 0-ge-doh'. 



E-ga-taa -le, 
Oo-tsa'-le, 



Yours, three or more. 
Theirs. 



E-tse-doh'. 
Oo-ne-doh'. 



3 Many of the words used in the formal vocabularies of the philologists are inferior for comparison, 
particularly such as are generic, as tree, fish, deer; such as relate to objects which are personal, as 

18 December, 1869. 



138 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

It was found impossible to recover the etymological signification of the terms of 
relationship. This signification has long since disappeared beyond retrieval. In 
a few instances the terms are still significant ; but we know at once, from that fact, 
that these terms are of modern introduction. The preservation of the meanings of 
this class of words in languages which have been simply oral from time immemo- 
rial would have been more remarkable than the loss, since presumptively the larger 
portion of these terms must have originated in the primitive speech. 

A comparison, in detail, of the forms of consanguinity which prevail in the 
nations represented in the table (Table II, Part II) will disclose a number 
of deviations from uniformity. These deviations, since they do not invade the 
radical features of the system, are invested with special importance. They are 
insufficient to lessen the number of fundamental characteristics which should be 
common in order to demonstrate, by internal evidence, the common origin of the 
system. In general plan, minute details, and apparent design it is one and the 
same throughout, with the exception of the Eskimo, which detaches itself from the 
Ganowanian connection. It will be seen and recognized that it is far more difficult 
to maintain unchanged a complicated and elaborate system of relationship than 
one which is free from complexity ; although it may be found to be as difficult for 
one as the other to depart essentially from its radical form. Absolute uniformity in 
such a system of relationship as the one about to be considered is a naked impos- 
sibility. Where we know that the period of separation of the several branches of 
the family from each other must be measured by centuries, not to say by decades 
of centuries of time, it would be to exclude at once development and modification, 
both of which, within narrow limits, are inseparable from all~ systems of rela- 
tionship. When this comparison has been made, the inconsiderable amount 
of deviation and the constancy of the indicative features of the system will 
occasion the greater surprise. These diversities were, for a time, a source of 
much perplexity ; but as the range of investigation widened their limits began to 
be circumscribed. They appeared to have taken their rise far back in the past, and 
to have perpetuated themselves in the several subdivisions of that branch of the 
family in which they originated It was perceived at once that they might envelop 
a record still decipherable of the immediate genetic connection of those nations, 
however widely separated geographically, in whose domestic relationship these 
diversities were common. If they could deliver any testimony upon such questions, 
they were worthy of careful investigation. These deviations thus become attractive 

head, mouth, nose, or which are subject to personal ownership, as hat, pipe, tomahawk, and so on. 
In most of our Indian languages there are names for the different species of trees, and of animals, 
but no generic name for tree, or fish, or deer. The pronoun also is nsually,found incorporated with 
the names of the different organs of the body, and with the names of objects which are personal. If, 
for example, I ask an Indian, "What do you call this ?" touching the hat of a person standing near 
me, he will reply, " His hat;" if I point to mine, "Your hat," and if to his own, he will say, "My hat." 
This element of change tends to impair the usefulness of these words for comparison. ^Such terms 
as are founded upon generalizations, as spring, summer, morning, evening, are of but little value. 
Many of the words commonly used, however, are free from objection, such as fire, water, rain, hail, 
hot, cold, jngeon, crow, elk ; the names of the colors, the numerals, and other words of that character. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 139 

rather than repellent as blemishes upon the system. They also furnish some inde- 
pendent testimony concerning the migrations of the Ganowanian family. 

A brief explanation of the tribal organization as it now prevails amongst the 
American aborigines is necessary to a right understanding of the terms tribe and 
nation, as used in American Ethnology. This organization has some connection 
with the origin of some portion of the classificatory system of relationship. It is 
generally found that all the people speaking the same dialect are under one inde- 
pendent political government. For this reason they are called a nation, although 
numbering but a few hundred, and at most but a few thousand persons. Dialect 
and nation, therefore, are coextensive, as employed in Indian ethnography. Such 
is usually the case with respect to civilized nations where language becomes the 
basis of the distinction. The use of the term nation instead of tribe, to distinguish 
such small communities was rendered the more necessary, because the greater pro- 
portion of these so called Indian nations were each subdivided into a number of 
tribes, which were such in the strict generic sense of the term. The Scr.eca- 
Iroquois, for example, are subdivided into eight tribes, the Wolf, Bear, Beaver, 
Turtle, Deer, Snipe, Heron, and Hawk. Each tribe is a great family of consan- 
guinei, the tribal name preserving and proclaiming the fact that they are the lineal 
descendants of the same person. It embraces, however, but a moiety of such 
person's descendants. The separation of a portion, and their transference to other 
tribes, were effected by the prohibition of intermarriage between individuals of 
the same tribe, and by limiting tribal descent to the female line. None of the 
members of the Wolf or other tribes were allowed to intermarry in their own 
tribe. A woman of the Wolf tribe might marry a man of any other tribe 
than her own, but the children of the marriage were of her tribe. If she married 
a Cayuga or even an Alien, her children would be Senecas of the Wolf tribe, since 
the mother confers both her nationality and her tribal name upon her children. In 
like manner her daughters must marry out of the tribe, but the children would 
nevertheless belong to the Wolf tribe. On the other hand, her sons must also 
marry women of other tribes, and their children, belonging to the tribes of their 
respective mothers, are lost to the Wolf connection. The eight tribes are, in this 
manner, intermingled throughout the nation, two tribes being necessarily repre- 
sented in the heads of every family. 

A tribe may be denned as a group of consanguinei, with descent limited either 
to the male or to the female line. Where descent is limited to the male line, the 
tribe would consist of a supposed male ancestor and his children, together with the 
descendants of his sons in the male line forever. It would include this ancestor 
and his children, the children of his sons, and all the children of his lineal male 
descendants, whilst the children of the daughters of this ancestor, and all the chil- 
dren of his female descendants would be transferred to the tribes of their respec- 
tive fathers. Where descent is limited to the female line, the tribe would consist 
of a supposed female ancestor and her children, together with the descendants of 
her daughters in the female line forever. It would include the children of this 
ancestor, the children of her daughters, and all the children of her lineal female 
descendants, whilst the children of the sons of this ancestor, and all the children of 



140 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

her male descendants would be transferred to the tribes of their respective mothers. 
Modifications of this form of the tribe may have existed, but this is the substance 
of the institution. 

Each tribe thus becomes territorially coextensive with the nation, since they were 
not separated into independent communities. 1 For the reason, therefore, that there 
are several tribes of the Senecas, they cannot be called collectively the Seneca tribe ; 
but inasmuch as they all speak the same dialect and are under one political organi- 
zation, there is a manifest propriety in calling them the Seneca nation. Among 
the nations whose institutions were the most developed, the office of sachem or chief 
was hereditary in the female line. Each tribe had the right to furnish its own civil 
ruler, and consequently the office could never pass out of the tribe. One singular 
result of this institution relating to the descent of official dignities was the perpetual 
disinheritance of the sons of sachems. As father and son were necessarily of dif- 
ferent tribes, the son could not succeed to his father's office. It passed to the 
sachem's brother, who was of the same tribe, or to one of the sons of one of his 
sisters, who was also of the same tribe, the choice between them being determined 
by election. This was the rule among the Iroquois, among a portion of the 
Algonkin nations, and also among the Aztecs. In a number of Indian nations 
descent is now limited to the male line, with the same prohibition of intermarriage 
in the tribe, and the son succeeds to the father's office. There are reasons for 
believing that this is an innovation upon the ancient custom, and that descent in 
the female line was once universal in the Ganowanian family. 

The aboriginal inhabitants of North America, when discovered, were divided into 
two great classes, or were found in two dissimilar conditions ; each of which 
represented a distinct mode of life. The first and lowest condition was that of the 
Roving Indians, who lived chiefly upon fish, and also upon game. They were 
entirely ignorant of agriculture. Each nation inhabited a particular area which 
they defended as their home country ; but roamed through it without being sta- 
tionary in any locality. They spent a part of the year at their fishing encamp- 
ments, and the remainder in the mountains, or in the "forest districts most favora- 
ble for game. Of this class the Athapascans, west of Hudson's Bay, the nations of 
the valley of the Columbia, the Blackfeet, Shoshonees, Crees, Assiniboines, and 
Dakotas, and the Great Lake and Missouri nations are examples. The second and 
highest condition was that of the Village Indians, who were stationary in villages, 
arid depended exclusively upon agriculture for subsistence. They lived in com- 

1 Among the nations, besifles the Iroquois, who are subdivided into tribes, are the Wyandotes, 
Winnebagoes, Otoes, Kaws, Osages, lowas, Omahas, Punkas, Cherokees, Creeks, Choetas, Chickasas, 
Ojibwas, Otawas, Potawattamies, Sauks and Foxes, Menominies, Miamas, Shawnees, Delawares, 
Mohegans, Munsees, Shoshonees, Comanches, the Village Indians of New Mexico, the Aztecs, and 
some other ancient Mexican nations. Some of the Algonkin find Dakotan nations have lost the tribal 
organization, which presumptively they once possessed, as the Crees and the Dakotas proper. It is not 
found among the Athapascas, nor amongst the nations in the valley of the Columbia, although it is said 
to prevail amongst the nations of the northwest coast. In addition to the Iroquois tribes above men- 
tioned, the following may be named : Crane, Duck, Loon, Turkey, Musk-rat, Sable, Pike, Sturgeon, 
Carp, Buffalo, Elk, Reindeer, Eagle, Hare, Babbit, and Snake. 



OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 141 

munal houses constructed of adobe brick, or of rubble-stone and mud mortar, or of 
stone and mortar, and several stories high. This class had made considerable pro- 
gress in civilization, but without laying aside their primitive domestic institutions. 
The Village Indians of New Mexico, of Mexico, and Yucatan are examples of this 
class. Between these two great divisions of the American aborigines there was a 
third or intermediate class, which exhibited all the gradations of condition be- 
tween them, apparently forming the connecting links uniting them in one great 
family. The gradations were so uniform as to be substantially imperceptible, unless 
the extremes were contrasted. These intermediate nations were the partially 
Roving and partially Village Indians, who united agricultural subsistence with 
that upon fish and game, and resided for the greater part of the year in villages. 
Of this class the Iroquois, the Hurons, the Powhattan Indians of Virginia, the 
Creek, Choctas, Natches, Sauks and Foxes, Mandans, and Minnetaries, are ex- 
amples. The two classes of nations, with those intermediate in condition, represent 
all the phases of Indian society, and possess homogeneous institutions, but under 
different degrees of development. 

In their civil organizations there are, and have been, but three stages of progres- 
sive development, which are represented by the tribe, the nation, and the confede- 
racy of nations. The unit of organization, or the first stage, was the tribe, all the 
members of which, as consanguinei, were held together by blood affinities. The 
second stage was the nation, which consisted of several tribes intermingled by mar- 
riage, and all speaking the same dialect. They were held together by the affinities 
of an identical speech. To them, as a nation, appertained the exclusive possession 
of an independent dialect, of a common government, and of territorial possessions. 
The greater proportion of the Ganowanian family never advanced beyond the 
national condition. The last, and the ultimate stage of organization was the con- 
federacy of nations. It was usually, if not invariably, composed of nations speaking 
dialects of the same stock-language. The Iroquois, Otawa, Powhattan, and Creek 
Confederacies, the Dakota League of the Seven Council Fires, the Aztec Confede- 
racy between the Aztecs, Tezcucans, and Tlacopans, and the Tlascalan Confede- 
racy are familiar examples. It thus appears, that whilst we have for our own 
political series, the town, the county, the state, and the United States, which are 
founded upon territory, each in turn resting upon an increasing territorial area cir- 
cumscribed by metes and bounds, the American aborigines have for theirs, the tribe, 
the nation, and the confederacy of nations, which are founded respectively upon 
consanguinity, dialect, and stocJc-language. The idea of a state, or of an empire 
in the proper sense of these terms, founded upon territory, and not upon persons, 
with laws in the place of usages, with municipal government in the place of the 
unregulated will of chiefs, and with a central executive government in the place 
of a central oligarchy of chiefs, can scarcely be said to have existed amongst any 
portion of our aboriginal inhabitants. Their institutions had not developed to this 
stage, and never could have reached it until a knowledge of property and its iises 
had been formed in their minds. It is to property considered in the concrete that 
modern civilization must ascribe its origin. 

With respect to their numbers, there are no reasons for believing that they were 



142 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

ever very numerous, even in the most favored localities. Although spread over 
immense areas and in the occupation of many fruitful regions, still, without field 
agriculture, or flocks and herds, it was impossible that they should develop a large, 
much more a dense population. They possessed neither flocks nor herds, and their 
agriculture never rose above garden-bed culture, performed with no better imple- 
ments than those of wood and bone. In the valley of Mexico, where there are 
reasons for supposing that irrigation upon a large scale was practised, production 
was greater than in other areas. But notwithstanding the exception to some 
extent of this region, the current statements with reference to the numbers of the 
American aborigines are unsupported by trustworthy evidence. The history of the 
human family does not afford an instance of a large population without ample 
pastoral subsistence or field agriculture. It may also be safely affirmed that the 
real distance in social condition between the Aztecs, as one of the highest represen- 
tatives of the Village Indians, and the Iroquois, as one of the highest representa- 
tives of the Northern Indians, was not as great as has been generally supposed, 
although the former had reached a state considerably more advanced. If the civil 
and domestic institutions, arts, inventions, usages, and customs of the Northern 
Indians are compared with those of the Southern Village Indians, so far as the 
latter are reliably ascertained, whatever differences exist will be found to consist 
in the degree of development of the same homogeneous conceptions of a common 
mind, and not of ideas springing from a different source. With the common origin 
of the Village and Northern Indians established, there is no further problem of 
much difficulty in American Ethnology. 

It now remains to present an analysis of the Indian system of relationship ; and 
after that to take up in detail the system of the several nations represented in the 
Table ; and to trace its radical characteristics as well as the extent of its distribu- 
tion. It will be found that a common system prevails amongst all the nations 
named therein, with the exception of the Eskimo. 

The system of relationship considered in Part I was characterized as descriptive 
because, in its original form, the collateral and a portion of the lineal consanguine! 
of every person were described by a combination of the primary terms. For 
example, the phrase " father's brother" was used to designate an uncle on the 
father's side ; " brother's son" for a nephew, and " father's brother's son" for one 
of the four male cousins. The discrimination of these relationships, in the con- 
crete, was an aftergrowth in point of time, and exceptional in the system. After 
it was effected and special terms had been introduced to express those relationships, 
in some of the branches of the great families named, they were sufficient for the 
designation of but a small portion of the blood kindred of each individual. At 
least four-fifths within the limits of the first five collateral lines, and within six 
degrees from the common ancestor, could only be indicated by means of descriptive 
phrases. At the present time, therefore, it is a descriptive system. It has also 
been called a natural system, because it is founded upon a correct appreciation of 
the distinction between the lineal and several collateral lines, and of the perpetual 
divergence of the latter from the former. Each relationship is thus specialized 
and separated from every other in such a manner as to decrease its nearness, and 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 143 

diminish its value according to the degree of the distance of each person from the 
central Ego. By this formal recognition of the divergence of the streams of the 
blood and the connection of consanguinei through common ancestors, the numerical 
system suggested by the nature of descents was affirmed. It also assumed the 
existence of marriage between single pairs. 

In contradistinction from descriptive the term classificatory will be employed to 
characterize the system of consanguinity and affinity of the Ganowanian, Turanian, 
and Malayan families, which is founded upon conceptions fundamentally different. 
Among the latter families consanguinei are never described by a combination of the 
primary terms ; but on the contrary they are arranged into great classes or categories 
upon principles of discrimination peculiar to these families. All the individuals of 
the same class are admitted into one and the same relationship, and the same special 
term is applied indiscriminately to each and all of them. For example, my father's 
brother's son is my brother under the system about to be considered ; and I apply 
to him the same term which I use to designate an own brother : the son of this 
collateral brother and the son of my own brother are both my sons. And I apply 
to them the same term I would use to designate my own son. In other words, the 
person first named is admitted into the same relationship as my own brothers, and 
these last named as my own sons. The principle of classification is carried to 
every person in the several collateral lines, near and remote, in such a manner as 
to include them all in the several great classes. Although apparently arbitrary 
and artificial, the results produced by the classification are coherent and systematic. 
In determining the class to which each person belongs, the degrees, numerically, 
from Ego to the common ancestor, and from the latter to each kinsman, are strictly 
regarded. This knowledge of the lines of parentage is necessary to determine the 
classification. As now used and interpreted, with marriage between single pairs 
actually existing, it is an arbitrary and artificial system, because it is contrary to 
the nature of descents, confounding relationships which are distinct, separating 
those which are similar, and diverting the streams of the blood from the collateral 
channels into the lineal. Consequently, it is the reverse of the descriptive system. 
It is wholly impossible to explain its origin on the assumption of the existence of 
the family founded upon marriage between single pairs ; but it may be explained 
with some degree of probability on the assumption of the antecedent existence of 
a series of customs and institutions, one reformatory of the other, commencing with 
promiscuous intercourse and ending with the establishment of the family, as now 
constituted, resting upon marriage between single pairs. 

From the complicated structure of the system it is extremely difficult to separate, 
by analysis, its constituent parts and present them in such a manner as to render 
them familiar and intelligible without close application. There are, however, 
several fundamental conceptions embodied in the system, a knowledge of which 
will contribute to its simplification. The most of them are in the nature of indi- 
cative characteristics of the system, and may be stated as follows: First, all of the 
descendants of an original pair are not only, theoretically, consanguinei, but all of 
them fall within the recognized relationships. Secondly, relations by blood or 
marriage are never described by a combination of the primary terms, but a single 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

special term, is applied to each of them. Persons who stand to Eyo in unequal 
degrees, and who are related to him in different ways, are thus placed upon the 
same level in the rank of their relationship. It makes no difference that it is a 
false use of terms, for example, to call my father's brother my father, when he is not 
my father in our sense of progenitor, since it is the Indian method of classification, 
and with that alone we are now concerned. Thirdly, the several collateral lines 
in every case are ultimately merged in the lineal line, by means of which the pos- 
terity of my collateral consanguinei become my posterity. Fourthly, the relation- 
ship of cousin is the most remote collateral degree which is recognized : conse- 
quently, none of the descendants of an original pair can fall without this collateral 
relationship. The number of recognized consanguinei is exceedingly multiplied by 
the operative force of the last two provisions. Fifthly, the children of brothers are 
brothers and sisters to each other; the children of sisters are brothers and sisters 
to each other ; but the children of a brother and sister stand to each other in a dif- 
ferent and more remote relationship. Sixthly, the relationship of uncle is restricted 
to the mother's brothers, and to the brothers of such other persons as stand to Ego 
in the relation of a mother. Seventhly, the relationship of aunt is restricted to the 
sister of a father, and to the sisters of such other persons as stand to Ego in the 
relation of a father. Eighthly, the relationships of nephew and niece arc restricted, 
where Ego is a male, to the children of his sisters, and to the children of such col- 
lateral persons as stand to him in the relation of a sister. But when Ego is a 
female they are restricted to the children of her brother, and to the children of 
such other persons as stand to her in the relation of a brother. Ninthly, the cor- 
relative relationships are strictly applied ; the person whom I call grandson calls 
me grandfather; the one I call nephew calls me uncle; the one I call father-in-law 
calls me son-in-law; and so on through every recognized relationship. To each of 
the foregoing propositions there are some exceptions, but they are few in number. 
Lastly, whilst this system of relationship recognizes and upholds the bond of con- 
sanguinity to an unprecedented extent, it contradicts, and attempts apparently to 
thwart, the natural outflow of the streams of the blood. At the same time the 
principles upon which it rests are enforted with rigorous precision. 

An analysis of this system of relationship will develop its fundamental conceptions 
in the form of independent propositions, by means of which a comparison can be 
made between the several forms as they now exist in the branches of the family. 
This comparison will determine whether or not the system is one and the same 
throughout the family. At the same time the features in which there is a devia- 
tion from uniformity will be separated from those which are constant. It will then 
be seen whether these deviations invade any characteristics of the system which 
must be regarded as fundamental, or simply represent an amount of contraction 
and expansion which must be considered inseparable from its complicated structure. 
It is, therefore, important that this analysis should.be rigorous and exact; and that 
the points of disagreement should be not less definitely traced. Among the more 
important questions involved in the final comparison to be made are the two 
following : first, whether or not the forms which prevail in the several branches of 
the Ganowanian family are identical in whatever is ultimate or radical; and secondly, 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 145 

if identical throughout all these nations, whether or not it was transmitted to each 
with the blood, involving, consequently, the genealogical connection of the nations 
themselves. 

The following propositions develop all of the material characteristics of the 
system of relationship of the nations represented in the Table. They are severally 
true of each and every form in each and every nation, with the exceptions stated. 

I. Consanguine! are not described by a combination of primary terms, but are 
classified into categories under some one of the recognized relationships, each of 
which is expressed by a particular term. 

II. The several collateral lines, in their several branches, are ultimately merged 
in the lineal line. 

III. In familiar intercourse and in formal salutation, consanguinei, near and 
remote, address each other by the term of relationship. 

IV. From Ego a male to the children of his brother a male, and from Ego a 
female to the children of her sister a female, the relationship of these children to 
Ego approaches in the degree of its nearness ; but from Ego a male, to the children 
of a female, and from Ego a female to the children of a male, it recedes. There are 
some exceptions to these rules. 

V. Ascending one degree above Ego in the lineal line, and crossing over to the 
first members of the four branches of the second collateral line, it follows again 
that from male line to male line, and from female to female, the relationship 
to Ego approaches in the degree of its nearness, while from male line to female 
line, and from female to male, it recedes, and that irrespective of the sex of Ego. 
To these rules there are a few exceptions. The father's sister, in some cases, is a 
mother instead of an aunt, and the mother's brother, in two instances, is an elder 
brother instead of an uncle. 

VI. There are original terms for grandfather and grandmother, father and 
mother, son and daughter, and grandson and granddaughter in all of the languages 
represented in the Table without an exception. In a few instances some of these 
terms are in common gender. These, with those of brother and sister, are called 
the primary relationships. 

VII. All of my ancestors above grandfather and grandmother, are my grand- 
fathers and grandmothers, without further distinction, except that in some of the 
nations they are discriminated as second, third, and more remote grandfathers and 
grandmothers. In common usage, however, the former are the recognized 
relationships. The Pawnee form is an exception. 

VIII. All the brothers and sisters of my grandfather and of my grandmother, 
and all the brothers and sisters of my several ancestors above the latter, are, without 
distinction, my grandfathers and grandmothers, with the occasional modifications 
stated in the. seventh proposition. 

IX. All my descendants below grandson and granddaughter, are, without 
distinction, my grandsons and granddaughters, with the occasional modifications 
named in the seventh proposition. The Pawnee form is also an exception. 

X. There is one term for elder brother and another for younger brother, one 
term for elder sister and another for younger sister ; and no term for brother or 

19 December, 1869. 



146 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY 

sister in the abstract, except in the plural number. These terms are not applied 
to the oldest and youngest specifically, but to each and all who are older than the 
brother or sister speaking. In several languages there is a double set of terms, 
one of which is used by males, and the other by females. In some cases the term 
for elder and younger sister is common. There are also a few instances in which 
additional terms for brother and sister in the abstract are found. 

XI. All the children of my several own brothers, and of my several collateral 
brothers, myself a male, are my sons and daughters, and all the children of the latter 
are my grandsons and granddaughters. There are exceptions to the first branch 
of this proposition. In a few nations they are step-sons and step-daughters. 

XII. All the children of my several own sisters, and of my several collateral 
sisters, myself a male, are my nephews and nieces, and all the children of the latter 
are my grandsons and granddaughters. The exceptions are few in number. 

XIII. All the children of my several own brothers, and of my several collateral 
brothers, myself a female, are my nephews and nieces. There are many exceptions. 
The children of these nephews and nieces are my grandsons and granddaughters. 

XIV. All the children of my several own sisters, and of my several collateral 
sisters, myself a female, are my sons and daughters. The exceptions are few, and 
chiefly confined to those cases where the relationship is that of step-son and step- 
daughter. The children of these sons and daughters are my grandsons and grand- 
daughters. 

XV. All the brothers of my own father, and all the brothers of such other persons 
as stand to me in the relation of a father, are my fathers ; and all the sisters of my 
own mother, and of such other persons as stand to me in the relation of a mother, 
are severally my mothers, the same as by own mother. In several nations they 
are step-fathers and step-mothers ; in some others they are little fathers and little 
mothers. 

XVI. All the brothers of my own mother, and all the brothers of such other 
persons as stand to me in the relation of a mother, are severally my uncles ; and 
all the sisters of my own father, and all the sisters of such other persons as stand 
to me in the relation of a father, are severally my aunts. In a few nations the 
relationship of aunt is not recognized, in which cases my father's sisters are my 
mothers. In two nations that of uncle is unknown, in which cases my mother's 
brothers are my elder brothers. 

-ff~ XVII. All the children of several brothers are brothers and sisters to each other; 
and they use, in each case, the respective terms for elder and younger brother, and 
for elder and younger sister, which they do in the case of own brothers and sisters. 
Exceptions exist in the limited number of nations in which step-father and step- 
son are used. Among them the relationship is that of step-brother and step-sister. 
XVIII. All the sons of the sons of several brothers are brothers to each other, 
elder or younger ; all the sons of the latter are brothers again, and the same rela- 
tionship of males in the male line continues downward indefinitely, so long as each 
of these persons stands at the same degree of remove from the original brother. 
But when one is further advanced, by a single degree, than the other, the rule 
which turns the collateral line into the lineal at once applies : thus, the son of 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 147 

either of these my collateral, elder/tor younger, brothers, myself being a male, be- 
comes my son, and the son of the latter is my grandson. 

XIX. All the children of several sisters are brothers and sisters to each other; 
and the terms of relationship are applied as in the last case. The exceptions also 
are the same. 

XX. All the daughters of the daughters of several sisters are sisters to each 
other, elder or younger, and the daughters of the latter are sisters again ; and the 
relationship of females in the female line continues to be that of sisters, elder or 
younger, at equal removes, downward indefinitely, with the same result as in the 
former case, where one is further removed than the other from the original sisters. 

XXI. All the children of several brothers on the one hand, and of the several 
sisters of these brothers on the other, are cousins to each other among some of the 
nations. Among other nations the males of the former class are uncles to the 
males and females of the latter class ; and the males and -females of the latter are 
nephews and nieces to those of the former; whilst to still others the females of 
the former class are mothers to the males and females of the latter class, and the 
males and females of the latter are sons and daughters to the females of the former. 
To illustrate : my father's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew 
and niece, each of them calling me (their mother's brother's son) uncle ; but with 
Ego a female, the same persons are my son and daughter, each of them calling me 
mother. Among other nations these relationships are still different, and they can 
be easier expressed by an illustration than by a rule ; namely, my father's sister's 
son, Ego a male, is my father, and he calls me his son ; my father's sister's daugh- 
ter is my aunt, and she calls me her nephew ; but with Ego a female, my father's 
sister's son is my father, and calls me his daughter ; whilst my father's sister's 
daughter is my grandmother, and calls me her granddaughter. Among still other 
nations the children of brothers on the one hand, and of sisters on the other, are 
brothers and sisters to each other. Upon this relationship occurs the most im- 
portant, as well as the principal, deviation from uniformity. 

XXII. All the children of several cousins are cousins again; the children of the 
latter are also cousins ; and this relationship continues downward indefinitely. 
Where the relationship of the children of a brother and sister is that of uncle and 
nephew, the son of this uncle is an uncle again ; and this relationship continues 
downwards in the male line indefinitely. Where, in the same case, it is that of 
son and father, the son and grandson of this father are each my father, and this 
relationship continues downward in the male line indefinitely. In all other cases 
the collateral line is brought into the lineal. 

XXIII. As a general result the descendants of brothers and sisters, or of an 
original pair, can never pass, in theory, beyond the degrees of cousin and grand- 
child, these being the most remote collateral and descendant relationships ; nor in 
the ascending series beyond the degree of grandfather. Hence the bond of con- 
sanguinity which can never, in fact, be broken by lapse of time or distance in 
degree, is not permitted, by the fundamental provisions of the Ganowanian system, 
to be broken in principle. 

XXIV. All the wives of my several nephews and collateral sons are my daugh- 



148 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

ters-in-law ; and all the husbands of my several nieces and collateral daughters are 
my sons-in-law ; and I apply to them the same terms respectively which I use to 
designate the husbands and wives of my own sons and daughters. There are some 
exceptions to this proposition. 

XXV. All the wives of my several collateral brothers and of my several male 
cousins are my sisters-in-law ; and all the husbands of my several collateral sisters 
and of my several female cousins are my brothers-in-law, without regard to the 
degree of nearness. There are some exceptions. 

XXVI. In all of the preceding relationships the correlative terms are strictly 
applied ; thus, the one I call my son calls me father ; the one I call grandson calls 
me grandfather : the one I call nephew calls me uncle ; the one I call brother-in- 
law calls me the same ; the one I call father-in-law calls me son-in-law ; and so on 
throughout the entire series, whether of affinity or of consanguinity. 

When the foregoing propositions have been verified by passing through one of 
the schedules in the Table, the system itself will become perfectly familiar, and 
any deviations from the standard form in other schedules will at once be recognized 
wherever they occur. A number of discrepancies will also be discovered, falling 
below the character of permanent deviations; but they relate to subordinate details, 
and do not disturb the general plan of consanguinity. Some of them may represent 
a misapprehension of the question to be answered ; others an ignorance of the true 
relationship, and still others a discrepancy in some part of the form of the particular 
nation. In the details of a system so complicated and elaborate, drawn out from 
uncultivated languages, and with a nomenclature so opulent, a large amount of 
variation would not only be unavoidable, but an exemption from it would excite 
surprise. A sufficient number of features, which may be called indicative of the 
typical form, are so constant as to leave no doubt of the identity of the system as 
it now prevails in the several branches of the family, with the exception of the 
Eskimo. The fundamental conceptions upon which the system rests are simple 
and clearly defined, and work out their results with logical accuracy. 

The deviations from uniformity may be recapitulated as follows : 

I. Relationship of Uncle and Aunt. In the Crow and Minnitaree, and in one or 
more of the Athapascan nations, these relationships are wanting. These nations 
form an exception, in this respect, to the entire Ganowanian family. In a number 
of other nations the relationship of aunt is unknown, and that of mother visually 
takes its place. 

II. Relationships of Nephew and Niece. In four or five dialects terms for 
nephew and niece are wanting. These relationships limited, with Ego a male, to 
the children of his sister, and with Ego a female, usually to the children of her 
brother, is one of the most striking of the indicative features of the system. But 
a failure of five out of seventy-five Indian nations upon these relationships is not 
sufficient to require an explanation, even if it could be made. 

III. Double Set of Terms. The use of one set of terms by the males, and another 
set by the females in some nations for certain relationships ; also the use of step- 
father, step-brother, and step-son, among other nations in the place of the full 
terms ; and finally the use, in still other nations, of little father and little mother 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 149 

for the brother of a father and the sister of a mother, must be regarded in the 
light of modifications of the primitive form by particular usage rather than as 
deviations from uniformity. 

IV. Relationships of the Children of a Brother and Sister. It is evident that the 
relationship of a cousin was unknown in the original system, and that it was an 
aftergrowth, or further development, designed to remove a blemish. The four 
different forms in which the relationships of the children of a brother and sister 
appear, render it difficult to determine which was the primitive form, only that 
cousin was not. The principles of the system required that they should stand in a 
more remote relationship than that of brother and sister ; and thus we are led to 
the inference that it was either that of uncle and nephew, or that of son and 
father. 

V. Marriage Relationships. There are a number of diversities in these relation- 
ships, but a sufficient number are constant to establish the unity of the system from 
this source of evidence alone. 

VI. Mergence of Collateral Lines. In a few of the nations some branches of the 
collateral lines are more abruptly merged in the lineal than the common form 
allows ; but of this peculiarity no explanation can be given. 

We are now the better prepared to take up the system of relationship of the 
Ganowanian family in its several branches ; and by an examination of its structure 
and details, to verify the preceding propositions, and also to trace this form of the 
classificatory system to its limits. In no other manner can its remarkable charac- 
ter, as a domestic institution, be understood or appreciated, or its value estimated 
for ethnological purposes. 



150 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



CHAPTER II. 

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY CONTINUED. 

Position of the Iroquois Area of their Occupation Their Home Country Epoch of the Establishment of the 
League Hodenosaunee, their Proper Name Other Nations of the same Lineage the Hurons or Wyandotes 
Neutral Nation Eries Susquehannocks Nottoways I. Iroquois Their System of Relationship Seneca Form 
adopted as typical ; also as typical of the System of the Ganowanian Family Lineal Line First Collateral 
Line Diagrams Second Collateral Line Diagrams Indicative Relationships Marriage Relationships Third 
and Fourth Collateral Lines Diagrams Methods of Verifying same. Other Marriage Relationships Necessary 
Knowledge of Numerical Degrees Consanguine! not allowed to Intermarry Systems of Remaining Iroquois 
Nations Identical with the Seneca One Deviation from Uniformity II. Hurons, or Wyandotes Their System 
identical with the Seneca Common Origin of the System Coeval with their Existence as one People. 

Dakotan Nations. 

I. Hodenosaunian Nations. 1. Iroquois. 2. Hurons. 

Among the Indian nations found in possession t)f the North American continent, 
north of New Mexico, the Iroquois deservedly hold the highest rank. In energy 
and intelligence, and the degree of development of their civil institutions they are 
far in advance of the Northern Indian nations. At the period of their discovery 
(1609), or within fifty years of that event, they reached their culminating point. 
It found them in acknowledged supremacy from the Hudson on the east, to the 
Wabash on the west, and from the St. Lawrence, and lakes Ontario and Erie on 
the north, to the Tennessee and the Upper Potomac on the south. After the 
overthrow of the Hurons and Neutral Nation in the peninsula between lakes Huron, 
Erie, and Ontario, their dominion was extended northward to the Otawa 1 River and 
Lake Nipessing. Within the boundaries named there were areas of several thou- 
sand square miles which were unbroken solitudes, except as they were occasionally 
traversed by war parties, or visited for hunting and fishing. Other portions of the 
same area were occupied by Indian nations recognizing their supremacy. The pre- 
sent State of New York was the home country of the Iroquois, first to the Genesee, 
and afterwards to Lake Erie. Their presence, as an intrusive population, so near 
the centre of the Algonkin area, sufficiently attests their superiority over the 
Algonkin nations. It also serves to explain the otherwise eccentric spread of the 
latter along the Atlantic coast to the southern limits of North Carolina, implying 
that the Iroquois area was originally Algonkin. The Iroquois were, as there are 
reasons for believing, an early offshoot, and one of the advanced bands of the 

1 Pronounced O-ta'-wa 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 151 

great Dakota stock, who first made their way eastward to the valley of the St. 
Lawrence, near Montreal, where they were once established, and afterwards into 
the lake region of Central New York, where they were found at the epoch of their 
discovery. 

The prominent position of the Iroquois among the Northern nations was acquired 
subsequently to the establishment of the league under which they were consolidated 
into one political family. That tendency to disintegration, from the secession of 
successive bands which has ever been the chief element of weakness in Indian 
society, was counteracted by the federative principle, retaining, as it did, the natural 
increase of their population to the largely increased development of their intelli- 
gence, and to the great augmentation of their military strength. Such a league 
was rendered possible by a limited agricultural cultivation through which their 
means of subsistence had become permanently enlarged. Their superiority over 
their cotemporaries in the art of government is demonstrated by the structure and 
principles of the league itself, which for originality and simplicity of plan, for effi- 
ciency in organizing the power of the people, and for adaptation to military enter- 
prises is worthy of commendation. 1 Since the commencement of European inter- 
course they have passed through a novel and severe experience, in the progress of 
which they have produced a greater number of distinguished men than any other 
Northern nation. 

As near as can now be ascertained the league had been established about one 
hundred and fifty years, when Champlain, in 1609, first encountered the Mohawks 
within their own territories on the west shore of Lake George. This would place 
the epoch of its formation about A. D. 1459, or one hundred and thirty-four years 
subsequent to the foundation of the pueblo of Mexico, according to the current 
representations. 2 At the time the Iroquois nations confederated they were inde- 
pendent bands, speaking dialects of the same stock-language, but each having its 
own distinct previous history ; with the exception of the Oneidas, who separated 
themselves from the Mohawks after their settlement in New York, and the Cayugas 
who, in like manner, separated themselves from the Onondagas. According to their 
traditions, which are confirmed to some extent by other evidence, they had resided 
in this area for a long period of time before the league was formed, and had at 
times made war upon each other. The Tuscaroras, who were of kindred descent, 
were admitted into the Confederacy about the year 1715, upon their expulsion from 
North Carolina. 

There were but five other nations of the same immediate lineage of whom we 
have any knowledge. First among these, in numbers and importance, were the 
Hurons, the ancestors of the present Wyandotes, who occupied the shores of the 
Georgian Bay and ranged southward toward Lake Erie. Their principal vil- 
lages were along the Georgian Bay and around Lake Simcoe. Although divided 

1 In another work, " The League of the Iroquois," I have presented and discussed the structure 
and principles of their civil and domestic institutions. 

8 " The foundation of Mexico happened in the year 2 Calli, corresponding with the year 1325 of 
the vulgar era." Clavigero's Hist, of Mexico, I, 162. (Cullen's Trans. 181 1.) 



152 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

into several bands they spoke a common dialect. With these near kinsmen the 
Iroquois waged a savage and unrelenting warfare, continued with slight intermis- 
sions from the commencement of European intercourse down to 1650, when they 
captured and destroyed their principal villages, and forced the remnant into exile. 
A portion of them afterwards established themselves near Quebec, where their 
descendants still remain. But much the largest portion, after several changes, 
settled near the Sandusky, in Ohio, where they were known under their Iroquois 
name of Wyandotes ; l and from thence were finally removed, about thirty years 
ago, to Kansas, where their descendants now reside. 2 

Next in importance was the Neutral Nation, who were established upon both 
banks of the Niagara River, and spread from thence westward along the north shore 
of Lake Erie. They were called by the Iroquois the Wild-cat nation (Je-gol -sa-sa), 
which is the same name applied by Charleroix to the Eries. 3 It seems probable 
that the two were bands of the same nation, not as yet entirely distinct, although 
known to the Iroquois under different names, the latter being called Oa-kwa-ga-o-no. 
The Eries, here treated as a third nation, were seated upon the southeast shore of 
Lake Erie, and ranged eastward towards the Genesee. Both the Eries and the 
Neutral Nation spoke dialects so near the Seneca that the three could understand 
each other's speech. With the acknowledged political astuteness of the Iroquois 
it seems remarkable that these nations, together with the Hurons, were not incor- 
porated together in a common confederacy, which would have saved as well as 
greatly augmented their strength. They were fully sensible of its importance ; and 
we have the testimony of the Senecas that the Iroquois offered both to the Eries 
and to the Neutrals the alternative of admission into the League or of extermina- 
tion before the final conflict. After the overthrow of the Hurons they turned next 
upon the Neutrals and immediately afterwards upon the Eries, both of whom were 
defeated and expelled, between 1650 and 1655. A portion of the Eries, after their 
defeat, voluntarily surrended to the Senecas, and were incorporated with them. 

On the south were the Susquehannocks, who occupied the lower part of the 
Susquehanna River, in Southern Pennsylvania and Northern Maryland. The Iro- 
quois were as relentless and uncompromising towards the Susquehannocks, as they 
had been towards their other kinsmen. In 1673, a delegation of Iroquois chiefs 
met Count Frontenac, Governor of Canada, near Kingston, and amongst other things 
asked him " to assist them against the Andastiguez (Andastes or Susquehannocks), 



1 Wane-dote' in Seneca-Iroquois. 

* Since the completion of this work, Francis Parkman, Esq., has given to the public "The Jesuits 
in North America," which contains the most complete account of the Hurons ever published. It is a 
work of rare excellence, founded upon accurate and comprehensive researches, and written in the most 
attractive style. Whilst the ferocious characteristics of the Iroquois, as displayed in many a scene 
of carnage, are delineated with graphic power,, and are not exaggerated, there is another side of the 
picture which should not be overlooked. The Iroquois displayed many virtues in their relations 
with each other, both in the family and in political society, which tend to relieve the otherwise harsh 
judgment upon their national character and name. Mr. Parkman derives the Wyandotes chiefly 
from the Tionnontates, the southernmost band of the Hurons. (Jesuits in North America, Intro, xliii. 

* Hist, of New France, II, 162. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 153 

the sole enemies remaining on their hands." 1 About the year 1676, the Susque- 
hannocks made their submission to the Senecas. 2 

Last were the Nottoways of Virginia, an inconsiderable band, who, with several 
Algonkin nations, occupied a part of the area between the Potomac and Iloanoke 
Rivers. They are mentioned in treaties between the Colonial Governors of Vir- 
ginia and the Iroquois as late as 1721. 3 The foregoing are the only branches of 
the Iroquois stock of which any knowledge has been preserved. The last three 
named are now extinct, or rather have been dispersed and incorporated with other 
nations. Above Montreal on the St. Lawrence, there is a small band called the " Two 
Mountain Iroquois," who were colonists chiefly from the Mohawks and Oneidas. 

In addition to what has been stated of the probable immediate blood connection 
of the Eries and Neutral nation with each other and with the Senecas, there is 
some evidence that the Ilurons and Senecas were subdivisions of one original nation. 
It is contained in their systems of relationship, both of which agree with each 
other in the only particular in which the Seneca form differs from that of the other 
Iroquois nations, except the Tuscarora ; and, therefore, tends to show that the 
Seneca and Hurons were one nation after the Mohawks and Onondagas had become 
distinct from the Senecas. If this be so, the original Iroquois stock before their 
occupation of New York, and whilst they resided north of the St. Lawrence and 
the Lakes, consisted of but four subdivisions, the Hurons or Senecas, the Tuscaro- 
ras, the Onondagas, and the Mohawks ; or, in short, Senecas and Mohawks. 

At the formation of the league the Iroquois called themselves Ho-de-no-saii-nee, 
" The People of the Long House," which term, notwithstanding its inconvenient 
length, will furnish a proper name for this branch of the Ganowanian family. 4 
They symbolized their political structure by the figure of a " Long House," and 
were always partial to this name, which was, in fact, their only designation for 
themselves as one people. 5 They were Village Indians to a very considerable 
extent, although not exclusively such. In this respect they were in advance of 
most of the northern Indian nations. In the drama of colonization the influence of 
this Indian confederacy was conspicuously felt, and cast upon the side of the 
English colonists. It is made clear by the retrospect that France must ascribe, in 
no small degree, to the Iroquois, the overthrow of her great plans of empire in 
North America. 

1 Journal of Frontenac's Voyage to Lake Ontario, Col. His., N. Y., ix, 110. 

a Ib., ix. 227, Note 2. Ib , v. 673. 

4 The primitive bark house of the Iroquois was usually from forty to sixty feet in length, by about 
fifteen to eighteen in width, comparted at equal distances, but with a common hall through the 
centre, and with a door at each end of the hall, which were the only entrances. There were from 
six to ten fire pits in each house, located in the centre of the hall, and so as to give a fire to each 
compartment. There were two families to each fire, one upon each side of the hall. A house with 
ten fires would thus accommodate twenty families. In ancient times these houses were clustered 
together and surrounded with a stockade. The size of the village was estimated by the number of 
houses, (eighty to one hundred and fifty forming the largest of their villages) ; and also by the num- 
ber of fires. The idea revealed in this communal house of the Iroquois runs through all the architec- 
ture of the Indian family. 

s League of the Iroquois, p. 51. 
20 December, 18CO. 



154 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

The Iroquois language, which is the proper representative of their intellectual 
life, compares favorably with that of any other in the circle of the family, with 
respect to the fulness of its vocables, and to the regularity of its grammatical 
forms. In the table will be found favorable specimens of its vocables, of its inflec- 
tions for gender, and of the flexibility of its pronouns. 

I. Iroquois. 1. Mohawks. 2. Oneidas. 3. Onondagas. 4. Cayugas. 5. 
Senecas. 6. Tuscaroras. 7. Two Mountain Iroquois. 

From the prominent position of the Iroquois in the Ganowanian family their 
system of consanguinity and affinity possesses a proportionate value. It is so fully 
developed in all of its parts that it may be taken as typical of the system of this 
family. The nomenclature of relationships is opulent, the classification of kindred 
systematic, and the plan itself, although complicated, and apparently arbitrary and 
artificial, is yet simple, and in logical accordance with the principles of discrimina- 
tion upon which it is founded. As the standard form, it is advisable to examine 
it minutely. When traced out step by step, through its entire range, a perfect 
knowledge of the system will be obtained, as well as of the fundamental conceptions 
upon which it rests, which will render an examination of the remaining forms 
comparatively easy. 

For convenience of reference a table of the Seneca-Iroquois and the Yankton- 
Dakota forms is appended to this chapter. It contains the lineal and first, second, 
third, and fourth collateral lines, in their several branches, in which are given the 
terms of relationship applied to the several persons described in the questions, with 
a translation of each term into equivalent English. This method of arrangement 
for presenting the system of a single nation is preferable to the one necessarily 
used in the comparative Table, since it is brought out in a continuous form and 
separate and apart from other forms. With the aid of this special table, and of 
the diagrams which follow, all the facilities are afforded that can be necessary for 
the illustration and explanation of the system. As the Seneca system is developed 
as to one of the indicative relationships, beyond that of the remaining Iroquois 
nations, with the exception of the Tuscarora, theirs will be adopted as the standard 
form of the Iroquois. The terms of relationship used in the illustrations, as well 
as in the diagrams, are also in the Seneca dialect. 1 

There are terms for grandfather and grandmother, Hoc'-sote and Oc'-sote; for 
father and mother, Hd'~nih and No-yeli' ; for son and daughter Ha-ali'-wuk and 
Kn-aJi'^wulc ; and for grandson and daughter Hcv-yd'da and Ka-yii'-da l ; and no 
terms for ancestors or descendants beyond those named. All above, without dis- 
tinction, are grandfathers or grandmothers ; and all below are grandsons or grand- 
daughters. When it is necessary to be more specific the person is described. 

The relationships of brother and sister are conceived in the twofold form of 
elder and younger, for each of which there are special terms, namely : Ha'-je, my 
elder brother; Ah'-je, my elder.^ sister ; Ha'-ga my younger brother; Ka'-ga, my 
younger sister. These terms are applied, respectively, to each and all of the 
brothers and sisters who are older or younger than the person who speaks. There 

1 For notation see Fly Leaf to table appended to part II. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 155 

is no term either for brother or sister in the abstract ; but there is a compound 
term in the plural number, and in common gender, Da-ya' '-gwa-dari '-no-da for 
brothers and sisters in general. 

In the diagrams (Plates IV and V) the lineal and first collateral line, male and 
female, are represented ; in the first with Ego a male, and, in the second, with Ego a 
female. The relationships of the same persons in certain clearly defined cases, are 
entirely different to Ego a female, from what they are to Ego a male. It is, there- 
fore, imperative that the sex of Ego be noted in every case. To exhibit fully these 
discriminations double diagrams are used, and in the table double questions, the 
necessity for which will be seen by comparing the diagrams, and also by comparing 
the questions and answers in the table. In these diagrams the connecting lines 
follow the chain of descent from parent to child, and the figures which stand in the 
same horizontal or transverse line show, that the several persons represented are 
equally removed in degree from the common ancestor. The relationship expressed 
in each figure is that which the person sustains to Ego and no other. A single person 
is represented by each figure, with the exception of the lowest, upon which the 
several branches of the collateral line converge. This figure represents as many 
persons, all of whom are the grandsons and granddaughters of Ego, as there are 
lines terminating in it. In reading the diagrams we ascend by the chain of con- 
sanguinity from Ego first to the common ancestor, and then down to the person 
whose relationship is sought ; thus, my father's son who is my brother, elder or 
younger, is upon the right of Ego; and my father's daughter, who is my sister, elder 
or younger, is upon the left of Ego; the three, as they are equally removed in degree, 
being on the same horizontal line. Again the son and daughter of this brother 
and of this sister, are placed one degree lower down in the diagram, and in the 
same horizontal line with my own son, since they are equally removed from my 
father who is their common grandfather. And lastly, if a son and daughter are 
allowed to each of the persons last named, as well as to my own son, it would 
require ten figures below these to represent them separately in their proper posi- 
tions ; but inasmuch as they are all alike the grandsons and granddaughters of 
Ego, they are represented by a single figure, as above explained ; and for the further 
object of illustrating the mergence of both branches of the first collateral line in 
the lineal line, which results from the classification of persons. 

With these explanations made, it is now proposed to take up the several 
collateral lines in detail, and to trace them throughout, in their several branches, 
until they are finally brought into the lineal line. 

In the first collateral line male with myself a male (Plate IV), I call my 
brother's son and daughter my son and daughter, Ha-aJi'-wuk and Ka^ak' -ionic ; and 
each of them calls me father, Ha'-nih. This is the first indicative feature of the 
system. It places my brother's children in the same category with my own children. 
Each of their sons and daughters I call severally my grandson and granddaughter, 
IJa-yii'-da and Ka-ya'-da, and they call me grandfather, Hoc-sole. The relationships 
here given are those actually recognized and applied, and none other are known. 

Certain relationships are here called indicative. They are those which are 
determinative of the character of the system ; and which, when ascertained, usually 



156 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

control those that follow They are the decisive characteristics which, when they 
agree in the systems of different nations, embrace so much that is material and 
fundamental, both in the Turanian and Ganowanian forms, as to render the 
remaining details subordinate. 

In the female branch of this line, myself still a male, I call my sister's son and 
daughter my nephew and niece, Ha-ya' -wan-da and Ka-ya '-wan-da ; each of them 
calling me uncle, Hoc-no' -sell. This is a second indicative feature. It restricts the 
relationships of nephew and niece to the children of a man's sisters, to the exclu- 
sion of the children of his brothers. The son and daughter of this nephew and of 
this niece are my grandson and granddaughter as before ; each of them addressing 
me by the correlative term. It will be noticed that, in the male branch, on cross- 
ing from Ego a male to his brother a male, the relationships of the children of the 
latter approach in the degree of their nearness to Ego ; while, in the female branch, 
on crossing from Ego a male to his sister a female, the relationships of her children 
to Ego recede in the degree of their nearness, as compared with the former case. 

In the same line, male branch, Ego being supposed a female (Plate V), I call 
my brother's son and daughter my nephew and niece, Ha-soh'-neli and Ka-soh'-neh ; 
each of them calling me aunt, Ah-ga'-huc. It will be observed that the terms for 
nephew and niece which are used by females are different from those used by males. 
The son and daughter of this nephew and niece are my grandson and granddaughter, 
Ha-ya! -da and Ka-ya'-da, and each of them calls me grandmother, Oc'-sote. 

Supposing myself still a female, I call my sister's son and daughter my son 
and daughter, Ha-ali'-wuk, and Ka-afi'-wuk ; each of them calling me mother, No-ych' . 
Having crossed in the male branch from Ego a female to her brother a male, the 
relationships of the children of the latter to Ego recede ; whilst, in the female 
branch, having crossed from Ego a female to her sister a female the relationships 
of the children of the latter approach in the degree of their nearness to Ego, also as 
before. The children of this son and daughter are my grandchildren ; each of them 
addressing me by the correlative term. 

Irrespective of the sex of Ego, the wife of each of these collateral sons, and of 
each of these nephews is my daughter-in-law, L'a'-sa ; and the husband of each of 
these collateral daughters, and of each of these nieces is my son-in-law, Oc-na'-hose ; 
and I stand to each of them in the correlative relationship. This disposes of the 
first collateral line, including the relationships both of consanguinity and affinity. 

Diagram, Plate VI, represents the lineal and second collateral line, male and 
female, on the father's side, with Ego a male ; and Diagram, Plate VII, represents 
the same lines and branches on the mother's side, with Ego also a male. It would 
require two other diagrams of the same kind to represent the relationships of the 
same persons to Ego a female ; but these will be sufficient for the purposes of illus- 
tration. They are constructed on the same principles as those previously explained. 

In the male branch of this line, on the father's side, Plate VI, with myself a 
male, my father's brother I call my father Hci'-nih ; and he calls me his son. Here 
we find a third indicative feature of the system. All of several brothers arc placed 
in the relation of a father to the children of each other. My father's brother's 
son is my elder or younger brother; if older than myself I call him my elder 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 157 

i 

brother, ITd'-je, and he calls me his younger brother, Ila'-ya ; if younger, these 
terms are reversed. My father's brother's daughter is my elder or younger sister ; 
if older than myself, I call her my elder sister, Ah'-je, and she calls me her younger 
brother, Ha'-ga ; but if younger I call her my younger sister, Ka'-ga, and she calls 
me her elder brother. This constitutes a fourth indicative feature. It creates the 
relationships of brother and sister amongst the children of several brothers. To 
distinguish these from own brothers and sisters they will hereafter be called colla- 
teral brothers and sisters. The son and daughter of this collateral brother are my 
son and daughter, and I apply to them the same terms, Ha-ah'-wuk and Ka-ah'-wul; 
I would to my own children. In turn they call me father. The children of the 
latter are my grandchildren, each of them addressing me by the correlative term. 
On the other hand, the son and daughter of this collateral sister are my nephew 
and niece, Ha-ya' '-wan-da and Ka-y a' -wan-da, and call me uncle ; their children are 
my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandfather. With myself a female, 
the preceding relationships are the same until the children of these collateral 
brothers and sisters are reached, when they are reversed. The son and daughter 
of this brother are my nephew and niece, Ha-soli'-neh and Ka-soJt -neh, each of them 
calling me aunt ; and their children are my grandchildren, each of them calling me 
grandmother ; whilst the son and daughter of this sister are my son and daughter, 
each of them calling me mother, and their children are my grandchildren each 
of them addressing me by the correlative term. It thus appears that the principle 
of classification in the first collateral line is carried into the second ; and it shows 
that my father's brother's sons and daughters are admitted to all intents and pur- 
poses into the same relationships as my own brothers and sisters, the same being 
equally true of the children and descendants of each. 

In the female branch of this line, with myself a male, my father's sister is my 
aunt, Ah-ga'-huc, and she calls me her nephew. This is a fifth indicative feature 
of the system. The relationship of aunt is restricted to the sisters of my father, 
and, as will hereafter be seen, to the sisters of such other persons as stand to me 
in the relation of a father, to the exclusion of the sisters of my mother. My 
father's sister's son and daughter are each my cousin, Ah-gare'-se7i, each of them 
calling me cousin; the son and daughter of my male cousin are my son and 
daughter, each of them calling me father, and their children are my grandchildren, 
each of them calling me grandfather : but the children of my female cousins are 
my nephews and nieces, each of them calling me uncle ; and their children are my 
grandchildren, each of them applying to me the proper correlative. With myself 
a female, the relationships of the children of my male and female cousins are 
reversed, whilst all the others in this branch of the line are the same. The 
relationship of cousin docs not form an indicative feature of the system, although 
its existence is remarkable. It would seem to be intended as a part of this plan 
of consanguinity that the children of a brother and sister should stand to each 
other in a more remote relationship than the children of brothers, on one hand, and 
the children of their sisters on the other, but without prescribing the relationship 
itself. As there are ruder forms, in many of the nations, than that of cousin and 
cousin, it is to be inferred that the latter relationship did not exist in the primitive 



158 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

system, but was developed subsequently by the more advanced nations to remove an 
irregularity which amounted to a blemish. It was, however, pre-determined by the 
elements of the system that, if ever invented, it would be restricted to the children 
of a brother and sister. The admission of the children of my cousins into the same 
relationships as the children of my own brothers and sisters seems to be entirely 
arbitrary, and yet it is not a departure from the general principles of the system. 

On the mother's side, in the same line, I being a male (Plate VII), my mother's 
brother is my uncle, Hoc-no'-seh, and calls me his nephew. Herein is found a sixth 
indicative feature. The relationship of uncle is restricted to the brothers of my 
mother, to the exclusion of those of my father. It is also applied to the brothers of 
such other persons, and no other, as stand to me in the relation of a mother. My 
mother's brother's son and daughter are my cousins, Ah-gare 1 -seJi, and call me the 
same ; the son and daughter of my male cousin are my son and daughter, each of 
them calling me father, and their children are my grandchildren. On the other 
hand, the son and daughter of my female cousin are my nephew and niece, each 
of them calling me uncle ; and their children are my grandchildren, each of them 
addressing me by the correlative term. Supposing myself a female, the relation- 
ships of the children of these cousins are reversed as in the previous cases, whilst, 
in other respects, there is no change. 

The relationship of uncle in Indian society is, in several particulars, more im- 
portant than any other from the authority with which he is invested over his 
nephews and nieces. He is, practically, rather more the head of his sister's family 
than his sister's husband. It may be illustrated in several ways from present usages. 
Amongst the Choctas, for example, if a boy is to be placed at school his uncle, 
instead of his father, takes him to the mission and makes the arrangement. An 
uncle, among the Winnebagoes, may require services of a nephew, or administer 
correction, which his own father would neither ask nor attempt. In like manner 
with the lowas and Otoes, an uncle may appropriate to his own use his nephew's 
horse or his gun, or other personal property, without being questioned, which his 
own father would have no recognized right to do. But over his nieces this same 
authority is more significant, from his participation in their marriage contracts, 
which, in many Indian nations, are founded upon a consideration in the nature of 
presents. Not to enlarge upon this topic, the facts seem to reveal an idea familiar 
as well on the Asiatic as the American Continent, and nearly as ancient as human 
society, namely, the establishment of a brother in authority over his sister's chil- 
dren. 1 It finds its roots in the tribal organization, and that form of it which limits 
descent to the female line, under which the children of a man's sister are of the 
same tribe with himself. 

In the fourth and last branch of this line, myself a male, my mother's sister I 
call my mother, Noyeh' ', and she calls me her son. This constitutes a seventh 
indicative feature of the system. All of several sisters are placed in the relation 
of a mother to the children of each other. My mother's sister's son and daughter 

1 Amongst the Zulus or Kafirs of South Africa an uncle occupies a similar position of authority. 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 159 

are respectively my elder or younger brother, or elder or younger sister as they are 
older or younger than myself: and we apply to eacli other the same terms we 
would use to designate own brothers and sisters. This is an eighth indicative 
feature. It establishes the relationships of brother and sister amongst the children 
of sisters. The son and daughter of this collateral brother are my son and daugh- 
ter, Ha-ah'-wuk and Ka-ah'-wuk, each of them calling me father; and their children 
are my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandfather. On the other hand, 
the children of this collateral sister are my nephews and nieces, Ha-ya' -wan-da and 
Ka-ya'-^van-da, each of them calling me uncle ; and their children are my grand- 
children, each of them applying to me the proper correlative. With myself a 
female, the relationships of the children of this collateral brother and sister are 
reversed, the others remaining the same. 

It will be observed that the female branch of this line, on the mother's side 
through which we have just passed, is an exact counterpart of the male branch on 
the father's side, the only difference being in the first relationship in each, one 
commencing with a father to Ego, and the other with a mother. The same is also 
true of the two remaining branches of this line, as to each other, and with the 
same single difference, one of them commencing with an uncle and the other with 
an aunt. 

To exhibit the relationships of the same persons on the last two diagrams to Ego 
a female, it would only be necessary to substitute nephew and niece in the place 
of son and daughter, wherever they occur, and son and daughter in the place of 
nephew and niece. All other relationships would remain as they now are. These 
diagrams are easily read by observing the figures upon the right and left of the 
father of Ego. The first, for example, in Plate VI, represents my father's father's 
son, who is my father's brother, and therefore my father; and the second my 
father's father's daughter, who is my father's sister, and therefore my aunt. The 
other figures, except those in the lineal line, represent their descendants, proceed- 
ing from parent to child. 

If we ascend one degree above Ego in the lineal line, and then cross over in turn 
to the first figure on the right and on the left in the same horizontal line in each 
diagram, the rules stated as to the first collateral line will also be found to hold 
true in the second. From my father to my father's brother, or from male line to 
male line, and from my mother to my mother's sister, or from female line to female 
line, the relationships of their children, as well as their own relationships, approach 
in their comparative nearness to Ego ; but from my father to my father's sister, or 
from male line to female line, and from my mother to my mother's brother, or from 
female to male, the relationships of the children of this uncle and aunt, as well as 
their own, recede in the degree of their nearness to Ego. The object of this minute 
analysis of the system is to show that it is founded upon clearly established prin- v 
ciples of classification which are carried out harmoniously to their logical results. 
It is the constantly operative force of these ideas which gives to the system its 
vitality. 

We have also seen that the first collateral line in its two branches, and the 
second in its four branches, arc finally brought into and merged in the lineal line ; 



1GO SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

and the same will hereafter be found to be the case with each of the remaining 
collateral lines as far as the fact of consanguinity can be traced. This constitutes 
a ninth indicative feature of the system. It prevents consanguinei, near and 
remote, from falling without the relationship of grandfather in the ascending series, 
that of grandson in the descending, and that of nephew and cousin in the greatest 
divergence of the collateral lines from the lineal line. 

Each of the wives of these several collateral brothers, and of these several male 
cousins, is my sister-in-law, Ah-ge^ah'-ne-ah, each of them calling me brother-in-law, 
Ha-ya'-o. In like manner, each of the husbands of these several collateral sisters, 
and of these several female cousins, is my brother-in-law, Ah-ge-ah'-ne^o, each of 
them calling me brother-in-law, Ha-ya'-o, if I am a male, and Ka-ya'-o, if a female. 
There are several different relationships which are classified together in our system 
under the descriptive phrases brother-in-law and sister-in-law, which are discrimi- 
nated from each other in the Indian system, and distinguished by independent 
terms. 

The foregoing explanations dispose of the second collateral line in its four branches, 
whether Ego be considered male or female, together with the marriage relationships. 
It provides a place and a term for each and every person connected with either of 
these branches, and holds them all within the degree of cousin and grandchild. 
Not one is allowed to pass beyond the recognition of this all-embracing system of 
relationship. 

Among ourselves our nearest kindred, as well as the greater portion of those 
whose connection is recognized under our system, are found in the lineal and first 
and second collateral lines. After they are properly classified the system would 
answer the ordinary requirements of domestic life. Those beyond, as remote col- 
laterals, might have been placed under general terms outside of the near degrees ; 
but the theory of the Indian system is averse to the rejection of collaterals however 
remote, and insists upon the unqualified, recognition of the bond of consanguinity. 
Kindred are bound together in the family relationships in virtue of their descent 
from common ancestors ; so that the differences in the degrees of nearness, which 
are accidental, are subordinated to the blood-connection, which is indissoluble. 
Wherever, then, the chain of consanguinity can be traced, and the connection of 
persons ascertained, the system at once includes them in its comprehensive grasp. 
Such at least is the system as it now appears considered in the light of existing 
institutions. There may have been a state of society, as will be seen in the sequel, 
when the relationships we have been considering were true to the nature of descents 
as they actually existed when the system, in its present form, came into use. These 
results, as they now exist, were apparently effected by adopting the principle of 
classification established in the first and second collateral lines and extending it to 
the third, fourth, and even others more remote, theoretically, without limit. This 
established another principle equally fundamental in the system, which is the follow- 
ing : The children of own brothers, as has been shown, are brothers and sisters to 
each other, elder or younger, and^o are the children of own sisters. In like man- 
ner the children of these collateral brothers are also brothers and sisters to each 
other, and so are the children of these collateral sisters. Advancing downwards 



OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 161 

another degree the children of such persons as were thus made brothers, are in like 
manner, brothers and sisters to each other, and the same is true of such of them as 
were thus made sisters. This relationship of brother and sister amongst the male 
descendants of brothers, and the female descendants of sisters, continues downward 
theoretically ad infinitum at the same degree of remove from the common ancestor. 
But with respect to the children of a brother and sister the relationship is more 
remote and not uniform. Amongst the Senecas, whose system is now under con- 
sideration, they are cousins to each other ; the children of these cousins are cousins 
again ; the children of the latter are cousins also ; and this relationship continues 
downward theoretically ad infinitum. And, lastly, whenever the relationship of 
brother and brother, or of sister and sister at any one of these degrees is found, it 
determines at once the relationships of the descendants of each one of them to the 
other; thus, the son of either one of these, my collateral brothers, is my son if I 
am a male, and my nephew if I am a female ; and the son of either one of these my 
collateral sisters is my nephew if I am a male, and my son if I am a female ; and 
the children of these sons and nephews are my grandchildren. These several 
relationships do not exist simply in theory, but they are practical, and universally 
recognized amongst the Iroquois. 

Diagram, Plate VIII, represents the lineal, and the second, third, and fourth 
collateral lines, male and female, on the father's side ; and Diagram, Plate IX, 
represents the lineal and same collateral lines on the mother's side, with Ego in 
both cases a male. Each line in these diagrams proceeds from the parent to one 
only of his or her children, for greater simplicity, as well as from actual necessity 
in its construction. The first collateral line is omitted, and the second, which is 
presented in full in Plates VI and VII, is retained for comparison with the third 
and fourth. It requires no further explanation, except such as it may receive 
incidentally. 

In the third collateral line male on the father's side, with myself a male (Plate 
VIII) my father's father's brother is my grandfather, Hoc'-sofe, and calls me his grand- 
son. This is a tenth indicative feature of the system, and the last of those which 
are treated as Such. It places the several brothers of my grandfather in the rela- 
tion of grandfathers, and thus prevents collateral ascendants from falling out of this 
relationship. In other words, the principle by which the collateral lines are merged 
in the lineal works upwards as well as downwards. The son of this collateral 
grandfather is my father Hd'-njk, and calls me his son. At first sight this rela- 
tionship seems to be entirely arbitrary, but in reality it is a necessary consequence 
of those previously established. This will be made clear by reversing the question, 
and inquiring whether I am his son. This has already been shown in the male 
branch of the second collateral line, where my father's brother's son's son is found 
to be my son. The son of this collateral father is my brother, elder or younger. 
Our grandfathers are own brothers, and our fathers are collateral brothers, either 
of which determines our relationship to be that of brothers. Again the son of this 
collateral brother is my son, and calls me father, and the son of the latter is my 
grandson, and calls me grandfather. 

My father's father's sister is my grandmother, Oc'-sote, her daughter is my aunt, 

21 January, 1370. 



162 SYSTEMS OF C OX S A X G U INIT Y AND AFFINITY 

Ali-ga-'huc, her daughter is my cousin, AJi-gdre' -seh, her daughter is my niece, 
Ka-ya -wan-da, and the daughter of the latter is iny granddaughter, Ka-yd'-da, 
each of them addressing me by the proper correlative. 

On the mother's side (Plate IX) my mother's mother's brother is my grandfather, 
Hoc'-sote, his son is my uncle, Hoc-no'-seh, his son is my cousin, Ah-gare' -sell, his 
son is my son, Ha-ali' -iculc, and the son of the latter is my grandson, Ha-yd'-da, 
each of them addressing me by the proper correlative. 

My mother's mother's sister is my grandmother, Oc'-sote, her daughter is my 
mother, No-yeh' ', her daughter is my sister, elder or younger, Ah'-je or Ka'-ga, the 
daughter of this sister is my niece, Ka-ya' -wan-da, and her daughter is my grand- 
daughter, Ka-yd'-da, each of them addressing me by the proper correlative. 

In the fourth collateral line male on the lather's side, my father's father's father's 
brother is my grandfather, Hoc'-sote, his son is my grandfather also, his son is my 
father, his son is my brother, elder or younger ; his son is my son, and the son of 
the latter is my grandson ; each of them, as before, applying to me the proper 
correlative. With the exception of one additional ancestor, the three remaining 
branches of this line agree with the corresponding branches of the third collateral 
line, as will be seen by a reference to the diagram. 

There are two methods of verifying every relationship upon these diagrams. The 
first is by commencing in each with the highest transverse line of figures, in one 
of which there are three children of a common father, and in the other three chil- 
dren of a. common mother, who are, respectively, own brothers and sisters to each 
other. In Plate VIII, two of them are males and one a female ; and in Plate IX two 
of them are females and one a male. Thus in the former there are two own 
brothers, with their descendants, one constituting the lineal, and the other the 
fourth collateral line, male of Ego; and in the other there are two own sisters, with 
their descendants, one constituting the lineal, and the other the fourth collateral 
line, female ; those in the same horizontal line of figures being at equal removes from 
the common ancestor. There are, also, in both diagrams, a brother and sister and 
their descendants in corresponding positions. All of the elements are, therefore, 
contained in these diagrams for testing their own correctness, and also for resolving 
any question of consanguinity. In doing either it is only necessary to apply the 
rules before given, namely : that the children of brothers are themselves brothers 
and sisters to each other, that the children of sisters are also brothers and sisters 
to each other; and that the children of cousins are themselves cousins to each 
other ; and, finally, that the same relationships continue downwards, as before 
explained, amongst their respective descendants, at equal removes, indefinitely. 
To illustrate from Plate VIII Hoc'-sote and Hoc'-sote are own brothers ; the three 
Hoc-so'-do below them are brothers to each other as the children of brothers ; the 
four fathers of Ego below them are also brothers to each other by the same rule, 
and three of them are also fathers to Ego because they are brothers of his own 
father. The four below the last are brothers, in like manner because they are the 
children of brothers. Having now reached the transverse line of figures to which 
Ego belongs, and ascertained that they are all brothers to each other, this, of itself, 
determines the relationships of the ascendants and descendants of each of these 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 163 

collateral brothers to Ego himself. The sons and grandsons of my collateral 
brothers are my sons and grandsons ; the father of each of these brothers is my 
father because he is the brother of my own father ; and so is the grandfather of 
each my grandfather, because he is the brother of my own grandfather. If Oc'-sote 
and Oc'-sote in Plate IX are taken, and the diagram is gone through Avith, the same 
results will be obtained ; and so, also, if Oc'-sote and Hoc'-sote in the diagram, or 
Hoc'-sote and Oc'-sote in the other, are taken, the several relationships as given will 
be fully verified. 

The other method is by shifting the position of Ego to that of each person on 
the diagram in turn, and then ascertaining the correlative relationship. It can be 
illustrated most conveniently by examples. In Plate VIII there are three figures to 
the right of my own father, each marked Hd'-nih. If it is desired to prove that 
the person represented by the middle of these figures is my father, under the sys- 
tem, we may reverse the question and ascertain whether I am the son of this person. 
In so doing the position of Ego and this Ha'-nih are exchanged, and the descrip- 
tion of intermediate persons is reversed, whence the figure formerly occupied by 
Ego is found to represent " my father's brother's son's son," who, as before shown, 
is my son, I am therefore, the son of this Hd'-nih. Again, in Plate IX, if the middle 
figure marked Hoc-no'-seh to the right of No'-ych be taken, and the description of 
intermediate persons be reversed, it will make the person represented by the figure 
formerly occupied by Ego " my father's sister's daughter's son," who is my nephew. 
He is the son of my female cousin, myself a male. Thus it is seen that Ego and 
Hoc-no' -sell are nephew and uncle. In this manner the correlative relationship will 
be found to be the true one in every case. 

For each collateral line beyond the fourth as far as relationships can be traced 
the classification is the same. Wheresoever the chain of consanguinity can be 
followed, the principles of the system are rigorously applied ; but the first four 
collateral lines, which include third cousins under the Aryan system, is as far as 
they have occasion to apply it in ordinary intercourse. It has before been stated, 
and the statement is here repeated, that the system of consanguinity and affinity 
just described is not only theoretically the system of the Ganowanian family, but 
the form as detailed is, at the present moment, in constant daily use amongst the 
Seneca Indians of New York, and has been in use by them from time immemorial. 
It is thoroughly understood by the rudest amongst them, and can be fully explained 
by the more intelligent of their number. They still address each other, when 
related by the term of relationship, and never by the personal name. To be igno- 
rant of the relationship which another person sustains to the speaker, and to show 
it by an omission of the proper address is a discourtesy, and is regarded as such. 
In this usage is found a sufficient explanation of the manner in which a knowledge 
of the system is imparted as well as preserved from generation to generation. 

It follows, from the nature of the system, that a knowledge of the degrees of 
consanguinity, numerically, is essential to the proper classification of kindred. 
Consanguinity in its most complicated ramifications is much better understood by 
these Indians than by ourselves. Our collateral kindred, except within the nearest 
degrees, are practically disowned. The more creditable Indian practice of recog- 



164 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

nizing their relatives, near and remote, and of addressing by kin, tends to preserve 
the integrity of the blood connection. 

The marriage relationships, other than those named, are fully discriminated. 
There are two terms for father-in-law, Ha-ga'-sii, for the husband's father, and 
Oc-na'-hose, for the wife's father. This last term is also used to designate a son-in- 
law, and is therefore a reciprocal term. There are also terms for stepfather and 
stepmother, Hoc-no'-ese and Oc-no'-ese, which are also applied, respectively, to the 
husband of my father's sister, and to the wife of my mother's brother : and for 
stepson and stepdaughter, Ho! -no and Ka'-no. In a number of nations two fathers- 
in-law are related to each other, and so are two mothers-in-law, and there are terms 
to express the relationships. The opulence of the nomenclature, although rendered 
necessary by the elaborate discriminations of the system, is nevertheless remarkable. 

None of the persons indicated in the diagrams, or in the Table, as consanguinci, 
however remote, can intermarry. Relatives by marriage, after the decease of their 
respective husbands or wives, are under no restriction. Against the intermarriage 
of consanguinei the regulations are very stringent amongst the greater part of the 
American Indian nations. 

We have now passed step by step through the lineal, and the first, second, third, 
and fourth collateral lines in their several branches, with Ego a male, and also a 
female, and have exhibited every feature of the system with great minuteness of 
detail. The analysis of the system presented in the previous chapter has been 
confirmed in every particular. If the reader has been sufficiently patient to follow 
the chain of consanguinity, and to observe the operation of the principle which 
determines each relationship, the contents of this extraordinary system will have 
been fully mastered. It will be comparatively easy, hereafter, to follow and iden- 
tify its characteristic features in the forms prevailing in other branches of the 
family ; and also to detect, on bare inspection, the slightest deviations which they 
make from the typical or standard form. 

It remains to notice the plan of consanguinity amongst the other Iroquois nations. 
With the exception of one indicative feature, and of a few inconsiderable and 
subordinate particulars, they all agree with each other in their domestic relation- 
ships. It will not, therefore, be necessary to take them up in detail. A reference 
to the Table (Table II) will show that the terms of relationship, with unimportant 
exceptions, are the same original words, under dialectical changes, in the six dia- 
lects. The presence in each of all of its indicative characteristics save one, and 
their minute agreement in subordinate details, establish the identity of the system, 
as well as its derivation by each nation from a common original source. 

The discrepancy to which reference has been made consists in the absence, among 
the Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks, of the relationship of aunt, and 
in supplying its place with that of mother, wherever the former occurs in the Seneca 
form. As a consequence, the relationships of nephew and niece are unknown to 
the females, and are supplied by those of son and daughter. This deviation from 
uniformity upon an indicative relationship is difficult of explanation. It is, also, 
not a little singular that after four hundred years of intimate political intercourse, 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 165 

and constant intermarriage, this diversity has been maintained to the present time. 1 
On the other hand, the relationship of aunt, applied and restricted to the father's 
sister, is found in the system of the Tuscaroras and Wyandotes. In the former it 
is Akk-kaw'-rac, in the latter Ah-ra'-hoc, which are evidently the Seneca Ali-ga'-huc 
dialectically changed. This fact suggests the question, before stated, whether the 
Wyandotes, Tuscaroras, and Senecas, are not more immediately connected, geneti- 
cally, than the Senecas and other Iroquois nations. The Tuscarora and Wyandote 
dialects are much further removed from the Seneca than the latter is from those of 
the remaining nations : but it is possible that this may be explained by the long 
separation of the former from the Iroquois, which would tend to increase the 
variation, whilst the constant association of the Senecas with their confederates 
would tend to retard their dialectical separation. It is one thing to borrow a term 
of relationship and substitute it in the place of a domestic term, of equivalent 
import, but quite a different undertaking to change an established relationship and 
invent a new term for its designation. The first might occur and not be extraordi- 
nary, but the latter would be much less likely to happen. Among the traditions 
of the Senecas there is one to the effect that they had a distinct and" independent 
history anterior to the epoch of their confederation with the other Iroquois nations. 
This feature in their system of relationship, and which is shared by the Tuscaroras 
and Wyandotes, and not by their immediate associates, tends to confirm the tradi- 
tion, as well as to suggest the inference that the Senecas, Tuscaroras, and Wyan- 
dotes, were of immediate common origin. It has been referred to, not so much 
for its intrinsic importance as for the illustration which it furnishes of the uses of 
systems of consanguinity and affinity for minute ethnological investigations through 
periods of time far beyond the range of historical records 

7. Two Mountain Iroquois. 

The location and antecedents of this fragment of the Iroquois stock were 
referred to in the early part of this chapter. Their system agrees substantially 
with that of the Oneidas and Mohawks ; and is chiefly interesting as an illustration 
of the ability of the system to perpetuate itself in disconnected branches of the 
same stock. 2 

1 Descent amongst the Iroquois is in the female line both as to tribe and as to nationality. The 
children are of the tribe of the mother. If a Cayuga marries a Delaware woman, for example, his 
children are Dclawares and aliens, unless formally naturalized with the forms of adoption : but if a 
Delaware marries a Cayuga woman, her children are Cayugas, and of her tribe of the Cayugas. It 
is the same if she marries a Seneca. In all cases the woman confers her tribe and nationality upon 
her children. She will also adhere to the Cayuga system of relationship on the point under con- 
sideration. For seventy years the Cayugas, still living in Western New York, have resided with 
the Senecas, and constantly intermarried with them ; but they still retain their dialect, tribes, nation- 
ality, and relationships. In 1858 I asked a Cayuga woman on one of the Seneca reservations in 
what relationship her father's sister stood to her. She replied, " My mother." I expressed a doubt 
of her correctness, but she adhered to her answer. She gave me the Seneca name for aunt in the 
Cayuga dialect, but denied the relationship. I afterwards found the same deviation from the Seneca 
form amongst the Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks. 

* There are Mohawks, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Cayugas now residing upon the Thames River in 
Canada West. Besides these, there are Oneidas and Onondagas near Green Bay in Wisconsin, and 
also Senecas in Kansas. The Iroquois in New York now number about 4000. 



166 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

II. Hurons. 1. Wyandotes. 

A brief notice of the Hurons and of their descendants, the Wyandotes, has 
already been given. They were called Wane'-dote by the Iroquois, which name 
they afterwards adopted for themselves. 1 The Wyandotes affirm that the Dakotas 
are descended from them, which must be understood simply as an assertion of their 
genetic connection. They call the Dakotas Tun-da'-no. This was the name, still 
preserved in Wyandote tradition, of the chief under whom the Dakotas separated 
themselves from the Wyandotes. It signifies "Big Stomach." The Dakotas 
themselves, it is said, still recognize the relationship, and style the Wyandotes 
Brothers. 

Their system of relationship will be found in the Table. It has all of the indica- 
tive features of the common system, and agrees with the Seneca so completely that 
its presentation in detail would be, for the most part, a literal repetition of the 
description just given. The terms of relationship, in nearly every instance, are 
from the same roots as the Seneca ; and although the dialectical variation, in some 
cases, is quite marked, their identity is at once recognized. This, however, is of 
less importance than the coincidence of the radical features of their respective 
systems. A comparison of the two forms shows that the system in all its precision 
and complexity, with the same original terms of relationship, now prevails in both 
nations; and that it has descended to each, with the streams of the blood, from the 
same common source. For two hundred and fifty years, within the historical 
period, these nations have been separate and hostile, and were for an unknown 
period anterior to their discovery, and yet the system has been preserved by each, 
through the intervening periods, without sensible change. The fact itself is some 
evidence of the stability and persistency of its radical forms. Its existence in the 
Hodenosaunian branch of the Ganowanian family carries it back to the time when 
these several nations were a single people. 

The most remarkable fact with reference to this system of relationship yet 
remains to be mentioned, namely, that indicative feature for indicative feature, and 
relationship for relationship, almost without an exception, it is identical with the 
system now prevailing amongst the Tamil, Telugu, and Canarese peoples of South 
India, as will hereafter be fully shown. The discrepancies between them are 
actually less, aside from the vocables, than between the Seneca and the Cayuga. 

The comparative table of the Seneca-Iroquois and Yankton-Dacota systems of 
relationship, referred to at page 154, is appended to this chapter. 

1 It signifies " calf of the leg," and refers to their manner of stringing strips of dried buffalo moat. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



167 



TABLE EXHIBITING THE SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SENECA-IROQUOIS, AND OF THE YANKTON-DAKOTAS. 


Description of persona. 


Relationships in Seneca. 


Translation. 


Relationships in Yankton. 


Translation. 


LINEAL LINE. 




My grandfather. 
" grandmother. 
" grandfather. 
" grandmother. 
" grandfather. 
" grandmother. 
" father. 
" mother. 
" son. 
" daughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" elder brother. 

" younger sister. 
a it tt 

" younger brother. 

t; tt tt 

" younger sister. 

" brothers. 
u tt 
u tt 
(t tt 

" son. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" daughter. 
" son-in-law. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" nephew. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" niece. 




My grandfather. 
" grandmother. 
" grandfather. 
" grandmother. 
" grandfather. 
" grandmother. 
" father. 
** mother. 
" son. 
daughter. 

grandchild. 

tt 

tt 
u 

elder brother. 

it tt 

elder sister. 

U tt 

younger brother. 

tt tt 

younger sister. 

u tt 

brothers. 

sisters, 
tt 

" son. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" daughter. 
" son-in-law. 
" grandchild. 
t< tt 
tt it 
a <t 
" nephew. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" niece. 
" son-in-law. 

" grandchild. 

it ti 

u tt 
tt 

" nephew. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" niece. 
" son-in-law. 
" grandchild. 

tt 
ti tt 

11 son. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" daughter. 
" son-in-law. 

" grandchild. 
tt <t 

ft tt 
u tt 

" father. 
i{ mother. 
" elder brother. 
" younger brother. 
" sister-in-law, 
it tt tt 

** elder sister. 
" younger sister. 

" brother-in-law. 

t it tt 

* son. 
* nephew. 
' daughter. 
* niece. 
1 nephew. 
' son. 
" niece. 
** daughter. 


2. " great grandfather's mother 


Oc'-sote 






4. " great grandmother 


Oc'-sote 


O-che' 








O-che' 


7 " father 


Ha'-nih . . 


Ah-ta' 






K'-nah 


9. ' son 
10. ' daughter 
11. ' grandson 
12. ' granddaughter 
13. ' great grandson 


Ha-ah'-wuk 
Ka-ah'-wuk 
Ha-ya'-da 
Ka-ya'-da 
Ha-ya'-da 






Me-tii'-ko-zhii 




Me-tii'-ko-zha 




15. ' great grandson's son 
16. ' great grandson's daughter 


Ha-ya'-da 
Ka-ya'-da 
Hii'-je 




Me-tii'-ko-zha 


Che-a' 




Hii'-je. 




19. elder sister (male speaking) 
20. eliler sister (female s/teakiny) 


Ah'-je 
Ah'-je 

Ha'-ea .. 




Chu-ih' 








Me-soU'-ka 


23. " younger sistej (male speaking) 
24. " younger sister (female speaking) 


Ka'-ga 
Ka'-ga 






Me-hun'ka-wan-zhe 




Da-ya'-gwa-dan'-no-ilii 
Da-ya'-gKii-dan'-no-d i 
Da-ya'-gwa-dau'-no-dii 

Ha-ah'-wuk 
Ka'-sa 


Me-ta- we-uoh ''-tin 








First Collateral Line. 
29. " brother's sou (mate speaking) 




31 " brother's daughter " " 






32. " brother's dau. husb. " " 
33. " brother's grandson " " 
34. " brother's gd. daughter " " 
35. " brother's gt. gd. son " " 
36. " brother's gt. gd. dau. " " 
37. " sister's son " 


Oc-ua'-hose 






Ka-ya'-da 
Ha-ya'-da 
Ka-yii'-da 








Ha-ya'-wan-da 
Ka'-sii 






39. ' Bister's daughter " " 
40. ' sister's daught. husb. " " 
41. ' sister's grandson " 
42. ' sister's granddanght. " " 
43. ' sister's gt. grandson " " 
44. " sister's gt. gd. daught. " " 


Ka-ya'wan-da 
Oc-na'-hose 
Ha-yii'-da 




Me-ta'-koash 


" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" nephew. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" niece. 
" son-in-law. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" son. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" daughter. 
" son-in-law. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 

" father. 
" step-mother. 
" elder brother. 
" younger brother. 
" sister-in-law. 
tt tt tt 

" elder sister. 
" younger sister. 

" brother-in-law, 
tt tt tt 

" son. 
" nephew. 
" daughter. 
" niece. 
" nephew. 
" son. 
" niece. 
" dauchtnr. 




Me-ta'-ko-za 


Ha-ya'-da 
Ka-yii'-da 




Me-ta'-ko-za 


Me-to~us'-ka 


46. " brother's son's wife " " 
47. " brother's daughter " " 
48. " brother's dau. husb. " " 
49. " brother's grandson " " 


Ka'-sa 
Ka-so'-neh 
Oc-na'-hose 
Ha-ya'-da 








Me-ta-ko-zha 








Me-ta-ko-zha 


52. " brother's gt. gd. dau. " " 
53. " sister's son " " 
54. " sister's son's wife " " 
55 " sister's daughter " 


Ka-ya'-da 
Ha-ah'-wuk 
Ka'-sii 


Me-ta'-ko-zha 








56. " sister's daught. husb. " " 
57. " sister's grandson " 
58. " sister's granddaughter" " 


Oc-na-hose 
Ha-yii'-da 




Me-ta'-ko-zha 


Me-ta'-ko-zha 




Me-ta'-ko-zha 


60. " sister's gt. gd.daujjht. " " 

Second Collateral Line. 

61 " father's brother 




Me-ta'-ko-zha 


Ha'-nih 


\h ti' 








63. " father's bro. son (older than myself) 


Hii'-je 
Ha'-ea... 




Me soh'-ka 


i)5. " father's brother's son's wife (m. s.) 


Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah 


Ha'-ka 


].- gn't'-pii 


67. " father's bro. dau. (oldei than myself) 


Ah'-je 

Ka'-ea... 


Ton-ka' 




69. " father's bro. daught. husb. (m. s.) 
70. " father's bro. daught. husb. (/. s.) 
71. " father's brother's son's son (m. s.) 




Ta-huh' 


Ha-ya'-o 










73. " father's brother's son's dau. (m. s.) 
74. " father's brother's son's dau. (/. s.) 
75. " father's broth, daught. son (m. s.) 
76. " father's broth, daught. son (f. s.) 
77. " father's broth, daught. dau. (m. s.) 
78. " father's broth, clausrl't. dan. (/. s.) 


Ka-ah'-wuk 
Ka-soh'-neh 
Ha-ya'-wan-da 
Ha-ah'-wuk 
Ka-ya'- wan-da 
Ka-ah'-wuk 










Me to~us'-za 







168 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



TABLE EXHIBITING THE SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SENECA-!ROQUOIS AND YANKTON-DAKOTAS Continued. 


Description of persona. 


Relationships in Seneca. 


Translation. 


Relationships in Yankton, 


Translation, 




Ha-ya'-da 


My grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" annt. 
" step- father. 
" cousin. 
tf ti 

" sister-in-law. 

( ft tl 

' cousin. 

i *i 

' brother-in-law. 

< n tt 

' son. 
' nephew. 
" daughter. 
" niece. 
" nephew. 
" son. 
" niece. 
" daughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" uncle. 
" aunt-in-law. 
" cousin. 

If tl 

" sister-in-law. 

ti n it 

" consin. 

t( u 

" brother-in-law, 
t <t tt 

' son. 
' nephew. 
' daughter. 
' niece. 
' nephew. 
' son. 
' niece. 
' daughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" mother. 
" step-father. 
" elder brother. 
" younger brother. 

" sister-in-law, 
tt it tt 

" elder sister. 
" younger sister. 

" brother-in-law. 

tt ti ti 

" son. 
" nephew. 
" daughter. 
" niece. 
" nephew. 
" son. 
" niece. 
" daughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 

" grandfather. 
" father. 
" elder brother. 
" younger brother. 
" son. 
" nephew. 
" daughter. 
" niece 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
" grandmother. 
" aunt. 

" cousin, 
tt ti 

" nephew. 
" son. 
" niece. 
" daughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 


Me-ta'-ko-zha 


My grandchild. 
ti tt 

" aunt. 
" uncle. 
' male cousin. 

f tt u 

' sister-in-law. 
t tt ti 

' female cousin, 
t tt n 

' brother-in-law. 

tt tt ti 

" son. 
" ni'pliew. 
" daughter. 
" niece. 
" nephew. 
" son. 
" niece. 
" daughter. 

" grandihild. 
tt tt 

" uncle. 
" aunt. 

" male cousin. 

tt tt tt 

" gister-in-law. 
tt tt ti 

" female consin. 
tt tt tt 

' brother-in-law, 
t it tt 

' son. 
' nephew. 
' daughter. 
' niece. 
' nephew. 
' son. 
' niece. 
' daughter. 
' grandchild, 
f it 

' mother. 
" father. 
" elder brother. 
" younger brother. 

" sister-in-law, 
ft ti tt 

" elder sister. 
" younger sister. 

" brother-in-law. 

tf tt it 

" son. 
" nephew. 
" daughter. 
" niece. 
" nephew. 
" son. 
" niece. 
" daughter. 
" grandchild, 
ft tt 

" grandfather. 
" father. 
" elder brother. 
" younger brother. 
" son. 
" nephpw. 
" daughter. 
" niece. 
" grandchild, 
tt ti 

" grandmother. 
" aunt. 

" female cousin, 
tt ft ti 

" nephew. 
" son. 
" niece. 
" daughter. 
" grandchild. 
it ft 






Me-tii'-ko-zha 


81. " father's sister 
82. " father's sister's husband 
83. " father's sister's son (m. speaking) 
84. " father's sister's son (fern, speaking) 
85. " father's sister's sou's wife {male speaking) 
86. " " " " " (/em. speaking) 
87. " father's sister's daughter {male speaking) 
88. " " " " " (/em. speaking) 
69. " father's sister's dau. husb. {male speaking) 
90. " " " " " {fern, speaking) 
91. " father's sister's son's son {male speaking) 
92. " " " " " {fen. speaking) 
93. " father's sister's son's dan. (male speaking) 
94. " " " " " {fern, speaking) 
95. " father's sister's danehter's son {m. s.) 
96. " " " " " (/. s -) 
97. " father's sister's daughter's danght. (m. s.) 
98. " " " " " (/. *.) 
99. " father's sister's great grandson 


Ah-ga'-huc 
Hoc-no'-ese 

Ah-gare'-eeh 
Ah-gare'-seh 


Toh'-we 




Tii'-she 




Ila-kii' 




E-sha'-pa. 












Tii-ha' 


Ha-ya'-o 


She-cha' 








Me-to~us'-ka 








Me-to~^us'-za 




Me-to"us'-ka 














Ha-ya'-da 


Me ta'-ko-zha 


Me-ta'-ko-zha 


101. " mother's brother 
102. " mother's brother's wife 
103. " mother's brother's son {male speaking) 
104. " " " " {fnnale speaking) 
105. " mother's brother's son's wife (m. s.) 
106. " " " " " (/. s.) 
107. " mother's brother's daughter (m. s.) 
108. " " " (/. *.) 
109. " mother's brother'9dan!hter'shusb.(m.s.) 
110. " " " " " (/. s.) 
111. " mother's brother's son's son (m. s.) 
112. " " " " " (/. s.) 
113. " mother's brother's son's daughter (m. s.) 
114. " " " " " (/. s.) 
115. " mother's brother's daughter's son (m. .) 
116. " " " " " (/. ) 
117. " mother's brother's daught. daught. (m. s.) 
118. " " (/ .) 


Hoc-no'-seh 
Ah-gS/-ni-ah 




Toh'-we 


Ta'-she 








Ha-ka' 




E-sha'-pa 












Ta-huh' 


Ha-ya'-o 


She-cha' 




Me-chink'-she 








Me-chounk'-she 


Ka-soh'-neh 






Me-to~us'-ka 








Me-to^us'-za 




Me chounk'-she 




Me-tii'-ko-zha 


120. " mother's brother's great granddaughter... 


Ka-ya'-da 
No-yeh/ ." 




K'-nah 


122. " mother's sister's husband 
123. " mother's sister's son {older than myself) 
124. " " " " {younger than nil/self) 
125. " mother's sister's son's wife (m. s.) 
126. " " " " " (/. .) 
127. " mother's sister's dan. {older than myself) 
128. " " " " {younger than myself) 
129. " mother's sister's daughter's husb. (m. s.) 
130. " " " " " (/. s.) 
131. " mother's sister's son's son (m. s.) 
132. " " " " " (/. s.) 
133. " mother's Bister's son's daughter, {m. s.) 
134. " " " " " (/. *.) 
135. " mother's sister's daughter's son (m. s.) 
136. " " " " " (/. s.) 
137. " mother's sister's daught. daught. {m. s.) 
138. " " " " " (/. s.) 


Hoc-no'-ese 

Ha'-je 


Ah-ta' 


Che-a' 


Ha'-trS, 






Ha-ka' 




E-sha'-pa. 


Ah'-je 


Ton'-ka 


Ka'-ea 




Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o 


Ta-ha' 


She'-cha 




Me-chink'-she 












Me-to^us'-za 




Me-to^us'-ka 














Ha^ya/-da 


Me-ta'-ko-zha 






Me-ta'-ko-zhii 


Third Collateral Line. 
141. " father's father's brother 


Hoc'-sote 

Hii'-mh 


Toon-kii'-she-na 


Ah-ta' 


143. " father's fa. bro. sou's s. {older than myself) 
144. " " " " " {younger than myself) 
145. " father's fath. bro. son's son's sou (m. .) 
146. " " " " " " " (/. .) 
147. " father's fath. bro. son's son's dau. (m. .) 
148. " " " " " " " (/. .) 
149. " father's father's brother's gt. gt. grandson 
150. " father's father's brother's gt. gt. gd. dau. 


Uji'.je 


Clie-a' 


Ha'-ga 














Me-chounk'-she 






Ha-ya'-da 






Mi'-tii'-ko-zlia 


Oc'-sote 


O-che' 


152. " father's father's sister's daughter 
153. " father'8 father's sister's dau. dau. (m. .) 
154 '* '* " '* * ( ** (f. s.) 
155. " father's father's sist. dau. dau. son (m. s.) 
156. " " " " " " " (/. s.) 
157. " father's father's sist. dau. dau. dau.(m..) 
158. " " " " " " " (/. s.) 
159. " father's fatlier's sister's great grandHon.... 
lijl). " father's father's sister's gt. granddaughter 


Ah-ga'-hun 


Toh'-we 














Me-chink'-she 

Me-to~us'-za 
Me chonnk'-she 






Ha-yii'-da 
K.'i-yii'-da 




Me-ta'-ko-zha 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



169 



TABLE EXHIBITING THE SYSTEM OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SENECA-!ROQUOIS AND YANK.TON-DAKOTAS Continued. 


Description of persons. 


Relationships in Seneca. 


Translation. 


Relationships in Yankton. 


Translation. 




Hoc'-sote 


My grandfather. 
" uncle. 
" cousin, 
it it 

" son. 
" nephew. 
" daughter 
" niece. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 
' grandmother. 
' mother. 
' elder sister. 
' younger sister. 
' nephew. 
' son. 
' niece. 
" daughter. 
" grandson. 
" granddaughter. 

" grandfather. 

it a 

" father. 
" elder brother. 
" sou. 
" grandson. 

" grandmother. 
it n 

" Annt. 
" Cousin. 
" daughter. 
" granddaughter. 
" grandfather, 
ii 11 

" uncle. 
" cousin. 
" son. 
" grandson. 

" grandmother, 
it ii 

" mother. 
" elder sister. 
" daughter. 
" granddaughter. 

" hnsb. (two joined). 
" wife (two joined). 
" father-in-law. 
" mother-in-law. 
" father-in-law. 
" mother-in-law. 
" father-in-law. 
" mother-in-law. 
" grandfather. 
" grandmother. 
" son-in-law. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" step-father. 
" step-mother. 
" step-son. 
" step-daughter. 
" elder or y'nger bro. 
" elder or y'nger sist. 

" brother-in-law, 
it it ii 
it ii ii 
ii ii it 

Not related, 
a ii 

My sister-in-law 
ii ii ii 

it ii ii 
ti ii it 

Not related. 

ii it 

Widow. 
Widower. 
Twins.. 


Toon-ka'-she-na 


My grandfather. 
" uncle. 
" male cousin, 
ii ii it 

" sou. 
" nephew. 
" daughter. 
" niece. 

" grandchild. 

it ii 

" grandmother. 
" mother. 
" elder sister. 
" younger sister. 
' nephew. 
' son. 
' niece. 
' daughter. 

' grandchild, 
i it 

" grandfather. 
it ii 

" father. 
" elder brother. 
" son. 
" grandchild. 

" grandmother, 
ii a 

' aunt. 
' female cousin. 
' daughter. 
' grandchild. 
' grandfather. 
i K 

' uncle. 
' male cousin. 
' son. 
' grandchild. 

" grandmother. 

ii ii 

" mother. 
" elder sister. 
" daughter. 
" grandchild. 

" husband. 
" wife. 
" father-in-law. 
" mother-in-law. 
" grandfather. 
" grandmother. 
" father-in-law. 
" mother-in-law. 
" grandfather. 
" grandmother. 
" son-in-law. 
" daughter-in-law. 
" father. 
" mother. 
" son. 
" daughter. 

" Elder or y'nger bro. 
ii ii ii ii 

' brother-in-law, 
i ii ii 

i ii ii 
i ii ii 

' Elder or y'nger bro. 
it a ii ii 

" sister-in-law. 

ii it ii 

ii ii ii 
ii ii ii 
ii it ii 

Widow. 
Widower. 
Twins. 




Hoc-no'-seh 


Dake'-she 


163. " mother's mother's bro. son's sou (m. s.) 
164. " " " " " " (/. s.) 
165. " mother's mother's bro. son's s. s. (m. s.) 
166. " " " " " " (/. s.) 
167. " mother's moth. bro. son's s. dau. (m. s.) 
168. " " " " " " " (/. s.) 
169. " mother's mother's brother's gt. grandson 
170. " mother's mother's bro. gt. granddaughter 




Tii'-she 




She-cha'-she 








Me-to^us'-ka 


Ka-ah'-wuk' 




Ka-soh'-neh , ... 




Ha-ya'-da 




Ka-ya'-da 


Me-ta'-ko-zha 


0<;'-sote 


O-che' 




No'-yeh 


E"-nah 


173. ' mother's mo. sis. dau. fr.(older than myself) 
174. ' " " " (younger than myself) 
175. ' mother's moth. sist. dau. son's son (i. s.) 
176. ' " " " " " (/. s.) 
177. ' mother's mother's sist. dau. dau. (m. s.) 
178. ' " " " " " (/. s.) 
179. ' mother's mother's sister's great grandson 
180. " mother's mother's sister's gt. gd. daught. 

Fourth Collateral Line. 
181. " father's father's father's brother 


Ah'-je 




Ka'-ga 


Me-soh'-ka 




Me-to^us'-ka 


Ha-ah'-wuk 












Ha-yii'-da 


Me-tii/ ko zhji 








Toon-ka/-she-na 


182. " father's father's father's brother's son 
183. " father's father's father's broth, son's son 
184. " father's fa. fa. br. s. s. s. (older than myself) 
185. " father's fa. fa. broth, son's s. 8. s. (m. s.) 
186. " father's fa. fa. brother's son's son's s. s. s. 
187. " father's father's father's sister 
188. " father's father's father's sister's daughter 
189. " father's father's father's sister's dau. dau. 
190. " father's father's fath. sist. dau. dau. dau. 
191. " father's fa. fa. sist. dau. dau. d. d. (m. s.) 
192. " father's fa. fa. sist. dau. d. d. d. d. " 
193. " mother's mother's mother's brother 
194. " mother's mother's mother's brother's son 
195. " mother's mother's mother's bro. sou's son 
196. " mother's mo. mo. bro. sou's son's s.(m. s.) 
197. " mother's mo. ino. bro. sou's s v s. s. " 
198. " mother's mo. mo. bro. son's son's s. s. S. 
199. " mother's mother's mother's sister 
2110. " mother's mother's mother's sister's dau. 
201. " mother's mother's mo. sister's dau. dau. 
202. " mother's mo. mo. sister's dau. dau. dan. 
203. " mo. m. m. sis. d. d. d. d. (older than myself ) 
204. " mo. mo. mo. sis. dau. dau. dau. dau. dau. 

Marriage Relatives. 
205. " husband 


Hoo'-sote 
Ha'-nih 




Ah'-ta 


Ua'-je 


Che'-a 






Ha-ya'-da 


Me-ta/-ko-zha 


Oc'-sote 
Oc'-sote 


O-che 7 


0-che' 




Toh'-we 




Ha-ka/-she 








Me-ta/-ko-zha 


Hoe'-sote 




Toou-kii / -she ua 








Ta/-she . ... 






Ha-ya'-da 


Me-taMco-zha 


Oc'-sote 


0-che x 


0-che / . 




E'-nah 


Ah'-je 


Ton-ka' 










Da-yake'-ne . . 




206. " wife 
207. " husband's father 


Da-yake'-ne 

Ha-ga'-sa ... 




To-ka/-she 


208. " husband's mother 






209. " husband's grandfather 
210. " husband's grandmother 


Ha-ya'-sa 




O-che' . 


211. " wife's father 
212. " wife's mother 
213. " wife's grandfather 
214. " wife's grandmother 
215. " son-in-law 
216. " daughter-in-law 


Oc-na'-hose 
Oc-na'-hose 
Hoc'-sote 
Oc'-sote 
Oc-na'-hose 
Ka'-sa .. 


To-ka/-she 




Toon -kii/-s he-na 


0-che' 






217. " step-father 




Ah-ta' 


218. " step-mother 
219. " step-son 


Oc-no'-ese 

Ha'-no 


E'-nah 




220. " step-daughter 


Ka'-no 




221. " step-brother 


Ha'-je(o) ha'-ga(y) 
Ah'-je(o) ka'-ga(y) 
Ha-ya'-o 


Che-a'(o)me-soh'-ka(y) 
Ton-ka' (o) me-tank'-she 
She-cha' [(y) 


222. " stepsister 


223. " brother-in-law (husband's brother) 
224. " " " (sister's husband (m. s.) 
225. " " " " " (/. s.) 
226. " " " (wife's brother) 
227. " " " (wife's sister's husband) 
228. " " " (husband's sister's husband) 
229. " sister-in-law (wife's sister) 
230. " " " (brother's wife (m. s.) 
231. " " " " " (/. s.) 
232. " " " (husband's sister) 
233. " " " (wife's brother's wife) 
234. " " " (husband's brother's wife) 
235. Widow 
236. Widower 


Ah-ge^ah'-ne^o 


Ta-huh' 


Ha-ya'-o 


She-cha' 




Tii-ha' 




Che-a'(o)me-soh'-ka(y) 
Che-a (o) me-soh-ka (y) 
Ha-ka' 




Ka-ya'-o 


Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah 


E-sha'-pS, 




Ah-ge^ah'-ne^o 


E-sha'-pa 




Hii-kii/ 




E-sha'-pa 




We-ta/-she-na 


Ho-no-kwa'-yes-hii-ah.. 
Ta geek'-ha 




237. Twins 
238. Two fathers-in-law to each other 


Chek'-pa 






239. Two mothers-in-law to each other '. 

















22 January, 1870. 



170 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



CHAPTER III. 

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY CONTINUED. 

II. Dakotan Nations. 1. Dakota Nations Proper Their Area and Dialects Their Transfer to the Plains Federa- 
tive Principle among them System of Relationship of the Yanktons taken as the Standard Indicative Relation- 
Bhips System identical with the Seneca Increasing Evidence of the Self-perpetuation of the System 2. 
Missouri Nations Their Area and Dialects System of the Kaws adopted as the Standard Indicative Relation- 
ships Principal Deviation from Uniformity It occurs invariably on the Relationships between the Children of a 
Brother and Sister System identical with the Yankton 3. Winnebagoes Their Original Area Nearest Affiliation 
of this Dialect with those of the Missouri Nations Their System identical with the Yankton 4. Mandans 
Agricultural and Village Indians Indicative Relationships System identical with the Yankton 5. Minnitarees 
and Upsarokas or Crows Separation of the Crows from the Minnitarees Their Migration northward to the Sis- 
katchewun Their Dialect Observations upon the Divergence of Dialects Minnitaree System Indicative Rela- 
tionships Identical with the Yankton Principal Deviation from Uniformity. III. Gulf Nations 1. Gulf Nations 
Proper Their Area and Dialects System of the Choctas adopted as Standard Indicative Relationships 
System identical with the Yankton Principal Deviation from Uniformity It agrees with the Minnitaree Min- 
nitarees a connecting link between Gulf and Missouri Nations 2. Cherokees Their Language and Area System 
of Relationship identical with the Chocta Observations upon the Dakotan Dialects. IV. Prairie Nations Their 
Area and Dialects 1. Pawnees Republican Pawnee System taken as Standard Its indicative Relationships 
Identical with the Yankton Principal Deviation from Uniformity It agrees with the Checta 2. Arickareea 
Their Area and Dialect Their System agrees with the Pawnee Reasons for attaching Gulf and Prairie Nations 
to the Dakotan Stem Results of Comparison of Systems One System in Fundamental Characteristics found 
among all these Nations Their Unity of Origin System of Relationship as a Basis for the construction of a 
Family of Nations. 

1. Dakota Nations Proper. 2. Missouri Nations. 3. Winnebagoes. 4. Man- 
dans. 5. Minnitarees and Upsarokas or Crows. 

The two leading subdivisions of the Ganowanian family north of New Mexico 
are the Dakotan and the Algonkin. They have held this position from the earliest 
period to which our knowledge extends. It is probable that all of the nations 
south of the Siskatchewun Eiver and Hudson's Bay, and east of the Missouri and 
Mississippi Rivers will ultimately be resolved by linguistic affiliations, into these 
two great divisions. A large number of nations west of the Missouri also belong 
to the Dakotan Stem. The two groups of languages occupied about equal areas, 
and are respectively broken up into about the same number of dialects. Among 
the dialects of the former language, which is the oldest of the two in the area if 
the Gulf nations belong to this branch, the amount of deviation is much the 
greatest, the vocables of many of them having changed beyond the reach of identi- 
fication, although they still wear a family resemblance. It is also extremely 
probable, not to say certain, that the two original languages from which these 
dialects respectively have emanated had become distinct and entirely changed irt 
their vocables, on the Pacific side of the Continent, before the two streams of 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 171 

migration commenced to the eastward, the Dakotan to the valley of the Mississippi 
by some southern route, and the Algonkin to the chain of Lakes, and the valley of 
the St. Lawrence by some northern route. The classification of nations adopted in 
the Table is founded chiefly upon their system of relationship, which contains some 
evidence bearing upon their inter-relations that will appear as we proceed. 

A stock language, as the term is here used, includes such dialects as have a 
sufficient number of vocables for common objects susceptible of identification to 
establish their immediate derivation from each other, or from a common parent 
language. Branch, when applied to a group of nations, is coextensive with stock 
language as applied to a group of dialects. The term stem, or stem-people, is used 
in a more comprehensive sense. It includes several branches or groups of nations, 
whose systems of relationship possess features showing affinity of blood. It also 
includes several stock languages, the vocables of which have a family resemblance, 
although changed beyond immediate identification. 

I. Dakota Nations Proper. 1. Isaunties. 2. Yanktons. 3. Yanktonais. 4. 
Sissetons. 5. Ogalallas. 6. Brules. 7. Unkpappas. 8. Blackfoot Dakotas. (9. 
Ohenonpas. 10. Minnikanyes. 11. Sansarcs. 12. Itazipcoes, these are not repre- 
sented in the Table.) 13. Asiniboines. 

At the period of European discovery, the Dakotas proper were found established 
upon the head waters of the Mississippi in the present state of Minnesota. Their 
home country extended from the head of Lake Superior to the Missouri River, the 
greater part of which, along the margins of the rivers, streams and lakes, was in 
their continuous occupation. When first known to the colonists, through the 
early explorers, they were subdivided into a number of independent bands, living 
more or less in tent villages, 1 and were supposed to be more numerous than any 
other northern Indians who spoke mutually intelligible dialects. The first accounts 
were favorable concerning their intelligence, their hospitality, and their manliness. 

The Dakota language has assumed two, if not three, distinctly marked dialectical 
forms, but the variance is not sufficient to interrupt free communication. These 
dialects may be distinguished as the Isauntie, the Teeton, and the Yankton. 
Between the first two the amount of variation is considerable ; but the third, the 
Yankton, is in the process of formation out of the first. 2 As two forms of the same 
speech, they may be called the Isauntie, or the Mississippi, and the Teeton or 
Missouri Dakota. For philological purposes they are extremely interesting, since 
the variance is still in the incipient stages of its development. 

1 Carver's Travels, p. 51 (Philadelphia edition 1796), shows that this was the case in 1766. 

9 " The chief peculiarity of the Ihanktonwan [Yankton] as compared with that of the Dakotas of 
Minnesota [Isaunties] is the almost universal substitution of k for h. The Titonwan [Teeton] exhibits 
more striking differences. In it g hard is used for h of the Isanties and Ic of the Ihanktonwans, and 
rejecting d altogether, they used I in its stead. * * * Thus, to illustrate the foregoing. * * * 
' Hda,' 1 to go home of the Isantes, is ' kda 1 of the Ihantonwans dialect, and 'gla' in the Titonwau. 
Many words, too, are entirely different, as for example, ' isan', a knife ; the Titonwans say ' milla', 
and the Ihanktonwans minna." Smithsonian Con. IV. Gram, and Die. of Dakota Language, Intro. 
XVII. This last difference may probably be explained by the absence of a term for knife in the 
primitive language. 



172 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

Since the period of their discovery, when the Dakotas occupied a territory of small 
dimensions, a great change has taken place in their condition, ascribable, in part, to 
the retro-migration westward of the Indian nations ; but chiefly to the possession 
of the horse, which has proved by far the most important material gift of Americans 
to the American aborigines. After they had learned to rear and tend this valuable 
domestic animal, in which they have been eminently successful, they gradually 
spread over the vast prairies of the interior of the continent, which never before 
had been capable of human occupation, until at the present time their range 
extends over the immense area from the western head branches of the Mississippi 
to the foot of the Rocky Mountain chain. The change thus wrought in their 
condition has been chiefly for the worse, although it seems probable that they are 
now more numerous than at any former period. They have ceased altogether to 
live in villages, in which the first germs of social progress originate, and have 
betaken themselves to camps on the plains, where they now lead a life of unrelieved 
hardship, and of incessant conflict with adjacent nations, although acknowledged 
masters within their own area. They have now become nomades in the full sense 
of the term, depending for subsistence upon the buffaloes, whose migrations they 
follow. When first known to us they were not agriculturalists in the slightest 
particular, but depended exclusively upon fish, wild rice, and game. The innume- 
rable lakes in central and northern Minnesota were well stocked with fish, and the 
mixture of forest, lake, and prairie, which make this one of the most strikingly 
beautiful regions within the limits of the United States, also rendered it an excel- 
lent game country. The exchange was greatly to their disadvantage. Their 
transfer to the plains, where the greater part of them now dwell, was much more 
from necessity than choice. The steady and irresistible flow of the white popula- 
tion westward necessarily forced the Dakotas in this direction, so that their retro- 
gression was but the realization of their portion of the common destiny of all the 
nations east of the Mississippi. 

The Dakotas have long enjoyed the advantages imparted by a consciousness of 
strength from superior numbers. 1 They have had the sagacity and wisdom to 
maintain a species of alliance among the several subdivisions into which they had 
fallen by the inevitable law of Indian Society, although each band was practically 
an independent nation. Friendly relations have subsisted among them from time 
immemorial with the single exception of the Asiniboines, who became detached 
shortly before the year 1600, as near as can be ascertained, and incurred, in conse- 
quence, the hostility of their congeners. The important uses of the federal principle 
to arrest the constant tendency to denationalization was understood by the Dakotas, 
although it never ripened into a permanent and effective organization. Their 
name La-Jeo'-ta in the dialects of the western nations, and Dd-ne-Jco'-ta in that of 
the eastern, signifies leagued or allied, and they also called themselves, by a figure 
of speech, "The Seven Council Fires," from the seven principal bands which formed 

1 They arc estimated at the present time, to number about twenty-three thousand. 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 173 

the compact. 1 We have no knowledge of any important acts of legislation for the 
general welfare, by this Dakotan Confederacy, but there can be no doubt that even 
a nominal league would tend to promote and preserve harmony among them, as 
well as to increase their influence among Indian nations. Every trace of the 
federative principle in the Ganowanian family possesses some degree of importance, 
as it reveals in each case the development of the first germ of progress from the 
monotonous level of the roving bands. 

Intellectually the Dakotas compare favorably with the most advanced of their 
contemporaries. Intractable and independent in their dispositions they have, for 
the most part held themselves aloof from government influence ; but generous 
and just to each other, they have maintained among Indian nations a favorable 
reputation for energy, hardihood, and courage. 2 Their chiefs in council are bold, 
graceful, and fluent speakers. In this respect they compare favorably with the 
Iroquois, who have reached some distinction in eloquence. At different times I 
have heard the chiefs and orators of many Indian nations speak in council, but 
none of them impressed me more strongly than the Dakota chiefs. Clearness of 
thought and energy of will characterized their speech, and a free untameable spirit 
their demeanor. 

It is impossible to save the Dakotas, or any Indian nation, in the strictly abo- 
riginal condition. They must either become agricultural or pastoral, or disappear 
from the continent. With this great change even it is a formidable struggle for 
existence. The Dakotas have seized the principal part, or rather the northern half 
of the interior prairie area, no considerable portion of which, it seems probable, can 
ever be occupied by our people. It is throughout poorly watered, and substantially 
destitute of forest. On the Upper Missouri for two thousand miles, and until you 
reach the foot slopes of the mountains, the timber is confined to the bottom lands of 
the river, and is very scanty even there. It is the same with all of its tributaries. A 
civilized and agricultural population can never inhabit any portion of this inland re- . 
gion, except a narrow margin upon the rivers. On the plains, the Dakotas, if they 
maintain peaceful relations, will interfere with no interests of the American people. 
When the Buffalo ceases from diminished numbers to afford them subsistence, 
which will be the case at no distant day, they will be compelled to rear domestic 
cattle to supply their place. In this there is every reason to suppose they may be 
entirely successful, from their experience in raising horses, from their knowledge 
of the buffalo ranges, and from their familiarity with the life of the camp. Should 

1 These were, 1. The Mediwanktons ; 2. Walipekutes ; 3. Wabipetons ; 4. Sissetons ; 5. Yank- 
tons ; 6. Yanktonais; 7. Teetons. The first three are collectively the Isaunties of the Table ; and 
the Teetons are now subdivided into, 1. Ogalallas ; 2. Brules ; 3. Uncpappas ; 4. Blackfoot Dakotas ; 
5. Ohenonpas ; 6. Itazipcoes ; 7. Minekanyes, and 8. Sansarcs. 

1 In the year 1862, at Fort Pierre in Nebraska Territory, at a council held by the United States 
Indian agent with the chiefs of several bands of the Dakotas, I witnessed the refusal of a chief 
of one of them to receive any annuity whatever from the government; and he alleged as a reason 
that the acceptance of the goods, which were in a pile before him as he spoke, would compromise 
the independence of his people. 



174 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

they make the experiment and succeed in becoming a pastoral people, they will 
reach a higher degree of prosperity and numbers in the future than they have 
known in the past. In the course of events their removal to the plains may prove 
the means of their preservation, and secure to them a more hopeful future than 
awaits any other branch of the family. 

Of the thirteen distinct and independent Dakota bands or nations named, eleven 
are represented in the Table (Table II, Part II). Their system of consanguinity 
and affinity is one and the same among them all, in every feature which is material, 
and in nearly every minute particular. 

This would be expected from the near approach of their dialects to a common 
speech ; but it is also important as a fact, since it tends to illustrate the living 
power of the system, and its ability to perpetuate itself among geographically 
separated nations. One form will be sufficient to present, and that of the Yanktons 
will be selected as the standard system of these nations. 

It will not be necessary to take up the Yankton system of relationship as we did 
the Seneca and present the several lines in detail, since it is material only to know 
wherein it agrees with the Seneca, and wherein it differs. This may be shown by 
pointing out the differences in the Yankton, leaving it to be inferred that in other 
respects it agrees with the Seneca ; or it may be shown by stating the indicative 
relationships, which not only reveal the fundamental characteristics of the system, 
but which also control the several relationships that follow. There are upwards of 
seventy different forms given in the Table in as many dialects of the Ganowanian 
language ; and that which is true with respect to the Yankton is also equally true 
with reference to the others. Whilst it is important to know the actual present 
condition of the system among all of these nations to appreciate its nature and 
principles as a domestic institution, its power of self-perpetuation, and its bearing 
upon the question of the unity of origin of these nations, it would be too great a tax 
upon the reader to go through the minute details of each. The Table contains the 
full particulars. To this he is referred for a more minute knowledge of the system 
pf each nation. Some plan, however, must be adopted for presenting so much of the 
system of each nation, or of groups of closely affiliated nations, as will exhibit its 
material characteristics. A statement of the general results of a comparison would 
be less satisfactory than a comparison of the material characteristics themselves ; 
because the latter will reveal the positive elements of the system. In most cases 
the result desired can be secured by stating the indicative relationships, from which 
its agreement or disagreement with the Seneca will be at once perceived. These 
relationships disclose the radical features of the system. When they are found to 
agree with the Seneca the identity of the two becomes established. In other cases, 
where the differences are greater, it will be preferable to state the differences ; and 
in still others it may be necessary to give details. The utmost brevity will be 
sought, under either form of explanation, in the survey about to be made of the 
system of relationship of the remaining nations of the Ganowanian family. 

There are separate terms in the Yankton for grandfather and grandmother, 
Toon-led' -she-no, and 0'-c7ie; for father and mother, Ah-ta' and E'-nah ; for son and 
daughter, Mc-chinlc'-she and Me-chounk' '-she ; and a term in common gender for 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 175 

grandchild, Me-ta' -kozlia. All above the former are grandfathers and grand- 
mothers, and all below the latter are grandchildren. 

The fraternal and sororal relationships are in the twofold form of elder and 
younger, for which there is a double set of terms, one of which is used by the males 
and the other by the females ; for brother and sister in the abstract there is no 
term in the dialect, except in the plural number. There are two terms for cousin 
(male and female), used by the males, and two for the same used by the females. 
The following are the indicative relationships in the Yankton-Dakota system : 
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, with Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter, Me-chwJc'-sJie and Ne-chounlc' slie ; with Ego a female they are 
my nephew and niece. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego being a male, are my nephew and 
niece, Me-to-us' -lea and Me-to-us'-zd; with.%0 a female they are my son and daughter. 
Third. My father's brother is my father, Ah-ta'. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son is my elder or younger brother Che'-a or 
Me-soh'-ka, as he is older or younger than myself; and his daughter is my elder or 
younger sister, Tan-ka' or Me-tanJc' -she. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Toh'-we. 
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Dake'-slie. 
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother, E'-nah. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son is my elder or younger brother, and her 
daughter is my elder or younger sister. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Toon-7ca'-z7ie~na. 
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of 
my collateral brothers and sisters, and of my cousins are my grandchildren without 
distinction. This merges the several collateral lines in the lineal line. 

In these the indicative relationships, the Yankton and Seneca are identical. It 
may be stated in addition that the children of my uncle and aunt are my cousins ; 
that the children of my collateral brothers, and of my male cousins, Ego being a 
male, are my sons and daughters, and that the children of my collateral sisters, and of 
my female cousins, are my nephews and nieces ; with Ego a female, these relation- 
ships are reversed. A comparison of the two forms, as they are found at the end 
of Chapter II, will show that they are in minute agreement throughout, the mar- 
riage relationships included. 

It has before been stated that the system of relationship of the remaining 
Dakota nations is the same in all material respects as the Yankton. A reference 
to the Table will show how entirely they agree, not only in general characteristics, 
but also in minute details. It will also be noticed that the terms of relationship 
are the same words, in nearly every instance, under dialectical changes. This 
shows that the terms have come down to each nation as a part of the common 
language ; and that the system, also, was derived by each from the common source 
of the language. The system is thus made coeval with the period when these 
nations spoke a single dialect, and were one people. 

The Asiniboines, as has been elsewhere remarked, had become detached from 
the Dakotas when first known to Europeans. Their range was from near the 



176 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY 

northwest shore of Lake Superior, along the Rainy Lake, and Lake of the Woods 
towards Lake Winnipeg. They formed an alliance with the Crees for mutual 
defence against the Dakotas, which has been maintained with more or less con- 
stancy to the present time. They are now west of the Red River of the North, 
and north of the Missouri, their range including a portion of the Hudson's Bay 
Territory. In their system of relationship they agree so closely with the Yankton 
that whatever is said of one is equally applicable to the other. A greater differ- 
ence in dialect is found between the Asiniboine and Yankton than is found 
among the remaining Dakota dialects as to each other, which is explained by the 
isolation of the former from the Dakota speech for two hundred and fifty years and 
upwards. But the amount of dialectical variation in the terms of relationship is 
still inconsiderable. 

It thus appears that every indicative feature of the Seneca system is not only 
present in that of the Dakota nations ; but that they are coincident throughout. 
The diagrams used to illustrate the Seneca-Iroquois form will answer for either of 
the Dakota nations as well. Every relationship I believe, without exception, 
would be the same in the six diagrams. This identity of systems is certainly an 
extraordinary fact when its elaborate and complicated structure is considered. 
The significance of this identity is much increased by the further fact that it 
has remained to the present time, after a separation of the Iroquois from the 
Dakota nations, or from some common parent nation, for a period of time which 
must be measured by the centuries required to change the vocables of their respec- 
tive stock languages beyond recognition. The maintenance of a system which 
creates such diversities in the domestic relationships, and which is founded upon 
such peculiar discriminations, is the highest evidence of its enduring nature as a 
system. Ideas never change. The language in which they are clothed is muta- 
ble, and may become wholly transformed ; but the conceptions which it embodies, 
and the ideas which it holds in its grasp, are alone exempt from mutability. When 
these ideas or conceptions are associated together in such fixed relations as to 
create a system of consanguinity, resting upon unchangeable necessities, the latter 
is perpetuated by their vital force, or the system, in virtue of its organic structure, 
holds these ideas in a living form. We shall be led step by step to the final infer- 
ence that this system of relationship originated in the primitive ages of mankind, 
and that it has been propagated like language with the streams of the blood. 

II. Missouri Nations. 1. Punkas. 2. Omahas. 3. lowas. 4. Otoes. (5. 
Missouris, not in the Table.) 6. Kaws. 7. Osages. (8. Quappas, not in the 
Table. 1 ) 

This name is proposed for the above group of nations whose dialects are closely 
allied with each other, and all of which were derived from the same immediate 
source as the dialects of the Dakota language proper. These nations, when first 



1 The orthography of some of these names is not in accordance with the common pronunciation in 
the Indian countrj. To conform with it they should be written: Punkaws, Omaliaws, and Qnappaws. 
Otoe is not the original name of this nation. Their own name, which has a vulgar signification, was 
changed to Otoe at the suggestion of the traders. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 177 

known to Europeans occupied the banks of the Missouri River from the mouth of 
the Punka on the north, to the junction of the Missouri and Mississippi, and thence 
down the latter river to the mouth of the Arkansas on the south. In their dialects 
they arrange themselves into three classes, as follows: 1. Punka and Omaha; 2. 
Iowa, Otoe, and Missouri ; and 3. Kaw, Osage, and Quappa. The system of relation- 
ship of all these nations is given in the Table, with the exception of the Quappa, 
which is believed to be identical with the Osage. The remains of the Missouri 
nation are now intermingled with the Otoes, and the system of the latter nation 
represents both. These nations were originally three, as their dialects still demon- 
strate, and were afterwards increased to eight by subdivision. It is not now ascer- 
tainable whether the three were one when they separated from the parent stem, 
or broke off at three different times. The fact that the eight dialects are now 
nearer to each other than either is to the Dakota proper, favors the former supposi- 
tion. It is at least clear that they broke off in one body, or quite near the same 
epoch in separate bodies. The Dakota dialects including the Asiniboine, are very 
much nearer to each other than the dialects of the Missouri nations are among 
themselves, as will be seen by consulting the Table. It would seem, therefore, 
that unless we assume the existence of some intermediate nation from which both 
were derived, and which has since disappeared, the greater relative age must be 
assigned to the Missouri Nations. There is, however, a serious philological diffi- 
culty encountered in deriving the Dakotas from the Missouri Nations, or the 
reverse. It must be considered, as a part of the problem, that the latter nations 
were scattered along the banks of the Missouri, and below on the Mississippi, for 
more than a thousand miles, which would tend to increase the amount of dialec- 
tical variation ; whilst the* former occupied a compact area upon the head waters 
of the Mississippi, and from thence across a narrow belt of country to the Missouri, 
which would tend in the first instance to prevent the formation of dialects and 
afterwards to repress the amount of dialectical variation. 1 On comparing their 
respective systems of relationship it will be found that the Missouri form deviates 
in one important particular, from that of the Dakota nations, in which respect it is 
the rudest, and therefore the oldest. But this fact does not yield any evidence 
with respect to relative age, since the supposition intervenes that the Dakota form 



1 A comparison of the Punka and Yankton vocables reveals a large amount of variation, although 
the identity of many of the words is obvious on mere inspection. These dialects were geographi- 
cally contiguous. The Punka is one of the rudest dialects of the Dakotan stock language. It would 
scarcely be supposed from the vocables that a Punka and Yankton native could understand each 
other, and yet the contrary is the fact. While on the Punka reservation in Nebraska in 1862, I 
obtained the Punka system of relationship from a native, with the assistance of a Yankton half blood 
girl, who spoke English and Yankton fluently, but could not speak the Punka. Neither could the 
Punka Indian speak the Yankton. With some difficulty they were able to understand each other while 
using their respective dialects. They were undoubtedly able to detect and follow common root 
forms, however much disguised. The actual amount of dialectical change is, in reality, much less 
than the vocabularies seem to show. 
23 February, 1870. 



178 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

was originally the same ; and that it has been advanced, by development, from this 
lower to a higher stage. 

The system of consanguinity and affinity of the Missouri Nations is one and the 
same among them all. They also agree with each other in those particulars in 
which they diverge from the Dakota form. It will be sufficient to present the 
system of one of these nations, and that of the Kaws will be taken as the standard. 

It will be understood hereafter unless the contrary is stated, that each nation has 
special terms for the relationships of grandfather and grandmother, father and 
mother, brother and sister, son and daughter, and grandson and granddaughter ; 
and that the fraternal and sororal relationships are in the twofold form of elder and 
younger. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. "With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of 
my collateral brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren. This merges the several 
collateral lines in the lineal line. 1 

The other relationships follow as in the Seneca and Yankton, until we come to 
that which subsists between the children of a brother and sister, where the prin- 
cipal deviation from uniformity in the system of the Ganowanian family occurs, as 
has elsewhere been stated. It is very necessary to understand the several forms 
of this divergence, since the knowledge will tend to explain some part of the inter- 
nal history of the system. It also has a direct bearing upon the question of the 
stability of its radical characteristics. Among the Iroquois and Dakota nations 
as has been seen, the children of a brother and sister are cousins to each other ; 
but among the Missouri nations they are uncle and nephew to each other if males, 



1 In the Omaha dialect there are two terms for son and two for daughter, one of which is used by 
the males, and the other by the females. It is probable that there are two sets of terms in the other 
Missouri dialects, although I did not discover them. She-me-she-ga in Kaw signifies my girl. It 
is formed differently from the corresponding term in the other Missouri dialects, e. g., Kaw, 
He-she' -g&, my son ; She-me'-she-ga, my daughter ; Osage, We-she'-ka, my son ; We-shon'-kii, my 
daughter, which is analogous to the Yankton ; Me-chink'-she, Me-choonk'-she, and the Winnebago, 
E-neke', E-nook'. Where a term originally in common gender takes on a masculine and feminine 
form, the latter retains the original form. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 179 

and mother and daughter if females. When run out in detail the relationships 
are as follows : 

My father's sister is my aunt, Be-je'-me ; her son and daughter are my nephew 
and niece, Be-chose'-ka and Be-clie' -zlio, each of them calling me uncle ; and their 
children are each my grandchild, Be-chose'-pd, each of them calling me grandfather, 
Be-che'-go. With Ego a female, my father's sister's son and daughter are my son 
and daughter, Be-she'-gci and /She-me'-she-gd, each of them calling me mother ; and 
their children are my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandmother. 

My mother's brother is my uncle, Be-ja'-ga, and calls me nephew; his son is my 
uncle again, and calls me nephew ; and his descendants in the male line are severally 
my uncles, theoretically, in an infinite series. 1 My mother's brother's daughter is 
my mother E'-naw, and calls me her son ; the son and daughter of this mother are 
my brother and sister, elder or younger according to our relative ages, and they 
address me by the correlative terms. The son and daughter of this collateral 
brother are my son and daughter ; of this collateral sister my nephew and niece ; 
and the children of each are my grandchildren. With Ego a female these rela- 
tionships are the same, except that those who are sons and daughters are changed 
to nephews and nieces, and those who are the latter are changed to the former. 

A mother's brother and his lineal male descendants are thus placed in a superior 
relationship over her children with the authority the avunculine relationship implies 
in Indian society. In its practical application the infant becomes the uncle of the 
centenarian. 

The terms of relationship in the eight dialects of the Missouri nations are, for 
the most part, the same words under dialectical changes ; and, inasmuch as the 
system of the several nations is identical, it follows that both the terms and the 
system were derived by each nation from the common source of the language. The 
system can also claim an antiquity coeval with the period when these nations were 
a single people. It has also been, made evident that the system of the Missouri, 
the Dakota, and the Iroquois nations is identical. 

With respect to the relationship of cousin, it will become more and more appa- 
rent, as the investigation progresses, that it was unknown in the primitive system 
of the Ganowanian family. It seems to have been developed at a later day, by the 
more advanced nations, to remove a blemish in the system and to improve its sym- 
metry. All the nations which have advanced to a knowledge of this relationship 
have restricted it in every instance, to the children of a brother and sister ; thus 
showing, as we have previously seen in the system of the Aryan family, that if it 

1 Of the actual existence and daily recognition of these relationships, as stated, novel as they are, 
there is no doubt whatever. I first discovered this deviation from the typical form while working out 
the system of the Kaws in Kansas in 1859. The Kaw chief from whom I obtained it, through a 
perfectly competent interpreter, insisted upon the verity of these relationships against all doubts and 
questionings ; and when the work was done I found it proved itself through the correlative relation- 
ships. Afterwards in 1860, while at the Iowa reservation in Nebraska, I had an opportunity to test 
it fully, both in Iowa and Otoe, through White Cloud a native Iowa well versed in English. While 
discussing these relationships he pointed out a boy near us, and remarked that he was his uncle, and 
the son of his mother's brother who was also his uncle. 



180 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

was developed at all, the direction of the advance was predetermined by the ele- 
ments of the system. In other words, it is under the absolute control, like other 
domestic institutions, of the primary ideas upon which it is founded. Whilst it 
cannot be changed by the arbitrary introduction of new elements from without, it 
may be advanced by development from within, in which case it must move in 
logical accordance with the principles of the system. What the original form, as 
to these relationships, may have been, it is extremely difficult to determine. There 
are four different methods of disposing of them found among the Ganowanian 
nations ; by the first the children of a brother and sister are cousin and cousin ; by 
the second uncle and nephew when males, and mother and daughter when females ; 
by the third, son and father when males, and granddaughter and grandmother 
when females ; and of the fourth, brother and sister. The first appears to be an 
advance, and the last a lapse, from the primitive system. At present the choice 
lies between the second and third. It is also an interesting fact that the first, 
second, and fourth forms are found among the Algonkin nations. These deviations 
from uniformity have an important bearing upon the question of the order of the 
separation from each other of nations speaking independent stock languages. 

3. Winnebagoes. When discovered this nation was established at the head of 
Green Bay, and around Winnebago Lake, in the present state of Wisconsin, sur- 
rounded . by Algonkin populations. They are the Puants of the early French 
explorers. In 1840 they were removed by the national government to a tract of 
land assigned to them in Iowa, and in 1846 they were again removed to their 
present reservation on Long Prairie River in the State of Minnesota. The first 
census, taken in 1842, showed their numbers to be something over two thousand. 

It has long been known that the Winnebago dialect belonged to the Dakotan 
speech; but the variation was so "marked as to leave it in a state of isolation. 
When compared with the dialects of the Missouri nations it will be seen that it 
affiliates with them more closely than with the Dakota proper. Their ethnic posi- 
tion is near the latter nations. They call themselves Ho-chun- gd-rd, the significa- 
tion of which is lost. 

The Winnebago system of relationship follows that of the Kaws so closely that 
it will be unnecessary to present it specially. It has all of the indicative features 
of the common system, and agrees with the Kaw in the greater part of its subor- 
dinate details. It is noticeable, also, that it agrees with that of the Missouri 
nations in placing the children of a brother and sister in the relationships of uncle 
and nephew and mother and daughter ; thus tending to show that the Winneba- 
goes became detached from the parent stem while that form prevailed. It is also 
inferrible from their dialect that they are one of the oldest branches of the Dakotan 
stem. 1 



1 Independently of the relationships given in the Table, and of the names borne by individuals, 
there is a series of terms applied to the first five sons in the order of their birth, and another to the 
first five daughters. These special designations are used by the Dakota nations, and doubtless by 
Btill other nations ; but they appear to be names expressive of the order of birth, as first and second 



OF TUE HUMAN FAMILY. 181 

4. Mandans. The Mandans have been brought into more prominent and 
favorable notice than any other Indian nation of the interior. The accounts of 
Lewis and Clark, who spent the winter of 1804-1805 at their principal village; 
of Catlin, who resided for several months in the year 1832, in the same village ; 
and of Prince Maximilian, who visited the place in 1833, have furnished a larger 
amount of information concerning this nation than has been given of any other 
upon the Missouri lliver. When first discovered they were agricultural, and Vil- 
lage Indians. Their advanced condition in resources and intelligence is to be 
ascribed to their stationary life, and to their agricultural habits. The change from 
a roving life in the tent to permanency in large communities, and from fish and 
game to bread in connection with animal food produces a marked improvement in 
the social condition of any Indian nation. It also affords a better opportunity to 
witness their domestic life, from which, as a stand point, they should be judged. 
This has rarely been the combination of circumstances under which our knowledge 
of the American Indians has been acquired. The highly favorable representations 
of Lewis and Clark, Catlin, and Maximilian are due, in some measure, to their 
unusual opportunities for observation. 

It is questionable whether the Mandans originated the partial civilization of 
which they were found possessed. There are strong reasons for believing that 
they obtained both their knowledge of agriculture and of house building from the 
Minnitarees, a people who migrated to the Upper Missouri after the Mandans had 
become established in the same region, and of whom the early accounts are not less 
favorable than of the Mandans themselves. Both of these nations constructed a 
house of a peculiar mode, usually called the " Dirt Lodge," although this designa- 
tion fails to express the advance which it represents in the architecture of the 
Ganowanian family. It was a house on the communal principle, thoroughly con- 
structed with a timber frame, commodious in size, and extremely neat and com- 
fortable. 1 It is a question of some interest from what source this house, and agri- 
culture, found their way to the Upper Missouri. 

born, and so on, rather than terms of relationship. In Winnebagoe and Isauntie Dakota they are as 
follows : 

Winnebagoe. Isauntie Dakota. Winnebagoe. Isanntie Dakota. 

First son, Koo-no'-ka. Chii-was'-ka. First daughter, E-noo'-ka. We-no'ka. 

Second " Ha-na'-kii. Ha-pan'-na. Second " Wa-huu'-ka. Ha'-pan. 

Third " Ha-ka'-ka. Ha-pe'-na. Third " Ah-kse-a'-ka. Ha'-pes-ten-na. 

Fourth " Na-kh-e'-ka. Cha-na'-tan. Fourth " E-nuk-ha'ka. Wan'-ska. 

Fifth " Na-kh-a-kh-o'-no-ka. Ha-ka'. Fifth " Ah-kse-ga-ho'-no-ka. We-ha'-ka. 

1 In 1862 I visited the ruins of the Mandan village above referred to. It was abandoned by them 
in 1838, after the visitation of the pestilence which nearly depopulated the village. The Arickarees 
soon after occupied it, and held possession until the spring of 1862, when the'inroads of the Dakotas 
forced them to abandon it in turn. It contained the remains of about forty houses, most of them 
polygonal in form, and about forty feet in diameter. The village was situated upon a bluff about 
fifty feet high at a bend in the Missouri River, which afforded a site of much natural beauty. Some 
miles above, on the opposite or east side of the river, we found the present Mandan and Minnitaree 
village, which they occupy together. The situation is upon a similar bluff at a bend, and the houses 
are constructed upon the same model. Both the old and the new village were stockaded. The 
Mandans, who now number but two hundred and fifty souls, were estimated by Lewis and Clarke 



182 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



The dialects of the Dakota and Missouri nations, and of the Winnebagoes and 
Mandans, all belong to the same stock language. A sufficient number of vocables 
are common to render this certain upon bare inspection. At the same time the 
Minnitaree and Crow dialects contain a large number of words for common objects 
which are found in the dialects of the former nations. The connection of the 
latter nations with the Mandans, which is known to have been intimate for more 
than two hundred years, might explain the presence of some of these words in the 
Minnitaree and Crow dialects, particularly the words for the numerals ; but the 
number of vocables for common objects renders it extremely probable, not to say 
certain, that all of these dialects belong to the same stock language. The sub- 
joined comparative vocabulary, taken in connection with the terms of relationship 
in the Table, shows the degree of the correspondence in a list of forty ordinary 
words. 1 It also discloses a sensible family resemblance between these dialects and 
those of the Gulf nations, with the excaption of the Cherokee. 



(1 804-1805) at three hundred and fifty fighting men, which would give a total of about eighteen hun- 
dred (Travels, London edition, 1814, p. 96), and by Catlin in 1832 at two thousand. (North Ameri- 
can Indians, I, 287.) In their personal appearance they are still among the best specimens of the 
American Indian. 

COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY. 







Manclan. 

(Morgan.) 


Kaw. 
(Morgan.) 


Otoe. 

(Morgan.) 


Isauntie- Dakota. 
(Riggs, Lex.) 


Winnebagoes. 
(Gallatin's vocabulary.) 


1 


Father, 


Ta-tay' 


E-da'-je 


Hin'-ka 


At-tay' 


E-in-cha' 


2 


Mother, 


Na-a' 


E'-naw 


He'-nah 


E-nah' 


E-oo-ne' 


3 


Head, 


Pan 


Be-a'-ha-be 


Na'-to 


Pa 


Na-sah-ha 


4 


Hair, 


Pa-he' 


Pa-hu'-ya 


Na'-too 


Hin 




5 


Eye, 


In-sta' 


Eshe-ta' 


Ish'-ta 


is-ta 


Ish-chah-suh-hii 


6 


Nose, 


Pii'-ho 


Pa'-shee-sha 


Pa 


Po'-ga 


Pii-ha 


7 


Ear, 


Na-go'-he 


Ha'-yu-ja 


Na'-twa 


No'-ga 


N;i-cha-wa-ha 


8 


Mouth, 


E'-lia 


E'-ha 


E'-ha 


We-cha'-e 


Ee-ha 


9 


Arm, 


Ah'-le 


Ah-le'-ta 


Ah-krii'-cha 


We'-pa 




10 


Foot, 


Shee 


See 


The 


Si-ha' 


See-hii 


11 


Heart, 


Not'-ka 


No'-ja 


Na'-che 


Chan-te 




12 


Tobacco, 


Ma-na'-she 


Na'-ne 


Da-ri'-ye 


Chan-di' 


[ha (sun) 


13 


Sun, 


Me'-na-ke 


Me'-yo-ha 


Pee 


An-pa-tii-we 


Hau nip (day), wee- 


14 


Moon, 


Me'-na-ke 


Me'-yo-ba 


Pee'-ta 


Han-ya'-tu-we 


Hil-iiip (night), wee 


15 


Star, 


Ha-kii'-ka 


Me-ka'-ga 


Pe-kii-ka 


Wi-chan'-h'pe' 


Kohsh-keh [hii(sun) 


16 


Day, 


Hiim'-pa 


Ha'-ome-pa 


Ah'-wa 


An-pii'-tu 


Haum-pee-ha 


17 


Night, 


Ese-tu-sha 


Ha-uope'-pa-sa 


Ah'-ha 


Han-ye'-tu 




18 


Fire, 


Wii'-la-la 




Pai'-ye 


Pe'-ta 


Ped-gha 


19 


Water, 


Ma-ne' 


Ne 


Knu 


Me-ne' 


Ni-hii 


20 


Ice, 


Ho'-lee 


No'-ha 


No'-ka 


Cha'-ga 




1 


Snow, 


Ma'-lra 


Ba 


Pow 


Wa 


Wa-ha 


22 


Black, 


Pse 


Sa'-bii 


Ska 


Sii'-pa 


Seb-ha 


23 


White, 


Shote'-ho 


Ska 


Tha'-wa 


Ska 


Ska 


24 


Red, 


Sa-zhe 


Shu'-ja 


Soo'-che 


Shii 


Shoosh 


25 


Yellow, 


See'-ro 


Se'-ha 


Che 


Ze 




26 


Blue, 


Toh'-ho 


To'-ho 


To-ho'-ja 


To 




27 


Green, 


Ton- 


Ma-he'-a-go 


To 


To 




28 


Moccasin, 


Hom'-pa 




Ah'-kooch 


Han'-pa 




29 


Beaver, 


WS'-la-pe 




Pa-kuli'-tha 


Cha'-pa 


Nii-a-pa 


30 


Buffalo, 


Ba-ro'-ka 


Cha-do'-ga 


Cha 


Zii-tan'-ka 




31 


Pigeon, 




Eu-ete'-ta 


Lute'-ja 


Wil-ki'-ya-dnn 




32 


Arrow, 


Ma'-he 


Ma 


Ma 


Wiin-henk'-pe 




33 


One, 


Ma'-han-na 


Me-ikh'-je 


E'-yunk 


Wari-the 


Jun-ki-ha 


34 


Two, 


Nope 


No'-bii 


No'-w~a 


Non'pa 


Nora-pi-wi 


35 


Three, 


Na'-min-ne 


Ya'-bar-le 


Ta'-nye 


Yani'-ne 


Tii-ni-wi 


36 


Four, 


Tope 


To'-ba 


To'-weh 


To'-pa 


Tsho-pi-wi 


37 


Five, 


Ke'-ho 


Sa'-tun 


Tha'-ta 


Zap'-tan 


Sa-tsha 


38 


Six, 


Kee'-na 


Shak'-pe 


Shii'-pwa 


Shnk'-pe 


Ah-ke-we 


39 


Seven, 


Koo'-pa 


Pa'-yo-ba 


Shii'-niii 


Slia'-ko-win 


Shil-ko 


40 


Eight, 


Ta-to-ke 


Pa'-yii-ba-da 


Gitl-rii'-peii-ue 


Sha-do'-gan 


A-oo-ougk 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



183 



When the Minnitarees reached the Upper Missouri they found the Mandans, 
as the traditions of the latter affirm, in the possession of the country ; and they 
were allowed to take up their residence apart, but near them, on the river as a 
friendly people. Although the Mandan tradition asserts that the Minnitarees 
" came out of the water to the east," it seems highly probable that they were 
originally from the region of the Gulf of Mexico, and that they are one of the 
connecting links between the Choctas and Creeks, and the Dakota nations. 
There is some evidence in their respective systems of relationship tending to the 
same conclusion. On the other hand, the Mandans were not intrusive, but estab- 
lished on the north of their nearest congeners, the Dakota and Missouri nations. 
They had been forced in later years by the hostility of the Dakotas further up the 
river, as the remains of their old villages, still to be seen, as well as their own 
accounts attest. The Mandans now call themselves Me-too'-ta-hak, " South Vil- 
lages," which implies their displacement from a more southern location. They 
could have learned neither agriculture nor house building from the Dakotas, as 
the latter knew nothing of cultivation, or of house architecture ; nor yet of the 



COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY. 







Minnitaree. 
(Morgan.) 


Crow. 
(Morgan.) 


Chocta. 

(Byington.) 


Creek. 
(Casey.) 


Chernkee. 
(Morgan.) 


Wyandote. 
(Morgan.) 


1 


Father, 


Ta-ta' 


Ah--ha' 


A'-ki 


Chuhl'-ke 


A-do'-da 


Hi-ese'-ta 


2 


Mother, 


Ih'-kii 


E'-kee-a 


Ush'-ki 


Chutch-ke' 


A-tse' 


Na-uh' 


3 


Head, 


Ahk-too' 


Ah-.siiu'-a 


Nish-ko-bo 


Ik-ah 


Tse-sko'-le 


Sku-ta 


4 


Hair, 


Ah-ra' 


E-she'-a 


Pa-shi 


E-ka'-is-see 


Ge-t'la 


A-ru'-sha 


5 


Kye, 


Ish-tii' 


Is-ta' 


Ash-kin 


Tothl'-wa 


Tse-ga-to'-lih 




6 


Nose, 


Ah-pa' 


Bii-de-a 


I-bi-shak-ni 


U-po' 


Go-ya-so'-lih 


Yone'-geh 


7 


Ear, 


Ah-pitsh' 


Ah'-pa 


Hak-so-bish 


Hats-ko' 


Tse-la'-ue 


Ah-ho'-ta 


8 


Mouth, 


Ee 


E'-ah 


I'-tih 


Chok-wa' 


Tse-di-lih 


A-ska'-rent 


9 


Arm, 


Ar-ra' 


Ah'-ra 


Shak'-ba 


Sak'-pa 


Tse-no-ga'-nee 


A-zha-sha 


10 


Foot, 


E-che' 


Ih'-cha 


i-yi 


E'-le 


Da'-tse-na-sa- 


A-she'-ta 














da'-ih 




11 


Heart, 


Na-ta' 


Na-sa 


Chnh'-kush 


Fay'-kee 


Ah-ge-no-wih 


Tone-ta'-shra 


12 


Tobacco, 


Oh-pe 


O'-pa 


Hak-chu'-ina 


Hee'-che 


Tso'.la 




13 


Sun, 


Mii-pa'-we-re 


Ah'-h-ka-zha 


Hu'-ahi 


Has '-see 


Nan' doh 


Yan-de'-sha 


14 


Moon, 


Ma-ko'-we-re 


Miu-ue-ta'-cha 


Hush-ni'-nak- 


Has'-see 


Nan-doh'. Sa- 


Wa-sun-ta-yeh 










a-ya 




no'-yih-a-heh 


yan-de'-shil 


15 


Star, 


0-ka' 


E-ka' 


Fi-chik 


Ko-tso-tsum-pi 


Noh'-kwe'-se 




1(J 


Day, 


Mii'-pih 


Ma'-pa 


Ni'-tak 


Nit-ta' 


K'-ga 


Met-ta'-yeh 


17 


Night, 


Ch-k'-che 


O'-uhe-a 


Ni-nak 


Nith-le' 


Sa-no-yeh 


Wa-suu-ta'- 


18 


Fire, 


Be-dii' 


Be-da' 


Lu'-ak 


Tate'-ka 


Ah-des'-luh 


[yeh 


19 


Water, 


Min-ne' 


Me-na' 


O'-ka 


Ne'-wa 


Um'-ma 


Sa-nuse'-te 


20 


Ice, 


Bii-ro'-h-e 


Boo-roo'-h/a 


Ok'-ti 


He'-to-tee 


O-nase'-ta-la 


Oan - un - de'- 


21 


Snow, 


Mil'-pe 


Be'-pa 


Ok-tu'-sha 


He-to-te-thlok- 


Goo-te'-ah 


De-ne-ta' fsha 


22 


Black, 


She-pish'-sha 


Che-pa'-sha 


Lu'-sa 


Lus-tee [lai-ye 


Ga-h'na'-ya-hi 


Te-hese'-ta-ya 


23 


White, 


Ah-ta'-ke 


Che'-a-ka-te 


Tolr'-bi 


Hat-kee 


Oo-na'-ga 


De-ne~yit' 


24 


Red, 


Ish'-she 


Hish'-sha 


Hom'-ma 


Isa-tse 


Ge-ga-ga'-ih 


Me-ta'-ya 


25 


Yellow, 


She-re 


She-re-ka'-ta 


Lak-na 


La-me 


Da-lo'-nih 


Kan-ya'-tU-ya 


2(i 


Blue, 


Toh --he 


Shu'-a-ka-ta 


Ok-cha-ma'-li 


Ok-ko-la-tee 


Sa-ko'-ne-ga 


Roan-ya 


27 


Green, 


Ka-to'-gh'e-ka 


Me-nis'-ta 


Ok-cha'-ko 


Pa-he-lil-nee 


E-dsa'-ih 


Ze-in-gwa'-ra 


28 


Moccasin, 


Mii-ta-pa' 


Hoom-pa' 


Shu'-lush 


Ist'-clee-'pi-ka 




Ah-ra'-shu 


29 


Beaver, 


We-ra'-pa 


Be-rup'-pa 


Kin'-ta 


Its-has'-wa 


Do'-ya 


Tsu-ti'-e 


30 


Buffalo, 


Ke'-rup-pe 


Che'-rup-pa 


Yii'-nftsh 


Ya-no-sa 


Yan'tsa 




31 


Pigeon, 


[-sha 


Main -pit'- tse-sa 


Pu-chi 


Pa-uhy [voc.) 


Ah-dsa'-te 




32 


Arrow, 


Bed-S-roo'-che 


Ah-no'-a-ta 


Os-ke-no-ke 


Khl-li(Gallatin 


Gan'-na 


Oon-da' 


33 


One, 


Ne-wat'-za 


Ah-iimt'-tuk 


A-chu'-fa 


Hom-ma-ye 


Sa-gws" 


Scot 


34 


Two, 


Doo'-putz 


No'-puk 


Tuk'-lo 


Hok-k'o 


Ta-iih' 


Ten'-de 


35 


Three, 


Na'-wetz 


Nii'-ma 


Tu-chi'-na 


Tot-cheh 


Tso'-ih 


Shaik 


3D 


Four, 


To'-putz 


Sho'-puk 


Ush-ta 


Os-teh 


Nuk'-ee 


I)aak 


37 


Five, 


Kii-hotz' Chnh-liook' 


Ta-hla-pi 


Chahg-kie 


His-ke 


Wish 


38 


Six, 


Ah-ka'-wutz 


Ah-ka'-muk 


Ha-na-li 


Eb-bah 


Soo-da'-le 


Wa-zuh' 


39 


Seven, 


Sha'-po-utz 


Sa'-poo-uk 


Un-tuk-lo 


Koo-lo-ba 


Guh'1-guo-ge 


Ze-tii'-re 


40 


Eight, 


Na'-pa-pitz 


No pa'-pa 


Un-tu chi-na 


Chin-na-ba 


Tso-na'-la 


Ah-ter'-re 



184 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

Missouri nations, for neither of these were agricultural, except the Quappas, at 
the mouth of the Arkansas, more than fifteen hundred miles below them ; and 
possibly the Osages, who were south of the mouth of the Missouri. At a later 
period the Omahas and lowas occasionally constructed houses upon the Mandan 
and Minnitaree model ;* but they were never Village Indians in any proper sense. 
Finally, we must either suppose that the Minnitarees carried both agriculture and 
the art of constructing a timber framed house to the Upper Missouri, and taught 
them to the Mandans, or that the latter formerly resided as far south as the 
Arkansas. The former is the most probable. 

The Mandan language is not accessible except for the most ordinary purposes. 
When I visited the Mandan village there was but one person there who spoke both 
Mandan and English. This was a half-blood Mandan, Joseph Kipp, a son of 
the well-known interpreter James Kipp, to whom Catlin was indebted for his 
means of communication with this people. I had no difficulty in procuring a 
vocabulary ; but found it impossible to obtain their system of relationship complete. 
The Mandans have very generally learned the Minnitaree language, as they now 
live together, and the traders and trappers have done the same ; but neither the 
one nor the other has learned the Mandan. For reasons beyond my control I 
was unable to reach the Mandan through the Minnitaree. Enough, however, of 
their system of relationship was obtained to establish the identity of its radical 
characteristics with those of the common system. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same. This last is a devia- 
tion from the usual form. It shows that females have no aunt, the father's sister 
being a mother. In this respect it agrees with the Cayuga and Mohawk, and also 
with the Chocta and Creek. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
Mr. Kipp was unable to recall the terms for these relationships, although assured 
of their existence in the language, which was also confirmed by the presence of the 
correlative uncle. With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. There is a double set of terms for these relationships, and probably 
some inaccuracy in their use as given in the Table, since they make elder and 
younger sister the same. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Ego being a male ; but my mother, Ego 
being a female. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

1 This fact was communicated to the author by Rev. S. M. Irwin, who for the last thirty years 
has been a missionary among the Omahas and lowas in Nebraska. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 185 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of 
my collateral brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren. 

The relationship which subsisted between the children of a brother and sister I 
was unable to ascertain. There can be no doubt whatever of the identity of the 
Mandan form with those previously presented, although its details are incomplete. 

5. Minnitarees, and Upsarokas or Crows. These nations are immediate sub- 
divisions of the same people. When they first appeared on the Upper Missouri 
they were, according to the Mandan tradition, agricultural and Village Indians. 
They were found by Lewis and Clarke living in Villages on Knife Kiver, near their 
present town. These explorers furnish the following account 'of the original 
separation from each other. " The Mandans say that this people came out of the 
water to the east, and settled near them in their former establishments in nine 
villages ; that they were very numerous, and fixed themselves in one village on the 
south side of the Missouri. A quarrel about a buffalo divided the nation, of which 
two bands went into the plains, and were known by the name of Crow and Paunch 
Indians, and the rest removed to their present establishment." 1 On the contrary, 
the Minnitarees now clain to be autochthones, a very common conceit among 
Indian nations, although the name by which they still distinguish themselves as a 
nation, E-nat'-za, signifying " people who came from afar," expressly contradicts 
the assertion. This claim, however, may be received as some evidence of a long 
continued occupation of this particular area. Indian nations usually retain a tradi- 
tion of their last principal migration, and when that has faded from remembrance 
the aiitochthonic claim is often advanced. If we adopt the Mandan tradition, as 
to the first appearance of the Minnitarees upon the Upper Missouri, they have re- 
mained during the intervening period Village Indians, and residents upon, and near 
this river ; but the Crows changed their mode of life from the village to the camp, 
and from an agricultural basis of subsistence, to the products of the chase. They 
advanced northward by routes now unknown, until a part of them reached the 
south branch of the Siskatchewun River, more than fifteen hundred miles north of 
the present Minnitaree area. Their range was between the Siskatchewun and the 
Missouri. One of the tribes of the Crows resided along the Bear's Paw Mountain, in 
what is now the Blackfoot Country, near the base of the Rocky Mountain chain. 
The name Slup-tet' -za, which this tribe still bears, signifying " Bear's PaAV Moun- 
tain," 2 commemorates the fact. The Crows have a distinct and well-preserved 
tradition, which was communicated to the author by Robert Meldrum (the highest 
authority in the language and domestic history of this nation), that while they 
resided around this mountain, the Shoshonee or Snake Indians were in possession 
of the present Crow Country upon the Yellowstone River ; and the Comanches, now 
of Western Texas, then occupied the present Shoshonee area west of the Moun- 



1 Lewis and Clarke's Travels, &c., p. 96. 

2 This beautiful mountain range rises out of the plains about fifty miles east of the Falls of the 
Missouri, and stretches from near the Missouri to Milk River. Its highest peaks are about twenty- 
five hundred feet high. Although quite near the foot of the Rocky Mountains, it is entirely 
detached, and forms a conspicuous and striking object in the landscape of the prairie. 

24 February, 1870. 



186 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

tains, upon the south branch of the Columbia River. If we may adopt this tradi- 
tion, the truth of which is not improbable, it suggests the probability that the 
separation of the Crows from the Minnitarees antedates the conquest of Mexico. 
In the course of events the Crows have again become territorial neighbors to their 
former brethren. 

The dialects of the two nations are not yet sufficiently changed to prevent them 
from conversing with each other, although it is attended with considerable diffi- 
culty. The amount of change is about the same, or perhaps greater, than the 
divergence of the Wyandote from the Iroquois after a separation, in the latter case 
of at least four centuries. If these dates could be authenticated absolutely, they 
would afford some criterion, now greatly desired, for determining the degree of 
rapidity or sloAvness with which the dialects of unwritten languages depart from 
each other. 1 



1 At different times and places I have endeavored to obtain facts bearing upon this question, 
where the means of observation of particular persons, in the Indian Country, had been favorable. 
The results of the investigation have not furnished a basis upon which any general rule may be 
grounded, but they may serve in some measure to illustrate the subject. The testimony of Robert 
Meldrum, above mentioned, is to the point concerning the Crow language. In the year 182t, he 
became identified with this nation by adoption and marriage, and in 1830 he was raised to the rank 
of a chief. Although one of the traders of the American Fur Company, he joined the Crows in 
their military adventures, shared their hardships, and became in every respect one of their number. 
During the entire period from 1827 to 1862, when I met him at the mouth of the Yellowstone, he 
had resided in the Crow Country, but without losing his connection with the Company, first as a 
trader, and afterwards as one of the factors in charge of different posts. He had mastered the lan- 
guage in its entire range, thought in it, held his knowledge in it, performed his mental labor in it, 
and, as he affirmed, could speak the language better than his native tongue. His observations were 
as follows : that the Crow and Minnitaree had not widened much in the last thirty-five years ; that 
many of the words of the Minnitaree dialect he did not understand ; but of most of them he could 
catch the meaning; that the first noticeable change was in the loss of a syllable, and sometimes of 
half of a word ; that the principal element of change was the addition of new words with the pro- 
gress of their knowledge or wants ; that this had been particularly the case since their intercourse 
with the whites commenced ; that the old words stood well, but the new ones made for the occasion 
fluctuated, and might or might not become permanently adopted ; that he had himself added quite a 
number to the Crow language (Ah-ha'-sha below is a specimen), that the new words were developed 
from radicals in the language, and were usually significant, while the etymological signification of 
the bulk of the old words was lost, e. g. 

Corn, H6-ha-she, meaning lost, Coffee, Min-ne-she-pit'-ta, Black water. 

Bean, Ah-ma'-sa, " " Sugar, Bat-see-koo'-a, Sweet. 

Squash, Ho'-ko-ina " " Tea, Ma-na'-pa, Leaves of bushes. 

Tobacco, O'-pa " " Watch, Ah-ha'-sha, Follows the sun. 

That the new words were not limited to new objects brought to their attention by American inter- 
course, but followed the extension of their own knowledge and wants ; that the gutturals when mas- 
tered so far from being objectionable were a source of pleasure in the use of the speech ; and finally 
that the Crow was a noble language. He further observed that the Minnitarees could adopt and 
speak the Crow dialect with much more facility than the Crows could the former ; that when he 
wished to converse with a Minnitaree he induced the latter to talk poor Crow, rather than attempt 
himself to speak poor Minnitaree ; and finally that the amount of dialectical variation was such that 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 187 

It seems probable that five centuries would be insufficient to render dialects of the 
same language incapable of being understood colloquially by the two peoples ; and 
that twice or thrice that length of time would not destroy all trace of identity in the 
vocables for common objects. This is as much, perhaps, as can be safely suggested. 
There is one important fact, with reference to the American Indian languages, 
which should not be overlooked, tending to show that change would be more rapid, 
comparatively, among them, than in other verbal languages. In no part of the 
earth, not excepting the islands of the Pacific, are dialects and even stock lan- 
guages intrusted for their preservation to such a small number of people. The 
Mandan, for example, which for colloquial purposes is an independent speech, is 
now in the exclusive keeping of two hundred and fifty persons ; and so the Munsee, 
which is one of the oldest forms of the Algonkin, is in the custody of about two 
hundred persons. The Iroquois, which is a stock language, and now spoken in 
seven dialects, including the Wyandote, is dependent for its preservation, as a 
whole, upon less than eight thousand people, and they in widely separated locali- 
ties. In like manner, the Pawnee, another stock language, spoken in four dialects, 
including the Arickaree and excluding the Hueco, and its immediate cognates, is 
in the keeping of about five thousand persons. If we take particular dialects, the 
number of people, by whom they are severally spoken, will be found to range from 
two hundred persons, which is the minimum, to one thousand which is about the 
average, and on to twenty-five thousand, which is the maximum number now 
speaking any one so called stock language within the limits of the "United States. 
This is the number of the Cherokees, whose language, it is somewhat remarkable, 
is contained in but two dialects, the standard and the mountain Cherokees, or the 
modern and the ancient. When the people who speak a certain dialect advance 
in prosperity and multiply in numbers, the increased intellectual power invariably 
expends a portion of its strength upon the language; in the increase of the number 
of its vocables, in the advancement of its grammatical forms to a higher stage of 
development, and in imparting nerve and tone to the plastic and growing speech. 
On the other hand, when the same people meet with reverses, and decline in 
numbers and prosperity, their dialect necessarily impoverishes in its vocables, arid 
recedes in its strength, although it does not follow that its grammatical forms 
must wither. At best these dialects are in a constant flux and oscillation. 

There is another consideration which connects itself with the question of the 
stability of the American Indian dialects, namely ; to what extent are words propa- 
gated by adoption from one language into another 1 ? It is impossible, with our 
present knowledge, to answer this question ; but it is not improbable that this and 
other equally important problems will ultimately be solved. These languages are 
becoming more open, and are growing more accessible each and every year. There 



he found it difficult to understand the Minnitaree. Ilia impression"was that the change had been 
of slow and gradual growth. 

It is not a little singular that the Mandans should learn the Minnitaree, and the Minnitarees the 
Crow with comparative ease ; while the reverse is attended with difficulty. Can those who speak 
the mother tongue learn a derived dialect with more ease than those who speak the latter can learn 
the former, or the reverse ? 



188 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

are now persons, especially missionaries, who understand particular languages in 
all their range, methods, and structure, and who are competent to present their 
minute mechanism. The difficulty with most grammars of Indian languages, 
besides their brevity, arises from a method too exclusively analytical, whereas a 
synthetical method, if more cumbersome, would be more efficient. We learn 
analytically, but teach synthetically. A grammar, therefore, should put together, 
as well as resolve a language, and be so complete in both of its processes that the 
philologist might learn, if need be, to speak the language from the grammar and 
vocabulary. Some modification of the Ollendorif method would be a sensible 
improvement upon the usual form of presenting an Indian language. A knowledge 
more special than has yet been reached is needed to detect a foreign clement in 
an aboriginal language. It is a reasonable supposition that contiguous nations, 
and especially such as intermarry and maintain friendly intercourse, are constantly 
contributing of their vocables to each other's dialects. The identity of a limited 
number of vocables for common objects tends to show a near connection of the 
Minnitarees and Upsarokas or Crows with the Missouri and Dakota nations; Avhilst 
there are special features in their systems of consanguinity which reveal a more 
remote, but not less certain connection with the Gulf Nations. 

Their systems of relationship are in agreement with each other in their radical 
characteristics. They possess one feature which is anomalous, and another which 
deviates from every form yet presented, but which finds its counterpart in the 
system of the Gulf nations, and that of the Pawnee or Prairie nations as well. 
The Minnitaree will be adopted for presentation. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my grandchildren. These last 
relationships are a deviation from the common form. 

Second (wanting). My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my younger 
brother and younger sister, Mat-so' -ga and Md-ta-ka'-shd. This remarkable devia- 
tion from uniformity is restricted to these two nations, among whom the relation- 
ships of uncle and aunt, and nephew and niece, are unknown, their places being 
supplied by elder and younger brother, and by elder and younger sister. 

Third. My father's brother is my father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister elder 
or younger. There is a double set of terms for these relationships, one of which 
is used by the males, and the other by the females, with the exception of the 
terms for younger brother and sister, which are common. 1 In this respect the 
Minnitaree and Upsaroka agree with the Dakota, Missouri, and Gulf nations. 

Fifth (wanting). My father's sister, among the Minnitarees is my grandmother, 
Kti-ru' -Jia, and among the Crows my mother, Ik'-Jid. 

Sixth (wanting). My mother's brother is my elder brother, and calls me his 

1 My elder brother, male speaking, Me-a-ka'. Female speaking, Ma-tii-roo'. 

" younger " " " Mat-so'-gtt. " " Mat-so'-ga. 

" elder sister, " " Mat-ta-we'-&. " " Ma-roo'. 

" younger sister, " " JUa-ta-ka' -shU. " " Ma-ta-ka'-sha. 



OF THE HUM Atf FAMILY. 189 

younger brother. This is the anomalous relationship in which the system of these 
nations differs from that of all the remaining nations of the Ganowanian family. 1 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral 
brothers and sisters, are, without distinction, my grandchildren. 

A third form of the relationship which subsists between the children of a brother 
and sister is found among the Minnitarees and Crows. Among the Iroquois and 
Dakotas, they are cousins, among the Missouri nations they are uncle and nephew 
if males, and mother and daughter if females, as has been shown : but in the sys- 
tem now under consideration they are son and father if males, and daughter and 
mother if females. This form will reappear in the system of the Gulf and Prairie 
nations. When more particularly indicated they are as follows : my father's 
sister's son is my father, Ta-ta! ', and calls me his son ; my father's sister's daughter 
is my mother, Ih'-lca, and calls me her son ; and reversed, my mother's brother's 
son and daughter are my son and daughter; each of them calling me father. 

There is a term in Minnitaree for aunt, Ma-sa'-we, applied by a male to his 
father's sister; but it is without a correlative, and of uncertain use. 

A sufficient number of the radical features of the common system are found in 
the Minnitaree and Crow forms to establish beyond a doubt their original identity, 
and that it was derived by them from the common source of the system. 



III. Gulf Nations. 

I. Gulf Nations Proper. 1. Choctiis. 2. Chickasas. 3. Creeks. (4. Seminoles, 
not in the Table.) II. Cherokees. 1. Cherokees. 2. Mountain Cherokees. 

There were five principal nations east of the Mississippi, occupying the area 
between the Gulf of Mexico and the Tennessee River, together with some parts to 
the north and east of it, which collectively are here called the Gulf branch of the 
Ganowanian family. They were the Choctas and Chickasas, who were immediate 
subdivisions of the same people ; the Creeks ; the Seminoles, who were derived 
from the Creeks ; and the Cherokees. The latter nation in strictness constitutes 
an independent branch of the Dakotan stem upon the basis of language; but their 
system of relationship justifies this connection. The dialects of the first two are 
closely allied. The Creeks consist of five confederated nations, each having an 
independent dialect, namely : the Mus-co'-kees or Creeks proper, the Hit' -che-tees, 
the Yoo'-cJiees, the Ah-la-ba' -mas, and the Nat'-cJies. Between the Mus-co'-kee and 
Seminole dialects the affinity is close ; but between the former and the Chocta the 
dialectical variation is very great. Out of six hundred words in these dialects, 

1 There is a trace of this same form among the Blackfeet, but it is not the usual relationship. 



190 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

compared by Mr. Gallatin, there were but ninety-three having some affinity. 1 All 
of the Creek dialects, however, should be compared with each other, and with the 
Chocta and Chickasa, to determine their mutual ethnic relations. As to the 
Cherokees, they were the mountaineers of this area, and presumptively the most 
ancient in the possession of the country. Like the Iroquois, they appear to have 
been an advance band of the Dakotan stock. Their range included the highland 
districts between South Carolina and the Mississippi. Up to the present time the 
vocables of their language have not been identified with those of any existing 
Indian speech. It still holds the rank of a stock language, spoken in two partially 
defined dialects, the standard and the mountain Cherokee. 

In addition to these nations, the Catawbas inhabited the Gulf region, and also 
the Natchez Indians. Remains of the former nation are still found in South Caro- 
lina, and of the latter in the Nat-ekes of the Creek confederation. Between the 
old Natchez and the Catawba dialects there are some affinities ; but how far the 
present Natchez affiliates with the old or with any of the remaining Creek dialects 
the writer is unable to state. When perfect vocabularies are obtained and com- 
pared, it seems probable that all the original dialects of the Gulf region will be 
resolved, at most, into two stock languages, the Creek and the Cherokee. 

These nations have been so well known historically from the earliest period 
of European intercourse, that it is unnecessary to refer to their general history. 
Since their removal to the Indian Territory, west of Arkansas, they have organized 
elective civil governments, and have made considerable progress in agriculture and 
civilization. They now number collectively seventy-three thousand five hundred. 2 

In the Table will be found the system of relationship of the Choctas, Chickasas, 
Muscokee-Creeks, and Cherokees, which together exhibit with fulness and particu- 
larity the plan of consanguinity and affinity of the Gulf nations. The several 
forms which prevail among these nations possess the radical forms of the common 
system, and also agree with each other in those respects in which they differ from 
those before considered. Such discrepancies as exist are confined to subordinate 
details. It will be sufficient to present one form, and the Chocta will be taken as 
the standard. There are two schedules of the Chocta in the Table, one of which 
was furnished by the Rev. Jonathan Edwards and Rev. Dr. Cyrus Byington, and 
the other by the Rev. Charles C. Copeland. These veteran missionaries, who have 
resided with this people, both in their old and new homes, from thirty to forty 
years, were abundantly qualified to investigate and explain this complicated system 
to its utmost limits. It was also a fortunate circumstance that this, one of the 
most difficult forms of the system, fell into their hands for its elucidation, since the 
existence as well as verification of its peculiar features was of some importance. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my grandson and granddaughter. 
This last is a derivation from the typical form, but it agrees with the Minnitaree. 



1 Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, Intro, cxi. 

1 Cherokees, 26,000; Creeks, 25,000 ; Seminoles, 1500- Choctas, 16,000; Chickasas, 5000. (School- 
craft's Hist. Cond. and Pur. Indian Tribes, I, 523.) 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 191 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, 
elder or younger. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, with Ego a male; but my grandmother 
with Ego a female. In other words, the female has neither aunt or nephew or 
niece. This is also a derivation from the typical form, but it agrees with the Min- 
nitaree. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. Among all the Gulf nations there are separate terms, in common 
gender, for brother and sister in the abstract, which are applied by males to their 
collateral brothers, and by females to their collateral sisters ; but the former use 
the full terms for their collateral sisters, and the latter the same for their collateral 
brothers. The first-named terms, however, are used concurrently with these for 
brother and sister, elder and younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral 
brothers and sisters, are, severally, my grandchildren. 

We come next to the relationship which subsists between the children of a 
brother and sister. My father's sister's son is my father, Ali'-lti, whether Ego be 
a male or a female ; his son is my father again ; the son of the latter is also my 
father; and this relationship, theoretically, continues downward in the male line 
indefinitely. The analogue of this is found in the infinite series of uncles among 
the Missouri nations, applied to the lineal male descendants of my mother's brother. 
My father's sister's daughter, Ego a male, is my aunt, Ah-7mc'-ne, and calls me lier 
son ; the son and daughter of this aunt are my brother and sister, elder or younger ; 
the son and daughter of this collateral brother are my son and daughter, while 
the son and daughter of this collateral sister are my nephew and niece ; and the 
children of each and all of them are my grandchildren. With Ego a female, my 
father's sister's daughter is my grandmother, Up-puk'-ni; her son and daughter 
are my brother and sister, elder and younger ; the children of this collateral brother 
are my grandchildren, of this collateral sister are my sons and daughters ; and their 
children are my grandchildren. Notwithstanding the complexity of the classification 
in this branch of the second collateral line, the method is both simple and coherent. 

On the reverse side, my mother's brother's son and daughter are my son and 
daughter, whether Ego be a male or a female ; and their children are my grand- 
children. In Creek and Cherokee my mother's brother's daughter, Ego being a 
female, is my granddaughter. It is probably the same in Chocta, although not so 
given in the Table. 

The third and fourth collateral lines, male and female, on the father's and on 
the mother's side, are counterparts of the second, branch for branch, with the 
exception of additional ancestors. 



192 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

There are some discrepancies in the forms of the four Gulf nations, which it is 
unnecessary to trace. In a system so elaborate and complicated, absolute agree- 
ment in minute details would not be expected. Whatever is fundamental in the 
common system is found in the most unmistakable manner in the Chocta form. 
Its identity with the Seneca or typical system is undoubted ; and we are again led 
to the same inference found in the previous cases, that it was derived by these 
nations, with the blood, from the same common original source. 

II. Cherokee. The Cherokee system of relationship, in its two forms, agrees 
so fully with that last presented, that it is unnecessary to consider it separately. 
There are some general observations, however, upon this and other Indian lan- 
guages, and upon the bearing of the deviations from uniformity in their systems of 
relationship upon the question of their near or remote ethnic affiliations, which 
may be made in this connection. In grammatical structure all of the Ganowanian, 
languages are believed to agree. But our knowledge concerning them is neither 
sufficiently extensive nor minute to raise these languages to the rank of a family of 
languages in the sense of the Aryan and Semitic upon the basis of ascertained lingu- 
istic affinities. Very few of the whole number comparatively have been studied. No 
common standards of evidence upon which particular dialects shall be admitted into 
the family, or rejected from the connection, have been adopted. They have been 
reduced with tolerable accuracy to a number of stock languages upon the basis of 
identity of vocables ; but the basis and principles upon which these stock languages 
shall be united into a family of languages remain to be determined. These dia- 
lects and languages have passed through a remarkable experience from the vast 
dimensions of the areas over which they have spread. By that inexorable law 
which adjusts numbers to subsistence in given areas, the Ganowanian family has 
been perpetually disintegrated, through all of its branches, at every stage of increase 
of numbers above this ratio. In the progress of ages they have been scattered, in 
feeble bands, over two entire continents, to the repression and waste of their intel- 
lectual powers, and to the sacrifice of all the advantages that flow from civil and 
social organization in combination with numbers. Every subdivision, when it 
became permanent, resulted in the formation of a new dialect, which was intrusted 
to the keeping of a small number of people. Although nations speaking dialects 
of the same stock language have in general maintained a continuity of territorial 
possession, it was impossible to prevent subdivision, displacement, and overthrow in 
the course of ages ; so that the end of each thousand years would probably find no 
stock language in the same geographical location. As a result of these subdivisions 
and its train of influences, these languages have been in a perpetual flux. The 
advance and decline of nations, the development and impoverishment of particular 
dialects, the propagation of words from one dialect into another by intermarriage, 
and by the absorption into one nation of the broken fragments of another, have 
contributed, with other causes not named, to the diversities which now exist. 
Their system of relationship, however, has survived the mutations of language, and 
still delivers a clear and decisive testimony concerning the blood affinity of all 
these nations. It is not at all improbable that it will be found a more efficient 
as well as compendious instrument, for demonstrating their original unity, than 
the grammatical structure of their dialects could that be comprehensively ascer- 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 193 

tained. If identity of system proves unity of origin, all of the Indian nations 
thus far named are of one blood. In addition to this general conclusion some 
evidence may be gained through the deviations from uniformity which it con- 
tains concerning the order of separation of these stock languages from each 
other or from the parent stem. 

It has been seen from the comparative vocabulary, supra, that the Crow and 
Minnitaree dialects contain a number of words for common objects which are 
also found in the Mandan, the Dakota, and the Missouri dialects. A comparison 
of two hundred words, in unpublished vocabularies of the author, shows about 
twenty per centum which are common between the Minnitaree and Crow, and one 
or more of the remaining dialects. In the terms of relationship, which are words 
of a higher class, the percentage is less. This agreement, however, is perhaps 
sufficient to justify the classification of all these dialects in the same stock lan- 
guage. On the other hand, there are striking peculiarities in the system of rela- 
tionship of the first two nations which are not found in that of the remaining 
nations, but which reappear in the system of the Gulf and Prairie nations. It is 
found in the relationship between the children of a brother and sister, which, as a 
variable, is not a radical portion of the system. Where nations of immediate blood 
affinity, as the Dakota and Missouri nations, are found to differ among themselves 
upon these relationships, it would be certain that one or the other had modified 
their system in this respect ; and if one, then both may have done the same. It 
becomes necessary, then, to compare these forms and ascertain which is the highest 
and most perfect; and when that fact is determined, the inference arises that 
the rudest and least perfect is the oldest form. Among the Dakota they are 
cousin and cousin, among the Winnebagoes and Missouri nations they are uncle 
and nephew if males, and mother and daughter, if females. There can be no doubt 
that the former is the most perfect form, and that of the two the latter as the 
rudest is nearest to the primitive. The inference, therefore, is unavoidable, that 
the Dakota nations modified their system in this respect. If we now compare the 
oldest of the two forms with that which now prevails among the Minnitarees, 
Crows, Creeks, Choctas, Chickasas and Cherokees, and also with that of the Prairie 
nations, not yet presented, it will be seen that the form of the latter is ruder still, 
and presumptively older than either. They are son and father if males, and grand- 
daughter and grandmother if females. If this conclusion is well taken, it will 
follow that it was the original form, as to those relationships which prevailed in 
the parent nation from which these several stocks or branches were mediately or 
immediately derived, and that all of them, except the Mandan, the Winnebago, 
the Dakota and the Missouri nations have retained it until the present time. 
And finally that the excepted nations modified it from the first or original to the 
second form, after which it was raised to the third and most perfect by the Dakota 
and Hodenosaunian nations alone, in this stem of the Ganowanian family. A 
critical examination of all the forms of the system of relationship will show that 
its development is under the control of principles within itself; and that the direc- 
tion of the change when attempted, was predetermined by the elements of the 
system. We are yet to meet the second and third forms, as to these relationships, 

25 March, 1870. 



194 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



in the system of the Algonkin nations. It likewise follows, as a further inference 
that the Minnitaree, Crow, Mandan, Winnebagoe and Missouri nations may have 
been derived mediately or immediately from a single nation ; that the Gulf and 
Prairie nations may each have been derived from a single nation ; and that the 
three original nations may have sprung from a common stem-people still further 
back. In this manner the evidence from special features contained in the system 
is reconciled with the evidence from identity of vocables in the dialects first-named ; 
leaving it probable that the Minnitarees and Crows form the nearest connecting 
link between the nations of the Gulf, and those upon the Missouri. 

In this connection, attention may be directed to the dialects thus far named, 
taken collectively, as they appear in the Table. The people are classified together 
as belonging to the Dakotan stem. There is such a thing in the Ganowanian 
dialects as contrast and similarity in vocables ; as excessive deviation and family 
resemblance; and as ancient and modern separation of stock languages. It can be 
detected and traced long after the vocables themselves have lost their identity. 
From first to last, among the great branches thus far considered, the terms of rela- 
tionship have a family cast ; a tendency, so to express it, to reveal their identity, 
although deeply concealed ; a certain similarity of aspect which arrests attention 
while it baffles the scrutiny thereby invited. On the other hand, the same terms 
in the Algonkin dialects, when compared, are in sharp contrast. They wear an 
unfamiliar appearance, expressive of long-continued separation. The change has 
become so excessive as to repel the supposition of their identity within a compara- 
tively modern period, or that they could have been spoken in the same household 
for many ages. The following terms will illustrate the similarity to which reference 
has been made: 





Seneca. 


Wyaudote. 


Yaukton. 


Mandau. 


Uncle, 


Hoc-no'-seh 


Ha-wa-te-no'-ra 


Dake'-she 


Ta-wa'-ra-to-ra 


Aunt, 


Ah-ga'-huc 


Ah-ra'-hoc 


Toh'-we 




Cousin, 


Ah-gare'-seh 


Ja-ra'-seh 


Ha-ka'-she 




Nephew, 


Ha-ya'-wan-da 


Ha-shone'-dra-ka 


Me-to^us'-ka 




Father, 


Ha'-nih 


Hi-ese'-ta 


Ah-ta' 


Ta-tay' 


Mother, 


No-yeh' 


Ah--na'-ah- 


E'-nah 


E-oo-ne' 


Son, 


Ha-ah'-wuk 


A-ne'-ah 


Me-chink'-she 


Me-ne'-ka 


Daughter, 


Ka-ah'-wuk 


E-ne'-ah 


Me-chounk'-she 


Me-no' ha-ka 


Grandmother, 


Oc'-sote 


Ah'-shu-ta' 


0-che 


Nah-'-kc-a. 






Kaw. 


Otoe. 


Chocta. 


Cherokee. 


Uncle, 


Be-ja'-ga 


Hin-cha'-ka 


Ura-ush'i 


E-du'-tsi 


Aunt, 


Be-je'-me 


E-tu'-me 


A-huc'-ne 


E-hlau'-gi 


Cousin, 










Nephew, 


Be-chose'-ka 


Hin-tose'-ke 


Sub-ai'-yih. 


Un-ge-wi-nan 


Father, 


E-da'-je 


Hin'-ka 


A'-ki 


E-dau'-dii 


Mother, 


E'-naw 


He'-nah 


Ush'-kl 


E-tsi' 


Son, 


Be-she'-ga 


He-ne'-cha 


Suh'-suh 


A-gwae-tsi' 


Daughter, 


She-me'-she-ga 


Ile-yun-ga 


Suh-suh'-take 


A-gwae-tsi' 


Grandmother, 


E-ko' 


Hin-ku'-ne 


Up-puk'-nl 


E-ni-si' 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



195 



These terms represent four stock languages. To say there is a striking similarity 
among them is hardly sufficient. There is more or less of affinity among them all, 
which might be raised, by the recovery of a few intermediate links, to demonstrated 
identity. In a few instances the identity seems to be apparent; e. g., the terms for 
cousin in Seneca and Yankton; the terms for uncle in Seneca, Yankton, Chocta, 
and Cherokee ; the term for aunt in Seneca, Chocta, and Cherokee ; and the term 
for mother in Wyandote, Yankton, Mandan, and Kaw. From the present relation 
of these dialects to each other, and more especially from the particular points of 
agreement in their several systems of relationship, there appears to be sufficient 
reason for classifying them together as branches of a common stem. This, for 
sufficient reasons, has been called the Dakotan. 

IV. Prairie Nations. 1. Pawnees. 2. Arickarees. (3. Witchitas. 4. Kichais. 
5. Huecos. Not in the Table.) 

Our limited knowledge of this branch of the Ganowanian family is explained 
by their residence in the interior of the continent. The Pawnees and Arickarees 
are the only nations belonging to this branch which have ever reached a locality as 
far east as the Missouri River, and they were never known to reside upon its east 
side. Having obtained and domesticated the horse at an early day, they haA r e been 
prairie Indians from the earliest period to which our knowledge of their existence 
extends. The range of the Pawnees was upon and between the upper waters of 
the Kansas and Platte Rivers, in Kansas and Nebraska; whilst the Arickarees, who 
are a subdivision of the Pawnees, moved northward and established themselves 
upon the Missouri, next south of the Mandans, where they became, to some extent, 
agricultural and Village Indians. Their congeners, the Witchitas, Kichais, and 
Huecos or Waccoes, held as their home country the region upon the Canadian 
River, and between it and the Red River of Louisiana. Gregg was one of the 
first to point out the connection of the last three nations named with the Pawnees. 1 
They have sometimes been called the Pawnee-Picts, from their habit of "profuse 
tattooing." 2 The late Prof. William W. Turner established the identity of their 
dialects with the Pawnee by the selection of vocables in the note. 3 I have taken 



1 Commerce of the Prairie, II, 251, note. Ib., II, 305. 

8 Explorations for a Railroad Route, <fec. to the Pacific, III, 68. Rep. on Indian Tribes. 





Grand Pawnee. 
Morgan. 


Arickaree. 
Prince Maximilian. 


Kichai. 
Lieut. Whipple. 


Witchita. 
Capt. Marcy. 


Hueeo. 
Lieut. Whipple. 


Woman, 


Cha'-pa 


Sa-pa' 


Che-quoike 


Kah-haak 


Cah-he-ic 


Mother, 


A-te'-ra 


Schach-ti 


Cha'-che 


Nut-ti-co-hay'-he 


Ats'-ia 


Ear, 


TJt-ka-ha'-ro 


At-ka'-ahn 


A'-tik-a-ro-so 




Ortz 


Nose, 


Chose 


Sin-iht 


Chus-ka-rai-o 


Duts-tis'-toc 


Tisk 


Mouth, 


Ah'-kow 


Ha-kau 


Hok-in-nik 


Haw'-coo 


Ah'-cok 


Tongue, 


Hat 


Hah-tu 


Hah'-toh 


Huts-ke 


Hotz 


Hand, 


Eck'-so 


E'-schu 


Ich-shen-e 


Sim-he'-ho 


Isk'-te 


Foot, 


Os'-su 




Us-in-ic 


Dats'-oske 


Os 


Sun, 


Sak-o'-ru 


Scha-kuhn 




Kee'-shaw 


Sah'-ki 


Water, 


Kates'-so 


Stoh-cho 


Ki'-o-koh 


Keet-che 


Kits'-ah 


Dog, 


Ah-sa'-ke 


Chah-tsch 




Keetch'-ah 


Kit-si'-el 


Black, 


Ka'-tit 


Te-ca-teh 




Co'-rash 


A-ha'-cod-e 


One, 


Os'-ko 


Ach-ku 


A-rish-co 


Cha'-osth 


Che-os 


Two, 


Pit'-ko 


Pitt-cho 


Cho'-sho 


Witch 


Witz 


Three, 


Ta'-weet 


Tah-wit 


Tah'-with-co 


Taw-way 


Tow 



196 SYSTEMS OF C ON S A NGU INITY AND AFFINITY 

the liberty to substitute the Pawnee words from an unpublished vocabulary of my 
own in the place of Dr. Say's used by him. 

I. Pawnees. 1. Grand Pawnees. 2. Republican Pawnee. 3. Loup Pawnee. 
4. Tappas Pawnee. 

The Pawnees are now divided into four bands, named as above, each of them 
having a dialect distinctly marked, but the four being mutually intelligible. The 
first call themselves Ohd'-ne ; the second call themselves Kit'-ka ; the third, Skee'-de, 
signifying wolf; and the fourth, Pe-td-ha! -ne-rat. Whatever may have been their 
former condition, the Pawnees are now among the most demoralized of our Indian 
nations. Within the past fifty years they have diminished in numbers from causes 
entirely independent of American intercourse. 1 They have no friends among the 
Indians of the plains. If a Pawnee and a Dakota, or a Pawnee and any other 
Indian, of whatever nationality, meet upon the buffalo ranges, it is a deadly conflict 
from the instant, without preliminaries and without quarter. In fighting qualities 
they are not inferior to the best of their enemies, but the warfare is unequal, and 
they are yielding before its influence. Indian nations speaking dialects of the 
same stock language, though not perfectly intelligible to each other, are much 
better able to keep the peace than those who speak dialects of different stock 
languages, and who are thus unable to communicate with each other except through 
interpreters, or by the language of signs which prevails throughout the interior of 
the continent. The greatest blessing that could now be bestowed upon the Indian 
family would be a common language. Difference of speech has undoubtedly been 
the most fruitful cause of their perpetual warfare with each other. 

The system of relationship of the Grand and Republican Pawnees and of the 
Arickarees will be found in the Table. It prevails, without doubt, in the remain- 
ing nations comprising this branch of the family. That of the Republican Pawnee 
will be taken as the standard form. There is a peculiar series in the lineal line 
which has not yet been found in any other nation, and which appears to be limited 
to these nations. It is also repeated in the collateral lines. From its singularity, 
it deserves a special notice. 

My great-great-grandfather. Ah-te'-is. 1 My father. 

" great-grandfather. Te-wa-cliir'-iks. " uncle. 

" grandfather. Ah-te'-put. " grandfather. 

" father. Ah-te'-is. " father. 

Myself. Late. I. 

My son. Pe'-row. My child. 

" grandson. Lak-te'-gish. " grandson. 

" great-grandson. Te-wat. " nephew. 

" great-great-grandson. Pe'-row. " child. 

It will be observed that the principle of Correlative relationship is strictly pur- 
sued ; e. g., the one I call son, calls me father ; the one I call nephew, calls me 
uncle ; and the second one I call son, calls me father. This series must be explained 
as a refinement upon the common form, designed to discriminate the several ances- 

1 They now number less than 4000 souls. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 197 

tors above grandfather and the several descendants below grandson from each other. 
It is repeated both in the lineal and collateral lines as far as you choose to follow 
the chain of consanguinity. 

Another peculiarity of the Pawnee consists in the absence of separate terms for 
elder and younger brother, and for elder and younger sister. There are terms for 
brother and sister in the abstract which are used by the males, and another set 
used by the females ; besides which there is a series of terms, as in the Dakota and 
Winnebagoe, for each of several sons, and for each of several daughters, according 
to the order of their birth. The plural number is wanting, not only as to the terms 
of relationship, but it is also said to be entirely wanting in the language itself. 1 
It is formed by adding the number, or the word for all. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, 
E-dali'-deh and E-td'-heh. With Ego a female they are the same, but different 
terms are used, E-rats'-leh and E-dd'-deh. 

Fifth (wanting). My father's sister is my mother. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The several collateral lines follow the series established in the lineal line ; 
e.g., the son and daughter of my collateral brother, Ego a male, are my son and 
daughter ; of my collateral sister, are my nephew and niece ; and the children of 
each are my grandchildren. The children of the latter that is, of my grand- 
children are my nephews and nieces ; their children are, again, my sons and 
daughters ; and the children of the latter are my grandchildren. 

With respect to the relationships between the children of a brother and sister, 
they are as follows : My father's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
father and mother ; the son and daughter of this father are my brother and sister ; 
and the series below is the same as in the case of the descendants of my other col- 
lateral brothers. The son and daughter of this mother are my father and mother 
again, and their respective descendants continue to be fathers and mothers in an 
infinite series. This is variant from the Chocta form in some particulars. With 
Ego a female these relationships are the same. 

1 This fact was communicated to me by Rev. Samuel Allis, who for twenty-five years was a 
missionary of the American Board among the Pawnees. The pronouns my or mine, they, and his 
are separate, e. g. : 

My head, Pak'-so ko'-ta-te. My face, Ska'-o ko'-ta-te. 

Thy " Pak'-so ko'-ta-se. Thy " Ska'-o ko'-ta-se. 

His " Pak'-so ko'-ta. His " Ska'-o ko'-ta. 



198 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

On the reverse side, my mother's brother's son and daughter, Ego male or female, 
are my son and daughter ; and their children are my grandchildren. 

The third and more remote collateral lines are the same as the second in the 
classification of persons, but with additional ancestors. 

Upon the basis of the presence in the Pawnee of nine out of ten of the indicative 
characteristics of the typical system, there can be no doubt of its identity with it, 
and that it was transmitted to them with the blood from the common original source. 

2. Arickaree. When Lewis and Clarke ascended the Missouri River in 1804 
1805, they found the Arickarees living in villages below the mouth of the Cannon 
Ball River, and consequently below the Mandans. Their lodges were constructed 
upon the Minnitaree model, and they were then, as now, agricultural and Village 
Indians. " They cultivate," say these explorers, " maize or Indian-corn, beans, 
pumpkins, watermelons, squashes, and a species of tobacco peculiar to themselves." 1 
From the Mandans and Minnitarees they undoubtedly learned the arts of cultiva- 
tion and of housebuilding. The Pawnees, with whom they immediately affiliate, 
were neither Village nor agricultural Indians until after they became established 
upon a reservation under government protection, which was quite recently effected. 
Mr. Gallatin observes that "it is said of the Pawnees that they raised no more 
maize than was necessary to whiten their broth," 2 and he might have added a 
doubt whether even this was of their own producing. The Arickarees were never 
numerous. Their present village is on the west side of the Missouri, a short dis- 
tance above that of the Minnitarees. At the time they made their last change of 
residence, in 1862, the latter nation urged them to settle with them in their village, 
as the Mandans had done, for mutual protection against the Dakotas, their common 
enemies ; but they declined to live upon the east side of the river, alleging as a 
reason that their ancestors had always refused to establish themselves upon that 
side, and that they were fearful of evil consequences if they crossed their tradi- 
tionary eastern boundary. 

The Arickaree schedule in the Table is ^incomplete. This language is not 
accessible, except with extreme difficulty. A few of the traders have partially 
acquired the language, but not sufficiently for the prosecution of minute inquiries. 
When at the Arickaree village, I found but one man, Pierre Garrow, a half-blood, 
who spoke both that language and English. He was sufficiently qualified, but 
averse to giving information. Through the friendly offices of Mr. Andrew Dawson, 
chief factor of the American Fur Company, who was there at the time, the little 
that was obtained was secured. Incomplete as the schedule is, it is quite sufficient 
to establish the identity of the Arickaree and Pawnee forms, as will be seen by 
consulting the Table. 

Notwithstanding the great divergence of the dialects of the Prairie nations from 
the others in the Table, these nations have been placed, provisionally, in the Da- 
kotan connection. The agreement of their system of relationship with that of the 
Gulf nations, and of the Minnitarees and Crows, in those respects in which it is 

1 Travels, p, 18. Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., Intro, xlviii. 



OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 199 

variant from that of the remaining nations, furnishes sufficient grounds to justify the 
classification. These dialects, however, stand upon the outer edge of the Dakotan 
speech, without any connection in their vocables, and depending for this connection 
linguistically upon the grammatical structure of the language. The Pawnee and 
its cognate dialects still hold the position of an independent stock language. 

The marriage relationships have been passed over. They will be found in the 
Table fully extended, and to be in general agreement with the Seneca marriage 
relationships. They are sufficient in themselves to demonstrate the unity of the 
system ; but this conclusion is believed to be sufficiently substantiated without the 
additional strength which their concurrence affords. The people of all of these 
nations address each other, when related, by the term of relationship. 

We have now considered the system of relationship of thirty-five Indian nations, 
contained, with more or less completeness of detail, in the Table. These carry 
with them, by necessary implication, the system of a number of other immediately 
affiliated nations, named herein in their proper connections. They represent five 
stock languages, namely : the Hodenosaunian, the Dakota, the Creek, the Cherokee, 
and the Pawnee. The nations named also include all the principal branches of the 
Ganowanian family east of the Rocky Mountain chain, which were found south of 
the Siskatchewun and Hudson's Bay, and north of the Gulf of Mexico and the 
Rio Grande, with the exception of the Algonkin, the Shoshonee, and a few incon- 
siderable nations whose linguistic affiliations are not well established. The con- 
stancy and uniformity with which the fundamental characteristics of the system 
have maintained themselves appear to furnish abundant evidence of the unity of 
origin of these nations, and to afford a sufficient basis for their classification 
together as a family of nations. The testimony from identity of systems in these 
several stocks, when judged by any proper standard, must be held to be conclusive 
upon this question. It is of some importance to have reached the assurance that 
upon this system of relationship we may commence the construction of an Indian 
family, and that it contains within itself all the elements necessary to determine 
the question whether any other nation is entitled to admission into the family. 

The Algonkin and Athapasco-Apache branches, together with the nations upon 
the Pacific slopes, will next claim our attention. 



200 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



CHAPTER IV. 

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY. CONTINUED. 

Algonldn Nations. 

Area occupied by the Algonkin Nations Nearness of their Dialects Classification of these Nations into Groups 

I. Gichigamian Nations Their Area and Dialects 1. Ojibwas Their System of Consanguinity Indicative 
Relationships Identical with the Seneca and Yaukton 2. Otawas 3. Potawattamies Their System agrees 
with the Ojibwa 4. Crees Their Dialects Their System Indicative Relationships Agree with the Ojibwa. 

II. Mississippi Nations Their Area and Dialects 1. Miamis 2. Illinois (Weaws, Piankeshaws, Kaskaskias, and 
Peorias) Miami System taken as the Standard Form of these Nations Indicative Relationships Deviation 
from Uniformity Identical with Ojibwa in Radical Characteristics 3. Sawks and Foxes Their Area and Dia- 
lectAgricultural Habits 4. Kikapoos Their Area and Dialect 5. Menominees Their Area and Dialect The 
System of these Nations agrees with the Miami 6. Shiyans Their former Area and Dialect Their System of 
Consanguinity Indicative Relationships Agree with the Miami 7. Shawnees Original Area Migrations 
Improved State of Dialect Indicative Relationships Agree with the Miami. III. Atlantic Nations Their Area 
and Dialects 1. Delawares One of the Oldest of Algonkiu Nations Their System of Consanguinity Indicative 
Relationships Deviation from Uniformity Their System in Radical Agreement with the Ojibwa 2. Munsees 
Indicative Relationships Agree with the Delaware 3. Mohegans Indicative Relationships 4. Etchemins 
Indicative Relationships 5. Micmacs Indicative Relationships System of these Nations in Radical Agreement 
with the Delaware and Ojibwa. IV. Rocky Mountain Nations 1. Blackfeet Their Area and Dialect Piegau 
System Indicative Relationships Agree with the Ojibwa 2. Ahahnelins Former Area, and Dialect Indica- 
tive Relationships Agree with the Blackfoot Concluding Observations Unity of the System of Relationship 
of the Algonkiu Nations Systems of the Algoukin and Dakotau Nations Identical. 

THE limits of the Algonkin speech have been definitely ascertained. Its nume- 
rous dialects are nearer to each other than those of any other Indian stock language 
of equal spread. This stem of the Ganowanian family contains but a single stock 
language, which will be seen, as well as the nearness of its dialects, by consulting 
the Table (Table II). To such an extent is this nearness still preserved, that it 
suggests the probability that the Algonkins are comparatively modern upon the 
eastern side of the continent. The area occupied by these nations was immense 
in its territorial extent. At the period of European discovery they were found 
thinly scattered along the Atlantic seaboard from Labrador to the southern limits 
of North Carolina ; and as the interior was subsequently explored, they were found 
continuously along the St. Lawrence, north of the chain of lakes, along the Red 
River of the North, and the Siskatchewun, 1 quite to the foot of the Rocky Mountain 
chain. All of Canada was Algonkin, except a narrow fringe upon the north, held 
by the Eskimo ; and the peninsula between Lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario, occu- 
pied by the Hurons and Neutral Nation. The southern portion of the Hudson's 

1 The orthography of the word is taken from the original name in the Cree language, Kis-sis 
katch'-e-wun, "Swift Water." 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 201 

Bay Territory, south of the Siskatchewim and Nelson's Eiver, was the same. New 
England, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and the eastern parts of Pennsylvania, 
Virginia, and North Carolina, formed a part of the area of occupancy of this 
branch of the Ganowanian family. Along the Mississippi, from Lake Pepin to the 
mouth of the Ohio, and eastward to Indiana, including a part of the latter State, 
Illinois, Michigan, and the greater part of Wisconsin, the same people were dis- 
tributed ; while one nation, the Shawnees, occupied south of the Ohio, in the 
western part of the present State of Kentucky. Their eccentric spread southward 
along the Atlantic coast was forced by the development of the Iroquois nations 
within the central part of their area; and their spread down the Mississippi was, in 
like manner, probably due to the pressure of the Dakota nations upon the western 
boundaries of their area. The Algonkins were essentially a northern people, the 
main thread of their occupancy being the chain of lakes and the St. Lawrence. 

In its development, the Algonkin ranks as the equal of the Dakotan languages. 
The more advanced dialects of the former are less vigorous and rugged in their 
pronunciation and accentuation than the equally improved dialects of the latter, 
and consequently are smoother and softer, as may be seen, to some extent, by a 
comparison of their respective vocables in the Tables. In the Shawnee, the Cree, 
and the Ojibwa are found the highest specimens of the Algonkin speech. 

There is one peculiarity of Indian languages deserving of attention. It is found 
in the individualization of each syllable. In each word every syllable is pronounced 
with a distinctness so marked as to tend to its isolation. Instead of an easy transi- 
tion of sound from one syllable into the next, the change is so abrupt as to result in 
hiatus rather than coalescence. The general effect is heightened by the vehemence 
of the accent, which is another characteristic of the most of the Ganowanian lan- 
guages. This may be illustrated by the word Ga-sko' '-sd-go, which is the name for 
Rochester in the Seneca-Iroquois. It would be difficult to form and put together 
four syllables which would maintain to a greater extent the individuality of each 
in their pronunciation. Between the penult and antepenult the transition is the 
easiest ; but the effect is arrested by the intervention of the accent. These two 
features are strongly impressed upon the principal dialects east of the Eocky 
Mountain chain. If the Ganowanian languages were characterized as syllabical 
rather than agglutinated, the term would be more accurate. 1 



1 The present classification of the languages of mankind into monosyllabical, agglutinated, and 
inflectional does not seem to be well founded. The principal objection lies to the last term as 
distinctive of the Aryan and Semitic languages. Inflection is a not less striking characteristic of 
the Ganowanian languages than agglutination. Conjugation, which is the all-controlling principle 
of these languages, together with agglutination, are continually submerging the word ; whilst in the 
Aryan and Semitic languages the word is more definite and concrete. There is a decisive tendency 
in the inflectional languages, so called, to lessen inflection, and, so to speak, to solidify its words. 
This is shown by the development of the present Aryan languages into their modern forms. They 
are languages of complete and perfect words, as distinguished from the monosyllabical and polysyl- 
labical, which are yet, in some sense, in the syllable stage. The three forms appear to give 1. The 
language of single syllables ; 2. The language of many syllables ; and 3. The language of words. 
26 March, 1870. 



202 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

I. Gichigamian, or Great Lake Nations. II. Mississippi Nations. III. Atlantic 
Nations. IV. Rocky Mountain Nations. 

The Algonkin nations fall naturally into the foregoing groups. As an inter- 
classification it is sustained by dialectical affinities, and by special features in their 
respective systems of relationship. Under the operation of the same inexorable 
law that produced the repeated subdivision of the Dakotan stem, and scattered its 
parts over wide areas, they have been broken up into a large number of politically 
distinct nations. Relying chiefly upon fish and game for subsistence, when an 
excess of population appeared within a particular area, the surplus were forced to 
spread abroad in search of a new seat, where, in due time, they established an 
independent nationality. Their form of government, which was incapable of 
following the people by expansion from a fixed centre, was perfect in every band ; 
whence every band was a nation in embryo. The subdividings and the migrations 
of the Ganowanian nations were pre-eminently under the control of physical causes, 
the unbroken supremacy of which continued from the commencement of their career 
upon the North American continent down to the period of European colonization. 
It is still possible to retrace to a very considerable extent, the lines of the outflow 
of these nations from each other ; and the direction of the spread of the several 
stocks from a common initial point. Were it not for the breaking up and absorp- 
tion of nations that would have constituted the intermediate links, the precise 
relations of these stocks and stems of peoples to each other, as members of a com- 
mon family, might not be beyond hope of recovery. At least the family may be 
resolved into great branches represented by stock languages, and the branches into 
groups represented by closely affiliated dialects. More than this is material only 
to establish the unity of these stock languages. Upon this last question their 
system of relationship offers an independent testimony which seems to be sufficient 
for its determination in the affirmative. 

I. Gichigamian, 1 or Great Lake Nations. 

1. Ojibwas. 2. Otawas. 3. Potawattamics. 4. Crees. 

When the Jesuit missionaries first reached Lake Superior (1641) they found the 
principal establishment of the Ojibwas at St. Mary's Falls or rapids, at the outlet 
of this lake, and spread for some distance above upon both its northern and south- 
ern shores. At the same time the Otawas 2 inhabited the Manitoulin Islands 
scattered along the north side of the Georgian Bay, of Lake Huron, and the 
islands in the straits of Mackinaw ; while a portion of them were then spreading 
southward over lower Michigan. Their previous home country was upon the 
Otawa River of Canada, and between it and Lake Superior, north of the Huron 
area ; but they had been forced to leave this region by the irruptions of the Iro- 
quois, who had extended their forays to the Otawa River, and thence to the shores 
of Lake Superior. With respect to the Potawattamies 3 their precise location is not 

1 Gl-chi-gd-me, "the Great Lake," from the Ojibwa, Gi'-chi, or GirtcM, great, and ga'-me, lake. 
They applied this name to each of the great lakes ; Ma-she-ga'-me to all large lakes ; and Sa-ga-e'- 
fjus to the small lakes. 

3 Pronounced O-la'-wa. * Pronounced Po-ta-wat'-ta-me. 



OF TIIE HUMAN FAMILY. 203 

as well ascertained. They were frontagers of the Dakotas, and occupied some 
part of Northern Wisconsin, ranging eastward towards Lake Michigan, and the 
occupancy of the Ojibwas on Lake Superior. Between these nations, whose dia- 
lects closely affiliate, there was a political alliance, which existed to as late a period 
as 1767, when they were called by Sir William Johnson " the Otawa Confederacy." 
In the Otawa dialect, this league was styled Norsioa'-ba-ne-zid', signifying " Three 
Council Fires in One." Among confederated Indian nations there is usually an 
order of precedence in council established which indicates their relative rank, and 
not unfrequently the parent nation. In the Otawa confederacy the Ojibwas were 
styled the " Elder Brother," the Otawas, " Next Oldest Brother," and the Potawat- 
tamies, " Younger Brother." 1 These nations were probably subdivisions of one 
original nation ; and the immediate progenitors of four other nations, called collec- 
tively, at one time, the Illinois, namely, the Kaskaskias, Peorias, Weas, and Pianke- 
shaws, who occupied the quadrangle between the Mississippi, the Ohio, and the 
foot of Lake Michigan. 

On the earliest map of Lake Superior in the relations of the Jesuits (1641-1667) 
the Kenistenaux or Crees are placed northwest of this lake, between it and Lake 
Winnipeg. They were afterwards found to spread eastward as far as the regions 
north of Montreal; and to hold the area between Lake Superior and Hudson's Bay, 
and thence westward to the Red River of the North and the Siskatchewan. They 
were evidently drawing westward at the epoch of the discovery, the causes of 
which may be traced to the rapid growth of the power and influence of the Iro- 
quois. It is also probable that a portion of the New England Algonkins retired in 
this direction. 

The four nations named are designated the Gichigamian or Great Lake Nations. 
Collectively they form one of the most conspicuous groups of this branch of the 
Ganowanian family ; and from the earliest period, to which their traditions extend, 
they have been identified with these lakes. It is also extremely probable, from the 
great fisheries they afford, that these lakes have been the nursery of this stem of 
the family, and the secondary initial point of migration to the valley of the 
Saint Lawrence, and thence to the Atlantic seaboard ; and also to the valleys of 
the Mississippi and the Ohio. They seem to stand intermediate between the east- 
ern, the southern, and the western Algonkins. 

The system of consanguinity and affinity of the four groups of nations will be 
considered in the order in which they are arranged. 

1. Ojibwas. Under the more familiar name of Chippewas, this nation has become 
so well known, historically, that a reference to their civil affairs will be unnecessary. 
Small bands of this people still inhabit the south shore of Lake Superior, at the 
Sault St. Mary, and around Marquette and L'Anse Bays; but the great body of 
them now occupy the country around Leach and Red Lakes, in Western Minnesota. 
They number about ten thousand. Their system of relationship agrees intimately 

1 A similar order of procedure in council existed among the Iroquois ; the Mohawks, Onandagas, 
and Senecas were collectively styled " Fathers," and tiie Cayugas, Oneidas, and Tuscaroras " Sons," 
and the nations were named in this relative order. Of. League of (he Iroquois, pp. 96 and 118. 



204 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

with that of the Otawas, Potawattamies, and Crees. It also contains certain special 
features in which these nations agree with each other, but differ from the other 
Algonkin nations. The Ojibwa system will be adopted as the standard. Four 
complete schedules of this form are given in the Table first, to show the slight 
amount of dialectical variation which has arisen in the Ojibwa, notwithstanding the 
geographical separation of their numerous bands ; and secondly, the permanence 
of the special features of the system. No other form has been more thoroughly 
explored, and it appears to exhaust all the capabilities for specialization which the 
fundamental conceptions of the system render possible. 

There are original terms for grandfather and grandmother, Ne-ma-sho-mis' and 
No'-ko-mis' ;. for father and mother, Noss and Nin-gah' ; for son and daughter, Nin- 
gwis' and Nin-da'-niss; and a term in common gender for grandchild, No-she-s7ia' . 
All ancestors above the first are grandfathers and grandmothers, and all descendants 
below the last are grandchildren. 

The relationships of brother and sister are held in the twofold form of elder and 
younger, and there are separate terms for each ; Ni-sa-ya', elder brother, and Ne- 
mis-sa', younger brother; but the term for younger brother and younger sister, 
Ne-sfe'-ma, is in common gender, and applied to both. 

It will be understood that what is stated in each of the last two paragraphs is also 
true with respect to every other Algonkin nation, unless the contrary is mentioned. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
step-son, N'-do'-zhim, and my step-daughter, N'-do'-zTie-mi-kwame. With Ego a 
female, they are my nephew and niece, Ne-nin'-gwi-nis' and Ne-she-mis' . 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece, 
Ne-nin'-gwi-nis' and Ne-she-mis'. With Ego a female, they are my step-son and 
step-daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my step-father, Ne-mis7i'-s7io-ma. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my step-brother, 
Ne-ka'^na, and my step-sister, Nin-da-wa'-ma. With Ego a female, they are my 
brother, elder or younger, and my sister, elder or younger. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Ne-see-gus'. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ne-zhish-sha' . 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother, Ne-no-sha. 1 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my step-brother 
and step-sister ; but the latter, if younger than myself, is my younger sister. With 
Ego a female, they are my brothers and sisters, elder or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of 
my collateral brothers and sisters, of my step-brothers and step-sisters, and of my 
male and female cousins, are, without distinction, my grandchildren. 

1 I think, if re-examined, it will be found that my mother's sister is my mother, and my father's 
brother my father, Ego a female ; and that my sister's son, Ego a female, is my daughter. In other 
words, the step-relationships are used by the males, whilst the females use the full terms. The 
Tables show this in part. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 205 

It will be seen, by consulting the Table, that the principles of classification in 
the first collateral line are applied to the second, third, and fourth collateral lines, 
as in the Seneca and Yankton ; thus, the sons and daughters of my step-brothers, 
and of my male cousins, Ego a male, are my step-sons and step-daughters, while the 
children of my step-sisters and of my female cousins are my nephews and nieces. 
With Ego a female, the children of the former are my nephews and nieces, and of 
the latter are my sons and daughters. 

Amongst the Gichigamian nations the relationship of cousin is found, but 
restricted, as usual, to the children of a brother and sister ; thus, my father's sister's 
son and daughter are my male and female cousins, Ne-ta-wis and Ne-ne-moo-sha' ' . 
In like manner, my grandfather's brother's grandson and granddaughter are my 
cousins. On the mother's side, my mother's brother's son and daughter, and my 
grandmother's brother's grandson and granddaughter, are respectively my male 
and female cousins. 

In the marriage relationship the Ojibwa system is in equally striking agreement 
with the Seneca and Yankton. Each of the wives of my step-sons and nephews is 
my daughter-in-law, Ne-sim! ; and eah of the husbands of my several step-daughters 
and nieces is my son-in-law, Ne-nin-gwun', the same as the wife and husband of my 
own son and daughter. In like manner, the wives of my several step-brothers and 
male cousins are respectively my sisters-in-law, and the husbands of my several 
step-sisters and female cousins are my brothers-in-law. For a further knowledge 
of these relationships reference is made to the Table, in which they will be found 
fully presented 

If the Seneca-Iroquois and Yankton-Dakota forms are placed side by side with 
the Ojibwa, the differences are found to be so inconsiderable, both in the relation- 
ships of consanguinity and affinity, as to excite astonishment. We have crossed 
from one stock language into another, and from one of the great stems of the 
Ganowanian family into another, and find not only the radical features of the 
common system intact, hut their subordinate details coincident down to minute 
particulars. At the same time, the terms of relationship are changed beyond the 
reach of recognition. One set of diagrams, with scarcely the alteration of a rela- 
tionship, would answer for the three forms, the classification of blood kindred and 
of marriage relations being substantially the same in all. The chief difference 
consists in the substitution of the step-relationships for a portion of the primary, 
which will be found to be simply a refinement upon an original system in all 
respects identical with the Seneca and Yankton. This is conclusively shown by 
the present condition of the system amongst their nearest congeners, the Mississippi 
nations, among whom the step-relationships are unknown in this connection. A 
further and still stronger impression is thus obtained of the great antiquity of this 
extraordinary system of relationship in the Ganowanian family, of its power to 
perpetuate itself, and of the fact of its transmission with the blood. 

2. Otawas. 3. Potawattamies. The forms which prevail in these nations agree 
so closely with the Ojibwa, that it will not be necessary to consider them separately. 
It will also be seen, by consulting the Table, that their dialects approach each other 
very nearly. At the time of the settlement of Detroit, a portion of the Otawas 



206 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

were settled upon the Detroit River. The largest number of them are now in 
Kansas ; but there are small bands still upon the north shores of Lake Huron and 
the Georgian Bay, and still other individuals intermingled with the Ojibwas. They 
number collectively about two thousand. The Potawattamies occupied around the 
south shores of Lake Michigan at the time the settlement was commenced at 
Chicago, about 1830. The most of them are now established upon a reservation 
in Kansas. They number collectively about three thousand. 

4. Crees. The Cree language is now spoken in three dialects, without any cor- 
responding division of the people into three geographically distinct nations. They 
are called the Cree of the Lowlands, the Cree of the Woods, and the Cree of the 
Prairie, of which the former is the least and the latter is the most developed. 
There is a belt of thick wood country extending for about three hundred miles 
from the southern circuit of Hudson's Bay, reaching to Lake Winnipeg on the 
west, and on the south to the dividing ridge between this bay and Lake Superior 
and the St. Lawrence, which has been the home country of the Crees from the 
earliest period to which our knowledge extends. Sir George Simpson states, in 
his testimony before a Parliamentary commission, that this thick wood country 
"has a larger surface of water than of land." 1 Their occupation of the prairie 
regions upon the Red River of the North and the Siskatchewun was undoubtedly 
comparatively modern. The prairie dialect, therefore, which is the speech of the 
largest number of the Crees, represents that portion of the people who first emi- 
grated from the thick wood country into the plains, and which may have been at 
the time in the incipient stages of its development. The differences among the 
three are still very slight, as will be seen by comparing the terms in the Table. 
Of the variations in the pronouns the following may be taken as illustrations : 

Mine. Thine. His. 

Cree of the Lowlands. Ne-nii'. Wc-na-wou'. We-nil'. 

Woods. Ne-la'. We-la-wou'. We-la'. 

" " Prairie. Ne-ya'. We-a-wou'. We-ya'. 

The Crees speak of each other as belonging to one of these three branches of 
the nation, although the dialects, colloquially, are mutually intelligible without the 
slightest difficulty. In the terms of relationship in the Table other differences will 
be observed, but they are less in the aggregate than among any other dialects given, 
not excepting the Dakota. This language is open and accessible to a greater 
extent than any other upon the American continent, from the large number of 
whites by whom it has been acquired, and from the unusually large number of 
half-bloods speaking English, to whom the Cree is the mother tongue. 2 Under the 

1 Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company, made to the British Parlia- 
ment in 1857, p. 55. 

1 An exceedingly interesting experiment is now in progress at Selkirk, or Red River Settlement, 
near Lake Winnipeg. Along the banks of this river, from the mouth of the Asiniboine River for 
some twelve miles down towards the lake, there is a straggling village containing near ten thousand 
people, made up chiefly of half-blood Crees, but showing all shades of color, from the pure white 
Orkney Islander, through all the intermediate degrees of intermixture, to the full-blooded Cree. The 
Hudson's Bay Company, at an early day, induced Orkney men to emigrate to their territory, to act 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 207 

influence of the Hudson's Bay Company, the Crees have been kept at peace among 
themselves, and to a great extent with contiguous nations, consequently they have 
made considerable progress in numbers and in civilization. With the exception, 
however, of the agricultural half-bloods, they are not as far advanced as many 
other Indian nations. 

Their system of relationship was procured with unusual facility. The first 
schedule, that of the Lowland Cree, was obtained at the Sault St. Mary, in 1860, 
through a half-blood Cree from Moose Factory, on Hudson's Bay ; the second, that 
of the Prairie Crees, in 1861, at Georgetown, on the Red River of the North, from 
Mrs. Alexander H. Murray, a quarter-blood Cree from Peace River, near Athapasca 
Lake. She was the wife of Mr. A. H. Murray, one of the factors of the Hudson's 
Bay Company, then stationed at Georgetown, and an educated and accomplished 

in the service of the Company in the capacity of trappers and traders. These adventurers took 
the Cree women, first as companions, and afterwards, under religious influences, as wives ; and when 
their term of service expired, took up small farms with a narrow front on the river and extending 
back on the prairie as far as they chose to cultivate, and became a settled agricultural people. The 
result, in the course of a hundred or more years, has been the development of this large population 
at Red River Settlement of mixed Indian and European blood, followed by the introduction among 
them of the habits and usages of civilized life. This population are still drawing fresh blood both 
from native and European sources ; hence the main condition of the experiment namely, their 
isolation from both stocks has not yet been reached. But there is a permanently established half 
blood class, intermediate between the two ; and the problem to be solved is, whether a new stock can 
be thus formed, able to perpetuate itself. It is too early to pronounce upon the question. There are 
many encouraging and some adverse indications. There is a purely physiological principle involved, 
which connects itself directly with this experiment. The Indian and European are at opposite poles 
in their physiological conditions. In the former there is very little animal passion, while with the 
latter it is superabundant. A pure-blooded Indian has very little animal passion, but in the half- 
blood it is sensibly augmented ; and when the second generation is reached with a cross giving three- 
fourths white blood, it becomes excessive, and tends to indiscriminate licentiousness. If this be true 
in fact, it is a potent adverse element leading to demoralization and decay, which it will be extremely 
difficult to overmaster and finally escape. In his native state, the Indian is below the passion of love. 
It is entirely unknown among them, with the exception, to a limited extent, of the Village Indians. 
This fact is sufficiently proved by the universal prevalence of the custom of disposing of the females 
in marriage without their knowledge or participation in the arrangement. The effects produced by 
intermixture of European and Indian blood, although a delicate subject, is one of scientific interest. 
The facts above stated I obtained from traders and trappers on the Upper Missouri, who have spent 
their lives in the Indian country, and understand Indian life in all its relations. When at the Red 
River Settlement in 1861, I made this a subject of further inquiry, the results of which tended to 
confirm the above statements. Whether this abnormal or disturbed state of the animal passions will 
finally subside into a proper equilibrium, is one of the questions involved. There was much in the 
thrift, industry, and intelligence displayed at the Settlement to encourage the hope and the expecta- 
tion of an ultimately successful solution of the problem. Among the pure Orkney men, as well as 
half-bloods, there were many excellent and solid men who would command respect and attain success 
in any community ; and under such influences the probabilities of success are greatly strengthened. 
As far as my personal observation has extended among the American Indian nations, the half-blood 
is inferior, both physically and mentally, to the pure Indian ; but the second cross, giving three- 
quarters Indian, is an advance upon the native; and giving throe-fourths white is a still greater 
advance, approximating to equality with the white ancestor. With the white carried still further, 
full equality is reached, tending to show that Indian blood car. be taken up without physical or 
intellectual detriment. 



208 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

lady. The third, that of the Cree of the Woods, was procured at the same time 
and place, from Mrs. Ohlson, a half-blood Cree from Pembina. Afterwards a second 
Cree of the Lowlands was obtained at Eed Eiver Settlement. Besides these, I 
received, in the year 1862, a second schedule of the Cree of the Prairie, from the 
Rev. E. A. Watkins, of Devon, on the Siskatchewan River. These verifications of 
the details as well as existence of the system were more ample than usual. The 
Cree language, as well as system of relationship, affiliates very closely with the 
dialects and systems of the remaining Gichigamian nations. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
step-son and step-daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my step-son and step-daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my step-father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of 
my collateral brothers and sisters, and of my male and female cousins, are severally 
my grandchildren. 

Among the Crees the relationship of cousin is also found applied by the children 
of a brother and sister to each other. The relationships of step-brother and step- 
sister are not found in the Cree applied as in the Ojibwa. In this respect it retains 
the original form of the system. 

For the purpose of illustrating the degree of nearness in the vocables for common 
objects in the dialects of the Great Lake nations, and their relation to the West- 
ern Algonkin, a short comparative table is inserted below, compiled from unpub- 
lished vocabularies of the author. 1 

II. Mississippi Nations. 1. Miamis. 2. Illinois: (1. Weas. 2. Piankeshaws. 
3. Kaskaskias. 4. Peorias.) 3. Sawks and Foxes. 4. Kikapoos. 5. Menominees. 
6. Shiyans. 7. Shawnees. 

The occupation of the vast prairie area in the interior of the continent, by the 
Indian nations, was a modern event. It is perfectly certain, as well as obvious 
from the nature of these plains, that they were incapable of human habitation 
until after the aborigines had come into possession of the horse, and had learned 
to rear him as a domestic animal. Before that event they were confined to the 
banks of the great rivers that traversed the prairies, leaving the remainder of these 
immense regions an unbroken solitude, in the exclusive possession of the herds of 
wild animals who grazed their inexhaustible pastures. East of the Mississippi the 

1 See table at bottom of next page. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



209 



prairie area extended southward to the fringe of forest bordering the Ohio River, 
eastward to the central part of Indiana, and then stretching northwestward, along 
the forest which skirted Lake Michigan, Lake Superior, and Lake Winnipeg, it 
crossed Peace Biver near the west end of Athapasca Lake. From the plateau of 
Peace River southward to New Mexico for a distance of more than fifteen hundred 
miles, and from the Rocky Mountain chain to the great forests, east of the Missis- 
sippi, a distance of more than a thousand miles in their greatest width, these 
prairies lie unrolled as a carpet of verdure. They furnish the most extraordinary 
natural spectacle upon which the eye of man ever rested on the earth's surface. No 
description can realize to the mind their vastness or their magnificence. Between 
the western borders of Lake Superior and the Ohio the rivers and streams were 
bordered with forest. There were, also, patches of forest scattered here and there 
in the midst of the prairies, in which respect the regions east of the Mississippi 
differ from those west of and upon the Missouri. Throughout all the region first 
named there was a mixture of forest and prairie, the latter largely predominating. 
Within this area the Mississippi nations were found. Their habitations were 
along the rivers and streams, which were well supplied with fish, and also among 
the woodlands which afforded a shelter for game. The open prairies east of the 
Mississippi, as well as west of it, were destitute of inhabitants. 

At the period of colonization there were eleven nations between Lake Superior 
and the Ohio, excluding the Winnebagoes and Potawattamies, and including the 





Cree. 


Ojibwa. 


Potawattamie. 


Blood-Blackfoot. 


Ahahnelin. 


Head, 


Mish'-to-gwan 


O-ste'-gwan 


Wa-tib' 


0-too-kane' 


Ah-ga'-ha 


Hair, 


Mis-ta'-gi-ya 


We-ne-sis'-sun 


Wain-sus-san' 


0-to'- kwa-kin- 


Be-at-ah' 


Eye, 


0-sk-zik' 


0-ske-zhig' 


Zhk-zhuk' 


O-aps'-pix [is' 


Pa-sa'-tha 


Ear, 


O-ta'-wi-gi 


Ta-wag' 


0-to-uk' 


Oh--to'-kis 


Wa-nii-ta'-no 


Nose, 


0-ske-wun' 


0-jhaze' 


0-jash' 


Oaks-se-sis' 


Ba'-sa 


Mouth, 


Ne-tone' 


0-done' 


0-tone' 


Ma-aw'-ye 


Ba'-ke 


Arm, 


Osh-pe-toon' 


0-neke' 


Nuk 


Olr-chim'-min 


Bas'-te-na'-ya 


Hand, 


O-jish'-chc 


0-ninge' 


0-nech' 


0-ma-jiks-e-kin- 


Bii'-kik 


Bow, 


Ah-cha'-le 


Me-ke-gwab' 


N'-ta-gwab' 


Na'-ma [ist 


Ba'-ta 


Arrow, 


Ah-toosh' 


Pe-kwack' 


Wape 


Ah-pe'-se 


Ot'-zo 


Tobacco, 


Sta'-mow 


Ah-sa-ma' 


Sa'-ma 


Pis-tii'-ka 


Tza-tha'-wa 


Sun, 


Pee-sim 


Ke-sis' 


Ka-zus' 


Na-to'-ze 


A-sis' 


Star, 


Ah-dak' 


Ah-nung' 


No-goke' 


Ka-ka'-toase 


Ah-tome' 


Wind, 


Yu-tin 


No-din' 




I'-so-po 


Ne'-he-nate 


Rain, 


Ke-ne-wun' 


Ke-nee-wun' 




I-sote' 


Ah-na-tha' 


Snow, 


Go-na 


Kone 


Kone 


Ko'-nis-ko 


Ba-natz' 


Fire, 


E-sko'-da-o 


Sko'-da 




Stche 


E-sit'-ta 


Water, 


Ne'-pe 


Ne-leh' 


Bish 


Ah-olr'-ke-a 


Det'-za 


Ice, 


Mis-kwa-me' 


Me-kwum' 


M'-komb' 


Ko-ko-to'-a 


Wii'-ho 


Pigeon, 


O-me'-rau 


O-me'-me 


Ah-me' 


Ka-ko'-a 


Ne-ta'-ha 


Red. 


Ah-me-kwag' 


Mis-kwa' 


Mas-kwak' 


Mox-e'-natch-e 


Ba'-ah 


Yellow, 


0-sa-wag' 


0-za-wa' 


Wa-za'-nak 


Ote-ko'-e-natch- 


Ne-ha'-ya 


One, 


Pa-yuk' 




N'-goot' 


Tokes'-ka [e 


Na-ne'-tha 


Two, 


Ne-su' 




Neesh 


Na'-toke 


Na-ne-tha' 


Three, 


Nees-tu' 




Swa 


Ne-okes'-ka 


Na-na'-the 


Four, 


Na-woo' 




Ne-a-o' 


Ne-sa-im 


Ge-na'-ne 


Five, 


Nee-ah-mun' 




Ne-a-nin' 


Nee-se-to'-a 


Ya-na'-ta-ne 



27 March, 1870. 



210 SYSTEMS OF C N S ANG TJINIT Y AND AFFINITY 

Shawnces south of the Ohio, who dwelt upon the east bank of the Mississippi, and 
upon the numerous rivers which traverse the present States of Wisconsin and 
Illinois, and the western parts of Indiana. All of these nations spoke dialects of 
the Algonkin language, and were more nearly allied to each other, and nearer to 
the Great Lake nations, than they were to the Atlantic Algonkins. The reasons 
for placing the Shiyans 1 among the number will be elsewhere assigned. It is 
proposed to call them collectively the Mississippi Nations. At the time Father 
Marquette descended the Mississippi, in 1673 it is probable, from the Algonkin 
names upon his map, that some of these nations had establishments upon the west 
side of the river, from which the Dakotas were then gradually effecting their 
displacement. Moreover, there are reasons for supposing that the original home 
country of the Dakotas upon the head waters of the Mississippi, was wrested 
from the Algonkins, and that the Shiyans, and perhaps the Arapahoes, were the 
nations displaced. 

1. Miamis. 2. Illinois. (1. Weas. 2. Piankeshaws. 3. Kaskaskias. 4. 
Peorias.) 

The first group of the Mississippi Nations, consisting of the five above named, 
were subdivisions of the same people. This is at least certain with respect to 
all except the Miamis, whose dialect shows considerable divergence. During the 
colonial period they were so regarded both by the French and English. 2 They were 
sometimes styled, collectively, the " Illinois Confederacy." 3 It is a matter of doubt 
whether there ever was a distinct nation of Illinois Indians, as distinguished from 
the four bands named. None such exists at the present time, and we have 
no account of their extirpation. It was probably a general name for these 
nations or bands, which was laid aside after they became distinct under recognized 
names. This is not inconsistent with La Salle's account of the destruction of a 
large portion of the Illinois by the Iroquois. For these reasons these four nations are 
called collectively the Illinois. The Peorias and Kaskaskias were immediate sub- 
divisions of the same people. In like manner, the Miamis, Weas, and Pianke- 
shaws, as appears by the official records of the last century, were regarded as imme- 
diate subdivisions -of one original nation. 4 A comparison of the terms of relationship 
in the Table "will show the present relation of these dialects to each other. 

In their system of consanguinity and affinity these nations, all of which are 
represented in the Table, agree very closely with each other. It will be sufficient 
to present one form, and that of the Miamis, who are the most numerous, will be 
adopted as the standard. These nations occupied the triangle between the Illi- 
nois, the Mississippi, and the Ohio Rivers, and were spread along the Wabash and 
the Miami into the western part of Indiana. 5 



1 From the Dakota Shi-ya. (Cheyennes.. 

Enumeration of Indian Nations made in 1736, Colonial History of New York, IX, 1057. 

8 Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians of the Northern District in 1767, by Sir William 
Johnson, Col. Hist. New York, IX, 966. 

Ib., IX, 891, and X, 248. 

8 Harvey, in his History of the Shawnees, quotes the speech of Little Turtle, a Miami chief, in which 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 211 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my son 
and daughter, Neen-gwase' -sa and Nin-da'-na. With Ego a female, they are my 
nephew and niece, Lan-gwa-les'-sa and Shames-sd' . 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my father, No-sa'. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother, elder or younger, 
Ne-sa-sa" or Ne' -she-ma' ', and my sister, elder or younger, Ne-mis-sa" or Ne-she-ma". 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, N'-sa-gwe'-sa. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ne-zJiese'-sa. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother, Nin-ge-aft'. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter, are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Na-ma-sho-ma' 

The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral brothers and 
sisters, are indiscriminately my grandchildren. 

Amongst these nations the relationship of cousin is unknown. The children of 
a brother and sister, if males, are uncle and nephew to each other, and if females, 
they are mother and daughter ; in which respect it is in precise agreement with 
the form which prevails among the Missouri nations and the Winnebagoes. As 
this identity is an interesting fact, the relationships may be run through specifically. 
My father's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece, and 
their children are my grandchildren. With Ego a female, they are my son and 
daughter, and their children are my grandchildren. On the reverse side, my 
mother's brother's son is my uncle, Ne-zliese' -sa ; his son is my uncle again, and 
his male descendants continue to be uncles, theoretically, in an infinite series. My 
mother's brother's daughter is my mother, Nin-ge-ati ; her children are my brothers 
and sisters, elder or younger ; the children of these collateral brothers, Ego a male, 
are my sons and daughters ; of these collateral sisters are my nephews and nieces, 
and their children are my grandchildren. 

The progress of this particular part of the system from a lower to a higher form 
in branches of two independent stems of the Ga'nowanian family, taking in each 
the same direction, and reaching the same ultimate form, is a significant fact. 
This is seen to have been the case among the Hodenosaunian, the Dakotan, and 
the Great Lake nations, among whom the relationship of cousin is .found. On the 
other hand, it is a not less striking fact that among the congeners of each respec- 
tively the same anterior form, as to the relationships between the children of a 
brother and sister should still prevail. Two inferences arise from the premises : 
first, that the radical forms of the system are stable and persistent. An obvious 

the latter refers to the ancient area of occupation of the Miamis as follows : "My forefathers kindled 
the first fire at Detroit, from thence he extended his lines to the head-waters of the Scioto, from 
thence to its mouth, from thence down the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash, and from thence to 
Chicago on Lake Michigan. These are the boundaries within which the prints of my ancestors' 
houses are everywhere to be seen." Harvey's History of the Shawnees, p. 64. 



212 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

incongruity, not to say blemish, is maintained through long periods of time among 
. certain nations, after a portion of their congeners had corrected the defect by a 
change suggested by the principles of the system. Secondly, that the system is 
under the absolute control of the fundamental conceptions upon which it rests, and 
if changed at all, the change must be in logical accordance with these conceptions, 
and move in a direction, as elsewhere stated, predetermined by the elements of the 
system. 

The identity of the Miami in whatever is radical, with the common system of all 
the nations thus far named is sufficiently evident. 1 

2. Sawks and Foxes. It would be inconsistent with the plan of this work to 
encumber its pages with historical notices of the numerous nations to whom it is 
necessary to refer. A brief reference to their ancient seats, and to their present 
location and numbers, will yield all the information necessary to our present purpose. 

The home country of the Sawks and Foxes, when they first became known to 
the early explorers, was upon the Fox River in Wisconsin, where they were found 
in 1666. Their range was westward from this river to the Mississippi. There is 
some evidence tending to show that they formerly resided upon the north shore of 
Lake Ontario ; and subsequently upon the west side of the Mississippi in the val- 
ley of the Sawk River, within the Dakota area. They have been distinguished 
among the Mississippi nations for their fighting propensities. In 1841 they were 
established upon a reservation in Kansas, and were estimated at twenty-four hun- 
dred. 2 

Among the Mississippi nations there was more or less of cultivation and of vil- 
lage life. This was particularly the case with the Sawks and Foxes. 3 Their dia- 
lect affiliates very closely with the dialects of the Illinois, as will be seen by a refer- 
ence to the Table. Like all other prairie Indians, the Sawks and Foxes are very 
dark skinned, very much more so than the forest nations. Some of them are but 
a few shades lighter than the negro. 4 

Their system of relationship, which will be found in the Table, agrees so inti- 

1 In 1855 the five nations above named were estimated collectively at seven hundred and eighty. 
Schoolcraft, Hist. Cond. & Pros. VI, 705. 

* They are frequently referred to in the Colonial Records. Col. Hist. N. Y., IV, 749, VII, 543, 
IX, 161, 889 and 1055. 

8 Carver thus speaks of a village of the Sawks on the Wisconsin River, which he visited in 1766 : 
" This is the largest and best built Indian town I ever saw. It contained about ninety houses, each 
large enough for several families. They are built of hewn plank, neatly jointed, and covered with 
bark so completely as to keep out the most penetrating rains. * * * In their plantations, which 
lie adjacent to their houses, and are neatly laid out, they raise great quantities of Indian corn, beans, 
melons, &c." Travels, p. 22. 

4 I remember very distinctly the personal appearance of a Sawk woman upon the Sawk and Fox 
Reservation in Kansas in 1860, who assisted my interpreter in giving the details of their system of 
relationship. She was short, but stout, with a very dark skin, small deep set and restless black 
eyes (in which the untamed animal nature was distinctly manifest), high cheek bones, narrow, high, 
and retreating forehead, and massive lower face, with large mouth and tumid lips. A smile, which 
occasionally came and went, sat upon her imperturbable features so unnaturally that her face did not 
seem formed to harbor such a visitant; and it dropped out as instantaneously as a thread of light- 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 213 

mately with the form which prevails in the first group of the Mississippi nations 
that it will be unnecessary to present the indicative relationships. The most 
noticeable fact connected with it is the manner of disposing of the relationships of 
the children of a brother and sister, who are uncle and nephew if males, and 
mother and daughter if females, in which respect it agrees with the Miami. 

3. Kikapoos. The earliest notices of this nation placed them in the northern 
part of the present State of Illinois, between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi. 
In the enumeration of the Indian tribes made in 1736, 1 ascribed to Chauvignerie, 
they are located upon Fox River in Wisconsin, whilst in a later one made by Sir 
William Johnson in 1763, 2 they are placed upon the Wabash. They now reside 
upon a reservation in Kansas, and number according to the census of 1855 three 
hundred and forty-four. 3 

Their system of relationship, which will be found in the Table, agrees with the 
Miami not only in its general form, but also in the relationships between the chil- 
dren of a brother and sister. 

4. Menominees. The original seat of this nation was upon the river of the same 
name, in Michigan and Wisconsin. They are mentioned by Du Chesnau, in his 
"Memoir on the Western Indians," made in 1681, 4 as among the Indians of Wis- 
consin. They remained in this region until they were removed to a reservation 
on Long Prairie River, one of the head tributaries of the Mississippi. In 1849 
they numbered about two thousand five hundred. They have made considerable 
progress in civilization. 

Their system of relationship is substantially identical with the Miami. It also 
agrees with it in making the children of a brother and sister, uncle and nephew if 
males, and mother and daughter if females. 

5. Shiyans. Less is known of the early history of this people than of any 
other Mississippi nation. They were anciently seated upon the Cheyenne River, a 
tributary of the Red River of the North, in what afterwards became a part of the 
Dakota area. The Dakotas have not only preserved a tradition of their former 
residence upon this river, but they still point out a place, at a bend in the stream, 
where their village stood, and where there are still said to be traces of former 
occupation as well as cultivation. We are also indebted to the Dakotas for the 
name by which they are now known. They called them Shi-ya' " the people who 
speak an unintelligible tongue." At the time Lewis and Clarke ascended the 
Missouri (1804), they were established upon the Cheyenne River, a tributary of 
the Missouri, near the foot of the Black Hills in Nebraska. 5 They are now living 

rring from a black cloud. The Indian eye shows neither pupil nor iris ; and is, so to speak, impenetrable 
and unreadable a deep but strong unglistening black. The half bloods have glistening eyes, which, at 
a certain stage of further white intermixture, become the most brilliant eyes to be found in the family 
of mankind. 

1 Col. Hist. N. Y , IX, 1055. Ib., VII, 583. 

Schoolcraft, Hist. Cond. and Pros. Ind. Tribes, VI, 705. 4 Col. Hist. N. Y., IX, 161. 

5 Lewis and Clarke, speaking of this river, say : " It derives this title from the Cheyenne Indians. 
Their history is a short and melancholy relation of the calamities of most all the Indians. They 
were a numerous people, and lived on the Cheyenne, a branch of the Red River of Lake Winnipeg. 



214 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY. 



in the territory of Colorado in what was formerly the extreme western part of Kan- 
sas. With the Arapahoes, a kindred people, they are now geographically discon- 
nected from the Algonkin nations, the Dakotas occupying the intermediate area. 
Their first seat tends to show that far back of the historical period, the Algonkin 
area extended westward from the head of Lake Superior beyond the head-waters 
of the Mississippi ; and that the regions afterwards occupied by the Dakotas proper 
were wrested, as elsewhere suggested, from the Algonkin nations. Among the 
number thus displaced, were the Shiyans certainly, and probably the Arapahoes 
and Ahahnelins (Gros Ventres of the Prairie). If we should seek among the 
Mississippi nations, the nearest congeners of the Shiyans and Arapahoes, the 
Menominees and Shawnees will be found to make the nearest approach to them in 
their dialects. The annexed comparative Table, taken in connection with the 
terms of relationship, shows more or less affinity, although the amount of dialectical 
change is very great. 1 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter, Na and Na-turi ' . With Ego a female, they are my nephew and 
niece, Na-chin'e-ta and Ne-she'-mis. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

The invasion of the Sioux [Dakotas] drove them westward ; in their progress they halted on the 
western side of the Missouri, below the Wasseconne, where their ancient fortifications still exist ; but 
the same impulse again drove them to the heads of the Cheyenne, where they now rove, and occa- 
sionally visit the Rickarees. They are now reduced, but still number three hundred men." Travels, 
p. 70. 

1 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY. 













Ahahnelin. 




Shawnee. 


Menominee. 


Shiyan. 


Arapahoe. 


(Gros Ventres of 




Morgan. 


Bruce. 


Smith. 


Smith. 


Morgan. 


1. Head, 


We-se' 


Maish 


Mah-ke-o 


Nee-a-thar 


At-ga'-ha 


2. Ear, 


Ho-ta-wa-ga' 


May-tah-woc 


Es-tah-vote 


Won-ne-tun-a 


Wa-na-tii'-no 


3. Eye, 


Ske-sa-gwe' 


Maish-kay-shaick 


A-ch'-quin 


Mee-she-shee 


Pa-sa'-tha 


4. Nose, 


Ho-ja-se' 


May-che-osh 


Kune 


Ner-tun-nee 


Ba'-sa 


5. Mouth, 


Ho-do-nih' 


May-tone 


Marthe 


Net-tee 


Ba'-ke 


6. Heart, 


O-da-heh' 


May-tab. 


Es-tah 


Bat-tah 


It'-ta 


7. Blood, 


Mis-kwe' 


Mainh-kee 


Mah-e 


Bahe 


Wa'-atz-za 


8. Sun, 


Ge-sa-tha' 


Kay-shoh 


Is-she 


Nee-she-ish 


A-sis' 


9. Day, 


Ge-sa-ge' 


Kay-shay-kots 


Na-vone 


Ee-shee 


Noh-wa-na-ho- 


10. Water, 


Na-be 


Na-pay-we 


Ma-pa 


Nutch 


Det'-za [sa 


11. Ice, 


P-gwa-ma' 


Mainh-quom 


Ma-omh 


Wa-hoo 


Wa'-h-o 


12. Snow, 


Ma-da' 


Koon 


Es-tassa 


Ee 


Ba-natz' 


13. Rain, 


Keem-a-won-wa' 


Ke-may-won 


Ho-co 


Os-son-ick 




14. Elk, 


Wa-pet-se' 


Oh-mansh-kash 


Mo-ee 


Ese-wour-koo 


A-was'-sa-ha 


15 Beaver, 


A-meex'-wa 


Nah-main 


Hau-ma 


Ah-bash 


Ah'-pis-se 


16. Bear, 


M'-kwa' 


Ah-way-sha 


Nan-quo 


Whoth 


Was'-see 


The Menominee is taken from Schoolcraft's Hist. Cond. and Pros., II, 470; and the Shiyan 


and Arapahoe from the same, III, 446. The Shawnee and Ahahnelin are from unpublished 


vocabularies of the authors. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 215 

Third. My father's brother is my father, Na-o'-a. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger, Nd-ne'-a or Na-sim-a', and No-ma' or Na-sim-a'. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Na-un'. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, No-she'. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother, No-led . 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Nam-a-shim! '. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral 
brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren. 

With respect to the relationships between the children of a brother and sister it 
was impossible to ascertain with certainty, and these questions are unanswered in 
the Table. It seemed most probable that they were uncle and nephew if males, 
and mother and daughter if females. 1 

The Shiyan dialect has some peculiarities which may have resulted from its 
long isolation from the purer forms of the Algonkin speech. It is seen in the 
feebleness of the accent, which renders the language monotonous, and in the short- 
ening of the words apparently by the loss of syllables. The traders who are familiar 
with other Algonkin dialects regard this as the most difficult of them all ; and 
those who are familiar with the Dakota alone, still pronounce it, as the Dakotas 
did, an " unintelligible tongue." Their Algonkin lineage, and their possession of 
the common systems of relationship of the family, are bath established. 

5. Shawnees. The Cumberland Eiver in Kentucky was called the Shawnee 
River until 1 748, when the present name was substituted. 2 In the triangular area 
between the Ohio and the Mississippi, watered by the lower Tennessee and the 
Cumberland, were the ancient seats of the Shawnees. 3 Beyond this region they 
have never been traced to any anterior home. They still call themselves Sa-wan- 
wa-ke', which signifies " southerners" in Otawa, 0-shaw-wa-noke' ', a name adopted 
by them, probably in a boastful sense, as the southernmost band geographically of 
Algonkin descent. 4 They appear to have abandoned the Mississippi prior to 1650 ; 

1 I obtained the system of the Shiyans in 1860 from Joseph Tesson, a French trader at Rulo in 
Nebraska. He was a quarter-blood Menorainee. At the age of eighteen, as he informed me, he left the 
Missouri River, and went out as an adventurer upon the plains. Having joined himself to the Shi- 
yans, he learned their language, married a woman of that nation, and took an active part in all 
their military enterprises. In due time he was made a chief. For twenty years he had been identi- 
fied with this nation, and during that time had not visited the Missouri region. Shortly before I 
met him he had found his way with his children to Rulo to resume civilized life. He was able to 
give me their system of relationship in every particular, except the part in question, upon which he 
was in doubt whether the relationships were those of uncle and nephew or cousin and cousin. Since 
he could not recall a term for cousin in the Shiyan language, with which he was perfectly familiar, 
it seemed reasonably certain that this relationship did not exist, and that the classification agreed 
with the Miami. Tesson spoke French, English, and Spanish ; and had acquired five Indian lan- 
guages besides the Shiyan. 

Col. Hist. N. Y., VIII, 113, note. Harvey's History of the Shawnees, p. 64. 

4 Ib. p. 64. 



216 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

and to have moved eastward to North Carolina and Virginia, and finally, in 1678 
or thereabout, to the Susquehannah River in Pennsylvania. They were a party to 
the second treaty with William Penn in 1701. Prior to 1786 the most of the 
Shawnees had removed to the Miami River in Ohio; and after several changes of 
residence in that State, hi which they remained until 1832, they were finally 
removed by the general government to a reservation on the Kansas River. At the 
present moment they are undergoing, for the third time within a century and a 
half, the process of being uprooted and expatriated under the pressure of the never 
ending requirements of the American people. 

The Shawnees, notwithstanding their trying and eventful experience in war 
and in peace, have preserved their nationality and made remarkable progress in 
agriculture and in other arts of civilized life. They have organized a representa- 
tive government, founded upon a popular election of chiefs, have organized and 
supported schools, constructed comfortable houses, and become strictly agricultural. 
There are amongst them men and women of education, intelligence, and high moral 
worth who are striving to raise themselves to useful employments, and their fami- 
lies to independence. With a proper encouragement of these efforts a large por- 
tion of the remaining Shawnees would ultimately become permanently civilized 
and saved from extermination. It is seriously to be deplored that the Great 
Republic does not awaken to an intelligent as well as judicious, administration of 
its Indian affairs. The census of 1855 shows that they number eight hundred and 
fifty-one. 1 

Colloquially the Shawnee is the most beautiful dialect of the Algonkin speech. 
Any person who has heard these dialects, in their wide range and diversity, from 
the lips of the native speaker, must have noticed the superiority in smoothness of 
articulation of the Shawnee, the Cree, and the Ojibwa, over those of the Atlantic 
Algonkins, and still more over the degenerate forms of the same speech at the 
foot of the Rocky Mountain chain. The latter are distorted and roughened by 
nasal and guttural utterances from which the former are comparatively free. 
Amongst the central Algonkins the mental superiority was found. As compared 
with the Iroquois and Dakotas they were an inferior stock. Whilst the dialects 
of the latter are distinguished for vigor of pronunciation, and by a clear ringing 
accent upon the emphatic part of each word, the Algonkin, with the exceptions 
named, is a soft and not unmusical speech. Indian dialects unfold and contract, 
improve and deteriorate, as the people who hold them in their keeping increase in 
numbers and mental capacity, or fall back under adverse circumstances into feeble- 
ness and decay. The Shawnees have withstood the external pressure upon them 
with remarkable persistency and success ; and have continued to advance, except 
in numbers, throughout the entire period of colonization and established empire. 

From the fact that for upwards of two centuries they had been detached, in a 
great measure, from their immediate congeners, and had lived in intimate relations 
with the eastern Algonkins, their system of consanguinity and affinity was sought 

1 Schoolcraft, Hist. Cond. and Pros. &c., VI, 115. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 217 

with more than usual interest. Its present form would tend to illustrate how far, 
if at all, its original features might become modified in those respects in which it 
differed from that of the Atlantic Algonkiiis. Whether an established system 
changes with facility, under external influence, or stubbornly resists innovation from 
without, is a question that connects itself with the final estimate to be placed upon 
systems of relationship as an instrument in ethnology. The more therefore the 
evidence tending to establish the fact of its stability is multiplied the more reliable 
will the inferences drawn therefrom become. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter, Ne-kwe-thti' and Ni-to-no-tJiti' . With Ego a female, they are my 
nephew and niece, No-la-gwol-thd' and Na-sa-me-tha! '. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my father, No-tlia'. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger, N'-tha-tha' or N'-ihe-ma-tha' and Nirmirtha' or XT-tlie-ma-tha! '. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Na-tha-gwe-fha' '. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ni'si-tha'. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother, Ne-lce~ali' ' . 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Na-ma-some-t7id' . 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral 
brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren. 

With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are uncle and nephew 
if males, and mother and daughter if females. It agrees also with the Miami as 
to the series of uncles. For the marriage relationships which are not less elabo- 
rately discriminated reference is made to the Table. 

It thus appears that the Shawnees have not only maintained all of the radical 
characteristics of the system, but also that they have tenaciously held to the second 
form of the deviation which forms such a striking peculiarity of the system. The 
minute and precise agreement of the Miami, Sawk and Fox, Kikapoo and Me- 
nominee forms with each other, and with the Shawnee, is a forcible attestation of 
the stability of the system as a whole, and of the like stability of the relationships 
deviating from uniformity when they become permanently established. 

It should be observed, also, that the terms of relationship amongst all of the 
Algonkin nations thus far considered, are, for the most part, the same original 
words under dialectical changes. From this fact the inference arises that the 
terms as well as the system, have come down to each from a common source ; thus 
ascending to the time when all of these nations were represented by a single 
nation, and their dialects by a single language. 1 

1 In December, 1858, I sent out the first printed schedule with an explanatory letter to the several 
Indian Missions, and among the number, one to Friend Simon D. Harvey, Superintendent of the 
Friends' Shawnee Mission School in Kansas. But three answers were returned, and the first was 

28 March, 1870. 



218 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

III. Atlantic Algonkins. 

1. Delawares. 2. Muusees. 3. Mohegans. (4. Abenakis, not in the Table.) 
5. Etchemins or Malisetes. 6. Micmacs. 

The eastern Algonkins were subdivided into a number of nations politically dis- 
tinct ; but those properly so distinguished were, in reality, less numerous than the 
early accounts represent. Distinctness of dialect furnishes a more reliable criterion 
than the nominal independence of particular bands. Separate bands of the same 
nation have not only. received separate names, but a multiplicity of names have 
been given to the same nation. Our Indian nations have rarely been known by 
the names with which they designate themselves ; but usually by those conferred 
upon them by contiguous nations. If classified by dialects the number having a 
place in our colonial history would be greatly reduced. 

Between the St. Lawrence below Quebec, and Hudson's Bay, there was a scanty 
Algonkin population, of which Mr. Gallatin has preserved the names of the 
Scoffies, and the Sheshatapoosh. The country, however, was nearly destitute of 
inhabitants. In Nova Scotia, and in the regions bordering the Gulf of St. Law- 
rence, and the islands adjacent, were the Micmacs ; upon the St. John's Eiver, and 
south of it, were the Etchemins, now known as the Malisetes ; and between the 
St. John's and the Kennebec were the Abenakis. These three nations were dis- 
tinct, each having an independent dialect The New England Indians occupied 
the remainder of New England, the eastern banks of Hudson River, and Long 
Island. They were closely allied in blood and language. The principal nations 
were the Narragansetts of Massachusetts, the Wampanoags of Rhode Island, the 
Pequots of Connecticut, and the Mohegans of the Hudson. They were thinly 
spread over these areas. Advancing southward the Delawares, of whom the Minsi 
were a portion, and the Munsees occupied parts of New Jersey, Delaware, and 
eastern Pennsylvania; whilst the Nantikokes occupied between Delaware and 
Chesapeake Bay in eastern and southern Maryland. In Virginia upon the 
Rappahannock and James Rivers, were the Powhattans and some minor bands. Still 
further south, upon the shores of the Atlantic along Cape Hatteras were the Pamp- 
licos, and south of them the Cheraws, of whom but little is known. They were 

from Friend Harvey, containing the Shawnee complete. This venerable and estimable gentleman, 
as well as his family before him, had been an active friend of the Sbawnees while they resided in 
Ohio ; and he had followed them to their new home in Kansas, where he was then laboring with zeal 
and perseverance for their spiritual and temporal welfare. His knowledge of the language, and the 
familiar acquaintance of many Shawnees with the English, enabled him to trace out their system, 
through all its complications, with precision and accuracy. He was the first to bring out the 
anomalous feature of the Indian system which established the relationship of uncle and nephew 
between the children of a brother and sister, which afterwards formed the basis upon which the Mis- 
sissippi and Missouri nations were organized in separate groups. In 1859 I verified the work of 
Friend Harvey at the Shawnee Reservation, and found it correct in every particular. In I860 
he went with me to the Reservations in southern Kansas, which gave me an excellent opportunity 
to become acquainted with this philanthropist. I shall long retain the impression which the good- 
ness of his character, and his noble and distinguished zeal for the welfare of the Indian family pro- 
duced upon my mind. No better and no purer man than Friend Harvey lives upon the earth. 



OF THE HUM AN FAMILY. 219 

probably straggling bands from Virginia. The foregoing were the principal 
Atlantic Algonkin nations. 

Of those enumerated, the Micmacs, the Etchemins, the Abenakis, the Mohegan, 
the Delawares, and the Munsees still maintain a distinct political existence. 
Beside these, there are about a thousand of the descendants of the New England 
Indians, more or less mixed in blood, still living in Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
and Rhode Island, 1 and about the same number in Maine. 

The Atlantic Algonkins were never very numerous, although they cultivated to 
some extent, and possessed excellent fisheries. They were probably more nume- 
rous, in equal areas, than the Gichigamian or Mississippi nations ; but still incon- 
siderable in numbers. Throughout the continent, with the exception of parts of 
Mexico and Central America, and the valley of the Columbia, the Indian popula- 
tion was everywhere scanty. It is impossible at the present time, under the sug- 
gestions of ample experience, to repress the tendency to exaggerated estimates. 
Even the census which has come in at last, to dispel these illusions, does not shed 
a convincing light upon the past, because the hypothesis is allowed to intervene, 
that they have wasted away between the estimate and the census. Experience 
shows that nomadic nations, and more especially nations composed of fishermen 
and hunters, increase slowly and waste slowly ; and that the equilibrium of num- 
bers is better preserved among them than it is among agricultural and commercial 
peoples. In a volume now open before me are estimates made as late as 1834, 
in which the Crow Indians are stated to number 45,000, the Blackfeet 30,000, and 
the Shoshonees 30,000. These nations were then well known to the Fur companies, 
and to the traders, although they had not at that time come under any direct rela- 
tions to the government. In 1849, after treaties had been formed with them, and 
an effort had been made to ascertain their numbers, by a count of lodges, the 
Crows were estimated at 4000, the Blackfeet at 13,000, and the Shoshonees at 
700. An actual census, when taken, will probably reduce both the Crows and 
Blackfeet considerably below these numbers. This is undoubtedly a fair illustra- 
tion of the deceptive character of all the estimates made of our aboriginal inhabit- 
ants. With our present experience there is no further excuse for such extrava- 
gance. The early Spanish estimates of the inhabitants of Mexico and Central 
America reveal the same tendency to exaggeration, and upon a scale of such utter 
recklessness as to become insulting to common intelligence. The Indian inhabit- 
ants of these countries were undoubtedly more numerous than the northern 
Indians, through a higher and more productive agriculture ; but their cultivation 
was of garden beds, and not of the field, and their occupation and use of the soil 
were limited to infinitesimal patches compared with the whole area held. Neither 
is it so assuredly true that the American Indian nations have perished at the fright- 

1 In the year 1862 I met on the Mississippi River a half-blood Narragansett woman, with two 
Pequots, her grandchildren, then on their way to Kansas, where they resided. She was descended, 
on the mother's side, from the Narragansetts, amongst whom descent as well as nationality follows 
the female line. This made her a Narragansett, She further informed me that both the Pequot and 
Narragansett dialects were now extinct. 



220 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

ful rate generally supposed. Many Indians, indeed, were destroyed in the wars 
of colonization ; and many others perished through vices contracted by contact 
with civilization ; T)ut those nations, of which no trace now remains, were rather 
broken up and dispersed among kindred people than annihilated. This process of 
dispersion and absorption .has been going on continuously from the commencement 
of the career of the Ganowanian family upon the North American continent. It 
has resulted in known instances, since the epoch of colonization, from wars waged 
amongst themselves-, as in the case of the Eries and Neutral Nation dispersed by 
the Iroquois ; and in wars waged by the colonists, as in the case of the Natchez 
Indians, supposed to have been exterminated by the French, but now incorporated 
with the Creeks. A reinvestigation of the facts with reference to the numbers and 
means of subsistence of the American aborigines is necessary to correct the current 
impressions on these subjects. 

In the Table will be found the systems of relationship of the Micmacs, Etche- 
mins, Mohegans, Delawares, and Munsees. They represent the northern, the 
central, and the southern subdivisions of the eastern Algonkins. All that was pecu- 
liar in the system of these nations will presumptively he found in the forms given 
in the Table. 

1. Delawares. The Delawares are undoubtedly one of the oldest of the Algon- 
kin nations, and are so recognized by their congeners. They are styled " grand- 
fathers" by the greater portion of these nations, both eastern and western, which 
of itself is significant of the fact. Their dialect has departed very widely from 
the common standards. They are now established upon a reservation in Kansas, 
and numbered in 1855, nine hundred persons. Through missionary instruction 
and agricultural pursuits, they have made as much progress as the Shawnees. 

First Indicative Feature in their system of relationship. My brother's son and 
daughter, Ego a male, are my son and daughter, N'-kweese', and N'-da-nuss'. 
With Ego a female, they are the same. These last relationships, which are a de- 
parture from the common form, result from the absence of the relationship of aunt. 

Second. .My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece, 
Longue'-lcw' and Lonyu&-Jcwa' . With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my little father, Noh'-tut. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my step-brother and step- 
sister, the males and females using different terms, Nee-ma'-tus and N'-doh--kwa- 
yome' (m. s.), N'-dun-oo-yome' , and Neet-hoh''-7cw' (f. s.) 

Fifth. Wanting. My father's sister is my mother. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, 2tf'-sJied-se. 

.Seventh. My mother's sister is my little mother, N'-gd-ha'-tut. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my step-brother and my step- 
sister, the males and the females using different terms. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Niv-moh-' -ho-mus' . 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my step-brothers 
and step-sisters are, without distinction, my grandchildren. 

There are three peculiar features in the system of the Delawares, two of which 
are now met with for the first time. In the first place, the relationship of aunt is 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 221 

unknown among them, the father's sister being a mother. This is also the case 
among some other nations. Secondly. My father's brother and my mother's sister 
are my " little father," and my " little mother," to distinguish them from my own 
father and mother. This form is restricted to the eastern Algonkins, and is not 
universal among them. It seems probable that it was engrafted at a later period, 
upon the common system under influences similar to those which led them as well 
as the Great Lake nations to substitute the step-relationships in place of the full 
or primary. Thirdly and lastly, the children of a brother and sister are step- 
brothers and step-sisters to each other, instead of being placed in some more remote 
relationship, than that between the children of two or more brothers, and two or 
more sisters, as required by the principles of the system. This is a very great 
deviation from uniformity, and is the fourth and last form in which it is found. It 
is also a retrograde movement, since it invades the spirit if not the substance of 
the system. How to explain this divergence is not readily seen. When placed 
in the same relationships as the children of brothers and the children of sisters the 
effect of the classification in the last two cases is weakened. It seems probable 
that previously to the introduction of the step-relationships that the children of 
brothers were brothers and sisters to each other, and that the children of sisters 
were the same, whilst the children of a brother and sister were either uncle and 
nephew, mother and daughter, as among the Shawnees, or son and father, daughter 
and mother, as among the Creeks ; and that the change was a modern refine- 
ment to distinguish each and all of them from own brothers and sisters. By the 
use of the step-relationships a singular incongruity was removed from the system, 
although the manner of its removal introduced even a greater blemish. In any 
view that may be taken of the Delaware system, it is in this one respect a deterio- 
rated form. 

A sufficient number of the radical characteristics of the common system are 
found in the Delaware to establish its identity with that of the other Algonkin 
nations, and to sustain their right of admission with all the nations previously 
named, into the Ganowanian family. These deviations are much less surprising than 
that a system so complicated should have maintained itself through so many ages, 
and amongst so many widely separated nations, and still be found coincident in so 
many of its minute details. 

2. Munsees. The Munsee dialect affiliates closely with the Delaware. The two 
are probably immediate subdivisions of the same people. A few of the Munsees 
are now in Kansas, and the remainder in Wisconsin. They number but two hun- 
dred souls. Their system of relationship is, in the main, nearest to the Delaware. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same. The females have 
neither nephews nor nieces. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my little father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 



222 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. This relationship exists without its cor- 
relatives of nephew and niece. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my little mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brother and sister, and of my collateral brothers 
and sisters, are, without distinction, my grandchildren. 

The other relationships follow in accordance with those above given, which con- 
trol the remainder. 

3. Mohegans. Their original name, Mo-he' -kun-ne-ulc' , which they still call 
themselves, and from which Mohegan is derived, signifies "Seaside People." Their 
range at the epoch of their discovery was along the Hudson and in the western 
part of Connecticut. They are closely allied in blood with the Pequots, who were 
probably their nearest congeners. All of the New England Indians, it is said, 
spoke mutually intelligible dialects. Upon this subject Drake remarks: "Such 
was the language of the Mohegans, the Pequots, the Narragansetts, and the Nip- 
muks; so near did they approach one another that each could understand the other 
throughout the united extent of their territories." 1 Their system of relationship 
is still in constant use, although they number but a few more than the Munsees. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are each 
my step-child. The term used is in common gender. With Ego a female, they 
are the same. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my step-father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my step-brother and step- 
sister. The males and females use different terms. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my step-mother. This is probably an error. If cor- 
rect, the Mohegans differ in this respect from all other nations. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my step-brother and step- 
sister. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my step-brothers 
and step-sisters, are my grandchildren. 

It will be noticed that the Mohegan form, as to the use of the step-relationships, 
agrees very closely with the Ojibwa. From this fact it seems not improbable that 
a portion of the New England Indians, after the overthrow of their political power, 
found their way to the Great Lake nations, and became incorporated with them, 
and that it furnishes an explanation of the coincidences in special features in their 

1 Book of Indians of North America, Book II. p. 87. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 223 

respective systems of relationship. Intermixture of blood on a scale sufficiently 
lar-e might be adequate to the introduction of minor peculiarities not inconsistent 
with the fundamental conceptions of the system. It is the only way in which any 
modification, however slight, seems likely to have been adopted. In Itt49 there 
were about four hundred Mohegans living in Connecticut, and about fifty in Kansas. 

4. Micmacs. The Micmac dialect, with which the Etchemin closely affiliates, 
diverges very sensibly from those of the remaining Eastern Algonkins. To produce 
the amount of change it now exhibits would require several centuries of separation. 
They are now scattered over parts of Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Prince Edward's 
Island, Newfoundland, and the district of Gaspe. It is supposed that the Indians 
found by Cabot, in 1497, on the shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, were Micmacs; 
and that those found in the same region by Jaques Cartier, in 1534, were the same. 
For their system of relationship, as well as that of the Etchemins, I am indebted 
to Rev. Silas T. Rand, of Hantsport, Nova Scotia, who for many years has been a 
missionary among them, and who is intimately acquainted with their dialects. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my little father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my little mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral brothers 
and sisters, are my grandchildren. 

With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are brothers and sisters, 
elder or younger. 

5. Etchemins. Like the Micmacs and the Delawares, the Etchemins are among 
the oldest of the Algonkin nations. Under their modern name of Malisetes they 
now reside in the British province of New Brunswick, and are few in number. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
step-son and step-daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my step-son and step-daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my step-father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my step-brother and step- 
sister. There is some doubt on these relationships, from the omission in the 
schedule of the terms for a man's and woman's step-brother. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 



224 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

Seventh. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my step-brother and step- 
sister, or my brother and sister, elder or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, of my collateral brothers 
and sisters, and of my step-brothers and sisters are my grandchildren. 

With respect to the children of a brother and sister they are cousins, as the 
translation of the term is given by Mr. Rand. But some doubt rests upon the fact 
from the omissions above referred to. 

The Etchemin closes the series of schedules of the Atlantic Algonkin nations. 
With the exception of the Powhattans, now extinct, they show the forms of the 
principal, as well as most important, of these nations. It is a reasonable inference 
that the system of the unrepresented nations must have been in substantial agree- 
ment with them. The terms of relationship for the most part, are the same words 
dialectically changed, which are found in the systems of the other Algonkin na- 
tions, which, together with the identity of their radical characteristics, tends to 
show that all of these nations received the system, with the terms from the com- 
mon source of the Algonkin speech. 

IV. Rocky Mountain Nations. 

1. Blackfeet. 2. Ahahnelins. (3. Arapahoes, not in the Table.) 

These nations are not inhabitants, of the Rocky Mountain chain ; but rather of 
their eastern slopes and of the prairies immediately eastward. These mountains 
form their western boundary, and define the western limits of the spread of the 
Algonkins. It is not therefore an inappropriate name. 

1. Blackfeet. Their range is along the base of the mountains, and between 
the Missouri and the south branch of the Siskatchewun. They are more nume- 
rous at the present time than any Algonkin nation, except the Crees, numbering, 
in 1849, about thirteen thousand. When Lewis and Clarke passed through this 
region, in 1805, they were established upon the Marias River, north of the Mis- 
souri ; but it does not appear that they met with them. Their previous home 
country is supposed to have been upon the south branch of the Siskatchewan, 
beyond which location they have not been traced. The Blackfeet are a well 
formed, hardy, and courageous people. For many years they waged a continuous 
warfare against the TJpsarokas or Crows, whom they gradually forced southward 
and finally expelled from the present Blackfoot area. Whether they have always 
lived in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains, or were forced westward in the gene- 
ral retrogression of the Indian nations, which commenced at the epoch of European 
colonization, there are at present no means of ascertaining. Like the other prairie 
Indians, they are indebted to the horse for their present means of support and 
for their increase in numbers. They depend for subsistence upon animal food 
exclusively, and upon the horse for the means of pursuing the buffalo. They raise 
this animal in herds ; and are in fact a nation of horsemen of mounted men. As 
horsemen, they are equal if not superior to all other American Indians. 1 They 

1 All Indians are immoderate riders. They run their horses, generally when alone, or in small 
parties. I remember the first time I met a small party of Blackfeet near the foot of the mountains, 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 225 

take excellent care of their horses, although they abuse them by immoderate use ; 
and, it is said, that one raised among them and sold away is glad to be restored to 
the free and roving life of the plains. 

The Blackfeet are divided into three independent bands or embryo nations the 
Blackfeet proper, the Piegans, and the Bloods. Their language is spoken in three 
dialects, but the differences are so slight that they are mutually perfectly intelligible. 
The dialects of the first and third are so little changed as scarcely to deserve the 
distinction, whilst the Piegan has diverged considerably from both. The extent of 
the difference will be seen by comparing the terms of relationship in the Table. The 
proportion of terms of relationship which are common in the Blackfoot and in other 
Algonkin dialects is much larger than it is in the vocables for common objects. There 
is a large foreign element in the Blackfoot vocables, or a new coinage of words from 
common roots, one or the other, which places this language at quite a distance from 
the standard form. Many of the traders have acquired the Blackfoot, and a few 
of the Blackfeet have acquired English, but their dialects are not as yet fully open 
and accessible. It was my good fortune to meet the persons who were best qualified 
to furnish both the Piegan and Blood Blackfoot system of relationship. The first 
was James Bird, a half-blood Cree, who had lived twenty-five years with the Black- 
feet, and had acted for many years as a government interpreter. I found him at 
the Red River Settlement, in 1861, and procured the Piegan system from him and 
his wife, who was a woman of the Piegan Blackfoot nation. The others were 
Alexander Culbertson, who was formerly and for twenty years the chief factor of 
the American Fur Company, resident at Fort Benton, in the Blackfoot country, and 
his wife, a Blood Blackfoot woman, from whom I procured the system of the Bloods. 
They happened to be at Fort Benton in 1862, at the time of my visit, and both 
were fluent speakers of both Blackfoot and English. 

The Piegan system will be adopted as the standard form. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
step-son and step-daughter, N'-do'-ta-ko and N'-do'-to-tun. With Ego a female, 
they are my nephew and niece. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece, 
N'-do'-td-yose and Nee-mis'-sa. With Ego a female, they are my step-son and step- 
daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my step-father, N'-to'-to-md. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger, Neese-sdf or N'is-kan'-d, and Nee-mis'-td or Ne-sis'-sd. 

that one of them having occasion to do an unimportant errand two miles away, caught a horse from a 
small herd near by, put a piece of rope around his under jaw, securing it with a noose, and mount- 
ing him without a saddle, and with no other bridle than the rope, started the horse at the top of his 
speed, and did not slacken his pace until he had reached his destination. The same act precisely I 
noticed in the Sawk and Fox Indians in Kansas. When a party of mounted Indians are riding on 
the prairie they go two, three, and sometimes four abreast. Deep trails are thus made on their main 
lines of travel. I have followed them for miles in Kansas and Nebraska. They are usually about 
eighteen inches wide, and about nine inches deep, and are quite conspicuous in the early part of the 
season, before they are obscured by the growing grass. 

29 March, 1870. 



226 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Ne-tcl '-tarse. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ne-to'-tah'se. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother, N'-to'-toyws. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Ne-ta-Jce-a'-sa. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brother and sister, and of my collateral brothers 
and sisters, are my grandchildren. 

The children of a brother and sister are cousins. There are terms for male and 
female cousin used by the males, and another set for the same used by the females,, 

It will be noticed that the Blackfoot system, as well as dialect, approaches nearer 
to those of the Great Lake nations than to any other group of the Algonkin stem. 

2. Ahahnelins, or Gros Ventres of the Prairie. Of the early history of this 
people very little is known. They appear to be a subdivision of the Arapahoes, the 
separation, if such were the case, having occurred at a very early period. Lewis 
and Clarke speak of a " great nation called Fall Indians, who occupy the inter- 
mediate country between the Missouri and the Siskatchewan, and who are knoAvn 
as the Minnitarees of the Missouri and the Minnitarees of Fort due Prairie." 1 Mr. 
Gallatin, the most thorough of American ethnologists, speaks of a confederacy of 
five tribes between the.Missouri and the Siskatchewan, " viz., the Satsika or Black- 
feet, the Kena or Blood Indians, the Piekan or Pagan Indians, the Atsina, Arapa- 
hoes, Fall Indians or Gros Ventres, and the Susses. The first three speak the 
same language, which belongs to the Algonkin family. The Susses speak a dia- 
lect of the Athapascan. The Arapahoes have a language of which we have as yet 
but a scanty vocabulary." 2 In his ethnological map, published in 1848, he locates 
the Arapahoes between the Missouri and Siskatchewan, with the Asiniboins on 
their east and the Blackfeet on their west, omitting the others, thus perhaps im- 
plying that the Arapahoes were the true nation mentioned under the four alterna- 
tive names. But the Ahahnelins, now known under the vulgar name of the Gros 
Ventres of the Prairie, are probably the same people mentioned under the alterna- 
tive name of the Gros Ventres, so that the four represented as one, were in fact 
two. 3 

In 1853, the Ahahnelins were established upon Milk River, between its mouth 
and the Bear's Paw Mountain. " This tribe," says Gov. Stephens, " numbered, in 
1855, two thousand five hundred and twenty souls, and owned at least three thou- 
sand horses." 4 Their dialect has diverged greatly from the common form; but it 
tends with the Arapahoe and Shiyan, in the direction of the dialects of the Mis- 
sissippi nations, particularly the Menominee and Shawnee. This is shown by the 
terms of relationship, which are superior for comparison to ordinary vocabulary 
words. It was with extreme difficulty that I was able to obtain that portion of 
their system of relationship which is given in the Table, very few of the traders 

1 Travels, p. 9T. Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. 11, Intro. CVI. 

* The Minnitarees are often called the Gros Ventres of the Missouri. 
Explorations, Pacific Railroad, XII. Pt. 1, 239. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 227 

acquire this language, and none of the natives, as far as I could learn, spoke 
English. It was necessary to work it out through the Blackfoot, which many of 
them speak ; and in this I was assisted by Mrs. Culbertson before mentioned. 
The woman from whom it was obtained was the wife of a French trader, and spoke 
the Blackfoot. 1 The work would have been made more complete if direct commu- 
nication had been possible. It was carried sufficiently far to ascertain the indica- 
tive relationships, and to establish the identity of the system with the common 
form. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are'my son 
and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my "brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of 
my collateral brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren. 

With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are also brothers and 
sisters to each other. This last classification is not in accordance with the princi- 
ples of the system. 

The Ahahnelins close the series of Algonkin nations represented in the Table. 

1 A very singular fact may be mentioned in connection with E-tha'-be, the Ahahnelin woman from 
whom it was obtained. After ascertaining that she could speak her language and the Blackfoot 
only, I sought her husband, supposing that I could communicate with her through him ; but I found 
that he could neither speak her language, nor she his ; and that there was no common articulate lan- 
guage which both understood. When asked whether she was really his wife, he replied that she was, 
and to the question how long they had been married, he answered three years. When finally asked 
how he was able to communicate with her, the singular fact was stated that " they conversed with 
each other by the language of signs." It may not be generally known that there is a fully developed 
and very expressive language of signs, in common use among the western Indian nations, by means 
of which they are able to communicate all of the ordinary wants of life, besides general information 
upon a great variety of subjects. I have seen a Minnitaree and Arickaree, who could not speak a 
word of each other's language, sit down together and converse for hours by signs alone. Many of the 
traders know this language, and speak of its efficacy in the highest terms of praise. The motions 
are easy and graceful, and the signs ingenious and expressive. I think we find in this sign language 
the germinal principle from which came, first, the pictographs of the Northern Indians, and of the 
Aztecs ; and severally, as its ultimate development, the ideographic, and possibly, the hieroglyphic 
language of the Palenque and Copan monuments. When I mentioned the case of this woman to 
Father De Smet, he informed me that be had known a number of such instances among the nations 
in the valley of the Columbia. 



228 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

Their system of consanguinity as it now prevails in twenty-four dialects, more or 
less distinct, has been presented and compared, through the indicative relationships, 
with the typical form. The identity of the system of all of these nations in what- 
ever is radical is not only manifest, but this identity continues through many 
minute particulars which are not essential to the unity of the system. There is a 
not less striking identity in the classification of marriage relatives, amongst the 
widely separated Algonkin nations, which it would have been interesting to trace 
had it been necessary to strengthen, from this source, the principal argument for 
unity of origin. The marriage relationships, standing alone, would have been 
sufficient to demonstrate this question. They are fully spread out in the Table. 
The maintenance of the system amongst the Algonkin nations with so much ful- 
ness and precision, and through the periods of time required for the formation of 
these dialects, and for their divergence from each other to the extent now exhibited, 
yields decisive evidence of its enduring nature, and of the vital energy of the 
principles it embodies. But the identity thus established does not expend its force 
in demonstrating the unity of origin of the Algonkin nations. This is the least 
important of its revelations. This system has shown itself capable of crossing 
intact the barrier that separates one stock language from another ; and of main- 
taining itself, in each, through the still longer periods of time which the present 
condition and relations of the languages of these stems of the GanoAvanian family 
implies. Thus far, in the progress of the investigation, the radical forms of the 
original system have not only perpetuated themselves, unimpared, in the Dakotan 
and Algonkin nations, but its minute details have remained coincident to an extent 
as remarkable as it is instructive. In other words the evidence of unity is in 
superabundance. It tends to show that these two stems of the family converge to a 
common point of union nearer, in point of time, than the other stems of the 
family whose systems of relationship remain to be considered. 

In subsequent chapters we are to follow it amongst other great stocks of the 
Ganowanian family, and to subject it to still other tests of time and experience. 
As it is shown in the Table it will not be found with the same fulness of devel- 
opment, or with the same precision in subordinate details, which it has hitherto 
displayed. Neither is it essential to the establishment of the identity of the sys- 
tem, and the consequent unity of origin of the people, that the points of agreement 
should be as multiform and decisive as they have been in the systems of the Algon- 
kin and Dakotan nations. It can lose much of its agreement in minor details, 
and even part with a portion -of its fundamental framework, and yet be capable of 
identification as a common system. The difficulties forshadowed do not arise so 
much from actual ascertained deviations from the typical form, as from the want of 
a correct knowledge of the form which does exist. Amongst the nations whose 
systems are about to be considered, the facilities for investigation are less complete, 
and the sources of information are less accessible, than within the areas over which 
we have passed. The disorganized and demoralized condition of particular nations 
does not imply the overthrow of their system of relationship. There are abundant 
reasons for believing that it is the last domestic institution to give way. But 
imperfect and incomplete schedules present a serious as well as intrinsic difficulty 



OFTHEHTIMANFAMILY. 229 

not easily overcome. We may be able to trace our way with tolerable assurance 
by means of the indicative landmarks of the common system ; but not with that 
perfect reliance which the uniform reappearance in nation after nation, thus far, of 
the same identical forms carried down to minute particulars, was calculated to 
inspire. On passing from one great stem of the family to another it would be 
expected to find, in a system so elaborate and complicated, differences more or 
less great, and deviations from uniformity more or less marked ; for no system can 
be held indefinitely independent of external influences. This would especially be 
the case where a people, less numerous than the inhabitants of a small market 
town, have possessed for ages an independent dialect as well as nationality. We 
are also to visit the valley of the Columbia, which there are cogent reasons for 
believing was the seminary of the Ganowanian family, and the initial point of 
migrations from which successive, though feeble, streams emerged for the peo- 
pling of both of the American continents ; and which continued to send forth bands 
of emigrants down to the very epoch of European discovery. If, in point of fact, it 
was the original seat of the family, the domestic institutions of the modern nations 
residing in this valley would be expected to be heterogeneous rather than pure ; 
whilst the separate streams, flowing therefrom at an ancient epoch, and subdividing 
into many as they spread abroad, would be more likely to possess homogeneous 
institutions. There are at the present time several stock languages in the valley of 
the Columbia. They are less open and accessible than those east of the mountains. 
Notwithstanding the inadequacy of the materials thus far obtained, the traces of the 
common system are not less certain and decisive upon the Pacific slopes than they 
have been seen to be on the Atlantic side of the continent ; although the system 
has been worked out with much less completeness. 



230 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



CHAPTER V. 

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY CONTINUED. 
Atliapasco-Apache, and other Nations. 

I. Athapasco-Apache Nations Ideutity of the Branches 1. Athapascan Nations Their Area and Dialects System of 
Relationship of Slave Lake Indiana Its Indicative Features Identical with the Common Form System of Hare 
Indians Indicative Relationships System of Red Knives Last two in General Agreement with the First 
Kutchin or Louchieux Their Area and Personal Appearance Indicative Features of their System of Relationship 
It agrees with the First Tukuthe Their System of Relationship It agrees with the First 2. Apache Nations 
Valley of the Columbia Remarkable Characteristics of this Region Abundance of Natural Subsistence The 
Nursery of the Ganowanian Family Initial Point of Migrations Great Number of Stock Languages. II. Salish 
Nations Dialects Not fully accessible 1. Spokane System of Relationship Opulence of the Nomenclature 
Indicative Features Special Characteristics It possesses the Radical Features of the Common System 2. 
Okinaken Schedule incomplete Agrees with the Spokane. III. Sahaptin Nations Dialects Yakama System 
of Relationship Its Indicative Features It contains the Principal Characteristics of the Common System. IV. 
Kootenay System Schedule Incomplete Kootenays and Flatbows possess an Independent Stock Language 
Elaborateness of System within this Area. V. Shoshonee Nations Their Area Their Migration the last, in point 
of time, from the Valley of the Columbia A Pending Migration at the Epoch of European Colonization System 
of Relationship of the Tabegwaches Fulness of the Nomenclature Its Special Features Contains Characteristics 
of the Common System The Tabegwaches closed the series, except the Village Indians, and the Eskimo System 
nearly Universal amongst the North American Indian Nations It furnishes a substantial Basis for their Con- 
solidation into a Great Family of Mankind, 

THE Athapasco-Apache nations, in their two principal divisions, are widely 
separated from each other geographically. One of them, the Athapascan, occupies 
the chief part of the territories of the Hudson's Bay Company ; and the greater 
part of New Caledonia, or British Columbia, west of the Rocky Mountains ; whilst 
the other, the Apache, holds the greater part of New Mexico, and the northern 
parts of the Mexican State of Chihuahua. Each division consists of a number of 
independent nations. The identity of their languages was first shown by the late 
Prof. William W. Turner in 1852, and afterwards more fully in 1856. l It was a 
remarkable as well as important discovery. Their respective areas of occupancy 
were not comparable with those held by the Algonkin and Dakotan nations, which 
serves to explain their personal inferiority. But they have maintained their posi- 
tion, and acquired large territorial possessions by means of which they have raised 
themselves to an important position in the Ganowanian family. They possess a 
single stock language spoken in numerous dialects. None of these nations for- 
merly cultivated, with the exception of the Navajoes. In the northern division 

agriculture was impossible from the coldness of the climate ; and in the southern 
i 

Explorations for a Railroad Route, &c. to the Pacific, VIII. Rep. on Ind. Tribes, p. 84. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 231 

equally impossible, without irrigation, from its dryness. The Athapascans depend 
for subsistence upon fish and game ; the Apaches partly upon game, but chiefly 
upon the fruits of marauding enterprises upon their neighbors. A small portion, 
however, are now cultivators to some extent. 

Athapasco-Apache Nations. 

I. Athapascan Nations. 

1. Slave Lake Indians ( A-cha'-o-tin-ne ). 2. Red Knives (Tcil-sote'-e-na). 3. Ma- 
kenzie River Indians (Ta-na'-tin-ne, possibly identical with the Hares). 4. Kutchin 
or Louchieux. 5. Takuthe. (6. Chepewyans. 7. Dog Rib. 8. Beaver Indians). 
9. Noh -nannies. 10. Sheep Indians. 11. Sussees. 12, Tacullies not in the Table). 

These nations occupy a broad and continuous area, extending from the Churchill 
River and near the north branch of the Siskatchewan, on the south, to the country 
of the Eskimo on the borders of the Arctic Sea on the north ; and from the Barren 
Lands and Hudson's Bay on the east, to the Rocky Mountains on the west. They 
are also spread irregularly over a large area west of the mountains in British 
Columbia, ranging northward to the Yukon and down this river into the Russian 
Possessions, and westward nearly to the Pacific Ocean. Southward of these areas 
traces of their language have been discovered on the Umpkwa and Rogue Rivers in 
Oregon, and as low down as the Trinity River in the northern part of California. 
They are probably more numerous at the present time than at any former period, 
although thinly spread over these immense regions. In 1856 the officers of the 
Hudson's Bay Company estimated the number of " Thickwood Indians," east of the 
Rocky Mountains, at thirty-five thousand. 1 This would include all of the Athapas- 
cans, as well as the Crees around Hudson's Bay, and that portion of the Blackfeet 
without the United States. What portion of the eighty thousand Indians west of 
the mountains are Athapascans I am unable to state. 

There are several distinct dialects of the northern branch of the Athapasco- 
Apache language ; but, up to the present time they have not been sufficiently 
explored and systematized to determine their number. It is evident, from the 
ordinary vocabularies, that these dialects affiliate very closely ; they are nearer to 
each other than the Algonkin, between the extremes of which there is a wide in- 
terval, and very much nearer than the Dakotan, the extremes of which are with- 
out any affinity in their vocables. If a conjecture might be indulged, founded 

1 Classification of Indians in the Hudson's Bay Territory. 

" Thickwood Indians, east side of Rocky Mountains .... 35,000 

The Plain Tribes, Blackfeet, &c " 25,000 

The Eskimo 4,000 

Indians settled in Canada' - 3,000 

Indians in British Oregon, and on the northwest coast .... 80,000 



147,000 
Whites and Half-breeds in Hudson's Bay Territory . . . . 11,000 

158,000" 

" Report from Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company" made to the British Parliament 
in 1857. Report App. No. 2, p. 367. 



232 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



upon a comparison of the respective dialects of these three stems of the Ganowa, 
nian family, it would be that the Dakotan became first detached from the common 
trunk, the Algonkin second, and the Athapasco- Apache third. For similar reasons 
the Shoshonee, hereafter to be considered, must be placed subsequent to the last 
In other words, since there is no ascertainable common trunk, these three streams 
of speech flowed outward from the common source of the language, in the order of 
time named with respect to each other. The subjoined comparative, table of five 
Athapascan dialects taken in connection with the terms of relationship in the table 
(Table II;, will illustrate the degree of their nearness to each other. 1 Of these vo- 
cabularies, the first two were furnished to me by the late Robert Kennicott, who spent 
several years in the Hudson's Bay Territory in scientific explorations. The others 
were taken from Eichardson's Arctic Expedition. They represent the extremes of 
the Athapascan area east of the mountains. The dialect of the Tacullies, who are 
west of the mountains, shows more divergence, but the identity is obvious. The 
Sussees occupied the extreme southwestern corner of the Athapascan area east of 
the mountain, and were the frontagers of the Blackfeet. When in the Hudson's 
Bay Territory in 1861, I was unable to procure either the Sussee system of rela- 



1 ATHAPASCAN DIALECTS. 




Slave Lake 
Indians. 


Beaver Indians. 


Chepewyan. 
Richardson's Coll. 


Dog Rib. 
Richardson's Coll. 


Kutchin. 
Richardson's Coll. 




Kennicott. 


Kenuicott. 


Vocab. 


Vocabs. 


Vocabs. 


1. Head, 


Et-the 


Et-t'-the 


Zed-thi (ny) 


Bet-thi & izat- 




2. Hair, 


A-ga' 


Ah-ga' 


Thi-e-gah* 


Theo-ya [the 




3. Ear, 


Et-tsa'-ga 


At-tsung'-a 




Setz-r-rgha (pi) 




4. Eye, 


An-da'-ga 


A-tah' 


Nack-hay* 


Tzen-nhae (pi) 




5. Nose, 


Ing-a-gon' 


Ing-a-gon 




Tin-net-ze 




6 Mouth, 


A-tha' 


A-tha' 




Tze-tha 




7. Arrow, 


Eh-ton'-ah 


Eh-to'-ne 


Kah 




Ki-e 


8. Bow, 


Eh-tin 


Eh-tin' 


El-thi, and el-ta 




Net-heikh 


9. Sun, 


Sah " 


Sah 


Sakh 


Sa 


R'-say-e 


10. Stars, 


Thfim 


Thun 


Thun 


Thun and thi-u 


Thun 


11. Day, . 


D-zin-d'-zen'-de 


Tsa-tewh 


Tzin-na 


Zeu-nai 


Tzin 


12. Night, 


Ah-tha-ga 


Ka'-a-da-ty 


Het-le-ghe 


Te-thi 


Ta-tha 


13 Rain, 


Chon 


Chon 


Dsha 


Tchon 


Ahk-tsin 


14. Snow, 


Zath" 


Zath 


Yath 


Tzill and yah 




'15. Water, 


Tub 


T'-huh 


Tu and to 


To and tu 


Tchu 


16. Canoe, 


A-la'-tsub. 


Ah-la' 


Tsi 


Ki-ala 


Tri 


17. Good, 


Na-zon' 


U'-cha, 


Ne-su & na-zu 


Na-i-zou & Naa 


Neer-zi 


18. Bad, 


Na-zu-la 


Ah-ta-u'-cho 


Ne-so-ulla 


Tle-nai [zo 


Bets-he-te 


19. Dog, 


H'-klin 


Klin 


Thling 


Cle and kling 


Tleiue 


20. Beaver, 


Tsa 


Tsa 


Tza 


Tsa 


Se 


21. Bear, 


Sass 


Sass 


Sasz 


Sas 


So 


22. Reindeer, 






Bek-zi 


Bed-su (male) 


Bet-zey 


23. Fire, 


Kwon 


Khun 


Kkon 


Kun and khun 


Kon or khon 


Those marked with an asterisk were taken from Gallatin's vocabularies. Where two words are 


given for the same object, they were taken from different vocabularies Sir John Richardson's 


Collection. 



OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 233 

tionship, or a vocabulary of their language. It seems to be generally understood 
that they belong to the Athapascan stock. 

The degree of dialectical variation in a stock language is chiefly important for the 
bearing it may have upon the mutual relations of the people speaking these dia- 
lects, and also upon the further question of the time necessary for their develop- 
ment. But this is subordinate to those greater questions suggested by the existence 
of these stock languages in certain relations to each other, as independent currents 
or streams of a common original speech. Where the vocables of a language have 
become so completely changed that neither its words nor roots are capable of identi- 
fication with those of any other language, and several such languages are found to 
exist, it implies centuries and decades of centuries of time, the lapse of which was 
necessary to work such an extraordinary transformation of the materials of an origi- 
nal speech. These stock languages, as they are designated for the want of a better 
term, hold locked up in their time-worn forms the great problems of Indian eth- 
nology. 

The locations of the principal Athapascan nations do not appear to have changed 
materially since the authority of the Hudson's Bay Company became established over 
them. Their ancient southern frontier was undoubtedly forced northward by the 
western movement of the Crees, the advance northward of the Asiniboins, and the 
growth of the Blackfoot nations upon their southern border ; but with the particulars 
of these changes we are unacquainted. The nations above enumerated, as the Atha- 
pascan, do not include all of those mentioned by Sir John Richardson, who passed 
through this area in 1848; neither is it certain that all of them are nationally dis- 
tinct from each other. Nearly all of these nations are found upon Mr. Gallatin's 
Ethnographical map published in 1848. They are sufficiently certified for the 
purpose of this work. 1 The author's materials are insufficient to trace the limits 
of the several dialects. In addition to the Athapascan nations enumerated, there 
are still others supposed by Richardson to be of the same lineage. From the infor- 
mation which he obtained, he considers the Kenaiyer of Cook's Inlet the Ugalents 
of King William's Sound, the Atnaer of Copper River, the Koltshaner and some 

1 From the work of Sir John Richardson, before referred to, the following condensed statement of 
their respective areas has been made. The Chepewyans hold the regions around Athapasca Lake, 
and range southward to the Churchill River ; the Sussees are near the mountains between the 
sources of the Athapasca and Siskatchewan Rivers; the Hare Indians occupy the banks of the 
Mackenzie River from Slave Lake downward to the Great Bear Lake ; the Dog Ribs inhabit the 
inland country from Martin's Lake to the Coppermine River ; the Red Knives are east of the latter 
people, and occupy a strip of country running northward from Great Slave Lake, and lying between 
the Great Fish River and the Coppermine; the Beaver Indians hold the area between the Peace 
River and the west branch of the Mackenzie ; the Noh'hannies occupy the angle between the west 
branch and the great bend of the Mackenzie River; the Mountain Indians, or Strong Bows, and the 
Brushwood people, are higher up, and range back to the Rocky Mountains ; the Sheep Indians 
range from the Mackenzie to the mountains, near the 65th parallel ; the Kutchin or Louchieux con- 
front the Eskimo on the north, and spread from the Mackenzie River westward to the Yukon, and 
along this river until they meet the coast tribes of Behring's Sea. The Takuthe of Peel River affiliate 
closely with the Kutchin ; Indians of the last stock are found on the Porcupine and Russian Rivers, 
as well as upon the Yukon and Mackenzie, and are estimated by Mr. Murray to number five 
thousand souls. 

30 March, 1870. 



234 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

other Kolusch tribes to be of the same stock as the Kutchin. 1 If any doubt ex- 
isted whether the latter nation belonged to the Athapascan branch, it is definitely 
settled in the affirmative by the Table. 

There are five Athapascan nations represented in the Table. These are, 
first, the Slave Lake Indians, or the A-cha'-o-tin-ne, who are called " Slaves" in that 
region. They are probably the " Strongbows" of Richardson. Second, the Red 
Knives, or Tdl-sote'-e-na. Third, the Ta-na' -tin-ne, whose common name I was 
unable to ascertain with certainty ; but from their range, which was on Mackenzie 
River, and from their chief trading house, which was Fort Good Hope, they are 
probably the Hare Indians. In the foregoing list of nations they are mentioned 
separately as the Mackenzie River Indians. Fourth, the Kutchin, or Louchieux ; 
and fifth, the Tukuthe of Peel River. The schedules are too limited in number for 
the full development of the Athapascan system of relationship ; but they are suffi- 
cient to yield a general indication of its character. 

1. A-cha'-o-tin-ne, or Slave Lake Indians. The system of relationship of this 
people was worked out by the late Robert Kennicott, before mentioned, at Great 
Slave Lake. This enterprising and lamented naturalist spent five years in the 
Hudson's Bay Territory, chiefly among the Athapascans, but he did not receive my 
schedules in time to procure the system of any other nation than this. The 
thorough and successful manner in which he performed the work increases the 
regret that it was limited to a single nation. He informed the writer, after his 
return, that he spent a large amount of labor upon it to make it complete and 
verify the results. 

There are terms in this language for grandfather and grandmother, Sa-tse'-a and 
Sa-tsuri '; for father and mother, Sortti' and En'-de; for son and daughter Sa-chu'-aJi 
and Sa-tu'-ah used by the males, and Sa-ya'-ze and Sa-ya'-dze used by the females ; 
and a term in common gender for grandchild, E-t'-thu'-a used by the males, and 
Sa-chd' used by the females. All ancestors above the first are grandfathers and 
grandmothers, and all descendants below the last are grandchildren. 

There are terms for elder brother and elder sister, Kun-dig'-eh and Sd'-dd; and 
for younger brother and younger sister, A-cha'-a and A-da'-ze, and no term for 
brother or sister in the abstract. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
step-son and step-daughter, Tu-zen'-a and Sa-ya'-dze, With Ego a female, they are 
my son and daughter. This last classification is variant from the common form ; 
but it finds its analogue in the eastern Algonkin. 

Second. My sister's son, Ego a male, is my nephew, Sd'-zy; her daughter is my 
grandchild, Sa-C-tliu'-a. This last relationship deviates from the typical form. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my step-father, En-td'-ah. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, eldci 
or younger. 

1 Arctic Expedition, Harper's ed., pp. 236-239. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 235 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Eh-m'-ba'-dze. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Tha'-tJia. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother, San'-ga. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother and sister, are my grandfather and grand- 
mother, Set-see' -a, Sa-tsuri . 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of 
my collateral brothers and sisters, are severally my grandchildren. 

With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are also brothers and 
sisters to each other, the relationship of cousin being unknown. 

The principles of classification in the first collateral line are carried into the 
second and more remote collateral lines, e. g., the children of my collateral brothers, 
Ego a male, are my step-sons and step-daughters ; whilst the children of my col- 
lateral sisters are my nephews and nieces, the term Sd'-zy being applied to each of 
them. For a further knowledge of the details of the system reference is made to 
the Table. 

The marriage relationships are fully discriminated, and are in accordance with 
the common form. Since we are now following the system into another, and inde- 
pendent stem of the Ganowanian family, the evidence from this source of identity 
of systems should be presented. In brief, these relationships are as follows : the 
wives of my several step-sons, collateral sons, and nephews are my daughters-in-law, 
Sa-t'-chu'-a, the term for this relationship, and for grandchild, being the same ; and 
the husbands of my several step-daughters, collateral daughters, and nieces are 
each my son-in-law, Se-ga'-ton. In like manner the wives of my several collateral 
brothers are my sisters-in-law ; and the husbands of my several collateral sisters 
are my brothers-in-law. 

It is evident from the A-cha' -o-tin-ne form, that the Athapascan nations have an 
elaborate system of relationship which agrees, in the.greater part of its fundamental 
conceptions, with the Algonkin and Dakotan. In some respects it falls below the 
highest typical form of the system. The absence of the relationship of cousin, 
restricted to the children of a brother and sister, and the use of that of brother and 
sister in its place, instead of the ruder forms found in some of the nations, tends to 
weaken the force of the other discriminations in the system. It will further be 
observed that with Ego a female the classification of consanguinei is less compli- 
cated than with Ego a male. The system on the part of the females, approaches 
in some respects quite near the Malayan form. There is a marked tendency 
in the Athapascan to a double nomenclature, one part of which belongs to the 
males, and the other to the females ; and this again will be found a strong charac- 
teristic of the system amongst the nations in the valley of the Columbia. It has, 
however, been found to a moderate extent in the other stems of the family. 

2. Ta-nd'-tin-ne, or Mackenzie River Indians. I obtained the system of this 
nation from a Td-nd' -tin-ne woman of Fort Good Hope, whom I found at the 
Red River Settlement. She spoke the Cree language as well as her own, and 
James Bird, before mentioned, acted as interpreter. My time being then extremely 



236 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

limited, I was neither able to accomplish the work in a satisfactory manner, nor to 
prosecute certain other inquiries necessary to my main design. This schedule, 
therefore, as well as the one that follows, is given without being satisfied with its 
correctness. For some reason she was unable to give the name of her nation 
among the whites. It seamed probable that she belonged to some band of a nation 
and could not be made to understand it was the name of the nation, and not of the 
band that was desired. From the place of her nativity, which was near Fort Good 
Hope, the chief trading post of the Hare Indians, it is probable that she belonged 
to a division of that nation. 1 Td-na'-tin-ne, the name by which the people called 
themselves, will furnish the means for their future identification. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a female, are my son and daughter. 
This is probably an error. With Ego a female, they are the same. 

Third. My father's brother is my father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, 
elder or younger. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is probably my uncle, although the term given 
proved to be a translation of the question. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, 
elder or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral 
brothers and sisters, are severally my grandchildren. 

The relationship of cousin is unknown, and the children of a brother and sister, 
as in the last case, are brothers and sisters to each other. 

It seems probable that I obtained only that part of the system which is used by 
the females, and that I failed to procure the other portion. I could not ascertain 
from this woman that there was any term in their language for nephew or niece, 
used either by the males or the females. The existence of a term for aunt, and 
the probable existence of a term for uncle, tends to show that these relationships 
were discriminated on the side of the males, although not on the part of the 
females. Amongst the Gulf nations it has been seen that the females have an 
aunt, but no nephew or niece. It is further probable that with Ego a male, my 
brother's son and daughter are my step-children, and that my father's brother is my 
step-father. 

3. Red-Knives. Tdl-sote-e-nd. The system of relationship of the Red-Knives was 
obtained from two half-blood women of that nation, whom I found at the Convent 



1 The Hudson's Bay Company pay little or no attention to the national or ethnic divisions of the 
Indians. Their posts are established with exclusive reference to certain geographical districts ; and the 
people are known to them, chiefly, as attached to certain posts. In their classification, as we have seen 
ante, they are called " Tbickwood Indians," "Plaiu Tribes," " Canada Indians," and " Esquimaux." 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 237 

of St. Boniface, at the Red-River settlement. They were educated and intelligent, 
and spoke English fluently. My interview with them was short, as I was about 
leaving the place, and I think I fell into the same error as in the previous case, of 
obtaining those relationships only which pertain to Ego a female, the nomenclature 
being double. I could not find that the relationships of nephew and niece were 
recognizer!, although the question was pressed in both forms with Ego a male, and 
also a female ; and although the relationship of uncle and aunt were both found 
to exist. If this conjecture should ultimately prove to be correct, it would become 
necessary so to revise the Table as to restrict most of the relationships given to 
Ego a female, and to restore the omitted terms. The system agrees so fully with 
that of the Hares, that it will not be necessary to give the indicative relationships. 
4. Kutchin, or Louchieux. Richardson's work, before referred to, contains a 
very full and interesting account of this Arctic people, to whom he devotes a 
chapter. He acknowledges his indebtedness for a share of his materials to Mr. A. 
H. Murray, who established the first post of the Hudson's Bay Company among 
the Kutchin, on the Yukon River, in 1845. In the year 1861 I met Mr. Murray, 
at Georgetown, on the Red River, and obtained from him some additional informa- 
tion concerning this people. This gentleman had passed through the central parts 
of the continent, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Arctic Sea, and had seen a large 
number of the North American Indian nations in their own areas, by reason of 
which he was well qualified to speak of their personal appearance in comparison 
with each other. He stated to the writer that the Kutchins were of lighter com- 
plexion than any other American Indians whom he had seen, although but one or 
two shades lighter than the Crees. In some instances they are freckled, and 
occasionally have gray eyes. They are of average size and height, well formed, 
and with regular and rather handsome features. The women also are fair, and of 
proportionate size. Some of them have curly hair, which falls in natural ringlets 
over their shoulders. Their eyes are black, narrow set, and small, and, instead of 
being round, are slightly elongated horizontally, but without obliquity. Their 
beards are slight, or wanting altogether. In their costume they were in advance 
of all other northern Indian nations, the severity of the climate rendering a com- 
plete dress indispensable. It consisted entirely of dressed skins, chiefly of rein- 
deer, tanned with the hair on for winter, the hair being worn inside, and without 
hair for summer. The dress of the males was a full pantaloon secured around the 
waist and extending to the ankle, to the ends of which the moccasins were perma- 
nently attached. Over this was worn a coat or rather frock, which extended below 
the waist, nearly to the knees, and was pointed downwards in the centre, both 
before and behind. The women wore a similar pantaloon, with moccasins attached, 
and over it a similar frock, pointed behind, but square in front. Judging from 
Mr. Murray's description, and from the plates in Richardson's work, which were 
drawn from Mr. Murray's sketches, the Kutchin costume was the most complete 
and becoming worn by any portion of the Ganowanian family. They build round- 
top wigwams for winter use, whilst in summer they sleep in the open air, or under 
their canoes turned over for this purpose. The principal diseases amongst them 
are scrofula and consumption. Without the stoicism usually ascribed to the 



238 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

American Indians, and which is not wholly true of other portions of them, they 
give vent to injured feelings, as well as physical pain, by crying, a practice shared 
equally by the males and females, and by the old as well as the young. 1 

The Kutchin mothers often nurse their children until they are four and five 
years old. Mrs. Murray mentioned one instance that came under her observation, 
of a boy ten years old who still nursed from his mother. She knew the woman 
and saw her often at the Fort. He was an only child, and the only one she ever 
had, and although well enough grown to go out to hunt with the bow and arrow, 
he still continued the practice. The ability of this Indian mother thus to nurse 
her child continuously for ten years is quite remarkable. Mrs. Murray mentioned 
another case of a Kutchin mother who nursed her youngest child until it was six 
years old ; and still another who nursed two of her children of different ages at the 
same time. They usually wean them at the age of three or four years, if no other 
children are born in the mean time. I have observed the same practice to some 
extent both amongst the Mississippi and the Missouri nations. One case in parti- 
cular occurs to me which I noticed on the Sawk and Fox reservation in Kansas. 
It was that of a boy about six years old who nursed from his mother standing on 
his feet, while she sat upon a stool conversing with the writer through an inter- 
preter. 

Polygamy prevails among them, and also a special form of it which is very general 
in the Ganowanian family, namely: when a man marries the oldest of several sisters 
he is entitled by custom to each and all of the remaining sisters as wives, as soon 
as they severally attain a marriageable age. It is an optional right which he may 
enforce or wave. This custom will be again referred to". I have found it a recog- 
nized usage amongst the greater portion of the nations represented in the table. 
Mr. Murray spoke very favorably of the intelligence of the Kutchin Indians, but 
less favorably of their honesty. They call themselves Ku-tcliin' , pronounced nearly 
Koo-chiri , sometimes Koo-tcha! '. Its signification he was unable to give. They 
number about five thousand. 

The system of relationship of this nation was furnished by W. L. Herdisty, Esq., 
of Fort Liard, one of the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company. Although fami- 
liar with their language, he misconceived, in some respects, the plan of the schedule, 
and translated a number of the questions from English into Kutchin. But fortu- 

1 It is generally believed that the American Indians are able to restrain their emotions to a degree 
unknown amongst other peoples. It is true in ordinary cases of pain or suffering; but under the 
influence of strong excitement all of these restraints give way, and nature vindicates herself. I re- 
member one instance in point. In the year 1862, in the Blackfoot country, I witnessed the meeting 
between a Blackfoot mother and her daughter, the latter recovered after twenty years of separation. 
The child was taken captive by the Crows, at the age of seven years, among whom she had grown 
up, and was then the wife of Robert Meldrum, by whom her parentage was ascertained, and the 
knowledge of it preserved. It was not a sudden revelation to the mother of the existence of her lost 
daughter, for that had been made known to her the year previous, but it was an expected meeting. 
The mother was an aged and shrivelled woman ; but on receiving her daughter the tears streamed 
down her face abundantly, and it was some hours before she was sufficiently composed for quiet 
conversation. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 239 

nately in marginal notes, here and there, the true classification was indicated, which 
enabled me, by means of the correlative relationships given in the schedule, to 
make out quite reliably the principal characteristics of the system. For example, 
to the question which called for the relationships between the children of sisters, 
he writes in the margin, "All. are brothers and sisters, no matter how far removed," 
and to the same questions as to the children of a brother and sister, he remarks, 
" Cousins arc always called brothers and sisters, however far removed." In like 
manner he observes in another place, " Nephews and nieces are only so called when 
actually such by relationship." The terms nephew and niece are given without 
showing to what persons they are applied ; and yet as my father's brother is shown 
to be my father, whilst my mother's brother is my uncle, it follows by correlation 
that my brother's son, Ego a male, is my son, and that my sister's son is my nephew. 
The lineal and a part of the first and second collateral lines will be found in the 
table, with such corrections as the contents of the schedule rendered substantially 
certain. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. With Ego a female, it is not certain whether they are my 
nephew and niece, or my son and daughter. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece. 
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my father. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. Not given. 

Tenth. My brother's grandchildren are my grandchildren. 

The remaining collateral lines are not fully extended ; but without doubt they 
are brought into the lineal. For the marriage relationships, which are fully dis- 
criminated, and in agreement with the common form, reference is made to the 
Table. 

5. Tukuthe. The system of this nation was furnished by R. McDonald, Esq., 
of Peel River, one of the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company. It is evident 
from the schedule returned, every question upon which is answered, that Mr. Mc- 
Donald's investigation was thoroughly made. Such is the extent of the discrimi- 
nations and the opulence of the nomenclature that the series of questions in the 
printed schedule was not full enough to develop the whole of the system. A por- 
tion of it is still left undetermined. It arises from a tendency among the Tukuthe, 
as well as other Athapascan nations, to use a double nomenclature, one part of which 
is used by the males, and the other by the females ; and to make a further distinction 
of relatives of the same class into elder or younger, applying different terms to each. 
For the first provision was made in the schedule to a very liberal extent, but not for 



240 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

the last, beyond brother and sister. As the answers in most cases are single, and 
limited to the elder where the distinction is made, the alternative relationship is 
omitted. Another difficulty in interpreting this schedule arises from the omission 
of Mr. McDonald to translate the terms of relationship into equivalent English. 
Their precise signification can usually be determined by a comparison of all of them 
in their particular uses. The system of the Tukuthe in the extent of its discrimi- 
nations is even more elaborate than that of the Algonkin nations. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son, Ego a male, is my adopted son ; 
and my brother's daughter is my younger sister. With myself a female, they are 
my step-children. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my step-children. With 
myself a female, they are the same. 

Third. My father's brother is my father-in-law. This is probably an error. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Fifth. With respect to the relationship of my father's sister it is not given, the 
question having been altered by mistake to father's sister's husband. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. The answer is given for mother's elder 
brother. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral 
brothers and sisters, are severally my grandchildren. 

The children of a brother and sister are brothers and sisters, the relationship of 
cousin being unknown. In like manner the principle of classification in the first 
collateral line is carried into the second and more remote collateral lines. 

Five of the ten indicative features are present in the Tukuthe system ; one is 
not given ; another, the seventh, agrees with the Ojibwa ; and the remaining three 
are variant from the common form. The precise nature of this system cannot be 
fully known until its remaining details p.re ascertained. 

A comparison of the terms of relationship of the five Athapascan dialects in 
the Table shows not only that the Kutchin and the Tukuthe belong to the Atha- 
pascan stock, but also that the five dialects thereof closely affiliate. It is a further 
confirmation of the superiority of terms of relationship over other words for compari- 
son, when taken under the same pronominal forms. They are developed from a 
small number of roots. Several of them often being variations of the same word, 
and are amongst the last words in any language to be yielded or superseded. 

Upon the basis of their system of relationship no doubt can reasonably be enter- 
tained of its identity with the common system of the family in whatever is ultimate 
and radical. The points of agreement are too numerous and significant to leave 
room for hesitation upon this conclusion. Although the schedules fail to develop 
the whole of the system in its minute parts, and fail to show some of its material 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 241 

characteristics, they contain sufficient to prove that the Athapascan nations, the 
remainder of whom presumptively possess the same system, classify their kindred 
in the same manner, and in accordance with the same elaborate plan which prevails 
amongst the Algonkin and Dakotan nations. The evidence of unity of systems 
seems to be sufficient for their admission into the Ganowanian family. 

2. Apache Nations. 1. Jicarillo. 2. Mescalrros. 3. Mimbres. 4. Lipans. 
5. Gila Apaches (Coyotes, Tontos, and Garrotes). 6. Navajoes. 7. Final Lenos. 

The Apaches held a very considerable, though much less extensive, area than 
their northern congeners. With the exception of the narrow strips of country 
occupied by the Village or Pueblo Indians, along the Rio Grande and its tribu- 
taries and the Colorado, the Apache nations hold the greater part of New Mexico, 
the southwestern part of Texas, and the eastern part of Arizona; and range south- 
ward into the Mexican State of Chihuahua, and from thence eastward to the Gulf. 
Those within the United States were estimated, in 1855, to number between eight 
and nine thousand. 1 The Navajoes and Final Lenos cultivate, and are considerably 
advanced in civilization ; but the remaining nations are the wildest of the American 
Indians. 

After repeated and persevering efforts continued through several years, I was 
unable to procure the Apache system of relationship. It was sought with the 
more interest for comparison with the Athapascan, with which, presumptively, it 
agrees. 

Nations of the Columbia River and its tributaries. 

In natural resources for human subsistence, the region watered by the Columbia 
and its tributaries is the most remarkable portion of North America. This area 
draws to itself a sea coast line upon the Pacific of considerable extent. If from 
a station upon the most inland margin of Puget's Sound a semicircle is described, 
with a radius four hundred miles long, and the line, at each end, is protracted 
until it intersects the sea coast, the area referred to will be inclosed. It will 
include the greater part of the drainage both of the Columbia and Frazer's Rivers. 
The section of country thus defined can scarcely be paralleled on the face of the 
earth in the advantages which it afforded to a people living without agriculture, 
and depending exclusively upon natural subsistence. It contains a mixture of 
forest and prairie, of mountains, of valleys, of sea coasts, of great rivers, and of 
inland lakes, to which are superadded the important advantages of a mild and 
healthful climate. This striking combination of features made it an excellent 
game country. Its sea coasts, indented with numerous bays, one of which, Puget's 
Sound, has a shore-line fifteen hundred miles in length, afforded perpetual supplies 
of shell-fish ; and its soil, teeming with bread-roots of various kinds, still further 
increased the aggregate of available subsistence. But the crowning advantage of 
this favored area was found in the inexhaustible salmon fisheries of the Columbia 
River, which, at stated seasons, filled the land with superabundance of food. If 
the current representations with reference to these fisheries may be credited, they 

1 Schoolcraft's Hist. Con. and Pros. vi. 704. 

31 March, 1870. 



242 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY. 

are unequalled in any part of the earth, in the quantity and quality of fish annu- 
ally supplied. They enter this river in myriads, and penetrate its several branches, 
even into the mountain elevations. The natives were expert fishermen, taking 
them in immense numbers in baskets, in weirs, and with the spear. In the peculiar 
climate of this region, it was only necessary to split them open and hang them up 
in the sun to dry, to secure an ample supply of palatable and nutritious food. 
These natural advantages gave to the valley of the Columbia a permanent and 
controlling influence over all other parts of North America, and, I think it can be 
shown, over South America as well. Wherever the Indian family commenced its 
spread it would sooner or later come into possession of this region ; and from that 
time onward it would become the seed land of the family, and the initial point of 
successive streams of migration to all parts of the continent. The abundance of 
subsistence in the valley of the Columbia, tending constantly to a surplus of inhabit- 
ants, determined for this region a species of supremacy over both North and South 
America, as the predominant centre of population, and the source from which per- 
petual streams of inhabitants would flow, so long as the family remained in its 
primitive condition. Until its superior advantages were controlled and neutralized 
by the establishment of other centres of population, founded upon greater resources 
for subsistence, it would maintain its ascendency under the steady operation of 
physical causes. How far the Village Indians, who became such through the dis- 
covery and cultivation of corn, created a surplus of numbers upon the basis of 
agricultural subsistence, and sent them forth as migrants to possess the continent ; 
and whether they were sufficient in numbers and intelligence to overmaster and 
arrest the flow of inhabitants from the valley of the Columbia, are questions to be 
investigated and determined before the first proposition will become established. 
As these several topics will be considered in another connection, it will be sufficient 
here to remark that the evidence fails to show that the Village Indians ever carried 
agriculture far enough to obtain any sensible control over the numbers or great 
movements of the Indian family. So far from this, it appears to be the actual fact, 
that they were unable to stem the tide of influence and power which seems always 
to have remained with the Roving, as distinguished from the stationary Village 
Indians. All the great stems of the Ganowanian family, found upon the North 
American continent, point their roots to the valley of the Columbia. This conclu- 
sion becomes demonstrated by a comparison of the means of subsistence and centres- 
of population of the several parts of the continent, of the natural lines of migration 
furnished by its rivers and mountain chains, of the barrier to a free communication 
between the Pacific and Atlantic sides of the continent interposed by the great 
central prairies, by the relations and geographical positions of the several stock 
languages and their respective dialects, and by the traditions and systems of rela- 
tionship of all of these nations collectively. The sum of the evidence from these 
several sources appears to be convincing and conclusive that the valley of the 
Columbia was the nursery of the Ganowanian family, and the source from which 
both the northern and southern divisions of the continent mediately or immediately 
were being replenished with inhabitants, down to the epoch of their discovery; and it 
is my intention to present and discuss elsewhere, if space permits, both the physical 



OFTHEHTJMANFAMILY. 243 

causes, and the ethnological facts which relate to this interesting and important 
question, which for the present must be passed. 

Another remarkable fact connected with this area is the unprecedented number 
of stock languages spoken within it, and which have been found in no other of the 
same limited dimensions. Mr. Gallatin, whose reduction of dialects was founded 
upon the vocabularies of Hale and Dana, states the number at fourteen. 1 He 
adopts Hale's synopsis with a change in the orthography of a single name, and 
thus confirms its correctness. These languages were then (in 1841) spoken in a 
large number of dialects, of which twenty-six are represented in his tables. 

Lewis and Clarke describe in their work and locate upon their map some thirty- 
four distinct nations, whom they found in 1805-1806, upon the Columbia River 
and its tributaries, and on the neighboring sea-coasts. Most of the nations visited 
by them have since been identified under different names. 

Although a large amount of labor has been expended upon these languages, 
further investigations will probably reduce their number. A very considerable 
reduction would leave the number disproportionately large. These languages have 
recently been taken up anew by George Gibbs, Esq., of New York, who spent 
several years in Oregon and Washington Territory as a member of the Northwestern 
Boundary Commission, and before that, of the Pacific Railroad Engineer Corps 
upon the northern parallel. From the rare facilities which he enjoyed, and from his 
high qualifications for linguistic investigations, we may expect in his forthcoming 
work a thorough elucidation of the philology of this area of Indian speech. 

Mr. Gibbs has kindly furnished me with the following synopsis of the stock 
languages of this area as they are named and classified by him. 

1. Tinne (Athapascan, of Gal.). 2. Kootenay (Kitunaha, of Gal.). 3. Salish. 

4. Maka (Wakash, of Gal.). 5. Sahaptin. 6. Kayuse (Waiilatpu). 7. Chinook. 
8. Shoshonee. 9. Kalapuya. 10. Yakama (Jacon, of Gal.). 11. Kalawatset. 12. 
Lituami, 13. Shaste. 2 

It wiU be observed that three or four of the stock languages of Hale and Gal- 
latin are consolidated with others, or disappear in the synopsis of Mr. Gibbs ; and 
that the remainder, with one or two exceptions, are the same under the old or a 
new name. Some of these languages are spoken in but one or two dialects, whilst 
others have a large number, one of them, the Salish, having upwards of fifteen. 

The subdivision of the inhabitants of this area into such a large number of petty 
nations, which was their condition when first discovered, and which has continued 
to be the fact, notwithstanding their reduction in numbers, to the present time, was 
the inevitable result of their domestic institutions and mode of life. But the 
present existence of such a number of stock languages in so inconsiderable an area 

1 1. Salish. 4. Kitunaha. T. Lituarai. 10. Jacon. 13. Athapascan 

2. Sahaptin. 5. Waulatpu. 8. Saste. 11. Wakash. 14. Shoshonee. 

3. Chinook. 6. Kalapnza. 9. Palaik. 12. Skittagets. 

* The remaining stock-languages in British and Russian America along the northwest coast are 
named by him as follows : 1. Thlinkit, or Kolosh. 2. Haida. 3. Chimsyan. 4. Belbella, or Kailt 

5. Nootka, the last two probably related. 



244 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

furnishes the highest evidence of its long-continued occupation. It is explained 
hy the hypothesis that it was the cradle land of the Ganowanian family. Under 
the operation of the law which tended to the disintegration of particular nations, 
with their increase and spread, the several dialects thus formed would widen in the 
long course of ages until they become hardened by use into independent stock 
languages, all traces of identity in their vocables having disappeared. The struggle 
for the possession of this area would tend to equalization by the failure of any 
single nation to acquire such a preponderance of numbers as would enable it to 
overmaster and expel the other nations. The number of these stock languages 
necessarily implies an occupation of the Valley of the Columbia from an antiquity 
as great as can be assigned, from other considerations, to the Ganowanian family 
upon any part of the Continent. It is also a reasonable and a probable inference 
that the greater part of the stock languages found upon the North American Con- 
tinent were indigenous within this area, or derived from such as were immediately 
traceable to this source. 

Judging from the more recent instead of the older vocabularies, there are pecu- 
liarities in the dialects of this area which do not exist in the dialects spoken in 
other parts of the Continent, and which are difficult of reduction to equivalent 
sounds represented by the English letters. This marked difference is surprising. 
It suggests, at least, the supposition that an attempt has been made by means of 
an improved notation to preserve minute phonetic elements in these dialects which 
have been disregarded in other areas. Unless great care is taken this new method 
will magnify and even create differences where none such to any great extent 
actually exist. 

In 1855 the Indian nations in Washington Territory and Oregon were estimated 
at 27,000. 1 At the time of Lewis and Clarke's visit they were several times 
more numerous. 

II. Salish Nations. 

1. Salish or Flathead. 2. Shoushwhap (Atna). 3. Samena. 4. Okinaken. 
5. Schwoyelpi. 6. Sketunesh (Cceur d'Alene). 7. Piskwous. 8. Spokane. 
9. Slkatomlch (Upper Fend d'Oreilles). 10. Kalispelm (Lower Pend d'Oreilles). 
11. Balhoola. 12. Kowooks, Sashalt, and Cowatahin. 13. Kwantlan and 
Taieet. 14. Clallam, Lummi, Skagit, Chamakeem, Toanhook, and Nesqually. 
15. Kwelahyate, Kwanawult, and Chehalis. 16. Kwawaletsk. 17. Tellamooks. 

The Salish stock language, spoken in the seventeen dialects above enumerated, 
has a wider spread than any other within the area under consideration. Mengarini 
names ten nations speaking this language, most if not all whom are seated between 
the Rocky and Cascade Mountains ; 2 but Mr. Gibbs has traced it west of the Cas- 
cade range, and quite down to the sea-coast. The above list of nations speaking 
dialects of the Salish language was furnished by Mr. Gibbs. 

1. Spokane. Out of this large list of nations, the Spokane and Okinaken only 

1 Schoolcraft, Hist. Cond. and Pres., VI. 705. 
9 Salish or Flathead Grammar, p. 120. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 245 

are represented in the Table. The system of relationship of the former nation was 
furnished by Mr. Gibbs, that of the latter was obtained by the author from an 
Okinaken woman at Red River Settlement. Both schedules are incomplete. If 
an opinion may be formed from the limited portion of the system procured, it has 
been complicated by specializations to an extent unequalled in any form hitherto 
presented. The Table contains two hundred and sixty-seven distinct questions 
descriptive of persons in the lineal and first four collateral lines. Many of these 
questions are twice stated, once with Ego a male, and a second time with Ego a 
female, and some of them are in the alternative form of elder or younger, where 
relative age varied the relationship. It was also found that in some cases a double 
set of terms existed for the relationships of the same persons, one of which was 
used by the males, and the other by the females. With a schedule of questions 
elaborated to meet the most of these peculiarities it was found that all of the 
nations, whose dialects were sufficiently open and accessible to enable their system 
to be fully reached, answered these questions in full, the discriminations in fre- 
quent instances running beyond the compass of the schedule. Wherever blanks 
occur in the Table it was for want of facilities to ascertain the relationships of the 
persons described, and not from a failure of the system to recognize them. In other 
words, the Indians of all these nations know their kindred, near and remote, and pre- 
serve that knowledge by the usage of addressing each other by the term of relationship. 
Now the Spokane recognition and classification of kindred undoubtedly extend to 
and include every person described in the Table, and their nomenclature furnishes 
the terms of relationship applied to each and all of them. More than this, instead 
of leaving blanks to attest the failure of the system, a large number of the present 
single questions must be repeated, and some new ones added to develop the whole 
of the system. The tendency to a double nomenclature, and consequently to a two- 
fold system of relationship, one for the males and another for the females, is qiiite 
marked among the nations west of the mountains. The incompleteness of the 
schedules, therefore, must be attributed to the inaccessibility of these dialects, and 
not to a failure of the system to recognize any relationship between Ego and the 
persons described. 

There is one feature in the Spokane system that has not before appeared, namely, 
the use of the same term in a reciprocal sense, instead of correlative terms ; for 
example I call my father's father, Is-hah'-pd, and my son's son, Is-hah'-pa, conse- 
quently the relationship is reciprocal, as cousin and cousin, or brother and brother, 
instead of correlative, as grandfather and grandson. This was carried into the first 
collateral line male, in the first Spokane schedule of Mr. Gibbs, but in a subsequent 
and revised schedule the term was used in a modified form. According to the first 
I call my father's brother, Is-se-malt, and my brother's son, Is-se-malt, Ego in both 
cases being a male, which would establish between my brother's son and myself a 
reciprocal relationship expressed by a single term. In the revised schedule he is 
my son, Kas-koo-sa. to which the other term is added for some explanatory purpose. 
It seems probable that the term Is-se-mdlt is employed to indicate the relationship 
of these persons when speaking of their relationship to a third person ; and that 
when they speak to each other they use the terms for father and son. The opu- 



246 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



lence of the nomenclature is such as to favor this supposition. This is one of the 
questions with reference to the Spokane system that remains to be determined. It 
will be impossible to understand this remarkable form until it is more fully devel- 
oped in its details, and its unascertained parts are procured. The system of the 
remaining Salish nations is also desirable, since some of them may not have adopted 
the refinements the Spokane displays, and may, therefore, be nearer the primitive 
form-. Notwithstanding the imperfect presentation of the Spokane system about 
to be made, it will not be difficult to discover decisive traces of the common sys- 
tem of the family. 

In Mengarini's " Selish, or Flathead" Grammar, before referred to, he has col- 
lected the terms of relationship of the Flatheads, and given them with their Latin 
equivalents. They do not show the classification of consanguine! and marriage 
relations, which is the essential part of the system, and the use of some of the 
terms will probably be found to need correction ; but the terms show the fulness 
of the nomenclature, and being in another dialect, may be useful to illustrate the 
Spokane form. 1 Some of them will be referred to in connection with the corre- 
sponding terms in the Spokane. 



Sgelui, 

L'eu, 

Skoi, 

Skokoi, 

Sgus'mem, 

Tonseh, 

Szescht, 



1 " RELATIO CONSANGUINITATIS ET AFFINITATIS. 

Relate ad viros. Relate ad mulieres. 

Maritus. Noganag, Uxor. 

Pater Mestm, Pater. 

Mater. Tom, 

Amita (soror patris). Tikul, 

Soror. Snkusgu, 

Nepos, neptis. Skuselt, 



Mater. 

Amita (soror patris). 

Soror. 

Nepos. 



Sgaepe, 

Sile, 

Kene, 

Ch'chiez, 

Topic, 

Smel, 

S'si'i, 

Kage, 

Skusee, 

Sgusigult, 

Sk'kuselt, 

S'schitemischlt, 

Sk'euselt, 

St'eutelt, 

Stomchelt, 

Snkusgu teas, 



Sororius (maritas sororis). 

RELATIO COMMCNIS 

Avus (ex parte patris). 
Avus (ex parte matris). 
Aria (ex patre patris).* 
Avia (ex parte matris). 
Abavus et abavia. 
Patruus (frater patris). 
Avunculus (frater matris). 
Matertera (soror matris). 
Filius. 

Filii et filiae, the children of. 
Filiolus (generice). 
Filius vel filia natu major. 
Filius vel filia natu minor. 
Filius vel filia, natu minimus. 
Filia. 

Fratres vel sorores germani 
(de duobus). 



Sttmch'clt, 

TJTRIQUE SEXTJI. 
Snkusgutelis, 

K'ezch, 

Ke'eus, 

Sinze, 

St'tenti, 

Lch'chochee, 

Ikak'ze, 

Lzzups, 
Sgagee, 
Lzesch, 
Nluestu, 



Neptis. 

Idem, de pluribus quam duo- 
bus. 

Frater natu maximus. 

Frater natu major. 

Frater natu minor. 

Frater natu minimus. 

Soror natu major(diminutiva). 

Soror natu minor (diminu- 
tiva). 

Soror natu minima (diminu- 
tiva). 

Socer (pater mariti vel ux- 
oris), beau pere. 

Socrus (mater mariti vel 
uxoris), belle mere. 

Patruus. 1'oncle (patre nepotis 
mortuo). 



* "Duo relationea, Kene et ch'ohioz, sunt etiam relative nepotibus (lea petits fils), ita ut arise et nepotes his 
duobus se invicem appellent." 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



247 



There are separate terms in this dialect for grandfather and grandmother. On 
the father's side Is-7iah'-pa, and In-kah'-no, used by the males, and In-chau'-wa and 
In-tchit-che-a'-ci, used by the females ; and for the same relationship on the mother's 
side, Is-see'-la and In-chau-wa, used by the males and females. This is the first 
instance yet found of the discrimination of the ancestors on the father's side from 
those on the mother's side, but this is limited to the maternal grandfather. There 
are also separate terms for father and mother, En-le-a'-u and E-sko'-i, used by the 
males, and En-ne-mes' -teem and En-tome' ', used by the females ; for son and daughter 
Is-kivoos-sa and Is-tum-che-alt ; and for grandson and granddaughter, namely, for 
son's son and son's daughter, Is-hah'pa and In-chau'-wa, and for daughter's son and 
daughter's daughter, Is-se'-la and In-chit-che-a. It will be observed that three of 
these terms for grandchildren are applied equally to grandparents, showing them 
to be reciprocal. 

There are terms for elder brother, En-kats'-tch, used by the males, and En'l-ka7i7c'- 
tsci, used by the females ; and a common term, Eril-chit'-sha, for elder sister ; for 
younger brother, Is-sin'-sa, used by the males, and Is-sis'-son-sa, used by the females ; 
and common term, Erfl-lsUs-a-opes 1 ', for younger sister. Beside these there are terms 
for brother and sister in the abstract, En-se-laclit' , and Is-soo-sin-am' ; and for 
brothers and sisters in the plural. The great number of these terms, and the 
tendency to minute specializations throughout the Spokane system, increase the 
necessity for full details of the classification, as well as the whole of the nomen- 
clature, to a right understanding of the system itself. The Spokane nomenclature 
is twofold to a greater extent than any previously presented. 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter, Kas-koo'-sa and Ka-stum'-che-alt. To the first Is-se-malt is added, 
as some kind of qualification. With Ego a female, I call my brother's son In-teef- 
kwl, and he calls me the same. This is another instance of reciprocal relationship. 
In the Flathead the term Ti-kul, the same word dialectically changed, is applied 
by a female to her father's sister, and it seems probable that it is also applied by a 
woman to her brother's son, as in the Spokane. My brother's daughter I call 



Sluelt, Nepos et neptis (patre mor- Nhoiztn, 

tuo). 

Zneehlgu, Gener. Luestn, 

Zepu, Nurus. S'chelp, 

Segunfemt, Parentes matrimonio juncto- 

rum. St'mels, 

Sestem, Levir vel fratria. le mari de Snkusigu, 

sa sceur, ou la femme de 

sou frere. Snkusgusigu, 

Ischeu, Uxor fratris uxoris. le femme 

du frere de sa femme. 
Kolemut, Cognatus. le mari de la soeur 

de son mari ou la femme du 

frere de son mari. 



Lever et fratria (alterutro 

mortuo). 

Vetrieus et noverca. 

Nurus (filio mortuo), la veuve 

de son fils. 

Propinquus, affinis, etc. 
Patruelis sobrinus, consan- 

guineus. 
(Plur). Les cousins, les cou- 

sines, les parens (generice), 

etc." 



Grammar, App. 117. 



248 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

Is-see'-la, the same term I use to designate a grandmother. Here the relationship 
again is reciprocal. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece, for 
which a term in common gender, In-toonsh', is employed. With Ego a female, they 
are my son and daughter. To the latter term, In-kach'-ha is added for some quali- 
fying purpose. 

Third. My father's brother I call Is-se-mdlt. After the death of my own father 
I call him my step-parent, Es-tlu-es-tin. The same is true in the Flathead, in which 
the word is Nluestn. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son is my brother, Is-se-laclit' ; and his daughter is 
ray sister, elder or younger. 

Fifth. My father's sister, Ego a male, I call In-lcacli' -ha, and Ego a female, 
En-tee'-hwl. Both of these have before appeared as reciprocal terms. The first I 
think is erroneously used. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Is-sa'. 

Seventh. My mother's sister I call In-kach'-ha, in Flathead Kage. After the 
death of my own mother I call her Es-lw-es-tin, my step-parent. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder 
or younger. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather. 

Tenth. The relationships of collateral descendants are not given, beyond those 
previously named. 

The marriage relationships are in agreement with the typical form, e. </., the 
wives of my collateral sons and of my nephews, are my daughters-in-law ; and the 
husbands of my collateral daughters and of my wives are my sons-in-law. In like 
manner the wives of my several collateral brothers are my sisters-in-law ; and the 
husbands of my several collateral sisters are my brothers-in-law. There is one 
altogether novel marriage relationship recognized in a large number of Ganowanian 
nations, namely, between the parents of married pairs. In Yankton-Dakota the 
fathers of a married pair call each other O-ma'-he-to, in Spokane In-teh-tum-ten, and 
in Flathead, Segunemt. Mr. Gibbs has furnished the signification of the Spokane 
term, " Dividers of the Plunder," *. e., the marriage presents. It is probably a 
recent term, from the fact that it is still significant, and derisively bestowed. 

With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are brothers and sis- 
ters to each other. Mengarini furnishes a term for cousin in the Flathead Sakusiga, 
which is probably the Spokane Sin-hwa-seehw, rendered " one like my brother ;" 
but it is extremely doubtful whether the relationship of cousin has been developed 
either in the Flathead or Spokane system. 

Notwithstanding the insufficiency of the materials to show this system com- 
pletely, an opinion may be formed upon the question of its identity with the 
common form. In its incomplete state, as shoAvn in the Table, it possesses the in- 
dicative relationships, although some of them are modified and obscured by the 
uncertainty that rests upon the modifications. It is at least supposable that the 
doubtful terms are those used when speaking of the relationship, as before sug- 
gested, whilst the full terms may be employed when the particular persons are 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 249 

addressed by Ego, by the term of relationship. The minute discriminations of the 
system, and its opulent nomenclature, tend to the inference that when produced in 
full, it will be found to contain all of the radical characteristics of the system, and 
that the special use of reciprocal terms will find a rational explanation. 

2. Okinaken. The fragment of the Okinaken system was obtained from Mrs. 
Ross, a native of this nation, at Red-River Settlement. An absence of many years 
from her native country had rendered her so distrustful of her knowledge of the 
system that she would not undertake to give its details. 

III. Sahaptin Nation. 

1. Sahaptin, or Nez Perce. 2. Paloos. 3. Wala-Wala and Taikh. 4. Yakama. 
5. Klikitat. 

The Salish and Sahaptin stock languages are spoken by a larger number of 
distinct nations, and in a greater number of dialects, than any other within 
this area. Of the Sahaptin nations only one, the Yakama, is represented in the 
Table. The schedule was furnished by Mr. Gibbs. A part only of the terms 
of relationship are given, and these are incapable of interpretation without the 
remainder of the nomenclature, and without a more explicit knowledge of the classi- 
fication. Upon the Yakama system Mr. Gibbs, in his letter to the author, remarks : 
" This language, as usual, has a very complicated nomenclature of relationships, 
and, I believe, it is a little different from that of the Selish. In some instances, 
besides the name for the relationship itself, as Pe-shet 1 ', father, there is the familiar 
one Too-ta, equivalent to ' papa,' which, I believe, is used only in speaking to the 
person, while the former is used exclusively in speaking of him. Besides these, 
there is an expression, the exact force of which I do not understand, further than 
that it is applied after a death occurs in the family, namely, Kwuten. It is equally 
applied to the father, mother, sons, or daughters, and may, therefore, have some 
such signification as ' bereaved.' 

" The distinction that is made by the sexes in speaking to the father and 
mother, and certain other relatives in the Spokane, are, I understand, not made in 
the Yakama, though they are as between brothers and sisters, where we find not 
only different words used in addressing and speaking of one another, but the two 
sexes address one another differently, the whole being complicated by the distinc- 
tions of relative age." 

" The general word ' l>rotlier' does not, I believe, exist ; but as near as I can 
understand the word Haigh (plural, thaigh-ma), perhaps literally signifying 'friend,' 
is used to denote brothers or cousins, when speaking of them at large ; and the 
same is the case in Spokane." It will be seen, however, in the Table, that the term 
En-haigh is the term for step-brother, which explains its application to a collateral 
brother. 

" Some of these relations," he continues, "are reciprocal. Thus grandfather and 
grandson are both Poo-sJia. ... I have not followed out to the letter your instruc- 
tions about inserting the pronoun ' my,' in all cases, because it was not always given 
me in return, and I was not certain why. For that reason I did not change the 
vocative form. Neither have I always translated the word, as I am not sufficiently 
certain of the force of many of them." 

32 March, 1870. 



250 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, I call 
In-pit'-h, and Pai-ya, the last meaning step-daughter. With Ego a female, they 
are my nephew and niece, for which a term in common gender, lu'-pote, is used. 

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, I call In-pit'-Ji and Pai-ya, 
the latter step-daughter. With Ego a female, I call them Pan'-ta and Pee'-see, the 
latter meaning step-daughter. 

Third. My father's brother is my step-parent, Na-magh'-has. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, I call Es-hup', and 
En'-naks, the latter signifying my step-sister. With Ego a female, Ne-pah', and 
En'-nalcs. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Na-sis'-sas. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Na-lca'-kas. 

Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-parent, Na-magh'-has. 

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter, same as in Fourth. 

Ninth. The relationship of grandfather's brother is not given. 

Tenth. The relationship in the collateral lines are not carried beyond collateral 
brothers in the Table, 

With respect to the relationship between the children of a brother and sister, 
they are the same as between the children of two brothers. 

In the Salish and Spokane, Mr. Gibbs encountered one of the most intricate 
and difficult of all the forms given in the Table, from the great fulness of the 
nomenclatures, and the minute specializations they represent. These dialects, also, 
are far from being as accessible as those east of the mountains through natives 
speaking English. Until better facilities are afforded, or these dialects are acquired 
by Protestant missionaries, the system of relationship of the nations of the Pacific 
coast in its full range and complexity will be difficult of ascertainment. That they 
have an elaborate system, defining the relationships of all their kindred, near and 
remote, and that it is both coherent and logical, there can be no reasonable doubt. 1 

From the general character of that portion of the Yakama system contained in 

1 Mr. Gibbs remarks upon certain Yakama relationships as follows : 

1. "Father, Pe-shet'; papa, Too-ta; child addressing him, 'my father,' Na-too-tas. After the 
death of a near relative, Kwu-ten. 

2. Mother, Pe-chah' ; mamma, Eet'-la ; child addressing her, 'my mother,' Na-eet'-las. After 
the death of a relative, Kwu-ten. 

3. Son. Both parents addressing a son use En-meshl'. The father, in speaking to others of a 
son grown up, says Mi-an'-nash, and the mother, Isht ; En-misht = my son. To a child they use 
Te-tah'. After the death of a near relative, they use Kwu-ten, in speaking of or to either son or 
daughter. En-lcwu-ten, my son or my daughter. The father of a grown-up daughter calls her 
Isht, and En-misht'; and the mother, Pap. To any young one they say Is-shah'. 

I am more in doubt if I understand perfectly the following. As near as I now can give it, the 
names for brothers and sisters are, elder brother, addressing a brother or sister, Piap or Yai'-ya. 

Na-al'-yas, my elder brother. 

Younger brother, addressed by brothers, Es-hap'; by sisters, Pat-shet, or Ne-kah, or In-kaks, speak- 
ing of him. 

Elder sister, Pats. 

Younger sister, addressed by brothers, Ats ; by sisters, A-seep. Also familiarly called Nei'-ya." 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 251 

the Table, and the same is equally true of the Spokane, these are sufficient grounds 
for the admission of the Salish and Sahaptin nations into the Ganowanian family. 

One other stock language belonging to the valley of the Columbia, namely, the 
Kootenay, is represented in the Table. The Flatbows speak a dialect of the same 
language, and the two together are its only ascertained representatives. Their 
range is along the western slopes of the Rocky Mountains immediately north of 
the Flathead area. Although incompletely shown, the Kootenay system of rela- 
tionship is interesting as a further glimpse at the stupendous scheme of consan- 
guinity which prevails amongst the aboriginal inhabitants of this area. Upon 
independent grounds a more complex system might be expected to exist in the 
valley of the Columbia than upon the St. Lawrence or the Mississippi. With so 
many nations crowded together, but held asunder by dialects and mutually unin- 
telligible stock languages, and yet intermingling by marriage, the constant ten- 
dency would be to increase and intensify the special discriminations developed from 
the system, by the gradual introduction of the special features of each into all the 
others. These new" features do not necessarily disturb the essential framework of 
the system, although they may greatly increase its complexity, and render it more 
difficult of ascertainment. Beside this a plan of consanguinity so elaborate as that 
of the Ganowanian family, could not be maintained pure and simple in its minute 
details, amongst so many nations, and over such immense areas. Additions and 
modifications are immaterial so long as they leave undisturbed the fundamental 
conceptions on which the original system rests. 

V. Shoshonee Nations. 

1. Shoshonees or Snake Indians. 2. Bonnacks. 3. Utahs of the Colorado (1. 
Tabegwaches. 2. Wemenuches. 3. Yampahs or Utahs of Grand River. 4. 
Unitahs. 5. Chemehuevis. 6. Capotes. 7. Mohuaches. 8. Pah-Utes). 4'. 
Utahs of Lower California (1. Cahuillos. 2. Kechis. 3. Netelas. 4. Kizhes). 
5. Comanches. 

There are reasons for believing that the Shoshonee migration was the last of the 
series, in the order of time, which left the valley of the Columbia, and spread into 
other parts of the continent. It was a pending migration at the epoch of Euro- 
pean colonization. It furnishes an apt illustration of the manner in which Indian 
migrations are prosecuted under the control of physical causes. They were gradual 
movements, extended through long periods of time, involving the forcible displace- 
ment of other migrants that had preceded them ; and therefore, are without any 
definite direction, except such as was dictated by the exigencies of passing events. 
The initial point of this migration, as well as its entire course, stands fully revealed. 
Almost the entire area overspread, showing the general outline of a head, trunk 
and two legs, is still held by some one of the branches of this great stem. Upon 
the south branch of the Columbia River the Shoshonees still reside ; south of them 
along the mountain wastes of the interior are the Bonnacks, a closely affiliated 
people, who occupy quite near to the head-waters of the Colorado. The mountains 
and the rugged regions drained by the Upper Colorado and its tributaries are held 
by the Utahs in several independent bands or embryo nations, who are spread over 
an area of considerable extent. Here the original stream of this migration divided 



252 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

into two branches ; one of them, the Comanche, turned to the southeast, and occu- 
pied the western parts of the present State of Texas ; whilst the other keeping the 
west side of the Colorado, descended towards the Gulf of California, and appropri- 
ated the regions near the Village Indians of the Lower Colorado. These are the 
Pah-Utes. Still other bands moved westward and southward and occupied Lower 
California. These are the Cahiullos, between the San Gabriel and Sante Anna 
Rivers ; and the Mission Indians, namely, the Kizhes of San Gabriel, the Netelas 
of San Juan Capestrano, and the Kechis of San Louis Rey. Upon the basis of 
linguistic affinities the conclusion is inevitable that both the Comanches and Netelas 
are the descendants of original migrants from the valley of the Columbia. 1 

The Shoshonee nations are among the wildest of the American aborigines. 
With the exception of the Comanches, and a portion of the Shoshonees proper, 
they hold the poorest sections of the United States, their manners partaking of 
the roughness of the country they inhabit. Until quite recently they .have been 
inaccessible to government influence. It is still nominal and precarious. The 
Comanches, who occupy the southern skirt of the great buffalo ranges, and are 
spread from the Canadian River, a branch of the Arkansas, to the Rio Grande, have 
become a populous Indian nation within the last century and a half. They are 
expert horsemen. Next to them are the Shoshonees. 

It was found impossible, after repeated efforts, to procure the system of relation- 
ship of the Shoshonees or the Comanches, although much more accessible than the 
other nations. The time is not far distant when all the dialects on the Pacific side, 
as well as in the interior of the continent, will become as fully opened to us as 
those upon the eastern side ; and when information now so difficult of attainment 
can be gained with ease and certainty. 

An incomplete schedule of the system of the Tabegwaches, one of the Utah 
nations of the Colorado, was obtained unexpectedly, through my friend the late 
Robert Kennicott, from a delegation who visited the seat of government in 1863. 
It will be found in the Table. He was unable to fill out the schedule, except in 
its most simple parts, from the difficulty of working through interpreters imper- 
fectly skilled in the Utah language ; and, therefore, it cannot be taken as indi- 
cating to any considerable extent, the contents of the system. From the fact that a 
portion of the terms of relationship were not obtained, those which are, except the 
primary, cannot be interpreted. It is valuable as a specimen of the language ; and 
more especially because it indicates the possession of a full nomenclature, and the 
presence of the minute discriminations which are characteristic of the common 
system. There are two special features revealed which should be noticed. First 
the relationship between aunt and nephew is reciprocal and expressed by a single 
term. The same use of reciprocal terms has been seen to exist both among the 
Salish and Sahaptin nations, with the language of the former, of which the Tabe- 

1 In 1847 the Shoshonees and Bonnacks were estimated together at 4000. Schoolcraft's Hist. 
Cond. and Pros. VI. 697 ; and the Utahs in part, at 3600. Ib. In 1855 the Comanches were 
estimated at 15,000. Ib. VI. 705. The numbers of the remaining Shosbonee nations on the Pacific 
re not known. They are not numerous. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 253 

gwach shows some affinity; and second, the discrimination of a difference in the 
relationship to Ego between the children of an elder, and the children of a younger 
brother. 1 This is shown by the use of different terms to express the relationships. 

It is an extension of the principle of discrimination beyond any point reached in 
other systems as shown in the Table. The same peculiarity may exist in the 
Spokane, and the Yakama without having been necessarily discovered, since there 
were no questions on the schedule to test the fact. It may yet be found to explain 
the ambiguities in the system of the former nations. With the American Indians 
it is a peculiarity never to supplement information when answering special ques- 
tions put to them by Americans. In the case in hand, if asked what he called his 
brother's son, he might elect to answer as to the son of his elder brother, and treat 
that as a sufficient answer to the question, although the son of his younger brother 
stood to him in different relationship. 

The most that may be claimed upon this incomplete representation of the 
Tabegwach system of relationship is, that it is classificatory in its character, and 
that it tends to show the same elaborate discriminations of the relationships by 
blood and marriage, which are characteristic of the common system. It also fur- 
nishes sufficient grounds for the provisional admission of the Shoshonee nations 
into the Ganowanian family. 

We have now presented the system of consanguinity and affinity of all the 
Indian nations represented in the Table, with the exception of the Village Indians 
of New Mexico, and Central America ; and the Eskimo. It remains to consider 
separately the forms of the latter, together with some fragments of the system which 
prevails among a portion of the South American Indian nations. The knowledge 
of the system as it exists amongst the nations on the Pacific side of the continent, 
is not as full and precise as could have been desired ; but the main fact of the nearly 
universal prevalence of a common system of relationship throughout all the nations, 
thus far enumerated, is sufficiently demonstrated, and the fundamental characteristics 
of the system are sufficiently ascertained, to create a definite and substantial founda- 
tion for the consolidation of all of these nations into one genealogically connected 
family. The further prosecution of the inquiry amongst the unrepresented Indian 
nations will be necessary to determine the question whether or not they belong to 
this great family of mankind, the unity of origin of which may now be considered 
established. 



1 In the Grammar and Dictionary of the Yakama, by Father Pandosy (Chamoisy Press, 1862), 
the following terms are given, which are expressive of reciprocal relationship. 

Uncle, Pitr. b Pirar Father-in-law, Pshes 

Nephew, Pitr. b Pimr Son-in-law, Pshes 

Aunt, Parar Mother-in-law, Pnash 

Niece, Pitr. "Pimr. Paia Daughter-in-law, Pnash 



254 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



CHAPTER VI. 

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY CONTINUED. 
Village Indians of New Mexico, Arizona, and Central and South America. 

Important Position of the Village Indians in American Ethnology Their Partial Civilization Indigenous amongst 
them Its Basis Early Knowledge of the Village Indians of New Mexico Coronado's Expedition in 1540, 1542 
Espejo's in 1583 Spanish Missions in 1600 Reconnoissances of U. S. Army Officers since 1847 Possible 
Recovery of the Institutions and Mechanic Arts of the Village Indians in general, through those of the present 
Village Indians Evidences of the Unity of Origin of the American Aborigines From Unity of Physical Type 
From Unity in the Grammatical Structure of their Languages From Similarity of Arts, Inventions, Usages, 
and Institutions And from Conformation in Cranial Characteristics Dialects and Languages of the Village 
Indians of New Mexico and Arizona Evidence of Ancient Occupation Confirmed by Ruins of Ancient Pueblos 
Their System of Relationship But two Schedules obtained 1. Pueblo of Laguna Location and Population 
of this Pueblo Schedule Incomplete Indicative Relationships They possess, as far as it is given, the Common 
System 2. Pueblo of Tesuque Schedule Incomplete Chontal of Central America Schedule Incomplete 
Village Indians of South America Efforts to obtain their System of Relationship, and their Failure System 
of the Chibcha or Muyska Village Indians of New Granada Partial Details of the Muyska Form It shows five, 
and probably six of the Indicative Relationships End of the Series of Indian Nations represented in the Table. 

THE present Village Indians of New Mexico and Arizona are, in many respects, 
the most important portion of the aboriginal inhabitants of North America. Their 
prominent position in Indian ethnography does not arise from their numbers 
or their territorial possessions, both of which are inconsiderable, but from the fact 
that they are the living representatives of a phase of Indian society now rapidly 
passing away. They still possess and exhibit that species of civilization which has 
given to the American Indians their chief importance in the estimation of mankind. 
With the Village Indians in general, the transition from a roving to a stationary 
life had been fully consummated, and a new condition commenced. An indigenous 
civilization sprang up and grew apace out of this village life, which, at the epoch 
of discovery, was found distributed throughout parts of New Mexico, Mexico, and 
Central and South America. These Village Indians, however, were surrounded 
at all points by roving and still barbarous nations. The extent and character of 
this civilization, which was the same in its elements throughout all these regions, 
are still imperfectly understood. It is, moreover, extremely doubtful whether the 
facts tending to illustrate its history and development will ever be recovered from 
the mas.s of fiction and romance in which they are buried. Should an attempt be 
made to reinvestigate its characteristics, the key must be sought in the civil and 
domestic institutions, arts, usages, and customs of the present Village Indians. It 
is not improbable that all of its elements will be found amongst them at the present 
day, and that from these sources the necessary materials can be obtained for a much 
better elucidation of this difficult subject than any hitherto presented. 

This limited and indigenous civilization was founded, in the main, upon the 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 255 

possession of a single cereal, Indian corn ; of one textile plant, cotton ; and upon 
one principal mechanic art, that of making sun-dried brick. X)ut of these, in due 
time, came the cultivation of irrigated garden-beds, the improved costume, and the 
house of more than one story high ; first, with walls of sun-dried brick, then of 
slate and rubble-stone, the latter cemented with mud-mortar ; and, finally, of cut 
stone laid with mortar probably without lime. Of the last class were the pueblo houses 
in Yucatan, now in ruins. When the transformation from fish and game to agri- 
cultural subsistence, from temporary lodges to permanent villages, and from houses 
of a single story constructed with perishable materials, to houses of more than one 
story constructed with durable materials, had become completed, the change in this, 
as well as in other respects, was very great intrinsically. It resulted in a degree of 
civilization that appeared to separate the Village Indians genetically from the 
remaining nations, until it was afterwards found that the Northern Indians pre- 
sented all the intermediate shades of condition between the Village Indians proper 
and the Roving nations. The differences, it was seen, could be rationally explained 
as an advance by a portion of the same original family from a lower to a higher 
condition of life, since it was not accompanied with any radical change of domestic 
institutions. And yet the degree of this civilization is sufficiently remarkable to 
demand special evidence to establish the right of the Village Indians to admission 
into the Ganowanian family. If those in New Mexico could be shown to be of 
Ganowanian lineage, it would prepare the way for the like admission of the Village 
Indians of Mexico, and of Central and South America. 

Our knowledge of the existence, and, to some extent, of the condition of the 
Village Indians of New Mexico commences within twenty years after the conquest 
of Mexico by Cortes, and has been substantially continuous down to the present 
time. It opens with the extravagant relation of Friar Marco de Ne?a " touching 
his discovery of the Kingdom of Cevola," made in 1539, which led to the expedi- 
tion of Coronado in 1540-1542, for the conquest of this "kingdom," to use the 
common term employed by the Spanish writers of that epoch to describe a cluster 
of Pueblo Houses. Of the several places visited by Coronado, Acoma, and perhaps 
Zuni, both existing pueblos, have been identified ; but the " Seven Cities" still 
remain unknown. There are seven or eight remarkable Pueblo Houses of stone, 
now in ruins, on the canon of the Rio de Chaco, a tributary of the San Juan, which, 
in location and character, answer the nearest to the " Seven Cities," of any existing 
or ruined Pueblos in New Mexico. They are situated about one hundred and 
forty miles northwest of Sante Fe. This expedition established the existence of 
Village Indians upon the Rio Grande, the Gila, and the Colorado; of their 
dependence upon agriculture for subsistence ; and that they lived in houses of more 
than one story high, constructed of some kind of stone masonry, or adobe brick, 
Coronado thus speaks, in his relation of the villages he visited : " It remaineth now 
to testify, your honor, of the seven cities, and of the kingdoms and provinces 
whereof the father provincial made report to your lordship ; and, to be brief, I can 
assure you that he spoke the truth in nothing that he reported ; but all was qxiite 
the contrary, saving only the names of the cities and great houses of stone ; for 
although they be not wrought with turqueses, not with lime, nor bricks, yet they 



256 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

are very excellent good houses of three or four or five lofts high, wherein are good 
lodgings and fair chambers, with ladders instead of stairs ; and certain cellars under 
the ground, very good and paved, which are made for winter ; they are in a man- 
mer like stoves, and the ladders which they have for their houses are all in a 
manner movable and portable ; which are taken away and set down when they 
please, and they are made of two pieces of wood with their steps as our be." 1 This 
relation was written under a feeling of disappointment, as the object of the expedi- 
tion was plunder, which they failed to obtain. Other explorations followed from 
time to time. Among these may be named that of Fernando Alarcon, who in 1542 
ascended the Colorado River to the establishments of the Village Indians in that 
region; and that of Antonio de Espejo, who in 1583 led an expedition to the Rio 
Grande, and visited a large number of Indian villages upon that river and its 
tributaries. In the relation of this expedition several important statements are 
made, from which the following are selected : " Here were houses of four stories 
in height. * * * Their garments were of cotton and deer skins, and the attire, 
both of men and woman was after the manner of Indians of Mexico. * * * Both 
men and women wore shoes and boots, with good soles of neat's leather [probably 
of buffalo raw hide, with which the Indians of the Missouri now bottom their moc- 
casins], a thing never seen in any other part of the Indies. * * * There are 
caciques who govern the people like the caciques of Mexico." Finally he speaks 
of their " good capacity, wherein they exceed those of Mexico and Peru." 2 The 
late Prof. W. "W. Turner collected and translated the several Spanish documents 
relative to the several expeditions of Coronado, Alarcon, Ruiz, and Espejo, from 
which the above extracts were taken ; and also appended a very interesting report 
upon the Indian nations of New Mexico, made by Don Jose Cortez in 1799. 

The Spanish missionaries enjoyed the best facilities for becoming intimately 
acquainted with the institutions and domestic history of these nations. As early 
as 1600, they had established a chain of missions, eleven in number, from the Gulf 
of California and the Colorado, to the Rio Grande, and claimed eight thousand 
converts. Their relations and correspondence, if they could be collected, would 
probably furnish much valuable information concerning the Village Indians of that 
epoch. These several expeditiona and missionary establishments show conclusively 
that long anterior to the discovery of America, New Mexico was occupied by 
Village Indians in a condition of partial civilization ; and, also, that the stage of 
progress they had reached corresponded substantially with that in which the Village 
Indians of Mexico and Central and South America were found. The differences 
were much less than is generally supposed. 

Within the last twenty years a number of military and scientific reconnoissances 
through New Mexico, and westward to the Colorado and the Pacific, have been 
made by United States authority. Amongst these may be mentioned that of 
Lieut. -Col. W. H. Emory, in 1846-1847; that of Lieutenant, now General J. II. 

1 Explorations, &c. for a Railroad Route to the Pacific, VII., Rep. on Ind. Tribes, p. 1.09. 
Ib. p. 114-126. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 257 

Simpson, in 1849 ; that of Capt. Sitgreaves, in 1852 ; and that of Lieut. Ives, in 1857. 
To these must be added the expedition to determine the Mexican boundary, in 1850, 
under Hon. John R. Bartlett ; and the exploration for a railroad route to the Pacific, 
on the thirty-fifth parallel, in 1854, under Lieut. Whipple. From these sources a 
large amount of additional information has been gained both of the country and of 
its inhabitants. 

The present. Village Indians of New Mexico are the lineal descendants of those 
found in the country at the Conquest. Some of them occupy the same sites, and 
the same identical houses which their forefathers occupied when first discovered ; 
and such new pueblos as have since been constructed, are, many of them, upon the 
ancient model. They still retain the greater part of their ancient customs, usages, 
and arts. An opportunity, therefore, is still offered to recover their languages, their 
architectural, agricultural, and other mechanical arts, as well as their civil and 
domestic institutions, which, when procured, may prove of immense value in American 
ethnology. If the true history and interpretation of the civilization of the Village 
Indians of Mexico, Central America, and Peru are ever reached, it will probably 
be effected through a comparison of their arts and institutions with those of the 
present Village Indians. It is, therefore, a fortunate circumstance that even a 
fragmentary portion of this great division of the American aborigines still remain 
upon the continent, in the full possession of their original domestic institutions, 
and in the practice of many of their primitive arts. The intellectual life of a 
great family impresses a common stamp upon all their works. The marks of the 
uniform operation of minds cast in the same mould, and endowed with the same 
impulses and aspirations inherited from common ancestors, can be successfully 
traced through periods of time, and into widely separated areas. In their archi- 
tecture, in their tribal organization, in their dances, in their burial customs, in 
their systems of relationship, the same mental characteristics are constantly revealed. 
It is not impossible to arrive at safe conclusions from comparisons founded exclu- 
sively upon intellectual manifestations crystallized in these several forms. These 
Village Indians are, at the present moment, the true and the living representatives 
of the indigenous civilization which was found in both North and South America ; 
and notwithstanding the mass of fiction which has usurped the place of history, 
there are strong reasons for believing that they are no unfit representatives of the 
Village Indians in general ; and that all there was of this civilization, invention 
for invention, institution for institution, art for art, in a word, part for part, may 
still be found amongst them, and in existing memorials of their past history. The 
great differences supposed to exist must be set down to a very considerable extent 
to the marvellous powers of the constructive faculty which authorship develops. 

Whether or not the Village and Roving Indians are of one blood by descent, 
from common American ancestors has not been established in the affirmative so 
decidedly as to command universal acquiescence. There are several distinct and 
independent lines of evidence, all of which converge to an affirmative conclusion, 
and yield collectively such a body of testimony as to render this conclusion extremely 
probable. These may be briefly stated as follows : 

First. Unity of Physical Type. It cannot be denied that the Indian form and 

33 March, 1870. 



258 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

physiognomy are strikingly distinctive and peculiar. He is as definitely marked as 
any variety of man. The uniform testimony of all competent observers, that the 
individuals of these widely scattered Indian nations universally display common 
typical characteristics, possesses great weight. In this respect the Village Indians 
are not excepted, but especially included. 

Secondly. Unity of Grammatical Structure in their Languages. These stock 
languages, so far as they have been investigated, reveal the same plan of thought, 
and numerous coincidences in grammatical structure. The comparison has not 
been coextensive with their spread ; but it has been carried far enough, probably, 
to dptect differences if more than one grammatically distinct language existed 
amongst them. These languages, also, have peculiarities impressed upon all of 
them alike, which give them a family cast. It is seen in the syllabical structure of 
their vocables, in the excessive use of the principle of conjugation, in the unusual 
amount of physical exertion required in their delivery, and possibly in the guttural 
and nasal utterances with which they are, more or less, roughened. It seems 
probable, therefore, that the analysis and comparison of these, stock languages will 
ultimately demonstrate their unity. In these respects, also, the languages of the 
Village Indians are not exceptional. 

Thirdly. Similarity of Arts, Usages, and Inventions. An argument based upon 
these considerations, and standing alone, would have but little weight, since similar 
conditions presuppose similar wants, and beget similar arts, usages, and inventions. 
And yet this objection, though unwittingly, is a powerful argument in favor of the 
unity of origin of the entire human family. It is only in virtue of the possession 
of a common mind, such as belongs to a single species, that these uniform opera- 
tions are possible. Amongst all of these nations there is a striking uniformity in 
their manners, usages, and institutions. It is seen in those which relate to social 
life, to warfare, to marriage, and to the burial of the dead ; but more especially in 
their simple mechanic arts, such as those of pottery, of weaving, whether with 
filaments of bark, or with threads of cotton ; of the tanning of skins, and in the 
forms of their weapons and utensils. This is true, in a more striking sense, of 
their architecture, which is founded upon the communal principle in living, a 
principle which prevailed amongst all the Indian nations, from near the confines of 
the Arctic Sea to the Isthmus of Panama. The communal principle found its way 
into, and determined the character of this architecture. It is revealed not less 
distinctly in the long bark house of the Iroquois, designed for twenty families, than 
in the pueblo houses at Taos, New Mexico, one of which is two hundred and forty 
feet front, by one hundred feet deep, and five stories high, and capable of accommo- 
dating eighty families ; or in the pueblo of Palenque, in Chiapa, which was two 
hundred and twenty-eight feet front, by one hundred and eighty feet deep, and 
one story high, and was capable of accommodating fifty or more families. 

Fourthly. The Dance. Amongst all of these nations, without an exception, the 
dance is a domestic institution. Whilst barbarous nations in general indulge in 
this practice, often to excess, no other people on the face of the earth have 
raised the dance to such a degree of studied development as the American Indian 
nations. Each has a large number, ranging from ten to thirty, which have been 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 259 

handed down from generation to generation. These dances, which have special 
names, as the buffalo dance, the war dance, the feather dance, and the fish dance, 
are sometimes the recognized property of a particular society or brotherhood, but 
usually belong to the nation at large. Each has its own peculiar plan, steps and 
method, its songs and choruses and its musical instruments ; and each is adapted 
to some particular occasion. The dance is universally recognized amongst them as 
a mode of worship, whence its elaborate character and wide distribution. Amongst 
the Village Indians of New Mexico their dances are the same to day they were 
centuries ago, and they are not distinguishable in their order, steps, and method, or 
in their songs, choruses, and musical instruments, from the dances of the Iroquois, 
the Dakotas, the Ojibwas, or the Blackfeet. They reveal the same conceptions, are 
adapted to the same condition of society, and were apparently derived from a 
common source. 

Fifthly. The Structure of Indian Society. The evidence from the structure of 
Indian society bears decisively in the same direction. In the tribal organization, 
which prevailed very generally, though not universally, amongst them ; and more 
especially in their form of government by chiefs and councils, a uniformity of 
organization prevailed throughout all the Indian nations of North America, the 
Village Indians inclusive. 

Lastly. Conformation in Cranial Characteristics. Dr. Morton collected and pre- 
sented the evidence from this source. He subdivides the " American," which is 
the fourth of his five great races of mankind, into two families, the American and 
the Toltecan, the latter embracing the Village Indians. 1 The ethnic unity of the 
American aborigines, with the exception of the Eskimo, was one of the principal 
conclusions reached by his investigations. It is proper to remark, however, that 
the sufficiency of the evidence from this source to sustain this conclusion has been 
repeatedly questioned. 2 The systems of relationship of the several nations thus far 
considered confirm Dr. Morton's conclusion to the extent of the number of nations 
represented in the Table, whether the facts upon which he relied are found incon- 
clusive or otherwise. 

From the commencement of this investigation the author has been extremely 
desirous to procure the evidence in full, which the system of consanguinity and 
affinity of the Village Indians might afford upon this important question. Its 
determination is of paramount importance in Indian ethnography, as well as neces- 
sary to its further advancement. So long as a doubt rests upon it, substantial pro- 
gress is arrested. In the present attempt to establish the existence of an Indian 
family upon the basis of their system of relationship, a nucleus only has thus far 
been formed. Unless the Village Indians are found to be constituent members of 
this family, in virtue of a common descent, the family itself will lose much of its 
importance. The genetic connection of the two great divisions of the American 
aborigines is rendered so far probable by the several considerations before adduced 

1 Crania Americana, p. 5. 

a Dr. J. Aitken Meigs, Trans. Acad. Nat. Sci., Philadelphia, 1860. " Observations upon the 
Form of the Occiput in the Various Races of Men," cf. Wilson's Prehistoric Man, sec. ed. ch. xx. 



260 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

that the existence somewhere of absolute proof of the affirmative is to be presumed. 
It is extremely probable, not to say certain, that their systems of relationship would 
furnish the deficient evidence. At all events it might be expected to establish 
either the affirmative or the negative. Entertaining this belief, it is with much 
regret that I am able to furnish the system of but three nations of Village Indians, 
and these imperfectly worked out. Although the New Mexican Village Indians 
are now under the supervision of the national government, through superintendents 
and agents, their country seems, notwithstanding, to be hermetically sealed, so far 
as ethnological investigations are concerned, unless they are made in person. India 
and China are both much more accessible. For six years in succession the effort 
to procure their system of relationship was repeated until every available resource 
was exhausted. The two New Mexican schedules obtained are, however, of some 
value. They are carried far enough to show that they possess an elaborate system; 
and that it is coincident, substantially, with the common typical form, as far as it is 
given. 

Some notice of the dialects and stock languages in New Mexico and Arizona 
should precede this limited exposition of their system of relationship. There are, 
at present, seven recognized stock languages spoken by the Village Indians within 
these areas. Lieut. Simpson furnished specimen vocabularies of the first five here- 
after named, and with it a classification of the nations enumerated by him. 1 Prof. 
Turner classified the remaining Pueblo Indians upon vocabularies furnished by 
Lieut. Whipple. 2 The former made six of these languages, but his first and fourth 
appear to be identical. It is not improbable that the present number will hereafter 
be reduced. The people still speak their native dialects with the single exception 
of the Indians of the Pueblo of Lentis, who have adopted the Spanish language. 
Lieut. Simpson classifies the dialects of the seven Moqui Pueblos, as one, although 
according to the statements of Lieut. Ives there may be some doubt upon the 
question. The latter remarks as follows : " A singular statement made by the 
Moquis is that they do not all speak the same language. At Oraybe some of the 
Indians actually professed to be unable to understand what was said by the Moos- 
hahneh chief, and the latter told me that the language of the two towns was differ- 
ent. At Tegwa they say that a third distinct tongue is spoken. These Indians 
are identical in race, manners, habits, and mode of living. They reside within a 
circuit of ten miles, and, save for the occasional visit of a member of some other 
tribe, have been for centuries isolated from the rest of the world." 3 The differ- 
ences referred to may be simply dialectical. 

1 Report TJ. S. Senate, Docs. No. 64. 1st Session, 31st Congress, 1849-1850, v. 14, p. 140. 
1 Explorations, &c., for a Railroad Route to the Pacific, v. iii., Rep. Ind. Tribes, p. 94. 
Colorado Exploring Expedition, 1857-1858, p. 12?. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 261 

I. Village Indians of New Mexico and Arizona. 

Stock Languages. Dialects. 

I. Aconiau. 1. Acoma. 2. Santo Domingo. 3. San Felipe. 4. Santa Anna. 5. Silla. 
6. Laguna. 7. Pojuate. 8. Cochiti. 9. Jemez (old Pecos, the same). 

II. Tezukan. 1. Tesuque. 2. San Juan. 3. Sauta Clara. 4. Santa Ildefonso. 5. 
Pojuaque. 6. Nambe. 

III. Isletan. 1. Isleta. 2. Taos. 3. Picoris. 4. Sandia. 

IV. Zunian. Zuni. 

V. Mokian. 1. Oraybe. 2. Tegwa. 3. Mooshahneh, and four other Pueblos names not 

given. 

VI. Piman. 1. Pimos (Papagos the same). 

VII. Yuman. 1. Cuchan. 2. Coco-Maricopa. 3. Mohave. 4. Diegenos. 5. Tabipais. 

Whether the dialects of the villages or nations above named are severally 
distinct I am unable to state. The number of the stock languages within this 
area is unusually large. It raises a presumption in favor of its long occupation by 
Village Indians. This presumption is still further strengthened by the existence of 
ruins of Pueblo communal houses in various parts of the country. The Casas 
Grandes upon the Colorado, the Gila and Salinas Rivers, and in the Mexican pro- 
vince of Chihuahua have long been known. None of these, however, are equal in 
magnitude or importance with those on the Rio de Chaco, before referred to, and 
described by Lieut. Simpson. These various and scattered ruins are so many standing 
memorials of the long-continued struggles between the Village Indians and the 
Roving nations for the possession of the country. There is no evidence that the 
former were, in any respect, superior to the latter in the art of war, and many reasons 
for supposing that they were inferior to them in courage and hardihood. There can 
be no doubt whatever that a large part of these areas were always in possession of the 
non-agricultural nations, as at the present day ; and that the Village Indians were 
compelled to erect these communal edifices, which are in the nature of fortresses, 
to maintain possession of any portion of the country against the streams of migrants 
constantly moving down upon them from the Valley of the Columbia. 

The Village Indians of the Rio Grande and its tributaries have diminished 
largely within the last hundred years. In 1851 they numbered about eight thou- 
sand by census. 1 Those upon the Colorado and its tributaries are more numerous, 
but the present estimate is probably exaggerated. Mr. Charles D. Ppsten, Super- 
intendent of Indian affairs for Arizona, estimated their numbers in 1863 at thirty- 
one thousand. 2 

1. Laguna. The first system of relationship to be presented is that of the people 
of the Pueblo of Laguna. This village, consisting of a number of communal houses, 
is situated upon the San Jose, one of the western tributaries of the Rio Grande, about 
one hundred and twenty-five miles southwest of Santa F. It is thus described by 
Dr. Ten Broeck, an Assistant Surgeon in the U. S. Army : " The town is built upon 
a slight rocky eminence, near the base of which runs a small stream, that supplies 

1 Schoolcraft's Hist. Cond. and Pros. VI. 709. 

9 President's Message and Documents 1863-1864, Dep. of Interior, p. 510. The following are 
Mr. Posten's estimates : Papagos (Pimeria Alta) 7500 ; Pimas and Maricopas (Gila) 5000 ; Cocopas 
(Mouth of Colorado) 3000 ; Yumas or Cuchans (Colorado) 3500 ; Mohaves 5000, and Moquis (seven 
Pueblos) 7000. 



262 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

them with water. Their lands are in the valley to the north. The population is 
about nine hundred. The houses are built of stone laid in mud, and, like all the 
other pueblos, consist of several stories built up in a terrace form ; and as they have 
no doors opening upon the ground, one must mount to the roof by means of a ladder, 
and then descend through a trap-door in order to gain admittance." 1 The " ter- 
race form" here referred to is a characteristic of the architecture of the Village 
Indians. A single house, not unfrequently two and three hundred feet long and a 
hundred feet deep, is carried up four and five stories, the second story covering the 
whole of the first except a space about ten feet wide along the front of the building 
which forms the roof of the first story. In like manner the third story stands back 
the same distance from the front of the second; and the fourth from the third; so that 
the front shows a series of stories receding as they rise, like the steps of a pyramid. 
The houses in the ancient Pueblo of Mexico were constructed upon the same gene- 
ral principles, and can probably be explained, as well as the ancient Pueblos in 
Yucatan, Chiapa and Guatemala, from the present architecture of the Village In- 
dians of the Rio Grande. 

There are terms in the Laguna dialect for grandfather and grandmother, Na-na- 
7ia#h-te and Pd-pd-kee-you ; for father and mother, Nis7i-te-a and Ni-ya ; for son and 
daughter, Sa-mut and Sa-mak ; and for grandson and granddaughter, Sa-na-na and 
Sa-pa-pa. A great-grandson and great-granddaughter become a son and daughter 
as in the Pawnee, which by correlation would make a great-grandfather a father. 

There are terms for elder and younger brother, Sat-tum-si-yd, and Tum-mu-ha- 
masli ; and for elder and younger sister, Sci-gwets-si-ya and Sci-gite-sa-ha-masJi. As 
applied to collaterals, Tum-mu is my brother, a male speaking, and Sa-gwech is my 
sister, a female speaking. The other terms are not given. 

First Indicative Feature. Not given ; but as the correlative relationship is that 
of ' father' without much doubt my brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
son and daughter. 

Second. Not given ; but since the correlative relationship is that of nc?e, it 
seems equally probable that my sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my 
nephew and niece. 

Third. My father's brother is my father, NlsJi-te-d. 

Fourth. My father's brother's son is my brother, Tum-mu. 

Fifth. My father's sister is my mother, Ni-ya. 

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Sa-nou-wa. 

Seventh. My mother's sister I call Sa-ni-ya. 

Eighth. Not given. 

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Na-nSrhasJi-te. 

Tenth. Not given. 

The relationship of cousin is unknown. My father's sister's son is my son, 
whence by correlation my mother's brother's son is my father. This would place 
the children of a brother and sister in the relationship of father and son, as amongst 
the Creek, Cherokees, Pawnees, and Minnitarees. 

1 Schoolcraft's Hist. Cond. and Pros. IV. 16. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 263 

2. Tesuque. It is impossible to form an opinion of the details of the Tesuque 
system of relationship upon the fragment given in the Table. The relationship of 
brother is in the twofold form of elder and younger, No-vi-pa-ra, and No-vi-te-u, 
whilst elder and younger sister are designated by a single term, No-vi-pa-re. The 
terms for father and mother are No-vi-cen-do, and No-vi-ca ; for son and daughter, 
No-vi-a, and Novi-a-avrU'-lcive ; and for grandchild, Navrwi-ta-te-e. There is also, 
which is quite unusual, a term for great-grandchild, Pa-pa-e. It also appears inci- 
dentally that the children of brothers, of sisters, and of brothers and sisters, are 
all alike brothers and sisters to each other, r Dr. Steck, who furnished what is 
given of the system, remarks : " If the persons addressed are younger than the 
speaker, they are called brother and sister; and of older, and particularly if of 
advanced age, they are addressed as fathers or mothers. The Indian Jose Maria 
Vigil, who gives me this information, is quite intelligent, and understands the system 
of the Spanish in this country, who recognize third and fourth, and even fifth 
cousins. The Indians only go to the third degree ; after that they address each 
other as brother and sister, father or mother, according to age. Their system is 
very limited, and very much like that of the Iroquois. You will notice that there 
is no difference whether the person addressed is male or female, or whether older 
or younger." These remarks are too general to indicate the nature of the system, 
except, perhaps, the implication that it is classificatory in its character. 

The Laguna schedule, although incomplete, tends very strongly to show the pos- 
session of the common system by the Laguna Village Indians, and inferentially by 
the remaining nations. The time is not far distant when it will become an easy 
matter to determine the question with certainty. In the mean time the great 
question of the genetic connection, or non-connection of the Village Indians with 
the Ganowanian family, must be left where this imperfect glimpse at their system 
of relationship, and the other evidence adduced, leaves it, but with a strong proba- 
bility of an affirmative conclusion. 

II. Village Indians of Central America. 

1. Chontal. The Chontal language is allied to the Maya of Yucatan. It also 
affiliates with the Choi and Tzental of Chiapa. Whilst the Chontales proper 
inhabit the region bordering Lake Nicaragua on its east side, the branch of this 
stock, whose system of relationship is about to be considered, live in Mexico, in 
the State of Tabasco. Dr. H. Berendt, who transmitted the schedule, remarks : 
" The Chontal Indians live in the lower parts of that State [Tabasco], extending to 
the east as far as the river Tulija, and to the west to the Rio Seco, the old (now dry 
bed of the Orijalba, or Mescalassa, or Tabasco) river." Although great care was 
taken by Don Augustin Vilaseca, of the city of Tabasco, to procure the Chontal 
system, a misapprehension, frequently made by others, defeated the attempt. The 
schedule, after being translated into Spanish, was placed in the hands of Guillermo 
Garcia, an educated Chontal Indian living upon the Tabasco river. Misconceiving 
the plan of the schedule, he fell into the error of translating the questions into the 
Chontal language, which, of course, left them unanswered. The principal terms of 
relationship are given, but the manner of their use in the collateral lines remains 
unexplained. And since it is impossible to form any opinion of the system from 



264 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 

terras, apart from their use, the work, which barely failed of being complete, was 
entirely lost. All that appears is that the relationships of brother and sister are 
in the twofold form of elder and younger, and that the different relationships, 
both by blood and marriage, are fully discriminated. 

III. Village Indians of South America. 

It is with extreme regret that the author acknowledges the entire failure of his 
attempts to procure the system of relationship of the Indian nations of South Ame- 
rica. The importance of the system of these nations in its bearing upon the great 
question whether they are constituent portions of the Ganowanian family, will at 
once be seen and recognized. At the outset of this investigation, as has elsewhere 
been stated, schedules were sent to the several diplomatic and consular repre- 
sentatives of the United States throughout Spanish America, with the hope that a 
portion at least of these nations might be reached, and their system obtained. These 
schedules were forwarded by the Secretary of State of the United States, with a 
circular commending the subject to their attention. The principal difficulty, un- 
doubtedly, was the barrier of language, which might have been avoided, to a con- 
siderable extent, by the translation of the schedule into Spanish. 1 

One of these schedules sent to New Granada, was placed by General Jones, U. 
S. Minister Resident at Bogota, in the hands of Dr. Uricoechea, who filled it out, 
as far as he was able, in the language of the Chibcha or Muyska Indians of New. 
Grenada. In his letter to the author, he remarks, " I send, partially filled up, one 
of your schedules, in the language of the ancient inhabitants of this city. The 
nation has been long lost, and its language is nowhere spoken. However little we 
know of their language and customs, I believe that they have the very same system 
of consanguinity as the Iroquois. ... As the language, besides the notices given 
in Triibner's Bibliotheca Glottica, I have just discovered" a new grammar and 
vocabulary, of the year 1620. I possess three different grammars (two in MS.), 
and two dictionaries, which seem to be copies of an older one." Although the 
schedule is not sufficiently filled to develop the essential characteristics of the 
Muyska system, it is extremely interesting from the general conformity to the com- 
mon system, which it shows, as far as its own form is displayed. Since the number 
of the questions he was able to answer are few in comparison with the entire list, 
the questions and answers will be presented in full. They are as follows, except 
the translations of the terms, which have been added : 

1 The schedules sent to the United States Legation at Brazil were placed in the hands of an 
attache, Porter C. Bliss, Esq., who afterwards visited a large number of Indian nations in Brazil, 
Paraguay, the Argentine Confederation, Bolivia, and Peru, for ethnological. and philological purposes. 
He succeeded in filling out schedules in nations representing several stock languages in South America, 
but becoming afterwards involved in the civil disturbances in Paraguay, he was arrested and impri- 
soned by President Lopez, and his papers, the schedules among them, were seized and destroyed. 
He informed the author, after his return, that he found the system of the Northern Indians, with more 
or less distinctness, amongst the South American Indian nations. The principal stock languages 
south of the Amazon, as determined by him, are the Qnichua, Aymara, Araucanian, Abipone, Toba, 
Ecole, Metagwaya, Guarani, Payagua, Machicuy, Chequitian, Patagonian, and Fuegian. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



265 



Lu-e-hi'-sa, 

Pa'-ba, 

Gu-u-i-ra, 

Chi-ti', others Chu-ta, 



Chu-ti', 

Chu'-ne, 

Chu'-ne, 

Gi'-a, 

Ri-cu'-i, 

Gu-i'-a, 



My Grandmother (mother's side), 
" Father, 
" Mother, 
" Son (first born), 
" Daughter (first born), 
" Grandson, 
" Granddaughter, 
" Elder brother (male speaking), 

" (female speaking), 
" " sister (male speaking), 
" Younger brother (male speaking), Cu-hu'-ba, 
" " " (female " ), P-cu-i-hi'-ta, 

" " sister (male " ), Cu-hu'-ba, 
" Brothers, 
" Brother's son (male speaking), 

son's wife, 
" " daughter, 

daughter's husband, 
" Sister's son (male speaking), 
" Father's brother, 

brother's wife, 
" " " son, 

" " sister, 

" " sister's son (m. speaking), Ub-so, 
" " " ." (f. speaking), Sa-ha-o'-a, 



Chu-ta, 



My Grandmother. 
" Father. 
" Mother. 
" Son or child. 
" Daughter or child. 
" Grandchild. 



Elder brother. 
a u 

" sister. 
Younger brother. 



Gui'-as-cu-bi'-a-sa, 

Chu'-ta, 

Chu'-ta, 

Chu'-ta, 

Chu'-ta, 

Gwab-xi'-que, 

Ze-pa'-ba, 

Zeg'-yi, 

The sons of two brothers call themselves brothers. 

Ze-pa'-ba, Fu'-cha? 

My Male cousin. 
" " " and husband. 



sister. 

" Elder and younger brothers. 

" Son. 

" Daughter. 

" Daughter. 

" Son. 

" Nephew. 



daughter, 

" Mother's brother, 
" " sister, 

sister's son, 
" Husband, 
" Wife, 

" Husband's father, 
" " mother, 
" Wife's father, 
" Son-in-law, 



" Female cousin. 
" Uncle. 



Step-son, 

Step-daughter, 

Brother-in-law (husband's brother), Ub-so, 

Sister-in-law ( " sister), Gi'-ca, 



Pab'-cha, 
Zu-e'-cha, 
Su-a'-i-a ? 

The sons of sisters call themselves brothers. 
Sa-ha'-o-a, My Husband and cousin. 

Gu-i', " Wife. 

Gu-a'-ca, " Father-in-law. 

Cha-hu-a'-i-a, " Mother-in-law. 

Chi'-ca, " Father-in-law. 

Chi'-ca (said of wife's father), " Son-in-law. 
Gu-a'-i-ca ( " " mother), " " " 
Ze-cu'-hi-ep-cu-a'-i-a I-chu-ta? 



" Brother-in-law and cousin 
" Sister-in-law. 



From the foregoing fragment of the Chibcha or Muyska system of relationship, 
it is apparent that it possessed an elaborate nomenclature ; that consanguine! and 
marriage relations, near and remote, were classified under the near degrees ; and 
that the several relationships were discriminated with the same minuteness which 
characterizes the system of the Ganowanian family. Although it would be prema- 
ture to draw an inference of genetic connection from this incomplete representation 
of the system of a portion of the Village Indians of South America, nevertheless "1 
it seems probable that if the system which prevailed in this nation could be fully r 
procured, it would be found to be identical, in whatever is radical, with the typical - 
form. 

The Muyska Village Indians close the series of Indian nations represented in 

34 March. 1870. 



266 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



the Table, whose system of relationship is founded either upon common principles 
of discrimination and classification, or, in their incomplete state, show such affinities 
therewith as render probable their possession of the same system. Upon this basis 
they have been constituted into a family. The sufficiency of this system to sustain 
the conclusion of their genetic connection will elsewhere be further considered. It 
remains to present the system of the Eskimo, which is of such a character as to 
exclude this people from the Ganowanian connection, and, after that, to take up 
the systems of the Eastern Asiatic nations. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 



CHAPTER VII. 

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE ESKIMO. 

The Eskimo a Littoral People Their Extended Spread Nearness of their Dialects Their Occupation of Arctic 
America and Greenland comparatively Modern Ethnic Relations of the Eskimo hitherto undetermined 
Detached from the Indian Connection by Dr. Morton Cranial Characteristics the Ground The Habitat of Man 
Coextensive with the Surface of the Earth Our Knowledge of the Eskimo still limited Points of Agreement 
and of Divergence between the Eskimo and the other American Aborigines Eskimo System of Relationship-^ 
Classificatory in Character Details of the System It possesses but two of the Indicative Characteristics of the 
Ganowauian System Reasons for excluding the Eskimo from this Family. 

THE Eskimo are a peculiar people. Dwelling exclusively in an arctic climate, 
beyond the region of trees, and with no vegetation around them save the lichens 
and the mosses, they have put themselves, for subsistence, upon the sea. As a 
littoral people, living upon the whale, the walrus, and the seal, they have made 
their homes along the bays and inlets wherever these animals are found ; and have 
become spread, in consequence, along thousands of miles of sea coasts. Through- 
out Arctic America, from the Pacific to the Atlantic, and eastward in Greenland, 
nearly to the shores opposite ancient Scandinavia, they were found in the exclusive 
occupation of this extended line. It is also particularly remarkable that they still 
speak dialects of the same language not only, but with a less amount of dialectical 
variation than is found in the extremes of the Algonkin or Dakotan speech. 
Purity of blood, which their isolation and habits tended to maintain, would pre- 
serve homogeneity in the materials of their language; but this would neither 
increase nor retard the progress of dialectical change in its vocables, after the 
people became geographically separated. The undoubted nearness of these dialects, 
notwithstanding their spread over a longer continuous line than any other human 
speech, except, perhaps, the American Indian, tends very strongly to show that 
their occupation of Arctic America was a modern event in comparison with the 
epoch of the first occupation of the continent by the Ganowanian family. Their 
mode of life, after it had become permanently adopted, restricted their migrations 
to the sea shores, and resulted ultimately in their isolation from the remainder of 
the human family. Although reindeer and aquatic fowls entered their areas in 
their periodic migrations, and contributed to their subsistence, their principal reli- 
ance was upon fish and upon the animals of the sea. The kaiyak and the lance 
express the substance of their progress towards civilization. We are forced to 
regard them as an exclusive people, in a social condition more remarkable than 
that of the arctic nations of Europe or of Asia. Irrespective of their antecedent 
history they are at the present time a peculiar people, transformed into veritable 
hyperboreans, dwelling in houses of snow and ice, and living upon raw flesh like 



268 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



the carnivorous animals. The annexed comparative vocabularies, together with 
the terms of relationship in the Table (Table II), will illustrate the present relations 
of the several Eskimo dialects to each other. 1 

Their ethnic relations are still undetermined, unless the conclusion of Dr. Morton, 
which was based chiefly upon cranial characteristics, is regarded as established. 
In his classification the Eskimo are detached from the American Indian connec- 
tion and transferred to the Mongolian race. They are placed with other arctic 
nations in his "Polar Family." 2 This family, which consists of all the polar nations 
in Europe, Asia, America, and the island of Greenland, 3 is constituted in violation 
of the linguistic affinities of these nations, and therefore it has not been recognized 
as a family by philologists. Neither has the evidence adduced by him, in favor of 
the separation of the Eskimo from the remainder of the American aborigines, been 



1 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY. 





Eskimo 
of Behring'a Sea 
(Kuskutchewak). 
RicUardsou. 


Eskimo of 
Hudson's Bay. 

Gallatiu. 


Eskimo of 
Labrador. 
Latrobe. 


Eskimo of 
Northumberland 
Inlet. 
Morgan. 


Eskimo of 
Greenlaini. 
Cranz and Egede. 


1. Head, 


Ne-ba-gun 


Ne-a-koke 


Nc-a-ko 


Ne-ah'-ko 


Ni-a-kok 


2. Hair, 


Na-e-at [(pi) 


Nu-yak-ka 


Nu-a-ak 


Nu'-ya 


Ny-ak 


3. Ear, 


Tchu-u-tu-ek 


He-u-tin-ga 


Se-ut 


Che'-une 


Si-ut 


4. Eye, 


Ve-ta-tu-ek(pl) 


Ei-a-ga 


E-ye 


E'-ye 


Ir-se 


5. Nose, 


Nekh 


Kin-ga-ra 


King-ak 


Kling'-yang 


Hin-gak 


6. Teeth, 


Khu-a-tu-ek 


Kee-yu-teel-ka 


Ke-u-til 


Te-u'-tee 


Ki-u-tet (plu) 


7. Mouth, 


Ka-nek 


Kan-ne-ra 


Kan-nerk 


Kun'-yu 


Ilan-nek 


8. Neck, 


TJ-e-a-nut 


Tok-e-loo-ga 


U-e-ak 


Kong-i'-shil 




9. Rain, 


Tcha-le-a-le-ak 


Mak-kook-poke 


Sel-lii-liik 


She-Kl'-lu 




10. Sun, 


Akk-ta 


Ne-i-ya [it rains 


Ak-kee-suk 


Suk'-u-nung 


Suc-a-nuk 


11. Moon, 


Tang-ek 


Au-ning-a 


Tak-kek 


Tuk'-ke?ung 


An-ning-a 


12. Wind, 


A-nu-ka 


A-no-ee 


An-no-re 






13. Night, 


Un-uk 


Oo-noo-ak 


U-nu-ak 


Ood'-na 




14. Fire, 


Knu-ak 


Ik-koo-ma 


Ek-o-ma 




Ing-nek 


15. Reindeer, 


Tun-tu 




Tuk-tu 


Tuk'-tu 


Tu-tu(O'Reilly) 


16. White, 


U-golk-kak 


Kow-dlook 


Kaud-luk-pok 


Ka-goke'-to 




17. Black, 


Tan-ulh-gat 


Ker-ni-uk 


Kern-gut 


Kog-noke'-ta 




18. Red, 


Ker-a-gok 


N-oo-pa-look 


Au-pa-luk-tok 


Aow-pat'-tu 










[(it is red) 






19. Blue, 


Tchun-a-e-za 




Tung-a-yuk-tak 


Tung-a-yfi'-gc- 




20. Walrus, 


Azgh-vu-ek 




To-gak 


I'-ve-uk [ta 




21. Dog, 


An-na-kuk-ta 


Ke-i-raeg 


Kem-mek 


Kim'-mik 


Mik-ee 


22. Ice, 


Tche-ko 


Sik-koo 


Se-ko 


Sce'-koo 




23. Snow. 


Kan-ekh-chak 


Kan-ne-uk-poke 


Kan-nek 


Ah-poon (frost) 




24. One, 


A-tu-u-chik 


At-tow-se-ak 


A-tou-sek 


Ah-tow'-she-ang 


At-tau-sek 


25. Two, 


Malk-khok 


Ard-lek 


Mar-ruk 


Mok'-o 


Ar-la-ek 


26. Three, 


Pa-e-na-e-vak 


Ping-a-hu-ke 


Ping-a-sut 


Ping'-a-shu 


Pin-ga-ju-ak 


27. Four, 


Tcha-mek 


Sit-ta-mat 


Sct-ta-mut 


She-shum'-mun 


Sis-sa-mat 



The Greenland Eskimo were probably emigrants from Labrador. TJpon this question Cranz observes : 
"There can be no hesitation in affirming that Greenland was peopled from Labrador, not Labrador 
from Greenland." Hist, of Greenland, I, 349. Dr. Prichard expressed the same opinion, as follows: 
"As the Skraellings or Esquimaux of Greenland had not reached that country at the time when the 
Northmen had settled their early colonies in it, it may be conjectured that the progress of the race 
was from the west, since they had not arrived at the more distant point towards Europe till within 
the age of history." Nat. Hist, of Man, p. 221. 

Crania Americana, Philadelphia ed., 1839, folio, p. 5. ' Ib. p. 50. 



OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 269 

received as conclusive. This last question is one of great importance in American 
ethnology. Their system of consanguinity and affinity Avas sought with special 
interest for the bearing it might have upon the solution of this problem. 

The Eskimo stock are found both in Asia and America. The inhabitants of the 
islands of Behring's Sea, and Nammollas, or Sedentany Tshuktshi upon the shores of 
the Gulf of Anadyr, speak dialects of the Eskimo ; and this speech has been traced 
as far west in Asia as the mouth of the Kolyma River, thus establishing the fact of 
the spread of this people on both sides of the straits of Behring. Whilst the fact 
furnishes evidence of an Asiatic connection, irhas no necessary bearing upon the 
question of the blood connection or non-connection of the Eskimo with the Ameri- 
can Indian nations. It can be explained as a migration of the same people across 
the straits of Behring, which interposes no obstacle to such a transit proceeding from 
either to the other shore ; although it seems much more probable that the Eskimo 
were originally migrants from Asia, than that the Tshuktshi were migrants from 
America. Dr. Morton claims that the skulls of the Eskimo exhibit differences of 
such a marked and decisive character as to justify their separation from the Indian 
connection, and their transference to the Mongolian. He had reached this conclu- 
sion from a comparison of physical characteristics before he had examined any 
Eskimo skulls. " Since writing the chapter on the polar family" (page 50), he 
remarks : " I have been favored by George Comb, Esq., with the use of four 
genuine Esquimaux skulls, which are figured in the annexed plate (Plate LXX). 
The eye at once remarks their narrow elongated form, the projecting upper jaw, 
the extremely flat nasal bones, the expanded zygomatic arches, the broad and ex- 
panded cheek bones, and the full and prominent occipital regions." 

" The extreme elongation of the upper jaw contracts the facial angle to a mean 
of seventy-three degrees, while the mean of three heads of the four gives an 
internal capacity of eighty-seven cubic inches, a near approach to the Caucasian 
average." * * * * 

" The great and uniform differences between these heads, and those of the 
American Indians, will be obvious to any one accustomed to make comparisons of 
this kind, and serve as corroborative evidence of the opinion that the Esquimaux are 
the only people possessing Asiatic characteristics on the American continent." 1 

The separation of the Eskimo from the Indian family was one of the striking 
results of Dr. Morton's original and interesting investigations. Whether his 
premises are sufficient to sustain this inference, or otherwise, the latter is confirmed 
by the evidence contained in their system of relationship, which also separates them 
by a clearly defined line from the Ganowanian family, as well as from the Tura- 
nian and Malayan. 2 If the American aborigines came originally from Asia, it 

1 Crania Americana, Phila. ed. 1839, p. 247. 

* The specific measurements given by Dr. Morton do not seem to be conclusive, taken alone, in 
favor of such a separation ; since the differences may be neutralized by comparing the four Eskimo 
skulls with those of American Indians of the same internal capacity. The whole of the evidence 
from cranial characteristics is not contained in these specific measurements ; and, therefore, if they 
are neutralized in this manner, it does not necessarily follow that cranial comparisons are incapable 
of yielding definite and trustworthy conclusions. For the purpose of illustration we may select from 



270 



SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY 



would follow that two migrations from that continent to the American remain to 
be explained, one of which must have preceded the other by a long interval of 
time. 

Our knowledge of the Eskimo is even more limited than it is of the other Ameri- 



Dr. Morton's "Table of Anatomical Measurements" (page 257), certain skulls of American Indians 
agreeing respectively with the four Eskimo skulls in internal capacity, and ascertain the amount of 
difference by a comparison of their specific measurements. The following table shows the relative 
measurements. 

















a 


B 


. 




Skulls. 


S