SMITHSONIAN
CONTRIBUTIONS TO KNOWLEDGE.
YOL. XVII.
EVEUY MAN IS A VALUABLE MEMBER OK SOCIETY, WIIO, BY HIS OBSERVATIONS, RESEARCHES, AND EXPERIMENTS, TROCUKKS
KNOWLEDGE FOR MEN. — SMITUSON.
CITY OF WASHINGTON:
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION.
JIDCCCLXXI.
mi
y./7
ADVERTISEMENT.
THIS volume forms the seventeenth of a series, composed of original memoirs on
different branches of knowledge, published at the expense, and under the direction,
of the Smithsonian Institution. The publication of this series forms part of a general
plan adopted for carrying into effect the benevolent intentions of JAMES SMITHSON,
Esq., of England. This gentleman left his property in trust to the United States
of America, to found, at Washington, an institution which should bear his own
name, and have for its objects the "increase and diffusion of knowledge among
men." This trust was accepted by the Government of the United States, and an
Act of Congress was passed August 10, 1846, constituting the President and the
other principal executive officers of the general government, the Chief Justice of
the Supreme Court, the Mayor of Washington, and such other persons as they might
elect honorary members, an establishment under the name of the "SMITHSONIAN
INSTITUTION FOR THE INCREASE AND DIFFUSION OF KNOWLEDGE AMONG MEN." The
members and honorary members of this establishment are to hold stated and special
meetings for the supervision of the affairs of the Institution, and for the advice
and instruction of a Board of Regents, to whom the financial and other affairs are
intrusted.
The Board of Regents consists of three members ex officio of the establishment,
namely, the Vice-President of the United States, the Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court, and the Mayor of Washington, together with twelve other members, three of
whom are appointed by the Senate from its own body, three by the House of
Representatives from its members, and six persons appointed by a joint resolution
of both houses. To this Board is given the power of electing a Secretary and other
officers, for conducting the active operations of the Institution.
To carry into effect the purposes of the testator, the plan of organization should
evidently embrace two objects : one, the increase of knowledge by the addition of
new truths to the existing stock; the other, the diffusion of knowledge, thus
increased, among men. No restriction is made in favor of any kind of knowledge;
and, hence, each branch is entitled to, and should receive, a share of attention.
iv ADVERTISEMENT.
The Act of Congress, establishing the Institution, directs, as a part of the plan of
organization, the formation of a Library, a Museum, and a Gallery of Art, together
with provisions for physical research and popular lectures, while it leaves to the
Regents the power of adopting such other parts of an organization as they may
deem best suited to promote the objects of the bequest.
After much deliberation, the Regents resolved to divide the annual income into
two parts — one part to be devoted to the increase and diffusion of knowledge by
means of original research and publications — the other part of the income to be
applied in accordance with the requirements of the Act of Congress, to the gradual
formation of a Library, a Museum, and a Gallery of Art.
The following are the details of the parts of the general plan of organization
provisionally adopted at the meeting of the Regents, Dec. 8, 1847.
DETAILS OF THE FIRST PART OF THE PLAN.
I. To INCREASE KNOWLEDGE. — It is proposed to stimulate research, by offering
rewards for original memoirs on all subjects of investigation.
1. The memoirs thus obtained, to be published in a series of volumes, in a quarto
form, and entitled "Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge."
2. No memoir, on subjects of physical science, to be accepted for publication,
which does not furnish a positive addition to human knowledge, resting on original
research; and all unverified speculations to be rejected.
3. Each memoir presented to the Institution, to be submitted for examination to
a commission of persons of reputation for learning in the branch to which the
memoir pertains ; and to be accepted for publication only in case the report of this
commission is favorable.
4. The commission to be chosen by the officers of the Institution, and the name
of the author, as far as practicable, concealed, unless a favorable decision be made.
5. The volumes of the memoirs to be exchanged for the Transactions of literary
and scientific societies, and copies to be given to all the colleges, and principal
libraries, in this country. One part of the remaining copies may be offered for
sale; and the other carefully preserved, to form complete sets of the work, to
supply the demand from new institutions.
6. An abstract, or popular account, of the contents of these memoirs to be given
to the public, through the annual report of the Regents to Congress.
ADVERTISEMENT. V
II. To INCREASE KNOWLEDGE. — It is also proposed to appropriate a portion of the
income, annually, to special objects of research, under the direction of suitable
persons.
1. The objects, and the amount appropriated, to be recommended by counsellors
of the Institution.
2. Appropriations in different years to different objects; so that, in course of time,
each branch of knowledge may receive a share.
3. The results obtained from these appropriations to be published, with the
memoirs before mentioned, in the volumes of the Smithsonian Contributions to
Knowledge.
4. Examples of objects for which appropriations may be made: —
(1.) System of extended meteorological observations for solving the problem of
American storms.
(2.) Explorations in descriptive natural history, and geological, mathematical,
and topographical surveys, to collect material for the formation of a Physical Atlas
of the United States.
(3.) Solution of experimental problems, such as a new determination of the
weight of the earth, of the velocity of electricity, and of light ; chemical analyses
of soils and plants; collection and publication of articles of science, accumulated
in the offices of Government.
(4.) Institution of statistical inquiries with reference to physical, moral, and
political subjects.
(5.) Historical researches, and accurate surveys of places celebrated in American
history.
(6.) Ethnological researches, particularly with reference to the different races of
men in North America; also explorations, and accurate surveys, of the mounds
and other remains of the ancient people of our country.
I. To DIFFUSE KNOWLEDGE. — It is proposed to publish a series of reports, giving an
account of the new discoveries in science, and of the changes made from year to year
in all branches of knowledge not strictly professional.
1. Some of these reports may be published annually, others at longer intervals,
as the income of the Institution or the changes in the branches of knowledge may
indicate.
2. The reports are to be prepared by collaborators, eminent in the different
branches of knowledge.
vi ADVERTISEMENT.
3. Each collaborator to be furnished with the journals and publications, domestic
and foreign, necessary to the compilation of his report; to be paid a certain sum for
his labors, and to be named on the title-page of the report.
4. The reports to be published in separate parts, so that persons interested in a
particular branch, can procure the parts relating to it, without purchasing the
whole.
5. These reports may be presented to Congress, for partial distribution, the
remaining copies to be given to literary and scientific institutions, and sold to indi-
viduals for a moderate price.
The following are some of the subjects which may be embraced in the reports: —
I. PHYSICAL CLASS.
1. Physics, including astronomy, natural philosophy, chemistry, and meteorology.
2. Natural history, including botany, zoology, geology, &c.
3. Agriculture.
4. Application of science to arts.
II. MORAL AND POLITICAL CLASS.
5. Ethnology, including particular history, comparative philology, antiquities, &c.
6. Statistics and political economy.
7. Mental and moral philosophy.
8. A survey of the political events of the world ; penal reform, &c.
III. LITERATURE AND THE FINE ARTS.
9. Modern literature.
10. The fine arts, and their application to the useful arts.
11. Bibliography.
12. Obituary notices of distinguished individuals.
II. To DIFFUSE KNOWLEDGE. — It is proposed to publish occasionally separate treatises
on subjects of general interest.
1. These treatises may occasionally consist of valuable memoirs translated from
foreign languages, or of articles prepared under the direction of the Institution, or
procured by offering premiums for the best exposition of a given subject.
2. The treatises to be submitted to a commission of competent judges, previous
to their publication.
ADVERTISEMENT. vii
DETAILS OF THE SECOND PART OF THE PLAN OF ORGANIZATION.
This part contemplates the formation of a Library, a Museum, and a Gallery of
Art.
1. To carry out the plan before described, a library will be required, consisting,
1st, of a complete collection of the transactions and proceedings of all the learned
societies of the world ; 2d, of the more important current periodical publications,
and other works necessary in preparing the periodical reports.
2. The Institution should make special collections, particularly of objects to
verify its own publications. Also a collection of instruments of research in all
branches of experimental science.
3. With reference to the collection of books, other than those mentioned above,
catalogues of all the different libraries in the United States should be procured, in
order that the valuable books first purchased may be such as are not to be found
elsewhere in the United States.
4. Also catalogues of memoirs, and of books in foreign libraries, and other
materials, should be collected, for rendering the Institution a centre of bibliogra-
phical knowledge, whence the student may be directed to any work which he may
require.
5. It is believed that the collections in natural history will increase by donation,
as rapidly as the income of the Institution can make provision for their reception ;
and, therefore, it will seldom be necessary to purchase any article of this kind.
6. Attempts should be made to procure for the gallery of art, casts of the most
celebrated articles of ancient and modern sculpture.
7. The arts may be encouraged by providing a room, free of expense, for the
exhibition of the objects of the Art-Union, and other similar societies.
8. A small appropriation should annually be made for models of antiquity, such
as those of the remains of ancient temples, &c.
9. The Secretary and his assistants, during the session of Congress, will be
required to illustrate new discoveries in science, and to exhibit new objects of art;
distinguished individuals should also be invited to give lectures on subjects of
general interest.
In accordance with the rules adopted in the programme of organization, the
memoir in this volume has been favorably, reported on by a Commission appointed
viii ADVERTISEMENT.
for its examination. It is however impossible, in most cases, to verify the state-
ments of an author; and, therefore, neither the Commission nor the Institution can
be responsible for more than the general character of a memoir.
The following rules have been adopted for the distribution of the quarto volumes
of the Smithsonian Contributions: —
1. They are to be presented to all learned societies which publish Transactions,
and give copies of these, in exchange, to the Institution.
2. Also, to all foreign libraries of the first class, provided they give in exchange
their catalogues or other publications, or an equivalent from their duplicate volumes.
3. To all the colleges in actual operation in this country, provided they furnish,
in return, meteorological observations, catalogues of their libraries and of their
students, and all other publications issued by them relative to their organization
and history.
4. To all States and Territories, provided there be given, in return, copies of all
documents published under their authority.
5. To all incorporated public libraries in this county, not included in any of
the foregoing classes, now containing more than 10,000 volumes; and to smaller
libraries, where a whole State or large district would be otherwise unsupplied.
OFFICERS
OF THE
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
o PRESIDING OFFICER OF THE INSTITUTION.
THE VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
Ex-officio SECOND PRESIDING OFFICER.
SALMON P. CHASE,
CHANCELLOR OF THE INSTITUTION.
JOSEPH HENRY,
SECRETARY OF THE INSTITUTION.
SPENCER F. BAIRD,
ASSISTANT SECRETARY.
RICHARD DELAFIELD,
PETER PARKER, \ EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
JOHN MACLEAN,
B
REGENTS.
SCHUYLER COLFAX, Vice-President of the United States.
SALMON P. CHASE, Chief Justice of the United States.
MATTHEW G. EMERY, Mayor of the City of Washington.
LYMAN TRUMBULL, Member of the Senate of the United States.
GARRETT DAVIS, " " " " " "
HANNIBAL HAMLIN, " " " " " "
JAMES A. GARFIELD, Member of the House of Representatives U. S.
LTJKE P. POLAND, ....'... " " " " " "
SAMUEL S. Cox, " " " " " "
WILLIAM B. ASTOR, Citizen of New York.
THEODORE D. WOOLSEY, " of Connecticut.
Louis AGASSIZ, " of Massachusetts.
JOHN MACLEAN, "of New Jersey.
RICHARD DELAFIELD, "of Washington.
PETER PARKER, " "
MEMBERS EX-OFFICIO OF THE INSTITUTION.
ULYSSES S. GRANT, President of the United States.
SCHUTLER COLFAX, Vice-President of the United States.
HAMILTON FISH, Secretary of State.
GEORGE S. BOUTWELL, Secretary of the Treasury.
W. W. BELKNAP, Secretary of War.
GEORGE M. EOBESON, Secretary of the Navy.
J. A. J. CRESWELL, Postmaster- General.
AMOS T. AKERMAN, Attorney- General
SALMON P. CHASE, Chief Justice of the United States.
, Commissioner of Patents.
M. G. EMERY, Mayor of the City of Washington.
HONORARY MEMBER.
COLUMBUS C. DELANO. The Secretary of the Interior.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
ARTICLE I. INTRODUCTION. Pp. 14.
Advertisement . ' • •
List of Officers of the Smithsonian Institution . . . . iv
ARTICLE II. SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. By
LEWIS II. MORGAN. Accepted for Publication, January, 1868. Pub-
lished June, 1870. 4to pp. 602. Fourteen Plates and six Diagrams.
SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO KNOWLEDGE.
S Y S T EM S
CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CF THE
UMAN FAMILY.
BY
LEWIS H. MORGAN.
[ACCEPTED FOR PUBLICATION, JANUARY, 1868.]
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE present memoir was first referred to a commission consisting of Professor
J. H. Mcllvaine and Professor William Henry Green, of Princeton, New Jersey,
who recommended its publication, but advised certain changes in the method of
presenting the subject. After these modifications had been made, it was submitted
to the American Oriental Society, and was by it referred to a special committee,
consisting of Messrs. Hadley, Trumbull, and Whitney, who, having critically
examined the memoir, reported that it contained a series of highly interesting
facts which they believed the students of philology and ethnology, though they
might not accept all the conclusions of the author, would welcome as valuable
contributions to science.
JOSEPH HENRY,
Secretary S. I.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
1870.
(iii)
PREFACE.
PHILOLOGY has proved itself an admirable instrument for the classification of
nations into families upon the basis of linguistic affinities. A comparison of the
vocables and of the grammatical forms of certain languages has shown them to be
dialects of a common speech ; and these dialects, under a common name, have thus
been restored to their original unity as a family of languages. In this manner, and
by this instrumentality, the nations of the earth have been reduced, with more or
less of certainty, to a small number of independent families.
Some of these families have been more definitely circumscribed than others.
The Aryan and Semitic languages have been successfully traced to their limits, and
the people by whom they are severally spoken are now recognized as families in
the strict and proper sense of the term. Of those remaining, the Turanian is
rather a great assemblage of nations, held together by slender affinities, than a
family in the Aryan or Semitic sense. With respect to the Malayan it approaches
nearer to the true standard, although its principal divisions are marked by
considerable differences. The Chinese and its cognates, as monosyllabic tongues,
are probably entitled upon linguistic grounds to the distinction of an independent
family of languages. On the other hand, the dialects and stock languages of the
American aborigines have not been explored, with sufficient thoroughness, to
determine the question whether they were derived from a common speech. So far
as the comparisons have been made they have been found to agree in general plan
and in grammatical structure.
The remarkable results of comparative philology, and the efficiency of the
method upon which as a science it proceeds, yield encouraging assurance that it
will ultimately reduce all the nations of mankind to families as clearly circum-
scribed as the Aryan and Semitic. But it is probable that the number of these
families, as finally ascertained, will considerably exceed the number now recognized.
When this work of philology has been fully accomplished, the question will remain
whether the connection of any two or more of these families can be determined
from the materials of language. Such a result is not improbable, and yet, up to
the present time, no analysis of language, however searching and profound, has
vi PREFACE.
been able to cross the barrier which separates the Aryan from the Semitic lan-
guages,— and these are the two most thoroughly explored, — and discover the pro-
cesses by which, if originally derived from a common speech, they have become
radically changed in their ultimate forms. It was with special reference to the
bearing which the systems of consanguinity and affinity of the several families of
mankind might have upon this vital question, that the research, the results of
which are contained in this volume, was undertaken.
In the systems of relationship of the great families of mankind some of the
oldest memorials of human thought and experience are deposited and preserved.
They have been handed down as transmitted systems, through the channels of the
blood, from the earliest ages of man's existence upon the earth ; but revealing
certain definite and progressive changes with the growth of man's experience in
the ages of barbarism. To such conclusions the evidence, drawn from a comparison
of the forms which now prevail in different families, appears to tend.
All the forms thus far discovered resolve themselves, in a comprehensive sense,
into two, the descriptive and the classificatory, which are the reverse of each other
in their fundamental conceptions. As systems of consanguinity each contains a
plan, for the description and classification of kindred, the formation of which was
an act of intelligence and knowledge. They ascend by the chain of derivation to
a remote antiquity, from which, as defined and indurated forms, their propagation
commenced. Whether as organic forms they are capable of crossing the line of
demarcation which separates one family from another, and of yielding evidence of
the ethnic connection of such families, will depend upon the stability of these
forms, and their power of self-perpetuation in the streams of the blood through
indefinite periods of time. For the purpose of determining, by ample tests, whether
these systems possess such attributes, the investigation has been extended over a
field sufficiently wide to embrace four-fifths and upwards, numerically, of the entire
human family. The results are contained in the Tables.
A comparison of these systems, and a careful study of the slight but clearly
marked changes through which they have passed, have led, most unexpectedly, to
the recovery, conjecturally at least, of the great series or sequence of customs and
institutions which mark the pathway of man's progress through the ages of barba-
rism ; and by means of which he raised himself from a state of promiscuous inter-
course to final civilization. f The general reader may be startled by the principal
inference drawn from the classificatory system of relationship, namely, that it
originated in the intermarriage of brothers and sisters in a communal family, and
that this was the normal state of marriage, as well as of the family, in the early
part of the unmeasured ages of barbarism. But the evidence in support of this
conclusion seems to be decisive. Although it is difficult to conceive of the exT
PREFACE. vii
tremity of a barbarism, which such a custom presupposes, it is a reasonable
presumption that progress through and out from it was by successive stages of
advancement, and through great reformatory movements. Indeed, it seems probable
that the progress of mankind was greater in degree, and in the extent of its range,
in the ages of barbarism than it has been since in the ages of civilization; and
that it was a harder, more doubtful, and more intense struggle to reach the thresh-
old of the latter, than it has been since to reach its present status. Civilization
must be regarded as the fruit, the final reward, of the vast and varied experience
of mankind in the barbarous ages. The experiences of the two conditions are
successive links of a common chain of which one cannot be interpreted without
the other. This system of relationship, instead of revolting the mind, discloses
with sensible clearness, " the hole of the pit whence [we have been] digged" by
the good providence of God.
A large number of inferior nations are unrepresented in the Tables, and to that
extent the exposition is incomplete. But it is believed that they are formed upon
a scale sufficiently comprehensive for the determination of two principal questions:
First, whether a system of relationship can be employed, independently, as a basis
for the classification of nations into a family 1 and, secondly, whether the systems
of two or more families, thus constituted, can deliver decisive testimony concern-
ing the ethnic connection of such families when found in disconnected areas 1
Should their uses for these purposes be demonstrated in the affirmative, it will not
be difficult to extend the investigation into the remaining nations.
In the progress of the inquiry it became necessary to detach from the Turanian
family the Turk and Finn stocks, and to erect them into an independent family.
It was found that they possessed a system of relationship fundamentally different
from that which prevailed in the principal branches of the Southern division, which,
in strictness, stood at the head of the family. The new family, which for the
reasons stated I have ventured to make, I have named the Uralian. At the
same time the Chinese have been returned to the Turanian family upon the basis of
their possession, substantially, of the Turanian system of consanguinity. Still
another innovation upon the received classification of the Asiatic nations was ren-
dered necessary from the same consideration. That portion of the people of India
who speak the Gaura language have been transferred from the Aryan to the Tura-
nian family, where their system of consanguinity places them. Although ninety
per centum of the vocables of the several dialects of this language are Sanskritic,
against ten per centum of the aboriginal speech, yet the grammar as well as the
system of relationship, follows the aboriginal form.1 If grammatical structure is
1 CaldwelFs Dravidian Comp. Gram. Intro, p. 39.
PREFACE.
the governing law in the classification of dialects and stock languages, and this is
one of the accepted canons of philology,1 then the " Dialects of India," as they are
called in the Genealogical Table of the Aryan Family of Languages, do not, for
this reason, properly belong in that connection, but in the Turanian. 'Their
system of relationship, which has followed the preponderance of numbers or of the
blood, is also Turanian in form, although greatly modified by Sanskritic influence.
The Sanskritic people of India, notwithstanding their Aryan descent, and the
probable purity of their blood to the present day, have been, in a linguistic sense,
absorbed into an aboriginal stock. Having lost their native tongue, which became
a dead language, they have been compelled to adopt the vernacular idioms of the
barbarians whom they conquered, and to content themselves with furnishing, from
the opulent Sanskrit, the body of the vocables, whilst the remainder and the gram-
mar were derived from the aboriginal speech. If they are ever rescued from this
classification it must be affected through reasons independent of their present lan-
guage and system of consanguinity.
LEWIS II. MORGAN.
ROCHESTER, NEW YORK,
January, 1866.
Acknowledgments.
For the materials, out of which the Tables were formed, I am indebted upon a
scale which far outruns my ability to render a sufficient acknowledgment. The
names attached to the list of schedules will afford some impression of the extent to
which correspondents in foreign countries must have been taxed, as well as wearied,
in studying through the intricate and elaborate forms they were severally solicited
to investigate, and to develop in a systematic manner upon a schedule of printed
questions. Without their co-operation, as well as gratuitous labor, it would have
been impossible to present the Tables, except those relating to the American Indian
nations. Each schedule should be received as the separate contribution of the
person by whom it was made, and the credit of whatever information it contains is
due to him. Without intending to discriminate, in the least, amongst the number
of those named in the Tables, I desire to mention the fact that much the largest
number of the foreign schedules were furnished by American missionaries. There
is no class of men upon the earth, whether considered as scholars, as philanthro-
pists, or as gentlemen, who have earned for themselves a more distinguished repu-
tation. Their labors, their self-denial, and their endurance in the work to which
1 Muller's Science of Language. Scribner's ed., p. 82.
PREFACE. ix
they have devoted their time and their great abilities, are worthy of admiration.
Their contributions to history, to ethnology, to philology, to geography, and to
religious literature, form a lasting monument to their fame. The renown which
encircles their names falls as a wreath of honor upon the name of their country.
I am also indebted to S. B. Treat, D. D., Secretary of the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions; to Hon. Walter Lowrie, Secretary of the
Board of Missions of the Presbyterian Church ; to J. G. Warren, D. D., Secretary
of the American Baptist Missionary Union; and to Rev. Philip Peltz, Secretary of the
Board of Missions of the American Dutch Reformed Church, for their co-operation,
and for the facilities which they afforded me during a protracted correspondence
with the missionaries of their respective boards.
In an especial manner I am indebted to the Smithsonian Institution for efficient
co-operation in procuring materials for this work.
To the late Hon. Lewis -Cass, Secretary of State of the United States, and to his
immediate successor, Hon. William H. Seward, I am also under very great obliga-
tions for commending this investigation to the diplomatic and consular representa-
tives of the United States in foreign -countries ; and for government facilities
whilst conducting with them an equally extended correspondence.
Among many others whom I ought to mention I must not omit the names of my
friends J. H. Mcllvaine, D. D., of the College of New Jersey, who has been
familiar with the nature and objects of this research from its commencement, and
from whom I have received many important suggestions ; Chester Dewey, D. D.,
of the University of Rochester, now an octogenarian, but with undiminished relish
for knowledge in all its forms, whose friendly advice it has been my frequent
privilege to accept ; and Samuel P. Ely, Esq., of Marquette, at whose hospitable
home on Lake Superior the plan for the prosecution of this investigation was
formed.
There is still another class 01 persons to whom my obligations are by no means
the least, and they arc the native American Indians of many different nations, both
men and women, who from natural kindness of heart, and to gratify the wishes of a
stranger, have given me their time and attention for hours, and even days together,
in what to them must have been a tedious and unrelished labor. Without the
information obtained from them it would have been entirely impossible to present
the system of relationship of the Indian family.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
ADVERTISEMENT .......... iii
1 REFACE •••••••••••V
PART I.
DESCRIPTIVE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP.
ARYAN, SEMITIC, AND URALIAN FAMILIES.
CHAP. I. Introduction ......... 3
II. General Observations upon Systems of Relationships . . . .10
III. System of Relationship of the Aryan Family . . . . .16
IV. System of Relationship of the Aryan Family — Continued . . . .29
V. System of Relationship of the Semitic Family . . . . .50
VI. System of Relationship of the Uralian Family . . . . .57
APPENDIX TO PAKT I. Table of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Semitic, Aryan, and
TJralian Families . . . . . . .71
PART II.
CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP.
GANOWANIAN FAMILY.
CHAP. I. System of Relationship of the Ganowaniau Family . . . .131
II. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 150
III. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 170
IV. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 200
V. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 230
VI. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 254
VII. System of Relationship of the Eskimo • . . . . . . 267
APPENDIX TO PART II. System of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Ganowanian Family . 279
(xi)
xii CONTENTS.
PART III.
CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP— CONTINUED.
TURANIAN AND MALAYAN FAMILIES.
PAGE
CHAP. I. System of Relationship of the Turanian Family ... .385
II. System of Relationship of the Turanian Family — Continued . . . 399
III. System of Relationship of the Turanian .Family — Continued . . . 413
IV. System of Relationship of Unclassified Asiatic Nations .... 438
V. System of Relationship of the Malayan Family ... . 448
VI. General Results . . . . . . . . .467
APPENDIX TO PAKT III. Table of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Turanian and Malayan
Families .... 515
PART I.
DESCRIPTIVE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP.
ARYAN, SEMITIC, AND URALIAN FAMILIES.
WITH A TABLE.
1 May, 1868. ( 1 )
CHAPTEE I.
INTRODUCTION.
Causes which induced this Investigation — Peculiar System of Relationship among the Iroqnois — Discovery of the
same among the Ojibwas — Inferences from their Identity — Its prevalence throughout the Indian Family rendered
probable — Plan adopted to determine the Question — Results Reached — Evidence of the existence of the same
Systetn in Asia obtained — Range of the Investigation Extended — Necessity for including, as far as possible, all
the Families of Mankind — Method of Prosecuting the Inquiry — General Results — Materials Collected — Order of
Arrangement — Tables of Consanguinity and Affinity — Systems of Relationship as a Basis of Classification — Their
Use in Ethnological Investigations.
As far back as the year 1846, while collecting materials illustrative of the
institutions of the Iroquois, I found among them, in daily use, a system of relation-
ship for the designation and classification of kindred, both unique and extraordinary
in its character, and wholly unlike any with which we are familiar. In the year
185 11 I published a brief account of this singular system, which I then supposed
to be of their own invention, and regarded as remarkable chiefly for its novelty.
Afterwards, in 1857,2 1 had occasion to reexamine the subject, when the idea of its
possible prevalence among other Indian nations suggested itself, together with its
uses, in that event, for ethnological purposes. In the following summer, while on
the south shore of Lake Superior, I ascertained the system of the Ojibwa Indians;
and, although prepared in some measure for the result, it was with some degree
of surprise that I found among them the same elaborate and complicated system
which then existed among the Iroquois. Every term of relationship was radically
different from the corresponding term in the Iroquois; but the classification of
kindred was the same. It was manifest that the two systems were identical in
their fundamental characteristics. It seemed probable, also, that both were
derived from a common source, since it was not supposable that two peoples,
speaking dialects of stock-languages as widely separated as the Algonkin and
Iroquois, could simultaneously have invented the same system, or derived it by
borrowing one from the other.
From this fact of identity several inferences at once suggested themselves. As
its prevalence among the Seneca-Iroquois rendered probable its like prevalence
among other nations speaking dialects of the Iroquois stock-language, so its
existence and use among the Ojibwas rendered equally probable its existence and
use among the remaining nations speaking dialects of the Algonkin speech. If
investigation should establish the affirmative of these propositions it would give to
1 League of the Iroquois, p. 85.
• Proceedings of American Association for Advancement of Science for 1857, Part II., p. 132.
(3)
4 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the system a wide distribution. In the second place, its prevalence among these
nations would render probable its like prevalence among the residue of the
American aborigines. If, then, it should be found to be universal among them, it
would follow that the system was coeval, in point of time, with the commencement
of their dispersion over the American continent; and also that, as a system trans-
mitted with the blood, it might contain the necessary evidence to establish their
unity of origin. And in the third place, if the Indian family came, in fact, from
Asia, it would seem that they must have brought the system with them from that
continent, and have left it behind them among the people from whom they sepa-
rated; further than this, that its perpetuation upon this continent would rendei
probable its like perpetuation upon the Asiatic, where it might still be found;
and, finally, that it might possibly furnish some evidence upon the question of the
Asiatic origin of the Indian family.
This series of presumptions and inferences was very naturally suggested by the
discovery of the same system of consanguinity and affinity in nations speaking
dialects of two stock-languages. It was not an extravagant series of speculations
upon the given basis, as will be more fully understood when the Seneca and Ojibwa
systems are examined and compared. On this simple and obvious line of thought
I determined to follow up the subject until it was ascertained whether the system
was universal among the American aborigines; and, should it become reasonably
probable that such was the fact, then to pursue the inquiry upon the Eastern Con-
tinent, and among the islands of the Pacific.
The work was commenced by preparing a schedule of questions describing the
persons in the lineal, and the principal persons embraced in the first five collateral
lines, which, when answered, would give their relationship to Ego, and thus spread
out in detail the system of consanguinity and affinity of any nation with fullness
and particularity. This schedule, with an explanatory letter, was sent in the form
of a printed circular to the several Indian missions in the United States, to the
commanders of the several military posts in the Indian country, and to the
government Indian agents. It was expected to procure the information by
correspondence as the principal instrumentality. From the complicated nature of
the subject the results, as might, perhaps, have been foreseen, were inconsiderable.
This first disappointment was rather a fortunate occurrence than otherwise, since it
forced me either to abandon the investigation, or to prosecute it, so far as the
Indian nations were concerned, by personal inquiry. It resulted in the several
annual explorations among the Indian nations, the fruits of which will be found in
Tables II., which is attached to Part II. By this means all the nations, with but
a few exceptions, between the Atlantic and the Rocky Mountains, and between the
Arctic Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, were reached directly, and their systems of
relationship procured. Some of the schedules, however, were obtained by corre-
spondence, from other parties.
Having ascertained as early as the year 1859 that the system prevailed in the
five principal Indian stock-languages east of the mountains, as well as in several
of the dialects of each, its universal diffusion throughout the Indian family had
become extremely probable. This brought me to the second stage of the investi-
OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 5
gation, namely, to find whether it prevailed in other parts of the world. To
determine that question would require an extensive foreign correspondence, which
a private individual coukl not hope to maintain successfully. To make the attempt
effectual would require the intervention of the national government, or the co-ope-
ration of some literary or scientific institution. It is one of the happy features of
American society that any citizen may ask the assistance of his government, or ef
any literary or scientific institution in the country, with entire freedom ; and with
the further consciousness that his wishes will be cheerfully acceded to if deserving
of encouragement. This removed what might otherwise have been a serious
obstacle. In this spirit I applied to Prof. Joseph Henry, Secretary of the Smith-
sonian Institution, for the use of the name of theiatter in foreign countries in the
conduct of the correspondence ; and further desired him to procure a letter from
the Secretary of State of the United States to our diplomatic and consular repre-
sentatives abroad, commending the subject to their favorable attention. With
both of these requests Prof. Henry complied in the most cordial manner. From
January, 1860, until the close of the investigation, the larger part of the corre-
spondence was conducted under the official name of the Institution, or under cover
by the Secretary of State. By these means an unusual degree of attention was
secured to the work in foreign countries, the credit of which is due to the influence
of the Smithsonian Institution, and to the official circular of the late General Cass,
then Secretary of State. In addition to these arrangements I had previously
solicited and obtained the co-operation of the secretaries of the several American
missionary boards, which enabled me to reach, under equally favorable conditions,
a large number of American missionaries in Asia and Africa, and among the
islands of the Pacific. .^-.
From the distinguished Ame-incan missionary, Dr. Henry W. Scudder, of Arcot,
India, who happened to be in. -this country in 1859, I had obtained some evidence
of the existence of the American Indian system of relationship among the Tamilian
people of South-India. This discovery opened still wider the range of the proposed
investigation. It became necessary to find the limits within which the systems of
the Aryan and Semitic families prevailed, in order to ascertain the line of demarca-
tion between their forms and that of the eastern Asiatics. The circumscription of
one was necessary to the circumscription of the other. In addition to this it seemed
imperative to include the entire human family within the scope of the research,
and to work out this comprehensive plan as fully as might be possible. The
nearer this ultimate point was approximated the more instructive would be the
final results. It was evident that the full significance of identity of systems in
India and America would be lost unless the knowledge was made definite concern-
ing the relations of the Indo-American system of relationship to those of the
western nations of Europe and Asia, and also to those of the nations of Africa and
Polynesia. This seeming necessity greatly increased the magnitude of the under-
taking, and at the same time encumbered the subject with a mass of subordinate
materials.
In the further prosecution of the enterprise the same schedule and circular were
sent to the principal missions of the several American boards, with a request that
6 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the former might be filled out, according to its design, with the system of rela-
tionship of the people among whom they were respectively established ; and that
such explanations might be given as would be necessary to its interpretation. This
class of men possess peculiar qualifications for linguistic and ethnological researches ;
and, more than this, they reside among the nations whose systems of consanguinity
were relatively of the most importance for the purpose in hand. The tables Avill
show how admirably they performed the task.
They were also sent to the diplomatic and consular representatives of the United
States in foreign countries, through whom another, and much larger, portion of
the human family was reached. By their instrumentality, chiefly, the system of
the Aryan family was procured. A serious difficulty, however, was met in this
direction, in a difference of language, which the official agents of the government
were unable, in many cases, to surmount. In Europe and Asia the number of
schedules obtained through them, in a completely executed form, was even larger
than would reasonably have been expected ; while in Africa, in South America,
and in Mexico and Central America the failure was nearly complete.
To supply these deficiencies an attempt was made to reach the English missions
*!! the Eastern Archipelago and in Polynesia ; and also Spanish America through
the Roman Catholic bishops and clergy of those countries ; but the efforts proved
unsuccessful.
The foregoing are the principal, but not the exclusive, sources from which the
materials contained in the tables were derived.
A large number of schedules, when returned, were found to be imperfectly filled
out. Misapprehension of the nature and object of the investigation was the prin-
cipal cause. The most usual form of mistake was the translation of the questions
into the native language, which simply reproduced the questions and left them
unanswered. A person unacquainted with the details of his own system of rela-
tionship might be misled by the form of each question which describes a person,
and not at once perceive that the true answer should give the relationship sustained
by this person to Ego. As our own system is descriptive essentially, a correct
answer to most of the questions would describe a person very much in the form of
the question itself, if the system of the nation was descriptive. But, on the con-
trary, if it was classificatory, such answers would not only be incorrect in fact, but
would fail to show the true system. The utmost care was taken to guard against
this misapprehension, but, notwithstanding, the system of several important nations,
thus imperfectly procured, was useless from the difficulty, not to say impossibility,
of repeating the attempt in remote parts of the earth, where it required two years,
and sometimes three, for a schedule to be received and returned. In some cases,
where the correspondent was even as accessible as India, it required that length of
time, and the exchange of several letters, to correct and perfect the details of a single
schedule. Every system of relationship is intrinsically difficult until it has been
carefully studied. The classificatory form is complicated in addition to being diffi-
cult, and totally unlike our own. It is easy, therefore, to perceive that when a
person was requested to Avork out, in detail, the system of a foreign people he would
find it necessary, in the first instance, to master his own, and after that to meet
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 7
and overcome the difficulties of another, and, perhaps, radically different form.
With these considerations in mind it is a much greater cause for surprise that so
many schedules were completely executed than that a considerable number should
have failed to be so.
The schedule is necessarily self-corrective as to a portion of the persons described,
since the position of Ego and his or her correlative person is reversed in different
questions. It was also made self-confirmatory in other ways, so that a careful
examination would determine the question of its correctness or non-correctness in
essential particulars. This was especially true with respect to the classificatory
system. Notwithstanding all the efforts made to insure correctness, it is not sup-
posable that the tables are free from errors ; on the contrary, it is very probable
that a critical examination will bring to light a large number. I believe, however,
that they will be found to be substantially correct.
It was a matter of some difficulty to determine the proper order of arrangement
of the materials thus brought together. The natural order of the subject has been
followed as closely as possible. All the forms of consanguinity exhibited in the
tables resolve themselves into two, the descriptive and the classificatory. Of these
the former is the most simple in its structure, and for this reason should be first
considered. It embraces the systems of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families,
which are identical in their radical characteristics. The classificatory system has
one principal form, the Indo-American, and two subordinate forms, the Malayan
and the Eskimo. Of these, the Malayan is the most simple, and probably under-
lying form, and, as such, would come first ; after this in its natural order would be
either the Turanian or the American Indian, at convenience, since each stands in
the same relation to the Malayan; and after these the Eskimo, which stands discon-
nected from the systems of either of the families named. But it was found advisable
to reverse this order, as to the classificatory form, on account of the preponderating
amount of materials, and to consider, first, the American Indian, then the
Turanian, and after all these the Malayan and Eskimo.
In Part I., after discussing the elements of a system of relationship considered
in the abstract, the Roman form of consanguinity and affinity is taken up and
explained with fulness and particularity, as typical of the system of the Aryan
family. This is followed by a brief exposition of the forms which prevail in other
branches of the family for the purpose of indicating the differences between them
and the typical form; and also to ascertain the general characteristics of the
system. The systems of the Semitic and Uralian families are then treated in the
same manner, and compared with the Aryan form. By this means, also, the
limits of the spread of the descriptive system of relationship are determined.
In Part II., after discussing certain preliminary facts, the Seneca-Iroquois
form is first explained with minuteness of detail, as typical of the system of the
American Indian family. After this the several forms in the remaining branches
of this family are presented ; confining the discussion, so far as could properly be
done, to the points of difference between them and the typical system.
In Part III., the Tamilian form is first presented and explained as typical of
the system of the Turanian family ; after which the forms that prevail among tho
8 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
other Asiatic nations represented in the tables, are considered and compared with
the typical form. These are necessarily presented with fulness of detail, particu-
larly the Chinese, from the great amount of divergence from the typical form
which they exhibit. After this the system of the Malayan family, of which the
Hawaiian form is typical, is presented and explained in the same manner. The
Eskimo system concludes the series.
Lastly, the general results of a comparison of these several forms, together with
a conjectural solution of the origin of the classificatory system, furnish the subject
of a concluding chapter.
The tables, however, are the main results of this investigation. In their
importance and value they reach far beyond any present use of their contents
which the writer may be able to indicate. If they can be perfected, and the
systems of the unrepresented nations be supplied, their value would be greatly
increased. The classification of nations is here founded upon a comparison of
their several forms of consanguinity. With some exceptions, it harmonizes with
that previously established upon the basis of linguistic affinities. One rests upon
blood, the preponderance of which is represented by the system of relationship;
the other is founded upon language, the affinities of which are represented by
grammatical structure. One follows ideas indicated in a system of relationship and
transmitted with the blood ; the other follows ideas indicated in forms of speech
and transmitted in the same manner. It may be a question which class of ideas
has been perpetuated through the longest periods of time.
In Table I., which is appended to Part I., will be found the system of the
Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families ; in Table II., which is likewise appended
to Part II., that of the American Indian family; and in Table IV., which is
appended to Part III., that of the Turanian and Malayan families. The plan
adopted in framing these tables was to bring each specific relationship, among a
certain number of affiliated nations, into the same column, so that their agreement
or disagreement as to any particular relationship might be seen at a glance. This
arrangement will facilitate the comparison. The names of the several nations,
whose systems are brought together, will be found in a column on the left of the
page ; and the descriptions of the several persons, whose relationships to Ego are
shown, are written in a consecutive series at the top of the several columns. In
this series the lineal line is first given. This is followed by the first collateral line
in its male and female branches ; and this, in turn, by the second collateral line in
its male and female branches on the father's side, and in its male and female
branches on the mother's side ; after which, but less fully extended, will be found
the third, fourth, and fifth collateral lines. An inspection of the tables will make
the method sufficiently obvious.
If these tables prove sufficient to demonstrate the utility of systems of relation-
ship in the prosecution of ethnological investigations, one of the main objects of
this work will be accomplished. The number of nations represented is too small
to exhibit all the special capabilities of this instrumentality. The more thoroughly
the system is explored in the different nations of the same family of speech, espe-
cially where the form is classificatory, the more ample and decisive the evidence
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 9
will become which bears upon the question of their genetic connection. The
threads of this connection between remotely affiliated nations are sometimes
recovered in the most unexpected manner. These tables, therefore, as but the
commencement of the work if this new instrument in ethnology invite the test
of criticism. The remaining nations of the earth can be reached and their systems
procured, should it seem to be desirable ; and it may be found that this is the most
simple as well as compendious method for the classification of nations upon the
basis of affinity of blood.1
1 In the appendix to this volume will be found a schedule of questions adapted to this work.
Any person interested in the furtherance of this object, who will procure the system of any nation
not represented in the tables, or correct or complete any deficient schedule therein, will render a
special service to the author. The schedule may be sent to the Smithsonian Institution, at Wash-
ington; and when published full credit will be given to the person furnishing the same.
May, 186a
10 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CHAPTER II.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS UPON SYSTEMS OF RELATIONS HI PS.
Marriage the basis of the Family Relationships — Systems of Consanguinity and AS nity — Each Person the Centre of
a Group of Kindred— The System of Nature Numerical — Not necessarily adopted— Every System embodies Defi-
nite Ideas It is a Domestic Institution — Two Radical Forms — The Descriptive, and the Classificatory — Aryan,
Semitic, and Uraliau Families have the former — Turanian, American Indian, and Malayan the latter — Divergence
of Collateral Lines from Lineal, Characteristic of the First — Mergence of Collateral Lines in the Lineal, of the
Second — Uses of these Systems depend upon the Permanence of their Radical Forms — Evidence of their Modi-
fication— Direction of the Change — Causes which tend to the Stability of their Radical Features.
IN considering the elements of a system of consanguinity the existence of mar-
riage between single pairs must be assumed. Marriage forms the basis of rela-
tionships. In the progress of the inquiry it may become necessary to consider a
system with this basis fluctuating, and, perhaps, altogether wanting. The alter-
native assumption of each may be essential to include all the elements of the
subject in its practical relations. The natural and necessary connection of
consanguinei with each other would be the same in both cases; but with this
difference, that in the former the lines of descent from parent to child would be
known, while in the latter they would, to a greater or less extent, be incapable
of ascertainment. These considerations might affect the form of the system of
consanguinity.
The family relationships are as ancient as the family. They exist in virtue
of the law of derivation, which is expressed by the perpetuation of the species
through the marriage relation. A system of consanguinity, which is founded upon
a community of blood, is but the formal expression and recognition of these
relationships. Around every person there is a circle or group of kindred of
which such person is the centre, the Ego, from whom the degree of the relationship
is reckoned, and to whom the relationship itself returns. Above him are his
father and his mother and their ascendants, below him are his children and their
descendants; while upon either side are his brothers and sisters and their
descendants, and the brothers and sisters of his father and of his mother and their
descendants, as well as a much greater number of collateral relatives descended
from common ancestors still more remote. To him they are nearer in degree than
other individuals of the nation at large. A formal arrangement of the more
immediate blood kindred into lines of descent, with the adoption of some method
to distinguish one relative from another, and to express the value of the relation-
ship, would be one of the earliest acts of human intelligence.
Should the inquiry be made how far nature suggests a uniform method or plan
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 11
for the discrimination of the several relationships, and for the arrangement of
kindred into distinct lines of uescent, the answer would be difficult, unless it was
first assumed that marriage between single pairs had always existed, thus rendering
definite the lines of parentage. With this point established, or assumed, a natural
system, numerical in its character, will be found underlying any form which man
may contrive ; and which, resting upon an ordinance of nature, is both universal
and unchangeable. Ah1 of the descendants of an original pair, through intermedi-
ate pairs, stand to each other in fixed degrees of proximity, the nearness or re-
moteness of which is a mere matter of computation. If we ascend from ancestor
to ancestor in the lineal line, and again descend through the several collateral lines
until the widening circle of kindred circumscribes- millions of the living and the
dead, all of these individuals, in virtue of their descent from common ancestors,
are bound to the "Ego" by the chain of consanguinity.
The blood relationships, to which specific terms have been assigned, under the
system of the Aryan family, are few in number. They are grandfather and grand-
mother, father and mother, brother and sister, son and daughter, grandson and
granddaughter, uncle and aunt, nephew and niece, and cousin. Those more
remote in degree are described either by an augmentation or by a combination of
these terms. After these are the affineal or marriage relationships, which are
husband and wife, father-in-law and mother-in-law, son-in-law and daughter-in-law,
brother-in-law and sister-in-law, step-father and step-mother, step-son and step-
daughter, and step-brother and step-sister; together with such of the husbands and
wives of blood relatives as receive the corresponding designation by courtesy.
These terms are barely sufficient to indicate specifically the nearest relationships,
leaving much the largest number to be described by a combination of terms.
So familiar are these ancient household words, and the relationships which they
indicate, that a classification of kindred by means of them, according to their
degrees of nearness, would seem to be not only a simple undertaking, but, when
completed, to contain nothing of interest beyond its adaptation to answer a
necessary want. But, since these specific terms are entirely inadequate to desig-
nate a person's kindred, they contain in themselves only the minor part of the
system. An arrangement into lines, with descriptive phrases to designate such
relatives as fall without the specific terms, becomes necessary to its completion.
In the mode of arrangement and of description diversities may exist. Every
system of consanguinity must be able to ascend and descend in the lineal line
through several degrees from any given person, and to specify the relationship of
each to Ego ; and also from the lineal, to enter the several collateral lines and
follow and describe the collateral relatives through several generations. When
spread out in detail and examined, every scheme of consanguinity and affinity will
be found to rest upon definite ideas, and to be framed, so far as it contains any
plan, with reference to particular ends. In fine, a system of relationship, originat-
ing in necessity, is a domestic institution, which serves to organize a family by
the bond of consanguinity. As such it possesses a degree of vitality and a power
of self-perpetuation commensurate with its nearness to the primary wants of man.
In a general sense, as has elsewhere been stated, there are but two radically
12 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
distinct forms of consanguinity among the nations represented in the tables. One
of these is descriptive and the other classificatory. The first, which is that of the
Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families, rejecting the classification of kindred, except
so far as it is in accordance with the numerical system, describes collateral consan-
guinei, for the most part, by an augmentation or combination of the primary
terms of relationship. These terms, which are those for husband and wife, father
and mother, brother and sister, and son and daughter, to which must be added, in
such languages as possess them, grandfather and grandmother, and grandson and
granddaughter, are thus restricted to the primary sense in which they are here
employed. All other terms are secondary. Each relationship is thus made inde-
pendent and distinct from every other. But the second, which is that of the
Turanian, American Indian, and Malayan families, rejecting descriptive phrases in
every instance, and reducing consanguine! to great classes by a series of apparently
arbitrary generalizations, applies the same terms to all the members of the same
class. It thus confounds relationships, which, under the descriptive system, are
distinct, and enlarges the signification both of the primary and secondary terms
\ beyond their seemingly appropriate sense.
Although a limited number of generalizations have been developed in the system
of the first-named families, which are followed by the introduction of additional
special terms to express in the concrete the relationships thus specialized, yet the
system is properly characterized as descriptive, and was such originally. It will
be seen in the sequel that the partial classification of kindred which it now con-
tains is in harmony with the principles of the descriptive form, and arises from it
legitimately to the extent to which it is carried ; and that it is founded upon con-
ceptions entirely dissimilar from those which govern in the classificatory form.
These generalizations, in some cases, are imperfect when logically considered ; but
they were designed to realize in the concrete the precise relationships which the
descriptive phrases suggest by implication. In the Erse, for example, there are no
terms for uncle or aunt, nephew or niece, or cousin ; but they were described as
father's brother, mother's brother, brotJier's son, and so on. These forms of the
Celtic are, therefore, purely descriptive. In most of the Aryan languages terms
for these relationships exist. My father's brothers and my mother's brothers, in
English, are generalized into one class, and the term uncle is employed to express
the relationship. The relationships to Ego of the two classes of persons are equal
in their degree of nearness, but not the same in kind; wherefore, the Roman
method is preferable, which employed patruus to express the former, and avunculus
to indicate the latter. The phrase " father's brother" describes a person, but it
likewise implies a bond of connection which patruus expresses in the concrete.
In like manner, my father's brother's son, my father's sister's son, my mother's
brother's son, and my mother's sister's son are placed upon an equality by a similar
generalization, and the relationship is expressed by the term cousin. They stand
to me in the same degree of nearness, but they are related to me in four different
ways. The use of these terms, however, does not invade the principles of the
descriptive system, but attempts to realize the implied relationships in a simpler
manner. On the other hand, in the system of the last-named families, while cor-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 13
responding terms exist, their application to particular persons is founded upon very
different generalizations, and they are used in an apparently arbitrary manner. In
Seneca-Iroquois, for example, my father's brother is my father. Under the system
he stands to me in that relationship and no other. I address him by the same
term, Ha-nili', which I apply to my own father. My mother's brother, on the con-
trary, is my uncle, Hoc-no'-seh, to whom, of the two, this relationship is restricted.
Again, with myself a male, my brother's son is my son, Ha-ali'-wult, the same as my
own son ; while my sister's son is my nephew, Ha-ya' -wan-da ; but with myself a
female, these relationships are reversed. My brother's son is then my nephew; while
my sister's son is my son. Advancing to the second collateral line, my father's
brother's son and my mother's sister's son are my brothers, and they severally
stand to me in the same relationship as my own brother ; but my father's sister's
son and my mother's brother's son are my cousins. The same relationships are
recognized under the two forms, but the generalizations upon which they rest are
different.
In the system of relationship of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families, the
collateral lines are maintained distinct and perpetually divergent from the lineal,
which results, theoretically as well as practically, in a dispersion of the blood.
The value of the relationships of collateral consanguine! is depreciated and finally
lost under the burdcnsomeness of the descriptive method. This divergence is one
of the characteristics of the descriptive system. On the contrary, in that of the
Turanian, American Indian, and Malayan families, the several collateral lines,
near and remote, are finally brought into, and merged in the lineal line, thus
theoretically, if not practically, preventing a dispersion of the blood. The
relationships of collaterals by this means is both appreciated and preserved. This
mergence is, in like manner, one of the characteristics of the classificatory system.
How these two forms of consanguinity, so diverse in their fundamental concep-
tions and so dissimilar in their structure, came into existence it may be wholly
impossible to explain. The fir&fc question to be considered relates to the nature
of these forms and their ethnid distribution, after the ascertainment of which their
probable origin may be made a subject of investigation. While the existence of
two radically distinct forms appears to separate the human family, so far as it is
represented in the tables, into two great divisions, the Indo-European and the Indo-
American, the same testimony seems to draw closer together the several families
of which these divisions are composed, without forbidding the supposition that a
common point of departure between the two may yet be discovered. If the
evidence deposited in these systems of relationship tends, in reality, to consolidate
the families named into two great divisions, it is a tendency in the direction of
unity of origin of no inconsiderable importance.
After the several forms of consanguinity and affinity, which now prevail in the
different families of mankind, have been presented and discussed, the important
question will present itself, how far these forms become changed with the pro-
gressive changes of society. The uses of systems of relationship to establish the
genetic connection of nations will depend, first, upon the structure of the system,
and, secondly, upon the stability of its radical forms. In form and feature they
14 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
must be found able, when once established, to perpetuate themselves through
indefinite periods of time. The question of their use must turn upon that of the
stability of their radical features. Development and modification, to a very
considerable extent, are revealed in the tables in which the comparison of forms
is made upon an extended scale; but it will be observed, on further examination,
that these changes are further developments of the fundamental conceptions which
lie, respectively, at the foundation of the two original systems.
V " There is one powerful motive which might, under certain circumstances, tends
to the overthrow of the classificatory form and the substitution of the descriptive,
but it would arise after the attainment of civilization. This is the inheritance of
/ estates. It may be premised that the bond of kindred, among uncivilized nations,
is a strong influence for the mutual protection of related persons. Among nomadic
stocks, especially, the respectability of the individual was measured, in no small
degree, by the number of his kinsmen. The wider the circle of kindred the
greater the assurance of safety, since they were the natural guardians of his rights
and the avengers of his wrongs. Whether designedly or otherwise, the Turanian
form of consanguinity organized the family upon the largest scale of numbers.
On the other hand, a gradual change from a nomadic to a civilized condition
would prove the severest test to which a system of consanguinity could be sub-
jected. The protection of the law, or of the State, would become substituted for
that of kinsmen; but with more effective power the rights of property might
influence the system of relationship. This last consideration, which would not
arise until after a people had emerged from barbarism, would be adequate beyond
any other known cause to effect a radical change in .a pre-existing system, if this
recognized relationships which would defeat natural justice in the inheritance of
property. In Tamilian society, where my brother's son and my cousin's son are
both my sons, a useful purpose may have been subserved by drawing closer, in
this manner, the kindred bond; but in a civilized sense it would be manifestly
unjust to place either of these collateral sons upon an equality with my own son
for the inheritance of my estate. Hence the growth of property and the settlement
of its distribution might be expected to lead to a more precise discrimination of
the several degrees of consanguinity if they were confounded by the previous
system.
Where the original system, anterior to civilization, was descriptive, the tendency
to modification, under the influence of refinement, would be in the direction of a
more rigorous separation of the several lines of descent, and of a more systematic
description of the persons or relationships in eacH> It would not necessarily lead
to the abandonment of old terms nor to the invention of new. This latter belongs,
usually, to the formative period of a language. When that is passed, compound
terms are resorted to if the descriptive phrases are felt to be inconvenient.
Wherever these compounds are found it will be known at once that they are
modern in the language. The old terms are not necessarily radical, but they have
become so worn down by long-continued use as to render the identification of their
component parts impossible. While the growth of nomenclatures of relationship
tends to show the direction in which existing systems have been modified, it seems
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 15
to be incapable of throwing any light upon the question whether a classificatory
form ever becomes changed into a descriptive, or the reverse. It is more difficult,
where the primitive system was classificatory, to ascertain the probable direction
of the change. The uncivilized nations have remained substantially stationary in
their condition through all the centuries of their existence, a circumstance
eminently favorable to the permanency of their domestic institutions. It is not
supposable, however, that they have resisted all modifications of their system of
consanguinity. The opulence of the nomenclature of relationships, which is
characteristic of the greater portion of the nations whose form is classificatory,
may tend to show that, if it changed jnaterially, it would be in the direction of
a greater complexity of classification. It is extremely difficult to arrive at any
general conclusions upon this question with reference to either form. But it may
be affirmed that if an original system changes materially, after it has been adopted
into use, it is certain to be done in harmony with the ideas and conceptions which
it embodies, of which the changes will be further and logical developments.
It should not be inferred that forms of consanguinity and affinity are either N
adopted, modified, or laid aside at pleasure. The tables entirely dispel such a
supposition. When a system has once come into practical use, with its nomen-
clature adopted, and its method of description or of classification settled, it would,
from the nature of the case, be very slow to change. Each person, as has else-
where been observed, is the centre around whom a group of consanguine! is
arranged. It is my father, my mother, my brother, my son, my uncle, my cousin,
with each and every human being ; and, therefore, each one is compelled to
understand, as well as to use, the prevailing system. It is an actual necessity to
all alike, since each relationship is personal to Ego. A change of any of these
relationships, or a subversion of any of the terms invented to express them, would
be extremely difficult if not impossible; and it would be scarcely less difficult to
enlarge or contract the established use of the terms themselves. The possibility of
this permanence is increased by the circumstance that these systems exist by usage
rather than legal enactment, and therefore the motive to change must be as
universal as the usage. Their use and preservation are intrusted to every person
who speaks the common language, and their channel of transmission is the blood.
Hence it is that, in addition to the natural stability of domestic institutions, there
are special reasons which contribute to their permanence, by means of which it is
rendered not improbable that they might survive changes of social condition
sufficiently radical to overthrow the primary ideas in which they originated.
These preliminary statements being made, it is now proposed to explain and
compare the systems of relationship of the several nations and families represented
in the tables. In doing this the order therein adopted will be followed. Invoking
the patient attention .of the reader, I will endeavor to perform this task with as
much brevity and clearness as I may be able to command.
16 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CHAPTER III.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE ARYAN FAMILY.
Roman System of Consanguinity and Affinity — Framed by the Civilians — Relationships of two kinds — By Consan-
guinity, or Blood — By Affinity, or Marriage — Lineal and Collateral Consanguinity — Diagram — Method of Descrip-
tion by Lines explained — Diagram of the Roman Civilians — Completeness and precision of the Roman System —
Immense number of Consanguine! within the near Degrees — Computations — Rapid intermingling of the Blood
of a People — Mode of Computing Degrees under the Civil Law — Under the Canon Law — Under the Common
Law — Origin of the Variance — Marriage Relationships fully discriminated — English System barren of Terms —
Opulence of the Roman Nomenclature of Relationships.
AN understanding of the framework and principles of our own system of rela-
tionship is a necessary preparatory step to the consideration of those of other
nations. It was originally strictly descriptive. After the settlement and civiliza-
tion of the several branches of the Aryan family, there was engrafted upon it,
among several of them, a method of description differing materially from the primi-
tive form, but without invading its radical features, or so far overspreading them
as to conceal the simple original. The new element, which came naturally from
the system itself, was introduced by the Roman civilians to perfect the framework
of a code of descents. Their improvements have been adopted into the system of
the several branches of the family, to which the Roman influence extended. To
obtain a knowledge historically of our present English form, we must resort to the
Roman as it was perfected by the civilians, and left by them in its codified form.
The additions were slight, but they changed materially the method of describing
kindred. They consisted chiefly in the establishment of the relationships of uncle
and aunt on the father's side, and on the mother's side, which were unknown in
the primitive system, and in the adoption of a descriptive method based upon these
terms, which, with proper augments, enabled them to systematize the relationships
in the first five collateral lines. We are also indebted to the Latin speech for the
modern portion of our nomenclature of relationships.
It is evident, however, that the elaborate and scientific arrangement of kindred
into formally described lines of descent employed by the civilians, and which
became the law of the State, was not adopted by the Roman people, except in its
least complicated parts. There are reasons for believing that the ancient method,
modified by the substitution of some of the new terms of relationship in the place
of descriptive phrases, was retained for those nearest in degree, and that more dis-
tant relatives were described without any attempt to preserve the artificial distinc-
tions among the several lines. This variance between the forms used by the
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 17
people and by the State, whenever it occurs in this family of nations, is entirely
immaterial, since the two do not conflict.
It should also be observed that it is impossible to recover the system of consan-
guinity and affinity of any people, in its details, from the lexicon, or even from the
literature of their language, if it has ceased to be a living form. The Hebrew and
Sanskrit are examples. If it had been reduced to a statute and thus had become
a law of the State, it would be found in a codified form. In all other cases it
can only be obtained, in its completeness, by a direct resort to the people.
In the Pandects1 and in the Institutes2 the system of relationship of the Roman
civil law has been preserved with minuteness and precision, with full explanations
of its provisions and method of arrangement. A careful examination of its details
will furnish us the readiest knowledge of our own, as well as unfold the principles
which must govern the formation of any strictly philosophical system.
Relationships are of two kinds : First, by consanguinity, or blood : second, by
affinity, or marriage. Consanguinity, which is the relation of persons descended
from the same ancestor, is also of two kinds, lineal and collateral. Lineal con-
sanguinity is the connection which subsists among persons of whom one is
descended from the other. Collateral consanguinity is the connection which
exists among persons who are descended from a common ancestor, but not from
each other. Marriage relationships exist by custom.
In every supposable plan of consanguinity, where marriage between single pairs
exists, there must be a lineal and several collateral lines. Each person, also, in
constructing his own table becomes the central point, or Ego, from whom outward is
reckoned the degree of relationship of each kinsman, and to whom the relationship
returns. His position is necessarily in the lineal line. In a chart of relationships
this line is vertical. Upon it may be inscribed, above and below any given person,
his several ancestors and descendants in a direct series from father to son, and
these persons together will constitute his right lineal male line, which is also called
the trunk, or common stock of descent. Out of this trunk line emerge the several
collateral lines, male and female, which are numbered outwardly. It will be suffi-
cient for a perfect knowledge of the system to limit the explanation to the main
lineal line, and to a single male and female branch of each of the collateral lines,
including those on the father's side and on the mother's side, and proceeding in
each from the parent to one only of his or her children, although it will include
but a small portion of the kindred of Ego either in the ascending or descending
series. An attempt to follow all the divisions and branches of the several collateral
lines, which increase in number in the ascending series in a geometrical ratio,
would embarrass the reader without rendering the system itself more intelligible.
The first collateral line, male, consists of my brother and his descendants, and the
first, female, of my sister and her descendants. The second collateral line, male,
on the father's side, .consists of my father's brother and his descendants, and the
second, female, of my father's sister and her descendants; the second collateral
1 Panel., Lib. XXXYIII. tit. x. "Dc gradibus et adfinibus et nominibus eorum."
8 Inst. Just., Lib. III. tit. vi. " De gradibus cognation urn."
3 May, ISC 8.
18 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
line, male, on the mother's side, is composed of my mother's brother and his
descendants, and the second, female, of my mother's sister and her descendants.
The third collateral line, male, on the father's side, consists of my grandfather's
brother and his descendants, and third, female, of my grandfather's sister and her
descendants ; on the mother's side, the same line, male, is composed of my grand-
mother's brother and his descendants, and the same, female, of my grandmother's
sister and her descendants. It will be noticed, in the last case, that we have turned
out of the lineal line on the father's side into that on the mother's side. The
fourth collateral line, male, on the father's side, consists of my great-grandfather's
brother and his descendants; and the fourth, female, of my great-grandfather's
sister and her descendants ; the same line, male, on the mother's side, is composed
of my great-grandmother's brother and his descendants ; and the same, female, of
my great-grandmother's sister and her descendants. In like manner, the fifth col-
lateral line, male, on the father's side, consists of my great-great-grandfather's
brother and his descendants ; and the fifth, female, of my great-great-grandfather's
sister and her descendants ; the same line, male, on the mother's side is composed
of my grcat-great-grandmother's brother - and his descendants ; and the same,
female, of my great-great-grandmothcr's sister and her descendants. These five
lines embrace the great body of our kindred who are within the range of practical
or even necessary recognition.
Where there are several brothers and sisters of each ancestor, they constitute so
many branches of each line respectively. If I have several brothers and sisters,
they and their descendants constitute as many lines, each independent of the other,
as I have brothers and sisters ; but all together they form my first collateral line
in two branches, a male and a female. In like manner the several brothers and
sisters of my father and of my mother, with their respective descendants, make up
as many lines, each independent of the other, as there are brothers and sisters ; but
all unite in forming my second collateral line in two divisions, that on the father's
side and that on the mother's side, and in four principal branches, two male and
two female. If the third collateral line were run out fully in the ascending series,
it would give four general divisions of ancestors and eight principal branches ; and
the number of each would increase in the same ratio in each successive collateral
line. With such a maze of branches, lines, and divisions, embracing such a multi-
tude of consanguinei, it will be seen at once that a method of arrangement and
description which should maintain each distinct, and render the whole intelligible,
would be no ordinary achievement. This work was perfectly accomplished by the
Roman civilians, and in a manner so entirely simple as to elicit admiration. It
will be seen, however, in the sequel, that the development of the nomenclature to
the requisite extent must have been so extremely difficult that it would probably
never have occurred except under the stimulus of an urgent necessity. The
absence, from the primitive system, of the relationships of uncle and aunt, in the
concrete form, was the first want to be supplied to render the new method attain-
able. Nor was this alone sufficient ; it was also necessary to discriminate those on
the father's side from those on the mother's side, and to elaborate independent
terms for each, an achievement made in a limited number only of the languages of
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 19
mankind. These indispensable terms finally appeared in patruus and amita for
uncle and aunt on the father's side, and in ammculus and matertera for uncle and
aunt on' the mother's side, which, with suitable augments, enabled the civilians to
indicate specifically the first person in the second, third, fourth, and fifth collateral
lines on the father'* side and on the mother's side. After these were secured, the
improved Roman method of describing collateral consanguinei became possible, as
well as established. The development of these relationships, in the concrete, was
the principal, as well as the greatest advance in the system of relationship, made by
any of the members of the Aryan family.
All languages are able to describe kindred by a combination of the primary
terms ; and this method is still used, to the exclusion of the secondary terms,
when it becomes necessary to be specific, unless the Roman method is employed.
In the description we commence at Ego, and ascend first to the common ancestor,
and then down the collateral line to the person whose relationship is sought, as in
the English ; or, reversing the initial point, commence with the latter, and ascend
to the common ancestor, and then descend to the former as in the Erse. To
describe a cousin, in the male branch of the second collateral line, we use in Eng-
lish the phrase father's brother's son ; or, in Erse, son of the brother of my father ;
for a second cousin, in the same branch of the third collateral line, we say, in Eng-
lish, fatJier's father's brother's son's son ; in Erse, son of the son of the brother of the
father, of my father. Where the relationship of grandfather is discriminated by a
specific or a compound term, we may say grandfather's brotJier's grandson ; but as
this would fail to show whether the person was on the father's side or on the
mother's side, a further explanation must be added. The inconvenience of this
method, which was the primitive form of the Aryan family, is sufficiently obvious.
It was partially overcome, in process of time, by the generalization of the rela-
tionships of uncle and aunt, nephew and niece, and cousin, and the invention of
special terms for their expression in the concrete. A little reflection upon the
awkwardness and cumbcrsomeness of a purely descriptive system of relationship
will illustrate the necessity, first, for common terms for the nearest collateral
degrees, and, secondly, of a scientific method for the description of consanguinei.
It will also enable us to appreciate the serious difficulties overcome, as well as the
great advance made, by the Romans in the formal system which they established,
or, rather, engrafted upon the original form.
If, then, we construct a diagram of the right lineal line, male, and the first five
collateral lines, male and female, on the father's side, and limit each collateral
line at its commencement to a single brother and sister of Ego, and to a single
brother and sister of each of the lineal ancestors of Ego, and these several lines
are projected from parent to child, the collateral lines will be parallel with each
other and divergent from the lineal in the actual manner of the outflow of the
generations. The diagram (Plate I.) will afford a more distinct impression of the
relation of the lineal and several collateral lines to each other, and of the nomen-
clature of the Roman system, than could be given by a description. It exhibits
the lines named, arranged with reference to a central person, or Ego, and indicates
the relationship to him of each of the persons in these several lines. The great
30 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
superiority of its nomenclature over those of the remaining Aryan nations will be
recognized at once, as well as the thoroughly scientific method of description by
which it is distinguished above all other systems which have ever been framed.
From Ego to tritavus, in the lineal line, are six generations of ascendants, and
from the same to trinepos are the same number of descendants, in the description
of which but four radical terms are used. If it were desirable to ascend above the
sixth ancestor, tritavus would become a new starting-point of description; thus,
tritavi pater, the father of tritavus, and so upward to tritavi tritavus, who is the
twelfth ancestor of Ego in the lineal right line, male. In our rude nomenclature
the phrase grandfather's grandfather must be repeated six times to express the
same relationship, or rather to describe the same person. In like manner trinepotis
trinepos carries us to the twelfth descendant of Ego in the right lineal line, male.
He is the great-grandson of the great-grandson of trinepos, the great-grandson of
the great-grandson of Ego.
The first collateral line, male, which commences with brother, frater, is composed
of him and his lineal descendants, proceeding in the right line from father to son;
thus, fratris filius, literally son of brother, fratris nepos, grandson of brother, and
on to fratris trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of the brother of
Ego. If it were necessary to extend the description to the twelfth generation,
fratris trinepos would become a second starting-point, from which we should have
fratris trinepotis trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of fratris trinepos,
the great-grandson of the great-grandson of the brother of Ego. By this simple
method frater is made the root of descent in this line, and every person within it
is referred to him by the force of this term in the description ; and we know at
once that each person described belongs to the first collateral line, male. It is,
therefore, in itself complete as well as specific. In like manner, and with like
results, the first collateral line female commences with sister, soror, giving for the
series sororis filia, sister's daughter ; sororis neptis, sister's granddaughter ; and on
to sororis trineptis, her sixth, and to sororis trineptis trineptis, her twelfth descendant.
While these two branches of the first collateral line originate, in strictness, in the
father, pater, who is the common bond of connection between them, yet by making
the brother and sister the root of descent of their respective branches in the
description, not only this line, but, also, its two branches, are maintained distinct;
and the relationship of each person to Ego is specialized by force of the description.
This is one of the chief excellencies of the system as a purely scientific method of
distinguishing and describing kindred.
The second collateral line, male, on the father's side, commences with father's
brother, patruus, and is composed of him and his descendants, limited in the
diagram to the right line. Each person, by the terms used to describe him, is
referred with entire precision to his proper position in the line, and his relationship
is indicated ; thus, patrui filius, son of paternal uncle, patrui nepos, grandson of
paternal uncle, and on to patrui trinepos, the sixth descendant of patruus. If it
became necessary to extend this line to the twelfth generation we should have,
after passing through the intermediate degrees, patrui trinepotis trinepos, the great-
grandson of the great-grandson of patrui trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 21
grandson of patruus. It will be observed that the term for cousin is rejected in
the diagram, as it is, also, in the formal method of the Pandects. He is described
as patrui filius, but he was also called a brother patruel, frater patruelis, and
among the people at large by the common term for cousin, consobrinus. The second
collateral line, female, on the father's side commences with father's sister, amita,
paternal aunt ; and her descendants are described according to the same general
plan ; thus, amitce filia, paternal aunt's daughter, amitce neptis, paternal aunt's
granddaughter, and so on to amitce trineptis, and to amitce trineptis trineptis. In
this branch of the line the term for cousin, amitinus, amitina, is also set aside for
the formal phrase amitce filia, although the former indicates specifically, by its
etymology, this particular one of the four cousins.1" Among the people the term
consobrinus, consobrina was applied to this cousin, as it was indiscriminately to each
of the four.2
In accordance with the same general plan the third collateral line, male, on the
father's side commences with grandfather's brother, who is styled patruus magnus,
or great-uncle. At this point in the nomenclature special terms fail and compounds
are resorted to, although the relationship itself is in the concrete, the same as
grandfather. It is evident that this relationship was not discriminated until a
comparatively modern period. No existing language, so far as this inquiry has
been extended, possesses an original or radical term for great-uncle, although
without the Roman method the third collateral line cannot be described except by
the Celtic. In the Turanian, Malayan, and American Indian forms, where the
classification of consanguinei is altogether different, he is a grandfather. If he
were called simply grandfather's brother, the phrase would describe a person, leaving
the relationship as a matter of implication ; but if great-uncle, it expresses a
relationship in the concrete, and becomes equivalent to a specific term. The
specialization of this relationship Avas clearly the work of the civilians to perfect a
general plan of consanguinity. With the first person in this branch of the line
thus made definite as a great-uncle, all of his descendants are referred to him, in
their description, as the root of descent ; and the line, the side, whether male or
female, and the degree of the relationship of each person, are at once severally and
jointly expressed. This line may be extended, in like manner, to the twelfth
descendant, which would give for the series patrui magni filius, son of the paternal
great-uncle ; patrui magni nepos, grandson of paternal great-uncle ; and thus on
to patrui magni trinepotis trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of
putrid magni trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of paternal great-
uncle. The third collateral line, female, on the same side commences with grand-
father's sister, who is styled amita magna, or great-aunt ; and her descendants are
described in like manner, and with the same effect.
1 Amitse tuse filii consobrinum te appellant, tu illos amitinos. Inst. Just., Lib. III. tit. vi. § ii.
' Item fratres patrueles, sorores patrueles, id est qui quse-ve ex duobus fratribus progenerantnr ;
item consobrini consobrinae, id est qui quae-ve ex duobus sororibus nascflntur (quasi consorini) ;
item amitini amitinae, id est qui quse-ve ex fratre et sorore propagantur ; sed fere vulgus istos omncs
comrauni appellatione consobrinos vocat. Pand., Lib. XXXVILI. tit. x.
22 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
The fourth and fifth collateral lines, male, on the father's side, commence,
respectively, with great-grandfather's brother, who is styled patruus major, greater
paternal uncle, and with great-great-grandfather's brother, who is called patruus
maximus, greatest paternal uncle. In extending the series we have in the fourth
line, patrui majoris films, patrui majoris nepos, and on to patrui majoris trinepos ;
and in the fifth, patrui maximi filius, patrui maximi nepos, and thus onward to
patrui maximi trinepos. On the same side the corresponding female collateral
lines commence, respectively, with amita major, greater paternal aunt, and amita
maxima, greatest paternal aunt ; and the description of persons in each follows in
the same order.
Both the diagram and the description of consanguinci have thus far been limited
to the lineal line male, and to the several collateral lines on the father's side.
Another diagram with an entire change of terms, except in the first collateral line,
is required to exhibit the right lineal line, female, and the four collateral lines,
male and female, beyond the first. The necessity for independent terms for uncle
and aunt on the mother's side to complete the Roman method is now apparent,
the relatives on the mother's side being equally numerous, and entirely distinct.
These terms were found in avunculus, maternal uncle, and matertera, maternal
aunt. The first collateral line, as before stated, remains the same, as it commences
with brother and sister. In the second collateral line, male, on the mother's side
we have for the series avunculus, avunculi filius, avunculi nepos, and on to avunculi
trinepotis trinepos, if it were desirable to extend the description to the twelfth
descendant of the maternal uncle. In the female branch of the same line we have
for the series matertera, matertera} /ilia, matertera) neptis, and on to matertera}
trineptis. In the third collateral line, male, same side, we have for the series
avunculus magnus, avunculi magni filius, avunculi magni nepos, and on as before ;
and the female branch of the same line, commencing with matertera magna,
maternal great-aunt, is extended in the same manner. The fourth and fifth
collateral lines, male, on the same side commence, respectively, with avunculus
major, and avunculus maximus ; and the corresponding female branches with
matertera major, and matertera maxima, and their descendants, respectively, are
described in the same manner.
Since the first five collateral lines embraced as wide a circle of kindred as it was
necessary to include for the practical purposes of a code of descents, the ordinary
diagram used by the Roman civilians did not extend beyond this number. In the
form of description adopted by Coke and the early English lawyers, and which was
sanctioned by the same use of the terms in the Pandects, we find propatruus mag-
nus instead of patruus major, and abpatruus magnus instead of patruus maximus.
By adopting this mode of augmentation, which is also applied to avus in the lineal
line, we have for the commencement of the sixth and seventh collateral lines, male,
on the father's side, atpatruus magnus and tripatruus magnus, with corresponding
changes of gender for the female branches. This would exhaust the power of the
nomenclature of the Roman system. For collateral lines beyond the seventh it
was necessary to resort again to the descriptive form Avhich followed the chain of
consanguinity from degree to degree.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 23
The diagram (Plate I.) is not in the form of that used by the civilians. It is
framed in accordance with the form adopted by Blackstone1 for the purpose of
showing the several persons in the lineal and collateral lines, who stand at equal
distances in degree from their respective common ancestors, in the same horizontal
plane. Since the movement downward is with equal step in each of the lines, the
common law method has an advantage over that of the civil law in illustrating to
the eye the relative position of consanguinei. In the Institutes of Justinian2 the
original diagram of the civilians is given and verified in the text (Plate II.). It
arranges the several collateral lines at right angles with the lineal, which makes
them transverse instead of collateral, and, at the same time, furnishes the reasons
why they are described both in the Pandects and in the Institutes, as the transverse
rather than the collateral lines.3 In this diagram three lines meet in each ancestor,
one of which is lineal, and the other two, consisting of a male and female branch,
are transverse. With a slight examination it becomes perfectly intelligible. In
some respects it is the most simple form in which the system can be represented.
But since it does not show the relative position of consanguinei in the lineal and
collateral lines with reference to their distance with Ego from the common ancestor,
the first form appears to be preferable. This diagram is a venerable relic of the
all-embracing Roman jurisprudence. It is interesting, even impressive, to us, as
the chart with which that greatly distinguished class of men, the Roman jurists,
" illustrated to the eye," as well as explained to the understanding, the beaiitiful
and perfect system of consanguinity we have been considering.
It is obvious, as before remarked, that these diagrams include but a small por-
tion of the immediate consanguinei of each individual, as the right line only is
given proceeding from the parent to one only of his or her children, while there
might be several brothers and sisters of Ego, and of each of his several ancestors,
each of whom would send off as many additional lines as he or she left children,
each leaving descendants. This might be true also of every person in each of the
collateral lines. Beside this, the number of common ancestors increases at each
degree, ascending, in geometrical progression, which multiplies indefinitely the
number of ascending lines. It would be entirely impossible to construct a diagram
of the lineal and first and second collateral lines alone, which would show all the
possible consanguinei of Ego within six degrees of nearness. These considerations
will serve to illustrate the complexity of the problem which the civilians solved by
furnishing a logical and comprehensive system of relationship. It is the singular
merit of the Roman form that, without being obscure or complicated, it contains
all the elements of arrangement and description which are necessary to resolve any
given case, and all that is material to a right understanding of descents.
1 Blackstonc's Commentaries ; Tables of Consanguinity, II. 254. Watkins adopts the same
method ; Laws of Descent, Table of Con., p. 123. And Domat also substantially ; Civil Law,
Strahan's Trans. Table on Con. II. 210.
8 Lib. III. tit. vii.
8 The usual phrase is "Ex transvcrso sive a latere."
24 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
If we should follow the chain of relationship beyond the diagrams, and compute
the number of the kindred of Ego, it would produce remarkable results. In strict-
ness two lines commence at Ego, one ascending to his father and one to his mother ;
from these last the number is increased to four, one of which ascends to the father
and one to the mother of his father, another to the father and another to the
mother of his mother ; and again from these four common ancestors the lines are
increased to eight ; and so upwards in geometrical progression. As a matter of
computation it will be seen that at the fifth degree each person has thirty-two
ancestors^ at the tenth a thousand and twenty-four, and at the twentieth upwards
of a million.1 Carried to the thirty-first degree, or generation, it would give to
each person a greater number of ancestors than the entire population of the earth.
Such a .marvellous result, although correct as a matter of computation, is prevented
by the intermarriage of these common ancestors, by which a multitude of them are
reduced to- one. In the collateral lines the relatives are quadrupled at each gene-
ration. " If we only suppose each couple of our ancestors to have left, one with
another, two children ; and each of those on an average to have left two more (and
Avithout such a supposition the human species must be daily diminishing"), we shall
find that all of us have now subsisting near two hundred and seventy millions of
kindred at the fifteenth degree, at the same distance from the several common
ancestors as ourselves are ; besides those that are one or two descents nearer to or
farther from the common stock, who may amount to as many more."2 But, as in
the former case, the intermarriage of these collateral relatives would consolidate
many thousands of these relationships into one, while others would, from the same
cause, be related to Ego in many thousand different ways. The rapidity with
which the blood of a people is interfused, or, in other Avords, tends to intermingle
throughout the entire mass of the population, Avith the progress of the generations,
1 In Black. Cora.
Lineal
Degrees.
1 ....
II. 204, note, if
Number of
Ancestors.
2
) the following
Lineal
Degrees.
8 . . .
Number of
Ancestors.
256
Lineal
Degrees.
15 .
Number of
Ancestors.
. . 32768
2 ....
4
9 . . .
515
16 .
. . 65536
3 ....
8
10 . . .
1024
17 .
. . 131072
4 ....
16
11 . . .
2048
18 .
. . 262144
5 ...
32
12
4096
19
. . 524288
6 ....
64
13 . . .
8192
20 .
. 1048576
7 ....
. 128
14 .
16384
3 Black. Com. II.
Collateral
Degrees.
1 ....
207, note, vide
Number of
Kindred.
1
as follows: —
Collateral
Degrees.
8 ...
Number of
Kindred.
16384
Collateral
Degrees.
15
Number of
Kindred.
. 268435456
2 ....
4
9 . .
65536
16
. 1073741824
3 ....
16
10
262146
17
. 4294967296
4 ....
64
11
1048576
18
17179869184
5 ....
. 256
12
4194304
19
68719476736
6 ....
. 1026
13
16777216
20
274877906944
7
. 4096
14 .
67108864
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 25
is forcibly illustrated by these computations.1 It is both a singular and an extra-
ordinary fact, that the blood and physical organization of so many millions of
ancestors should be represented in the person of every human being. The specific
identity of the individual of the present with the ancestor of the past generation
illustrates the marvellous nature of a structural organization, which is capable
of transmission through so many ancestors, and of reproduction as a perfect whole
in one individual after the lapse of indefinite periods of time.
In the mode of computing the degrees of consanguinity the Aryan nations differ
among themselves. It is apparent that the relationships which collaterals sustain
to each other are in virtue of their descent from common ancestors. It is also
obvious that each step in ascending from ancestor to ancestor in the lineal line,
and in descending from parent to child, in either of the collateral lines, is a degree.
Hence in tracing the connection between Ego and any given person in a collateral
line, we must first ascend from Ego to the common ancestor, and then descend to
the person Avhose relationship is sought, counting each intervening person as one
degree, or unit of separation ; and the aggregate of these units will express, numeri-
cally, the nearness, and, upon this basis, the actual value of the relationship. The
difference made was upon the starting-point, whether it should commence with Ego,
or with the common ancestor. The Roman civilians reckoned from the former ;
thus, if the degree of the relationship of the first cousin were sought, it would be
estimated as follows : From Ego to father, pater, is one ; from father to grandfather,
avus, who is the common ancestor, is two; from grandfather down to paternal
uncle, pa truus, is three; and from paternal uncle to cousin, patrui filius, is four;
therefore he stands to Ego in the fourth degree of consanguinity. Under this
method the first person is excluded and the last is included. This Avas also the
manner of computing degrees among the Hebrews.2 But the canon law, and after
it the common law, adopted the other method. It commenced with the common
ancestor, and counted the degrees in the same manner, down to the person most
remote from the latter, whether Ego or the person whose relationship was to be
determined ; thus, a first cousin stands in the second degree, since both the cousin
and Ego are removed two degrees from the common ancestor ; the son of this cousin
is in the third degree, as he is three degrees from the common ancestor, which
1 These figures bear directly upon one of the great problems in ethnology; namely, the multi-
plicity of the typical faces and forms of mankind. If a fragment of a people became insulated, as
the Erse in Ireland, or repelled immigration to their territories by peculiar manners and customs, as
the Hebrews, it matters not whether the original elements of population were simple or mixed, if
the blood was left free to intermingle, the physical peculiarities of the people would rapidly assimi-
late, so that in a few centuries there would be developed a national face and form, which would be
common, distinctly marked, and typical. The only conditions necessary to produce this result, in
any number of cases, are an absolute respite from foreign admixture, with freedom of intermarriage
among all classes. Under these conditions, which have been occasionally attained, typical faces and
forms, such as the Hebrew, the Irish, and the German, oould be multiplied indefinitely ; and the
differences among them might become very great, in the course of time, through congenital pecu-
liarities, modes of subsistence, and climatic influences ; not to say, processes of degradation of one
branch or family, and of elevation in another.
a Selden's Uxor Hebraica, I. c. 4.
4 May, 1868.
26 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
corresponds with the fifth of the civil law. These two methods will be more fully
understood by consulting the diagram, Plate I., on which the degrees are numbered
according to the civil law, and the diagram of English descents, Chapter IV. Plate
III., on which they are given according to the common law. Our English ances-
tors, at an early day, adopted the canon law mode of computation, in which they
clearly made a mistake, if the matter were of any particular consequence. It is
sufficiently obvious that the civil law method of computation is the only one which
is consistent and logical.
llelationship, or cognation, was further distinguished by the civilians into three
kinds, superior, inferior, and transverse ; of which the first relates to ascendants, the
second to descendants, and the third to collaterals. It results, also, from the civil law
method of estimating degrees, that several persons in the lineal and collateral lines
stand in the same degree of nearness to Ego, which rendered necessary some quali-
fication of the relative value of the numerical degrees. The consanguine! of Ego
were classified into six grades, according to their degree of nearness, all those who
were in the same degree being classified in the same grade, whether ascendants,
descendants, or collaterals ; but they were distinguished from each other by these
three qualifications.1
1 DE GRADIBUS COGNATIONUM. — Hoc loco necessarium est exponere, quemadmodum gradus cog-
nationis numerentur. Quare inprimis admonendi sumus, cognationem aliam supra numerari, aliam
infra, aliam ex transverse, quae etiam a latere dicitur. Superior cognatio est parentum : inferior
liberorum : ex transverso fratrum sororumve, et eorum, qui quaeve ex his generantur ; et conveni-
enter patrui, amitae, avunculi, materterce. Et superior quidem et inferior cognatio a prinio gradu
incipit; et ea, quse ex transverso numeratur, a secundo.
§ I. Primo gradu est supra pater, mater : infra dins, filia. Secundo gradu supra avus, avia: infra
nepos, neptis : ex transverso frater, soror. Tertio gradu supra proavus, proavia : infra pronepos, pro-
neptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque filius, filia : et convenienter patruus, amita, avunculus, mater-
tera. Patruus est patris frater, qui Graecis narpaStx?>os appellatur. Avunculus est frater matris, qui
Graece Mijrpaiextoj dicitur ; et uterque promiscue 0£coj appellatur. Amita est patris soror, quas Greece
nafpaSeXifif appellatur : matertera vero matris soror, quro Grace MytpatiWi] dicitur : et utraque pro-
miscue ©E«a appellatur.
§ II. Quarto gradu supra abavus, abavia : infra abnepos, abncptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque
nepos neptisve : et convenienter patruus magnus, amita magna, id est, avi frater et soror : item
avunculus magnus et matertera magna, id est, aviae frater et soror : consobrinus, consobrina, id est,
qui quaeve ex sororibus aut fratribus procreantur. Sed quidam recte consobrinos eos proprie dici
putant, qui ex duabus sororibus progenerantur, quasi consororinos : eos ver6, qui ex duobus fratribus
progenerantur, proprie fratres patrueles vocari : si autem ex duobus fratribus dice nascuntur, sorores
patrueles appellari. At eos, qui ex fratre et sorore progenerantur, amitinos proprife dici putant.
Amitae tuae filii consobrinum te appellant, tu illos amitinos.
§ III. Quinto gradu supra atavus, atavia : infra atuepos, atneptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque
pronepos, proneptis : et convenienter propatruus, proamita, id est, proavi frater et soror : et proavun-
cnlus et promatertera, id est, proavise frater et soror: item fratris patruelis, vel sororis patruelis,
consobrini et consobrinae, amitini et amitinae filius, filia : proprior sobrino, proprior sobrina ; hi sunt
patrui magni, amitae magnae, avunculi magni, materterae magnas filius, filia.
§ IV. Sexto gradu supra tritavus, tritavia : infra trinepos trineptis : ex transverso fratris sororis-
que abnepos abneptis : et convenienter abpatruus abamita, id est, abavi frater et soror : abavunculus,
abmatertera, id est, abaviae frater et soror : item propatrui, proamitae, proavunculi, promaterterae
filius, filia : item proprius sobrino sobrinave filius, filia : item consobrini consobrinae nepos, neptis :
item sobrini, sobrinae ; id est, qui quaeve ex fratribus vel sororibus patruelibus, vel consobrinis, vel
amitinis progenerantur. — Institutes of Justinian, Lib. III. tit. vi.
OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 27
It will not be necessary to pursue further the minute details of the Boman
system of consanguinity. The principal and most important of its features have
been presented, and in a manner sufficiently special to have rendered it perfectly
intelligible. For simplicity of method, felicity of description, distinctness of
arrangement into lines, truthfulness to nature, and beauty of nomenclature, it is
incomparable. It stands pre-eminently at the head of all the systems of relation-
ship ever perfected by man, and furnishes one of the many illustrations that what-
ever the Roman mind had occasion to touch, it placed • once for all upon a solid
foundation.
From its internal structure it is evident that this system, in its finished form, was
the work of the civilians. We have reasons, also, for believing that it was not
used by the people except within narrow limits. Its rigorous precision and
formality, not to say complication of arrangement, tends to this conclusion; and
the existence and use of common terms for near kindred, after its establishment, is
still more decisive. It is not even probable that the common people employed
either of the four special terms for uncle and aunt, or that either term for uncle or
for aunt was used promiscuously. The disappearance of all of these terms from
the modern Italian language, and the reappearance in it of the Greek common
term for uncle and aunt, Oeiog, Beta, in the Italian Zio, Zia, renders it conjecturable
at least, that the Greek term, in a Latinized form, was used among the ancient
Romans*; or, it may have been, that they retained the original descriptive phrases.
Consobrinus, we know, was in use among the people as a common term for cousin,1
and nepos for a nephew2 as well as a grandson. In addition to the special terms
heretofore named were sobrinus, edbrina' a contraction of consobrinus for cousin,
which were sometimes applied to a cousin's children ; and proprior sobrinus, sdbrina,
to indicate a great uncle's son and daughter. If the people used the common
terms, while the civilians and scholars resorted to the formal legal method, it
would not create two systems, since one form is not inconsistent with the other, and
the latter was developed from the former. From the foregoing considerations it
may be inferred that the Roman form was not perfected merely to describe the
several degrees of consanguinity, but for the more important object of making
definite the channel, as well as the order of succession to estates. With the need
of a code of descents, to regulate the transmission of property by inheritance, would
arise the further necessity of specializing, with entire precision, the several lines,
and the several degrees of each. A descriptive method, based upon particular
generalizations, became indispensable to avoid the more difficult, if not impossible,
alternative of inventing a multitude of correlative terms to express the recognized
relationships. After the kindred of ego had been arranged in their appropriate
positions, by the method adopted by the civilians, a foundation was laid for a code
of descents for the transmission of property by inheritance.
It remains to notice briefly the affincal relationships. The Latin nomenclature
1 Pandects, Lib. XXXVIII. tit. x. 9 Eutropins, Lib. VII. cap. i.
8 Nam mihi sobrina Ampsigura tua mater fuit, pater tuus, is erat frater patruelis meus. Plautus.
Com. Pceuulus, Act V. Scene II. 109.
28 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
of the marriage relationships, unlike our own, which is both rude and barren, was
copious and expressive. For the principal affinities special terms were invented,
after this language became distinct, and it contributed materially to the perfection
of the system. It contains even more radical terms for the marriage relationships
than for that of blood. Our English system betrays its poverty by the use of
such unseemly phrases as father-in-law, son-in-law, brother-in-law, step-father, and
step-son, to express some twenty very common and very near relationships, nearly
all of which are provided with special terms in the Latin nomenclature. On the other
hand, the latter fails to extend to the wives of uncles and nephews, and to the hus-
bands of aunts and nieces the corresponding designations, which the principal
European nations have done. The absence of terms for these relatives is the only
blemish upon the Latin system. The wife of the paternal uncle, for example, was
described as patrui uxor, and the husband of the paternal aunt as amitce vir. A
reason against the use of the principal terms existed in their fixed signification,
which would render their use in the English manner a misnomer.
In the Latin nomenclature, as given in the table, there are thirteen radical
terms for blood kindred and fourteen for marriage relatives. These, by augmen-
tation to express the different grades of what is radically the same relationship,
and by inflection for gender, yield twenty-five additional terms, making together
fifty-two special terms for the recognized relationships. In this respect it is the
most opulent of all the nomenclatures of relationship of the Aryan nations, except
the Grecian.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 29
CHAPTEK IV.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE ARYAN F A M I L Y— CONTINUED.
Forms of Consanguinity of the remaining Aryan Nations — Reasons for their ascertainment — Original System deter-
mined by a comparison of their Radical Characteristics — I. Hellenic Nations : Ancient Greek — System less accessi-
ble than the Roman — Descriptive in Form — Modern Greek — System founded upon the Roman — II. Romaic Nations
— Italian System — Illustrations of its Method — French — Illustrations of same — Spanish and Portuguese, not ex-
ceptional— III. Teutonic nations — English System — Illustrations of its Method — Prussian and Swiss — Illustrations
of their Forms — Holland Dutch — Method Imprecise — Belgian — The same — Westphalian — Illustrations of its
Form — Danish and Norwegian — Free from Roman Influence — Illustrations of its Form — Swedish — Agrees with
the Danish — Icelandic — Its form purely Descriptive — Illustrations — IV. Sanskrit — Illustrations of its Method —
V. Sclavonic Nations— Polish System — Peculiar Method of designating Kindred — Presence of a Non-Aryan
Element — Illustrations of its Form — Bohemian — Bulgarian — Illustrations of its Method — Russian — Illustrations
of its Method — Special Features in the Slavonic System — Their Ethnological Uses — Lithuanian — Presump-
tively Original Slavonic Form — Schedule Imperfect — VI. Celtic Nations — Erse System — Purely Descriptive —
Typical Form of Aryan Family — Illustrations of its Method — Gaelic and Manx — The same — Welsh — Its Nomen-
clature developed beyond Erse and Gaelic — VII. Persian Nation — System Descriptive — Illustrations of
its Method — VIII. Armenian Nation — System Descriptive — Identical with the Erse in its minute Details —
Illustrations of its Method — Results of Comparison of Forms — Original System of the Aryan Family Descrip-
tive— Limited amount of Classification of Kindred not Inconsistent with this Conclusion — Secondary Terms
represent the amount of Modification — System Affirmative in its Character — A Domestic Institution — Stability
of its Radical Forms.
THE several forms of consanguinity which prevail among the remaining Aryan
nations will be presented and compared with the Roman, and also with each other,
for the purpose of ascertaining whether they are identical. After this the common
system, thus made definite, can be compared with those of other families of man-
kind. It will be sufficient for the realization of these objects to exhibit, with the
utmost brevity, the characteristic features of the system of each nation, and to
indicate the points of difference between them and the Roman. This method will
supersede the necessity, except in a few cases, of entering upon details.
I. Hellenic nations. 1. Ancient Greek. 2. Modern Greek.
1. Ancient Greek. — The same facilities for ascertaining the classical Greek
method of arranging and designating kindred do not exist, which were found in
the Institutes and Pandects, for the Roman. An approximate knowledge of the
Grecian form can be drawn from the nomenclature, and from the current use of
its terms in the literature of the language. For the most part these terms are
compounds, and still indicate, etymologically, particular persons, as well as express
particular relationships. They were evidently developed subsequently to the
separation of the Hellenic nations from their congeners, since they are not found in
the cognate languages. The multiplication of these terms also tends to show that
the Greeks of the classical period had no formal scientific method of designating
tonsanguinei like the Roman, but attempted, as a substitute, the discrimination
30 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
of the nearest relationships by special terms. This, carried far enough, woufd
realize the Roman plan, but it would render the nomenclature cumbersome.
Several of the Greek terms are inserted in the table as conjectural ; but a suffi-
cient number are certain to show that consanguinei were arranged, by virtue of
them, in accordance with the natural order of descents; and that the collateral
lines were maintained distinct and divergent from the lineal line. This is a mate-
rial characteristic.
The method for indicating the relationships in the first collateral line was
irregular, /last's, the ancient term for brother, gave place to adelphos ; in like
manner anepsios, which was originally the term for nephew, and probably like
nepos signified a grandson as well, was superseded by adelplddous. This gave for
the series adelplios, brother, adelpJiidous, nephew, and anepsiadoiis, nephew's son.
After the substitution of adelpliidous for anepsios the latter was restricted to cousin.
Whether consanguinei in the second collateral line were described by the
Roman or the Celtic method, or were designated by special terms, does not clearly
appear. The form in the table must, therefore, be taken as in a great measure
conjectural. The tendency to specialize the principal relationships is shown by
the opulence of the nomenclature ; thus, for paternal uncle there are patros, patra-
delphos, and patrolcasignetos ; and for maternal uncle metro-s, metr adelphos, and
metrokasignetos ; and also common terms, theios tJieia and nannos nanne, for uncle
and aunt, which were used promiscuously. Patrolcasignetos and nannos appear to
have fallen out of use after the time of Thucydides, but theios and theia remained
in constant use among the people, and probably to the exclusion of the other more
recent terms. This fact is noticed in the Institutes of Justinian as follows :
" Patruus est patris frater, qui Grsecis narpa<5e/l$o$ appellatur. Avunculus est
frater matris, qui Greece MrirpaSehtpos dicitur ; et uterqure promiscue Qetog appel-
latur. Amita est patris soror, qua? Greece TlaTpaoetyri appellatur. Matertera vero
matris soror, quas Greece M^rpa&X^ dicitur; et uterquae promiscue Qeia appel-
latur."1 It is worthy of mention that all of these terms have disappeared from the
modern Greek language,2 except theios tfieia, which reappear, as has elsewhere
been stated, in the Italian Tio Tia, and in the Spanish Tis Tia, uncle and aunt.
There was but a single term for cousin, which shows that the four classes of persons,
who stand in this relationship, were generalized into one. The same amount of
classification here indicated is found in the system of several of the branches of the
Aryan family. It is evident that the special terms were used as far as they were
applicable, and that the remaining kindred were described by a combination of the
primary terms.
It is not necessary to trace further the details of the Grecian system, since it is
not exceptional to the plan of consanguinity of the Aryan family. The great ex-
pansion of the nomenclature in the classical period, to avoid the inconvenience of
1 Lib. III. tit. vi. § 1.
a Glossary of Later and Byzantine Greek, by E. A. Sophocles. Memoirs of the American Aca-
demy of Arts and Sciences. New series, vol. vii.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 31
descriptive phrases, tends to the inference that the original system was purely
descriptive.
There are twenty-two specific terms in this language given in the table for blood
kindred, and nineteen for marriage relatives. These, by augmentation to express
decrees of the same relationship, and by inflection for gender, yield forty-four
additional, making together eighty-three special terms for the recognized relation-
ships.
2. Modern Greek. — The schedule in the table was taken from the glossary, before
cited, of Prof. Sophocles.1 It was compiled by him according to the Roman
method. In the later period of the Empire the two systems, in their legal form,
doubtless became identical. It does not, therefore, require special notice. One
of its interesting features is the contraction of the nomenclature which it exhibits
in the direction of original terms.
II. Eomaic Nations. 1. Italian. 2. French. 3. Spanish. 4. Portuguese.
1. Italian. — The Italian system is not fully extended in the table. It presents
the popular rather than the legal form, the latter of which was doubtless based
upon the Roman. The collateral lines are maintained distinct from each other
and divergent from the lineal line, with the exception of the first collateral, in
which respect the Italian form agrees with the Holland Dutch, Belgian, Anglo-
Saxon, and early English. The nephew and grandson are designated by the same
term, nipote ; in other words, my nephew and grandson stand to me in the same
relationship. This classification merges the first collateral line in the lineal, and
in so far agrees with the Turanian form.
The readiest manner of showing the characteristic features of the system of the
Aryan nations will be to give illustrations of the method of designating kindred in
one of the branches of each of the first three collateral lines. This will make it
apparent, first, that the connection of consanguine! is traced through common
ancestors; secondly, that the collateral lines are maintained distinct from each
other, and divergent from the lineal line, with some exceptions ; thirdly, how far
the system is descriptive, and how far the descriptive form has been modified by
the introduction of special terms ; and, lastly, whether the systems of these nations
are radically the same. The illustrations will be from the first collateral line, male
branch, and the male branch of the second and third collateral lines on the father's
side. For a more particular knowledge of the details of the system of each nation
reference is made to the table.
In the Italian the first collateral line gives the following series, brother,
nephero, and great-nephew, and thus downward with a series of nephews. This
is a deviation from the Roman form. The second collateral runs uncle, cousin, and
cousin's son, which is also a deviation from the Roman.
2. French. — The French method is also unlike the Roman. My brother's
descendants are designated as a series of nephews, one beyond the other, e. g.,
neveu, petit-neveu, and arriere-peiii-neveu. The second collateral line likewise
employed a different method, e. g., oncle, cousin, cousin-sous-germain. In the first
1 Article BaO/jLi
32 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the uncle is made the root of this branch of the line, and afterward the cousin is
made the second starting-point. As uncle and cousin are common terms, explana-
tory words are required to show whether they belonged to the father's or to the
mother's side. The following is the series in the third collateral : Grand-oncle,
fils du grand-oncle, and petit-fils du grand-oncle. In the fourth and fifth collateral
lines the descriptive method was necessarily adopted.
Among the Aryan nations the French alone, with the exception of the ancient
Sanskrit speaking people of India, possess original terms for elder and younger
brother, and for elder and younger sister. It is a noticeable feature for the reason
that in the Turanian, Malayan, and American Indian families the fraternal and sororal
relationships are universally conceived in the twofold form of elder and younger.
3. Spanish. 4. Portuguese. — There is nothing in the systems of these nations
which is exceptional to the general plan of consanguinity of the Aryan family, or
that requires' special notice.
III. Teutonic Nations. 1. English. 2. Prussian, and German-Swiss. 3. Hol-
land-Dutch. 4. Belgian. 5. Westphalian. 6. Danish and Norwegian. 7. Swedish.
8. Icelandic.
These nations possess the same system of relationship. Presumptively they
commenced with the same primitive form, wherefore a comparison of their several
forms, as they now exist independently of each other, should show, first, what is
still common among them all, and consequently radical ; secondly, that which has
been developed independently in each ; thirdly, the portion that has been borrowed
frorn the Roman ; and, lastly, the true character of the original system.
1. English. — The English legal method of indicating relationships is founded
upon the Roman. It has followed the latter very closely, borrowing a portion of
its nomenclature, and also its method. In the Diagram Plate III. this form is
shown in detail, but limited to the relatives on the father's side. A similar dia-
gram, with slight changes, would show the same lines on the mother's side.
In daily life, however, this formal plan is not resorted to for the near relation-
ships. The common terms are employed in all cases as far as they are applicable;
while for such kindred as are not thus embraced, descriptive phrases are used.
The first collateral line gives for the series brother, nephew, great-nephew, and
great-great-nepheio ; the second, uncle, cousin, cousin's son, and cousin's grandson ;
the third collateral, great-uncle, great-uncle's son, second cousin, and second cousin's
son. These illustrations reveal a tendency to avoid the full descriptive phrases.
If, however, the terms uncle, aunt, and cousin, which are borrowed, through
Norman sources, from the Latin speech, were struck out of the nomenclature,
nephew alone of the secondary terms would remain ; and their loss would render
compulsory the original descriptive form by a combination of the primary terms.
Of discarded Anglo-Saxon terms one, at least, earn1, uncle, was in general use before
1 The word nephew, as used by our early English ancestors, must have had two correlatives, uncle
and grandfather, or the difference in these relationships, as in the case of nephew and yrandnun, was
not discriminated. In King Alfred's Orosius earn is used as frequently for grandfather as for uncle.
Vide Bohn's Ed., pp. 297, 284, 497.
OFT II E HUMAN FAMILY. 33
the Norman period. Whether federa, paternal uncle, and fatJie, aunt, were in
common use among the Saxons, or were developed by scholars with the first
attempts at Saxon composition, is not so clear.
It is evident from the present structure and past history of the English system,
that its original form was purely descriptive ; thus, an uncle was described as
fatliers's brother, or mother's brotJier ; a cousin as a father's brother's son or a motJter's
brother's son, as the case might be, these relationships in the concrete being then
unknown.
In the English language there are but eleven radical terms for blood relatives,
of which three are borrowed; and but two in practical use for marriage relatives.
2. Prussian, and German-Swiss. — The German-Swiss form, as given in the table,
presents the legal system of the people speaking the German language. It is
founded upon the Roman form of which it is nearly a literal copy, and, therefore,
it does not require a special explanation.1
On the other hand, the Prussian exhibits more nearly the common method of the
German people for designating their kindred. There are original German terms
for uncle and aunt, grandson and granddaughter, and male and female cousin,
1 After receiving the carefully prepared German-Swiss Schedule given in the table, which was filled
out by Mr. C. Hunziker, attorney-at-law of Berne, Switzerland, I addressed to this gentleman some
questions in reference thereto through the Hon. Theodore S. Fay, U. S. Minister Resident in Switz-
erland, and received from him through the same channel the following answers. The translation was
by Samuel J. Huber, Esq., Attache of the Legation.
Translation of the Ecport of Mr. Hunziker by Sam. J. Huber.
Question 1. Is the wife of a nephew now called a niece (Nichte), in common speech ; and, in like
manner, is the husband of a niece called a nephew (Neffe) ?
Answer. No.
Question 2. Are the foreign terms Onkel and Tante also applied by a portion of the people both
to the paternal and maternal uncles and aunts as well as Oheim and Muhme?
Answer. Yes. The terms are identical, only the denominations Onkel and Tante are of more
recent [French] origin, while the terms Oheim (abbreviated Ohm.) and Muhme are German. So,
in French, Onkel is called oncle, in old French uncle, derived from the Latin avunculus. Tante is
the French word for Muhme ; old French ante from the Latin amita. Before the aforesaid terms
Onkel and Tante were adopted a portion of the people, for Oheim and Muhme, used the term Vetter
and Base. This is still the case, even at present, with many, particularly country people, who not
unfrequently apply the term Vetter and Base to all collateral relatives.
Question 3. Are my father's sister's son, my mother's brother's son, and my mother's sister's son
described by the term cousin {Vetter), the same as marked on the schedule for my father's brother's
son? And, in like manner, is each of the four female cousins called Base?
Answer. Yes. The terms Vetter and Base are often used in common life not in a strict sense
(in einem uneigentlichen Sinne), and, indeed, their application has nothing actually fixed; the rule,
however, may be fixed that no nearer relative but the descendants of brothers and sisters to each
other (Geschwisterkinder) are called Vettern and Basen (cousins), and that, therefore, these terms
embrace the first and second cousins, and, perhaps, even more remote collateral relations.
Question 4. Was the term Muhme, in ancient times, used to describe a niece and a cousin as well
as an aunt, or either of them ?
Answer. No. The term Muhme never described anything but an aunt.
Question 5. Did the term Neffe originally signify a grandson as well as a nephew?
Answer. No. Even our most ancient legal sources contain but the term Enkel for Grosssohn
5 May, 1868
34 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
which appear to have been developed, with the exception of the first, after the
separation of this dialect from the common Teutonic stem. These terms greatly
improve the nomenclature and consequently the method of the system.
(grandson), and in no instance that of Neffe, Even this last mentioned term was but recently
adopted in legislative documents, having been in former times circumscribed by the term Bruder's
or Schwesterkind.
Question 6. Desired : a list of obsolete terms of relationship, and the persons they were employed
to describe.
6. Report on the obsolete terms of relationship.
After the defeat of the Romans in the fifth century ancient Helvetia formed a part of the great
Germanic nation, and later a part of the Germanic empire. Though the Helvetian territory, and
particularly the towns, were governed by their own national legislation, it is not to be mistaken
that, besides the domestic legal sources, the laws of the Germanic family (the so-called Leges Bar-
barorum, of which, particularly, the Lex Allemannorum and the Lex Burgundionum, and, later,
the Sachsen- and Schwaben- Spiegel) enjoyed a high authority, and that the domestic law has been
amended and completed from that source. If we, therefore, now give a brief statement of the views
of the ancient Germans with regard to relationship and their terms, it is thereby to be understood
that throughout ancient Helvetia the same views had been adopted.
1. The term parenlela, in ancient legal documents, is used to describe the family as a separate
fellowship (geschlossene Rechtsgenossenschafl) as well as a number (Mchrheit) of relatives united
under the same pair of parents as their next common stock (Stamm). The following expressions
are remarkable : —
2. Lippschaft, Magschaft (kin), means, in its larger sense, the kindred in general ; in its proper
sense the law distinguishes between Busen (bosom), comprehending only the descendants of a
deceased, and the Magschaft (kin proper), comprehending only the remote relatives. (According to
the " Sachsenspiegel") the kin begins at the cousinship.
3. Schwermagen, Speermagen, Oermagen (male issue), are called the male persons united by
but male generation (Zeugung). In its real sense it means the blood-cousins upon whom rests the
propagation of the family name and of the house-coat. Opposite to them are the —
4. Spillmagen, Spindelmagen, Kunkelmagen (female issue), that is, all the rest of kindred whoso
consanguinity, either in the ascending or in the descending line, is founded upon the birth from a
woman, or who, although relatives by but male generation, for their female issue are not born for
the sword and lance, but only for the spindle. (Spillmagen is also called Niftel )
5. To count the degrees of consanguinity two different ways have been used — the one representing
them by a tree with branches, the other by the form of a human body. The following representation
is from the " Sachsenspiegel :" Husband and wife, united in marriage, belong to the head ; the
children, born as full brothers and sisters from one man and one wife, to the neck. Children of full
brothers and sisters occupy that place where the shoulders and arms join. These form the first
kindred of consanguinity, viz., the children of brother and sister. The others occupy the elbow, the
third the hand, &c. For the seventh degree there is an additional nail, and no member and the kin,
which ends here, is then called Nagelmagen.
6. Schooss are often called the ascendants.
7. Lidmagen is often used for consanguineous with
8. Vatermagen. This term is more comprehensive than that of Scliwertmagen , for it embraces
all the relatives from the father's issue and descent, and it also includes all the women issuing from
the fathers immediately, for instance, the sister and the aunt from the father's grandfather; and
further, in the descending line, also the degrees of consanguinity arising from women, because, in the
ascending line, fathers are at the head of parentelas. In certain cases this term can even compre-
hend all consanguineous with the father.
9. Mullermagen are called the relatives from the mother's side, or, according to circumstances,
from a mother's side.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 35
In the first collateral line, male, the scries is as follows : Brother, nephew,
great-nephew, and great-yreat^nephew ; or a series of nephews, one beyond the
other, which is analogous to the common English and French usage. The
second collateral runs as follows : Uncle, cousin, cousin 's son, and cousin's grandson.
Cousin is thus made a second starting point, and his descendants are referred to
him as the root, instead of the uncle. In the third, and more remote collateral
lines, the Roman form is followed. The German is a very perfect system, but its
excellence is due to its fidelity to its Roman model.
3. Holland Dutch. — As presented in the table the manner of designating
kindred is rather the common form of the people Jhan the statutory method. It
will be perceived, by consulting the table, that the system is defective in arrange-
ment, and imprecise in the discrimination of relationships. The absence of Roman
influence, which has been so apparent in the previous cases, is quite observable.
The terms neef and nicht are applied indiscriminately to a nephew and niece, to a
grandson and granddaughter, and to each of the four classes of cousins.1 These
1 The term nepos, and its cognates, in the dialects of the Aryan language has a singular history,
which if fully elaborated would be found instructive. Some of the facts are patent. This term exists
in nearly all the dialects of the language, from which it is inferable that it was indigenous in the pri-
mitive speech. The terms for grandfather and uncle arc different in the several stock-languages, from
which it is also inferable that the terms for these relationships, where found, were developed subse-
quently to the separation of these nations from each other, or from the parent stem. Consequently
nepos, and its cognates, must have existed as a term of relationship without a correlative. While the
relationships of grandfather and grandson, and of uncle and nephew, were in process of being sepa-
rated from each other, and turned into proper correlation, the use of nepos must have fluctuated.
Among the Romans, as late as the fourth century, it was applied to a nephew as well as a grandson,
although both avus and avunculus had come into use. Eutropius in speaking of Octavianus calls
him the nephew of Ca;sar, "Ceesaris nepos" (Lib. VII. c. i.). Suetonius speaks of him as sororis
nepos (Cajsar, c. Ixxxiii.), and afterwards (Octavianus, c. vii.), describes Cssar as his greater uncle,
major avunculus, in which he contradicts himself. When nepos was finally restricted to grandson,
and thus became the strict correlative of OHMS, the Latin language was without a term for nephew,
whence the descriptive phrase fratris vel sororis filius. In English nephew was applied to grand-
son as well as nephew as late as 1611, the period of King James' translation of the Bible. Niece is
so used by Shakspeare in his will, in which he describes his granddaughter, Susannah Hall, as " my
niece." But in English, and likewise in French and German, nephew, neveu, and neffe were finally
restricted to the sons of the brothers and sisters of Ego, and thus became respectively the correlative
of uncle. This, in turn, left these dialects without any term for grandson, which deficiency was sup-
plied by a descriptive phrase, except the German, which in enkel found an indigenous term. In
Greek, however, anepsios appears to have been applied to a nephew, a grandson, and a cousin, and
finally became restricted to the last. Neef in Holland Dutch still expresses these three relationships
indiscriminately. In Belgian and Platt Dutch nichte is applied to a female cousin as well as niece.
These uses of the term tend to show that its pristine use was sufficiently general to include grandson,
nephew, and cousin, but without giving any reason to suppose that it was ever as general as the
words relative or kinsman. The difference in the relationships of these persons to Ego was undoubt-
edly understood, and each made specific by description. A term of relationship once invented and
adopted into use becomes the repository of an idea ; and that idea never changes. Its meaning, as
indicated by its use, may become enlarged or restricted among cognate nations after their separation
from each other, or in the same nation in the course of ages ; but the subversion of its meaning or
use is next to impossible. A term invented to express a particular relationship cannot be made to
express two as distinct and dissimilar as those for grandson and nephew ; and, therefore, its exclusive
36 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
several relationships were made definite, when necessary, by a description of the
persons.
In the first collateral line, male, the following is the series : BrotJier, nepliew,
and nephew, which is the popular form ; and brotJier, brother's son, and brother's
grand-child, which is the formal method. The second collateral runs as follows :
Uncle, nephew, and nephew ; or formally uncle, uncle's son, and uncle's grand-child.
The novel feature here revealed of holding grandson, nephew, and cousin in the
same identical relationship still records the first act in the progress of the Aryan
system from a purely descriptive form.
4. Belgian. — The Belgian system of consanguinity is closely allied to the pre-
ceding. It has the same defects and nearly the same peculiarities. Neve and
nichte are applied to the children of the brothers and sisters of Ego ; but not to his
grand-children. Nichte is also applied to a female cousin • and it is probable that
neve was used to designate a male cousin prior to the adoption of Icozyn into the
Belgian dialect. Where terms are found in a dialect cognate with our own,
which are employed in a manner not sanctioned by our usage, it does not follow
that it is either a vague or improper use of the term ; but it shows, on the con-
trary, that the several relationships to which a particular term is applied are not
discriminated from each other ; and they are regarded as one and the same rela-
tionship. In the primitive system of the Aryan family the relationship of cousin
was unknown.
5. Westphalian or Platt Dutch. — The schedule in the table presents the common
form of the people. In the absence of special terms for nephew and niece the first
collateral line is described, e. g., brother, brother's son, and brother's grand-child.
The second collateral gives the following series : Uncle, cousin, cousin's son, and
cousin's grand-child. Nichte still remains in the Westphalian dialect; but it is
restricted to female cousin. In the third collateral the series is still more irregular
from the absence of a term for great-uncle, e. g., father's uncle, father's cousin,
and father's cousin's son. This is simply a modification of the old descriptive
method by the use of secondary terms.
6. Danish and Norwegian. — The system of these nations is entirely free from
Roman influence, from which we have been gradually receding, and is, therefore,
presumptively nearer the primitive form of the Aryan family. The presence of
German influence, however, is seen in the use of the term fatter, cousin, which
introduces into the system the only feature that distinguishes it from the Celtic.
With the exception of the term last named there are no terms of relationship in
this dialect but the primary. For uncle and aunt on the father's side it has far-
broder and faster ; and on the mother's side morbroder and moster, which it will
be noticed are contractions of the terms father, mother, brother, and sister, and,
therefore, describe each person specifically. In the cities the borrowed terms onkel
and tante are employed to a great extent, as they are in all German cities ; but the
application to one would render it inapplicable to the other. It follows that nepos did not originally
signify either a nephew, grandson, or cousin, but that it was used promiscuously to designate a class
of persons next without the primary relationships.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 37
rural populations in Denmark, Norway, and Germany as well, still adhere to the
native term.
The first collateral line male gives the series, brother, brother's son, and brother's
grand-child ; the second, father's brother, cousin, and cousin's grand-child ; and the
third, far-father's brother, father's cousin, father's cousin's son, and father's cousin's
grand-child. These illustrations reveal the character of the system.
7. Swedish. — The Swedish form agrees so closely with the Danish and Norwegian
that it does not require a separate notice.
8. Icelandic. — The insulation of the Icelandic Teutons would tend to preserve
their form of consanguinity free from foreign influence. It has original terms for
grandfather and grandmother in afi and arnma, and a term ne.fi for nephew, which
is given in the Mithridates, but does not appear in the Table. It has terms, also,
for first and second cousin, which are used concurrently with the descriptive
phrases. In form and method, however, it approaches nearer to a purely descriptive
system than any yet presented.
In the first collateral line, male, the scries is as follows : Brother, son of
brother, son of son of brother, and son of son of son of brother. It agrees with
the Celtic in, commencing the description at the opposite extreme from Ego, which,
although it may be an idiomatic peculiarity, is yet significant, and will reappear in
the Armenian and also in the Arabic. For the second collateral we have father's
brotJier, son of father's brother, son of son of father's brother, and son of son of
son of father's brother. The same form, which is seen to be purely descriptive,
runs through the several lines. It follows strictly the natural streams of descent,
and makes each relationship specific. This realizes what we understand by a
descriptive system. It is evidently nearer the primitive form of the Aryan family
than that of any other nation of the Teutonic branch. The advances made by
some of the nations, which it is the object of this comparison to trace, are seen
to be explainable. They have not proceeded far enough to obscure the original
form with which they severally commenced.1
1 Nomenclatures of relationship develop from the centre outward, or from the near to the more
remote degrees. The primary terms would be first invented since we cannot conceive of any people
living without them; but when the nomenclature had been carried to this point it might remain
stationary for an indefinite period of time. The Celtic never passed beyond this stage. By means
of these terms consanguine!, near and remote, can be described, which answered the main end of a
nomenclature. Further progress, or the development of secondary terms, would result from a desire
to avoid descriptive phrases. The first of these reached would, probably, be nepos, as elsewhere
stated, and made to include several classes of persons. Next to this would, probably, be terms
for grandfather and grandmother. In the Romaic, Hellenic, and Slavonic stock languages there are
terms for these relationships, which, it is somewhat remarkable, are distinct and independent of each
other. In the other dialects they are wanting. It would seem to follow that no terms for these
relationships existed in the primitive speech, and that the persons were described as "father's
father," and so on.
Next in order, apparently, stand the relationships of uncle and aunt. These do not appear to
have been discriminated, in the concrete, in the primitive speech. A common term for paternal
uncle is found in the Sanskrit patroya, Greek patros, and Latin patruus; but this term seems to be
38
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
IV. Sanskrit. Very naturally the Sanskrit would be regarded as one of the most
important systems of consanguinity in the Aryan connection, from the weight of its
authority in determining what the original form of the family may have been. It
is to be regretted that the system, as given in the Table, is so incomplete, although
it is shown as fully as competent scholars were able to reproduce it from the remains
of the language. Where the special terms are " numerous, and their etymologies
apparent, as in the Greek, it facilitates the attempt; but where the language is
barren of radical terms, and the compounds are limited in number, as in the
Sanskrit, a failure to recover an ancient, after it has ceased to be a living system,
is not surprising.
There is, however, another view of the case which is not without significance.
The absence of radical terms for collateral relatives, and the presence of a limited
number of compound terms which are descriptive of particular persons, tend to show
that kindred were described, among them, by a combination of the primary terms ;
and that the system, therefore, was originally descriptive.
The following diagram exhibits a fragment of the original method of arranging
and designating kindred : —
LINEAL LINK.
Female.
Male.
Praplt^mahl.
PrapitJjaah*.
2d Col. Line.
Female. F. side
Pitrshvasar.
PUrahvasriya. ( C.
2d Col. Line.
Male. F. Bide.
PitSmahl. / a.F.\ 'it.'.imilia.
G.M.
Pitvoya.
C. ) Pitroyapulra.
It will be observed that most of these terms are compounded of the primary, and
describe persons. They also indicate the line and branch, and whether on the
made from the term for father, by the addition of a termination, and might have come into use
independently, after the separation of these dialects from each other, as faedera, paternal uncle,
from feeder, father, in Anglo-Saxon. The same remarks apply to mdtula, metros, and matertera,
for maternal aunt. There are also common terms for uncle and aunt in the Greek theios theia,
German Oheim and Muhme, English uncle and aunt, derived the last two from avunculus and
amita. In Slavonic we have stryc and ujec for paternal and maternal uncle, and tetka, common
for aunt. From the fact that the same terms do not run through the several dialects of the Aryan
language, the inference is a strong one that these relationships, in the concrete, were not discrimi-
nated in the primitive language.
Uncle is a contraction of avunculus, the literal signification of which is a "little grandfather."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 39
father's side or on the mother's side. Naptar and naptri are restricted to grand-
son and grand-daughter, although, without much doubt, they were originally applied
to a nephew and niece as well. From the diagram it is a proper inference that the
remaining persons in the several lines are described in a similar manner. The
Sanskrit system appears to agree with the general form prevalent in the Aryan
family. In its development it took the same direction before noticed in the Grecian,
and, to a great extent, in the other dialects of the Aryan language, but without
changing essentially its original form.1
This term, together with that of aunt from amita, has been adopted with dialectical changes into
several of- the branches of the Aryan family, and promises ultimately to displace indigenous terms
developed since the separation of its branches from each other.
In the order of time a term for cousin would be the last invented, on the supposition of a growth
of the nomenclature outward from Ego. It is the most remote collateral relationship discriminated
in any language or dialect represented in the tables, unless the Slavonic is regarded as an exception.
A special term for this relationship must be founded upon a generalization of four different classes
of persons into one class; and, therefore, it is more difficult than either of those previously named.
This term cousin, which seems to be from the Latin consobrinus, was in strictness limited to the
children of sisters ; but it became a common term, and from this source it has been propagated into
several branches of the Aryan family. With these facts before the mind it becomes more and more
apparent that the original system of the family as to its present form was purely descriptive.
1 Note on Sanskrit. Schedule by Fitz Edward Hall, D. C. L. : —
1. The prescribed scheme of vowel-sounds being very inadequate for the Sanskrit, I have
adhered to that more usually followed by Orientalists. According thereto, A is like a in "father;"
a, like a in "America;" e, like our alphabetic a; i, like i in "pin;" i, like i in "machine;" o, like
o in " no ;" u, like u in " bull ;" u, like oo in " fool ;" ai and au, as in the Italian. A peculiar vowel
is represented by ri, which is sounded somewhat like the ri in "rivalry." Sh, s', and s, indicate
three different sibilants.
2. In consequence of prefixing mama, "my," to each word, I have had to give it a case. I have
selected the nominative. The crude form, that found in the dictionaries, of the words for "father,"
"mother," "son," "brother," &c., are pitri, matri, bhrdtri, pvira, &c.
3. It requires great credulity to believe that the Hindus know much of the origin of Sanskrit
words. Generally, they can only refer words to verbal themes, which are, of course, the invention
of the grammarians. Putra, "son," for instance, is fancifully derived from pu, one of the "hells,"
and the etymon "tra," "to draw out;" quasi, "an extractor from hell." Duhitri, " daughter," is
thought, with more of reason, to mean "the milker." See Prof. Max Miiller on Comparative
Mythology, in the Oxford Essays. Paulra, "grandson," is from putra, "son." To paulra, the
preposition pra, "before," is prefixed in prapautra, "great-grandson." "Elder brother" and
"younger brother," agraja and anuja, mean, when analyzed, " foreborn" and "after-born." In
pitamaha and mdtdmaha, "paternal grandfather" and "maternal grandfather," and so of the femi-
nines, maha and mahi are inseparable affixes. The vriddha, in the word for " great-great-grandfather,"
imports "old." Pali, "husband," "lord," we have in the post-Homeric Ssajto*^, the first syllable
of which is the same as the Sanskrit drsa, "country." The feminine of pati, patui, occurs in the
Homeric and later Siartoiva. Dhara, "husband," is seen in the Latin vidua, in Sanskrit, vidhava,
" without husband." Hence appears the absurdity of the masculine viduus, and so of our "widower."
Vimatri, "step-mother," means "a different mother;" for vi has numerous senses in Sanskrit.
Dattaka, "adopted son," =" given." In vimatreya, "half-brother," we seem' and matri, "mother."
4. Degrees of relationship representable only by compounds of other degrees have been omitted.
And here I should mention that pitrivya, "father's brother," is the only word for "paternal uncle"
in Sanskrit. It contains pitri, " father," and an ending. Compare bhratrivya and bhayineya.
Matula is connected, not very obviously, with mdtri.
40 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
V. Slavonic Nations. 1. Polish. 2. Slovakian or Bohemian. 3. Bulgarian.
4. Russian. 5. Lithuanian.
Among the nations of Slavonic lineage the method of designating kindred is, in
some respects, original and distinctive. There appears to be a foreign element in
their system of consanguinity which finds no counterpart in those of the remaining
Aryan nations. The same ideas, both of classification and of description, run
through all the forms heretofore presented in a manner so obvious as to leave no
doubt that they sprang from a common original. But a new element is found in
the Slavonic which is unexplainable by the hypothesis that it has departed, like the
Roman, from an original form in all respects common. The schedules in the Table
are neither sufficiently numerous nor perfect to illustrate the system fully in its stages
of growth ; but enough may be gathered from a comparison of them to encourage
belief that a full knowledge of the system, in its several forms, would tend to
explain the order of the separation of the Slavonic nations from each other, as well
as their relative position in the Aryan family. It would also demonstrate a non-
Aryan source of a portion of the Slavonic blood.
1. Polish. — The Polish system has an opulent and expressive nomenclature,
inferior only to the Roman ; and in the fulness of its development it stands at the
head of the several Slavonic forms.
There are two terms for nephew applied to a brother's son, bratanec and synowicc,
with their feminine forms for niece ; also a separate term siostrzenca for nephew
applied to a sister's son, with its feminine for niece. The opulence of the nomen-
clature is still further shown by the presence of special terms, evolved from the
foregoing, for the husbands and wives of these nieces and nephews : namely,
bratancowa and siostrzencmva, for the two former ; and synowice and siostrzenin, for
the two latter. In the first collateral line, male, we have for the scries : brother,
nepJtew, son of nepliew, and grand-son of nephew. In so far there is nothing
peculiar in the Polish system.
There are separate terms for uncle on the father's and on the mother's side, and
a common term for aunt. The members of the second collateral line are thus
indicated: stryj, paternal uncle, stryjecznybrat, "brother through paternal uncle;"
and stryjecznywnulc, " grandson through paternal uncle." That is to say ; my
father's brother's son is not my cousin, for there is no term in the Slavonic
5. All Sanskrit dictionaries hitherto published, whether Indian or European, are very defective ;
and the Pundits of the present day are, ordinarily, most indifferent scholars. For some of the words
I have given, I am indebted to neither of these sources. My own reading has furnished them to me;
and I dare say I might, at a future time, fill up a number of the many blanks which the paper still
exhibits. Among words indicative of kin which I have met with in Hindu law-books, but which
you do not require, are atydryas'was'ura, "paternal great-grandfather of a woman's husband;"
atydryavriddhaprapitamaha, "paternal great-grandfather's paternal great-grandfather;" &c. &c.
6. The remarriage of widows not having been current in old times in India, a number of words
expressive of relationship that might be counted on, do not exist in the Sanskrit.
7. Should any further information be required in connection with the accompanying table, I would
refer you to Prof. W. D. Whitney, of Yale College. Mr. Whitney's knowledge of the Sanskrit
is acknowledged, by the best of living Sanskrits, to entitle him to rank fully on a level with them-
selves.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
41
stock-language for this relationship : but he is my brotJier through this uncle — my
brother in a particular way. The son of this collateral brother is my nephew, and
the son of the latter is my grandson in the same peculiar sense, since these terms
express the relationship which comes back to Ego. But for the qualification here
placed upon the terms for brother, nephew, and grandson, the mode of classification
would be identical with one of the Asiatic forms hereafter to be presented. How
the Polish made such a wide departure from the primitive descriptive method is a
suggestive question.
The following diagram will make more familiar the lineal and first three collateral
lines on the father's side : —
LIKEAL LIKE.
3d Collateral, Kale
Frawnflk • 1 COS I V. nfik Synowca
G U 1 ZImny Dziadek
8 } Zirancy StryJ
Slryjcczny Brat
Bratan«o
Wnttk
Prawnttk
Having no term for great uncle, my grandfather's brother is my grandfather;
but to distinguish him from the real ancestor, and to express, at the same time, the
difference in the relationship, the word, zimny = cold, is prefixed, which qualification
is continued to each of his descendants. This gives for the series, in the third
collateral, as shown in the diagram, cold grandfather, cold paternal uncle, brother
through cold paternal uncle, nephew through cold paternal uncle, and grandson
through cold paternal uncle. For a further knowledge of this interesting system
reference is made to the Table.
2. Slovaldan or Bohemian. — The Bohemian schedule seems to have been imper-
fectly filled in consequence of following a variant translation of the questions from
English into German, by means of which the learned Professor it would seem was
misled in all the branches of the second collateral line. In this line the most re-
markable features of the Slovakian system appear. It exhibits the nomenclature,
and some portion of each line in agreement with the Polish or Russian, and it is
given entire in the Table as furnished, as it is at least possible that it may be correct.
Since the Bohemians and Poles are of the western Slavonic branch, and the Bulga-
rians and Russians of the eastern, the forms of consanguinity that now prevail in these
6 December, 1868.
42
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
nations would probably exhibit all the diversities in the system of the Slavonic na-
tions. For this reason the incompleteness referred to, and which is true, to nearly
the same extent, of the Bulgarian, is the more to be regretted. The Bohemian form,
as it appears in the Table, is nevertheless Avorthy of a careful examination.
3. Bulgarian. — Two schedules of the Bulgarian are given in the Table. It
agrees with the Polish in a part of the first and second collateral lines. When
both forms are fully investigated, they will doubtless be found in full agreement.
The series of the first collateral line, male, is as follows : Brother, nephew, little
grandson, and little great-grandson. In the second collateral is found the same
extraordinary series before given in the Polish ; namely, chicha, " paternal uncle ;"
otchicha brat, "brother through paternal uncle;" otchiclia bratanetz, "nephew
through paternal uncle ;" and otchicha vnoolc, " grandson through paternal uncle."
this remarkable classification -of kindred, and which is the same in the other
branches of these lines, is peculiar to the Slavonic nations within the limits of the
Aryan family.1 In the remaining branches of this line the persons, as shown in
the Table, are described, which was not to have been expected. It probably indi-
cates that both forms are used.2
4. Rmsian. — In some respects the Russian differs from the Polish and Bohemian.
The following diagram exhibits these differences, as well as all that is peculiar in
the Russian method : —
LINEAL LINE.
MALE.
G G. G. F. Q Prapradjed
G.G.F. Apradjed
4th Collateral,
Male, F. S.
Itt Collateral.
Male.
QBrat
. I
Son O Svn O Pljemjannik
I Djadja
| Dvojurodnyi Brst
Dvojurodnyi Djodja
Trojurodnyi Brat
Q Trojurodnyi Djadja
) Tchetverojnrodnyi Brat
) Dvojnrodnyi Pljemjannik Q Trojurodnyi Pljemjannik Q Tchetverojurodnyi Pljemjannik
G. 8. QVnuch O Vnntchatnyi Pljemjannik O Dvojurodnyi Vnutchatnyi O Trojnrodnyi Vnutchatnyi Q Tchotverojnrodnyi Vnutchatnyi
Pljemjannik Pljemjaunik Pljetnjanuik
1 The fulness of the Bulgarian nomenclature is further shown by the possession of terms not called
out by the questions in the Table : as bratetz, " husband's younger brother ;" malina and sestritza,
"husband's younger sister;" nahranenitz, "adopted son;" nahraneitza, "adopted daughter;"
streekovi, " the children of brothers.
• Mr. Morse, in his letter to the author, remarks : " The only things peculiar which I have noticed
are the three following : First, otchicha brat, brother from paternal uncle, for father's brother's son,
or cousin ; but in eastern Bulgaria uncle's son is used ; second, vnook is used both for one's grand-
son, and for a brother's and sister's grandson ; third, deda is both grandfather and great-uncle. This
is the reciprocal of the preceding. If I call my brother's grandson my grandson, it is proper that
he should call me grandfather." Elsewhere he states that vnook was used in the twofold sense of
grandson and nephew, and that the distinction, in the last use, was sometimes made by prefixing
mal = little.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 43
The first collateral line, male, gives the following series : Brother, nepliew, and
nephew-grandson. The second: Paternal uncle, double-birth brotlier, double-
birth nephew, and double-birth nephew-grandson. The same peculiarity runs
through the other branches of this line, and also through the several branches
of the third and more remote collateral lines. Thus, in the third we have for the
series, grandfather, double-birth uncle, triple-birth brother, trifle-birth nephew,
and triple-birth nephew-grandson. A reference to the Table will show that the
same form of designation runs through the entire system. It will be observed that
in the Russian, as in the Polish, the terms for brother and sister are applied to first,
second, third and fourth cousins, male and female : thus the double-birth brother
is in the second collateral line, the triple in the third, and the quadruple in the
fourth. The son of each of these collateral brothers is a nephew of Ego, and the
son of each of these nephews is his nephew-grandson of a certain birth. This
realizes, in part, the classification of consanguinci which is found in the Hindi and
Bengali, and in other forms in the several dialects of the Gaura language. It
appears to be its object to bring collateral kindred within the near degrees of rela-
tionship, instead of describing them as persons; leaving the relationship to be
implied from the force of the description. The same idea repeats itself in calling
a grandfather's brother a grandfather, which he is not, instead of great-uncle, or
describing him as grandfather's brother.
Special features, such as these, incorporated in a system of relationship, are of
great value for ethnological purposes. Where not essentially foreign to the system
they may be explained as deviations from uniformity which sprang up fortuitously
in a particular branch of a great family of nations, after which they were trans-
mitted with the blood to the subdivisions of such branch ; or, if fundamentally
different from the original system of the family, they may have resulted from a
combination of two radically distinct forms, and, therefore, indicate a mixture of
the blood of two peoples belonging to different families. These special features
of a system, when as marked as in the Polish and the Russian, have a history
capable of interpretation which reaches far back into the past. They are worthy
of investigation for the possible information they may yield upon the question of
the blood affinities of nations which concur in their possession, however widely
separated they may be from each other. If the divergent element is unexplainable
as a development from the materials of the common system of the family, its foreign
origin, through mixture of blood, will become a strong presumption. The peculiar
features of the Sclavonic system cannot be explained as arising by natural growth
out of a form originally descriptive. There is a distinct element of classification
of kindred applied to collaterals which does not seem to spring by logical develop-
ment from the ideas that underlie the common system of the Aryan family. It
falls far below the comprehensive method of classification which distinguishes the
Turanian system; but it finds its counterpart to some extent, as before stated, in
the Hindi and Bengali forms, which have been placed in the Turanian connection.
5. Lithuanian. — The Lithuanian system of relationship is not fully extended in
the Table. So much of it only is given as could be drawn from the lexicon or
vocabulary of the dialect. It is therefore limited to the special terms. The
44 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
method of designating collateral kindred, which is the most important part of the
system, is wanting. It is for this reason of but little value for comparison. Since
both the Lithuanian and Lettish dialects are still spoken, the system of relationship
of each of these nations is still a living form. The absence of the Lithuanian,
therefore, is the more to be regretted, since it might have shown the original
Slavonic form, and thus tended to explain its peculiar features. •
VI. Celtic Nations. 1. Erse. 2. Gaelic. 3. Manx. 4. Welsh.
1. Erse. — The forms in the Gaelic and Manx are in so near agreement with the
Erse that they will be considered together ; but the illustrations will be taken from
the latter.
The Celtic system, as it appears in the forms of these three nations, is purely
descriptive. It is more strictly the typical form of the Aryan family than the
Roman, and on some accounts should have been first presented. But as the Roman
was based upon the same original, and embodies all the developments from it sub-
sequently made, it furnished a better starting-point for the exposition of the
descriptive system. Whilst the Turanian and American Indian systems employ
special terms for every recognized relationship, and are therefore non-descriptive,
the Celtic, possessing no special terms except the primary, is descriptive, pure and
simple ; and thus holds the opposite extreme. The difference, as will appear in
the sequel, is fundamental. There is every probability that the Erse and Gaelic
forms have remained as they now are from a very early period.
Where relatives by blood and marriage are described, without exception, by a
combination of the primary terms, it might be supposed to indicate the absence of
any positive system of relationship ; but this would be an erroneous inference.
Such a form is essentially affirmative. To describe kindred in this manner we
must ascend step by step, by the chain of consanguinity, from Ego to the common
ancestor, and then descend in the same definite manner in each collateral line to
the particular person whose relationship is sought; or, we must reverse -the process,
and ascend from this person to the common ancestor, and then down to Ego. By
this means the natural outflow of the generations is recognized, the several colla-
teral lines are preserved distinct from each other and divergent from the lineal, and
absolute precision in the description of kindred is reached. So far it contains a
positive element. In the second place, to resist for ages the invention or adoption
of special terms for the near collateral relationships which are so constantly needed
in domestic life, evinces a decisive, not to say pertinacious, preference for the
descriptive method. Although this form suggests from within itself a certain num-
ber of generalizations of kindred into classes, with the use of special terms for these
relationships in the concrete, yet a system must be developed up to and beyond the
Roman standard form to render the use of these common terms definitely expres-
sive ; or, in other words, to secure the precision of the purely descriptive method.
As a domestic institution the system necessarily possesses the elements of perma-
nence ; and its modifications are the slow products of time and growth. Beside
the adoption of the Roman as our legal form, the only changes in the English sys-
tem within the last five centuries, so far as the writer is aware, is the restriction
of the terms wpliew and niece to the children of the brother and sister of Ego, and
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
45
the substitution of grandson and granddaughter in their places in the lineal line.
It is not probable that it will be changed as much as this within the same period
of time in the future.
The following diagram exhibits the Erse form : —
LINEAL LINE.
FEMALE
MALE
FATHER'S Sins
V Collateral, FemaU
Driffur nmhar '
Mac driffer mahar
Mac mic driffer mahar
Mac mic mic driffer mahar
.lac mic mic mic d
Shan vahair mahar Q Shan ahair mahar
Mohair mo han ahair Q Ahair mo ban ahu
Mo han Tahair (~) Mo ban ahair
1st Collateral, Female
Mo yriffur I
Mac mo driffer (
I
Mo vahair^ Q M
o ahair
Euo O Eao
Ho ineean O Mo Tac
FATHER'S SIDE.
2° Collateral, Male
\st Collateral, Male O Drihair mahar
O Ma<> drihar mahar
~O Mo yrlhair
I
Mac mo drihar O
Mac mic drihar mahar
riffer mahar O Mac mic mic mo dri
.1
Mac mic mo driffer O lueean mo iueeaa O Mac mo T^c
ffer O Ineean mic mo vie O Mac mic mo Tic
Mac mic mo driha O Mac mic m'c irinar mahar
Mac mic mic mo drihair O Mac mic mic mic drihar mahar
>ir O
O Ma
ilac mic mic mic mic driffer Q Mac mic mic mic mo O In««an mic mic mo Tic Q Mac mic mic mo Tic Q Mac mic mic mic mo O Mac ""'" mlc m'c mlc drihar
mahar driffer drihar mahar
For consanguinei and marriage relatives the Erse and Gaelic have but eight, and
these the primary terms.1 By means of these terms, which exhaust the nomencla-
ture, all of their kindred, near and remote, are described. The diagram represents
the lineal line, male and female, and the first and second collateral lines, male and
female. Each relationship is made personal to EGO by the use of the pronoun my
in the description. of each person.
In the first collateral the series is as follows : Brotlier, son of my brother and
son of son of my brother ; the second collateral, brotJier of my father, son of brotJier
of my father, and son of son of brother of my father. In the third collateral the
description is modified by the use of shan ahair, " old father," in the place of
" father of father," which gives for the series, brother of my old father, son of
brother of my old father and son of son of brother of my old father, and so downward
as far as the line is followed. The description, as in the Icelandic, commences
at the opposite extreme from Ego. In the Table, the Erse, Gaelic and Manx forms
will be found fully extended.
4. Welsh. — It is probable that the Welsh form of describing kindred was origi-
nally the same as the present Erse ; but it is now distinguished from it by the
1 The term uncle has been naturalized in the Erse dialect in uncail, pronounced Oonchail.
46
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
possession of several special terms for collateral relations, which were evidently
indigenous in the Welsh dialect. The use of these terms, as a part of the nomen-
clature, modified the method of describing kindred in the same manner as it did
in other Aryan dialects. They were evolved by generalizing certain persons into
classes, and were used as common terms to express the corresponding relationships.
In the first collateral line, male, the series is as follows : brother, nephew, and
grandson of brother ; in the second, uncle, male cousin, son of male cousin, and
grandson of male cousin. The cousin, as in other forms, is made a second start-
ing-point. Which uncle, or which cousin is intended, does not appear ; and the
defect in the statement could only be corrected by resorting to the Erse method,
or general words explaining the line and branch to which each person belonged.
The prevalence of a concurrent as well as anterior descriptive method, is plainly
inferrible.1
VII. Persian. The modern Persian dialect of the Aryan language has a remark-
able history : not so much from the changes through which it has passed, as from
its having been a literary language from the earliest period, nearly, of authentic
history. After passing through several forms of speech, the Zend, the Pahlevi,
and the Parsee, each of which is permanent in written records, it still remains a
lineal descendant of the Zend, as well as a closely allied dialect of the Sanskrit.
1 In the " Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales," there is a curious diagram illustrative of the
Welsh system of consanguinity, of which the following is a copy. (Vide British Records, Com-
mission Series, Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, book xi, ch. iv, p. 605.)
If Ego is placed between the father and son the lineal and first collateral lines would become
intelligible, and would be in the same form as the Holland Dutch ; but the remainder would bo
unintelligible. The same result follows each change of Ego upon the lineal line. But it shows that
the arrangement of the lines was correctly apprehended. — G. = {?orAenc?«(Z=great-grandfatlier ; II. =
Hendad = grandfather ; T. = Tad = father ; M. = j)fo6 = son ; W. = Wyr = grandson ; ~B.=Braivl =
brother; K. probably represents either Nai, nephew, or Nghfnder (pronounced hevendcr), cousin,
under a different orthography. C. probably Ooroyr = great-grandson.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
47
It is the only Aryan dialect which can point to more than one antecedent form in
which it was established by a literature, and from which it successively broke
away. It still retains its grammatical structure as an Aryan dialect, whilst it has
drawn its vocables so largely from Semitic and other sources as to seriously alter its
family complexion.
For many reasons the Persian system of relationship was very desirable for com-
parison with those of the remaining branches of the family. It is given with toler-
able fulness in the table. Its nomenclature has been augmented by the adoption
of several terms from the Arabic, which in turn have introduced a change in the
mode of designating kindred ; but it is still evident, notwithstanding the foreign
element, that its original form was descriptive. The following diagram exhibits the
material parts of the system.
LINEAL LINE.
FEMALE
MALE
FiTHEB'8 SlDB
td Collateral, Female
FATHER'S Sins
M Collateral, Malt
Ami
Poosari hahar ( S ' Dflhktarf g 1 Poosar
NaTadai hahar I »> 1 Navada GS KN'avada
Poosari amoo
Navadai «moo
GGS )NiliJ *•«"">•
There is no term in the Persian for grandfather ; he is described as an " elder
father." The term ndtija, great-grandchild, was either borrowed from the Nesto-
rian, or the latter obtained it from the former. In the Persian terms for paternal
uncle and aunt amoo, ama, are recognized the Arabic 'amm, 'ammet, for the same
relationships ; and in hdloo, hdla, maternal uncle and aunt, the Arabic 'Khdl,
'.Khdlet, also for the same. From the presence of these foreign terms in the Persian
it is inferrible that these relationships were not discriminated either in the Zend,
Pahlevi or Parsee, nor in the Persian until after they were borrowed. These several
persons, therefore, must have been described by the Celtic method.
In the first collateral line, male, the series is as follows : brotJier, son of brotJter
and grandchild of brother ; and in the second: paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle,
grandchild of paternal uncle, and great-grandchild of paternal uncle. The other
branches follow in a similar form.1
1 The pronoun my is a suffix in the Persian, as it is in the Finn and also in the Arabic.
Father. Mother. Son. Daughter. Paternal Uncle.
My Poodiiriim, Madaram, Poosaam, Duhktaram, Amooyam.
Our Poodarima, Madarima, Poosaima, Dfihktarima, Amooyama.
His Poodarioo, Madiirioo, Poosaioo, Duhktaroo, Amooyaoo.
48 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
VIII. Armenian. The great antiquity of the Armenians as a people, and their
intimate connection, at different periods, with members of the three great families
of mankind, which have held dominion in Asia Minor, invests their system of consan-
guinity with some degree of interest. It is a simple and yet complete system. In
its radical features, and in its minute details, it is substantially identical with the
Erse and Gaelic forms. One more term is found in its nomenclature than the Erse
contains, namely, tor, grandson ; but this was probably borrowed either from the
Osmanli-Turkish, or the Nestorian, in both of which it is found. The Armenian
system is purely descriptive, the description of kindred being effected by a combi-
nation of the primary terms.
In the first collateral line, male, the . following is the series : brother, son of my
brotJier, and son of son of my brother ; in the second collateral : brother of my fatfter,
son of brotlier of my father, and son of son of brother of my father ; and in the third
collateral : brother of my old-father, son of brother of my old-father ; and son of son
of brother of my old-fatlier. These illustrations are sufficient to exhibit the cha-
racter of the system, and also to show its identity of form with the Erse and
Gaelic. There is also a seeming identity of some of the terms in their nomencla-
tures of relationship. With the Armenian the series of Aryan nations represented
in the Table is closed.
Very little reference has been made to the marriage relationships as they exist
in the several nations of this family. They are not material in the descriptive sys-
tem, except for comparison of the terms as vocables. They will be found in the
Table to which the reader is referred for further information.
From this brief review of the more prominent features of the system of relation-
ship of the Aryan nations it has been rendered apparent that the original form of each
nation, with the possible exception of the Slavonic nations, was purely descriptive.
It is also evident that it is a natural system, following the streams of the blood, and
maintaining the several collateral lines distinct from each other, and divergent from
the lineal line. In several of the subdivisions of this great family it is still exclu-
sively descriptive as in the Armenian, the Erse, and the Icelandic, while in others,
as the Roman, the German, and the English, it is a mixture of the descriptive,
with a limited amount of classification of kindred by means of common terms.
These terms embrace but a fraction of our kindred. Their use, in describing more
distant relations, in combination with the primary terms is but a further expansion
of the original system. The origin of these secondary terms, which represent the
extent of the modification made, must be found in the constantly recurring desire
to avoid the inconvenience of descriptive phrases. Such modifications as have been
made are neither inconsistent with the inference that the original form of each
nation was descriptive, nor such a departure from it as to render it other than a
descriptive system at the present time. This general conclusion, I think, must be
considered established.
It may be farther remarked that certain persons who stand in the same degree
of nearness to Ego were classed together, and a common term invented to express
the relationship ; but some of these terms, as olieim and uncle, vedder and cousin,
are radically distinct, and are yet applied to the same persons. At the same time
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 49
descriptive phrases are used concurrently to designate each respectively. It might
be a reasonable supposition that an elaborate nomenclature of relationships was
developed in the formative period of the primitive speech of the family, yielding
synonyms more or less in number ; and that some of these terms had fallen out of
certain dialects of the language after their separation, and had been retained by
others. But the constancy of the primary terms in all these dialects, and the
ascertained subsequent development of several of the secondary, such as uncle and
cousin, forbid this supposition. There is nothing in the original nomenclature, or
in its subsequent growth, which seems to favor an assumption that the present has
advanced or receded from a primitive form that was radically different. On the
contrary, the evidence from the Sanskrit and Scandinavian, and conclusively from
the Celtic and Armenian, tends to show that the system of the Aryan family, im-
mediately before its subdivision commenced, was purely descriptive, whatever it
might have been at an anterior epoch. The changes that have occurred are ex-
plainable by the changes of condition through which the branches of this family
have passed. And when the amazing extent of these changes is considered it is
chiefly remarkable that the primitive system of consanguinity should still so clearly
manifest itself.
If each distinct idea or conception embodied in the common system of relation-
ship of the Aryan family were detached by analysis from its connections, and placed
as a separate proposition, the number would not be large ; and yet when associated
together they are sufficient to create a system, and to organize a family upon the
bond of kindred. A system thus formed became, when adopted into practical use,
a domestic institution, which, after its establishment, would be upheld and sustained
by the ever-continuing necessities that brought it into being. Its mode of trans-
mission, like that of language, was through the channels of the blood. It becomes,
then, a question of the highest moment whether its radical forms are stable ; and
whether they are capable of self-perpetuation through indefinite periods of time.
The solution of these problems will decide the further, and still more important
question, whether or not these systems, through the identity of their radical features,
can deliver any testimony concerning the genetic connection of the great families
of mankind, as well as of the nations of which these families are severally com-
posed. Without entering upon the discussion of these topics, which is reserved
until the facts with reference to the systems of other families have been presented,
it may be observed that the perpetuation of the descriptive system through so many
independent channels, and through the number of centuries these nations have
been separated from each other, was neither an accidental nor a fortuitous occur-
rence. There are sufficient reasons why the Erse, the Icelandic, and the Armenian
forms are still identical down to their minute details ; why the system of the re-
maining nations of this family has departed so slightly from the original common
form ; and why it has moved independently, in each dialect and stock-language,
in the same definite direction.
The systems of the Semitic and Uralian families remain to be noticed, which, as
they are also descriptive, properly precede the classificatory.
7 January, 1839.
50 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CHAPTER V.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEMITIC FAMILY.
Arabic System — Illustrations of its method — Nearly identical with the Celtic — Druse and Maronite — Agrees with
the Arabic — Hebrew System — Restoration of its Details difficult — Illustrations of its Method — Agrees with
the Arabic — Neo-Syriac or Nestorian — Illustrations of its Method — Agrees with the Arabic — System presump-
tively follows the Language — Comparison of Aryan and Semitic Systems — Identical in their Radical Charac-
teristics— Originally Descriptive in Form — Probable Inferences from this Identity.
THE Semitic language, in its three principal branches, is represented in the
Table, with the system of consanguinity and affinity peculiar to each. First, the
Arabic, by the Arabic and Druse and Maronite ; second, the Hebraic, by the
Hebrew; and third, the Aramaic, by the Neo-Syriac or Nestorian. Since the
Arabic and Nestorian are spoken languages, and their systems of relationship are in
daily use, and as the Hebrew exhibits the Jewish form as it prevailed when this
language ceased to be spoken, the schedules in the Table present, without doubt,
the ancient plan of consanguinity of that remarkable family which has exercised
such a decisive influence upon the destiny of mankind. Although the influence of
the Semitic family has been declining for centuries, before the overmastering
strength of the Aryan civilization, the family itself will ever occupy a conspicuous
position in human history. These schedules are the more interesting because they
reveal, with so much of certainty, not only the present but also the ancient system
which prevailed in the Semitic kingdoms of Babylon, Nineveh and Jerusalem, and
in the Commonwealth of Carthage. They are likewise important for comparison
for the purpose of ascertaining the nature and ethnic boundaries of the descriptive
form of consanguinity, and its relations to the forms in other families of mankind.
The two distinguishing characteristics of the system of the Aryan family are
present in the Semitic. In the first place, it is substantially descriptive in form,
with the same tendency to a limited number of generalizations to relieve the bur-
densomeness of this method ; and in the second, it maintains the several collateral
lines distinct from each other and divergent from the lineal line. In other words,
it follows the streams of the blood, as they must necessarily flow where marriage
exists between single pairs.
Whilst the Semitic system separates the family by a distinct and well defined
line from the Asiatic nations beyond the Indus, it places it side by side with the
Aryan and Uralian. So far as the descriptive system of relationship can deliver
any testimony through identity of radical forms, which is worthy of acceptance, it
tends to show, that while there is no traceable affinity from this source between the
Semitic and Turanian families, there is a positive convergence of the Aryan, Semitic
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 51
and Uralian families to a common point of unity, the evidence of which is still
preserved (if it can be said to amount to evidence) in their several modes of indi-
cating the domestic relationships.
I. Arabic Branch. 1. Arabic. 2. Druse and Maronite.
1. Arabic Nation. — There are original terms in this language for grandfather
and grandmother, which is the more singular as there are none in Hebrew.
Ascendants above these degrees are described by a combination of these terms
with those for father and mother, in which respect the Arabic is variant from the
Aryan form. While we would say grandfather's father or great-grandfather, an
Arab would say, father of grandfather. It is a slight difference, and yet it reveals
a usage with respect to the manner of expressing this relationship. There are no
terms in Arabic for grandson or granddaughter, nephew or niece, or cousin. These
persons are described by the Celtic method.
The following is the series in the first collateral line, male : brother, son of my
brother, son of son of my brother, and son of son of son of my brotlier. It is in
literal agreement with the Roman and Erse.
It is a noticeable feature of the Arabic system that it has separate terms in 'amm
'ammet for paternal uncle and aunt, and in 'Midi 'khdlet for maternal uncle and
aunt. By means of these terms the manner of describing the four branches of the
second collateral line was carried up fully to the Roman standard in convenience
and precision, and became identical with it in form. It also tends to show that
the development of a system originally descriptive has a predetermined logical
direction. With the exception of the discrimination of the relationships named,
and the changes thereby introduced in the method of indicating consanguinei, the
Arabic form is identical with the Erse.
In the second collateral line, male branch, the series gives paternal uncle, son
of paternal uncle, and son of son of paternal uncle. The third, which is variant
from the Roman, is as follows : paternal uncle of father, son of paternal uncle of
father, and son of son of paternal uncle of father. This line is described as a series
of relatives of the father of Ego. In like 'manner the fourth collateral line is
described as a scries of relatives of the grandfather of Ego, e. g., paternal uncle
of yrandfatlver, son of paternal uncle of grandfather, and so downward as far as
the line was traceable. For a further knowledge of the details of the Arabic system
reference is made to the Table.
No attempt is made in this system to classify kindred by the generalization of
those who stand in the same degree of nearness to Ego into one class, with the use
of a special term to express the relationship. On the contrary, the four special
terms for collateral kindred, above named, are each applied to a single class of per-
sons who are brothers and sisters to each other, which is the lowest form of gene-
ralization in any system of consanguinity. It is the same as the generalization of
the relationship of brother or son, each of which terms is applied to several persons
who stand in an identical relationship. Nephew, in our sense, on the contrary,
involves the generalization of two classes of persons into one class, and cousin that
of four into one. Neither does the Arabic employ the Sanskritic or Grecian method
of compounding terms by contraction to express specific relationship ; but it adheres
52 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
closely to a purely descriptive method by the use of the primary terms. The
Erse and Gaelic are nearer to the Arabic in their minute forms than they are to
any form of any Aryan nation, except the Armenian and the Scandinavian.
It is quite probable that the words for uncle and aunt are of comparatively
modern use in Arabic as terms of relationship, as they have other meanings, which
for a period of time may have been exclusive. In answer to an inquiry upon this
point the distinguished American missionary Dr. C. V. A. Van Dyck, of Beirut,
Syria, writes : " The Arabic words for uncle and aunt, 'amm 'ammet, 'khdl 'khdlet,
are derived from pure Arabic roots, but are not necessarily of very ancient use in
the above meanings, as they have several other meanings. Their use in describing
degrees of relationship may be somewhat later than the early history of the
language, yet they are found as far back as we have any remains of the language.
If the Himyaritic were sufficiently restored to be of use, it might throw some light
upon what you remark concerning the Erse and Gaelic."
The presence of two of these terms in the Hebrew, and of the four in the Nes-
torian, gives to them necessarily a very great antiquity as terms of relationship ;
but it may be possible to reach beyond the period of their first introduction.
The marriage relationships are quite fully discriminated, and reveal some pecu-
liarities. For an inspection of them reference is again made to the Table.
2. Druse and Maronite. — This form is so nearly identical with the last that it
does not require a separate notice. The fact of its identity, both in form and terms,
is important, however, since it furnishes a criterion for determining the stability of
the system during the period these nations have been politically distinct.
II. Hebraic Branch. Hebrew Nation. The same difficulty that prevented the
restoration of the Sanskrit system of relationship in its full original form exists also
with reference to the Hebrew. It ceased to be a living form when the language
ceased to be spoken, and from the remains of the language it can only be restored
conjecturally beyond the nearest degrees.
In the lineal line all persons above father and below son must have been described
by a combination of the primary terms. This is inferable also from the general
tenor of the Scripture genealogies. There are special terms for descendants of the
third and fourth generation which were applied to each specifically.
The series in the first collateral line, male, as given in the Table, is limited to two
persons, namely, brother and son of brother. It is to be inferred that the remain-
ing descendants were described as son of son of IrotJier, and so downward as far as
the relationship was to be traced.
In this language the term for paternal uncle is dodhi, the literal signification of
which is " beloved." Is it to be inferred that this relationship was not discrimi-
nated until after the Hebrew became a distinct dialect, or that it superseded the
original of the Arabic 'amm? The first two members of this branch of the line
only are given in the table, namely, paternal uncle and son of paternal uncle.
Without doubt the remaining persons were described as in the Arabic. The ana-
logy of the system suggests this inference. In akhi and "kliotli, maternal uncle and
aurt, we find words from the same root as Mdl and khdlet for the same relation-
ships. The description of persons in these branches is the same as in the last case,
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 53
namely, maternal uncle and son of maternal uncle; maternal aunt and son of
maternal aunt. This fragment is all that remains of the Hebrew system as it is
shown in the table. The nature, and to some extent the form, of the system may
be gathered from the Scripture genealogies, in which it is found to be descriptive.
So far as the characteristic features of the Hebrew form of consanguinity are
given in the Table, they are seen to be identical with the Arabic substantially.
This fact becomes important when it is remembered that the Hebrew system is
shown as it existed when the language ceased to be spoken, which event is gene-
rally placed at the period of the Babylonian captivity 720 B. C. At the commence-
ment of the Christian era the Aramaic dialect of the Semitic language had become
substituted for the Hebrew among the Jews. The slight differences between the
Arabic of to-day and the Hebrew form of twenty centuries and upwards ago, is a
fact of some significance in its bearing upon the question of the stability of the
radical features of descriptive systems of relationship.
There are several points concerning the use of terms of consanguinity in the
New Testament Scriptures, as well as in the Old, which it would be instructive to
investigate. This is particularly the case with reference to the term for brother,
which appears to have been applied to a cousin as well, and which use finds
its parallel in the Turanian form. But with the radical features of the Hebrew
system before us, these uses of the term must either find their explanation in some
particular custom ; or point to a different and still more primitive form.
III. Aramaic Branch. Neo-Syriac, or Nestorian.
The Syriac and Chaldee are the two principal dialects of the Aramaic branch of
the Semitic language. Of these, the Nestorian is the modern form of the Syriac,
and stands to it in the same relation Italian does to Latin. It is a lineal descend-
ant of the ancient language of Babylon and Nineveh. We are indebted to the
American missionaries for rendering the dialect accessible.
The Nestorian nomenclature of relationships has been developed slightly beyond
the Arabic and the Hebrew. It has original terms for grandfather and grand-
mother, by means of which, and in combination with the terms for father and
mother, ascendants are described in the same manner as in the Arabic ; also, origi-
nal terms for grandson and granddaughter, and for the next degree beyond, by
means of which descendants are distinguished from each other. This is the extent
of the difference, but it introduces a slight variation in the method of describing
kindred.
The first collateral line, male, gives the following series : Brother, son of
brother, grandson of brother, and great grandson of brother. The form is the
same as in the Arabic, but with the substitution of the new terms. In the second
collateral we have paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, and grandson of paternal
uncle ; and in the third, brottier of grandfather, son of brotfier of grandfather,
and grandson of brother of grandfather. The remaining branches of these lines
are described, with corresponding changes, in the same manner.
In the Nestorian there are no terms for nephew or niece or cousin, consequently
dmuwee and umte, KMluwee and Kdhleh, uncle and aunt, and which are from the
54' SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
same root as the corresponding Arabic words, were without any correlatives except
in the form of descriptive phrases. Notwithstanding the slight deviations between
the Nestorian and the Arabic forms, after an independent and separate existence
of many centuries, they are still identical in their radical characteristics.
Terms for the marriage relationships are less numerous in the Semitic than in the
Aryan language. From their limited number and the manner of their use they
are of but little importance as a part of the general system of relationship, except
for comparison as vocables. In the systems of the Turanian and American Indian
families they enter more essentially into their framework, and are of much greater
significance from the manner of their use.
The system of relationship of the Semitic family has a much wider range than
is indicated in the Table. It will doubtless be found wherever the blood and lan-
guage of this family have spread. Among the Abyssinians, who speak a Semitic
dialect, it probably prevails ; and most likely among the people who speak the Ber-
ber dialects of North Africa, which are said to be Semitic. Traces of it exist in
the system of the Zulus or Kafirs of South Africa, which, Malayan in form, has
adopted Semitic words into its nomenclature. The Himyaritic dialect, if investi-
gated with reference to this question, would probably disclose some portion of the
primitive form.
A comparison of the systems of relationship of the Semitic and Aryan families
suggests a number of interesting questions. It must have become sufficiently obvi-
ous that in their radical characteristics they are identical. Any remaining doubt
upon that point is removed by the near approach of the Arabic and Nestorian to
the Erse and Icelandic. It is rendered manifest by the comparison that the sys-
tem of the two families was originally purely descriptive, the description being
effected by the primary terms ; and that the further development of each respec-
tively, by the same generalizations, limited to the same relationships, was, in each
case, the work of civilians and scholars to provide for a new want incident to
changes of condition. The rise of these modifications can be definitely traced.
Whether the system in its present form is of natural origin, and the two families came
by it through the necessary constitution of things ; or whether it started at some
epoch in a common family and was transmitted to such families as now possess it
by the streams of the blood, are the alternative questions. Their solution involves
two principal considerations : first, how far the descriptive system is affirmative,
and as such is a product of human intelligence ; and secondly, how far its radical
forms are stable and self-perpetuating. It is not my purpose to do more than make
a general reference to the elements of those propositions which will require a full
discussion in another connection.
The descriptive system is simple rather than complex, and has a natural basis in
the nature of descents, where marriage subsists between single pairs. For these
reasons it might have been framed independently by different families, starting
with an antecedent system either differing or agreeing; and its perpetuation in
such a case might be in virtue of its foundation upon the nature of descents. And
yet these conclusions are not free from doubt. With the fact established that the
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 55
plan of consanguinity of the two families is identical in Avhatever is radical, and with
the further fact extremely probable that it had become established in each at a
time long anterior to their civilization, the final inference is encouraged that it pre-
vailed in the two original nations from which these families were respectively
derived. Standing alone, without any contrasting form, the descriptive system of
the two families would scarcely attract attention. But it so happens that in other
portions of the human family a system of relationship now exists radically different
in its structure and elaborate and complicated in its forms, which is spread out over
large areas of human speech, and which has ^perpetuated itself through equal
periods of time as well as changes of condition. The conditions of society, then,
may have some influence in determining the system of relationship. In other
words, the descriptive form is not inevitable ; neither is it fortuitous. Some form
of consanguinity was an indispensable necessity of each family. Its formation
involved an arrangement of kindred into lines of descent, with the adoption of
a method for distinguishing one kinsman from another. Whatever plan was
finally adopted would acquire the stability of a domestic institution as sodn as
it came in general use and had proved its sufficiency. A little reflection will dis-
cover the extreme difficulty of innovating upon a system once established. Founded
upon common consent, it could only be changed by the influence of motives as uni-
versal as the usage. The choice of a descriptive method for the purpose of special-
izing each relationship, by the Semitic family, and the adoption of the classificatory
by the Turanian, for the purpose of arranging consanguine! into groups, and
placing the members of each group in the same relationship to Ego, were severally
acts of intelligence and knowledge. A system of relationship is to a certain extent
necessarily affirmative. Those parts which embody definite ideas and show man's
work are capable of yielding affirmative testimony concerning the ethnic connection
of nations among whom these ideas have been perpetuated. The descriptive sys-
tem is simple in its elements, and embraces but a few fundamental conceptions. It
is therefore incapable of affording such a body of evidence upon these questions as
the classificatory : but it does not follow that it is entirely without significance. It
is something that the Aryan and Semitic families have a system which can be defi-
nitely traced to the same original form, and to a period of time when each family,
in all probability, existed in a single nation. It is something more that this sys-
tem has positive elements as a product of human intelligence ; and that it has
perpetuated itself through so many centuries of time, in so many independent
channels, and under such eventful changes of condition. To these may be added
the further fact that the several systems of the Aryan nations, taken in connection
with the terms of relationship as vocables, demonstrate the unity of origin of these
nations, and their descent from the same stem of the human family. In like
manner, the systems of the several Semitic nations, considered in connection with
the terms as vocables, demonstrate the unity of origin of the latter nations, and
perform this work in the most simple and direct way. Upon the present showing
it will not be claimed, against the testimony of the vocables, and in the face of
the radical differences in the grammatical structure of the Aryan and Semitic lan-
guages, that it affords any positive evidence of the unity of origin of the two
5& SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
families.1 It will be sufficient to say that the descriptive system separates these
families and the Uralian from all the other families of mankind by a clearly defined
line ; and that it seems to point to a nearer connection among them than either
has with any other family of man.
1 " It is impossible to mistake a Semitic language, and what is more important, it is impossible to
imagine an Aryan language derived from a Semitic, or a Semitic from an Aryan language. The gram-
matical framework is totally distinct in these two families of speech. This does not preclude, however,
the possibility that both are divergent streams of the same source; and the comparisons that have been
instituted between the Semitic roots, reduced to their simplest form, and the roots of the Aryan lan-
guages, have made it more than probable that the material elements with which both started, were ori-
ginally the same." — Muller's Science of Language, Lee. viii. p. 282.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 57
CHAPTER VI.
SYSTEM OP RELATIONSHIP OF THE TJRALIAN FAMILY.
Reasons for Detaching Ugrian and Turk Nations frorff the Turanian Connection— Their System of Relationship
Descriptive — Uralian proposed as a Name for the New Family — I. Ugrian Nations — Their Subdivisions —
System of the Finns — Illustrations of its Method — Marriage Relationships — Limited Amount of Classification
— System of the Esthonians — Purely Descriptive — System of the Magyars — Illustrations of its Method —
Peculiar Features— Chiefly Descriptive— II. Turk Nations— Closely Allied to the .Ugrian— Their Subdivisions
— Area of Uralian Family— Osmanli-Turks— An Extreme Representative of the Turkic Class of Nations —
Relative Positions of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian Families— Osmanli-Turkish System of Relationship-
Illustrations of its Form — Kuzulbashi — A Turkic People — System of Relationship — Illustrations of its
Form — Descriptive in Character — Identity of System in the Branches of this Family — Its Agreement with that
of the Aryan and Semitic Families— Objects gained by Comparisons— Ascertainment of the Nature and Prin-
ciples of the Descriptive System — Ethnic Boundaries of its Distribution — Concurrence of these Families in
its Possession— Subordinate in Importance to the Classificatory— Exposition of the Classificatory System the
Main Object of this Work.
IT is proposed to detach from the assemblage of nations, distinguished as the
Turanian family, the Ugrian and Turk branches, and to erect them into an inde-
pendent family under the name of the Uralian. All of the Asiatic dialects which
fell without the Aryan and Semitic connections, have been gathered into the Tura-
nian family of languages, with the exception of the Chinese and its cognates.
This classification, however, philologists have regarded as provisional. These
dialects are not parts of a family speech in the same sense as are the Aryan and
Semitic dialects.1 The latter respectively agree with each other in their minute as
well as general grammatical forms, and this, in turn, is corroborated by the iden-
tity of a large number of vocables in the several branches of each. On the other
hand, in the Turanian dialects, in addition to morphological similarities, which are
inconclusive, there is a partial identity of grammatical forms, and also of vocables
which serve to connect particular groups, but fail to unite the several groups as
a whole. In other words, the Turanian family of languages, as now constituted,
cannot hold together if subjected to the same tests upon which the Aryan and
Semitic were established ; or upon which a new dialect would now be admitted
into either.
The introduction of this new family does not contravene any established philo-
logical conclusion. In the formation of a family of languages the method of the
philologists was rigidly scientific. Such dialects as were derived from the same
immediate source, the evidence of which was preserved in the vocables, were first
brought together in a stock-language, such as the Slavonic. A further comparison
1 Science of Language, p. 289.
8 January, 1869,
58 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
of these stock languages with each other was then made, to find how far the root
forms of their vocables were identical ; and also to discover another class of affini-
ties which the grammatical structure of these stock languages might reveal. It
was early ascertained that grammatical structure was the ultimate criterion by
which the admission of a doubtful language must be determined, since the number
of constant vocables became smaller in the extreme branches of a family ethnically
connected, and the subtile process of naturalization might explain their presence in
each without being indigenous in either. In this manner a true family of lan-
guages was bound together by common grammatical forms, and by the more simple
and conclusive bond of common vocables. The Turanian dialects, so called, have
been much less investigated, and are less thoroughly known than the Aryan or
Semitic, in consequence of their great numbers, their inaccessible position, and the
vast extent of the areas over which they are spread. It is not claimed that the
same coincidences in grammatical forms, or identity of vocables exist in the several
branches of the Turanian speech. A limited number of common words and of
common roots, running, not through all the branches of the Turanian speech, but
here and there through certain portions, furnished some evidence of original unity,
but not enough, standing alone, to sustain the classification. These dialects also
agree with each other with respect to their articulation. They are agglutinated in
their structure, and this common feature has entered, to some extent, into the basis
upon which they have been organized into a family of languages. If, however,
agglutination is a stage of growth or development through which all languages
must pass after emerging from the monosyllabic and before reaching the inflectional,
which is the received opinion, it does not furnish any basis for the organization of
these dialects into a family of speech. Beside this, the use of this common feature
of agglutination, as a ground of classification, forces the Chinese and its cognate
dialects into a position of isolation, and interposes a barrier between them and the
proper Turanian dialects where none such may exist. For these reasons the reduc-
tion of this great body of languages, under a Northern and Southern division, into
one common family, the Turanian, could not be other than a provisional arrange-
ment. The science of language is impeded rather than advanced by raising to the
rank of a family of languages such an incongruous assemblage of dialects as are
now included in the Turanian. The Aryan and Semitic standard is much to be
preferred.
Upon the basis of the systems of consanguinity and affinity of the Asiatic
nations, they divide themselves into at least two distinct families, each of which,
it seems probable, will ultimately become as clearly distinguished from the
other as the Aryan now is from the Semitic. A comparison of the systems of a
limited number of these nations has led to singular and rather unexpected
results. The system of the Turanian family proper, Avhich will be presented in
a subsequent part of this work, separates it from the Aryan and Semitic by a
line of demarcation perfectly distinct and traceable. Such a result furnishes no
occasion of surprise. On the other hand, it excludes from the Turanian connec-
tion, by a line not less distinct and unmistakable, the Ugrian and Turk stocks,
which are the principal members of the Northern division of the family, as now
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 59
constituted. In other words, the Ugrian and Turk nations detach themselves,
through their system of relationship, from the Turanian family, and stand indepen-
dent. Such a result was not to have been expected. Their system of consanguin-
ity is not classificatory, but descriptive. If any inference can be drawn from the
joint possession of such a system it would be that these nations are nearer akin to
the Aryan and Semitic nations than they are to the Turanian ; and that- the blood
of the Finn, the Magyar, and the Turk, if traced back to its sources, will be found
to revert to the common stream from which issued the Semitic and Aryan currents
before it can approach the still older Turanian channel.
The Ugrian and Turk nations represented in the Table are few in number. A
much larger number is fairly necessary to substantiate the claims of these nations
to the rank of a family ; but nevertheless, the indications revealed in their system
of relationship are unmistakable. It will be quite satisfactory to leave the final
recognition of the Uralian family dependent upon the concurrence of the unrepre-
sented nations in the possession of the same system of consanguinity. For the
present it will suffice to present the system as it now exists in some of the branches
of the proposed family as a justification of their removal from the Turanian con-
nection.
The term Uralian, which is suggested for this family, has some advantages of a
positive character. Ugrian and Turkic have definite significations in ethnology ;
and Mongolian, which was formerly applied to both, as well as to other and more
Eastern nations, includes stocks not represented in the Table, whose system of rela-
tionship when procured may be variant. Uralian has been used in various connec-
tions, but without becoming limited to any exclusive use. The Ural chain of
mountains traverses the areas of the Ugrian and Turk nations, and with it they
have been territorially associated from time immemorial. Uralian, therefore, as an
unappropriated term, is not only free from objection, but there are general reasons
commending it to acceptance.
I. Ugrian Nations. 1. Finn. 2. Esthonian. 3. Magyar.
Under the general name of Ugrians are now included the Laps, Samoyeds, Yenis-
cians, and Yukahiri ; the several subdivisions of the Permians, and of the Finns of
the Baltic and the Volga; and the Voguls, Ostiaks, and Magyars.1 They hold the
chief part of the polar area both of Europe and Asia, and spreading southward
through several parallels of latitude, they are confronted on the south by the Sla-
vonic and Turk nations. The Ugrians are believed to be older occupants of North-
eastern Europe than the Slavonians,2 and stand to this area in the same relation
that the Celts do to Western Europe. The southern portion of their area lies
between that of the Turk stock on the east, and the Slavonic on the west, by
both of whom it has been encroached upon and reduced from century to century.
It seems probable that they have been forced northward to the Arctic region from
a much lower primitive area ; and that they have become a polar people from neces-
sity rather than choice. They are still a numerous, and, in many respects, an
1 For the systematic classification of these nations, see Latham's Descriptive Ethnology, I, 461.
" Latham's Native Races of the Russian Empire, p. 5.
60 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
interesting race of men. Their capabilities for future improvement may be inferred
from the progress made by the Magyars and Finns. The system of relationship
of the Ugriari nations, so far as it is given in the Table, is limited to that form of it
which now prevails among the Finns of Finland, the Esthonians, and the Magyars.
Of these, the first two belong to the same and the third to a different subdivision
of the Ugrian stock. Presumptively, the system of the remaining nations is the
same in fundamental characteristics ; but a knowledge of their forms is necessary
to the determination of that fact.
1. Finns. — Two schedules were received, fully and minutely filled out with the
system of consanguinity and affinity of the Finns. One of them was prepared by
Mr. G. Selin, a student in the University of Helsingfors, at the request of the late
President Retzius ; and the other by Dr. Urjo Koskinen, one of the Faculty of the
University of Jacobstad, both of them Finns. The differences between the two
schedules were so slight, although made without any knowledge of each other's
work, that they are given in the Table as one under their joint names. A special
notation was furnished with each schedule, but the pronunciation of the words is
indicated by the common characters.1
As it is important to know the precise character of the Finn system, it will be
presented with more fulness than in previous cases.
There are no terms in this language for ancestors above father and mother,
except eulclco, grandmother; or for descendants below son and daughter. They
are described, with the exception named, by an augmentation or reduplication of
the primary terms. Among the Turanian nations the relationship of brother and
sister is conceived in the twofold form of elder and younger, as is shown by the
possession of separate terms for these relationships, and the absence, usually, of
terms for brother and sister in the abstract. The Finns, in this respect, foUow the
usage of the Aryan and Semitic families.
In the first collateral line male, the scries is as follows : Brother, son of trotJier,
son of son of brotJwr, and son of son of son of brother. There is a term for nephew,
nepaa, but none for niece ; while the female branch of this line necessarily employs
the descriptive method, the male has the same, and also a second form, as follows :
Brother, nephew, son of nephew, and son of son of nephew.
There are separate terms for paternal and maternal uncles, a common term for
aunt, and two terms for cousin, which give to the Finn nomenclature quite a full
development, and to its form a sensible approach to the Roman.
1 Mr. Selin, in his letter, remarks : " The information relating to the ancient condition of the Fin-
nish nation is scarce and defective, which is not surprising, the nation having been for seven centu-
ries subjected to foreign influence and subdued, before they had brought forth a history of their
own, or reached any high degree of culture. The ancient national songs, proverbs, and fables, which
have been gathered of late, with great zeal and application, are almost the only source from which we
derive any knowledge of the life, customs, and institutions of our ancestors. Among these monu-
ments of times gone by, the celebrated cycle of songs called "Kalevala" stands foremost. Concern-
ing most of the circumstances of which you desire to be informed, all positive knowledge is wanting.
. . . . No division into tribes has as yet been traced among the Finns. We. call ourselves
Susmalaisct,"
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. (jl
The second collateral line male on the father's side runs as follows : Paternal
uncle, son of paternal uncle, and son of son of paternal uncle. Another, and perhaps
more common form, is the following: Paternal uncle, cousin, son of cousin, and
son of son of cousin. The other branches of this line show the same forms with cor-
responding changes of terms.
Assuming that the Finn system was originally purely descriptive, it will be seen
that it has developed in the precise direction of the Roman form and of the forms
among some other Aryan nations. In this respect the comparison is instructive, as it
tends to show: first, that however simple the ideas may be which express the connec-
tion of consanguinci, they serve to organize a family upon the bond itself, and thus
assume the form of a domestic institution ; secondly, that it is extremely difficult
to change essentially an established system, whether descriptive or classificatory ;
thirdly, that the inconvenience of the descriptive form tends to suggest the use of
the common terms found in the Finn, and English as well, which arise out of the
system by logical development; and lastly, that the direction this development
would take was predetermined by the logical trend of the ideas embodied in the
system. The phrase " father's brother" describes a person, but it also implies, as
elsewhere remarked, a bond of connection between that person and myself, which
is real and tangible. When the idea suggested by the phrase found a new birth
in patruus or seta, these terms superseded the former, and became the living
embodiment of the idea itself. It was not so much an overthrow of the descrip-
tive method as the realization of the conception it suggested in an improved as \vell
as concrete form. Centuries of time may have elapsed before this much of advance
was made. Having thus gained the relationship of paternal uncle, the Finns could
say, setani polled, " son of my paternal uncle," instead of " son of my father's
brother," which is slightly more convenient. The same remarks apply to the rela-
tionships of nephew and cousin.
The third collateral line gives the following series: Paternal uncle of my father,
son of paternal uncle of my father, and son of son of the same ; or, in another form,
brother of my great father, cousin of my father, and son of cousin of my father. The
relatives of Ego in the remaining branches of this line are designated in a similar
manner.
The marriage relationships are quite fully discriminated. There are special
terms for husband and wife, father-in-law, and mother-in-law, son-in-law and
daughter-in-law ; and also three different terms for the several brothers-in-law, and
two for the several sisters-in-law. Its nomenclature, therefore, is nearly equal to
the Roman. Fulness in the discrimination of the marriage relationships is also a
characteristic of the Turanian system.
There are but five generalizations in the system of relationship of the Finns.
First, the several brothers of a father are generalized into a class, and the term
seta, parental uncle, is used to express the relationship ; secondly, the several
brothers of the mother of Ego are generalized into another class, and a different
term, eno, maternal uncle, is employed to distinguish it from the former ; thirdly,
the several sisters of his father and mother are generalized into a class, and a com-
mon term, idle, aunt, is used to indicate the relationship ; fourthly, the sons of the
62 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
brothers and sisters of Ego are brought into a common class, and the term nepdci,
nephew, indicates the relationship ; and lastly, the children of these several uncles
and aunts are generalized into one class, and the common term serkku, and another,
orpdnd, cousin, were used to express this relationship. Such an amount of classi-
fication, and following so closely in the direction of the lloman, suggests a pre-
sumption of influence from that source. But it is difficult to see how it can be
sustained. ' At the same time there is a striking similarity, not to say affinity,
between several of the Finnish terms of consanguinity, and the corresponding
terms in the Aryan dialects : for example, sisar, sister ; tytar, daughter ; pol7ca,
son ; nepdd, nephew ; tdte, aunt ; seta, parental uncle ; and eno, paternal aunt. The
terms for collateral consanguine! may have been borrowed from Aryan sources,
which is not improbable, but this could not be affirmed of sisar, tytar, and pmka.
What the explanation of these affinities may be, I am unable to state. As the
Turanian system has not yet been presented, it cannot be contrasted with that
here shown. It may be premised, however, that the Finn system does not contain
a single characteristic of the Turanian, the two former being the reverse of each
other in every respect, as will appear in the sequel.
From what has been seen of the gradual development of special terms in the
Aryan languages, and of the modification, by means of them, of the descriptive
form ; and from what now appears on the face of the Finnish system, it is a reason-
able, if not a necessary inference, that the latter was also originally descriptive,
and that the special terms for collateral consanguine! were of comparatively modern
introduction. This view will be materially strengthened- by the present condition
of the Esthonian form.
2. Esthonians. — The system of relationship of the Esthonians was furnished by
Charles A. Leas, Esq., United States Consul at Revel, Russia. It is the more
valuable and interesting from the fact that this people are rude and uncultivated,
and still possess their native language, usages, and customs, although surrounded
by Slavonic and German populations.1 It is, therefore, presumptively nearer to the
1 From the instructive letter of Mr. Leas, which accompanied the schedule, the following extracts
are taken. " The Esthonians who inhabit this province, and who for the past seven hundred years
have constituted its peasantry, were found a comparatively wild and uncultivated people by the
German Knights, when they invaded and took possession of the country, A.D. 1219. This people
were at that time divided into a number of tribes, each being governed by a chief. At that period
they had, to some extent, abandoned their nomadic life, and a portion of them had commenced the
cultivation of the land, by making farms ; but they have preserved no traditions, nor have they the
slightest conception as to their origin, or from whence they came. And although they have lived
among a highly intelligent and cultivated people (the Germans) for the past six hundred years, they
have persistently and obstinately refused to adopt or learn their language, habits, customs, or dress ;
but to this day have preserved with tenacity the language, habits, customs, and even dress of their
fathers, living in the same condition substantially in which they were found in 1219. No traditions
are known or related among them which throw any light upon their origin or ancient history ; nor
have the Germans preserved any knowledge of their civil organization or mode of government, beyond
the simple fact that they were divided into tribes, and that these tribes were governed by chiefs.
From 1219 to about fifty years ago, this people were held as slaves by the German nobility; and
they now constitute the peasantry of that province. Until lately they had no written language ; and
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 63
primitive form of consanguinity of this branch of the Uralian family than that of
the Finns. The two- peoples speak closely allied dialects of the same stock lan-
guage.
Mr. Leas remarks upon the system as follows : " The system of relationship now
in use among the Esthonians is nearly the same as our own, the terms being few,
and extending only to the nearest kindred. You will notice from the annexed
schedule that the native Esthonian has no condensed form of expression, as with
us, for the principal relationships. For example, instead of calling his father's
brother his uncle, he says, 'my father's brother ;'~and instead of calling his father's
or his mother's sister his aunt, he says, ' my father's sister,' or ' my mother's
sister ;' and instead of condensing the phrase, ' mother's sister's husband' into
uncle, he says, 'my mother's sister's husband.' In like manner, instead of calling
his son's wife his daughter-in-law, he would say, minu poeg naine, that is, ' my
son's wife ;' and so on with the other relationships."
He thus gives, in a few words, the substance and the characteristics of the
Esthonian system. Having no terms in their language for uncle or aunt, nephew
or niece, or cousin, and no classification of kindred of any kind, they describe them
by a combination of the primary terms. It is, therefore, the Erse and Gaelic
method, pure and simple, and the only instance in which it has been found without
the circle of the Aryan family. The terms of relationship are, for the most part,
the same, under dialectical changes, as the Finnish; from which the inference
arises that the system, with the terms, came down to each from the same original
source. Since the Esthonian form is the simpler of the two, it seems to be a
even now are extremely ignorant and uneducated, abounding in superstitions, and bitterly opposed
to all modern improvements. That the line of succession in their original chiefs was from the father
to his eldest son (and not elective), seems probable from the fact that to this day all the property
of the father descends to the eldest son, the other children inherited nothing ; and this rule prevails
outside of the Russian law. The people are 'hewers of wood and drawers of water,' having no
part whatever cither in making laws, or in the administration of the general or provincial govern-
ment. The old German nobility make and execute all the laws of the province, under the Emperor,
who permits them to do so ; nor are the peasantry possessed of any wealth worth mentioning. The
land of the province is owned by the German nobles, who have divided it into estates of immense
dimensions, called Knights' Estates, some of which are twenty and thirty miles square ; and none,
I believe has less than eight or ten miles square. These estates can neither be reduced below what
is called a Knight's estate, which is some three or four thousand acres ; nor can any man purchase
an estate in the province except he be an Esthonian nobleman. The most distinguished Russian,
of whatever rank, could not purchase an Esthonian estate, unless the Esthonian nobility first admitted
him as a member of their body ; and as the Esthonians proper are peasants, and none of them noble-
men, so none possess estates. They rent the land and cultivate it, and in payment give either work
or money. Each estate has one, two, or three thousand acres of land immediately around the resi-
dence of the nobleman, which he cultivates himself through the labor of the peasants, the balance
being parcelled out in peasant farms of one or two hundred acres. The peasant farmers, if they pay
in work, which is generally the case, send their sons, wives, and daughters to work for the nobleman,
who, in this manner, without personal labor, secures the ample cultivation of that part of the estate
which remains for his own use, as first stated. The peasants live in small wood houses without
chimneys, which are filled with smoke the entire winter, and live on black bread, milk, and salt
They have stoically resisted all the kind efforts of the nobility to give them chimneys to their houses,
declaring, as they do, that it is a destructive innovation, only tending to destroy their lives."
64 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
further necessary inference that it still exhibits the system of the original stock
from which both were derived ; thus tending to confirm, by an independent argu-
ment, a conclusion previously formed, that the system of the Finns was originally
purely descriptive. The two forms are identical in their radical conceptions, the
difference consisting in the limited amount of classification of kindred which is
found in the latter. In like manner, the absence from the Esthonian dialect 'of
several of the terms of relationship now existing in the Finnish, tends to show that
the latter have been developed in the Finnish, or introduced from external sources,
with the modifications of form thereby produced, since the separation of these
nations from each other, or from the parent stem. The same system of consan-
guinity being thus found in two parallel streams of descent, carries back its exist-
ence, as a distinct system, to the time when the Finns and Esthonians, or their
common ancestors, were one people. It can therefore claim an antiquity in the
Uralian family of many centuries.
It will not be necessary to take up the Esthonian system in detail after this gene-
ral explanation of its character. For a further knowledge of its form reference is
made to the Table. Although not fully extended, the remainder, from what is
given, can be readily inferred.
3. Magyars. — The ethnic connection of the Magyars with the Ugrian nations is
well established. Since their irruption into Hungary they have been surrounded
by Slavonic populations, of whose progress they have, to some extent, partaken ;
but their system of consanguinity appears to have remained uninfluenced from this
source. The schedule in the Table, by some misconception, was filled out as far
only as special terms are used, leaving all the remaining questions unanswered.
Of this omission the following explanation was given in a note. " The degrees of
relationship left unfilled, or marked with [a wave line] have no popular nouns
[terms] in the Hungarian or Magyar language, and are circumscribed [described]
as in English." It would have been more satisfactory to have had the full details
of the system, since the method of description is material ; but yet it will be suffi-
cient for general purposes to know that it is descriptive in all cases where special
terms are not used.
Grandfather is expressed by prefixing oreg, old, to the term for father, and
great-grandfather by prefixing tied, the signification of which is not given. A
grandson is described as " son of my son."
The relationships of brother and sister are concieved in the twofold form of elder
and younger, and not in the abstract. It is one of the remarkable features of the
Magyar system, and one which may be expected to reappear in the forms of other
nations belonging to this branch of the family. The four terms are radically dis-
tinct from each other, and as follows: batyam, "my elder brother;" ocsem, "my
younger brother;" nenem, "my elder sister;" and hugom, "my younger sister."
This is the first, and the only Turanian characteristic in the Magyar system.
I call my brother's son, Ids ocsem, kis = little, literally, " my little younger brother ;"
and my brother's daughter, kis hugom, "my little younger sister." My brother's
grandson and great-grandson are described, but the form of description is not given.
OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 65
In the second collateral line the same peculiarity reappears. I call my father's
brother, nagybatyam,nagj — grand, literally, "my grand elder brother," and my
father's sister, nac/y nenem, " my grand elder sister." My mother's brother and
sister are designated by the same phrases ; and therefore, which branch was intended
must be indicated, when necessary, by additional words. In what way the child-
ren and descendants of these several uncles and aunts are described, does not
appear.
No explanation is given in the schedule of the manner of indicating the series
of relatives in the third, and more remote collateral lines, except that they are
described.
The novel method found in the Magyar system for expressing the relationships
of uncle and nephew, aunt and niece, has not before appeared, and does not appear
again in the system of any nation represented in the Tables. The nearest approach
to it occurs in the system of the Minnitaree and Upsaroka Indian nations of the
Upper Missouri, among whom uncle and nephew stand in the relation of elder and
younger brother. This form, however, is exceptional, and confined to these cases
in the Indian family. Such deviations as these from the common form are
important, since they are apt to reappear in other branches of the same stock, and
thus become threads of evidence upon the question of their ethnic connection, and
also with reference to the order of their separation from each other, or from the
parent stem. When such a method of indicating particular relationships comes
into permanent use to the displacement of a previous method, the offshoots of the
particular nation in which it originated, are certain to take it with them, and to
perpetuate it as an integral part of their system of consanguinity. A feature of
the same kind has been noticed in the Slavonic, and still others will appear in the
systems of other families. The most unexpected suggestions of genetic connection
present themselves through such deviations from uniformity, when it reappears in
the systems of other nations.
In Magyar, the marriage relationships are not fully discriminated by special
terms. There are terms for husband and wife, father-in-law and mother-in-law,
son-in-law and daughter-in-law, and one term for sister-in-law. All others are
described.
Notwithstanding the absence of full details of the Magyar system of relation-
ship, enough appears to show that it is not classificatory in the Turanian sense,
but chiefly descriptive. The generalizations which it contains are : first, that of
brothers and sisters into elder and younger ; secondly, that of the brothers of the
father and of the mother into one class, as grand elder brothers ; thirdly, that of
the sisters of the father and of the mother into one class, as grand elder sisters ; and
fourthly, that of the children of the brothers and sisters of Ego into two classes,
as his little younger brothers and little younger sisters. The last three, while they
exhibit a novel method of description, failed to develop in the concrete form the
relationships of uncle and aunt, or nephew and niece. It gives to the system a
certain amount of classification ; but it is in accordance with the principles of the
descriptive form.
9 February, 1869.
66 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
II. Turk Nations. 1. Osnianli-Turks. 2. Kuzabbashi.
The Turk stock is allied to the Ugrian.1 It is one of the most important in
Asia, both with respect to its past history and its future prospects. More highly
endowed, and more energetic in impulse than other Asiatic nomades, their migra-
tory movements, and military and civil achievements have been more conspicuous
than those of other nomadic nations. The principal subdivisions of the Turk
stock are the Kirgiz, the Bashkers, and the Nogays, on the north and west ; the
Yakuts, or Sokhalars, detached geographically and established on the Lena within
the Arctic circle; the Osmanli-Turks on the west; and the inhabitants of Bokhara,
Chinese Tartary, and Turkistan on the east and south.2 The differences among
the several dialects of these nations are said to be less than among the Ugrian.
It is thus seen that the Uralian family, in its several branches, occupies an immense,
a compact, and a continuous area, extending from the Arctic Sea to the Mediter-
ranean and Caspian, and from China and Mongolia to the territories of the Aryan
family.3 This fact is equally true of all the great linguistic families of mankind.
Reasons for this are found in the causes which control the migrations of nations,
1 " Those writers, in short, who adopt the nomenclature of Blumenbach, place the Ugrians and
Turks in the same class, that class being the Mongol. So that, in the eyes of the anatomist, the
Turks and the Ugrians belong to the same great division of mankind." — Latham's Native Races of
the Russian Empire, p. 30.
a " It suggests the idea of the enormous area appropriated to the Turkish stock. It is perhaps
the largest in the world, measured by the mere extent of surface ; not, however, largest in respect
to the number of inhabitants it contains. In respect to its physical conditions, its range of difference
is large. The bulk of its surface is a plateau — the elevated table-land of Central Asia — so that,
though lying within the same parallels as a great part of the same area, its climates are more extreme.
But then its outlying portions are the very shores of the icy sea ; whilst there are other Turks as
far south as Egypt." — Native Races of Russian Empire, p. 29.
8 Lamartine describes the prairie or table-lands of Asia between the Caspian Sea and the frontiers
of China, the home country of the pastoral tribes of the Turks, as follows. " This basin, which ex-
tends, uncultivated, from the frontiers of China to Thibet, and from the extremity of Thibet to the
Caspian Sea, produces, since the known origin of the world, but men and flocks. • It is the largest
pasture-field that the globe has spread beneath the foot of the human race, to multiply the milk
which qoenches man's thirst, the ox that feeds him, the horse that carries him, the camel that follows
him, bearing his family and his tent, the sheep that clothes him with its fleece. Not a tree is to be
seen there to cast its shade upon the earth, or supply a covert for fierce or noxious animals. Grass
is the sole vegetable. Nourished by a soil without stones, and of great depth, like the slimy and
saline bottom of some ocean, emptied by a cataclysm ; watered by the oozings of the Alps of Thibet,
the loftiest summits of Asia ; preserved during the long winters by a carpet of snow, propitious to
vegetation ; warmed in spring by a sun without a cloud ; sustained by a cool temperature that never
mounts to the height of parching, grass finds there, as it were, its natural climate. It supplies there
all other plants, all other fruits, all other crops. It attracted thither the ruminant animals — the
ruminant animals attracted man. They feed, they fatten, they give their milk, they grow their hair,
their fur, or their wool for their masters. After death they bequeath their skin for his domestic
uses. Man, in such countries, needs no cultivation to give him food and drink, nor fixed dwellings,
nor fields inclosed and divided for appropriation. The immeasurable spaces over which he is obliged
to follow the peregrinations of his moving property, leads him in its train. He takes with him but
his tent, which is carried from steppe to steppe, according as the grass is browsed upon a certain
zone around him ; or he harnesses his ox on to his leather-covered wagon, the movable mansion of
his family."— History of Turkey, I, 181 (Book II, S. xix.) Appleton's edition, 1355.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 67
of which the principal are physical ; but among the moral are those relating to
the sympathy and mutual protection which flow from community of blood.
1. Osmanli-Turks. — In many respects the Osmanli-Turks are an extreme repre-
sentative of the Turkic class of nations. Their language, originally scant in
vocables, has drawn largely, as is well known, from Persian, Arabic, and other
incongruous sources, but without yielding its primitive grammatical forms. Their
blood, also, has become intermixed, in the course of centuries, with that of the
Semitic and Aryan families, without disturbing, however, the influence of the
preponderating Turk element, or infusing, to any perceptible extent, Aryan or
Semitic ideas. As a people they are still under the guidance of the same impulses
and conceptions which existed in their brains when they left the table-lands of Asia
to enter upon their eventful migration for the possession of one of the ancient seats
of Aryan civilization. Their civil and domestic institutions, which are still oriental,
have proved incapable of developing a State of the Aryan type, because the ele-
ments of such a political organism did not exist in the conceptions of the Turk
mind. It is impossible to develop from the primary ideas deposited in the intel-
lectual and moral life of a people, and transmitted with the blood, a series of institu-
tions which do not spring logically from them. There is a fixed relation between
rudimentary institutions and the State which rises out of them by the growth of
centuries. These institutions are developments from pre-existing ideas, conceptions,
and aspirations, and not new creations of human intelligence. Man is firmly held
under their control, and within the limits of expansion of which they are suscep-
tible. It is by the free admixture of diverse- stocks, or, better still, of independent
families of mankind, that the breadth of base of these primary ideas and concep-
tions is widened, and the capacity for civilization increased to the sum of the original
endowments and experiences of both. Where the intermixture of blood is greatly
unequal, the modifications of institutions are relatively less than the quantum of
alien blood acquired ; since, in no case, will the preponderating stock adopt any con-
ceptions that do not assimilate and become homogeneous with the prevailing ideas.
Hence, the most favorable conditions for a new creation, so to express it, of mental and
moral endowments is the consolidation of two diverse and linguistically distinct peoples
into one, on terms of equality, that they may become fused in an elementary union.
The Aryan family unquestionably stands at the head of the several families of
mankind. Next to the Aryan stands the Semitic, and next to the latter the Ura-
lian ; and they are graduated at about equal distances from each other. Each has
its points of "distinguishing excellence ; but taken in their totalities, the Aryan
family has the greatest breadth and range of intellectual and moral powers, and
has made the deepest impression upon human affairs. By what combination of
stocks this immense mental superiority was gained we are entirely ignorant. The
same may be said of the Semitic as compared with the Uralian, and of the Uralian,
though in a less degree, as compared with the Turanian.
In the light of these suggestions the failure of the Osmanli-Turks to reach or
even to adopt the Aryan civilization is not remarkable. Six hundred years of expe-
rience, of civilizing intercourse with Aryan nations, and of localized government have
failed to raise them to the necessary standard of intelligence. Instead of working
68 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
their way up to civilization by the slow process of internal growth, as each of the
Aryan nations has done independently of each other, they attempted to seize it
ready-formed at the point of the scimitar. .It cannot be won in this manner ; neither
can it be acquired by formal attempts to practise its arts and usages. It has an
older and deeper foundation in the mental constitution of the people. These
suggestions have a direct bearing upon systems of relationship, which are under the
same law as to their development, and share the same elements of permanence which
inhere in domestic institutions.
The Osmanli-Turkish system, having borrowed a portion of the Arabic nomen-
clature, is not the best type of the system of this branch of the family. That of
the Kirgiz or Bashkirs would have been much better had it been procured. It is
inferior to the Kuzulbashi which follows.
There are terms in this language for grandfather and grandmother, and a term
in common gender for grandchild. Ascendants and descendants beyond these are
described by a combination of terms.
I call my brother's son and daughter yeyenim, which is a term in common gender
for nephew and niece. The children of the latter are described.
The term for paternal uncle, ammim or amujam, and paternal aunt, lialam, appear
to be from the Arabic. It has terms also for maternal uncle, dayem, and for pater-
nal aunt, diazam. These terms determine the form for the designation of kindred
in the second collateral line, at least in part. The series, in the male branch used
for illustration, is as follows : paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, and son of son
of paternal uncle. Of the next degree below this, Dr. Pratt remarks in a note
that " the same form of description, if any, is employed." This is a novel feature
in the system, since it appears that all the descendants of an uncle, near and remote,
are designated as uncle's sons and uncle's daughters, and all the descendants of an
aunt as an aunt's soiis and daughters.
Of the third collateral line Dr. Pratt remarks, " that no account is made of these
degrees," which is repeated as to each of its branches. This is a significant state-
ment, as it shows that they are not classified, and thus brought within the near
degrees of relationship, as in the Turanian system ; but are left without the sys-
tem, and to the descriptive method for their designation.
It would seem from the present features of the Osmanli-Turkish system, barren
as it is in its details, that it must have been originally purely descriptive. The
changes that have occurred are limited to the same generalizations which have
been found in those of the Aryan and Semitic families. On the other hand, the
Turanian form does not admit of the description of a solitary kinsman, however
remote in degree he may stand from Ego. Each and all, so far as the connection
can be traced, are brought into one of the recognized relationships for the indica-
tion of which a special term exists. It will be found in the sequel that the
Osmanli-Turkish form separates itself, by a clearly-defined line, from the Turanian
in its fundamental characteristics. The degree of importance which rightfully
attaches to this radical difference will be hereafter considered.
2. Kuzulbasfd. — Our knowledge of this people, and of their proper linguistic
position, is not altogether definite, if they are identical with the Tajicks referred
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 69
to by Dr. Prichard, who speaks of them as " genuine Persians."1 Max Miiller sets
them down as a Turkish nation. The latter remarks : " The northern part of
Persia, west of the Caspian Sea, Armenia, the south of Georgia, Sherwan and
Dagestan, harbor a Turkic population known by the general name of Kisel-batih
(Red Caps). They are nomadic robbers, and their arrival in these countries dates
from the eleventh and twelfth centuries."2
The late Kev. George W. Dunmore, formerly a missionary of the American
Board at Diarbekir, in Turkey, speaks of them in his letter which accompanied
the schedule, as Kuzulbashi-Koords. He remarks, " Not being myself familiar
with the language of the Kuzulbashi, I am indebted [for the filling out of the
schedule] chiefly to an educated native, whose vernacular may be said to be that
of the Kuzulbashi-Koords, among whom he spent his early days. * * * None
of the missionaries, however, know the language of the Kuzulbashi, and all inter-
course with them is through converted Armenians familiar with their language, or
by means of the Turkish, which many of them know."3
There are special terms in this language for grandfather and grandmother, and
for grandchild.
In the first collateral line male, the series is as follows : brother, son of my
brother, grandchild of my brother, and son of grandchild of my brother. There
is a special term for nephew, which is applied by a man to the children of his sis-
ter, and restricted to that relationship.
The Arabic terms for uncle and aunt reappear in the Kuzulbashi language in
apli, ammeh, for those on the father's side, and in kdlleh, a term in common gender,
for those on the mother's. From the presence of these terms it is inferable that
the relationships named were not discriminated among this people until a compara-
tively recent period. The series in the branch of the second collateral line, usually
cited, is the following : paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, grandchild of paternal
uncle, and son of grandchild of paternal uncle.
In the third collateral line the form is similar, namely : brother of grandfather,
son of brother of grandfather, and grandson of brother of grandfather. The per-
sons in the fourth collateral line, in the several branches, are similarly described.
From these illustrations it is evident that the system of relationship of the Kuzul-
bashi is descriptive. With the exception of the terms borrowed from Arabic
sources, and the term for nephew, applied to a sister's son, it is purely descriptive.
The method of description is such, both in this and in the Osmanli-Turkish, as to
imply the existence of an earlier form substantially identical with the Celtic.
1 " The modern Tajicks, or genuine Persians, called by the Turks Kuzulbashes, are well known as a
remarkably handsome people, with regular features, long oval faces, black, long, and well-marked eye-
brows, and large black eyes." — Prichard's Nat. Hint, of Man, 173, c. f. Latham's Descrip. Eth. II, 191.
2 Science of Language, Lee. VIII. p. 302.
3 I cannot forbear to mention the manner in which this estimable missionary laid down his life.
At the date of his letter (July, 1800) he was at Constantinople, but he returned to his native country
the following year, and in April, 1862, enlisted as a chaplain in the Union army. In August of that
year he fell mortally wounded at Helena, Arkansas, in an engagement in which he participated, and
while defending the place against an assault of the rebel forces. Thus perished, in the prime of life,
a brave, patriotic, and Christian citizen, in the service of his country.
70 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
The Kuzulbashi closes the series of nations comprised in the Uralian family,
whose system of consanguinity is given in the Table. A comparison of their
several forms shows them to agree in their fundamental characteristics. Upon the
basis of this agreement, but more particularly upon the ground of total variance
between the system of the Turanian family proper and that of the Ugrian and
Turk nations, the Uralian family has been constituted. Although the number of
nations, whose system has been procured, is small in comparison with the number
unrepresented, and for this reason may seem inadequate to establish properly the
foundations of a new family, it will be found, in the sequel, that they are entitled
to an independent position.
The system of consanguinity and affinity of the Aryan and Semitic families, and
of the Uralian, so far as it is given in the Table, is one and the same in general
plan and in fundamental conceptions. In each family, the system, as it now pre-
vails, is in accordance with the nature of descents where marriage subsists between
single pairs, and the family in its proper sense exists. It recognizes the distinction
between the several lines, and the perpetual divergence of those which are col-
lateral from that which is lineal, together with the bond of connection through
ascertainable common ancestors. Advancing a step beyond this, such generaliza-
tions of kindred into classes as it contains, limit the members of each class to
such persons as stand in the same degree of nearness to Ego. These generaliza-
tions are suggested, with more or less distinctness, by the principles of the system
with which they are in harmony, and out of which they rise by natural develop-
ment. In so far as nature may be said to teach this form of consanguinity, the
nations comprised in each of these great families have read her lessons alike. It
is not, however, a necessary inference that the descriptive system springs up spon-
taneously, and consequently that all nations must inevitably gravitate toward this
form ; since it is known that much the largest portion of the human family, numeri-
cally, have a system radically different, the forms of which have stood permanently
for ages upon ages. It is far easier to conceive of the formation of the descriptive
than of the classificatory system ; but when once formed and adopted into use,
each is found to possess, to an extraordinary degree, the power of self-perpetuation.
In the foregoing exposition of the descriptive system of relationship, the utmost
brevity, consistent with an intelligible presentation of the subject, has been sought.
At best it is but a superficial discussion of the materials contained in the Table.
It was necessary to show: first, the nature and principles of the system; secondly,
the ethnic boundaries of its distribution ; and thirdly, the concurrence of these
three great families in its possession. To these propositions the discussion has been
chiefly confined. The bearing which the joint possession of the descriptive system
by these families may have upon the question of their ethnic connection, and
which is believed to be deserving of consideration, is entirely subordinate to
another, and that the main object of this work, to which attention will now be
directed. It is to present the classificatory system of relationship of the American
Indian and Turanian families, to show their identity, and to indicate some of the
conclusions which result therefrom. Having ascertained the nature and limits of
the descriptive system, it will be much easier to understand the classificatory,
although it rests upon conceptions altogether different.
APPENDIX TO PART I.
TABLE OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SEMITIC ARYAN
AND URALIAN FAMILIES.
(71)
APPENDIX TO PART I.
GENEALOGICAL TABLE or THE SEMITIC, ARYAN, AND URALIAN NATIONS, WHOSE SYSTEM or CONSAN-
GUINITY AND AFFINITY is CONTAINED IN THE TABLE HERETO ANNEXED.
Families.
Classes.
Branches.
Peoples.
ARABIC . . j SOUTHERN . . . j g'
Arabic,
Druse and Maronite.
SEMITIC . '
HEBRAIC . . MIDDLE .... 3.
Hebrew.
ARAMAIC . . NORTHERN ... 4.
Neo-Syriac, or Nestorian.
5'
A rtrvtf,nin n
\ [ 6.
ArulvUi&H.
Erse, or Irish,
GAELIC . . . . j i
CELTW . J
I 8"
Gaelic, or Highland Scotch,
Manx.
1 CYMRIC .... 9.
Welsh.
IRANIC 1 0
Persian.
INPIC 11
Sanskrit
f 12.
Danish and Norwegian,
SCANDINAVIAN. . J 13
Icelandic.
I M.
Swedish.
' 15.
Anglo-Saxon,
16.
English,
TEUTONIC. . •
Low GERMAN . . -^ 17.
Holland Dutch,
18.
Belgian.
. 19-
Westphalian, or Platt Dutch.
ARYAN . . '
f Ofl
HIGH GERMAN . •]
(. 21.
German (Prussian),
German (Swiss).
!22.
French,
ROMAIC . . <
23.
24.
Spanish,
Portuguese,
I 25.
Italian.
1 26.
Latin.
( ANCIENT ... 27
HELLENIC .
I MODERN .... 28.
Ancient Greek.
Modern Greek.
' LETTIC , . . 29.
Lithuanian.
30.
Polish,
SLAVONIC . . <
31.
QO
Slovakian, or Bohemian,
Bulgarian,
33.
Bulgarian,
34.
Russian.
TURKIC . . .
f I*5'
Osmanli-Turk,
Kuzulbashi.
I 1 36.
URALIAN . .
QIT
Magyar.
UORIC . . . J f QO
1 FINNIC .
Esthonian,
1 39.
Finn.
10 February, 1869.
( "73 )
APPENDIX.
LIST OP SCHEDULES IN TABLE I.
Nations.
Names of Persons by whom, and places where Schedules were filled.
1. ARABIC . . .
2. DRUSE and
MARONITE
3. HEBREW . .
4. NEO-SYRIAC or
NESTORIAN
5. ARMENIAN
6. ERSE . . .
7. GAELIC.
8. MANX . . .
9. WELSH . . .
10. PERSIAN . .
11. SANSKRIT . .
12. DANISH and
NORWEGIAN
13. ICELANDIC . .
14. SWEDISH . .
15. ANGLO-SAXON
16. ENGLISH . .
17. HOLLAND
DUTCH
18. BELGIAN . .
19. WESTPHALIAN
or PLATT DUTCH
20. GERMAN
(PRUSSIAN)
21. GERMAN
(Swiss)
22. FRENCH . .
23. SPANISH . .
24. PORTUGUESE .
25. ITALIAN . .
26. LATIN . . .
27. CLASSICAL
GREEK
28. MODERN
GREEK
Rev. C. V. A. Van Dyck, D. D., Missionary of the American Board of Com-
missioners for Foreign Missions, Beirut, Syria, May, 1860.
Hon. J. Augustus Johnson, U. S. Consul at Beirut, Syria, May, 1860.
Prof. W. Henry Green, D. D., Theological Seminary, Princeton, New Jersey,
June, 1861.
Austin K. Wright, M. D., Missionary of the American Board above named,
Ooromiah, Persia, July, 1860.
Lewis H. Morgan, with the aid of John D. Artin and James Thomason, native
Armenians, residents of Rochester, N. Y., 1859.
Prof. D. Foley, D. D., Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland, March, 1860. Procured
through Hon. Samuel Talbot, U. S. Consul at Dublin.
Rev. Duncan McNab, Glasgow, Scotland, April, 1860, through Hon. George
Tail, U. S. Consul, Glasgow.
John Moore, Esq., Rochester, N. Y., December, 1864.
Evan T. Jones, Esq., Palmyra, Portage Co., Ohio, August, 1861.
Rev. G. W. Coan, D. D., Missionary of the American Board, Ooromiah, Persia,
April, 1863.
1. Prof. W. D. Whitney, Yale College, New Haven, March, 1860.
2. Fitz Edward Hall, D. C. L., Saugor, North India, August, 1861.
Hon. W. De Rasloff, Charge d'Affairs of Denmark in the United States. At
New York, April, 1861.
Prof. Sigwrdsson, Copenhagen, Denmark, May, 1862, through Prof. C. C. Raffn,
Secretary of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquarians, Copenhagen.
Edward Count Piper, Minister Resident of Sweden in the United States,
Washington, February, 1864.
Compiled from Bosworth's Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, from Orosius and other
sources.
Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y.
Gerard Arink, M. D., Rochester, N. Y., January, 1861.
Rev. P. J. De Smet, S. J. St. Louis, Missouri, June, 1862.
Lewis H. Morgan, with the aid of M. Wischemier, Rochester, N. Y., April,
1862.
Joseph Felix, Esq., Rochester, N. Y., May, 1860.
C. Hunziker, Attorney at Law, Berne, Switzerland. Prepared at the request of
the Hon. Theodore S. Fay, U. S. Minister Resident at Berne, March, 1860.
Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y.
The Counsellor Senhor Miguel Maria Lisboa, Minister Plenipotentiary of Brazil
in the United States. Washington, December, 1862.
The Counsellor Senhor M. M. Lisboa, above named. December, 1862.
Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y.
Glossary of Later and Byzantine Greek, by Prof. E. A. Sophocles. Memoirs
Am. Acad. N. S., vol. vii. Article
APPENDIX.
75
LIST OF SCHEDULES IN TABLE I. — Continued.
Nations.
Names of Persons by whom, and places where Schedules were filled.
29. LITHUANIAN .
30. POLISH . . .
31. SLOVAKIAN or
BOHEMIAN
32. BULGARIAN .
33. BULGARIAN .
34. RUSSIAN . .
35. OSMANLI-
TURK
36. KUZULBASHI .
37. MAGYAR
38. ESTHONIAN .
39. FINN
Prof. Francis Bopp, Berlin, Prussia, April, 1860. Procured through Hon.
Joseph A. Wright, U. S. Minister Resident in Prussia.
Augustus Plinta, Esq , Civil Engineer, Albany, N. Y., January, 1861.
Prof. Kanya, Pesth, Hungary, ^February, 1861. Procured through Hon. J.
Glancy Jones, U. S. Minister Plenipotentiary in Austria. Vienna.
Rev. Elias Riggs, D. D., Missionary of the American Board at Constantinople,
Turkish Empire, February, 1862.
Rev. Charles F. Morse, Missionary of same Board, Sophia, Turkey, January,
1863.
By a Russian gentleman.
Rev. Andrew T. Pratt, Missionary of the American Board, Aleppo, Syria,
August, 1860.
Rev. George W. Dunmore, Missionary of the same Board, at Kharpoot, Turk-
ish Empire. July, 18CO.
Prof. Paul Hunfalvy, Member of the Hungarian Academy, Pesth, Hungary,
January, 1861. Procured through Hon. J. Glancy Jones, U. S. Minister
Plenipotentiary in Austria.
Hon. Charles A. Leas, U. S. Consul Revel, Russia, February, 1861.
1. G. Seliu, Student of the Physico-Mathematical Faculty in the University of
Helsingfors, Russia, April, 1860. Prepared at the request of President A.
Retzius, President of the Academy of Sciences, Stockholm, Sweden.
2. Urjo Koskinen, Prof, in the University of Jacobstad, Finland, September,
1860. Procured through Hon. B. F. Angel, U. S. Minister Resident in
Sweden.
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
TABLE I. — SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
Families.
Classes.
Branches.
Dialects.
Author of Schedule.
Pronoun Mj
SEMITIC .
ARABIC .
UFBRAIC
< Southern . .
Middle
I i
3
Arabic
Druse and Maronite . . .
Hebrew
C. V. A. Van Dyck, D.D. .
Hon. J. A. Johnson . . .
Prof. W. Henry Green .
Suffix i.
" i.
" i.
ARAMAIC .
Northern . .
4
5
Neo-Syriac or Nestorian . .
Armenian
Austin H. Wright, M.D. . .
John De Artin (Native Arm )
" e.
Im
r
f 6
Erse or Irish
D. Foley, D. D
Mo.
CELTIC . <
Gadhelic . . -
!
Gaelic or Highland Scottish,
Manx
Rev. Duncan McNab . . .
John Moore
Mo.
My.
Cymric
9
Welsh
Evan T. Jones Esq
Fy.
10
Rev George W Coan D D
Suffix am
INDIC
11
Sanskrit
(Prof. W. D. Whitney | „„
Mama
Sciindiiitiviiui •<
12
13
Danish and Norwegian . .
Icelandic
(FitzEd. Hall, D.C.L.j
Hon. W. Raasloff ....
Prof. I. Sigwrdson
Post im!nn \
(mm (
„ 1 mini J
14
Swedish
Edward Count Piper .
^niin (
Min.
" 15
Anglo-Saxon
Lewis H. Morgan ....
16
English
it u it
My
TECTONIC . •<
17
Holland Dutch
Gerard Arink, M. D. .
( My ( m
Low German. •<
18
Father P J De Srnet S J
(Myne (fe
< Myn ( m
19
Platt-Deutsh
Lewis H. Morgan .
( Myuen ( fe
(Me (n
20
German
Joseph Felix Esq .
( Mene ( fe
J Mein in
LRYAN . •
High German -
»
German-Swiss
Herr C. Hunziker ....
| Meine fe
( Mein IE
i •
' 22
French
Lewis TT. Morgan ....
] Meine fe
JMon re
23
Spanish
Senhor Miguel Maria Lisboa
|Ma fe
Mi
Modern . . -
24
Portuguese.
it tt ti tt
( Min ( n
ROMAIC . -
25
Italian
Prof. Paul Marzolo
(Mia jf(
(Mio (ir
26
Latin
Lewis H. Morgan ....
jMia (fe
j Meus ( m
Ancient
27
Classical Greek
a u it
(Mea (fe
(Emos f ra
HELLENIC -
Modern .
28
Modern Greek
Glossary of Prof. Sophocles .
(Erne { fe
Lettic . . .
29
Lithuanian ....
Prof. F Bopp
' 30
Polish
Augusta Plinta, Esq. .
( Moj f m
31
Slovakian or Bohemian .
Prof. Kanya
(Moja (fe
{Moj } m
SLAVONIC . <
Moja ( fe
32
Bulgarian
Elias Riggs, D. D
Post mi.
33
Bulgarian
Rev. Charles F. Morse .
" mi.
34
Russian
By a Russian
( Moi ( m
•
f 35
Osmanli-Turk
Rev. Andrew T. Pratt . .
(Maja (fe
Suffix m.
TURKIC
i 36
Kuzulbashe
Rev. George W. Dunmore .
Post mu
37
Magyar
Prof Paul Hunfalvy
Suffix m
JRALIAN •<
f 38
Estboniau ... . .
Hon. Chas. A. Leas . .
Minn.
UGRIC . .
Finnic . . . -
\
) 39
Finn
(Dr. Urio Koskinen') „ r, ,
Suffix ni.
(
(Mr. G. Selm j
NOTATION IN TABLE I.
VOWEL SOUNDS.
a as a in ale. o as o in tone.
a " " " father. 6 " " " got.
a " " " at. u " 11 " unit.
e " e " mete. u " oo " food.
g u u u mek fe and o in Greek
i " i " ice. (are long e and o.
I " " " it.
The literary languages represented in the Table, with two or three exceptions,
have their own diacritical marks.
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
79
TABLE I. — SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SEMITIC, ARYAN, AND UBALIAN FAMILIES.
1. Great-grandfather's great-grandfather.
Translation.
2. Great-grandfather's grandfather.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
S
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36.
37
38
39
Jidd jidd jiddi...
Jadd jadd jaddi .
Sawuna d'sawua d'sawunee
Tip tip tip olde fader.,
Farfars farfars farfar
Eald eald eald eald eald faeder ...
Gt. grandfather's gt. grandfather..
Over over over oud groot vader. ...
Groot groot groot groot groot vader
Antke vader's antke vader
Urururur grossvater
Urnrumrgrossvater
L'a'ieul de 1'a'ieul de mon ai'eul. ...
Tritavus....
Tripappos ..
Trispappos .
Moj prapraprapra dziadek.,
Moi prapraprapradjed .
Grandfather of g. f. of g. f. my.
Bavkaleh bavkaleh bavkaleh mun
Great gd. father's gt. gd. father.
Grandfather's grandfather's grandfather
Gt. gd. father's gt. gd. father.
Gt. gt. gt. gt. grandfather.
(( u ft
The grandfather of the gd. f. of my g. f.
Great grandfather's great grandfather,
(i it a ft
n n a ti
My great gt. gt. gt. grandfather.
My great gt. gt. gt. grandfather.
Grandfather of g. f. of g. f. my.
Jidd jidd abi...
Jadd jadd abi .
Sawuna d'sawunii d'babee .
Tip tip oldefader.,
Farfars farfars far
Eald eald eald eald faeder
Great grandfather's grandfather
Over over oud groot vader
Groot groot groot groot vader....
Antke vader's bess vader
Ururur grossvater
Urururgrossvater
La pere de 1'a'ieul de mon a'ieul.
Atavus
Dispappos .
Dispappos..
Moj praprapra dziadek .
Moi praprapradjed
Bavkaleh bavkaleh baveh mun.
Grandfather of g. f. of father my.
Great grandfather's grandfather.
Grandfather's grandfather's father.
Gt. grandfather's grandfather
Great gt. gt. grandfather,
it a a
The father of the g. f. of my g. f.
Great grandfather's grandfather.
K it it
it tt it
My great gt. gt. grandfather.
My great gt. gt. grandfather.
Grandfather of g. f. of father my.
3. Great grandfather's father.
Translation.
4. Great grandfather's mother.
Translation.
Ill
11
12
13
14
15
Hi
17
IS
19
20
21
22
2-;
24
2f>
-i
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
33
29
Jidd jiddi.,
Jad jaddi..,
Sawuna d'sawunee
Metzhorus metzliorii hira.
Shan ahair mahar
Mo shin sin seanair
Fy ngororhendad ,
Vriddhaprapitamahah1
Tip oldefader
Langalangafi minn
Farfars farfar
Kald eald eald faeder
Great-grandfather's father.
Over oud groot vader
Groot groot groot vader
Autke vaders vader
Ururgrossvater
Ururgrossvater
Mou trisa'ieul
Tatarabuelo
Tataravo
Aba vug
Epipappos .
Apopappos .
Moj prapra dziadek .
Muj prapraded
Prepredyed
Preprededa
Moi prapradjed
Bavkaleh Bavkaleh mun.
Grandfather of grandfather my.
Grandfather of grandfather my.
u tt tt tt
I The old father of my father.
My great grandfather's father.
My great great grandfather.
Great great grandfather.
" " " my.
Grandfather's grandfather.
Great grandfather's father.
u tt tt
Great great grandfather.
it t( (t
My great great grandfather.
(( U tt ft
Great great grandfather.
Great great grandfather.
it u
My great great grandfather.
Grandfather of grandfather my.
Sitt sitti.
Sitt sitti.
Nana d'nanee
Metzmorus metziuora mira
Sliau vahair mahar
Mo shin sin sear mhathair
Fy Ngororhenfam.
Vriddhaprapit&mahi
Tip oldemoder
Langalangamma inin
Farfars mormor
Eald eald eald modor
Great grandfather's mother.
Over ond groot moeder
Groot groot groot moeder ....
Antke vader's mohder
Ururgrossmutter
Ururgrossmutter
Ma trisai'eule
Tatarabuela
Tataravo
Abavia . .
Epitethe .
Apomme.
Moj a praprababka.
Ma praprababa
1'reprebaba mi
Preprebaba mi
Moja praprababka.
Dapeei eh dapeerch mun.
Grandmother of grandmother iny.
Grandmother of grandmother my.
tt tt tt tt
The old mother of my father.
My great grandfather's mother.
My gt. gt. grandfather's mother
Great grandfather's mother.
" " " my.
Grandfather's grandmother.
Great grand father's mother.
Great great grandmother.
it it tt
My great great grandmother.
tt ti it ti
Great grandfather's mother.
Great great grandmother,
tt ti u
tt tt (i
My great great grandmother.
ft U ft ft
Great great grandmother my.
tt tt
tt tt
Grandmother of grandmother my.
1 The Sanskrit terms are in the nominative case. " Mama," my is omitted.
80
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
fl. Greatgrandfather.
Translation.
6. Great grandmother.
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Jidd abi
Grandfather of father my.
(1 ft U ft
u n it tt
ft li 11 if
Father of my old father.
My ancestral old father.
My old ancestor.
My great grandfather.
it U tt
Great grandfather.
Great grandfather my.
a it tt
Great grandfather,
tt
u
<t
a
H
a t
My great grandfather.
it tt u
Great grandfather.
ft it
n ft
a ft
t( tt
My great grandfather.
tt « tt
Great grandfather my.
tt tt it
My great grandfather.
My grandfather's father.
Grandfather of father my.
tt tt tt tt
My father's father's father.
Sitt abi
Grandmother of father my.
it tt tt
ft tt tt
tt ti ti
My old father's mother.
My ancestral old mother.
Mother of mother of my mother.
My great grandmother.
li Cl f(
Great grandmother.
Great grandmother my.
tt tt a
Great grandmother.
tt
ft
tt
u
tt
u tt
My great grandmother.
if it ft
Great grandmother.
tf tt
it tt
it ti
it n
My great grandmother.
tt tt tt
Great grandmother my.
ft tt tt
My great grandmother.
My grandmother's mother.
Grandmother of father my.
Grandfather's mother my.
My mother's mother's mother.
Jad abi
Sitt abi
Sawfina d' bab&
Langamma minn. b Edda min
Over groot moeder
Grossgrossmutter
Moj a prababka
DSdfimin babazfi
Baveh bavkaleh mun
Ded anyain
Miuu ema ema emu.
7. Grandfather.
Translation.
8. Grandmother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Jlddi
Grandfather ray.
tt d
u ti
u it
My old father.
a it tt
Father of my father.
My grandfather.
Father elder.
Grandfather.
" my
u
tt
ft
ft
ft
H
M
tt
My grandfather.
n tt
Grandfather,
tt
H
tt
tt
tt
My grandfather.
tt tt
Grandfather my.
tt tt
My grandfather.
Grandfather my.
tt tt
Old father my.
My father's father.
Father of fath. my. b Father my great.
J-Mtti '
Grandmother my.
tt ti
tt tt
c( tt
My old mother.
it tt tt
Mother of my mother.
My grandmother.
Mother elder.
Grandmother.
ft
Grandmother my.
Grandmother.
!
My grandmother.
" "
Grandmother.
::
:
My grandmother.
u d
Grandmother my.
it it
My grandmother.
Grandmother my.
ii i<
Old mother my.
My mother's mother.
Great mother my.
J&ddi
Sitti. b Judatti
Nanee
Metz mire
Mo han ahair. b Mohair ereeno...
Mo han vahair
Moir my moir. b Woavey
Amina min
GTossmutter
Mon aieule. b Ma grand'mere..
Ava
Tethe ..
Mauo Senute
Moj dziad. b Dziadek dziadnnio..
Muj ded
Moja babka. b Babunia
Baba my
Oreg anyam
Minu ema ema
Tso isani b Tsani is&
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
81
TABLE I. — Continued.
9. Father.
Translation.
10. Mother.
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
•24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
;\bi .
Father my.
ti «
tt ti
(< «
<t it
My father.
K tt
it tt
tt tt
Father.
K
H
Father ray.
Father,
(i
II
it
Father my.
Father.
H
a
My father.
u «t
Father.
u
H
ft
It
My father.
tt tf
fi tt
Father my.
K tt
My father.
Father my.
u tt
ft U
My father.
Father my.
Mother my.
tt ft
ft tc
tt tt
n it
My mother.
tt ft
U tf
tt tt
Mother.
tt
tt
Mother my.
Mother.
tt
t(
it
Mother my.
Mother.
tt
ft
My mother.
Mother,
ft
tt
ft
it
tt
My mother.
ft tt
ti tt
Mother my.
tt tt
My mother.
Mother my.
tt it
ft tt
My mother.
Mother my.
Abi
.Abhi / .. .
Babee
Hire
M'athalr
Madar
Pit& b Janitar ....
Fader
Vater
Mutter
Vater
Mon pere
Ma mere....
Pae
Moe
Padre
Pater
Pater
Pater
Moj ojoiec. b Rodzioiet
Moja matka. b Rodzicietka ....
Otetg. b Baghtami
Biiba-m
Minu esa
Tsani
Aitiul b Emoni
.»
11. Sin.
Translation.
12. Daughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
21)
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibni
Son my.
it tt
tt tt
tt <t
it tf
My son.
tt a
tl tt
ft ft
Son.
tf
u
Son my.
Son.
it
<t
H
ft
ft
If
ft
My son
Son.
H
fl
H
H
It
My son.
tt «t
u tt
Son my.
tt tt
My son.
Son my.
tt tt
« tt
My son.
Boy my.
Ibneti b Binti
Daughter my.
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
ti tt
My daughter.
tt tt
tf tt
tt tt
Daughter.
tt
ii
Daughter my.
Daughter.
tt
it
ft
ft
tt
tf
it
My daughter.
tt ti
Daughter.
tc
tf
ft
ft
My daughter.
tt tt
u ft
Daughter my.
tt tt
My daughter.
Daughter, my girl,
it tt
u tt
My daughter.
Daughter iny.
Ibni
B'nl
Bitti
Bratee
Tooster
Mo mh£c
Poosar
Dftkhtar
Putrih. bSiiuuh. ° Sutah
Putrfi, b Suta c Duhiti
Son
Datter
Sou
Dotter •• ••
Son
Sohn
Mon flls
Ma fille
Hijo
Hija
Kilho
p'ilha
Filins
Filia
Huios
Huios
Mano sunns
Moj syn
Muj syu
Sin mi
Sin mi
Moi sin. b Syn
<'glil-um
Kfis-um
Fia-m
Minu Poeg
Polkanl
TyttSLreiii
11
November, I860.
82
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
13. Grandson (common term).
Translation.
14. Grandson (descriptive phrase).
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Id
17
18
19
20
21
22
2(
24
25
2tf
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3o
37
38
39
Son of son my.
II U It
u u ti
Grandson my
Grandson.
Son of my son.
My grandchild.
Son of my son.
My grandson.
Grandchild.
Grandson.
M
Son's son my.
u it
Grandson.
Grandson. b Nephew.
It
Grandchild.
Grandson.
u
My grandson.
Grandson.
it
Grandchild.
Grandson.
tt
tt
Son of my son.
My grandson.
14 tt
Grandson my.
tt tt
My grandson.
Grandchild my.
tt tt
Son of my son.
My son's son.
Son's son. b Daughter's son.
Ibn ibneti
Son of daughter my.
it it it u
it it it if
Grandson my.
My daughter's son.
Sou of my daughter.
Grandchild.
Sou of my daughter.
My grandson.
Grandchild.
Son's son. b Daughter's son.
u it it it
Daughter's son and son's son my.
Son's son, daughter's son.
Grandson.
it
Son's son. b Daughter's son.
Son's son. b Daughter's sou.
Grandchild.
Son's son. b Daughter's son.
it it it
My grandson.
ti u
Grandson.
Grandchild.
Grandson.
Son's son. b Daughter's son.
Grandson.
Daughter's son.
My grandson.
it tt
Grandson my.
tt ti
My grandson.
Grandchild my.
Son of my daughter.
My daughter's son.
Ilm ibui. b Hafidi
Ibn binti
Bfin b'ni
BBn bittl
Tor
Toostris voretin
Mac mo ineean
Mac my inneen
Fy wyr
Navadii,
Navada
Pautrah. b Dauhitrah ...
Dottur sonr. b Sonar sonr inin
sonsou. b Dotttersou
Sonson
Nefa
Grandson
Son's son. b Daui;hter's son....
Zoon's zoon. b Dot-liter's zoon .
Zoon's zoon. b Dochter's zoon.
Enkel
Sohn's sohn. b Tochter sohn...
Sohn's sohn. b Tochter sohn...
Enket
Nieto
Nieto
Neto
Neto ..
Nipote
Vnuk mi
Vnook mi
Moi vntik
TorGn-flm
TOrneh mnn
Fiam fija
Minn poeg poeg
Polkaui polka. * Tyttareul poika
15. Granddaughter (common term).
Tranalation.
16. Granddaughter (Descriptive phrase).
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
1
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibnet ibni
Daughter of son my.
tt n tt
tt tt tt
My granddaughter.
Son's daughter.
Daughter of my son.
My grandchild.
Daughter of my son.
My granddaughter.
Grandchild.
Granddaughter.
Grandchild.
Son's daughter my.
Daughter's daughter.
Granddaughter.
tt
Little daughter. b Niece.
Granddaughter.
Grandchild.
Granddaughter.
tt
My granddaughter,
tt tt
Granddaughter.
Grandchild.
Granddaughter.
tt
it
Son's daughter.
My granddaughter.
it it
Granddaughter my.
tf tt
My granddaughter.
Grandchild my.
tt it
Daughter of my son.
My daughter's daughter.
Son's daughter. b Daughter's daughter.
Ibn binf
Daughter of daughter my.
it it it tt
tt tt it ft
My granddaughter.
Daughter of ruy daughter.
ti it ft
My grandchild.
Daughter of daughter.
My granddaughter.
Grandchild.
Sou's daughter. b Daught. 's daugh.
ft u u u
Daughter's daughter my.
Sou's daughter, daughter's daugh.
Granddaughter,
it
Son's daughter. b Danght.'s daugh.
it it u u
Grandchild.
bun's daughter. b Daughter's child.
it it ii u
My granddaughter,
u ii
Granddaughter.
Grandchild.
Grand daughter.
Son's daughter. b Daught. "s dangh.
Granddaughter.
Daughter's dau-hter.
My grauddaughter.
u u
Granddaughter my.
ti u
My granddaughter.
Grandchild my.
Daughter of my daughter.
My son's daughter.
Bint ibni
Bathb:nl
Bath bittl
Narrigtee
Voretees tooster „
Ineean mo vio
M'ogha
Inneeu my vac
, & .
Fy wyres
Navada
Navada
Naptrf
Pautri b Dauhitri
Sonnedatter. b Datterdatter ...
Sonar dottir minn
Dotter dotter
Son's dotter. b Dotter dotter...
Nefane
Granddaughter
Son'sdaught. b Daught. daught.
Zhou's dochter. b Dochter's doch.
Zoou's dochter. b Dochter's doch.
Klein dochter. b Nicht
Kinds kind
Sohn's tochter. b Tochter kind
Sohn's tochter. b Tochter kiud
Ma petite-fille
Nieta
Neta
Enkeliu
Ma petite-fille
Nieta
Neta
Neptis
Eggone
EggonS
Nipote
Neptis
Huione. b Thugatride
Eggono ;.
Moja wnuczka
Ma wuucka
Viiuka mi
Dukters dukter
Moj wuuczka
Ma wuucka
Vnooka mi
Moja vnutcbka
Torfln-utn
Vnooka mi
Maja vuutchka
TOrneemun
Tdruee mnn
Miiiu tutiirtutiir
Leanyon lanya
PoikanI tytar. b TyttarenT tytar..
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
83
TABLE I. — Continued.
17. Great-grandson.
Translation.
18. Great-granddaughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
•H
24
25
26
27
28
2!)
30
31
32
33
34
35
38
37
38
39
Ibnibnilmi
Son of son of son my.
it it it ii
Descendants of the third generation.
Great grandson my.
Son's son's son.
The son of the son of my son.
My great grandchild.
Son of son of my son.
My great grandson.
Great grandchild.
Great grandson.
Great grandchild.
Sou's son's son my.
ii it ii
Great grandson.
After little son. b Nephew.
Great grandson.
" grandchild.
" grandson.
ii ii
My great grandson.
Great grandson,
i it
' grandchild.
' grandson,
i ii
i ii
My great grandson,
ii ii ii
Great grandson my.
ii it ii
My " "
Grandchild of my child.
Son of grandchild my.
My son's son's son.
My son's sou's son. Daughter's daugh-
ter's son.
Daught. of daught. of danght. my.
ii ii ii it
Descendants of third generation.
Great granddaughter my.
Daughter's daughter's daughter.
The daughter of the son of my son.
My great grandchild.
Daught. of daught. of my daught.
My great granddaughter.
Great grandchild.
Great granddaughter.
" grandchild.
Daughter's daughter daughter my.
it it tt ii
Great granddanahter.
After little daughter. Niece.
Great granddaughter.
Child's child's child.
Great granddaughter,
it ii
My great granddaughter.
it ii ii
Great granddaughter.
" grandchild.
" granddaughter,
it ii
ii ii
My great granddaughter.
Great granddaughter my.
ii it ii
My " "
Grandchild of my child.
Daughter of grandchild my.
My daughter's daughter's daughter.
The son's daughter of my son. The
daughter's daught. of my daught.
Slulleshim
Natigta
Voretees voretein voretiu
Niitija
Pratnaptar. b Prapautrah
Barnebarn's l>aru
Sou's sou's son
Aihter klein douhter. b Nicht.
Kinds kiucls kind
Mon arrit re petit fils
Secundo Nipote
Trite^gonos. b Apeggonos
Mnj prawn ilk
Miij Prawnuk
Prevnook tin
Torunumun
Laveh tOrueh uiun
Polkani poian polka. b Tyttareui
tyttaren poika
Polkani poian tytar. b Tyttareni
tyttareu tytar
19. Great-grandson's son.
Translation.
20. Great-grandson's daughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
2:;
24
25
2(1
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
86
37
38
39
Ibn ibn ibn ibni
Son of son of son of son my.
ii it ii it ii
Descendants of the fourth generation.
Grandson of grandson my.
Sou's son's son's son.
The son of the son of the son of my son.
My great great grand child.
Son of son of son of my son.
My great great grandson.
Great great grandchild.
Great great grandson.
Grand child's grand child.
Son's son's son's son my.
it it ii it it
Great grandson's son.
After little sou's son. b Nephew.
Great great grandson.
Child's child's child's child.
Great great grandson,
ii it ii
Third grandson.
Great great grandson.
" " grandchild.
" " grandson,
ii ii ii
it ii ii
My great great grandson,
ii ii ii ii
Great great grandson my.
ii ii ii it
My great great grandson my.
Grandchild of my grandchild.
Grandchild of grandchild my.
The grandson of my grandson.
Bint bint bint binti
Daughter, of dt. of dt. of dt. my.
ii ii ii ii
Descendants of fourth generation.
Grand daught. of g daught. my.
Daught. 's daught. 's daught. 'a dt.
The dt. of son of son of my sou.
My great great grandchild.
Dt. of dt. of dt. of my daughter.
My great great granddaughter.
Great great grandchild.
Great great granddaughter.
Grandchild's grandchild.
Daught. 's dt. dt. dt. my.
it ii it ii
Great grandson's daughter.
After little son's little dt. b Nephew.
Great great granddaughter.
Child's child's child's' child.
Great great granddaughter,
ii ii ti
Third granddau '-liter.
Great great granddaughter.
" " grandchild.
" " granddaughter,
ii ii ii
ii it ii
My great great granddaughter,
ii ii ti it
Great great granddaughter my.
ii ii u
My " "
Grandchild of my grandchild.
Grandchild of grandchild my.
[of my son.
The daughter of the sou of the »on
Rlbbeiui
Ribbeim
Voretees voretein voretein voretin.
Toostris toostrin toostrin toostra.
M'' ' h
Inneeninneen inneennyinneen.
Barnebarns barnebarn
Sonar sonar sonar sonr ininn
Dottur dottur dottur dottir rain.
Dotters dotters dotter dotter
Gt. grandson's daught. [b Neef.
Achter klein zoon's klein docht.
Groote groote groote dochter ....
Achter klein zoon's zoon. b Neef.
Kinds kinds kinds kind
g
Tataraneto
Abnepoa
Tetartos apogonos
Muj praprawnuk
Preprevmik mi
Veprevnook mi
Moi prapravnuk
Toruniimiin toriinii
Polkani poTan poian tytar
84
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
I
10
11
12
13
14
15
14
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
21. Great-grandson's grandson.
Ibn ibn ibn ibn ibni.
Ibn ibn ibn ibn ibui.
Nateja d'nawigee
Voretees voretein vn. vn. voretin..
Mio mic mio inio mo vie
M'iar iar iar ogha
Mac vac vac vac my vac
Fy orororwyr
NabirS,
Barnebarns barnebarns barn
Sonar sonar sonar sonar sonr minn.
Sons son sons son sou
Great grandson's grandson
Achter klein zoons k. z. b Neef..
Groot groot groot groot zoon
Kinds kinds kinder
Ururgrossenkel -
Urargrosseuk«l
Cnarto nieto
Cuarto neto
Quarto nipote
Atnepos
Pemptos apogonos f .
Diseggonos ,
Moj prapraprawntik.
Muj prapraprawnnk.
Prepreprevuuk tni,...
Lftveh tOrneh torneh mun.
Translation.
Son of son of son of son of son my.
Great grandson of grandson my.
Son's son's sou's sou's son.
The son's son of the son's son of my son
My great grandchild's grandchild.
Son of son of son of son of my son.
My great grandson's grandson.
Great great great grandchild.
Great grandson's grandchild.
Son's son's son's son's son my.
Great grandson's grandson.
After little son's little sou. b Nephew.
Great great great grandson.
" " " grandchild.
" " " grandson.
Fourth grandson,
ft tt
It tl
Great grandson's grandson.
ti tt it
it it it
My great great great graudson.
it tt it tt tt
Great great great grandson my.
Son of grandchild of grandchild my.
22. Great-grandson's granddaughter.
Bint bint bint bint binti.
Biiit bint bint bint binti.
Nawigta d'nawigtee
Toostris toostrin t. t. toostra....
Ineean mic mic mic mo vie
M'iar iar iar ogha
Inneeu in. in. in. my inneen ...
Fy orororwyres
Nabira
Barnebarns barnebarn barn
Dotturd. d. d. dottirmin
Dotters dotters dotter dotter
Gt. grandson's g. d. [b Nicht.
Achter klein zoons kn. dochter.
Groote g. g. g. dochter
Kinds kinds kinder
Ururgrossenkelinn
Ururgrossenkelin
Cuarta nieta
Cuarta neta
Quarta nipote....
Atneptis
Pempte eggone?.
Diseggone
Moja prapraprawnficzka.
Ma prapraprawnucka
Prepreprevnuka mi
Keeza t8rneh tOrneh mun.
Translation.
D. of d. of d. of d. of daughter my
Gt. gd. daughter of grandson my.
Daughter's d. d. d. d.
The d. of the son's s. of my son's s
My great grandchild's grandchild.
if (f ft 41
My gt. grandson's granddaughter.
Great great great grandchild.
Great grandson's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. d. d. my.
Gt. grandson's granddaughter.
After little son's little d. b Niece.
Great great great granddaughter.
" " " grandchild.
" " " granddaughter.
Fourth granddaughter,
tt tt
(t ft
Great grandson's granddaughter,
tt tt ft
<t tt it
My gt. gt. gt. granddaughter.
ft ft tt tt
Gt. gt. gt. granddaughter my.
Daughter of g. child of g. child my.
23. Great grandson's great grandson.
Translation.
24. Great grandson's g't granddaughter.
Translation.
1
2
a
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ibn ibu ibn ibn ibni.
Ibn ibn ibn ibn ibn ibni.
Nateja d' natejee
Voretees voretein v. v. v. voretin.
Mac mic mic mic mic movie
M'iar iar iar iar ogha
Mac vac vac vac vao my vac
Fy ororororwyr
Baruebams barnebarns barnebarn
Sonar sonar sonar s. a. sonr minn
Sonson sousou sonson
Great grandson's great grandson...
Achter klein zoons a. k. z. b Neef
Groot groot groot groot groot zoon
Kinds kinds kinds kinder
Ururururenkel
Grossenkels grosseukel
Cninto Nieto
Cuiuto Neto ,
Quinto Nipote
Trinepos
Hektos Apogonos .
Triseggonos
Moj praprapraprawnuk .
MQj praprapraprawnuk .
Preprepreprevnuk mi....
Torneh tSrneh tBrneh mun .
Son of son of s. of s. of s. of s. my.
Great grandson of great grandson my.
Son's son's son's sou's son's son.
The son's son of s. of s. of s. of my s.
My great grandchild's great grandchild,
tt tt tt tt tt
My great grandson's great grandson.
Great grandchild's great grandchild.
Sou's sou's son's sou's son's son my.
Great grandson's great grandson.
" grandson's neph.
Great great great great grandson.
" " " grandchild.
Great great great great grandson.
Great grandson's great grandson.
Fifth grandson,
tt »
it tt
Great grandson's great grandson.
it it tf ti
ft ft it it
My great great great great grandson."
ft ft tt it tt tt
Great great great great grandson my.
Grandchild of grandchild of g. c. my.
Bint bint bint bint bint binti....
D. of d. of d. of d. of d. of d. my.
Natejta d' natejee Great granddaughter of g. grandson,
Toostris toostrin t. t. t. toostra.. Daughter d. d. d. d. daughter.
Ineean mic mic mic mic mo vie
M'iar iar iar iar ogha
Inueen in. in. in. in. my in
Fy ororororwyres
[barn.
Barnebarns tnrnebarns barue-
Dottnr d. d. d. d. dottir rnin....
Dotter' dotter's dotter's dotter's
[dotter dotter.
G't granddau's g't granddanglit.
A. k. zoons a. k. dochter. b Nicht
Groote g. g. g. groote dochter....
Kinks kinds kinds kinder
Ururururenkelinn
Grossenkelins grossenkelin
Cninta nieta...
Cuinta neta —
Quinta Nipote.
Trineptis
Hehte eggone..
Triseggone
Moja praprapraprnwrmrzka
Ma praprapraprawnuk a
Preprepreprevnuka mi
Torneh tSrneh torneh mun.
The d. of son's s. of s. s. of my s.
My gt. grandchild's gt. grandchild,
ti it it it tt
My gt. grandson's gt. granddaugh.
Gt. grandchild's gt. grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. d. d. daughter my.
tt tt tt tt
Gt. grandson's gt. granddaughter.
" " " " niece.
Gt. gt. gt. gt. granddaughter.
" " " grandchild.
" " " granddaughter.
Gt. granddaughter's gt. gd. daugh.
Fifth granddaughter.
1 1 ti
tt it
Gt. grandson's gt. granddaughter,
u ti it it
tt ft ti u
My gt. gt. gt. gt. granddaughter,
tt it tt it
Gt. gt. gt. gt. granddaughter my.
Grandchild of g. c. of g. o. my.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
85
TABLE I. — Continued.
25. Elder brother.
Translation.
26. Younger brother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Brother my older than me.
Brother my the greatest.
Brother my great from me.
Brother my the greater.
My hrother.
My brother the eldest,
tt (t u
ti it ft
ft If ft
Brother elder.
Elder brother.
tt it
tt a
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
u u
tt u
My elder brother.
Brother the elder.
Elder brother.
My elder brother.
K ft tt
Brother.
Elder brother.
My elder brother.
Brother my. b Womb companion.
Brother my the elder.
Elder brother my.
My old brother.
Elder brother my.
Brother my younger than me.
Brother my the smallest.
Brother my small from me.
Brother my the younger.
My hrother.
My brother the younger.
(f It U
tt (f U
ft tt ((
Younger brother.
tt tt
t< it
tt tt
tt u
tt tt
tt tt
t< <t
it tf
tt tt
My younger brother.
Brother the younger.
Younger brother.
A little brother.
My younger brother.
tt ff tt
Brother.
Younger brother.
My younger brother.
Brother my. b Womb companion.
Brother my the younger.
Younger brother my.
My young brother.
Rounger brother my.
Akhi il akbar
Bradar buzurk ..
Oldre broder
Audste broeder
Mon aim:
Brat
Brat
Bave. b Nane
Moi starshi brat
Bra mua e tnSzun
Batyam
Minu vanem vend
Vau herupl veljeuT
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
27. Elder sister.
Translation.
28. Younger sister.
Translation.
Sister my older than me.
Sister my the greatest.
Sister my great from me.
Sister my the greater.
My sister.
My sister the eldest.
it tt tt <t
ti tt n it
My sister the elder.
Sister elder.
Elder sister,
tt tt
tt it
tt it
tt tt
it tt
it it
<t <t
tt tt
tt t<
My elder sister.
Sister the elder.
Elder sister.
My elder sister,
tt tt tt
Sister.
Elder sister.
My elder sister.
Sister my. b Girl womb companion.
Sister my the elder.
Elder sister my.
My elder sister.
Elder sister my.
Sister my younger than me.
Sister my the smallest.
Sister my small from me.
Sister my the small.
My sister.
My sister the younger.
f< it tt tt
ft ft tt tt
tt tt ft u
Younger sister.
t< it
tt ft
ft tt
tt tt
tt (t
tf it
tt tt
tt it
tt tf
My younger sister.
Sister the younger.
Younger sister.
My younger sister,
tt it tt
Sister.
Younger sister.
My yoxinger sister.
Sister my. b Girl womb companion.
Sister my the younger.
Younger sister my.
My young sister.
Younger sister my.
Akhti il kubra
ft Khothi hakkitanna mtmm&nni..
Khatee Siirta
a Khothi hagg'dhol.i mluiraennl...
Kooere
Mo yrilfur as shune ...."
Mo plriuthar as sinne......
My shuyr shinnay
Fy chwaer henaf.
Hahiir buzurk
Agrajri
Uldre stister
Eldri systir
Aldre syster
Elder sister
Auiiste zuster
Vredste sister
Oelste sister
Aeltere schwester
Mon ainfie
Ma cadette b Puinee
Sorella maggoire
Soror Major
Moja starsza siostra
Ma starsa sestra
Sestra
Kaka
Kus kiirndarih-um
Khooshkeh inun eh puchook
Nenein
86
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
29. Brothers."
Translation.
30. Sisters.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3li
37
38
39
Brothers my.
tf ((
It tt
11 tt
u ti
My brothers.
ft («
u tt
tt tt
Brothers.
ii
«
Brothers my.
Brothers.
u
ti
tt
tt
tt
tt
ti
My brothers.
Brothers.
My brothers.
Brothers,
it
M
tt
My brothers.
n ti
tt tt
Brothers my.
it a
My brothers.
Brothers my.
(( U
Sons of my father.
My brothers.
Brothers iny.
Ahwati
Sisters my.
«t it
« ti
tt tc
ti it
My sisters.
it K
*f (t
n u
Sisters,
tt
u
Sisters my.
Sisters.
H
U
tt
tf
ft
If
ft
My sisters.
Sisters.
My sisters.
Sisters,
tt
tt
it
My sisters,
tt tt
tt tt
Sisters my.
tt ft
My sisters.
sisters my.
tt tt
Daughters of my father sisters.
My sisters.
Sisters my.
•\kwiti
Akhawati
^khai
Mo pbethrichean
Haharaiii
Bhratarah
Swasarah. b Bhaginyah
Systur minar
systrar
Swusters
Sisters
Briider
Fratelli
Sorelle
Adulphoi
MS.no brolei
Moje siostry .
Moje sestry ...
Bratia mi
Sestri mi
Bratie mi
Moi bratja. b Bratia
Karndashlar uin
Brungeh unun
Atyam fijai. b Testvreim
Minu vennad
Weljeni
SI. Brother. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
32. Brother's son. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
C
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
2!)
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Akhi
Brother my.
« u
« ((
tt tt
tt tt
My brother.
(t tt
tt u
tt tt
Brother.
M
tt
Brother my.
Brother.
tt
H
tf
M
tf
tl
it
My brother.
Brother.
tt
•
H
H
tt
tt
My brother.
U tt
Brother my.
tt it
My brother.
Brother my.
Brother elder. b Younger,
My brother.
Brother my.
Ibn akhi
Son of brother my.
tf tt tt tt
tt tt tt tt
tt tt tt tt
Brother's son my.
Son of my brother.
ft tt tt
<t tf tt
My nephew.
Son of brother.
Brother's son.
tt tt
Brother's son my.
Brother's son.
Nephew.
Nephew
Nephew or grandson.
Nephew.
Brother's son.
Nephew,
tf
tt
My nephew.
Nephew.
Nephew. b Grandchild.
Son of a brother.
Nephew.
Brother's son.
My nephew,
tt tt
Nephew my.
Nephew.
My nephew.
Nephew my.
Son of brother my.
Little younger brother my.
My brother's son.
Brother's son. b Nephew.
Akhi
Ibn akhi
Akhi
B<§n akhi
Akhonee
Yakepire
Mo yrihair
M" ^ H 'Is610
Mo bhrathair
My braar
Fy mrawd
Fy Na'i
Bradar
Poosari bradar
Bratar. b Sodare
Broiler
Brodir in inn
Broiler
Bro.ior. b Brothor
Nefa
Brother
Breeder
Neef
Breeder
Nev6
Brohr
Brader
Neffe
Bruder
Neffe
Mon frt>re
Ilermano
« , ,
I mi. -i no
„ . . .
Kratello
Prater
Adelphos. b Kasignetos. Kasis ?
Adelphos
Adelphidous. b Kasignetos 'adel-
Brolis
Muj bratr
Brat mi
Hrat mi
Moi brat
Bra mnn
Yeyen Im
Batyam. " Ocsera
Kis ocsem
Veljeni
Minu venna poeg
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
87
TABLE I. — Continued.
33. Brother's eon's wife. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
34. Brother's daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
38
37
38
39
Wife of son of brother my.
K i< it it
if it it it
Daughter-in-law of my brother.
Brother's son's wife my.
Wife of the son of my brother,
if fi it ft tt
it tt tt ft tt
My niece.
Wife of son of brother.
Brother's son's wife.
Wife of brother's son my.
Brother's sou's wife.
Niece.
tt
tt
Brother's son's wife.
Niece.
Wife of nephew.
My niece.
Niece (by courtesy).
Niece by affinity.
Acquired niece.
Wife of the son of a brother.
Wife of nephew.
My niece-in-law.
tt ti tt it
My called niece.
Nephew's my wife.
Daughter-in-law of brother my.
My brother's son's wife.
Nephew's wife.
Bint akhi
Daughter of brother my.
t. tf tt tt
tt it tt it
tf ft tt tt
Brother's daughter.
Daughter of my brother.
tt ft ' II
tf ft tt
My niece.
Daughter of brother.
Brother's daughter.
Brother's daughter my.
Brother's daughter.
Niece.
Niece. b Brother's daughter.
Niece's granddaughter.
Niece.
Brother's daughter.
Niece,
tt
My niece.
Niece,
ti
Niece. b Grandchild.
Daughter of a brother.
Niece,
it
My niece.
ti tt
Niece my.
Niece.
My niece.
Niece my.
Daughter of brother my.
Little younger sister my.
My brother's daughter.
Brother's daughter.
Bint akhi
Eshgth bSn ukhl
Bath ikhi
Bratad'akhBuee
Dukhtiiri bradar
Nicht
Nicht
NichtS
Nichte
Nichte
Nichte
Fratris filii uxor
Bratanitza. b Bratoochoctka
Yey5num kariisu
Nepaan vaimo
Veljen tytar
35. Brother's daughter's husband.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
36. Brother's prandson.
(Male »-peakicjr.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
]2
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Zoj bint akhi
Husband of daughter of brother my.
it ft tt tt it tt
tt tt tt tt tt tt
Son-in-law of brother my.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of daughter of my brother.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of daughter of my brother.
My nephew.
Husband of daughter of brother.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of brother's daughter my.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
tt
ff
Brother's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
Husband of niece.
My nephew.
Nephew by courtesy.
NephHW by affinity.
Acquired nephew.
Husband of a daughter of a brother.
Husband of a niece.
My nephew-iii-law.
ti tt tt
My called nephew.
Niece's my husband.
Son-in-law of brother my.
My brother's daughter's husband.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Ibn ibn akhi
Son of son of brother my.
it tt it it
Grandson of brother my.
Brother's sou's son.
Son's sou of my brother.
Brother's grandchild.
Son of son of my brother.
Grandson of my brother.
Grandchild of brother.
Brother's grandson.
Brother's grandchild.
Son's son of brother my.
Brother's son's son.
Great nephew. Brother's grandson.
Brother's grandson, nephew.
Great nephew.
Brother's child's child.
Great nephew.
Brother's grandson.
My little nephew.
My grandson.
Nephew's grandson.
Great nephew. Great grandson.
Grandson of a brother,
tt ii tt
tt tt it
My nephew's son.
Little grandson my.
My nephew's grandson.
Brother's my grandchild.
Grandchild of brother my.
My brother's son's son.
Nephew's my son.
Zauj bint akhi
Ish bath akhi
Gora d'brata d'AkhSnee
Yakeporus toosttin arega
Far ineeni mo drihar
Fear pOsda nglien brathair
Sheshey iuneeu my braar
Fy nai
Shohiiri dukhtiiri bradar
Broder datter's husbond."-
Madr brodur dottur minn
Brorsdotters man
Neef.
NevS
Groot Nev6
Broh rs dochters man
Neffe
Gatte der nichte
Mon neveu
Sobrino politico
Sobrinho por affiuidade
Aquistata nipote
Fratris filiae vir
Adelphou eggonos. b Anepsiadous?
Moj synowice
Muj sestrin
Shena moega pljemiannik
Moi vnutchatuyi pljemianuik
Y6yenum kojiisu
Minu vennii tutiir mees... .
Veljen tyttareu mies
88
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
37. Brother's granddaughter.
(Mule speakiug.)
Translation.
38. Brother's great grandson.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Bint ibn akhi
Daughter of sou of brother my.
tt tt it tt
Granddaughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daughter.
Daughter of son of my brother.
Brother's granddaughter.
Daughter of daughter of my brother.
Granddaughter of my brother.
Grandchild of brother.
Brother's granddaughter.
Brother's grandchild.
Daughter's daughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daughter.
Great niece, brother's granddaughter.
Brother's granddaughter, niece.
Great niece.
Brother's child's child.
Daughter of my niece.
Brother's granddaughter.
My little niece.
My granddaughter.
Nephew's granddaughter.
Great niece. Great granddaughter.
Grauddaughter of a brother.
It 11 tt
tt ' 11 tt
My nephew's daughter.
Little granddaughter my.
My niece granddaughter.
Brother's my grandchild.
Grandchild of brother my.
My brother's son's daughter.
Nephew's my daughter.
Ibn ibn ihn akhi
Sou of son of son of brother my.
it tt tt tt tt
Great grandchild of brother my.
Brother's son's son's son.
Sou of the son of the son of my b'ther.
Brother's great grandchild.
Son of son of son of my brother.
Great grandson of my brother.
Great grandchild of brother.
Brother's great grandchild.
Sou's son's son of brother my.
Brother's son's son's sou.
Brother's great grandson.
Brother's great grandson. b Nephew.
Great great nephew.
Brother's child's child's child.
Great great nephew.
Brother's great grandson.
My great little nephew.
My grandson.
Great nephew.
Great grandson of a brother,
(t tt tt tt
tt tt tt tt
My nephew's grandson.
Little great grandson my.
My nephew great grandson.
Brother's my great grandchild.
Son of grandchild of brother iny.
My brother's son's son's son.
Nephew's my grandson.
Ibn ibu ibn akhi
Niiwigata d'akhfinee
Nateja d'akh5nee
Yakeporus voretein v. voretin
Mac mac mac my braar
Orwyr fy mrawd
Navadar bradar
Niitijar bradar
Broders barnebams barn
Sonar sonar sour brodur minn ..
Great great nephew
Breeder's kleiu dochter. b Nicht.
Breeders achter klein zoon. b Neef
Fratris neptis
Adelphou Huione. b Anepsiades ?
Mai vnooka mi
Moja vnutchatnajapljemiannitza..
Moi pravnntchatnyi pljemannik..
Karndashmun toriinum torunu....
39. Brother's great granddaughter.
(Male bpeaking.)
Translation.
40. Sister.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
2'J
30
31
32
33
34
35
3,i
37
38
39
Bint bint bint akhi
Daughter of d. of d. of brother my.
tt it it tt tt
Great granddaughter of brother my.
Brother's daught. danght. daught.
Daughter of son of son of my brother.
Brother's great grandchild.
Daughter of sou of son of my brother.
Great granddaughter of my brother.
Great grandchild of brother.
Brother's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of brother my.
Brother's sou's sou's daughter.
Brother's great granddaughter.
Brother's gt. granddaught. b Niece.
Great great niece.
Brother's child's child's child.
Great great niece.
Brother's great granddaughter.
My great little niece.
My granddaughter.
Great niece.
Great granddaughter of a brother.
<t u " tt tt
•tt tt it it
My nephew's granddaughter.
Little great granddaughter my.
My niece great granddaughter.
Brother's my great grandchild.
Daughter of g. d. of brother my.
My brother's son's Ron's daughter.
Nephew's my son's daughter.
Akhti
Sister my.
n ti
tt it
tt it
My sister.
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt it
Sister.
H
it
Sister my
Sister.
M
M
a
tt
ft
tt
My sister.
Sister.
t(
i
i
i
i
(
My sister.
it it
Sister iny.
tt u
My sister.
Sister my.
Sister elder. b Younger.
My sister.
Sister my.
Bint bint bint akhi
Ikhti
Natijta d'akhSnee
a Khothi
Khiitee
Yakeporus toostrin t. toostra
Jneean raic mio modrihar
lar lar oglia brathar
Ineen mac mac my braar
Orwyres fy mrawd
Hahar
Broders barnebams barn
Svasar. b Jami. c Bhagini
Dottur dotturdottir brodir ruimi..
Brorsons sons dotter
Systur minn
Syster
Great great niece
Sister
Broedersachterkleindoch. b Nicht
Groote groote nichte
Zuster
Sister
Brohrs kinds kinds kind
Sister
Urgross nichte
Bruders grossenkelin
Mon arriere-petite fille
Sobrina
Pronipote
Sorella
Fratris proneptia
Adelphou apogone trite
Adelphe. b Kasignete. c Kase ?..
Adelphou preggone
Moja wnuozka synowca
Mai prevnooka mi [nitza
Muj Sestra
Sestra mi
Moja pravnntchatnaja pljemian-
Karndashmun torunum torfum
Keezii t&rueh briirnun
Minti rennii poeg poeg tutiir
Nenem. b Hugoia
Minu odde
NVpaan polan tytar
OF THE II UMAX FAMILY.
89
TABLE I. — Continued.
41. Sister's son. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
42. Sister's eon's wife. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
lira akhti
Son of sister my
ti n it
n tt tt
Son of sister my. b Nephew.
Son of sister my.
Sou of my sister,
it « a
tt tt tt
My nephew.
Son of sister.
Sister's son.
tt tt
Sister's sou my.
Sister's son.
Nephew. b Sister's son.
tt tt tt
Nephew. b Grandson.
Nephew.
Sister's son.
Nephew,
tt
My nephew.
Nephew,
it
Nephew. b Grandchild.
Son of a sister.
Nephew.
tt
My nephew.
it it
Nephew my.
it tt
My nephew.
nephew my.
ii tt
Little younger brother.
My sister's son.
Sister's my son, nephew.
Wife of sou of sister my.
ft tt tt it
tt tt tt tt
Daughter-in-law of my sister.
Wife of son of sister my.
Wife of son of my sister,
ft tt ti tt
tt tt it it
My niece.
Wife of son of sister.
Sister's son'a wife.
Wife of sister's son my.
Sister's son's wife.
Niece,
ft
tt
Sister's son's wife.
Niece.
Wife of nephew.
My niece.
My niece (by courtesy).
Niece by affinity.
Acquired niece.
Wife of a son of a sister.
it it tt it
My niece-in-law.
tt tt
Wife of my nephew.
Nephew's my wife.
Daughter-in-law, nephew my.
My sister's son husband.
Nephew's my wife.
Ben. ' Khothi
Esheth b6n • Kothi
Bruna d'khiitee. b Khwiirza
Calta d'khiitee
Niece ., .
Neef.
Nicht
Nichte
Neffe
Nichte
Neffe
Sobriiio
Ailelphidous. b Kasignetos. ° An-
Yfiy&n-mi
SidiLren poTka. b Nepaa
43. Sister's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
44. Sister's daughter's husband.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Bint iikhti
Daughter of sister my.
it tt ti
tt it it
Daughter of sister my. b Niece.
Sister's daughter.
Daughter of my sister,
it tt it
tt tt tt
My niece.
Daughter of sister.
Sister's daughter.
it tt
Sister's daughter my.
Sister's daughter.
Niece.
Niece, sister's daughter.
Niece. b Granddaughter.
Niece.
Sister's daughter.
Niece,
tt
My niece.
tt tt
Niece.
Niece or grandchild.
Daughter of a sister.
Niece,
ft
My niece,
tt ti
Niece my.
it it
My niece.
Niece my."
it it
Little younger sister my.
My sister's daughter.
Sister's my daughter.
Zoj bint akhti
Husband of daughter of sister my.
ft tt it it
ft tt tt tt
Son-in-law of sister my.
Sister's daughter's husband.
Husband of the daught. of ray sister.
Husband of daughter of my sister,
tt tt tt it
My nephew.
Husband of daughter of sister.
Sister's daughter's husband.
Husband of sister's daughter my.
Sister's daughter's husband.
Nephew,
it
it
Sister's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
Husband of niece.
My nephew.
My nephew (by courtesy).
Nephew by affinity.
Acquired nephew.
Husband of a daughter of a sister.
Husband of a niece.
Uy nephew-in-law.
ti it tt
Bint ikhti
Bath a Khothi
Ish bath a Khothi
Dukhtiiri hahlir
Shohari dukhtari hahar
Svasriya
Nicht
Neef
Nichte
Nev6
Nichte
Neffe
Nichte
Sororis filia
Ailelphide. b Kasignete. ° Anepsie
Moja siostrzenica
Piece's my husband.
Hy sister's daughter's husband.
Sister's my daughter's husband.
oiabcr, 18CO.
90
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
2{
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
3*
39
43. Sifter's prnndson.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
4t>. Sister's great grandson.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
Sou of son of sister my.
u u it "
Grandson of sister my.
Sister's son's son.
Son of the son of my sister
Grandson of my sister.
Son of son of my sister.
Grandson of my sister.
Grandchild of sister.
Sister's grandson.
Sister's grandchild.
Son's son of sister my.
Sister's sou's son.
Grand nephew. Sister's grandson.
Sister's grandson. b Nephew.
Great nephew.
Sister's child's child.
Great nephew. b Sister's grandson.
Sister's grandson.
My little nephew.
Nephew's grandson.
Great nephew.
Graudsou of a sister,
it n n
it tt (t
My nephew-son.
Little grandson my.
My nephew grandson.
Sister's my grandchild.
Son of nephew my.
My sister's son's sou.
Sister's my son's sou.
Ibn ibn ibn iikhti
Son of sou of son of sister my.
tt it it tt tt
Great grandson of sister my.
Son of son of son of sister my.
Son of the son of the sou of a sister.
Great grandson of my sister.
Son of son of son of niy sister.
Great grandson of my sister.
Great grandchild of sister.
Sister's great grandchild.
Son's sou's son of sister my.
Sister's sou's sou's son.
G't grandueph. Sister's g'tg'dson.
Sister's great grandson. b Nephew.
Great great nephew.
Sister's child's child's child.
Great great nephew.
Sister's great grandson.
My great little nephew.
Great nephew.
Great grandson of a sister.
tt tt tt t.
it tt tt ti
My nephew-grandson.
Little great grandson my.
My nephew-great grandson.
Sister's iny grandchild.
Son of nephew my.
My sister's son's son's son.
Sister's my son's son's son.
Ibn ibn ibuikhti
Natija d'khatee
Crochus voretein v. vorettn
Mac inic mic mo driffer
lar ogha pethar
Mac mac mac my shuyr
Orwyr fy chwaer
Natijar hahai
Siisters barnebarns barn
a»rnap
St.nar sonar sour systur uiinn
tiyster's son's sonson
Great grand nephew
Zuster's achter klein zoou. b Neef
Uroot groot neve
Sister's kinds kinds kind
Gross neffe. b Schwester enkel...
Adelphea. b Eggonos. c Anepsia-
Mai prevnook mi
Moi vnutchatnyi pljeraiannik
Moi prevmitchatuyi pljemiannik..
h kl 1
Minu odde poeg poeg poeg
Sisareu potan polau polka
47. Sister's great granddaughter.
(Male bpeakiog.)
Translation.
48. Brother.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
96
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
30
37
38
39
D. of d. of d. of sister my.
u a t( tt u
Great granddaughter of sister my.
Dan. of dau. of dau. of sister my.
Dau. of the son of the sou of my sist.
Great grandchild of my sister.
Daughter of son of son of my sister.
Great granddaughter of my sister.
Great grandchild of sister.
Sister's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of sister my.
Sister's daughter's daught. daught.
Gt. grandniece, sister's gt, granddau.
Sister's great granddaughter. Niece.
Akhi
Brother my.
tt tt
it n
ft ft
My brother.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
Brother,
tt
ft
Brother my.
Brother.
My brother.
Brother.
My brother,
tt
Brother.
tt
tt»
tt
My brother.
tt tt
Brother my.
tt tt
My brother.
Brother my.
Brother my.
Brother elder. b Younger.
My brother.
Brother my.
Akhi
Natijta d'khatee
Natiiai hahar
Bradiir
Bratar. b Sodare
Dottur dottur dottir systurminn..
Zuster's achter kleiu dochter. b
Sister's child's child's child. b Neph.
Great great niece.
Sister's great granddaughter.
My great little daughter.
Great niece.
Great granddaughter of a sister.
« it it u
« « ft it
My nephew-granddaughter.
Little great granddaughter my.
My niece great granddaughter.
Sister's my great grandchild.
Grandchild of nephew my.
My sister's son's son's daughter.
Sister's niy sou's son's daughter.
Brohr
Adelphos. b Kasignetos. c Kasis ?
Biolis
M<>j brat
Moja prevnuLchatnaja p'jemian-
V.'lifni
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
91
TABLE I. — Continued.
49. Brother's son.
(Female speaking.)
Trauslation.
50. Brother's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
10
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3i)
37
38
39
Ibn akhti
Son of brother my.
(t if U
a a tt
n it a
Brother's son.
Son of my brother.
it it U
n it a
My nephew.
Son of brother.
Brother's son.
it It
Brother's son my.
Brother's son.
Nephew.
Nephew. Brother's son.
Nephew and grandson.
Nephew.
Brother's son.
Nephew.
tt
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
Nephew. b Grandchild.
Son of a brother.
Nephew,
n
Brother's son.
My nephew.
(t (t
Nephew my.
Nephew.
My nephew.
Nephew my.
Son of brother my.
Little younger brother my.
My brother's son.
Brother's son. b Nephew.
Wife of son of brother my.
a it it tt ti
n ti it tt tt
it it tt n it
Brother's son's wife.
Wife of son of my brother.
it it u tt
if it it tt
My niece.
Wife of son of brother.
Brother's son's wife.
Wife of brother's son my.
Brother's sou's wife.
Niece,
tt
u
Brother's son's wife.
Niece.
Wife of nephew.
My niece.
My niece (by courtesy).
Niece (by affinity).
Acquired niece.
Wife of a son of a brother.
Wife of nephew.
My uiece-in-law.
it it
Wife of my nephew.
Nephew, my wife.
Daughter-in-law of brother my.
My brother's son'a wife.
Nephew's my wife.
Ibn akhi
Ben akhi
Esheth ben akhi
I In i nil d'iikhSnee
Calta d'akhSnee
Fy nith
Nefa
Neef
Nicht .
Neve"
Nichte
Neffe
Nichte .
Neffe
Fratris filius
Fratris filii uxor...
Adelphidous. b Kasignotes
Muj sestrenec
Moj pljemiannik
Minu vennii poeg
Veljen polka. b Nepaa
51. Brother's daughter.
(Female b peaking.)
Translation.
52. Brother's daughter's husband.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
n
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Bint akhi
Daughter of brother my.
ti 11 11 U
<f (1 (1 It
It 11 11 It
Brother's daughter.
Daughter of my brother.
«t ft ft
tt tt ft
My niece.
Daughter of brother.
Brother's daughter,
tt tt
Brother's daughter my.
Brother's daughter.
Niece.
Niece. Brother's daughter.
Niece. b Granddaughter.
Niece.
Brother's daughter.
Niece,
tt
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
Niece. b Grandchild.
Daughter of a brother.
Niece,
tt
My niece.
tt
Niece my.
Niece.
My niece.
Niece my.
Daughter of brother my.
Little younger sister my.
My brother's daughter.
Brother's my daughter.
Zuj bint akhi
Husband of daughter of brother my.
tt u tt it it u
Husband of sister of brother my.
Son-in-law of my brother.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of daughter of my brother.
Son-in-law of my brother.
Husband of daughter of my brother.
My nephew.
Husband of daughter of brother.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of brother's daughter my.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
it
it
Brother's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
Husband of niece.
My nephew.
My nephew (by courtesy).
Nephew by affinity.
Acquired nephew.
Husband of a daughter of a brother.
Husband of a niece.
My nephew- in-law.
tt ti
Husband of my niece.
Niece's my husband.
Son-in-law of brother my.
My brother's daughter's husband.
Brother's my daughter's ImsK'iihl.
Bint akhi
Bath akhi
Ish bath akhi
Briita d'iikhonee
Yiiheporus toostra
Ineean mo drihar
Fy nith
Dukhtari bradiir
Shohari dukhtari bradiir
Broderdatter
Brodur dottir min
Brorsdotter
Nefane
Niece
Nicht
Neef
Nichte
NevS
Nichte
Neffe
Nichte
Ma niece
Sobrinha
Nipote
Fratris filia
Adelphide. b Anepsia
Moja sio^trzenica
Ma sestrina
Bratanitsa mi
Bratanitza. b Bratovchactka
Yey&n-im
Veljen tytar
92
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
53. Brother's grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Ilm ibn akhi.
Ilin ibn akhi.
Nawiga d'akhOnee
Yakeporus voretein voretin.
Mac mic mo drihar
Ogha mo brathar
Mao tnac my braar
Wyr fy mrawd
Navadai bradar
Bhratrnaptar
Broders barnebarn
Sonar sour brodur min
Brorsons son
Great nephew. Cousin-nephew...
Breeders kleiu zoon. b Nerf
Groot neve
Brohrs kinds kind
Gro.ss neffe. b Bruders enkel
Bruders enkel
Mon petit-ne veu
Sobrinho neto
Pronipote
Fratris nepos
Adelphou eggonos. b Anepsiadous ?
Adelphou eggonos
Moj syn synowca..
Mai vnook mi
Moi vnutchatnyi pljemiannik
Karndashmun torii
Tunieh bra man
Minn venna tutar poeg.
Nepaan polka
Translation.
Son of son of brother my,
Grandson of brother my.
Brother's son's son.
Son of son of iny brother.
Grandchild of my brother.
Son of son of my brother.
Grandson of my brother.
Grandchild of brother.
Brother's grandson.
Brother's grandchild.
Son's son of brother my.
Brother's son's son.
Great nephew. Brother's grandson.
Brother's grandson. b Nephew.
Great nephew.
Brother's child's child.
Great nephew. b Brother's grandson.
Brother's grandson.
My Little nephew.
Nephew-grandson.
Great nephew.
Grandson of a brother.
My nephew's son.
Little grandson my.
My nephew-grandson.
Brother's my grandchild.
Grandchild of brother my.
My brother's daughter's son.
Nephew's my son.
64. Brother's grainldiingliter.
(Female speaking.)
Bint ilin akhi.
Biiit ibn akhi.
Nawigta d'akhBnee
Yakeporus toodtrin toostra.
Ineean mic mo drihar
Ogha mo brathar
Inneean mac braar
Wyres fy mrawd
Navadai bradar
Bliratrnaptri
Broders barnebarn
Dottur dottir brodur min...
Brorsdotters dotter
Great niece. b Cousin-niece
Broders klein dochter. b Nicht...
Groote nichte
Brohrs kinds kind
Bruders enkelinu
Bruders enkelin
Ma petite-fille
Sobrinha por affinidade
Pronipote
Fratris neptis
Adelphou huione. b Anepsiades ?
Adelphou eggoue
Moja corka syuowca.
Mai vnooka mi
Moja vnutchatnaja pljemiannitza
Karndashmun tori
Tfiineh bra, rnuii
Minn venna tutar tutar.
Nepaan tylar
Translation.
Daughter of son of brother my.
Granddaughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daughter.
Daughter of son of my brother.
Grandchild of my brother.
Daughter of son of my brother.
Granddaughter of my brother.
Grandchild of brother.
Brother's granddaughter.
Brother's grandchild.
Daughter's daughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daughter.
Grandniece. Brother's granddaught.
Brother's granddaughter. Niece.
Great niece.
Brother's child's child.
Brother's granddaughter.
it u
My little niece.
Niece by affinity.
Great niece.
Granddaughter of a brother.
My nephew's daughter.
Little granddaughter my.
My niece granddaughter.
Brother's my grandchild.
Grandchild of brother my.
My brother's daughter's daughter.
Nephew's my daughter.
65. Brother's great grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
56. Brother's great granddaughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20.
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ibn ibn akhi.
Ibn ibn ibn akhi.
Natija d'akhSnee
Yakeporus voretein v. voretin.
Mac mic mic mo drihar
lar ogha mo brathar
Mac mac mac my braar
Orwyr fy mrawd
Natijaiii bradiir
Broders barnebarns barn
Sonar sonar sonr brodur min ,
Brorsons sonson
Great great nephew.....
Breeders achter klein zoon.
Groot grootnevg
Brohrs kinds kinds kind....
Urgross neffe
Bruders grossenkel
Mon arriere-petit-ueveu
Neef.
Pronipote
Fratris pronepos
Adelphon apogonos tritos.
Adelphou proeggonos
Moj wnuk synowca..
Mai prevnook
Moi pravnutchnayi jiljemiannik .
Karndashmun tnnlnfuu torfinfi...
Laveh torneh bra uiun
Minn venna poep poeg poeg..
Nepaan poTan polka
Son of son of son of brother my.
Great grandson of brother my.
Brother's son's son's sou.
Sou of son of son of my brother.
Grandchild of my brother.
Son of son of son of my brother.
Great grandson of my brother.
Great grandchild of brother.
Brother's great grandchild.
Son's son's son of brother my.
Brother's sou's son's sou.
G't g't nephew, bro. g't grandson.
Brother's g't grandson. b Nephew.
Great great nephew.
Brother's child's child's child.
Great great nephew.
Brother's great grandson.
My great little nephew.
Great nephew.
Great grandson of a brother.
My nephew-grandson.
Little great grandson.
My nephew-great grandson.
Brother's my great grandchild.
Son of grandchild of brother my.
My brother's son's son's son.
Nephew's my son's son.
Bint hint bint akhi.
Bint bint bint akhi.
Natijta d'akhSnee
Yakeporus toostrin t. too=tra
Ineean mic mic mo drihar
lar ogha mo brathar
Inneen mac mac my braar
Orwyres fy mrawd
Natijai bradar
Broders barnebarns barn
Dottur dottur dottir brodur min.
Brorsdotters dotter dotter
Great great niece [Nuht
Breeders achter klein dochter. b
Groote groote nichte
Brohrs kinds kinds kind
Bruders ureukel i n n
Bruders prossenkelin
Mou arriere-petite-u.ece
Pronipote
Fratrin proneptis
Adelphou eggone trite.
Adelphou proeggone ...
Moja wnuczka synowca..
Mae prevnooka mi fnitza
Mnja pravnntchatnaja pljemian-
Kilrndiishnum torumun torfliiu. ...
Keeza, tonieh bra mun
Minu venna poe<r poeg tutar.
Nepaan poian ty tar
Daughter of d. of d. of brother my.
Great granddaughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daught. daught.
Daughter of son of son of my brother.
Great grandchild of my brother.
Daughter of son of son of my brother.
Great granddaughter of my brother.
Great grandchild of brother.
Brother's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daught. daught.
G't g't niece, brother's g. g. daughter.
Brother's g't granddaughter. b Niece.
Great great niece.
Brother's chilli's child's child.
Brother's great granddaughter.
ii d '(
My great little niece.
Great niece.
Great granddaughter of a brother.
My nephew-granddaughter.
Little great granddaughter.
My niece great granddaughter.
Brother's my great grandchild.
Daughter of grandchild brother my.
My brother's son's son's daughter.
Nephew's my son's daughter.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
93
TABLE I. — Continued.
57. Sister. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
58. Sister's son. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Akhti
Sister my.
it ti
it it
it it
My sister.
n it
tt tt
tt tt
Sister.
ii
n
Sister my.
Sister.
u
<i
H
((
tt
It
tf
My sister.
Sister.
My sister.
Sister,
it
ti
tt
My sister,
tt tt
<t ti
Sister jay.
tt tt
My sister.
Sister my.
Sister elder. b Younger.
My sister.
Sister my.
Son of sister my.
ti u u
It It «(
11 If 11
Sister's son.
^on of my sister.
(( f (f 14
« it tt
My nephew.
Son of sister.
Sister's sou.
tt t«
Sister's sou my.
Sister's son.
Nephew.
Nephew, sister's son.
Nephew. b Urandsou.
Nephew.
Sister's son.
Nephew,
u
My nephew.
44 tt
Nephew.
Nephew. b Grandchild.
Son of a sister.
U t( tt
tf tt tt
My nephew.
( > 4f
Nephew my.
(t «
My nephew.
Nephew my.
Son of brother my.
Little younger sister my.
My sister's son.
Sister's my son. b Nephew.
Ikhti
Ibn ikhti
1 khothf
B5n * Khothi
Khutee
Kooere
Mo yriffur
Mo phiuthar
My Shuyr
Fy chwaer
Fy nai
Hahar
Svasar. * lami. c Bhainni
Sbster
Systur mm
Syster
Swuster. b Theoster
Nela .
Sister
Zuster
Neef
Sister
Nev6
Sister
Schwester
Neffe
Sohwester
Neffe
Ma soeur
Hermaua
Irman
Sorella
Soror
Adelphe. b Kasignete. c Kase ?...
Adelphe
Adelphidous. b Kasignatos. ° An-
Mano suse T.
Moj siostra
Muj sestra
Sestra mi
Sestra mi
Moja sestra
Khooshkeh man
Yej6n-im
Nenem. » Hugom
Mina odde
Sisareni
59. Sister's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
60. Sister's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Amrat ibn iikhti
Wife of son of sister my.
tt tt tt ' tt tt
tt tf tt tt tt
Daughter-in-law.
Daughter-in-law of my sister.
Wife of son of my sis'er.
tt tt ft tt tt
it tt tt tt tt
My niece.
Wife of son of sister.
Sister's son's wife.
Wife of sister's son my.
Sister's sou's wife.
Niece,
tt
tt
Sister's son's wife.
Niece by marriage.
Wife of nephew.
My niece.
My niece (by courtesy).
Niece by affinity.
Acquired nephew.
Wife of a son of a sister.
Wife of a nephew.
My niece-in-law.
tt tt tt
Wife of my nephew.
Nephew's my wife.
Daughter-in-law of sister my.
My sister's son wife.
Nephew's my wife.
Bint iikhti
Daughter of sister my.
U tt (( it
(t (f ft ft
(f ft ft tt
Sister's daughter.
Daughter of my sister.
it tt * it
tt ft ft
My niece.
Daughter of sister.
Sister's daughter.
tt tt
Sister'a daughter my.
Sister's daughter.
Niece.
Niece. Sister's daughter.
Niece. b Granddaughter.
Niece.
Sister's daughter.
Niece.
tt
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
Niece. b Grandchild.
Daughter of a sister.
Niece,
tt
My niece,
tt tt
Niece my.
tt tt
My niece.
Niece my.
Daughter of sister my.
Little younger sister my.
My sister's daughter.
Sister's my daughter.
Zaujat ibn ikhti .
Bint ikhti
Eslieth b6n " Kiiothi
Bath a Khothi
Calta d'Khatee
Bivita d'Khiitee ..
Ban mac mo driffer
Bean mic pethfir
Nighean mo phiuthar.
Brii mac my shuyr
Fy nitli
Fy nith
Zani poosiiri hahiir
Diikhtari liahlir
Siistersotis hustrun
Svasriya
Sosterdatter
Kon.'i systur son;ir min
Systur dottir min
Systersous hustru
Systerdotter
Niece
Nefane
Nii-ht
Nicht
Niclite
Nichte
Nichte
Nu-hte
Nichte
Ma niece
Ma niece
Sobrina politica
Sobrina
Sobrinha por affinidade
Aquistella nipote
Nipote
Adelphidou gune
Adelphide. b Kasignete. "Anepsia?
Adelphide. ** Anepsia
Moja siostrzencowa
Ma sestrencowa
Ma sestrina
Sestrenitza mi
YeySnum k..rii -u
94
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
in
11
11
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
2ti
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
61. Sister's daughter's husband.
I. m.u< speaking.)
Z6j bint akhti
Zauj bint ikhti
Ish bath "Khuthl
Klmtna d'Khiitee
Crochus toostrin arega
Far ineeni modriffer
Cleeamhiun rao phiuthar...
Sheshey inneen my shuyr.
Fy nai
Shoharl dukhtiiri hahar
Sosterdatter husbond....
Madr systur dottur min.
Systerdotters man
Nephew
Neef
Neve
Sisters docbters man....
Neffe
Gatte dernichte
Mon neven
Sobrino politico
Sobrinho por affinidade.
Aquistata nipote
Sororis filise vir
Adelphides aner
Moj siostrzenin.
Muj sestrin
Mush moego pljeraiannik
Yeyen-um kojasii
Mereh keeza khodshkeh muu.
Minn odde tntar mees.
Sisaren vavy
Translation.
Husband of daughter of sister my.
Son-in-law of my sister.
Sister's daughter's husband.
Husband's daughter of my sister.
My nephew.
Husbaud of daughter of sister.
Sister's daughter's husband.
Husband of sister's daughter my.
Sister's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
Sister's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
Husband of niece.
My nephew.
My nephew (by courtesy).
Nephew by affinity.
Acquired nephew.
Husband of a daughter of a sister.
Husband of a niece.
My nephew-in-law.
Husband of my niece.
Niece's rny husband.
Husband of daughter of sister my.
My sister's daughter's husband.
Sister's my son-in-law.
62. Sister's grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
Ibn ibn akhti Son of sou of sister my.
Ibn ibn ikhti
Nawiga d'khatee
Crochus voretein voretin.
Mac ineeni mo driffer
Egha mo phiuthar
Mac mac my shuyr
Wyr fvchwaer
Niivad'ai hahar
Svasrnaptar
Siisters barnebarn
Sonar sonr systur min....
Systersons sou
Great nephew. "Wain-nephew...
Zusters klein zoon. b Necf
Groot nevfi
Sisters kinds kind
Gross neffe. b Schwester enkel...
Schwester enkel
Mon petit-neveu
Sobrino
Sobrinho neto
Pronipote
Sororis nepos
Adelphes eggonos. b Anepsiades?
Adelphes eggouos
Moj syu siostrzenca.
Mai vnook mi
Moi vnutchatnyi pljemiannik
Kuz karndashinuu toru
Tfirueh khodshkeh muu
Minn odde poegpoeg My sister's son's son.
Slsaren polau polka Sister's my son's son.
Grandson of sister my.
Sister's son's sou.
Sister's daughter of my sister.
Grandchild of my sister.
Son of son of my sister.
Grandson of my sister.
Grandchild of a sister.
Sister's grandson.
Sister's grandchild.
Son's son of sister niy.
Sister's son's son.
Great nephew. Sister-grandson.
Sister's grandson. b Nephew.
Great nephew.
Sister's child's child.
Great nephew. b Sister's grandson.
Sister's grandson.
My little nephew.
My nephew.
Nephew's grandson.
Great nephew.
Grandson of a sister.
My nephew's son.
Little grandson my.
My nephew's grandson.
Sister's my grandchild.
Grandchild of sister my.
63. Sister's granddaughter.
(Female iptaklng.)
Translation.
64. Sister's great grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
I
B
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
38
17
28
•J'.i
BO
31
32
:;:-,
34
M
M
:•.'
M
89
Bint ibn akhti.
Bint ibn ikhti..
Nawigta. d'khatee
Crochus toostrin toostra. .
lueean mic modriffer
Ogha mo phiuthar
Inneen mac my shuyr ....
Wyres fychwaer
Navadai hahur
Srasrnaptri
Sosters barnebarn
Dottur dottir systur min .
Systersons dotter
Great niece. Cousin-niece ,
Zusters klein dochter. b Nicht.
Groote nichte
Sisters kinds kind
Schwester enkelinu
Schwester enkelin
Ma petite-niece
Sul ii ina
Sobriuha neta
Pronipote
Sororis neptis
Adelphes eggone. "Anepsiade?.
Adelphes eggoue
Moja corka siostrzenca.,
Mai vnooka mi
Mnja vmr.i/hiitiiiija plji'inianuitza..
Kuz k.irnd.ishniiin torii
Tfirni'h khooshkeh mun
Minn odde poeg tutiir.
Sisaren polan tytar
Daughter of son of sister my.
Granddaughter of sister my.
Sister's daughter's daughter.
Daughter's son of my sister.
Granddaughter of my sister.
Grandchild of sister.
Sister's granddaughter.
Sister's grandchild.
Daughter's daughter of sister my.
Sister's son's daughter.
Great niece. Sister's granddaughter.
Sister's granddaughter. b Niece.
Great niece.
Sister's child's ehild.
Sister's granddaughter.
u 11
My little niece.
My niece.
Niece's granddaughter.
Great niece.
Granddaughter of a sister.
My nephew's daughter.
Little granddaughter my.
My niece's granddaughter.
Sister's my grandchild.
Grandchild of sister my.
My sister's son's daughter.
Sister's my son's daughter.
Ibn Ibn ibn akhti
Ibn ibn ibu ikhti.
Niitija d'khatee
Crochus voretein v. voretin.
Mac mic mic modriffer
lar ogha mo phiuthar
Mac mac mac my shuyr
Orwyr fy chwaer
Nitijiii hahar
Sosters barnebarns barn
Sonar sonar sonr systur miu.
Systersons sonson
Great grand nephew
Zusters achter klein zoon. b Nee
Groot groot nevg
Sisters kinds kinds kind
Urgross neffe
Sell wester grossenkel
Mon arriere-petit-neveu
Pronipote
Sororis pronepos
Adelphes tritos apogonos.
Adelphes proeggonos
Moj wnuk siostrezenca..
Mai prevnook mi
Moi pravnutchatnyi pljemiannik..
Karndrislnn fin torunum torunu —
Laveh tOrnuli khoushkeh mun
Minu odde poeg poeg poeg .
Slsaren poTan poian po!k;i.
Sou of son of son of sister my.
Great grandson of sister my.
Sister's son's son's son.
Son's son's son of my sister.
Great grandchild of my sister.
Son of son of son of my sister.
Great grandson of my sister.
Great grandchild of sister.
Sister's great grandchild.
Son's son's son of sister my.
Sister's son's son's son.
G't grandnephew. Sister's p. g. son.
Sister's great grandson. b Nephew.
Great great nephew.
Sister's child's child's child.
Great great nephew.
Sister's grrat grandson.
My great little nephew.
Great nephew.
Great grandson of a sister.
My nephew-grandson.
Little great grandson my.
My nephew's great grandson.
Sister's my great grandchild.
Son of grandchild of sister my.
My sister's son's son's son.
Sister's my son's son's son.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
95
TABLE I. — Continued.
65. Sister's Great granddaughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
66. Father's brother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
IS
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Bint bint bint akliti .
Bint bint bint ikhti.
Natigta d'khatee
Crochus toostrin t. toostra
Ineean mic mic mo drifter
lar ogha mo phiuthar
Inueen mac mac my shuyr
Orwyres fy chwaer
Niitijiii hahar
Sosters barnebarns barn
Dottur dottur dottir systur min...
Systerdotters dotter dotter
Great grandniece [b Nicht
Zusters achter kleiu dochter.
Groote groote nichte
Sisters kinds kinds kind
Schwester ureukeliun
Schwester grossenkelin
Mou arriere-petite-niuce
Pronipote
Sororis proneptis
Adelphes trite eggonos.
Adelphes proggoue
Moja wnuczka siostrzenca.
Daughter of d. of d. of sister my.
Great granddaughter of sister my.
Sister's daughter's d. 'daughter.
Daughter's s. son my sister.
Great grandchild of my sister.
Daughter of son of son of my sister.
Great granddaughter of my sister.
Great grandchild of sister.
Sister's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of sister my.
Sister's daughter's danght. daught.
G't g'ndniece. Sister's g. g. daught.
Sister's g't granddaughter. b Niece.
Great great niece.
Sister's child's child's child.
Sister's great granddaughter,
tt it tt
My great little niece.
Great niece.
Great granddaughter of a sister.
My nephew-granddaughter.
Mai prevnooka mi [nitza Little great granddaughter my.
Moja pravnutcuatnaja plemian- ' My niece, great granddaughter.
Karndashmun toiunum toriinu....
Keeza torneh khou^hkeh muu
Minu oilde poeg poeg tutar..
Sisareii poliin poian tytar —
Sister's my great grandchild.
Daughter of grandchild of sister my.
My sister's son's son's daughter.
Sister's my son's sou's daughter.
Ammi
Amuii
Dodhi
Amuwee
Horns yakepira
Drihar m'ahar
Brathair m'athair
Braar my ayr
Fy ewyrth (pr. aworth).
Amoo
Pitroya. b Pitrbhratar..
Farbroder
Fodnr brodir niiiin
Farbroder. b Farbror....
Paternal uncle....
Oom
Oom
Ohm. b Onkel....
Oheim. b Onkel.
Oheim. b Oukel.
Mou oncle
Tio
Tio carnal
Tio-....
Patruus
Patros. b Patradelphos. « Theios
Theios. [d nanuos? c Patrokasignatos
Mauo dode
Moj stryj
Muj stryo
Chicha. " Strika mi
Chicha. b Streeka
Moi djadja
Ammi-m. b Amfija-m
Apeh mun
Nagy batyam
Minu esii vend
Setani
Paternal uncle my.
Father's brother.
Brother of my father.
My uncle.
Paternal uncle.
Father's brother my.
Father's brother.
Uncle (father's side.)
My uncle.
Uncle.
Blood uncle.
Uncle.
Paternal uncle.
Uncle.
Uncle.
My father's brother.
My paternal uncle.
tt «t tt
Paternal uncle my.
tt tt
My uncle.
Uncle my (paternal).
Paternal uncle my.
Grand elder brother.
My father's brother.
Uncle my.
67. Father's brother's wife.
Translation.
8. Father's brother's SOD.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
23
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Amrat ammi
Zoujat ammi
Dodhathi
Bakhta d'amuuiee
llorus yakeporagena....
Ban drihar inahar
Bean brathar m'athair .
Ben braar my ayr
Fy modrib
Zari amoo
Farbroders hustrue
Kona fodur brodurmin.
Farbroders hustru
Wife of paternal uncle my.
tt tt tt tt tt
Aunt uiy.
Wife of paternal uncle my.
Father's brother's wife.
Wife of the brother of my father.
My aunt.
Wife of paternal uncle.
Uncle's wife (father's side).
Wife of father's brother uiy.
Father's brother's wife.
Aunt
Ooms vrouw. b
Moej
Molm. b Tante ..
Muhme. b Taute
Oheim.s frau
Ma taute.
Tia politica
Tia por affinidade
Tia
Moej.
Aunt.
Uncle's wife.
Aunt.
b Aunt.
Patrui uxor... .
Patroos gune.
1 Thiou gune.
Uncle's wife.
My aunt.
My aunt by courtesy.
Aunt by affinity.
Aunt.
Wife of paternal uncle.
Mano dedene My father's brother's wife.
Moja stryjeuka \ My aunt.
Ma stryna..
Strinka mi
Streena. b China .
Moja tjotka
Amje mun
Nagy angyom
Minn esa venna naine
Setaui valino
Aunt my.
Aunt.
My aunt.
Uncle's wife.
Wife of paternal uncle my.
Grand sister-in-law.
My father's brother's wife.
Wife of my uncle.
Ibn ammi
1 1 in ammi
Ben dodhl
Bruna d'amiiwee
Horns yakepora voretin
Mac drihar mahar
Mac brathar m'athair
Mac brear my ayr
Fy nghefnder (pr. hevender)
Poosari amoo
Pitroyaputra
Falters sodskendebarn
Brodur sonr fodur min
Farbrors son. b Sysling
(Swor?)
Cousin. Uncle's son
Ooms zoon. * Neef
Kozyn. b Ooms zoon
Vedder
Vetter. b Gesehwister kind
Oheims sohn. b Vetter
Mon cousin-germain
Primohermano
Primo irmao
Cugino
Patrui li! ins. b Frater patruelis.,
Anepsios. b Kasis t ,
PrStos exadelphos
Moj stryjeczny brat.
Bratooche mi
Otchicha brat. bChichersin.
Moi dvoiurodnyi brat
Amiijamun oghlii
l.iivch iipeh mun
Minu esii vennii poeg.
Serkkunl. Orpauaui.
Son of paternal uncle my.
tt tt tt tt
Son of uncle my.
Son of paternal uncle my.
Father's brother's son.
Son of brother of my father.
My cousin.
Sou of paternal uncle.
Paternal uncle's son.
Cousin.
Brother's son of father my.
Father's brother's son. b Cousin.
Cousin germain.
First cousin. Uncle's son.
Uncle's son. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Uncle's son.
Cousin.
Cousin. b Relative's child.
Uncle's son. b Cousin.
My cousin germaiu.
My cousin-brother.
Cousin-brother.
Cousin.
Son of pat. uncle. b Bro. patruel.
Cousin.
My brother through paternal uncle.
Uncle's son my. [b Uncle's son.
Brother through paternal uncle.
My double birth brother.
Son of uncle my.
Son of paternal uncle my.
My father's brother's son.
Cousin my.
96
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
9. Father's brother's son's wife.
Amrat ibn ammi.,
Xaujat ibn
Calta d'amiiwee
Horns yukejioree voretin gena.,
Ban mic driliar niahar
Bean mac brathar m'athair ,
Ben mac braar my ayr
Fy cyfnither (pr. ketuether)...,
Zani poosiri amoo ,
Falters hnstrne
Sonar kona todnr brodur mins.,
Farbrors sonhustru
Cousin
Ooms zoons vrouw.
Nichte ...................
Base ......................
Oheinis sohnsfrau ....
Ma consine .............
Prima politica ..........
Prima por affinidade.
Aquistella cugina .....
Patrui filii uxor .......
Anepsiou guue .........
Moja stryjeezna bratowa .
Sbena moego dvoinrodnaja brata.
Amnjainnn oghlfinum kari'i-n
Thuuieh lavehapehmun
Minu esa venna poeg naiue.
Serkkuui vaimo
Translation.
Wife of son of paternal uncle my.
Daughter-in-law of patern. uncle my.
Fatber's brotber's son's wife.
Wife of the son of my father's bro.
Wife of the son of the bro. of my fa.
it fi it ii li 1' "
My cousin.
Wife of son of paternal uncle.
Cousin's wife.
Son's wife of father's brother my.
Father's brother's son's wife.
Cousin.
Uncle's son's wife.
Cousin.
Uncle's son's wife.
My cuii-iii.
My cousin (by courtesy).
Cousin by affinity.
Acquired cousin.
Wife of son of paternal uncle.
Wife of cousin.
My sister-in-law through p. uncle.
Wife of my double birth brother.
Wife of the son of my uncle.
Daughter-in-law son of pater, uncle.
My father's brother's son's wife.
Wife of my cousin.
70. Father's brother's daughter.
Bint ammi
Bint ammi
Bath dodhi
Brata d'amuwee
Horus yakepora tooster
Ineean drihar mahar
Nighean brathar m'athair
Inneen braar myiiyr
Fy cyfnither
Dftkhtari amoo
Pitroyaputri
Karbrodersdatter. b Sb'dskendebarn
Dottir fodurbrodur mins
b'arbrors dotter. b Syssling
Cousin. Paternal uncle's danght.
OIHUS dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. b Ooms dochter
Nichte
Base. b Gerschwisterkind
Oheims tochter. b Base
Ma cousine germaine
Prima hermana
Prima
Cugina
Patrui filia. b Soror patruelis
Anepsia. b Kase ?
Prote exadelphe
Moja stryjeczna siostra
Bratovchetka ini
[tera
Otchicha sestra. b Chichev dush-
Maja dvoinroilnaja sestra
Amuiamun kiisii
Keesaiipeh mun
Minu esa venna tutilr.,
Serkkunl orpanani....
Translation.
Daughter of paternal uncle my.
ti it it it
Daughter of uncle my.
Daughter of paternal uncle my.
Father's brother's daughter.
Daughter of my father's brother.
Daughter of the brother of my father.
tt it u fi tt
My cousin.
Daughter of paternal uncle.
Paternal uncle's daughter.
Cousin.
Daughter of father's brother's my.
Father's brother's daught. Cousin.
First cousin.
Uncle's daughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Uncle's daughter.
Cousin,
it
Uncle's daughter. b Cousin.
My cousin germain.
My cousin sister.
Cousin.
H
Daught. of pat. uncle. b Sist. pat.
Cousin.
My sister through paternal uncle.
Uncle's daughter my.
[dauehter.
Sister through pat. uncle. b Uucle's
My double birth sister.
Daughter of uncle my.
Daughter of paternal uncle my.
My father's brother's daughter.
Cousin my.
71. Father's brother's daughter's husband.
Translation.
72. Father's brother' s grandson.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
n
34
:::.
M
87
88
Ziij bint ammi...
Zauj bint ammi.
Khutna d'amuwee
Horus yakepora toostriu arega .
Far ineeni drihar mahar
Cleeamhuin brathar m'athair...
Sheshey inneen braar my ayr...
Fy nghefnder
Shohari dukhtari&moo
Farbrodersdatters mand
Dottur madr fodurbrodur mins.
Farbrors dotters man
Cousin
Ooms .In. hti-r man
Ki'/.vn
Vedder
Vetter
Oheims tochter maun .
Mon cousin
Primo politico
Primo por affinidade ...
Aquistata cugiuo
Patrui filise vir
Auepsiasauer
Moj stryjeczny szwagier.
Mush moego dvoinrod naja sestra.
Amujamun kusunumk ojii.su
Keuza apch mun
Minn esa venna tutar meeft..
rirrkkuuT mies
Husband of daught. of pat. uncle my.
Son-in-law of paternal uncle my.
Father's brother's daught. husband.
Husb. of daught. of bro. of my husb.
My cousin.
Husb. of daught. of paternal uncle.
Uncle's daughter's husband.
Daughter's husb. of fath. bro. my.
Father's brother's daughter's husb.
Cousin.
Uncle's daughter's husband.
Cousin.
Cousin.
tt
Uncle's daughter's husband.
My cousin.
My cousin by courtesy.
Cousin by affinity.
Acquired con.-in.
Husband of son of paternal uncle.
Husband of cousin.
My broth.-in-law through pat. uncle.
My double-birth sister's husband.
Uncle's my daughter's husband.
Son-in-law of paternal uncle my.
My father's brother's daught. husb.
Cousin's my husband.
Ibn ibn ammi.
Ibu ilni umiui.
Nawiga d'amfiwee
Horus yakepora voretein voretin.
Mac mic drihar mahar
Kgha brathar m'athair
Mao mac braar my ayr
Mab fy nghefnder
Navadai amoo
Farbroders barnebarn
Sonar sour fodurbrodur mins.
Farbrors souson
Paternal uncle's grandson ..
Ooms klein zoon. b Neef....
Ooms groot zoon. b Kozyn.
Vcddurs soohu
Vetters sohn
Oheims eukel
Mon cousin sous-germain —
Sobrino
Primo distante
Secondo cugino?
Patrui nepos
Anepsiades?
Theiou eggonos
Moj stryjeczny bratanek.
Otrhicha bratanetz
Moi dvoiurodnyi plemiannik.
Amujainun oghlu
Torueh apeh mun
Minu esa vcnnii poeg.
Sorkkuni polka
Son of son of paternal uncle my.
Grandson of paternal uncle my.
Father's brother's son's son.
Sou of the s. of the broth, of my fath.
Grandchild of brother of my father.
Son of sou of brother of my father.
Son of my cousin.
Grandchild of paternal uncle.
Uncle's grandchild.
Son's sou of father's brother my.
Father's brother's sou's sou.
Uncle's grandson (father's side).
Uncle's granson. b Nephew.
Uncle's grandson. b Cousin.
Cousin's son.
i< it
Uncle's grandson.
My cousin's son.
My nephew.
Distant cousin.
Second cousin.
Grandson of paternal uncle.
Cousin's son.
Uncle's grandson.
My nephew through paternal uncle.
From paternal uncle nephew.
My double birth nephew.
Son of uncle my.
Grandchild of paternal uncle my.
My father's brother's sou's son.
Son of my cousin.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
97
TAHLE I. — Continued.
73. Father's brother's granddaughter.
Translation.
74. Father's brother's great grandson.
Tra nblation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
•17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Bint ibn amiui.
Bint ibu amnii.
Niiwigta d'amuwee
Horus y&kepora too-trin toostra.
Ineean mic dribar mahar
Egha brathar m'athar
Inneen mac braar my ayr
Merch fy nghefuder
Navadai amoo
Farbroders barnebarn
Sonar dottir fodurbrodur rnins...
Farbrors dotter dotter
Paternal uncle's granddaughter.,
Ooms klein dochter. b Nicht —
Ooms groote doubter. * Nichte..
Vedders dochter
Vetters tochter
Oheims enkelin
Ma cousine sous-germaine
Sobrina
Prima distante
Seconda cugina ?
Patrui neptis
Anepsiade?
Thiuu eggone
Moja stryjeczna siostrzenca.
Otchicha bratanitza
Moja dvoinrodnaja plemiannitza.
Amujamiin kusu
Torneh. apeh iiiun
Minn esii venna poeg tutar.
Serkkuul tytar
Daughter of son of pat. uncle my.
Granddaughter of pat. uncle my.
Father's brother's dau. dau.
D. of the sou of the bro. of my dau.
Grandchild of brother of my father.
Daughter of son of bro. of iny father.
Daughter of my cousin.
Grandchild of paternal uncle.
Uncle's grandchild.
Son's daughter of father's bro. my.
Father's brother's daughter's daught.
Uncle's granddan. (father's side).
Uncle's granddaughter. b Niece.
u a u
Cousin's daughter.
(( U
Uncle's granddaughter.
My cousin's daughter.
My niece.
Distant cousin.
Second cousin.
Granddaughter of paternal uncle.
Cousin's daughter.
Uncle's granddaughter.
My niece through paternal uncle.
From paternal uncle niece.
My double birth niece.
Daughter of uncle my.
Grandchild of paternal uncle my.
My father's brother's son's daughter.
Cousin's my daughter.
Ibn ibn ibn ammi ,
Ibn ibn ibu ammi ,
Natija d'amtiwee
Horusyakeporeevoretein v.voretiu
Mac mic mic dribar mahar
lar ogha brathar m'athair
Mac mac mac braar my ayr
Wyr fy ngnefnder
.Niitijiii amoo
Farbroders barnebarns barn
Sonar sonar sonr fodnrbrodur mins
Farbrors sousous sou
Paternal uncle's great grandson...
Ooms achter klein zoon. b Neef...
Kyzyu. b Oomes groot groot zoon
Vedders kinds kind
Vetters enkel
Oheims grossenkel
Petit-fils de mon cousin
Sobrino
Primo distante
Terzo cugino?
Patrui pronepos
Anepsiou eggonos ?
Thiou proeggonos
Moj stryjeczny wnuk.,
Otchicha vnook [annik
Moi dvoiurodnyi vnuteha plemi-
Laveh t5rneh apeh num.
Minn esa venna poeg poeg poeg...
Serkkuni poian poika
Son of son of son of pat. uncle lay.
Great grandson of pat. uncle my.
Father's brother's sou's son's son.
Son of son of son of bro. of my fa.
Great grandchild of bro. of my fa.
Son of son of son of bro. of my fa.
Grandson of my cousin.
Grandchild of paternal uncle.
Uncle's great grandchild.
Son's son's son of father's bro. my.
Father's brother's sou's son's sou.
U. great grandson (father's side).
Uncle's great grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Uncle's great grandson.
Cousin's child's child.
Cousin's grandson.
Uncle's great grandson.
Grandson of my cousin.
My nephew.
Distant cousin.
Third cousin.
Great grandson of paternal un<;le.
Cousin's grandson.
Uncle's great grandson
My grandson through paternal uncle.
From paternal uncle grandson.
Son of grandchild of pat. uncle my.
My father's brother's son's son's son
Cousin's my sou's son.
75. Father's brother's great-granddaughter.
Translation.
70. Father's sister.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
IS
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
:w
39
Bint bint bint ammi.
Bint bint bint ammi.
Natijta d'amuwee
Horns yakepora t. t. toostra
Ineean mic mio drihar mahar
lar ogha brathar m'athair
Inneeu mac mac braar my ayra...
Wyres fy nghefnder
Niitijiii amoo
Farbroders barnebarns barn. [mins
Dottur dottnr dottir fodurbroder
Farbrors dotters dotter dotter
P. uncle's gt. granddaughter
Oom achter klein douht. b Nicht
Nichte. b Ooms groote g. dochter
Vedders kinds kind
Vetters enkelin
Oheims grossenkelin
Petite-fille de ma cousiue
Sobrina
Prima distante
Terza cugina?
Patrui proneptis
Anepsion eggone ?
Theiou proeggone
Moja stryjeczua wnuczka.
Otchicha vnooka
Moja dvoiurodiiaja vnutcaatnaja
[plemiannitza
Keezit tSrneh apeh mnn
Min e?a venna poeg poeg tntiir —
Serlckmu polan tytar
D. of d. of d. of paternal uncle my.
Gr't granddanght. of pat. uncle my.
Father's brother's d. d. daughter.
D. of the son of son of bro. of my fa.
Great grandchild of bro. " " "
(( (( (t U It It II
Granddaughter of my cousin.
Great grandchild of paternal uncle.
Uncle's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of f. b. my.
Father's brother's daughter's dau.
Uncle's gt. granddau. (fa.'s side).
Uncle's great granddaught. b Niece.
Cousin. b Uncle's great grauddau.
Cousin's child's child.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Uncle's great granddaughter.
Granddaughter of my cousin.
My niece.
Distant cousin.
Third cousin.
Great granddaughter of pat. uncle.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Uncle's great granddaughter.
My granddaughter through p. u.
From paternal uncle granddaughter.
Dau. of grandchild of pat. u. my.
My father's brother's son's son's dau
Daughter of the son of my cousin.
Ammeti
Ammati
Doduathi. b Akhoth abhi
Uintee
Horus koverii
Driffur mahar
I'liinthar m'athair
Shuyr my ayr
Fy modryb
Ama ..... ............... .
Pitrshvasar
Faster
Fodnrsystermin
Faster
Fathe
Paternal aunt
Moeje. b Tante
Moej
Miihn. b Tante
Muhme. b Tante
Muhme. b Tante
Ma tante
Tia
Tia. b Tia carnal
Tia
Amita
Patradelphe. b Theia.
Theia
Mr>no teta
Moja ciotka
Ma tetka
Lyelya mi
Lelya mi
Moja tjotka
Hill ii- in
Ammeh mun
Nacy nencm
Minti esil odde
Tatiul
Nanne t
Paternal annt my.
K u u
Aunt my. b Sister of father my.
Paternal aunt my.
Father's sister.
Sister of my father.
My annt.
Paternal aunt.
Father's sister.
Annt (father's side).
Father's sister my.
Father's sister. Aunt.
Aunt.
Aunt (father's side).
My annt.
Aunt. b Blood aunt.
My aunt.
Paternal aunt.
Paternal aunt. Aunt.
Aunt.
My father's sister.
My aunt.
U K
Paternal aunt my
K li U
My aunt.
Aunt my (paternal).
Paternal aunt my.
Grand elder sister my.
My father's sister.
Aunt my.
13
November, 1869.
98
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
TABLE I. — Continued.
77. Father's sister's husband.
Translation.
78. Father's sister's son.
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Aral ammeti
Zauj aminati
1 1 ii.-liand of paternal aunt my.
It (( It U II
(1 II II II II
Father's sister's husband.
Husband of sister of my father.
Son of paternal aunt my.
it it it u
Son of aunt my.
Son of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's son.
Son of sister of my father,
ii u it u
u u ii ii
My cousin.
Son of paternal aunt.
Father's sister's sou.
Cousin.
Sister's son of father my.
Father's sister's sou. Cousin.
Cousin germain.
First cousin.
Aunt's son. * Nephew.
Cousin. b Aunt's son.
Cousin,
u
Aunt's son. * Cousin.
My cousin.
My cousin's brother.
Cousin's brother.
Cousin.
Son of paternal aunt. b Cousin.
Cousin,
u
My brother through paternal aunt.
Aunt's son my.
Paternal aunt's son my.
My double birth brother.
Son of paternal aunt.
Son of paternal aunt my.
My father's sister's sou.
Cousin my.
Ben dodhathl
Bruna d'umtee
Horns crocha voretin
Far driffur mahar
Mac driffer mahar
Fear phiuthar m'athair
u u ii u u
My uncle.
Husband of paternal aunt.
Father's sister's husband.
Husband of father's sister my.
Father's sister's husband.
Uncle.
Aunt's husband. Uncle.
Uncle.
(i
Uncle.
Husband of my aunt.
My uncle.
My nncle (by courtesy).
Uncle. * Uncle by affinity.
Acquired nncle.
Husband of paternal aunt.
ii ii ii it
My father's sister's husband.
My uncle.
ii it
Uncle my.
u it
My nncle.
Brother-in-law my.
Husband of paternal uncle my.
My father's sister's husband.
Aunt's my husband.
Mac phiuthar m'athair
Mac shuyr my ayr
Poosiiri ama
Fatter. b Sodskendebaru
M H fod
Systur sonr fodur rnins
a u sys ur
Faster's son. b Syskoubarn
(Swor?)
Cousin. b Paternal aunt's son
Moejes zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Moejes zoon
Vedder
Muhme sohn. b Vetter
Primo hermano
Cugino
Amitae films. * Amitinns.
Manoteterus
Moi djadja
79. Father's sister's son's wife.
Translation.
80. Father's sister's daughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Wife of son of paternal uncle my.
II U II II II
Daughter-in-law of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's son's wife.
Wife of sou of sister of my father.
Daughter of paternal aunt my.
ii ii it it
Daughter of aunt my.
Daughter of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister daughter.
Father's sister of my father,
u it u ii
it ii u it
My cousin.
Daughter of paternal aunt.
Father's sister's daughter.
Cousin.
Sister's daughter of father my.
Father's sister's daughter. b Cousin.
First cousin.
Aunt's daughter. * Niece.
Niece. b Aunt's daughter.
Cousin.
Cousin (father's side).
Aunt's daughter. f Cousin.
My cousin.
My cousin-sister.
Cousin.
ii
Daughter of paternal aunt. b Cousin.
Cousin.
ii
My sister-in-law through pat. aunt.
Aunt's daughter my.
Paternal aunt's daughter.
My double birth sisti-r.
Daughter of paternal aunt my.
ii (i it it ii
My father's sister's daughter.
Cousin my.
Kelta d'nmtee
Bath dodhathl
Ban mic driffur mahar
Ineean mo driffer mahar
Bean mac phinthar m'athair
ii ii ti ii u u
My cousin.
Wife of son of paternal aunt.
Cousin's wife.
Wife of sister's son of father my.
Father's sister's sou's wii'e.
Cousin.
Aunt's son's wife.
Niece.
Cousin,
u
Aunt's son's wife.
My cousin.
My cousin by courtesy.
Cousin by affinity.
Acquired cousin.
Wife of sou of paternal aunt.
Wife of cousin.
My sister-in-law through pat. aunt.
Wife of my double birth brother.
Wife of son of aunt my.
Daughter-in-law of pat. aunt my.
My father's sister's son's wife.
Cousin's my wife.
Nighean phiuthar m'athair
Dukhtari ama
Fasters dotter. b Syskoubarn
Cousin. * Paternal aunt's daught.
Nichte
Nichte
Base
Mahme sohnsfrau
Ma cousine
Prima politica
Prima por afflnidade
Aqnistella cugiua
Amitae filii uxor
Anepsiou guno
Moja cioteczna bratowa
Shena moega dvoinrodnaja brata..
Halam ogluuum kariisu
Lelina dushtera
Bookeh iiimijtth mini
Minn es5 odde poeg naine
Serkkunl vaimo
OF T1IE HUMAN FAMILY.
99
TABLE I. — Continued.
81. Father's sister's daughter's husband.
Translation.
82. Father's sister's grandson.
Translation.
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Zoj bint ammeti...
Zauj bint ammati.
Khutna d'umtee
llorus crocha toostra arega
Far ineeni mo driffer mahar. ....
Cleeamhiun phiuthar m'athair.
Sueshey inneen shuyr my ayr...
Fy Nghefnder
Shohari dukhtari ama
Sb'dskendebarns husbond
Madr systurdottur fodur mins.
Fasters dotters man
Cousin ,
Moejes dochters man.
Kozyn
Vedder
Vetter
Muhme toehterrnann.,
Mon cousin
Primo politico
Prime por affinidade..
Aquistata cugino
Amitae filiae vir
Auepsias aner
Moj cioteczny szwagier.
Mush moego dvoiurodnaja sestra.,
Huliim kusunum kojiisu
Zavii iiuimeli uiuu
Minn esa odde tutiir mees.
Serkkum mies
Husband of daught. of pat. aunt my.
Son-in-law of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's daughter's husband.
Husband of d. of sister of my father.
My cousin.
Husband of daughter of pat. aunt.
Cousin's husband.
Husb. of sister's daught. of fath. my.
Father's sister's daughter's husband.
Cousin.
Aunt's daughter's husband.
Cousin.
K
Cousin.
Aunt's daughter's husband.
My cousin.
My cousin by courtesy.
Cousin by affinity.
Acquired cousin.
Husband of daught. of pat. aunt.
Husband of cousin.
My brother-in-law through p. aunt.
Husband of my double birth sister.
Aunt's my daughter's husband.
Son-in-law of paternal aunt my.
My father's sister's daughter's husb.
Cousin's my husband.
Ibn ibn ammeti .
Ibu ibn ammati .
Nawigee d'umtee
Horus crocha voretein voretin.
Mac mic driffer mahar
Egtia phiuthar m'athair
Mac mac shuyr my ayr
Mab fy nghefnder
Navadai ama
Pasters baruebarn
Sonar sonr fodursystur minuar.
Pasters sonson
Paternal aunt's grandson
Moejes klein zoou. b Neef.
Kozyn. b Moejes groot zoon
Vedders Soohu. b Nichtes Soohn.
Vetters Sohn.
Muhme enkel
Mon cousin sous-gerinain
Sobrino
Primo distante
Secoudo cugino
Amitae nepos
Anepsiades
Theias eggonos
Moj cioteczny bratanek.
Lelina vnook
Moi dvoiurodnyi plemianuik
Halam oghlu
TSrneh arnnieh muu
Minu esa odde poeg poeg.
Serkkuui poika
Son of son of paternal aunt my.
Grandson of paternal annt my.
Father's sister's sou's son.
Son of son of brother of my father.
Son of my cousin.
Grandchild of paternal aunt.
Aunt's grandchild.
Son's son of father's sister my.
Father's sister's sou's sou.
Aunt's grandson (father's side).
Aunt's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Aunt's grandson.
Cousin's son. b Cousin's sou (f.)
Cousin's son.
Aunt's grandson.
My cousin's son.
My nephew.
Distant cousin.
Second cousin.
Grandson of paternal aunt.
Cousin's son.
Aunt's grandson.
My nephew through paternal aunt.
Paternal aunt's grandson.
My double birth nephew.
Son of paternal aunt my.
Grandchild of paternal aunt my.
My father's sister's son's son.
Cousin's my son.
83. Father's sister's granddaughter.
Translation.
84. Father's Bister's great grandson.
Translation.
1
2
8
4
5
G
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
86
37
38
39
Bint ibn ammeti.
Bint ibn ammati.
Nawigtee d'umtee
Horus crocha voretiu toostra
lueean mic drifter mahar
Ogha phiuthar m'athair
Inneen mac shuyr my ayr
Merch fy nghefnither
Navadai ama
Fasterg barnebarn
Dottur dottir fodursyster miunar..
Fasters dotter dotter
Paternal aunt's granddaughter....
Moejes klein dochter. b Nicht. ...
Nichte. b Moejes groote dochter..
Vedders dochter. b Nichter doch.
Vetters tochter
Muhme enkel in
Ma cousine sous-germaine
Sobrina
Prima distante
Seconda cugina
Amitae neptis
Auepsiadu
Theias eggoiie
Moja cioteczna synowiec.
Lelina vnooka
Moja dvoiuroduaja plemiannitza.
Hiilam kusu
Torneh amnieh mun
Minu esa odde poeg tutar..
Serkkuui tytar
Daught. of sou of paternal annt my.
Granddaughter of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's sou's daughter.
Daughter of son of sister my father.
Grandchild of sou of sister of my fa.
daughter of son of sister of my father.
Daughter of my cousin.
Grandchild of paternal aunt.
Father's sister's grandchild.
Daughter's daught. of fa. sister my.
Father's sister's daughter's daught.
Aunt's granddaughter (father's side),
Aunt's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Aunt's granddaughter.
Cousin's daughter.
tt tt
Aunt's granddaughter.
My cousin's daughter.
My niece.
Distant cousin.
Second cousin.
Granddaughter of paternal aunt.
Cousin's daughter.
Aunt's granddaughter.
My niece through paternal aunt.
Paternal aunt's granddaughter.
My double birth niece.
Daughter of paternal aunt my.
Grandchild of paternal aunt my.
My father's sister's son's daughter.
Cousin's my daughter.
Ibn ibn ibn ammeti.
Ibu ibn ibn ammati.
Natija d'umtee
Horus crocha voretein v. voretin..
Mac mic mic driffer mahar
lar ogha phiuthar m'athair
Mac mac mac shuyr my ayr
Mab wyr fy nghefnder
Natijai ama
Fasters barnebarns barn [nar
Sonar sonar sonr fodursysturmin-
Fasters sonson son
Paternal aunt's great grandson....
Moejes achter klein zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Moejes groot groot zoon
Vedders kinds kiud
Vetters enkel
Muhme grossenkel
Petit-fils de mon cousin
Sobrino
Primo distante
Teszo cugino
Amitae pronepos
Anepsiou eggonos ?
Theias proeggouos
Moj cioteczny wnuk .
Lelin prevnook [miannik
Moi dvoiurodnyi vnutchatnyi ple-
Laveh tSrneh ammeh mun .
Minn esa odde poeg poeg poeg..
Serkkuni poian polka
Son of sou of son of pat. annt my.
Great grandson of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's son's son's son.
Son's son's son's sister of my father.
Great grandchild sister of my father.
Daught. of sou of son of son of iny fa.
Grandson of my cousin.
Great grandchild of paternal aunt.
Father's sister's great grandchild.
Son's son's son of father's sister my.
Father's sister's son's sou's sou.
Aunt's great grandson (fath. side).
Aunt's great grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Aunt's great gramlson.
Cousin's child's child.
Cousin's grandson.
Aunt's great grandson.
Grandson of my cousin.
My nephew.
Distant cousin.
Third cousin.
Great grandson of paternal uncle.
Cousin's grandson.
Aunt's great grandson.
My grandson through paternal annt.
Paternal uncle's great grandson.
Son of grandchild of pat. aunt my.
My father's sister's son's son's son.
Cousin's my sou's son.
100
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
85. Father's sister's great grandson's
daughter.
Translation.
86. Mother's brother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Daught. of d. of d. of paternal aunt.
u t* ti tt ft
Great granddaught. of pat. aunt my.
Father's sister's daughter's dau. dau.
Son of son of son of sister of my fa.
Gt. grandchild of sister of my father.
Danght. of son of s. of sister of my fa.
Granddaughter of my cousin.
Great grandchild of paternal aunt.
Father's sister's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of fath. sister my.
Father's sister's dau. dau.' dau.
Aunt's gt. granddaught. (fath. side).
Aunt's gt. grauddaught. b Niece.
Cousin. b Aunt's gt. granddaught.
Cousin's child's child.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Aunt's great granddaughter.
Granddaughter of my cousin.
My niece.
Distant cousin.
Third cousin.
Gt. granddaughter of paternal aunt.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Aunt's great granddaughter.
My granddaughter through pat. aunt.
Paternal aunt's great granddaughter.
My double birth grandchild niece.
Dau. of grandchild of pat. aunt my.
My father's sister's son's son's dau.
Cousin's my daughter's daughter.
Khali
Maternal uncle my.
tt tt ft
tt tt tt
tt it tt
Mother's brother.
Brother of my mother,
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
My uncle.
Maternal uncle.
tt tt
Uncle (mother's side).
Mother's brother my.
Uncle.
Uncle (mother's side.)
Uncle.
tt
tt
tt
tt
My uncle.
My uncle maternal.
Uncle. b Blood uncle.
Uncle.
Maternal uncle. b Uncle.
Maternal uncle.
Uncle.
My mother's brother.
My uncle,
tt tt
Uncle my.
tt tt
My uncle.
Maternal uncle my.
tt tt tt
Grand elder brother my.
My mother's brother.
Maternal unulo my.
Kliiili
Ineean mic mio driffer inahar
I nneeii mac mac mac shuyr my ayr
Haloo
Matula b Matrbhratar
Dotturd. dottirfodursysturininDar
Fasters dotters dotters dotter.
Paternal annt's gt. granddaughter
Moejes aohter klein doch. b Nicht
Niohte. b Moejes groote g. docht.
Earn
Ooin
Ohm. b Onkel
Oheim. b Onkel. ° Ohm
Oheiin. b Onkel
Tio. b Tio carnal
Tio
Metros. b Metradelphoa. c Thios.
Theios..[dPatrokosignetosuaimos ?
Muj ujec
Moja dvoiurodnaja vnutchatnaja
[plemiannitza
Dayi-m
Minn esa odde poeg poeg tutar
Serkkuni tyttaren tytar
EuOiiT
87. Hother'i brother's wife.
Translation.
88. Mother's brother's son.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ararat khali ..
Wife of maternal uncle my.
tt ft « ft (t
Wife of brother of mother my.
Wife of maternal uncle my.
Mother's brother's wife.
Wife of brother of my mother,
ft tt n it it tt
tt d u n ft ft
My aunt.
Wife of maternal uncle.
Uncle's wife.
Wife of mother's brother my.
Mother's brother's wife.
Aunt.
Uncle's wife. b Aunt.
Aunt.
ft
u
My uncle's wife.
My aunt.
My aunt by courtesy.
Aunt. b Aunt by affinity.
Acquired aunt.
Wife of maternal uncle.
f ( 1 ( tf
My mother's brother's wife.
My aunt,
ft it
Aunt my.
tt tt
My aunt.
My uncle's wife.
Wife of maternal uncle my.
Wife of maternal uncle my.
Ibn khali
Son of maternal uncle my.
ft tt ft tt tt
Son of maternal uncle my.
Mother's brother's son.
Son of brother of my mother.
tt tt tt ft tt tt
Zaujat khali
Ibu khali . .
EshSth • khi imtni
Briina d'khilumee
Bakhta d'khalumee
Fy modryb
My cousin.
Son of maternal uncle.
Maternal uncle's son.
Cousin.
Son of mother's brother my.
Mother's brother's son. b Cousin.
First cousin.
Uncle's son. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Uncle's sou.
Cousin,
tt
Uncle's son. '• Cousin.
My cousin.
Cousin-brother,
tt tt
Cousin.
Son of maternal uncle. b Cousin.
Cousin,
tt
My brother through maternal uncle.
Uncle's son my.
My double birth brother.
Son of maternal uncle iny.
tt tt tt tt tt
My mother's brother's son.
Cousin my.
Zani haloo
Morbroders hustrue
Matulaputra
Kona modurbrodur mins
Cousin. b Maternal uncle's son..
Ooms vrouw. b Tante
Moej
Miihn. b Tante
Muh me. b Taute
Ma tante
Tia politica
Tia. b Tia por affinidade
Aquistella tia
Avuuculi filius. b Consobrinus...
Metradelphou guue
Protos exadelphos
Ma tetka
Vuyna mi
Moja tjotka
Khiil zhiineh mun
Davim ogh'.u
EnonT vaiinO
OP TIIE 11 U MAN FAMILY.
101
TABLE J. — Continued.
89. Mother's brother's son's wife.
Translation.
90. Mother's brother's daughter.
Translation.
i
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
IB
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Amrat ibn khali..
Zaujat ibn kb.ii.li.
Caltii d'khaliiwe
Morus yilkepora voretin gena....
Ban mic driliar mo valiar
Bt-an mic brathar mo m'hathair.
Hen mac braar my moir
Fy Nghefnither.
Ziui poosilri haloo
Fatter's hustrue
Sonar kona modurburodur uiins.
Morbrors sous hustru
Cousin
Ooins zoous vrouw
Nicbte
Nichte
Base
Oheims schwiegertochter.
Ma cousiue
Priina politica
Prima por affinidade
AquUtella cugina
Avuncnli filii uxor
Auepsiou gune
Moja wujeczna bratowa.
Sliena moega dvoiurodn.rjabrata.,
Diiyine ogblunum kiirusu
Bookeh khilleh
Wife of son of maternal uncle my.
Danghter-in-law of maternal uncle.
Mother's brother's son's wife.
\\ife of son of bro. of my mother.
Serkkuni vaim5.
My cousin.
Wife of son of maternal uncle.
Cousin's wife.
Son's wife of mother's brother my.
Mother's brother's son's wife.
Cousin.
Uncle's son's wife.
Niece by marriage.
Cousin.
«
Uncle's daughter-in-law.
My cousin.
My cousin by courtesy.
Cousin by affinity.
Acquired cousin.
Wife of son of maternal uncle.
Wife of cousin.
My sister-in-law through mat. unc.
Wife of my double birth brother.
Wif« of son of uncle my.
Daughter-in-law of mat. unc. my.
Wife cousin's my.
Bint khali .
Bint khali .
Briita d'khaluwee
Morus yiikepora toostra
Ineean driliar mo vahar
Nighean brathair mo m'brathair...
Inneen braar my nioir
Fy Nghefuither
Dukhtiiri haloo
Matulapntri
Siklskendebarn
Dottir modurbrodurmins
Morbrors dotter. b Syskonban. ...
Cousin. b Mat. uncle's daughter.
Ooms dochter. b Nk-ht
Nichte. b Ooms dochter
Nichte
Base. b Muhmchen
Oheims tochter. b Base
Ma cousine
Prima hermana
Prima
Cugina
Avnnculi filia. b Consobrina
Anepsia. b Kase ?
Prote exadelphe
Moja wujeozna siostra.
Bratoochetka mi
Moja dvoiurodnajasestra.
Diiyine kusu
Keezil khiileh iiiuu
Sarkuni. b Orpanani.
Daughter of maternal uncle my.
Mother's brother's daughter.
Daughter of brother of my mother.
tt (( II U it tl
ft II II tt (t ((
My cousin.
Daughter of maternal uncle.
Maternal uncle's daughter.
Cousin.
Daughter of mother's brother my.
Mother's brother's daughter. Cons.
First cousin.
Uncle's daughter. ' Niece.
Niece. b Uncle's daughter.
Cousin.
it
Uncle's daughter. b Cousin.
My cousin.
Cousin-sister.
Cousin.
u
Daughter of mat. uncle. b Cousin.
Cousin.
My sister through maternal uncle.
Uncle's daughter my.
My double birth sister.
Daughter of maternal uncle my.
il U U tt t<
Cousin my.
1. Mother's brother's daughter's husband.
Translation.
92. Mother's brother's grandson.
Translation.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
2S
211
to
31
82
33
34
35
3(5
37
38
39
Zoj bint khali...
Zauj bint khali.
Khutna d'khaluwee
Morus yiikepora toostra arega
Far ineeni dribar mo vahar
Cleeamhuin brathair mo rn'hathar
Sheshey imieeu braar my nioir....
Fy Nghefnder
Skohari dukhtari haloo
Sodskendebarns husbond
Madr brodnrdottur niodur mius...
Morbrors dotters man
Cousin
Ooms dochters man
Kozyn
Vedder
Vetter
Oheims schwiegersohn.
Mon cousin
Primo politico
Primo por affinidade....
Aquistata ougino
Avunculi filiae vir
Auepsias aner
Moj wujeczny szwagier.
Mush moegodvoiurodnaja sestra.
Dayim kusunum kojiisu
Zilvii khiileh mun
Serkuni mies.
Husband of daught. of m. uncle my.
Son-in-law of maternal uncle my.
Mother's brother's daught. husband.
Husband of dan. of bro. of my husb.
My cousin.
Husband of daught. of mat. uncle.
Cousin's husband.
Husband of brother's d. of m. my.
Mother's brother's daughter's husb.
Cousin.
Uncle's daughter's husband.
Cousin.
Uncle's son-in-law.
My cousin.
My cousin by courtesy.
Cousin by affinity.
Acquired cousin.
Husband of dau. of maternal uncle.
Uusband of cousin.
My brother-in-law through m. uncle.
Husband of my double birth sister.
Husband of daughter of uncle my.
Son-in-law of maternal uncle my.
Cousin's my husband.
Ihn ibn khali .
Ibu ibu khali.
Nawiga d'khaluwee
Morus yakepora voretein voretin...
Mac mic driliar mo vahar
Ogha brathar mo m'hathair
Mac mac braar my moir
Mab fy nghefuder
Navadai haloo
Morbroders barnebarn
Sonar sour modurbrodurmins
Morbrors souson
Maternal uncle's grandson
Ooms klein zoou. b Neef
Kozyn. b Ooms groot zoon
Vedders soohn. b Niclites soohn.
Vetters sohn
Oheims enkel
Men cousin sous-germain
Sobrino
Primo distante
Secoudo cugino
Avunculi nepos
Anepsiades
Theiou eggonos
Moj wujeezny bratauek.
Moi dvoiurodnyi plemiannik .
Dilyim oghlii
TOrueh khaleh mun
Minu emii vennii poeg poeg.
Serkkum polka,
Son of sou of maternal uncle my.
Grandson of maternal uncle niy.
Mother's brother's son's son.
Son of son of brother (if my mother.
Grandchild of brother of my mother.
Sou of son of brother of my mother.
Son of .my cousin.
Grandchild of maternal uncle.
Uncle's grandson (mother's side).
Son's son of mother's brother my.
Mother's brother's son's son.
Uncle's grandson (mother's side).
Uncle's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Uncle's grandson.
Cousin's son.
<t u
Uncle's grandson.
My cousin's son.
My nephew.
Distant cousin.
Second cousin.
Grandson of maternal uncle.
Cousin's son.
Uncle's grandson.
My nephew through mat. uncle.
My double birth nephew.
Son of maternal uncle my.
Grandchild of maternal uncle nay.
My mother's brother's son's son.
Cousin's my son.
102
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
Mother's brother's granddaughter.
Translation.
94. Mother's brother's great grandson.
Translation.
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
33
39
Bint ibn khali.
liiiit ibukhiili.
NUwigta d'khiiluwee
Morns yakepora toostrin toostra...
Ineean mic drihar mo vahar
Ogha brathar mo m'hathair
Inneen mac braar my moir
Merch fy nghefuither
Navadai haloo
Morbroders barnebarn
Dottur dottir modurbrodur mins..
Morbrors dotter dotter
Maternal uncle's granddaughter..
Ooms klein dochter. " Nicht
Nichte. * Oouis groote dochter...
Vedders dochter. b Nichtes doch.
Vetters tochter
Oheims enkelin
Ma cousin sous-germaine
Sobrina
Prima distante
Seconda cugina
Avunculi neptis
Anepsiade
Theiou eggone
Moja wujeczna syuosvica.
Moja dvoiurodnaja plemiannitza.
Dayine kusu
TSrueli khaleh mun
SerkkunT tytar .
Daughter of son of mat. uncle my.
Granddanght. of maternal uncle my.
Mother's brother's daught. danght.
Daught. of sou of bro. of my mother.
Grandchild of brother of my mother.
Daughter of son of my mother.
Daughter of my cousin.
Granddaughter of maternal uncle.
Uncle's grandchild.
Daughter's d. of mother's bro. my.
Mother's brother's daught. daught.
Uncle's granddaughter (m. s.)
Uncle's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Uncle's granddaughter.
Cousin's daughter.
ti tt
Uncle's granddaughter.
My cousin's daughter.
My niece.
Distant cousin.
Second cousin.
Granddaughter of maternal uncle.
Cousin's daughter.
Uncle's granddaughter.
My niece through maternal uncle.
My double birth niece.
Daughter of maternal uncle my.
Grandchild of maternal uncle my.
Cousin's my daughter.
Ibn ibn ibn kha'.i.
Ibn ibu ibn khali.
Natijad'khaluwee
Morus yakepora voretein v. voretin
Mac mic mic drihar mo vahar
lar ogha brathar ruo m'hathar
Mac mac mac braar my moir
Wyr fy nghefnder
Natijai haloo
Morbroders barnebarns barn
Sonar sonar sour modurbrodur mins
Morbrora sonsons son
Maternal uncle's great grandson .
Ooms achter klein zoon. b Neef..
Kozyn. b Ooms groot groot zoou..
Vedders kinds kind
Vetters enkel
Oheims grossenkel
Le petit-fils de mon cousin
Sobrino ,
Primo distante
Terzo cngino
Avuncnli pronepos
Anepsiou eggonos ?
Theiou proeggonos
Moj wujeczny wnuk .
Moi dvoiurodnyi vnutchatnyi ple-
[miannik.
Laveh tSrneh khaleh mini
SerkkunI potan poika. .
Sou of son of sou of mat. uncle my.
Gt. grandson of maternal uncle tny.
Mother's brother's son's son's son.
Son of son of s. of bro. of my mother.
Gt. grandchild of bro. of my mother.
Son of son of s. of bro. of my mother.
Grandson of my cousin.
Gt. grandchild of maternal uncle.
Uncle's great grandchild.
Son's son's sou of mother's bro. my.
Mother's brother's sou's son's son.
Uncle's gt. grandson (mother's side).
Uncle's gt. grandson b Nephew.
Cousiu. b Uncle's great grandson.
Cousin's child's child.
Cousin's grandson.
Uncle's great grandson.
The grandson of my cousin.
My nephew.
Distant cousin.
Third cousin.
Gt grandson of maternal uncle.
Cousin's grandson.
Uncle's great grandson.
My grandson through mat. uncle.
My double birth grandson nephew.
Sou of grandchild of mat. uncle my.
Cousin's my son's son.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
2li
27
28
u
M
31
32
33
34
35
36
7
95. Mother's brother's great granddaughter.
Bint bint bint khali.
Bint bint bint khali.
Natijta d'khaluwee
Morns y. toostiin t. tooster
IneSan mie mic drihar mo vahar..
lar ogha brathar mo m'hathar
Inneen mac mac braar my moir...
Wyres fy nghefnither
Natijai haloo
Morbroders barnebarns barn
Dottur d. dot tir mod nrbrodur mins
Morbrors dotters dotter dotter
Maternal uncle's gt. granddanght.
Ooms achter klein dochter. b Nidi t
Nichte. b Ooms groote g. dochter
Vedders kinds kind
Vettera enkelinn
Oheims grossenkelin..'.
La petite-fille de mon cousin
Sobrina
Prima distante
Terza cugina
Avunculi proneptis
Anepsion eggone
Theiou proeggone
Moja wujeczna wnuczka.
Moja dvoiurodnaja vnutchatnaja
[ 'pleiniaiinitza.
Keeza tOrneh khilleh muu
S-t-rkkuni tyth'iren tytar.,
Translation.
Daught. d. of d. of mat. uncle my.
*t it u it tt tt
Gt. granddaugnt. of mat. uncle my.
Mother's brother's dau. dau. dau.
Uau. of son of s. rff bro. of my moth.
Great grandchild of my mother.
Danght. of son of son of my mother.
Granddaughter of my cousin.
Great grandchild of mat. uncle.
Uncle's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of m. brother my.
Mother's brother's dau. dau. dau.
Uncle's great granddaughter (m. s.).
Uncle's gt. granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. " Uncle's gt. granddaughter.
Cousin's child's child.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Uncle's great granddaughter.
The granddaughter of my cousin.
My niece
Distant cousin.
Third cousin.
Great granddaughter of mat. uncle.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Uncle's great granddaughter.
My granddaughter through m. uncle.
Dau. of grandchild of m. uncle my.
Cousin's my daughter's daughter.
96. Mother's sister.
Khaleti
Khalati
" Khoth iiumi
Khultee
Morns kovera
Driffurmo vahar
Phiuthar mo m'hathair.
Shuyr my ayr ,
Fy modryb
Hala
Matershvasar
Moster
Modursystirmin
Moster
Moddrie. b Modrie
Maternal aunt
Moeje. b Tante
Moej
Mo'hn. b Tante
Muhme. b Tante
Muhme. b Tante
Ma tante
Tia materna
Tia. b Tia carnal
Tia
Matertera
Metrapdelphe. b Theia.
Theia
MTino teta
Moja ciotka
Ma tetka
Tetka mi
Tetka mi
Moja tjotka
Diaza-m
Khiileh mun
Nagy nenem
Minu ennii odde
Tati...
Translation.
Maternal aunt my.
Mother's sister.
Sister of my mother.
My aunt.
Maternal aunt.
Mother's sister,
tt it
Mother's sister my.
Mother's sister.
Maternal aunt.
Aunt (mother's side).
Aunt.
My aunt.
My aunt maternal.
Aunt. b Blood aunt
Aunt.
Maternal annt.
u tt
Aunt.
My mother's sister.
My aunt.
t< it
Aunt my.
it tt
My aunt.
Maternal annt my.
tt tt tt
Grand elder brother my.
My mother's sister.
Aunt.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
103
TABLE I. — Continued.
97. Mother's sister's husband.
Translation.
8. Mother's sister's son.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Z6j khaieti
Zauj khalati
Ish * klioth Immf
Gorii d'khultee
Morns crochus arega
Kar driffiir mo vahar
Fear phiuthar mo m'hathair.
Sheshey shuyr my inoir
Fy ewyrtli
Shohari hala
Mosters husbond
Madr modursytur minnar.
Mosters man
Husband of maternal aunt my.
Mother's sister's husband.
Husband of sister of my mother.
My uncle.
Husband of maternal aunt.
Mother's sister's husband.
Husband of mother's sister my.
Mother's sister's husband.
Ibn Khaieti.
Ibn Khalati.
Uncle
Moejes man. b Oom
Oom
Ohm. » Onkel
Oheim. b Onkel. c Ohm ,
Meiner mnhme gatte
Mon oncle
Tio politico
Tio. b Tio por affinidade..,
Aquistata tio
Materterae vir
Metradelphe aner
Uncle.
Aunt's husband.
Uncle.
b Uncle.
Moj wnj
Muj ujec
Tetin mi
Tetin mi
Moi djadja
Knisbte-m
Mereh khaleh mun.
TatlnT mies.
My aunt's husband.
My uncle.
My uncle by courtesy.
Uncle. b Uncle by affinity.
Acquired uncle.
Husband of maternal aunt.
My uncle.
U ((
Uncle my.
it (i
My uncle.
Brother-in-law my.
Husband of maternal uncle my.
Husband of my aunt.
Briina d'khultee
Morus crocha voretin
Mac driffur mo vahar
Mac phiuthar mo m'hathair
Mac shuyr my moir
Fy Nghefnder ,
Poosari hala
Matershvasriya
Fatter. b Sodskendebarn
fystur sonr modur miunar
Mosters son. b Syskonbarn
(Swor ?) Modrigan sunn
Cousin. Maternal aunt's son
Moejes zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Moejes zoon
Vedder
Vetter. b Geschwisterkind ,
Muhme sohn. b Vetter
Mon cousin
Prinio hermano
Primo irmao
Cugino
Materterse filius. b Consobrinus.,
Anepsios. b Kasis? ,
Protos exadelphos
Moj cioteczny brat.
Bratovchemi
Tetun sin. b Sestrenche.
Moi dvoiurodnyi brat
Diazameoghlu
Laveh khaleh mun
Minu emil odde poeg —
Serkkuni. b Orpanani.
Son of maternal aunt my.
Mother's sister's son.
Son of sister of my mother.
My cousin.
Son of maternal annt.
Mother's sister's son.
Cousin.
Sister's son of mother my.
Mother's sister's son. b Cousin.
(Cousin?) Maternal aunt's son.
First cousin.
Aunt's son. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Aunt's son.
Cousin.
u
Aunt's Bon. b Cousin.
My cousin.
My cousin-brother.
Cousin-brother.
Cousin.
Son of maternal aunt. b Cousin.
Cousin.
My brother through maternal aunt.
Aunt's son my.
Maternal aunt's son. b Cousin.
My double birth brother.
Son of maternal aunt my.
My mother's sister's son.
Cousin my.
99. Mother's Bister's son's wife.
Translation.
100. Mother's sister's daughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ararat ibn khaieti .
Zaujat ibn kluihiti.
Calta d'khultee
Morus crocha voretein gena
Ban mic driffer mo vahar
Bean mic phiuthar mo m'hathair
Ben mac shnyrmy moir
Fy nghefnither
Zaui poosari hala
Patters hustrue
Sonar kona molursystur niinnar..
Mosters sous Lustru
Cousin
Mojes zoons vrouw
Nii'hte :
Nichte
Base
Muhme schwiegertochter.
Macousine
Prima politica
Prima por affinidade
Aquistella cugina
Materti'rse filii uxor
Anepsiou gune
Moja cioteczna bratowa.,
Shena moego dvoiurodnaja brata..
Diazam oghlunum karusu
Bookeh khaleh mun
Serkknni vaimo.
Wife of son of maternal aunt my.
Daughter-in-law of mater, aunt my.
Mother's sister's son's wife.
Wife of son of sister of my mother.
My cousin.
Wife of sou of maternal aunt.
Cousin's wife.
Son's wife of mother's sister my.
Mother's sister's sou's wife.
Cousin.
Aunt's son's wife.
Niece.
Cousin.
H
Aunt's daughter-in-law.
My cousin.
My cousin by courtesy.
Cousin by affinity.
Acquired cousin.
Wife of son of maternal aunt.
Wife of cousin.
My sister-in-law through mat. aunt.
Wife of my double birth brother.
Wife of son of maternal aunt.
Daughter-in-law of maternal aunt.
Wife of my cousin.
Bint khaieti.
Bint khalati.
Brata d'khultee
Morus crocha toostra
Ineean driffer mo vahar
Nighean phiuthar mo m'hathair..,
Inneen shuyr my moir
Fy nghefnither
Dukhtaribala
MatrshvasriyS,
Sodskendebarn
Systurdottir inodur minnar
Mosters dotter. » Syskoubarn
Cousin. Maternal aunt's daught.
Moi-jes dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. b Moejes dochter
Nichte
Base. bMuhrnchen. "Biischeu..
Muhme tochter. b Base
Ma consine
Prima hermana
Prima
Cugina
Materterse filia. b Cousobrina
Anepsie. b Kase ?
Prote exadelphe
Moja cioteczna siostra.
Bratovchetka mi
Tetuna dushtera
Moja dviourodnaja sestra.
Diazam kuzu
Keesa khaleh mun
Minu ema odde tutlir...
Serkkuul. b Orpanani.
Daughter of maternal aunt my.
Mother's sister's daughter.
Daughter of sister of my mother.
My cousin.
Daughter of maternal aunt.
Mother's sister daughter.
Cousin (mother's side).
Lister's daughter of mother my.
Mother's sister's daughter. b Cousin
First cousin.
Aunt's daughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Aunt's daughter.
Cousin.
«
Aunt's daughter. b Cousin.
My cousin.
Cousin-sister.
Cousin.
H
Daughter of mat. aunt. b Cousin.
Cousiu.
My sister through maternal aunt.
Aunt's daughter my.
Maternal aunt's daughter.
My double birth sister.
Daughter of paternal aunt my.
My mother's sister's daughter.
Cousin my.
104
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
.16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
101. Mother's sister's daughter's husband.
7.6} bint khaleti....
Zauj bint khiilati ,
Khntna d'khultee
Morus croolia toostriu arega
Far ineenl driller mo vahar
Cleeamhiun phiutliar mo ru'hathair
Sheshey inneen shuyr my moir...
Fy nghefnder
Shohari dukhtari hala
Siidskendebarns liusbond
Madr systurdottur modur minnar
Musters dotters man
Cousin
Moejes dochters man....
Kozyn
Vedder
Vetter
Muhrae schwiegersohn.
Mon cousin
Pri mo politico
Primo por affinidade....
Aquistata cngino
Materterie filiae vir
Auepsiou aner
Moj cioteozny szwagier.
Mash moego dvoinrodnaja sestra. .
Diazam kuzunum kojasu
Zavah khaleh muu
Serkkuul mies.,
Translation.
Husband of dauglit. of mat. aunt my.
Son-in-law of maternal aunt my.
Mother's sister's daughter's husband.
Husb. of daught. of sist. of my uioth.
My cousin.
Husband of daughter of mat. aunt.
Cousin's husband.
Husb. of sister's danght. of mo. my.
Mother's sister's daughter's husband.
Cousin.
Aunt's daughter's husband.
Cousin.
Aunt's son-in-law.
My cousin.
My cousin by courtesy.
Cousin by affinity.
Acquired cousin.
Husband of daught. of mat. aunt.
Husband of cousin.
My broth. -in-law through mat. aunt.
Husband of my double birth sister.
Aunt's my daughter's husband.
Son-in-law of maternal aunt my.
Cousin's my husband.
102. Mother's sister's grandson.
Ibn ibn khaleti..
Ibu ibu khiilati.
Nawiga d'khultee
Morus crocha voretein voretin
Mac mic driffer mo vahar
Ogha phiuthar mo m'liathair
Mac mac shuyr my moir
Mai) fy nghefnder
Navadai hala
Mosters barnebarn
Sonar sonr modursystur minnar...
Mosters soiison
Maternal aunt's grandson
Moejes klein zoou. b Neef.
Kozyn. b Moejes groot zoon
Vedders soohn. b ISichtes soohn
Vetters sohn
Muhme enkel
Mon cousin sous-germain
Sobrino
Primo distante
Secondo cugino
Materterse uepos
Anepsiades
Theias eggonos
Moj cioteczny bratanek.
Tetum vnook :
Moi dvoiurodnyi plemiaunik.
Diazam oghlu
Torneh khaleh mun
Minu ema odde poeg poeg..
Serkkunl poika
Translation.
Son of sou of maternal aunt my.
Grandson of maternal aunt my.
Mother's sister's son's son.
Son of sou of sister of my mother.
Grandchild of sister of my mother.
Son of son of sister of my mother.
Son of my cousin.
Grandchild of maternal aunt.
Mother's sister's grandchild.
Son's son of mother's sister my.
Mother's sister's son's sou.
Aunt's grandson (mother's side).
Aunt's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Aunt's grandson.
Cousin's son.
«( n
Aunt's grandson.
My cousin's son.
My nephew.
Distant cousin.
Second cousin.
Grandson of maternal aunt.
Cousin's son.
Aunt's grandson.
My nephew through maternal aunt.
Maternal aunt's grandson.
My double birth nephew.
Son of maternal aunt my.
Grandchild of maternal aunt my.
My mother's sister's son's son.
Cousin's my sou.
103. Mother's sister's granddaughter.
Translation.
104. Mother's sister's great grandson.
Translation.
1
•2
I
4
B
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
H
34
Be
86
VI
K
39
Bint ibn khaleti.
Bint ibn khalati.
Nawigta d'khultee
Morus crocha toostrin toostra
Ineean mic driffer mo vahar
Ogha phiuthar ino m'hathar
Inneen mac shuyr my moir
Mereh fy nghefuither
Navadiii hala
Mosters barnebarn
Dottur dottir modursystur minnar
Mosters dotters dotter
Maternal aunt's granddaughter....
Moejes klein dochter. b Nicht....
Nichte. b Moejes groote dochter.
Vedders dochter. b Nichle docht.
Vetters tochter
Muhme enkelin
Ma cousine sous-germaine
Sobrina
Prima distante
Seconda cugina
Matertera neptis
Anepsiade
Theias eggone
Moj a cioteczna siostrzenica .
Tetuna vnooka
Moja dvoiurodnaja plemiannitza..
Iiiit/.iim kusu
TBrueh khaleh muu
Serkknn! tytar.,
Daughter of son of mat. aunt my.
Granddaughter of maternal aunt my.
Mother's sister's daughter's daught.
Daught. of sist. of sist. of uiy moth.
Grandchild of sister of my mother.
Daught. of son of sist. of my mother,
Daughter of my cousin.
Daughter of maternal aunt.
Mother's sister's grandchild.
Daughter's d. of maternal sister my.
Mother's sister's daughter's daught.
Aunt's granddaughter (moth. side).
Aunt's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Aunt's granddaughter.
Cousin's daughter.
<t it
Aunt's granddaughter.
My cousin's daughter.
My niece.
Distant cousin.
Second cousin.
Granddaughter of maternal aunt.
Cousin's daughter.
Aunt's granddaughter.
My niece through maternal aunt.
Maternal aunt's granddaughter.
My double birth niece.
Granddaughter of maternal aunt my,
Grandchild of maternal aunt my.
Cousin's my daughter.
Ibn ibn ibn khaleti.
Ibu ibn ibn khalati.
Natija d'khultee
Morus crocha voretein v. voretin..
Mac mic mie driffer mo vahar
lar ogha phiuthar mo m'liathair...
Mac mac mac shuyr my moir
Wyr fy nghefnder
Natijai hala
Mosters barnebarns barn [nar.
Sonar sonar sonr modursytur miu-
Mosters sonsous son.
Maternal aunt's great grandson...
Moejes achter klein zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Moejes groot groot zoou
Vedders kinds kind
Vetters enkel
Muhme grossenkel
Le petit-fils de mou cousin
Sobrino
Primo distante
Terzo cugino
Materterae pronepos
Anepsiou eggonos ?
Theias proggonos
Moj cioteczny wnuk.
Tetun prevnook
Moi dvoiurodnyi vnutchatnyi ple-
[miannik
Liiveh torneh khaleh mun
Serkkunt poian poika.
Son of son of son of mat. aunt my.
Great grandson of mat. aunt ray.
Mother's sister's son's son's son.
Son of son of p. of sist. of my mother.
Gt. grandchild of sist. of my mother.
Son of son of s. of sist. of my mother.
Grandson of my cousin.
Great grandchild of maternal aunt.
Mother's sister's great grandchild.
Son's son's son of mater, sister my.
Mother's sister's son's son's sou.
Aunt's gt. grandson (mother's side).
Aunt's great grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Aunt's great grandson.
Cousin's child's child.
Cousin's grandson.
Aunt's great grandson.
The grandson of my cousin.
My nephew.
Distant cousin.
Third cousin.
Great grandson of maternal aunt.
Cousin's grandson.
Aunt's great grandson.
My grandson through maternal aunt.
Maternal aunt's great grandson.
My double birth grandson-nephew.
Son of grandchild of mat. aunt my.
Son's son of my cousin.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
105
TABLE I. — Continued.
10,5. Mother's Bister's great granddaughter.
1
2
3
4
5
G
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Bint hint bint kluileti.
Biut bint biiit khiiliiti.
Natijta d'khnltee
Mortis crocha toostrin t. toostra....
Ineean mic mic driffermo vahar...
lar oglia phiuthar mo ni'hathair..
Inneen mac mac shuyrmy moir...
Wyres fy nghefnither
Natijiiihala
Mosters barnebarns barn..[minnar
Dottur dottur dottir inodursystur
Mosters dotters dotter dotter
Maternal annt's gt. granddaught.
Moejes aehter klein doeh. b Nicht
Niehte. b Moejes groote g. docht.
Vedders kinds kind
Vetters enkelinn
Muhnie grossenkelin
La petite-fllle de ma cousine
Sobrina
Prima distante
Terzaougina
Materterse proneptis
Anepsiou eggone ?
Theias proeggoue
Moja cioteczna wnuczka..
Tetuna prevnooka
Moja dvoiurodnaja vnutihatiiaja
[plemiannitza.
Keeza torneh khilleh luuu
Serkkuni poiau tytar.
Translation.
Daught. of d. of d. of mat. aunt my.
Gt. granddaughter of mat. aunt my.
Mother's sister's dau. dau. dau.
Daught. of s. of s. of sist. of iny mo.
Gt. grandchild of sist. of my mother.
Dau. of son of son of bro. of my mo.
Granddaughter of my cousin.
Gt. grandchild of maternal aunt.
Aunt's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of mat. sister my.
Mother's sister's dau. dau. dau.
Aunt's gt. granddaughter (in. s.)
Aunt's gt. granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. Aunt's gt. granddaughter.
Cousin's child's child.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Aunt's great granddaughter.
The granddaughter of ruy cousin.
My niece.
Distant cousin.
Third cousin.
Gt. granddaughter of maternal aunt.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Aunt's gt. granddaughter.
My granddaught. through mat. aunt.
Maternal aunt's great granddaughter.
Dau. of grandchild of mat. aunt my.
Daughter of the son of my cousin...
106. Father's father's brother.
Amm abi —
Akhu jaddi.
Akhona d'sawunee
Metz horus yakepira...
Drihar mo ban ahar....
Brathair mo sheauair.
Braar ayr my ayr
Brawd fy hendad
Farfaders broder.
Afa brodir luinn.
Karfars bror
Paternal great uncle
Oud oom
Groot oom
Bess vadera brohr. b Vaders ohm
Gross oheim
Gross oheirn. b Gross onkel
Mon grand-oncle
Tio abnelo
Tio avo
Provo
Patruus magnus
Megas theios .
Moj Zimny dziadek .
Muj prestryc
Deda mi
Moi djed
Dgdcniin karndashu .
Bra bavkaleh mun... .
Tso setanl..
Translation.
Paternal uncle of father my.
Brother of grandfather my.
Grandfather's brother.
Brother of my grandfather.
Grandfather's brother.
Grandfather's brother my.
Grandfather's brother.
Great uncle (father's side).
Great uncle.
K it
Grandfather's bro. b Father's uncle.
Great uncle.
it n
My great uncle.
My uncle-grandfather.
Uncle-grandfather.
Great uncle.
Great paternal uncle.
Great uncle.
My cold grandfather.
My great uncle.
Grandfather my.
My grandfather.
Grandfather's my brother.
Brother of grandfather uiy.
Great uncle my.
107. Father's father's brother's son.
Translation.
10S. Father's father's brother's daughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Hi
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ammi abi ...
Ibn akhi jaddi.
Brfin'a d'akhSna d'sawunee... .
Metz horus yiikepora voretiu.
Mac drihar mo hau ahar
Mac brathar mo sheanair
Faders fatter
Brodur sonr afa mins.
Farfars brorson
Paternal great uncle's son.
Oud ooms zoon
Groot oouis zoon
Vaders vedder
Gross oheims sohu
Gross oheims sohn
Le fils de inon grand-oncle.
Patrni magni films... .
Megalou theiou pais.
Moj ximny stryj
Moi dvoiurodnyi djndja...
Laveh bra. bavkaleh mun.
TsanT serkkn.
Son of paternal uncle of father my.
Son of brother of grandfather my.
Son of the brother of grandfather my.
Grandfather's brother's son.
Son of brother of my old father.
Father's cousin.
Brother's son of grandfather my.
Father's father's brother's son.
Great uncle's son (father's side).
<( it d
Great uncle's son.
Father's cousin.
Great uncle's son.
u <( tt
The son of my great uncle.
Son of great paternal uncle.
Son of great uncle.
My cold uncle.
My double birth uncle.
Son of the brother of grandfather my.
Father's my cousin.
Bint ammi abi —
Bint akhi jaddi.
Daught. of pat. uncle of father my.
Daught. of bro. of grandfather my.
Brata d'akhona d'sawunee Daught. of the bro. of grandfath. my
Metz horus yiikepora toostra Grandfather's brother's daughter.
Ineean drihar mo han ahar i Daught. of brother of my grandfath.
Nigheau brathar mo sheauair
Faders sodskandebarn..
Brodur dottir afa mins.
Farfar brosdotter
Paternal gt. uncle's daughter.
Oud ooms dochter
Groot ooms dochter
Vaders nichte
Gross oheims tochter
Gross oheims tochter
La fille de mon graud-oncle
Patrui magni filia. ...
Megalou theiou pais.
Moja zinnia ciotkn...
Moja dvoiurodnaja tjotka.
Keeza bra biivkaleh mun..
Tsn.nl my serkku.
Father's cousin.
Brother's daught. of prandfath. my.
Father's father's brother's daughter.
Great uncle's daught. (father's side),
it ti 11 it 11
Great uncle's daughter.
Father's cousin.
Great uncle's daughter,
it ti it
The daughter of my great uncle.
Daughter of great paternal uncle.
Daughter of great uncle.
My cold aunt.
My double birth aunt.
Daught. of the bro. of my grandfath.
Father's my cousin.
14
K"ovember, I860.
106
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I.— Continued.
109. Father's father's brother's grandson.
Translation.
110. Father's father's brother's grand-
daughter.
Translation.
9
10
11
12
IS
1-1
u
16
17
IS
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ibn ammi abi : Son of sou of pat. uncle of father uiy.
Ibn ibu akhi jaddi Sou of son of bro. of grandfather my.
Nawiga d'akhOna d'sawunee..[tin
Grandson of the bro. of gd. father my.
Metz horus yakepora voretein vore- Grandfather's brother's son's eon.
Mac mic drihar mohan ahar.,
Ogha brfithar mo sheanair .
Faders falters siin
Sonar sour brodur afa mins
Farfars brorsons son
[uncle's grandson
Second cousin. h Paternal great
Oud ooms klein zoon. b Neef.
Kozyn. * Groot ooms groot zoon..
Vadders vedders soohn
Gross obeims enkel
Gross oheims enkel
Le petit-fils de mon grand-oncle...
Primo segnndo
Primosegundo
Secondo cugino
Patrni maguinepos
Denteros exadelphos
Moj zimny stryjeczny brat.
Moi trojurodnyi brat
T5rneh bra, bavkalek muu.
Tsani Berkknni polka.,
Son of s. of s. of bro. of n:y gd.fat her.
Grandchildof s. of bro. ot my gd.l'ath.
Father's cousin's son.
Sou's son of bro. of grandfather my.
Father's father's brother's sou's son.
Second cousin.
Great uncle's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. uncle's grandson.
Father's cousin's son.
Great uncle's grandson.
ti (( U
The grandson of my great uncle.
Second cousin.
Grandson of great paternal uncle.
Second cousin.
My brother through cold uncle.
My treble birth brother.
Grandchild of the bro. of gd. fath. my.
Son of cousin of father my.
Bint ibn ammi abi Dan. of son of p. uncle of father my.
Bint ibn akhi jaddi Dau. of son of bro. of gd. father my.
NawigtadakhBna d'sawunee..[tra Gd. dau. of the bro. of gd. father my.
Metz horus yakepora toostriii toos- Grandfather's brother's dau. dan.
Ineean mic drihar mo ban ahar... Dau. of son of bro. of my old father.
Ogha brathar nio aheanair Grandchild of bro. of my gd. father.
Faders fatters datter
Dottur dottir brodur afa mins
Farfars brorsons dotter
[uncle's granddaughter.
Second cousin. b Paternal great
Oud ooms klein dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. b Groot ooms groote doch.
Vadders nichtes dochter
Gross oheims enkelinn
Gross oheims enkelin
La petite-fille de mou grand-oncle
Prima segunda
Prima segunda
Seeouda cugina
Patrui magni neptis
Deutera exadelphe.
Moj a zinnia stryjeczna siostra.
Moja trojurodnaja sestra. ...
TOrneh brii bavkalek num.
TsanT serkkuni tytar.
Father's cousin's daughter.
Daughter's dau. of bro. of gd. fath. my
Father's father's bro. sou's daughter
Second cousin.
Gt. uncle's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. uncle's granddaughter.
Father's cousin's daughter.
Great uncle's granddaughter.
« tt it
The granddaughter of my gt. uncle.
Second cousin.
Granddaughter of gt. paternal uncle.
Second cousin.
My sister through cold uncle.
My treble birth sister.
Grandchild of the bro. of gd.fath. my.
Daughter of cousin of father my.
111. Father's father's brother's great
grandson.
Translation.
112. Father's father's brother's great
granddaughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
M
'.',:,
M
37
M
3:1
Ibn ibn ibn ammi abi...,
Ibn ibn ibn akhi jaddi.
Natijii d'akh&na d'sawunee
Metz horus y. voretein v. voretin
Mac mic mic drihar mo ban ahar
lar ogha brathar mo shenair
Faders fatters barnebarn
Sonar sonar sonr brodur afa mins
Farfars brorsons sonson
Paternal gt. uncle's gt. grandson
Oud ooms acbter klein zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Groot ooms gt. gt. zoon
Vaders vedders kinds kind.
Gross oheims urenkel
Gross oheims grossenkel
L'arriere petit-fils de mon grand-
[oncle
Patrui magni pronepos
Megalou theiou proeggonos
Moj zimny stryjeczny bratanec. ...
Moi trojnrodnyi plemiannik
Laveh torneh btii bavkaleh mun...
Tsani serkkun poTan potkii .
Son of son of son of p. u. of fath. my.
Son of B. of s. of bro. of gd. fath. my.
Gt. gd. son of the bro. of gd. fath. my.
Gd. father's brother's son's sou's son.
Son of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. fath.
Gt. grandchild of bro. of my gd. fath.
Father's cousin's grandchild.
Son's son's son of bro. of gd. fath. my.
Father's father's bro. son's son's son.
Gt. uncle's gt. grandson (fath. side).
Gt. uncle's gt. grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. uncle's gt. grandson.
Father's cousin's child's child.
Great uncle's great grandson.
(( U It ft
The great grandson of my gt. uncle.
Gt. grandson of gt. paternal uncle.
Great grandson of great uncle.
My nephew through cold uncle.
My treble birth nephew.
Son of the grandchild of the brother
[of grandfather my.
Father's my cousin's son's son.
Bint bint bint ammi abi...
Bint bint bint akhi jaddi.
Natijii d'akhSn'si d'sawQnee
Metz horus y. toestrin t. toostra ...
Ineean mic mic drihar mo hau ahar
lar ogha brathar mo sheanair
Faders fatters barnebarn
Dottur d. dottir brodur afa mins..
Farfars brorson dotter dotter
Pat. gt. uncle's gt. granddaughter
Oud ooms achter k. dock. ' Nicht
Nichte. b Gt. ooms gte. gte. doch.
Vaders nichtes kinds kind
Gross oheims urenkeliun
Gross oheims grossenkelin
L'arriere-petite-fille de mou grand-
[oucle
Petrui magni proneptis
Megalou theiou proeggone
Moja zimna stryjeczna siostrzenica
Moja trojurodnaja plemiannitza...
Keezii tBrnek brii bavkalek mun...
TsanT serkkun poian tytar
Dau. of d. of d. of p. u. of fath. my.
Dau. of d. of d. of bro. of gd. fath. my.
[grandfather my.
Gt. granddaughter of the brother of
Grandfather's bro. dau. dau. dau.
Dau. of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. lath.
Great grandchild of brother of my
[grandfather.
Father's cousin's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of bro. of gil. f. my.
Father's father's bro. son's dau. dau,
Gt. uncle's gt. granddaughter (f. s.).
Gt. uncle's gt. granddaught. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. uncle's gt. granddau.
Father's cousin's child's child.
Great uncle's great granddaughter.
n n <( «
The gt. granddaught. of my gt. uncle.
Gt. granddau. of gt. paternal uncle.
Gt. granddaughter of great uncle.
My niece through cold uncle.
My treble birth niece.
Daughter of grandchild of the bro-
ther of grandfather my.
Father's my cousin's son's daughter.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
107
TABLE I. — Continued.
113. Father's father's sister.
Translation.
114. Father's father's sister's son.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
(IB
3G
37
38
39
Paternal aunt of father my.
Sister of grandfather my.
tt tt tt it
Grandfather's sister.
Sister of my grandfather.
Sister of my ancestral old father.
Sister of the father of my father.
Grandfather's sister.
Grandfather's sister my.
Father's father's sister.
Great aunt (father's side).
if tt ' tt tt
Great aunt.
Grandfather's sister. b Father's aunt.
Great aunt (father's side),
tt tt tt tt
My great aunt.
My grandfather-aunt.
Grandfather-aunt,
tt tt
Paternal great aunt.
Great aunt.
My cold grandmother.
My great aunt.
Grandmother my.
My great aunt.
Grandfather's sister my. '
Sister of grandfather my.
Great aunt my.
Son of paternal aunt of father my.
Son of sister of grandfather my.
tt tt tt tt
Grandfather's sister's son.
Son of sister of my grandfather,
ft tt tt tt
Father's cousin.
Sister's sou of grandfather my.
Father's father's sister's son.
Great aunt's sou (father's side).
ft tt tt tt tt
Great aunt's son.
Father's cousin.
Great aunt's sou.
tt tt tt
The son of my great aunt.
Son of paternal great annt.
Son of great aunt.
My cold paternal uncle.
My double birth uncle.
Son of the sister of grandfather my.
Great aunt's my son.
Ikht jaddi
Ibn ikhti jaddi
Bruna d'khatii d'sawunee
Metz horus kooera
Phiuthar mo han sheanair
Afa systur miu
Paternal great aunt
Groot inoej
Bess vaders sister. b Vaders inohn
Gross muhme. b Grosstante
Gross muhme. b Grosstante
Tia avo
Moja zimna babka
Ma prestyua
Baba mi
DedemTn kuzkarndashu
Laveh khooshkeh bavkaleh. mun
Tso tJ-UTiri poika
Khooshkeh bavkaleh
Tso tatini
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
36
36
37
38
39
ll.j. Father's father's sister's daughter.
Translation.
116. Father's father's sister's grandson.
Translation.
Daughter of pat. aunt of father my.
Daughter of sister of grandfather my.
tt tf tt tt it
Grandfather's sister's daughter.
Daughter of sister of my grandfather,
tt tt tt tt
Father's cousin.
Sister's daughter of grandfather my.
Father's father's sister's daughter.
Great aunt's daughter (father's side),
ft ti tt tt tt
tt ft tt tt tt
Father's cousin (father's side).
Great aunt's daughter,
ti ft ft
The daughter of my great aunt.
Daughter of paternal great aunt.
Daughter of great aunt.
My cold aunt.
My double birth aunt.
Daughter of the sister of grandfather
[my.
Daughter of great aunt my.
Son of son of pat. aunt of father my.
Sou of sou of sister of grandfath. my.
[my.
Grandson of the sister of grandfather
Grandfather's sister's son's son.
Son of son of sister of my grandfath.
Grandchild of sister of my grandfath.
Second cousin.
Father's cousin's son.
Son's son of sister of grandfather my.
Father's father's sister's sou's son.
Second cousin.
Great aunt's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Great aunt's grandson.
Father's cousin's son.
Great aunt's grandson,
ft tt tt
The grandson of my great aunt.
Second cousin,
tf ft
tt tt
Grandson of paternal great aunt.
Second cousin.
My brother through cold aunt.
My treble birth brother.
Grandchild of the sister of grand-
father my.
Son of cousin of father my.
Bint ikhti jaddi
Mets horus crocha voretein voretin
Ineean driffer mo ban ahar
Nighin phiuthar mo shean athar..
Ogha phiuthar mo sheen athar....
Cyfferder. (Pro. Keverdther)
Farfars systers dotter
Paternal great aunt's daughter....
[aunt's grandson
Second cousin. b Paternal great
Oud moejes klein zoon. b Neef. ...
Kozyn. b Groote moejes groot zoou
Vaders nichte
Gross muhme tochter
Le petit-fils de ma grand* tante....
Moja zimna ciotka ?
Keeza kooshkeh bavkaleh mun....
T8rneh kooshkeh bavkaleh mun...
108
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
117. Father's father's sister's grand-
daughter.
Translation.
118. Father's father's sister's great grand-
son.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Bint bint ammet alii..
Bint bint ikhti jiiddi..
Nawigta d'khata d'sawflnee'
Melz horus crocha toostrin toostra
Ineean inic driffer mo ban ahar...
Ogba phiuthar mo sheau at liar....
Cyfferders .
Faders falters datter
Dottur dottir systur afa mins
Farfars systers dotter dotter
[granddaughter
Second cousin. b Pater, gt. aunt's
Oud moejes klein dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. docht.
Vaders nichtes dochter
Gross inuhme enkelinn
Gross muhme enkelin
La petite-fille de ma grand' tante
Prima segunda
Prima segnnda
Seconda cngina
Auntie rnagnae neptis
Dentera exadelphe.
Moja zinnia cioteczna siostra
Moja trojurodnaja sestra
T6rneh khooshkeh bavkaleh mun
Ts&nT serkkun tytar
Dau. of d. of pat. aunt of father my.
Dau. of d. of sister of gd. father my.
Ga. dau. of the sister of gd. fath. my.
Grandfather's sister's dau. daut.
Daut. of sister of sister of my gd. fa.
Grandchild of sister of my gd. father.
Second cousin.
Father's cousin's daughter.
Daughter's d. of sister of gd. fath. my.
Father's father's sister's dau. dau.
Second cousin.
Gt. aunt's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. aunt's granddaughter.
Father's cousin's daughter.
Great aunt's granddaughter.
n ft it
The granddaughter of my great aunt.
Second cousin.
Granddaughter of pat. great aunt.
Second cousin.
My sister through cold aunt.
My treble birth sister.
Grandchild of the sister of gd. fa. my.
Father's my cousin's daughter.
Ibn ibn ibn ammet abi.
Ibn ibn ibn ikhti jaddi.
Natijii d'khata d'sawunee [tin
Metz horus crocha voretein v. vore-
Mac mic mic driffer mo ban ahar
lar ogha phiuthar mo shean athar
Faders falters barnebarn
Sonar sonar sour systur afa mins
Farfars systers sonsous son
Paternal gt. aunt's gt. grandson...
Oud moejes acbterk. zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Groote moejes gt. gt. zoon
Vaders vedders kinds kind
Gross muhme urenkel
Gross muhme grossenkel
L ' arricre-petit-fils de ma grand'
[laute
Amitse inagiue pronepos
Megalou Iheia proeggonos
Moj zimny ciolneczny siostrzeniec
Moi trojurodnyi plemiennik
Laveh tSrneh khooshkeh bavka-
[leh mun
Tsani serkkun tyttaren polka
S. of s. of s. of pat. aunt of fath. my.
S. of s. of s. of sister of gd. fath. my.
Gt. gd. son of the sister of g. f. my.
Grandfather's sister's son's son's son
S. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. fath.
Gt. grandchild of sister of my gd. f.
Father's cousin's grandchild.
Son's son's sou of sisler of gd. f. my.
Father's father's sisters's son's son's
[sou.
Gt. aunt's gt. grandson (fath. side).
Gt. aunt's gt. grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. aunt's gt. gt. gd. son.
Father's cousin's child's child.
Great aunt's great grandson,
it tt tt tt
The gt. grandson of my great aunt.
Gt. grandson of paternal great aunt.
Great grandson of great aunt.
My nephew through cold aunt.
My treble birth nephew.
Sou of grandchild of the sister of
[grandfather my.
Father's my cousin's daughter's son.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
119. Father's father's sister's great grand-
daughter.
Bint bint bint ammi abi ...
Bint bint bint ikhti jaddi.
Natijta d'khata d'sawQuee [tra
Metz horns crocha toostriu t. toos-
Ineean mio mic driffer moban ahar
lar ogha phiulhar mo sheau athar
Faders falters barnebarn
Dottur d. dottir systur afa mius...
Farfars systers sonsons dotter
Pat. gt. aunt's gt. granddaughter
Oud moejes acht. k. doch. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. gte. doi-h,
Faders nichtes kinds kind
Gross mnhme urcnkelinn
Gross mnhme prossenkelin
L'arriere-petite fille de ma grand'
[tante
Amitffl magnae proneptis
Megalou theias proeggong
Moja zirr.na cioteczna siostrzenica
Moja trojurodnaja plemiannitza...
Keezii turner, kooshkeh biivkiileh
[muu
Tsani serkkun tyttaren tytar
Translation.
D. of d. of d. of pat. aunt of fath. my.
D. of d. of d. of sist. of gd. father my.
Gl. granddaught. of sister of g. f. my.
Grandfather's sister's dau. dau. dau.
Dau. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. f.
Gt. grandchild of sister of my gd. f.
Father's cousin's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of sister of gd. f. my.
Father's father's sister's son's son's
daughter.
Gt. aunt's gt. granddaughter (f. s.)
Gt. aunt's gt. granddaught. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. aunt's pt. granddaught.
Father's cousin's child's child.
Great aunt's gt. granddaughter,
it it it ti
The gt. grauddaught. of my gt. aunt.
Gt. gd. daughter of pat. great aunt.
Gt. granddaughter of great aunt.
My niece through cold aunt
My treble birth niece.
Dau. of d. of d. of sister of gd. f. niy.
Father's my cousin's daught. daught.
120. Mother's mother's brother.
Khal ummi .
Akhu sitti..
Akhona d'nanee
Metz morus yiikepira
Drihar mo han vahar
Brathair mo shean m'hathar
Braar moir my moir
Brawd fy henfan
Mormoders broder .
Ommubrodir min..
Mormors bror
Maternal great uncle
Oud oom
Groot coin
Bess mohders brohr. b Moders ohm
Gross oheim
Gross oheim. b Grossonkel
Mou grand oucle
Tio abnela
Tio avo
Tio ava
Arunculns magnus
Megas Iheios.
Moj zimny dziadek.
Mfij predujec
Deda mi ..............
Moi djed ..............
NBnBnim ..............
Bra diipeereh mun.
Tso BnonT..
Translation.
Uncle of mother my.
Brother of grandmother my.
Grandmother's brother.
Brother of my grandmother.
Grandmother's brother.
Grandmother's brother my.
Mother's mother's brother.
Great uncle (mother's side),
tt tt tt tt
Great uncle.
Grandmother's bro. h Mother's uncle.
Great uncle (mother's side).
tt ft tt tf
My greal uncle.
My grandmother-uncle.
Grandmother-uncle,
tt tt
Maternal great uncle.
Great uncle.
My cold grandfather.
My great uncle.
Grandfather my.
My great uncle.
Grandmother's my brother.
Brother of grandmother my.
Great uncle's my.
OF THE HUM AX FAMILY.
109
TABLE I. — Continued.
121. Mother's mother's brother's son.
Translation.
122. Mother's mother's brother's daughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Iti
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn khal iimmi.
Ibn akhi sitti ...
Briina d'akhBna d'nanee
Metz moms yiikepora voretin
Mac drihar mo lian vahar
Mac brathar mo shean m'hather..
Moders fatter
Brodur sour ommu minna.,
Mormors brorson
Maternal great uncle's son.
Oud ooms zoon
Groot ooms zoon
Mohders redder
Gross oheimrf sohn
Gross oheims sohn
LB fils de niou grand oncle.
Avunculi magni fill us .
Megalou theiou pais. ...
Moj zimny wuj
Moi dvojurodnyi djadja..
Laveh bra dapereh mun.
Tso 6nonl polka.
Son of maternal uncle of mother my.
Sou of brother of grandmother my.
Grandmother's brother's son.
Son of brother of my grandmother.
Son of brother of niy mother.
Mother's cousin.
Brother's son of grandmother.
Mother's mother's brother's son.
Great uncle's son (mother's side).
Mother's cousin (mother's side).
Great uncle's son.
n a it
The son of my great uncle.
Son of maternal great uncle.
Sou of great uncle.
My cold maternal uncle.
My double birth uncle.
Son of brother of grandmother my.
Great nncle's my son.
Bint khal ummi.
Bint akhi sitti....
Briltii d'akhona d'nanee
Metz morus yiikepora toostra
Ineean drihar mo han vahar
Nighiu brathar mo shean mhathar
Moders sodskendebarn
Brodur dottir ommu minna.
Moruiors brorsdotter
Maternal great uncle's daughter.
Oud ooms dochter
Groot ooms dochter
Mohders nichte
Gross oheims tochter
Gross oheims tochter
La fille de mou grand oncle ,
Avunculi magni filia.
Megalou theiou pais..
Moja zimna ciotka....
Moja dvojurodnaja tjotka.
Keezii bradilpeereh mun..
Tso enonl tytar.,
Daught. of mat. uncle of mother my.
Dauyht. of bro. of grandmother my.
Grandmother's brother's daughter.
Daught. of brother of my gd. mother.
Mother's cousin.
Brother's daughter of gd mother my
Mother's mother's brother's daught.
Gt. uncle's daughter (mother's side),
Mother's cousin (mother's side).
Great uncle's daughter.
tt n u
The daughter of my great uncle.
Daughter of maternal great uncle.
Daughter of great uncle.
My cold aunt.
My double birth aunt.
Daught. of brother of gd. mother my.
Great uncle's my daughter.
123. Mother's mother's brother's grandson.
Translation.
124. Mother's mother's brother's graud-
daughter.
Translation.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ibn khal iimmi.
Ibn ibn akhi sitti...
Nilwiga d'akhona d'nanee. ..[retin
Mt'tz morus yiikepora voretein vo-
Mac inic drihar mo han vahar
Ogha brathar mo sheau m'hathar
Cyfferder.
Moders falters son
Sonar sour ommnbrodnr mius
Mormors brorsous son
Second cousin. b M. g. u. g. Bon..
Oud ooms klein zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Groot ooms groot zoon.
Mohders veddera soohn
Gross oheims enkel
Gross oheims enkel
Le petit-fils de mon grand oncle..
Primo segundo
Primosegundo
Secondo cugino
Avunculi magni nepos
Deuteros exadelphos
Moj zimny wujeczuy brat.
Moi trojurodnyi brat
TBrneh bra dapeereh mun.
AltTnl serkkun poTkii
S. of s. of mat. uncle of mother my.
S. of s. of brother of grandmother my.
Gd. son of the bro. of gd. mother my.
Grandmother's brother's son's son.
Son of son of bro. of my gd. mother.
Grandchild of bro. of my gd. mother.
Second cousin.
Mother's cousin's son.
Son's son of gd. mother's bro. my.
Mother's mother's brother's son's s.
Second cousin.
Great uncle's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Great nncle's grandson.
Mother's cousin's son.
Great uncle's grandson.
II U II
The grandson of my great uncle.
Second cousin.
Grandson of maternal great uncle.
Second cousin.
My brother through cold mat. uncle.
My treble birth brother.
Grandchild of the brother of grand-
[mother my.
Mother's my cousin's son.
Bint ibn khal iimmi.
Bint ibn akhi sitti...
Nawigta d'akhona d'nanee [tra
Metz morus yiikepora toostrin toos-
Ineean mic drihar mo han vahar..
Ogha brathar mo shean mhathar..
Cyfferders.
Moders fatters datter
Dottgr dottir ommubrodur mins.
Mormors brorsons dotter...
Second cousin. bM. g. u. gd. dan.
Oud ooms klein dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gt. ooms groote dochter
Mohders nichte dochter
Gross oheims enkelinn
Gross oheims enkelin
La petite-fille de mon grand oncle
Prima segunda
Prima segunda
Seconda cugina
Avunouli magni neptis
Dentera exadelphe
Moja zimna wujeczna siostra. .
Moja trojurodnaja sestra. ..
TSrneh bra dapeereh mun.
AltTnl serkkun tytitr
Dau. of s. of mat. uncle of moth. my.
Dau. of s. of bro. of gd. mother my.
Gd. dan. of the bro. of pd. mo. my.
Gd. mother's brother's dau. dan.
Dau. of son of bro. of my gd. mother.
Gd. child of bro. of my grandmother.
Second cousin.
Mother's cousin's daughter.
Daughter's d. of g. in. brother my.
Mother's mother's bro. son's dau.
Mat. gt. uncle's gd. daughter (m. s.)
Gt. nncle's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Great uncle's gd. daughter.
Mother's cousin's daughter.
Great uncle's granddaughter.
it it tt
The gd. daughter of my gt. uncle.
Second cousin.
Gd. daughter of mat. great uncle.
Second cousin.
My sister through cold mat. uncle.
My treble birth sister.
Grandchild of the brother of prand-
[mother my
Mother's my cousin's daughter.
110
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
125. Mother's mother's brother's great
graudson.
Translation.
126. Mother's mother's brother's great
granddaughter.
Translation.
1
1
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
S
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
31
33
34
35
17
38
39
Ibn ibn ibn khal ummi.
Ibn ibn ibn akhi sitti....
Natija d'akhona d'nanee
Metz morus yakepora v. v. v
Mac mic mic drihar tnohan valiar
lar ogha brathar mo sheau m'hat-
[har
Moders falters barnebarn
Sonar sonar sonr ommnbrodurmin
Mornuors brorson souson
Maternal gt. uncle's gt. grandson
Ond iicniis achter k. zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Gt. ooms pt. groot zoou
Moliders vedders kinds kind
Gross oheiins urenkel
Gro?s oheims grossenkel
L'arriere petit-tils de mon gr. oucle
Avnnculi magni pronepos
Megalon theiou proeggonos
Moj zimny wnjeczuy bratanec
Moj trojnrodnyi p'emiannik
Laveh tfirneh bra dapeereh mun...
Aitml serkkun poian poikii
S. of s. of s. of mat. uncle of mo. my.
S. of s. of 8. of bro. of gd. mo. my.
Gt. grandson of the bro. of g. m. my.
Grandmother's brother's son's s. s.
S. of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. mo.
Gt. gd. child of bro. of my gd. mo.
Mother's cousin's grandchild.
Son's son's son of g. m. brother my.
Mother's mother's brother's son's
[son's son.
Gt. uncle's gt. grandson (m. s.).
Gt. uncle's gt. grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. uncle's gt. grandson.
Mother's cousin's child's child.
Great uncle's great grandson.
<t <( ti n
The gt. grandson of my great uncle.
Gt. grandson of mat. great uncle
Great grandson of great uncle.
My nephew through cold mat. uncle.
My treble birth nephew.
Sou of grandchild of the brother of
[grandmother my.
Mother's my cousin's son's son.
Bint bint bint khal ihnmi.
Bint bint bint akhi sitti...
Natijta d'akhona d'nanee
Metz morus yakepora t. t. toostra
Ineean mic m. drihar mo han vahar
lar ogha brathar mo shean m'hat-
[har
Moders fatters barnebam
Dottur d. dottir ommubrodur mins
Mormon brorsons dotter dotter. ...
Mat. gd. uncle's gt. gd. daughter
Oud ooms achter k. doch. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gt. ooms gte. gte. doch.
Mohders nichtes kinds kind
Gross oheims urenkelinn
Gross oheims grossenkelin
L'arriere petite fille de mon grand
[oncle
Avunculi magni proneptis
Megalou theiou proeggone
Moja zimna wnjeczua siostrzenica
Moja trojurodnaja plemiaunitza ...
Keeza tOrneh brii dapeereh mun...
ATtiui serkknn poian tytar.
D. of d. of d. of mat. uncle of mo. my
D. of d. of d. of bro. of gd. mo. my.
Gt. gd. d. of the bro. of gd. mo. my.
Gd. mother's brother's dau. dan. dau
D. of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. mo.
Great grandchild of brother of my
[grandmother.
Mother's cousin's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of g. m. bro. my.
Mother's mother's brother's son's
[daughter's daughter.
Pat. uncle's gt. granddaught. (m. s.)
Pat. uncle's gt. granddau. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. uncle's gt. pd. dau.
Mother's cousin's child's child.
Great uncle's great granddaughter.
X <! II 11
The great granddaughter of my great
[uncle.
Great granddaughter of mat. great
[uncle.
Great granddaughter of great uncle.
My niece through cold mat. uncle.
My treble birth niece.
Daughter of grandchild of brother of
[grandmother my
Mother's my cousin's son's daughter.
127. Mother's mother's sister.
Khalet ummi.
Ikht sitti ...
Khata d'naaee
Metz morus kooera ,
Driffur mo han vahar
Phiuthar mo shean m'hathar.
Shnyr moir my moir
Chwaer fy henfam ,
Mor moders Boater.,
Ommnsystir min...
Mormors syster
Maternal great aunt
Ond moeje
Groote moej [mohn
Bess mohders sister. b Mohders
Gross muhme. b Grosstante
Gross muhme. b Grosstante
Ma grand' tante
Tia abuela
Tiaava
Tiaava
Matertera magna
Megale theia
Mnj zimna babka .
Ma staratetka....
Baba m
Moja babka
Neiic'iiim kiizkilrndii-ilin. ...
Khooshkeh dupeereh mun.
Tsotatinl.
Translation.
Maternal aunt of mother my.
Sister of grandmother my.
Grandmother's sister.
Sister of my grandmother.
Grandmother's sister.
Grandmother's sister my.
Mother's mother's sister.
Great aunt (mother's side.)
Gd. mother's sister. * Mother's aunt.
Great aunt (mother's side).
« tt « <t
My great aunt.
Grandmother-aunt.
Maternal great aunt.
Great aunt.
My cold grandmother.
My great aunt.
Grandmother my.
My great aunt.
Grandfather's my sister.
Sister of grandmother my.
Great mother my.
12S. Mother's mother's sister's son.
Ibn khalet ummi.
Ibu ikhti sitti
Bruna d'khata d'nSnee
Metz morus crocha voretin
Mac driffur mo han vahar
Mac phiuthar mo sheau m'hathar
Moders fatter
Systur sonr ommu minnar.
Mormors systerson
Maternal great aunt's son
Oud moejes zoon
Groote moejes zoon
Mohders vedder
Gross muhme sohn
Gross muhme sohn
Le fils de ma grand' tante
Materterse magnse films.
Megales theias pais
Moj zimny wnj?
Moi dvojnrodnyidjadja
Laveh khooshkeh dapeereh mun
Tso tatinl polka
Translation.
Son of maternal aunt of mother my
Son of sister of grandmother my.
Grandmother's sister's son.
Son of sister of my grandmother.
Mother's cousin.
Sister's son of grandmother my.
Mother's mother's sister's son.
Great aunt's son (mother's side).
Mother's cous n (mother's side).
Great aunt's s
n (mother's side).
The son of my great aunt.
Son of maternal great aunt.
Son of great aunt.
My cold maternal nncle
My double birth uncle.
Son of sister of grandmother my.
Great mother's my son.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
Ill
TABLE I. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
1-2
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
129. Mother's mother's sister's daughter.
Bint klialet timmi.
Bint ikhtisitti
Bratii d'khata d'nanee
Metz morns crocha toostra
Ineenn driffer mo ban vahar
Nighin phiuthar rno sheau in'hat-
[liar
Moders siidskendebarn
Systur dottir oinmu minuar.
Morniors systurdotter
Maternal great aunt's daughter.
Oud moejes dochter
Groote moejes dochter
Molnlers nichte
Gross inuhine tochter
Gross muhme tochter
La lillu de ma grand' taute
Materterae magnae filia .
Megalus tbeias pais
Moja zimna ciotka ?
Moja dvjurodnaja tjotka
Keezii khoshlvi-h dapeereh mun...
Tso tatlnl tytar.
Trait eilation.
Dau. of mat. aunt of mother my.
Dau. of Bister of grandmother my.
Grandmother's sister's daughter.
Daught. of sister of my grandmother.
Mother's cousin's daughter.
Sister's daughter of grandmother my.
Mother's mother's sister's daughter.
Gt. aunt's daught. (mother's side).
it ft (t tf tt
Great aunt's daughter.
Mother's cousin.
Great aunt's daughter,
tt tt tt
The daughter of my great aunt.
Daughter of maternal great aunt.
Daughter of great aunt.
My cold aunt.
My double birth aunt.
Daughter of sister of gd. mother my.
Great mother's my daughter.
130. Mother's mother's sister's grandson.
Ihu Ibn khalet nmmi .
Ibn ibn ikbti sitti
Niiwipa d'khata d'nanee
Metz moms crocha voretein voretin
Mac mif driflur molian vahar
Ogha phiutharmo shean m'bathar
Cyfferder .
Moders fatters son
Sonar sonr ommu systur minnar..
Monitors systers sonson
[aunt's grandson
Second cousin. b Maternal great
Oud moejes klein zoon. b Neef...
Kozyn. b Groote moejes groot zoon
Mohdera vedders soolin
Gross muhme enkel
Gross muhme enkel
Le petit flls de ma grand' tante...
Primo segundo
Primo segundo
Secondo cugino
Materterse magnae nepos
Deuteroa exadelphos.
Moj zimuy cioteczny brat.
Moi trojurodnyi brat.
TSrneh khooshkeh dapeereh mun
Altlni serkkun polka.
Translation.
S. of son of mat. aunt of mother my,
S. of s. of sister of grandmother my,
Gd. son of the sister of gd. mother rny
Grandmother's sister's son's son.
S. of s. of sister of my grandmother.
Gd. child of sister of my gd. mother.
Second cousin.
Mother's cousin's son.
t-on'a son of g. m. sifter my.
Mother's mother's sister's son's son.
Great aunt's grandson (moth, side),
Great aunt's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Great aunt's grandson.
Mother's cousin's son.
Great aunt's grandson.
u tt tt
The grandson of my great aunt.
Second cousin.
Grandson of maternal great aunt.
Second cousin.
My brother through cold aunt.
My treble birth brother.
Grandchild of the sister of g. m. my.
Mother's my cousin's son.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
131. Mother's mother's sister's grand-
daughter.
Bint ibn khalet limmi.
Bint ibii ikhti sitti
Nawigta d'khata d'nanee
Metz morus crocha toostrin toostra
Ineean mic driffermohan vahar..
Ogha phiuthar mo shean m'hathar
Cyfferders.
Moders fatters datter
Dottur dottir ommnsystur minuar
Mormora systers dotterdotter
[aunt's granddaughter
Second cousin. b Maternal great
Oud moejes klein dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. bGte. moejes gte. dochter
Mohders nichtes dochter
Gross muhme enkelinn
Gross muhme enkelin
La petite fille de ma grand' taute
Prima segunda
Prirna segunda
Seconda cugina
Materterae magnse neptia
Deutera exadelphe
Moja zimna cioteczna siostra
Moja trojurodnaja sestra
T5rneh kooshkeh dapeereh mun...
ATtini serkknn tytar
Translation.
D. of s. of mat. aunt of mother my.
D. of s. of sister of grandmother my.
Gd. d. of the sister of gd. mother my.
Gd. mother's sister's dau. dau.
D- of s. of sister of my grandmother.
Gd. child of sister of my gd. mother.
Second cousin.
Mother's cousin's daughter.
Daughter's dau. of g. m. sister's my.
Mother's mother's sister's daughter's
[daughter.
Gt. aunt's gd. daughter (ruoth. side),
tt tt tt tt tt tt
Niece. b Gt. aunt's granddaughter.
Mother's cousin's daughter.
Great aunt's granddaughter.
it ft tt
The granddaughter of my gt. aunt.
Second cousin.
The gd. daughter of mat. gt. aunt.
Second cousin.
My sister through cold aunt.
My treble birth sister.
Gd. child of the sister of gd. mo. my.
Mother's my cousin's daughter.
132. Mother's mother's sister's great
grandson.
Ibn ibn ibn khalet limmi.
Ibn ibn ibn ikhti sitti
Translation.
S. of s. of s. of mat. aunt of mo. my.
S. of s. of s. of sister of gd. mo. my.
Natija d'khata d'nanee Gt. gd. son of the sister of g. m. my.
Metz morus crouha v. voretin j Gd. mother's sister's son's son's sou.
Mac mic mic driffer mo han vahar ' S. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. mo.
lar ogha phiuthar mo m'hathar... Gt. gd. child of sister of my gd. mo.
Modera sodskendebarns barnebarn
Sonar s. sonr ommusystur minnar
Mormora systers sousons son
[son
Maternal great aunt's great grand-
Oud moejes acht. kl. zoou. bNeef
Kozyn. b Gte. moejes gt. gt. zoon
Mohdera veddera kinds kind
Gross muhme urenkel
Gross muhme grossenkel
L ' arriere-petit-fils de ma grand'
[tante
Matert«rse magnse pronepos.
Megates theiaa proeggonos
Moj zimny cioteczny siostrzeniec
Moi trojurodnyi plemiannitz
Laveh tflrneh kooshkeh dapeereh
[mun
Altlni serkkun poTan polka
Mother's cousin's grandchild.
Son's son's son of g. 'in. sister my.
Mother's mother's sister's son's pen's
[son.
Gt. aunt's gt. grandson (moth. side).
Gt. aunt's gt. grandson. b Nepliew.
Cousin. b Gt. aunt's gt. grandson.
Mother's cousin's child's child.
Great aunt's great grandson,
tt ft tt tt
The great grandson of my great aun..
Great grandson of mat. great aunt.
Great grandson of great aunt.
My nephew through cold aunt.
My treble birth nephew.
Son of grandchild of sister of grand-
[ mother my.
Mother's my cousin's son's son.
112
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
9
10
11
12
18
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
133. Mother's mother's sister's great
granddaughter.
Bint bint bint khalet Qmmi
Bint bint bint ikhti sitti
NUtijta d'khata d'nanee [tra
Metz moms crocha toostrin t. toos-
Ineean mic m.driffermohan vahar
lar ogha phiuthar mo shean m'hat-
[har
Moders sijdskendebarns barnebarn
Dotturd. dottirommusyst. minnar
Mormors systers dotters dotter
[dotter
Mat. gt. aunt's gt. granddaughter
Oud moejes acht. kl. doch. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. gte. doch.
Mohders nichtes kinds kind
Gross tnuhme urenkeliun
Gross muhme grossenkelin
L'arricre-petite-fille de ina grand'
[tante
Materteras magnae proneptis
Megales tlieias proeggone
Moja zinnia cioteczna siostrzenica
Moja trojurodnaja plemiannitza...
vcezil torneh kooshkeh dapeereh
[mun
Aitini serkknn tyttaren tytar
Translation.
D. of d. of d. of mat. aunt of mo. my.
D. of .".. of d. of sister of gd. mo. my.
Gt. gd. d. of the sister of g. m. my.
Gd. mother's sister's dau. dau. dau,
D. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. mo.
Gt. gd. child of sister of my gd. mo,
Mother's cousin's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of g. in. sister my.
Mother's mother's sister's daughter's
[daughter's daughter.
Gt. aunt's gt. gd. daughter (in. s.).
Gt. aunt's gt. gd. daughter. *> Niece.
Niece. * Gt. aunt's gt. gd. daughter.
Mother's cousin's child's child.
Great aunt's great granddaughter.
« u a "
The great granddaughter of my great
[auut.
Great granddaughter of mater, great
[aunt.
Great granddaughter of great aunt.
My niece through cold aunt.
My treble birth nieoe.
Daughter of grandchild of the sister
[of grandmother my.
Mother's my cousin's dau. dau.
134. Father's father's father's brother.
Amm jiddi
Akha jadd abi.
AkhBna d'biiba d'siiwunee.
Metz horns bora yiikepira..
Drihar aharmo lian ahar...
Brathair mo shin sean air...
Braar shen shanner
Brawd fy ngorheudad
Oldefaders broder
Langafi brodir minn .
Farfars farbror
Paternal great great nucle
Over oud com
Groot groot com
Autke vaders brohr
Urgross oheim
Urgross oheim. b Urgross onkel.
Le frere demon bisa'ieul
Tio bisabuelo
Tio bisav6
Tio bisavo
Patru us major
Meizon theios
Moj zimny pradziad.
Miij pra stryc
Translation.
Prededa mi
Moiprarljed
De'lemTn haliasunum karndashu.
Brii bitveh buvkaluhmuu...
Tso tsani seta.
Paternal uncle of grandfather my.
Brother of grandfather of father my.
Great grandfather's brother.
Brother of father of mv grandfather.
Brother of my ancestral grandfather.
" « u u
Brother of my great grandfather.
Great grandfather's brother.
Great grandfather's brother my.
Father's father's father's brother.
Great great uncle (father's side).
ti u u (t t«
Great great uncle.
Great grandfather's brother.
Great great uncle.
«t it it
The brother of my great grandfather.
Uncle-great grandfather.
Paternal great great uncle.
Great great uncle.
My cold great grandfather.
My great great uncle.
Great grandfather my.
My great great uncle.
Grandfather's my father's brother.
Brother of father of grandfather my
Grandfather's mv uncle.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
M
37
88
135. Father's father's father's brother's
BOD.
Ibn amm jiddi
Ibu akhi jadd abi.
Metz horus hora yakepora voretin
Mac drihar ahar mo han ahar
Mac brathar mo shin seau air...
Oldefaders broders son
Brodur sonr langafa minn .
Farfars farbrors son ....
Paternal great great uncle's son.
Over oud ooms zoon
Groot groot ooms zoon
Antke vaders brohrs soohn
Urgross oheims sohn
Urgross oheims soon
Patrui majoris filing .,
Meizouos theion pais.
L'tiveh bra bUveh bavkaleh mun...
Tso tsani setan polka
Translation.
Son of pat. nncle of gd. father my.
Son of bro. gd. father of father my.
Great grandfather's brother's son.
Son of bro. of father of my gd. father.
Great grandfather's brother's son.
Brother's son of gt. grandfather my.
Father's father's father's brother's
[son.
Great great uncle's son (fath. side).
U It t< (( tt U
Great great uncle's son.
Great grandfather's brother's son.
Great great uncle's son.
Son of paternal great great uncle.
Son of great great uncle.
Son of brother of father of grand-
[ father my.
Great father's my uncle's son.
136. Father's father's father's brother's
grandson.
Ibn ibn amm jiddi
Ibu ibu ibn akhi jadd abi .
[tin
Metz horus hora yakepora v. vore-
Mac inic drihar ahar mo han aliar
Ogha brathar jno shin seau air....
Oldefaders broders barnebarn
Sonar sonr brodur langafa miun ...
Farfars farbrors sonson
Paternal gt. gt. uncle's grandson
Over oud ooms klein zaon. b Neef
Groot groot ooms groot zoon
Antke vaders brohrs kinds kind...
Urgross oheims enkcl
Urgross oheiuis enkel
Translation.
Patrui majoris nepos
Meizouos theiou eggonos .
Moi trojnrodnyi djadjaf
Torneh bra biiveh bavkaleh mun
Tso tsani setan polan polkii.
Son of s. of pat. uncle of g. fa. my.
Sou of s. of bro. of g. fa. of fa. my.
Gt. gd. father's brother's son's son.
Son of son of bro. of fa. of my g. fa.
Gd. child of bro. of iny ancestral g. f
Gt. gd. father's brother's gd. child.
Son's sou of bro. of gt. g. father my.
Father's father's father's brother's
[son's son.
Gt. gt. uncle's grandson (fa. side).
Gt. gt. uncle's grandson. b Nephew.
Great great uncle's grandson.
Gt. gd. father's brother's child's child.
Great great uncle's grandson.
Grandson of paternal gt. gt. uncle.
Grandson of great great uncle.
My treble birth uncle.
Grandchild of the brother of father of
[grandfather my.
Groat father's my uncle's son's son.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
113
TABLE I. — Continued.
137. Father's father's father's brother's
great grandson.
Translation.
13S. Father's father's father's sister.
Translation.
9
10
11
112
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ibn ibn amm jiddi
Ibii ibn ibn akin jadd abi .
Metz horus hora yUkepora v. v. v.
Macm. m. d rihar ahar mo ban ahar
lar ogha brathar mo shin sean air
Oldefaders broilers barnebarnsbarn
Sonar s. sonr brodur langal'a minn
Farfars farbrors sonsons son
[gt. grandson
Third cousin. b Pat. gt. gt. uncle's
Over oud ooms acb . kl. zoon. b Neef
Kozyn groot gt. ooms groot gt. zoon
Antke vaders brohrs kinds k. k.
Urgross oheims urenkel
Urgross oheims grossenkel
Primo terceiro
Primo terceiro
Terzo cupino
Patrui rnajoris pronepos.,
Tritos exadelphos
Moi tohetverojurodnyi brat
Laveh tfirneh bra bavkaleh mun...
Tso tsanT setan poian poian poTka
Son of s. of s. of p. uncle of g. f. my.
Son of s. of s. of bro. of g. f. of f. my.
Gt. gd. father's bro. son's son's son.
Son of a. of s. of bro. of f. of my g. f.
Gt gd. son of bro. of fa. of ancestral
[grandfather.
Gt. gd. father's brother's gd. child.
Son's son's son of bro. of gt. g. f. my.
Father's father's father's brother's
[son's son'? son.
Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son (fa. side).
Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. s. bN€pb. (f.s.)
Cousin. b Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son.
Gt. gd. father's brother's gt. gd. child.
Great great uncle's great grandson.
Third cousin.
(( tt
tt tt
Great gd. son of pat. gt. gt. uncle.
Third cousin.
My quadruple birth brother.
Son of grandchild of brother of
[father of grandfather my.
Gt. fa's, my uncle's son's son's son.
Arnmet jiddi..
Ikht jadd abi.
Metz horus hora kooera ,
Driffiir ahar mo hau ahar...
Phiuthar mo shin sean air.
Shuyr shen fhaner
Chwaer fy ngorhendad
Oldefaders sb'ster....
Langafa syster min.
Farfars faster
Paternal great great aunt
Over oud moeje
Groote groote moeje
Antke vaders sister
Urgross mnhme. b Urgrosstante
Urgross muhme. b Urgrosstante
Tia bisabuelo .
Tia bisavd
Tiabisavo
Amita major...
Mrizuu theia.c
Moja zimuaprababka..
Ma prastryna
Prebaba mi
Moja prababka [dashu
DSdgmin babasnmun kuzkarn-
Khooshkeh baveh bavkaleh mun
Tso tsanltati.
Paternal aunt of grandfather my.
Sister of grandfather of father my.
Great grandfather's sister.
Sister of father of my grandfather.
Sister of fa. of my ancestral gd. fa.
tt tt tt a tt (( t( tt
Sister of my great grandfather.
Great grandfather's sister.
Great grandfather's sister my.
Father's father's father's sister.
Great great aunt (father's side).
it U (I II U
Great great aunt.
Great grandfather's sister.
Great great aunt,
u it tt
Aunt-great grandfather.
It If II
II li tt
Paternal great great aunt.
Great great aunt.
My cold great grandmother.
My great great aunt.
Great grandmother my.
My great great aunt.
Grandfather's my father's sister.
Sou of father of grandfather my.
Grandfather's my aunt.
139. Father's father's father's sister's son.
Translation.
140. Father's father's father's sister's
grandson.
Translation.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn atnmet jiddi..
Ibn ikht jadd abi.
Metz horns hora crocha voretin.
Mac driffur ahar mo ban ahar...
Mac phiuthar mo shin sean air.
Oldefaders siisters son
Systar sonr langafa inins.
Farfars fasters son
Paternal great great aunt's son.
Over oud moejes zoon
Groote groote moejes zoon
Antke vaders sisters soohn
Urgross mnhme sohn
Urgross muhme sohn
Amitse majoris filius..
Meizonos theias pais.
Son of pat. aunt of grandfather my.
Son of sister of gd. father of fa. my.
Great grandfather's sister's son.
Sister of sister of fa. of my gd. fa.
Sister of sister of my ancestral gd.
[father.
Great grandfather's sister's son.
Sister's son of great gd. father my.
Father's father's father's sister's son.
Great great aunt's son (fa's side).
It it tt tt It tt
Great great annt's son.
Great grandfather's sister's son.
Great great aunt's son.
Son of paternal great great aunt.
Son of great great aunt.
Ibn ibn amniet jiddi..
Ibu ibu ikht jadd abi.
Metz horus hora crocha v. voretin
Mac mic driffer ahar mo hau ahar
Ogha phiuthar mo shean seau air
Oldefaders sosters barnebarn
Sonar sonr systur langafa mins..
Farfars fasters sonson
Paternal gt. gt. aunt's grandson.
Over oud moejes klein zoon
Groote groote moejes groot zoon..
Antke vaders sisters kinds kind.
Urgross mnhme enkel
Urgross muhme enkel
Amitse majoris nepos
Meizonos theias eggonos.
Son of son of pat. aunt of gd. fa. my.
Son of son of sister of grandfather
[of father my
Great grandfather's sister's son's son.
S. of s. of s. of fa. of my gd. father.
Grand.son of sister of my ancestral
[grandfather.
Gt. gd. father's sister's grandchild.
Son's son of sister of gt. gd. fa. my.
Father's father's father's sister's
[son's son.
Great great aunt's grandson (f. s).
tt tt tt tt tt
Great great annt's grandson.
Gt. gd. father's sister's grandchild.
Great great aunt's grandson.
Grandson of pat. great great aunt.
Grandson of great great aunt.
Laveh khoushkeh baveh bavkaleh
[mun
Tso tsanT serkku
Son of sister of father of gd. fa. my.
Grandfather's my cousin.
TSrneh khooshkeh baveh bavka-
[leh mun
Grandchild of
sister of father of
[grandfather my.
Tso tsanT serkknn potka.
Grandfather's my cousin's son.
15 November, 1860.
114
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
|
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
2:5
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
3S
39
141. Father's father's father's sister's
great grandson.
Ibn ibn ibn ammet jiddi...
Ibn ibn ibn ikht j&dd abi.
Metz horns bora crooha v.v. voretin
Mac mic in . driffer ahar mo hail ahar
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin seau air
Oldefaders siiaters barnebarns barn
Sonar s.sonr systnr langafa mins..
Farfars fasters sonson son
[aunt's great grandson.
Third consin. b Paternal great gt.
Overoudmoejesach. k. z'n. b Neef
Kozyn. b Qte.gte. moejes gt.gt. z'n
Antke vaders sisters kinds k. kind
Urgross muhme ureukel
Urgross muhme grossenkel
Primo terceiro
Primo terceiro
Terzo cngino
Ainitse majoris pronepos.
Tritos exadelphos.
Moi tchetverojurodnyi brat.
Laveh tSrneh khooshkeh baveh
[bavkaleh luun
Tso tsani serkkun poian polka....
TraDslation.
S. of s. of 8. of p. a. of gd. fa. my.
S. of s. of s. of sist. of gd. fa. of f. iny.
G. g. father's sister's son's son's son.
S. of s. of s. of 8. of fa. of my gd. fa.
Great grandson of sister of my an-
[cestral grandfather.
Gt. gd. fa.'s sister's great grandchild.
Son's s. B. of sister of pt. gd. fa. my.
Father's father's father's sister's
[sou's sou's son.
Gt. gt. aunt's gt. grandson (f. s.).
Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son.
Gt. gd. father's sister's gt. gd. child.
Great great aunt's great grandson.
Third cousin,
(i «
ft tt
Gt. grandson of pat. gt. gt. aunt.
Third cousin.
My quadruple birth brother.
Son of grandchild of sister of father
[of grandfather my.
Grandfather's my cousin's son's son.
112. Mother's mother's mother's brother.
Khal sitti
Akha sitt umiui.
Metz morns mora yiikepira
Drihar mahar mo ban v. ahar....
Brathair mo shin scan in'hattiar..
Braar moir moir my moir
Brawd fy ngorheufain
Oldemoders broder
Langommu brodir muni.
Morinors morbror
Maternal great great uncle
Over oud oom
Groot groot oom
Antke mohders brohr
Urgross oheim
Urgross oheim. b Urgross onkel.
Tiobisabuela
Tio bisava
Tio bisavS,
Avunculus major.
MeizOn theios.
Moj pradziad ?.
Muj babinec
Prededa mi
Moi pradjed
DSdgmin babasunum karndashn.
Bra deeya dapeereh mun
Tso tsant enfi.
Translation.
Maternal uncle of grandmother my.
Brother of gd. mother of mother my.
Great grandmother's brother.
Brother of mother of my gd. mother.
Brother of my great grandmother.
Great grandmother's brother.
Great grandmother's brother my.
Mother's mother's mother's brother.
Great great uncle (mother's side).
u n it t* tt
Great great uncle.
Great grandmother's brother.
Great great uncle.
Uncle-great grandmother.
Uncle-great grandmother.
it tt tt
Maternal great great uncle.
Great great uncle.
My cold great grandfather.
My great great uncle (mother's side).
Great grandfather my.
My great great uncle.
My grandmother's mother's brother.
Brother of mother of gd. mother my.
Grandfather's my uncle.
143. Mother's mother's mother's brother's
SOD.
Translation.
144. Mother's mother's mother's brother's
grandson.
Translation.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
M
M
M
87
tt
39
Ibn khal sitti
Ibn akhi sitt umuii.
Metz morns mora yakepora voretin
Mac drihar mahar mo han vahar..
Mac brathar mo shin seau m'hathar
Oldemoders broders son
Brodur sour langommu mins.
Mormors morbrors son ...
Maternal great great uncle's son.,
Over ond ooms zoon ,
Groot groot ooms zoon
Antke inohders brohrs soohn
Urgross oheims solm
Urgross oheims sohn
Avunculi majoris filius.
Meizonos theiou pais....
Son of mat. uncle of grandmother my,
Son of bro. of gd. inc. of mother my.
Gt. grandmother's brother's son.
Son of bro. of mother of my g. m.
Gt. grandmother's brother's son.
Brother's son of gt. grandmother my.
Mother's mother's mother's brother's
[son.
Gt. gt. uncle's son (mother's side).
Great grandmother's brother's son.
Great great uncle's son.
Son of maternal great great uncle.
Son of great great uncle.
Tbn ihn Ich-U sitti
Ibn ibn akhi sitt limmi.
Metz mortta mora yakepora v. v.
Macm. driharmahar mo lian vahar
Ogha brathar mo shin seau m'hat-
[har
Oldemoders broders barnebarn
Sonar sonr brodur laugoramu minn
Mormors morbrors sonson
[son
Maternal great groat uncle's graud-
Over ond ooms klein zoon
Groot groot ooms groot zoon
Antke mohders brohrs kinds kind
Urgross oheims enkul
Urgross oheims enkel
Avunculi majoris nepos...,
Meizonos theiou eggonos.
Son of s. of mat. uncle of g. in. my.
Son of s. of brot. of g. m. of m. my.
Gt. gd. mother's brother's son's son.
Son of son of bro. of in. of my p. m.
Grandchild of bro. of m. of my g. m.
Gt. gd. mother's brother's pd. child.
Son's son of bro. of p. g. mother my.
Mother's mother's mother's brother's
[son's son
Great great uncle's grandson (m. s.).
Gt. gd. mother's brother's pd. child.
Great great uncle's grandson.
Grandson of maternal gt. gt. uncle.
Grandson of great great uncle.
Laveh bra deeya dapeereh mnn.
TsoaltTnlaerkku...
Son of brother of mother of graud-
[mother my.
Grandmother's my cousin.
TSrneh bra deeyii dlpeereh mun.
Tso aitint serkkun poTka.
Grandchild of brother of mother of
[grandmother my.
Grandmother's my cousin's son.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY
115
TABLE I. — Continued.
145. Mother's mother's mother's brother's
great grandson.
Translation.
146. Mother's mother's mother's sister.
Translation.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ibn ibn khal sitti
llm ibn ibn aklii sitt uiumi.
Metz morns mora yakepora v. v. v.
Mac m. m. driharmaharmoh'n v'r
lar oglia brathar mo slim sean
[m'hathar
[barn
Olderaoders Vjroders barneliarns
Sonar s. sonrbrodurlangommu m.
Monitors morbrors sousons son
Third cousin [b Neef
Over oud ooms aehter klein zonn.
Kozyn. b Gt. gt. ooms gt. gt. zoon
Antke mohders brolirs kinds k. k.
Urgross oheims urenkel
Urgross oheims grosseukel
Prime terceiro
Primo teroeiro
Terzo ougino
Avunculi majoris pronepos.
Tritos exadelphos.
Moi tchetverojurodnyibrat.
Laveh tOrneh bra deeya dilpeereh
[mun
Tso altlni serkknn poian polka....
Son of s. of s. of mat. u. f. g. m. my.
S. of s. of s. of bro. of g. m. of m. my.
Gt. gd. mother's brother's son's s. s.
Son of s. of s. of bro. of m. of my g. m.
Gt. gd. child of bro. of m. of aiy g. m.
[grandchild.
Great grandmother's brother's great
Son's s. s. of bro. of gt. gd. mo. my.
Mother's mother's mother's brother's
[soil's son's son.
Gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson (m. s.).
Gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson. b Neph.
Cousin. b Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son.
Gt. gd. mother's bro. gt. gd. child.
Great great uncle's great grandson.
Third cousin.
Great grandson of maternal great
[great uncle.
Third cousin.
My quadruple birth brother.
Son of gd. child of brother of mother
[of grandmother uiy.
Grandmother's my cousin's son's son.
Khalet sitti
Ikht sitt ummi.
Metz morns morii kooera
Uriffur mahar mo han valiar
Phiuthar mo shin sean m'hathar
Shuyr moir moir mymoir
Chwaer fy ngorhenfam
Oldemoders sb'ster
Langommu syster min.
Mormors moster
Maternal great great aunt
Over oud moeje
Groote groote moej
Antke mohders sister
Urgross muhme. b Urgrocstante.,
Urgross muhme. b Urgrosstante.
Tia bisabuela —
Tia bisava
Tia bisava
Matertera major..
Meizon theia.
Moja prababka?.
Ma babiuka
Prebaba mi
Moja prababka [shu
Dedgmiu babasunvtm kuzkarnda-
Khooshkeh deeya dapeereh mun..
Tso altTnl tail..
Maternal aunt of grandmother my.
Sister of grandmother of mother my
Great grandmother's sister.
Sister of mother of my grandmother
Sister of my great grandmother.
Great grandmother's sister.
Great grandmother's sister my.
Mother's mother's mother's sister.
Great great aunt (mother's side).
tl (( U U tt
Great great aunt.
Great grandmother's sister.
Great great aunt.
Aunt-great grandmother.
tt ft
u u
Maternal great great aunt.
Great great aunt.
My ccld great grandmother.
My great great aunt.
Great grandmother my.
My great great aunt.
My grandmother's mother's sister.
Sister of mother of grandmother my.
Grandmother's my aunt.
147. Mother's mother's mother's sister's
son.
Translation.
148. Mother's mother's mother's sister's
grandson.
Translation.
10
11
12
13
14
IB
16
17
IS
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibnklialet sitti
Ibn ikht sitt ummi.
Metz morus morii crocha voretin...
Mac driffer mahar nio han vahar..
Mac phiuthar mo shin sean m'hat-
[har
Oldemoders sosters son ~...
Systur sonar edda minn
Mormors mosters son
Maternal great great aunt's son...
Over oud inoejes zoon
Groote groote nioejes zoon
Antke mohders sisters soohn
Urgross mnlime sohn
Urgross muhrne sohn
Materterae majoris films ,
Meizonos theias pais
Son of mat. aunt of grandmother my.
Son of sister of gd. mother of m. my.
Gt. grandmother's sister's son.
Sou of sister of m. of my gd. mother.
Great grandmother's sister's son.
Sister's son of great grandmother my.
Mother's mother's mother's sister's
[son.
Great gt. aunt's son (mother's side).
U tt ti tt ft ((
Great great aunt's son.
Great grandmother's sister's son.
Great great aunt's son.
Son of maternal great great aunt.
Son of great great aunt.
Ibn ibn khalet sitti
Ibn ibn ikht sitt ummi.
[tin
Metz morus morS c. voretein vore-
Mac m. driffer mahar mo h'nvah'r
Ogha phiutharmo shin seau m'hat-
[har
Oldemoders sosters barnebarn
Sonar sonr systur edda minn
Mormors mosters sonson
[son
Maternal great great aunt's grand-
Over oud ooms klein zoon
Groote groote moejes groot zoon...
Antke mohders sisters kinds kind
Urgross muhme enkel
Urgross muhme enkel
Materterse majoris nepos.
Meizonoa theias eggonos.
Laveh khoashkeh deeya dapeereh
[mun
Aidini alti serkku
Son of sister of mother of gd. mother
[my.
My grandmother's cousin.
Tornehkhooshkeh deeya dapeereh
[mun
Aidini altl serkkun poTkii..
Son of s. of mat. aunt of g. m. my.
Sou of a. of sister of g. m. of m. my,
Gt. grandmother's sister's son's son
Son of s. of sister of m. of my g. m.
Gd. child of sister of m. of my g. m
[child.
Great grandmother's sister's grand-
Son's son of sister of g. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's sister's
[sou's son.
Gt. gt. aunt's gd. son (mother's side),
it tt tt tt <t •
Great great aunt's grandson.
Gt. gd. mother's sister's grandchild.
Great great aunt's grandson.
Grandson of mat. great great aunt.
Grandson of great great aunt.
Grandchild of sister of mother of
[grandmother my.
Grandmother's my cousin's son.
116
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
149. Mother's mother's mother's sister's
great grandson.
Ibu ibn ibn khUlet sitti
Ibu ibn ibn ikht sitt limmi.
[voretin.
Metz morus mora crocha v. v.
Mac m. m. driff. m'h'r mo h'n v'h'r
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin sean
[m'hathar
[barn.
Oldemoders sostera barne barns
Sonar sonar sonr systur edda mins
Monnors mosters sonsons son
Third cousin -. [b Neef
Over oud ooms achter klein zoon.
Kozyii. b Gte. gte. moejes gt. zoon
Autke mohders sisters kinds k. k.
Urgross muhme urenkel
Urgross muhme grossenkel
Primo terceiro
Frimo terceiro
Terzo cugino
Materterse majoris pronepos.
Txitos exadelphos.
Moi tohteverojurodnyi brat.
TBrneh kooshkeh deeya dapeereh
[mun
Aidln altl serkkun poian polka. ...
Translation.
Son of s. of s. of mat. a. of g. m. my.
Son of s. of s. of sister of g. m. of m.
[my.
G. g. mother's sister's son's son's son.
S. of s. of s. of sister of m. of my g. m.
Gt. gd. child of sist. of ». of my g. m.
Gt. gd. mother's sister's gt. g. child.
Son's s. son of sister of g. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's sister's
[son's son's son.
Gt. gt. aunt's gt. grandson (m. s.).
Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son.
Gt. gd. mother's sister's gt. gd. child.
Great great aunt's great grandson.
Third cousin.
Great grandson of mat. great great
[aunt.
Third cousin.
My quadruple birth brother.
Grandchild of sister of mother of
[grandmother my.
Grandmother's my cousin's son's sou.
150. Father's father's father's father's
brother.
Ainm jidd abi
Akha jadd jaddi.
Metz horus metz hora yakepira...
Dribar mo han ahar mo han ahar
Brathar mo shin sin sean air
Braar ayr my shen shanner
Tip oldefaders broder
Langa langafi brodir minn.
Farfars farfars bror.
Paternal great great great uncle.
Over over oud oom
Groot groot groot oom
Antke vaders vaders brohr
Ururgross oheim
Ururgross oheiin
Patruus maximus.
Megistos theios
Bra bavkaleh bavklileh mun.
Translation.
Pat. uncle of the gd. fath. of fath. my.
Brother of grandfather of gd. father
[my.
Grandfather's grandfather's brother.
Brother of gd. fath. of my gd. fath.
Great grandfather's father's brother.
Gt. grandfather's gd. fa. brother my.
Father's father's father's father's
[brother.
Great gt. gt. uncle (father's side.)
n ti it K (t
Great great great uncle.
Great grandfather's father's brother.
Great great great uncle.
Paternal great great great uncle.
Great great great uncle.
Brother of grandfather of grandfather
151. Father's father's father's father's
brother's son.
Translation.
152. Father's father's father's father's
brother's grandson.
Translation.
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
M
M
Ibn amm jidd abi....
Ibn akUi jadd jaddi.
[voretin
Metz horus metz hora yakepora
Mao drih. mo h'n ah'r rno U'n ah'r
Mac brathar mo shin sin sean air
Tip oldefadders broders son
Brodur sonr langa langafi minus...
Farfar farfars brorson
Paternal great gt. gt. uncle's son
Over over ond ooms zoon
Groot groot groot ooms zoon
Antke vaders vaders brohrs sohn
UrnrgrosB oheims sohn
Ururgross oheims sohu
Patrui maximi filins..
Megistou theiou pais.
Son of pat. unc. of g. f. of fath. my.
Son of brother of grandfather of gd.
[father my.
Grandfather's grandfather's bro. son.
Son of bro. of gd. fath. of my gd. fa.
Gt. gd. father's father's brother's son.
Brother's son of gd. fa. gd. fa. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[brother's son.
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's son (father's side)
*( it it n tt ti
Great great great uncle's son.
Gt. gd. father's father's bro. son.
Great great great uncle's sou.
Son of pater, great great great uncle.
Son of great great great uncle.
Ibn ibn amm jidd abi
Ibu ibn akhi jadd jaddi .
Metzh. metz h. y. voretein voretin
Mac mic drih. mo han ahar m. h. a.
Ogha brathar mo shin sin sean air
Tip oldefaders broders barnebarn
Sonar sonrbrod. langa langafi mins
Farfars farfars brorsons son
[grandson.
Paternal great great great uncle's
Over over oud ooms klein zoon....
Groot groot groot ooms groot zoon
Antke vaders v. brohrs kinds kind
Ururgross oheims enkel
Ururgross oheims eukel
Patrui maximi nepos
Megistou theiou eggonos.
Son of s. of pat. unc. of g. f. of f. my.
Son of s. of bro. of g. f. of g. f. my.
Gd. father's gd. father's bro. son's s.
Son of s. of bro. of gd. fa. of my g. f.
Gd. child, of bro. of gd. fa. of my g. f.
Gt. gd. father's fath bro. gd. child.
Son's sou of bro. of gd. fa. gd. fa. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[brother's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's grandson (f. s.).
it tt tt it it
Great great great uncle's grandson.
Gt. gd. father's fath. bro. gd. child.
Great great great uncle's grandson.
Grandson of pat. gt. gt. gt. uncle.
Grandson of great great great uncle.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
117
TABLE I. — Continued.
153. Father's father's father's father's
hrother'u great grandson.
Translation.
154. Father's father's father's father's
sister.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
1G
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
2(j
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
87
38
39
Ibn ibn ibn amm jidd abi
Ibu ibn ibn akhi jadd jaddi.
[mo han aliar
Mac mio mio drihar mo ban ahar
lar ogha brathar mo shin sin sean
[air
[barn
Tip oldefaders broders barnebarns
Sonars, s. bro. langa langafi mi us
Farfars farfars brorsons sonson....
[great grandson
Paternal great great great uncle's
Over o. oud corns acbt. klein zoon
Kozyn. bGt. gt.gt ooms gt.gt. zoon
Antke vaders v. brohrs. kinds k. k.
Ururgross oheims nrenkel
Ururgross oheims ureukel
Patrui maximi pronepos....
Mogistou theiou proggonos.
Son of s. of s. of p. u. of g. f. of f. my.
Son of s. of s. of brother of gd. father
[of grandfather my.
[of my grandfather.
Son of s. of s. of brother of gd. father
Gt. gd. child of brother of gd. father
[of my grandfather.
[grandchild.
Gt. gd. father's father's brother's gt.
Son's s. 8. of bro. of g. f. g. f. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[brother's son's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son (f. s.).
II It II <( t( ((
Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. s.
Gt. gd. fath. fath. bro. gt. gd. child.
Great gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson.
Great grandson of pater, great great
[great uncle.
Great grandson of great great great
[uncle.
Ammet jidd abi.
Ikht jadd jaddi.
Metz horus metz horus kooera
Diflur mo han ahar mo han ahar.
Phiuthar mo shin sin sean air....
Shuyr inoir my sheii shanuer
Tip oldefaders soster
Langa langafa systur min.,
Farfars farfars systur ,
Paternal great great great aunt.
Over over oud moeje
Groote groote groote moeje
Antke vaders vaders sister
Ururgross muhme
Urnrgross muhme
Amita maxima.
Megiote theia ...
Pat. aunt of gd. father of father my.
Sister of gd. father of gd. father my.
Grandfather's grandfather's sister.
Sister of gd. father of my gd. father.
Gt. grandfather's father's sister.
Gd. father's grandfather's sister my.
Father's father's father's father's
[sister.
Great great great aunt (father's side).
U It It H t( ((
Great great great aunt.
Gt. grandfather's father's sister.
Great great great aunt.
Paternal great great great aunt.
Great great great aunt.
Kodshkeh bavkaleh bavkiileh mun
Sister of gd. father of gd. father my.
155. Father's father's father's father's
sister's SOD.
Translation.
156. Father's father's father's father's
sister's grandson.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ammet jidd abi.
Ibn ikht jadd jaddi.
Metz horus metz h. crocha voretin
Mao driffur mo han ahar m. h. a.
Mac phiuthar mo shin sin sean air
Tip oldefaders sosters son
Systur sour langa langafi mins
Farfara farfars syster son
Paternal gt. gt. gt. aunt's son
Over over oud moejes zoon
Groote groote groote moejes zoon
Antke vaders vaders sisters soohn
Ururgross muhme sohn
Ururgross nmhuie sohn
Amitae maxima films.
Megiotes theias pias ...
Son of pat. aunt of gd. fa. of fa. my.
Sou of sister of gd. fa. of gd. fa. my.
Gd. father's gd. father's sister's son.
Son of sister of gd. fa. of my gd. fa.
Son of sister of my old father of old
[father.
Gt. gd. father's father's sister's son.
Sister's son of gd. fath. gd. fath. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[sister's son.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's son (father's side).
Gt. gd. father's father's sister's son.
Great great great aunt's son.
Son of pat. great great great aunt.
Son of great great great aunt.
Ibn ibn ammet jidd abi.
Ibn ibn ikht jadd jaddi
[tin
Metz horus metz h. crocha v. vore-
Mac micdriffurmohan aharm.h.a.
Ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean
[air
Tip oldefaders sosters barnebarn...
Sonar sonr syst. langa langafi min
Farfars farfars systersons son
Pat. gt. gt. gt. annt's grandson. ...
Over over oud moejes klein zoon..
Groote groote gte. moejes gt. zoon
Antke vaders vaders sisters k. k.
Ururgross muhme enkel
Ururgross muhme enkel
Amitse maxima? nepos
Megiotes theias eggonos.,
Son of s. of pat. aunt of g. f. of f. my,
Sou of s. of sister of g. f. of g. f. my,
Gd. father's gd. father's sister's son.
Son of s. of sister of g. f. of my g. f.
Gd. child of sister of my old father's
[old father.
Gt. gd. father's fath. sist. gd. child.
Son's son of sister of g. f. g. f. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[sister's son's son,
Great great gt. aunt's gd. son (f. s.),
Gt. gd. father's fath. sist. gd. child.
Great great great aunt's grandson.
Grandson of pat. gt. gt. gt. aunt.
Grandson of great great great aunt.
118
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
157. Father's father's father's father's
sister's great graudsun.
Translation.
158. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
brother.
Translation.
•2
a
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ibn ibn ammet jidd abi
Urn ibn ibn ikht jidd jaddi
M. h. m. h. o. voretein v. voretin
Mac m. m. drill', mo ban aharm.h.a
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean
[air
[barn
Tip oldefaders sosters barnebarns
Sonar a. s. syst. langa langafi inins
Farfars farfars systersons son
[great grandson
Paternal great great great aunt's
Over o. oud moejes acht. kl. zoon
Kozyn. b Gte. gte. gte. moejes g.g.z.
Antke vaders v. sisters kinds k. k.
Ururgross muhme urenkel
Ururgross muhme grosseukel
Amitse maximsepronepos....
Megiotes tbeias proeggonos.
S. of s. of s. of p. a. of g. f. of f. my.
S. of s. of s. of sist. of g. f. of g. f. my.
[son.
Gd. father's gd. fa. sister's son's son's
S. of s. of s. of sist. of g. f. of my g. f.
Great grandchild of sister of my old
[father's old father.
[great grandchild.
Great grandfather's father's sister's
Son's son's s. of sist. of g. f. g. f. my.
Father's father's father's father's sis-
[ter's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. annt's gt. gd. sou (f. s.).
tf tl II II ft it It II
Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. s.
Gt. gd. fa', fa. sister's gt. gd. child.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's great grandson.
Great grandson of paternal great gt.
[great aunt.
Great grandson of great great great
[aunt.
Khal silt ummi.
Akhasitt sitti...
Metz morns metz morns yiikepira
Drihar mo han vahair m. h. v
Brathar mo shin sin sean rn'hat-
[hair
Tip oldefaders broder
Langa langommu brodir miiin
Mormors mormors bror...
Maternal great great great uncle.
Over over oud com..... ,
Groot groot groot oom
Antke mohders mohders brohr. ..
Ururgross oheim
Ururgross oheim
Avnnculns maximns.
Megistos theios
Mat. uncle of gd. mo. of mother my.
Brother of gd. mo. of gd. mother my,
Gd. mother's gd. mother's brother.
Brother of gd. mother of my gd. mo.
Brother of my x>ld mother's old mo.
Gt. grandmother's mother's brother.
Gd. mother's gd. mother's bro. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother'
[brother.
Great gt. gt. uncle (mother's side).
Great gd. mother's mother's brother
Great great great uncle.
Maternal great great great uncle.
Great great great uucle.
Bra dilpcereh dapeereh muu.
Brother of grandmother of gd. mother
[my
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
B
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
3V
38
39
159. Mother's mother's mother's mother1!
brother's son.
Ibn khal sitt ummi.
Ibu akhi sitt sitti...
M. m. m. m. ySkepora voretin
Mac drihar mo han vahair m. h. v.
Mac brathar mo shin sin seau m'
[hathar
Tip oldemoders broders son
Brodur sonr langa langommu ruins
Mormors mormors brorsou
Mat. great gt. gt. uncle's son
Over over oud oonis zoon
Groot groot groot ooms zoon "...
Antke mohders moli. brohrssoohn.
Ururgross oheims sohn
Ururgross oheims sohn
Avunculi mazimi filing.
Megiston theiou pais
Translation.
Son of mat. unc. of g. m. of mo. my.
Son of brother of g. m. of g. m. my.
Gd. mother's gd. mother's bro. son.
Son of bro. of gd. mo. of my gd. mo.
Son of brother of my old mother's
[old mother.
Gt. gd. mother's mother's bro. son.
Brother's sou of gd. mo. gd. mo. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[brother's son.
Great great great uncle's son (m. s.).
II II II II <( <f
II II II II (I ft
Gt. gd. mother's mother's bro. son.
Great great great uncle's son.
Son of maternal great great great
[uncle.
Son of great great great uncle.
160. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
brother's grandson.
Ibu ibn khal ummi ....
Ibn ibu akhi sitt sitti .
M. m. m. m. y. voretein voretin
Mac mic drihar mo h. v. mo h. v.
Ogha brathar mo shin sin sean
[m'hathar
Tip oldemoders broders bamebarn
Sonars, bro. langa langommu mins
Mormors mormors brorsons son....
[grandson
Maternal great great great uncle's
Over over oud ooms klein zoon...
Groot groot groot ooms groot zoon
Antke mohders m. bro kinds k.
Ururgross oheims enkel
Ururgross oheims eukel
Avunculi maximi nepos.
Megistou theiou eggonos.
Translation.
Son of s. of m. u. of g. m. of m. my
Sou of s. of bro. of g. m. of g. m. my
[son's son.
Gd. mother's gd. mother's brother's
Sou of s. of bro. of g. m. of my g. m.
Grandchild of brother of my old mo-
[ther's old mother.
[grandchild.
Great gd. mother's mother's brother's
Son's son of bro. of g. in. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[brother's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's grandson (m. s.).
Gt. gd. mo. mother's bro. gd. child.
Great great great uncle's grandson.
Gd. son of maternal great great great
[uncle.
Grandson of great great great uncle.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
119
TABLE I. — Continued.
161. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
brother's great grandson.
Translation.
162. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
sister.
Translation.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
'21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ibn ibn kMl sitt timmi.
Ibn ibn ibn aklii sitt sitti...
Metz m. metz m. y. v. v. voretin
Mac m. m. drihar m. b. v. m. h. v.
lar ogha brathar mo shin sin sean
[m'liattiar
[barns barn
Tip oldemoders broders barne-
Sonar s. s. bro. langa 1'mmu mins
Mormors mormors brorson sonson
[great grandson
Maternal great great great uncle's
Over o. oud ooms achter kleiu zoon
Kozyn. b Gt. gt. ooms gt. gt. zoon
Antke mohders m. brohrs k. k. k.
Ururgross oheims ureukel
Ururgross oheiins grosseukel
Avnnculi maximi pronepos.
Megistou theiou proggonos..
S. of s. of s. of m. u. of g. m. of m. my.
H. of s. of s. of bro. of g. m. of g. m. my.
[son's son's son.
Gd. mother's gd. mother's brother's
S. of s. of s. of bro. of g. m. of my g.m.
Gt. gd. child of brother of my old
[mother's old mother.
[great grandchild.
Gt. gd. mother's mother's brother's
Son's s. s. of bro. of g. m. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[brother's son's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son (m. s.).
u « it it u K it t(
Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. s.
Gt. gd. mo. mo. bro. gt. gd. child.
Great gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson.
Great grandson of mater, great great
[great nncle.
Great grandson of great great great
[uncle.
Khalet sitt ummi.,
Ikht sitt sitti
Metz morns metz mora kooera
Driffur mo han vahair mo ban v'r
Phiuthar mo shin sin seau m'hat-
[har
Tip oldemoders soster
Langa langommu systirr min....
Mormors mormors syster
Maternal great great great aunt.
Over over oud moeje
Groote groote groote moeje
Antke mohders mohders sister..
Ururgross muhme
Ururgross muhme
Matertera maxima.
Megiste theia
Mat. aunt of gd. moth, of moth. my.
Sister of gd. moth, of gd. moth. my.
Grandmother's grandmother's sister.
Sister of gd. moth, of my gd. moth.
Sister of my old mother's old mother.
Great grandmother's mother's sister.
Gd. mother's gd. mother's sister my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[sister.
Great great gt. annt (mother's side).
Great grandmother's mother's sister.
Great great great annt.
Maternal great great great aunt.
Great great great aunt.
Khooshkeh dapeereh dapeereh uiun
Sister of grandmother of grandmother
[my.
163. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
sister's sun.
Translation.
164. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
sister's grandnon.
Translation.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn khalet sitt ummi.
Ibn ikht sitt sitti
Metz m. metz m. crocha voretin...
Mac driffur mo han vahair m. h. v.
Mac phiuthar mo shin sin sean
[m'hathar
Tip oldemoders sb'sters son
Systur sonr langa langommn mins
Mormors mormors systerson
Maternal gt. gt. gt. aunt's son
Over over oud mojes zoon
Groote groote groote moejes zoon..
Antke mohders mohders sist. soohn
Ururgross muhme sohn
Ururgross muhme sohn
Materterae maximse filius .
Megistes theias pais
Son of mat. aunt of g. m. of mo. my.
Son of sister of g. m. of g. m. my.
Gd. mother's gd. mother's sist. son.
Son of sister of gd. mo. of my gd. mo.
Son of sister of my old mother's old
[mother.
Gt. gd. mother's mother's sist. son.
Sister's son of gd. mo. gd. mo. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[sister's son.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's son (mother's side].
Gt. gd. mother's mother's sist. son.
Great great great aunt's son.
Son of mat. great great great aunt
Son of great great great aunt.
Ibn ibn khalet sitt ummi..
Ib 11 ibn ikht sitt sitti
M. m. m. m. c. voretein voretin...
Mac mic driffer m. h. v. m. h. v.
Ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean
[m'hathar
Tip oldemoders sosters barnebarn
Sonar s. syst. langa I'mmim mins
Mormors mormors systers sonson..
Mat. gt. gt. gt. annt's grandson...
Over over oud moejes klein zoou..
Groote gte. gte. moejes klein zoon
Antke mohders m. sisters kinds k.
Ururgross muhme enkel
Ururgross muhme enkel
Materterse maximse nepos.
Megistes theias eggonos...
S. of s. of mat. u. of g. m. of m. my.
S. of s. of sister of g. m. of g. m. my.
Gd. mo. gd. mo. sister's son's son.
S. of s. of sister of g. mo. of my g. m.
Gd. child of sister of my old mother's
[old mother.
[grandchild.
Gt. grandmother's mother's sister's
Son's son of sister of g. m. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[sister's sou's son.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's grandson (m. s.)
Gt. gd. mother's sister's grandchild.
Great great great aunt's grandson.
Grandson of matern. gt. gt. gt. aunt.
Grandson of great great great aunt.
120
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
165.. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
sister's great grandson.
Translation.
166. Husband.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ibn ibn ibn khalet sitt finiini
S. of s. of s. of m. a. of g. m. of m. my.
S. of s. of s. of sist. ofg.m. ofg. rn.my.
Gd. mo. gd. mo. sist. son's son's son.
S. of s. of s. of sis. of g. m. of my g. m.
Great grandchild of sister of my old
[mother's old mother.
[great grandchild.
Great grandmother's mother's sister's
Son's s. s. of sist. ofg. m. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[sister's son's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son (m. s.).
it tf ft tt ft it it,
Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. s.
Gt. gd. mother's sister's gt. gd. child.
Great gt. gt. aunt's great grandson.
« tt tt tt it
Great grandson of maternal great
[great great aunt
Great grandson of great great great
[aunt.
Zuji
Husband my.
t( u
Husband my (lit. man iny).
Husband my.
a ct
My husband.
It ((
(t ft
ft ft
Husband,
tt
it
Husband my.
Man.
Husband,
ft
u
ti
tt
tf
u
My husband.
tt tt
Husband.
tt
it
tt
tt
My husband.
«t u
(C ff
Husband my.
u tt
My husband.
Husband my. b Old man.
Husband my.
Lord my.
Husband.
Man my. b Consort.
[tin
Metz m. metz m. crocha v. v. vore-
Mac mio m. driffer m. h. v. m. h. v.
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean
[m'hathar
[barn
Tip oldemoders sosters barnebarns
Sonars, s. syst. langa I'ommu mins
Mormors niormors systersons son-
[son
Mat. gt. gt. gt. aunt's grandson...
Over o. oud nioejes aoht. kl. zoon
Kozyn. b Ge. ge. ge. moejes g. g. z.
Antke mohders m. sisters k. k. k.
Ishi
Snohixr
Pati. b Bhartar. ° Dhavar
Husbond. b Mand. c Genial
Madr (boiidi) min
Huv. b Wir. c Bonda
Mann. b Gatte. c Gemahl
Ururgross muhuie grossenkel
Gatte
Vir. b Maritua
M6reh mun
167. Husband's father.
Translation.
168. Husband's mother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Uncle my.
tt (t
Father-in-law my.
ft K t( u
Half father.
My other's father.
it t( ft
u tt tt
Father of my husband.
Father-in-law.
tt it it
Father-in-law my.
Father-in-law.
u tt tt
tt it it
tt tt it
tt tt tt
Father.
Father-in law.
it it u
My father-in-law.
Father-in-law.
tt u it
it it it
tt it tt
tt tt it
My husband's father.
My father-in-law.
tt it tt tt
Father-in-law my.
tt <t tt tt
My father-in-law,
tt tt tt tt
Father of husband my.
Father-in-law my.
Wife of uncle my.
Mother-in-law my.
tt tt u a
tf tf ft ft
Half mother.
My other's mother.
ti tf ti
it tt tf
Mother of my husband.
Mother-in-law.
tf tt a
Mother-in-law my.
Mother-in-law.
ft <f it
it u tt
ft tf tt
<t ft ti
Mother.
Mother-in-law.
it tt ft
My mother-in-law.
Mother-in-law.
ti tt ft
K tt tf
tt ft tt
<t ft ft
My husband's mother.
My mother-in-law.
tt tt 11 tt
Mother-in-law my.
tt ti tt ft
My mother-in-law.
(i ft tt tt
Mother-in-law my.
Mother-in-law my.
Hamati
KIlflMlI
Svarfar....
Vader
Schwiegervater. b Schwaher
Sogro
So^ra
Mano szeszuras
Svekr mi
Kayni biibam
Baveh. m6reh mun
Ipaxu
AppTni
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
121
TABLE I. — Continued.
168. Husband's grandfather.
Translation.
170. Husband's grandmother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Jidd zoji
Grandfather of husband my.
u *t - a tf
it if tt u
Father of my half father.
Father of my husband.
Grandfather of my wife.
Father-in-law's father.
Grandfather of man my.
Husband's grandfather
Father-in-law's father.
Husband's grandfather.
it u
My husband's grandfather.
it t( U
The grandfather of my husband.
Great father-in-law.
U (( (( tt
Father of father-in-law.
My grandfather.
tt U
Grandfather my.
My grandfather-in-law.
Grandfather of husband iny.
Great father-in-law my.
Sitt zoji
Grandmother of husband my.
ti it K ti
u u tt it
tt tt It U
Grandmother of my husband.
ti ti tf
Father-in-law's mother.
Grandmother of man my.
Husband's grandmother.
Mother of mother-in-law.
Husband's grandmother.
it ti
My husband's grandmother,
tt tt tt
The grandmother of my husband.
Great mother-in-law.
tf ft it (i
Mother of father-in-law.
My grandmother.
tt tt
Grandmother my.
My grandmother-in-law.
Grandmother of husband my.
Great mother-in-law my.
Sitt zauji
Sawunta d'goree
Ante su opera
Muj ded
Deda mi
171. Wife.
Translation.
172. Wife's father.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
G
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ainrati
Woman my.
Wife my.
Wife my (lit. woman my).
Wife my.
"it a
My woman.
if it
it tf
My wife.
Wife,
it
H
Wife my.
Wife.
u
It
tt
It
It
It
It
My wife. b My woman.
Spouse. b Wife. c Consort.
Wife.
Wife. b Consort.
Wife.
<(
My wife.
ft ft
tt ft
Wife iny.
u ti
My wife.
Wife uiy. b Woman.
Wife my.
Half my.
Wife.
Woman my. h Consort..
Uncle my.
tt ft
Giver in marriage my (masculine).
Wife's father my.
Father-in-law my.
My other's father.
tt it ft
tt it it
My father-in-law.
Father-in law.
<t tf tf
Father-in-law my.
Father-in-law,
ft it if
it if (f
tt tt tt
it tt ii
Wife's father.
Father-in-law.
it if it
My father-in-law.
Father-in-law.
it ii it
K it ti
it it ti
ti tt it
My wife's father.
My father-in-law.
If ft U tt
Father-in-law my.
ft it it ft
My father-in-law,
tt tt tt ti
Father-in-law my.
Father-in-law my.
Ishtl*
Klidtk' in!
Ahnare
zau
Patui. b Bhirya. c Juya
Svarfar
\Vif
Wife. Spouse
Frau
Weib. bFrau. cGattin. dGemah-
Gattin [lin
Epose. b Mujir. ° Consorte
Test mi
Tust mi
16 November, 1809.
122
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
173. Wife's mother.
Translation.
174. Wife's grandfather.
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ararat ammi
Wife of unule my.
(( tl tl U
Giver in marriage my (fem.).
Wife's mother my.
Mother of wife my.
My other's mother.
11 a 11
it 11 ti
My mother-in-law.
Mother-in-law.
11 11 u
Mother-in-law ray.
Mother-in-law,
ti u u
ti u 11
u u u
11 (1 11
Wife's mother.
Mother-in-law.
ti u i<
My mother-in-law.
Mother-in-law.
11 It fl
a tc (t
11 u a
it ti tt
My wife's mother.
My mother-in-law.
it it ti it
Mother-in-law my.
ti ii it it
My mother-in-law.
it u ti it
Mother of wife my.
Mother-in-law my.
Jidd amrati
Grandfather of wife my.
u ti n it
tt if It tc
Grandfather of my wife,
tt tt tf ii
Wife's grandfather.
Grandfather of wife my.
Wife's grandfather.
u u
it tt
tt ti
The grandfather of my wife.
it It It ' U
ft ft ff ft
Great father-in-law.
(f tt tf it
Wife's grandfather.
My grandfather,
ft tt
Grandfather my.
My grandfather-in-law.
Grandfather of wife my.
Great father-in-law my.
Ininu'it ammi
Khiith «'antl
Jaddzauji
Klimiitee
Mo han ahair mo cheli
Aiinarocnus
Moir si laigh
Mam fy ngwraig
(Jvaqura
Svigermoder
Afl gonu minnar
Hustrus farfar -..
Wife's grandfather
Behuwd groot vader
Frauen bess vader
Der grossvater meiner frau
Schwiegermutter
L'ai'eul de ma femme
Ante suocero
Socer magnus
Moj dziadek
Kayni dSdSm •
Tso appTni
175. Wife's grandmother.
Translation.
176. Step-father.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
•29
30
31
32
33
34
35
M
37
38
39
Sitt amrati
Grandmother of wife my.
u tt a
it ii ti
My other's old mother.
Grandmother of my wife.
Wife's grandmother.
Grandmother of wife mine.
Wife's grandmother.
it ii
a ti
ii ii
The grandmother of my wife,
it ti ti " ti
u u ii it
Great mother-in-law.
tt it ii it
Wife's grandmother.
My grandmother.
it u
Grandmother my.
My grandmother-in-law.
Grandmother of wife my.
Great mother-in-law my.
Uncle my.
it U
Husband of mother my.
Father my (step).
My step-father,
tt tt tt
ft tt tt
ft U tf
ft ll tl
Step- father.
Step-father mine.
Step-father,
ft it
a f<
(t tt
tt tt
tt ft
ft ft
tt tt
My step-father.
Step-father,
tt tt
it tt
ft tf
tt tt
My step- father.
tt a n
tt tt it
Step-father my.
My step-father.
My fatherhood.
My step-father.
My father half.
Sawiiuta d' bakhtee
M'oide
Fy llus tad
Stedfader
Styupfadir min
Styffar
Frauen bess mohder
Stief vader
Kayni mSnfina
Diipeereh zhumay
Ts& anopplnl
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
123
TABLE I. — Continued.
177. Step-mother.
Translation.
178. Step-son.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
l(i
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3t>
37
38
39
Khaleti
Aunt my.
ft it
Wife of father my.
Mother my (step)
My step-mother.
it a ti
(i n it
Step-mother.
n it
Step-mother mine.
Step-mother.
ti tt
tt it
it u
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
ti tt
My step-mother.
Step-mother.
tt tt
it it
tt tt
tt it
My step-mother.
tt n n
ti it ti
Step-mother my.
" it tt
My step-mother.
My motherhood.
Step-mother my.
My mother half.
Karfiti
Step-son my.
Son of wife my.
Son of husband or wife my.
Son my (step).
My step-son.
ti U it
(( (C 11
Husband's son.
Step-son.
Step-son mine.
Step-son.
(( 4i
tt 11
I It
c tt
t u
t ti
I U
My step-son.
Step-son.
u tt
II <C
tt tl
tt tl
My step-son.
(( U tl
n tt it
Step-son my.
(i u it
My step-son.
My souhood. b Not own son.
My step-son.
Son half my.
Khiilati
Kiibihi . ...
Esheth abhi
Ymmee ligii
Hortmire
Mo las valiair
Fy llus fam
Fy llus fab
Vimuta
Stedmoder
Styupmodir mill
Styfmor
gtyf^nn
Steop modor
Stepmother
Stief moeder
Step moeder
Stief mohder
Stiefmutter
Stief sohn .
Ma belle-mere
Madrastra
Madrastra
Matrigna
Noverca
Matruia
Mano moczeka
Moja macocha
Ma ruacocha
Mash te!i a mi
Mashteha mi
Maja matchikha
(Vhulukun b Eoy£ oghiil
DamSereli mun
Mostoha anyain
Alt! puoleni
Poikix puoleni
170. Step-danghter.
Translation.
180. Step-brother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
IS
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Kariiteti
Step-daughter my.
Daughter of wife my.
Daughter of husband or wife my.
Daughter my (step).
My step-daughter.
a ti a
ti it it
Husband's daughter.
Step-daughter.
Step-daughter my.
Step-daughter.
a tt
it ti
it it
it it
it it
ti tt
tt it
My step-daughter.
Step-daughter.
a a
it it
u a
it it
My step-daughter.
<( u n
t< it it
Step-daughter my.
tt tt tt
My step-daughter.
My daughterliood. '' Not own dau.
My step-daughter.
Daughter half my.
Akhi
Brother my.
ti n
Son of father or mother my.
Son of mother my (step).
My step-brother.
U (( ((
It tt tl
It tl tl
Step-brother.
(t <(
Step-brother mine.
Step-brother.
tt
it
it
tt
u
tt
it
My step-brother.
My step-brother or half brother.
Step-brother.
a u
tt ti
My half brother.
tt it tt
Step-brother my.
My brotherhood.
My .step- brother.
Son of father my.
Brother half my.
Kabihati
Akhi..
Bath Mil " bath Ishti .
Bgn abhi or ben immi
Horte tooster
Fy llus ferch .
Bhartr suta
Vaimatra
Steddatter
Styupdottir miu
Styfdotter
Styfbror
Step dochter
Stief dochter
Stief brohr
Stieftoohter
Stieftochter .
Stiefbruder
Ma belle-fille
Hijastra
Fratellastro
Frater
Dovedenitsa mi
Paisterka mi
Zavarnik mi
Maja padtcheritza
124"
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
181. Step-sister.
Translation.
182. Son-in-law.
Tran.slation.
I
Z
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Akhti
Sister my.
ft U
Daughter of father or mother my.
Daughter of mother my (step).
My step-sister,
u ft tt
tt ti tt
it it tt
Step-sister.
«t it
Step-sister my.
Step-sister,
u it
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
My step-sister.
My step-sister or half-sister.
Step-sister.
tt If
t< tt
My half-sister,
tt tt tt
Step-sister my.
My not own sister.
My step-sister.
Sister half my.
Khatan. b Saha
Son-in-law. l( Bridegroom.
« 11 U
it U ti
U ti 11
Son in-law my.
My son-in-law.
u « a
11 11 H
it tt tt
Son-in-law.
a tt
Son-in-law my.
Son-in-law.
it tt
tt tt
tt M
« it
Daughter's husband.
Son-in-law. b Daughter's husband.
tt U ft ((
My son-in-law.
Son-in-law.
t< u
tt tt
ft tt
tt <t
tt <t
My son-in-law.
Son-in-law.
Son-in-law my.
tt tt tt
My son-in-law.
U H (t
Son-in-law my.
It tt U
tt tl tt
Ikhti
Suhri
Klrthani
Mo chliamhiun
Mabnnghy fraith
Vaimatri . .
Mag...
Schwiegersohn. b Tochtermann..
Schwiegersohn. b Tochterniann..
Mfmo pussesu (utrao)
Ma newlastna aestra
Eoy6 knzkarndashum
ihooshkee munch khort
Slsar puolent
WS-vyut
183. Daughter-in-law.
Translation.
184. Brother-in-law (husbaud's brother).
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
:i4
u
M
37
88
89
Kinnet
Daughter-in-law.
ti tt
Daughter-in-law. b Bride.
tt ti tt
My son's woman.
My danghter-in-law.
tt it tt
Danghter-in-law.
tf ft
ft tf
Danehter-in-Iaw mine.
Daughter-in-law,
f tt
t tt
t tf
t tf
Son s daughter.
Daughter-in-law,
it it
My danghter-in-law.
Daughter-in-law,
if u
it it
tt ti
ft tt
My daughter-in-law,
fi it it
Daughter-in-law my.
ti tt ft
My daughter-in-law,
u tt it
Daughter-in-law my.
ti u it
ti u u
Son of uncle my.
Husband's brother my.
Brother-in-law my.
Husband's brother my.
Brother-in-law.
My other's brother,
tt u t<
Husband of my brother.
My brother-iii-law.
Brother-in-law,
tf ft
Brother-in-law mine.
Brother-in-law.
tt it
i it
t ti
t u
t tt
i tt
t it
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law,
tt tt
tt tt
tt <t
tt tt
Husband's brother.
My brother-in-law.
a tt tt
Brother-in-law my.
ft ft tt
My brother-in-law,
tt it tt
Husband's brother my.
tt tt ti
Kinnati
Silfi
Kallathf
Y'bhami
Kelta
Ban mo vie
Inneen sy laigh
Mo bhrathair ceille
Merch yunghy fraith
R 1 1 -fl
Aroos
Snuska
Svigerdatter
Tengdadottir min
Sonhustru
Snor. b Snorn
Daughter-in-law
Schoon dooliter
7
Schoon dochter
<Z \ V. A
Soohns frail
Schwiegertochter. b Schnnr
Schwiegertochter
Ma bru
Nuera
Nora
Schwager
Sch wager
Mon beau-frere
Cxinado
Figliastra
Nurns
Nuos
Moja ziec
Cognato
Lerir
Daer
Ma nevesta
Snnha mi
MQj swat (swagor)
Snuha mi
Moja tmokha. b Nevestka
GSlInim
Dever mi
Moi dever
Kiiyinim
Menyem
Mlnl&ni
Vu.stiioora
Kytyni
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
125
TABLE I. — Continued.
185. Brother-in-law (sister's husband).
Translation.
186. Brother-in-law (wife's brother).
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Znj akhti
Husband of sister my.
it (t it
a tt it
My sister's man.
it tt it
Husband of my sister.
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law (sister's man).
Brother-in-law mine.
Brother-in law.
<
i
i
c
<
ft
(C
My brother-in-law.
Brother by courtesy.
Brother-in-law.
tt tt
it it
tt tt
My brother-in-law.
tt tt n
Brother-in-law my.
tt tt it
My brother-in-law,
tt tt it
Brother-in-law my.
Sister's husband my.
Son of uncle my.
ft it if
Brother of wife my.
Suhri
AkhSna d'bakhtee
My other's brother.
tl U it
Brother of my wife.
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law.
n «
Brother-in-law mine.
Brother-in-law.
a n
tt H
tl 11
It It
tt tt
11 tt
tt It
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law.
u t(
t( (C
(( It
Wife's brother.
My brother-in-law,
u tt tt
Brother-in-law my.
tt « tt
My brother-in-law.
(4 tt if
Son.
Wife's brother my.
Fear uio pkiuthar cbeille
Brawd ynnghy fraith
Syalah. b Syalakah
Svo^er. Sosters mand
Svager
Athum
Z wager
Reihtswaer
Swoger
Sch waiter
Srhwager
Mon beau-frere
Cunhado
Cognati
Maritus sororis
Kedestes
Laigon&s
Muj swat
Muj swat
Zet mi
Zet mi
Moi dever
EuTshtim
NaalS.ni
187. Brother-in law (wife's sister's husband).
Translation.
188. Sister-in-law (wife's sister).
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
2!)
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
:J>7
38
39
Zoj bint ammi
Daughter of uncle my.
Sister's husband of wife my.
Husband of my wife's sister.
My other's sister's man.
tt tt tt tt
Sister's husband of wife mine.
Sister's husband of wife.
Wife's sister's husband.
The husband of my sister-in-law.
Wife's sister's husband.
tt ft tt
Husbands of two sisters.
Brother-in-law my.
Brother-in-law.
My brother-in-law.
Husband of my wife's sister.
Wife's sister's husband my.
Daughter of uncle my.
ft ft tt tt
Sister of my wife.
Sister of my wife.
My other's sister,
tt tt tt
Sister of my wife.
My sister-iu-Iaw.
Sister-in-law.
(f U
Sister-in-law my.
Sister-in-law.
« tt
tt tt
it ti
ti tt
it tt
it it
My sister-in-law.
Sister-in-law,
tt tt
if it
u u
Wife's sister.
My sister-in-law,
tt ft tt
Sister-in-law (Turkish).
My sister-in-law.
tt it tt
Sister-in-law my.
tt tt tt
Audili
Barakhmatee
Far driflur mo chelT
Driffur mo ch&H
Brathair ceille mo rnhua
Syalika
Svigerinde. b Kones soster
Maggona. b Tengdasystur min. ...
Der uiaiiu meiuer suhwagerin
Concuiihado
Badjanak (Turkish)
126
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE I. — Continued.
189. Sister-iu-law (husband's sister).
Translation.
190. Sister-in-law (brother's wife).
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Bint m '
Daughter of uncle ray.
a ii ii
Sister of husband my.
Sister-in-law my.
My other's sister.
11 11 11
Sister of my husband.
My sister-in-law.
Sister-in-law.
Sister-in-law. (b Man's sister.)
Sister-in-law mine.
Sister-in-law.
11 <!
11
11
11
it
it
My sister-in-law.
My sister-in-law by courtesy.
Sister-in-law.
41 It
(( 11
Husband's sister.
My sister-in-law,
u tt 11
Sister-in-law my.
Sister-in-law.
My sister-in-law.
tt it tt
Sister-in-law my.
tt ti tt
Husband's sister my.
Ararat akhi
Wife of brother my.
ti it ti tt
Sister-in-law my.
Sister my.
Sister-in-law.
My brother's woman.
Wife of my brother,
it tt it ii
My sister-in-law.
Brother's wife.
Sister-in-law. b Brother's wife.
Sister-in-law mine.
Sister-in-law.
a ii
ti i
ti i
nt .
ti i
ii i
My sister-in-law.
Sister-iu-law.
it it
ii ii
My sisler-in-law.
it it tt
Sister-in-law my.
tt it ti
My sister-in-law.
My brother's wife.
Wife of brother my.
Brother's my wife.
Silfati
Kliata d'jroree
Y'chimti
Khatee
Dalles
Beau mo bhrathair
Beu my braar
Chwaer ynughy fraith
Prajavati
Svigerinde. b Broders kone.
Maggona. » Systur Manns rains..
Maggona. b Br5dur koua mins...
Schwiigerin
Schwagerin
Canada politica
Glos
Fratria .
Galos
Mosza
Moja zolovka
Ma swatine. b Swagrina
Zolovka. b Sestritza
Zulva
Moja zolovka
Gorfimeh mun
NatonI
191. Sister-in-law (husband's brother's
wife).
Translation.
192. Two father's-in-law to each other.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
S3
34
35
36
37
38
39
Ararat ibn ammi
Wife of son of unole my.
11 it it 11 tt
Sister-in-law my.
Wife of my husband's brother.
Sister-in-law.
My other's brother's woman.
Sister-in-law.
Wife of brother of man my.
Wife of brother.
My brother-in-law's wife.
The wife of my brother-in-law.
Husband's brother's wife,
it 11 it
11 it 11
Wives of brothers.
Sister-in-law my.
Sister-iu-law.
My sister-in-law.
Sister-iu-law.
Brother's wife my.
Uncle of son my.
Marriage relations.
Marriage relations.
(If not of same family.)
Not related.
The fathers of the married pair.
Marriage relations.
Silfati
Y'clrimtl
Nare ess
Ban drihar mo ehell
Yata
Kona brodur manns minfl.. . .
Svagerska
Meines schwagers frau
Die frau ineiuea schwagers
Concufiada
Concunhada
Jamitrices
Einateres
Etnrva mi
.Svat
Eltl-m
Svat
Father-in-law.
Idemta
Kalynl
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
127
TABLE I. — Continued.
193. Two mothers-in-law to each other.
Translation.
194. Widow.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Wife of uncle of son my.
Marriage relations.
Marriage relations.
(If not of same family.)
Not related.
The mothers of the married pair.
Mother-in-law.
Widow.
<
i
i
t
t
t
t
Widow (wedder — single).
u
M
It
H
((
U
a
t
i
<
t
t
A widow.
Widow.
M
U
M
tt
u
tt
M
M
(C
tt
tt
it
tt
it
Enke
Ekkya . .
Enka
Laf
Widdefrau
Wittfrau. b Wittwe
Wittwe
Vidua '
Naszle
Wdowa
Vdovitsa
Leskf
195. Widower.
Translation.
196. Twins.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
21;
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Widower.
«
M
It
il
fl
tt
•
H
a
H
M
({
|
(
1
I
I
A TV i dower.
Widower.
H
M
H
M
tt
it
M
H
11
•
H
M
H
H
T6me
Twins.
u
tt
Pairs.
Twins.
A pair.
Twins.
it
H
tt
it
It
it
tt
tt
tt
tt
it
tt
it
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
It
tt
it
tt
tt
tt
it
•Taum
T'omim
Beirth b Deesh
Efilliaid
Ekkill
Tviburar
Twins
Z welling
Widdeman
Wittmaun. b Wittwer
Wittwer
Viduo
Gemelli. bMellizi
Viduus
Naszlyg
Wdowiec
Blinatzi
Dvoini
Dfil ...
Ekiz
Zhunebee
Iker
PART II.
CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP.
GANOWANIAN FAMILY
WITH A TABLE.
17 Deoemoer, 1869. i -, on \
CHAPTER I.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS, TOGETHER WITH AN ANALYSIS OF THE SYSTEM.
Evidence of the Unity of Origin of the Indian Family— Name proposed for this Family — Their System elaborate
and complicated — Opulence of Nomenclatures — Usages tending to its Maintenance — American Indians, when
related, salute by Kin — Never address each other by Personal Name — Manner of Procuring their System of Rela-
tionship— White Interpreters — Indians speaking English — Their Progress in this respect — Many Languages now
accessible — Others which are not — The Table — Dialectical Variation — Less than has been supposed — Advan-
tages of a Uniform Notation — Of Using same Pronominal Forms — Etymologies of Terms lost — Identity of the
System throughout the Family — Deviations from Uniformity — Their Uses — The Tribal Organization — Prohibi-
tion of Intermarriage in the Tribe — Descent in the Female Line — Exceptions — Two Great Divisions of the
Family — Roving Indians — Village Indians — Intermediate Nations — Three Stages of Political Organization —
The Tribe, the Nation, and the Confederacy of Nations — Founded upon Consanguinity, Dialect, and Stock Lan-
guage— Numbers of the American Aborigines overestimated — Analysis of their System of Relationship.
THE recognized families of mankind have received distinctive names, which are
not only useful and convenient in description, but serve to register the progress of
ethnology as well. Up to the present time the linguistic evidence of the unity of
origin of the American aborigines has not been considered sufficiently complete
to raise them to the rank of a family, although the evidence from physical charac-
teristics, and from institutions, manners, and customs, tends strongly in the direction
of unity of origin. Altogether these currents of testimony lead so uniformly to
this conclusion that American ethnologists have very generally adopted the opinion
of their genetic connection as the descendants of a common parent nation. In the
ensuing chapters additional and independent evidence, drawn from their system
of relationship, will be produced, establishing, as we believe, their unity of origin,
and, consequently, their claim to the rank of a family of nations. The name
proposed for this family is the Ganowanian; to consist of the Indian nations
represented in the table, and of such other nations as are hereafter found to
possess the same system of relationship. This term is a compound from Ga'-no,
an arrow, and Wa-a'-no, a bow, taken from the Seneca dialect of the Iroquois
language, which gives for its etymological signification the family of " the Bow and
Arrow."1 It follows the analogy of "Aryan," from cm/a, which, according to Miiller,
signifies " one who ploughs or tills," and of " Turanian," from tura, which, according
to the same learned author, " implies the swiftness of the horseman." Should the
family thus christened become ultimately merged in the Turanian or Indo-American,
1 Ga-no-wa/-ni-an : a, as a in father ; ft, as a in at ; a, as a in ale.
(131)
132 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
which is not improbable, the term would still remain as an appropriate designation
for the American division.
There are several features in the elaborate system of relationship about to be
presented that will arrest attention, and, perhaps, prompt inquiries, some of which
it may be advisable to anticipate.
It may be premised, first, that every relationship which is discriminated by the
Aryan family, as well as a large number unnoticed, is recognized by the Gano-
wanian ; secondly, that the nomenclatures of relationship in the dialects of the latter
family are more opulent than those of any other, not excepting the Turanian;
and thirdly, that their system is so diversified with specializations and so compli-
cated in its classifications as to require careful study to understand its structure
and principles. Upon the strength of these statements it may be asked how rude
and uncultivated Indians have been able to maintain such a system of relationship
as that unfolded in the table \ and, lastly, how it was possible to prosecute, through
so many unwritten dialects, the minute inquiries necessary to its full development,
and to verify the results ? The answers to these questions have such a direct
bearing upon the truthfulness of the table, upon which the final results of this
research must depend, as to overcome, in a great measure, the repugnance of the
author to refer to his personal labors in tracing out this extraordinary system of
relationship amongst the American Indian nations ; and he trusts that the necessity
which impels him to such a reference will be received as a sufficient apology.
A single usage disposes of the first of the proposed questions. The American
Indians always speak to each other, when related, by the term of relationship, and
never by the personal name of the individual addressed. In familiar intercourse,
and in formal salutation, they invariably address each other by the exact relation-
ship of consanguinity or affinity in which they stand related. I have put the
question direct to native Indians of more than fifty different nations, in most cases
at their villages or encampments, and the affirmance of this usage has been the
same in every instance. Over and over again it has been confirmed by personal
observation. When it is considered that the number of those who are bound
together by the recognized family ties is several times greater than amongst
ourselves, where remote collateral relatives are practically disowned, the necessity
for each person to understand the system through all its extent to enable him to
address his kinsman by the conventional term of relationship becomes at once
apparent. It is not only the custom to salute by kin, but an omission to recognize
in this manner a relative, would, amongst most of these nations, be a discourtesy
amounting to an affront. In Indian society the mode of address, when speaking
to a relative, is the possessive form of the term of relationship; e. g., my father,
my elder brother, my grandson, my nephew, my niece, my uncle, my son-in-law, my
brotlier-in-law, and so on throughout the recognized relationships. If the parties
are not related, then my friend. The effect of this custom in imparting as well as
preserving a knowledge of the system through all of its ramifications is sufficiently
obvious. There is another custom which renders this one a practical necessity.
From some cause, of which it is not necessary here to seek an explanation, an
American Indian is reluctant to mention his own personal name. It would be a
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 133
violation of good manners for an Indian to speak to another Indian by his name.
If I ask one to tell me his name he will probably comply with my request after a
moment's hesitation, because, as an American, the question is not singular from
me ; but, even then, if he has a companion with him, the latter will at once relieve
him from embarrassment by answering in his place.1 In repeated instances I have
verified this peculiarity in widely separated localities. This reserve in the use
of personal names has tended to prevent the relaxation of the usage of addressing
by kin, whilst, at the same time, it has contributed powerfully to the knowledge
and maintenance of the system. It may also be stated, as a summary of the causes
which have contributed to its perpetuation, that it is taught to each in childhood,
and practised by all through life. Amongst the numerous and widely scattered
nations represented in the table the system of consanguinity and affinity therein
unfolded is, at this moment, in constant practical daily use.
To the second question the answer is equally plain. Thirty years ago it would
have been impossible to work out this system of relationship, in its details, in any
considerable number of the languages named, from the want of a medium of com-
munication. There are nations still on the Pacific side of the continent whose
languages are not sufficiently opened to render them accessible, except for the
most common purposes. The same difficulty, also, exists with respect to some
of the nations of New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and of the Upper Missouri. The
trapper and the trader who spend their lives in the mountains, or at the posts
of the Fur Companies, usually acquire so much only of each language as is
necessary to their vocation, although there are instances among this class of men
where particular languages have been fully acquired after a residence of twenty or
thirty years in the Indian country ; as in the case of Robert Meldrum, of the Crow
language, of Alexander Culbertson, of the Blackfoot, and of James Kipp, of the
Mandan. Even the Missionaries do not acquire the complete range of an Indian
language until after a residence of fifteen or twenty years among the people
expended in its constant study and use. The difficulty of filling up one of the
schedules was by no means inconsiderable when perfectly competent white inter-
preters were employed. The schedule used contains two hundred and thirty-four
distinct questions, all of which were necessary to develop the system without passing
beyond the third collateral line except to elicit the indicative relationships. To
follow it through without confusion of mind is next to impossible, except by
persons accustomed to investigation. With a white interpreter the first obstacle
was the want of a systematic knowledge of our own method of arranging and
describing kindred. He had, perhaps, never had occasion to give the subject a
1 Indian names are single, and in almost all cases significant. When a nation is subdivided into
tribes, the names are tribal property, and are kept distinct. Thus, the Wolf Tribe of the Senecas have
a class of names which have been handed down from generation to generation, and are so well known
that among the Iroquois the tribe of the person can generally be determined from his or her name.
As their names are single, the connection of brothers and sisters could not be inferred from them, nor
that of father and son. Many of the nations have a distinct set of names for childhood, another for
maturity, and still another for old age, which are successively changed.
134 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
moment's reflection ; and when he was taken through the second or more remote
collateral line, with a description of each person by the chain of consanguinity, he
was first bewildered and then confounded in the labyrinth of relationships. It was
necessary, in most cases, to explain to him the method of our own system; after
which the lineal and first collateral line, male and female, and the marriage rela-
tionship in this line, were easily and correctly obtained from the native through
him ; and also the first relationships in the second collateral line in its several
branches. But, on passing beyond these, another embarrassment was encountered
in the great and radical differences between the Indian system and our own, which
soon involved the interpreter in new difficulties more perplexing than the first.
Suffice it to state that it required patient and often repeated attempts to prosecute
the questions successfully to the end of the schedule ; and when the work was
finally completed it was impossible not to be suspicious of errors. The schedule,
however, is so framed as, from its very fulness, to be, in many respects, self-correc-
tive. It was also certain to develop the indicative relationships of the system
however defective it might prove to be in some of its details. The hindrances
here referred to were restricted to cases where white interpreters were necessarily
used.
Another and the chief answer to the supposed question is found in the progress
made, within the last thirty years, in the acquisition of our language by a number
of natives in the greater part of the Indian nations represented in the table.
The need of our language as a means of commercial and political intercourse has
been seriously felt by them ; and, within the period named, it has produced great
changes amongst them in this respect. At the present time among the emigrant
Indian nations in Kansas, in the Indian territory occupied by the Cherokees,
Creeks, and Choctaws, in the territories of Nebraska and Dakota, and also among
the nations still resident in the older States, as the Iroquois in New York, the
Ojibwas on Lake Superior, and the Dakotas in Minnesota, there are many Indians,
particularly half-bloods, who speak our language fluently. Some of them are
educated men. The Indian has proved his linguistic capacities by the facility and
correctness with which he has learned to speak the English tongue. It is, also,
not at all uncommon to find an Indian versed in several aboriginal languages. To
this class of men I am chiefly indebted for a knowledge of their system of relation-
ship, and for that intelligent assistance which enabled me to trace out its minute
details. Knowing their own method of classification perfectly, and much better
than we do our own, they can, as a general rule, follow the branches of the several
collateral lines with readiness and precision. It will be seen, therefore, that with
a native sufficiently versed in English to understand the simple form used in the
schedule to describe each person, it was only necessary to describe correctly the
person whose relationship was sought to ascertain the relationship itself. In this
way the chain of consanguinity was followed step by step through the several
branches of each collateral line until the latter were merged in the lineal. With
a knowledge, on my own part, of the radical features of the Indian system, and
of the formulas of our own, there was no confusion of ideas between my interlocutor
and myself since we were able to understand each other fully. If, at times, he
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 135
lost the connection in following the thread of consanguinity, we commenced again ;
recording the several degrees, as we advanced, by counting the fingers on each
hand, or resorting to some other device to preserve the continuity of the line we
were following. If his knowledge of English was limited, which was frequently
the case, it was always manifest whether or not he understood the question, in a
particular instance, by his answer. It will thus be seen that to obtain their system
of relationship it was far preferable to consult a native Indian, who spoke English
even imperfectly, rather than a white interpreter well versed in the Indian language.
Every question on the schedule was made personal to obtain the precise term of
relationship used by Ego, when addressing the person described. Aside from the
reason that this is the true method of ascertaining the exact relationship, the
Indian sometimes uses, when speaking of a relative, a different term from the one
used when speaking to him ; and if he employs the same term in both cases the
pronominal form is usually different. The following are illustrations of the form
of the question: "What do I call my father's brother when I speak to him." If
the question is asked a Seneca Indian he will answer "Ha'-nih," my father. " What
do I call my father's brother's son if he is older than myself]" He will answer
" Ha'-je" my elder brother. " What do I call my father's brother's son's son V
He will answer " Ha-ali' -wuk" my son. "What should I call the same person
were I a woman 1" He will reply " Ha-so'-neh," my nephew. After going through
all of the questions on the schedule in this manner, with a native speaking English,
settling the orthography, pronunciation, and accent of each term by means of
frequent repetitions, and after testing the work where it appeared to be necessary,
I was just as certain of the correctness of the results as I could have been if a
proficient in this particular Indian language. The same mode of procedure was
adopted, whether a native speaking English or a white interpreter speaking Indian
was employed. Such schedules as were obtained through the former agency were
always the most satisfactory, and procured with the least labor.
It is a singular fact, but one which I have frequently verified, that those
Americans who are most thoroughly versed in Indian languages, from a long
residence in the Indian country, are unacquainted with their system of relationship
except its general features. It does not appear to have attracted their attention
sufficiently to have led to an investigation of its details even as a matter of curiosity.
Not one of the number have I ever found who, from his own knowledge, was able
to fill out even a small part of the schedule. Even the missionaries, who are
scholars as well as proficients in the native languages, were unfamiliar with its
details, as they had no occasion to give the matter a special examination. The
Rev. Cyrus Byington, who had spent upwards of forty years of missionary life
among the Choctas, wrote to me that " it required the united strength of the
mission" to fill out correctly the Chocta schedule in the table ; but the difficulty
was not so much in the system of consanguinity, although it contained some extra-
ordinary features, as in following the several lines and holding each person
distinctly before the mind as formally described in the schedule. The same is also
true of the returned missionaries from Asia, Africa, and the islands of the Pacific,
as to the system of relationship which prevailed among the people with whom they
136 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
had severally resided for years. The attention of many of them had been arrested
by peculiarities in the classification of kindred, but the subject, from its very nature,
was without the range of their investigations. But with native assistance this class
of men possess peculiar qualifications for reaching the details of the system. The
most perfectly executed schedules in the tables were furnished by the American
Home and Foreign Missionaries. On the other hand, the rudest Indian is familiar
with the system of his own nation, having used it constantly throughout its entire
range from early childhood. He will follow you through the several branches
of each line with but little embarrassment if you can manage to engage him in the
work. It requires experience, as well as a knowledge of the Indian character, to
hold a native to a protracted labor of such a tedious character, and to overcome
his aversion to continuous mental exertion. He is, also, suspicious of literary
investigations unless he understands the motive which prompts them ; and sensitive
to ridicule, when their peculiar usages are sought, from his knowledge of their
great unlikeness to our own. After answering a few questions he may abruptly
turn away and refuse to be interrogated further unless his interest is awakened by
a sufficient inducement. It was not always possible to complete a schedule without
consulting the matrons of the tribe. They are skilled in relationships beyond the
males, and can resolve, with facility, questions of remote consanguinity, if the
person is described with sufficient accuracy to show who is intended. A sketch of
the incidents connected with the procurement of such of the schedules as were
worked out by the writer in the Indian country would furnish a number of singular
illustrations of Indian character.
Another fact will become apparent upon a close examination of the table, namely,
the near approach of the terms of relationship to each other in the several dialects
of the same stock-language ; or, in other words, the small amount of dialectical
change these words have undergone, as compared with other words in the published
vocabularies of the same dialects. This was a matter of no slight surprise to the
author. It may be accounted for in part by the constant use of these terms in
every family, and among the members of different families which would tend to
preserve uniformity of pronunciation ; but the chief reason is that these dialects, in
reality, are much nearer to each other than is shown by the ordinary vocabularies.
The greater portion of the schedules in Table II attached to Part II were
filled out by the writer, using the same notation, and after hearing the words, or
terms of relationship, many times repeated by native speakers. This, of itself,
would tend to keep the amount of dialectical variation within its actual limits. On
the contrary, the published vocabularies were made by different persons, using
notations not uniform, and in many cases none at all, which, of itself, would tend
to exaggerate the amount of change. The words in the table are also given with
the pronoun my in combination with the root, which in Indian languages is a
matter of much importance where the words are to be used for philological pur-
poses. The pronoun my or mine, if not in every case inseparable, enters so con-
stantly into combination with terms of a personal kind, and with names for objects
which are personal, that a very marked change is produced in the word itself
when the pronominal form is changed. The following may be taken as illustrations : —
OF TUB HUMAN FAMILY.
137
My father.
Thy "
His "
Our "
Your "
Their "
Kenistenaux or Cree.
Noh --tab- we'.
Koh'-ta-we'.
Oh'-tii-we'.
Koolr-ta-we'.
Koh'-ta-we-woo'.
Oolr-tii-we-woo-wa'
My mother. N'-ga'-we.
Thy " Ke-ga'-we.
His " Oh'-ga'-we-a,
Our " Ke-ga-we-nan'.
Your " Ke-ga-we-woo'.
Their " Oh'-ga'-we-woo-a'.
Cherokee.
A-do'-da.
Seneca-Iroquois.
Ha'-nih.
Tsa-do'-da.
Ya'-nih.
Oo-do'-da.
Ho'-nih.
E-ge-do'-da.
E.-tse-do-da.
Sa-dwa'nih.
Sez-wa'-nih.
Oo-ne-do'-da.
Ha-go'-nih.
A'-tse.
Is-huh'-tse.
Noh-yeh'.
Ga-no'-eh.
Oo'tse.
Hoo-no'-eh.
E-ge'tse.
E-tse'-tse.
A-te'no-eh.
A-che'-no-eh.
Oo-ne'-tse.
Ho-un-de-no'-eh.
These pronominal inflections are carried much further in the Ganowanian lan-
guages than philologists have generally supposed, although this characteristic has
been fully recognized.1 From the fact that the terms of relationship almost uni-
versally involve the pronoun it became important — to secure the advantages which
would result from a comparison of these terms as well as for ascertaining the direct
relationship to Ego of his blood kindred — that all the answers to the questions in the
table should be in the same pronominal form. These questions, therefore, are to
be understood as made in the direct form. " What do I call the person (described
in the question) when I speak to him by the relationship which he sustains to
me V and the term given in the table is to be understood as responsive to the
question in this form ; e. g., " my father," " my son," " my nephew." It would be
impossible for an American Indian, in most of the nations, to use one of these terms
in the abstract.2 There are some exceptions.
1 There are specializations in the dual and plural numbers which, so far as the writer is aware,
have never been presented by Indian grammarians. My attention was first called to these additional
inflections by the Rev. Evan Jones, who for upwards of forty years has been a missionary among the
Cherokees, and who during this period has fully mastered the structure and principles of this lan-
guage. The pronoun myself in the Cherokee is perfect and independent ; the pronoun my, as also
in Iroquois, is capable of a separate inflection ; and all the terms of relationship pass through the
same form. The following illustrations are from the Cherokee : —
a a
cc
&
Person. Myself.
/• 1. A-gwa'-suh, Myself.
•J 2. Tsa'-suh, Thyself.
( 3. Oo-wa'-suh, Himself.
I 1 & 2. Ge'-na-suh, Ourselves, thou and I.
1 & 3. O-ge-na'-suh, Ourselves, he and I.
2. Sda'-suh,
1 & 2. E-ga'-suh,
1 & 3. O-ga'-suh,
2.
3.
E-tsa'-suh,
. O-na'-suh,
Yourselves, you two.
Ourselves, three or more of
yon and me.
Ourselves, three or more of
them and me.
Yourselves, three or more.
Themselves.
My or mine.
A-gwa-tsa'-le, Mine.
Tsa-tsa'-le, Thine.
Oo-tsa'-le,
Gin-e-tsa'-le,
O-gin'-a-tsa-le, His and mine.
Sta-tsa'-le, Yours, you two.
E-ga-tsa'-le, Ours, yours and mine.
His.
Ours, thine and mine.
My elder sister.
Un'-ge-do.
Tsuu'-doh.
Oo-doh'.
Gin-e-doh'.
O-gin'-e-doh.
Sta-doh'.
E-ge-doh'.
O-ga-tsa'-le, Ours, thine and mine. 0-ge-doh'.
E-ga-taa -le,
Oo-tsa'-le,
Yours, three or more.
Theirs.
E-tse-doh'.
Oo-ne-doh'.
3 Many of the words used in the formal vocabularies of the philologists are inferior for comparison,
particularly such as are generic, as tree, fish, deer; such as relate to objects which are personal, as
18 December, 1869.
138 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
It was found impossible to recover the etymological signification of the terms of
relationship. This signification has long since disappeared beyond retrieval. In
a few instances the terms are still significant ; but we know at once, from that fact,
that these terms are of modern introduction. The preservation of the meanings of
this class of words in languages which have been simply oral from time immemo-
rial would have been more remarkable than the loss, since presumptively the larger
portion of these terms must have originated in the primitive speech.
A comparison, in detail, of the forms of consanguinity which prevail in the
nations represented in the table (Table II, Part II) will disclose a number
of deviations from uniformity. These deviations, since they do not invade the
radical features of the system, are invested with special importance. They are
insufficient to lessen the number of fundamental characteristics which should be
common in order to demonstrate, by internal evidence, the common origin of the
system. In general plan, minute details, and apparent design it is one and the
same throughout, with the exception of the Eskimo, which detaches itself from the
Ganowanian connection. It will be seen and recognized that it is far more difficult
to maintain unchanged a complicated and elaborate system of relationship than
one which is free from complexity ; although it may be found to be as difficult for
one as the other to depart essentially from its radical form. Absolute uniformity in
such a system of relationship as the one about to be considered is a naked impos-
sibility. Where we know that the period of separation of the several branches of
the family from each other must be measured by centuries, not to say by decades
of centuries of time, it would be to exclude at once development and modification,
both of which, within narrow limits, are inseparable from all~ systems of rela-
tionship. When this comparison has been made, the inconsiderable amount
of deviation and the constancy of the indicative features of the system will
occasion the greater surprise. These diversities were, for a time, a source of
much perplexity ; but as the range of investigation widened their limits began to
be circumscribed. They appeared to have taken their rise far back in the past, and
to have perpetuated themselves in the several subdivisions of that branch of the
family in which they originated It was perceived at once that they might envelop
a record still decipherable of the immediate genetic connection of those nations,
however widely separated geographically, in whose domestic relationship these
diversities were common. If they could deliver any testimony upon such questions,
they were worthy of careful investigation. These deviations thus become attractive
head, mouth, nose, or which are subject to personal ownership, as hat, pipe, tomahawk, and so on.
In most of our Indian languages there are names for the different species of trees, and of animals,
but no generic name for tree, or fish, or deer. The pronoun also is nsually,found incorporated with
the names of the different organs of the body, and with the names of objects which are personal. If,
for example, I ask an Indian, "What do you call this ?" touching the hat of a person standing near
me, he will reply, " His hat;" if I point to mine, "Your hat," and if to his own, he will say, "My hat."
This element of change tends to impair the usefulness of these words for comparison. ^Such terms
as are founded upon generalizations, as spring, summer, morning, evening, are of but little value.
Many of the words commonly used, however, are free from objection, such as fire, water, rain, hail,
hot, cold, jngeon, crow, elk ; the names of the colors, the numerals, and other words of that character.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 139
rather than repellent as blemishes upon the system. They also furnish some inde-
pendent testimony concerning the migrations of the Ganowanian family.
A brief explanation of the tribal organization as it now prevails amongst the
American aborigines is necessary to a right understanding of the terms tribe and
nation, as used in American Ethnology. This organization has some connection
with the origin of some portion of the classificatory system of relationship. It is
generally found that all the people speaking the same dialect are under one inde-
pendent political government. For this reason they are called a nation, although
numbering but a few hundred, and at most but a few thousand persons. Dialect
and nation, therefore, are coextensive, as employed in Indian ethnography. Such
is usually the case with respect to civilized nations where language becomes the
basis of the distinction. The use of the term nation instead of tribe, to distinguish
such small communities was rendered the more necessary, because the greater pro-
portion of these so called Indian nations were each subdivided into a number of
tribes, which were such in the strict generic sense of the term. The Scr.eca-
Iroquois, for example, are subdivided into eight tribes, the Wolf, Bear, Beaver,
Turtle, Deer, Snipe, Heron, and Hawk. Each tribe is a great family of consan-
guinei, the tribal name preserving and proclaiming the fact that they are the lineal
descendants of the same person. It embraces, however, but a moiety of such
person's descendants. The separation of a portion, and their transference to other
tribes, were effected by the prohibition of intermarriage between individuals of
the same tribe, and by limiting tribal descent to the female line. None of the
members of the Wolf or other tribes were allowed to intermarry in their own
tribe. A woman of the Wolf tribe might marry a man of any other tribe
than her own, but the children of the marriage were of her tribe. If she married
a Cayuga or even an Alien, her children would be Senecas of the Wolf tribe, since
the mother confers both her nationality and her tribal name upon her children. In
like manner her daughters must marry out of the tribe, but the children would
nevertheless belong to the Wolf tribe. On the other hand, her sons must also
marry women of other tribes, and their children, belonging to the tribes of their
respective mothers, are lost to the Wolf connection. The eight tribes are, in this
manner, intermingled throughout the nation, two tribes being necessarily repre-
sented in the heads of every family.
A tribe may be denned as a group of consanguinei, with descent limited either
to the male or to the female line. Where descent is limited to the male line, the
tribe would consist of a supposed male ancestor and his children, together with the
descendants of his sons in the male line forever. It would include this ancestor
and his children, the children of his sons, and all the children of his lineal male
descendants, whilst the children of the daughters of this ancestor, and all the chil-
dren of his female descendants would be transferred to the tribes of their respec-
tive fathers. Where descent is limited to the female line, the tribe would consist
of a supposed female ancestor and her children, together with the descendants of
her daughters in the female line forever. It would include the children of this
ancestor, the children of her daughters, and all the children of her lineal female
descendants, whilst the children of the sons of this ancestor, and all the children of
140 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
her male descendants would be transferred to the tribes of their respective mothers.
Modifications of this form of the tribe may have existed, but this is the substance
of the institution.
Each tribe thus becomes territorially coextensive with the nation, since they were
not separated into independent communities.1 For the reason, therefore, that there
are several tribes of the Senecas, they cannot be called collectively the Seneca tribe ;
but inasmuch as they all speak the same dialect and are under one political organi-
zation, there is a manifest propriety in calling them the Seneca nation. Among
the nations whose institutions were the most developed, the office of sachem or chief
was hereditary in the female line. Each tribe had the right to furnish its own civil
ruler, and consequently the office could never pass out of the tribe. One singular
result of this institution relating to the descent of official dignities was the perpetual
disinheritance of the sons of sachems. As father and son were necessarily of dif-
ferent tribes, the son could not succeed to his father's office. It passed to the
sachem's brother, who was of the same tribe, or to one of the sons of one of his
sisters, who was also of the same tribe, the choice between them being determined
by election. This was the rule among the Iroquois, among a portion of the
Algonkin nations, and also among the Aztecs. In a number of Indian nations
descent is now limited to the male line, with the same prohibition of intermarriage
in the tribe, and the son succeeds to the father's office. There are reasons for
believing that this is an innovation upon the ancient custom, and that descent in
the female line was once universal in the Ganowanian family.
The aboriginal inhabitants of North America, when discovered, were divided into
two great classes, or were found in two dissimilar conditions ; each of which
represented a distinct mode of life. The first and lowest condition was that of the
Roving Indians, who lived chiefly upon fish, and also upon game. They were
entirely ignorant of agriculture. Each nation inhabited a particular area which
they defended as their home country ; but roamed through it without being sta-
tionary in any locality. They spent a part of the year at their fishing encamp-
ments, and the remainder in the mountains, or in the "forest districts most favora-
ble for game. Of this class the Athapascans, west of Hudson's Bay, the nations of
the valley of the Columbia, the Blackfeet, Shoshonees, Crees, Assiniboines, and
Dakotas, and the Great Lake and Missouri nations are examples. The second and
highest condition was that of the Village Indians, who were stationary in villages,
arid depended exclusively upon agriculture for subsistence. They lived in com-
1 Among the nations, besifles the Iroquois, who are subdivided into tribes, are the Wyandotes,
Winnebagoes, Otoes, Kaws, Osages, lowas, Omahas, Punkas, Cherokees, Creeks, Choetas, Chickasas,
Ojibwas, Otawas, Potawattamies, Sauks and Foxes, Menominies, Miamas, Shawnees, Delawares,
Mohegans, Munsees, Shoshonees, Comanches, the Village Indians of New Mexico, the Aztecs, and
some other ancient Mexican nations. Some of the Algonkin find Dakotan nations have lost the tribal
organization, which presumptively they once possessed, as the Crees and the Dakotas proper. It is not
found among the Athapascas, nor amongst the nations in the valley of the Columbia, although it is said
to prevail amongst the nations of the northwest coast. In addition to the Iroquois tribes above men-
tioned, the following may be named : Crane, Duck, Loon, Turkey, Musk-rat, Sable, Pike, Sturgeon,
Carp, Buffalo, Elk, Reindeer, Eagle, Hare, Babbit, and Snake.
OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 141
munal houses constructed of adobe brick, or of rubble-stone and mud mortar, or of
stone and mortar, and several stories high. This class had made considerable pro-
gress in civilization, but without laying aside their primitive domestic institutions.
The Village Indians of New Mexico, of Mexico, and Yucatan are examples of this
class. Between these two great divisions of the American aborigines there was a
third or intermediate class, which exhibited all the gradations of condition be-
tween them, apparently forming the connecting links uniting them in one great
family. The gradations were so uniform as to be substantially imperceptible, unless
the extremes were contrasted. These intermediate nations were the partially
Roving and partially Village Indians, who united agricultural subsistence with
that upon fish and game, and resided for the greater part of the year in villages.
Of this class the Iroquois, the Hurons, the Powhattan Indians of Virginia, the
Creek, Choctas, Natches, Sauks and Foxes, Mandans, and Minnetaries, are ex-
amples. The two classes of nations, with those intermediate in condition, represent
all the phases of Indian society, and possess homogeneous institutions, but under
different degrees of development.
In their civil organizations there are, and have been, but three stages of progres-
sive development, which are represented by the tribe, the nation, and the confede-
racy of nations. The unit of organization, or the first stage, was the tribe, all the
members of which, as consanguinei, were held together by blood affinities. The
second stage was the nation, which consisted of several tribes intermingled by mar-
riage, and all speaking the same dialect. They were held together by the affinities
of an identical speech. To them, as a nation, appertained the exclusive possession
of an independent dialect, of a common government, and of territorial possessions.
The greater proportion of the Ganowanian family never advanced beyond the
national condition. The last, and the ultimate stage of organization was the con-
federacy of nations. It was usually, if not invariably, composed of nations speaking
dialects of the same stock-language. The Iroquois, Otawa, Powhattan, and Creek
Confederacies, the Dakota League of the Seven Council Fires, the Aztec Confede-
racy between the Aztecs, Tezcucans, and Tlacopans, and the Tlascalan Confede-
racy are familiar examples. It thus appears, that whilst we have for our own
political series, the town, the county, the state, and the United States, which are
founded upon territory, each in turn resting upon an increasing territorial area cir-
cumscribed by metes and bounds, the American aborigines have for theirs, the tribe,
the nation, and the confederacy of nations, which are founded respectively upon
consanguinity, dialect, and stocJc-language. The idea of a state, or of an empire
in the proper sense of these terms, founded upon territory, and not upon persons,
with laws in the place of usages, with municipal government in the place of the
unregulated will of chiefs, and with a central executive government in the place
of a central oligarchy of chiefs, can scarcely be said to have existed amongst any
portion of our aboriginal inhabitants. Their institutions had not developed to this
stage, and never could have reached it until a knowledge of property and its iises
had been formed in their minds. It is to property considered in the concrete that
modern civilization must ascribe its origin.
With respect to their numbers, there are no reasons for believing that they were
142 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
ever very numerous, even in the most favored localities. Although spread over
immense areas and in the occupation of many fruitful regions, still, without field
agriculture, or flocks and herds, it was impossible that they should develop a large,
much more a dense population. They possessed neither flocks nor herds, and their
agriculture never rose above garden-bed culture, performed with no better imple-
ments than those of wood and bone. In the valley of Mexico, where there are
reasons for supposing that irrigation upon a large scale was practised, production
was greater than in other areas. But notwithstanding the exception to some
extent of this region, the current statements with reference to the numbers of the
American aborigines are unsupported by trustworthy evidence. The history of the
human family does not afford an instance of a large population without ample
pastoral subsistence or field agriculture. It may also be safely affirmed that the
real distance in social condition between the Aztecs, as one of the highest represen-
tatives of the Village Indians, and the Iroquois, as one of the highest representa-
tives of the Northern Indians, was not as great as has been generally supposed,
although the former had reached a state considerably more advanced. If the civil
and domestic institutions, arts, inventions, usages, and customs of the Northern
Indians are compared with those of the Southern Village Indians, so far as the
latter are reliably ascertained, whatever differences exist will be found to consist
in the degree of development of the same homogeneous conceptions of a common
mind, and not of ideas springing from a different source. With the common origin
of the Village and Northern Indians established, there is no further problem of
much difficulty in American Ethnology.
It now remains to present an analysis of the Indian system of relationship ; and
after that to take up in detail the system of the several nations represented in the
Table ; and to trace its radical characteristics as well as the extent of its distribu-
tion. It will be found that a common system prevails amongst all the nations
named therein, with the exception of the Eskimo.
The system of relationship considered in Part I was characterized as descriptive
because, in its original form, the collateral and a portion of the lineal consanguine!
of every person were described by a combination of the primary terms. For
example, the phrase " father's brother" was used to designate an uncle on the
father's side ; " brother's son" for a nephew, and " father's brother's son" for one
of the four male cousins. The discrimination of these relationships, in the con-
crete, was an aftergrowth in point of time, and exceptional in the system. After
it was effected and special terms had been introduced to express those relationships,
in some of the branches of the great families named, they were sufficient for the
designation of but a small portion of the blood kindred of each individual. At
least four-fifths within the limits of the first five collateral lines, and within six
degrees from the common ancestor, could only be indicated by means of descriptive
phrases. At the present time, therefore, it is a descriptive system. It has also
been called a natural system, because it is founded upon a correct appreciation of
the distinction between the lineal and several collateral lines, and of the perpetual
divergence of the latter from the former. Each relationship is thus specialized
and separated from every other in such a manner as to decrease its nearness, and
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 143
diminish its value according to the degree of the distance of each person from the
central Ego. By this formal recognition of the divergence of the streams of the
blood and the connection of consanguinei through common ancestors, the numerical
system suggested by the nature of descents was affirmed. It also assumed the
existence of marriage between single pairs.
In contradistinction from descriptive the term classificatory will be employed to
characterize the system of consanguinity and affinity of the Ganowanian, Turanian,
and Malayan families, which is founded upon conceptions fundamentally different.
Among the latter families consanguinei are never described by a combination of the
primary terms ; but on the contrary they are arranged into great classes or categories
upon principles of discrimination peculiar to these families. All the individuals of
the same class are admitted into one and the same relationship, and the same special
term is applied indiscriminately to each and all of them. For example, my father's
brother's son is my brother under the system about to be considered ; and I apply
to him the same term which I use to designate an own brother : the son of this
collateral brother and the son of my own brother are both my sons. And I apply
to them the same term I would use to designate my own son. In other words, the
person first named is admitted into the same relationship as my own brothers, and
these last named as my own sons. The principle of classification is carried to
every person in the several collateral lines, near and remote, in such a manner as
to include them all in the several great classes. Although apparently arbitrary
and artificial, the results produced by the classification are coherent and systematic.
In determining the class to which each person belongs, the degrees, numerically,
from Ego to the common ancestor, and from the latter to each kinsman, are strictly
regarded. This knowledge of the lines of parentage is necessary to determine the
classification. As now used and interpreted, with marriage between single pairs
actually existing, it is an arbitrary and artificial system, because it is contrary to
the nature of descents, confounding relationships which are distinct, separating
those which are similar, and diverting the streams of the blood from the collateral
channels into the lineal. Consequently, it is the reverse of the descriptive system.
It is wholly impossible to explain its origin on the assumption of the existence of
the family founded upon marriage between single pairs ; but it may be explained
with some degree of probability on the assumption of the antecedent existence of
a series of customs and institutions, one reformatory of the other, commencing with
promiscuous intercourse and ending with the establishment of the family, as now
constituted, resting upon marriage between single pairs.
From the complicated structure of the system it is extremely difficult to separate,
by analysis, its constituent parts and present them in such a manner as to render
them familiar and intelligible without close application. There are, however,
several fundamental conceptions embodied in the system, a knowledge of which
will contribute to its simplification. The most of them are in the nature of indi-
cative characteristics of the system, and may be stated as follows: First, all of the
descendants of an original pair are not only, theoretically, consanguinei, but all of
them fall within the recognized relationships. Secondly, relations by blood or
marriage are never described by a combination of the primary terms, but a single
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
special term, is applied to each of them. Persons who stand to Eyo in unequal
degrees, and who are related to him in different ways, are thus placed upon the
same level in the rank of their relationship. It makes no difference that it is a
false use of terms, for example, to call my father's brother my father, when he is not
my father in our sense of progenitor, since it is the Indian method of classification,
and with that alone we are now concerned. Thirdly, the several collateral lines
in every case are ultimately merged in the lineal line, by means of which the pos-
terity of my collateral consanguinei become my posterity. Fourthly, the relation-
ship of cousin is the most remote collateral degree which is recognized : conse-
quently, none of the descendants of an original pair can fall without this collateral
relationship. The number of recognized consanguinei is exceedingly multiplied by
the operative force of the last two provisions. Fifthly, the children of brothers are
brothers and sisters to each other; the children of sisters are brothers and sisters
to each other ; but the children of a brother and sister stand to each other in a dif-
ferent and more remote relationship. Sixthly, the relationship of uncle is restricted
to the mother's brothers, and to the brothers of such other persons as stand to Ego
in the relation of a mother. Seventhly, the relationship of aunt is restricted to the
sister of a father, and to the sisters of such other persons as stand to Ego in the
relation of a father. Eighthly, the relationships of nephew and niece arc restricted,
where Ego is a male, to the children of his sisters, and to the children of such col-
lateral persons as stand to him in the relation of a sister. But when Ego is a
female they are restricted to the children of her brother, and to the children of
such other persons as stand to her in the relation of a brother. Ninthly, the cor-
relative relationships are strictly applied ; the person whom I call grandson calls
me grandfather; the one I call nephew calls me uncle; the one I call father-in-law
calls me son-in-law; and so on through every recognized relationship. To each of
the foregoing propositions there are some exceptions, but they are few in number.
Lastly, whilst this system of relationship recognizes and upholds the bond of con-
sanguinity to an unprecedented extent, it contradicts, and attempts apparently to
thwart, the natural outflow of the streams of the blood. At the same time the
principles upon which it rests are enforted with rigorous precision.
An analysis of this system of relationship will develop its fundamental conceptions
in the form of independent propositions, by means of which a comparison can be
made between the several forms as they now exist in the branches of the family.
This comparison will determine whether or not the system is one and the same
throughout the family. At the same time the features in which there is a devia-
tion from uniformity will be separated from those which are constant. It will then
be seen whether these deviations invade any characteristics of the system which
must be regarded as fundamental, or simply represent an amount of contraction
and expansion which must be considered inseparable from its complicated structure.
It is, therefore, important that this analysis should.be rigorous and exact; and that
the points of disagreement should be not less definitely traced. Among the more
important questions involved in the final comparison to be made are the two
following : first, whether or not the forms which prevail in the several branches of
the Ganowanian family are identical in whatever is ultimate or radical; and secondly,
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 145
if identical throughout all these nations, whether or not it was transmitted to each
with the blood, involving, consequently, the genealogical connection of the nations
themselves.
The following propositions develop all of the material characteristics of the
system of relationship of the nations represented in the Table. They are severally
true of each and every form in each and every nation, with the exceptions stated.
I. Consanguine! are not described by a combination of primary terms, but are
classified into categories under some one of the recognized relationships, each of
which is expressed by a particular term.
II. The several collateral lines, in their several branches, are ultimately merged
in the lineal line.
III. In familiar intercourse and in formal salutation, consanguinei, near and
remote, address each other by the term of relationship.
IV. From Ego a male to the children of his brother a male, and from Ego a
female to the children of her sister a female, the relationship of these children to
Ego approaches in the degree of its nearness ; but from Ego a male, to the children
of a female, and from Ego a female to the children of a male, it recedes. There are
some exceptions to these rules.
V. Ascending one degree above Ego in the lineal line, and crossing over to the
first members of the four branches of the second collateral line, it follows again
that from male line to male line, and from female to female, the relationship
to Ego approaches in the degree of its nearness, while from male line to female
line, and from female to male, it recedes, and that irrespective of the sex of Ego.
To these rules there are a few exceptions. The father's sister, in some cases, is a
mother instead of an aunt, and the mother's brother, in two instances, is an elder
brother instead of an uncle.
VI. There are original terms for grandfather and grandmother, father and
mother, son and daughter, and grandson and granddaughter in all of the languages
represented in the Table without an exception. In a few instances some of these
terms are in common gender. These, with those of brother and sister, are called
the primary relationships.
VII. All of my ancestors above grandfather and grandmother, are my grand-
fathers and grandmothers, without further distinction, except that in some of the
nations they are discriminated as second, third, and more remote grandfathers and
grandmothers. In common usage, however, the former are the recognized
relationships. The Pawnee form is an exception.
VIII. All the brothers and sisters of my grandfather and of my grandmother,
and all the brothers and sisters of my several ancestors above the latter, are, without
distinction, my grandfathers and grandmothers, with the occasional modifications
stated in the. seventh proposition.
IX. All my descendants below grandson and granddaughter, are, without
distinction, my grandsons and granddaughters, with the occasional modifications
named in the seventh proposition. The Pawnee form is also an exception.
X. There is one term for elder brother and another for younger brother, one
term for elder sister and another for younger sister ; and no term for brother or
19 December, 1869.
146 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY
sister in the abstract, except in the plural number. These terms are not applied
to the oldest and youngest specifically, but to each and all who are older than the
brother or sister speaking. In several languages there is a double set of terms,
one of which is used by males, and the other by females. In some cases the term
for elder and younger sister is common. There are also a few instances in which
additional terms for brother and sister in the abstract are found.
XI. All the children of my several own brothers, and of my several collateral
brothers, myself a male, are my sons and daughters, and all the children of the latter
are my grandsons and granddaughters. There are exceptions to the first branch
of this proposition. In a few nations they are step-sons and step-daughters.
XII. All the children of my several own sisters, and of my several collateral
sisters, myself a male, are my nephews and nieces, and all the children of the latter
are my grandsons and granddaughters. The exceptions are few in number.
XIII. All the children of my several own brothers, and of my several collateral
brothers, myself a female, are my nephews and nieces. There are many exceptions.
The children of these nephews and nieces are my grandsons and granddaughters.
XIV. All the children of my several own sisters, and of my several collateral
sisters, myself a female, are my sons and daughters. The exceptions are few, and
chiefly confined to those cases where the relationship is that of step-son and step-
daughter. The children of these sons and daughters are my grandsons and grand-
daughters.
XV. All the brothers of my own father, and all the brothers of such other persons
as stand to me in the relation of a father, are my fathers ; and all the sisters of my
own mother, and of such other persons as stand to me in the relation of a mother,
are severally my mothers, the same as by own mother. In several nations they
are step-fathers and step-mothers ; in some others they are little fathers and little
mothers.
XVI. All the brothers of my own mother, and all the brothers of such other
persons as stand to me in the relation of a mother, are severally my uncles ; and
all the sisters of my own father, and all the sisters of such other persons as stand
to me in the relation of a father, are severally my aunts. In a few nations the
relationship of aunt is not recognized, in which cases my father's sisters are my
mothers. In two nations that of uncle is unknown, in which cases my mother's
brothers are my elder brothers.
-ff~ XVII. All the children of several brothers are brothers and sisters to each other;
and they use, in each case, the respective terms for elder and younger brother, and
for elder and younger sister, which they do in the case of own brothers and sisters.
Exceptions exist in the limited number of nations in which step-father and step-
son are used. Among them the relationship is that of step-brother and step-sister.
XVIII. All the sons of the sons of several brothers are brothers to each other,
elder or younger ; all the sons of the latter are brothers again, and the same rela-
tionship of males in the male line continues downward indefinitely, so long as each
of these persons stands at the same degree of remove from the original brother.
But when one is further advanced, by a single degree, than the other, the rule
which turns the collateral line into the lineal at once applies : thus, the son of
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 147
either of these my collateral, elder/tor younger, brothers, myself being a male, be-
comes my son, and the son of the latter is my grandson.
XIX. All the children of several sisters are brothers and sisters to each other;
and the terms of relationship are applied as in the last case. The exceptions also
are the same.
XX. All the daughters of the daughters of several sisters are sisters to each
other, elder or younger, and the daughters of the latter are sisters again ; and the
relationship of females in the female line continues to be that of sisters, elder or
younger, at equal removes, downward indefinitely, with the same result as in the
former case, where one is further removed than the other from the original sisters.
XXI. All the children of several brothers on the one hand, and of the several
sisters of these brothers on the other, are cousins to each other among some of the
nations. Among other nations the males of the former class are uncles to the
males and females of the latter class ; and the males and -females of the latter are
nephews and nieces to those of the former; whilst to still others the females of
the former class are mothers to the males and females of the latter class, and the
males and females of the latter are sons and daughters to the females of the former.
To illustrate : my father's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew
and niece, each of them calling me (their mother's brother's son) uncle ; but with
Ego a female, the same persons are my son and daughter, each of them calling me
mother. Among other nations these relationships are still different, and they can
be easier expressed by an illustration than by a rule ; namely, my father's sister's
son, Ego a male, is my father, and he calls me his son ; my father's sister's daugh-
ter is my aunt, and she calls me her nephew ; but with Ego a female, my father's
sister's son is my father, and calls me his daughter ; whilst my father's sister's
daughter is my grandmother, and calls me her granddaughter. Among still other
nations the children of brothers on the one hand, and of sisters on the other, are
brothers and sisters to each other. Upon this relationship occurs the most im-
portant, as well as the principal, deviation from uniformity.
XXII. All the children of several cousins are cousins again; the children of the
latter are also cousins ; and this relationship continues downward indefinitely.
Where the relationship of the children of a brother and sister is that of uncle and
nephew, the son of this uncle is an uncle again ; and this relationship continues
downwards in the male line indefinitely. Where, in the same case, it is that of
son and father, the son and grandson of this father are each my father, and this
relationship continues downward in the male line indefinitely. In all other cases
the collateral line is brought into the lineal.
XXIII. As a general result the descendants of brothers and sisters, or of an
original pair, can never pass, in theory, beyond the degrees of cousin and grand-
child, these being the most remote collateral and descendant relationships ; nor in
the ascending series beyond the degree of grandfather. Hence the bond of con-
sanguinity which can never, in fact, be broken by lapse of time or distance in
degree, is not permitted, by the fundamental provisions of the Ganowanian system,
to be broken in principle.
XXIV. All the wives of my several nephews and collateral sons are my daugh-
148 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
ters-in-law ; and all the husbands of my several nieces and collateral daughters are
my sons-in-law ; and I apply to them the same terms respectively which I use to
designate the husbands and wives of my own sons and daughters. There are some
exceptions to this proposition.
XXV. All the wives of my several collateral brothers and of my several male
cousins are my sisters-in-law ; and all the husbands of my several collateral sisters
and of my several female cousins are my brothers-in-law, without regard to the
degree of nearness. There are some exceptions.
XXVI. In all of the preceding relationships the correlative terms are strictly
applied ; thus, the one I call my son calls me father ; the one I call grandson calls
me grandfather : the one I call nephew calls me uncle ; the one I call brother-in-
law calls me the same ; the one I call father-in-law calls me son-in-law ; and so on
throughout the entire series, whether of affinity or of consanguinity.
When the foregoing propositions have been verified by passing through one of
the schedules in the Table, the system itself will become perfectly familiar, and
any deviations from the standard form in other schedules will at once be recognized
wherever they occur. A number of discrepancies will also be discovered, falling
below the character of permanent deviations; but they relate to subordinate details,
and do not disturb the general plan of consanguinity. Some of them may represent
a misapprehension of the question to be answered ; others an ignorance of the true
relationship, and still others a discrepancy in some part of the form of the particular
nation. In the details of a system so complicated and elaborate, drawn out from
uncultivated languages, and with a nomenclature so opulent, a large amount of
variation would not only be unavoidable, but an exemption from it would excite
surprise. A sufficient number of features, which may be called indicative of the
typical form, are so constant as to leave no doubt of the identity of the system as
it now prevails in the several branches of the family, with the exception of the
Eskimo. The fundamental conceptions upon which the system rests are simple
and clearly defined, and work out their results with logical accuracy.
The deviations from uniformity may be recapitulated as follows : —
I. Relationship of Uncle and Aunt. In the Crow and Minnitaree, and in one or
more of the Athapascan nations, these relationships are wanting. These nations
form an exception, in this respect, to the entire Ganowanian family. In a number
of other nations the relationship of aunt is unknown, and that of mother visually
takes its place.
II. Relationships of Nephew and Niece. In four or five dialects terms for
nephew and niece are wanting. These relationships limited, with Ego a male, to
the children of his sister, and with Ego a female, usually to the children of her
brother, is one of the most striking of the indicative features of the system. But
a failure of five out of seventy-five Indian nations upon these relationships is not
sufficient to require an explanation, even if it could be made.
III. Double Set of Terms. The use of one set of terms by the males, and another
set by the females in some nations for certain relationships ; also the use of step-
father, step-brother, and step-son, among other nations in the place of the full
terms ; and finally the use, in still other nations, of little father and little mother
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 149
for the brother of a father and the sister of a mother, must be regarded in the
light of modifications of the primitive form by particular usage rather than as
deviations from uniformity.
IV. Relationships of the Children of a Brother and Sister. It is evident that the
relationship of a cousin was unknown in the original system, and that it was an
aftergrowth, or further development, designed to remove a blemish. The four
different forms in which the relationships of the children of a brother and sister
appear, render it difficult to determine which was the primitive form, only that
cousin was not. The principles of the system required that they should stand in a
more remote relationship than that of brother and sister ; and thus we are led to
the inference that it was either that of uncle and nephew, or that of son and
father.
V. Marriage Relationships. There are a number of diversities in these relation-
ships, but a sufficient number are constant to establish the unity of the system from
this source of evidence alone.
VI. Mergence of Collateral Lines. In a few of the nations some branches of the
collateral lines are more abruptly merged in the lineal than the common form
allows ; but of this peculiarity no explanation can be given.
We are now the better prepared to take up the system of relationship of the
Ganowanian family in its several branches ; and by an examination of its structure
and details, to verify the preceding propositions, and also to trace this form of the
classificatory system to its limits. In no other manner can its remarkable charac-
ter, as a domestic institution, be understood or appreciated, or its value estimated
for ethnological purposes.
150 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CHAPTER II.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY— CONTINUED.
Position of the Iroquois— Area of their Occupation— Their Home Country— Epoch of the Establishment of the
League— Hodenosaunee, their Proper Name— Other Nations of the same Lineage — the Hurons or Wyandotes —
Neutral Nation— Eries— Susquehannocks — Nottoways— I. Iroquois — Their System of Relationship — Seneca Form
adopted as typical ; also as typical of the System of the Ganowanian Family— Lineal Line — First Collateral
Line— Diagrams— Second Collateral Line — Diagrams — Indicative Relationships— Marriage Relationships — Third
and Fourth Collateral Lines— Diagrams— Methods of Verifying same. — Other Marriage Relationships — Necessary
Knowledge of Numerical Degrees — Consanguine! not allowed to Intermarry— Systems of Remaining Iroquois
Nations— Identical with the Seneca— One Deviation from Uniformity— II. Hurons, or Wyandotes— Their System
identical with the Seneca— Common Origin of the System— Coeval with their Existence as one People.
Dakotan Nations.
I. Hodenosaunian Nations. 1. Iroquois. 2. Hurons.
Among the Indian nations found in possession t)f the North American continent,
north of New Mexico, the Iroquois deservedly hold the highest rank. In energy
and intelligence, and the degree of development of their civil institutions they are
far in advance of the Northern Indian nations. At the period of their discovery
(1609), or within fifty years of that event, they reached their culminating point.
It found them in acknowledged supremacy from the Hudson on the east, to the
Wabash on the west, and from the St. Lawrence, and lakes Ontario and Erie on
the north, to the Tennessee and the Upper Potomac on the south. After the
overthrow of the Hurons and Neutral Nation in the peninsula between lakes Huron,
Erie, and Ontario, their dominion was extended northward to the Otawa1 River and
Lake Nipessing. Within the boundaries named there were areas of several thou-
sand square miles which were unbroken solitudes, except as they were occasionally
traversed by war parties, or visited for hunting and fishing. Other portions of the
same area were occupied by Indian nations recognizing their supremacy. The pre-
sent State of New York was the home country of the Iroquois, first to the Genesee,
and afterwards to Lake Erie. Their presence, as an intrusive population, so near
the centre of the Algonkin area, sufficiently attests their superiority over the
Algonkin nations. It also serves to explain the otherwise eccentric spread of the
latter along the Atlantic coast to the southern limits of North Carolina, implying
that the Iroquois area was originally Algonkin. The Iroquois were, as there are
reasons for believing, an early offshoot, and one of the advanced bands of the
1 Pronounced O-ta'-wa
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 151
great Dakota stock, who first made their way eastward to the valley of the St.
Lawrence, near Montreal, where they were once established, and afterwards into
the lake region of Central New York, where they were found at the epoch of their
discovery.
The prominent position of the Iroquois among the Northern nations was acquired
subsequently to the establishment of the league under which they were consolidated
into one political family. That tendency to disintegration, from the secession of
successive bands which has ever been the chief element of weakness in Indian
society, was counteracted by the federative principle, retaining, as it did, the natural
increase of their population to the largely increased development of their intelli-
gence, and to the great augmentation of their military strength. Such a league
was rendered possible by a limited agricultural cultivation through which their
means of subsistence had become permanently enlarged. Their superiority over
their cotemporaries in the art of government is demonstrated by the structure and
principles of the league itself, which for originality and simplicity of plan, for effi-
ciency in organizing the power of the people, and for adaptation to military enter-
prises is worthy of commendation.1 Since the commencement of European inter-
course they have passed through a novel and severe experience, in the progress of
which they have produced a greater number of distinguished men than any other
Northern nation.
As near as can now be ascertained the league had been established about one
hundred and fifty years, when Champlain, in 1609, first encountered the Mohawks
within their own territories on the west shore of Lake George. This would place
the epoch of its formation about A. D. 1459, or one hundred and thirty-four years
subsequent to the foundation of the pueblo of Mexico, according to the current
representations.2 At the time the Iroquois nations confederated they were inde-
pendent bands, speaking dialects of the same stock-language, but each having its
own distinct previous history ; with the exception of the Oneidas, who separated
themselves from the Mohawks after their settlement in New York, and the Cayugas
who, in like manner, separated themselves from the Onondagas. According to their
traditions, which are confirmed to some extent by other evidence, they had resided
in this area for a long period of time before the league was formed, and had at
times made war upon each other. The Tuscaroras, who were of kindred descent,
were admitted into the Confederacy about the year 1715, upon their expulsion from
North Carolina.
There were but five other nations of the same immediate lineage of whom we
have any knowledge. First among these, in numbers and importance, were the
Hurons, the ancestors of the present Wyandotes, who occupied the shores of the
Georgian Bay and ranged southward toward Lake Erie. Their principal vil-
lages were along the Georgian Bay and around Lake Simcoe. Although divided
1 In another work, " The League of the Iroquois," I have presented and discussed the structure
and principles of their civil and domestic institutions.
8 " The foundation of Mexico happened in the year 2 Calli, corresponding with the year 1325 of
the vulgar era."— Clavigero's Hist, of Mexico, I, 162. (Cullen's Trans. 181 1.)
152 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
into several bands they spoke a common dialect. With these near kinsmen the
Iroquois waged a savage and unrelenting warfare, continued with slight intermis-
sions from the commencement of European intercourse down to 1650, when they
captured and destroyed their principal villages, and forced the remnant into exile.
A portion of them afterwards established themselves near Quebec, where their
descendants still remain. But much the largest portion, after several changes,
settled near the Sandusky, in Ohio, where they were known under their Iroquois
name of Wyandotes ;l and from thence were finally removed, about thirty years
ago, to Kansas, where their descendants now reside.2
Next in importance was the Neutral Nation, who were established upon both
banks of the Niagara River, and spread from thence westward along the north shore
of Lake Erie. They were called by the Iroquois the Wild-cat nation (Je-gol -sa-sa),
which is the same name applied by Charleroix to the Eries.3 It seems probable
that the two were bands of the same nation, not as yet entirely distinct, although
known to the Iroquois under different names, the latter being called Oa-kwa-ga-o-no.
The Eries, here treated as a third nation, were seated upon the southeast shore of
Lake Erie, and ranged eastward towards the Genesee. Both the Eries and the
Neutral Nation spoke dialects so near the Seneca that the three could understand
each other's speech. With the acknowledged political astuteness of the Iroquois
it seems remarkable that these nations, together with the Hurons, were not incor-
porated together in a common confederacy, which would have saved as well as
greatly augmented their strength. They were fully sensible of its importance ; and
we have the testimony of the Senecas that the Iroquois offered both to the Eries
and to the Neutrals the alternative of admission into the League or of extermina-
tion before the final conflict. After the overthrow of the Hurons they turned next
upon the Neutrals and immediately afterwards upon the Eries, both of whom were
defeated and expelled, between 1650 and 1655. A portion of the Eries, after their
defeat, voluntarily surrended to the Senecas, and were incorporated with them.
On the south were the Susquehannocks, who occupied the lower part of the
Susquehanna River, in Southern Pennsylvania and Northern Maryland. The Iro-
quois were as relentless and uncompromising towards the Susquehannocks, as they
had been towards their other kinsmen. In 1673, a delegation of Iroquois chiefs
met Count Frontenac, Governor of Canada, near Kingston, and amongst other things
asked him " to assist them against the Andastiguez (Andastes or Susquehannocks),
1 Wane-dote' in Seneca-Iroquois.
* Since the completion of this work, Francis Parkman, Esq., has given to the public "The Jesuits
in North America," which contains the most complete account of the Hurons ever published. It is a
work of rare excellence, founded upon accurate and comprehensive researches, and written in the most
attractive style. Whilst the ferocious characteristics of the Iroquois, as displayed in many a scene
of carnage, are delineated with graphic power,, and are not exaggerated, there is another side of the
picture which should not be overlooked. The Iroquois displayed many virtues in their relations
with each other, both in the family and in political society, which tend to relieve the otherwise harsh
judgment upon their national character and name. Mr. Parkman derives the Wyandotes chiefly
from the Tionnontates, the southernmost band of the Hurons. (Jesuits in North America, Intro, xliii.
* Hist, of New France, II, 162.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 153
the sole enemies remaining on their hands."1 About the year 1676, the Susque-
hannocks made their submission to the Senecas.2
Last were the Nottoways of Virginia, an inconsiderable band, who, with several
Algonkin nations, occupied a part of the area between the Potomac and Iloanoke
Rivers. They are mentioned in treaties between the Colonial Governors of Vir-
ginia and the Iroquois as late as 1721.3 The foregoing are the only branches of
the Iroquois stock of which any knowledge has been preserved. The last three
named are now extinct, or rather have been dispersed and incorporated with other
nations. Above Montreal on the St. Lawrence, there is a small band called the " Two
Mountain Iroquois," who were colonists chiefly from the Mohawks and Oneidas.
In addition to what has been stated of the probable immediate blood connection
of the Eries and Neutral nation with each other and with the Senecas, there is
some evidence that the Ilurons and Senecas were subdivisions of one original nation.
It is contained in their systems of relationship, both of which agree with each
other in the only particular in which the Seneca form differs from that of the other
Iroquois nations, except the Tuscarora ; and, therefore, tends to show that the
Seneca and Hurons were one nation after the Mohawks and Onondagas had become
distinct from the Senecas. If this be so, the original Iroquois stock before their
occupation of New York, and whilst they resided north of the St. Lawrence and
the Lakes, consisted of but four subdivisions, the Hurons or Senecas, the Tuscaro-
ras, the Onondagas, and the Mohawks ; or, in short, Senecas and Mohawks.
At the formation of the league the Iroquois called themselves Ho-de-no-saii-nee,
" The People of the Long House," which term, notwithstanding its inconvenient
length, will furnish a proper name for this branch of the Ganowanian family.4
They symbolized their political structure by the figure of a " Long House," and
were always partial to this name, which was, in fact, their only designation for
themselves as one people.5 They were Village Indians to a very considerable
extent, although not exclusively such. In this respect they were in advance of
most of the northern Indian nations. In the drama of colonization the influence of
this Indian confederacy was conspicuously felt, and cast upon the side of the
English colonists. It is made clear by the retrospect that France must ascribe, in
no small degree, to the Iroquois, the overthrow of her great plans of empire in
North America.
1 Journal of Frontenac's Voyage to Lake Ontario, Col. His., N. Y., ix, 110.
a Ib., ix. 227, Note 2. » Ib , v. 673.
4 The primitive bark house of the Iroquois was usually from forty to sixty feet in length, by about
fifteen to eighteen in width, comparted at equal distances, but with a common hall through the
centre, and with a door at each end of the hall, which were the only entrances. There were from
six to ten fire pits in each house, located in the centre of the hall, and so as to give a fire to each
compartment. There were two families to each fire, one upon each side of the hall. A house with
ten fires would thus accommodate twenty families. In ancient times these houses were clustered
together and surrounded with a stockade. The size of the village was estimated by the number of
houses, (eighty to one hundred and fifty forming the largest of their villages) ; and also by the num-
ber of fires. The idea revealed in this communal house of the Iroquois runs through all the architec-
ture of the Indian family.
s League of the Iroquois, p. 51.
20 December, 18CO.
154 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
The Iroquois language, which is the proper representative of their intellectual
life, compares favorably with that of any other in the circle of the family, with
respect to the fulness of its vocables, and to the regularity of its grammatical
forms. In the table will be found favorable specimens of its vocables, of its inflec-
tions for gender, and of the flexibility of its pronouns.
I. Iroquois. 1. Mohawks. 2. Oneidas. 3. Onondagas. 4. Cayugas. 5.
Senecas. 6. Tuscaroras. 7. Two Mountain Iroquois.
From the prominent position of the Iroquois in the Ganowanian family their
system of consanguinity and affinity possesses a proportionate value. It is so fully
developed in all of its parts that it may be taken as typical of the system of this
family. The nomenclature of relationships is opulent, the classification of kindred
systematic, and the plan itself, although complicated, and apparently arbitrary and
artificial, is yet simple, and in logical accordance with the principles of discrimina-
tion upon which it is founded. As the standard form, it is advisable to examine
it minutely. When traced out step by step, through its entire range, a perfect
knowledge of the system will be obtained, as well as of the fundamental conceptions
upon which it rests, which will render an examination of the remaining forms
comparatively easy.
For convenience of reference a table of the Seneca-Iroquois and the Yankton-
Dakota forms is appended to this chapter. It contains the lineal and first, second,
third, and fourth collateral lines, in their several branches, in which are given the
terms of relationship applied to the several persons described in the questions, with
a translation of each term into equivalent English. This method of arrangement
for presenting the system of a single nation is preferable to the one necessarily
used in the comparative Table, since it is brought out in a continuous form and
separate and apart from other forms. With the aid of this special table, and of
the diagrams which follow, all the facilities are afforded that can be necessary for
the illustration and explanation of the system. As the Seneca system is developed
as to one of the indicative relationships, beyond that of the remaining Iroquois
nations, with the exception of the Tuscarora, theirs will be adopted as the standard
form of the Iroquois. The terms of relationship used in the illustrations, as well
as in the diagrams, are also in the Seneca dialect.1
There are terms for grandfather and grandmother, Hoc'-sote and Oc'-sote; for
father and mother, Hd'~nih and No-yeli' ; for son and daughter Ha-ali'-wuk and
Kn-aJi'^wulc ; and for grandson and daughter Hcv-yd'da and Ka-yii'-dal ; and no
terms for ancestors or descendants beyond those named. All above, without dis-
tinction, are grandfathers or grandmothers ; and all below are grandsons or grand-
daughters. When it is necessary to be more specific the person is described.
The relationships of brother and sister are conceived in the twofold form of
elder and younger, for each of which there are special terms, namely : Ha'-je, my
elder brother; Ah'-je, my elder.^ sister ; Ha'-ga my younger brother; Ka'-ga, my
younger sister. These terms are applied, respectively, to each and all of the
brothers and sisters who are older or younger than the person who speaks. There
1 For notation see Fly Leaf to table appended to part II.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 155
is no term either for brother or sister in the abstract ; but there is a compound
term in the plural number, and in common gender, Da-ya' '-gwa-dari '-no-da for
brothers and sisters in general.
In the diagrams (Plates IV and V) the lineal and first collateral line, male and
female, are represented ; in the first with Ego a male, and, in the second, with Ego a
female. The relationships of the same persons in certain clearly defined cases, are
entirely different to Ego a female, from what they are to Ego a male. It is, there-
fore, imperative that the sex of Ego be noted in every case. To exhibit fully these
discriminations double diagrams are used, and in the table double questions, the
necessity for which will be seen by comparing the diagrams, and also by comparing
the questions and answers in the table. In these diagrams the connecting lines
follow the chain of descent from parent to child, and the figures which stand in the
same horizontal or transverse line show, that the several persons represented are
equally removed in degree from the common ancestor. The relationship expressed
in each figure is that which the person sustains to Ego and no other. A single person
is represented by each figure, with the exception of the lowest, upon which the
several branches of the collateral line converge. This figure represents as many
persons, all of whom are the grandsons and granddaughters of Ego, as there are
lines terminating in it. In reading the diagrams we ascend by the chain of con-
sanguinity from Ego first to the common ancestor, and then down to the person
whose relationship is sought ; thus, my father's son who is my brother, elder or
younger, is upon the right of Ego; and my father's daughter, who is my sister, elder
or younger, is upon the left of Ego; the three, as they are equally removed in degree,
being on the same horizontal line. Again the son and daughter of this brother
and of this sister, are placed one degree lower down in the diagram, and in the
same horizontal line with my own son, since they are equally removed from my
father who is their common grandfather. And lastly, if a son and daughter are
allowed to each of the persons last named, as well as to my own son, it would
require ten figures below these to represent them separately in their proper posi-
tions ; but inasmuch as they are all alike the grandsons and granddaughters of
Ego, they are represented by a single figure, as above explained ; and for the further
object of illustrating the mergence of both branches of the first collateral line in
the lineal line, which results from the classification of persons.
With these explanations made, it is now proposed to take up the several
collateral lines in detail, and to trace them throughout, in their several branches,
until they are finally brought into the lineal line.
In the first collateral line male with myself a male (Plate IV), I call my
brother's son and daughter my son and daughter, Ha-aJi'-wuk and Ka^ak' -ionic ; and
each of them calls me father, Ha'-nih. This is the first indicative feature of the
system. It places my brother's children in the same category with my own children.
Each of their sons and daughters I call severally my grandson and granddaughter,
IJa-yii'-da and Ka-ya'-da, and they call me grandfather, Hoc-sole. The relationships
here given are those actually recognized and applied, and none other are known.
Certain relationships are here called indicative. They are those which are
determinative of the character of the system ; and which, when ascertained, usually
156 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
control those that follow They are the decisive characteristics which, when they
agree in the systems of different nations, embrace so much that is material and
fundamental, both in the Turanian and Ganowanian forms, as to render the
remaining details subordinate.
In the female branch of this line, myself still a male, I call my sister's son and
daughter my nephew and niece, Ha-ya' -wan-da and Ka-ya '-wan-da ; each of them
calling me uncle, Hoc-no' -sell. This is a second indicative feature. It restricts the
relationships of nephew and niece to the children of a man's sisters, to the exclu-
sion of the children of his brothers. The son and daughter of this nephew and of
this niece are my grandson and granddaughter as before ; each of them addressing
me by the correlative term. It will be noticed that, in the male branch, on cross-
ing from Ego a male to his brother a male, the relationships of the children of the
latter approach in the degree of their nearness to Ego ; while, in the female branch,
on crossing from Ego a male to his sister a female, the relationships of her children
to Ego recede in the degree of their nearness, as compared with the former case.
In the same line, male branch, Ego being supposed a female (Plate V), I call
my brother's son and daughter my nephew and niece, Ha-soh'-neli and Ka-soh'-neh ;
each of them calling me aunt, Ah-ga'-huc. It will be observed that the terms for
nephew and niece which are used by females are different from those used by males.
The son and daughter of this nephew and niece are my grandson and granddaughter,
Ha-ya! -da and Ka-ya'-da, and each of them calls me grandmother, Oc'-sote.
Supposing myself still a female, I call my sister's son and daughter my son
and daughter, Ha-ali'-wuk, and Ka-afi'-wuk ; each of them calling me mother, No-ych' .
Having crossed in the male branch from Ego a female to her brother a male, the
relationships of the children of the latter to Ego recede ; whilst, in the female
branch, having crossed from Ego a female to her sister a female the relationships
of the children of the latter approach in the degree of their nearness to Ego, also as
before. The children of this son and daughter are my grandchildren ; each of them
addressing me by the correlative term.
Irrespective of the sex of Ego, the wife of each of these collateral sons, and of
each of these nephews is my daughter-in-law, L'a'-sa ; and the husband of each of
these collateral daughters, and of each of these nieces is my son-in-law, Oc-na'-hose ;
and I stand to each of them in the correlative relationship. This disposes of the
first collateral line, including the relationships both of consanguinity and affinity.
Diagram, Plate VI, represents the lineal and second collateral line, male and
female, on the father's side, with Ego a male ; and Diagram, Plate VII, represents
the same lines and branches on the mother's side, with Ego also a male. It would
require two other diagrams of the same kind to represent the relationships of the
same persons to Ego a female ; but these will be sufficient for the purposes of illus-
tration. They are constructed on the same principles as those previously explained.
In the male branch of this line, on the father's side, Plate VI, with myself a
male, my father's brother I call my father Hci'-nih ; and he calls me his son. Here
we find a third indicative feature of the system. All of several brothers arc placed
in the relation of a father to the children of each other. My father's brother's
son is my elder or younger brother; if older than myself I call him my elder
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 157
i
brother, ITd'-je, and he calls me his younger brother, Ila'-ya ; if younger, these
terms are reversed. My father's brother's daughter is my elder or younger sister ;
if older than myself, I call her my elder sister, Ah'-je, and she calls me her younger
brother, Ha'-ga ; but if younger I call her my younger sister, Ka'-ga, and she calls
me her elder brother. This constitutes a fourth indicative feature. It creates the
relationships of brother and sister amongst the children of several brothers. To
distinguish these from own brothers and sisters they will hereafter be called colla-
teral brothers and sisters. The son and daughter of this collateral brother are my
son and daughter, and I apply to them the same terms, Ha-ah'-wuk and Ka-ah'-wul;
I would to my own children. In turn they call me father. The children of the
latter are my grandchildren, each of them addressing me by the correlative term.
On the other hand, the son and daughter of this collateral sister are my nephew
and niece, Ha-ya' '-wan-da and Ka-y a' -wan-da, and call me uncle ; their children are
my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandfather. With myself a female,
the preceding relationships are the same until the children of these collateral
brothers and sisters are reached, when they are reversed. The son and daughter
of this brother are my nephew and niece, Ha-soli'-neh and Ka-soJt -neh, each of them
calling me aunt ; and their children are my grandchildren, each of them calling me
grandmother ; whilst the son and daughter of this sister are my son and daughter,
each of them calling me mother, and their children are my grandchildren each
of them addressing me by the correlative term. It thus appears that the principle
of classification in the first collateral line is carried into the second ; and it shows
that my father's brother's sons and daughters are admitted to all intents and pur-
poses into the same relationships as my own brothers and sisters, the same being
equally true of the children and descendants of each.
In the female branch of this line, with myself a male, my father's sister is my
aunt, Ah-ga'-huc, and she calls me her nephew. This is a fifth indicative feature
of the system. The relationship of aunt is restricted to the sisters of my father,
and, as will hereafter be seen, to the sisters of such other persons as stand to me
in the relation of a father, to the exclusion of the sisters of my mother. My
father's sister's son and daughter are each my cousin, Ah-gare'-se7i, each of them
calling me cousin; the son and daughter of my male cousin are my son and
daughter, each of them calling me father, and their children are my grandchildren,
each of them calling me grandfather : but the children of my female cousins are
my nephews and nieces, each of them calling me uncle ; and their children are my
grandchildren, each of them applying to me the proper correlative. With myself
a female, the relationships of the children of my male and female cousins are
reversed, whilst all the others in this branch of the line are the same. The
relationship of cousin docs not form an indicative feature of the system, although
its existence is remarkable. It would seem to be intended as a part of this plan
of consanguinity that the children of a brother and sister should stand to each
other in a more remote relationship than the children of brothers, on one hand, and
the children of their sisters on the other, but without prescribing the relationship
itself. As there are ruder forms, in many of the nations, than that of cousin and
cousin, it is to be inferred that the latter relationship did not exist in the primitive
158 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
system, but was developed subsequently by the more advanced nations to remove an
irregularity which amounted to a blemish. It was, however, pre-determined by the
elements of the system that, if ever invented, it would be restricted to the children
of a brother and sister. The admission of the children of my cousins into the same
relationships as the children of my own brothers and sisters seems to be entirely
arbitrary, and yet it is not a departure from the general principles of the system.
On the mother's side, in the same line, I being a male (Plate VII), my mother's
brother is my uncle, Hoc-no'-seh, and calls me his nephew. Herein is found a sixth
indicative feature. The relationship of uncle is restricted to the brothers of my
mother, to the exclusion of those of my father. It is also applied to the brothers of
such other persons, and no other, as stand to me in the relation of a mother. My
mother's brother's son and daughter are my cousins, Ah-gare1 -seJi, and call me the
same ; the son and daughter of my male cousin are my son and daughter, each of
them calling me father, and their children are my grandchildren. On the other
hand, the son and daughter of my female cousin are my nephew and niece, each
of them calling me uncle ; and their children are my grandchildren, each of them
addressing me by the correlative term. Supposing myself a female, the relation-
ships of the children of these cousins are reversed as in the previous cases, whilst,
in other respects, there is no change.
The relationship of uncle in Indian society is, in several particulars, more im-
portant than any other from the authority with which he is invested over his
nephews and nieces. He is, practically, rather more the head of his sister's family
than his sister's husband. It may be illustrated in several ways from present usages.
Amongst the Choctas, for example, if a boy is to be placed at school his uncle,
instead of his father, takes him to the mission and makes the arrangement. An
uncle, among the Winnebagoes, may require services of a nephew, or administer
correction, which his own father would neither ask nor attempt. In like manner
with the lowas and Otoes, an uncle may appropriate to his own use his nephew's
horse or his gun, or other personal property, without being questioned, which his
own father would have no recognized right to do. But over his nieces this same
authority is more significant, from his participation in their marriage contracts,
which, in many Indian nations, are founded upon a consideration in the nature of
presents. Not to enlarge upon this topic, the facts seem to reveal an idea familiar
as well on the Asiatic as the American Continent, and nearly as ancient as human
society, namely, the establishment of a brother in authority over his sister's chil-
dren.1 It finds its roots in the tribal organization, and that form of it which limits
descent to the female line, under which the children of a man's sister are of the
same tribe with himself.
In the fourth and last branch of this line, myself a male, my mother's sister I
call my mother, Noyeh' ', and she calls me her son. This constitutes a seventh
indicative feature of the system. All of several sisters are placed in the relation
of a mother to the children of each other. My mother's sister's son and daughter
1 Amongst the Zulus or Kafirs of South Africa an uncle occupies a similar position of authority.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 159
are respectively my elder or younger brother, or elder or younger sister as they are
older or younger than myself: and we apply to eacli other the same terms we
would use to designate own brothers and sisters. This is an eighth indicative
feature. It establishes the relationships of brother and sister amongst the children
of sisters. The son and daughter of this collateral brother are my son and daugh-
ter, Ha-ah'-wuk and Ka-ah'-wuk, each of them calling me father; and their children
are my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandfather. On the other hand,
the children of this collateral sister are my nephews and nieces, Ha-ya' -wan-da and
Ka-ya'-^van-da, each of them calling me uncle ; and their children are my grand-
children, each of them applying to me the proper correlative. With myself a
female, the relationships of the children of this collateral brother and sister are
reversed, the others remaining the same.
It will be observed that the female branch of this line, on the mother's side
through which we have just passed, is an exact counterpart of the male branch on
the father's side, the only difference being in the first relationship in each, one
commencing with a father to Ego, and the other with a mother. The same is also
true of the two remaining branches of this line, as to each other, and with the
same single difference, one of them commencing with an uncle and the other with
an aunt.
To exhibit the relationships of the same persons on the last two diagrams to Ego
a female, it would only be necessary to substitute nephew and niece in the place
of son and daughter, wherever they occur, and son and daughter in the place of
nephew and niece. All other relationships would remain as they now are. These
diagrams are easily read by observing the figures upon the right and left of the
father of Ego. The first, for example, in Plate VI, represents my father's father's
son, who is my father's brother, and therefore my father; and the second my
father's father's daughter, who is my father's sister, and therefore my aunt. The
other figures, except those in the lineal line, represent their descendants, proceed-
ing from parent to child.
If we ascend one degree above Ego in the lineal line, and then cross over in turn
to the first figure on the right and on the left in the same horizontal line in each
diagram, the rules stated as to the first collateral line will also be found to hold
true in the second. From my father to my father's brother, or from male line to
male line, and from my mother to my mother's sister, or from female line to female
line, the relationships of their children, as well as their own relationships, approach
in their comparative nearness to Ego ; but from my father to my father's sister, or
from male line to female line, and from my mother to my mother's brother, or from
female to male, the relationships of the children of this uncle and aunt, as well as
their own, recede in the degree of their nearness to Ego. The object of this minute
analysis of the system is to show that it is founded upon clearly established prin- v
ciples of classification which are carried out harmoniously to their logical results.
It is the constantly operative force of these ideas which gives to the system its
vitality.
We have also seen that the first collateral line in its two branches, and the
second in its four branches, arc finally brought into and merged in the lineal line ;
1GO SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
and the same will hereafter be found to be the case with each of the remaining
collateral lines as far as the fact of consanguinity can be traced. This constitutes
a ninth indicative feature of the system. It prevents consanguinei, near and
remote, from falling without the relationship of grandfather in the ascending series,
that of grandson in the descending, and that of nephew and cousin in the greatest
divergence of the collateral lines from the lineal line.
Each of the wives of these several collateral brothers, and of these several male
cousins, is my sister-in-law, Ah-ge^ah'-ne-ah, each of them calling me brother-in-law,
Ha-ya'-o. In like manner, each of the husbands of these several collateral sisters,
and of these several female cousins, is my brother-in-law, Ah-ge-ah'-ne^o, each of
them calling me brother-in-law, Ha-ya'-o, if I am a male, and Ka-ya'-o, if a female.
There are several different relationships which are classified together in our system
under the descriptive phrases brother-in-law and sister-in-law, which are discrimi-
nated from each other in the Indian system, and distinguished by independent
terms.
The foregoing explanations dispose of the second collateral line in its four branches,
whether Ego be considered male or female, together with the marriage relationships.
It provides a place and a term for each and every person connected with either of
these branches, and holds them all within the degree of cousin and grandchild.
Not one is allowed to pass beyond the recognition of this all-embracing system of
relationship.
Among ourselves our nearest kindred, as well as the greater portion of those
whose connection is recognized under our system, are found in the lineal and first
and second collateral lines. After they are properly classified the system would
answer the ordinary requirements of domestic life. Those beyond, as remote col-
laterals, might have been placed under general terms outside of the near degrees ;
but the theory of the Indian system is averse to the rejection of collaterals however
remote, and insists upon the unqualified, recognition of the bond of consanguinity.
Kindred are bound together in the family relationships in virtue of their descent
from common ancestors ; so that the differences in the degrees of nearness, which
are accidental, are subordinated to the blood-connection, which is indissoluble.
Wherever, then, the chain of consanguinity can be traced, and the connection of
persons ascertained, the system at once includes them in its comprehensive grasp.
Such at least is the system as it now appears considered in the light of existing
institutions. There may have been a state of society, as will be seen in the sequel,
when the relationships we have been considering were true to the nature of descents
as they actually existed when the system, in its present form, came into use. These
results, as they now exist, were apparently effected by adopting the principle of
classification established in the first and second collateral lines and extending it to
the third, fourth, and even others more remote, theoretically, without limit. This
established another principle equally fundamental in the system, which is the follow-
ing : The children of own brothers, as has been shown, are brothers and sisters to
each other, elder or younger, and^o are the children of own sisters. In like man-
ner the children of these collateral brothers are also brothers and sisters to each
other, and so are the children of these collateral sisters. Advancing downwards
OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 161
another degree the children of such persons as were thus made brothers, are in like
manner, brothers and sisters to each other, and the same is true of such of them as
were thus made sisters. This relationship of brother and sister amongst the male
descendants of brothers, and the female descendants of sisters, continues downward
theoretically ad infinitum at the same degree of remove from the common ancestor.
But with respect to the children of a brother and sister the relationship is more
remote and not uniform. Amongst the Senecas, whose system is now under con-
sideration, they are cousins to each other ; the children of these cousins are cousins
again ; the children of the latter are cousins also ; and this relationship continues
downward theoretically ad infinitum. And, lastly, whenever the relationship of
brother and brother, or of sister and sister at any one of these degrees is found, it
determines at once the relationships of the descendants of each one of them to the
other; thus, the son of either one of these, my collateral brothers, is my son if I
am a male, and my nephew if I am a female ; and the son of either one of these my
collateral sisters is my nephew if I am a male, and my son if I am a female ; and
the children of these sons and nephews are my grandchildren. These several
relationships do not exist simply in theory, but they are practical, and universally
recognized amongst the Iroquois.
Diagram, Plate VIII, represents the lineal, and the second, third, and fourth
collateral lines, male and female, on the father's side ; and Diagram, Plate IX,
represents the lineal and same collateral lines on the mother's side, with Ego in
both cases a male. Each line in these diagrams proceeds from the parent to one
only of his or her children, for greater simplicity, as well as from actual necessity
in its construction. The first collateral line is omitted, and the second, which is
presented in full in Plates VI and VII, is retained for comparison with the third
and fourth. It requires no further explanation, except such as it may receive
incidentally.
In the third collateral line male on the father's side, with myself a male (Plate
VIII) my father's father's brother is my grandfather, Hoc'-sofe, and calls me his grand-
son. This is a tenth indicative feature of the system, and the last of those which
are treated as Such. It places the several brothers of my grandfather in the rela-
tion of grandfathers, and thus prevents collateral ascendants from falling out of this
relationship. In other words, the principle by which the collateral lines are merged
in the lineal works upwards as well as downwards. The son of this collateral
grandfather is my father Hd'-njk, and calls me his son. At first sight this rela-
tionship seems to be entirely arbitrary, but in reality it is a necessary consequence
of those previously established. This will be made clear by reversing the question,
and inquiring whether I am his son. This has already been shown in the male
branch of the second collateral line, where my father's brother's son's son is found
to be my son. The son of this collateral father is my brother, elder or younger.
Our grandfathers are own brothers, and our fathers are collateral brothers, either
of which determines our relationship to be that of brothers. Again the son of this
collateral brother is my son, and calls me father, and the son of the latter is my
grandson, and calls me grandfather.
My father's father's sister is my grandmother, Oc'-sote, her daughter is my aunt,
21 January, 1370.
162 SYSTEMS OF C OX S A X G U INIT Y AND AFFINITY
Ali-ga-'huc, her daughter is my cousin, AJi-gdre' -seh, her daughter is my niece,
Ka-ya -wan-da, and the daughter of the latter is iny granddaughter, Ka-yd'-da,
each of them addressing me by the proper correlative.
On the mother's side (Plate IX) my mother's mother's brother is my grandfather,
Hoc'-sote, his son is my uncle, Hoc-no'-seh, his son is my cousin, Ah-gare' -sell, his
son is my son, Ha-ali' -iculc, and the son of the latter is my grandson, Ha-yd'-da,
each of them addressing me by the proper correlative.
My mother's mother's sister is my grandmother, Oc'-sote, her daughter is my
mother, No-yeh' ', her daughter is my sister, elder or younger, Ah'-je or Ka'-ga, the
daughter of this sister is my niece, Ka-ya' -wan-da, and her daughter is my grand-
daughter, Ka-yd'-da, each of them addressing me by the proper correlative.
In the fourth collateral line male on the lather's side, my father's father's father's
brother is my grandfather, Hoc'-sote, his son is my grandfather also, his son is my
father, his son is my brother, elder or younger ; his son is my son, and the son of
the latter is my grandson ; each of them, as before, applying to me the proper
correlative. With the exception of one additional ancestor, the three remaining
branches of this line agree with the corresponding branches of the third collateral
line, as will be seen by a reference to the diagram.
There are two methods of verifying every relationship upon these diagrams. The
first is by commencing in each with the highest transverse line of figures, in one
of which there are three children of a common father, and in the other three chil-
dren of a. common mother, who are, respectively, own brothers and sisters to each
other. In Plate VIII, two of them are males and one a female ; and in Plate IX two
of them are females and one a male. Thus in the former there are two own
brothers, with their descendants, one constituting the lineal, and the other the
fourth collateral line, male of Ego; and in the other there are two own sisters, with
their descendants, one constituting the lineal, and the other the fourth collateral
line, female ; those in the same horizontal line of figures being at equal removes from
the common ancestor. There are, also, in both diagrams, a brother and sister and
their descendants in corresponding positions. All of the elements are, therefore,
contained in these diagrams for testing their own correctness, and also for resolving
any question of consanguinity. In doing either it is only necessary to apply the
rules before given, namely : that the children of brothers are themselves brothers
and sisters to each other, that the children of sisters are also brothers and sisters
to each other; and that the children of cousins are themselves cousins to each
other ; and, finally, that the same relationships continue downwards, as before
explained, amongst their respective descendants, at equal removes, indefinitely.
To illustrate from Plate VIII Hoc'-sote and Hoc'-sote are own brothers ; the three
Hoc-so'-do below them are brothers to each other as the children of brothers ; the
four fathers of Ego below them are also brothers to each other by the same rule,
and three of them are also fathers to Ego because they are brothers of his own
father. The four below the last are brothers, in like manner because they are the
children of brothers. Having now reached the transverse line of figures to which
Ego belongs, and ascertained that they are all brothers to each other, this, of itself,
determines the relationships of the ascendants and descendants of each of these
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 163
collateral brothers to Ego himself. The sons and grandsons of my collateral
brothers are my sons and grandsons ; the father of each of these brothers is my
father because he is the brother of my own father ; and so is the grandfather of
each my grandfather, because he is the brother of my own grandfather. If Oc'-sote
and Oc'-sote in Plate IX are taken, and the diagram is gone through Avith, the same
results will be obtained ; and so, also, if Oc'-sote and Hoc'-sote in the diagram, or
Hoc'-sote and Oc'-sote in the other, are taken, the several relationships as given will
be fully verified.
The other method is by shifting the position of Ego to that of each person on
the diagram in turn, and then ascertaining the correlative relationship. It can be
illustrated most conveniently by examples. In Plate VIII there are three figures to
the right of my own father, each marked Hd'-nih. If it is desired to prove that
the person represented by the middle of these figures is my father, under the sys-
tem, we may reverse the question and ascertain whether I am the son of this person.
In so doing the position of Ego and this Ha'-nih are exchanged, and the descrip-
tion of intermediate persons is reversed, whence the figure formerly occupied by
Ego is found to represent " my father's brother's son's son," who, as before shown,
is my son, I am therefore, the son of this Hd'-nih. Again, in Plate IX, if the middle
figure marked Hoc-no'-seh to the right of No'-ych be taken, and the description of
intermediate persons be reversed, it will make the person represented by the figure
formerly occupied by Ego " my father's sister's daughter's son," who is my nephew.
He is the son of my female cousin, myself a male. Thus it is seen that Ego and
Hoc-no' -sell are nephew and uncle. In this manner the correlative relationship will
be found to be the true one in every case.
For each collateral line beyond the fourth as far as relationships can be traced
the classification is the same. Wheresoever the chain of consanguinity can be
followed, the principles of the system are rigorously applied ; but the first four
collateral lines, which include third cousins under the Aryan system, is as far as
they have occasion to apply it in ordinary intercourse. It has before been stated,
and the statement is here repeated, that the system of consanguinity and affinity
just described is not only theoretically the system of the Ganowanian family, but
the form as detailed is, at the present moment, in constant daily use amongst the
Seneca Indians of New York, and has been in use by them from time immemorial.
It is thoroughly understood by the rudest amongst them, and can be fully explained
by the more intelligent of their number. They still address each other, when
related by the term of relationship, and never by the personal name. To be igno-
rant of the relationship which another person sustains to the speaker, and to show
it by an omission of the proper address is a discourtesy, and is regarded as such.
In this usage is found a sufficient explanation of the manner in which a knowledge
of the system is imparted as well as preserved from generation to generation.
It follows, from the nature of the system, that a knowledge of the degrees of
consanguinity, numerically, is essential to the proper classification of kindred.
Consanguinity in its most complicated ramifications is much better understood by
these Indians than by ourselves. Our collateral kindred, except within the nearest
degrees, are practically disowned. The more creditable Indian practice of recog-
164 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
nizing their relatives, near and remote, and of addressing by kin, tends to preserve
the integrity of the blood connection.
The marriage relationships, other than those named, are fully discriminated.
There are two terms for father-in-law, Ha-ga'-sii, for the husband's father, and
Oc-na'-hose, for the wife's father. This last term is also used to designate a son-in-
law, and is therefore a reciprocal term. There are also terms for stepfather and
stepmother, Hoc-no'-ese and Oc-no'-ese, which are also applied, respectively, to the
husband of my father's sister, and to the wife of my mother's brother : and for
stepson and stepdaughter, Ho! -no and Ka'-no. In a number of nations two fathers-
in-law are related to each other, and so are two mothers-in-law, and there are terms
to express the relationships. The opulence of the nomenclature, although rendered
necessary by the elaborate discriminations of the system, is nevertheless remarkable.
None of the persons indicated in the diagrams, or in the Table, as consanguinci,
however remote, can intermarry. Relatives by marriage, after the decease of their
respective husbands or wives, are under no restriction. Against the intermarriage
of consanguinei the regulations are very stringent amongst the greater part of the
American Indian nations.
We have now passed step by step through the lineal, and the first, second, third,
and fourth collateral lines in their several branches, with Ego a male, and also a
female, and have exhibited every feature of the system with great minuteness of
detail. The analysis of the system presented in the previous chapter has been
confirmed in every particular. If the reader has been sufficiently patient to follow
the chain of consanguinity, and to observe the operation of the principle which
determines each relationship, the contents of this extraordinary system will have
been fully mastered. It will be comparatively easy, hereafter, to follow and iden-
tify its characteristic features in the forms prevailing in other branches of the
family ; and also to detect, on bare inspection, the slightest deviations which they
make from the typical or standard form.
It remains to notice the plan of consanguinity amongst the other Iroquois nations.
With the exception of one indicative feature, and of a few inconsiderable and
subordinate particulars, they all agree with each other in their domestic relation-
ships. It will not, therefore, be necessary to take them up in detail. A reference
to the Table (Table II) will show that the terms of relationship, with unimportant
exceptions, are the same original words, under dialectical changes, in the six dia-
lects. The presence in each of all of its indicative characteristics save one, and
their minute agreement in subordinate details, establish the identity of the system,
as well as its derivation by each nation from a common original source.
The discrepancy to which reference has been made consists in the absence, among
the Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks, of the relationship of aunt, and
in supplying its place with that of mother, wherever the former occurs in the Seneca
form. As a consequence, the relationships of nephew and niece are unknown to
the females, and are supplied by those of son and daughter. This deviation from
uniformity upon an indicative relationship is difficult of explanation. It is, also,
not a little singular that after four hundred years of intimate political intercourse,
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 165
and constant intermarriage, this diversity has been maintained to the present time.1
On the other hand, the relationship of aunt, applied and restricted to the father's
sister, is found in the system of the Tuscaroras and Wyandotes. In the former it
is Akk-kaw'-rac, in the latter Ah-ra'-hoc, which are evidently the Seneca Ali-ga'-huc
dialectically changed. This fact suggests the question, before stated, whether the
Wyandotes, Tuscaroras, and Senecas, are not more immediately connected, geneti-
cally, than the Senecas and other Iroquois nations. The Tuscarora and Wyandote
dialects are much further removed from the Seneca than the latter is from those of
the remaining nations : but it is possible that this may be explained by the long
separation of the former from the Iroquois, which would tend to increase the
variation, whilst the constant association of the Senecas with their confederates
would tend to retard their dialectical separation. It is one thing to borrow a term
of relationship and substitute it in the place of a domestic term, of equivalent
import, but quite a different undertaking to change an established relationship and
invent a new term for its designation. The first might occur and not be extraordi-
nary, but the latter would be much less likely to happen. Among the traditions
of the Senecas there is one to the effect that they had a distinct and" independent
history anterior to the epoch of their confederation with the other Iroquois nations.
This feature in their system of relationship, and which is shared by the Tuscaroras
and Wyandotes, and not by their immediate associates, tends to confirm the tradi-
tion, as well as to suggest the inference that the Senecas, Tuscaroras, and Wyan-
dotes, were of immediate common origin. It has been referred to, not so much
for its intrinsic importance as for the illustration which it furnishes of the uses of
systems of consanguinity and affinity for minute ethnological investigations through
periods of time far beyond the range of historical records
7. Two Mountain Iroquois.
The location and antecedents of this fragment of the Iroquois stock were
referred to in the early part of this chapter. Their system agrees substantially
with that of the Oneidas and Mohawks ; and is chiefly interesting as an illustration
of the ability of the system to perpetuate itself in disconnected branches of the
same stock.2
1 Descent amongst the Iroquois is in the female line both as to tribe and as to nationality. The
children are of the tribe of the mother. If a Cayuga marries a Delaware woman, for example, his
children are Dclawares and aliens, unless formally naturalized with the forms of adoption : but if a
Delaware marries a Cayuga woman, her children are Cayugas, and of her tribe of the Cayugas. It
is the same if she marries a Seneca. In all cases the woman confers her tribe and nationality upon
her children. She will also adhere to the Cayuga system of relationship on the point under con-
sideration. For seventy years the Cayugas, still living in Western New York, have resided with
the Senecas, and constantly intermarried with them ; but they still retain their dialect, tribes, nation-
ality, and relationships. In 1858 I asked a Cayuga woman on one of the Seneca reservations in
what relationship her father's sister stood to her. She replied, " My mother." I expressed a doubt
of her correctness, but she adhered to her answer. She gave me the Seneca name for aunt in the
Cayuga dialect, but denied the relationship. I afterwards found the same deviation from the Seneca
form amongst the Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks.
* There are Mohawks, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Cayugas now residing upon the Thames River in
Canada West. Besides these, there are Oneidas and Onondagas near Green Bay in Wisconsin, and
also Senecas in Kansas. The Iroquois in New York now number about 4000.
166 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
II. Hurons. 1. Wyandotes.
A brief notice of the Hurons and of their descendants, the Wyandotes, has
already been given. They were called Wane'-dote by the Iroquois, which name
they afterwards adopted for themselves.1 The Wyandotes affirm that the Dakotas
are descended from them, which must be understood simply as an assertion of their
genetic connection. They call the Dakotas Tun-da'-no. This was the name, still
preserved in Wyandote tradition, of the chief under whom the Dakotas separated
themselves from the Wyandotes. It signifies "Big Stomach." The Dakotas
themselves, it is said, still recognize the relationship, and style the Wyandotes
Brothers.
Their system of relationship will be found in the Table. It has all of the indica-
tive features of the common system, and agrees with the Seneca so completely that
its presentation in detail would be, for the most part, a literal repetition of the
description just given. The terms of relationship, in nearly every instance, are
from the same roots as the Seneca ; and although the dialectical variation, in some
cases, is quite marked, their identity is at once recognized. This, however, is of
less importance than the coincidence of the radical features of their respective
systems. A comparison of the two forms shows that the system in all its precision
and complexity, with the same original terms of relationship, now prevails in both
nations; and that it has descended to each, with the streams of the blood, from the
same common source. For two hundred and fifty years, within the historical
period, these nations have been separate and hostile, and were for an unknown
period anterior to their discovery, and yet the system has been preserved by each,
through the intervening periods, without sensible change. The fact itself is some
evidence of the stability and persistency of its radical forms. Its existence in the
Hodenosaunian branch of the Ganowanian family carries it back to the time when
these several nations were a single people.
The most remarkable fact with reference to this system of relationship yet
remains to be mentioned, namely, that indicative feature for indicative feature, and
relationship for relationship, almost without an exception, it is identical with the
system now prevailing amongst the Tamil, Telugu, and Canarese peoples of South
India, as will hereafter be fully shown. The discrepancies between them are
actually less, aside from the vocables, than between the Seneca and the Cayuga.
The comparative table of the Seneca-Iroquois and Yankton-Dacota systems of
relationship, referred to at page 154, is appended to this chapter.
1 It signifies " calf of the leg," and refers to their manner of stringing strips of dried buffalo moat.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
167
TABLE EXHIBITING THE SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SENECA-IROQUOIS, AND OF THE YANKTON-DAKOTAS.
Description of persona.
Relationships in Seneca.
Translation.
Relationships in Yankton.
Translation.
LINEAL LINE.
My grandfather.
" grandmother.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" father.
" mother.
" son.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" elder brother.
" younger sister.
a it tt
" younger brother.
t; tt tt
" younger sister.
" brothers.
u tt
u tt
(t tt
" son.
" daughter-in-law.
" daughter.
" son-in-law.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" nephew.
" daughter-in-law.
" niece.
My grandfather.
" grandmother.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" father.
** mother.
" son.
daughter.
grandchild.
tt
tt
u
elder brother.
it tt
elder sister.
U tt
younger brother.
tt tt
younger sister.
u tt
brothers.
sisters,
tt
" son.
" daughter-in-law.
" daughter.
" son-in-law.
" grandchild.
t< tt
tt it
a <t
" nephew.
" daughter-in-law.
" niece.
" son-in-law.
" grandchild.
it ti
u tt
« tt
" nephew.
" daughter-in-law.
" niece.
" son-in-law.
" grandchild.
tt «
ti tt
11 son.
" daughter-in-law.
" daughter.
" son-in-law.
" grandchild.
tt <t
ft tt
u tt
" father.
i{ mother.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" sister-in-law,
it tt tt
** elder sister.
" younger sister.
" brother-in-law.
t it tt
* son.
* nephew.
' daughter.
* niece.
1 nephew.
' son.
" niece.
** daughter.
2. " great grandfather's mother
Oc'-sote
4. " great grandmother
Oc'-sote
O-che'
O-che'
7 " father
Ha'-nih . .
Ah-ta'
K'-nah
9. ' son
10. ' daughter
11. ' grandson
12. ' granddaughter
13. ' great grandson
Ha-ah'-wuk
Ka-ah'-wuk
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ya'-da
Me-tii'-ko-zhii
Me-tii'-ko-zha
15. ' great grandson's son
16. ' great grandson's daughter
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Hii'-je
Me-tii'-ko-zha
Che-a'
Hii'-je.
19. elder sister (male speaking)
20. eliler sister (female s/teakiny)
Ah'-je
Ah'-je
Ha'-ea ..
Chu-ih'
Me-soU'-ka
23. " younger sistej (male speaking)
24. " younger sister (female speaking)
Ka'-ga
Ka'-ga
Me-hun'ka-wan-zhe
Da-ya'-gwa-dan'-no-ilii
Da-ya'-gKii-dan'-no-d i
Da-ya'-gwa-dau'-no-dii
Ha-ah'-wuk
Ka'-sa
Me-ta- we-uoh ''-tin
First Collateral Line.
29. " brother's sou (mate speaking)
31 " brother's daughter " "
32. " brother's dau. husb. " "
33. " brother's grandson " "
34. " brother's gd. daughter " "
35. " brother's gt. gd. son " "
36. " brother's gt. gd. dau. " "
37. " sister's son "
Oc-ua'-hose
Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-yii'-da
Ha-ya'-wan-da
Ka'-sii
39. ' Bister's daughter " "
40. ' sister's daught. husb. " "
41. ' sister's grandson "
42. ' sister's granddanght. " "
43. ' sister's gt. grandson " "
44. " sister's gt. gd. daught. " "
Ka-ya'wan-da
Oc-na'-hose
Ha-yii'-da
Me-ta'-koash
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" nephew.
" daughter-in-law.
" niece.
" son-in-law.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" son.
" daughter-in-law.
" daughter.
" son-in-law.
" grandson.
" granddaughter
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" father.
" step-mother.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" sister-in-law.
tt tt tt
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
" brother-in-law,
tt tt tt
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" dauchtnr.
Me-ta'-ko-za
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-yii'-da
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-to~us'-ka
46. " brother's son's wife " "
47. " brother's daughter " "
48. " brother's dau. husb. " "
49. " brother's grandson " "
Ka'-sa
Ka-so'-neh
Oc-na'-hose
Ha-ya'-da
Me-ta-ko-zha
Me-ta-ko-zha
52. " brother's gt. gd. dau. " "
53. " sister's son " "
54. " sister's son's wife " "
55 " sister's daughter "
Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ah'-wuk
Ka'-sii
Me-ta'-ko-zha
56. " sister's daught. husb. " "
57. " sister's grandson "
58. " sister's granddaughter" "
Oc-na-hose
Ha-yii'-da
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
60. " sister's gt. gd.daujjht. " "
Second Collateral Line.
61 " father's brother
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Ha'-nih
\h ti'
63. " father's bro. son (older than myself)
Hii'-je
Ha'-ea...
Me soh'-ka
i)5. " father's brother's son's wife (m. s.)
Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah
Ha'-ka
].- gn't'-pii
67. " father's bro. dau. (oldei than myself)
Ah'-je
Ka'-ea...
Ton-ka'
69. " father's bro. daught. husb. (m. s.)
70. " father's bro. daught. husb. (/. s.)
71. " father's brother's son's son (m. s.)
Ta-huh'
Ha-ya'-o
73. " father's brother's son's dau. (m. s.)
74. " father's brother's son's dau. (/. s.)
75. " father's broth, daught. son (m. s.)
76. " father's broth, daught. son (f. s.)
77. " father's broth, daught. dau. (m. s.)
78. " father's broth, clausrl't. dan. (/. s.)
Ka-ah'-wuk
Ka-soh'-neh
Ha-ya'-wan-da
Ha-ah'-wuk
Ka-ya'- wan-da
Ka-ah'-wuk
Me to~us'-za
168
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE EXHIBITING THE SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SENECA-!ROQUOIS AND YANKTON-DAKOTAS — Continued.
Description of persona.
Relationships in Seneca.
Translation.
Relationships in Yankton,
Translation,
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
" granddaughter.
" annt.
" step- father.
" cousin.
tf ti
" sister-in-law.
( ft tl
' cousin.
i *i
' brother-in-law.
< n tt
' son.
' nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" uncle.
" aunt-in-law.
" cousin.
If tl
" sister-in-law.
ti n it
" consin.
t( u
" brother-in-law,
t <t tt
' son.
' nephew.
' daughter.
' niece.
' nephew.
' son.
' niece.
' daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" mother.
" step-father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" sister-in-law,
tt it tt
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
" brother-in-law.
tt ti ti
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandfather.
" father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandmother.
" aunt.
" cousin,
tt ti
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
Me-ta'-ko-zha
My grandchild.
ti tt
" aunt.
" uncle.
' male cousin.
f tt u
' sister-in-law.
t tt ti
' female cousin,
t tt n
' brother-in-law.
tt tt ti
" son.
" ni'pliew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandihild.
tt tt
" uncle.
" aunt.
" male cousin.
tt tt tt
" gister-in-law.
tt tt ti
" female consin.
tt tt tt
' brother-in-law,
t it tt
' son.
' nephew.
' daughter.
' niece.
' nephew.
' son.
' niece.
' daughter.
' grandchild,
f it
' mother.
" father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" sister-in-law,
ft ti tt
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
" brother-in-law.
tf tt it
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandchild,
ft tt
" grandfather.
" father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" son.
" nephpw.
" daughter.
" niece.
" grandchild,
tt ti
" grandmother.
" aunt.
" female cousin,
tt ft ti
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandchild.
it ft
Me-tii'-ko-zha
81. " father's sister
82. " father's sister's husband
83. " father's sister's son (m. speaking)
84. " father's sister's son (fern, speaking)
85. " father's sister's sou's wife {male speaking)
86. " " " " " (/em. speaking)
87. " father's sister's daughter {male speaking)
88. " " " " " (/em. speaking)
69. " father's sister's dau. husb. {male speaking)
90. " " " " " {fern, speaking)
91. " father's sister's son's son {male speaking)
92. " " " " " {fen. speaking)
93. " father's sister's son's dan. (male speaking)
94. " " " " " {fern, speaking)
95. " father's sister's danehter's son {m. s.)
96. " " " " " (/. s-)
97. " father's sister's daughter's danght. (m. s.)
98. " " " " " (/. *.)
99. " father's sister's great grandson
Ah-ga'-huc
Hoc-no'-ese
Ah-gare'-eeh
Ah-gare'-seh
Toh'-we
Tii'-she
Ila-kii'
E-sha'-pa.
Tii-ha'
Ha-ya'-o
She-cha'
Me-to~us'-ka
Me-to~^us'-za
Me-to"us'-ka
Ha-ya'-da
Me ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
101. " mother's brother
102. " mother's brother's wife
103. " mother's brother's son {male speaking)
104. " " " " {fnnale speaking)
105. " mother's brother's son's wife (m. s.)
106. " " " " " (/. s.)
107. " mother's brother's daughter (m. s.)
108. " " " (/. *.)
109. " mother's brother'9dan£!hter'shusb.(m.s.)
110. " " " " " (/. s.)
111. " mother's brother's son's son (m. s.)
112. " " " " " (/. s.)
113. " mother's brother's son's daughter (m. s.)
114. " " " " " (/. s.)
115. " mother's brother's daughter's son (m. «.)
116. " " " " " (/. » )
117. " mother's brother's daught. daught. (m. s.)
118. " " (/ «.)
Hoc-no'-seh
Ah-gS/-ni-ah
Toh'-we
Ta'-she
Ha-ka'
E-sha'-pa
Ta-huh'
Ha-ya'-o
She-cha'
Me-chink'-she
Me-chounk'-she
Ka-soh'-neh
Me-to~us'-ka
Me-to^us'-za
Me chounk'-she
Me-tii'-ko-zha
120. " mother's brother's great granddaughter...
Ka-ya'-da
No-yeh/ ."
K'-nah
122. " mother's sister's husband
123. " mother's sister's son {older than myself)
124. " " " " {younger than nil/self)
125. " mother's sister's son's wife (m. s.)
126. " " " " " (/. «.)
127. " mother's sister's dan. {older than myself)
128. " " " " {younger than myself)
129. " mother's sister's daughter's husb. (m. s.)
130. " " " " " (/. s.)
131. " mother's sister's son's son (m. s.)
132. " " " " " (/. s.)
133. " mother's Bister's son's daughter, {m. s.)
134. " " " " " (/. *.)
135. " mother's sister's daughter's son (m. s.)
136. " " " " " (/. s.)
137. " mother's sister's daught. daught. {m. s.)
138. " " " " " (/. s.)
Hoc-no'-ese
Ha'-je
Ah-ta'
Che-a'
Ha'-trS,
Ha-ka'
E-sha'-pa.
Ah'-je
Ton'-ka
Ka'-ea
Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o
Ta-ha'
She'-cha
Me-chink'-she
Me-to^us'-za
Me-to^us'-ka
Ha^ya/-da
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zhii
Third Collateral Line.
141. " father's father's brother
Hoc'-sote
Hii'-mh
Toon-kii'-she-na
Ah-ta'
143. " father's fa. bro. sou's s. {older than myself)
144. " " " " " {younger than myself)
145. " father's fath. bro. son's son's sou (m. ».)
146. " " " " " " " (/. «.)
147. " father's fath. bro. son's son's dau. (m. «.)
148. " " " " " " " (/. ».)
149. " father's father's brother's gt. gt. grandson
150. " father's father's brother's gt. gt. gd. dau.
Uji'.je
Clie-a'
Ha'-ga
Me-chounk'-she
Ha-ya'-da
Mi'-tii'-ko-zlia
Oc'-sote
O-che'
152. " father's father's sister's daughter
153. " father'8 father's sister's dau. dau. (m. «.)
154 '* '* " '* *( ** (f. s.)
155. " father's father's sist. dau. dau. son (m. s.)
156. " " " " " " " (/. s.)
157. " father's father's sist. dau. dau. dau.(m.«.)
158. " " " " " " " (/. s.)
159. " father's fatlier's sister's great grandHon....
lijl). " father's father's sister's gt. granddaughter
Ah-ga'-hun
Toh'-we
Me-chink'-she
Me-to~us'-za
Me chonnk'-she
Ha-yii'-da
K.'i-yii'-da
Me-ta'-ko-zha
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
169
TABLE EXHIBITING THE SYSTEM OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SENECA-!ROQUOIS AND YANK.TON-DAKOTAS — Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationships in Seneca.
Translation.
Relationships in Yankton.
Translation.
Hoc'-sote
My grandfather.
" uncle.
" cousin,
it it
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter
" niece.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
' grandmother.
' mother.
' elder sister.
' younger sister.
' nephew.
' son.
' niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandfather.
it a
" father.
" elder brother.
" sou.
" grandson.
" grandmother.
it n
" Annt.
" Cousin.
" daughter.
" granddaughter.
" grandfather,
ii 11
" uncle.
" cousin.
" son.
" grandson.
" grandmother,
it ii
" mother.
" elder sister.
" daughter.
" granddaughter.
" hnsb. (two joined).
" wife (two joined).
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" son-in-law.
" daughter-in-law.
" step-father.
" step-mother.
" step-son.
" step-daughter.
" elder or y'nger bro.
" elder or y'nger sist.
" brother-in-law,
it it ii
it ii ii
ii ii it
Not related,
a ii
My sister-in-law
ii ii ii
it ii ii
ti ii it
Not related.
ii it
Widow.
Widower.
Twins..
Toon-ka'-she-na
My grandfather.
" uncle.
" male cousin,
ii ii it
" sou.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" grandchild.
it ii
" grandmother.
" mother.
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
' nephew.
' son.
' niece.
' daughter.
' grandchild,
i it
" grandfather.
it ii
" father.
" elder brother.
" son.
" grandchild.
" grandmother,
ii a
' aunt.
' female cousin.
' daughter.
' grandchild.
' grandfather.
i K
' uncle.
' male cousin.
' son.
' grandchild.
" grandmother.
ii ii
" mother.
" elder sister.
" daughter.
" grandchild.
" husband.
" wife.
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" son-in-law.
" daughter-in-law.
" father.
" mother.
" son.
" daughter.
" Elder or y'nger bro.
ii ii ii ii
' brother-in-law,
i ii ii
i ii ii
i ii ii
' Elder or y'nger bro.
it a ii ii
" sister-in-law.
ii it ii
ii ii ii
ii ii ii
ii it ii
Widow.
Widower.
Twins.
Hoc-no'-seh
Dake'-she
163. " mother's mother's bro. son's sou (m. s.)
164. " " " " " " (/. s.)
165. " mother's mother's bro. son's s. s. (m. s.)
166. " " " " " " (/. s.)
167. " mother's moth. bro. son's s. dau. (m. s.)
168. " " " " " " " (/. s.)
169. " mother's mother's brother's gt. grandson
170. " mother's mother's bro. gt. granddaughter
Tii'-she
She-cha'-she
Me-to^us'-ka
Ka-ah'-wuk'
Ka-soh'-neh , ...
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Me-ta'-ko-zha
0<;'-sote
O-che'
No'-yeh
E"-nah
173. ' mother's mo. sis. dau. fr.(older than myself)
174. ' " " " (younger than myself)
175. ' mother's moth. sist. dau. son's son (»i. s.)
176. ' " " " " " (/. s.)
177. ' mother's mother's sist. dau. dau. (m. s.)
178. ' " " " " " (/. s.)
179. ' mother's mother's sister's great grandson
180. " mother's mother's sister's gt. gd. daught.
Fourth Collateral Line.
181. " father's father's father's brother
Ah'-je
Ka'-ga
Me-soh'-ka
Me-to^us'-ka
Ha-ah'-wuk
Ha-yii'-da
Me-tii/ ko zhji
Toon-ka/-she-na
182. " father's father's father's brother's son
183. " father's father's father's broth, son's son
184. " father's fa. fa. br. s. s. s. (older than myself)
185. " father's fa. fa. broth, son's s. 8. s. (m. s.)
186. " father's fa. fa. brother's son's son's s. s. s.
187. " father's father's father's sister
188. " father's father's father's sister's daughter
189. " father's father's father's sister's dau. dau.
190. " father's father's fath. sist. dau. dau. dau.
191. " father's fa. fa. sist. dau. dau. d. d. (m. s.)
192. " father's fa. fa. sist. dau. d. d. d. d. "
193. " mother's mother's mother's brother
194. " mother's mother's mother's brother's son
195. " mother's mother's mother's bro. sou's son
196. " mother's mo. mo. bro. sou's son's s.(m. s.)
197. " mother's mo. ino. bro. sou's svs. s. "
198. " mother's mo. mo. bro. son's son's s. s. S.
199. " mother's mother's mother's sister
2110. " mother's mother's mother's sister's dau.
201. " mother's mother's mo. sister's dau. dau.
202. " mother's mo. mo. sister's dau. dau. dan.
203. " mo. m. m. sis. d. d. d. d. (older than myself )
204. " mo. mo. mo. sis. dau. dau. dau. dau. dau.
Marriage Relatives.
205. " husband
Hoo'-sote
Ha'-nih
Ah'-ta
Ua'-je
Che'-a
Ha-ya'-da
Me-ta/-ko-zha
Oc'-sote
Oc'-sote
O-che7
0-che'
Toh'-we
Ha-ka/-she
Me-ta/-ko-zha
Hoe'-sote
Toou-kii/-she ua
Ta/-she . ...
Ha-ya'-da
Me-taMco-zha
Oc'-sote
0-chex
0-che/.
E'-nah
Ah'-je
Ton-ka'
Da-yake'-ne . .
206. " wife
207. " husband's father
Da-yake'-ne
Ha-ga'-sa ...
To-ka/-she
208. " husband's mother
209. " husband's grandfather
210. " husband's grandmother
Ha-ya'-sa
O-che' .
211. " wife's father
212. " wife's mother
213. " wife's grandfather
214. " wife's grandmother
215. " son-in-law
216. " daughter-in-law
Oc-na'-hose
Oc-na'-hose
Hoc'-sote
Oc'-sote
Oc-na'-hose
Ka'-sa ..
To-ka/-she
Toon -kii/-s he-na
0-che'
217. " step-father
Ah-ta'
218. " step-mother
219. " step-son
Oc-no'-ese
Ha'-no
E'-nah
220. " step-daughter
Ka'-no
221. " step-brother
Ha'-je(o) ha'-ga(y)
Ah'-je(o) ka'-ga(y)
Ha-ya'-o
Che-a'(o)me-soh'-ka(y)
Ton-ka' (o) me-tank'-she
She-cha' [(y)
222. " stepsister
223. " brother-in-law (husband's brother)
224. " " " (sister's husband (m. s.)
225. " " " " " (/. s.)
226. " " " (wife's brother)
227. " " " (wife's sister's husband)
228. " " " (husband's sister's husband)
229. " sister-in-law (wife's sister)
230. " " " (brother's wife (m. s.)
231. " " " " " (/. s.)
232. " " " (husband's sister)
233. " " " (wife's brother's wife)
234. " " " (husband's brother's wife)
235. Widow
236. Widower
Ah-ge^ah'-ne^o
Ta-huh'
Ha-ya'-o
She-cha'
Tii-ha'
Che-a'(o)me-soh'-ka(y)
Che-a (o) me-soh-ka (y)
Ha-ka'
Ka-ya'-o
Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah
E-sha'-pS,
Ah-ge^ah'-ne^o
E-sha'-pa
Hii-kii/
E-sha'-pa
We-ta/-she-na
Ho-no-kwa'-yes-hii-ah..
Ta geek'-ha
237. Twins
238. Two fathers-in-law to each other
Chek'-pa
239. Two mothers-in-law to each other '.
22 January, 1870.
170 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CHAPTER III.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY— CONTINUED.
II. Dakotan Nations.— 1. Dakota Nations Proper— Their Area and Dialects — Their Transfer to the Plains— Federa-
tive Principle among them — System of Relationship of the Yanktons taken as the Standard — Indicative Relation-
Bhips— System identical with the Seneca — Increasing Evidence of the Self-perpetuation of the System— 2.
Missouri Nations — Their Area and Dialects — System of the Kaws adopted as the Standard — Indicative Relation-
ships— Principal Deviation from Uniformity — It occurs invariably on the Relationships between the Children of a
Brother and Sister — System identical with the Yankton — 3. Winnebagoes — Their Original Area — Nearest Affiliation
of this Dialect with those of the Missouri Nations — Their System identical with the Yankton — 4. Mandans —
Agricultural and Village Indians — Indicative Relationships — System identical with the Yankton— 5. Minnitarees
and Upsarokas or Crows— Separation of the Crows from the Minnitarees— Their Migration northward to the Sis-
katchewun — Their Dialect — Observations upon the Divergence of Dialects — Minnitaree System — Indicative Rela-
tionships— Identical with the Yankton — Principal Deviation from Uniformity. III. Gulf Nations — 1. Gulf Nations
Proper — Their Area and Dialects — System of the Choctas adopted as Standard — Indicative Relationships —
System identical with the Yankton — Principal Deviation from Uniformity — It agrees with the Minnitaree — Min-
nitarees a connecting link between Gulf and Missouri Nations — 2. Cherokees — Their Language and Area — System
of Relationship identical with the Chocta — Observations upon the Dakotan Dialects. IV. Prairie Nations — Their
Area and Dialects — 1. Pawnees — Republican Pawnee System taken as Standard — Its indicative Relationships —
Identical with the Yankton — Principal Deviation from Uniformity — It agrees with the Checta — 2. Arickareea —
Their Area and Dialect — Their System agrees with the Pawnee — Reasons for attaching Gulf and Prairie Nations
to the Dakotan Stem — Results of Comparison of Systems — One System in Fundamental Characteristics found
among all these Nations — Their Unity of Origin — System of Relationship as a Basis for the construction of a
Family of Nations.
1. Dakota Nations Proper. 2. Missouri Nations. 3. Winnebagoes. 4. Man-
dans. 5. Minnitarees and Upsarokas or Crows.
The two leading subdivisions of the Ganowanian family north of New Mexico
are the Dakotan and the Algonkin. They have held this position from the earliest
period to which our knowledge extends. It is probable that all of the nations
south of the Siskatchewun Eiver and Hudson's Bay, and east of the Missouri and
Mississippi Rivers will ultimately be resolved by linguistic affiliations, into these
two great divisions. A large number of nations west of the Missouri also belong
to the Dakotan Stem. The two groups of languages occupied about equal areas,
and are respectively broken up into about the same number of dialects. Among
the dialects of the former language, which is the oldest of the two in the area if
the Gulf nations belong to this branch, the amount of deviation is much the
greatest, the vocables of many of them having changed beyond the reach of identi-
fication, although they still wear a family resemblance. It is also extremely
probable, not to say certain, that the two original languages from which these
dialects respectively have emanated had become distinct and entirely changed irt
their vocables, on the Pacific side of the Continent, before the two streams of
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 171
migration commenced to the eastward, the Dakotan to the valley of the Mississippi
by some southern route, and the Algonkin to the chain of Lakes, and the valley of
the St. Lawrence by some northern route. The classification of nations adopted in
the Table is founded chiefly upon their system of relationship, which contains some
evidence bearing upon their inter-relations that will appear as we proceed.
A stock language, as the term is here used, includes such dialects as have a
sufficient number of vocables for common objects susceptible of identification to
establish their immediate derivation from each other, or from a common parent
language. Branch, when applied to a group of nations, is coextensive with stock
language as applied to a group of dialects. The term stem, or stem-people, is used
in a more comprehensive sense. It includes several branches or groups of nations,
whose systems of relationship possess features showing affinity of blood. It also
includes several stock languages, the vocables of which have a family resemblance,
although changed beyond immediate identification.
I. Dakota Nations Proper. 1. Isaunties. 2. Yanktons. 3. Yanktonais. 4.
Sissetons. 5. Ogalallas. 6. Brules. 7. Unkpappas. 8. Blackfoot Dakotas. (9.
Ohenonpas. 10. Minnikanyes. 11. Sansarcs. 12. Itazipcoes, these are not repre-
sented in the Table.) 13. Asiniboines.
At the period of European discovery, the Dakotas proper were found established
upon the head waters of the Mississippi in the present state of Minnesota. Their
home country extended from the head of Lake Superior to the Missouri River, the
greater part of which, along the margins of the rivers, streams and lakes, was in
their continuous occupation. When first known to the colonists, through the
early explorers, they were subdivided into a number of independent bands, living
more or less in tent villages,1 and were supposed to be more numerous than any
other northern Indians who spoke mutually intelligible dialects. The first accounts
were favorable concerning their intelligence, their hospitality, and their manliness.
The Dakota language has assumed two, if not three, distinctly marked dialectical
forms, but the variance is not sufficient to interrupt free communication. These
dialects may be distinguished as the Isauntie, the Teeton, and the Yankton.
Between the first two the amount of variation is considerable ; but the third, the
Yankton, is in the process of formation out of the first.2 As two forms of the same
speech, they may be called the Isauntie, or the Mississippi, and the Teeton or
Missouri Dakota. For philological purposes they are extremely interesting, since
the variance is still in the incipient stages of its development.
1 Carver's Travels, p. 51 (Philadelphia edition 1796), shows that this was the case in 1766.
9 " The chief peculiarity of the Ihanktonwan [Yankton] as compared with that of the Dakotas of
Minnesota [Isaunties] is the almost universal substitution of k for h. The Titonwan [Teeton] exhibits
more striking differences. In it g hard is used for h of the Isanties and Ic of the Ihanktonwans, and
rejecting d altogether, they used I in its stead. * * * Thus, to illustrate the foregoing. * * *
' Hda,'1 to go home of the Isantes, is ' kda1 of the Ihantonwans dialect, and 'gla' in the Titonwau.
Many words, too, are entirely different, as for example, ' isan', a knife ; the Titonwans say ' milla',
and the Ihanktonwans minna." Smithsonian Con. IV. Gram, and Die. of Dakota Language, Intro.
XVII. This last difference may probably be explained by the absence of a term for knife in the
primitive language.
172 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Since the period of their discovery, when the Dakotas occupied a territory of small
dimensions, a great change has taken place in their condition, ascribable, in part, to
the retro-migration westward of the Indian nations ; but chiefly to the possession
of the horse, which has proved by far the most important material gift of Americans
to the American aborigines. After they had learned to rear and tend this valuable
domestic animal, in which they have been eminently successful, they gradually
spread over the vast prairies of the interior of the continent, which never before
had been capable of human occupation, until at the present time their range
extends over the immense area from the western head branches of the Mississippi
to the foot of the Rocky Mountain chain. The change thus wrought in their
condition has been chiefly for the worse, although it seems probable that they are
now more numerous than at any former period. They have ceased altogether to
live in villages, in which the first germs of social progress originate, and have
betaken themselves to camps on the plains, where they now lead a life of unrelieved
hardship, and of incessant conflict with adjacent nations, although acknowledged
masters within their own area. They have now become nomades in the full sense
of the term, depending for subsistence upon the buffaloes, whose migrations they
follow. When first known to us they were not agriculturalists in the slightest
particular, but depended exclusively upon fish, wild rice, and game. The innume-
rable lakes in central and northern Minnesota were well stocked with fish, and the
mixture of forest, lake, and prairie, which make this one of the most strikingly
beautiful regions within the limits of the United States, also rendered it an excel-
lent game country. The exchange was greatly to their disadvantage. Their
transfer to the plains, where the greater part of them now dwell, was much more
from necessity than choice. The steady and irresistible flow of the white popula-
tion westward necessarily forced the Dakotas in this direction, so that their retro-
gression was but the realization of their portion of the common destiny of all the
•nations east of the Mississippi.
The Dakotas have long enjoyed the advantages imparted by a consciousness of
strength from superior numbers.1 They have had the sagacity and wisdom to
maintain a species of alliance among the several subdivisions into which they had
fallen by the inevitable law of Indian Society, although each band was practically
an independent nation. Friendly relations have subsisted among them from time
immemorial with the single exception of the Asiniboines, who became detached
shortly before the year 1600, as near as can be ascertained, and incurred, in conse-
quence, the hostility of their congeners. The important uses of the federal principle
to arrest the constant tendency to denationalization was understood by the Dakotas,
although it never ripened into a permanent and effective organization. Their
name La-Jeo'-ta in the dialects of the western nations, and Dd-ne-Jco'-ta in that of
the eastern, signifies leagued or allied, and they also called themselves, by a figure
of speech, "The Seven Council Fires," from the seven principal bands which formed
1 They arc estimated at the present time, to number about twenty-three thousand.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 173
the compact.1 We have no knowledge of any important acts of legislation for the
general welfare, by this Dakotan Confederacy, but there can be no doubt that even
a nominal league would tend to promote and preserve harmony among them, as
well as to increase their influence among Indian nations. Every trace of the
federative principle in the Ganowanian family possesses some degree of importance,
as it reveals in each case the development of the first germ of progress from the
monotonous level of the roving bands.
Intellectually the Dakotas compare favorably with the most advanced of their
contemporaries. Intractable and independent in their dispositions they have, for
the most part held themselves aloof from government influence ; but generous
and just to each other, they have maintained among Indian nations a favorable
reputation for energy, hardihood, and courage.2 Their chiefs in council are bold,
graceful, and fluent speakers. In this respect they compare favorably with the
Iroquois, who have reached some distinction in eloquence. At different times I
have heard the chiefs and orators of many Indian nations speak in council, but
none of them impressed me more strongly than the Dakota chiefs. Clearness of
thought and energy of will characterized their speech, and a free untameable spirit
their demeanor.
It is impossible to save the Dakotas, or any Indian nation, in the strictly abo-
riginal condition. They must either become agricultural or pastoral, or disappear
from the continent. With this great change even it is a formidable struggle for
existence. The Dakotas have seized the principal part, or rather the northern half
of the interior prairie area, no considerable portion of which, it seems probable, can
ever be occupied by our people. It is throughout poorly watered, and substantially
destitute of forest. On the Upper Missouri for two thousand miles, and until you
reach the foot slopes of the mountains, the timber is confined to the bottom lands of
the river, and is very scanty even there. It is the same with all of its tributaries. A
civilized and agricultural population can never inhabit any portion of this inland re- .
gion, except a narrow margin upon the rivers. On the plains, the Dakotas, if they
maintain peaceful relations, will interfere with no interests of the American people.
When the Buffalo ceases from diminished numbers to afford them subsistence,
which will be the case at no distant day, they will be compelled to rear domestic
cattle to supply their place. In this there is every reason to suppose they may be
entirely successful, from their experience in raising horses, from their knowledge
of the buffalo ranges, and from their familiarity with the life of the camp. Should
1 These were, 1. The Mediwanktons ; 2. Walipekutes ; 3. Wabipetons ; 4. Sissetons ; 5. Yank-
tons ; 6. Yanktonais; 7. Teetons. The first three are collectively the Isaunties of the Table ; and
the Teetons are now subdivided into, 1. Ogalallas ; 2. Brules ; 3. Uncpappas ; 4. Blackfoot Dakotas ;
5. Ohenonpas ; 6. Itazipcoes ; 7. Minekanyes, and 8. Sansarcs.
1 In the year 1862, at Fort Pierre in Nebraska Territory, at a council held by the United States
Indian agent with the chiefs of several bands of the Dakotas, I witnessed the refusal of a chief
of one of them to receive any annuity whatever from the government; and he alleged as a reason
that the acceptance of the goods, which were in a pile before him as he spoke, would compromise
the independence of his people.
174 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
they make the experiment and succeed in becoming a pastoral people, they will
reach a higher degree of prosperity and numbers in the future than they have
known in the past. In the course of events their removal to the plains may prove
the means of their preservation, and secure to them a more hopeful future than
awaits any other branch of the family.
Of the thirteen distinct and independent Dakota bands or nations named, eleven
are represented in the Table (Table II, Part II). Their system of consanguinity
and affinity is one and the same among them all, in every feature which is material,
and in nearly every minute particular.
This would be expected from the near approach of their dialects to a common
speech ; but it is also important as a fact, since it tends to illustrate the living
power of the system, and its ability to perpetuate itself among geographically
separated nations. One form will be sufficient to present, and that of the Yanktons
will be selected as the standard system of these nations.
It will not be necessary to take up the Yankton system of relationship as we did
the Seneca and present the several lines in detail, since it is material only to know
wherein it agrees with the Seneca, and wherein it differs. This may be shown by
pointing out the differences in the Yankton, leaving it to be inferred that in other
respects it agrees with the Seneca ; or it may be shown by stating the indicative
relationships, which not only reveal the fundamental characteristics of the system,
but which also control the several relationships that follow. There are upwards of
seventy different forms given in the Table in as many dialects of the Ganowanian
language ; and that which is true with respect to the Yankton is also equally true
with reference to the others. Whilst it is important to know the actual present
condition of the system among all of these nations to appreciate its nature and
principles as a domestic institution, its power of self-perpetuation, and its bearing
upon the question of the unity of origin of these nations, it would be too great a tax
upon the reader to go through the minute details of each. The Table contains the
full particulars. To this he is referred for a more minute knowledge of the system
pf each nation. Some plan, however, must be adopted for presenting so much of the
system of each nation, or of groups of closely affiliated nations, as will exhibit its
material characteristics. A statement of the general results of a comparison would
be less satisfactory than a comparison of the material characteristics themselves ;
because the latter will reveal the positive elements of the system. In most cases
the result desired can be secured by stating the indicative relationships, from which
its agreement or disagreement with the Seneca will be at once perceived. These
relationships disclose the radical features of the system. When they are found to
agree with the Seneca the identity of the two becomes established. In other cases,
where the differences are greater, it will be preferable to state the differences ; and
in still others it may be necessary to give details. The utmost brevity will be
sought, under either form of explanation, in the survey about to be made of the
system of relationship of the remaining nations of the Ganowanian family.
There are separate terms in the Yankton for grandfather and grandmother,
Toon-led' -she-no, and 0'-c7ie; for father and mother, Ah-ta' and E'-nah ; for son and
daughter, Mc-chinlc'-she and Me-chounk' '-she ; and a term in common gender for
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 175
grandchild, Me-ta' -kozlia. All above the former are grandfathers and grand-
mothers, and all below the latter are grandchildren.
The fraternal and sororal relationships are in the twofold form of elder and
younger, for which there is a double set of terms, one of which is used by the males
and the other by the females ; for brother and sister in the abstract there is no
term in the dialect, except in the plural number. There are two terms for cousin
(male and female), used by the males, and two for the same used by the females.
The following are the indicative relationships in the Yankton-Dakota system : —
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, with Ego a male, are my
son and daughter, Me-chwJc'-sJie and Ne-chounlc' slie ; with Ego a female they are
my nephew and niece.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego being a male, are my nephew and
niece, Me-to-us' -lea and Me-to-us'-zd; with.%0 a female they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father, Ah-ta'.
Fourth. My father's brother's son is my elder or younger brother Che'-a or
Me-soh'-ka, as he is older or younger than myself; and his daughter is my elder or
younger sister, Tan-ka' or Me-tanJc' -she.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Toh'-we.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Dake'-slie.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother, E'-nah.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son is my elder or younger brother, and her
daughter is my elder or younger sister.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Toon-7ca'-z7ie~na.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, and of my cousins are my grandchildren without
distinction. This merges the several collateral lines in the lineal line.
In these the indicative relationships, the Yankton and Seneca are identical. It
may be stated in addition that the children of my uncle and aunt are my cousins ;
that the children of my collateral brothers, and of my male cousins, Ego being a
male, are my sons and daughters, and that the children of my collateral sisters, and of
my female cousins, are my nephews and nieces ; with Ego a female, these relation-
ships are reversed. A comparison of the two forms, as they are found at the end
of Chapter II, will show that they are in minute agreement throughout, the mar-
riage relationships included.
It has before been stated that the system of relationship of the remaining
Dakota nations is the same in all material respects as the Yankton. A reference
to the Table will show how entirely they agree, not only in general characteristics,
but also in minute details. It will also be noticed that the terms of relationship
are the same words, in nearly every instance, under dialectical changes. This
shows that the terms have come down to each nation as a part of the common
language ; and that the system, also, was derived by each from the common source
of the language. The system is thus made coeval with the period when these
nations spoke a single dialect, and were one people.
The Asiniboines, as has been elsewhere remarked, had become detached from
the Dakotas when first known to Europeans. Their range was from near the
176 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY
northwest shore of Lake Superior, along the Rainy Lake, and Lake of the Woods
towards Lake Winnipeg. They formed an alliance with the Crees for mutual
defence against the Dakotas, which has been maintained with more or less con-
stancy to the present time. They are now west of the Red River of the North,
and north of the Missouri, their range including a portion of the Hudson's Bay
Territory. In their system of relationship they agree so closely with the Yankton
that whatever is said of one is equally applicable to the other. A greater differ-
ence in dialect is found between the Asiniboine and Yankton than is found
among the remaining Dakota dialects as to each other, which is explained by the
isolation of the former from the Dakota speech for two hundred and fifty years and
upwards. But the amount of dialectical variation in the terms of relationship is
still inconsiderable.
It thus appears that every indicative feature of the Seneca system is not only
present in that of the Dakota nations ; but that they are coincident throughout.
The diagrams used to illustrate the Seneca-Iroquois form will answer for either of
the Dakota nations as well. Every relationship I believe, without exception,
would be the same in the six diagrams. This identity of systems is certainly an
extraordinary fact when its elaborate and complicated structure is considered.
The significance of this identity is much increased by the further fact that it
has remained to the present time, after a separation of the Iroquois from the
Dakota nations, or from some common parent nation, for a period of time which
must be measured by the centuries required to change the vocables of their respec-
tive stock languages beyond recognition. The maintenance of a system which
creates such diversities in the domestic relationships, and which is founded upon
such peculiar discriminations, is the highest evidence of its enduring nature as a
system. Ideas never change. The language in which they are clothed is muta-
ble, and may become wholly transformed ; but the conceptions which it embodies,
and the ideas which it holds in its grasp, are alone exempt from mutability. When
these ideas or conceptions are associated together in such fixed relations as to
create a system of consanguinity, resting upon unchangeable necessities, the latter
is perpetuated by their vital force, or the system, in virtue of its organic structure,
holds these ideas in a living form. We shall be led step by step to the final infer-
ence that this system of relationship originated in the primitive ages of mankind,
and that it has been propagated like language with the streams of the blood.
II. Missouri Nations. 1. Punkas. 2. Omahas. 3. lowas. 4. Otoes. (5.
Missouris, not in the Table.) 6. Kaws. 7. Osages. (8. Quappas, not in the
Table.1)
This name is proposed for the above group of nations whose dialects are closely
allied with each other, and all of which were derived from the same immediate
source as the dialects of the Dakota language proper. These nations, when first
1 The orthography of some of these names is not in accordance with the common pronunciation in
the Indian countrj. To conform with it they should be written: Punkaws, Omaliaws, and Qnappaws.
Otoe is not the original name of this nation. Their own name, which has a vulgar signification, was
changed to Otoe at the suggestion of the traders.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 177
known to Europeans occupied the banks of the Missouri River from the mouth of
the Punka on the north, to the junction of the Missouri and Mississippi, and thence
down the latter river to the mouth of the Arkansas on the south. In their dialects
they arrange themselves into three classes, as follows: 1. Punka and Omaha; 2.
Iowa, Otoe, and Missouri ; and 3. Kaw, Osage, and Quappa. The system of relation-
ship of all these nations is given in the Table, with the exception of the Quappa,
which is believed to be identical with the Osage. The remains of the Missouri
nation are now intermingled with the Otoes, and the system of the latter nation
represents both. These nations were originally three, as their dialects still demon-
strate, and were afterwards increased to eight by subdivision. It is not now ascer-
tainable whether the three were one when they separated from the parent stem,
or broke off at three different times. The fact that the eight dialects are now
nearer to each other than either is to the Dakota proper, favors the former supposi-
tion. It is at least clear that they broke off in one body, or quite near the same
epoch in separate bodies. The Dakota dialects including the Asiniboine, are very
much nearer to each other than the dialects of the Missouri nations are among
themselves, as will be seen by consulting the Table. It would seem, therefore,
that unless we assume the existence of some intermediate nation from which both
were derived, and which has since disappeared, the greater relative age must be
assigned to the Missouri Nations. There is, however, a serious philological diffi-
culty encountered in deriving the Dakotas from the Missouri Nations, or the
reverse. It must be considered, as a part of the problem, that the latter nations
were scattered along the banks of the Missouri, and below on the Mississippi, for
more than a thousand miles, which would tend to increase the amount of dialec-
tical variation ; whilst the* former occupied a compact area upon the head waters
of the Mississippi, and from thence across a narrow belt of country to the Missouri,
which would tend in the first instance to prevent the formation of dialects and
afterwards to repress the amount of dialectical variation.1 On comparing their
respective systems of relationship it will be found that the Missouri form deviates
in one important particular, from that of the Dakota nations, in which respect it is
the rudest, and therefore the oldest. But this fact does not yield any evidence
with respect to relative age, since the supposition intervenes that the Dakota form
1 A comparison of the Punka and Yankton vocables reveals a large amount of variation, although
the identity of many of the words is obvious on mere inspection. These dialects were geographi-
cally contiguous. The Punka is one of the rudest dialects of the Dakotan stock language. It would
scarcely be supposed from the vocables that a Punka and Yankton native could understand each
other, and yet the contrary is the fact. While on the Punka reservation in Nebraska in 1862, I
obtained the Punka system of relationship from a native, with the assistance of a Yankton half blood
girl, who spoke English and Yankton fluently, but could not speak the Punka. Neither could the
Punka Indian speak the Yankton. With some difficulty they were able to understand each other while
using their respective dialects. They were undoubtedly able to detect and follow common root
forms, however much disguised. The actual amount of dialectical change is, in reality, much less
than the vocabularies seem to show.
23 February, 1870.
178 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
was originally the same ; and that it has been advanced, by development, from this
lower to a higher stage.
The system of consanguinity and affinity of the Missouri Nations is one and the
same among them all. They also agree with each other in those particulars in
which they diverge from the Dakota form. It will be sufficient to present the
system of one of these nations, and that of the Kaws will be taken as the standard.
It will be understood hereafter unless the contrary is stated, that each nation has
special terms for the relationships of grandfather and grandmother, father and
mother, brother and sister, son and daughter, and grandson and granddaughter ;
and that the fraternal and sororal relationships are in the twofold form of elder and
younger.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. "With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren. This merges the several
collateral lines in the lineal line.1
The other relationships follow as in the Seneca and Yankton, until we come to
that which subsists between the children of a brother and sister, where the prin-
cipal deviation from uniformity in the system of the Ganowanian family occurs, as
has elsewhere been stated. It is very necessary to understand the several forms
of this divergence, since the knowledge will tend to explain some part of the inter-
nal history of the system. It also has a direct bearing upon the question of the
stability of its radical characteristics. Among the Iroquois and Dakota nations
as has been seen, the children of a brother and sister are cousins to each other ;
but among the Missouri nations they are uncle and nephew to each other if males,
1 In the Omaha dialect there are two terms for son and two for daughter, one of which is used by
the males, and the other by the females. It is probable that there are two sets of terms in the other
Missouri dialects, although I did not discover them. She-me-she-ga in Kaw signifies my girl. It
is formed differently from the corresponding term in the other Missouri dialects, e. g., Kaw,
He-she' -g&, my son ; She-me'-she-ga, my daughter ; Osage, We-she'-ka, my son ; We-shon'-kii, my
daughter, which is analogous to the Yankton ; Me-chink'-she, Me-choonk'-she, and the Winnebago,
E-neke', E-nook'. Where a term originally in common gender takes on a masculine and feminine
form, the latter retains the original form.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 179
and mother and daughter if females. When run out in detail the relationships
are as follows : —
My father's sister is my aunt, Be-je'-me ; her son and daughter are my nephew
and niece, Be-chose'-ka and Be-clie' -zlio, each of them calling me uncle ; and their
children are each my grandchild, Be-chose'-pd, each of them calling me grandfather,
Be-che'-go. With Ego a female, my father's sister's son and daughter are my son
and daughter, Be-she'-gci and /She-me'-she-gd, each of them calling me mother ; and
their children are my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandmother.
My mother's brother is my uncle, Be-ja'-ga, and calls me nephew; his son is my
uncle again, and calls me nephew ; and his descendants in the male line are severally
my uncles, theoretically, in an infinite series.1 My mother's brother's daughter is
my mother E'-naw, and calls me her son ; the son and daughter of this mother are
my brother and sister, elder or younger according to our relative ages, and they
address me by the correlative terms. The son and daughter of this collateral
brother are my son and daughter ; of this collateral sister my nephew and niece ;
and the children of each are my grandchildren. With Ego a female these rela-
tionships are the same, except that those who are sons and daughters are changed
to nephews and nieces, and those who are the latter are changed to the former.
A mother's brother and his lineal male descendants are thus placed in a superior
relationship over her children with the authority the avunculine relationship implies
in Indian society. In its practical application the infant becomes the uncle of the
centenarian.
The terms of relationship in the eight dialects of the Missouri nations are, for
the most part, the same words under dialectical changes ; and, inasmuch as the
system of the several nations is identical, it follows that both the terms and the
system were derived by each nation from the common source of the language. The
system can also claim an antiquity coeval with the period when these nations were
a single people. It has also been, made evident that the system of the Missouri,
the Dakota, and the Iroquois nations is identical.
With respect to the relationship of cousin, it will become more and more appa-
rent, as the investigation progresses, that it was unknown in the primitive system
of the Ganowanian family. It seems to have been developed at a later day, by the
more advanced nations, to remove a blemish in the system and to improve its sym-
metry. All the nations which have advanced to a knowledge of this relationship
have restricted it in every instance, to the children of a brother and sister ; thus
showing, as we have previously seen in the system of the Aryan family, that if it
1 Of the actual existence and daily recognition of these relationships, as stated, novel as they are,
there is no doubt whatever. I first discovered this deviation from the typical form while working out
the system of the Kaws in Kansas in 1859. The Kaw chief from whom I obtained it, through a
perfectly competent interpreter, insisted upon the verity of these relationships against all doubts and
questionings ; and when the work was done I found it proved itself through the correlative relation-
ships. Afterwards in 1860, while at the Iowa reservation in Nebraska, I had an opportunity to test
it fully, both in Iowa and Otoe, through White Cloud a native Iowa well versed in English. While
discussing these relationships he pointed out a boy near us, and remarked that he was his uncle, and
the son of his mother's brother who was also his uncle.
180 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
was developed at all, the direction of the advance was predetermined by the ele-
ments of the system. In other words, it is under the absolute control, like other
domestic institutions, of the primary ideas upon which it is founded. Whilst it
cannot be changed by the arbitrary introduction of new elements from without, it
may be advanced by development from within, in which case it must move in
logical accordance with the principles of the system. What the original form, as
to these relationships, may have been, it is extremely difficult to determine. There
are four different methods of disposing of them found among the Ganowanian
nations ; by the first the children of a brother and sister are cousin and cousin ; by
the second uncle and nephew when males, and mother and daughter when females ;
by the third, son and father when males, and granddaughter and grandmother
when females ; and of the fourth, brother and sister. The first appears to be an
advance, and the last a lapse, from the primitive system. At present the choice
lies between the second and third. It is also an interesting fact that the first,
second, and fourth forms are found among the Algonkin nations. These deviations
from uniformity have an important bearing upon the question of the order of the
separation from each other of nations speaking independent stock languages.
3. Winnebagoes. When discovered this nation was established at the head of
Green Bay, and around Winnebago Lake, in the present state of Wisconsin, sur-
rounded . by Algonkin populations. They are the Puants of the early French
explorers. In 1840 they were removed by the national government to a tract of
land assigned to them in Iowa, and in 1846 they were again removed to their
present reservation on Long Prairie River in the State of Minnesota. The first
census, taken in 1842, showed their numbers to be something over two thousand.
It has long been known that the Winnebago dialect belonged to the Dakotan
speech; but the variation was so "marked as to leave it in a state of isolation.
When compared with the dialects of the Missouri nations it will be seen that it
affiliates with them more closely than with the Dakota proper. Their ethnic posi-
tion is near the latter nations. They call themselves Ho-chun- gd-rd, the significa-
tion of which is lost.
The Winnebago system of relationship follows that of the Kaws so closely that
it will be unnecessary to present it specially. It has all of the indicative features
of the common system, and agrees with the Kaw in the greater part of its subor-
dinate details. It is noticeable, also, that it agrees with that of the Missouri
nations in placing the children of a brother and sister in the relationships of uncle
and nephew and mother and daughter ; thus tending to show that the Winneba-
goes became detached from the parent stem while that form prevailed. It is also
inferrible from their dialect that they are one of the oldest branches of the Dakotan
stem.1
1 Independently of the relationships given in the Table, and of the names borne by individuals,
there is a series of terms applied to the first five sons in the order of their birth, and another to the
first five daughters. These special designations are used by the Dakota nations, and doubtless by
Btill other nations ; but they appear to be names expressive of the order of birth, as first and second
OF TUE HUMAN FAMILY. 181
4. Mandans. The Mandans have been brought into more prominent and
favorable notice than any other Indian nation of the interior. The accounts of
Lewis and Clark, who spent the winter of 1804-1805 at their principal village;
of Catlin, who resided for several months in the year 1832, in the same village ;
and of Prince Maximilian, who visited the place in 1833, have furnished a larger
amount of information concerning this nation than has been given of any other
upon the Missouri lliver. When first discovered they were agricultural, and Vil-
lage Indians. Their advanced condition in resources and intelligence is to be
ascribed to their stationary life, and to their agricultural habits. The change from
a roving life in the tent to permanency in large communities, and from fish and
game to bread in connection with animal food produces a marked improvement in
the social condition of any Indian nation. It also affords a better opportunity to
witness their domestic life, from which, as a stand point, they should be judged.
This has rarely been the combination of circumstances under which our knowledge
of the American Indians has been acquired. The highly favorable representations
of Lewis and Clark, Catlin, and Maximilian are due, in some measure, to their
unusual opportunities for observation.
It is questionable whether the Mandans originated the partial civilization of
which they were found possessed. There are strong reasons for believing that
they obtained both their knowledge of agriculture and of house building from the
Minnitarees, a people who migrated to the Upper Missouri after the Mandans had
become established in the same region, and of whom the early accounts are not less
favorable than of the Mandans themselves. Both of these nations constructed a
house of a peculiar mode, usually called the " Dirt Lodge," although this designa-
tion fails to express the advance which it represents in the architecture of the
Ganowanian family. It was a house on the communal principle, thoroughly con-
structed with a timber frame, commodious in size, and extremely neat and com-
fortable.1 It is a question of some interest from what source this house, and agri-
culture, found their way to the Upper Missouri.
born, and so on, rather than terms of relationship. In Winnebagoe and Isauntie Dakota they are as
follows : —
Winnebagoe. Isauntie Dakota. Winnebagoe. Isanntie Dakota.
First son, Koo-no'-ka. Chii-was'-ka. First daughter, E-noo'-ka. We-no'ka.
Second " Ha-na'-kii. Ha-pan'-na. Second " Wa-huu'-ka. Ha'-pan.
Third " Ha-ka'-ka. Ha-pe'-na. Third " Ah-kse-a'-ka. Ha'-pes-ten-na.
Fourth " Na-kh-e'-ka. Cha-na'-tan. Fourth " E-nuk-ha'ka. Wan'-ska.
Fifth " Na-kh-a-kh-o'-no-ka. Ha-ka'. Fifth " Ah-kse-ga-ho'-no-ka. We-ha'-ka.
1 In 1862 I visited the ruins of the Mandan village above referred to. It was abandoned by them
in 1838, after the visitation of the pestilence which nearly depopulated the village. The Arickarees
soon after occupied it, and held possession until the spring of 1862, when the'inroads of the Dakotas
forced them to abandon it in turn. It contained the remains of about forty houses, most of them
polygonal in form, and about forty feet in diameter. The village was situated upon a bluff about
fifty feet high at a bend in the Missouri River, which afforded a site of much natural beauty. Some
miles above, on the opposite or east side of the river, we found the present Mandan and Minnitaree
village, which they occupy together. The situation is upon a similar bluff at a bend, and the houses
are constructed upon the same model. Both the old and the new village were stockaded. The
Mandans, who now number but two hundred and fifty souls, were estimated by Lewis and Clarke
182
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
The dialects of the Dakota and Missouri nations, and of the Winnebagoes and
Mandans, all belong to the same stock language. A sufficient number of vocables
are common to render this certain upon bare inspection. At the same time the
Minnitaree and Crow dialects contain a large number of words for common objects
which are found in the dialects of the former nations. The connection of the
latter nations with the Mandans, which is known to have been intimate for more
than two hundred years, might explain the presence of some of these words in the
Minnitaree and Crow dialects, particularly the words for the numerals ; but the
number of vocables for common objects renders it extremely probable, not to say
certain, that all of these dialects belong to the same stock language. The sub-
joined comparative vocabulary, taken in connection with the terms of relationship
in the Table, shows the degree of the correspondence in a list of forty ordinary
words.1 It also discloses a sensible family resemblance between these dialects and
those of the Gulf nations, with the excaption of the Cherokee.
(1 804-1805) at three hundred and fifty fighting men, which would give a total of about eighteen hun-
dred (Travels, London edition, 1814, p. 96), and by Catlin in 1832 at two thousand. (North Ameri-
can Indians, I, 287.) In their personal appearance they are still among the best specimens of the
American Indian.
COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.
Manclan.
(Morgan.)
Kaw.
(Morgan.)
Otoe.
(Morgan.)
Isauntie- Dakota.
(Riggs, Lex.)
Winnebagoes.
(Gallatin's vocabulary.)
1
Father,
Ta-tay'
E-da'-je
Hin'-ka
At-tay'
E-in-cha'
2
Mother,
Na-a'
E'-naw
He'-nah
E-nah'
E-oo-ne'
3
Head,
Pan
Be-a'-ha-be
Na'-to
Pa
Na-sah-ha
4
Hair,
Pa-he'
Pa-hu'-ya
Na'-too
Hin
5
Eye,
In-sta'
Eshe-ta'
Ish'-ta
is-ta
Ish-chah-suh-hii
6
Nose,
Pii'-ho
Pa'-shee-sha
Pa
Po'-ga
Pii-ha
7
Ear,
Na-go'-he
Ha'-yu-ja
Na'-twa
No'-ga
N;i-cha-wa-ha
8
Mouth,
E'-lia
E'-ha
E'-ha
We-cha'-e
Ee-ha
9
Arm,
Ah'-le
Ah-le'-ta
Ah-krii'-cha
We'-pa
10
Foot,
Shee
See
The
Si-ha'
See-hii
11
Heart,
Not'-ka
No'-ja
Na'-che
Chan-te
12
Tobacco,
Ma-na'-she
Na'-ne
Da-ri'-ye
Chan-di'
[ha (sun)
13
Sun,
Me'-na-ke
Me'-yo-ha
Pee
An-pa-tii-we
Hau nip (day), wee-
14
Moon,
Me'-na-ke
Me'-yo-ba
Pee'-ta
Han-ya'-tu-we
Hil-iiip (night), wee
15
Star,
Ha-kii'-ka
Me-ka'-ga
Pe-kii-ka
Wi-chan'-h'pe'
Kohsh-keh [hii(sun)
16
Day,
Hiim'-pa
Ha'-ome-pa •
Ah'-wa
An-pii'-tu
Haum-pee-ha
17
Night,
Ese-tu-sha
Ha-uope'-pa-sa
Ah'-ha
Han-ye'-tu
18
Fire,
Wii'-la-la
Pai'-ye
Pe'-ta
Ped-gha
19
Water,
Ma-ne'
Ne
Knu
Me-ne'
Ni-hii
20
Ice,
Ho'-lee
No'-ha
No'-ka
Cha'-ga
£1
Snow,
Ma'-lra
Ba
Pow
Wa
Wa-ha
22
Black,
Pse
Sa'-bii
Ska
Sii'-pa
Seb-ha
23
White,
Shote'-ho
Ska
Tha'-wa
Ska
Ska
24
Red,
Sa-zhe
Shu'-ja
Soo'-che
Shii
Shoosh
25
Yellow,
See'-ro
Se'-ha
Che
Ze
26
Blue,
Toh'-ho
To'-ho
To-ho'-ja
To
27
Green,
Ton-
Ma-he'-a-go
To
To
28
Moccasin,
Hom'-pa
Ah'-kooch
Han'-pa
29
Beaver,
WS'-la-pe
Pa-kuli'-tha
Cha'-pa
Nii-a-pa
30
Buffalo,
Ba-ro'-ka
Cha-do'-ga
Cha
Zii-tan'-ka
31
Pigeon,
Eu-ete'-ta
Lute'-ja
Wil-ki'-ya-dnn
32
Arrow,
Ma'-he
Ma
Ma
Wiin-henk'-pe
33
One,
Ma'-han-na
Me-ikh'-je
E'-yunk
Wari-the
Jun-ki-ha
34
Two,
Nope
No'-bii
No'-w~a
Non'pa
Nora-pi-wi
35
Three,
Na'-min-ne
Ya'-bar-le
Ta'-nye
Yani'-ne
Tii-ni-wi
36
Four,
Tope
To'-ba
To'-weh
To'-pa
Tsho-pi-wi
37
Five,
Ke'-ho
Sa'-tun
Tha'-ta
Zap'-tan
Sa-tsha
38
Six,
Kee'-na
Shak'-pe
Shii'-pwa
Shnk'-pe
Ah-ke-we
39
Seven,
Koo'-pa
Pa'-yo-ba
Shii'-niii
Slia'-ko-win
Shil-ko
40
Eight,
Ta-to-ke
Pa'-yii-ba-da
Gitl-rii'-peii-ue
Sha-do'-gan
A-oo-ougk
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
183
When the Minnitarees reached the Upper Missouri they found the Mandans,
as the traditions of the latter affirm, in the possession of the country ; and they
were allowed to take up their residence apart, but near them, on the river as a
friendly people. Although the Mandan tradition asserts that the Minnitarees
" came out of the water to the east," it seems highly probable that they were
originally from the region of the Gulf of Mexico, and that they are one of the
connecting links between the Choctas and Creeks, and the Dakota nations.
There is some evidence in their respective systems of relationship tending to the
same conclusion. On the other hand, the Mandans were not intrusive, but estab-
lished on the north of their nearest congeners, the Dakota and Missouri nations.
They had been forced in later years by the hostility of the Dakotas further up the
river, as the remains of their old villages, still to be seen, as well as their own
accounts attest. The Mandans now call themselves Me-too'-ta-hak, " South Vil-
lages," which implies their displacement from a more southern location. They
could have learned neither agriculture nor house building from the Dakotas, as
the latter knew nothing of cultivation, or of house architecture ; nor yet of the
COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.
Minnitaree.
(Morgan.)
Crow.
(Morgan.)
Chocta.
(Byington.)
Creek.
(Casey.)
Chernkee.
(Morgan.)
Wyandote.
(Morgan.)
1
Father,
Ta-ta'
Ah--ha'
A'-ki
Chuhl'-ke
A-do'-da
Hi-ese'-ta
2
Mother,
Ih'-kii
E'-kee-a
Ush'-ki
Chutch-ke'
A-tse'
Na-uh'
3
Head,
Ahk-too'
Ah-.siiu'-a
Nish-ko-bo
Ik-ah
Tse-sko'-le
Sku-ta
4
Hair,
Ah-ra'
E-she'-a
Pa-shi
E-ka'-is-see
Ge-t'la
A-ru'-sha
5
Kye,
Ish-tii'
Is-ta'
Ash-kin
Tothl'-wa
Tse-ga-to'-lih
6
Nose,
Ah-pa'
Bii-de-a
I-bi-shak-ni
U-po'
Go-ya-so'-lih
Yone'-geh
7
Ear,
Ah-pitsh'
Ah'-pa
Hak-so-bish
Hats-ko'
Tse-la'-ue
Ah-ho'-ta
8
Mouth,
Ee
E'-ah
I'-tih
Chok-wa'
Tse-di-lih
A-ska'-rent
9
Arm,
Ar-ra'
Ah'-ra
Shak'-ba
Sak'-pa
Tse-no-ga'-nee
A-zha-sha
10
Foot,
E-che'
Ih'-cha
i-yi
E'-le
Da'-tse-na-sa-
A-she'-ta
da'-ih
11
Heart,
Na-ta'
Na-sa
Chnh'-kush
Fay'-kee
Ah-ge-no-wih
Tone-ta'-shra
12
Tobacco,
Oh-pe
O'-pa
Hak-chu'-ina
Hee'-che
Tso'.la
13
Sun,
Mii-pa'-we-re
Ah'-h-ka-zha
Hu'-ahi
Has '-see
Nan' doh
Yan-de'-sha
14
Moon,
Ma-ko'-we-re
Miu-ue-ta'-cha
Hush-ni'-nak-
Has'-see
Nan-doh'. Sa-
Wa-sun-ta-yeh
a-ya
no'-yih-a-heh
yan-de'-shil
15
Star,
0-ka'
E-ka'
Fi-chik
Ko-tso-tsum-pi
Noh'-kwe'-se
1(J
Day,
Mii'-pih
Ma'-pa
Ni'-tak
Nit-ta'
K'-ga
Met-ta'-yeh
17
Night,
Ch-k'-che
O'-uhe-a
Ni-nak
Nith-le'
Sa-no-yeh
Wa-suu-ta'-
18
Fire,
Be-dii'
Be-da'
Lu'-ak
Tate'-ka
Ah-des'-luh
[yeh
19
Water,
Min-ne'
Me-na'
O'-ka
Ne'-wa
Um'-ma
Sa-nuse'-te
20
Ice,
Bii-ro'-h-e
Boo-roo'-h/a
Ok'-ti
He'-to-tee
O-nase'-ta-la
Oan - un - de'-
21
Snow,
Mil'-pe
Be'-pa
Ok-tu'-sha
He-to-te-thlok-
Goo-te'-ah
De-ne-ta' fsha
22
Black,
She-pish'-sha
Che-pa'-sha
Lu'-sa
Lus-tee [lai-ye
Ga-h'na'-ya-hi
Te-hese'-ta-ya
23
White,
Ah-ta'-ke
Che'-a-ka-te
Tolr'-bi
Hat-kee
Oo-na'-ga
De-ne~yit'
24
Red,
Ish'-she
Hish'-sha
Hom'-ma
Isa-tse
Ge-ga-ga'-ih
Me-ta'-ya
25
Yellow,
She-re
She-re-ka'-ta
Lak-na
La-me
Da-lo'-nih
Kan-ya'-tU-ya
2(i
Blue,
Toh --he
Shu'-a-ka-ta
Ok-cha-ma'-li
Ok-ko-la-tee
Sa-ko'-ne-ga
Roan-ya
27
Green,
Ka-to'-gh'e-ka
Me-nis'-ta
Ok-cha'-ko
Pa-he-lil-nee
E-dsa'-ih
Ze-in-gwa'-ra
28
Moccasin,
Mii-ta-pa'
Hoom-pa'
Shu'-lush
Ist'-clee-'pi-ka
Ah-ra'-shu
29
Beaver,
We-ra'-pa
Be-rup'-pa
Kin'-ta
Its-has'-wa
Do'-ya
Tsu-ti'-e
30
Buffalo,
Ke'-rup-pe
Che'-rup-pa
Yii'-nftsh
Ya-no-sa
Yan'tsa
31
Pigeon,
[-sha
Main -pit'- tse-sa
Pu-chi
Pa-uhy [voc.)
Ah-dsa'-te
32
Arrow,
Bed-S-roo'-che
Ah-no'-a-ta
Os-ke-no-ke
Khl-li(Gallatin
Gan'-na
Oon-da'
33
One,
Ne-wat'-za
Ah-iimt'-tuk
A-chu'-fa
Hom-ma-ye
Sa-gws"
Scot
34
Two,
Doo'-putz
No'-puk
Tuk'-lo
Hok-k'o
Ta-iih'
Ten'-de
35
Three,
Na'-wetz
Nii'-ma
Tu-chi'-na
Tot-cheh
Tso'-ih
Shaik
3D
Four,
To'-putz
Sho'-puk
Ush-ta
Os-teh
Nuk'-ee
I)aak
37
Five,
Kii-hotz' Chnh-liook'
Ta-hla-pi
Chahg-kie
His-ke
Wish
38
Six,
Ah-ka'-wutz
Ah-ka'-muk
Ha-na-li
Eb-bah
Soo-da'-le
Wa-zuh'
39
Seven,
Sha'-po-utz
Sa'-poo-uk
Un-tuk-lo
Koo-lo-ba
Guh'1-guo-ge
Ze-tii'-re
40
Eight,
Na'-pa-pitz
No pa'-pa
Un-tu chi-na
Chin-na-ba
Tso-na'-la
Ah-ter'-re
184 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Missouri nations, for neither of these were agricultural, except the Quappas, at
the mouth of the Arkansas, more than fifteen hundred miles below them ; and
possibly the Osages, who were south of the mouth of the Missouri. At a later
period the Omahas and lowas occasionally constructed houses upon the Mandan
and Minnitaree model ;* but they were never Village Indians in any proper sense.
Finally, we must either suppose that the Minnitarees carried both agriculture and
the art of constructing a timber framed house to the Upper Missouri, and taught
them to the Mandans, or that the latter formerly resided as far south as the
Arkansas. The former is the most probable.
The Mandan language is not accessible except for the most ordinary purposes.
When I visited the Mandan village there was but one person there who spoke both
Mandan and English. This was a half-blood Mandan, Joseph Kipp, a son of
the well-known interpreter James Kipp, to whom Catlin was indebted for his
means of communication with this people. I had no difficulty in procuring a
vocabulary ; but found it impossible to obtain their system of relationship complete.
The Mandans have very generally learned the Minnitaree language, as they now
live together, and the traders and trappers have done the same ; but neither the
one nor the other has learned the Mandan. For reasons beyond my control I
was unable to reach the Mandan through the Minnitaree. Enough, however, of
their system of relationship was obtained to establish the identity of its radical
characteristics with those of the common system.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same. This last is a devia-
tion from the usual form. It shows that females have no aunt, the father's sister
being a mother. In this respect it agrees with the Cayuga and Mohawk, and also
with the Chocta and Creek.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
Mr. Kipp was unable to recall the terms for these relationships, although assured
of their existence in the language, which was also confirmed by the presence of the
correlative uncle. With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger. There is a double set of terms for these relationships, and probably
some inaccuracy in their use as given in the Table, since they make elder and
younger sister the same.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Ego being a male ; but my mother, Ego
being a female.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
1 This fact was communicated to the author by Rev. S. M. Irwin, who for the last thirty years
has been a missionary among the Omahas and lowas in Nebraska.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 185
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren.
The relationship which subsisted between the children of a brother and sister I
was unable to ascertain. There can be no doubt whatever of the identity of the
Mandan form with those previously presented, although its details are incomplete.
5. Minnitarees, and Upsarokas or Crows. These nations are immediate sub-
divisions of the same people. When they first appeared on the Upper Missouri
they were, according to the Mandan tradition, agricultural and Village Indians.
They were found by Lewis and Clarke living in Villages on Knife Kiver, near their
present town. These explorers furnish the following account 'of the original
separation from each other. " The Mandans say that this people came out of the
water to the east, and settled near them in their former establishments in nine
villages ; that they were very numerous, and fixed themselves in one village on the
south side of the Missouri. A quarrel about a buffalo divided the nation, of which
two bands went into the plains, and were known by the name of Crow and Paunch
Indians, and the rest removed to their present establishment."1 On the contrary,
the Minnitarees now clain to be autochthones, a very common conceit among
Indian nations, although the name by which they still distinguish themselves as a
nation, E-nat'-za, signifying " people who came from afar," expressly contradicts
the assertion. This claim, however, may be received as some evidence of a long
continued occupation of this particular area. Indian nations usually retain a tradi-
tion of their last principal migration, and when that has faded from remembrance
the aiitochthonic claim is often advanced. If we adopt the Mandan tradition, as
to the first appearance of the Minnitarees upon the Upper Missouri, they have re-
mained during the intervening period Village Indians, and residents upon, and near
this river ; but the Crows changed their mode of life from the village to the camp,
and from an agricultural basis of subsistence, to the products of the chase. They
advanced northward by routes now unknown, until a part of them reached the
south branch of the Siskatchewun River, more than fifteen hundred miles north of
the present Minnitaree area. Their range was between the Siskatchewun and the
Missouri. One of the tribes of the Crows resided along the Bear's Paw Mountain, in
what is now the Blackfoot Country, near the base of the Rocky Mountain chain.
The name Slup-tet' -za, which this tribe still bears, signifying " Bear's PaAV Moun-
tain,"2 commemorates the fact. The Crows have a distinct and well-preserved
tradition, which was communicated to the author by Robert Meldrum (the highest
authority in the language and domestic history of this nation), that while they
resided around this mountain, the Shoshonee or Snake Indians were in possession
of the present Crow Country upon the Yellowstone River ; and the Comanches, now
of Western Texas, then occupied the present Shoshonee area west of the Moun-
1 Lewis and Clarke's Travels, &c., p. 96.
2 This beautiful mountain range rises out of the plains about fifty miles east of the Falls of the
Missouri, and stretches from near the Missouri to Milk River. Its highest peaks are about twenty-
five hundred feet high. Although quite near the foot of the Rocky Mountains, it is entirely
detached, and forms a conspicuous and striking object in the landscape of the prairie.
24 February, 1870.
186 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
tains, upon the south branch of the Columbia River. If we may adopt this tradi-
tion, the truth of which is not improbable, it suggests the probability that the
separation of the Crows from the Minnitarees antedates the conquest of Mexico.
In the course of events the Crows have again become territorial neighbors to their
former brethren.
The dialects of the two nations are not yet sufficiently changed to prevent them
from conversing with each other, although it is attended with considerable diffi-
culty. The amount of change is about the same, or perhaps greater, than the
divergence of the Wyandote from the Iroquois after a separation, in the latter case
of at least four centuries. If these dates could be authenticated absolutely, they
would afford some criterion, now greatly desired, for determining the degree of
rapidity or sloAvness with which the dialects of unwritten languages depart from
each other.1
1 At different times and places I have endeavored to obtain facts bearing upon this question,
where the means of observation of particular persons, in the Indian Country, had been favorable.
The results of the investigation have not furnished a basis upon which any general rule may be
grounded, but they may serve in some measure to illustrate the subject. The testimony of Robert
Meldrum, above mentioned, is to the point concerning the Crow language. In the year 182t, he
became identified with this nation by adoption and marriage, and in 1830 he was raised to the rank
of a chief. Although one of the traders of the American Fur Company, he joined the Crows in
their military adventures, shared their hardships, and became in every respect one of their number.
During the entire period from 1827 to 1862, when I met him at the mouth of the Yellowstone, he
had resided in the Crow Country, but without losing his connection with the Company, first as a
trader, and afterwards as one of the factors in charge of different posts. He had mastered the lan-
guage in its entire range, thought in it, held his knowledge in it, performed his mental labor in it,
and, as he affirmed, could speak the language better than his native tongue. His observations were
as follows : that the Crow and Minnitaree had not widened much in the last thirty-five years ; that
many of the words of the Minnitaree dialect he did not understand ; but of most of them he could
catch the meaning; that the first noticeable change was in the loss of a syllable, and sometimes of
half of a word ; that the principal element of change was the addition of new words with the pro-
gress of their knowledge or wants ; that this had been particularly the case since their intercourse
with the whites commenced ; that the old words stood well, but the new ones made for the occasion
fluctuated, and might or might not become permanently adopted ; that he had himself added quite a
number to the Crow language (Ah-ha'-sha below is a specimen), that the new words were developed
from radicals in the language, and were usually significant, while the etymological signification of
the bulk of the old words was lost, e. g.
Corn, H6-ha-she, meaning lost, Coffee, Min-ne-she-pit'-ta, Black water.
Bean, Ah-ma'-sa, " " Sugar, Bat-see-koo'-a, Sweet.
Squash, Ho'-ko-ina " " Tea, Ma-na'-pa, Leaves of bushes.
Tobacco, O'-pa " " Watch, Ah-ha'-sha, Follows the sun.
That the new words were not limited to new objects brought to their attention by American inter-
course, but followed the extension of their own knowledge and wants ; that the gutturals when mas-
tered so far from being objectionable were a source of pleasure in the use of the speech ; and finally
that the Crow was a noble language. He further observed that the Minnitarees could adopt and
speak the Crow dialect with much more facility than the Crows could the former ; that when he
wished to converse with a Minnitaree he induced the latter to talk poor Crow, rather than attempt
himself to speak poor Minnitaree ; and finally that the amount of dialectical variation was such that
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 187
It seems probable that five centuries would be insufficient to render dialects of the
same language incapable of being understood colloquially by the two peoples ; and
that twice or thrice that length of time would not destroy all trace of identity in the
vocables for common objects. This is as much, perhaps, as can be safely suggested.
There is one important fact, with reference to the American Indian languages,
which should not be overlooked, tending to show that change would be more rapid,
comparatively, among them, than in other verbal languages. In no part of the
earth, not excepting the islands of the Pacific, are dialects and even stock lan-
guages intrusted for their preservation to such a small number of people. The
Mandan, for example, which for colloquial purposes is an independent speech, is
now in the exclusive keeping of two hundred and fifty persons ; and so the Munsee,
which is one of the oldest forms of the Algonkin, is in the custody of about two
hundred persons. The Iroquois, which is a stock language, and now spoken in
seven dialects, including the Wyandote, is dependent for its preservation, as a
whole, upon less than eight thousand people, and they in widely separated locali-
ties. In like manner, the Pawnee, another stock language, spoken in four dialects,
including the Arickaree and excluding the Hueco, and its immediate cognates, is
in the keeping of about five thousand persons. If we take particular dialects, the
number of people, by whom they are severally spoken, will be found to range from
two hundred persons, which is the minimum, to one thousand which is about the
average, and on to twenty-five thousand, which is the maximum number now
speaking any one so called stock language within the limits of the "United States.
This is the number of the Cherokees, whose language, it is somewhat remarkable,
is contained in but two dialects, the standard and the mountain Cherokees, or the
modern and the ancient. When the people who speak a certain dialect advance
in prosperity and multiply in numbers, the increased intellectual power invariably
expends a portion of its strength upon the language; in the increase of the number
of its vocables, in the advancement of its grammatical forms to a higher stage of
development, and in imparting nerve and tone to the plastic and growing speech.
On the other hand, when the same people meet with reverses, and decline in
numbers and prosperity, their dialect necessarily impoverishes in its vocables, arid
recedes in its strength, although it does not follow that its grammatical forms
must wither. At best these dialects are in a constant flux and oscillation.
There is another consideration which connects itself with the question of the
stability of the American Indian dialects, namely ; to what extent are words propa-
gated by adoption from one language into another1? It is impossible, with our
present knowledge, to answer this question ; but it is not improbable that this and
other equally important problems will ultimately be solved. These languages are
becoming more open, and are growing more accessible each and every year. There
he found it difficult to understand the Minnitaree. Ilia impression"was that the change had been
of slow and gradual growth.
It is not a little singular that the Mandans should learn the Minnitaree, and the Minnitarees the
Crow with comparative ease ; while the reverse is attended with difficulty. Can those who speak
the mother tongue learn a derived dialect with more ease than those who speak the latter can learn
the former, or the reverse ?
188 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
are now persons, especially missionaries, who understand particular languages in
all their range, methods, and structure, and who are competent to present their
minute mechanism. The difficulty with most grammars of Indian languages,
besides their brevity, arises from a method too exclusively analytical, whereas a
synthetical method, if more cumbersome, would be more efficient. We learn
analytically, but teach synthetically. A grammar, therefore, should put together,
as well as resolve a language, and be so complete in both of its processes that the
philologist might learn, if need be, to speak the language from the grammar and
vocabulary. Some modification of the Ollendorif method would be a sensible
improvement upon the usual form of presenting an Indian language. A knowledge
more special than has yet been reached is needed to detect a foreign clement in
an aboriginal language. It is a reasonable supposition that contiguous nations,
and especially such as intermarry and maintain friendly intercourse, are constantly
contributing of their vocables to each other's dialects. The identity of a limited
number of vocables for common objects tends to show a near connection of the
Minnitarees and Upsarokas or Crows with the Missouri and Dakota nations; Avhilst
there are special features in their systems of consanguinity which reveal a more
remote, but not less certain connection with the Gulf Nations.
Their systems of relationship are in agreement with each other in their radical
characteristics. They possess one feature which is anomalous, and another which
deviates from every form yet presented, but which finds its counterpart in the
system of the Gulf nations, and that of the Pawnee or Prairie nations as well.
The Minnitaree will be adopted for presentation.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my grandchildren. These last
relationships are a deviation from the common form.
Second (wanting). My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my younger
brother and younger sister, Mat-so' -ga and Md-ta-ka'-shd. This remarkable devia-
tion from uniformity is restricted to these two nations, among whom the relation-
ships of uncle and aunt, and nephew and niece, are unknown, their places being
supplied by elder and younger brother, and by elder and younger sister.
Third. My father's brother is my father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister elder
or younger. There is a double set of terms for these relationships, one of which
is used by the males, and the other by the females, with the exception of the
terms for younger brother and sister, which are common.1 In this respect the
Minnitaree and Upsaroka agree with the Dakota, Missouri, and Gulf nations.
Fifth (wanting). My father's sister, among the Minnitarees is my grandmother,
Kti-ru' -Jia, and among the Crows my mother, Ik'-Jid.
Sixth (wanting). My mother's brother is my elder brother, and calls me his
1 My elder brother, male speaking, Me-a-ka'. Female speaking, Ma-tii-roo'.
" younger " " " Mat-so'-gtt. " " Mat-so'-ga.
" elder sister, " " Mat-ta-we'-&. " " Ma-roo'.
" younger sister, " " JUa-ta-ka' -shU. " " Ma-ta-ka'-sha.
OF THE HUM Atf FAMILY. 189
younger brother. This is the anomalous relationship in which the system of these
nations differs from that of all the remaining nations of the Ganowanian family.1
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral
brothers and sisters, are, without distinction, my grandchildren.
A third form of the relationship which subsists between the children of a brother
and sister is found among the Minnitarees and Crows. Among the Iroquois and
Dakotas, they are cousins, among the Missouri nations they are uncle and nephew
if males, and mother and daughter if females, as has been shown : but in the sys-
tem now under consideration they are son and father if males, and daughter and
mother if females. This form will reappear in the system of the Gulf and Prairie
nations. When more particularly indicated they are as follows : my father's
sister's son is my father, Ta-ta! ', and calls me his son ; my father's sister's daughter
is my mother, Ih'-lca, and calls me her son ; and reversed, my mother's brother's
son and daughter are my son and daughter; each of them calling me father.
There is a term in Minnitaree for aunt, Ma-sa'-we, applied by a male to his
father's sister; but it is without a correlative, and of uncertain use.
A sufficient number of the radical features of the common system are found in
the Minnitaree and Crow forms to establish beyond a doubt their original identity,
and that it was derived by them from the common source of the system.
III. Gulf Nations.
I. Gulf Nations Proper. 1. Choctiis. 2. Chickasas. 3. Creeks. (4. Seminoles,
not in the Table.) II. Cherokees. 1. Cherokees. 2. Mountain Cherokees.
There were five principal nations east of the Mississippi, occupying the area
between the Gulf of Mexico and the Tennessee River, together with some parts to
the north and east of it, which collectively are here called the Gulf branch of the
Ganowanian family. They were the Choctas and Chickasas, who were immediate
subdivisions of the same people ; the Creeks ; the Seminoles, who were derived
from the Creeks ; and the Cherokees. The latter nation in strictness constitutes
an independent branch of the Dakotan stem upon the basis of language; but their
system of relationship justifies this connection. The dialects of the first two are
closely allied. The Creeks consist of five confederated nations, each having an
independent dialect, namely : the Mus-co'-kees or Creeks proper, the Hit' -che-tees,
the Yoo'-cJiees, the Ah-la-ba' -mas, and the Nat'-cJies. Between the Mus-co'-kee and
Seminole dialects the affinity is close ; but between the former and the Chocta the
dialectical variation is very great. Out of six hundred words in these dialects,
1 There is a trace of this same form among the Blackfeet, but it is not the usual relationship.
190 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
compared by Mr. Gallatin, there were but ninety-three having some affinity.1 All
of the Creek dialects, however, should be compared with each other, and with the
Chocta and Chickasa, to determine their mutual ethnic relations. As to the
Cherokees, they were the mountaineers of this area, and presumptively the most
ancient in the possession of the country. Like the Iroquois, they appear to have
been an advance band of the Dakotan stock. Their range included the highland
districts between South Carolina and the Mississippi. Up to the present time the
vocables of their language have not been identified with those of any existing
Indian speech. It still holds the rank of a stock language, spoken in two partially
defined dialects, the standard and the mountain Cherokee.
In addition to these nations, the Catawbas inhabited the Gulf region, and also
the Natchez Indians. Remains of the former nation are still found in South Caro-
lina, and of the latter in the Nat-ekes of the Creek confederation. Between the
old Natchez and the Catawba dialects there are some affinities ; but how far the
present Natchez affiliates with the old or with any of the remaining Creek dialects
the writer is unable to state. When perfect vocabularies are obtained and com-
pared, it seems probable that all the original dialects of the Gulf region will be
resolved, at most, into two stock languages, the Creek and the Cherokee.
These nations have been so well known historically from the earliest period
of European intercourse, that it is unnecessary to refer to their general history.
Since their removal to the Indian Territory, west of Arkansas, they have organized
elective civil governments, and have made considerable progress in agriculture and
civilization. They now number collectively seventy-three thousand five hundred.2
In the Table will be found the system of relationship of the Choctas, Chickasas,
Muscokee-Creeks, and Cherokees, which together exhibit with fulness and particu-
larity the plan of consanguinity and affinity of the Gulf nations. The several
forms which prevail among these nations possess the radical forms of the common
system, and also agree with each other in those respects in which they differ from
those before considered. Such discrepancies as exist are confined to subordinate
details. It will be sufficient to present one form, and the Chocta will be taken as
the standard. There are two schedules of the Chocta in the Table, one of which
was furnished by the Rev. Jonathan Edwards and Rev. Dr. Cyrus Byington, and
the other by the Rev. Charles C. Copeland. These veteran missionaries, who have
resided with this people, both in their old and new homes, from thirty to forty
years, were abundantly qualified to investigate and explain this complicated system
to its utmost limits. It was also a fortunate circumstance that this, one of the
most difficult forms of the system, fell into their hands for its elucidation, since the
existence as well as verification of its peculiar features was of some importance.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my grandson and granddaughter.
This last is a derivation from the typical form, but it agrees with the Minnitaree.
1 Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, Intro, cxi.
1 Cherokees, 26,000; Creeks, 25,000 ; Seminoles, 1500- Choctas, 16,000; Chickasas, 5000. (School-
craft's Hist. Cond. and Pur. Indian Tribes, I, 523.)
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 191
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister,
elder or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, with Ego a male; but my grandmother
with Ego a female. In other words, the female has neither aunt or nephew or
niece. This is also a derivation from the typical form, but it agrees with the Min-
nitaree.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger. Among all the Gulf nations there are separate terms, in common
gender, for brother and sister in the abstract, which are applied by males to their
collateral brothers, and by females to their collateral sisters ; but the former use
the full terms for their collateral sisters, and the latter the same for their collateral
brothers. The first-named terms, however, are used concurrently with these for
brother and sister, elder and younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral
brothers and sisters, are, severally, my grandchildren.
We come next to the relationship which subsists between the children of a
brother and sister. My father's sister's son is my father, Ali'-lti, whether Ego be
a male or a female ; his son is my father again ; the son of the latter is also my
father; and this relationship, theoretically, continues downward in the male line
indefinitely. The analogue of this is found in the infinite series of uncles among
the Missouri nations, applied to the lineal male descendants of my mother's brother.
My father's sister's daughter, Ego a male, is my aunt, Ah-7mc'-ne, and calls me lier
son ; the son and daughter of this aunt are my brother and sister, elder or younger ;
the son and daughter of this collateral brother are my son and daughter, while
the son and daughter of this collateral sister are my nephew and niece ; and the
children of each and all of them are my grandchildren. With Ego a female, my
father's sister's daughter is my grandmother, Up-puk'-ni; her son and daughter
are my brother and sister, elder and younger ; the children of this collateral brother
are my grandchildren, of this collateral sister are my sons and daughters ; and their
children are my grandchildren. Notwithstanding the complexity of the classification
in this branch of the second collateral line, the method is both simple and coherent.
On the reverse side, my mother's brother's son and daughter are my son and
daughter, whether Ego be a male or a female ; and their children are my grand-
children. In Creek and Cherokee my mother's brother's daughter, Ego being a
female, is my granddaughter. It is probably the same in Chocta, although not so
given in the Table.
The third and fourth collateral lines, male and female, on the father's and on
the mother's side, are counterparts of the second, branch for branch, with the
exception of additional ancestors.
192 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
There are some discrepancies in the forms of the four Gulf nations, which it is
unnecessary to trace. In a system so elaborate and complicated, absolute agree-
ment in minute details would not be expected. Whatever is fundamental in the
common system is found in the most unmistakable manner in the Chocta form.
Its identity with the Seneca or typical system is undoubted ; and we are again led
to the same inference found in the previous cases, that it was derived by these
nations, with the blood, from the same common original source.
II. Cherokee. The Cherokee system of relationship, in its two forms, agrees
so fully with that last presented, that it is unnecessary to consider it separately.
There are some general observations, however, upon this and other Indian lan-
guages, and upon the bearing of the deviations from uniformity in their systems of
relationship upon the question of their near or remote ethnic affiliations, which
may be made in this connection. In grammatical structure all of the Ganowanian,
languages are believed to agree. But our knowledge concerning them is neither
sufficiently extensive nor minute to raise these languages to the rank of a family of
languages in the sense of the Aryan and Semitic upon the basis of ascertained lingu-
istic affinities. Very few of the whole number comparatively have been studied. No
common standards of evidence upon which particular dialects shall be admitted into
the family, or rejected from the connection, have been adopted. They have been
reduced with tolerable accuracy to a number of stock languages upon the basis of
identity of vocables ; but the basis and principles upon which these stock languages
shall be united into a family of languages remain to be determined. These dia-
lects and languages have passed through a remarkable experience from the vast
dimensions of the areas over which they have spread. By that inexorable law
which adjusts numbers to subsistence in given areas, the Ganowanian family has
been perpetually disintegrated, through all of its branches, at every stage of increase
of numbers above this ratio. In the progress of ages they have been scattered, in
feeble bands, over two entire continents, to the repression and waste of their intel-
lectual powers, and to the sacrifice of all the advantages that flow from civil and
social organization in combination with numbers. Every subdivision, when it
became permanent, resulted in the formation of a new dialect, which was intrusted
to the keeping of a small number of people. Although nations speaking dialects
of the same stock language have in general maintained a continuity of territorial
possession, it was impossible to prevent subdivision, displacement, and overthrow in
the course of ages ; so that the end of each thousand years would probably find no
stock language in the same geographical location. As a result of these subdivisions
and its train of influences, these languages have been in a perpetual flux. The
advance and decline of nations, the development and impoverishment of particular
dialects, the propagation of words from one dialect into another by intermarriage,
and by the absorption into one nation of the broken fragments of another, have
contributed, with other causes not named, to the diversities which now exist.
Their system of relationship, however, has survived the mutations of language, and
still delivers a clear and decisive testimony concerning the blood affinity of all
these nations. It is not at all improbable that it will be found a more efficient
as well as compendious instrument, for demonstrating their original unity, than
the grammatical structure of their dialects could that be comprehensively ascer-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 193
tained. If identity of system proves unity of origin, all of the Indian nations
thus far named are of one blood. In addition to this general conclusion some
evidence may be gained through the deviations from uniformity which it con-
tains concerning the order of separation of these stock languages from each
other or from the parent stem.
It has been seen from the comparative vocabulary, supra, that the Crow and
Minnitaree dialects contain a number of words for common objects which are
also found in the Mandan, the Dakota, and the Missouri dialects. A comparison
of two hundred words, in unpublished vocabularies of the author, shows about
twenty per centum which are common between the Minnitaree and Crow, and one
or more of the remaining dialects. In the terms of relationship, which are words
of a higher class, the percentage is less. This agreement, however, is perhaps
sufficient to justify the classification of all these dialects in the same stock lan-
guage. On the other hand, there are striking peculiarities in the system of rela-
tionship of the first two nations which are not found in that of the remaining
nations, but which reappear in the system of the Gulf and Prairie nations. It is
found in the relationship between the children of a brother and sister, which, as a
variable, is not a radical portion of the system. Where nations of immediate blood
affinity, as the Dakota and Missouri nations, are found to differ among themselves
upon these relationships, it would be certain that one or the other had modified
their system in this respect ; and if one, then both may have done the same. It
becomes necessary, then, to compare these forms and ascertain which is the highest
and most perfect; and when that fact is determined, the inference arises that
the rudest and least perfect is the oldest form. Among the Dakota they are
cousin and cousin, among the Winnebagoes and Missouri nations they are uncle
and nephew if males, and mother and daughter, if females. There can be no doubt
that the former is the most perfect form, and that of the two the latter as the
rudest is nearest to the primitive. The inference, therefore, is unavoidable, that
the Dakota nations modified their system in this respect. If we now compare the
oldest of the two forms with that which now prevails among the Minnitarees,
Crows, Creeks, Choctas, Chickasas and Cherokees, and also with that of the Prairie
nations, not yet presented, it will be seen that the form of the latter is ruder still,
and presumptively older than either. They are son and father if males, and grand-
daughter and grandmother if females. If this conclusion is well taken, it will
follow that it was the original form, as to those relationships which prevailed in
the parent nation from which these several stocks or branches were mediately or
immediately derived, and that all of them, except the Mandan, the Winnebago,
the Dakota and the Missouri nations have retained it until the present time.
And finally that the excepted nations modified it from the first or original to the
second form, after which it was raised to the third and most perfect by the Dakota
and Hodenosaunian nations alone, in this stem of the Ganowanian family. A
critical examination of all the forms of the system of relationship will show that
its development is under the control of principles within itself; and that the direc-
tion of the change when attempted, was predetermined by the elements of the
system. We are yet to meet the second and third forms, as to these relationships,
25 March, 1870.
194
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
in the system of the Algonkin nations. It likewise follows, as a further inference
that the Minnitaree, Crow, Mandan, Winnebagoe and Missouri nations may have
been derived mediately or immediately from a single nation ; that the Gulf and
Prairie nations may each have been derived from a single nation ; and that the
three original nations may have sprung from a common stem-people still further
back. In this manner the evidence from special features contained in the system
is reconciled with the evidence from identity of vocables in the dialects first-named ;
leaving it probable that the Minnitarees and Crows form the nearest connecting
link between the nations of the Gulf, and those upon the Missouri.
In this connection, attention may be directed to the dialects thus far named,
taken collectively, as they appear in the Table. The people are classified together
as belonging to the Dakotan stem. There is such a thing in the Ganowanian
dialects as contrast and similarity in vocables ; as excessive deviation and family
resemblance; and as ancient and modern separation of stock languages. It can be
detected and traced long after the vocables themselves have lost their identity.
From first to last, among the great branches thus far considered, the terms of rela-
tionship have a family cast ; a tendency, so to express it, to reveal their identity,
although deeply concealed ; a certain similarity of aspect which arrests attention
while it baffles the scrutiny thereby invited. On the other hand, the same terms
in the Algonkin dialects, when compared, are in sharp contrast. They wear an
unfamiliar appearance, expressive of long-continued separation. The change has
become so excessive as to repel the supposition of their identity within a compara-
tively modern period, or that they could have been spoken in the same household
for many ages. The following terms will illustrate the similarity to which reference
has been made: —
Seneca.
Wyaudote.
Yaukton.
Mandau.
Uncle,
Hoc-no'-seh
Ha-wa-te-no'-ra
Dake'-she
Ta-wa'-ra-to-ra
Aunt,
Ah-ga'-huc
Ah-ra'-hoc
Toh'-we
Cousin,
Ah-gare'-seh
Ja-ra'-seh
Ha-ka'-she
Nephew,
Ha-ya'-wan-da
Ha-shone'-dra-ka
Me-to^us'-ka
Father,
Ha'-nih
Hi-ese'-ta
Ah-ta'
Ta-tay'
Mother,
No-yeh'
Ah--na'-ah-
E'-nah
E-oo-ne'
Son,
Ha-ah'-wuk
A-ne'-ah
Me-chink'-she
Me-ne'-ka
Daughter,
Ka-ah'-wuk
E-ne'-ah
Me-chounk'-she
Me-no' ha-ka
Grandmother,
Oc'-sote
Ah'-shu-ta'
0-che
Nah-'-kc-a.
Kaw.
Otoe.
Chocta.
Cherokee.
Uncle,
Be-ja'-ga
Hin-cha'-ka
Ura-ush'i
E-du'-tsi
Aunt,
Be-je'-me
E-tu'-me
A-huc'-ne
E-hlau'-gi
Cousin,
Nephew,
Be-chose'-ka
Hin-tose'-ke
Sub-ai'-yih.
Un-ge-wi-nan
Father,
E-da'-je
Hin'-ka
A'-ki
E-dau'-dii
Mother,
E'-naw
He'-nah
Ush'-kl
E-tsi'
Son,
Be-she'-ga
He-ne'-cha
Suh'-suh
A-gwae-tsi'
Daughter,
She-me'-she-ga
Ile-yun-ga
Suh-suh'-take
A-gwae-tsi'
Grandmother,
E-ko'
Hin-ku'-ne
Up-puk'-nl
E-ni-si'
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
195
These terms represent four stock languages. To say there is a striking similarity
among them is hardly sufficient. There is more or less of affinity among them all,
which might be raised, by the recovery of a few intermediate links, to demonstrated
identity. In a few instances the identity seems to be apparent; e. g., the terms for
cousin in Seneca and Yankton; the terms for uncle in Seneca, Yankton, Chocta,
and Cherokee ; the term for aunt in Seneca, Chocta, and Cherokee ; and the term
for mother in Wyandote, Yankton, Mandan, and Kaw. From the present relation
of these dialects to each other, and more especially from the particular points of
agreement in their several systems of relationship, there appears to be sufficient
reason for classifying them together as branches of a common stem. This, for
sufficient reasons, has been called the Dakotan.
IV. Prairie Nations. 1. Pawnees. 2. Arickarees. (3. Witchitas. 4. Kichais.
5. Huecos. Not in the Table.)
Our limited knowledge of this branch of the Ganowanian family is explained
by their residence in the interior of the continent. The Pawnees and Arickarees
are the only nations belonging to this branch which have ever reached a locality as
far east as the Missouri River, and they were never known to reside upon its east
side. Having obtained and domesticated the horse at an early day, they haAre been
prairie Indians from the earliest period to which our knowledge of their existence
extends. The range of the Pawnees was upon and between the upper waters of
the Kansas and Platte Rivers, in Kansas and Nebraska; whilst the Arickarees, who
are a subdivision of the Pawnees, moved northward and established themselves
upon the Missouri, next south of the Mandans, where they became, to some extent,
agricultural and Village Indians. Their congeners, the Witchitas, Kichais, and
Huecos or Waccoes, held as their home country the region upon the Canadian
River, and between it and the Red River of Louisiana. Gregg was one of the
first to point out the connection of the last three nations named with the Pawnees.1
They have sometimes been called the Pawnee-Picts, from their habit of "profuse
tattooing."2 The late Prof. William W. Turner established the identity of their
dialects with the Pawnee by the selection of vocables in the note.3 I have taken
1 Commerce of the Prairie, II, 251, note. » Ib., II, 305.
8 Explorations for a Railroad Route, <fec. to the Pacific, III, 68. Rep. on Indian Tribes.
Grand Pawnee.
Morgan.
Arickaree.
Prince Maximilian.
Kichai.
Lieut. Whipple.
Witchita.
Capt. Marcy.
Hueeo.
Lieut. Whipple.
Woman,
Cha'-pa
Sa-pa'
Che-quoike
Kah-haak
Cah-he-ic
Mother,
A-te'-ra
Schach-ti
Cha'-che
Nut-ti-co-hay'-he
Ats'-ia
Ear,
TJt-ka-ha'-ro
At-ka'-ahn
A'-tik-a-ro-so
Ortz
Nose,
Chose
Sin-iht
Chus-ka-rai-o
Duts-tis'-toc
Tisk
Mouth,
Ah'-kow
Ha-kau
Hok-in-nik
Haw'-coo
Ah'-cok
Tongue,
Hat
Hah-tu
Hah'-toh
Huts-ke
Hotz
Hand,
Eck'-so
E'-schu
Ich-shen-e
Sim-he'-ho
Isk'-te
Foot,
Os'-su
Us-in-ic
Dats'-oske
Os
Sun,
Sak-o'-ru
Scha-kuhn
Kee'-shaw
Sah'-ki
Water,
Kates'-so
Stoh-cho
Ki'-o-koh
Keet-che
Kits'-ah
Dog,
Ah-sa'-ke
Chah-tsch
Keetch'-ah
Kit-si'-el
Black,
Ka'-tit
Te-ca-teh
Co'-rash
A-ha'-cod-e
One,
Os'-ko
Ach-ku
A-rish-co
Cha'-osth
Che-os
Two,
Pit'-ko
Pitt-cho
Cho'-sho
Witch
Witz
Three,
Ta'-weet
Tah-wit
Tah'-with-co
Taw-way
Tow
196 SYSTEMS OF C ON S A NGU INITY AND AFFINITY
the liberty to substitute the Pawnee words from an unpublished vocabulary of my
own in the place of Dr. Say's used by him.
I. Pawnees. 1. Grand Pawnees. 2. Republican Pawnee. 3. Loup Pawnee.
4. Tappas Pawnee.
The Pawnees are now divided into four bands, named as above, each of them
having a dialect distinctly marked, but the four being mutually intelligible. The
first call themselves Ohd'-ne ; the second call themselves Kit'-ka ; the third, Skee'-de,
signifying wolf; and the fourth, Pe-td-ha! -ne-rat. Whatever may have been their
former condition, the Pawnees are now among the most demoralized of our Indian
nations. Within the past fifty years they have diminished in numbers from causes
entirely independent of American intercourse.1 They have no friends among the
Indians of the plains. If a Pawnee and a Dakota, or a Pawnee and any other
Indian, of whatever nationality, meet upon the buffalo ranges, it is a deadly conflict
from the instant, without preliminaries and without quarter. In fighting qualities
they are not inferior to the best of their enemies, but the warfare is unequal, and
they are yielding before its influence. Indian nations speaking dialects of the
same stock language, though not perfectly intelligible to each other, are much
better able to keep the peace than those who speak dialects of different stock
languages, and who are thus unable to communicate with each other except through
interpreters, or by the language of signs which prevails throughout the interior of
the continent. The greatest blessing that could now be bestowed upon the Indian
family would be a common language. Difference of speech has undoubtedly been
the most fruitful cause of their perpetual warfare with each other.
The system of relationship of the Grand and Republican Pawnees and of the
Arickarees will be found in the Table. It prevails, without doubt, in the remain-
ing nations comprising this branch of the family. That of the Republican Pawnee
will be taken as the standard form. There is a peculiar series in the lineal line
which has not yet been found in any other nation, and which appears to be limited
to these nations. It is also repeated in the collateral lines. From its singularity,
it deserves a special notice.
My great-great-grandfather. Ah-te'-is.1 My father.
" great-grandfather. Te-wa-cliir'-iks. " uncle.
" grandfather. Ah-te'-put. " grandfather.
" father. Ah-te'-is. " father.
Myself. Late. I.
My son. Pe'-row. My child.
" grandson. Lak-te'-gish. " grandson.
" great-grandson. Te-wat. " nephew.
" great-great-grandson. Pe'-row. " child.
It will be observed that the principle of Correlative relationship is strictly pur-
sued ; e. g., the one I call son, calls me father ; the one I call nephew, calls me
uncle ; and the second one I call son, calls me father. This series must be explained
as a refinement upon the common form, designed to discriminate the several ances-
1 They now number less than 4000 souls.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 197
tors above grandfather and the several descendants below grandson from each other.
It is repeated both in the lineal and collateral lines as far as you choose to follow
the chain of consanguinity.
Another peculiarity of the Pawnee consists in the absence of separate terms for
elder and younger brother, and for elder and younger sister. There are terms for
brother and sister in the abstract which are used by the males, and another set
used by the females ; besides which there is a series of terms, as in the Dakota and
Winnebagoe, for each of several sons, and for each of several daughters, according
to the order of their birth. The plural number is wanting, not only as to the terms
of relationship, but it is also said to be entirely wanting in the language itself.1
It is formed by adding the number, or the word for all.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister,
E-dali'-deh and E-td'-heh. With Ego a female they are the same, but different
terms are used, E-rats'-leh and E-dd'-deh.
Fifth (wanting). My father's sister is my mother.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The several collateral lines follow the series established in the lineal line ;
e.g., the son and daughter of my collateral brother, Ego a male, are my son and
daughter ; of my collateral sister, are my nephew and niece ; and the children of
each are my grandchildren. The children of the latter — that is, of my grand-
children— are my nephews and nieces ; their children are, again, my sons and
daughters ; and the children of the latter are my grandchildren.
With respect to the relationships between the children of a brother and sister,
they are as follows : My father's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
father and mother ; the son and daughter of this father are my brother and sister ;
and the series below is the same as in the case of the descendants of my other col-
lateral brothers. The son and daughter of this mother are my father and mother
again, and their respective descendants continue to be fathers and mothers in an
infinite series. This is variant from the Chocta form in some particulars. With
Ego a female these relationships are the same.
1 This fact was communicated to me by Rev. Samuel Allis, who for twenty-five years was a
missionary of the American Board among the Pawnees. The pronouns my or mine, they, and his
are separate, e. g. : —
My head, Pak'-so ko'-ta-te. My face, Ska'-o ko'-ta-te.
Thy " Pak'-so ko'-ta-se. Thy " Ska'-o ko'-ta-se.
His " Pak'-so ko'-ta. His " Ska'-o ko'-ta.
198 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
On the reverse side, my mother's brother's son and daughter, Ego male or female,
are my son and daughter ; and their children are my grandchildren.
The third and more remote collateral lines are the same as the second in the
classification of persons, but with additional ancestors.
Upon the basis of the presence in the Pawnee of nine out of ten of the indicative
characteristics of the typical system, there can be no doubt of its identity with it,
and that it was transmitted to them with the blood from the common original source.
2. Arickaree. When Lewis and Clarke ascended the Missouri River in 1804 —
1805, they found the Arickarees living in villages below the mouth of the Cannon
Ball River, and consequently below the Mandans. Their lodges were constructed
upon the Minnitaree model, and they were then, as now, agricultural and Village
Indians. " They cultivate," say these explorers, " maize or Indian-corn, beans,
pumpkins, watermelons, squashes, and a species of tobacco peculiar to themselves."1
From the Mandans and Minnitarees they undoubtedly learned the arts of cultiva-
tion and of housebuilding. The Pawnees, with whom they immediately affiliate,
were neither Village nor agricultural Indians until after they became established
upon a reservation under government protection, which was quite recently effected.
Mr. Gallatin observes that "it is said of the Pawnees that they raised no more
maize than was necessary to whiten their broth,"2 and he might have added a
doubt whether even this was of their own producing. The Arickarees were never
numerous. Their present village is on the west side of the Missouri, a short dis-
tance above that of the Minnitarees. At the time they made their last change of
residence, in 1862, the latter nation urged them to settle with them in their village,
as the Mandans had done, for mutual protection against the Dakotas, their common
enemies ; but they declined to live upon the east side of the river, alleging as a
reason that their ancestors had always refused to establish themselves upon that
side, and that they were fearful of evil consequences if they crossed their tradi-
tionary eastern boundary.
The Arickaree schedule in the Table is ^incomplete. This language is not
accessible, except with extreme difficulty. A few of the traders have partially
acquired the language, but not sufficiently for the prosecution of minute inquiries.
When at the Arickaree village, I found but one man, Pierre Garrow, a half-blood,
who spoke both that language and English. He was sufficiently qualified, but
averse to giving information. Through the friendly offices of Mr. Andrew Dawson,
chief factor of the American Fur Company, who was there at the time, the little
that was obtained was secured. Incomplete as the schedule is, it is quite sufficient
to establish the identity of the Arickaree and Pawnee forms, as will be seen by
consulting the Table.
Notwithstanding the great divergence of the dialects of the Prairie nations from
the others in the Table, these nations have been placed, provisionally, in the Da-
kotan connection. The agreement of their system of relationship with that of the
Gulf nations, and of the Minnitarees and Crows, in those respects in which it is
1 Travels, p, 18. » Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., Intro, xlviii.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 199
variant from that of the remaining nations, furnishes sufficient grounds to justify the
classification. These dialects, however, stand upon the outer edge of the Dakotan
speech, without any connection in their vocables, and depending for this connection
linguistically upon the grammatical structure of the language. The Pawnee and
its cognate dialects still hold the position of an independent stock language.
The marriage relationships have been passed over. They will be found in the
Table fully extended, and to be in general agreement with the Seneca marriage
relationships. They are sufficient in themselves to demonstrate the unity of the
system ; but this conclusion is believed to be sufficiently substantiated without the
additional strength which their concurrence affords. The people of all of these
nations address each other, when related, by the term of relationship.
We have now considered the system of relationship of thirty-five Indian nations,
contained, with more or less completeness of detail, in the Table. These carry
with them, by necessary implication, the system of a number of other immediately
affiliated nations, named herein in their proper connections. They represent five
stock languages, namely : the Hodenosaunian, the Dakota, the Creek, the Cherokee,
and the Pawnee. The nations named also include all the principal branches of the
Ganowanian family east of the Rocky Mountain chain, which were found south of
the Siskatchewun and Hudson's Bay, and north of the Gulf of Mexico and the
Rio Grande, with the exception of the Algonkin, the Shoshonee, and a few incon-
siderable nations whose linguistic affiliations are not well established. The con-
stancy and uniformity with which the fundamental characteristics of the system
have maintained themselves appear to furnish abundant evidence of the unity of
origin of these nations, and to afford a sufficient basis for their classification
together as a family of nations. The testimony from identity of systems in these
several stocks, when judged by any proper standard, must be held to be conclusive
upon this question. It is of some importance to have reached the assurance that
upon this system of relationship we may commence the construction of an Indian
family, and that it contains within itself all the elements necessary to determine
the question whether any other nation is entitled to admission into the family.
The Algonkin and Athapasco-Apache branches, together with the nations upon
the Pacific slopes, will next claim our attention.
200 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CHAPTER IV.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY.— CONTINUED.
Algonldn Nations.
Area occupied by the Algonkin Nations— Nearness of their Dialects — Classification of these Nations into Groups—
I. Gichigamian Nations — Their Area and Dialects— 1. Ojibwas — Their System of Consanguinity— Indicative
Relationships — Identical with the Seneca and Yaukton — 2. Otawas — 3. Potawattamies — Their System agrees
with the Ojibwa — 4. Crees — Their Dialects — Their System — Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Ojibwa.
II. Mississippi Nations— Their Area and Dialects— 1. Miamis — 2. Illinois (Weaws, Piankeshaws, Kaskaskias, and
Peorias) — Miami System taken as the Standard Form of these Nations— Indicative Relationships — Deviation
from Uniformity— Identical with Ojibwa in Radical Characteristics— 3. Sawks and Foxes — Their Area and Dia-
lect—Agricultural Habits — 4. Kikapoos — Their Area and Dialect— 5. Menominees— Their Area and Dialect— The
System of these Nations agrees with the Miami— 6. Shiyans— Their former Area and Dialect — Their System of
Consanguinity — Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Miami — 7. Shawnees — Original Area — Migrations —
Improved State of Dialect — Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Miami. III. Atlantic Nations— Their Area
and Dialects — 1. Delawares — One of the Oldest of Algonkiu Nations — Their System of Consanguinity— Indicative
Relationships — Deviation from Uniformity — Their System in Radical Agreement with the Ojibwa — 2. Munsees—
Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Delaware — 3. Mohegans — Indicative Relationships — 4. Etchemins —
Indicative Relationships — 5. Micmacs — Indicative Relationships — System of these Nations in Radical Agreement
with the Delaware and Ojibwa. IV. Rocky Mountain Nations — 1. Blackfeet — Their Area and Dialect — Piegau
System — Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Ojibwa — 2. Ahahnelins — Former Area, and Dialect — Indica-
tive Relationships — Agree with the Blackfoot — Concluding Observations — Unity of the System of Relationship
of the Algonkiu Nations— Systems of the Algoukin and Dakotau Nations Identical.
THE limits of the Algonkin speech have been definitely ascertained. Its nume-
rous dialects are nearer to each other than those of any other Indian stock language
of equal spread. This stem of the Ganowanian family contains but a single stock
language, which will be seen, as well as the nearness of its dialects, by consulting
the Table (Table II). To such an extent is this nearness still preserved, that it
suggests the probability that the Algonkins are comparatively modern upon the
eastern side of the continent. The area occupied by these nations was immense
in its territorial extent. At the period of European discovery they were found
thinly scattered along the Atlantic seaboard from Labrador to the southern limits
of North Carolina ; and as the interior was subsequently explored, they were found
continuously along the St. Lawrence, north of the chain of lakes, along the Red
River of the North, and the Siskatchewun,1 quite to the foot of the Rocky Mountain
chain. All of Canada was Algonkin, except a narrow fringe upon the north, held
by the Eskimo ; and the peninsula between Lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario, occu-
pied by the Hurons and Neutral Nation. The southern portion of the Hudson's
1 The orthography of the word is taken from the original name in the Cree language, Kis-sis
katch'-e-wun, "Swift Water."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 201
Bay Territory, south of the Siskatchewim and Nelson's Eiver, was the same. New
England, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and the eastern parts of Pennsylvania,
Virginia, and North Carolina, formed a part of the area of occupancy of this
branch of the Ganowanian family. Along the Mississippi, from Lake Pepin to the
mouth of the Ohio, and eastward to Indiana, including a part of the latter State,
Illinois, Michigan, and the greater part of Wisconsin, the same people were dis-
tributed ; while one nation, the Shawnees, occupied south of the Ohio, in the
western part of the present State of Kentucky. Their eccentric spread southward
along the Atlantic coast was forced by the development of the Iroquois nations
within the central part of their area; and their spread down the Mississippi was, in
like manner, probably due to the pressure of the Dakota nations upon the western
boundaries of their area. The Algonkins were essentially a northern people, the
main thread of their occupancy being the chain of lakes and the St. Lawrence.
In its development, the Algonkin ranks as the equal of the Dakotan languages.
The more advanced dialects of the former are less vigorous and rugged in their
pronunciation and accentuation than the equally improved dialects of the latter,
and consequently are smoother and softer, as may be seen, to some extent, by a
comparison of their respective vocables in the Tables. In the Shawnee, the Cree,
and the Ojibwa are found the highest specimens of the Algonkin speech.
There is one peculiarity of Indian languages deserving of attention. It is found
in the individualization of each syllable. In each word every syllable is pronounced
with a distinctness so marked as to tend to its isolation. Instead of an easy transi-
tion of sound from one syllable into the next, the change is so abrupt as to result in
hiatus rather than coalescence. The general effect is heightened by the vehemence
of the accent, which is another characteristic of the most of the Ganowanian lan-
guages. This may be illustrated by the word Ga-sko' '-sd-go, which is the name for
Rochester in the Seneca-Iroquois. It would be difficult to form and put together
four syllables which would maintain to a greater extent the individuality of each
in their pronunciation. Between the penult and antepenult the transition is the
easiest ; but the effect is arrested by the intervention of the accent. These two
features are strongly impressed upon the principal dialects east of the Eocky
Mountain chain. If the Ganowanian languages were characterized as syllabical
rather than agglutinated, the term would be more accurate.1
1 The present classification of the languages of mankind into monosyllabical, agglutinated, and
inflectional does not seem to be well founded. The principal objection lies to the last term as
distinctive of the Aryan and Semitic languages. Inflection is a not less striking characteristic of
the Ganowanian languages than agglutination. Conjugation, which is the all-controlling principle
of these languages, together with agglutination, are continually submerging the word ; whilst in the
Aryan and Semitic languages the word is more definite and concrete. There is a decisive tendency
in the inflectional languages, so called, to lessen inflection, and, so to speak, to solidify its words.
This is shown by the development of the present Aryan languages into their modern forms. They
are languages of complete and perfect words, as distinguished from the monosyllabical and polysyl-
labical, which are yet, in some sense, in the syllable stage. The three forms appear to give — 1. The
language of single syllables ; 2. The language of many syllables ; and 3. The language of words.
26 March, 1870.
202 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
I. Gichigamian, or Great Lake Nations. II. Mississippi Nations. III. Atlantic
Nations. IV. Rocky Mountain Nations.
The Algonkin nations fall naturally into the foregoing groups. As an inter-
classification it is sustained by dialectical affinities, and by special features in their
respective systems of relationship. Under the operation of the same inexorable
law that produced the repeated subdivision of the Dakotan stem, and scattered its
parts over wide areas, they have been broken up into a large number of politically
distinct nations. Relying chiefly upon fish and game for subsistence, when an
excess of population appeared within a particular area, the surplus were forced to
spread abroad in search of a new seat, where, in due time, they established an
independent nationality. Their form of government, which was incapable of
following the people by expansion from a fixed centre, was perfect in every band ;
whence every band was a nation in embryo. The subdividings and the migrations
of the Ganowanian nations were pre-eminently under the control of physical causes,
the unbroken supremacy of which continued from the commencement of their career
upon the North American continent down to the period of European colonization.
It is still possible to retrace to a very considerable extent, the lines of the outflow
of these nations from each other ; and the direction of the spread of the several
stocks from a common initial point. Were it not for the breaking up and absorp-
tion of nations that would have constituted the intermediate links, the precise
relations of these stocks and stems of peoples to each other, as members of a com-
mon family, might not be beyond hope of recovery. At least the family may be
resolved into great branches represented by stock languages, and the branches into
groups represented by closely affiliated dialects. More than this is material only
to establish the unity of these stock languages. Upon this last question their
system of relationship offers an independent testimony which seems to be sufficient
for its determination in the affirmative.
I. Gichigamian,1 or Great Lake Nations.
1. Ojibwas. 2. Otawas. 3. Potawattamics. 4. Crees.
When the Jesuit missionaries first reached Lake Superior (1641) they found the
principal establishment of the Ojibwas at St. Mary's Falls or rapids, at the outlet
of this lake, and spread for some distance above upon both its northern and south-
ern shores. At the same time the Otawas2 inhabited the Manitoulin Islands
scattered along the north side of the Georgian Bay, of Lake Huron, and the
islands in the straits of Mackinaw ; while a portion of them were then spreading
southward over lower Michigan. Their previous home country was upon the
Otawa River of Canada, and between it and Lake Superior, north of the Huron
area ; but they had been forced to leave this region by the irruptions of the Iro-
quois, who had extended their forays to the Otawa River, and thence to the shores
of Lake Superior. With respect to the Potawattamies3 their precise location is not
1 Gl-chi-gd-me, "the Great Lake," from the Ojibwa, Gi'-chi, or GirtcM, great, and ga'-me, lake.
They applied this name to each of the great lakes ; Ma-she-ga'-me to all large lakes ; and Sa-ga-e'-
fjus to the small lakes.
3 Pronounced O-la'-wa. * Pronounced Po-ta-wat'-ta-me.
OF TIIE HUMAN FAMILY. 203
as well ascertained. They were frontagers of the Dakotas, and occupied some
part of Northern Wisconsin, ranging eastward towards Lake Michigan, and the
occupancy of the Ojibwas on Lake Superior. Between these nations, whose dia-
lects closely affiliate, there was a political alliance, which existed to as late a period
as 1767, when they were called by Sir William Johnson " the Otawa Confederacy."
In the Otawa dialect, this league was styled Norsioa'-ba-ne-zid', signifying " Three
Council Fires in One." Among confederated Indian nations there is usually an
order of precedence in council established which indicates their relative rank, and
not unfrequently the parent nation. In the Otawa confederacy the Ojibwas were
styled the " Elder Brother," the Otawas, " Next Oldest Brother," and the Potawat-
tamies, " Younger Brother."1 These nations were probably subdivisions of one
original nation ; and the immediate progenitors of four other nations, called collec-
tively, at one time, the Illinois, namely, the Kaskaskias, Peorias, Weas, and Pianke-
shaws, who occupied the quadrangle between the Mississippi, the Ohio, and the
foot of Lake Michigan.
On the earliest map of Lake Superior in the relations of the Jesuits (1641-1667)
the Kenistenaux or Crees are placed northwest of this lake, between it and Lake
Winnipeg. They were afterwards found to spread eastward as far as the regions
north of Montreal; and to hold the area between Lake Superior and Hudson's Bay,
and thence westward to the Red River of the North and the Siskatchewan. They
were evidently drawing westward at the epoch of the discovery, the causes of
which may be traced to the rapid growth of the power and influence of the Iro-
quois. It is also probable that a portion of the New England Algonkins retired in
this direction.
The four nations named are designated the Gichigamian or Great Lake Nations.
Collectively they form one of the most conspicuous groups of this branch of the
Ganowanian family ; and from the earliest period, to which their traditions extend,
they have been identified with these lakes. It is also extremely probable, from the
great fisheries they afford, that these lakes have been the nursery of this stem of
the family, and the secondary initial point of migration to the valley of the
Saint Lawrence, and thence to the Atlantic seaboard ; and also to the valleys of
the Mississippi and the Ohio. They seem to stand intermediate between the east-
ern, the southern, and the western Algonkins.
The system of consanguinity and affinity of the four groups of nations will be
considered in the order in which they are arranged.
1. Ojibwas. Under the more familiar name of Chippewas, this nation has become
so well known, historically, that a reference to their civil affairs will be unnecessary.
Small bands of this people still inhabit the south shore of Lake Superior, at the
Sault St. Mary, and around Marquette and L'Anse Bays; but the great body of
them now occupy the country around Leach and Red Lakes, in Western Minnesota.
They number about ten thousand. Their system of relationship agrees intimately
1 A similar order of procedure in council existed among the Iroquois ; the Mohawks, Onandagas,
and Senecas were collectively styled " Fathers," and tiie Cayugas, Oneidas, and Tuscaroras " Sons,"
and the nations were named in this relative order. — Of. League of (he Iroquois, pp. 96 and 118.
204 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
with that of the Otawas, Potawattamies, and Crees. It also contains certain special
features in which these nations agree with each other, but differ from the other
Algonkin nations. The Ojibwa system will be adopted as the standard. Four
complete schedules of this form are given in the Table — first, to show the slight
amount of dialectical variation which has arisen in the Ojibwa, notwithstanding the
geographical separation of their numerous bands ; and secondly, the permanence
of the special features of the system. No other form has been more thoroughly
explored, and it appears to exhaust all the capabilities for specialization which the
fundamental conceptions of the system render possible.
There are original terms for grandfather and grandmother, Ne-ma-sho-mis' and
No'-ko-mis' ;. for father and mother, Noss and Nin-gah' ; for son and daughter, Nin-
gwis' and Nin-da'-niss; and a term in common gender for grandchild, No-she-s7ia' .
All ancestors above the first are grandfathers and grandmothers, and all descendants
below the last are grandchildren.
The relationships of brother and sister are held in the twofold form of elder and
younger, and there are separate terms for each ; Ni-sa-ya', elder brother, and Ne-
mis-sa', younger brother; but the term for younger brother and younger sister,
Ne-sfe'-ma, is in common gender, and applied to both.
It will be understood that what is stated in each of the last two paragraphs is also
true with respect to every other Algonkin nation, unless the contrary is mentioned.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
step-son, N'-do'-zhim, and my step-daughter, N'-do'-zTie-mi-kwame. With Ego a
female, they are my nephew and niece, Ne-nin'-gwi-nis' and Ne-she-mis' .
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece,
Ne-nin'-gwi-nis' and Ne-she-mis'. With Ego a female, they are my step-son and
step-daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my step-father, Ne-mis7i'-s7io-ma.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my step-brother,
Ne-ka'^na, and my step-sister, Nin-da-wa'-ma. With Ego a female, they are my
brother, elder or younger, and my sister, elder or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Ne-see-gus'.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ne-zhish-sha' .
Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother, Ne-no-sha.1
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my step-brother
and step-sister ; but the latter, if younger than myself, is my younger sister. With
Ego a female, they are my brothers and sisters, elder or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, of my step-brothers and step-sisters, and of my
male and female cousins, are, without distinction, my grandchildren.
1 I think, if re-examined, it will be found that my mother's sister is my mother, and my father's
brother my father, Ego a female ; and that my sister's son, Ego a female, is my daughter. In other
words, the step-relationships are used by the males, whilst the females use the full terms. The
Tables show this in part.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 205
It will be seen, by consulting the Table, that the principles of classification in
the first collateral line are applied to the second, third, and fourth collateral lines,
as in the Seneca and Yankton ; thus, the sons and daughters of my step-brothers,
and of my male cousins, Ego a male, are my step-sons and step-daughters, while the
children of my step-sisters and of my female cousins are my nephews and nieces.
With Ego a female, the children of the former are my nephews and nieces, and of
the latter are my sons and daughters.
Amongst the Gichigamian nations the relationship of cousin is found, but
restricted, as usual, to the children of a brother and sister ; thus, my father's sister's
son and daughter are my male and female cousins, Ne-ta-wis and Ne-ne-moo-sha' ' .
In like manner, my grandfather's brother's grandson and granddaughter are my
cousins. On the mother's side, my mother's brother's son and daughter, and my
grandmother's brother's grandson and granddaughter, are respectively my male
and female cousins.
In the marriage relationship the Ojibwa system is in equally striking agreement
with the Seneca and Yankton. Each of the wives of my step-sons and nephews is
my daughter-in-law, Ne-sim! ; and ea£h of the husbands of my several step-daughters
and nieces is my son-in-law, Ne-nin-gwun', the same as the wife and husband of my
own son and daughter. In like manner, the wives of my several step-brothers and
male cousins are respectively my sisters-in-law, and the husbands of my several
step-sisters and female cousins are my brothers-in-law. For a further knowledge
of these relationships reference is made to the Table, in which they will be found
fully presented
If the Seneca-Iroquois and Yankton-Dakota forms are placed side by side with
the Ojibwa, the differences are found to be so inconsiderable, both in the relation-
ships of consanguinity and affinity, as to excite astonishment. We have crossed
from one stock language into another, and from one of the great stems of the
Ganowanian family into another, and find not only the radical features of the
common system intact, hut their subordinate details coincident down to minute
particulars. At the same time, the terms of relationship are changed beyond the
reach of recognition. One set of diagrams, with scarcely the alteration of a rela-
tionship, would answer for the three forms, the classification of blood kindred and
of marriage relations being substantially the same in all. The chief difference
consists in the substitution of the step-relationships for a portion of the primary,
which will be found to be simply a refinement upon an original system in all
respects identical with the Seneca and Yankton. This is conclusively shown by
the present condition of the system amongst their nearest congeners, the Mississippi
nations, among whom the step-relationships are unknown in this connection. A
further and still stronger impression is thus obtained of the great antiquity of this
extraordinary system of relationship in the Ganowanian family, of its power to
perpetuate itself, and of the fact of its transmission with the blood.
2. Otawas. 3. Potawattamies. The forms which prevail in these nations agree
so closely with the Ojibwa, that it will not be necessary to consider them separately.
It will also be seen, by consulting the Table, that their dialects approach each other
very nearly. At the time of the settlement of Detroit, a portion of the Otawas
206 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
were settled upon the Detroit River. The largest number of them are now in
Kansas ; but there are small bands still upon the north shores of Lake Huron and
the Georgian Bay, and still other individuals intermingled with the Ojibwas. They
number collectively about two thousand. The Potawattamies occupied around the
south shores of Lake Michigan at the time the settlement was commenced at
Chicago, about 1830. The most of them are now established upon a reservation
in Kansas. They number collectively about three thousand.
4. Crees. The Cree language is now spoken in three dialects, without any cor-
responding division of the people into three geographically distinct nations. They
are called the Cree of the Lowlands, the Cree of the Woods, and the Cree of the
Prairie, of which the former is the least and the latter is the most developed.
There is a belt of thick wood country extending for about three hundred miles
from the southern circuit of Hudson's Bay, reaching to Lake Winnipeg on the
west, and on the south to the dividing ridge between this bay and Lake Superior
and the St. Lawrence, which has been the home country of the Crees from the
earliest period to which our knowledge extends. Sir George Simpson states, in
his testimony before a Parliamentary commission, that this thick wood country
"has a larger surface of water than of land."1 Their occupation of the prairie
regions upon the Red River of the North and the Siskatchewun was undoubtedly
comparatively modern. The prairie dialect, therefore, which is the speech of the
largest number of the Crees, represents that portion of the people who first emi-
grated from the thick wood country into the plains, and which may have been at
the time in the incipient stages of its development. The differences among the
three are still very slight, as will be seen by comparing the terms in the Table.
Of the variations in the pronouns the following may be taken as illustrations : —
Mine. Thine. His.
Cree of the Lowlands. Ne-nii'. Wc-na-wou'. We-nil'.
Woods. Ne-la'. We-la-wou'. We-la'.
" " Prairie. Ne-ya'. We-a-wou'. We-ya'.
The Crees speak of each other as belonging to one of these three branches of
the nation, although the dialects, colloquially, are mutually intelligible without the
slightest difficulty. In the terms of relationship in the Table other differences will
be observed, but they are less in the aggregate than among any other dialects given,
not excepting the Dakota. This language is open and accessible to a greater
extent than any other upon the American continent, from the large number of
whites by whom it has been acquired, and from the unusually large number of
half-bloods speaking English, to whom the Cree is the mother tongue.2 Under the
1 Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company, made to the British Parlia-
ment in 1857, p. 55.
1 An exceedingly interesting experiment is now in progress at Selkirk, or Red River Settlement,
near Lake Winnipeg. Along the banks of this river, from the mouth of the Asiniboine River for
some twelve miles down towards the lake, there is a straggling village containing near ten thousand
people, made up chiefly of half-blood Crees, but showing all shades of color, from the pure white
Orkney Islander, through all the intermediate degrees of intermixture, to the full-blooded Cree. The
Hudson's Bay Company, at an early day, induced Orkney men to emigrate to their territory, to act
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 207
influence of the Hudson's Bay Company, the Crees have been kept at peace among
themselves, and to a great extent with contiguous nations, consequently they have
made considerable progress in numbers and in civilization. With the exception,
however, of the agricultural half-bloods, they are not as far advanced as many
other Indian nations.
Their system of relationship was procured with unusual facility. The first
schedule, that of the Lowland Cree, was obtained at the Sault St. Mary, in 1860,
through a half-blood Cree from Moose Factory, on Hudson's Bay ; the second, that
of the Prairie Crees, in 1861, at Georgetown, on the Red River of the North, from
Mrs. Alexander H. Murray, a quarter-blood Cree from Peace River, near Athapasca
Lake. She was the wife of Mr. A. H. Murray, one of the factors of the Hudson's
Bay Company, then stationed at Georgetown, and an educated and accomplished
in the service of the Company in the capacity of trappers and traders. These adventurers took
the Cree women, first as companions, and afterwards, under religious influences, as wives ; and when
their term of service expired, took up small farms with a narrow front on the river and extending
back on the prairie as far as they chose to cultivate, and became a settled agricultural people. The
result, in the course of a hundred or more years, has been the development of this large population
at Red River Settlement of mixed Indian and European blood, followed by the introduction among
them of the habits and usages of civilized life. This population are still drawing fresh blood both
from native and European sources ; hence the main condition of the experiment — namely, their
isolation from both stocks — has not yet been reached. But there is a permanently established half
blood class, intermediate between the two ; and the problem to be solved is, whether a new stock can
be thus formed, able to perpetuate itself. It is too early to pronounce upon the question. There are
many encouraging and some adverse indications. There is a purely physiological principle involved,
which connects itself directly with this experiment. The Indian and European are at opposite poles
in their physiological conditions. In the former there is very little animal passion, while with the
latter it is superabundant. A pure-blooded Indian has very little animal passion, but in the half-
blood it is sensibly augmented ; and when the second generation is reached with a cross giving three-
fourths white blood, it becomes excessive, and tends to indiscriminate licentiousness. If this be true
in fact, it is a potent adverse element leading to demoralization and decay, which it will be extremely
difficult to overmaster and finally escape. In his native state, the Indian is below the passion of love.
It is entirely unknown among them, with the exception, to a limited extent, of the Village Indians.
This fact is sufficiently proved by the universal prevalence of the custom of disposing of the females
in marriage without their knowledge or participation in the arrangement. The effects produced by
intermixture of European and Indian blood, although a delicate subject, is one of scientific interest.
The facts above stated I obtained from traders and trappers on the Upper Missouri, who have spent
their lives in the Indian country, and understand Indian life in all its relations. When at the Red
River Settlement in 1861, I made this a subject of further inquiry, the results of which tended to
confirm the above statements. Whether this abnormal or disturbed state of the animal passions will
finally subside into a proper equilibrium, is one of the questions involved. There was much in the
thrift, industry, and intelligence displayed at the Settlement to encourage the hope and the expecta-
tion of an ultimately successful solution of the problem. Among the pure Orkney men, as well as
half-bloods, there were many excellent and solid men who would command respect and attain success
in any community ; and under such influences the probabilities of success are greatly strengthened.
As far as my personal observation has extended among the American Indian nations, the half-blood
is inferior, both physically and mentally, to the pure Indian ; but the second cross, giving three-
quarters Indian, is an advance upon the native; and giving throe-fourths white is a still greater
advance, approximating to equality with the white ancestor. With the white carried still further,
full equality is reached, tending to show that Indian blood car. be taken up without physical or
intellectual detriment.
208 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
lady. The third, that of the Cree of the Woods, was procured at the same time
and place, from Mrs. Ohlson, a half-blood Cree from Pembina. Afterwards a second
Cree of the Lowlands was obtained at Eed Eiver Settlement. Besides these, I
received, in the year 1862, a second schedule of the Cree of the Prairie, from the
Rev. E. A. Watkins, of Devon, on the Siskatchewan River. These verifications of
the details as well as existence of the system were more ample than usual. The
Cree language, as well as system of relationship, affiliates very closely with the
dialects and systems of the remaining Gichigamian nations.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
step-son and step-daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my step-son and step-daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my step-father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, and of my male and female cousins, are severally
my grandchildren.
Among the Crees the relationship of cousin is also found applied by the children
of a brother and sister to each other. The relationships of step-brother and step-
sister are not found in the Cree applied as in the Ojibwa. In this respect it retains
the original form of the system.
For the purpose of illustrating the degree of nearness in the vocables for common
objects in the dialects of the Great Lake nations, and their relation to the West-
ern Algonkin, a short comparative table is inserted below, compiled from unpub-
lished vocabularies of the author.1
II. Mississippi Nations. 1. Miamis. 2. Illinois: (1. Weas. 2. Piankeshaws.
3. Kaskaskias. 4. Peorias.) 3. Sawks and Foxes. 4. Kikapoos. 5. Menominees.
6. Shiyans. 7. Shawnees.
The occupation of the vast prairie area in the interior of the continent, by the
Indian nations, was a modern event. It is perfectly certain, as well as obvious
from the nature of these plains, that they were incapable of human habitation
until after the aborigines had come into possession of the horse, and had learned
to rear him as a domestic animal. Before that event they were confined to the
banks of the great rivers that traversed the prairies, leaving the remainder of these
immense regions an unbroken solitude, in the exclusive possession of the herds of
wild animals who grazed their inexhaustible pastures. East of the Mississippi the
1 See table at bottom of next page.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
209
prairie area extended southward to the fringe of forest bordering the Ohio River,
eastward to the central part of Indiana, and then stretching northwestward, along
the forest which skirted Lake Michigan, Lake Superior, and Lake Winnipeg, it
crossed Peace Biver near the west end of Athapasca Lake. From the plateau of
Peace River southward to New Mexico for a distance of more than fifteen hundred
miles, and from the Rocky Mountain chain to the great forests, east of the Missis-
sippi, a distance of more than a thousand miles in their greatest width, these
prairies lie unrolled as a carpet of verdure. They furnish the most extraordinary
natural spectacle upon which the eye of man ever rested on the earth's surface. No
description can realize to the mind their vastness or their magnificence. Between
the western borders of Lake Superior and the Ohio the rivers and streams were
bordered with forest. There were, also, patches of forest scattered here and there
in the midst of the prairies, in which respect the regions east of the Mississippi
differ from those west of and upon the Missouri. Throughout all the region first
named there was a mixture of forest and prairie, the latter largely predominating.
Within this area the Mississippi nations were found. Their habitations were
along the rivers and streams, which were well supplied with fish, and also among
the woodlands which afforded a shelter for game. The open prairies east of the
Mississippi, as well as west of it, were destitute of inhabitants.
At the period of colonization there were eleven nations between Lake Superior
and the Ohio, excluding the Winnebagoes and Potawattamies, and including the
Cree.
Ojibwa.
Potawattamie.
Blood-Blackfoot.
Ahahnelin.
Head,
Mish'-to-gwan
O-ste'-gwan
Wa-tib'
0-too-kane'
Ah-ga'-ha
Hair,
Mis-ta'-gi-ya
We-ne-sis'-sun
Wain-sus-san'
0-to'- kwa-kin-
Be-at-ah'
Eye,
0-sk-zik'
0-ske-zhig'
Zhk-zhuk'
O-aps'-pix [is'
Pa-sa'-tha
Ear,
O-ta'-wi-gi
Ta-wag'
0-to-uk'
Oh--to'-kis
Wa-nii-ta'-no
Nose,
0-ske-wun'
0-jhaze'
0-jash'
Oaks-se-sis'
Ba'-sa
Mouth,
Ne-tone'
0-done'
0-tone'
Ma-aw'-ye
Ba'-ke
Arm,
Osh-pe-toon'
0-neke'
Nuk
Olr-chim'-min
Bas'-te-na'-ya
Hand,
O-jish'-chc
0-ninge'
0-nech'
0-ma-jiks-e-kin-
Bii'-kik
Bow,
Ah-cha'-le
Me-ke-gwab'
N'-ta-gwab'
Na'-ma [ist
Ba'-ta
Arrow,
Ah-toosh'
Pe-kwack'
Wape
Ah-pe'-se
Ot'-zo
Tobacco,
Sta'-mow
Ah-sa-ma'
Sa'-ma
Pis-tii'-ka
Tza-tha'-wa
Sun,
Pee-sim
Ke-sis'
Ka-zus'
Na-to'-ze
A-sis'
Star,
Ah-dak'
Ah-nung'
No-goke'
Ka-ka'-toase
Ah-tome'
Wind,
Yu-tin
No-din'
I'-so-po
Ne'-he-nate
Rain,
Ke-ne-wun'
Ke-nee-wun'
I-sote'
Ah-na-tha'
Snow,
Go-na
Kone
Kone
Ko'-nis-ko
Ba-natz'
Fire,
E-sko'-da-o
Sko'-da
Stche
E-sit'-ta
Water,
Ne'-pe
Ne-leh'
Bish
Ah-olr'-ke-a
Det'-za
Ice,
Mis-kwa-me'
Me-kwum'
M'-komb'
Ko-ko-to'-a
Wii'-ho
Pigeon,
O-me'-rau
O-me'-me
Ah-me'
Ka-ko'-a
Ne-ta'-ha
Red.
Ah-me-kwag'
Mis-kwa'
Mas-kwak'
Mox-e'-natch-e
Ba'-ah
Yellow,
0-sa-wag'
0-za-wa'
Wa-za'-nak
Ote-ko'-e-natch-
Ne-ha'-ya
One,
Pa-yuk'
N'-goot'
Tokes'-ka [e
Na-ne'-tha
Two,
Ne-su'
Neesh
Na'-toke
Na-ne-tha'
Three,
Nees-tu'
Swa
Ne-okes'-ka
Na-na'-the
Four,
Na-woo'
Ne-a-o'
Ne-sa-im
Ge-na'-ne
Five,
Nee-ah-mun'
Ne-a-nin'
Nee-se-to'-a
Ya-na'-ta-ne
27 March, 1870.
210 SYSTEMS OF C 0 N S ANG TJINIT Y AND AFFINITY
Shawnces south of the Ohio, who dwelt upon the east bank of the Mississippi, and
upon the numerous rivers which traverse the present States of Wisconsin and
Illinois, and the western parts of Indiana. All of these nations spoke dialects of
the Algonkin language, and were more nearly allied to each other, and nearer to
the Great Lake nations, than they were to the Atlantic Algonkins. The reasons
for placing the Shiyans1 among the number will be elsewhere assigned. It is
proposed to call them collectively the Mississippi Nations. At the time Father
Marquette descended the Mississippi, in 1673 it is probable, from the Algonkin
names upon his map, that some of these nations had establishments upon the west
side of the river, from which the Dakotas were then gradually effecting their
displacement. Moreover, there are reasons for supposing that the original home
country of the Dakotas upon the head waters of the Mississippi, was wrested
from the Algonkins, and that the Shiyans, and perhaps the Arapahoes, were the
nations displaced.
1. Miamis. 2. Illinois. (1. Weas. 2. Piankeshaws. 3. Kaskaskias. 4.
Peorias.)
The first group of the Mississippi Nations, consisting of the five above named,
were subdivisions of the same people. This is at least certain with respect to
all except the Miamis, whose dialect shows considerable divergence. During the
colonial period they were so regarded both by the French and English.2 They were
sometimes styled, collectively, the " Illinois Confederacy."3 It is a matter of doubt
whether there ever was a distinct nation of Illinois Indians, as distinguished from
the four bands named. None such exists at the present time, and we have
no account of their extirpation. It was probably a general name for these
nations or bands, which was laid aside after they became distinct under recognized
names. This is not inconsistent with La Salle's account of the destruction of a
large portion of the Illinois by the Iroquois. For these reasons these four nations are
called collectively the Illinois. The Peorias and Kaskaskias were immediate sub-
divisions of the same people. In like manner, the Miamis, Weas, and Pianke-
shaws, as appears by the official records of the last century, were regarded as imme-
diate subdivisions -of one original nation.4 A comparison of the terms of relationship
in the Table "will show the present relation of these dialects to each other.
In their system of consanguinity and affinity these nations, all of which are
represented in the Table, agree very closely with each other. It will be sufficient
to present one form, and that of the Miamis, who are the most numerous, will be
adopted as the standard. These nations occupied the triangle between the Illi-
nois, the Mississippi, and the Ohio Rivers, and were spread along the Wabash and
the Miami into the western part of Indiana.5
1 From the Dakota Shi-ya. (Cheyennes..
• Enumeration of Indian Nations made in 1736, Colonial History of New York, IX, 1057.
8 Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians of the Northern District in 1767, by Sir William
Johnson, Col. Hist. New York, IX, 966.
• Ib., IX, 891, and X, 248.
8 Harvey, in his History of the Shawnees, quotes the speech of Little Turtle, a Miami chief, in which
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 211
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my son
and daughter, Neen-gwase' -sa and Nin-da'-na. With Ego a female, they are my
nephew and niece, Lan-gwa-les'-sa and Shames-sd' .
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father, No-sa'.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother, elder or younger,
Ne-sa-sa" or Ne' -she-ma' ', and my sister, elder or younger, Ne-mis-sa" or Ne-she-ma".
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, N'-sa-gwe'-sa.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ne-zJiese'-sa.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother, Nin-ge-aft'.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter, are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Na-ma-sho-ma'
The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral brothers and
sisters, are indiscriminately my grandchildren.
Amongst these nations the relationship of cousin is unknown. The children of
a brother and sister, if males, are uncle and nephew to each other, and if females,
they are mother and daughter ; in which respect it is in precise agreement with
the form which prevails among the Missouri nations and the Winnebagoes. As
this identity is an interesting fact, the relationships may be run through specifically.
My father's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece, and
their children are my grandchildren. With Ego a female, they are my son and
daughter, and their children are my grandchildren. On the reverse side, my
mother's brother's son is my uncle, Ne-zliese' -sa ; his son is my uncle again, and
his male descendants continue to be uncles, theoretically, in an infinite series. My
mother's brother's daughter is my mother, Nin-ge-ati ; her children are my brothers
and sisters, elder or younger ; the children of these collateral brothers, Ego a male,
are my sons and daughters ; of these collateral sisters are my nephews and nieces,
and their children are my grandchildren.
The progress of this particular part of the system from a lower to a higher form
in branches of two independent stems of the Ga'nowanian family, taking in each
the same direction, and reaching the same ultimate form, is a significant fact.
This is seen to have been the case among the Hodenosaunian, the Dakotan, and
the Great Lake nations, among whom the relationship of cousin is .found. On the
other hand, it is a not less striking fact that among the congeners of each respec-
tively the same anterior form, as to the relationships between the children of a
brother and sister should still prevail. Two inferences arise from the premises :
first, that the radical forms of the system are stable and persistent. An obvious
the latter refers to the ancient area of occupation of the Miamis as follows : "My forefathers kindled
the first fire at Detroit, from thence he extended his lines to the head-waters of the Scioto, from
thence to its mouth, from thence down the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash, and from thence to
Chicago on Lake Michigan. These are the boundaries within which the prints of my ancestors'
houses are everywhere to be seen." — Harvey's History of the Shawnees, p. 64.
212 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
incongruity, not to say blemish, is maintained through long periods of time among
. certain nations, after a portion of their congeners had corrected the defect by a
change suggested by the principles of the system. Secondly, that the system is
under the absolute control of the fundamental conceptions upon which it rests, and
if changed at all, the change must be in logical accordance with these conceptions,
and move in a direction, as elsewhere stated, predetermined by the elements of the
system.
The identity of the Miami in whatever is radical, with the common system of all
the nations thus far named is sufficiently evident.1
2. Sawks and Foxes. It would be inconsistent with the plan of this work to
encumber its pages with historical notices of the numerous nations to whom it is
necessary to refer. A brief reference to their ancient seats, and to their present
location and numbers, will yield all the information necessary to our present purpose.
The home country of the Sawks and Foxes, when they first became known to
the early explorers, was upon the Fox River in Wisconsin, where they were found
in 1666. Their range was westward from this river to the Mississippi. There is
some evidence tending to show that they formerly resided upon the north shore of
Lake Ontario ; and subsequently upon the west side of the Mississippi in the val-
ley of the Sawk River, within the Dakota area. They have been distinguished
among the Mississippi nations for their fighting propensities. In 1841 they were
established upon a reservation in Kansas, and were estimated at twenty-four hun-
dred.2
Among the Mississippi nations there was more or less of cultivation and of vil-
lage life. This was particularly the case with the Sawks and Foxes.3 Their dia-
lect affiliates very closely with the dialects of the Illinois, as will be seen by a refer-
ence to the Table. Like all other prairie Indians, the Sawks and Foxes are very
dark skinned, very much more so than the forest nations. Some of them are but
a few shades lighter than the negro.4
Their system of relationship, which will be found in the Table, agrees so inti-
1 In 1855 the five nations above named were estimated collectively at seven hundred and eighty.
Schoolcraft, Hist. Cond. & Pros. VI, 705.
* They are frequently referred to in the Colonial Records. Col. Hist. N. Y., IV, 749, VII, 543,
IX, 161, 889 and 1055.
8 Carver thus speaks of a village of the Sawks on the Wisconsin River, which he visited in 1766 :
" This is the largest and best built Indian town I ever saw. It contained about ninety houses, each
large enough for several families. They are built of hewn plank, neatly jointed, and covered with
bark so completely as to keep out the most penetrating rains. * * * In their plantations, which
lie adjacent to their houses, and are neatly laid out, they raise great quantities of Indian corn, beans,
melons, &c." — Travels, p. 22.
4 I remember very distinctly the personal appearance of a Sawk woman upon the Sawk and Fox
Reservation in Kansas in 1860, who assisted my interpreter in giving the details of their system of
relationship. She was short, but stout, with a very dark skin, small deep set and restless black
eyes (in which the untamed animal nature was distinctly manifest), high cheek bones, narrow, high,
and retreating forehead, and massive lower face, with large mouth and tumid lips. A smile, which
occasionally came and went, sat upon her imperturbable features so unnaturally that her face did not
seem formed to harbor such a visitant; and it dropped out as instantaneously as a thread of light-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 213
mately with the form which prevails in the first group of the Mississippi nations
that it will be unnecessary to present the indicative relationships. The most
noticeable fact connected with it is the manner of disposing of the relationships of
the children of a brother and sister, who are uncle and nephew if males, and
mother and daughter if females, in which respect it agrees with the Miami.
3. Kikapoos. The earliest notices of this nation placed them in the northern
part of the present State of Illinois, between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi.
In the enumeration of the Indian tribes made in 1736,1 ascribed to Chauvignerie,
they are located upon Fox River in Wisconsin, whilst in a later one made by Sir
William Johnson in 1763,2 they are placed upon the Wabash. They now reside
upon a reservation in Kansas, and number according to the census of 1855 three
hundred and forty-four.3
Their system of relationship, which will be found in the Table, agrees with the
Miami not only in its general form, but also in the relationships between the chil-
dren of a brother and sister.
4. Menominees. The original seat of this nation was upon the river of the same
name, in Michigan and Wisconsin. They are mentioned by Du Chesnau, in his
"Memoir on the Western Indians," made in 1681,4 as among the Indians of Wis-
consin. They remained in this region until they were removed to a reservation
on Long Prairie River, one of the head tributaries of the Mississippi. In 1849
they numbered about two thousand five hundred. They have made considerable
progress in civilization.
Their system of relationship is substantially identical with the Miami. It also
agrees with it in making the children of a brother and sister, uncle and nephew if
males, and mother and daughter if females.
5. Shiyans. Less is known of the early history of this people than of any
other Mississippi nation. They were anciently seated upon the Cheyenne River, a
tributary of the Red River of the North, in what afterwards became a part of the
Dakota area. The Dakotas have not only preserved a tradition of their former
residence upon this river, but they still point out a place, at a bend in the stream,
where their village stood, and where there are still said to be traces of former
occupation as well as cultivation. We are also indebted to the Dakotas for the
name by which they are now known. They called them Shi-ya' " the people who
speak an unintelligible tongue." At the time Lewis and Clarke ascended the
Missouri (1804), they were established upon the Cheyenne River, a tributary of
the Missouri, near the foot of the Black Hills in Nebraska.5 They are now living
rring from a black cloud. The Indian eye shows neither pupil nor iris ; and is, so to speak, impenetrable
and unreadable — a deep but strong unglistening black. The half bloods have glistening eyes, which, at
a certain stage of further white intermixture, become the most brilliant eyes to be found in the family
of mankind.
1 Col. Hist. N. Y , IX, 1055. » Ib., VII, 583.
« Schoolcraft, Hist. Cond. and Pros. Ind. Tribes, VI, 705. 4 Col. Hist. N. Y., IX, 161.
5 Lewis and Clarke, speaking of this river, say : " It derives this title from the Cheyenne Indians.
Their history is a short and melancholy relation of the calamities of most all the Indians. They
were a numerous people, and lived on the Cheyenne, a branch of the Red River of Lake Winnipeg.
214
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
in the territory of Colorado in what was formerly the extreme western part of Kan-
sas. With the Arapahoes, a kindred people, they are now geographically discon-
nected from the Algonkin nations, the Dakotas occupying the intermediate area.
Their first seat tends to show that far back of the historical period, the Algonkin
area extended westward from the head of Lake Superior beyond the head-waters
of the Mississippi ; and that the regions afterwards occupied by the Dakotas proper
were wrested, as elsewhere suggested, from the Algonkin nations. Among the
number thus displaced, were the Shiyans certainly, and probably the Arapahoes
and Ahahnelins (Gros Ventres of the Prairie). If we should seek among the
Mississippi nations, the nearest congeners of the Shiyans and Arapahoes, the
Menominees and Shawnees will be found to make the nearest approach to them in
their dialects. The annexed comparative Table, taken in connection with the
terms of relationship, shows more or less affinity, although the amount of dialectical
change is very great.1
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter, Na and Na-turi ' . With Ego a female, they are my nephew and
niece, Na-chin'e-ta and Ne-she'-mis.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
The invasion of the Sioux [Dakotas] drove them westward ; in their progress they halted on the
western side of the Missouri, below the Wasseconne, where their ancient fortifications still exist ; but
the same impulse again drove them to the heads of the Cheyenne, where they now rove, and occa-
sionally visit the Rickarees. They are now reduced, but still number three hundred men." — Travels,
p. 70.
1 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.
Ahahnelin.
Shawnee.
Menominee.
Shiyan.
Arapahoe.
(Gros Ventres of
Morgan.
Bruce.
Smith.
Smith.
Morgan.
1. Head,
We-se'
Maish
Mah-ke-o
Nee-a-thar
At-ga'-ha
2. Ear,
Ho-ta-wa-ga'
May-tah-woc
Es-tah-vote
Won-ne-tun-a
Wa-na-tii'-no
3. Eye,
Ske-sa-gwe'
Maish-kay-shaick
A-ch'-quin
Mee-she-shee
Pa-sa'-tha
4. Nose,
Ho-ja-se'
May-che-osh
Kune
Ner-tun-nee
Ba'-sa
5. Mouth,
Ho-do-nih'
May-tone
Marthe
Net-tee
Ba'-ke
6. Heart,
O-da-heh'
May-tab.
Es-tah
Bat-tah
It'-ta
7. Blood,
Mis-kwe'
Mainh-kee
Mah-e
Bahe
Wa'-atz-za
8. Sun,
Ge-sa-tha'
Kay-shoh
Is-she
Nee-she-ish
A-sis'
9. Day,
Ge-sa-ge'
Kay-shay-kots
Na-vone
Ee-shee
Noh-wa-na-ho-
10. Water,
Na-be
Na-pay-we
Ma-pa
Nutch
Det'-za [sa
11. Ice,
P-gwa-ma'
Mainh-quom
Ma-omh
Wa-hoo
Wa'-h-o
12. Snow,
Ma-da'
Koon
Es-tassa
Ee
Ba-natz'
13. Rain,
Keem-a-won-wa'
Ke-may-won
Ho-co
Os-son-ick
14. Elk,
Wa-pet-se'
Oh-mansh-kash
Mo-ee
Ese-wour-koo
A-was'-sa-ha
15 Beaver,
A-meex'-wa
Nah-main
Hau-ma
Ah-bash
Ah'-pis-se
16. Bear,
M'-kwa'
Ah-way-sha
Nan-quo
Whoth
Was'-see
The Menominee is taken from Schoolcraft's Hist. Cond. and Pros., II, 470; and the Shiyan
and Arapahoe from the same, III, 446. The Shawnee and Ahahnelin are from unpublished
vocabularies of the authors.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 215
Third. My father's brother is my father, Na-o'-a.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger, Nd-ne'-a or Na-sim-a', and No-ma' or Na-sim-a'.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Na-un'.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, No-she'.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother, No-led .
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Nam-a-shim! '.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral
brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren.
With respect to the relationships between the children of a brother and sister it
was impossible to ascertain with certainty, and these questions are unanswered in
the Table. It seemed most probable that they were uncle and nephew if males,
and mother and daughter if females.1
The Shiyan dialect has some peculiarities which may have resulted from its
long isolation from the purer forms of the Algonkin speech. It is seen in the
feebleness of the accent, which renders the language monotonous, and in the short-
ening of the words apparently by the loss of syllables. The traders who are familiar
with other Algonkin dialects regard this as the most difficult of them all ; and
those who are familiar with the Dakota alone, still pronounce it, as the Dakotas
did, an " unintelligible tongue." Their Algonkin lineage, and their possession of
the common systems of relationship of the family, are bath established.
5. Shawnees. The Cumberland Eiver in Kentucky was called the Shawnee
River until 1 748, when the present name was substituted.2 In the triangular area
between the Ohio and the Mississippi, watered by the lower Tennessee and the
Cumberland, were the ancient seats of the Shawnees.3 Beyond this region they
have never been traced to any anterior home. They still call themselves Sa-wan-
wa-ke', which signifies " southerners" — in Otawa, 0-shaw-wa-noke' ', — a name adopted
by them, probably in a boastful sense, as the southernmost band geographically of
Algonkin descent.4 They appear to have abandoned the Mississippi prior to 1650 ;
1 I obtained the system of the Shiyans in 1860 from Joseph Tesson, a French trader at Rulo in
Nebraska. He was a quarter-blood Menorainee. At the age of eighteen, as he informed me, he left the
Missouri River, and went out as an adventurer upon the plains. Having joined himself to the Shi-
yans, he learned their language, married a woman of that nation, and took an active part in all
their military enterprises. In due time he was made a chief. For twenty years he had been identi-
fied with this nation, and during that time had not visited the Missouri region. Shortly before I
met him he had found his way with his children to Rulo to resume civilized life. He was able to
give me their system of relationship in every particular, except the part in question, upon which he
was in doubt whether the relationships were those of uncle and nephew or cousin and cousin. Since
he could not recall a term for cousin in the Shiyan language, with which he was perfectly familiar,
it seemed reasonably certain that this relationship did not exist, and that the classification agreed
with the Miami. Tesson spoke French, English, and Spanish ; and had acquired five Indian lan-
guages besides the Shiyan.
• Col. Hist. N. Y., VIII, 113, note. » Harvey's History of the Shawnees, p. 64.
4 Ib. p. 64.
216 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
and to have moved eastward to North Carolina and Virginia, and finally, in 1678
or thereabout, to the Susquehannah River in Pennsylvania. They were a party to
the second treaty with William Penn in 1701. Prior to 1786 the most of the
Shawnees had removed to the Miami River in Ohio; and after several changes of
residence in that State, hi which they remained until 1832, they were finally
removed by the general government to a reservation on the Kansas River. At the
present moment they are undergoing, for the third time within a century and a
half, the process of being uprooted and expatriated under the pressure of the never
ending requirements of the American people.
The Shawnees, notwithstanding their trying and eventful experience in war
and in peace, have preserved their nationality and made remarkable progress in
agriculture and in other arts of civilized life. They have organized a representa-
tive government, founded upon a popular election of chiefs, have organized and
supported schools, constructed comfortable houses, and become strictly agricultural.
There are amongst them men and women of education, intelligence, and high moral
worth who are striving to raise themselves to useful employments, and their fami-
lies to independence. With a proper encouragement of these efforts a large por-
tion of the remaining Shawnees would ultimately become permanently civilized
and saved from extermination. It is seriously to be deplored that the Great
Republic does not awaken to an intelligent as well as judicious, administration of
its Indian affairs. The census of 1855 shows that they number eight hundred and
fifty-one.1
Colloquially the Shawnee is the most beautiful dialect of the Algonkin speech.
Any person who has heard these dialects, in their wide range and diversity, from
the lips of the native speaker, must have noticed the superiority in smoothness of
articulation of the Shawnee, the Cree, and the Ojibwa, over those of the Atlantic
Algonkins, and still more over the degenerate forms of the same speech at the
foot of the Rocky Mountain chain. The latter are distorted and roughened by
nasal and guttural utterances from which the former are comparatively free.
Amongst the central Algonkins the mental superiority was found. As compared
with the Iroquois and Dakotas they were an inferior stock. Whilst the dialects
of the latter are distinguished for vigor of pronunciation, and by a clear ringing
accent upon the emphatic part of each word, the Algonkin, with the exceptions
named, is a soft and not unmusical speech. Indian dialects unfold and contract,
improve and deteriorate, as the people who hold them in their keeping increase in
numbers and mental capacity, or fall back under adverse circumstances into feeble-
ness and decay. The Shawnees have withstood the external pressure upon them
with remarkable persistency and success ; and have continued to advance, except
in numbers, throughout the entire period of colonization and established empire.
From the fact that for upwards of two centuries they had been detached, in a
great measure, from their immediate congeners, and had lived in intimate relations
with the eastern Algonkins, their system of consanguinity and affinity was sought
1 Schoolcraft, Hist. Cond. and Pros. &c., VI, 115.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 217
with more than usual interest. Its present form would tend to illustrate how far,
if at all, its original features might become modified in those respects in which it
differed from that of the Atlantic Algonkiiis. Whether an established system
changes with facility, under external influence, or stubbornly resists innovation from
without, is a question that connects itself with the final estimate to be placed upon
systems of relationship as an instrument in ethnology. The more therefore the
evidence tending to establish the fact of its stability is multiplied the more reliable
will the inferences drawn therefrom become.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter, Ne-kwe-thti' and Ni-to-no-tJiti' . With Ego a female, they are my
nephew and niece, No-la-gwol-thd' and Na-sa-me-tha! '.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father, No-tlia'.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger, N'-tha-tha' or N'-ihe-ma-tha' and Nirmirtha' or XT-tlie-ma-tha! '.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Na-tha-gwe-fha' '.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ni'si-tha'.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother, Ne-lce~ali' ' .
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Na-ma-some-t7id' .
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral
brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren.
With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are uncle and nephew
if males, and mother and daughter if females. It agrees also with the Miami as
to the series of uncles. For the marriage relationships which are not less elabo-
rately discriminated reference is made to the Table.
It thus appears that the Shawnees have not only maintained all of the radical
characteristics of the system, but also that they have tenaciously held to the second
form of the deviation which forms such a striking peculiarity of the system. The
minute and precise agreement of the Miami, Sawk and Fox, Kikapoo and Me-
nominee forms with each other, and with the Shawnee, is a forcible attestation of
the stability of the system as a whole, and of the like stability of the relationships
deviating from uniformity when they become permanently established.
It should be observed, also, that the terms of relationship amongst all of the
Algonkin nations thus far considered, are, for the most part, the same original
words under dialectical changes. From this fact the inference arises that the
terms as well as the system, have come down to each from a common source ; thus
ascending to the time when all of these nations were represented by a single
nation, and their dialects by a single language.1
1 In December, 1858, I sent out the first printed schedule with an explanatory letter to the several
Indian Missions, and among the number, one to Friend Simon D. Harvey, Superintendent of the
Friends' Shawnee Mission School in Kansas. But three answers were returned, and the first was
28 March, 1870.
218 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
III. Atlantic Algonkins.
1. Delawares. 2. Muusees. 3. Mohegans. (4. Abenakis, not in the Table.)
5. Etchemins or Malisetes. 6. Micmacs.
The eastern Algonkins were subdivided into a number of nations politically dis-
tinct ; but those properly so distinguished were, in reality, less numerous than the
early accounts represent. Distinctness of dialect furnishes a more reliable criterion
than the nominal independence of particular bands. Separate bands of the same
nation have not only. received separate names, but a multiplicity of names have
been given to the same nation. Our Indian nations have rarely been known by
the names with which they designate themselves ; but usually by those conferred
upon them by contiguous nations. If classified by dialects the number having a
place in our colonial history would be greatly reduced.
Between the St. Lawrence below Quebec, and Hudson's Bay, there was a scanty
Algonkin population, of which Mr. Gallatin has preserved the names of the
Scoffies, and the Sheshatapoosh. The country, however, was nearly destitute of
inhabitants. In Nova Scotia, and in the regions bordering the Gulf of St. Law-
rence, and the islands adjacent, were the Micmacs ; upon the St. John's Eiver, and
south of it, were the Etchemins, now known as the Malisetes ; and between the
St. John's and the Kennebec were the Abenakis. These three nations were dis-
tinct, each having an independent dialect The New England Indians occupied
the remainder of New England, the eastern banks of Hudson River, and Long
Island. They were closely allied in blood and language. The principal nations
were the Narragansetts of Massachusetts, the Wampanoags of Rhode Island, the
Pequots of Connecticut, and the Mohegans of the Hudson. They were thinly
spread over these areas. Advancing southward the Delawares, of whom the Minsi
were a portion, and the Munsees occupied parts of New Jersey, Delaware, and
eastern Pennsylvania; whilst the Nantikokes occupied between Delaware and
Chesapeake Bay in eastern and southern Maryland. In Virginia upon the
Rappahannock and James Rivers, were the Powhattans and some minor bands. Still
further south, upon the shores of the Atlantic along Cape Hatteras were the Pamp-
licos, and south of them the Cheraws, of whom but little is known. They were
from Friend Harvey, containing the Shawnee complete. This venerable and estimable gentleman,
as well as his family before him, had been an active friend of the Sbawnees while they resided in
Ohio ; and he had followed them to their new home in Kansas, where he was then laboring with zeal
and perseverance for their spiritual and temporal welfare. His knowledge of the language, and the
familiar acquaintance of many Shawnees with the English, enabled him to trace out their system,
through all its complications, with precision and accuracy. He was the first to bring out the
anomalous feature of the Indian system which established the relationship of uncle and nephew
between the children of a brother and sister, which afterwards formed the basis upon which the Mis-
sissippi and Missouri nations were organized in separate groups. In 1859 I verified the work of
Friend Harvey at the Shawnee Reservation, and found it correct in every particular. In I860
he went with me to the Reservations in southern Kansas, which gave me an excellent opportunity
to become acquainted with this philanthropist. I shall long retain the impression which the good-
ness of his character, and his noble and distinguished zeal for the welfare of the Indian family pro-
duced upon my mind. No better and no purer man than Friend Harvey lives upon the earth.
OF THE HUM AN FAMILY. 219
probably straggling bands from Virginia. The foregoing were the principal
Atlantic Algonkin nations.
Of those enumerated, the Micmacs, the Etchemins, the Abenakis, the Mohegan,
the Delawares, and the Munsees still maintain a distinct political existence.
Beside these, there are about a thousand of the descendants of the New England
Indians, more or less mixed in blood, still living in Massachusetts, Connecticut,
and Rhode Island,1 and about the same number in Maine.
The Atlantic Algonkins were never very numerous, although they cultivated to
some extent, and possessed excellent fisheries. They were probably more nume-
rous, in equal areas, than the Gichigamian or Mississippi nations ; but still incon-
siderable in numbers. Throughout the continent, with the exception of parts of
Mexico and Central America, and the valley of the Columbia, the Indian popula-
tion was everywhere scanty. It is impossible at the present time, under the sug-
gestions of ample experience, to repress the tendency to exaggerated estimates.
Even the census which has come in at last, to dispel these illusions, does not shed
a convincing light upon the past, because the hypothesis is allowed to intervene,
that they have wasted away between the estimate and the census. Experience
shows that nomadic nations, and more especially nations composed of fishermen
and hunters, increase slowly and waste slowly ; and that the equilibrium of num-
bers is better preserved among them than it is among agricultural and commercial
peoples. In a volume now open before me are estimates made as late as 1834,
in which the Crow Indians are stated to number 45,000, the Blackfeet 30,000, and
the Shoshonees 30,000. These nations were then well known to the Fur companies,
and to the traders, although they had not at that time come under any direct rela-
tions to the government. In 1849, after treaties had been formed with them, and
an effort had been made to ascertain their numbers, by a count of lodges, the
Crows were estimated at 4000, the Blackfeet at 13,000, and the Shoshonees at
700. An actual census, when taken, will probably reduce both the Crows and
Blackfeet considerably below these numbers. This is undoubtedly a fair illustra-
tion of the deceptive character of all the estimates made of our aboriginal inhabit-
ants. With our present experience there is no further excuse for such extrava-
gance. The early Spanish estimates of the inhabitants of Mexico and Central
America reveal the same tendency to exaggeration, and upon a scale of such utter
recklessness as to become insulting to common intelligence. The Indian inhabit-
ants of these countries were undoubtedly more numerous than the northern
Indians, through a higher and more productive agriculture ; but their cultivation
was of garden beds, and not of the field, and their occupation and use of the soil
were limited to infinitesimal patches compared with the whole area held. Neither
is it so assuredly true that the American Indian nations have perished at the fright-
1 In the year 1862 I met on the Mississippi River a half-blood Narragansett woman, with two
Pequots, her grandchildren, then on their way to Kansas, where they resided. She was descended,
on the mother's side, from the Narragansetts, amongst whom descent as well as nationality follows
the female line. This made her a Narragansett, She further informed me that both the Pequot and
Narragansett dialects were now extinct.
220 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
ful rate generally supposed. Many Indians, indeed, were destroyed in the wars
of colonization ; and many others perished through vices contracted by contact
with civilization ; T)ut those nations, of which no trace now remains, were rather
broken up and dispersed among kindred people than annihilated. This process of
dispersion and absorption .has been going on continuously from the commencement
of the career of the Ganowanian family upon the North American continent. It
has resulted in known instances, since the epoch of colonization, from wars waged
amongst themselves-, as in the case of the Eries and Neutral Nation dispersed by
the Iroquois ; and in wars waged by the colonists, as in the case of the Natchez
Indians, supposed to have been exterminated by the French, but now incorporated
with the Creeks. A reinvestigation of the facts with reference to the numbers and
means of subsistence of the American aborigines is necessary to correct the current
impressions on these subjects.
In the Table will be found the systems of relationship of the Micmacs, Etche-
mins, Mohegans, Delawares, and Munsees. They represent the northern, the
central, and the southern subdivisions of the eastern Algonkins. All that was pecu-
liar in the system of these nations will presumptively he found in the forms given
in the Table.
1. Delawares. The Delawares are undoubtedly one of the oldest of the Algon-
kin nations, and are so recognized by their congeners. They are styled " grand-
fathers" by the greater portion of these nations, both eastern and western, which
of itself is significant of the fact. Their dialect has departed very widely from
the common standards. They are now established upon a reservation in Kansas,
and numbered in 1855, nine hundred persons. Through missionary instruction
and agricultural pursuits, they have made as much progress as the Shawnees.
First Indicative Feature in their system of relationship. My brother's son and
daughter, Ego a male, are my son and daughter, N'-kweese', and N'-da-nuss'.
With Ego a female, they are the same. These last relationships, which are a de-
parture from the common form, result from the absence of the relationship of aunt.
Second. .My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece,
Longue'-lcw' and Lonyu&-Jcwa' . With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my little father, Noh'-tut.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my step-brother and step-
sister, the males and females using different terms, Nee-ma'-tus and N'-doh--kwa-
yome' (m. s.), N'-dun-oo-yome' , and Neet-hoh''-7cw' (f. s.)
Fifth. Wanting. My father's sister is my mother.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, 2tf'-sJied-se.
.Seventh. My mother's sister is my little mother, N'-gd-ha'-tut.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my step-brother and my step-
sister, the males and the females using different terms.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Niv-moh-' -ho-mus' .
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my step-brothers
and step-sisters are, without distinction, my grandchildren.
There are three peculiar features in the system of the Delawares, two of which
are now met with for the first time. In the first place, the relationship of aunt is
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 221
unknown among them, the father's sister being a mother. This is also the case
among some other nations. Secondly. My father's brother and my mother's sister
are my " little father," and my " little mother," to distinguish them from my own
father and mother. This form is restricted to the eastern Algonkins, and is not
universal among them. It seems probable that it was engrafted at a later period,
upon the common system under influences similar to those which led them as well
as the Great Lake nations to substitute the step-relationships in place of the full
or primary. Thirdly and lastly, the children of a brother and sister are step-
brothers and step-sisters to each other, instead of being placed in some more remote
relationship, than that between the children of two or more brothers, and two or
more sisters, as required by the principles of the system. This is a very great
deviation from uniformity, and is the fourth and last form in which it is found. It
is also a retrograde movement, since it invades the spirit if not the substance of
the system. How to explain this divergence is not readily seen. When placed
in the same relationships as the children of brothers and the children of sisters the
effect of the classification in the last two cases is weakened. It seems probable
that previously to the introduction of the step-relationships that the children of
brothers were brothers and sisters to each other, and that the children of sisters
were the same, whilst the children of a brother and sister were either uncle and
nephew, mother and daughter, as among the Shawnees, or son and father, daughter
and mother, as among the Creeks ; and that the change was a modern refine-
ment to distinguish each and all of them from own brothers and sisters. By the
use of the step-relationships a singular incongruity was removed from the system,
although the manner of its removal introduced even a greater blemish. In any
view that may be taken of the Delaware system, it is in this one respect a deterio-
rated form.
A sufficient number of the radical characteristics of the common system are
found in the Delaware to establish its identity with that of the other Algonkin
nations, and to sustain their right of admission with all the nations previously
named, into the Ganowanian family. These deviations are much less surprising than
that a system so complicated should have maintained itself through so many ages,
and amongst so many widely separated nations, and still be found coincident in so
many of its minute details.
2. Munsees. The Munsee dialect affiliates closely with the Delaware. The two
are probably immediate subdivisions of the same people. A few of the Munsees
are now in Kansas, and the remainder in Wisconsin. They number but two hun-
dred souls. Their system of relationship is, in the main, nearest to the Delaware.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same. The females have
neither nephews nor nieces.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my little father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
222 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. This relationship exists without its cor-
relatives of nephew and niece.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my little mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brother and sister, and of my collateral brothers
and sisters, are, without distinction, my grandchildren.
The other relationships follow in accordance with those above given, which con-
trol the remainder.
3. Mohegans. Their original name, Mo-he' -kun-ne-ulc' , which they still call
themselves, and from which Mohegan is derived, signifies "Seaside People." Their
range at the epoch of their discovery was along the Hudson and in the western
part of Connecticut. They are closely allied in blood with the Pequots, who were
probably their nearest congeners. All of the New England Indians, it is said,
spoke mutually intelligible dialects. Upon this subject Drake remarks: "Such
was the language of the Mohegans, the Pequots, the Narragansetts, and the Nip-
muks; so near did they approach one another that each could understand the other
throughout the united extent of their territories."1 Their system of relationship
is still in constant use, although they number but a few more than the Munsees.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are each
my step-child. The term used is in common gender. With Ego a female, they
are the same.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my step-father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my step-brother and step-
sister. The males and females use different terms.
Fifth. My father's sister is my step-mother. This is probably an error. If cor-
rect, the Mohegans differ in this respect from all other nations.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my step-brother and step-
sister.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my step-brothers
and step-sisters, are my grandchildren.
It will be noticed that the Mohegan form, as to the use of the step-relationships,
agrees very closely with the Ojibwa. From this fact it seems not improbable that
a portion of the New England Indians, after the overthrow of their political power,
found their way to the Great Lake nations, and became incorporated with them,
and that it furnishes an explanation of the coincidences in special features in their
1 Book of Indians of North America, Book II. p. 87.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 223
respective systems of relationship. Intermixture of blood on a scale sufficiently
lar°-e might be adequate to the introduction of minor peculiarities not inconsistent
with the fundamental conceptions of the system. It is the only way in which any
modification, however slight, seems likely to have been adopted. In Itt49 there
were about four hundred Mohegans living in Connecticut, and about fifty in Kansas.
4. Micmacs. The Micmac dialect, with which the Etchemin closely affiliates,
diverges very sensibly from those of the remaining Eastern Algonkins. To produce
the amount of change it now exhibits would require several centuries of separation.
They are now scattered over parts of Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Prince Edward's
Island, Newfoundland, and the district of Gaspe. It is supposed that the Indians
found by Cabot, in 1497, on the shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, were Micmacs;
and that those found in the same region by Jaques Cartier, in 1534, were the same.
For their system of relationship, as well as that of the Etchemins, I am indebted
to Rev. Silas T. Rand, of Hantsport, Nova Scotia, who for many years has been a
missionary among them, and who is intimately acquainted with their dialects.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my little father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my little mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral brothers
and sisters, are my grandchildren.
With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are brothers and sisters,
elder or younger.
5. Etchemins. Like the Micmacs and the Delawares, the Etchemins are among
the oldest of the Algonkin nations. Under their modern name of Malisetes they
now reside in the British province of New Brunswick, and are few in number.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
step-son and step-daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my step-son and step-daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my step-father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my step-brother and step-
sister. There is some doubt on these relationships, from the omission in the
schedule of the terms for a man's and woman's step-brother.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
224 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Seventh. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my step-brother and step-
sister, or my brother and sister, elder or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, of my collateral brothers
and sisters, and of my step-brothers and sisters are my grandchildren.
With respect to the children of a brother and sister they are cousins, as the
translation of the term is given by Mr. Rand. But some doubt rests upon the fact
from the omissions above referred to.
The Etchemin closes the series of schedules of the Atlantic Algonkin nations.
With the exception of the Powhattans, now extinct, they show the forms of the
principal, as well as most important, of these nations. It is a reasonable inference
that the system of the unrepresented nations must have been in substantial agree-
ment with them. The terms of relationship for the most part, are the same words
dialectically changed, which are found in the systems of the other Algonkin na-
tions, which, together with the identity of their radical characteristics, tends to
show that all of these nations received the system, with the terms from the com-
mon source of the Algonkin speech.
IV. Rocky Mountain Nations.
1. Blackfeet. 2. Ahahnelins. (3. Arapahoes, not in the Table.)
These nations are not inhabitants, of the Rocky Mountain chain ; but rather of
their eastern slopes and of the prairies immediately eastward. These mountains
form their western boundary, and define the western limits of the spread of the
Algonkins. It is not therefore an inappropriate name.
1. Blackfeet. Their range is along the base of the mountains, and between
the Missouri and the south branch of the Siskatchewun. They are more nume-
rous at the present time than any Algonkin nation, except the Crees, numbering,
in 1849, about thirteen thousand. When Lewis and Clarke passed through this
region, in 1805, they were established upon the Marias River, north of the Mis-
souri ; but it does not appear that they met with them. Their previous home
country is supposed to have been upon the south branch of the Siskatchewan,
beyond which location they have not been traced. The Blackfeet are a well
formed, hardy, and courageous people. For many years they waged a continuous
warfare against the TJpsarokas or Crows, whom they gradually forced southward
and finally expelled from the present Blackfoot area. Whether they have always
lived in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains, or were forced westward in the gene-
ral retrogression of the Indian nations, which commenced at the epoch of European
colonization, there are at present no means of ascertaining. Like the other prairie
Indians, they are indebted to the horse for their present means of support and
for their increase in numbers. They depend for subsistence upon animal food
exclusively, and upon the horse for the means of pursuing the buffalo. They raise
this animal in herds ; and are in fact a nation of horsemen — of mounted men. As
horsemen, they are equal if not superior to all other American Indians.1 They
1 All Indians are immoderate riders. They run their horses, generally when alone, or in small
parties. I remember the first time I met a small party of Blackfeet near the foot of the mountains,
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 225
take excellent care of their horses, although they abuse them by immoderate use ;
and, it is said, that one raised among them and sold away is glad to be restored to
the free and roving life of the plains.
The Blackfeet are divided into three independent bands or embryo nations — the
Blackfeet proper, the Piegans, and the Bloods. Their language is spoken in three
dialects, but the differences are so slight that they are mutually perfectly intelligible.
The dialects of the first and third are so little changed as scarcely to deserve the
distinction, whilst the Piegan has diverged considerably from both. The extent of
the difference will be seen by comparing the terms of relationship in the Table. The
proportion of terms of relationship which are common in the Blackfoot and in other
Algonkin dialects is much larger than it is in the vocables for common objects. There
is a large foreign element in the Blackfoot vocables, or a new coinage of words from
common roots, one or the other, which places this language at quite a distance from
the standard form. Many of the traders have acquired the Blackfoot, and a few
of the Blackfeet have acquired English, but their dialects are not as yet fully open
and accessible. It was my good fortune to meet the persons who were best qualified
to furnish both the Piegan and Blood Blackfoot system of relationship. The first
was James Bird, a half-blood Cree, who had lived twenty-five years with the Black-
feet, and had acted for many years as a government interpreter. I found him at
the Red River Settlement, in 1861, and procured the Piegan system from him and
his wife, who was a woman of the Piegan Blackfoot nation. The others were
Alexander Culbertson, who was formerly and for twenty years the chief factor of
the American Fur Company, resident at Fort Benton, in the Blackfoot country, and
his wife, a Blood Blackfoot woman, from whom I procured the system of the Bloods.
They happened to be at Fort Benton in 1862, at the time of my visit, and both
were fluent speakers of both Blackfoot and English.
The Piegan system will be adopted as the standard form.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
step-son and step-daughter, N'-do'-ta-ko and N'-do'-to-tun. With Ego a female,
they are my nephew and niece.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece,
N'-do'-td-yose and Nee-mis'-sa. With Ego a female, they are my step-son and step-
daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my step-father, N'-to'-to-md.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger, Neese-sdf or N'is-kan'-d, and Nee-mis'-td or Ne-sis'-sd.
that one of them having occasion to do an unimportant errand two miles away, caught a horse from a
small herd near by, put a piece of rope around his under jaw, securing it with a noose, and mount-
ing him without a saddle, and with no other bridle than the rope, started the horse at the top of his
speed, and did not slacken his pace until he had reached his destination. The same act precisely I
noticed in the Sawk and Fox Indians in Kansas. When a party of mounted Indians are riding on
the prairie they go two, three, and sometimes four abreast. Deep trails are thus made on their main
lines of travel. I have followed them for miles in Kansas and Nebraska. They are usually about
eighteen inches wide, and about nine inches deep, and are quite conspicuous in the early part of the
season, before they are obscured by the growing grass.
29 March, 1870.
226 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Ne-tcl '-tarse.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ne-to'-tah'se.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother, N'-to'-toyws.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Ne-ta-Jce-a'-sa.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brother and sister, and of my collateral brothers
and sisters, are my grandchildren.
The children of a brother and sister are cousins. There are terms for male and
female cousin used by the males, and another set for the same used by the females,,
It will be noticed that the Blackfoot system, as well as dialect, approaches nearer
to those of the Great Lake nations than to any other group of the Algonkin stem.
2. Ahahnelins, or Gros Ventres of the Prairie. Of the early history of this
people very little is known. They appear to be a subdivision of the Arapahoes, the
separation, if such were the case, having occurred at a very early period. Lewis
and Clarke speak of a " great nation called Fall Indians, who occupy the inter-
mediate country between the Missouri and the Siskatchewan, and who are knoAvn
as the Minnitarees of the Missouri and the Minnitarees of Fort due Prairie."1 Mr.
Gallatin, the most thorough of American ethnologists, speaks of a confederacy of
five tribes between the.Missouri and the Siskatchewan, " viz., the Satsika or Black-
feet, the Kena or Blood Indians, the Piekan or Pagan Indians, the Atsina, Arapa-
hoes, Fall Indians or Gros Ventres, and the Susses. The first three speak the
same language, which belongs to the Algonkin family. The Susses speak a dia-
lect of the Athapascan. The Arapahoes have a language of which we have as yet
but a scanty vocabulary."2 In his ethnological map, published in 1848, he locates
the Arapahoes between the Missouri and Siskatchewan, with the Asiniboins on
their east and the Blackfeet on their west, omitting the others, thus perhaps im-
plying that the Arapahoes were the true nation mentioned under the four alterna-
tive names. But the Ahahnelins, now known under the vulgar name of the Gros
Ventres of the Prairie, are probably the same people mentioned under the alterna-
tive name of the Gros Ventres, so that the four represented as one, were in fact
two.3
In 1853, the Ahahnelins were established upon Milk River, between its mouth
and the Bear's Paw Mountain. " This tribe," says Gov. Stephens, " numbered, in
1855, two thousand five hundred and twenty souls, and owned at least three thou-
sand horses."4 Their dialect has diverged greatly from the common form; but it
tends with the Arapahoe and Shiyan, in the direction of the dialects of the Mis-
sissippi nations, particularly the Menominee and Shawnee. This is shown by the
terms of relationship, which are superior for comparison to ordinary vocabulary
words. It was with extreme difficulty that I was able to obtain that portion of
their system of relationship which is given in the Table, very few of the traders
1 Travels, p. 9T. » Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. 11, Intro. CVI.
* The Minnitarees are often called the Gros Ventres of the Missouri.
« Explorations, Pacific Railroad, XII. Pt. 1, 239.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 227
acquire this language, and none of the natives, as far as I could learn, spoke
English. It was necessary to work it out through the Blackfoot, which many of
them speak ; and in this I was assisted by Mrs. Culbertson before mentioned.
The woman from whom it was obtained was the wife of a French trader, and spoke
the Blackfoot.1 The work would have been made more complete if direct commu-
nication had been possible. It was carried sufficiently far to ascertain the indica-
tive relationships, and to establish the identity of the system with the common
form.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are'my son
and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my "brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren.
With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are also brothers and
sisters to each other. This last classification is not in accordance with the princi-
ples of the system.
The Ahahnelins close the series of Algonkin nations represented in the Table.
1 A very singular fact may be mentioned in connection with E-tha'-be, the Ahahnelin woman from
whom it was obtained. After ascertaining that she could speak her language and the Blackfoot
only, I sought her husband, supposing that I could communicate with her through him ; but I found
that he could neither speak her language, nor she his ; and that there was no common articulate lan-
guage which both understood. When asked whether she was really his wife, he replied that she was,
and to the question how long they had been married, he answered three years. When finally asked
how he was able to communicate with her, the singular fact was stated that " they conversed with
each other by the language of signs." It may not be generally known that there is a fully developed
and very expressive language of signs, in common use among the western Indian nations, by means
of which they are able to communicate all of the ordinary wants of life, besides general information
upon a great variety of subjects. I have seen a Minnitaree and Arickaree, who could not speak a
word of each other's language, sit down together and converse for hours by signs alone. Many of the
traders know this language, and speak of its efficacy in the highest terms of praise. The motions
are easy and graceful, and the signs ingenious and expressive. I think we find in this sign language
the germinal principle from which came, first, the pictographs of the Northern Indians, and of the
Aztecs ; and severally, as its ultimate development, the ideographic, and possibly, the hieroglyphic
language of the Palenque and Copan monuments. When I mentioned the case of this woman to
Father De Smet, he informed me that be had known a number of such instances among the nations
in the valley of the Columbia.
228 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Their system of consanguinity as it now prevails in twenty-four dialects, more or
less distinct, has been presented and compared, through the indicative relationships,
with the typical form. The identity of the system of all of these nations in what-
ever is radical is not only manifest, but this identity continues through many
minute particulars which are not essential to the unity of the system. There is a
not less striking identity in the classification of marriage relatives, amongst the
widely separated Algonkin nations, which it would have been interesting to trace
had it been necessary to strengthen, from this source, the principal argument for
unity of origin. The marriage relationships, standing alone, would have been
sufficient to demonstrate this question. They are fully spread out in the Table.
The maintenance of the system amongst the Algonkin nations with so much ful-
ness and precision, and through the periods of time required for the formation of
these dialects, and for their divergence from each other to the extent now exhibited,
yields decisive evidence of its enduring nature, and of the vital energy of the
principles it embodies. But the identity thus established does not expend its force
in demonstrating the unity of origin of the Algonkin nations. This is the least
important of its revelations. This system has shown itself capable of crossing
intact the barrier that separates one stock language from another ; and of main-
taining itself, in each, through the still longer periods of time which the present
condition and relations of the languages of these stems of the GanoAvanian family
implies. Thus far, in the progress of the investigation, the radical forms of the
original system have not only perpetuated themselves, unimpared, in the Dakotan
and Algonkin nations, but its minute details have remained coincident to an extent
as remarkable as it is instructive. In other words the evidence of unity is in
superabundance. It tends to show that these two stems of the family converge to a
common point of union nearer, in point of time, than the other stems of the
family whose systems of relationship remain to be considered.
In subsequent chapters we are to follow it amongst other great stocks of the
Ganowanian family, and to subject it to still other tests of time and experience.
As it is shown in the Table it will not be found with the same fulness of devel-
opment, or with the same precision in subordinate details, which it has hitherto
displayed. Neither is it essential to the establishment of the identity of the sys-
tem, and the consequent unity of origin of the people, that the points of agreement
should be as multiform and decisive as they have been in the systems of the Algon-
kin and Dakotan nations. It can lose much of its agreement in minor details,
and even part with a portion -of its fundamental framework, and yet be capable of
identification as a common system. The difficulties forshadowed do not arise so
much from actual ascertained deviations from the typical form, as from the want of
a correct knowledge of the form which does exist. Amongst the nations whose
systems are about to be considered, the facilities for investigation are less complete,
and the sources of information are less accessible, than within the areas over which
we have passed. The disorganized and demoralized condition of particular nations
does not imply the overthrow of their system of relationship. There are abundant
reasons for believing that it is the last domestic institution to give way. But
imperfect and incomplete schedules present a serious as well as intrinsic difficulty
OFTHEHTIMANFAMILY. 229
not easily overcome. We may be able to trace our way with tolerable assurance
by means of the indicative landmarks of the common system ; but not with that
perfect reliance which the uniform reappearance in nation after nation, thus far, of
the same identical forms carried down to minute particulars, was calculated to
inspire. On passing from one great stem of the family to another it would be
expected to find, in a system so elaborate and complicated, differences more or
less great, and deviations from uniformity more or less marked ; for no system can
be held indefinitely independent of external influences. This would especially be
the case where a people, less numerous than the inhabitants of a small market
town, have possessed for ages an independent dialect as well as nationality. We
are also to visit the valley of the Columbia, which there are cogent reasons for
believing was the seminary of the Ganowanian family, and the initial point of
migrations from which successive, though feeble, streams emerged for the peo-
pling of both of the American continents ; and which continued to send forth bands
of emigrants down to the very epoch of European discovery. If, in point of fact, it
was the original seat of the family, the domestic institutions of the modern nations
residing in this valley would be expected to be heterogeneous rather than pure ;
whilst the separate streams, flowing therefrom at an ancient epoch, and subdividing
into many as they spread abroad, would be more likely to possess homogeneous
institutions. There are at the present time several stock languages in the valley of
the Columbia. They are less open and accessible than those east of the mountains.
Notwithstanding the inadequacy of the materials thus far obtained, the traces of the
common system are not less certain and decisive upon the Pacific slopes than they
have been seen to be on the Atlantic side of the continent ; although the system
has been worked out with much less completeness.
230 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CHAPTER V.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY— CONTINUED.
Atliapasco-Apache, and other Nations.
I. Athapasco-Apache Nations— Ideutity of the Branches— 1. Athapascan Nations — Their Area and Dialects— System of
Relationship of Slave Lake Indiana— Its Indicative Features — Identical with the Common Form— System of Hare
Indians — Indicative Relationships— System of Red Knives— Last two in General Agreement with the First—
Kutchin or Louchieux — Their Area and Personal Appearance — Indicative Features of their System of Relationship
— It agrees with the First — Tukuthe — Their System of Relationship — It agrees with the First — 2. Apache Nations
— Valley of the Columbia — Remarkable Characteristics of this Region — Abundance of Natural Subsistence — The
Nursery of the Ganowanian Family — Initial Point of Migrations— Great Number of Stock Languages. — II. Salish
Nations — Dialects — Not fully accessible — 1. Spokane System of Relationship — Opulence of the Nomenclature —
Indicative Features— Special Characteristics — It possesses the Radical Features of the Common System — 2.
Okinaken— Schedule incomplete — Agrees with the Spokane.— III. Sahaptin Nations— Dialects— Yakama System
of Relationship — Its Indicative Features — It contains the Principal Characteristics of the Common System. — IV.
Kootenay System— Schedule Incomplete— Kootenays and Flatbows possess an Independent Stock Language —
Elaborateness of System within this Area. — V. Shoshonee Nations — Their Area— Their Migration the last, in point
of time, from the Valley of the Columbia — A Pending Migration at the Epoch of European Colonization— System
of Relationship of the Tabegwaches— Fulness of the Nomenclature — Its Special Features— Contains Characteristics
of the Common System— The Tabegwaches closed the series, except the Village Indians, and the Eskimo— System
nearly Universal amongst the North American Indian Nations— It furnishes a substantial Basis for their Con-
solidation into a Great Family of Mankind,
THE Athapasco-Apache nations, in their two principal divisions, are widely
separated from each other geographically. One of them, the Athapascan, occupies
the chief part of the territories of the Hudson's Bay Company ; and the greater
part of New Caledonia, or British Columbia, west of the Rocky Mountains ; whilst
the other, the Apache, holds the greater part of New Mexico, and the northern
parts of the Mexican State of Chihuahua. Each division consists of a number of
independent nations. The identity of their languages was first shown by the late
Prof. William W. Turner in 1852, and afterwards more fully in 1856. l It was a
remarkable as well as important discovery. Their respective areas of occupancy
were not comparable with those held by the Algonkin and Dakotan nations, which
serves to explain their personal inferiority. But they have maintained their posi-
tion, and acquired large territorial possessions by means of which they have raised
themselves to an important position in the Ganowanian family. They possess a
single stock language spoken in numerous dialects. None of these nations for-
merly cultivated, with the exception of the Navajoes. In the northern division
agriculture was impossible from the coldness of the climate ; and in the southern
i
• Explorations for a Railroad Route, &c. to the Pacific, VIII. Rep. on Ind. Tribes, p. 84.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 231
equally impossible, without irrigation, from its dryness. The Athapascans depend
for subsistence upon fish and game ; the Apaches partly upon game, but chiefly
upon the fruits of marauding enterprises upon their neighbors. A small portion,
however, are now cultivators to some extent.
Athapasco-Apache Nations.
I. Athapascan Nations.
1. Slave Lake Indians ( A-cha'-o-tin-ne ). 2. Red Knives (Tcil-sote'-e-na). 3. Ma-
kenzie River Indians (Ta-na'-tin-ne, possibly identical with the Hares). 4. Kutchin
or Louchieux. 5. Takuthe. (6. Chepewyans. 7. Dog Rib. 8. Beaver Indians).
9. Noh -nannies. 10. Sheep Indians. 11. Sussees. 12, Tacullies not in the Table).
These nations occupy a broad and continuous area, extending from the Churchill
River and near the north branch of the Siskatchewan, on the south, to the country
of the Eskimo on the borders of the Arctic Sea on the north ; and from the Barren
Lands and Hudson's Bay on the east, to the Rocky Mountains on the west. They
are also spread irregularly over a large area west of the mountains in British
Columbia, ranging northward to the Yukon and down this river into the Russian
Possessions, and westward nearly to the Pacific Ocean. Southward of these areas
traces of their language have been discovered on the Umpkwa and Rogue Rivers in
Oregon, and as low down as the Trinity River in the northern part of California.
They are probably more numerous at the present time than at any former period,
although thinly spread over these immense regions. In 1856 the officers of the
Hudson's Bay Company estimated the number of " Thickwood Indians," east of the
Rocky Mountains, at thirty-five thousand.1 This would include all of the Athapas-
cans, as well as the Crees around Hudson's Bay, and that portion of the Blackfeet
without the United States. What portion of the eighty thousand Indians west of
the mountains are Athapascans I am unable to state.
There are several distinct dialects of the northern branch of the Athapasco-
Apache language ; but, up to the present time they have not been sufficiently
explored and systematized to determine their number. It is evident, from the
ordinary vocabularies, that these dialects affiliate very closely ; they are nearer to
each other than the Algonkin, between the extremes of which there is a wide in-
terval, and very much nearer than the Dakotan, the extremes of which are with-
out any affinity in their vocables. If a conjecture might be indulged, founded
1 Classification of Indians in the Hudson's Bay Territory.
" Thickwood Indians, east side of Rocky Mountains .... 35,000
The Plain Tribes, Blackfeet, &c " 25,000
The Eskimo 4,000
Indians settled in Canada' - 3,000
Indians in British Oregon, and on the northwest coast .... 80,000
147,000
Whites and Half-breeds in Hudson's Bay Territory . . . . 11,000
158,000"
" Report from Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company" made to the British Parliament
in 1857. Report App. No. 2, p. 367.
232
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
upon a comparison of the respective dialects of these three stems of the Ganowa,
nian family, it would be that the Dakotan became first detached from the common
trunk, the Algonkin second, and the Athapasco- Apache third. For similar reasons
the Shoshonee, hereafter to be considered, must be placed subsequent to the last
In other words, since there is no ascertainable common trunk, these three streams
of speech flowed outward from the common source of the language, in the order of
time named with respect to each other. The subjoined comparative, table of five
Athapascan dialects taken in connection with the terms of relationship in the table
(Table II;, will illustrate the degree of their nearness to each other.1 Of these vo-
cabularies, the first two were furnished to me by the late Robert Kennicott, who spent
several years in the Hudson's Bay Territory in scientific explorations. The others
were taken from Eichardson's Arctic Expedition. They represent the extremes of
the Athapascan area east of the mountains. The dialect of the Tacullies, who are
west of the mountains, shows more divergence, but the identity is obvious. The
Sussees occupied the extreme southwestern corner of the Athapascan area east of
the mountain, and were the frontagers of the Blackfeet. When in the Hudson's
Bay Territory in 1861, I was unable to procure either the Sussee system of rela-
1 ATHAPASCAN DIALECTS.
Slave Lake
Indians.
Beaver Indians.
Chepewyan.
Richardson's Coll.
Dog Rib.
Richardson's Coll.
Kutchin.
Richardson's Coll.
Kennicott.
Kenuicott.
Vocab.
Vocabs.
Vocabs.
1. Head,
Et-the
Et-t'-the
Zed-thi (ny)
Bet-thi & izat-
2. Hair,
A-ga'
Ah-ga'
Thi-e-gah*
Theo-ya [the
3. Ear,
Et-tsa'-ga
At-tsung'-a
Setz-r-rgha (pi)
4. Eye,
An-da'-ga
A-tah'
Nack-hay*
Tzen-nhae (pi)
5. Nose,
Ing-a-gon'
Ing-a-gon
Tin-net-ze
6 Mouth,
A-tha'
A-tha'
Tze-tha
7. Arrow,
Eh-ton'-ah
Eh-to'-ne
Kah
Ki-e
8. Bow,
Eh-tin
Eh-tin'
El-thi, and el-ta
Net-heikh
9. Sun,
Sah "
Sah
Sakh
Sa
R'-say-e
10. Stars,
Thfim
Thun
Thun
Thun and thi-u
Thun
11. Day, .
D-zin-d'-zen'-de
Tsa-tewh
Tzin-na
Zeu-nai
Tzin
12. Night,
Ah-tha-ga
Ka'-a-da-ty
Het-le-ghe
Te-thi
Ta-tha
13 Rain,
Chon
Chon
Dsha
Tchon
Ahk-tsin
14. Snow,
Zath"
Zath
Yath
Tzill and yah
'15. Water,
Tub
T'-huh
Tu and to
To and tu
Tchu
16. Canoe,
A-la'-tsub.
Ah-la'
Tsi
Ki-ala
Tri
17. Good,
Na-zon'
U'-cha,
Ne-su & na-zu
Na-i-zou & Naa
Neer-zi
18. Bad,
Na-zu-la
Ah-ta-u'-cho
Ne-so-ulla
Tle-nai [zo
Bets-he-te
19. Dog,
H'-klin
Klin
Thling
Cle and kling
Tleiue
20. Beaver,
Tsa
Tsa
Tza
Tsa
Se
21. Bear,
Sass
Sass
Sasz
Sas
So
22. Reindeer,
Bek-zi
Bed-su (male)
Bet-zey
23. Fire,
Kwon
Khun
Kkon
Kun and khun
Kon or khon
Those marked with an asterisk were taken from Gallatin's vocabularies. Where two words are
given for the same object, they were taken from different vocabularies — Sir John Richardson's
Collection.
OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 233
tionship, or a vocabulary of their language. It seems to be generally understood
that they belong to the Athapascan stock.
The degree of dialectical variation in a stock language is chiefly important for the
bearing it may have upon the mutual relations of the people speaking these dia-
lects, and also upon the further question of the time necessary for their develop-
ment. But this is subordinate to those greater questions suggested by the existence
of these stock languages in certain relations to each other, as independent currents
or streams of a common original speech. Where the vocables of a language have
become so completely changed that neither its words nor roots are capable of identi-
fication with those of any other language, and several such languages are found to
exist, it implies centuries and decades of centuries of time, the lapse of which was
necessary to work such an extraordinary transformation of the materials of an origi-
nal speech. These stock languages, as they are designated for the want of a better
term, hold locked up in their time-worn forms the great problems of Indian eth-
nology.
The locations of the principal Athapascan nations do not appear to have changed
materially since the authority of the Hudson's Bay Company became established over
them. Their ancient southern frontier was undoubtedly forced northward by the
western movement of the Crees, the advance northward of the Asiniboins, and the
growth of the Blackfoot nations upon their southern border ; but with the particulars
of these changes we are unacquainted. The nations above enumerated, as the Atha-
pascan, do not include all of those mentioned by Sir John Richardson, who passed
through this area in 1848; neither is it certain that all of them are nationally dis-
tinct from each other. Nearly all of these nations are found upon Mr. Gallatin's
Ethnographical map published in 1848. They are sufficiently certified for the
purpose of this work.1 The author's materials are insufficient to trace the limits
of the several dialects. In addition to the Athapascan nations enumerated, there
are still others supposed by Richardson to be of the same lineage. From the infor-
mation which he obtained, he considers the Kenaiyer of Cook's Inlet the Ugalents
of King William's Sound, the Atnaer of Copper River, the Koltshaner and some
1 From the work of Sir John Richardson, before referred to, the following condensed statement of
their respective areas has been made. The Chepewyans hold the regions around Athapasca Lake,
and range southward to the Churchill River ; the Sussees are near the mountains between the
sources of the Athapasca and Siskatchewan Rivers; the Hare Indians occupy the banks of the
Mackenzie River from Slave Lake downward to the Great Bear Lake ; the Dog Ribs inhabit the
inland country from Martin's Lake to the Coppermine River ; the Red Knives are east of the latter
people, and occupy a strip of country running northward from Great Slave Lake, and lying between
the Great Fish River and the Coppermine; the Beaver Indians hold the area between the Peace
River and the west branch of the Mackenzie ; the Noh'hannies occupy the angle between the west
branch and the great bend of the Mackenzie River; the Mountain Indians, or Strong Bows, and the
Brushwood people, are higher up, and range back to the Rocky Mountains ; the Sheep Indians
range from the Mackenzie to the mountains, near the 65th parallel ; the Kutchin or Louchieux con-
front the Eskimo on the north, and spread from the Mackenzie River westward to the Yukon, and
along this river until they meet the coast tribes of Behring's Sea. The Takuthe of Peel River affiliate
closely with the Kutchin ; Indians of the last stock are found on the Porcupine and Russian Rivers,
as well as upon the Yukon and Mackenzie, and are estimated by Mr. Murray to number five
thousand souls.
30 March, 1870.
234 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
other Kolusch tribes to be of the same stock as the Kutchin.1 If any doubt ex-
isted whether the latter nation belonged to the Athapascan branch, it is definitely
settled in the affirmative by the Table.
There are five Athapascan nations represented in the Table. These are,
first, the Slave Lake Indians, or the A-cha'-o-tin-ne, who are called " Slaves" in that
region. They are probably the " Strongbows" of Richardson. Second, the Red
Knives, or Tdl-sote'-e-na. Third, the Ta-na' -tin-ne, whose common name I was
unable to ascertain with certainty ; but from their range, which was on Mackenzie
River, and from their chief trading house, which was Fort Good Hope, they are
probably the Hare Indians. In the foregoing list of nations they are mentioned
separately as the Mackenzie River Indians. Fourth, the Kutchin, or Louchieux ;
and fifth, the Tukuthe of Peel River. The schedules are too limited in number for
the full development of the Athapascan system of relationship ; but they are suffi-
cient to yield a general indication of its character.
1. A-cha'-o-tin-ne, or Slave Lake Indians. The system of relationship of this
people was worked out by the late Robert Kennicott, before mentioned, at Great
Slave Lake. This enterprising and lamented naturalist spent five years in the
Hudson's Bay Territory, chiefly among the Athapascans, but he did not receive my
schedules in time to procure the system of any other nation than this. The
thorough and successful manner in which he performed the work increases the
regret that it was limited to a single nation. He informed the writer, after his
return, that he spent a large amount of labor upon it to make it complete and
verify the results.
There are terms in this language for grandfather and grandmother, Sa-tse'-a and
Sa-tsuri '; for father and mother, Sortti' and En'-de; for son and daughter Sa-chu'-aJi
and Sa-tu'-ah used by the males, and Sa-ya'-ze and Sa-ya'-dze used by the females ;
and a term in common gender for grandchild, E-t'-thu'-a used by the males, and
Sa-chd' used by the females. All ancestors above the first are grandfathers and
grandmothers, and all descendants below the last are grandchildren.
There are terms for elder brother and elder sister, Kun-dig'-eh and Sd'-dd; and
for younger brother and younger sister, A-cha'-a and A-da'-ze, and no term for
brother or sister in the abstract.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
step-son and step-daughter, Tu-zen'-a and Sa-ya'-dze, With Ego a female, they are
my son and daughter. This last classification is variant from the common form ;
but it finds its analogue in the eastern Algonkin.
Second. My sister's son, Ego a male, is my nephew, Sd'-zy; her daughter is my
grandchild, Sa-C-tliu'-a. This last relationship deviates from the typical form.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my step-father, En-td'-ah.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, eldci
or younger.
1 Arctic Expedition, Harper's ed., pp. 236-239.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 235
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Eh-m'-ba'-dze.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Tha'-tJia.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother, San'-ga.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother and sister, are my grandfather and grand-
mother, Set-see' -a, Sa-tsuri .
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, are severally my grandchildren.
With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are also brothers and
sisters to each other, the relationship of cousin being unknown.
The principles of classification in the first collateral line are carried into the
second and more remote collateral lines, e. g., the children of my collateral brothers,
Ego a male, are my step-sons and step-daughters ; whilst the children of my col-
lateral sisters are my nephews and nieces, the term Sd'-zy being applied to each of
them. For a further knowledge of the details of the system reference is made to
the Table.
The marriage relationships are fully discriminated, and are in accordance with
the common form. Since we are now following the system into another, and inde-
pendent stem of the Ganowanian family, the evidence from this source of identity
of systems should be presented. In brief, these relationships are as follows : the
wives of my several step-sons, collateral sons, and nephews are my daughters-in-law,
Sa-t'-chu'-a, the term for this relationship, and for grandchild, being the same ; and
the husbands of my several step-daughters, collateral daughters, and nieces are
each my son-in-law, Se-ga'-ton. In like manner the wives of my several collateral
brothers are my sisters-in-law ; and the husbands of my several collateral sisters
are my brothers-in-law.
It is evident from the A-cha' -o-tin-ne form, that the Athapascan nations have an
elaborate system of relationship which agrees, in the.greater part of its fundamental
conceptions, with the Algonkin and Dakotan. In some respects it falls below the
highest typical form of the system. The absence of the relationship of cousin,
restricted to the children of a brother and sister, and the use of that of brother and
sister in its place, instead of the ruder forms found in some of the nations, tends to
weaken the force of the other discriminations in the system. It will further be
observed that with Ego a female the classification of consanguinei is less compli-
cated than with Ego a male. The system on the part of the females, approaches
in some respects quite near the Malayan form. There is a marked tendency
in the Athapascan to a double nomenclature, one part of which belongs to the
males, and the other to the females ; and this again will be found a strong charac-
teristic of the system amongst the nations in the valley of the Columbia. It has,
however, been found to a moderate extent in the other stems of the family.
2. Ta-nd'-tin-ne, or Mackenzie River Indians. I obtained the system of this
nation from a Td-nd' -tin-ne woman of Fort Good Hope, whom I found at the
Red River Settlement. She spoke the Cree language as well as her own, and
James Bird, before mentioned, acted as interpreter. My time being then extremely
236 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
limited, I was neither able to accomplish the work in a satisfactory manner, nor to
prosecute certain other inquiries necessary to my main design. This schedule,
therefore, as well as the one that follows, is given without being satisfied with its
correctness. For some reason she was unable to give the name of her nation
among the whites. It seamed probable that she belonged to some band of a nation
and could not be made to understand it was the name of the nation, and not of the
band that was desired. From the place of her nativity, which was near Fort Good
Hope, the chief trading post of the Hare Indians, it is probable that she belonged
to a division of that nation.1 Td-na'-tin-ne, the name by which the people called
themselves, will furnish the means for their future identification.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a female, are my son and daughter.
This is probably an error. With Ego a female, they are the same.
Third. My father's brother is my father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister,
elder or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt.
Sixth. My mother's brother is probably my uncle, although the term given
proved to be a translation of the question.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister,
elder or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral
brothers and sisters, are severally my grandchildren.
The relationship of cousin is unknown, and the children of a brother and sister,
as in the last case, are brothers and sisters to each other.
It seems probable that I obtained only that part of the system which is used by
the females, and that I failed to procure the other portion. I could not ascertain
from this woman that there was any term in their language for nephew or niece,
used either by the males or the females. The existence of a term for aunt, and
the probable existence of a term for uncle, tends to show that these relationships
were discriminated on the side of the males, although not on the part of the
females. Amongst the Gulf nations it has been seen that the females have an
aunt, but no nephew or niece. It is further probable that with Ego a male, my
brother's son and daughter are my step-children, and that my father's brother is my
step-father.
3. Red-Knives. Tdl-sote-e-nd. The system of relationship of the Red-Knives was
obtained from two half-blood women of that nation, whom I found at the Convent
1 The Hudson's Bay Company pay little or no attention to the national or ethnic divisions of the
Indians. Their posts are established with exclusive reference to certain geographical districts ; and the
people are known to them, chiefly, as attached to certain posts. In their classification, as we have seen
ante, they are called " Tbickwood Indians," "Plaiu Tribes," " Canada Indians," and " Esquimaux."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 237
of St. Boniface, at the Red-River settlement. They were educated and intelligent,
and spoke English fluently. My interview with them was short, as I was about
leaving the place, and I think I fell into the same error as in the previous case, of
obtaining those relationships only which pertain to Ego a female, the nomenclature
being double. I could not find that the relationships of nephew and niece were
recognizer!, although the question was pressed in both forms with Ego a male, and
also a female ; and although the relationship of uncle and aunt were both found
to exist. If this conjecture should ultimately prove to be correct, it would become
necessary so to revise the Table as to restrict most of the relationships given to
Ego a female, and to restore the omitted terms. The system agrees so fully with
that of the Hares, that it will not be necessary to give the indicative relationships.
4. Kutchin, or Louchieux. Richardson's work, before referred to, contains a
very full and interesting account of this Arctic people, to whom he devotes a
chapter. He acknowledges his indebtedness for a share of his materials to Mr. A.
H. Murray, who established the first post of the Hudson's Bay Company among
the Kutchin, on the Yukon River, in 1845. In the year 1861 I met Mr. Murray,
at Georgetown, on the Red River, and obtained from him some additional informa-
tion concerning this people. This gentleman had passed through the central parts
of the continent, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Arctic Sea, and had seen a large
number of the North American Indian nations in their own areas, by reason of
which he was well qualified to speak of their personal appearance in comparison
with each other. He stated to the writer that the Kutchins were of lighter com-
plexion than any other American Indians whom he had seen, although but one or
two shades lighter than the Crees. In some instances they are freckled, and
occasionally have gray eyes. They are of average size and height, well formed,
and with regular and rather handsome features. The women also are fair, and of
proportionate size. Some of them have curly hair, which falls in natural ringlets
over their shoulders. Their eyes are black, narrow set, and small, and, instead of
being round, are slightly elongated horizontally, but without obliquity. Their
beards are slight, or wanting altogether. In their costume they were in advance
of all other northern Indian nations, the severity of the climate rendering a com-
plete dress indispensable. It consisted entirely of dressed skins, chiefly of rein-
deer, tanned with the hair on for winter, the hair being worn inside, and without
hair for summer. The dress of the males was a full pantaloon secured around the
waist and extending to the ankle, to the ends of which the moccasins were perma-
nently attached. Over this was worn a coat or rather frock, which extended below
the waist, nearly to the knees, and was pointed downwards in the centre, both
before and behind. The women wore a similar pantaloon, with moccasins attached,
and over it a similar frock, pointed behind, but square in front. Judging from
Mr. Murray's description, and from the plates in Richardson's work, which were
drawn from Mr. Murray's sketches, the Kutchin costume was the most complete
and becoming worn by any portion of the Ganowanian family. They build round-
top wigwams for winter use, whilst in summer they sleep in the open air, or under
their canoes turned over for this purpose. The principal diseases amongst them
are scrofula and consumption. Without the stoicism usually ascribed to the
238 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
American Indians, and which is not wholly true of other portions of them, they
give vent to injured feelings, as well as physical pain, by crying, a practice shared
equally by the males and females, and by the old as well as the young.1
The Kutchin mothers often nurse their children until they are four and five
years old. Mrs. Murray mentioned one instance that came under her observation,
of a boy ten years old who still nursed from his mother. She knew the woman
and saw her often at the Fort. He was an only child, and the only one she ever
had, and although well enough grown to go out to hunt with the bow and arrow,
he still continued the practice. The ability of this Indian mother thus to nurse
her child continuously for ten years is quite remarkable. Mrs. Murray mentioned
another case of a Kutchin mother who nursed her youngest child until it was six
years old ; and still another who nursed two of her children of different ages at the
same time. They usually wean them at the age of three or four years, if no other
children are born in the mean time. I have observed the same practice to some
extent both amongst the Mississippi and the Missouri nations. One case in parti-
cular occurs to me which I noticed on the Sawk and Fox reservation in Kansas.
It was that of a boy about six years old who nursed from his mother standing on
his feet, while she sat upon a stool conversing with the writer through an inter-
preter.
Polygamy prevails among them, and also a special form of it which is very general
in the Ganowanian family, namely: when a man marries the oldest of several sisters
he is entitled by custom to each and all of the remaining sisters as wives, as soon
as they severally attain a marriageable age. It is an optional right which he may
enforce or wave. This custom will be again referred to". I have found it a recog-
nized usage amongst the greater portion of the nations represented in the table.
Mr. Murray spoke very favorably of the intelligence of the Kutchin Indians, but
less favorably of their honesty. They call themselves Ku-tcliin' , pronounced nearly
Koo-chiri , sometimes Koo-tcha! '. Its signification he was unable to give. They
number about five thousand.
The system of relationship of this nation was furnished by W. L. Herdisty, Esq.,
of Fort Liard, one of the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company. Although fami-
liar with their language, he misconceived, in some respects, the plan of the schedule,
and translated a number of the questions from English into Kutchin. But fortu-
1 It is generally believed that the American Indians are able to restrain their emotions to a degree
unknown amongst other peoples. It is true in ordinary cases of pain or suffering; but under the
influence of strong excitement all of these restraints give way, and nature vindicates herself. I re-
member one instance in point. In the year 1862, in the Blackfoot country, I witnessed the meeting
between a Blackfoot mother and her daughter, the latter recovered after twenty years of separation.
The child was taken captive by the Crows, at the age of seven years, among whom she had grown
up, and was then the wife of Robert Meldrum, by whom her parentage was ascertained, and the
knowledge of it preserved. It was not a sudden revelation to the mother of the existence of her lost
daughter, for that had been made known to her the year previous, but it was an expected meeting.
The mother was an aged and shrivelled woman ; but on receiving her daughter the tears streamed
down her face abundantly, and it was some hours before she was sufficiently composed for quiet
conversation.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 239
nately in marginal notes, here and there, the true classification was indicated, which
enabled me, by means of the correlative relationships given in the schedule, to
make out quite reliably the principal characteristics of the system. For example,
to the question which called for the relationships between the children of sisters,
he writes in the margin, "All. are brothers and sisters, no matter how far removed,"
and to the same questions as to the children of a brother and sister, he remarks,
" Cousins arc always called brothers and sisters, however far removed." In like
manner he observes in another place, " Nephews and nieces are only so called when
actually such by relationship." The terms nephew and niece are given without
showing to what persons they are applied ; and yet as my father's brother is shown
to be my father, whilst my mother's brother is my uncle, it follows by correlation
that my brother's son, Ego a male, is my son, and that my sister's son is my nephew.
The lineal and a part of the first and second collateral lines will be found in the
table, with such corrections as the contents of the schedule rendered substantially
certain.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, it is not certain whether they are my
nephew and niece, or my son and daughter.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. Not given.
Tenth. My brother's grandchildren are my grandchildren.
The remaining collateral lines are not fully extended ; but without doubt they
are brought into the lineal. For the marriage relationships, which are fully dis-
criminated, and in agreement with the common form, reference is made to the
Table.
5. Tukuthe. The system of this nation was furnished by R. McDonald, Esq.,
of Peel River, one of the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company. It is evident
from the schedule returned, every question upon which is answered, that Mr. Mc-
Donald's investigation was thoroughly made. Such is the extent of the discrimi-
nations and the opulence of the nomenclature that the series of questions in the
printed schedule was not full enough to develop the whole of the system. A por-
tion of it is still left undetermined. It arises from a tendency among the Tukuthe,
as well as other Athapascan nations, to use a double nomenclature, one part of which
is used by the males, and the other by the females ; and to make a further distinction
of relatives of the same class into elder or younger, applying different terms to each.
For the first provision was made in the schedule to a very liberal extent, but not for
240 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the last, beyond brother and sister. As the answers in most cases are single, and
limited to the elder where the distinction is made, the alternative relationship is
omitted. Another difficulty in interpreting this schedule arises from the omission
of Mr. McDonald to translate the terms of relationship into equivalent English.
Their precise signification can usually be determined by a comparison of all of them
in their particular uses. The system of the Tukuthe in the extent of its discrimi-
nations is even more elaborate than that of the Algonkin nations.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son, Ego a male, is my adopted son ;
and my brother's daughter is my younger sister. With myself a female, they are
my step-children.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my step-children. With
myself a female, they are the same.
Third. My father's brother is my father-in-law. This is probably an error.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Fifth. With respect to the relationship of my father's sister it is not given, the
question having been altered by mistake to father's sister's husband.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. The answer is given for mother's elder
brother.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral
brothers and sisters, are severally my grandchildren.
The children of a brother and sister are brothers and sisters, the relationship of
cousin being unknown. In like manner the principle of classification in the first
collateral line is carried into the second and more remote collateral lines.
Five of the ten indicative features are present in the Tukuthe system ; one is
not given ; another, the seventh, agrees with the Ojibwa ; and the remaining three
are variant from the common form. The precise nature of this system cannot be
fully known until its remaining details p.re ascertained.
A comparison of the terms of relationship of the five Athapascan dialects in
the Table shows not only that the Kutchin and the Tukuthe belong to the Atha-
pascan stock, but also that the five dialects thereof closely affiliate. It is a further
confirmation of the superiority of terms of relationship over other words for compari-
son, when taken under the same pronominal forms. They are developed from a
small number of roots. Several of them often being variations of the same word,
and are amongst the last words in any language to be yielded or superseded.
Upon the basis of their system of relationship no doubt can reasonably be enter-
tained of its identity with the common system of the family in whatever is ultimate
and radical. The points of agreement are too numerous and significant to leave
room for hesitation upon this conclusion. Although the schedules fail to develop
the whole of the system in its minute parts, and fail to show some of its material
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 241
characteristics, they contain sufficient to prove that the Athapascan nations, the
remainder of whom presumptively possess the same system, classify their kindred
in the same manner, and in accordance with the same elaborate plan which prevails
amongst the Algonkin and Dakotan nations. The evidence of unity of systems
seems to be sufficient for their admission into the Ganowanian family.
2. Apache Nations. 1. Jicarillo. 2. Mescalrros. 3. Mimbres. 4. Lipans.
5. Gila Apaches (Coyotes, Tontos, and Garrotes). 6. Navajoes. 7. Final Lenos.
The Apaches held a very considerable, though much less extensive, area than
their northern congeners. With the exception of the narrow strips of country
occupied by the Village or Pueblo Indians, along the Rio Grande and its tribu-
taries and the Colorado, the Apache nations hold the greater part of New Mexico,
the southwestern part of Texas, and the eastern part of Arizona; and range south-
ward into the Mexican State of Chihuahua, and from thence eastward to the Gulf.
Those within the United States were estimated, in 1855, to number between eight
and nine thousand.1 The Navajoes and Final Lenos cultivate, and are considerably
advanced in civilization ; but the remaining nations are the wildest of the American
Indians.
After repeated and persevering efforts continued through several years, I was
unable to procure the Apache system of relationship. It was sought with the
more interest for comparison with the Athapascan, with which, presumptively, it
agrees.
Nations of the Columbia River and its tributaries.
In natural resources for human subsistence, the region watered by the Columbia
and its tributaries is the most remarkable portion of North America. This area
draws to itself a sea coast line upon the Pacific of considerable extent. If from
a station upon the most inland margin of Puget's Sound a semicircle is described,
with a radius four hundred miles long, and the line, at each end, is protracted
until it intersects the sea coast, the area referred to will be inclosed. It will
include the greater part of the drainage both of the Columbia and Frazer's Rivers.
The section of country thus defined can scarcely be paralleled on the face of the
earth in the advantages which it afforded to a people living without agriculture,
and depending exclusively upon natural subsistence. It contains a mixture of
forest and prairie, of mountains, of valleys, of sea coasts, of great rivers, and of
inland lakes, to which are superadded the important advantages of a mild and
healthful climate. This striking combination of features made it an excellent
game country. Its sea coasts, indented with numerous bays, one of which, Puget's
Sound, has a shore-line fifteen hundred miles in length, afforded perpetual supplies
of shell-fish ; and its soil, teeming with bread-roots of various kinds, still further
increased the aggregate of available subsistence. But the crowning advantage of
this favored area was found in the inexhaustible salmon fisheries of the Columbia
River, which, at stated seasons, filled the land with superabundance of food. If
the current representations with reference to these fisheries may be credited, they
1 Schoolcraft's Hist. Con. and Pros. vi. 704.
31 March, 1870.
242 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
are unequalled in any part of the earth, in the quantity and quality of fish annu-
ally supplied. They enter this river in myriads, and penetrate its several branches,
even into the mountain elevations. The natives were expert fishermen, taking
them in immense numbers in baskets, in weirs, and with the spear. In the peculiar
climate of this region, it was only necessary to split them open and hang them up
in the sun to dry, to secure an ample supply of palatable and nutritious food.
These natural advantages gave to the valley of the Columbia a permanent and
controlling influence over all other parts of North America, and, I think it can be
shown, over South America as well. Wherever the Indian family commenced its
spread it would sooner or later come into possession of this region ; and from that
time onward it would become the seed land of the family, and the initial point of
successive streams of migration to all parts of the continent. The abundance of
subsistence in the valley of the Columbia, tending constantly to a surplus of inhabit-
ants, determined for this region a species of supremacy over both North and South
America, as the predominant centre of population, and the source from which per-
petual streams of inhabitants would flow, so long as the family remained in its
primitive condition. Until its superior advantages were controlled and neutralized
by the establishment of other centres of population, founded upon greater resources
for subsistence, it would maintain its ascendency under the steady operation of
physical causes. How far the Village Indians, who became such through the dis-
covery and cultivation of corn, created a surplus of numbers upon the basis of
agricultural subsistence, and sent them forth as migrants to possess the continent ;
and whether they were sufficient in numbers and intelligence to overmaster and
arrest the flow of inhabitants from the valley of the Columbia, are questions to be
investigated and determined before the first proposition will become established.
As these several topics will be considered in another connection, it will be sufficient
here to remark that the evidence fails to show that the Village Indians ever carried
agriculture far enough to obtain any sensible control over the numbers or great
movements of the Indian family. So far from this, it appears to be the actual fact,
that they were unable to stem the tide of influence and power which seems always
to have remained with the Roving, as distinguished from the stationary Village
Indians. All the great stems of the Ganowanian family, found upon the North
American continent, point their roots to the valley of the Columbia. This conclu-
sion becomes demonstrated by a comparison of the means of subsistence and centres-
of population of the several parts of the continent, of the natural lines of migration
furnished by its rivers and mountain chains, of the barrier to a free communication
between the Pacific and Atlantic sides of the continent interposed by the great
central prairies, by the relations and geographical positions of the several stock
languages and their respective dialects, and by the traditions and systems of rela-
tionship of all of these nations collectively. The sum of the evidence from these
several sources appears to be convincing and conclusive that the valley of the
Columbia was the nursery of the Ganowanian family, and the source from which
both the northern and southern divisions of the continent mediately or immediately
were being replenished with inhabitants, down to the epoch of their discovery; and it
is my intention to present and discuss elsewhere, if space permits, both the physical
OFTHEHTJMANFAMILY. 243
causes, and the ethnological facts which relate to this interesting and important
question, which for the present must be passed.
Another remarkable fact connected with this area is the unprecedented number
of stock languages spoken within it, and which have been found in no other of the
same limited dimensions. Mr. Gallatin, whose reduction of dialects was founded
upon the vocabularies of Hale and Dana, states the number at fourteen.1 He
adopts Hale's synopsis with a change in the orthography of a single name, and
thus confirms its correctness. These languages were then (in 1841) spoken in a
large number of dialects, of which twenty-six are represented in his tables.
Lewis and Clarke describe in their work and locate upon their map some thirty-
four distinct nations, whom they found in 1805-1806, upon the Columbia River
and its tributaries, and on the neighboring sea-coasts. Most of the nations visited
by them have since been identified under different names.
Although a large amount of labor has been expended upon these languages,
further investigations will probably reduce their number. A very considerable
reduction would leave the number disproportionately large. These languages have
recently been taken up anew by George Gibbs, Esq., of New York, who spent
several years in Oregon and Washington Territory as a member of the Northwestern
Boundary Commission, and before that, of the Pacific Railroad Engineer Corps
upon the northern parallel. From the rare facilities which he enjoyed, and from his
high qualifications for linguistic investigations, we may expect in his forthcoming
work a thorough elucidation of the philology of this area of Indian speech.
Mr. Gibbs has kindly furnished me with the following synopsis of the stock
languages of this area as they are named and classified by him. —
1. Tinne (Athapascan, of Gal.). 2. Kootenay (Kitunaha, of Gal.). 3. Salish.
4. Maka (Wakash, of Gal.). 5. Sahaptin. 6. Kayuse (Waiilatpu). 7. Chinook.
8. Shoshonee. 9. Kalapuya. 10. Yakama (Jacon, of Gal.). 11. Kalawatset. 12.
Lituami, 13. Shaste.2
It wiU be observed that three or four of the stock languages of Hale and Gal-
latin are consolidated with others, or disappear in the synopsis of Mr. Gibbs ; and
that the remainder, with one or two exceptions, are the same under the old or a
new name. Some of these languages are spoken in but one or two dialects, whilst
others have a large number, one of them, the Salish, having upwards of fifteen.
The subdivision of the inhabitants of this area into such a large number of petty
nations, which was their condition when first discovered, and which has continued
to be the fact, notwithstanding their reduction in numbers, to the present time, was
the inevitable result of their domestic institutions and mode of life. But the
present existence of such a number of stock languages in so inconsiderable an area
1 1. Salish. 4. Kitunaha. T. Lituarai. 10. Jacon. 13. Athapascan
2. Sahaptin. 5. Waulatpu. 8. Saste. 11. Wakash. 14. Shoshonee.
3. Chinook. 6. Kalapnza. 9. Palaik. 12. Skittagets.
* The remaining stock-languages in British and Russian America along the northwest coast are
named by him as follows : 1. Thlinkit, or Kolosh. 2. Haida. 3. Chimsyan. 4. Belbella, or Kailt
5. Nootka, the last two probably related.
244 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
furnishes the highest evidence of its long-continued occupation. It is explained
hy the hypothesis that it was the cradle land of the Ganowanian family. Under
the operation of the law which tended to the disintegration of particular nations,
with their increase and spread, the several dialects thus formed would widen in the
long course of ages until they become hardened by use into independent stock
languages, all traces of identity in their vocables having disappeared. The struggle
for the possession of this area would tend to equalization by the failure of any
single nation to acquire such a preponderance of numbers as would enable it to
overmaster and expel the other nations. The number of these stock languages
necessarily implies an occupation of the Valley of the Columbia from an antiquity
as great as can be assigned, from other considerations, to the Ganowanian family
upon any part of the Continent. It is also a reasonable and a probable inference
that the greater part of the stock languages found upon the North American Con-
tinent were indigenous within this area, or derived from such as were immediately
traceable to this source.
Judging from the more recent instead of the older vocabularies, there are pecu-
liarities in the dialects of this area which do not exist in the dialects spoken in
other parts of the Continent, and which are difficult of reduction to equivalent
sounds represented by the English letters. This marked difference is surprising.
It suggests, at least, the supposition that an attempt has been made by means of
an improved notation to preserve minute phonetic elements in these dialects which
have been disregarded in other areas. Unless great care is taken this new method
will magnify and even create differences where none such to any great extent
actually exist.
In 1855 the Indian nations in Washington Territory and Oregon were estimated
at 27,000.1 At the time of Lewis and Clarke's visit they were several times
more numerous.
II. Salish Nations.
1. Salish or Flathead. 2. Shoushwhap (Atna). 3. Samena. 4. Okinaken.
5. Schwoyelpi. 6. Sketunesh (Cceur d'Alene). 7. Piskwous. 8. Spokane.
9. Slkatomlch (Upper Fend d'Oreilles). 10. Kalispelm (Lower Pend d'Oreilles).
11. Balhoola. 12. Kowooks, Sashalt, and Cowatahin. 13. Kwantlan and
Taieet. 14. Clallam, Lummi, Skagit, Chamakeem, Toanhook, and Nesqually.
15. Kwelahyate, Kwanawult, and Chehalis. 16. Kwawaletsk. 17. Tellamooks.
The Salish stock language, spoken in the seventeen dialects above enumerated,
has a wider spread than any other within the area under consideration. Mengarini
names ten nations speaking this language, most if not all whom are seated between
the Rocky and Cascade Mountains ;2 but Mr. Gibbs has traced it west of the Cas-
cade range, and quite down to the sea-coast. The above list of nations speaking
dialects of the Salish language was furnished by Mr. Gibbs.
1. Spokane. Out of this large list of nations, the Spokane and Okinaken only
1 Schoolcraft, Hist. Cond. and Pres., VI. 705.
9 Salish or Flathead Grammar, p. 120.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 245
are represented in the Table. The system of relationship of the former nation was
furnished by Mr. Gibbs, that of the latter was obtained by the author from an
Okinaken woman at Red River Settlement. Both schedules are incomplete. If
an opinion may be formed from the limited portion of the system procured, it has
been complicated by specializations to an extent unequalled in any form hitherto
presented. The Table contains two hundred and sixty-seven distinct questions
descriptive of persons in the lineal and first four collateral lines. Many of these
questions are twice stated, once with Ego a male, and a second time with Ego a
female, and some of them are in the alternative form of elder or younger, where
relative age varied the relationship. It was also found that in some cases a double
set of terms existed for the relationships of the same persons, one of which was
used by the males, and the other by the females. With a schedule of questions
elaborated to meet the most of these peculiarities it was found that all of the
nations, whose dialects were sufficiently open and accessible to enable their system
to be fully reached, answered these questions in full, the discriminations in fre-
quent instances running beyond the compass of the schedule. Wherever blanks
occur in the Table it was for want of facilities to ascertain the relationships of the
persons described, and not from a failure of the system to recognize them. In other
words, the Indians of all these nations know their kindred, near and remote, and pre-
serve that knowledge by the usage of addressing each other by the term of relationship.
Now the Spokane recognition and classification of kindred undoubtedly extend to
and include every person described in the Table, and their nomenclature furnishes
the terms of relationship applied to each and all of them. More than this, instead
of leaving blanks to attest the failure of the system, a large number of the present
single questions must be repeated, and some new ones added to develop the whole
of the system. The tendency to a double nomenclature, and consequently to a two-
fold system of relationship, one for the males and another for the females, is qiiite
marked among the nations west of the mountains. The incompleteness of the
schedules, therefore, must be attributed to the inaccessibility of these dialects, and
not to a failure of the system to recognize any relationship between Ego and the
persons described.
There is one feature in the Spokane system that has not before appeared, namely,
the use of the same term in a reciprocal sense, instead of correlative terms ; for
example I call my father's father, Is-hah'-pd, and my son's son, Is-hah'-pa, conse-
quently the relationship is reciprocal, as cousin and cousin, or brother and brother,
instead of correlative, as grandfather and grandson. This was carried into the first
collateral line male, in the first Spokane schedule of Mr. Gibbs, but in a subsequent
and revised schedule the term was used in a modified form. According to the first
I call my father's brother, Is-se-malt, and my brother's son, Is-se-malt, Ego in both
cases being a male, which would establish between my brother's son and myself a
reciprocal relationship expressed by a single term. In the revised schedule he is
my son, Kas-koo-sa. to which the other term is added for some explanatory purpose.
It seems probable that the term Is-se-mdlt is employed to indicate the relationship
of these persons when speaking of their relationship to a third person ; and that
when they speak to each other they use the terms for father and son. The opu-
246
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
lence of the nomenclature is such as to favor this supposition. This is one of the
questions with reference to the Spokane system that remains to be determined. It
will be impossible to understand this remarkable form until it is more fully devel-
oped in its details, and its unascertained parts are procured. The system of the
remaining Salish nations is also desirable, since some of them may not have adopted
the refinements the Spokane displays, and may, therefore, be nearer the primitive
form-. Notwithstanding the imperfect presentation of the Spokane system about
to be made, it will not be difficult to discover decisive traces of the common sys-
tem of the family.
In Mengarini's " Selish, or Flathead" Grammar, before referred to, he has col-
lected the terms of relationship of the Flatheads, and given them with their Latin
equivalents. They do not show the classification of consanguine! and marriage
relations, which is the essential part of the system, and the use of some of the
terms will probably be found to need correction ; but the terms show the fulness
of the nomenclature, and being in another dialect, may be useful to illustrate the
Spokane form.1 Some of them will be referred to in connection with the corre-
sponding terms in the Spokane.
Sgelui,
L'eu,
Skoi,
Skokoi,
Sgus'mem,
Tonseh,
Szescht,
1 " RELATIO CONSANGUINITATIS ET AFFINITATIS.
Relate ad viros. Relate ad mulieres.
Maritus. Noganag, Uxor.
Pater Mestm, Pater.
Mater. Tom,
Amita (soror patris). Tikul,
Soror. Snkusgu,
Nepos, neptis. Skuselt,
Mater.
Amita (soror patris).
Soror.
Nepos.
Sgaepe,
Sile,
Kene,
Ch'chiez,
Topic,
Smel,
S'si'i,
Kage,
Skusee,
Sgusigult,
Sk'kuselt,
S'schitemischlt,
Sk'euselt,
St'eutelt,
Stomchelt,
Snkusgu teas,
Sororius (maritas sororis).
RELATIO COMMCNIS
Avus (ex parte patris).
Avus (ex parte matris).
Aria (ex patre patris).*
Avia (ex parte matris).
Abavus et abavia.
Patruus (frater patris).
Avunculus (frater matris).
Matertera (soror matris).
Filius.
Filii et filiae, the children of.
Filiolus (generice).
Filius vel filia natu major.
Filius vel filia natu minor.
Filius vel filia, natu minimus.
Filia.
Fratres vel sorores germani
(de duobus).
Sttmch'clt,
TJTRIQUE SEXTJI.
Snkusgutelis,
K'ezch,
Ke'eus,
Sinze,
St'tenti,
Lch'chochee,
Ikak'ze,
Lzzups,
Sgagee,
Lzesch,
Nluestu,
Neptis.
Idem, de pluribus quam duo-
bus.
Frater natu maximus.
Frater natu major.
Frater natu minor.
Frater natu minimus.
Soror natu major(diminutiva).
Soror natu minor (diminu-
tiva).
Soror natu minima (diminu-
tiva).
Socer (pater mariti vel ux-
oris), beau pere.
Socrus (mater mariti vel
uxoris), belle mere.
Patruus. 1'oncle (patre nepotis
mortuo).
* "Duo relationea, Kene et ch'ohioz, sunt etiam relative nepotibus (lea petits fils), ita ut arise et nepotes his
duobus se invicem appellent."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
247
There are separate terms in this dialect for grandfather and grandmother. On
the father's side Is-7iah'-pa, and In-kah'-no, used by the males, and In-chau'-wa and
In-tchit-che-a'-ci, used by the females ; and for the same relationship on the mother's
side, Is-see'-la and In-chau-wa, used by the males and females. This is the first
instance yet found of the discrimination of the ancestors on the father's side from
those on the mother's side, but this is limited to the maternal grandfather. There
are also separate terms for father and mother, En-le-a'-u and E-sko'-i, used by the
males, and En-ne-mes' -teem and En-tome' ', used by the females ; for son and daughter
Is-kivoos-sa and Is-tum-che-alt ; and for grandson and granddaughter, namely, for
son's son and son's daughter, Is-hah'pa and In-chau'-wa, and for daughter's son and
daughter's daughter, Is-se'-la and In-chit-che-a. It will be observed that three of
these terms for grandchildren are applied equally to grandparents, showing them
to be reciprocal.
There are terms for elder brother, En-kats'-tch, used by the males, and En'l-ka7i7c'-
tsci, used by the females ; and a common term, Eril-chit'-sha, for elder sister ; for
younger brother, Is-sin'-sa, used by the males, and Is-sis'-son-sa, used by the females ;
and common term, Erfl-lsUs-a-opes1 ', for younger sister. Beside these there are terms
for brother and sister in the abstract, En-se-laclit' , and Is-soo-sin-am' ; and for
brothers and sisters in the plural. The great number of these terms, and the
tendency to minute specializations throughout the Spokane system, increase the
necessity for full details of the classification, as well as the whole of the nomen-
clature, to a right understanding of the system itself. The Spokane nomenclature
is twofold to a greater extent than any previously presented.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter, Kas-koo'-sa and Ka-stum'-che-alt. To the first Is-se-malt is added,
as some kind of qualification. With Ego a female, I call my brother's son In-teef-
kwl, and he calls me the same. This is another instance of reciprocal relationship.
In the Flathead the term Ti-kul, the same word dialectically changed, is applied
by a female to her father's sister, and it seems probable that it is also applied by a
woman to her brother's son, as in the Spokane. My brother's daughter I call
Sluelt, Nepos et neptis (patre mor- Nhoiztn,
tuo).
Zneehlgu, Gener. Luestn,
Zepu, Nurus. S'chelp,
Segunfemt, Parentes matrimonio juncto-
rum. St'mels,
Sestem, Levir vel fratria. le mari de Snkusigu,
sa sceur, ou la femme de
sou frere. Snkusgusigu,
Ischeu, Uxor fratris uxoris. le femme
du frere de sa femme.
Kolemut, Cognatus. le mari de la soeur
de son mari ou la femme du
frere de son mari.
Lever et fratria (alterutro
mortuo).
Vetrieus et noverca.
Nurus (filio mortuo), la veuve
de son fils.
Propinquus, affinis, etc.
Patruelis sobrinus, consan-
guineus.
(Plur). Les cousins, les cou-
sines, les parens (generice),
etc."
Grammar, App. 117.
248 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Is-see'-la, the same term I use to designate a grandmother. Here the relationship
again is reciprocal.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece, for
which a term in common gender, In-toonsh', is employed. With Ego a female, they
are my son and daughter. To the latter term, In-kach'-ha is added for some quali-
fying purpose.
Third. My father's brother I call Is-se-mdlt. After the death of my own father
I call him my step-parent, Es-tlu-es-tin. The same is true in the Flathead, in which
the word is Nluestn.
Fourth. My father's brother's son is my brother, Is-se-laclit' ; and his daughter is
ray sister, elder or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister, Ego a male, I call In-lcacli' -ha, and Ego a female,
En-tee'-hwl. Both of these have before appeared as reciprocal terms. The first I
think is erroneously used.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Is-sa'.
Seventh. My mother's sister I call In-kach'-ha, in Flathead Kage. After the
death of my own mother I call her Es-lw-es-tin, my step-parent.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The relationships of collateral descendants are not given, beyond those
previously named.
The marriage relationships are in agreement with the typical form, e. </., the
wives of my collateral sons and of my nephews, are my daughters-in-law ; and the
husbands of my collateral daughters and of my wives are my sons-in-law. In like
manner the wives of my several collateral brothers are my sisters-in-law ; and the
husbands of my several collateral sisters are my brothers-in-law. There is one
altogether novel marriage relationship recognized in a large number of Ganowanian
nations, namely, between the parents of married pairs. In Yankton-Dakota the
fathers of a married pair call each other O-ma'-he-to, in Spokane In-teh-tum-ten, and
in Flathead, Segunemt. Mr. Gibbs has furnished the signification of the Spokane
term, " Dividers of the Plunder," *. e., the marriage presents. It is probably a
recent term, from the fact that it is still significant, and derisively bestowed.
With respect to the children of a brother and sister, they are brothers and sis-
ters to each other. Mengarini furnishes a term for cousin in the Flathead Sakusiga,
which is probably the Spokane Sin-hwa-seehw, rendered " one like my brother ;"
but it is extremely doubtful whether the relationship of cousin has been developed
either in the Flathead or Spokane system.
Notwithstanding the insufficiency of the materials to show this system com-
pletely, an opinion may be formed upon the question of its identity with the
common form. In its incomplete state, as shoAvn in the Table, it possesses the in-
dicative relationships, although some of them are modified and obscured by the
uncertainty that rests upon the modifications. It is at least supposable that the
doubtful terms are those used when speaking of the relationship, as before sug-
gested, whilst the full terms may be employed when the particular persons are
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 249
addressed by Ego, by the term of relationship. The minute discriminations of the
system, and its opulent nomenclature, tend to the inference that when produced in
full, it will be found to contain all of the radical characteristics of the system, and
that the special use of reciprocal terms will find a rational explanation.
2. Okinaken. The fragment of the Okinaken system was obtained from Mrs.
Ross, a native of this nation, at Red-River Settlement. An absence of many years
from her native country had rendered her so distrustful of her knowledge of the
system that she would not undertake to give its details.
III. Sahaptin Nation.
1. Sahaptin, or Nez Perce. 2. Paloos. 3. Wala-Wala and Taikh. 4. Yakama.
5. Klikitat.
The Salish and Sahaptin stock languages are spoken by a larger number of
distinct nations, and in a greater number of dialects, than any other within
this area. Of the Sahaptin nations only one, the Yakama, is represented in the
Table. The schedule was furnished by Mr. Gibbs. A part only of the terms
of relationship are given, and these are incapable of interpretation without the
remainder of the nomenclature, and without a more explicit knowledge of the classi-
fication. Upon the Yakama system Mr. Gibbs, in his letter to the author, remarks :
" This language, as usual, has a very complicated nomenclature of relationships,
and, I believe, it is a little different from that of the Selish. In some instances,
besides the name for the relationship itself, as Pe-shet1 ', father, there is the familiar
one Too-ta, equivalent to ' papa,' which, I believe, is used only in speaking to the
person, while the former is used exclusively in speaking of him. Besides these,
there is an expression, the exact force of which I do not understand, further than
that it is applied after a death occurs in the family, namely, Kwuten. It is equally
applied to the father, mother, sons, or daughters, and may, therefore, have some
such signification as ' bereaved.'
" The distinction that is made by the sexes in speaking to the father and
mother, and certain other relatives in the Spokane, are, I understand, not made in
the Yakama, though they are as between brothers and sisters, where we find not
only different words used in addressing and speaking of one another, but the two
sexes address one another differently, the whole being complicated by the distinc-
tions of relative age."
" The general word ' l>rotlier' does not, I believe, exist ; but as near as I can
understand the word Haigh (plural, thaigh-ma), perhaps literally signifying '•friend,'
is used to denote brothers or cousins, when speaking of them at large ; and the
same is the case in Spokane." It will be seen, however, in the Table, that the term
En-haigh is the term for step-brother, which explains its application to a collateral
brother.
" Some of these relations," he continues, "are reciprocal. Thus grandfather and
grandson are both Poo-sJia. ... I have not followed out to the letter your instruc-
tions about inserting the pronoun ' my,' in all cases, because it was not always given
me in return, and I was not certain why. For that reason I did not change the
vocative form. Neither have I always translated the word, as I am not sufficiently
certain of the force of many of them."
32 March, 1870.
250 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, I call
In-pit'-h, and Pai-ya, the last meaning step-daughter. With Ego a female, they
are my nephew and niece, for which a term in common gender, lu'-pote, is used.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, I call In-pit'-Ji and Pai-ya,
the latter step-daughter. With Ego a female, I call them Pan'-ta and Pee'-see, the
latter meaning step-daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my step-parent, Na-magh'-has.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, I call Es-hup', and
En'-naks, the latter signifying my step-sister. With Ego a female, Ne-pah', and
En'-nalcs.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Na-sis'-sas.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Na-lca'-kas.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-parent, Na-magh'-has.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter, same as in Fourth.
Ninth. The relationship of grandfather's brother is not given.
Tenth. The relationship in the collateral lines are not carried beyond collateral
brothers in the Table,
With respect to the relationship between the children of a brother and sister,
they are the same as between the children of two brothers.
In the Salish and Spokane, Mr. Gibbs encountered one of the most intricate
and difficult of all the forms given in the Table, from the great fulness of the
nomenclatures, and the minute specializations they represent. These dialects, also,
are far from being as accessible as those east of the mountains through natives
speaking English. Until better facilities are afforded, or these dialects are acquired
by Protestant missionaries, the system of relationship of the nations of the Pacific
coast in its full range and complexity will be difficult of ascertainment. That they
have an elaborate system, defining the relationships of all their kindred, near and
remote, and that it is both coherent and logical, there can be no reasonable doubt.1
From the general character of that portion of the Yakama system contained in
1 Mr. Gibbs remarks upon certain Yakama relationships as follows : —
1. "Father, Pe-shet'; papa, Too-ta; child addressing him, 'my father,' Na-too-tas. After the
death of a near relative, Kwu-ten.
2. Mother, Pe-chah' ; mamma, Eet'-la ; child addressing her, 'my mother,' Na-eet'-las. After
the death of a relative, Kwu-ten.
3. Son. Both parents addressing a son use En-meshl'. The father, in speaking to others of a
son grown up, says Mi-an'-nash, and the mother, Isht ; En-misht = my son. To a child they use
Te-tah'. After the death of a near relative, they use Kwu-ten, in speaking of or to either son or
daughter. En-lcwu-ten, my son or my daughter. The father of a grown-up daughter calls her
Isht, and En-misht'; and the mother, Pap. To any young one they say Is-shah'.
I am more in doubt if I understand perfectly the following. As near as I now can give it, the
names for brothers and sisters are, elder brother, addressing a brother or sister, Piap or Yai'-ya.
Na-al'-yas, my elder brother.
Younger brother, addressed by brothers, Es-hap'; by sisters, Pat-shet, or Ne-kah, or In-kaks, speak-
ing of him.
Elder sister, Pats.
Younger sister, addressed by brothers, Ats ; by sisters, A-seep. Also familiarly called Nei'-ya."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 251
the Table, and the same is equally true of the Spokane, these are sufficient grounds
for the admission of the Salish and Sahaptin nations into the Ganowanian family.
One other stock language belonging to the valley of the Columbia, namely, the
Kootenay, is represented in the Table. The Flatbows speak a dialect of the same
language, and the two together are its only ascertained representatives. Their
range is along the western slopes of the Rocky Mountains immediately north of
the Flathead area. Although incompletely shown, the Kootenay system of rela-
tionship is interesting as a further glimpse at the stupendous scheme of consan-
guinity which prevails amongst the aboriginal inhabitants of this area. Upon
independent grounds a more complex system might be expected to exist in the
valley of the Columbia than upon the St. Lawrence or the Mississippi. With so
many nations crowded together, but held asunder by dialects and mutually unin-
telligible stock languages, and yet intermingling by marriage, the constant ten-
dency would be to increase and intensify the special discriminations developed from
the system, by the gradual introduction of the special features of each into all the
others. These new" features do not necessarily disturb the essential framework of
the system, although they may greatly increase its complexity, and render it more
difficult of ascertainment. Beside this a plan of consanguinity so elaborate as that
of the Ganowanian family, could not be maintained pure and simple in its minute
details, amongst so many nations, and over such immense areas. Additions and
modifications are immaterial so long as they leave undisturbed the fundamental
conceptions on which the original system rests.
V. Shoshonee Nations.
1. Shoshonees or Snake Indians. 2. Bonnacks. 3. Utahs of the Colorado (1.
Tabegwaches. 2. Wemenuches. 3. Yampahs or Utahs of Grand River. 4.
Unitahs. 5. Chemehuevis. 6. Capotes. 7. Mohuaches. 8. Pah-Utes). 4'.
Utahs of Lower California (1. Cahuillos. 2. Kechis. 3. Netelas. 4. Kizhes).
5. Comanches.
There are reasons for believing that the Shoshonee migration was the last of the
series, in the order of time, which left the valley of the Columbia, and spread into
other parts of the continent. It was a pending migration at the epoch of Euro-
pean colonization. It furnishes an apt illustration of the manner in which Indian
migrations are prosecuted under the control of physical causes. They were gradual
movements, extended through long periods of time, involving the forcible displace-
ment of other migrants that had preceded them ; and therefore, are without any
definite direction, except such as was dictated by the exigencies of passing events.
The initial point of this migration, as well as its entire course, stands fully revealed.
Almost the entire area overspread, showing the general outline of a head, trunk
and two legs, is still held by some one of the branches of this great stem. Upon
the south branch of the Columbia River the Shoshonees still reside ; south of them
along the mountain wastes of the interior are the Bonnacks, a closely affiliated
people, who occupy quite near to the head-waters of the Colorado. The mountains
and the rugged regions drained by the Upper Colorado and its tributaries are held
by the Utahs in several independent bands or embryo nations, who are spread over
an area of considerable extent. Here the original stream of this migration divided
252 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
into two branches ; one of them, the Comanche, turned to the southeast, and occu-
pied the western parts of the present State of Texas ; whilst the other keeping the
west side of the Colorado, descended towards the Gulf of California, and appropri-
ated the regions near the Village Indians of the Lower Colorado. These are the
Pah-Utes. Still other bands moved westward and southward and occupied Lower
California. These are the Cahiullos, between the San Gabriel and Sante Anna
Rivers ; and the Mission Indians, namely, the Kizhes of San Gabriel, the Netelas
of San Juan Capestrano, and the Kechis of San Louis Rey. Upon the basis of
linguistic affinities the conclusion is inevitable that both the Comanches and Netelas
are the descendants of original migrants from the valley of the Columbia.1
The Shoshonee nations are among the wildest of the American aborigines.
With the exception of the Comanches, and a portion of the Shoshonees proper,
they hold the poorest sections of the United States, their manners partaking of
the roughness of the country they inhabit. Until quite recently they .have been
inaccessible to government influence. It is still nominal and precarious. The
Comanches, who occupy the southern skirt of the great buffalo ranges, and are
spread from the Canadian River, a branch of the Arkansas, to the Rio Grande, have
become a populous Indian nation within the last century and a half. They are
expert horsemen. Next to them are the Shoshonees.
It was found impossible, after repeated efforts, to procure the system of relation-
ship of the Shoshonees or the Comanches, although much more accessible than the
other nations. The time is not far distant when all the dialects on the Pacific side,
as well as in the interior of the continent, will become as fully opened to us as
those upon the eastern side ; and when information now so difficult of attainment
can be gained with ease and certainty.
An incomplete schedule of the system of the Tabegwaches, one of the Utah
nations of the Colorado, was obtained unexpectedly, through my friend the late
Robert Kennicott, from a delegation who visited the seat of government in 1863.
It will be found in the Table. He was unable to fill out the schedule, except in
its most simple parts, from the difficulty of working through interpreters imper-
fectly skilled in the Utah language ; and, therefore, it cannot be taken as indi-
cating to any considerable extent, the contents of the system. From the fact that a
portion of the terms of relationship were not obtained, those which are, except the
primary, cannot be interpreted. It is valuable as a specimen of the language ; and
more especially because it indicates the possession of a full nomenclature, and the
presence of the minute discriminations which are characteristic of the common
system. There are two special features revealed which should be noticed. First
the relationship between aunt and nephew is reciprocal and expressed by a single
term. The same use of reciprocal terms has been seen to exist both among the
Salish and Sahaptin nations, with the language of the former, of which the Tabe-
1 In 1847 the Shoshonees and Bonnacks were estimated together at 4000. Schoolcraft's Hist.
Cond. and Pros. VI. 697 ; and the Utahs in part, at 3600. Ib. In 1855 the Comanches were
estimated at 15,000. Ib. VI. 705. The numbers of the remaining Shosbonee nations on the Pacific
»re not known. They are not numerous.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 253
gwach shows some affinity; and second, the discrimination of a difference in the
relationship to Ego between the children of an elder, and the children of a younger
brother.1 This is shown by the use of different terms to express the relationships.
It is an extension of the principle of discrimination beyond any point reached in
other systems as shown in the Table. The same peculiarity may exist in the
Spokane, and the Yakama without having been necessarily discovered, since there
were no questions on the schedule to test the fact. It may yet be found to explain
the ambiguities in the system of the former nations. With the American Indians
it is a peculiarity never to supplement information when answering special ques-
tions put to them by Americans. In the case in hand, if asked what he called his
brother's son, he might elect to answer as to the son of his elder brother, and treat
that as a sufficient answer to the question, although the son of his younger brother
stood to him in different relationship.
The most that may be claimed upon this incomplete representation of the
Tabegwach system of relationship is, that it is classificatory in its character, and
that it tends to show the same elaborate discriminations of the relationships by
blood and marriage, which are characteristic of the common system. It also fur-
nishes sufficient grounds for the provisional admission of the Shoshonee nations
into the Ganowanian family.
We have now presented the system of consanguinity and affinity of all the
Indian nations represented in the Table, with the exception of the Village Indians
of New Mexico, and Central America ; and the Eskimo. It remains to consider
separately the forms of the latter, together with some fragments of the system which
prevails among a portion of the South American Indian nations. The knowledge
of the system as it exists amongst the nations on the Pacific side of the continent,
is not as full and precise as could have been desired ; but the main fact of the nearly
universal prevalence of a common system of relationship throughout all the nations,
thus far enumerated, is sufficiently demonstrated, and the fundamental characteristics
of the system are sufficiently ascertained, to create a definite and substantial founda-
tion for the consolidation of all of these nations into one genealogically connected
family. The further prosecution of the inquiry amongst the unrepresented Indian
nations will be necessary to determine the question whether or not they belong to
this great family of mankind, the unity of origin of which may now be considered
established.
1 In the Grammar and Dictionary of the Yakama, by Father Pandosy (Chamoisy Press, 1862),
the following terms are given, which are expressive of reciprocal relationship.
Uncle, Pitr. bPirar Father-in-law, Pshes
Nephew, Pitr. b Pimr Son-in-law, Pshes
Aunt, Parar Mother-in-law, Pnash
Niece, Pitr. "Pimr. °Paia Daughter-in-law, Pnash
254 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CHAPTER VI.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY— CONTINUED.
Village Indians of New Mexico, Arizona, and Central and South America.
Important Position of the Village Indians in American Ethnology— Their Partial Civilization — Indigenous amongst
them — Its Basis — Early Knowledge of the Village Indians of New Mexico — Coronado's Expedition in 1540, 1542
— Espejo's in 1583 — Spanish Missions in 1600 — Reconnoissances of U. S. Army Officers since 1847 — Possible
Recovery of the Institutions and Mechanic Arts of the Village Indians in general, through those of the present
Village Indians — Evidences of the Unity of Origin of the American Aborigines — From Unity of Physical Type
— From Unity in the Grammatical Structure of their Languages — From Similarity of Arts, Inventions, Usages,
and Institutions — And from Conformation in Cranial Characteristics — Dialects and Languages of the Village
Indians of New Mexico and Arizona — Evidence of Ancient Occupation — Confirmed by Ruins of Ancient Pueblos —
Their System of Relationship — But two Schedules obtained — 1. Pueblo of Laguna — Location and Population
of this Pueblo — Schedule Incomplete — Indicative Relationships — They possess, as far as it is given, the Common
System— 2. Pueblo of Tesuque — Schedule Incomplete— Chontal of Central America — Schedule Incomplete —
Village Indians of South America — Efforts to obtain their System of Relationship, and their Failure — System
of the Chibcha or Muyska Village Indians of New Granada — Partial Details of the Muyska Form— It shows five,
and probably six of the Indicative Relationships — End of the Series of Indian Nations represented in the Table.
THE present Village Indians of New Mexico and Arizona are, in many respects,
the most important portion of the aboriginal inhabitants of North America. Their
prominent position in Indian ethnography does not arise from their numbers
or their territorial possessions, both of which are inconsiderable, but from the fact
that they are the living representatives of a phase of Indian society now rapidly
passing away. They still possess and exhibit that species of civilization which has
given to the American Indians their chief importance in the estimation of mankind.
With the Village Indians in general, the transition from a roving to a stationary
life had been fully consummated, and a new condition commenced. An indigenous
civilization sprang up and grew apace out of this village life, which, at the epoch
of discovery, was found distributed throughout parts of New Mexico, Mexico, and
Central and South America. These Village Indians, however, were surrounded
at all points by roving and still barbarous nations. The extent and character of
this civilization, which was the same in its elements throughout all these regions,
are still imperfectly understood. It is, moreover, extremely doubtful whether the
facts tending to illustrate its history and development will ever be recovered from
the mas.s of fiction and romance in which they are buried. Should an attempt be
made to reinvestigate its characteristics, the key must be sought in the civil and
domestic institutions, arts, usages, and customs of the present Village Indians. It
is not improbable that all of its elements will be found amongst them at the present
day, and that from these sources the necessary materials can be obtained for a much
better elucidation of this difficult subject than any hitherto presented.
This limited and indigenous civilization was founded, in the main, upon the
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 255
possession of a single cereal, Indian corn ; of one textile plant, cotton ; and upon
one principal mechanic art, that of making sun-dried brick. X)ut of these, in due
time, came the cultivation of irrigated garden-beds, the improved costume, and the
house of more than one story high ; first, with walls of sun-dried brick, then of
slate and rubble-stone, the latter cemented with mud-mortar ; and, finally, of cut
stone laid with mortar probably without lime. Of the last class were the pueblo houses
in Yucatan, now in ruins. When the transformation from fish and game to agri-
cultural subsistence, from temporary lodges to permanent villages, and from houses
of a single story constructed with perishable materials, to houses of more than one
story constructed with durable materials, had become completed, the change in this,
as well as in other respects, was very great intrinsically. It resulted in a degree of
civilization that appeared to separate the Village Indians genetically from the
remaining nations, until it was afterwards found that the Northern Indians pre-
sented all the intermediate shades of condition between the Village Indians proper
and the Roving nations. The differences, it was seen, could be rationally explained
as an advance by a portion of the same original family from a lower to a higher
condition of life, since it was not accompanied with any radical change of domestic
institutions. And yet the degree of this civilization is sufficiently remarkable to
demand special evidence to establish the right of the Village Indians to admission
into the Ganowanian family. If those in New Mexico could be shown to be of
Ganowanian lineage, it would prepare the way for the like admission of the Village
Indians of Mexico, and of Central and South America.
Our knowledge of the existence, and, to some extent, of the condition of the
Village Indians of New Mexico commences within twenty years after the conquest
of Mexico by Cortes, and has been substantially continuous down to the present
time. It opens with the extravagant relation of Friar Marco de Ne?a " touching
his discovery of the Kingdom of Cevola," made in 1539, which led to the expedi-
tion of Coronado in 1540-1542, for the conquest of this "kingdom," to use the
common term employed by the Spanish writers of that epoch to describe a cluster
of Pueblo Houses. Of the several places visited by Coronado, Acoma, and perhaps
Zuni, both existing pueblos, have been identified ; but the " Seven Cities" still
remain unknown. There are seven or eight remarkable Pueblo Houses of stone,
now in ruins, on the canon of the Rio de Chaco, a tributary of the San Juan, which,
in location and character, answer the nearest to the " Seven Cities," of any existing
or ruined Pueblos in New Mexico. They are situated about one hundred and
forty miles northwest of Sante Fe. This expedition established the existence of
Village Indians upon the Rio Grande, the Gila, and the Colorado; of their
dependence upon agriculture for subsistence ; and that they lived in houses of more
than one story high, constructed of some kind of stone masonry, or adobe brick,
Coronado thus speaks, in his relation of the villages he visited : " It remaineth now
to testify, your honor, of the seven cities, and of the kingdoms and provinces
whereof the father provincial made report to your lordship ; and, to be brief, I can
assure you that he spoke the truth in nothing that he reported ; but all was qxiite
the contrary, saving only the names of the cities and great houses of stone ; for
although they be not wrought with turqueses, not with lime, nor bricks, yet they
256 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
are very excellent good houses of three or four or five lofts high, wherein are good
lodgings and fair chambers, with ladders instead of stairs ; and certain cellars under
the ground, very good and paved, which are made for winter ; they are in a man-
mer like stoves, and the ladders which they have for their houses are all in a
manner movable and portable ; which are taken away and set down when they
please, and they are made of two pieces of wood with their steps as our be."1 This
relation was written under a feeling of disappointment, as the object of the expedi-
tion was plunder, which they failed to obtain. Other explorations followed from
time to time. Among these may be named that of Fernando Alarcon, who in 1542
ascended the Colorado River to the establishments of the Village Indians in that
region; and that of Antonio de Espejo, who in 1583 led an expedition to the Rio
Grande, and visited a large number of Indian villages upon that river and its
tributaries. In the relation of this expedition several important statements are
made, from which the following are selected : " Here were houses of four stories
in height. * * * Their garments were of cotton and deer skins, and the attire,
both of men and woman was after the manner of Indians of Mexico. * * * Both
men and women wore shoes and boots, with good soles of neat's leather [probably
of buffalo raw hide, with which the Indians of the Missouri now bottom their moc-
casins], a thing never seen in any other part of the Indies. * * * There are
caciques who govern the people like the caciques of Mexico." Finally he speaks
of their " good capacity, wherein they exceed those of Mexico and Peru."2 The
late Prof. W. "W. Turner collected and translated the several Spanish documents
relative to the several expeditions of Coronado, Alarcon, Ruiz, and Espejo, from
which the above extracts were taken ; and also appended a very interesting report
upon the Indian nations of New Mexico, made by Don Jose Cortez in 1799.
The Spanish missionaries enjoyed the best facilities for becoming intimately
acquainted with the institutions and domestic history of these nations. As early
as 1600, they had established a chain of missions, eleven in number, from the Gulf
of California and the Colorado, to the Rio Grande, and claimed eight thousand
converts. Their relations and correspondence, if they could be collected, would
probably furnish much valuable information concerning the Village Indians of that
epoch. These several expeditiona and missionary establishments show conclusively
that long anterior to the discovery of America, New Mexico was occupied by
Village Indians in a condition of partial civilization ; and, also, that the stage of
progress they had reached corresponded substantially with that in which the Village
Indians of Mexico and Central and South America were found. The differences
were much less than is generally supposed.
Within the last twenty years a number of military and scientific reconnoissances
through New Mexico, and westward to the Colorado and the Pacific, have been
made by United States authority. Amongst these may be mentioned that of
Lieut. -Col. W. H. Emory, in 1846-1847; that of Lieutenant, now General J. II.
1 Explorations, &c. for a Railroad Route to the Pacific, VII., Rep. on Ind. Tribes, p. 1.09.
• Ib. p. 114-126.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 257
Simpson, in 1849 ; that of Capt. Sitgreaves, in 1852 ; and that of Lieut. Ives, in 1857.
To these must be added the expedition to determine the Mexican boundary, in 1850,
under Hon. John R. Bartlett ; and the exploration for a railroad route to the Pacific,
on the thirty-fifth parallel, in 1854, under Lieut. Whipple. From these sources a
large amount of additional information has been gained both of the country and of
its inhabitants.
The present. Village Indians of New Mexico are the lineal descendants of those
found in the country at the Conquest. Some of them occupy the same sites, and
the same identical houses which their forefathers occupied when first discovered ;
and such new pueblos as have since been constructed, are, many of them, upon the
ancient model. They still retain the greater part of their ancient customs, usages,
and arts. An opportunity, therefore, is still offered to recover their languages, their
architectural, agricultural, and other mechanical arts, as well as their civil and
domestic institutions, which, when procured, may prove of immense value in American
ethnology. If the true history and interpretation of the civilization of the Village
Indians of Mexico, Central America, and Peru are ever reached, it will probably
be effected through a comparison of their arts and institutions with those of the
present Village Indians. It is, therefore, a fortunate circumstance that even a
fragmentary portion of this great division of the American aborigines still remain
upon the continent, in the full possession of their original domestic institutions,
and in the practice of many of their primitive arts. The intellectual life of a
great family impresses a common stamp upon all their works. The marks of the
uniform operation of minds cast in the same mould, and endowed with the same
impulses and aspirations inherited from common ancestors, can be successfully
traced through periods of time, and into widely separated areas. In their archi-
tecture, in their tribal organization, in their dances, in their burial customs, in
their systems of relationship, the same mental characteristics are constantly revealed.
It is not impossible to arrive at safe conclusions from comparisons founded exclu-
sively upon intellectual manifestations crystallized in these several forms. These
Village Indians are, at the present moment, the true and the living representatives
of the indigenous civilization which was found in both North and South America ;
and notwithstanding the mass of fiction which has usurped the place of history,
there are strong reasons for believing that they are no unfit representatives of the
Village Indians in general ; and that all there was of this civilization, invention
for invention, institution for institution, art for art, in a word, part for part, may
still be found amongst them, and in existing memorials of their past history. The
great differences supposed to exist must be set down to a very considerable extent
to the marvellous powers of the constructive faculty which authorship develops.
Whether or not the Village and Roving Indians are of one blood by descent,
from common American ancestors has not been established in the affirmative so
decidedly as to command universal acquiescence. There are several distinct and
independent lines of evidence, all of which converge to an affirmative conclusion,
and yield collectively such a body of testimony as to render this conclusion extremely
probable. These may be briefly stated as follows : —
First. Unity of Physical Type. It cannot be denied that the Indian form and
33 March, 1870.
258 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
physiognomy are strikingly distinctive and peculiar. He is as definitely marked as
any variety of man. The uniform testimony of all competent observers, that the
individuals of these widely scattered Indian nations universally display common
typical characteristics, possesses great weight. In this respect the Village Indians
are not excepted, but especially included.
Secondly. Unity of Grammatical Structure in their Languages. These stock
languages, so far as they have been investigated, reveal the same plan of thought,
and numerous coincidences in grammatical structure. The comparison has not
been coextensive with their spread ; but it has been carried far enough, probably,
to dptect differences if more than one grammatically distinct language existed
amongst them. These languages, also, have peculiarities impressed upon all of
them alike, which give them a family cast. It is seen in the syllabical structure of
their vocables, in the excessive use of the principle of conjugation, in the unusual
amount of physical exertion required in their delivery, and possibly in the guttural
and nasal utterances with which they are, more or less, roughened. It seems
probable, therefore, that the analysis and comparison of these, stock languages will
ultimately demonstrate their unity. In these respects, also, the languages of the
Village Indians are not exceptional.
Thirdly. Similarity of Arts, Usages, and Inventions. An argument based upon
these considerations, and standing alone, would have but little weight, since similar
conditions presuppose similar wants, and beget similar arts, usages, and inventions.
And yet this objection, though unwittingly, is a powerful argument in favor of the
unity of origin of the entire human family. It is only in virtue of the possession
of a common mind, such as belongs to a single species, that these uniform opera-
tions are possible. Amongst all of these nations there is a striking uniformity in
their manners, usages, and institutions. It is seen in those which relate to social
life, to warfare, to marriage, and to the burial of the dead ; but more especially in
their simple mechanic arts, such as those of pottery, of weaving, whether with
filaments of bark, or with threads of cotton ; of the tanning of skins, and in the
forms of their weapons and utensils. This is true, in a more striking sense, of
their architecture, which is founded upon the communal principle in living, a
principle which prevailed amongst all the Indian nations, from near the confines of
the Arctic Sea to the Isthmus of Panama. The communal principle found its way
into, and determined the character of this architecture. It is revealed not less
distinctly in the long bark house of the Iroquois, designed for twenty families, than
in the pueblo houses at Taos, New Mexico, one of which is two hundred and forty
feet front, by one hundred feet deep, and five stories high, and capable of accommo-
dating eighty families ; or in the pueblo of Palenque, in Chiapa, which was two
hundred and twenty-eight feet front, by one hundred and eighty feet deep, and
one story high, and was capable of accommodating fifty or more families.
Fourthly. The Dance. Amongst all of these nations, without an exception, the
dance is a domestic institution. Whilst barbarous nations in general indulge in
this practice, often to excess, no other people on the face of the earth have
raised the dance to such a degree of studied development as the American Indian
nations. Each has a large number, ranging from ten to thirty, which have been
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 259
handed down from generation to generation. These dances, which have special
names, as the buffalo dance, the war dance, the feather dance, and the fish dance,
are sometimes the recognized property of a particular society or brotherhood, but
usually belong to the nation at large. Each has its own peculiar plan, steps and
method, its songs and choruses and its musical instruments ; and each is adapted
to some particular occasion. The dance is universally recognized amongst them as
a mode of worship, whence its elaborate character and wide distribution. Amongst
the Village Indians of New Mexico their dances are the same to day they were
centuries ago, and they are not distinguishable in their order, steps, and method, or
in their songs, choruses, and musical instruments, from the dances of the Iroquois,
the Dakotas, the Ojibwas, or the Blackfeet. They reveal the same conceptions, are
adapted to the same condition of society, and were apparently derived from a
common source.
Fifthly. The Structure of Indian Society. The evidence from the structure of
Indian society bears decisively in the same direction. In the tribal organization,
which prevailed very generally, though not universally, amongst them ; and more
especially in their form of government by chiefs and councils, a uniformity of
organization prevailed throughout all the Indian nations of North America, the
Village Indians inclusive.
Lastly. Conformation in Cranial Characteristics. Dr. Morton collected and pre-
sented the evidence from this source. He subdivides the " American," which is
the fourth of his five great races of mankind, into two families, the American and
the Toltecan, the latter embracing the Village Indians.1 The ethnic unity of the
American aborigines, with the exception of the Eskimo, was one of the principal
conclusions reached by his investigations. It is proper to remark, however, that
the sufficiency of the evidence from this source to sustain this conclusion has been
repeatedly questioned.2 The systems of relationship of the several nations thus far
considered confirm Dr. Morton's conclusion to the extent of the number of nations
represented in the Table, whether the facts upon which he relied are found incon-
clusive or otherwise.
From the commencement of this investigation the author has been extremely
desirous to procure the evidence in full, which the system of consanguinity and
affinity of the Village Indians might afford upon this important question. Its
determination is of paramount importance in Indian ethnography, as well as neces-
sary to its further advancement. So long as a doubt rests upon it, substantial pro-
gress is arrested. In the present attempt to establish the existence of an Indian
family upon the basis of their system of relationship, a nucleus only has thus far
been formed. Unless the Village Indians are found to be constituent members of
this family, in virtue of a common descent, the family itself will lose much of its
importance. The genetic connection of the two great divisions of the American
aborigines is rendered so far probable by the several considerations before adduced
1 Crania Americana, p. 5.
a Dr. J. Aitken Meigs, Trans. Acad. Nat. Sci., Philadelphia, 1860. " Observations upon the
Form of the Occiput in the Various Races of Men," cf. Wilson's Prehistoric Man, sec. ed. ch. xx.
260 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
that the existence somewhere of absolute proof of the affirmative is to be presumed.
It is extremely probable, not to say certain, that their systems of relationship would
furnish the deficient evidence. At all events it might be expected to establish
either the affirmative or the negative. Entertaining this belief, it is with much
regret that I am able to furnish the system of but three nations of Village Indians,
and these imperfectly worked out. Although the New Mexican Village Indians
are now under the supervision of the national government, through superintendents
and agents, their country seems, notwithstanding, to be hermetically sealed, so far
as ethnological investigations are concerned, unless they are made in person. India
and China are both much more accessible. For six years in succession the effort
to procure their system of relationship was repeated until every available resource
was exhausted. The two New Mexican schedules obtained are, however, of some
value. They are carried far enough to show that they possess an elaborate system;
and that it is coincident, substantially, with the common typical form, as far as it is
given.
Some notice of the dialects and stock languages in New Mexico and Arizona
should precede this limited exposition of their system of relationship. There are,
at present, seven recognized stock languages spoken by the Village Indians within
these areas. Lieut. Simpson furnished specimen vocabularies of the first five here-
after named, and with it a classification of the nations enumerated by him.1 Prof.
Turner classified the remaining Pueblo Indians upon vocabularies furnished by
Lieut. Whipple.2 The former made six of these languages, but his first and fourth
appear to be identical. It is not improbable that the present number will hereafter
be reduced. The people still speak their native dialects with the single exception
of the Indians of the Pueblo of Lentis, who have adopted the Spanish language.
Lieut. Simpson classifies the dialects of the seven Moqui Pueblos, as one, although
according to the statements of Lieut. Ives there may be some doubt upon the
question. The latter remarks as follows : " A singular statement made by the
Moquis is that they do not all speak the same language. At Oraybe some of the
Indians actually professed to be unable to understand what was said by the Moos-
hahneh chief, and the latter told me that the language of the two towns was differ-
ent. At Tegwa they say that a third distinct tongue is spoken. These Indians
are identical in race, manners, habits, and mode of living. They reside within a
circuit of ten miles, and, save for the occasional visit of a member of some other
tribe, have been for centuries isolated from the rest of the world."3 The differ-
ences referred to may be simply dialectical.
1 Report TJ. S. Senate, Docs. No. 64. 1st Session, 31st Congress, 1849-1850, v. 14, p. 140.
1 Explorations, &c., for a Railroad Route to the Pacific, v. iii., Rep. Ind. Tribes, p. 94.
• Colorado Exploring Expedition, 1857-1858, p. 12?.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 261
I. Village Indians of New Mexico and Arizona.
Stock Languages. Dialects.
I. Aconiau. 1. Acoma. 2. Santo Domingo. 3. San Felipe. 4. Santa Anna. 5. Silla.
6. Laguna. 7. Pojuate. 8. Cochiti. 9. Jemez (old Pecos, the same).
II. Tezukan. 1. Tesuque. 2. San Juan. 3. Sauta Clara. 4. Santa Ildefonso. 5.
Pojuaque. 6. Nambe.
III. Isletan. 1. Isleta. 2. Taos. 3. Picoris. 4. Sandia.
IV. Zunian. Zuni.
V. Mokian. 1. Oraybe. 2. Tegwa. 3. Mooshahneh, and four other Pueblos names not
given.
VI. Piman. 1. Pimos (Papagos the same).
VII. Yuman. 1. Cuchan. 2. Coco-Maricopa. 3. Mohave. 4. Diegenos. 5. Tabipais.
Whether the dialects of the villages or nations above named are severally
distinct I am unable to state. The number of the stock languages within this
area is unusually large. It raises a presumption in favor of its long occupation by
Village Indians. This presumption is still further strengthened by the existence of
ruins of Pueblo communal houses in various parts of the country. The Casas
Grandes upon the Colorado, the Gila and Salinas Rivers, and in the Mexican pro-
vince of Chihuahua have long been known. None of these, however, are equal in
magnitude or importance with those on the Rio de Chaco, before referred to, and
described by Lieut. Simpson. These various and scattered ruins are so many standing
memorials of the long-continued struggles between the Village Indians and the
Roving nations for the possession of the country. There is no evidence that the
former were, in any respect, superior to the latter in the art of war, and many reasons
for supposing that they were inferior to them in courage and hardihood. There can
be no doubt whatever that a large part of these areas were always in possession of the
non-agricultural nations, as at the present day ; and that the Village Indians were
compelled to erect these communal edifices, which are in the nature of fortresses,
to maintain possession of any portion of the country against the streams of migrants
constantly moving down upon them from the Valley of the Columbia.
The Village Indians of the Rio Grande and its tributaries have diminished
largely within the last hundred years. In 1851 they numbered about eight thou-
sand by census.1 Those upon the Colorado and its tributaries are more numerous,
but the present estimate is probably exaggerated. Mr. Charles D. Ppsten, Super-
intendent of Indian affairs for Arizona, estimated their numbers in 1863 at thirty-
one thousand.2
1. Laguna. The first system of relationship to be presented is that of the people
of the Pueblo of Laguna. This village, consisting of a number of communal houses,
is situated upon the San Jose, one of the western tributaries of the Rio Grande, about
one hundred and twenty-five miles southwest of Santa F£. It is thus described by
Dr. Ten Broeck, an Assistant Surgeon in the U. S. Army : " The town is built upon
a slight rocky eminence, near the base of which runs a small stream, that supplies
1 Schoolcraft's Hist. Cond. and Pros. VI. 709.
9 President's Message and Documents 1863-1864, Dep. of Interior, p. 510. The following are
Mr. Posten's estimates : Papagos (Pimeria Alta) 7500 ; Pimas and Maricopas (Gila) 5000 ; Cocopas
(Mouth of Colorado) 3000 ; Yumas or Cuchans (Colorado) 3500 ; Mohaves 5000, and Moquis (seven
Pueblos) 7000.
262 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
them with water. Their lands are in the valley to the north. The population is
about nine hundred. The houses are built of stone laid in mud, and, like all the
other pueblos, consist of several stories built up in a terrace form ; and as they have
no doors opening upon the ground, one must mount to the roof by means of a ladder,
and then descend through a trap-door in order to gain admittance."1 The " ter-
race form" here referred to is a characteristic of the architecture of the Village
Indians. A single house, not unfrequently two and three hundred feet long and a
hundred feet deep, is carried up four and five stories, the second story covering the
whole of the first except a space about ten feet wide along the front of the building
which forms the roof of the first story. In like manner the third story stands back
the same distance from the front of the second; and the fourth from the third; so that
the front shows a series of stories receding as they rise, like the steps of a pyramid.
The houses in the ancient Pueblo of Mexico were constructed upon the same gene-
ral principles, and can probably be explained, as well as the ancient Pueblos in
Yucatan, Chiapa and Guatemala, from the present architecture of the Village In-
dians of the Rio Grande.
There are terms in the Laguna dialect for grandfather and grandmother, Na-na-
7ia#h-te and Pd-pd-kee-you ; for father and mother, Nis7i-te-a and Ni-ya ; for son and
daughter, Sa-mut and Sa-mak ; and for grandson and granddaughter, Sa-na-na and
Sa-pa-pa. A great-grandson and great-granddaughter become a son and daughter
as in the Pawnee, which by correlation would make a great-grandfather a father.
There are terms for elder and younger brother, Sat-tum-si-yd, and Tum-mu-ha-
masli ; and for elder and younger sister, Sci-gwets-si-ya and Sci-gite-sa-ha-masJi. As
applied to collaterals, Tum-mu is my brother, a male speaking, and Sa-gwech is my
sister, a female speaking. The other terms are not given.
First Indicative Feature. Not given ; but as the correlative relationship is that
of ' father' without much doubt my brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter.
Second. Not given ; but since the correlative relationship is that of «nc?e, it
seems equally probable that my sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
nephew and niece.
Third. My father's brother is my father, NlsJi-te-d.
Fourth. My father's brother's son is my brother, Tum-mu.
Fifth. My father's sister is my mother, Ni-ya.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Sa-nou-wa.
Seventh. My mother's sister I call Sa-ni-ya.
Eighth. Not given.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Na-nSrhasJi-te.
Tenth. Not given.
The relationship of cousin is unknown. My father's sister's son is my son,
whence by correlation my mother's brother's son is my father. This would place
the children of a brother and sister in the relationship of father and son, as amongst
the Creek, Cherokees, Pawnees, and Minnitarees.
1 Schoolcraft's Hist. Cond. and Pros. IV. 16.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 263
2. Tesuque. It is impossible to form an opinion of the details of the Tesuque
system of relationship upon the fragment given in the Table. The relationship of
brother is in the twofold form of elder and younger, No-vi-pa-ra, and No-vi-te-u,
whilst elder and younger sister are designated by a single term, No-vi-pa-re. The
terms for father and mother are No-vi-cen-do, and No-vi-ca ; for son and daughter,
No-vi-a, and Novi-a-avrU'-lcive ; and for grandchild, Navrwi-ta-te-e. There is also,
which is quite unusual, a term for great-grandchild, Pa-pa-e. It also appears inci-
dentally that the children of brothers, of sisters, and of brothers and sisters, are
all alike brothers and sisters to each other, r Dr. Steck, who furnished what is
given of the system, remarks : " If the persons addressed are younger than the
speaker, they are called brother and sister; and of older, and particularly if of
advanced age, they are addressed as fathers or mothers. The Indian Jose Maria
Vigil, who gives me this information, is quite intelligent, and understands the system
of the Spanish in this country, who recognize third and fourth, and even fifth
cousins. The Indians only go to the third degree ; after that they address each
other as brother and sister, father or mother, according to age. Their system is
very limited, and very much like that of the Iroquois. You will notice that there
is no difference whether the person addressed is male or female, or whether older
or younger." These remarks are too general to indicate the nature of the system,
•except, perhaps, the implication that it is classificatory in its character.
The Laguna schedule, although incomplete, tends very strongly to show the pos-
session of the common system by the Laguna Village Indians, and inferentially by
the remaining nations. The time is not far distant when it will become an easy
matter to determine the question with certainty. In the mean time the great
question of the genetic connection, or non-connection of the Village Indians with
the Ganowanian family, must be left where this imperfect glimpse at their system
of relationship, and the other evidence adduced, leaves it, but with a strong proba-
bility of an affirmative conclusion.
II. Village Indians of Central America.
1. Chontal. The Chontal language is allied to the Maya of Yucatan. It also
affiliates with the Choi and Tzental of Chiapa. Whilst the Chontales proper
inhabit the region bordering Lake Nicaragua on its east side, the branch of this
stock, whose system of relationship is about to be considered, live in Mexico, in
the State of Tabasco. Dr. H. Berendt, who transmitted the schedule, remarks :
" The Chontal Indians live in the lower parts of that State [Tabasco], extending to
the east as far as the river Tulija, and to the west to the Rio Seco, the old (now dry
bed of the Orijalba, or Mescalassa, or Tabasco) river." Although great care was
taken by Don Augustin Vilaseca, of the city of Tabasco, to procure the Chontal
system, a misapprehension, frequently made by others, defeated the attempt. The
schedule, after being translated into Spanish, was placed in the hands of Guillermo
Garcia, an educated Chontal Indian living upon the Tabasco river. Misconceiving
the plan of the schedule, he fell into the error of translating the questions into the
Chontal language, which, of course, left them unanswered. The principal terms of
relationship are given, but the manner of their use in the collateral lines remains
unexplained. And since it is impossible to form any opinion of the system from
264 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
terras, apart from their use, the work, which barely failed of being complete, was
entirely lost. All that appears is that the relationships of brother and sister are
in the twofold form of elder and younger, and that the different relationships,
both by blood and marriage, are fully discriminated.
III. Village Indians of South America.
It is with extreme regret that the author acknowledges the entire failure of his
attempts to procure the system of relationship of the Indian nations of South Ame-
rica. The importance of the system of these nations in its bearing upon the great
question whether they are constituent portions of the Ganowanian family, will at
once be seen and recognized. At the outset of this investigation, as has elsewhere
been stated, schedules were sent to the several diplomatic and consular repre-
sentatives of the United States throughout Spanish America, with the hope that a
portion at least of these nations might be reached, and their system obtained. These
schedules were forwarded by the Secretary of State of the United States, with a
circular commending the subject to their attention. The principal difficulty, un-
doubtedly, was the barrier of language, which might have been avoided, to a con-
siderable extent, by the translation of the schedule into Spanish.1
One of these schedules sent to New Granada, was placed by General Jones, U.
S. Minister Resident at Bogota, in the hands of Dr. Uricoechea, who filled it out,
as far as he was able, in the language of the Chibcha or Muyska Indians of New.
Grenada. In his letter to the author, he remarks, " I send, partially filled up, one
of your schedules, in the language of the ancient inhabitants of this city. The
nation has been long lost, and its language is nowhere spoken. However little we
know of their language and customs, I believe that they have the very same system
of consanguinity as the Iroquois. ... As the language, besides the notices given
in Triibner's Bibliotheca Glottica, I have just discovered" a new grammar and
vocabulary, of the year 1620. I possess three different grammars (two in MS.),
and two dictionaries, which seem to be copies of an older one." Although the
schedule is not sufficiently filled to develop the essential characteristics of the
Muyska system, it is extremely interesting from the general conformity to the com-
mon system, which it shows, as far as its own form is displayed. Since the number
of the questions he was able to answer are few in comparison with the entire list,
the questions and answers will be presented in full. They are as follows, except
the translations of the terms, which have been added : —
1 The schedules sent to the United States Legation at Brazil were placed in the hands of an
attache, Porter C. Bliss, Esq., who afterwards visited a large number of Indian nations in Brazil,
Paraguay, the Argentine Confederation, Bolivia, and Peru, for ethnological. and philological purposes.
He succeeded in filling out schedules in nations representing several stock languages in South America,
but becoming afterwards involved in the civil disturbances in Paraguay, he was arrested and impri-
soned by President Lopez, and his papers, the schedules among them, were seized and destroyed.
He informed the author, after his return, that he found the system of the Northern Indians, with more
or less distinctness, amongst the South American Indian nations. The principal stock languages
south of the Amazon, as determined by him, are the Qnichua, Aymara, Araucanian, Abipone, Toba,
Ecole, Metagwaya, Guarani, Payagua, Machicuy, Chequitian, Patagonian, and Fuegian.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
265
Lu-e-hi'-sa,
Pa'-ba,
Gu-u-i-ra,
Chi-ti', others Chu-ta,
Chu-ti',
Chu'-ne,
Chu'-ne,
Gi'-a,
Ri-cu'-i,
Gu-i'-a,
My Grandmother (mother's side),
" Father,
" Mother,
" Son (first born),
" Daughter (first born),
" Grandson,
" Granddaughter,
" Elder brother (male speaking),
" (female speaking),
" " sister (male speaking),
" Younger brother (male speaking), Cu-hu'-ba,
" " " (female " ), P-cu-i-hi'-ta,
" " sister (male " ), Cu-hu'-ba,
" Brothers,
" Brother's son (male speaking),
son's wife,
" " daughter,
daughter's husband,
" Sister's son (male speaking),
" Father's brother,
brother's wife,
" " " son,
" " sister,
" " sister's son (m. speaking), Ub-so,
" " " ." (f. speaking), Sa-ha-o'-a,
Chu-ta,
My Grandmother.
" Father.
" Mother.
" Son or child.
" Daughter or child.
" Grandchild.
Elder brother.
a u
" sister.
Younger brother.
Gui'-as-cu-bi'-a-sa,
Chu'-ta,
Chu'-ta,
Chu'-ta,
Chu'-ta,
Gwab-xi'-que,
Ze-pa'-ba,
Zeg'-yi,
The sons of two brothers call themselves brothers.
Ze-pa'-ba, Fu'-cha?
My Male cousin.
" " " and husband.
sister.
" Elder and younger brothers.
" Son.
" Daughter.
" Daughter.
" Son.
" Nephew.
daughter,
" Mother's brother,
" " sister,
sister's son,
" Husband,
" Wife,
" Husband's father,
" " mother,
" Wife's father,
" Son-in-law,
" Female cousin.
" Uncle.
Step-son,
Step-daughter,
Brother-in-law (husband's brother), Ub-so,
Sister-in-law ( " sister), Gi'-ca,
Pab'-cha,
Zu-e'-cha,
Su-a'-i-a ?
The sons of sisters call themselves brothers.
Sa-ha'-o-a, My Husband and cousin.
Gu-i', " Wife.
Gu-a'-ca, " Father-in-law.
Cha-hu-a'-i-a, " Mother-in-law.
Chi'-ca, " Father-in-law.
Chi'-ca (said of wife's father), " Son-in-law.
Gu-a'-i-ca ( " " mother), " " "
Ze-cu'-hi-ep-cu-a'-i-a I-chu-ta?
" Brother-in-law and cousin
" Sister-in-law.
From the foregoing fragment of the Chibcha or Muyska system of relationship,
it is apparent that it possessed an elaborate nomenclature ; that consanguine! and
marriage relations, near and remote, were classified under the near degrees ; and
that the several relationships were discriminated with the same minuteness which
characterizes the system of the Ganowanian family. Although it would be prema-
ture to draw an inference of genetic connection from this incomplete representation
of the system of a portion of the Village Indians of South America, nevertheless "1
it seems probable that if the system which prevailed in this nation could be fully r
procured, it would be found to be identical, in whatever is radical, with the typical -
form.
The Muyska Village Indians close the series of Indian nations represented in
34 March. 1870.
266 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
»
the Table, whose system of relationship is founded either upon common principles
of discrimination and classification, or, in their incomplete state, show such affinities
therewith as render probable their possession of the same system. Upon this basis
they have been constituted into a family. The sufficiency of this system to sustain
the conclusion of their genetic connection will elsewhere be further considered. It
remains to present the system of the Eskimo, which is of such a character as to
exclude this people from the Ganowanian connection, and, after that, to take up
the systems of the Eastern Asiatic nations.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
CHAPTER VII.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE ESKIMO.
The Eskimo a Littoral People— Their Extended Spread— Nearness of their Dialects— Their Occupation of Arctic
America and Greenland comparatively Modern — Ethnic Relations of the Eskimo hitherto undetermined —
Detached from the Indian Connection by Dr. Morton — Cranial Characteristics the Ground — The Habitat of Man
Coextensive with the Surface of the Earth— Our Knowledge of the Eskimo still limited — Points of Agreement
and of Divergence between the Eskimo and the other American Aborigines— Eskimo System of Relationship-^
Classificatory in Character— Details of the System— It possesses but two of the Indicative Characteristics of the
Ganowauian System — Reasons for excluding the Eskimo from this Family.
THE Eskimo are a peculiar people. Dwelling exclusively in an arctic climate,
beyond the region of trees, and with no vegetation around them save the lichens
and the mosses, they have put themselves, for subsistence, upon the sea. As a
littoral people, living upon the whale, the walrus, and the seal, they have made
their homes along the bays and inlets wherever these animals are found ; and have
become spread, in consequence, along thousands of miles of sea coasts. Through-
out Arctic America, from the Pacific to the Atlantic, and eastward in Greenland,
nearly to the shores opposite ancient Scandinavia, they were found in the exclusive
occupation of this extended line. It is also particularly remarkable that they still
speak dialects of the same language not only, but with a less amount of dialectical
variation than is found in the extremes of the Algonkin or Dakotan speech.
Purity of blood, which their isolation and habits tended to maintain, would pre-
serve homogeneity in the materials of their language; but this would neither
increase nor retard the progress of dialectical change in its vocables, after the
people became geographically separated. The undoubted nearness of these dialects,
notwithstanding their spread over a longer continuous line than any other human
speech, except, perhaps, the American Indian, tends very strongly to show that
their occupation of Arctic America was a modern event in comparison with the
epoch of the first occupation of the continent by the Ganowanian family. Their
mode of life, after it had become permanently adopted, restricted their migrations
to the sea shores, and resulted ultimately in their isolation from the remainder of
the human family. Although reindeer and aquatic fowls entered their areas in
their periodic migrations, and contributed to their subsistence, their principal reli-
ance was upon fish and upon the animals of the sea. The kaiyak and the lance
express the substance of their progress towards civilization. We are forced to
regard them as an exclusive people, in a social condition more remarkable than
that of the arctic nations of Europe or of Asia. Irrespective of their antecedent
history they are at the present time a peculiar people, transformed into veritable
hyperboreans, dwelling in houses of snow and ice, and living upon raw flesh like
268
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the carnivorous animals. The annexed comparative vocabularies, together with
the terms of relationship in the Table (Table II), will illustrate the present relations
of the several Eskimo dialects to each other.1
Their ethnic relations are still undetermined, unless the conclusion of Dr. Morton,
which was based chiefly upon cranial characteristics, is regarded as established.
In his classification the Eskimo are detached from the American Indian connec-
tion and transferred to the Mongolian race. They are placed with other arctic
nations in his "Polar Family."2 This family, which consists of all the polar nations
in Europe, Asia, America, and the island of Greenland,3 is constituted in violation
of the linguistic affinities of these nations, and therefore it has not been recognized
as a family by philologists. Neither has the evidence adduced by him, in favor of
the separation of the Eskimo from the remainder of the American aborigines, been
1 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.
Eskimo
of Behring'a Sea
(Kuskutchewak).
RicUardsou.
Eskimo of
Hudson's Bay.
Gallatiu.
Eskimo of
Labrador.
Latrobe.
Eskimo of
Northumberland
Inlet.
Morgan.
Eskimo of
Greenlaini.
Cranz and Egede.
1. Head,
Ne-ba-gun
Ne-a-koke
Nc-a-ko
Ne-ah'-ko
Ni-a-kok
2. Hair,
Na-e-at [(pi)
Nu-yak-ka
Nu-a-ak
Nu'-ya
Ny-ak
3. Ear,
Tchu-u-tu-ek
He-u-tin-ga
Se-ut
Che'-une
Si-ut
4. Eye,
Ve-ta-tu-ek(pl)
Ei-a-ga
E-ye
E'-ye
Ir-se
5. Nose,
Nekh
Kin-ga-ra
King-ak
Kling'-yang
Hin-gak
6. Teeth,
Khu-a-tu-ek
Kee-yu-teel-ka
Ke-u-til
Te-u'-tee
Ki-u-tet (plu)
7. Mouth,
Ka-nek
Kan-ne-ra
Kan-nerk
Kun'-yu
Ilan-nek
8. Neck,
TJ-e-a-nut
Tok-e-loo-ga
U-e-ak
Kong-i'-shil
9. Rain,
Tcha-le-a-le-ak
Mak-kook-poke
Sel-lii-liik
She-Kl'-lu
10. Sun,
Akk-ta
Ne-i-ya [it rains
Ak-kee-suk
Suk'-u-nung
Suc-a-nuk
11. Moon,
Tang-ek
Au-ning-a
Tak-kek
Tuk'-ke?ung
An-ning-a
12. Wind,
A-nu-ka
A-no-ee
An-no-re
13. Night,
Un-uk
Oo-noo-ak
U-nu-ak
Ood'-na
14. Fire,
Knu-ak
Ik-koo-ma
Ek-o-ma
Ing-nek
15. Reindeer,
Tun-tu
Tuk-tu
Tuk'-tu
Tu-tu(O'Reilly)
16. White,
U-golk-kak
Kow-dlook
Kaud-luk-pok
Ka-goke'-to
17. Black,
Tan-ulh-gat
Ker-ni-uk
Kern-gut
Kog-noke'-ta
18. Red,
Ker-a-gok
N-oo-pa-look
Au-pa-luk-tok
Aow-pat'-tu
[(it is red)
19. Blue,
Tchun-a-e-za
Tung-a-yuk-tak
Tung-a-yfi'-gc-
20. Walrus,
Azgh-vu-ek
To-gak
I'-ve-uk [ta
21. Dog,
An-na-kuk-ta
Ke-i-raeg
Kem-mek
Kim'-mik
Mik-ee
22. Ice,
Tche-ko
Sik-koo
Se-ko
Sce'-koo
23. Snow.
Kan-ekh-chak
Kan-ne-uk-poke
Kan-nek
Ah-poon (frost)
24. One,
A-tu-u-chik
At-tow-se-ak
A-tou-sek
Ah-tow'-she-ang
At-tau-sek
25. Two,
Malk-khok
Ard-lek
Mar-ruk
Mok'-o
Ar-la-ek
26. Three,
Pa-e-na-e-vak
Ping-a-hu-ke
Ping-a-sut
Ping'-a-shu
Pin-ga-ju-ak
27. Four,
Tcha-mek
Sit-ta-mat
Sct-ta-mut
She-shum'-mun
Sis-sa-mat
The Greenland Eskimo were probably emigrants from Labrador. TJpon this question Cranz observes :
"There can be no hesitation in affirming that Greenland was peopled from Labrador, not Labrador
from Greenland." Hist, of Greenland, I, 349. Dr. Prichard expressed the same opinion, as follows:
"As the Skraellings or Esquimaux of Greenland had not reached that country at the time when the
Northmen had settled their early colonies in it, it may be conjectured that the progress of the race
was from the west, since they had not arrived at the more distant point towards Europe till within
the age of history." Nat. Hist, of Man, p. 221.
• Crania Americana, Philadelphia ed., 1839, folio, p. 5. ' Ib. p. 50.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 269
received as conclusive. This last question is one of great importance in American
ethnology. Their system of consanguinity and affinity Avas sought with special
interest for the bearing it might have upon the solution of this problem.
The Eskimo stock are found both in Asia and America. The inhabitants of the
islands of Behring's Sea, and Nammollas, or Sedentany Tshuktshi upon the shores of
the Gulf of Anadyr, speak dialects of the Eskimo ; and this speech has been traced
as far west in Asia as the mouth of the Kolyma River, thus establishing the fact of
the spread of this people on both sides of the straits of Behring. Whilst the fact
furnishes evidence of an Asiatic connection, irhas no necessary bearing upon the
question of the blood connection or non-connection of the Eskimo with the Ameri-
can Indian nations. It can be explained as a migration of the same people across
the straits of Behring, which interposes no obstacle to such a transit proceeding from
either to the other shore ; although it seems much more probable that the Eskimo
were originally migrants from Asia, than that the Tshuktshi were migrants from
America. Dr. Morton claims that the skulls of the Eskimo exhibit differences of
such a marked and decisive character as to justify their separation from the Indian
connection, and their transference to the Mongolian. He had reached this conclu-
sion from a comparison of physical characteristics before he had examined any
Eskimo skulls. " Since writing the chapter on the polar family" (page 50), he
remarks : " I have been favored by George Comb, Esq., with the use of four
genuine Esquimaux skulls, which are figured in the annexed plate (Plate LXX).
The eye at once remarks their narrow elongated form, the projecting upper jaw,
the extremely flat nasal bones, the expanded zygomatic arches, the broad and ex-
panded cheek bones, and the full and prominent occipital regions."
" The extreme elongation of the upper jaw contracts the facial angle to a mean
of seventy-three degrees, while the mean of three heads of the four gives an
internal capacity of eighty-seven cubic inches, a near approach to the Caucasian
average." * * * *
" The great and uniform differences between these heads, and those of the
American Indians, will be obvious to any one accustomed to make comparisons of
this kind, and serve as corroborative evidence of the opinion that the Esquimaux are
the only people possessing Asiatic characteristics on the American continent."1
The separation of the Eskimo from the Indian family was one of the striking
results of Dr. Morton's original and interesting investigations. Whether his
premises are sufficient to sustain this inference, or otherwise, the latter is confirmed
by the evidence contained in their system of relationship, which also separates them
by a clearly defined line from the Ganowanian family, as well as from the Tura-
nian and Malayan.2 If the American aborigines came originally from Asia, it
1 Crania Americana, Phila. ed. 1839, p. 247.
* The specific measurements given by Dr. Morton do not seem to be conclusive, taken alone, in
favor of such a separation ; since the differences may be neutralized by comparing the four Eskimo
skulls with those of American Indians of the same internal capacity. The whole of the evidence
from cranial characteristics is not contained in these specific measurements ; and, therefore, if they
are neutralized in this manner, it does not necessarily follow that cranial comparisons are incapable
of yielding definite and trustworthy conclusions. For the purpose of illustration we may select from
270
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
would follow that two migrations from that continent to the American remain to
be explained, one of which must have preceded the other by a long interval of
time.
Our knowledge of the Eskimo is even more limited than it is of the other Ameri-
Dr. Morton's "Table of Anatomical Measurements" (page 257), certain skulls of American Indians
agreeing respectively with the four Eskimo skulls in internal capacity, and ascertain the amount of
difference by a comparison of their specific measurements. The following table shows the relative
measurements.
a
B
.
Skulls.
Si
11
.2 3
•S
•3 I
S
— 0>
g a
3 .
i .
•*• "S
O L*
Xi i
i!
"to
c <a
5: *
1 rt
~ oi
P y
£ 13
O.-H
N fc*
3
£ ft.
- 'S
c ^5
0 -O
£ S
_« 3
•5 S
o ft
S
3, CQ
"3
(2
£
£
ja
q
S
W
K
si v
Eskimo, No. 1 . .
7.5
5.4
4.6
5.4
14.3
4.1
15.2
20.4
72°
93.
Cayuga .
7.8
5.1
4 2
5.4
14.2
4 5
15 5
20.8
78
93 5
Oueida
7.5
5.6
4.1
5.8
14 4
4 3
14 9
20 8
74
92 5
Eskimo, No. 2 . .
7.3
5.5
4.4
5.3
14.1
4.3
14.4
20.3
75
80.
Atacames ....
7.2
5.5
4.4
5.1
14.8
4.1
13.7
20.2
76
80.
Seminole ....
6.9
5.6
4.6
5.3
15.
4.2
13.6
19.8
75
80.
Eskimo, No. 3 . .
7.5
5 1
4.3
5.5
14.8
3.9
15.5
20.3
73
87.5
Menominee . . .
7.1
5.8
4.5
5.4
14.9
4.6
14.1
20.6
75
87.
Cherokee ....
7.2
5.2
4.2
5.5
15.5
4.4
14.6
20.2
77
88.
The difference of half a cubic inch in the internal capacity ol a skull of eighty-seven cubic inches
and upwards would scarcely be appreciated in the specific measurements. It appears, then, by the
comparison of the measurements of the Eskimo, Cayuga, and Oneida skulls, that the greatest differ-
ence i-n any one measurement is five-tenths of an inch ; and that the differences between the Cayuga
and Oneida skulls are as great as between the Eskimo and Cayuga, or between the Eskimo and the
Oneida. Dr. Morton refers particularly to three points of difference, the first of which is the "nar-
row," and the second is the "elongated" form of the Eskimo skulls, and the third is "the contrac-
tion of the facial angle." It will be observed that the Cayuga skull is narrower than the Eskimo by
three-tenths of an inch, while the Oneida is wider by two-tenths. Secondly, that the Cayuga skull
is longer by three-tenths of an inch, while the Oneida is of the same length as the Eskimo. The
facial angles are respectively 72°, 78°, and 74°.
If we next compare the measurements of the second Eskimo skull with those of the Atacames and
Seminole, it will be seen that the greatest difference in any one measurement is nine-tenths of an inch,
and that the differences between the Atacames and the Seminole are less than between the Eskimo
and the Seminole, and about the same as between the Eskimo and the Atacames. In parietal
diameter the Eskimo and Atacames are the same, and but a tenth of an inch narrower than the
Seminole ; while in longitudinal diameter, the Eskimo is one-tenth of an inch longer than the Ata-
cames, and four-tenths of an inch longer than the Seminole. The facial angles are respectively 75°,
76°, and 75.°
Lastly, a similar comparison of the measurements of the third Eskimo skull with those of the
Menominee and the Cherokee will show that the greatest difference in any one measurement is one
and four-tenth inches ; and that the differences between the Menominee and Cherokee are less than
between the Eskimo and the Menominee, and about the same as between the Eskimo and the Chero-
kee. The Eskimo skull is one-tenth of an inch narrower than the Menominee, and seven-tenths nar-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 271
can nations. The Scandinavians colonized Greenland in 986 ; and when they
subsequently came in contact with the Greenland Eskimo they bestowed upon them
derisively the name of Skraellings, " expressive of their dwarfish and imbecile
appearance."1 About the year 1000 these enterprising navigators are supposed, in
Vineland, to have discovered the coasts of Massachusetts and Rhode Island. From
their description of the natives of Vineland, Von Biier and others believed them to
have been Eskimo. Be the fact as it may, when Jacques Cartier, in 1535, entered
the Gulf of St. Lawrence the Eskimo dwelt upon its north shore ; and subsequently
to this event they were found in possession of tire coast of Labrador. On the west
side of Hudson's Bay they occupied as far south as Churchill River. The migra-
tion of a portion oi the Eskimo from the arctic into the temperate climate, and from
the treeless regions of the north into the forest areas, is a significant fact, tending
to show a disposition, at least, to transfer themselves out of their polar habitat.
The physical ability of mankind, by the general process of acclimation, to endure
all climates, suggests the inference that the natural habitat of man is coextensive
with the surface of the earth. In this respect he differs from all other animals,
whose habitats are more or less circumscribed. The spread of the Aryan family
in Europe, Asia, and America, of the Turanian in Asia, and of the Ganowanian in
North and South America, assuming for the present that the American aborigines,
with the exception of the Eskimo, constitute a single family, contains, on the part
of each family, nearly sufficient evidence to demonstrate this proposition. The
rower than the Cherokee, while it is three-tenths of an inch longer than the former, and four-tenths
of an inch longer than the latter. The facial angles are respectively 73°, 75°, and 77°.
It should be stated that in the selection of the Indian skulls for comparison, those were taken
which approximated the nearest to the Eskimo in their several measurements. Such a selection was
legitimate for the purpose in view. The differences found in these several skulls appear to neutralize
each other, and to leave no result, except that of general conformity, instead of essential diverg-
ence. It suggests the question whether the specific measurements adopted are such as to reveal
the indicative characteristics of the human skull ; and whether comparisons which are founded upon
these measurements exclusively, are capable of establishing or overthrowing supposed typical forms.
The seventy-two plates, and the numerous diagrams of skulls in Dr. Morton's Crania Americana
show that he did not rely exclusively upon these test measurements, but connected with them, as
not less important, the position of the foramen, the zygoma, the jaws, the cheek bones, and the rela-
tive proportions of the anterior and posterior parts of the skull. With the actual specimens, and
with the skill and experience acquired by steady and extended comparisons, the means of knowledge
must be admitted to extend far beyond the facts expressed by these specific measurements.
Dr. Daniel Wilson, who has devoted much attention to the investigation of the cranial charac-
teristics of the American aborigines, and who has furnished a Table of the comparative measurements
of thirty-nine Eskimo skulls, besides like Tables of a large number of American Indians, states his
final conclusion founded upon these extended comparisons, as follows : " They show that the form of
the human skull is just as little constant among different tribes or races of the New World, as of
the Old; and that so far from any simple subdivision into two or three groups sufficing for
American craniology, there are abundant traces of a tendency of development into the extremes of
the brachicephalic and dolichocephalic or kumbocephalic forms, and again of the intermediate grada-
tions by which the one passes into the other." This work, founded upon comprehensive and
thorough researches, is a most valuable contribution to American ethnology. — Prehistoric Man, 2d
ed., p. 483.
1 Cranz. Hist, of Greenland, London ed., 1820, I. 128.
272 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
complement of the evidence seems to be furnished by the establishments of the
commercial nations of the Aryan family in every part of the earth, with the excep-
tion of the extreme parts of the arctic area ; and even these have been penetrated
and occupied by Americans and Europeans for limited periods of time. Their feet
have been planted in the polar regions, even beyond the farthest range of the
hyperboreans themselves. To account for the spread of mankind considered as a
single species over the entire surface of the earth, there is no occasion to look
beyond the voluntary migrations, or compulsory flights of nations from area to area,
continued through centuries of time. The first struggle would be for the posses-
sion of the temperate climates, which are the most desirable. This would increase
in intensity with the multiplication of the numbers of the people. In the course
of ages the weaker nations would be forced outward, toward both the tropical and
polar climates. From necessary considerations the impulse from the more desirable
areas outward must have been continuous and ever increasing until the polar shores,
as well as the tropical plains were reached. The final results would neither be
fortuitous, nor consequences of man's voluntary acts ; but rather the effect of the
silent and unseen operation of physical and moral causes. Subsistence and num-
bers go hand in hand, so that the increase of the species beyond the equilibrium
established between them would enforce the dispersion of the surplus. Whence the
occupation of the arctic climates is not more remarkable in itself, than the occupa-
tion of the tropical ; and starting from the intermediate temperate regions the same
people might have divided and taken opposite directions, as in the case of the Atha-
pascans and Apaches. The arctic regions would probably be reached last in the order
of time, but yet it might be early in the period of man's existence upon the earth.
Neither was the great increase of numbers which followed upon the attainment of
the pastoral, and still greater of the agricultural state, necessary to insure these
results ; since it is well known that nations without flocks and herds, and without
agriculture, spread much the most rapidly. It is the prerogative of civilization to
enable a people to grasp the soil with firmness, and to establish themselves with
permanence in fixed areas. Instability upon the soil was characteristic of the nations
in primitive conditions of society. The occupation by the Eskimo of their arctic
habitat can be explained satisfactorily by the operation of these natural causes.
The Eskimo have been so frequently and so minutely described that very little
can be added to the stock of existing information. Those who have seen the
American Indian nations in their several areas, and also the Eskimo, might
possibly, by means of a comparison founded upon personal observations, bring out
with more distinctness the points of agreement and of difference, so far as they are
revealed by external characteristics. Although I have seen and .conversed with
native Indians belonging to many different nations, I have met but three Eskimo,
a man and woman, and their child. Whilst it is impossible to seize the charac-
teristic features of a people from a few isolated representatives, the latter, if good
specimens, as in the present case, might suggest the more general points of agree-
ment and of divergence. Among the nations of the Ganowanian family there is
no difficulty in recognizing, at a glance, a common physical type ; but the Eskimo
have some physical characteristics, which, although not excessively divergent, are
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 273
yet sensible and marked. In a number of these characteristics they are not dis-
tinguishable from the American Indians in general ; but yet they differ much more
from each of these Indian nations than the latter do amongst themselves. The
Eskimo referred to were brought down from the head of Baffin's Bay by the Arctic
explorer, Capt. C. F. Hall, and were pronounced by him fair representatives of the
Eskimo of that region. E-pe-olce' -pe the male, was twenty-four years of age, about
five feet two inches high, straight, well formed, and with a ruddy complexion, the
blood showing through his cheeks with a blush. This peculiarity I have never
seen in any American Indian of pure blood. The cheek bones were high, the
cheeks full, the nose rather flat at the lower extremity, and the nostrils dilated ; the
mouth of medium size, closed when silent, and with a pleasant expression ; the lips
moderately full, chin small and receding, beard nearly wanting, eyes black, of
medium size, and horizontally set, but with the least perceptible obliquity. The
skin was a reddish-brown, not differing from the color of the Northern Indians.
The orbit of the eye externally was scarcely visible, the eye and lids filling the
cavity flush with the brow, and giving the upper part of the nose a sunken appear-
ance. This advanced position of the upper portion of the face below the skull, and
which brought the line of the eyes flush with the line of the brows, was quite
remarkable. Among the Ganowanian nations the orbit of the eye is rendered con-
spicuous by the projection of the forehead, and the sunken position of the eyes.
The skull was elongated, narrow and pyramidal, with a wedge-shaped vertex, in
which respect it presented a marked divergence from the common Indian type.
The occiput was protuberant, and the skull relatively small. The hair was black
and straight, but neither harsh nor coarse. His wife, Ta-ka-re-tu, was of about
the same age, taller relatively, straight and not ill formed. Her general charac-
teristics were much the same as those of her husband. The chief peculiarity of her
face was the unusual length vertically, and great prominence of her cheeks, which
stood out in oblong lobes on either side of her nose upon a line with its tip, and
through which the blood showed with a deep blush. Whilst nursing her child I
observed that her bosoms were oblong and deeply pendent, which is also characteris-
tic of those of Ganowanian women. In the valley of the Columbia this pendency
is so excessive in the females that the mother is able to nurse her child over her
shoulder, the child mean time resting on her back. The Eskimo often do the
same, and so do the females among the Village Indians of the Colorado.
Of the several characteristics named there are but three in which the Eskimo
diverge from the common Indian type. First, the natural blush showing through
the cheeks ; second, the flatness of the face on the line of the eyes, together with
its advance forward ; and thirdly, the elongated and pyramidal structure of the
skull, with the absence consequently of the flattened occiput. On the other hand,
in the color of the skin, in the scantiness of the beard, in the color and character
of the hair, in the smallness of the hands and feet, and in their carriage and man-
ners they have the general appearance of American Indians. The Eskimo lan-
guage, in whatever relates to articulation, accent, guttural and nasal utterances,
and in the gesticulations of the persons in its delivery, is very much the same as
35 March, 1870.
274 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY
the American Indian languages. There were, however, some scraping sounds not
easily explained, which I have never heard elsewhere.1
1 There are some customs of such a strikingly personal character that they may, in a pre-eminent
degree, be regarded as customs of the blood. When prevalent over wide areas, and persistently
maintained from generation to generation, they seem to possess some significance upon the question
of the probable genetic connection of the peoples by whom they are practised. There are three dis-
tinct customs or usages of this character, apparently transmitted with the blood, which I have taken
some pains to trace, and have found them to be substantially universal in the Ganowanian family.
They may possess some value as corroborative evidence of the unity of origin of these nations. These
are, first, the custom of saluting by kin ; second, the usage of wearing the breech-cloth ; and third,
the usage of sleeping at night in a state of nudity, each person being wrapped in a separate covering.
They are referred to in this connection for the purpose of comparison with the corresponding Eskimo
usages. The first of these has been definitely traced among all the principal Indian nations repre-
sented in the Table, and its universality in the Ganowanian family may be confidently affirmed.
Exceptions may yet be found, but if they should it would not disturb the general rule. Among the
Eskimo the usage is found under a modified form. They address each other when related by the
terra of relationship, and also by the personal name, using the former method rather more than the
latter. If the information obtained was correct, the usage, in its strictness, fails among the Eskimo.
Secondly, the primitive costume of the Ganowanian family was the breech-cloth on the part of the
males, and a skirt on the part of the females. The former was a strip of skin, several inches wide,
passed between the legs and thence up and under a string tied around the waist, the ends falling down
before and behind ; the latter was a short skirt, either of skin or vegetable materials, secured around
the waist and falling nearly to the knees. These two articles formed the costume of the Indian
family, and all there was of it, except, possibly, the moccasin. In the colder climates skin leggins and
a blanket of skin were added. At the present time the bulk of the family wear the same costume.
Where American fabrics are substituted for skins they are made after the primitive pattern. This
explains the attachment of the Indians, male and female, for the •woollen blanket, which has now
become very generally substituted for that of skin. Within the past hundred years a portion of each
of the more advanced Indian nations have put on our dress, but the most of them still adhere to the
old costume, with the addition of the woollen blanket. Having noticed the general prevalence of the
practice of wearing the cloth, it was made a subject of special inquiry, and this resulted in tracing its
use among upwards of sixty Indian nations. The simplicity and universality of this costume, and
the persistency with which they have adhered to its use in the colder, and even in arctic climates,
suggest two inferences which may possibly be drawn from it; first, that its use was primitive, and
that it has been transmitted, as a usage, with the blood from their earliest ancestry ; and secondly,
that this ancestry belonged to a temperate climate. The Eskimo do not wear it. Thirdly, the
third custom relates to their manner of sleeping, which may or may not possess significance. Before
retiring they denude themselves, with the exception of the cloth and skirt, and each one wraps up
separately in a skin, covering or blanket, which usually envelops both head and feet. Two males
never sleep under the same covering in personal contact ; young females, and mothers and their
children do. The Eskimo practise this custom in common with the American Indians.* In answer
to a letter of inquiry as to the usage, in this last respect, among the Tamil and Telugu people of
South India, Rev. E. C. Scudder writes as follows : " All males (unless among the very high and
rich ones) sleep in a state of almost entire nudity, wearing nothing but a little strip of cloth which
passes between the legs, and is attached at either end to a string which is fastened about the waist.
* Samuel Heame, in describing a night attack upon some Eskimo at the mouth of the Coppermine River made
by the Athapascans, says, " The poor unhappy natives were surprised in the midst of their sleep, and had neither
time nor power to make any resistance ; men, women, and children, in all upwards of twenty, ran out stark naked,
and endeavored to make thefr escape."
Hearne's Journey, &c. &c., Lond. ed. 4to., 1795, p. 153. Dr. Kane, in his " Arctic Explorations," confirms this
usage.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 275
The Eskimo system of relationship contains original and distinctive features. It
is classificatory in form, without being identical with the Ganowanian, Turanian,
or Malayan, and it contains a number of specializations which move it in the di-
rection of the descriptive form, but without establishing any identity between it
and the Uralian or Aryan forms. Of the descriptive system, as we have seen,
there are no varieties, but of the classificatory, as it will appear in the sequel, there
are three, the Ganowanian and Turanian, the Malayan, and the Eskimo. As
neither the Mongolian nor Tangusian nations have been reached by this investiga-
tion, and consequently their system remains unascertained, it is not improbable that
they possess a system identical with the Eskimo. It has also some affinities with
the Burmese and Karen, which are left without the Turanian connection.
There are three Eskimo schedules in the Table (Table II) which together present
their system with sufficient fulness to exhibit its essential characteristics. The
first was furnished by James R. Clare, Esq., of York Factory, one of the Factors
of the Hudson's Bay Company, and contains some part of the system of the Eskimo
west of Hudson's Bay. The second, that of the Greenland Eskimo, was filled out
by Rev. Samuel Kleinschmidt, of Godthaab, in Greenland. It is not entirely com-
plete, but it shows the principal part of the system. The third and last was pro-
cured by the author from the Eskimo before named, and contains the system of the
Eskimo of the west side of Baffin's Bay. These persons spoke English imperfectly,
but sufficiently well for ordinary purposes. They had acquired our language far
enough to understand the plainest forms of speech, and possessed more than ordi-
nary intelligence. The female Eskimo had acted as Capt. Hall's interpreter whilst
in their country. The Eskimo language is by no means open and accessible, and
yet I may be allowed to express confidence in the correctness of the rendering of
their system as given in the Table, as I had the advantage of Captain Hall's partial
knowledge of their language, as well as their knowledge of English. In the
explanation of this system the nomenclature of the Eskimo of Baffin's Bay will be
employed.
There are separate terms for grandfather and grandmother. E-tu'-ah, and
Ning-e-o'-wd ; for father and mother, Ang'-o-ta, and Ah-na'-nd; for son and daugh-
ter, En-ning'-ah, and Pun-ning'-ah ; and a term in common gender for grandchild,
This cloth is worn by day as well as night, and is concealed during the day by the waist cloth.
Laborers, when at work, often take off the latter, and you will see children running about the streets
constantly with nothing further on them. When sleeping the people cover themselves with a sheet
which hides every part of the body, passing over the head and feet ; and you often see them early
in the morning lying in their verandas, presenting exactly the appearance of corpses laid out.
Males never sleep in personal contact; neither do females young or old. Mothers and children do."
The practice of wearing the cloth, which is found among all tropical nations, is founded upon natural
suggestion, and upon climate ; and it is only rendered significant by the pertinacity with which it is
adhered to by the same people when transferred by migrations into cold, and even arctic climates,
where a full covering of the body is rendered necessary, and the causes which led to the use of the
cloth are superseded. It illustrates the difficulty of casting off, under changed conditions, these blood
or hereditary usages, and upon this fact the propriety as well as the strength of any conclusions
founded upon it must depend.
276 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Eng'-o-ta. All ancestors above the first are grandfathers and grandmothers, and
all children below the last are grandchildren.
There is a double set of terms for elder brother and elder sister, Ang-a-yu'-ah,
and Na-ya', used by the males, and An-ning'-d, and Ang-fryu'-a, used by the
females; a single term for younger brother, Nu'-ka, used by both sexes; and two
terms for younger sister, Na'-ya, used by the males, and Nu-lia'-Jia, used by the
females. It will be observed that a man calls his elder brother Any-a'-yu-a, and
that a woman calls her elder sister the same ; and that a man calls his elder and
younger sister by the same term, Ua'-ya. In the plural there are two terms for
brothers, Ka-tang '-o-line used by the males, and AJt-ne'-Jea, used by the females;
and also for sisters, Na-yung'^ing used by the males, and Ang-oyu' '-kd used by the
females.
First Indicative Feature of the Ganowanian system wanting. My brother's son
and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece, Kung-e-a' -ga, the term being
in common gender. With Ego a female, they are also my nephew and niece, but
a different term, Ung-a'-ga, also in common gender is employed.
Second Indicative Feature Neutralized. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a
male, are my nephew and niece, We-yo-o-' gwa, the term being in common gender.
With Ego a female, they are also my nephew and niece, Noo-a'-ga, this term also
being in common gender. It thus appears that there are four different terms for
nephew, and as many for niece, the effect of which is to neutralize the first two
indicative relationships of the Ganowanian system. But the children of these
several nephews and nieces are each and all my grandchildren, thus bringing the
first collateral line into the lineal, as in the Indian system.
Third Indicative Feature Wanting. My father's brother is my uncle, Uk'-kd.
Fourth Indicative Feature Wanting. My father's brother's son and daughter,
Ego a male, are my cousins, ll-lung'-a, the term being in common gender. With
Ego a female, they are also my cousins, but a different term, ll-lo'-a, also in com-
mon gender, is employed.
Fifth Indicative Feature Neutralized. My father's sister is my aunt, At-clmg'-a.
Her children are my cousins, to whom the same terms are applied as in the last
case.
Sixth Indicative Feature Neutralized. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ang-
ug'-ga. His children are my cousins as before.
Seventh Indicative Feature Wanting. My mother's sister is my aunt, Ai-yug'-gd.
Eighth Indicative Feature Wanting. My mother's sister's son and daughter
are my cousins. Each being called, It-lung'-a, by the males, and ll-lo'-a by the
females.
Ninth Indicative Feature. My grandfather's brother and sister are my grand-
father and grandmother. In all of the preceding cases the correlative terms are
strictly applied, e. g., the one I call my nephew calls me uncle.
Tenth Indicative Feature. The children of these several cousins are my nephews
and nieces, and the terms are used as in the first collateral line, e. g.^ Ego a male,
I call the son of my male cousin Kung-e-a-ga, and with Ego a female, I call the son
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 277
of my female cousin, Noo-a'-ga. The children of these several collateral nephews
and nieces are without distinction my grandchildren.
As near as could be ascertained the same classification was applied to the mem-
bers of the third, fourth, and even more remote collateral lines ; but as it was found
extremely difficulty to follow the chain of relationship beyond the several branches
of the first and second collateral lines, the attempt was forborne.
The Greenland Eskimo system, as far as it is given, agrees with that of the
Eskimo of Baffin's Bay. The small amount of dialectical variation in the terms of
relationship will also be noticed.
It will also be seen that the marriage relationships are fully discriminated, and
that, in this respect the Eskimo is in general agreement with the Ganowanian form.
Thus, the wives of my several nephews are my daughters-in-law, Ookoo'-a'-ga ; and
the husbands of my several wives are my sons-in-law, Ning-a-ou'-gwa. In like
manner the wives of these several male cousins are my sisters-in-law, I-e'-ga ; and
the husbands of these several female cousins are my brothers-in-law, Oo-lcoo-d' -ga.
This term, it will be seen, is applied to a son-in-law as well. For the remaining
marriage relationships, the nomenclature is quite full, as will be found by consulting
the Table.
It thus appears that the Eskimo has but two, out of ten, of the indicative features
of the system of the Ganowanian family. As it is presented in the Table it is in
general agreement with the Ganowanian system in the fulness of its nomenclature,
in the- classification of brothers and sisters into elder or younger, and in the mer-
gence of the collateral lines in the lineal line, ascending and descending. It is also a
classificatory as distinguished from a descriptive system. But in the greater and
most important fundamental characteristics of this system it is wanting. The Es-
kimo form not only fails in the necessary requisites for the admission of this people,
upon the basis of their system of relationship, into the Ganowanian family, but
furnishes positive elements to justify their exclusion. The two systems may have
sprung remotely, but certainly not immediately, from the same source. After the
remaining Asiatic and Polynesian forms, to which attention will next be directed,
have been examined and compared, the correctness of this conclusion will be more
fully appreciated.
APPENDIX TO PART II,
SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOWiNIAN
FAMILY.
(279)
APPENDIX TO PART II.
GENEALOGICAL TABLE OP THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY. •
Family.
Class, or Stock
Language.
Sranch, or Group of
Dialects.
Nation, or Dialect.
-
1. Seneca,
2. Cayuga,
3. Onondaga,
HODENOSAUNIAN . •
IROQUOIS
4. Oneida,
5. Mohawk,
6. Tuscarora,
*l. Two Mountain Iroquois.
HUEON .... 8. Wyandote.
9. Dakota, Isauntie,
10. " Yankton,
11. " Yanktonais,
12. " Sisseton,
DAKOTA
13. " Ogalalla,
14. " Brule,
15. " TJncpapa,
16. " Blackfoot,
IT. Asiniboine.
' 18. Punka,
19. Omaha,
GANOWANIAN
DAKOTAN ....
MISSOURI . . . . ^
20. Iowa,
21. Otoe,
22. K&w,
23. Osage.
24. Winnebagoe.
(25. Mandan,
26. Minnitaree,
27. Upsaroka, or Crow.
28. Chocta,
29. Chickasa,
GULF
30. Creek,
31. Cherokee,
. 32. Mountain Cherokee.
PAWNIAN . . . { PRAIRIE . ( 33. Pawnee,
I 34. Anckaree.
35. Cree, Prairie,
36. " Woods.
ALOONKIN ...
GlCHIGAMIAN . . •
3t. " Lowlands,
38. Ojibwa,
39. Otawa,
40. Potawattaraie.
36 March, 1870. , QOJ \
282 APPENDIX.
GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY. — Continued.
Family.
Class, or Stock
Language.
Branch, or Group of
Dialects.
Nation, or Dialect.
•
• 41. Miami,
42. Peoria,
43. Piankeshaw,
44. Kaskaskia,
MISSISSIPPI . . . .
45. Weaw,
46. Sawk and Fox,
47. Menominee,
-
48. Shiyan,
ALOONKIN . . . .
49. Kikapoo,
. 50. Shawnee.
!51. Ahalmelin,
ROCKY MOUNTAIN . .
52. Blackfoot, Piegan,
53. " Blood.
54. Micmac,
55. Etchemin, or Malisete.
GANOWANIAN
ATLANTIC . . . . •
56. Mohegan,
57. Delaware,
.
. 58. Mnnsee.
' 59. Slave Lake Indians.
ATHAPASCO-
ATHAPASCAN . . . .
60. Hare Indians,
61. Red-Knives,
APACHE . . .
62. Kutchin, or Louchieux,
63. Tukuthe.
SALISH
( = '
[64. Spokane,
65. Okinaken.
SAHAPTIN . . .
66. Yakama.
_
67. Kootenay.
JiOOTENAY . .
~
YTJTE . . .
68. Utabs, Tabegwaches.
A ROM AN . . .
PUEBLO ....
69. Laguna.
TEZUKAN . . .
"
70. Tesuque.
__
"
71. Chontal (Tabasco).
_
«
72. Chibcha (New Grenada).
!73. Eskimo of Hudson's Bay,
TUNGUSIAN .
-
74. " of Greenland,
75. " of Baffin's Bay.
APPENDIX.
283
SCHEDULES OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY, WITH THE NAMES BY
WHICH THE SEVERAL NATIONS DESIGNATE THEMSELVES, AND THE NAMES OF THE PERSONS BY WHOM
THE SEVERAL SCHEDULES WERE PREPARED.
Indian Nations.
Names by which they call
themselves.
Persons by whom and Places where the Schedules
were filled.
1. SENECA.
2. CAYUGA.
3. ONONDAGA.
4. ONEIDA.
5. MOHAWK.
6. TUSCARORA.
7. Two MOUNTAIN
IROQUOIS.
8. WYANDOTE.
9. DAKOTA, ISAUN-
TIE.
10. DAKOTA, YANK-
TON.
Nun-da'-wa-o-no, "Great
Hill People."
Gwe-u'-gweh-o-no',
" People at the Mucky
Land."
O-nun'-da-ga-o-no',
"People on the Hills."
O-na'-yote-ka-o-no',
"Granite People."
Ga-ne-a'-ga-o-no', "Peo-
ple possessors of the
Flint."
Dus-ga'-o-weh-o-no',
"Shirt-wearing Peo-
ple."
(Mohawks and Oneidas.)
Wane-dote', "Calf of the
Leg." This name was
given to them by the
Iroquois, and adopted
'by them. It relates to
their manner of string-
ing buffalo-meat.
I-saun-tie'. They for-
merly lived at I-san-
tain-de, or Knife Lake.
Hence, probably, the
name, as Riggs con-
jectures.
Yank-ton', "Village at
the End." (Riggs.)
Lewis H. Morgan, at Tonawanda Indian Reserva-
tion, New York, December, 1858, with the assist-
ance of Miss Caroline G. Parker (Je-go'-sa-seh),
an educated Seneca woman.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Tonawanda, July, 1859, with
the assistance of a Cayuga woman, and Miss Par-
ker as interpreter.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Rochester, New York, October,
1859, with William Buck, an educated Onondaga.
1. Lewis H. Morgan, at Oneida Centre, New York,
May, 1860, with Jas. Christian, an Oneida Indian.
2. L. H. Morgan, at Albany, New York, February,
1861, with Henry Jordan, of St. Regis Reserva-
tion, half Oneida and half Mohawk.
1. Lewis H. Morgan, at Tonawanda, January, 1860,
with a Mohawk from Grand River, Canada West.
2. At Albany, February, 1861, with Henry Jordan.
1. Lewis H. Morgan, at Tonawanda, January, 1860,
with a Tuscarora woman, assisted by Isaac Doctor,
interpreter.
2. From Cornelius C. Cusick, of Tuscarora Reserva-
tion, a Tuscarora Indian, August, 1860. A partial
schedule.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Pomme de Terre, Minnesota,
July, 1861, with a Two Mountain Iroquois, then
returning from the Hudson's Bay territory.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Wyandote Reservation, Kan-
sas, June, 1859, with the assistance of Matthew R.
Walker and William Walker, educated half-blood
Wyandotes.
Rev. Stephen R. Riggs, Missionary of the American
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions,
made at the Dakota Indian Mission, Pajutaze,
Minnesota, March, 1859.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Rnlo Half-Breed Reservation,
Nebraska Territory, June, 1859, with the assist-
ance of a Yankton woman, and Charles Rulo as
interpreter.
284 APPENDIX.
•
SCHEDULES OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY. — Continued.
Indian Nations.
Names by which they call
themselves.
Persons by whom and Places where the Schedules
were filled.
11. DAKOTA, YANK-
TONAIS.
12. DAKOTA, SISSE-
TON.
13. DAKOTA, OGA-
LALLA.
14. DAKOTA, BRULE.
15. DAKOTA, UNC-
PAPA.
16. DAKOTA, BLACK-
FOOT.
IT. ASINIBOINE.
18. PUNKA.
19. OMAHA.
E-ank'-to-wan, "End
Village." (Riggs.)
Sis-se'-to-wan, " Village
of the Marsh."
(Riggs.)
O-ga-lal'-Ia, "Rovers,"
"Camp Movers."
Se-cha'-hoo, "Burnt
Thighs."
Unc-pa'-pa. Significa-
tion not obtained.
Se-a'-sa-pa, "Blackfoot
People."
Yase-ka'-pe, "Stone
People," from e-es-
ka'-pe, a stone. Asini-
boine is a translation
of this word into the
Cree language. At Sel-
kirk Settlement they
are now called "Sto-
nies" by the half-blood
Crees.
Pun-ka'. Signification
not obtained.
O-ma'-ha, "Up Stream
People."
Lewis H. Morgan, at Fort Abercrombie, Red River
of the North, July, 1861, with the aid of Louis Rou-
billard (Wa-she-cho'-hos-ka), a half-blood Yank-
tonais, and interpreter at the fort.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Fort Abercrombie, Red River
of the North, July, 1861, with the assistance of
Andrew Laravie (Na-peh'-so-ta, "Smutty Leaf"),
a Sisseton half-blood.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Rulo Half-Breed Reservation,
Nebraska Territory, June, 1860, with the aid of
Joseph Tesson, a French and Indian qaarter-blood
and trader. He was also a chief of the Shiyans.
Lewis H. Morgan, at St. Mary's, Missouri River,
Iowa, from Um-pa-twa-ah, a Brule woman, assisted
by George Deschoutte, a half-blood, her husband,
as interpreter.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Uncpapa Encampment, Fort
Pierre, Nebraska Territory, May, 1862, from A-ke'-
che-ta-hose'-ka (Long Soldier), an Uncpapa chief,
assisted by G. La Beauchamp as interpreter.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Blackfoot Dakota Encampment,
Fort Pierre, Nebraska Territory, May, 1862, from
Wa-hat'-zum-ga'-pe (Shield Bearer), a Blackfoot
Dakota warrior, assisted by same interpreter.
1. Lewis H. Morgan, at Fort Gerry, Selkirk Settle-
ment, near Lake Winnipeg, July, 1861, with the
aid of Ma-sa-ton'-ga (Iron Woman), an Asiniboine
woman, and James Bird as interpreter.
2. At Vermillion Bluffs, Upper Missouri, Dakota
Territory, June, 1862, from Ta-tan-go-ma'-ne, a
half-blood Asiniboine.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Niobrara River, Nebraska Ter-
ritory, May, 1862, from Wa-de-hah-'-ge, a Punka
warrior, assisted by Catharine Woodges, a Yank-
ton girl, acting as interpreter.
1. Rev. Charles Sturges, Missionary of the Presby-
terian Board of Missions, Omaha Mission, Black-
bird Hills, Nebraska Territory, June, 1860.
2. Lewis H. Morgan, at Omaha, Nebraska Terri-
tory, June, 1860, assisted by Moody Martin (Ah-
hiz'-ma-da, "Long Wing"), an intelligent young
Omaha, and Henry Fontenelle, an educated half-
blood Omaha.
APPENDIX. 285
SCHEDULES OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOWANIAN- FAMILY. — Continued.
Indian Nations.
Names by which they call
themselves.
Persons by whom and Places where the Schedules
were filled.
20. IOWA.
21. OTOE.
22. RAW.
23. OSAGE.
24. WlNNEBAGOE.
25. HAND AN.
26. MlNNITAREE.
27. CROW.
Pii-ho'-cha, " Dusty
Noses."
0-toe'. The original
name of the Otoes has
a vulgar signification.
They laid it aside and
adopted the name of
Otoe at the sugges-
tion of the early tra-
ders. It has no sig-
nification.
Kaw'-za. Signification
lost.
Ho-chun'-ga-ra. Signi-
fication not obtained.
The name Winnebagoe
was given them by the
Great Lake Nations,
and means " Scum
People."
Me-too'-ta-hiik, "South
Villagers."
E-nat'-za, "People who
come from afar. " Vul-
gar name, " Gros Ven-
tres of Missouri."
Ab-sar'-o-ka. Significa-
tion lost. They make
the sign of the crow
as their national sign,
but Ab-sar'-o-ka has
no relation either to
the crow or raven.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Iowa Reservation, Nebraska
Territory, June, 1859, with the assistance of Robert
D. White-Cloud (Wa-n'ye-me'-na), a son of White-
Cloud, the second Iowa chief of that name. Robert
is a man of fine natural abilities.
1. Rev. H. A. Guthrie, Missionary of the Presby-
terian Board of Missions, Otoe Mission, Kansas,
April, 1859. An incomplete schedule.
2. Lewis H. Morgan, at Rulo Half-breed Reserva-
tion, Nebraska Territory, June, 1859, from an Otoe
woman, the wife of M. Dupee, a French trapper,
Dupee acting as interpreter.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Topeka, Kansas, May, 1859,
from a Kaw chief, assisted by Joseph James (Gi'-
he-ga-zhin'-ga, " Little Chief"), a half-blood Kaw,
as interpreter.
P. E. Elder, Esq., United States Indian Agent for
the Osages, Neosho Agency, Fort Scott, Kansas,
May, 1862.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Washington, April, 1859, from
a delegation of Winnebagoes, assisted by General
Sylvanus B. Lowrey, of Minnesota, as interpreter.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Mandan Village, Upper Mis-
souri, June, 1862, with the aid of James Kipp
(Ma-to-e'-ka-rup-ta'-he, "Turning the Bell"), a
half-blood Mandan.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Minnitaree Village, Upper Mis-
souri, Dakota Territory, from Ma-ish' (Hoop Iron)
and A-rut-se-pish' (Beaver gnawing Wood), Min-
nitaree warriors, Jeffrey Smith interpreter.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Fort Union, mouth of the Yel-
lowstone, June, 1862, with the assistance of Robert
Meldrum, one of the chief traders of the American
Fur Company, and his wife, a Crow woman. Mel-
drum is a Scotchman, and has been a chief of the
Crows.
286 APPENDIX.
SCHEDULES OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY. — Continued.
Indian Nations.
28. CHOCTA.
29. CHOCTA.
30. CHICKASA.
31. CREEK.
32. CHEROKEE.
33. MOUNTAIN
CHEROKEE.
34. REPUBLICAN
PAWNEE.
35. GRAND PAWNEE.
36. ARICKAREE.
37. CREE OF THE
PRAIRIE.
38. CREE OF THE
WOODS.
Names by which they call
themselves.
Cha'-ta. Signification
lost. The name was
thus pronounced to me
by Rev. Cyrus Bying-
ton, who for forty years
has been a missionary
among the Choctaws.
Cha'-ta.
Not obtained.
Mus-co'-kee. Significa-
tion not obtained.
Tsa-lo'-kee,
People."
' Great
Kit'-ka.
lost.
Cha'-we.
lost.
Signification
Signification
Sa-nish, "The People."
Mus-ko-ta'-we-ne-wuk',
"People of the Prairie
or Plains." The three
divisions of the Crees
by which they now
distinguish themselves
are based upon differ-
ences of dialect rather
than geographical lo-
cation.
Na-he'-ah-wuk, "People
of the Woods."
Persons by whom and Places where the Schedules
were filled.
Rev. John Edwards, and Rev. Cyrus Byington, Mis-
sionaries of the Presbyterian Board of Missions,
Wheelock, Choctaw Nation, August, 1859, assisted
by Captain Joseph Dukes, a Choctaw.
Rev. Charles C. Copeland, Missionary of the Pres-
byterian Board of Missions, Bennington, Choctaw
Nation, May, 1859. Mr. Copeland has been a
missionary among this people for upwards of
twenty years.
Rev. Charles C. Copeland, above named.
Rev. R. M. Loughridge, Missionary of the Presby-
terian Board of Missions, Tallahasse Mission, Creek
Agency, west of Arkansas, January, 1860. Mr.
Loughridge has been a missionary for twenty years
among the Creeks.
Rev. C. C. Torrey, Missionary of the American Board
of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Park Hill,
Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation, May, I860.
Rev. Evan Jones, Missionary of the American Bap-
tist Board. Mr. Jones has been a missionary re-
siding with the Cherokces upwards of thirty years.
B. F. Lushbaugh, Esq., U. S. Indian Agent for the
Pawnees, Genoa, Nebraska Territory, April, 1863.
Lewis H. Morgan, at St. Mary's, Missouri River,
Iowa, with the assistance of Rev. S. S. Allis,
former Missionary of the American Board among
the Pawnees; and a Pawnee woman, May, 1862.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Arickaree Village, Upper Mis-
souri, June, 1862, assisted by Pierre Garrow, a
half-blood Arickaree.
1. Lewis H. Morgan, at Georgetown, Red River of
the North, July, 1861, with the assistance of Mrs.
A. H. Murray, of Peace River, Hudson's Bay Ter-
ritory, wife of A. H. Murray, Esq., one of the chief
factors of the Hudson's Bay Company, located at
Georgetown. Mrs. Murray is an educated quarter-
blood Cree.
2. Rev. E. A. Watkins, Devon, Siskachewun District,
Hudson's Bay Territory, July, 1862. A very com-
plete schedule.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Georgetown, Red River of the
North, July, 1861, with the assistance of E-she-
kwa (Little Girl), the wife of Mr. Ohlsori, a half-
blood Cree woman from Pembina Mountain.
APPENDIX. 287
SCHEDULES OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOW!NIAN FAMILY. — Continued.
Indian Nations.
Names by which they call
themselves.
Persons by whom and Places where the Schedules
wtre filled.
39. CKEE OF THE
LOWLANDS.
40. OJIBWA, LAKE
SUPERIOR.
41. OJIBWA, LAKE
MICHIGAN.
42. OJIBWA, LAKE
HURON.
43. OJIBWA, KAN-
SAS.
44. OTAWA.
45. POTAWATTAMIE.
46. MIAMI,
Mus-ka'-go-wuk, "Peo-
ple of the Lowlands."
The eastern Crees still
call themselves Ke-
nish-te'-no-wuk, which
means the same; hence
Kenistenaux, their first
name among the whites
O-jib'-wa-uk', O-je'-bik,
"Root" or "Stem of
Peoples ;" O-jib-wage'
and O-jib-wa-uk', Ojib-
was, or Chippewas ;
O-jib'-wa, an Ojibwa.
Hence "Original Peo-
ple," or" The People."
Same.
Same.
Same.
O-ta'-wa. Signification
not obtained.
Po-ta-wat'-a-me.
Me-a-me-a'-ga. Signi-
fication not obtained.
Wa-ya-ta-no'-ke, "Ed-
dying Water," was an
old name, of the Mia-
mis, and is still used
by them. They be-
lieve they sprang from
such a fountain.
1. Lewis H. Morgan, at Sault St. Mary, Lake Su-
perior, August, 1860, with the assistance of Mrs.
Moore, a half-blood Cree, of Moose Factory, Hud-
son's Bay Territory.
2. Lewis H. Morgan, at Fort Gerry, Selkirk Settle-
ment, August, 1861, with the assistance of Angus
McKay, a quarter-blood Cree, of Fort Gerry.
1. Lewis H. Morgan, at Marquette, Lake Superior,
July, 1858, with the assistance of William Came-
ron, a quarter-blood Ojibwa, and his wife. This
schedule was incomplete, but sufficiently full to
establish the identity of the Ojibwa system with
that of the Iroquois ; and it was this discovery
which determined the author to follow the inquiry.
2. Rev. Edward Jacker, Missionary of the Roman
Catholic Church, at Houghton, Lake Superior,
Michigan, May, 18<>0. This schedule was elabo-
rately and thoroughly completed.
Rev. P. Dougherty, Missionary of the Presbyterian
Board of Missions, at the Chippewa and Otawa
Mission, Grand Traverse Bay, Michigan, March,
1860.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Rochester, New York, March,
1860, with the assistance of Catharine B. Sutton
(Na-ne-ba'-we-kwa, "Standing Upright"), an intel-
ligent Ojibwa woman from Owen's Sound, Lake
Huron, Canada West.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Chippewa Reservation, Kansas,
May, 1860, with the aid of Clear Sky (Ash-ton-
kwit'), an Ojibwa chief, and his daughter, the wife
of William Turner; Turner acting as interpreter.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Otawa Reservation, Kansas,
May, 1859, from Mr. Mills, an Otawa, and his
family ; John T. Jones, an educated Potawattomie,
acting as interpreter. He speaks the Otawa flu-
ently.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Potawattamie Reservation,
Kansas, May, 1859, with the aid of J. N. Bura-
seau, an educated Potawattomie. I was not able
to perfect this schedule, from want of time.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Shawnee Reservation, Kansas,
May, 1860, with the assistance of Moses Silver-
Heels (Em-ba'-whe-ta), a Miami, and Friend Simon
D. Harvey as interpreter.
288 APPENDIX.
SCHEDULES OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY. — (Continued.
Indian Nations.
Names by which they call
themselves.
Persons by whom and Places where the Schedules
were filled.
47. PEORIA.
48. PlANKESHAW.
49. KASKASKIA.
50. WEAW.
51. SAWK AND Fox.
52. MENOMINE.
53. SHIYAN.
54. KICKAPOO.
55. SHAWNEE.
56. AH-AH-NE-LIN.
ARAPAHOE
THE SAME.
Pe-o'-ri-a. Signification
not obtained.
Pe-ank'-e-shaw. Signi-
fication not obtained.
Ka-ka'-ke-ah. Signifi-
cation not "obtained.
We-a-ta'-no. Significa-
tion not obtained.
Saw-kee, " Sprouting
Up," the name by
which the Sawks call
themselves. Mus-kwa'-
ka-uk, "Red Men,"
the Foxes call them-
selves. Fox is a nick-
name.
Not obtained. TheOjib-
was call them Me-no'-
me-ne-uk', "Rice Peo-
ple."
Is-ta', "Cut Arm." The
Dakotas call them Shi-
ya', "The people who
speak an unintelligible
tongue."
Not obtained. The Ota-
was call them Ke-ga-
boge', their own name,
probably, in the Otawa
language.
Sa-wan-wa'-kee, "South-
erners."
Ah-ah'-ne-lin. Signifi-
cation not obtained.
The vulgar name of
this people is "Gros
Ventrcs of the Prai-
rie."
Lewis H. Morgan, at Peoria Reservation, Kansas,
June, 1859, with the assistance of Battese Peoria.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Paoli, Kansas, May, 1860, from
Frank Valle (Ma-ko-sa-ta', "Red Sun"), a half-
blood Piankeshaw.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Paoli, Kansas, June, 1859, from
Luther Paschal, a half-blood Kaskaskia.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Paoli, Kansas, May, 1860, from
John Mitchel (Tek-ko-na', "Hard Knot"), a half-
blood Weaw.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Sawk and Fox Reservation,
Kansas, June, 1860, with the aid of Moh-wha'-ta
(Yelping Wolf), a Sawk woman, and Antoine
Gookie (Mok-kut'-up-pe, "Big-set"), a Menomine,
but government interpreter of the Sawks and
Foxes.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Sawk and Fox Reservation,
Kansas, June, 1860, from Louis Gookie (Noo-ne'e,
"Going Out"), and Antoine Gookie, educated Me-
nomines.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Rulo Half-breed Reservation,
Nebraska Territory, June, 1860, from Joseph Tes-
son, a quarter-blood Menomine. He lived eighteen
years among the Shiyans, spoke their language
fluently, became a chief, and had with him his
family of Shiyan children.
Paschal Fish, of Wa-ka-ru'-sha, Kansas, and Friend
Simon D. Harvey, formerly Superintendent of the
Friends' Manual Labor School, Kansas, and now
of Harveysburg, Ohio, November, 1861.
1. Friend Simon D. Harvey, Superintendent, &c., as
above stated, Shawnee Reservation, Kansas, March,
1859.
2. Lewis H. Morgan, at Shawnee, Kansas, June,
1859, assisted (Mr. Harvey being absent) by Mrs.
Chouteau and Mrs. Rogers, educated Shawnee
half-blood women. Friend Harvey's schedule was
thoroughly completed by him, and is the one used.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Judith River, near the Rocky
Mountains, June, 1862, from E-tha'-be, an Ah-ah'-
ne-lin woman, speaking Blackfoot, and Mrs. Alex-
ander Culbertson, a Blood Blackfoot woman, acting
as interpreter. Mrs. Culbertson speaks the English
language fluently.
APPENDIX. 289
SCHEDULES- OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY. — Continued.
Indian Nations.
57. PIEGAN BLACK-
FOOT.
58. BLOOD BLACK-
FOOT.
59. MICMAC.
60. ETCHEMIN, OR
MALISETE.
61. MOHEOAN.
62. DELAWARE.
63. MUNSEE.
64.
65.
SLAVE LAKE
INDIANS.
HARE INDIANS.
66. RED KNIVES.
67. KUTCHIN, OR
LOUCHIEUX.
Names by which they call
themselves.
Pe-kan'-ne, "Rich Peo-
ple." Sik-se-ka'(Black-
feet) is the name of
the Blackfeet proper.
They are the least of
the three bands.
Ki-na, " High-minded
People." They former-
ly called themselves
Ah-hi'-ta-pe, "Blood
People."
Not obtained.
Not obtained.
Mo-he'-kun-ne-uk, " Sea-
side People."
O-puh-nar'-ke, "People
of the East." Len-a'-
pe was their former
name, and is still used.
Mun-see'-wuk.
A-cha'-o-tin-ne, " Peo-
ple of the Lowlands."
Tii-na'-tin-ne. Signifi-
cation not obtained.
Tal-sote'-e-na,
Knife."
'Red
Ku-tchin'. Signification
not obtained.
37 March, 1870.
Persons by whom and Places where the Schedules
were filled.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Selkirk Settlement, Red River
of the North, August, 1861, from the wife and
daughter of J.ames Bird, Piegan Blackfoot women,
and James Bird, a half-blood Cree, as interpreter.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Fort Benton, in the Blackfoot
country at the foot of the Rocky Mountains, June,
1862, from Mrs. Alexander Culbertson (Na-to-is'-
chiks, "Medicine Snake"), above mentioned, as-
sisted by Alexander Culbertson, Esq., formerly chief
factor of the American Fur Company at Fort Ben-
ton.
Rev. Silas Tertius Rand, Missionary of the Micmac
Missionary Society of Nova Scotia. Hantsport,
Nova Scotia, June, 1860.
Rev. Silas Tertius Rand, above named, November,
1861.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Delaware Reservation, Kansas,
June, 1859, with the assistance of Benjamin Tou-
cey and sister, educated Mohegans.
1. William Adams, Delaware Reservation, Kansas,
January, 1860. William Adams is a young Dela-
ware, educated at the Delaware Mission in Kansas,
under the charge of Rev. John T. Pratt.
2. Lewis H. Morgan, at Delaware Reservation, Kan-
sas, June, 1859, with the aid of Lemuel R. Ketch-
nm (Wool-le-kun-num, "Light of the Sun"), a
Delaware.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Chippewa Reservation, Kansas,
June, 18CO, from Mrs. Haome Samuel (Mi-je-na-
oke, "Plain Looking"), a Munsee woman. She
spoke English fluently, as do all of the remaining
Munsees.
Robert Kennicott, Esq. , Fort Liard, Mackenzie River
District, Hudson's Bay Territory, March, 1860.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Red River Settlement, Hud-
son's Bay Territory, August, 1861, from Angeline
Irvin, a half-blood native resident at Fort Good
Hope, and James Bird, interpreter.
Lewis H. Morgan, at the Convent of St. Boniface,
Red River Settlement, Hudson's Bay Territory,
August, 1861, from two half-blood women of that
nation. ,
W. L. Herdesty, Esq., Fort Liard, Hudson's Bay
Territory, at the request of Bernard R. Ross, Esq.,
one of the chief factors of the company, Fort
Simpson, by whom it was forwarded to the author.
290 APPENDIX.
SCHEDULES or CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY. — Continued.
Indian Nations.
Names by which they call
themselves.
Persons by whom and Places where the Schedules
were filled.
68. TUKUTHE.
69. SPOKANE.
70. OKINAKEN.
11. YAKAMA.
72. KOOTENAT.
73. UTAHS.
74. LAGUNA.
75. TESUQUE.
76. CHONTAL.
77. CHIBCHA
78. ESKIMO, WEST
OF HUDSON'S
BAY.
79. ESKIMO, GREEN-
LAND.
80. ESKIMO, NORTH-
UMBERLAND IN-
LET, BAFFIN'S
BAY.
Sin-hu, " People wear-
ing Red Paint on their
Cheeks."
O-kan-a-kan. Significa-
tion not obtained.
Tabegwaches. Signifi-
cation not obtained.
In-nu'-it.
R. McDonald, Esq., Peel River Fort, Hudson's Bay
Territory, June, 1865, a factor of the company.
George Gibbs, Esq., of the Northwestern Boundary
Survey, Steilacoom, Washington Territory, No-
vember, 1860.
Lewis H. Morgan, at Red River Settlement, Hud-
son's Bay Territory, August, 1861, from Mrs. Ross,
an Okenakan woman from Washington Territory,
and her daughter.
George Gibbs, Esq., Steilacom, Washington Terri-
tory, July, 1860.
George Gibbs, Esq., July, 1860.
Robert Kennicott, Esq. , Washington, July, 1863, from
a delegation of Utahs at the seat of government.
Rev. Samuel Gorman, Missionary of Baptist Board,
Pueblo of Laguna, New Mexico, May, 1860.
Michael Steck, M. D., TJ. S. Indian Agent for the
Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, Santa Fe, March,
1865.
Guillermo Garcia, State of Tabasco, May, 1860. It
was procured at the instance of Don Augustin
Vilaseca, of the city of Tabasco.
E. TTricoechea, M. D., Ph. D., Bogota, New Grenada,
March, 1861.
James R. Clare, Esq., York Factory, Hudson's Bay
Territory, August, 1860, at the request of Prof.
Daniel Wilson, of University College, Toronto,
Canada West.
Samuel Kleinschmidt, Godlhaab, Greenland, August,
1862. Procured through Dr. Rink, Director-Gene-
ral of Greenland, and Hon. Bradford R. Wood,
U. S. Minister Resident at Copenhagen.
Lewis H. Morgan, at New York, November, 1862,
from E-pe-oke'-pe, an Eskimo from Northumber-
land Inlet, and Ta-ka-re'-tu, his wife, brought down
by Capt. C. F. Hall, the Arctic explorer, who as-
sisted in the work.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
291
SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY.
Family.
Classes.
Branches.
Natioiis or languages.
Persons by whom
schedules weie filled.
Pronoun my or mine.
Pronoun bis.
GANO-
WANIAN .
FAMILY.
ARCTIC
FAMILY.
DAKOTAN
STEM.
ALGOXKIN
STEM.
ATHAPASCO-
APACHE .
STEM.
SALISH STBM. <
SAHAPTIN "
KOOTENAY "
SHOSHONEB "
POEBLO "
( -
Hodc;nosau-
nian
Nations.
Dakota
Nations.
Missouri - .
Nations.
Upper
Missouri
Nations.
Gulf
Nations.
Prairie
Nations.
Lewis H. Morgan
t( (( (t
ft U tf
(( tl 11
tf ff ((
ti ff it
tt it it
tl ft ft
Rev. Stephen R. Riggs
Lewis H. Morgan
(( U tt
a ft ft
ft n tt
it tt tt .
tt 11 it
tt it tt
it tt it
it it it
Rev. Charles Sturges
Lewis H. Morgan
(i ft ««
it H it
P. E. Elder, Esq.
Lewis H. Morgan
It tt U
It It tl
U It tl
Rev. John Edwards
Rev. Ch. C. Copeland
n H ti
Rev. R. M. Longhridge
Rev. C. C. Torrey
Rev. Evan Jones.
B. F. Lushbaugh, Esq.
Lewis H. Morgan
ti H tt
tt H ti
tt H ii
it it n
Rev. Father Ed. Jacker
Rev. P. Dougherty
Lewis H. Morgan
ft ti n
tt it u
it n tt
It H It
it ti u
it ft tt
It U tt
U It tl
u ti tt
tt tt u
tt tt u
Paschal Fish
Simon D. Harvey
Lewis H. Morgan
U tt «t
it ft if
Rev. Silas T. Rand
(i <( (c
Lewis H. Morgan
n ti ti
tt ti ii
Robert Kennicott, Esq.
Lewis H. Morgan
it it it
W. L. Herdisty, Esq.
George Gibbs, Esq.
Lewis H. Morgan
George Gibbs, Esq.
<t it it
Robert Kennicott, Esq.
Rev. Samuel Gorman
Micbael Steck, M. D.
Guillermo Garcia.
E. Uricoechea, M. D. PhD.
James R. Clare, Esq.
Samuel Kleinschmidt
Lewis H. Morgan
Ah-ga-weh'
Ah-ga-wa'
E-gii'-wa
Ah-gwa-oh'-w
Ah-gwa-oh-wa'
Yo-ma'
Me-ta'-wa
Me-ta'
Me-ta'-sun-ka
Me-ta'-sun-ka
Me-ta'-wa
Me-ta'-wa
Me-ta'-wa
Me-ta'-wa
Me-ta'-wa
Wa-we'-ta
We-we'-ta
Men-ta'-weh
Me-ta'-weh
Be'-ta or we'-ta
We'-ta
Ha'-ra
Ma-wa'-ka
Mat-ta-mii-itz
Be'-bake
Um'-me
Um'-me
Um'-mo
A-gwa-tza'-re
Ko'-ta-te
Ko'-ta-te
Ko'-ta-te
Ne'-ya
Ne-la'
Ne-na'
Nin (ni-'n)
Ne or nin
Ne or nin
Nin
Neen
Ne-la'
Ne-la'
Ne-la'
Ne-la'
Ne-la'
Ne-U'
Neen
Na-na'-ne-tine
Na-tuts'
Ne-la'
Na-nis-ta'
Nis-to'
Nese-to'-ah
N'
Nee
Ne-a'
Nee-she-ta'
Nee
Sa-ne-sa'che
Se
En-te-&'
In-cha
Km-mi
Ka
Kho-in-tcha-ti-ka
Suffix Ga-ra-ka
Wmig'-a
Ho-weh'
Ho-wa'
Ho'-wa
La-oh'-h'
La-o'-ho
Ta'-wa
Ta'-wa
Ha-ta'-wa
Ha-tii'-wa
E-a'-ta-wuk
Ya-ta'-wa
Ne-ta'-wa
Ta'-wa
E-a-ta'-wa
A-tii'-wa
A-ta'-weh
He-ha-it-ta-wa-itz
E'-dii-duk
Im'-me
Im'-me
Im'-me
Oo-tza'-re
Koo'-tit
We'-yft
We'-la
We'-na
0
0 or ween
0 or ween
0 or ween
Ween
We-la'
We-la'
We-la'
We-la'
We-la'
We-la'
Weeu-na'
Wa-neh-o-tine
Ilis-ae'-otes
We-lS'
A-nis-ta'
Yu-tse-uau'
U'
Oo-ne
Oh
Naa
Nake'-ko-mS
A-ten'-ne
Hut sun
Et-te-a'-oos
Chili-milch
Penk
Um-ni-&
A-e
Ah'me-lang
2. Cayuga
8. Wyandote
10. Dakota: Yanktoii
13. Dakota: Ogalalla
14. Dakota: Brule
16. Dakota- Blackfoot
\ T8. Punka
19. Oinaha
20. Iowa
^2. Kaw
27. Crow
r 28 Chocta
29. Chocta
30. Chickasa
31 Creek
32 Cherokee
37 Cree * of the Prairie
Great Lake
Nations.
Mississippi
Nations.
Rocky
Mountain
Nations.
Atlantic-
38. Cree: of the Woods
39 Cree: of the Lowlands
44 Otawa
50 Weaw
: 56. Ah-ah'-ue-lin (Gros Ventres of Prairie)
58. Blood Blackfoot
Nations.
'
Athapascan
Nations.
[ - i
Eskimo
Nations.
62. Delaware
' 64. Slave Lake Indians, or A-cha'-o-tin-ne
65. Hare Indians, or Ta-na'-tin-ne
66. Red Knife, or Tal-sote'-e-nii
68. Tukuthe (Peel River)
F 69. Spokane
[ 70 Okinakan.
73. Utahs (Tabegwaches)
76. Chontal (Tabasco)
77. Chibcha, or Muyska (New Grenada).
[78. Eskimo (west of Hudson's Bay)
79. Eskimo (Greenland)
80. Eskimo (Northumberland Inlet)
NOTATION IN TABLE II.
VOWELS.
a as a in ale, mate,
a " " " art, father,
a " " " at, tank,
a " " " all, fall.
e as e in even, mete,
e " " " enter, met.
e has a nasal sound as the French en
in mien.
i as i in idea, mite.
i " " " it, pity.
o as o in over, go.
6 " " " otter, got.
u as u in use, mute,
u " oo " food.
CONSONANTS.
ch as ch in chin.
g hard as in go.
g soft as in gem.
h1 represents a deep sonant guttural.
h' represents a breathing sound of the
letter.
kw' represents the same.
n nasal as n in drink,
n' nasal pronounced with the tongue
pressing the roof of the mouth.
r pronounced with the tip of the tongue
touching the roof of the mouth.
s hissing sound of s.
' An apostrophe after a word denotes
an almost inaudible breathing
sound of the last letter.
1 An interrogation mark at the end of a
term implies a doubt of its correct-
ness.
' - A circumflex connecting two sylla-
bles indicates that the two are
pronounced quickly with .one effort
of the voice.
( 292)
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
293
TABLE II. — CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY or THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY.
Nations or languages.
1. My great grandfather's
father.
Translation.
2. My great grandfather's
mother.
Translation.
>
1. Seneca
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Hoc'-sote
My grandfather.
u n
u ct
tt u
tt it
it it
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
Oc'-sote
My grandmother.
( (t
t n
t if
t it
i tt
t u
< «
i ti
c ti
tt tt
tt It
tt tt
t tt
t u
t tt
t tt
I tl
i t
tl t
tl t
tl t
It I
11 t
tl (
11 I
It 11
tl It
11 tt
(( tt
tl tt
My grandparent.
My grandmother.
My mother.
ti it
My grandmother.
it tt
it tt
tt it
it u
ti ti
ti «
u n
t it
i it
i it
i 11
i u
u u
n tt
u tt
u tt
it ti
n u
it it
it it
it
it
it
tt
ti
it
it
tt
tt
it
u
It U
Hoc'-sote
3. Onondaga
Hoc-so'-da-ha
Lok-sote'-ha
Ah-sote'-ha
Ha-shu-tii'
Un-che'
10. Dakota- Yankton
Toon-kii' she-na
O-che'
Tun-kii'-she-lS, .
O-che'-la
To-ka'-she-lii....
Oh'-che
13. Dakota- Oalalla
Me-tonk'-ah
tt u
tt tt
It U
a tt
it tt
u a
tt u
tt u
it tt
tt tt
u u
tt It
ft ft
tt It
My old father.
My grandfather.
if tt
tt tt
tt tt
My grandparent.
My grandfather.
My father.
it it
My grandfather.
tt tt
tt tt
it u
tt tt
tt tt
tt a
if it
tt tt
u u
tt u
tt a
tt a
tt tt
tt tt
It 11
tt tt
tt u
tt II
It II
(( ft
ft 11
tt u
tt tt
ft II
U II
ft II
a »
it tt
U II
it tt
il «
li II
14. Dakota- Brule
Ton-ka'-she-la
Toon-ka'-zhe la
O-che'
16. Dakota- Blackfoot
Toh--ka'-she-la
O-che'
Me-to'-ga-she
18. Punka
Ta-ga'-ha
Ga-ha'
19. Omaha . ...
Wee'-ka
20. Iowa
E-tu'-ka
Hin-ku'-ne
22. Kaw
Be-che'-go
E-ko'
E-cho'-ka
25. Mandan
Ta-ta'-h-e-ha
Ma-toosh-a-ru'-ta-ka
Kil-ru' h&
27. Crow
Ba-sa'-ka-na
28. Chocta
Um-uli'-fo
29. Chocta
Um-u'-fo
30. Chickasa
31. Creek
E-ni-si
E-nl-sT
Ah-te'-is
Ah-te'-rii
A-te'-ra
3!j. Arickaree
37. Cree- of the Prairie
38. Cree- of the Woods
Ne-uio-shome'
39. Cree: of the Lowlands
40. Ojibwa* Lake Superior... .
42. Ojibwa: Lake Huron
43. Ojibwa* Kansas
48. Piankeshaw
Na-ma-sho-ma'
No-ko-ma' .
49 Kaskaskia
No-ko-ma'
50. Weaw
51. Sawk and Fox
No'-ko-ina
53. Shiyan
Nem-ma-soo'-ma-thS,
56. Ali-ah'-ne-lin(GrosVeutres of Prairie)
57. Piegan Blackfoot '
Na'-e-ba
Ne-ta'-ke-a-sa
58 Blnol Blackfoot
NU-ah-xs'
59. Micuiac
60. Etcht-min, or Malisete
N'-uiuke-sums'
63. Munsee
64. Slave Lake Indians or A-cha'-o-tin-ne
65. Hare Indians or Ta-nii'-tin-ne .. .. .'
Sa-tse'-a
Sa-tsun'
66 Red-Knife, or Tal-sote'-e-na
67. Kutchin, or Louchieux
Set-see'
Set-so'
68 Tukuthe (Peel River)
69. Spokane
E-tu'-ah
70. Okinakan
76. Chontal (Tabasco)
77. Chibcha (New Granada)
78. Eskimo: (West of Hudson's Bay) ..
79. Eskimo: (Greenland)
80. Eskimo: (Northumberland Inlet)...
294
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY A NIT A F FI N I T Y
TABLE II. — Continued.
3. My great grandfather.
Translation.
4. Jly great grandmother.
Translation.
5. My grandfather.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
•28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My grandfather.
ti u
it tf
it tt
tl (f
(t it
tt tl
tl 11
tl ti
tl tt
tl It
U I
tl t
u t
It t
tt t
It t
It I
ft tt
U tl
11 tl
u tt
tt tl
11 tt
It 11
U 11
My old father.
My grandfather.
It it
{( U
tt tl
My grandparent.
My grandfather.
My uncle.
it ti
My grand father.
ti <t
tt u
It It
11 11
11 tl
I tl
f tf
I It
1 tt
1 tt
1 tl
tl It
It U
ti tt
tt n
tt it
it it
It (f
tt (t
tt tt
it ti
u it
ti tt
it ti
it it
it u
it it
tl U
It 11
11 11
u tt
It It
U It
My gt. grandfather.
My grandfather.
My grandmother.
(t it
U tl
u u
It tt
It It
tt It
tt It
U It
tt It
It It
It tl
tl It
tl tl
11 tl
It It
It 11
tt 11
tl It
tt ft
tf ft
ff ft
ff tf
(t ff
U ff
f ff
t tf
t ft
t If
t ft
f ft
My grandparent.
My grandmother.
My grandparent,
tt tt
My grandmother.
11 tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
a f«
tt ft
ft tt
tt tt
t< tt
tt ft
ft ft
tt a
tt ff
it <t
t tt
t u
t ti
t 11
t ii
i tt
i it
ti tt
It U
It tl
tt It
ft tf
If fl
f ff
f tl
f ft
f tt
1 tt
It tt
My gt. grandfather.
My grandfather.
Jry grandfather.
(i tt
'< ff
( ft
f ff
t ft
i ff
t t
f f
f f
1 1
ff f
ft f
ft |
t 1
f 1
f f
f f
t t
11 t
11 1
ff f
ft f
If 1
If ff
It »
My old father.
My grain 1 fat her.
(t tt
tt tt
tt tt
My grandparent.
My gran«l;ather.
t it
t tt
< (t
i (t
t it
t it
f tt
f it
ft
t it
t tt
t ft
i tt
t t
tt t
tt <
tt (
tt t
<t *
tt t
it t
tt t
u i
it t
K t
(t t
t< t
(t (
tt t
u ft
a ti
it tt
a ft
ti tt
tt (t
ft tt
u tf
tf ft
u tt
My grandparent.
My grandfather.
ii tt
tt tt
tf ti
it n
u u
Oc.'-sote
Hoc'-sote
Hoc-so'-da-lia
Oc-so'-da-ha
Lok-sote' ha
Lake-sole'
Ahk-ra'-sote
Ahk'-sote
Lok-sote'-ha
Ak-sffte'-ha
Ha-shu-ta'
Toon-ka'-she-na
O-che' .
Tun-kii '-she-la
O-che'-la
Tun-kii-she-la ...'.
Oh'-che
To-ka'-^he-la
Oo-che'
T6n-ka'-she-l&
TOn-ka'-she-la
0-ch«'
Toon-ka'-zhe-la
Toll '-ka'-she-la
0-che'
Toh'-ka'-shc-la
Ga-ha'
Ta-ga'-ha
Wee-te'-ga
Wee'-ka
E-tu'-ka
Hin-ku'-ne
E-tu'-ka
E-ko'
E-che'
E-cho'-ka
E-cho'-ka
Nah-'-he-a
Ta-ta'-h*e-ha ....
Ka-rii'-ha
Ma-toosh-a-ru'-ta-ka
Um uh'-fo
Um-ti'-fo
Cha-pu-cha'
E-ni-sI
E-ni-sT....
Ah-te'-ka
Ah-te'-put
Ah-te'-ka
Na-ma'-sho
Nam-a-shim'
Nem-ma-soo'-ma-tha
Na'-e-ba
Ne-ah-'-sa
Ne-ta'-ke-a'-sa
Na-ah-xs'
Nflk'-mus
Na nia-ho-mis'
Sa-tse'-a
Sa-tsun'
Sa-tse'-a
Sa-ta'-cliock
Set-see'.
Set-<*o'
Set-see'
Set-see
Is-see'-la (G. F. mo. side)
Na-ta'-laa " " "
In-chau'-wa (G. M. male
[speaking)
Na-kaht'-las
/
Ah-ta-t&-tcha-wa
E-tft'-ah
E-tu'-ah
:OF THE HUMAN-FAMILY.
295
TABLE II. — Continued.
6. My grandmother
Translation.
7. My father.
Traoslation.
8. My Mother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
2G
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
4.3
44
45
4G
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
5G
67
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
GG
G7
68
G9
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My grandmother.
« It
It It
it ft
it tt
It it
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft tf
tt tt
tf tt
tt tl
tt tt
It tl
tt tf
It tt
tt It
tl tl
It tf
It It
tt tl
tl tt
tl tl
It tt
ft 11
It If
tl It
If It
• II II
tt It
It tl
It 11
My grandparent.
My grandmother.
it n
it ti
it ti
it u
ft tt
it tt
ti tt
11 it
tt n
it n
ti it
tt ti
it u
it ti
ti it
11 If
11 ft
11 11
11 11
tl li
It U
u ft
tl tt
tl fl
tt 11
ft It
tf tl
11 U
It ft
If tf
It tt
11 It
fl If
II tl
tt It
It tl
My grandparent.
My grandmother.
it u
it u
it it
it it
it ti
tt u
Ha'-nih
My father.
it (t
tt it
tt tt
tt u
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
— « u
tt tt
tt tt
it ti
ti u
tt tt
tt tt
tt ti
ti tt
ti tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
u it
it t
tt t
tt t
it t
it t
tt t
tt t
it t
tt t
tt t
it t
ti t
tt i
tt t
tt t
it t
it
tt
n
ti
it
ti
ti
it
ti
ti
ti
it
it
it
it
u
tt
tt
it
t
it
tt
it
it
it
it
ti
ti
u
tt
tt
tt,
it
tt
ti
ti u
My mother.
*t «
tt ti
tt tt
tt tt
u u
ti it
ti ti
u it
ti tt
tt it
it it
tt it
it tt
it tt
n tt
u it
tt tt
it tt
u 11
ti it
ft ti
ti u
ti 11
it it
tt n
it i
it t
tt t
u i
it t
it t
it t
tt it
tt tt
it it
it u
ti tt
tt tt
It tt
tt tl
it it
tt it
tl tl
tl u
U it
It tt
tt li
U tl
u It
tt tl
tl n
it tl
tl ti
it it
ft tt
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
it ti
tt tt
ti tt
it it
tt it
u u
fl fl
It It
It It
it It
It tt
tt I
tl t
It t
It t
tt I
It I
It I
tl I
11 U
tl U
(V-sote
Ha'-uih
Kno'-ha
Oc-so'-dii-ha
Alik-sote'-hi .
Alik-sote'
Ahk-re'-ah
Oh'-na,
Ak-sote'-ha
Hi-ese'-ta
Ah-ua'-uh .
At-tay' .
E-uah'
0-che'
Ah-ta'
E;-nah .
O-che'-la
Ah-ta'
E'-nah
Oh'-che
Ah-ta'
En'-na
Ah-ta' :...~
E'-nah
Ah-la'
E'-nah
0-che'
Ah-ta'
E'-nah
0-clie'
Ah-ta'
E'-nah
O-ga'-she
Ah-da'
E-nah'
Gii-lia'
Ta-de'-ha. " Wa-we-ta...
Na'-ha
Wee'-ka
Hin-ku'-ne..
llin'-ka
He'-nah
E-ko'
E-da'-je
E'-naw
K-che'
In-tii'-che
Cha-je'-ka. b E-uu'-cha. .
NiL-ne'-ka. b E-oo-ne'....
Na-a'
Nah-'-he-a
Ka-ru'-ha
Ta-ta'.
Ih'-ka
Bii-sa'-ka-na
Ah-lra'
E'-ke-a
A'-kl
Ush'-kl
Up-pok'-nT
A'-ki
Ush'-ki
Ilap-pu'-sl
Lush'-k!
Clmhl'-ke .
Chutch'-ke
E-nl-sI
E-daji-da'
E-tsT'
Ab-te'-ka
Ah-teMs
Ah-te'-ra ... .
Ali-te'-kii
A-te'-rS,
Ah-te'-ka
Ah te'-ah
At-na/
Noh*-kome'
N'-ga'-we
No-kome'
Noh'-ta'-we
2»!'_(Ta/-wa
No'-ko-mis
No'-sa
No-ko'-mis
No-ko-mis'
^e-ga-slia' •
No-ko-mis'
N'-trph'
No-sa'
No-slL'
No-sii'
N&-ke~a'
Noh'-neh
Na-vish'-kim
Na-o'-a
Na'-ko
No-ko-ma-some-tha'
No-tha'
N!-ke~a/
No-kome-tha'
No-tha'
Na-e'-ba,
Na' na
Ne-ta-ke-a'-sa
Nin
Nu-ga'-mich
Much
N'-keech'
Noh-
N'-cmk'
Noh-'-h'
N V
Sa-tii'
En'-de
Sa-ta'
Set-sa'-na
A-na'
Set-soon... [chee-a'-a(f.s.)
In-kah'-na(m.a.),In-tchit-
E-stum-te'-ma (fem.sp.)..
Na-ah'las
Tth-yan..[mes'-tum(f.s.)
En-le-a'-u (m. s.), En-ne-
Nu-han [(f.s.)
E-sko'-i (m. s.) En-tome'
Na-too'-tas. b Pe-shit' ...
Kii-ta'-to (m. 8.), Ka'-to
Mu'-an-e [(f 8 )
Na-eet'-las. b Pe-chagh .
Ka-pii-pa
Pe-an-e. b Pe'-at-sin
Ni'-ya
Pa'-pii-kee-yon'
Nish'-te-S.
Ku-na-schu-peen
No-vi-sen-do. b Ta-ra....
Pii'-ba,
Ga-u-i'-a
A-na-na-tcha ya
Ah*-ta-ta-ka
a A-ta-ta-ga. bAug-u-ti-ga
• Ah-ta'-ta. b Aug'-o-ta..
a An-a-na-ga. b Ar-na-ra
Ah-ua'-uSi
Ning-e-o'-wa
296
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
9. My son.
Translation.
10. My daughter.
Translation.
11, My grandson.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My son.
(t u
it tt
ti tf
u it
My cbild.
My sou.
u tt
i tc
f «
( it
i it
t ft
it it
ft t*
ti tt
ti tt
tt it
tt tt
tt ti
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
ti I
It I
It t
ti t
it t
tt i
tt ti
it ti
My child.
ti a
tt ti
tt ti
n tt
My son.
ft ti
tt it
ti ti
tt tt
it ti
a it
tt it
tt ti
tt tt
it ti
it tt
it tt
t ti
t ti
t tt
t tt
t tt
tt tt
it it
u ti
tt it
it it
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt it
tt tt
it it
it tt
ft tt
tt ti
t tt
i ft
t it
t it
t tt
t tt
it u
tt u
My child.
My sou.
tt n
u n
My daughter.
« u
(C it
tl tt
tt it
My child.
My daughter.
U tt
tt It
It tt
tl tl
tt tt
tt tt
tl tl
tl tt
11 tl
t It
t It
t It
t tl
1 tt
My girl.
My daughter.
U ((
It It
11 It
it it
tt tl
ti it
tt it
it tl
My child.
it tl
tl It
li It
11 11
My daughter.
(t u
< t
( £
( I
( I
t I
tl t
It t
tl t
It I
it I
It t
1 t
I t
I I
I t
I t
I I
t i
1 t
It t
tl I
U It
tt It
tt tl
It tl
t tl
i tl
t It
I U
t 11
1 tl
1 tt
It tl
It 11
11 tl
It tl
it tl
tl 11
My child.
My daughter.
My daughter.
u tt
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
U If
it it
tl it
ti a
My grandchild.
My grandson.
tt tt
My grandchild,
ti it
tt (t
tt it
ti tt
ii n
ti tt
it it
it U
n n
it tt
My grandson.
it tf
My grandchild,
tt tt
My grandson.
My grandchild,
ti it
tt tt
My grandson.
it ti
K it
My grandchild,
it tf
My grandson.
My grandchild,
ti ti
tt tf
t if
i it
t if
f it
i (f
1 it
f t
f f
tf f
ft 1
ft f
ft ft
ft tf
ff ft
ft ff
ft ft
tt f
ff f
f i
f t
f f
f II
f ft
t ft
f ft
f ft
f ft
t ff
My grandson.
u ti
My grandchild.
My grandson.
My grandchild,
tt u
f< tt
<f ti
My grandson.
My »randchild.
ti fi
ti tt
tt tt
tt ft
ft tt
Ha-ha'-wuk
Ka-ha'-wuk
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-ha
Le-ya'-dla-ah
E-ya'
Ka-ya/.
E-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-no-na
Le-ya'-ah
Ka-ya'-ha
E-ne-ah'.
Ha-tra'-ah
Me-ta/-ko-zha.
Me-chink'-she
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-chunk'-sha .
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-chink'-se-la
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-za
Nis-se'-ha...[zhin-go (f.sp.)
We-nls'-se .... (m. ep.), we-
We-tush'-pa .. . .
E-ta'-kwa
E-neke' [ka (f. sp.)
E-uook'
Me-ne'-ka (m. sp.), Ko-ne'-
Ma-de-sha'
Me-no'-ha-ka
P-ta-we'-ha-ka . .
Mii'-ka
Bus-ba/-pe-ta
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Su'-soh . [hiis'-wa (f. s.)
Chup-pii'-che (m.s.),Chuch-
Chus-hus'-te(m. s.),Chuch-
A-gwae-tsi'.. [hus'-wii(f.sO
An-gi-li-si .
Pe'-row
Lak-t^'-cish
Pe-row b Tik'-is
Pe'-row
Pe'-row. b Na-te-na'-o
Na-ii-ne-tisli'-a. b At-nuch'
N'-da'-nis
N'-da'-nis
N'-koo'-sis
NJ~da'-nis ..
No-she'-sha
N'-da-niss' .
N'-cwis'...
N'-da'-niss
Nin-da'-na
N°~ ' " '
Nin-da'-na .
N ' '
N'-da'-na
N'-da'-na
Na-ta'-niss
No-she-sS/
Na
Na-tun'
Nii-h'-ka/
Nl kwS-tha'
Nl-ta-na-tha' .
Ne-kwe-tha'
Ni-ta-na-tha'
No stha-tha'
Na'-ha
Na-ta'-na
Noh*'-ko
Ne-tan'-a
Nolr-ko'-a
Ne-tau'-a
N'-kwis'
N>_Ute/
N" * } '
N'-koos'
N'-toos'
N'-da-nuss'
Su-chu'-ab (m. sp.), Sa-ya'
Sa-ya'-za ...[ze (f.sp.)
Sa-tu'-ah (m. s.),Sa-ya'-dze
Sa-to'-a [(f. sp.)
Sa-t'-hu'-a (m.sp.), Sa-chii'-
Se-ya'-za [(f- sp.)
Sa-le'-a
Sa'-tin-ge (m. 8P*)> Sa-zoo'
Set-een-ge (m.s.), See-zi-ou
Is-kwoos-sa [(f. s.)
Sa-che (m.), Sa-ya-tse' (f.)
Seet-shere(in.)See-ya-tse(f.)
Is-tum-che-alt. b Is-shoo-te-
Sa-chi'
Seet-she (m.), Seet-shai (f.)
Is-hah'-p.i (sou's s.),Is-see'-
Ks,>-in-e'-malt....[la (d.'ss.)
En-iniriht. blsht(byf.), Pap
Pa-chiu'
Sa-mak'
Sa na'-na [sin (f s )
No-vi-a
Chib-i. b Cbu-ba
Chibi. b Chub-a
Chii'-ne
E-noo ta-ka
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
297
TABLE II. — Continued.
12 My granddaughter.
Translation.
13. My great grandson.
Translation.
14. My great granddaughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
IS
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
50
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka ya'-da
My gd. daughter.
ti tt
(f 11
11 U
tt 11
My grandchild.
My gd. daughter.
K u
My grandchild.
u u
(( ft
ft u
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
u tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
My gd. daughter.
tt a
My grandchild.
it «
My gd. daughter.
My grandchild.
it a
ti tt
My gd. daughter.
tt a
it tt
My grandchild.
it (t
(( U
My gd. daughter.
My grandchild.
t« «
(t t(
it <t
« a
it tt
tt tt
tt n
u it
i tt
i it
t it
t it
t n
t it
tt tt
u a
tt it
tt tt
It H
tt, U
tt It
I t
t t
t t
I t
t t
tt tt
tt tt
tt tl
My gd. daughter.
(t ft
My grandchild.
» tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it it
n it
My gd. daughter,
d a
My grandchild.
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
it tt
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
u tt
(( tl
It tt
tt It
My grandchild.
My grandson.
<t d
My grandchild.
tt it
it it
tt it
U It
tt It
tl It
tl tt
It tt
U It
tl It
My grandson,
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
tt it
it it
My grandson.
tt n
n it
My grandchild.
U (t
f( tt
My nephew.
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
t tt
t n
i tt
t u
t n
u tt
u tt
it it
u it
it t
it i
t t
t t
i t
i tt
( tt
t tt
t tt
u tt
tt tt
u tt
tt t
it t
tt t
tt t
« i
My grandson.
ti «t
My grandchild,
tt tt
(f U
My gt. grandchild.
My son.
My third child.
My gt. gd. child...
My grandchild.
Ka-ya/-da
My gd. daught.
ti tt
ft tt
tt tf
«t tt
My grandchild.
My gd. daught.
ti t»
My grandchild,
tt it
tt tt
ft tt
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My gd. daught.
tt tf
My grandchild,
ti tt
My gd. daught.
My grandchild.
tt tt
ft ft
My gd. daught.
it tt
tt ft
My grandchild.
it it
My niece.
f< tt
My grandchild.
tt it
tt tt
ti it
tt it
ft ti
ft it
d ft
tf tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft it
it tt
ti it
i tt
t ti
i t
t t
t t
t t
t i
i ti
i it
t ti
i it
t it
t it
t ti
My gd. danght.
ii it
My grandchild,
tt ft
tt tt
My gt. gd. child.
My daughter.
My third child.
My gt. gd. child.
My grandchild.
Ka-ya'-dra
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-yil'-da
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka ya'-ra .
Ka-va'-ra
Ka ya-ta-ra'-yS,
Ya-tra'-ah
Ha-tra'-ah
Me tli'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko zha
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta' ko-zha
Me ta'-ko-zha
Me ta'-ko-za
*Me-ta' ko-za
Me-ta'-ko sa
Too-;h' pii-ha
Toosh'-pa-ha
Toosb' pa-ha
Wee-tiish'-pa
Heen-ta'-kwa-me
E-tii'-kwa,
Be-chose'-pii
E-choon-zhunk'
E-chooush'-ka
P-Ui-we'-ha-ka
P-ta-we'-ha-ka ..
P ta we' ha-ka
Bus-ba'-pe-ta
Sup'-uk
Sa/ pok
Sup'-pok-nak'-nT
Uu-gl-lT-si
Lak-te'-CTee
Te'-wut
Lak-te'-kis
Ah-te'-wnt
Na-ra-ne-tish'-a
No-se sera7
No-se sem'
Mo-se-sim'
No-se-sem'
No-se-sem/
No-zhi'-she
No-zhT'-she
No-zhl'-she
No-she'-sha
No-she-sha'
No-she-shS.'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-sa-seh'
No-tia-seh'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-nia'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-ma
V /
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-mii'
No-sa-ma'
No-she-sem'
No-she-sem'
No-she-sa'
Na-lr-ka'
Na-h'-ka'
Na-se-tha'-ma
Na-se-tha'-ma
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha'
Nee'-sa
Nee so'-tan
XT / *
Nee-so'-tan
Nti-jcech' .
w« . ' , ,
N'-kway'-nus
Na-lrise'
Na-h'ise'
Noh'-whese'
Nain-no-whase'
Nain-no-whase' .
Sa-t'-thu'-a (m. s.), Sa-cha'
Sa-to-a'-ba [(f. sp.)
Sa-t'-thu'-a(ui. B.),Sa-cha'.
Sa-ken'-ne [(f s )
Sa-t'-thu'-a (m. s.), Sa-cha'
Sa-le-zet'-tha-re
Se-ya-zet'-tha-re...
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Seet-she
Seet-she (m.), Sect shai (f.)
Ese-in-e'-malt
Seet-she (m.), seet-shai (f;)
In-chau'-wa (dan. of son),
[In-chit-che-a (dau. of d.)
Ese-in-e'-malt
Na-poos'-as (m. sp.), Na-a-
Ka pa'-pa [la (f. s.)
To-gxU'-sin
Kin-iit-sin (m. s.), Nhit-sit-
Sa-pa'-pa siii (f. s.)
Sani-uiat7
Sa-ui3-k'
Er-nu tae-ki-u-ti-ga
Chii'-ne
Er-nn-ta ra
33
298
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
IS. My great grandson's son.
Translation.
16. My great grandson's
daughter.
Translation.
17. My elder brother.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
]2
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
tt u
If (t
tt ff
ff tt
My grandchild.
My grandson.
ft n
My grandchild.
K tt
ft ft
ti tt
it u
u <(
(t tt
tl 1C
(t tt
tt tl
tt tt
My grandson.
t« t<
My grandchild.
tt (*
My grandson.
My grandchild.
it tt
ft If
My grandson.
K it
tt tt
My grandchild.
a tt
ft (f
My child.
tt ti
My grandchild,
it it
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt t*
t< <(
tt tt
tt U
tt tt
t tt
t tt
t U
f «
f tt
It It
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
U tt
tl It
tt (f
tt if
if tf
tf ft
tf tf
ff tf
My grandson.
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My gt.gt.grandchild.
My grandchild.
Ka-ya'-da
My granddaughter.
it tt
ft ft
ft tt
tt ft
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
ft a
My grandchild.
tt tt
ft ft
*t ft
tt tt
tf K
t tt
t ft
t it
t u
t tt
My granddaughter.
ft ft
My grandchild,
tt tt
My granddaughter.
My grandchild,
tt tt
tt ft
My granddaughter.
tt tt
tt K
My grandchild,
tt tt
tt tt
My child.
ff tf
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt tt
tf tt
ft tt
if fC
ff tt
ff CC
U tt
It U
tl tt
tt It
It It
It U
It It
tt u
u tt
tl tl
1 tl
t tl
t It
t It
I It
1 It
1 It
t It
I 11
t tt
My granddaughter,
it ft
My grandchild,
tt tt
My gt. gt. gd. child.
My grandchild.
Ha'-je
My elder brother.
K tt tt
ft tt tt
tf tt (t
tt t tt
t t t
f f i
t t t
t t t
i f t
f C f
ft t tf
f f ff
f f ft
f f tt
f f tf
( I f(
ff f tf
ff f ft
ff ( ff
ff f ff
tf f ft
ft f ff
ft ff ff
tt ff t
f ff I
I It t
t It I
f ff f
f ff f f
ff ff ff
ff tf (f
tf ff ff
My brother.
ft it
My l>ro. (oldest).
My elder brother.
ft ft U
ft tt ft
< a n
i ii ff
t tt tt
t ti t
t tf t
• tf t
t tt t
f a f
t ft tf
t tt f
f ff t
t t t
t f t
t t f
t t t
f t t
ft t
t t t
t t t
t t t
f t t
f f f
t ft t
t ft f
t ft t
t u t
f ft t
t ft t
t ft (
t (f t
i tt t
t ft t
t it (
t ft f
t ft i
tt tt tt
tt tt it
n it tt
tt ft ft
ft tt ft
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Lak-je'-ha
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Lak-je'-ha
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-ya'-ra
Ahk-ra'-je
Le-ya-ta-ra'-ya
Ka-tra'-ah
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko zha
Chin-vav' .,
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Che-a'
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko zha
Che'-a
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Che'-a
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Che'-a
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Cbe'-a
Che-a'
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Toosh'-pa-ha
Zhin-da'-ha
Wee-tftsh'-pa
Wee-tush'-pa
Wee-zhe'-tha .
E-ta'-kwa
Hee-ye'-na
We-chose'-pa
We-she'-la
E-choon-zhunk'
E_ne/
P-ta-we'-ha-ka
Moo'-ka
Mee-a-ka'
Sup'-uk
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Au-tik'-ba
Chu-hla-ha
Un-gi-H-sI. .
Pe'-row
E-da'-deh .
Na-te-na'-o
Na-te-na'-o
A-dii'-de
No-se-setii'
No-se-sim'
No-she'-sha
Nl-sa-ya'
N'-sa'-ya
No-sa-seh'
No-sa-seh'
N'-seh-sii'
No-8a-ma'
No-sa-ina/
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-ma
Ne-sa-za'
No-sa-mii'
Na-na'
Na-h'-ka'
Na-h'-ka'
Na-ne'-a
Na-se-tha'-ma
Ni-tha-tha'
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha'
N'-tha-tha/
Na'-tha-ha
Nee-so'-tan
Nis'-sa
Nii-jeech'
N'-kway'-nus
Na-h-ise'
Na-hMse'
Nolr-whese'
Sa-t'-thu'-a(m.s.),Sa-cha'
Sa-ken'-ne [(f. s.)
Sa-t'-th u '-a (m. s . ) , Sa-cha
Sa-to7a'-ba [(f.s.)
Sa-y a-zet'-tha-re
Sii na'-aa
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Seet-she(m.),Seet-shai(f.)
Seet-she(m.) Seet-shai(f.)
En-kats'-tch'
Nit-ai'-yas. b Piap
Ka-tat'
P;i-veu'. b Pa-vet-sin....
Silt-turn'
Eng'-o-ta
Eng'-o-ta
No- vi-pa-ra
Gi'-a
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
299
TABLE II. — Continued.
18. My elder brother.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
19. My elder sister.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
20. My elder e<L-ter.
(Female bpeakinjj.)
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
07
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
bO
Ha' je
My elder brother.
U It 11
It It It
It tl tt
tt tt tt
It It tt
tt U tt
it it tt
It tt tt
tt tl tt
it tl ll
tt it it
tl it ll
it tl tl
It ll tt
it ll tl
tl ll tl
it tt tl
ll ll it
It ll ll
ll tt ll
tl tl tl
ll tl tl
ll tt ll
it tl tl
tt it it
it ll ll
tl it tl
tl it it
tl IS tt
tl 11 It
It ll ll
ll It tt
My brother.
My brother (oldest)
« ti u
My elder brother.
tt ii it
ti tt it
it it ti
it it tt
tl It IS
It It ft
ll ll U
n n it
it it ti
ti it it
ti ti ti
u ti t
u it t
ti ti t
ti tt t
ti tt t
tt tt t
U ll t
tl ll tt
It tl ll
It It ll
tt ll ll
ll It ll
ll ll It
tl ll It
tl It It
tl ll It
tl ll ll
ll It ll
It ll tt
tt It tl
tl It ll
11 ll tt
tl It ll
tl ll tl
11 ll ll
tt tt ll
It ll tt
It It ll
tt ll tt
It f( ((
Ah'-je
My elder sister.
« a u
ii ti ii
u n tt
ii ii ii
ii u u
u it it
n n it
tt ti u
n tt it
u ti it
ll U It
Ah'-je
My elder sister.
1* tt K
it i ii
it i it
U I U
ll I ll
tt t tl
It ll ll
ll 11 11
It It ll
tl It U
ll ll tt
if tt (t
tt tf tt
ll tl It
ll I ll
It I It
ll 1 tl
ll I ll
ll I It
tl t ll
ll I ll
ll 1 tl
ll I ll
ll I ll
It 1 tl
tl 1 tt
tt I It
tt 1 tt
tl I ll
ll I ll
It t ll
ll t ll
My sister.
ti t(
U II
My elder sister.
ti ti u
n ii ii
ti u it
ll I H
tl I ll
tl I ll
ll I t
ll I I
ll I I
tt I I
ll tt I
H ll I
ll It I
ll tl I
It t I
ll I I
ll I I
It I I
tt I I
It ll t
It ll I
ll tl t
H It
tt 11
ll ll
It tt
11 tl
tl tl
ll ll
ll ll
It ll
ll tl
ll ll
ll U
ll tl
ti ((
ft (t ll
tl ll ll
ll tl ll
It tl ll
Uh-je'-ah
Uh-je'-ah
Uh-je'-ah
Liik-je' ha
Ahk-je'-ha
4hk-je'-ha
Ahk-je'-ha
Ahk-ra'-j«
Ahk'-je
Ahk'-je
Ak-je'-ya
Te-mdo' .
Tan-kay'
Ton-ka'
Chu-ih'
Tib'-e-do
Tib'-a-do
Tiin'-ka
TW-a-lo . . .
Ta-ka'
ti it ti
ti ti ti
u u it
ii it ti
it ti it
ti it it
it it it
tt ti ii
tt it it
ii ii it
ti ti t
it u i
ii n t
u it t
tt it t
it it ii
ii it tt
ti it it
it n u
ti ti it
ll ll tl
My sister.
ll if
it it
My elder sister,
(i tt it
ii n ii
ii ii ti
ti ii u
U ll It
U It It
tl tl It
ll It tl
tl ll U
tl tt It
ll t ll
It t tl
tl t ll
ll 1 H
ll I ll
tt I 11
tl I ll
tl t tl
ll I ll
tl I U
It I It
tl I ll
ll t it
tt t tl
ll I It
ll 1 tt
ll I ll
It t ll
It 1 tl
11 t tt
tl I It
ll t tl
tl I ll
It t It
tl ll 11
tt ll It
ll It It
U tt I
11 ll t
ll 11 I
ll ll I
tl tl I
tt ll t
Tib-a-lo'
Chu-a'.
Tib'-a-lo
Ton'-ka
Chu'-ih
Tib'-a-lo
Ton-ka'
Chu-wa'
Ton-ga'-ha
Zhou-da'-hii
Wee-zOn'-tha
Be che'-do
We-tuu'-ka
E-che'-to
E-noo'
E-noo'
Me-sho'-ka
Ma-roo'
Ba-za'-kat
A-nak'-fi
A-nak'-fl
A-nak'-fi .'
An'-tik'-ba
Chu-chihl'-wa
Chu-hla'-ha
Un-gT-lun'-T
Ai\-ge-la'-ih
E-rats-teh
E-ta'-heh
E-da'-deh
Ta-la'-lik-tis
A-ta'-he ,
A-ta'-he
Ah-te'-ta
Ah-te'-ta
Ne-mish'
NT-mis '-s5
N'-sa'-y&
N'-mis'-sa
N'-seh-sa'
N'-mis-sa'
Ne-mis-sa'
Ne-sa-za'
Ne-me-sa'
Na-na'
Na-ne'-a
Na-ma'
Na-ma'
Ni-tha-tha'
Ni-mi-tha'
Ni-mi-tha'
N'-tha-tha'
Ni-mT-tha' .
Nl-mT-tha'
Na'-tha-hS,
Na'-be . .
Na'-be
Neese-sa/
Nee-mis'-ta
Nis'-sa
N'-sees'
N'-ta-kun'
Nah'-hans'
Kftn'-dig-eh
Sa'-da
Su-na'-ga
Sa'-che
Sa'-che
En'l-kahk'-tsa
En'l-ehit'-sha
En'l-chit'-sha
Fll-kak'-chi
Kel-ke'-kii
Eel-ke'-ka
Pats
pats
Ka-tat'
Kat'-so
Kat'-so
Pa'-chen
No-vi-pa-re
Ri-ou'-i
Gu-i-a
Na-ya'
Aiig-a-yu'-a
300
8YBTEU8 OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFF.N.TV
TABLE II. — Continued.
, i —
21 Mv younger brother.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
. •
22. My younger brother.
(Female speaking.)
-p
Translation.
2! My younser sister.
(Male shaking.)
Translation.
Y younger brother. Hi
' J u « H
(i " H
ii « L<
|. M « E
,u « K
,11 « L
i 11 « H
i ii " K
i 11 " N
it ii " ft
11 ii « Sf
u 11 « B/
„ ii « J
„ ii « 'J
„ i. « J
ii ii " J
<i •< «' 1
ii 11 "
ii « " 1
ii ii «
ii « "
ii « "
ii 11 "
ii 11 "
ii 11 »
ii « "
11 « "
ii ii "
ii ii " "
ii ii "
ii ii "
ii » «
My brother.
(i ii
My bro. (1st y'ngcr).
My younger brother,
it ii *'
ii ii »
ii » "
11 11 «
ii 11 «
11 « "
ii « "
ii « «
11 11 «
ii ii «
ii ii "
ii « "
ii ii "
11 " "
ii « "
ii « "
ii ii "
ii « "
11 " "
ii « "
ii ii "
'-* M,
v younger brother. Ka
' ' ii ii Ka
ii ii Ka
i ii ii Ks
i ii » Kf
i 11 " K;
,u ii K
,11 ii Y
i ii « M
ii a " M
i, ,i " M
„ ii « \
„ ii " M
„ « « N
n
,i i' " »
,, '• " -^
,i •• " ^
11 11 "
H ii "
ii « "
,i « "
ii « "
<i 11 "
ii ii "
11 ii "
a 11 "
ii 'i "
H ii "
ii 11 "
ii ii "
ii » "
ii a "
My brother,
a "
My bro. (1st y'nger).
My younger brother,
ii ii "
11 ii «
ii ii "
ii « "
ii ii "
ii ii "
ii 11 «
ii ii "
ii ii "
11 « "
ii ii "
ii « "
11 « "
ii ii "
ii « "
ii ii "
11 11 "
ii 11 "
ii 11 "
'-K&
-ga'-ah
ii ° 11
u ii
ii ii
u ii
u ii
u ii
u "
, ,i ii
i ii "
lia'-ga (
;f ;;;;
2 Ha-ga'-ah. t
l-ga i
-ga'-ah ,
i/-ga-ha
-ga*na (
F-g»
*• -ga
i-gix-ah'
6 Kii'-ga 4
7 Le-ga'-ah
i u ii
i 11 ii
i u 11
I II I'
ii i' "
ii n "
u 11 i'
II U »
11 11 •'
U 11 II
II Ii "
II II 1'
" " " 1
II II "
11 11 II
11 11 II
a « "
U II "
i, u "
u. " "
11 11 1'
i, 11 "
1! I' "
My sister.
11 "
U II
My younger sister,
u 'i "
ii 'i
11 I'
u "
II II "
u ii
II II 'I
II II •'
II II 1'
11 II II
11 " »
11 II II
11 11 II
11 11 "
11 It II
II II II
II I" •'
II 11 "
U 11 "
U 11 II
10 Me-soh'-ka
17 Me-soh'
tfee-sSn'-ga or Ka'-ga ....
19 1 Wee-sSn'-gU.
leen-tan'-ga
Se-tun'-ga-zhin'-ga
20 1 Heen-thun -ga
1 21 1 Heen-thun -ga
1 30 1 Sa-nak'-fish
Un-gt-dau'
1 34 E-da'-rleh
1 3d 1 Ka-wit'-ta
1 37 1 Ne-seme' •
Ne-she-ma'
1 41 1 Ne-she'-ma
• 1 44 1 N'-slie'-m^
1 45 1 Ne-she-iua-
Ne-she-ma'
Na-se'-ma
1 52 1 Na-sa'
Na-sim-a' *
Ka-cha-ma-tha'-mi
Ta'-ya
ii ii "
Ne-sis'-sa
II 11 '1
ii a "
N'-kwa-jeeeh
II 11 ''
II 11 1'
ii ii "
it ii "
ii « "
II II II
a " ii
11 ii "
N -h i-sum'
Nah'-eese'-u-uiiss|
It I' II
II 11 I'
ii ii "
1 61 1 NMi*i-smn' ...••••••
ii 11 H
Naine-liise'-aa-mus'
ii ii "
ii ii "
II " II
11 ii "
II II 1'
ii 11 "
ii 11 "
II II II
ii ii "
ii ii •'
Sa-chith or Sit-chith' ...
ir II i'
II 11 II
1 65 1 San-no'-ga-ya -za
11 ii 'i
Set-chil'-c-a-za
11 11 "
ii 11 "
Sa'-chi
a 11 "
11 II 1'
ii ii '<
Ba-ohfi
ii ii "
II II II
ii ii "
ii ii "
11 II II
II II "
,i <• «
Ats
II 11 11
11 II "
ii ii "
a-na-na
II II •'
I Ks-liup
II II "
ii ii "
svi-gwe'-sa-ha-mash....
II 11 1'
II II II
1 T2i 1 Kat'-sha
II 11 "
ii ii "
1 73 1 Sa-hata'-en """"
II II "
No-vi-pa-re
Ki-et-than-ee-she-ok ...
11 II II
II 11 II
II II "
11 a "
ii i' "
11 11 "
Cu-hu'-ba
Ny-a-na-na-ga
U II "
II U "
II 11 "
11 ii "
Na-ju'-ga
II II "
II » "
ii ii "
Na'-ya
-
•
II II "
-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
301
TABLE II. — Continued.
24. My youn^'iT sister.
(Female speakiutf.)
Translation..
2"). My brothers.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
26. My brothers.
(Female speaking )
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3 ;>
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka'-wa
My younger sister,
ft it (t
u it ti
If if U
If 11 11
11 It tl
tl il It
It U tl
it tt it
it tt tt
tt tt tt
tl tt U
tt tt tt
" It tt tt
It tt tt
tl tt It
It tt U
tl tt U
It tl tt
tt tt 11
I it tl
I It tt
i it it
t u tt
t it u
it it ft
it tl It
tt tt u
It It tl
it n tt
u it tt
tt it u
it ti it
My sister,
it it
tt tt
My younger sister.
U K 11
tt It It
tl 11 tl
11 tt il
tt It it
tl It il
It t 11
tt I It
tt t n
n t tt
n t a
u t ti
it u tt
it a tt
ti n it
n u it
it t tt
tt t tt
it t it
n i u
11 t u
u it ti
it tt it
tt u it
U tl tt
tt it it
it tt tl
U tl tt
U tl tl
it it It
tt it it
it a it
n n ti
it it ti
it it it
it u tt
ti tt it
ti it it
it tt it
it it tt
Da-ya'-gwa-dan'-no-da. . . .
My brothers,
t* tt
ft it
tl tt
(i tt
tt il
tt it
tt It
u ti
My elder brothers.
My brother.
-My elder brother.
if tt a
My brothers.
ti tt
n u
it a
it it
it it
it 11
it u
My elder brothers.
My brothers, [ther.
Those who suck toge-
tf it tt tt
it n u u
My brothers.
it tt
it it
<i tt
tt tt
ti «
it u
My younger bros.
ti it
it ii
tt tt
•
My brothers,
tt ti
it it
ff tt
tt it
ti it
tl it
My younger bros.
My bros. [gether.
Those who suck to-
ti it ii ti
My brothers.
tt it
(t u
it tt
My brother.
My brother all.
My brothers.
My younger bros.
tt tt it
ii a u
My brothers.
it K
it it
My step-brothers.
My younger bros.
My elder brother.
My brothers.
My elder brothers.
ft tt it
My younger bros.
it tt tt
tt tt tt
My elder brothers.
My younger bros.
My brothers,
it ti
tt ii
it tt
tt a
tl ti
it it
a ft
it it
it it
tt it
n it
il il
[my friend.
My brothers and
[friends.
My brothers my
My brothers,
it tt
*t it
tt tt
Da-ya/-(rwa-da-no-aa
Ka'-ga
Da-^e-a-<la/-no-da
Ka'-gii-ha
Un-gwa'-da-da-ga'-ha
Ahk-yat'-ga
Un-gwa'-da-da-ga-ha
Ahk-yat'-ga
Ka'-ga
Ah-wa/-ta-yeh-a/-ha
Ya-ye-ah'-ha .
Tib'-e-do-i-do
Sun-ka'-me-ta-do
Den-na-tank'-she-wa-a-do
Che a'-wa-cha-wits -n-
Me-tunk'-hii la
Suu-ka'-we-cba'-wita
Wa-ga-ke'-na
Ton'-ka
Me-hun'-ka-wa'-we-clie ..
Wa-t;a-ke'-na
Me-tii'
We-ha'
Wee-tOu'-ga or Wee'-ha...
E-nu'-ka-ne
Heen-tiin'-ga
E-ohin'-cho
Ah-se'-zhe-ga
We-tun'-ka
We-she' la
We-she'-la
E-chunk'
Wa-ke'-no
WS-ke'-no
Me-no'-ka
I-ate-^a'-we-a'-kuts
I-ate-sa'-wat-so'-kuts
Ba-sa'-pa
Ma-ta-ka'-zhii
Bii-so'-ka
Suh-niik' fish
Ft-e-ba'-pish e
Sa-niik'-fisU
Et-e-ba/-pT «hl-li
Et-e-ba'-pi-shl-li .
Sa-nak'-fish
Et-e-ba/-pT-shi-l i
A-nak'-fl-u-hli'-ha .
a ti ii n
My brothers.
t< t>
My brother.
My brother all.
My brothers.
My elder brothers.
it a ti
it ti 11
My brothers.
tt tt
tt tt
My step-brothers.
My younger brothers.
My elder brother.
My brothers.
My elder brothers.
ii ft 11
My younger brothers.
ti (i u
it it n
My elder brothers.
My younger brothers.
My brothers,
tt tt
My younger brothers.
My brothers,
tt tt
tt ti
11 It
tl tt
11 It
tt tt
it tl
U tl
tt tt
tt il
11 tt
My bros. my friends.
My elder brothers.
My bros. my friends.
My brothers.
tt tt
My brothers younger.
My brothers.
My elder brothers.
My elder & y'nger br.
My brothers,
it tf
tt if
Un-gT-lun'-I
An-tsa-li-nun'-tht
An-tsa-li-nnn'-thi
An-ge,-la/-ih
Ts a-k e -n a/- 1 s I
Tsa'-ke-na'-tsi ..
K-dii'-deh
E-da'-deh
A-da' de Kit' to
E-rats'-teh
A-ta'-he
A da'-de Kit'-to
Ah-te'-ta .'
Na-ta-ra-kun'-ne
Na-ta-ra-k u u'-ne
f" k ' h /
N«-she-mish'
Ni-shT'-mS
Nin-da-w6'-mag ...
N<;-she'-ma
Ne-she'-ma
Ne-she-ma'
Ne-ka'-na-yuk'
N'-da-wa'-muk.. . .
N'-she'-ma
N'-seh'-sil yuh
N'-seh'-sa yuh
Ne-go se ma'
Ne-she-nia'
Ne-she-ma/
Na-se'-mS,
Na-sa'
N& nV suk
Na-sim-a'
K;Ucha-na-tha mi
Ni-to-ta tn£ ki'
Ni-to-ta-ma-ki' .
N'-the-ma-thii/
Na'-be-a
Ne-sis'-sa
Ne-sis'-sa
N'-kwa-jeech'
W ' r\ \ It ' k-'
Noo-i-jee-gud-dool-te-bin
N'-ta'-kun-uk'fe.^N'-hise'
( Nalr-haus-uk'(e.) [-muk
( Nah'-eese-um-suk' (y.)
Nain-na'-ma-dis'-uk
{Kuu'-dig'-eh-ka (elder).
A-cha'-a-ka (younger)..
Noo-i-jee-gud-dool-te-bin
N'-ta'-kuu-uk(e) N'-hise'-
( Nah-haus-uk^e^nr.kfy)
( Nalr-eese-um-suk^y.).
Nain-da/-no-ya'-muh
( Kun'-dig-eh-ka (elder)..
( A-cha'-a-ka (younger)—
Ah-se-u-nis'-a-no-ga
( Sii-na-ga'-kra (elder) ...
( Set-ohil'-e-a-za-kra (y.)
Nain-hise'-sa-mus'
A-da'-ze
Sa-da'-za-ya'-za
Sa'-re
( Sil-na-ga'-kra (elder)....
( Set-chil'-e-a-ze-kra (y.)
Sa-cha-ua .. [nut (y )
Sa-chith/ or Sit-chith/
See-chath
Soon-ila-kut(e. ), Seek-ye-
Is-sin'-koo-ku-siohw'
Yii-yat-eel-kak-oha
Is-sin'-koo-ku-siuhw'
En-haigh-mii
Kel-che-choops'
A-seep
Kii-ra-na
Na-mich'-en
No-vi-pa-ra
Keet-thau-ee-she-ok
Na-ka-ra
A -u e Ms ii
Gui-as-cu-hu-bi-as-a
Ni-a-ga
302
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
27. My Bisters.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
28. My sisters.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
29. My brother's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
^8
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
7.0
76
77
78
79
80
Da-ya'-gwii-dan'-no-da. ...
My sisters.
t a
t it
i tt
i ti
i ti
it t(
u it
ii «
My elder sisters,
it fi «
It It U
tl it U
My sisters.
n it
tt it
11 tt
tt tt
It tt
It tt
My elder sisters.
My sisters.
ti it
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My sister.
My sister all.
My sisters.
My elder sisters,
tt t< tt
ft (t u
My sisters,
tt tt
(t «
My step-sisters.
My younger sisters.
ti *t tt
tt tt n
My sisters.
tt it
tt K
My elder sisters.
My sisters,
t tt
t tt
t tt
t tt
t it
t it
t n
t it
it tt
tt n
it tt
tt tt
it tt
tt U
ft It
tt tt
It tt
My sisters younger.
My sisters.
My elder sisters.
My sisters,
tt tt
u a
Da-ya'-gwa-dan'-no-da ...
Da-ya-gwa-da'-no-da
My sisters,
tt tt
tt it
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My younger sisters.
It it t(
it ft ft
tt tl tt
It tt
It U
tl tl
tt li
tl tt
It U
It tt
My sisters.
tt tt
tt ti
it tt
n ti
n it
tt tt
My sister.
My sister all.
My sisters.
My younger sisters,
tt ti tt
ti ti it
My sisters,
ti f<
ft tt
tt u
My younger sisters,
tt ti it
it it ti
My sisters,
tt tt
tt tt
My elder sisters.
My sisters,
ft tf
ft tt
tt it
it it
it n
ti u
it u
it it
ti u
it it
it it
it tt
u u
tl tl
tt 11
It 11
ft 11
tt It
My son.
« tt
tt tt
tt ti
u it
My child.
My son.
tt tt
u u
ft tt
It It
11 11
It tt
tt It
It It
It tl
tl tl
It ll
a it
it tt
it tt
it it
tt it
tt it
it u
ti i
ti i
it i
n t
it t
u ti
My child.
tt a
n it
u u
tl it
My step-son.
if U
It ll
tl ll
It ll
tl tl
ll ll
It It
tl ll
My son.
(t tt
ti ti
it u
a ti
t ti
t it
i it
t it
i n
i tt
My step-son.
ti n
My son.
My step-cbild.
My son.
ii ti
My step-son.
My sou.
ti ii
it ti
My adopted son.
My son and
(Not rendered).
it ti
tt ti
My nepbew.
My son.
My nephew.
it a
Ha-lia'-wuk
Un-gwa'-da-no-sa'-ha
E-yii/
Ka-ya'-no-na
Ah-wa/-ta-yeh-a'-ha .
Ah-wU-ta-yeh-a'-ha ....
Le-ya'-ah
\\ ' i • t '
Ha-tank-she-ha-do
Ak-she'-da
Den-na-tank'-she-wi-do ..
Tun-ka'-we-cha-wits
Tuii-ka'-we-cha-wits
Dea-na-me-ta'-wa-a-do ...
Tunk-she'-we-cha'-wits...
Tunk-she'-we-clia'-wits .. .
E-t8n'-2a
Me-cliink'-she
E-tftn'-»a
Me-chink'-she
Hee-yin'-ga
E-uu'-ka-na .
E-nu'-ka-na
He-ne'-cha
Be-she'-ga
We-shen'-ka
E-neke'
Ma-ta-we-it'-za
Ma-tii-ka'-zha
Ma-de-sha/
Bot-sa'-sa
Et-e-ba'-pish-e ..
Suh'-suh
Aii'-take
Su'-sok
Au'-take-u-hli'-ha
Et-e-b3/-pl-shi-lT
Su'-soh r
Cha-wun-take'
Chu-hla-hul'-he
Chup-pu'-che
An-tsa-li-nun'-tli ....
A-gwae-tsT'
Tsan-ke-toh'
Ah-gwa'-tze
E-ta'-heh
E-da-heh
Pe'-row
A-ta'-be Kit'-to . . .
A-ta'-he Kit'-to
Pe-row
Na-te-na'-o
N'-do'-sim
N'-do'-zliim
N'-do'-zhira
Nin-do'-zhim
Nin-do'-zhem
Ne-da-ki'-ko
N'-do'-zhim
N'-do'-zhim-a'
N'-she'-ma-yuk
N'-do-zhita'
N'-do'-zhe-ma
Nin-gwa-sa/
Ne-gwis-sa'
Ne-she-ina'-ke
Ne-gwis-sa/
Na-ta-kwa'-niuk
Na-ta-kwa'-muk
Na-kwis'-sa
Ne-keese'
Na
Na-ta-ta-ma-ki
Ni-kwS-tha'
Nit-kwa-ma-ke'
Ne-kwe-tha/
A-tha'-na-pa-na'-tine
Ne-ta/-ka-nix
Ne-ta'-ka-nix
NaMia
N'-do'-ta-ko
Ne-ta'-ka-nix
Ne-to'-to-koh^-a
Wl-j e-cu-dul-teek'
Wi-j e-eu-dul-teek'
N'-kwis'
Noo-i-jee-gud-dool-te-bin
Na-me-suk' {e.), N'-hise'-
( Na-mese-uk'(e.)[muk(y)
I Noh'-eese-um-suk' (y.).
Noo-i-jee-gud-dool-te-biu
Na-me-suk' (e.), N'-hise'-
f Na-mese-uk^e.Jfraukfy)
1 Nolr-eese-um-suk' (y.).
Na-kun'
N'-kweese'
( Sa-da'-ka (elder)
f Sa-da'-ka (elder)
( A-da'-ze-ka (younger) ..
\ A-da'-ze-ka (younger)...
Ah-se-u-nis'-a-da-za
{Set-dez'-a-a-ze-kra (e.).
Sa-ne'-kra (younger)....
f Set-dez'-a-a-ze-kra(e.).
\Sa-ne'-kra (younger)....
[kut(y.)
Sy-ak-e-kut(e.), See-chy-
Se-yii'-za
Sa-cba (elder bros. son) ...
Kas-koo-aa. Is-se-malt...
In-pit'h
^n-kliik'-^a-ma
Ne-kat-litsh-kilt
Ne-kat-litsli-kilt
Kot/-siu(eld.br.s.),At/-sin
[(y.br.sou.
Ang-o-yu'-ka
Ee-cbaok
Cbu-ba
Na-yung'-ing
Kiin^-e-ii'-gil
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
303
TABLE II. — Continued.
30. My brother's sou's wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
31. My brother's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
32. My brother's daughter's
husband. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka'-sii
My daugh.-in-law.
u
it
H
it
it
M
M
M
H
ti
H
t
1
|
(
I
1
i
t
t
l
t
i
l
i
My sister-in-law.
My grandchild.
My daugh.-in-law.
" [on.
My present hanger
My daugh.-in-law.
U if
tl U
It tf
It (t
if u
tl it
tt tt
It It
tt It
tl tt
It It
If t
11 t
tt 1
It 1
I t
t t
t t
t t
t tl
tt tl
It It
It It
ft If
It tl
tl tt
tl 11
It It
tt tl
tl 11
tt tt
It 11
It If
It H
ft tt
tl tl
Ka-ah'-wtik
My daughter.
H 11
(* It
It tt
it It
My child.
My daughter.
tt it
it tt
i it
t u
i n
t t
i
t t
t t
t i
t t
u i
u n
tt it
i a
i it
t tt
t it
i tt
t u
tt tt
it tt
n ti
tt it
My child.
it it
U tl
tt It
It It
My step-daughter.
it ii
it u
tt ti
n it
tt it
it it
it tt
it it
My daughter.
tt tt
u tt
tt it
it u
ti u
it tt
it tt
It 11
tt tt
tt tt
My step-daughter.
tt n
My daughter.
tt tt
My step-child.
My daughter.
ti ti
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
tt tt
u ti
tt u
(Not rendered.)
tt u
My child.
My niece.
n it
My son-in-law.
tt u
It it
tt tl
tt It
It It
It It
tl It
tl It
tl It
It tl
tl It
t It
t tl
1 It
1 It
t 11
I It
I tt
t tt
1 It
I tl
I tt
tl tl
tl It
It It
tt It
tl tt
It It
It It
It It
It It
tt tt
It tl
tt It
It It
tt 11
tt It
It 11
tl t
It t
11 1
11 t
11 t
It 1
11 t
tl 1
It 1
11 1
tl 1
tt t
I t
t 1
t t
1 t
t 1
t t
It t
tl tt
1 It
t 11
I tl
t tl
I tt
I 11
I tt
It tt
11 tt
tt u
Ka-hii'-wa
Ka-ya'-ha
Ka-yii'
E-en-hu'-za
Yiik-te-he "ah'-tha
Ahk'-thiif
E-ne'-ah
Me~tii/-kosh
Me-ta'-koash
Me-ta'-koash
Me-ta'-koash
Me-ta'-koash
Ta-ne'-ha
We-tuh'-da
\Ve-t5n-da
Wa-do'-ha
Hin-to'-ne
Wan-do'-ha
Be-to- ja
E-nook'
Wa-to'-ho
Ko-too'-te
P'-too'-ta
Ma-ka'
Niik'-me-a
Sup'-uk
A-gwao-tsI'
E-hua-tsi ...
A-ge-h'na/-tzi
Scoo'-rus
Sko'-dns
Sko-roo'-hoo
Koh'-ta-wa'-suh
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame' ....
N'-do-zlia-mis-kwame' ...
N'-do-zha-mis-kwem'
Na-hak'-sim
Nee-stiin'
Na-hak'-sim
N' ha/ ke shim
Ne'-sim
Nin-do'-zhe-me'-quam ....
Nin-do-zha-ml-kwam'
N'-do-zha-nii-kwam'
Ne-sim'
Ne-sim'
N f
N'-ah'-ga-neh-gweh'
Nin-da'-na
Na-ha-gii-na'-kwa No-ko-inii'
Na-ha-ga-ha'-kwa No-ko-mii'
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa' No-ko-mii'
Nii-hii-ga-na-kwa' No-ko-mii'
Nin-da'-na. .
Ne-la'-gwa-la'
Nin-da'-na
No la' gwa-la'
N'-da'-nii
N'-da-gwa-la/
N'-dii'-ua
N'-da-gwa-la'
Na-sem'-ya
Na-tii'-nis
No-ha'-kun-e-uk-ye-yu'
Nich-ii'
Na-tun'
Nich a'
Na-them-mi-la'
Ni-ton-na-tha'
Ni-tha-mi-ah'
Ni-ta-na-tha'
Nin ha ka na ma/
Na-tim'
Na tas'
Nee-mis'
N'-to'-to-tun
Nis
N«e-mis' ,
Nia
N'-thus-wii'-skom
N'-tus'
N'-tlu'-siik
N'-sum'
N' tlu'-suk
Na-h-um'
Na-kun' .
Nalr-huu'
Na-na-toh'-na-makue' ....
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-ya'-dze
Sa-tsa'-ya
Sa-to'-a
Set-thu'-ya
Se-le'-ya
Se-chy-o
Sa-che'
Is-sa'-pin
T 1 ' h
E-at-sin
Pai'-ya. b In pit'h
Kot'-sin (eld.b.dau.), At'-
[sin(y.b.dau.)
Chu-bS
Si-ee
Oo-koo-a'-ga
It It
tt Ti
304
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
33. My brother's grandson.
(Male speakiug. )
Translation.
34. My brother's granddaughter.
(Male t-peaking.)
Translation.
35. My brother's preat grandson.
(.Male sneaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My grandson,
<( ft
u a
it li
it n
My grandchild.
My grandson.
My grandchild.
tf n
it ft
<t ft
ft (t
(( t(
ft ff
tt tt
li it
ft ff
(t ff
My grandson.
tt it
My grandchild,
tt it
My little grandson.
My grandchild,
tt tt
« ft
My grandson.
tt tt
u tt
My grandchild.
tt t<
My grandson.
My grandchild,
tt tt
ft tt
tt (t
tt tt
tt <t
tt tt
tt tt
<f tt
ft <(
tt tt
tt U
tt tt
tt it
<t ft
U 11
it ft
ff tf
tt t(
(t U
ft ((
tt tt
it tt
u «
tt tt
ff ft
tt ft
it u
(f ff
ff ff
My grandson.
tf (i
My grandchild.
ft tt
My grandson.
(Not rendered.)
My grandchild.
My granddaughter,
ft tt
n u
it n
tt it
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
u tt
My grandchild.
ft *"" u
it ft
K tf
it tt
<t ft
ft tt
it ti
it it •
ff ff
ff ft
My granddaughter.
(f U
My grandchild,
tt tt
My little p<l. daught.
My grandchild,
tt ft
ft tt
My granddaughter.
U ff
tf ft
My grandchild,
tt tt
f< ft
My granddaughter.
My child,
ft tt
My grandchild.
it ft
f< ft
ff tt
tf ff
it tt
ff ft
ft tt
t ft
« (t
f tc
t tc
f (t
t ff
f ff
f fl
f ff
f U
f (f
f ff
f ff
f ff
f ff
ff ft
ff ft
ff ff
ft tf
ff ff
My granddaughter.
My grandchild,
it tt
tt te
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My grandson,
tt it
ft tt
ft ft
tt ft
My grandchild.
My grandson.
a tt
My grandchild.
(f H
ft tf
it ff
tf ff
ff tf
u te
It it
It tt
ff ff
(t ff
My grandson.
t* tt
My grandchild.
My little gd. son.
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt tt
My grandson.
tt tt
tt tf
My grandchild,
tt tt
tt tt
My nephew.
My grandchild.
4t It
ft ft
tt ff
ft ff
ff ' ft
ff ft
ff • ff
ff ff
ff ff
ft It
11 ff
ff ff
tf ft
ff tf
ff ff
tf ft
ff ff
ff ff
ff ft
ff tf
ff ff
ff ff
ff f
tf f
ft f
ff f
ff f
My grandson.
My grandchild,
tt it
ft tt
My grandchild.
. J .., ,
E-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
KiL-ya'-ra
Kii-va'-ra
Kii-yii'-ra
Ka-yii-tii-ra'-yii ..
Le-yii-ta-ra'-ya
Ha-tra'-ah
Ya-tra'-ah
Ha-tra'-ah
Me- ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me ta'-ko zha
Me-ta/-ko-zha
Me tii'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-tii'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta/ ko-zha
Me-ta/ ko-sak'-pok .
Me-ta/-ko-sak;-pok
Me ta'-ko-?hii
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me Ui'-ko-zha
Me ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-z i
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-ta'-ko-^a
Me-ta/ ko six
Toosh'-pa-ha
Too«li'-pil-hii
Wee-tush'-pii
Wee-tu^h'-pli
Heen-ta'-kwa
E-taV kwa
We-cho^e'-pii
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke ..
Sa'-pok
Un-gl-lT-sT
Te'-wut
Lak-te'-kis
Na-ra-ne-tish'-a
NS-ra-ne-tish'-S,
No-zhi'-she
No-she'-shSi
No-she-shSr'
No-she-sh&'
N'-seh-sa7
No-sa'-ma
No she-sa'
Na-h'-ka'
Na-h'-ka'
Nii-h'-ka'
Na-se-tha'-ma/
No-stha-tha' .
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha'
Nu-jeech'
Na-h'ise'
Na h'ise'
Sa-t'-thu'-a
Sa-to~a'-b£
Sa-va-zet'-tha-re
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Set-she
In'-chau'-wa ?
Eng'-o-ta
Eng'-o-ta
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
3*1
31.
TABLE II.— Continued.
•K
1
/
f
\
i
36. My brother1-* great ^r;ind-
dau«uler. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
37. My sister's sou.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
38. My sister's Kon's wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
fl
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
86
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
98
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka-ya'-da
My granddaughter.
ii ii
u u
u ii
ii it
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
u u
u u
u u
t« u
ii it
u u
ii u
it ii
it u
My granddaughter,
ii it
My grandchild. '
ii u
My little gd. daught.
My grandchild,
tt tt
tt tt
My granddaughter,
ft tt
tt ft
My grandchild,
tt ft
tt tt
My niece.
My grandchild,
tt it
tt tt
ft ft
tt tt
tt tt
tf tt
ft tt
it tt
ft ft
tt ft
ft it
ft tt
ft tt
tt tt
ft tt
ft tt
tt it
tt it
ft ft
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
ft ft
tt tf
tf ft
ft it
tt ti
My granddaughter,
tt tt
My grandchild.
ft tt
I
My granddaughter.
My nephew.
tf tt
t tt
t tt
f fi
t ft
t ti
t t
t t
t t
~ t t
t t
t tt
t ti
ft ft
tt tf
tt fi
tt ft
tt tt
Ka'-sa..
My daugh.-in-law.
t ti
t tt
t tt
t it
t tt
t tt
ft ft
My grandchild. /
My daughter. '
My sister-in-law.
My gd. -daughter.
it tt
My daugh.-iri-la».
ft tt
ft ft
jM^jenfe. /
My daugh.-in-lavy
tt ft
ft it
ft ft
it ti
ft tf i
tt tt* *
ft tt [
" {
,
,
1
< u \
t t
i t
t f
t t
ft t
:: ; \
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
My grandchild.
My daugh.-in-law.
tt ti
My y'nger sister.
Ha-yuh'-wa-deh
Ha-ya-wa'-da
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-za'-wa
E-yo-wa'da
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-ya'-wa-na
Ahk-thaf
Ya-tra'-ah
Ha-shone-dra'-ka
Me-tonsh'-ka
Me-tii' ko-zhii
Me-toash'-ka
Me-tose'-ka
Me-tii'-koash
Me-ta' kosh
Me-ta'-ko-zhii
Ne-toash'-ka
Me-toas'-ka
Me-tii'-ko-sa
Me-ta'-koash ...
Toosh'-pa-ha
We-toash'-ka
We-chose'-pa
E-ehoon-zhuuk'-e-neke ..
P-tii-we'-ha-ka
tt tt
My younger brother.
ft tt tt
My nephew.
it ft
ff ff
f ff
f ff
t ff
t ft
f ff
ff ff
f ff
f ff
f ff
f ff
f ff
f ff
t ff
t ff
f ff
f ff
f ff
f ff
f ff
f tf
f f
f ff
ff ft
ft fl
ft ff
ff ff
My son.
tt tt
My nephew ?
My step-child.
My nephew.
tt tt
(Not rendered.)
[b Step-son.
My nephew.
ft if
h-tit "V-ha-ka
Ma-ka'
Bit-elm7- ka
Sup'-uk
Sub-ai'-yih
Sup'-uk
Sa'-pok
Sa-bl-yih
Un-ho-pue'-wa
Un-gl-li-sl
E-tsan'-hT
Te'-wut
Te'-wut
Te'-wut
Sko'-dus
Na-te-na-ta'-koo
N'-deh-kwa-tim'
Ni-nin-gwa-niss'
Ne-nin-gwuh'-nis
NV-nin-gwi-nis'
No-zhl'-slie
No-she'-?ha
No-she sha'
Lan-ewa/-la
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sa' ....
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sa' ....
Na-na'-gwa-nis' .
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa7 No-ko-ina'
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa/ No-ko-ma'
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa/ No-ko-ma/
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa7 No-ko-ma/
No-«a ma'
No she-sa'
Ne-na'-kwa-na
Na-h--ka'
Nji-chin'-e-ta.
Nich-a/
Na-se-tha'-ma
Nen-na-kw&-na-tha'
No-stha-tha'
Na-la-gwal-tha/
Na-tah!/-ta
Na-tine'
Nee-so' tan
N'-do'-to-yose ... .
Nu-jeech'
Nu-luks'.
NT-tlus-wa/-skom
No-kwath/
Noh*-whese'
Na-lone'-gwa-sis'.. .
Sa-t'-thu'-a
Sii'-zy
Sa-to -a'-ba
Set-thu'-ya
Sa-ehi'
Soo V
Sect-she
Eng'-o-ta
Eese-tlilt-wild'
Oo-koo-a'-ga
tt ft
In-pit'h. b Pai-yii...
We-yo'-o gwii
39
L.
*
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
39. My sister's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
40. My sister's daughter's hus-
band. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
41. My sister's grandson.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My niece.
it it
ti tt
tf it
ft tf
tt ft
it it
n ii
it tt
ti i
it f
ii <
ff ft
if fi
ff ft
ff If
ii ft
fi ff
if tl
U if
My v; anger sister.
:: it n
My niece.
if tt
it ft
tt ft
ft ii
ft it
ft if
ti ft
tt tt
ft ft
it tt
ii if
ff ff
ff U
1C if
it it
ft ft
tf ft
fi ff
it ft
tf ft
f tt
f tt
f ft
t it
f it
ff t
n t
ii i
ff i
ft t
ff t
My daughter.
My niece.
My step-child
My niece.
My niece. b Step-
[daughter.
My niece.
tt n
My son-in-law.
n it
if ft
tt it
it it
tt it
if ti
n if
it it
it ft
tt ft
it if
n ft
it tt
ft tt
ft if
ff if
ff tt
ff ft
ff tf
ff fi
ff ft
My brother-in-law.
My son-in-law.
it tf
it tf
fi if
ft tt
if tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt u
It It
tt tt
tt tt
tt U
tl U
tt tt
tt It
tl tt
tt u
It tt
It tt
tt tt
ff tf
ff ff
ff U
tt tl
tl tl
If ff
ff ff
ff If
II ft
If It
It tl
It tt
tt tl
It tt
tt It
it it
tt tl
tl U
It It
tl tt
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
tt tt
ft if
ff if
ff it
My grandchild.
My grandson.
My grandchild.
ii tf
ff if
t if
f if
f ff
i (I
f it
tt ff
ft tf
ti tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My little gd. son.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it tt
ti it
My grandchild.
tt
it
My pra idson.
My gra dchild.
it
it
if
ti
ft
it
tt
tt
ft
tt
tt
ti
tt
ti
if
tt
ti
tt
ft
tf
tt
ti
tt
it
ti
My gra dson.
My grandchild.
ft it
ft ff
Ka-ya-wa'-da .
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-wan-da'
Ka-yo-wa'-da
K-ya'-dla-ah
Yak-te-he~ah'-tha
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-wa-dii'-ah
De-an-hose'-ha
Le-ya-ta-ra'-ya
Ya-shone-dra'-ka
Ha-tra'-ah
Me-ta' kosh ...
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-koash
Me-ta'-ko-zhii
Me-to'-zlia
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'- kosh
Me-toh'-zha
Me-ta'-kosh •• •
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-za
Me-ta'-koash
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-za
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-ta '-ko-^a
We tnh' da
19
2d
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
30
.31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
T"
7(
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
8
We-te'-zha
Wee-tiish'-pa
Wa do' ha
We-che'-zlio
Ma-ta-ka'-zha
Mo n n
Ba-ao'-ka
Bus-ba'-pe-ta ....
Sub-ih'-take '.
Suh-bih'-take
Su-b>'«take
Un-hak'-pu-te
Un-o-MT-si
A Be h'-na-tzY'
Te-wnt
Te'-wut
Ah-te-natch
\ Neese-che-niish'(y'nger)
{Neesh-tim' (older)
Nii-hak'-sim
Neeste-c lie-mis' (y'nger)
Neese-che-mis'
V-ha'-ke-^him
Nl-shl'-miss
Ne-she-nais'
No-she-sha'
Ne-she-mia'
No-she-sh3/
Shames-sa'
Ne-she-mis-sa'
Na-la-gwa-la'
Ne-she-mjs-sa'
Ne-she-mip-sil'
No-3a-ma'
Na-na'-ma
Ne-she'-mis
Nich-a' . ..
Na-h'-ka'
Na-sem e-tha'
Ne-sa-me-tha'
No-stha-tha' ..
Na-tha'-be
Na-tas'
Nis
Ne-uus'-sii
NJ3
N'-thu'-suk
N'-thu'-suk
Nohk-8oh-kwa'-oh
Nii-h-ise'
IjOiigue-kwit'
Na-na-toh'-na-makue'
Sa'-zy
Sa-t*-thu'-a
Sa-to-a'
Pa-tsa'-ya
Se-le'-g,
Sa'-ke?
Sa-chi'
^S -ou
Eng' o-ta
' 'ai-ya
} Kot-sin
^
i
;
7
B
1
0 Eng'-o-V
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
307
TABLE II. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
42. My Bister's jrranddanghter.
(Male speaking )
Translation.
43. My sister's great srrandson.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
44. My sister's trroat prand-
daughter. (Male tpcakiug.)
Translation.
My granddaughter.
a a
tt H
It ft
It ft
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
it it
My grandchild.
ft ((
* ff
I ft
i li
t tl
t :
t i
i i
t (
it (
My granddaughter.
(t ft
Mv grandchild.
it ii
My little gd. daught.
My granddaughter.
ft a
it ti
My grandchild.
ft U
11 tl
My granddaughter.
My grandchild,
a tt
tt tt
ti it
ti ti
u tt
ti tt
n it
n it
U ti
it tl
tt It
tt tt
if *(
(( ff
tt tt
It tl
tt 11
It tt
tl ft
<( tl
K tf
(t 11
If tt
If ft
ft tt
ff tf
tl tl
tt tt
11 It
My granddaughter.
t< u
My grandchild,
u 11
ti ft
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
it tt
it tf
if it
ff if
My grandchild.
My grandson.
tf it
My grandchild,
ti ti
ft tt
it u
- ti ft
ti u
u u
it it
ti it
ti it
tt tt
My grandson.
it it
My grandchild.
ti it
My little grandson.
My grandson.
it ti
it ft
My grandchild.
ft it
tf tf
My nephew.
My grandchild.
t it
1 it
i ft
t ft
i tt
1 tf
it fl
fl tt
ft ff
ft ft
fl tf
ff tt
ff if
ff ff
ff tf
u ft
f fl
f ff
( ft
f tf
f ft
f ft
f ff
ff if
ft ft
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
My grandson.
tf it
My grandchild.
it »
tt tt
Ka-ya'-da
My gd. daughter.
tt ti
tt tt
ti ft
K u
My grandchild.
My gd. daughter.
if if
My grandchild,
it tt
tt it
tf tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt u
it tt
it tt
it ti
it tt
My gd. daughter.
it it
My grandchild,
it ti
My little gd.dau.
My gd. daughter.
ti tt
If ft
My grandchild.
11 it
tt tt
My niece.
My grandchild.
ii tt
ft tt
ti it
ti u
tt tt
tt ft
tf tt
tt tt
tt tt
if it
tt tf
tt fi
fi tt
tf ft
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
tt ti
ti it
tt tt
ft it
tt t
t t
t t
t t
i t
f t
t t
My gd. daughter.
it n
My grandchild.
it ti
u ft
Ka-yil'-dra
- "I A
Ka ya' dla ah
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
E-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-ya-ta-ra'-ya
Ya-tra'-ah
Me ta'-ko zha.
Me-ta'-ko-zha
VI t"' k 1
Me-ta'-ko-zha.
M IS.' k 1 ;'
Me-tii'-ko-sha
Me-tii'-ko-sha
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko sak'-pok
Me ta'-ko zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me tii' ko za
Me-ta'-ko-za
Toosh'-pa-ha
Wee-tQsh'-pa
Heen-ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kwa-me
K ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kwa-me
IV h / i •"
E-choon-zkunk'-e-neke...
Bus-ba'-ke-a
E-vhoon-zhuuk-e-neke . ...
Sup'-uk «
Sup' uk-n<5k'-ne
Sa'-pok
Um-os-sus'-wa
Un-eT li si
Un-gMi-sI
Te'-wut
Lak-te'-kis
At-nuch'
No-se-sim'
N f~' >i
N 1 ' h>l
* .,
N° \e ~\ "'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
w°~ 8 ••/
N '
No-sa'-ma
No-^a-ma/
Na-h'-ka/
Na h* ka/
Na-h'-ka'
Na-se-tha'-ma
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha'
Mee .
Nii-h-ise'
Sa-t'-thu'-a
Sa t'-thu'-a
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-to""a'-ba
Sa-to^a'-ba-
Sa-le-zet'-tha-re
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Eng'-o-tfi,
Eng'-o-Ufc
\.
Eng'-o-ta
308
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
45. My brother's son.
(Female speaking )
Translation.
46. My brother's son's wife,
(Foina e ^peakinj,'.)
Tranclatioa.
47. My brother's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My nephew.
My son.
U ff
II ((
u u
My nephew.
My son.
My nephew.
ft 4t
( ff
( ff
I It
I It
I U
t It
I It
tt It
It U
11 tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
My neph. orgd.son.
My son.
My grandchild.
My son.
My grandson.
a u
tf tt
My grandchild.
it tt
My nephew.
My child.
K u
My grandchild.
My nephew.
K it
ti tt
it tt
tt tt
ti tt
i tt
t u
t it
i tt
t n
t tt
u ti
tt tt
it It
tt tl
It tl
tt tt
tl tt
t tt
t tt
t U
1 11
( K
Mv step-child.
My 8( n.
K t
It I
ti I
tl t
My y njrer brother.
My neph and aunt.
(Not rendered.)
11 u
My nepliew.
Ka'-sa
My dauglu -in-law.
K ti
u it
tt it
it u
it tt
tt n
u tt
n tt
tt u
n ti
it ti
ti tt
u it
11 11
It It
tt It
it it
t it
l it
t it
t tt
f tt
My sister-in-law.
My dangh. -in-law.
My sister-in-law,
ti tt
My granddaughter.
tt tt
My daugh.-in-law.
tl it
tl tl
tt It
U tl
It tt
tt tl
tl It
tl tl
ti u
it tt
tt
it
it
it
it
ti
it
it
it
tt
tt
**• ti
tt
u
it
ti
ti
tt
it
it
tt
it
U
tt
u
n ti
It It
tt tl
Ka-soh'-neh
My niece.
My daughter,
(t u
tt n
ti ti
ti u
ti it
My niece.
My daughter.
My niece.
U 1
tt 1
It t
tl 1
(C <
t (
C (
' ( (
t 1
f It
f tt
tl tt
tt u
My niece or gd. da.
My daughter.
My grandchild.
My daughter.
My gd. daughter.
If it
It ft
U tt
My niece.
U (f
My child.
u u
My grnndflhild.
My niece,
tt n
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
t« ft
tt tt
tc ft
ft ff
ft ff
tf If
ff tf
ff ft
ff ff
It tt
tl tl
It tt
It It
tl (t
It II
tt ff
ff If
ft If
ft If
ff ff
ft It
My step-fhilil.
My daughter.
1 1 (i
My strtj '-daughter,
My daughter.
u tt
it «
My adopted dau.
My gd. daughter.
(Not rendered.)
u it
My niece.
ti 11
Ka-ha'-wuk
Ha-ha'-wa..
Ka-sa'-wa
Ka-hii'-wa
Ka-za'-wa
E-va'...
Ka-ya'
Ahk-thaf
Ka-ya'-wii-na,
Le-ya'-ah
Ka-sa'-wa
Ka-ya/-ah
He-wa-teh ..
Ya-na/-maque
K-wa'-teh
Me-tonsh'-ka . .
Me-ta'-kosh
Me-tun'-zhan
Me-to~U3'-ka
Me-to'-zhii
Me-ta'-koash
Me-to'-zha
Me-ta'-kosh
Me-toli' zLa
Me-toase'-ka
Me-ta'-kosh
Me-toh'-zha
Me-toash'-ka
Me-to'-za
Me-toas'-ka
Me-ta'-goash
Me-to'-za
Me-to'-za
Me-ta'-koash
Me-to'-za
We-toash'-ka
Ta-ne'-ha
Ta-zha'-ka..
We-te'-ua
We-te'-zlia ....
Heen-toas'-ka-me .
Ilin-tose'-kee-nae .
Be-je'-na
Be-che'-zho
We-che'-zho
E-choon-zhunk'
Ko-ne'-ka*
Ko-too'-te .
Me-no'-ha-ka ?
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
M a t - 1 o /- we-a-k a-zh e
Niik'-me-a
Sup'-nk
Sup'-nk
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Sa'-pok
Sa'-pok
Suo'-Dok ..
Um-os-sus'-wa
E-tsan'-hi
Un-gwa-dun'
Un-gwa'-tuh
Pe'-row
Sko'-dus
Pe'-row
At-nuch'
N'-de-kwa-tim' .
Nee-tim'
!Neese-tim' (older)
N'-de-kwa-tim'
Ne-stitn'
Neese-che-mish^y'uger)
f Neesh-tim'(oldei)
( Neest-che-mish^y'nger)
Neese-che-mis' ..
Nis'-sim
Ne'-sim
Ne-she'-me-sha
Ne-sim'
Ne-she-mis'
Ne-she-mis'
Ne-sim'
Ne-she-mis'
N&'-gwi-nis
Ne-she'-mis
Sliames-sa' ....
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Na-hi-ga-na'-kwa No-ko-ma
Na-ha-ga-na'-kwS No-ko-ma
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa' No-ko-ma
Na-liii-gii-na-kwa' No-ko-ma
N;i-ha-ga'-iie-kwam
Ne-she-mis-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sii'
Ne-she-mis-sa'
Ne-she-mis-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sa'
Ne-she-mis-sii'
Na-sha'-mis
Na-chin'-e-ta
Nich-a/
Nen-n&-kwa-na
Na-seui-e-tba'
Na-na-gwal-tha
Nl-tha-mi-ah'
Ne-sa-me-tha'
Na-tah-'-ta
Na-tim'
Na-tha'-be
N*-do'-to-yose.
Nee-mis'-sa .. . .
No-a'-toase
Nee-uiis'-sa . .
Nft-luks'
Nu-luk'-nis
Na-kun' ..
Nii-h'um'
N'-kweese'
Nah'-hnm'
Nain-gwase'
Sa-ya'-ze
Sa cha,'
Sa-tsa'-ya
Sa-to'-a .
Se-ya'-za
Set-thu'-ya
Sa-le'-a
Sa'-zoo?
Si-ya-tse' ?
Sa-cha
Se-cku-the
In-tee'-kwl
Is-see'-la
[Ka-gut'-sin(y.b.s.)
No-pwu'-at-sin (eld.br.s.)
Ang'-a-ea
Ka-gut'-siu
Uns-a'-ca
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY
309
TABLE II. — Continued.
48. My brother's daughter's
huMntiKl. (Female Kpeitkiuy.)
Translation.
49. My brother's grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
50. My brother's granddaughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Iti
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
20
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
30
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
-111
50
51
52
53
54
55
50
57
58
59
60
01
02
03
64
05
00
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My son-iii-law.
tt a
U tt
it ff
( U
I C
( t
( (
( (
( 1
( t
I I
t I
t ff
I It
( 11
i ti
t ft
u a
n ti
it ti
it tt
it it
My brother-in-law.
My son-in-law.
tt n
tt tt
it t
tt t
it i
ti t
tt t
t i
i t
t i
i it
t it
t tt
n n
tt ti
n tt
tt tt
t ti
t it
t tt
t tt
t it
i tt
t it
n tt
it it
tt t
it t
it t
tt i
tt t
i t
t t
t t
t t
t t
ti t
tt t
tl t
It t
tt tt
tt It
It tl
t tl
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
tt tt
it tt
it ti
it it
My grandchild.
My grandson.
U It
My grandchild.
u tt
it tt
ti ti
— t( it
tt n
ti it
ti ti
n ti
n tt
tt ti
My gd. daughter.
<( ti
ti ti
ti it
it tt
My grandchild.
My gd. daughter,
ti t<
My grandchild.
tt it
tt it
it u
tt it
ti ti
ti it
tt tt
11 tt
(i tf
(( tt
My gd. daughter.
tt tt
My grandchild.
ft tt
My step-daughter.
My grandchild.
tt tt
(t it
My gd. daughter.
tt tt
tt it
My grandchild.
tt ft
ti it
My gd. daughter.
My grandchild.
it it
ti ft
i u
t tt
t tt
t ti
t i
t t
t t
i t
t i
it t
it t
tt it
it ti
u tt
it n
u it
u tt
u ti
u it
tt ti
tt ti
it tt
tt fi
K tt
tt tt
ti tt
if tt
My gd. daughter,
it ti
My grandchild.
.t u
ft 11
TT / 1
Ila ya'-da
Ka ya'-da
H 1 ' 1 1 "
W 1 "/ "
E-ya' dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra. .
Le-ya-ta-ra' ya
Ka-yii-ta ra'-yS,
U /
Ha-tra'-ah
Ya-tra'-ah
Me ta/-kosh
Me-tii'-ko-zhii
Me-tii/-ko-zha
Me ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-koash,
Me-tii'-ko-sha
Me-tii'-kosh
Me-tii'-ko-sak'-pok .~
Me-tii'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-tix'-ko-za
Me-ta' ko-sa
Me-ta'-ko-sa
We-tuh'-da
Toosh'-pa-ha
Toosh'-pa-ha
Wee-tush'-pa
Wa-do'-ha
Heen-tii'-kwa
My grandson.
tt tt
My grandchild.
n ti
My step-child.
My grandchild,
tt i«
tt ti
My grandson.
t< tt
tt <t
My grandchild,
a tt
tt tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
tt tt
n ti
tt it
it ti
it n
it it
ti ti
tt tt
it tt
ti tt
it it
ti tt
ii n
n ti
u tt
n ti
ti tt
i ti
t it
i u
i it
Wan -do '-ha
E-ta'-kwa
K-ta'-kwa-me
Be-to'-ja
Be-chose'-pa
We-ton'-cha
We chose'-pa
E-she-ka'
E-cha-h'kun
E-cha-lrkun
P-ta-we'-ha-ka..
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Boo' sha
Bus-ba'-pe-ta
Sup'-uk
Sii'-pok
Snp'-pok
Un hu-tis'-se
Um-os-sus'-wa
K-hua tsi'
Un-gT-lt-sI
Un-gI-11-sT..
Lak-te'-kis
Koh'-ta'-wa-suh
No-she'-shS, "
No-she'-sha'
No-sa'-ma . . .
Ne-la'-gwa-la'
No-sa'-ma
N'-da'-gwii lii'
Nich-a'
Na-h'-ka'
Na-h*-ka'
Na se-tua-nia/
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha' . ... ...
Na-tas'
j^i3
Nis
Nee-so'-tan
t ti
i ti
t i
i i
t t
i t
i t
My grandson.
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt
u «t
N'-tln'-sfik
Nu-jeech'
N'-tlu'-siik
Wa-seen'-no-kwa
Na-lrise'
Na-to-na-ma'-kw'
Na-na-toh'-na-wakue
Sa-chi'-a
Sa-cha'
Sa-cha'
Sa-to *a'-b3,
Set-shi'-ya
Sa-chi'
Set-she
Is-natche'-hu
Eue'-o-ta
Eng'-o-ta
310 .
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
01. My brother's erreat grandson
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
•>2. My brother's gt. pd. daughter
(Female bpeaking.)
Translation.
63. My Bister's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
2i
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
86
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
00
61
62
63
64
05
06
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My grandson,
it u
a u
ii ii
it (i
My grandchild.
My grandson.
a ii
My grandchild,
ii ii
it ii
it ii
ii ii
ii ii
ii ii
ii ti
ii ii
ii ii
ii ii
My grandson.
ii ii
My grandchild.
ii it
My little step-child.
My grandchild.
ii ii
ii ii
My grandson.
it it
ii ii
My grandchild.
ii ii
ii ii
My nephew.
My grandchild.
ii ii
ii ii
ii . ii
ii it
ii ii
ii u
11 ii
ii u
ii it
u ii
u u
ii ii
ii ii
u u ,
u u
i u
i u
i ii
i ii
i ii
ii u
11 it
ii ii
11 u
u ii
ii u
u u
II II
My grandson.
ii ii
My grandchild.
II U
U II
Ka-ya'-da
My granddaughter.
a n
<t u
tl 11
It U
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
a «
My grandchild.
u a
it u
it tl
U it
it tt
tl tt
H U
It It
It It
It it
My granddaughter.
tt (t
My grandchild.
« u
My little step-child.
My grandchild.
ii ii
u it
My granddaughter.
u u
ii ii
My grandchild.
ii it
u it
My niece.
My grandchild.
ii ii
11 ii
11 u
11 11
II II
11 11
11 11
II II
II 11
11 II •
II II
II II
11 II
II II
11 II
11 II
II II
II II
II II
II II
II U
11 II
II II
II II
II 11
II II
II II
II 11
My granddaughter,
ii u
My grandchild.
it ii
ii «
My son.
tl U
it It
(( •(
(( It
My child.
My son.
H t(
tt ti
a ii
i ii
t tt
i it
t it
t it
t ii
t it
tt tt
t tt
( a
t u
t tt
t ti
My step-child.
My son.
it tt
tt it
It It
tt tt
(( tt
My little son.
My child.
tt u
it ti
tt n
My step-son.
tl U
c tt
My step-child.
My son.
tl U
ft tf
" . It
tt It
tl tt
tl It
11 It
tl It
tt U
tl It
tt tt
It tf
ft If
ft ft
My step-son.
ft it
My son.
tt a
it ti
ti n
ti n
ti it
tt K
tf tt
<f ft
« step-child
" son
(Not rendered.)
it u
My nephew.
tt tt
Ka-ya'-dra
Ha-ha'-wuk
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ha'-wa
Le-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Le-ya'-ha
E-ya'-dla-ah . . .
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
E-ya'...
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-va'-r'a
Ka-yii'-no-na
Ka-ya-ta-ra'-ya
Le-ya'-ah
Ha-tra'-ah
Ya-tra'-ah
E-ne-ah'
Me-ta'-ko-zlia
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha .
Ah-she'-da
Me-ta'-ko-sha
Me-ta'-ko-sha ..
Me-tii'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko-zha. .
Me-ta'-ko-zha ..
Me-chink'-she
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-za ..
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Me-chink'-she
Toosh'-pa-ha
Toosh'-pa-ha
Wee-tu*h'-pa
Wee-tush' pa
Heen-ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kw& me
We chose'-pa . . .
We-chose'-pS.
E-cha-h'knn'-neke ...
E-cha-lrkuu'
P-ta-we'-ha-ka
P-ta-we'-ha-ka
Ko-ne'-ka
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Ma-de-sha'
Bus-ba'-pe-ta
Bot-sa'-sa
Sup'-uk-n5k'-ne
Snp'-uk
Suh'-siih
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Sa'-pok
Suh'-soh
Sup'-pok-niik'-ni
Un-zl-ll-sl
Un-gi-tt-s!
Ah-gwa'-tze
Te'-wut
Te'-wut
No-se-sem'
N'-go'-sim
N'-po'-zhim
No-se-sem'
N'-do'-xhim
Nin-do'-shT-miss
No-she'-sha
No-she'-shS,
Nin-do'-she-niis
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
N'-gwis'
No-sa-seh'
No-sa-seh' .
N'-gwis'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-m8/..
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-niS .. .
Nin-gwa-sa'
No-sa'-ma
No-she-sem'
Na-kwis'-sa
No-she-sa'
Na-h--ka'
Na-h--ka' ...
Na
Na-the-sa'-ma
Na-se-tha-ma' .
Ni-kwT-tha'
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha'
Ne-kwe-tha'
Na'-ha
Nee-so'-tan
N'-do'-to-ko
Nee-so'-tan
Nee-so'-tan .
Ne-to'-to-koh-'-a
Nu-jeeeh'
NH-jeech'
N'-kwis'
N'-kway'-nus
N'-kway'-nus
Noh'-whese'
Nain-whase'
Nain-whase
Sa-chS,'
Sa-cha'
Sa-to-a'-ba
Se-ya-zet'-tha-re
Se-ya'-za
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Sa'-zoo ?
Seet-she
Eng-o-ta'
Eng-o-ta'
Noo-a'-ga
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
311
TABLE II. — Continued.
54. My sister's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
65. My sister's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
56. My sister's daughter's hus-
band. (Female apeaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka'-sa
My daugh.-in-law.
If 11
It t(
(t ft
It t(
U it
if tt
tl tl
tt tt
tt tt
tt It
It tf
tl H
It It
tt tt
tt It
tt It
ft tt
It It
tt tt
tt It
tt It
tt tt
tl tt
It tl
tl tt
It It
My gd. daughter.
tt tt
My daugh.-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
t< tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt ff
tt tt
tt ' tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tf
tt tt
tt tf
tt tf
tt tt
tt tt
ft ft
ft if
ft tt
tt «
ft ft
ft tt
ft ft
ff tt
n tt
it tt
tt tt
it tt
it it
it tt
tt tf
tt tt
tf tt
it ft
ti tt
ti it
ft tt
ft tt
ft tt
Ka-ah'-wuk'
My daughter.
<t u
« u
(t it
(t u
My child.
My daughter.
<( tt
it tt
n tt
t< t<
tf «
<( it
it n
tt n
u t
It t
It t
tt t
tt t
tl It
tt tt t
tl It
My step-child.
My daughter.
tt u
tf tt
tf tt
ft tf
tt ft
it ti
My child,
tt it
ft tt
u it
tt it
My step-daughter.
tt it
ft tt
My step-child,
tt tt
My daughter.
tt t<
(C ff
ft ff
tt ff
tf ff
ff ft .
(f ff
"» **
ff ff
ff ff
ff ft
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
My step-daughter.
tt (t
My daughter.
tt tt
tt tt
ti u
It It
It It
tt ff
ff ff
tf tf
My step-child.
My dau. &
My step-daughter.
(Not rendered.)
My niece.
ft tt
My son-in-Iair.
tt tt
ft tf
t ft
f tt
. * "
t tt
i it
t t
t t
t t
t f
t t
t t
tt f
ft t
ff t
tt t
tf t
ft t
ft t
t< t
tt t
U I
tf f
(f f
f ff
f ft
t f
f t
f f
ff f
tf t
tf f
tf f
ft f
tf t
ff f
ft t
tf f
ff tf
ff (f
ff ff
tt ff
ff ff
ff ff
11 11
11 It
ff tf
ff ff
ft ff
ff ff
If ff
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
(f ff
ff ff
ff ff
ff tf
ft ff
ff tc
ff tf
tt tf
ft ft
ft ff
ff ff
tf ff
ff ff
Ka-ha'-wa
Ka-za'-wa
Ki-za'-wa
Kl-yii.'
K-en-hu'-za
Ahk'-thaf
Ka-sa'-wa
E-ne' ah
Me-ta'-kosh
Me-ta'-koash
Me-ta'-koash
Me-chunk-she ^
Me-chunk'-se-la
Me-tii' kosh .. •
Me-ta'-kosh .
Me-ta'-koash
Me-ta'-goash
Ta-ne'-ha
We-tuh'-da
We-te'-na
We-t6n;-da
Wa-do'-ha
Wan-do'-ha . .
We-shon'-ka
We-ton'-cha
E-cha/-h'kuu
VVa-to'-ho
Me-uo'-ha-ka
Ko-too'-te
Ma-ka/
Ma-too'-te
Niik'-me-a
Sil'-pok
Suh-soh'-take
Sa'-yup
Un-hu-tis'-se
Chu-chus'-wa
E-tsan'-hi
E hua tsT'
Seoo'-rus
Sko'-dus
Ko-sta'-wTtoh
Nee-tim'
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame' ....
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame' ...
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwem/
Nee-stim'
Nis'-.shn
. r ..
Ne'-sina
v • /
N'-da-niss
Ne-siin'
N'-da-niss'
N** '
N'-ah'-ga-neh-gweli'
Lan-gwa'-la
Na-ha-ga-na'-kwa No-ko-tnii'
Na-ha-ga-ha'-kwa No-ko-ma'
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa' No-ko-mil'
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa' No-ko-mii'
Na-ha-ga'-ne-kwam
Nin-da'-na
Na-ha-ga-na'-kwa
Nin-da/-na
N'-da'-na
N'-da-gwa-Ia'
N'-da'-na
N'-da-gwa-la/
Na-ta'-nis
No ha'-kun-e-uk-ye-yu'
Ne-tane'
Nich-a'
NS, tun'
Nich a'
Na-them-mi-sa
NT-toii-na-tha'
Ni-tha-ml-ah'
Nl-ta-na-tha/
Na-tim
Na tas'
Nee-mis'
N'-to'-to-tun
Nis
Nee-mis'
Nis
N'-thus-wa'-skom
N'-tus'
N'-tlu'-suk
N'-sum'
N'-sum'
N'-tlu'-suk
Na-h'um'
Nah'-hnm'
N'-da-nuss'
Na-to-na-raa'-kwa
Na-na-toh'-na-makue'....
Sa cht'-a
Sa-cba
Sa-y5/-dze
Sa-tsa'-ya
Sa-to'-a
Set-thu'-ya
Sa-le'-ya
Se-ya-hut
Sa-ya-tse'
Is-sa'-piu
Kas-toon-che-alt In-kach'-
[ha
Ookoo-a'-ga
Ta-ta'-wa-be
Nu-pwe'-at-sin .
312
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
57. My sister's grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
58. My sister's granddaughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
f>9. My sister's preat grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
1G
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3(>
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
40
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My grandson.
u t(
tt it
it tt
tt ti
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it it
My grandchild.
i( tt
11 tt
tt tt
It It
tt tt
It tt
tt It
tt tt
tt tt
It It
My grandson.
n ti
My grandchild.
ft it
My grandson.
My grandchild.
if a
tt ti
My grandson.
ti u
tt it
My grandchild.
a it
tt it
My grandson.
My grandchild.
u it
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt ti
it tt
it ti
it it
t u
t tt
t tt
t ti
t tt
u tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt t
it t
tt t
it tt
My grandson.
ti ti
My grandchild.
tt it
(Not rendered.)
My grandchild.
Ka-ya'-da
My granddaughter.
« tt
tt tt
tt ti
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
My grandchild.
it a
tt tt
t tt
i t
t t
i t
t i
i t
t t
t t
My granddaughter.
u it
My grandchild.
tt <t
My little gd. d aught.
My grandchild.
(I K
tt It
My granddaughter.
tt tt
ft (t
My grandchild.
t( tt
ft f(
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
ft tt
f< <t
K »
ft ti
t tt
t tt
i tt
i it
t tt
t it
t tt
tt n
u tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
It tt
tt tt
tt tt
t tt
I tl
t u
t tt
t tt
1 tt
1 tt
t tl
It tl
tl It
My granddaughter.
ft tt
My grandchild.
ft ft
(Not rendered.)
My grandchild.
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
tt ti
ti tt
n it
ti tt
My grandchild.
My grandson.
<f it
My grandchild.
f n
i ti
t tt
t i
i i
t t
t t
t <
n t
tt (
My grandson,
f t ft
My grandchild.
My littl« pd. son.
My grandchild.
it ti
ft tt
My grandson.
tt tt
ft it
My grandchild.
ti tt
ft tt
My nephew.
My grandchild.
it it
ti ft
tt t
tt i
tt i
ti i
t i
i t
i n
t n
tt
i a
t tt
t 11
t it
t tt
i it
t it
i it
t it
t tt
t it
t tt
i t
i t
t t
t t
t <
My grandson.
ft tt
My grandchild.
K if
tt tt
Ha-va'-dra
Ha-ya'-dra
Ha ya'-da
Ha-yii'-da
Le ya' dla ah
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
E-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
E-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra. ...
Le-ya-ta-ra'-ya
Ha-tra'-ah
Ya-tra'-ah
Ha-tra'-ah
Me-ta' ko-zha
Me- til '-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-tii '-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-sha
Me-tii'-ko-sha
Me-tii'-ko-slia
Me ta' ko zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-tii'-ko zhii
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Toosh'-pa-hS,
Too^h'-pa-ha
We-tush'-pa
Wee-tttsh'-pa
Wee-tush'-pli
H(*en-ta'-kwa
Heen-ta'-kwa-me
E-ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kwa-me
R-tii'-kwa
W h ' "
E-choonsh'-ka-neke'
P ta we7 ha ka
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Bus ba'-pe-ta
Bns-ba'-pe-ta
Sup'-uk .N
Sup'-uk-n5k'-ne
Sa'-pok
Sup'-pok
Sup'-pok-niik'-ni
TT " 1" -"
Un-gT-lI-si
Un-gT-U-si
A 1 '
Te'-wut
Lak-te'-kis
Lak-le'-kis
At-nuch'
N^ i /
N 1 "t Vi
No-zlil'-she
1ST V / VX
No-she'-sha
No-she sha'
No-she-sh&'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa'-ma
W H/
Nrt_qtl<* «&'
Na h* ka'
Na-h'-ka'
Na-h'-ka'
Na-se-tha'-ma
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha'
Nee-so'-tan
Nil lAApTl/
Nu-jeech' ... .
Na-h-ise'
Na-h-iae'
Sa-cha'
Sa-cha'
Sa-to"a'-ba
Se-y5.-zet'-tha-ra
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Sa-chi'
Seet-shai
Pat'-sin
Pat-sin
Enc'-o-ta...
Eng'-o-tii
Eng'-o-la .. .
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY
313
TABLE II. — Continued.
60. My sister's great Krand-
daughler. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
61. My father's brother.
Translation.
02. My father's brother's wife
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
26
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3(i
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
Ka-vil' da
My granddaughter.
u u
ff 11
tt It
11 11
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
a it
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt a
tt it
it it
tt it
tt tt
n it
tt it
a it
it it
My granddaughter.
tt a
My grandchild.
tt tt
My little gd. daught.
My grandchild.
tt it
tt tt
My granddaughter.
tt tt
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt it
tt tt
My niece.
My grandfhild.
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
ft it
tt ft
t tt
t tt
t it
t it
t tt
i it
t tt
t tt
i tt
t tt
if 1C
it It
1 tt
t tt
t It
t tt
I It
t It
1 It
It ft
It tt
My granddaughter.
tt it
My grandchild.
" i
<( (t
My father.
<* a
tt H
tt
tt
tl
tt
tt
it
H
It
It
My step-mother.
My mother.
My step-mother.
My mother.
tt «
My step-mother.
My aunt.
My mother.
« «t
t< tt
f< u
u tf
(t ft
< tt
t u
t tt
t U
t ft
f tf
f ft
f tt
tt tt
My step-mother.
My mother.
tt tt
u u
tt tt
tf tf
My little mother.
tt it
My step-mother.
it 11
ft «
<f (i
« tf
tt ft
ft tt
ft ft
tt tt
u a
tt tt
ff ft
n tt
tt tt
My aunt.
tf fi
fi <(
ft tt
u ti
ft tt
ff ft
tt ft
f« tt
tt it
My mother.
My step-mother.
ft tt
My grandmother.
My little mother.
My step-mother.
My little mother,
tt tt tt
My step-mother.
My mother
My aunt.
My broth'r-in-law.
My auut ?
My step-parent.
'Not rendered.)
My mother.
(Not rendered.)
tfy aunt.
Ha'-nih
Kuh-ue-ha'
Un-ge-noh'
La-ga-ne'-ha
Ka-ya' ra
Ahk-re' ah
Hi-ese'-ta
Me-tii'-ko-zha
At-tay'
E-nah'
E'-nah
Ah-ta'
Me-ta'-ko zha
Ah-ta'
K-na'
Me-ta'-ko-sha
Ah-ta'
Me-ta'-ko siik'-pok
Ah-ta'
— tt
tt
t(
It
li
tt
It
it
tt
tt
tt
tt
(t
((
tt
It
H
My litt e father.
My fat er.
ti
a
«
My ste -father.
a t
it
n
tt
it
ti
tt
n
My fall er.
u
«
tt
u
tt
tt
tt
tt
n
tt
My step-father.
it it
My little father.
My step-father.
it it
My little father,
it ft tt
My step-father.
My father.
My step-father.
My father.
My father-in-law.
My uncle f
My step-parent.
My step-father.
(Not rendered.)
My father.
My uncle.
(Not rendered.)
My uncle,
tt tt
E-nah'
Ah-ta'
E'-nah...
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Ah-ta'
E'-nah
Ah-ta'
E'-nah
Ah-da'
E'-nah ..
Ta-de'-ha
Na'-ha
Wee-tiish'-pa
In-da'-de
E-na'-ha
Heen'-ka
Hin'-ka
He'-nah ...
Be chose'-pii
E-da'-je
E'-naw
In-tii'-che
In-na'
E-chocm-zhunk'-neke
P-tii-we'-ha-ka
E-un'-cha
Ta-tay'
Na-a'
Ta-ta'
Ik-ka'
Ah-ha'
E'-ke-a ..
A'-ki
Ush'-ki
A'-ki
Ush'-kl
SuD'-pok . ..
Ang'-ki
Sush-so'-kt
Jui-os-sus'-wa
Chul-ku-che'
Chuch-ku-che'
E-dau-rtii'
Ah-ge-do'-da
Te'-wut
Ah-te'-is
Ah-te'-ra,
At-nuch
A-te'-ase
A-te'-ra
Ah-te'-a
At-na'
No-se-sem'
N^-do'-sis
N'-do'-sis
No-se-sem'
No'-ko-inis
No-shl'-she
"Vo-she'-sha
\o she sha'
No-she-sha'
Ne-mirih sho'-ma ..
No-sha'
No-sa-seh'
Noke-ma'
No-sheh'
\o-sa- ma'
No-sii'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'
Ne-za-gos-sa' .
No-sa'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa/
No-sa-ma'
No-sa'
Ne-sa'-gwis-sa'
51
NQss
Nak-ye'-ha
52
53
54
Noh'-neh
Na-h--ka'
Na-o'-a
Na'-ko
Na-se-tha' inii
No-tha'
Nl-ke~a'
55
50
57
No-stha-tha'
No-tha'
Ne-tha'-na
Na'-na
Nee-so-tan
Ne-to'-tox-is ..
58
Nee-so'-tan
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
H9
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
SO
N'-tus'
N'-kway'-nus
Nee-cha'-look ....
Na-h'ise'
Na-ja'-ku7 ..
Noli-' tut
N'-ga ha'-tut
Nain-no-whase'
Sa-cha'
Eh tii'-ah. . .
Sa-ta'
A'-na
See-the' ne
SSi-thfi-i
Eng'-o-ta
s-se-malt
Na-magh'-has
Kacli'-ha
^in-at'-sin
Nish-te'-a
Ni'-ya ....
Uk'-ka
314
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
63. My father's brother's son—
older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
64. My father's brother's son-
older than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
65. My father's brother's son—
younger than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
fcO
Ha'-je
My elder brother.
t< « u
ii it »
it u u
11 u 11
u u u
(t u 11
11 11 it
it tt ii
it 11 11
tt tt it
it 11 u
ti u it
11 tt it
11 it tt
it t ti
11 i u
tt t it
i i it
t i u
t t it
i i u
t t tt
ft i if
it i u
tt i u
tt i tt
ft t u
My brother. (The one
I sucked with.)
My brother.
My oilier brother.
My brother.
Thou and I, brothers.
My brother.
ti it
My brother (oldest).
My elder brother.
u u ft
ti it tt
ti if tt
My step-brother,
it it u
it ti ii
u it it
ft tt tt
My elder brother.
it it ti
u u it
ti i it
ft t ft
ii i tt
ft f t<
ti t u
My brother.
ii tt
My elder brother.
u u it
tt tt u
u tt u
My brother.
My step-brother,
it u u
My elder brother.
it u tt
ft it ii
u it it
tt tt tt
ft tt ii
One like my brother.
[bMy brother.
My yonnger brother.
My brother.
My elder brother
it it it
My cousin.
Ha' je
My elder brother.
it ft «t
If ft ft
ft tt fl
It tt tt
tt tt It
(t tt It
(( it tt
tt if it
It tt tt
tt ft ((
(( It tt
tl tt tt
tl tt it
tt tt tt
tt it a
" a ii
tt t it
tt t tt
tt t tt
tt t ti
tt t n
tl tt It
it tt it
it ti ti
it it it
it tt ti
tt it tt
tt tt ti
tt tt tt
ti it tt
tt tt it
Thou and brothers.
My brother.
My brother (oldest)
My brother.
My elder brother.
(t *t tt
ti it u
it • ti tt
My stop-brother.
My elder brother.
tt ti it
i it tt
t u tt
i t it
t i tt
t t tt
t i it
t i tt
t tt tt
t tt u
i tt tt
My brother,
tt tt
My elder brother
tt it «
<t it it
tt tt tt
My brother.
My step-brother,
tt tt tt
My elder brother.
tt tt tt
it tt ti
it u ti
it tt tt
tt t( «t
One like my brother.
My brother.
My elder brother
t< ii (i
My cousin.
tt tt
Ha'-ga
My younger bro.
tt «( «
u ti u
ti tt n
ti ti tt
t< <t tt
tt, ti tt
tt n it
ft ti it
<t tt ft
tt tt tt
ft tt it
tf tf tt
<f ft tt
ti it u
tt tt t*
tt tt tt
ti tt tt
it tt u
tt tt ti
it ti (i
it it n
tt it u
it tt it
(t tt tt
ft tt tf
ft tt tt
if ft ft
My brother.
tt tt
My other brother.
My younger bro.
Thou and I, bros.
My brother.
if tt
ft it
My yonnger bro.
tt tl U
tt It It
tl tl tt
My step-brother.
'< tt tt
ii it it
ti ti it
f tt t<
My younger bro.
ft it ft
ff ti tt
t< tt tt
ti tt tt
*f t< it
ft tt tt
My brother.
ti it (t
My younger bro.
tt it tf
fi ft tt
(f ft tt
My brothfr.
My step-brother.
My younger bro.
ft ft tt
<f tt it
tt tt ti
ft ft a
ft tt it
My brother.
ft tt u
My younger bro.
u tt tt
ft tt tt
My cousin.
<t tt
Kuh-je'-ah
Ha-^a'-ah
Kuh-je'-ah
Kuh-je'-ah
Ha'-^S,
Lak-je'-ha
Lak-je'-ha
Lak-je'-ha •.
K'-ga-ha
Ahk'-ra-je
Ahk-ra'-je
Ka'-ea
Lok-je'-ha
Ha-ye'-uh
Ha-ye-a'-ha
Chin-yay'
Te-mdo'..
Clie-a'
Me-soh'-ka
Che'-a
Tib'-a-do
Che'-a
Tib'-a-do
Che'-a
Tib-a-Io'
Tib-a-lo'
Me-sunk'-a-la
Che'-a
Tib'-a-lo
Me-soh''-ka-la .
Che-a'
Tib'-a-lo
Me-son'-ka-la
Zhin-da'-ha
Ton-no'-ha ....
Ka-ga' ...
Wee-zhe'-tha
Be-zhe'-yeh
Be-sun'-ga
We-she'-la
We-chin'-to
We-son'-ka
E-ne'
E-sunk'
Moo'-ka
Me-sho'-kii
Meek'-a
Ba-ohu'-ka
Um-un'-nl
A-nitk' ft
Suh-nak'-fish
Et-e-ba'-pl-shi-ll
A-nak'-fi
Et-e-ba'-pi-shi-ll ...
Et-e-ba'-pT-shi-li
A-nak'-fi
Et-e-ba'-pT-sliT-lI
Un-it-te-cha-ke'-to
Chu-ehihl'-wa
Um-it-te-cha-ke'-to
Tsan-sda-da-unn'-tlT
Un-gi-nl-li
Un-gl-nun'-tlJ
De-na-da-nuh'-tsI
De-na-da-uuh'-tsi
De-na-da-uuh'-tsi
E-da'-deh
E-rats-teh
E-da'-deh ...
A-da'-de
Ta-la'-lik-tis
A-da'-de
Che-na-tun'
Ka-wit'-ta
Neese-tase'
Neese-tase'
Neese-tase'
Neesh-tase'
Nis-sii'-ye
Nl-shT'-mS
Ne-ka'-na
Ne-ka'-n*....
Ne-ka'-na
Nl-sa-ya'
Ne-ka'-na .. .
Ne-ka-nis'
Nis-si'-ya
Ne-ka'-na
N'-sa'-va
Ne-ka'-na
Ne-ka'-na
Ne-sa-sa'
Ne-san'-za
Ne-san'-za
Ne-sa-zS'
Ne-s5,-za'
Ne-sa-za'
Na-sa'-ma
Na-sa'-ma
Na-na'
Na-na'
Na-sa' .
Na-ne'-a
Na-ne'-a
Na-sim-a'
Ni-to-ta-ma'
Ni-to-ta-tna'
N'-cha-ne-ma'
Nos-ke'-ma
Na'-tha-ha
Na'-tha-ha
Ta'-ya
Neese-sa'
Nis-kun'-a
Nis'-sa
Nis'-sa
Nis-kun'
N'-sees'
N'- sees'
N'-see'-wees orN'-tul-num'
N'-da-kwus'
N'-tul-niira' or Neet-see-
N'-donk' [fees'
N'-see-wes or N'-tul-num'
N'-da-kwus'
Nee-ma '-tus
Nain-n'-hans'
Kfln'-dig-eh
Kfm'-dig-eh
Sun-no'-ga
Sa-na'-ga
Su-na'-ga
Set-chil'-e a-ze
Soon'-da-ga
Sa'-cha
Soon-da
ts-sin-kwu-seehw". •> Ia-
[se-lacht
Is-sin-kwu-seehw*
Ko-ko-wii-malt
Ko-ko-wa-malt
Tum-mu'
Gi'-a
Ri-cu'-i
Cu-hu-ba
Ig-dlo-ra
H-lung'-a ,.
ll-lo'-a
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
315
TABLE II. — Continued.
6. My father's brother's son —
younger than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
67. My father's brother's son's
wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation,
68. My father's brother's son's
wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
28
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
01
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha' aB
My younger brother.
u if ft
« tf ft
a ft f
ft if f
ti ff t
it u (
a u f
(( U U
ft U «(
it tt ft
<( tf ii
tf (( U
fi ft it
U U ft
( fl U
t It ti
t It tt
I It It
t tt tf
( tt tt
t tt tt
t it tt
t tt tt
( (( fl
( It tl
( it tl
t tt tl
t tt tt
It tt tt
tt It tt
tl tt tt
tl 11 tt
My brother.
tt (t
it (t
My younger brother.
i< t< tt
it it tt
tt u it
My step-brother.
My younger brother,
t tt a
c a tt
t tt tt
t it tt
t it tt
t tt it
t it tt
tt tt tt
tt (t ti
it tt tt
ti tt tt
My brother.
My younger brother.
u tt tt
tt ft tt
tt tt ft
My brother.
My step-brother.
U it
My younger brother,
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
My brother.
tt ft
My younger brother,
tt tt tt
My cousin.
(t tt
Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah
My sister-in-law,
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt ti
tt ff
ft tf
ft ft
tt it
tt ft
tt ft
(t tt
tt ff
tt if
ft tt
ft ft .
ft ff
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt ft
ft ft
tt ft
ft ft
ft ft
ft ft
tt ft
tf ft
tf ft
ft ft
ft ft
ft ft
ff tt
My wife.
My sister-iii-law.
My wife.
My sister-in-law,
tt tt
tt tt
t tt
t tt
t tt
t tt
t tt
t ti
t tt
t ft
t tt
t tt
t tt
it ft
tt tt
ft ft
ft tf
tt t<
tt ft
tt ft
tt tf
t ft
t ft
< ft
< *t
t tt
t tt
tt ft
tt tt
My younger sister.
My sister-in-law.
ft tt
(Not rendered.)
My sister-in-law.
Ah-ge~ah'-ne^o
My sister-in-law,
ft. tt
ft ft
tt ft
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt tf
tt it
ft ft
it it
tt tt
it tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
ft it
tt tf
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt ft
tt ft
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tf
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt if
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
it it
it tt
tt tt
it ft
tt ft
ft tt
ft tt
tt ft
u tt
tt ft
tt tt
it ft
it tt
tt ft
it tt
tt tt
it tt
it it
if tt
if tf
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft u
ti tt
it tt
it tt
tt tt
My younger sister.
My sister-iu-law.
Uh-ge-ah'-ne-o
Ah-ge-ah'-ne-o
Un-ge-ah'-le-a
Un-ga-le-a'-ah
Ack-ga'-re-ah
Ah-go-ha'-kwa
Ah-go-ha'-kwa
O-in-da'-wait
Han-ka'
E-cha'-pan
Hii-ka'
E-shaV-pa
Wa/-ka
E-sha'-pa
•u / i-
Ha'-ka — s.«-
E-sha'-pa
Hun-ka'
S'-cha'-pa
Hun-ka/
S'-cha'-pa
,. , , ... ,..
Ha' ka
E-sa'-pa
Ha'-ka
E-sa'-pa
Me-soh/
Ma-ha'-ha
Me-she'-cha-pas
KWa'
She-ka'
We-she'-kii
Hun'-ga
He she'-ka
Han'-ga
Hin-she'-kii
Be ha'- ""a
Be-she'-ka
We-son'-ka
We-hun'-ka
We-she'-ka
E-sunk'
E-she'-ga
Koo-too'-min-ik
Boo'-a-ka . ...
Mat-too'
Moo'-iL-ka
Bos-me'-a-kun-is-ta
A nak' fl
Suh hai' ya
Suh-hai'-ya
A-nak'-fi
Sa-hT'-ya •
Sa-hl'-ya
A-nak'-fi
Sa-hi'-ya
Sa-hi'-ya
Au-sda-11-gT
Ah-ke-t^o'-hT
E-na-duh'-hi
E-rats'-teh
Ta-tee;-luk-tuk-u *
Scoo'-rus '.
Sko'-dua
Sko'-dus
Kii-wit'-ta
Na te' na-ta-koo
Sko-roo'-hoo
N'-ja'-koase
N'-ja'-koase
Nin-dan'-gw5
Nin-don'-gwa
Nin-dan-gwa'
N'-she'-ma
N'-dan-gwa'
N'-dan-gwa'
Se-me-ina'
N'-jan-gwa'
Ne-liia-wa/
Nin-ja-gwa/
Nin-ja-kwa'
Nin-ja-kwa'
Na-se'-ma
Na-da'-kwa
Wii-a'-che-uk
Nee-turn'
Wa-se-na-ma-kS,
NT-Urn' wa'
N'-ta-kwa'
Ta'-ya
Ne-ta'-be
Nis-kun'-a .
Nee-mis'
Ne-mak-tem'
N'-see'-mees or N'-tul-
\ t ]
Ne'-takw'
V ' '
N'-da-oh-k'
N 1 '
Nain-ne-la'-kou
cu/ r,v
Sa'-cy..., ,
Sa'-ga
Set'-SO
Sa'-o-ga
Sa'-cha
Sa-cha
Oo-koo-a'-gS,
Pe'-a
T-p'-rra
If-dlo-ra
Il-lo'-a
316
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
69. My father's brother's daugh-
ter — older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
70. My father's brother's daugh-
ter — older than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Trauslation.
71. Sly father's brother's daugh-
ter — younger than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
l
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
4t>
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ah' je
My elder sister,
it it ft
u <( (t
t ft (i
t u it
I It U
i n tt
t n
i i it
( t it
l l tt
t ( tt
it it It
H tt tt
tt it tt
tt ti tl
t tt it
t tt tt
t tt tt
t n it
t tt tl
t tt tt
t n tt
t tt tt
t tt it
It it tt
it it tt
tt tl U
ft (( ft
(( tt u
tt it it
it tl it
it It it
My sister.
tt 11
it it
My elder sister.
(t 44 11
(( U (1
tt tt It
My step-sister:
tt tt it
It It tl
tt tl tl
It It tl
My elder sister.
it i n
It 4 tt
tt t n
tt t t
(t t t
tt t t
u t t
tt t t
My sister.
My elder sister,
tt tt u
u tt tt
it it tt
My sister.
My step-Mster.
t« tt «t
My elder sister.
u tt tt
tt tt tt
tt u ti
n it it
it it it
My sister.
b My step-sister.
My sister.
My elder sister,
tt tt tt
My cousin.
Ah'-je
My elder sister.
tt tt tt
tt it it
ti it ti
It tt It
tl It It
tf tl tt
tt 11 U
It tt 11
tt It tt
1 11 tt
1 tt It
t It tt
I 11 It
I It tt
I It tt
: it it
t t n
t l U
i t it
u i it
it t it
ti t i
it tt i
it tt t
tt u i
n it t
it ti i
My sister,
tt ti
My elder sister.
u tt tt
<t u u
My sister,
ti u
it n
My elder sister,
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
My step-sister.
My elder sister,
tt tt u
My step-sister,
ti tt tt
My elder sister,
tt tt tt
tt tt ft
tt tt f
t ft t
t ti t
i ti i
t tt i
t tt i
My sister.
My elder sister.
(t it u
tl it tt
it it it
My sister.
My step-sister.
tt tt tt
My elder sister.
tt ft i
it ti i
it it i
it it t
n it i
n n t
My skter.
My elder sister
My cousin.
Ka'-gS,
My younger sister,
ti ft tt
tt tt tt
tf tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt t
ft tt t
tt tt t
tt tt t
it tt t
ti ti i
ti i tt
tc i tt
tt t ft
1 1 i it
tt i it
ti i tt
n ti it
ti ti it
i it ti
i 11 n
t it it
t it it
i it it
tt tt n
it it it
tt tt t
tt tt t
K tf f
ff fC t
ft ff t
tf tt f
My sister.
U fl
ff tf
My younger sister.
U ff tf
tt ff tt
ft ft tt
My step-sister,
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tf tt
My younger sister.
it tt t
tt n t
it it i
it it i
ti n i
it it t
ti tt t
it ti i
My sister.
My younger sister.
ti tt tt
tt ti tt
tt tt ft
My sister.
My step-sister.
U tl U
My younger sister.
u it u
ft tt tf
u tf u
it ft tt
tt ti ft
My sister.
My younger sister.
My younger sister.
tt it ti
My cousin.
Uh-fe' ah
Uh-je'-ah
Ka'-ga'-ah
Uh-ie'-ah
Uh-je'-ah
Ka'-ga
Alik-je'-ha . .
Alik-je'-ha
Ahk-je' ha
Ahk je'-ha
Ka-gii'-ha
Ahk' je
Ahk'-je
Ka'-ga
Ak-je'-yii
Ka-ga-ah'
A-ye'-uh
Tiin-kay'
Me-tank'-she
Tou-ka'
Chu-ih'
Me-tank'-she
Me-tank'-she
Tank'-she
Tan'-ka
Ta-ka'
Tonk-a'
Chu-a'
Chn-ih'
Me-tauk'-she
Tou-ka'
Zhon-da'-ha .
We-ha'
Wee-z6n'-tha .
We-tOn'-ga
He-yu'-na.. ..
Heen-tan'-ya
Heen-tan'-ga
Be-tun'-ga-zhin'-ga
We-tun'-ka
We-tun'-ka
E-noo'
E-noo'
P-ta-me'-ha
Mat-ta-we'-a
Ma-rii'
Ma-ta-ka'-zha
Bii-za'-kat
Hii-sa'-cbete
Et-e-ba'-pT-sht-lT
An'-take
Et-e-bii'-pT-shl-li
Chu-hla'-ha
Un-^i-dau'
An'-ke-doh
E-ta'-heh .
E da'-deh
K-tii'-heh
A-ta'-he
A-ta'-he. ...
A-ta'-ke
Ah-te'-ta
Ah-teMa
Ah-te'-ta
Ne-mis'
Ne-se'-mis
Ne-mish'
Ne-sha-mish'
Ne-she-mish'
Nl-shl'-tn8
Niu-da-wa'-ma
N'-da-wa'-ma
N'-do-wa-ma'
N'-da-wa-uia'
N*-da-kwam'
N'-da-wa-ina/
N'-da-wa'-ma
Ne-mis-sa'
Ne-go-se-ma'
Ne-she'-ma
Ne-mis-sa/
Ne-she'-ma
Ne-she-uia'
Ne-me-sa'
N ' '
Na-sa'
Na-ma'
Na-ma'
Na-sim-a'
Ni-ta-kwa'-ma
Ni-ta-kwa'-ma
Net-kwa'-ma
Na'-be
Na'-be
Na-be-a'
Nee-mis'-ta
Ne-his'-tii
Ne-his'-ta
Ne-sis'-sa
N'-kwa-jeech'
N'-pee-hen-mum
N'-pee-hen-mutn
N'-da-kwus-oh-'-kwii-oli .
N'-do-kwa-yome'
N'-ko-kwii'
N'-dii-kwus-h'-kwa-oh
N'-do-kwa-yome'
Neet-koh/'-kw*
Sa'-da
Sa' da
Sa-da'-za
Set-dez'-a-a-ze
Sa'-che
Sa-chith'
Sa-clie
Al-kat-litch-kilt
In'-chats. b En'-naks ...
Al-kat-litsh-kilt
Al-kat-litsh-kilt
No-vi-pa-re
Qu-i'-a
Il-lo'-a
Cu-hu'-ba
Il-Iiing'-a
Il-iang'-a
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
317
TABLE II. — Continued.
72. My father's brother's daugh-
ter — youu^'er than myself.
Translation.
73. My father's brother's daugh-
ter's husband.
(Male speaking )
Translation.
74. My father's brother's daugh-
ter's bulbil iid.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka'oS,
My younger sister,
tt ti tt
u ti if
tt it ft
tt ti u
if u ti
u it tt
ti u n
ti tt if
ft ft tt
u t ft
ft t tf
it t <t
tt t ti
tf t tt
tt t t«
ft i it
ft t tt
ft i ti
u t it
ii i if
it t ft
it tt ii
ti ft u
it it tt
t it u tt
11 tt ft
it tt tf
My sister,
tt ti
My younger sister,
tt tt tt
ti tt tt
My sister,
tt tt
tt tt
My younger sister.
ft ft it
If fl ff
ff ff If
My step-sister.
My younger sister.
My step-sister.
My younger sister.
it ti tt
if if if
ft ft ft
U ft If
v II fl
If ff ft
ff ff ff
ff ff If
ff 11 ff
ff ff ff
tf ff ff
(f ff ff
My sister.
My step-sister,
ft it u
My younger sister,
tt it ft
ti ti it
fi ft it
it 11 tf *
if ti tt
ti it it
My sister.
My younger sister.
My cousin.
My brother-in-law.
fi if
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
ft If
tf tf
ff ff
ff ft
ff ft
Ha-ya'-o
My brother-in-law.
tt ti
u u
u it
tt ti
it it
tt ft
tt ti
ft it
ft tt
ti ft
ft ft
ti it
it tt
tt tt
ft ft
ft tt
tt if
tt (i
it . ft
tt if
ft tf
tt fi
it tt
tt ti
it it
fi tt
tt it
it it
ft tt
tt tt
tt ti
if u
My son-in-law.
it tt
u tt
My brother-in-law.
ft tt
u tt
ft it
tt tt
ti u
tf tt
ft 11
ft it
ti tt
ti u
it tt
ti it
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
u tt
it tc
11 tt
It I (f
ff ff
ff ff
fl II
tt ft
tf tt
It It
tt tt
11 tt
tt tl
It It
Ka'-ga
Ka-ga'-ah
Un-ga-de^o'-ha
Un-ja jo'-ha
0-in da'-wait
Ah-zha'-ku
Me-tan'-ka
Ta-han'
E-cha'-she
Ta-huh'
She-cha'
Me-tiiuk'-a-do
Ta-ha'
Me-tiiu'-ka
Ta-ha' —
She-cha'
Ta-ha/
ff tf
ff fl
ff ft
fl ff
fl If
It If
II 11
ff ff
ff ff
If II
fl tf
ft ff
If ff
It tf
ff ff
fl ff
ff ff
ff ft
If It
ff ff
My son-in-law,
it ti
tt ti
My brother-in-law.
u it
it if
tt tt
tf tt
ti u
ft u
ii it
it tf
it tt
ft u
tt tt
ft it
it tt
tt ft
tf it
ti it
u tt
ft tt
it tt
tt ft
it ti
it it
u t
tt t
tt t
ft t
tt t
ft tt
u it
ft a
ft ft
ft U
tt it
She-cha'
Me-touk'-a
Ta-ha'
Ton'-ka
Ta-ha' . .
She'-cha
Me-tou'-ka
Ta-huh'
She'-cha
Me-ta'
Me-han'-ka
We-ha'
Ta-ha'-huh.
Wee-t5n'-ga
We-ta'-ha
We-^he'-ka
Heen-tun'-ga
Heen ta' ha
He-slie'-ka
Hin she' ka
Be-ta'-ha
Be-«he'-ka
We-tun'-ka
We-t&'-ha
We she' kS,
K-chunk'
E-chun' ... .
E-she' ca
Mft-Ui-ka'-zhii
Ma-na'-te
Ma rush' ke rash
Ba-.so'-ka
Suh-nak'-fi.sh
Um-a'-lok
Um-a'-lok
Et-e-ba'-pi shT IT
Um-a'-lak
Um a' lak
Et-e-ba'-pi-shl-ll
Um-a'-lak .
Um a' lak
Un-gT-lun'-i
Squa-lo'-sih
Suua lo' sih
A-ta'-he
Au-te'-ta
Kuh-tii'-wa-suh .
Ne-se'-mis
Ne-sha-mish'
N ' t* '
N t" '
>sfi-shT'-inr>
,Tw/ .
Ne-de-ge'-ko
V / '
Ne-she'-tna
Ne-ta'
Ne-she-ma'
N'-da-kwam'
Ne til'
Ne-da-kwam'
Ne-ta'
Ne-go-se-ma'
Ne-ta-wa' ^...
Ne-she-ma'
Ne-tii-wa'
Ne-she-ma'
Ne-ta-wa'
Ne-ta-wa'
Na-se'-ui5,
NiVsa'
Na-tow'
Na-sim-a'
X t '
Na-ta-ta'-rnS,
N'-c-lia-ne-nii'
Na-be'-a
Ne-ah'-S
Ne-sis' sa
fj6 / t° ^ Q
N'-kwa-jerch'
N'-pee-hen mum
N'-ko'-kw ii
V-dii-oh'k'
^J6e l ;u
Neet-koh/'-kw'
V 1 /
Nain-hise' sa-mua'
A-da'-zy
Sa-da'-za-ya'-za
Sa -ga
Sa'-re
Set-shi'-ya
Sa-chith'
Sa thu i
See-chath
In-tchit-cha-opes'
Al-kat litsh-kilt
No-vi-pa-re
Il-lo'-a
S18
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
75. My father's brother's son 'a
POO. "
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
76. My father's brother's son's
son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
77. My father's brother's son's
daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My son.
it «t
it it
ft a
tt tt
(( ft
tt ti
u a
u n
tt it
ft tt
tt tt
it it
tt tt
it tt
tt it
tt it
tt tt
it ti
ti tt
tt tt
tt tt
it «
My step-child.
My sou.
t( (
u t
tt t
tt (
tt t
it t
My child.
tt ti
tt tt
tt (f
tt tt
My step-son
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
a tt
tt ft
tt tt
My son.
n u
tt tt
tt (i
it ti
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
t< ti
My step-son.
My son.
tt tt
it it
My step-child.
My son.
tt tt
My step-son.
My son.
tt tt
ti tt
My nephew.
My nephew.
My son.
tt tt
tt tt
(t tt
My nephew.
My son.
tt tt
My nephew.
u i
u t
tt t
if t
t t \
i t
( it
f 1C
f ft
( ft
ft ft
ft ft
ft ft
If ft
My son.
tt u
My grandchild.
My son.
My grandson.
tt fi
if fi
My grandchild.
My nephew.
ti tt
My child.
tt it
My grandchild.
My nephew,
tt tf
tt (t
ti it
ti tt
tt tf
ft it
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt <
tt t
u t
ft f
tf f
(t f
ft f
ff f
tf f
ft f
tt t
It t
It tf
ff ft
My step-child.
My son.
tf tt
tt tt
tt ff
tt tt
My nephew.
My daughter.
ti ti
tt t
tt t
ft t
ft t
tt t
tt t
it i
tt t
ft t
tf f
it t
ft f
f( f
ft f
ff f
tf 1
II t
tf t
ff ff
ff ff
If ft
My step-child.
My daughter.
ft H
it ft
ff ft
ft ft
ft ft
ft tt
My child.
tt K
tf ti
if tf
ft f<
My step-daughter.
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
ft tt
tt tf
tt tt
tt ^ tt
tt tt
My daughter.
tt tt
ft t
ft t
tt t
tt t
tt <
it t
It 4
If ff
If tf
My step-daughter.
My daughter,
if tt
tt it
My step-child.
My daughter.
tt tt
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
tt tt
tt tt
My niece.
Ka-ha'-wuk
Ha-ha'-wa
Ha-ha'-wa
Ka-ha'-wa
Le-ya'-ha
Le-ya'-ha
Ka-ya'-ha
E-ya'...
E-ya'...
Ka-ya'
Le-y8/-ah
He-wa'-teh..
E-iie-ah/
Me-tonsh'-ka .
Me-chink'-she
Ak she'-da
Me-tose'-ka
Me-chink'-s«-la
Me-toans'-ka
Me-chink'-she
Me-toas'-ka ...
Me-to'-za
Nis-se'-ha
We-toash'-ka
Be-chose'-ka.
She-me'-she-ga
We-shen'-ka
We-shen'-ka
E-cha-h'kuu'
E-eha-h-kun
Mii'-ka
Bot-so'-ka
Suh'-suh
Suh'-soh
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Su'-soh
Sup'-pok-nak'-iiY
Chu-chus'-te
Ah-gwa'-tze
Pe'-row
Pe'-row
Na-te-na'-o
Na-te-na'-o
N'-do'-sim
N'-de-kw&-tim'
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame/...
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwem' ....
N'-do'-zhim
NJ-de-kwa-tim'
N'-do'-zhim
N'-deh-kwa-tim'
Nin-do'-zhim
Nin-do'-zhim
Nin-do'-zhe-me-kwam
Nin-do-zha-mi-kwam' ....
N'-do'-zlia-mi-kwam'
N'-do'-zha-ml-kwatn'
N'-do-zhim-a'
N'-do-zhim'
N'-do'-zhe-roa
Neen-gwase'-s&
Lan-gwa-les'-sa
Nin-da'-na.
Nin-gwa-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Nin-da-na
Nin-gwa-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa/
Nin-da'-na
Ne-gwis-sa'
N'-da'-na
Ne-gwis-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sa'
N'-da'-na
Na-kwis'-sa
Na-ta'-nis
Ne-keese'
Ne-tane'
Na
Na-chin'-e-ta
Na-tun'
Ni-kwI-tha'
Na-na-kwa-ma-tha
Ne-kwe-tha'
NT-ta-na-tha'
Na'-ha
Na-tah'-ta
Na-ta'-na
N'-do'-to-ko
N'-to-to-tun
Noh-'-ko-a
Ne-tan'-a
N'-kwis'
Nu-lQks'
N'-tus'
N'-too-a'-sum
Na-kun'
Na-kun'
N'-kweese'
N' A'-' -t
Nain-gwaae'
Tu-zen'-a
Sa-ya'-dze
Sa-ya'-za
Sa-to'-a
Se-ya'-za
Se-ya'-za
Co 1ft/_S
Sam-milt'
Uug-a'-gii .. .
Qx ,,..,1-
Kung-e-a'-ga
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
319
TABLE II. — Continued.
78. My father's brother's son's
•daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
79. My father's brother's daugh-
ter's son.
(Male speaking )
Translation.
80. My father's brother's daugh-
ter's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My niece.
My daughter.
tt tt
tf ft
My niece.
My daughter.
My niece.
My daughter.
tt it
tt tf
tt tt
tf it
tt u
ti tt
ti ti
n tt
tt it
tt it
n it
it u
ti tt
it it
n it
tt tt
My grandchild.
My daughter.
My gd. daughter.
tt ft
tt tt
My grandchild.
My niece.
tt tt
My child.
tt tt
My grandchild.
My niece.
ft tf
ft tt
tt ft
tt ft
ft tt
tf tt
t tt
t tt
t a
t tt
t ft
t tf
t tt
t tt
t ft
t tt
t tt
t tt
t tf
t . it
My step-child
My daughter.
tt ti
tt tt
tt ft
it tt
My niece.
My nephew.
tt t
tt t
ft t
tt t
tf t
tt t
tt t
tt ft
tf ft
ft tt
tt i
it i
tt t
it t
ti it
it it
n tt
it n
11 it
u ti
ti it
My younger brother.
it tt tt
My nephew.
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt u
t tt
i ii
t tt
i it
i tt
i it
i it
i u
i tt
i it
t it
i it
i it
t It
i it
i tt
i tt
i it
f tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
tt ft
t< tt
tt tt
ft t
"ft t
tt t
tt t
My son.
tt tt
My nephew.
My son.
ti tt
tt tt
tt ft
My child.
My son.-
tt tt
tt tt
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt t
u t
It t
11 I
11 t
ff f
ff t
ff t
ff tf
11 11
It ff
My step-child.
My sou.
tt tt
tt tt
My grandson,
tt tt
My grandchild.
My child.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
My step-son.
tt tt
tt ft
My step-child.
My son.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt ft
tf ft
tt ft
ft it
My Btep-son.
My son.
tt tt
tt ft
ft tt
tt ft
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
tt tt
My nephew
Ka-ha'-wuk
Ha-ha'-wuk
Ha-ha'-wa
Ka-ya'-ha
Ka-ya/
E-ya' ...
Ka-ya'- wa-na
Ka-ya'-no-na ...
K-wa' teh
Me-chink'-sbe
Me-toash'-ka
Me-chink'-she ...
Me-toh'-zha.
Ne-toash'-ka
Me-to'-za
Me-to'-za
Ta-zha'-ha
We-toash'-ka
Nis-se'-ha
\Ve-t6'-zha
We-chose'-ka
E-choon-zhunk'
E-cha-h'kun/ ...
Mat-qo-ga'
Ma-de-sha'
Niik'-me-a
Ba-cha'-ka?
Bot-so'-ka
Sup'-uk
Sup'-nk-nSk'-ne
Sa'-pok
Sa-bl'-yih
Te'-wut
Te'-wut
Pe'-row
Na-to-na'-o
N'-de-kwa-tim'
N'-de-kwa-tim'
N'-do'-zhim
Nin-do'-shT-miss
N'-gwis'
Lan-gwa-les'-sa
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Ne-la'-gwii-lis-sa'
Nfi, kwis'-sfc
Na-un' ...
Na
Ni-kwi-tha'
Na-la-gwal tha/
Ne-kwe-tha' .. ..
Na-tha'-be
Na'-ha
N'-do'-to-yose
N'-do'-to-ko
Ne-mis'-sa ...
Nolr-ko'-a
N'-sum'
Nu-luks'
N'-kwis
Na-kun'
N'-da-nuss'
Sa'-zy
Sa-to'-a .
Sa-ya/-za
Sa-ya'-za
Se-yft/-za
Se-ya'-za
Uug-a'-gS,
320
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
81. My father's brother's daugh-
ter's daughter.
(Malespeakinjf.)
Translation.
82. My father's brother's daugh-
ter's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
83, My father's hrother's great
grand sou.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
G5
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My niece.
ft <t
it ll
it tt
it ll
li It
tt tt
tt It
tt t
tt t
it l
tt t
It l
ff t
it t
ll t
ll ll
ll It
ll it
tl it
it It
ll it
ll ll
ll tt
My younger sister.
U tl 11
My niece.
(t ti
(t ll
tl t
It 1
It t
ll t
ll 1
ll 1
it 1
tl l
tt I
It it
It It
It ll
ll it
I ll
t it
I It
I ll
I ll
I It
I It
t It
1 tt
t ll
I It
I I
I I
I t
I t
1 l
I It
1 tt
I It
It It
tt It
My daughter.
ft u
My niece.
My daughter.
n ti
ii it
it it
it it
My child.
My daughter,
t* tt
ii ti
it it
it ti
ii it
tt it
it it
tt it
ii t
tt i
ii i
it i
ti i
ii it
it ti
ii it
My step-child.
My daughter.
tt tt
(t it
My granddaughter.
*i tt
n it
My grandchild.
My child.
tf tt
t( ft
tt If
My step-daughter.
tt <f
f< tt
My step-child,
tt tt
My daughter.
tt ti
u it
ii tt
u ii
ii it
It U
It It
ll ll
ll tf
It It
tl ll
ll tt
ll tl
tl ll
My step-daughter.
My daughter,
tt tt
it tt
tt tf
•ft (i
tt tt
ii u
ti n
ti it
My niece.
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
it tt
ft f(
it ti
U It
My grandchild.
My grandson.
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
ft ft
ft tf
it tt
tt ft
tt tt
tf tt
ft tt
tt tf
ft ft
My grandson.
ti ti
My grandchild.
tt >t
My little gd. son.
My grandchild.
ft ft
My grandson.
tt <t
u ft
My grandchild.
tt tt
(t tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
t tt
t tt
t tt
i tt
t tt
t it
tt t
tt f
ft f
tt t
tt t
t t
t t
t t ,
t t
f t
( t
t t
t( f
If I
ll I
It ll
ll It
It tl
ll 11
11 It
My grandson.
tt tt
My child.
My grandchild.
„ ^ ^ .. ,
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-ha
Ka-ya'-wa-na.
Ka-ya'-ra
E-ne-ah'
Ha-tra'-ah
Me-tii'-ko-zha
M^-ta'-kozha
Me-to'-zha
Ak-she'-da
Me-tii'-ko zliii
Me-to'-zha
Me-ta/-ko-zha
Me-tii'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-toh'-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-za .
Mc'-tiL'-ko-zha....
Me-to'-za
Mo to'-za
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Ta-zhaMia
Toosih'-pa-ha
Heen-ta/ kwa
K-ta/-kwa
Be-chose'-ka
She-me'-^he-ga
Be-chose'-pii
We-chose'-pa
E-choou-zliunk'
E-choonsh;-ka-neke..
I'-ta-we'-ha-ka
Ma' ka
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Niik'-me-a
Sub-ih'-take
Sup'-uk
Sa-blli'-take
Sa'-pok
Su-bl'-take
IV-wut
Te'-wut
Ah-te-natch
Na-te-na/-o
Nee8e-che-mis/
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame' ...
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwem'
Nose-seni'.. . .
N'-da-niss'
Shames-sa/
Nin-da'-ua
Ne-she-mis-sa'
N'-da'-na
N'-da'-na
Na-na'-ma
Na-tun'
Na-h'-ka'
NT-ton-na-th5/ .
j^a-se-tha'-ma
Ni-ta-ua-tha/
No-stha-tha/
Na-tha'-be
Ne-mis'-sa
Ne-tan'-a
N'-tus'
N'-sum'
N» lr >
Noh-k-soh-kwa'-oh
N:i h'ise'
Longue'-kwa'
Na-lone'-gwa-sis'
N ' > /
Sa-t'-thu'-aCmanXSa'-cha
Sa-ken'-ne [(woman)
Sa-to-a'
Se-le'-fi,
Sa-le'-a
Eng'-o-ta
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
321
TABLE II. — Continued.
S-t. My father's brother's great
granddaughter.
Translation.
85. My father's brother's great
grandson's son.
Translation.
86, My father's brother's great
grandson's daughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka-ya'-da
My granddaughter.
U ti
It tt
It It
U 11
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
11 u
My grandchild.
« ti
t* tt
ti u
tl U
u u
ft tl
It tl
It 11
It tt
tl tl
My granddaughter,
it ti
My grandchild.
ti it
My little gd. daught.
My grandchild.
it tt
tt u
My granddaughter.
tt it
K it
My grandchild,
u u
u u
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
*i it
ft it
u u
tt it
t it
i it
t tt
i ti
t it
i u
t it
t t
t t
t t
t t
i t
t t
t ii
t it
t ti
f (C
t it
if K
ft ft
ft ft
ft tt
it it
u ft
if ti
My granddaughter,
u u
My child.
My grandchild.
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
it (t
u tt
tt tt
tt ti
My grandchild.
My grandson.
tt u
My grandchild.
tt u
u tt
tt it
ft tt
tl tt
It It
ti It
tt u
tf U
tt tl
My grandson.
tt it
My grandchild.
U ((
My little grandson.
My grandchild.
it (t
ft a
My grandson.
ff it
tt tf
My grandchild
it it
(( tl
My nephew.
My grandchild.
it a
<t tt
it it
It It
It It
It It
tl It
tt tl
tt It
tl It
u u
tt ti
ti u
it tt
it it
it it
it it
n it
tt u
It It
it u
tt It
11 11
11 11
tt u
It It
It tt
My grandson.
«« tt
My child.
My grandchild.
Ka-ya'-da
My gd. -daughter.
tt tt
u tt
it ti
it ti
My grandchild.
My gd. daughter.
tt tt
My grandchild,
tt tt
tt tt
tt n
u n
It It
11 11
tl It
tl 11
It 11
11 It
My gd. daughter.
it ti
My grandchild.
tt a
My little gd. dau.
My grandchild.
tt tt
it it
My gd. daughter.
tt tt
tt tt
My grandchild.
it it
ft tf
My niece.
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt tt
tt n
it u
tt t«
ft tt
if ft
ft ft
ft ff
ft ff
ft ft
ff tt
ff tt
ff ft
ff ff
ff (
ft t
ft f
ff f
ff f
ft f
tf f
ff f
ff f
tf t
tf t
ff f
ff f
ff f
ff ff
My grandchild.
Ha-ya'-da...
Ka-ya'-da
E-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-ya-ta-ra'-ya .
Ya-tra'-ah
Ha-tra'-ah
Ya-tra'-ah
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-tiL'-ko-zlia
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko zha .
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta/ ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta '-ko-za...
Me-ta' ko-sa
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Toosh'-pa-ha
Toosh'-pa-ha .
Toosh'-pa-ha
W«e-tush'-pa
Wee-tush'-pa
Wee-tush'-pa
Heen-ta '-kwa-me
E-ta' kwa-me. ..
E-ta'-kwa. ....".
We-chose'-pit
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'..
P-ta-we'-ha-ka
E-choon-zhunk-e-neke ...
P-ta-we'-ha-ka
P-ta-we'-ha-ka
Bus-ba'-pe-ta
Sup'-uk
Sup'-uk-n8k'-ue
Sup'-uk •
Sa'-pok
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Sa'-pok
Sup'-pok-nak'-nl ..
Un-gT-lT-sT..
Un-gi-lT-sT
Te'-wut ..
Te-wut
No-se-seui'
No-she'-sha
No-she'-sha . . .
No-she-sha'
No-sbe-sha' ....
No-she-sha'
No-sa-seh'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa-ma'
No-she-sa'
Na-h--ka'
Na-h'-ka'
Na-h'-ka'
Na-se-tha'-nitt
Na se-tha'-ma
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha/ .. ..
No-stha-tha/
Nee'-sa
Nu jeech'
Nu-jeech
Na-h ise'
Nain-no-whase'
Sa-t'-thn'-a(man), Sa'-chii
Sa-to~a'-ba.... [(woman)
Sa-t'thu'-a (man), Sa'-cha
Sa-t'thu'-a (man), Sa'-cha
Sa-to~a'-ba [(woman)
Seet-she . ....
Eng'-o-ta
Eng'-o-ta
Eng'-o-ta
41 April, 1870.
322
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
87. My father's sister.
Translation.
SS. My father's sister's husband.
Translation.
89. My father's sister's son —
older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My aunt.
My mother.
** u
tt u
it n
My aunt.
My mother
My aunt.
i K
t ft
( If
( u
i tt
t tt
i tt
t tt
t ti
t tt
t u
t tt
t it
t tt
t tt
t it
t it
t tt
My mother.
My grandmother.
My mother.
My aunt, My gd. mo.
My step-father.
u tt
tt tt
My father,
(t it
My step-father.
u tt
My uncle.
My step-father.
My father.
My uncle.
(t It
tt tt
tl tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
U It
tl tt
tt ft
My brother-in-law.
tt tt
tt it
My father.
My grandfather.
My father.
My grandfather.
ti ti
My little gd. father.
My grandfather.
My step-parent.
My second father.
My grandfather.
u tt
My father.
My uncle,
tt it
u tt
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt
it
tt
u
tt
tt
I
t
t
t
I
t
t
t
t
t
t
t
My step-father.
My little step-father.
My step-father.
My uncle.
My aunt's husband.
My step-father.
My uncle ?
(Not rendered.)
My cousin.
tt n
it it
it tt
it ti
tt it
My elder brother.
My cousin.
< a
t ti
f tt
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
( i
My nephew.
i n
t ct
t ft
t tt
( it
t n
My father.
tt tt
tt tt
tt ti
it it
My little father.
My father.
U 11
It 11
It tl
My cousin.
n ti
it it
u tt
ft it
tt n
n tt
tt tt
My nephew.
ft it
ft tt
ft ft
ft ft
ft ti
it tt
tt tt
tt ft
My elder brother.
My cons. & bro.-in-
My cousin, [law.
My elder brother.
My cousin.
My step-brother,
tt n
My elder brother.
<« tt tt
My cousin.
My elder brother.
ft a ti
My brother. b One
[like my bro.
My younger bro.
My cousin.
My cousin,
it tt
Kno'-hii
Hii-ge-no'
Un-ga-la'-seh
Ha-wa-tt>-no'-ra
Jii-ra'-seh
Tun- win'
Dak-she'
Toh'-we
Dake'-she
Ta/-she
Tonk'-wa
A-dik'-she
Ka'-zha
Tonk'-wa
Ah-dik'-she
Ta'-she
Toh-we'
Ta'-she
Toh'-we
Lake'-she
Ta-ha'-she
Toh''-we
Ta'-she
Toh'-we
Lake-she'
Ta-ha'-she
Me-toh'-we
Ta-ha'-she
Te-na'-ha
Na-ge'-ha
E-ttt'-me
Hin-cha'-ka
Be-ta'-ha
We-je'-me
We-ta'-ha
E-chuu'
Ta-tay'
Ta-ta'
Ma-sa'-we (male speaking)
Na-a (woman speaking) ..
Ka-rn'-ha
Ma-toosh-a-rii'-ta-ka
E'-ke-a [ni(w. sp.)
Ah-h-a' • ••
-\h-lra'
A-huk'-ne(m.s.),Up-puk'-
Um-uh'-fo
A'-ki
A-huc'-nI(m.9.), Up-pok'-
Hap-po'-si [ni(w.sp.)
My grandmother.
Um-a'-fo
Um-u-fo-^T
A'-kl
Aug-ki n.
Chu pii rlia
Chuhl'-kii-che'
E-hlau'-gi
My aunt.
tt u
My mother.
it a
tt u
My aunt.
E-dau-dii/ (?).
Td-le-na-ah-ge-do-da,
Ah-te'-put
Ah-te'-ra
Ah-teMs
A-te'-ra
Ah-te'-pot
At-na
Ah-te'-a
Nees'-chaa
Ne-sia' '•
Ne-sis'
tt t
tt i
tt t
it t
tt t
tt i
it i
tt t
tt t
tt t
n i
it t
tt i
tt t
tt i
tt i
tt i
tt i
tt i
tt t
tt (
u t
My step-mother.
My little mother.
My aunt.
tt it
« t<
tt tt
tt (4
tt a
(t tt
(Not rendered.)
tt tt
My aunt.
NT-ta'-wiss
Ne-zhish-sha'
N'-si-gwis'
N'-jeh-sha'
Ne-za'-gos-sa'
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne zhe'-sa
Ne la' ewa-la-sa/
Ne-s5/-gwis-sa'
Nak-ye'-ha
Na-zhe-sa'
Ne-zha'
Na-un'
N&'-she
Na-tha-kwi-thS/
Na-ei-tha'
Ni-sf-tha'
Na-la-gwal-tha7
Na-ha'
Na'-tha-ha ?
N'-to tes-ta-mo'
Nikes-ka-mich'
Noo-kum' or N'-kee-sees'
N'-ku-Ia-inook'-sia
N'-ta-gus'?
Nii-ja'-kw" .
N'-ga-hit'-tut
Na-ma-la'-dakue
Eh-m'ba'-dza
Tha-tha'
Ba-tso'-na
Sa-che'-na-pa'-te-na?
Sel-the;-ne
Set'-so
o_ ..f ..
Sa-ki'
[kwl(f.s.)
In-kach'-ha(m.8.),En-tee'-
Ese-wa'-wa-sa
Is-se-lacht. b Is-sin-kwa-
[seehw'
Na-sis'-sas
TJl).gO
Ze-pa-ba-fu-cha
At-sa-ga
At-chung'-a
if 1- / ;•
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
323
TABLE II. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
• • '
Translation.
Translation.
, ,
Translation.
older than myself.
(Female speaking.)
younger than mynelf.
(Male speaking.)
younger than myself.
(Female speakiu^.)
My cousin.
U I
11 (
It I
(( (
tf I
My elder brother.
My cousin.
ii ((
l il
l it
t it
f ft
t it
t it
tt tt
it tt
My son.
it u
11 It
tl It
It tt
It (t
tl tl
My father.
<( it
tt n
ti it
it it
My little father.
My father.
U (f
if «
n it
My cousin.
if a
a ti
ti ti
a n
ii ti
tt it
it n
My son.
11 ti
it if
tt ii
ti ii
it tt
ii ti
tt it
tt it
My elder brother.
My cousin.
My elder brother.
My cousin.
My step-brother.
it tt
My elder brother.
ti it tt
My cousin.
My elder brother.
tt « u
tt tt it
One like my brother.
My husband.
My cousin,
<< (t
My cousin.
tt tt
tt it
it it
it ii
a it
My younjrer brother.
My cousin.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt «
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
it tt
it ti
My nephew.
tt ft
tt t
ft t
tt t
if t
it t
My father.
it tt
ft it
ft tt
it it
My little father.
My father.
ti tt
t< ft
tf tt
My cousin.
tt ti
it ti
ft it
ti ii
tt ti
it it
n ti
My nephew.
tt ti
ft ft
it ti
ti ii
ii it
11 U
tl It
It ff
My younger brother.
My cousin &_ bro.-in-
My cousin. [law.
My younger brother.
My cousin.
My step- brother.
it tt
My younger brother.
tt tt tt
My cousin.
My younger brother.
tt tt it
it tt tt
My cousin.
My cousin,
ti ft
tt ti
ft tt
ti tt
it ft
My younger bro.
My cousin.
ft tt
t tt
t tt
( tt
t (f
t tt
t tt
ft tt
ft ff
My son.
ii it
tt tt
ft ii
tt ft
ft ii
it if
My father.
ti it
ii n
ti ft
fc ft
My little father.
My father,
it tt
it if
it tf
My cousin.
tt t
it i
« t
it t
it i
n t
it if
My son.
it ti
it ii
it u
ti fi
it tf
tt ci
u if
ti ft
ti it
My younger bro.
My cousin.
ti tf
My younger bro.
My cousin.
My step-brother.
tt it
My younger bro.
tt tt u
My cousin.
My younger bro.
n ti n
it u it
My cousin.
Un-ga-la'-seh
Un-g£ lass'
Un-ga-lass'
Alik-ga-ra'-sthar
Le-ga'-ah
Le-ga'-ah
Ja-ra'-seh
Ta'-she
Ha-ka'
Ta'-she
Ta'-she ~.
S'cha-pa'-she
Ta-ha'-she
Ta'-she
Ta-ha'-she
Me-ha'-ga-she.
Ta-ha'-she . .
Me-ha/-ga-she
We-toash'-ka
Nis-se'-ha
Hee-yin'-ga
Be-chose'-ka . .
Be-she'-ga
We-shen'-ka
We-shen'-ka
E-nek«'
E-neke'
Ta-ta'
Ta-ta'
Ta-ta'
Ah-h-a'
Ah-h-a'
Ah-h*a'
A'-kl
A' kl
A'-ki
A'-ki
A'-ki
A'-ki
Ang-kT
Ang-ki
Chuhl'-ku-che'
Chuhl'-ku-che'
Chuhl'-ku-che'
E-dau-da'
E-dau-da'
E-dau-da'
Ah-te'-is
Ah-te'-is
Ah-te'-is
Nee'-che-moos
Neese'-chas
Nee-sas'
Nee;-ta-moo3
Ne-ne-mo'-sha
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-ne-moo-sha'
Ne-ta'-wis
Nin-gwa-sa/
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa' ... .
Ne-gwis-sa/
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sa
Na-kwis'-sa
Ni'-kwi-tha
Ni-kwT-tha
Ne-kwe-tha'
Na-la-gwal-tha'
Ne-kwe-tha'
Na'-tha-ha?
Ta'-ya ?
Ta'-ya?...
N'-do'-to-ke-mau'
N'-sees
N'-tul-num?
N'-donk
N'-donk
N'-dnn-oo-yorne'
Nain-n'-hans'
Kuu'-dig-eh
Sa-tso-ya'-za ?
Sa-ga-ya'-za ? .
Su-na'-ga
Set-chil'-e-a-ze
Sa'-cha
Sa'-cha
Soon-da
Sa-cha
Sa-cha
Il-lfing'-a
Il-lo'-a
Sa-ha-o-a
Il-lo'-a
324
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
93. My father's sister's sou's
wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
94. My father's sister's sou's
wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
9J. My father's sister's daughter
— older thau myself.
(Male •petting.)
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
07
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ali-ge-ah'-ne-ali
My sister-in-law.
ti a
tt ti
it tt
tt tt
n tt
tt it
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt i
it t
tt t
tt t
it t
it tt
n tt
My daught.-in-law.
(t a
tt it
it tt
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
My mother.
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
My little mother,
it « (t
My step-parent.
My mother.
tt tt
My sister-in-law.
tt tt
tt (t
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt .
tt ft
My daught.-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
My sister-in-law.
My daught.-in-law.
My sister-in-law,
if tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
ti tt
tt tt
tt ft
it ft
it tt
My daught.-in-law.
My sister-in-law.
tt tf
My sister-in-law.
Ah-ge - ah'-ne - a
My sister-iu-law.
it t
i (
t i
i t
i t
< it
it it
u a
a *(
it (
it (
it (
ti i
it t
it t
ti t
My daught.-in-law.
tt tt
tt ti
tt ti
it tt
ti it
it tt
My mother.
it ti
tt it
it tl
My little mother.
n it n
My step-parent.
My mother.
a n
My sister-in-law
u ft
ft (t
tt it
n tt
ti ti
ti tt
tt tt
My daught.-in-law.
ti it
it tt
tt ti
tt n
it it
ti it
My sister-in-law.
My daught.-in-law.
My sister-in-law.
a tt
H tl
it tt
u tt
tt u
t ti
t n
i tt
t tt
i n
My daught.-in-law.
My sister-in-law.
Ah-gare'-seh
My cousin.
it it
tt it
ti it
it tt
tt it
My elder sister.
My cousin.
4( (
11 t
tl I
It I
tl I
tt I
tt I
It t
tt I
My niece.
ti it
tt ti
ti it
ti u
tt ti
it ti
My mother.
(i u
My aunt.
My mother.
My grandmother,
u »(
My aunt.
a n
My mother.
it u
My cousin.
U ti
I 11
t u
I 11
( ((
C tl
t tt
My niece.
<( t«
< n
t it
i it
t ti
t ti
tt it
it it
My elder sister.
My cousin.
My elder sister.
My step-sister,
tt it
it ti
My elder sister.
U (t U
My cousin.
My elder sister.
n a n
tt U U
My sister.
(Not rendered.)
[My step-sister.
My cousin.
n it
tl U
Uh-ge-ah'-ne-a
Uh-ge - ah'-ne - o
Ah-ge-ah'-seh
Un-ga-la'-seh
Un-ga lass'
Ah-go-ha'-kwa
O-in-da'-wait .
Han-ka'
Han-ka '-sUa
Ha-ka'
Ha-ka'
E-sha'-pa
Ha-ka'
E-sha'-pa
Ha-ka'-she
Hun-ka'
S'-cha'-pa
Hun-ka'
S'-cha'-pa
Ha-ka'
E-8a'-pa
Ha-ka'-she
Ha-ka'
E-«a'-pa
Ha-ka'-she
Ta-ne'-ha
Ta-ne'-ha
Ta-zha'-ha
We-te'-zha
We-te'-na
We-te'-na
HIn-to'-ne
Be-je'-na
E-nook-chek'-aw-chau'
Ih'-ka
Ih'-ka
Ih'-kS.
E'-ke-a
E'-ke-a . ...
E'-ke-a
Ush'-kl
Ush'-kl
Ush'-kl
Ush'-kl
UsV-kT
Sush-ko'-si
Ush-ko'-si .
Chuch'-ku-che'
Chuch'-ku-che'.. .
A-gwa-tl-ua'-i
E-hlau'-gi
Ah-te'-ra
Ah-te'-ra,
Ah-te'-ra
A-te-ra
A-te'-ra ..... ..
A-te'-ra
Nee-tim'
Nee-tim'
Nee-titn'
Ni'-nim
Nin-dau'-gwe
Ne'-nim
Ne-nim' *
N'-dan-ew5/
Ne-nim'
N'-dan-gwa'
Lan-gwa-la •.
Na-ha-ga-na'-kwa No-ko-ma'
Na-ha-ga-na'-kwa No-ko-ma'
Na-lia-ga-na-kwa' No-ko-ma'
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa' No-ko-ma'
Na-sem'-ya
Na-ha-ga-na'-kwa No-ko-ma/
Na-ha-ga-na'-kwa No-ko-ma'
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa No-ko-ma/
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa' No-ko-ma'
Na-ha-ga'-ne-kwam .
Na-sha-mis'
Mo-ha'-kun-e-uk-ye-yn'
Nee-tum'
No-ha'-kun-e-uk-ye-yu'
Na-na'-ma
Nl-tha-ml-ah'
Ni-tha-mT-ah' .
Nee-tim'
Ne-ta'-be
Na'-be
N'-do'-to-ke-man'
Ne'-ta-kame?
N'-do'-to-ke-man'
Ne-lu-muV
Nee-lu-mus'
N' da oh'k'
N'-dii-kwus-oh'-kwa-oh ..
Nee-lum'
Na-nee-lim'
Sa'-gy
Sa'-trv
Sii/ da
Sa-teu'-a-ba'-che-la
Set'-so
Se-ya-ut
Sa'-che
Oo-koo-a'-ga
T S
I-e'-ga
Piib'-cha
Il-lung'-ii
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
325
TABLE II. — Continued.
9<i. My father's sister's daughter
— older than myself.
(Female speakiug.)
Translation.
97. My father's sister's daughter
— younger than myself.
{Male speakiug.)
Translation.
98. My father's sister's daughter
— younger than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My cousin.
it n
tt it
tt n
a tt
u u
My elder sister.
My cousin.
ti
u
u
i
i
t
i
i it
t a
My daughter.
u u
it it
tt U
it tt
it it
It It
My mother.
it it
My grandmother.
ti tt
U ((
it tt
My auut.
My mother.
it i(
My cousin.
it tt
a it
it it
tt tt
it it
ti tt
tt ti
My daughter.
ti tt
n it
a it
it it
a it
it it
a it
a it
My elder sister.
tt ti «
ti tt It
My step-sister.
it tt
a tt
My elder sister.
it it a
My sister-in-law.
My elder sister.
tt a tt
a n it
it n u
My cousin.
u u
« u
My cousin.
a tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt it
My younger sister.
My cousin.
f< tt
ft U '
tt ft
ft tt
— K tt
ft tt
it tt
tt (I
It tt
My niece.
tt it
u tt
tt tt
tt it
it it
u tt
My mother.
u tt
My aunt.
My mother.
My grandmother.
it u
My aunt.
ti tt
My mother.
it it
My cousin.
ft u
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt ft
tt it
My niece.
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
it tt
ft tt
tt ft
it tt
tt tt
My younger sister.
My cousin.
My younger sister.
My step-sister.
it tt
tt tt
My younger sister,
it it u
My cousin.
My younger sister.
fi ft tt
tt tt tt
My cousin.
<t tt
My cousiu.
u tt
tt tt
tt it
it ti
tt ft
My younger sister.
My cousin.
(t tt
ft fi
tt it
tt u
t ft
< it
t tt
t tt
t tt
My daughter.
u tt
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My mother.
u if
My grandmother.
My mother.
My grandmother.
it it
My aunt.
ti u
My mother.
tt n
My cousin.
tt it
ti it
tt it
ti it
it u
tt • tt
ft tt
My daughter.
t ft
t tt
t tt
i tt
t tt
t it
tt tt
tt tt
My younger sister,
it it ft
« <t it
My step-sister.
tt u
it it
My younger sister,
tt tt it
My sister-in-law.
My younger sister.
*. tt it
ff II 1C
u tt u
My cousin,
tt tt
Un-ga-la'-seh
Un-ga-la'-seh
Un-ga-lass'
Un-ga-lass'
Ahk-ga-ra'-sthar
Ahk-ga-ra'-sthar
Ak-je'-ya . . ..
Ka-ga'-ah
Ka-ga'-ah
Jii-ra'-seh
Ja-ra'-seh
Ja-ra'-seh
E-cha'-pan-she
Ha-ka'-she
p&'-xha
Ah-ka'-zha
Pa'-zha
Hun-ka'-she
S'-cha-pa'-she
Cha-pa'-she
Ha-ka'-she
Cha-pa'-she
Ta-zha'-ha
Win-no'-ga
E-uook'
E-nook'
Ih'-ka
Ih'-ka
Ih'-ka
E'-ke-a
E'-ke-a
E'-ke-a ..
Ush/-ki
Ush'-ki
Ush^ki
E-hlau'-gi
E-hlan'-g! .. ..
Ah-ge-h'lo'-gih
Ah-ge-h'lo'-gih
Ah-te'-ra
Ah-te'-ra
Ah-te'-ra
A-te'-ra
A-te'-ra
A-te'-ra
N'-ja'-koase ....
N'-ja'-koase
Nee'-che-moosh
N'-da-n'-go-sha'
N'-dii-kwam'
Nin-da'-na
Nin-da'-na
Nin-da'-ua ;
N'-da'-na
N'-da'-na
N'-da'-na
Na-tiL'-nis
Na-sha-mis'
Na-ta'-nis
Na-na'-ma
Ne-tane'
Ni-sem-e-tha'
Nl-ta-na-tha'
Na'-be
Na'-be-a
Na'-be-a.
Ne'-ta-kame ?
N'-tnl-nu'
N'-tul-nu'
N'-ko-kwa'
N'-da-kwus-oh'-kwa-oh ..
N'-ko-kwa'
Neet-koh'-kw1
Neet -koh-'-kw'
Sa'-da
A-da'-ze.
Sa'-ga
Sa-tso-ya'-za ?
Sa'-ga
Sa'-re
Sa-che'
Sa-chith'
Sa-chith'
Pab-cha
Pab'-cha
Pab'-cha
Il-lung'-a
Il-lo'-a
Il-lo'-iL
326
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
99. My father's sister' 8 daugh-
ter's hatband.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
100. My father's sister's daugh-
ter's husband.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
101. My father's sister's sou's
sou.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
85
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My brother-in-law.
<( «
« «
•« u
it u
it ti
n it
ti u
ti it
u tt
ti ti
it u
tt ti
tt tt
it it
tt ti
it tt
My son-in-law.
tt ti
tt u
tt tt
tt n
ti tt
tt tt
My father.
it u
My grandfather.
My father.
My little gd. father.
tt tt u
My step-parent.
My grandfather.
My brother-in-law.
ti u
u tt
tt u
tt tt
tl li
tt tt
tt tl
My son-in-law.
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
ti tt
tt u
u tt
My brother-in-law.
My son-in-law.
My brother-in-law.
tt ti
It it
tt u
It It
It tt
tt tt
u tt
It ft
tt tt
(Not rendered.)
My brother-in-law.
u u
My brother-in-law.
Ha-ya'-o
My brother-in-law.
ti n
it it
U It
It (I
It It
tt tl
tt It
tl tl
tl It
tt I
It I
It I
It I
11 t
It I
tt t
My son-in-law.
« tt
it it
11 It
It tl
It tt
11 tl
My father.
(t tt
My grandfather.
My father.
My little gd. father.
« it ti
My step-parent.
My grandfather.
My brother-in-law.
a a
it It
U It
It U
tt tt
It tt
tl tl
My son-in-law.
it n
n ti
it it
tt n
it ti
ti ti
My brother-in-law.
My son-hi-law.
My brother-in-law.
(* it
tt it
it n
If 11
It It
It U
11 11
11 It
11 11
My grandchild.
My brother-in-law.
My son.
** u
tt tt
n it
ti ti
My child.
My son.
ti it
it ti
tt it
it it
ti i
ti t
tt i
« t
u i
tt i
My grandchild.
U It
My grandson.
My grandchild.
ti n
My little gd. son.
My father.
U tl
My brother.
My little father.
My father.
(i u
My brother.
My father.
My step-son.
11 n
U 11
It I
tt I
tl I
11 I
It I
My grandchild.
U 11
tl 11
tl It
It tl
U 11
tl 11
ft 11
11 It
My step-son.
My son.
« tt
u it
My step-child.
My son.
n ti
My step-son.
My son.
K u
My grandchild.
My nephew.
Ha-y&'-ho
Ha-ha'-wuk
Ah-ge-ah'-ne-o
Ha-ha'-wa
Un-ga-de~o'-ha
Un-ga-le-ya'-ah
E-ya'
Ack-gaw'-na-ah
Ka-ya'-no-na
Un-ja-go'-ha
Le-ya'-ah
O-in-da'-wait
Ah-zha'-ku
Ta-han'
Ta-ha'
Ta-ha'
She-cha'
Ta-ha'
She-cha'
Ta-ha'
She-cha'
Ta-ha'
Me-chink'-she
Ta-ha'
She'-cha
Ta-hnh'
She cha'
Ma-ha'-ga
We-tnh'-da
We-tuh'-da
Toosh'-pa-ha
We-ta'-da
We-ta'-da
Wa-do'-ha
Wa-do'-ha
Wan-do'-ha
Wan-do'-ha
E-ta'-kwa ..
Be-to'-ja
Be-to'-ja
We-ton'-cha
We-ton'-cha
E-wong'-a
Wa-to-ho'
Ta-ta'
Ta-ta'
Bus ba'-he-a .
Ah-h-a'
Ah-h-a'
Um-uh'-fo
Um-nh'-fo .
A'-ki
A'-kl
A'-ki
A'-kl
Et-e-bii'-pI-shT-li
Chu-pu-cha'
Chuhl-ku-che'
A-gwa-ti-na'-I
E dan dii'
Ah-te'-put
Ah-te'-put
E-da' deh
N'-do'-aim
Neese-tow'
Neesh-tow'
Nl'-ta
Nl'-nim
Ne-che-ke'-wa-ze
Ne-ta'
Ne-ta'
Ne-ta'
Na-hun'-ga-nS
Na-han'-ga-na ..
No-sa-ma'
Ne-la'-gwa-ia'
Ne-la'-gwa-la'. . .
Ne-la'-gwa-la'
Ne-la'-gwa-la'
N'-da'-gwa-la'
N'-da'-gwa-la'
N'-da'-gwa-ia'
N'-da'-gwa-la'
Na-na-gwun'
Ne-na'-kwun
Na-to'
Nin-ha-ka-na-ma'
Niu-ha-ka-na-mS .. .
No-stha-tha'
Ne-ah'-a
Ne-ta '-be
N'-do'-to-ko
Nis'-ta-«» ... .-Stn ft
Nu-mak-tem'
Noh'-ko'-a
N'-kwis' .
Nu-miik-tem'
N'-da-oh k'
Na-kun'
Noh'-tan-kw"
Na-nii-doukue'
Sa'-ga
Sa'-ffiL
Tu-zen'-a
Sa'-ga
Sa'-ea
Sa-ya'-za
Sa'-o-ea
Set-shi'-ya .
Sa-cha-koon-du-i
Set-shai
I-e'-ca
Ning-a-ou'-gwS
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
327
TABLE II. — Continued.
102. My father's sister's son's
son.
(Female speaking.)
TranslatioQ.
103. My father's sister's son's
daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
104. My father's sister's son's
daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My nephew.
My son.
it n
n it
ft a
My child.
My son.
(t n
tt «
<( a
it a
tt it
t it
t tt
i it
t it
i it
My grandchild.
tt 11
My grandson.
a a
My grandchild.
My little gd. daught.
My father.
it it
My elder brother.
My little father.
My father.
a u
My brother.
My father.
My nephew.
< tt
t u
t it
t ft
( tt
it it
tt n
My grandchild,
tf «
ft tt
it tt
ft ft
it n
tt it
it it
tt it
My nephew.
tt n
n tt
u n
My step-child.
My son.
tt tt
My step-son.
My sou.
a it
My grandchild.
My nephew.
My daughter.
ft tt
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
My child.
My daughter.
tf tt
it tt
tt tt
it tt
it tt
~tt tt
tt tt
it tt
it tt
tt it
My grandchild.
a it
My granddaughter.
ft tt
My grandchild.
ft tt
My little grandson.
My younger sister.
tt a tt
tt it tt
My grandmother.
My younger sister,
(t <t it
My sister.
tt tt
My step-daughter.
tt ft
t a
t tt
( tt
t a
t it
t tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
it tt
My niece.
My daughter.
ft tf
ft it
tt tt
My child.
My daughter.
My niece.
My daughter.
My niece.
tt tt
ft t
u t
it t
tt i
it i
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My gd. daughter.
it it
My grandchild.
it it
My little gd. dau.
My y'nger sister.
My sister.
ti it
My grandmother.
My y'nger sister,
tt ft tt
My sister.
ft tt
My niece.
tt tt
ft (f
ff tt
tf tt
ft tf
tt tt
ft tt
My grandchild.
tf ti
ft tf
ft tf
ft ft
tf it
ft it
tt it
it tt
My niece.
tt tt
ft it
ft tf
My step-child.
My daughter.
tt tt
tt ft
if ft
it tf
My grandchild.
My niece.
Ka-ha'-wuk
Ka-ha'-wuk
Ha-ha'-wa
Ka-ha'-wa
Le-ya'-ha
Ka-ya'-ha
Ka-ya'-ha ...-
E-ya'
Ka-ya'
Ka-ya/
Ka-ya'-no-Da
Ka-ya'-no-na
Ka-ya'-ha,
Ka-ya'-ah
He-wa'-teh..
E-wa/-teh
Me-to~us'-ka .
Me-toash'-ka
Me-toze'-ka
Me-to'-zha
Me-toh'-zha
Me-to'-za
Me-to'-za
Toosh'-pa-ha
Toosh'-pa-ha
Toosh-pa-ha . .
Wee-tush'-pa
Wee-tush'-pa,
Wee-tush'-pa..
Heen-ta'-kwa
Heeu-ta'-kwa-me
E-ta'-kwa
E-ta' kwii me
Be-chose'-pa .1
We-chose'-pii
E-choon-zkuuk'-e-neke ...
Bus-ba'-he-a
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'...
Bus-ba'-he-a
Bus-ba'-he-a
A'-kl
An'-take
Suh-nak'-fish
A'-kT
Et-e-bii'-pt-sht IT
A-nak-fl
An'-take
Et-e-ba'-pT-shi-li
Chuhl-ku-che'
E-dau-dii'
Uu-eT-lun'-T
E rats'-teh
E-ta'-heh
E-dii'-deh
A-ta'-he
A-ta'-he
N'-de-kwa-tim'
N'-do-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do-zha-inis-kwarae' ....
N'-do-zha-mis-kwem'
N'-de-kwii-tim'
N'-deh-kwii-ttm'
Ni-nin-gwa'-nias
Nin-do-zhi-mT/-kwem
Nin-do'-zhe-mi-quam
Ni-shi'-miss
Ne-nin-gwi-nis'
Nin-do'-zha-mi-kwam'....
Ne-nin £jwi-ni*'
N'-do'-zha-nuI-kwem'
No-sa-ma/
No-sa'-mS.
No-sa'-mii
No-sa-ma'
No-se-tha'-m3,
Na-se-tha'-ma
No-stha-tha'
N'-do'-to-yose
N'-to'-to-tun
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
tt ft
tt tt
My step-child.
My daughter,
it tt
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
tt it
My grandchild.
My niece.
Ne-tan'-a
Nu-luks'
N-tus'
Nu-hl'-knees
N'-su'-mus
N'-sum'
Na-kun'
Na-kun7
N'-kweeae'
N'-da-uuss'
Nain-gwase/
Sa-ya'-dze
Sa-ya'-dze
Sa-ya'-za
Sa-to'-a
Sa tox a
Sa-le'-a
Sa-le'-a
Set-ahai
Une-a'-ea ...
TTno1 a' ira.
328
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
103. My father's sister's
•daughter's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
106. My father's sister's
daughter's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
107. My father's sister's
daughter's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My nephew.
ft it
ff it
it ti
tt it "
t ti
i it
i tt
t ft
f cc
t it
i tt
i tt
t tt
t it
t tt
t it
My grandchild.
a tt
My grandson.
K (i
My grandchild.
u n
My little grandson.
My younger brother.
My brother.
My little father.
if tt tt
My father.
ii it
tt tt
My brother.
My nephew.
a n
it tt
tt tt
ti it
n tt
it it
it it
My grandchild.
it it
i< t
tt t
tt i
it t
it t
tt it
tt tt
My nephew.
if ft
it ti
tt . it
it tt
tt ti
it tt
it it
My son.
tt ti
My grandchild.
My nephew.
My son.
ii ti
ft ff
it (t
it tt
My child.
My son.
a ft
tf ft
it ti
n tt
it tt
t t
t t
t i
t t
t t
My grandchild,
tt ft
My grandson.
ft tt
My grandchild.
ft u
My little grandson.
My younger brother.
ft ft it
My little father,
ft it ft
My father.
if it
tt tf
My brother.
My step-son.
a ft
ti ft
My step-child.
(4 ft
My son.
tt tt
tt tt
My grandchild,
ft tt
tt tt
tt ft
ft tt
tt ft
<t it
tt tt
tt tt
My step-son.
My eon.
u f
tt t
ft
tt
tt
ft
tt
ft
My grandchild.
My nephew.
Ka-va '-wan-da
My niece.
ti n
t tt
t tt
t t
t t
t t
tt t
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
f t
t t
ff t
ft i
My grandchild.
ft tt
My gd. daughter.
tt it
My grandchild.
f( t(
My little gd! dau.
My y'n^er sister.
tt tt tt
My grandmother.
it (t
My aunt.
tt it
My mother.
My niece.
tt tt
it ft
ft tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt ti
tt tt
tt tf
ft ft
tt tt
ft ft
tf tt
tt tt
My niece.
tt u
ft U
tl 11
t ff
f tf
f ff
f ff
t tt
My daughter.
My grandchild. "
*
My niece.
Ka-yuh'-wa-deh
Ha-ha'-wa
Ka-ya-wii'-da
Le-ya/-ha
Ka-ya'-wan-da
v ••/ j~
E-ya/
Ka-yo-wa'-da
Ka-ya/-wa-na
Ka-wa-da'-ah
Me-tnn'-zhan
Me-to^us'-za
Ak-she'-da
Me-to'-zha
Me-to'-zha
Me-toh'-zha
Me-toh'-zha
Me-to'-za
Me to' za
Me-to7-za
\Vee-tush'-pa
Wee-tush'-pa
Ileen-ta'-kwa-me
E-ta/ kwa
E-ta/-kwa-me
Be-chose'-pa
We-chose'-pa,
E-choonsh-ka'-neke'
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke' . . .
Bus-bii'-he-a
Bus ba/ he a
C3..U nSt/ fioV.
An'-take
A nak'-f I
An'-take
Hap-po'-sT
Chuhl' kii che'
Chuhl-ku-che'
Chu-pu'-se
E-dau da/
Ah-ge-do'-da
Ah te' is
Ah-te'-ra
A-da'-de
A-da'-de
Neese-che-mis'
N'-de kwa tim'
N* de kwa tim'
N'-deh-kwa-tim/
N'-do'-zhim
Ni shT'-iniss
Ne she mis'
N'-gwis'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa-mii/
No-she-sem'
Na-se-tha'-ma . .
Na-se-tha'-ma
Na-se-thii/-m£
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha/
No-stha-tha'
N'-do'-to-ko
Noh'-ko'-a
Nu-luks'
N'-tu-a'-sum
Sa'-zy
ga'-zy
Sa-te'-a
Se-ya'-za
Sa-le'-a
Set shai
Noo-a-ipt
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
329
TABLE II. — Continued.
108. My father's sister'e daugh-
ter's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
109. My father's sister's great
grandson.
Translation.
110. My father's sister's great
granddaughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
•>5
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My daughter.
ft it
it it
a it
ti ((
My child.
My daughter.
K ft
« it
tt it
n tt
it it
it It
« it
tt it
H tt
it tl
My grandchild.
ti tt
My granddaughter.
U it
My grandchild.
K tt
My little gd. daught.
My younger sister.
My sister.
My grandmother.
tt *t
My aunt,
tt n
My mother.
My step-daughter.
tt K
My atep-child.
u tt
My daughter,
tt tt
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt a
tt tt
tt if
tt t(
it K
it tt
it tt
tt it
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
it K
tt tt
u t<
tt ti
tt it
u tt
tt tt
it ti
My grandchild.
My niece.
My grandson,
tt ti
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it tt
My grandchild,
it tt
it tt
it it
tt it
tt ti
it tt
ti it
tt it
u ti
ti ti
My grandson.
(i tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My little grandson.
My father
11 tt
My father little.
u ti n
My father.
it ti
tt ti
My grandchild.
ti ti
fl 1
tl t
11 I
tl I
tl I
It I
It It
11 11
It tt
If ((
It It
It It
tt tt
tl K
11 It
tt tt
tl It
If tf
If tt
It tt
tl It
tl tt
tt tl
My son.
My grandson.
it it
My grandchild.
Ka-ya'-da
My gd. daughter.
K ff
it it
tt ft
it ft
My grandchild.
My gd. daughter.
If It
My grandchild.
u tf
tf t
ft t
it i
ft f
tt f
it t
u ti
ft tf
ft tt
My gd. daughter.
11 ti
My grandchild.
u u
My little gd. dau.
My daughter.
u it
My gd. mother.
ti it
My child.
It If
My mother.
My grandchild.
t it
i ft
f if
t tt
i u
t tt
t tt
it u
if ti
K tt
ft tt
tt u
u tt
ft ti
tt ft
tt ft
tt ti
tt ft
tf tt
ft tt
it tt
it tf
<t it
u tt
My gd. daughter.
ti ft
fi tt
My grandchild.
Ka-lia'-wa
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra,
Ka-ya ta-ra'-ya
Ha-tra'-ah
Ya-tra'-ah
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha —.«,
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-taV-ko-sak-pok
Me-ta'-ko-z1ia
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-tV-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta' ko-za
Me-taV-ko-sa
Toosh'-pa-ha
Too^h' pa ha
Toosh'-pa-ha
Wee-tflsh'-pa
E-ta'-kwa-me
E-ta'-kwa-me
E-chootj-zhunk'-e-neke'..
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke' ..
Suh-sflh'-take
A'-kT
Suh-nak'-fish
Et-e-ba'-pi-shi-n
A' kT
Chuhl ku' che
E-hlau'-gi
E dan-da/
Ah-ge-h'lo'-gih
Ah-gwa'-tzse
Ah-te'-ra
Ah-te'-ra
N'-do-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do-zha-niis-kwame'....
No-se-sim/
Nin-do'-zht-miss
No-zhT'-sh£
Nin-da'-niss
No-she-sha'
N'-da-niss'
N'-da-nisa'
No-she-shaV
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa-ma/
No-sa-ma'
N "f
No-she-sem/
No-she-sem'
Na-se-tha'-ma
Na-se-tha'-ma
Na-se-tha'-ma
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha/
N'-to'-to-tun
Nee-so'-tan
Ne-tan'-a
Nee so'-tan
Nee-so'-tan
N'-tus'
Nu-jeech'
N'-su'-mus
Na Irise'
Na-h-ise'
N'-da-nuss'
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-to'-a
Sa-to"a'-ba
Set-shai
Set-she
Noo-a'-ga
Eng'-o-tS,
Eng'-o-ta
42 April, 1870.
330
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
111. My father's sister's great
grandson's son.
Translation.
112. My father's sister's great
grandson's daughther.
Translation.
113. My mother's brother.
Translation.
i
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My grandson.
u u
U U
It II
II II
My grandchild.
My grandson.
u it
My grandchild,
it it
u it
it it
u u
u u
it it
u u
it u
u u
it it
My grandson.
it ii
My grandchild.
ii ii
My little grandson.
My father.
My grandson.
My father little.
ii ii tt
My father.
tl tt
tt (f
My grandchild.
tt tt
it tt
(( U
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tc
it tt
ft tt
(f (1
tt ((
tf tf
It tt
tt tt
(( tl
It tt
tt It
tt tt
tt (t
tl It
tt tt
tt tl
It It
tt tl
My grandson.
tt tt
My grandchild.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
tt it
(t tt
tt tt
tt tt
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tf
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My granddaughter.
ti tt
My grandchild.
My little gd. daught.
My granddaughter.
tt tt
My grandmother.
ft tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My mother.
My grandchild.
it ft
ft tt
tf fC
ff ft
ft ff
ff (t
tf tf
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
ft ff
tt ff
tf ff
ff ff
tf ff
ff ff
(f ff
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
ff tf
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
My grandchild.
My grandchild.
My uncle.
n n
it tt
tt n
it it
tt it
tt it
i tf
t ft
t tt
t tf
t ft
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
tf tt
ft ft
tt <f
ft tt
tt ft
tf tt
tt tf
My elder brother,
ft ft it
My uncle,
tt tt
ft tt
tt K
(t tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tf tt
tf tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tf
ft tf
tt tt
tt u
tt t
tt t
tt t
tf t
tt t
it t
tt t
it t
it t
tf t
ft t
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt t
tf t
f( (t
My mother's bro.
My uncle.
ti tt
tt ti
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt ti
tt tt
tf tf
it tt
tt tt
it ft
Ha-ya'-dra
Ka-ya'-dra
Ha-ya'-da..
Ka-ya'-da
E-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya' ra
Ka-ya'-ra
Ahk-ra'-do-no'-re-ah
Le-ya-ta-ra'-ya
Ka-ya-ta-ra'-yii
Ha-tra'-ah.
Ya-tra' ah
Hii-wa-te-no'-ra
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Dak-she'
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Dake'-she
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Ah dik'-she
Me-ta'-ko-sak-pok .
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-ta'-ko-za .
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Me-ta'-ko-<5a
Toosh'-pa-ha
Toosh'-pa-ha
Na-ge'-ha
Wee-tush'-pa
Wee-tush'-pa
Wee-na'-gee
Heen-ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kwa-me
Be-chose'-pa
We-chose'-pa
E-choonsh'-ka-neke'
E-choon-zhunk-e-neke' ...
Sup'-uk ....
E-take'
A'-kT
Ta-wa/-ra-to-ra
Me-a'-ka (ra. s.), Ma-ta-
Ba-sa'-na [roo' (w. s.)
Um-ush'-T
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Sa'-pok
Ura-u'-shT .
Ang-ko'-sl
Um-o'-sliI
Chuhl-kfi'-che
Ohu-pa'-wa
E-dau-da'
Un-gT-lT-sT ..
E-du-ts!
Ah-te'-is
Ah-te'-ra
No-se-sem'
Te-watch'-e-riks
No-se-siin'
No-se-sem'
No-zhi-she
NT zhT-she
No-she'-sha
No-sbe-sha'
Ne-zhe'-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-sa-mii'
N'-jeh-sha'
No-sa'-ma
Ne-zhe'-sa
No-sa'-ma
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-ma'
No-she-sem'
Na-zhe-s5/
No-slie-sa'
Ne-zha'
Na-se-tha'-ma
Na-she'
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha'
NT-sT-tha'
Nee-so'-tan
Ne-to tah'se'
Nee-so'-tan
Nee'-sa
Nii-jeech'
N'-kway'-nus
Na-h-ise'
Na-h'ise'
Noh'-whcse'
Nain-no-whase'
8a-t'thu'-a
Sa-t'thn'-a
Tha tha'
Sa-ken'-ne
Pa-to ^a'-ba
Se-ya-zet'-tha-re
Ser'-a
Set-she
Soo-e'
Eng'-o-ta
Ene'-o-ta
Is-sa' (m. & f. s.)
K-se-s^e'
Na-kah'-kas
Me-me
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
331
TABLE II. — Continued.
14. My mother's brother's wife.
Translation.
115. My mother's brother's son
— older thau myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
116. My mother's brother's son
— older than myself.
(Female speakiug.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
36
27-
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
5S
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Aunt-in-law.
It ((
(( It
My step-mother.
II II
My atint-in-law.
My aunt.
u ft
(i ft
if (t
ff 11
tf ff
: ff
t u
l it
t ((
( tt
( U
II tf
ti ff
(( It
tl (t
II U
ff ff
My sister-in-law.
a n
ft ft
ft If
My little mother.
My sister-in-law.
My step-parent.
ft (t
My wife.
My daughter-in-law.
My aunt.
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
ii it
tt tt
tt tt
if it
tt it
tt tt
it ft
t <
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
t f
My grandmother.
ti tt
My annt.
My great aunt.
My strp-mother.
My aunt.
tt tt
My mother-in-law.
My aunt.
it it
My aunt.
Ah-gare'-seh. ..
Mj cousin.
a a
U It
(( 11
It 11
(f U
My elder brother.
My cousiii.
it <t
U tl
tt It
U U
It tt
tt tt
tl ft
It tt
It tl
My undo.
a tt
u ti
ti ti
tt it
ti ti
tt tt
My son.
tt t
t< <
it t
tt i
tt i
My child.
tt ft
(( If
tt (t
My cousin.
it a
i it
t it
I U
t ti
t it
it it
My uncle.
tt it
tt it
it it
tt it
it ti
it it
tt ti
« tt
My elder brother.
My cousin.
it ti
My elder brother.
My cousin.
My step-brother.
tt tt
My elder brother,
tt ti tt
My couain.
My elder brother.
it tt tl
U 11 ft
My bro. b One like
[my brother.
(Not rendered.)
My cousin.
it tt
My cousin.
tt tt
- tt tt
it tt
tt tf
ft tt
My elder brother.
My cousin.
ti
it
tt
it
it
tt it
it it
it n
it it
My uncle.
tt it
n tt
it it
it n
n ti
it ti
My son.
tt ti
it tt
it tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My child.
it it
U It
tt tt
My cousin.
tt tt
ft U
ft ft
tf ft
tf It
ff ff
tt tl
My uncle.
tt t
tt t
ft t
tt t
tt t
ti t
ti ii
a ii
My elder brother.
My cousin,
tt tt
My elder brother.
My cousin.
My step-brother.
tf ft
My elder brother.
tt tt tt
My cousin.
My elder brother,
ft f* tt
tt <( u
My cousin.
tt tt
Ah-ge-ah'-seh . ....
Un-ga-la'-seh
Un-ga-la'-seh
Un-ga-lass'
Un-ga-lass'
Ahk-we'-ra
Ahk-ga-ra'-sthar
Ahk-ga'-ra-sthar
A h-go-ha'-kwa
Lok-je'-ha
Tan-han'-she
She-chay'-she
Toh'-we
Ta'-she
She-cliii'-she
Touk'-wa
Ka'-zha .. ..
Tonk'-wa
Ta'-she
Toh-we'
Ta'-she
Toh'-we
Ta'-ha-she
Toh'-we
Ta'-she
She-cha'-she .. . . ...
Toh'-we
Ta-ha'-she
Ta-ha'-she
Me-ha'-pa-she
Te-na'-ha
Na-ge'-ha
Na-ge'-ha
Hin-cha' ka
Hin-cha'-ka
Be-ja'-ga
E-take'
E-take'
Boo-a-ka'
Ma-de-sha'
Ma-de-sha'
Moo'-a-ka
Bot-so'-ka
Bot-so'-ka
Suh-hai'-ya
Suh'-suh
Suh'-diih
Sa-hi'-ya
Suh'-soh ...
Suh'-soh
Sush-ho'-sl
Su'-soh
Sup'-pok-nak'-ni
A-gwa-t6-na'-I
Til-le-na-ah-ge-do'-da
Ta-te'-luk-tuk-u
A-gwa'-tze
Pe'-row
Sko'-dus
Neest-chas'
Nin-si'-goss
NT-ta'-wiss
Ne-ta'-wis . . ..
N'-sa'-gwe-sit'
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-za'-g6s-sa'
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-sa'-gwis-sa'
Na-zhe-^a'..
Ne-zha'
Na-si-tha'...
Na-si-tha'
Na-tha-kwi-thii'
Na-tha-gwe-thil'
NT-sT-tha'
NT-sT-tha'
Na-ha'
Na'-tha-ha *
Na'-tha-ha ?
Nu-gu'-mich
No-inuths'
N'-da-kwua'
N'-donk'
Eh-m'-ba-dze
Set'-so
Sii-ua'-ga
Sii-na'-ga
So-tre
In-kach'-ha
Soon-da
Is-lacht'. t'Siu-koo-sa'-hu
Pee-tu (ra. s.). In-pals
(f.s.)
II IQng'-a
ll-lo'-a
332
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
17. My mother's brother's eon
— younger thau myself.
(Male speakiuK )
Translation.
18, My mother's brother's son
— younecr thitn myself,
(female speaking.)
Tninslation.
119. My mother's brother's
sou's wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My cousin.
ft ft
it ft
ft u
<( ft
ii a
My younger brother.
My cousin.
ft It
«{ Ii
tf it
u tt
11 It
it tt
it tt
ft tt
ft «
My uncle.
ft <(
tt t
u (
(t i
tt t
tt t
My son.
it tt
tt tt
ti tt
it tt
<t it
My child.
tt tt
t( tt
tt (t
My cousin.
t( it
tt tt
ft tt
tt U
ft if
ft ft
ft ft
My uncle.
it it
ft tt
tt ft
ft ii
tt tf
ft ft
tt it
tt ff
My younger brother.
My cousin.
tt it
My younger brother.
My cousin.
My step-brother.
fi tf
My younger brother.
tt tt tt
My cousin.
My younger brother.
ft <t tt
ft U ff
My cousin.
tt tt
My cousin.
<( a
tt a
tt it
tt it
tt tt
My younger brother.
My cousin.
tt (t
« tt
tt tt
tt tt
tl U
tt ft
tt tt
tl U
tl tl
My uncle.
it it
it it
n it
it it
it tt
ti ft
My son.
ti it
it it
It U
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My child.
it u
ti ti
tt u
My cousin.
(t a
(( (C
tt tt
tt tt
ft ff
tf ft
ft «i
My uncle.
u tt
ft ft
tt «t
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt <t
My younger brother.
My cousin.
« tf
My younger brother.
My cousin.
My step-brother.
tt tt
My younger brother.
ft U ft
My cousin.
My younger brother,
it <f tt
ft tt tt
My cousin.
ft it
Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah-
My sister-in-law,
u it
ti ti
tt tt
tt it
ft u
it tf
ft <f
ft ff
« ft
ft ft
if ft
tf ft
ti tt
ft ft
ti tf
ft tt
My aunt.
it it
.1 tt
if it
it tf
tt ft
ft tt
My dau.-in-law.
My sister-in-law.
My gd. daughter,
— it tt
u ft
My dau.-in-law.
u tt
ti tt
ft ft
it tt
My sister-in-law.
if ti
tt ii
tf tt
ft tt
ii ff
ft tt
tt it
My aunt.
it <f
tt fi
if ft
tt ff
ti ft
tf fi
My sister-in-law.
My aunt.
ti tt
My sister-in-law.
tt if
it tt
tf tt
tt ft
ft tf
ti tt
it tt
it it
u tt
tt ft
b Half-sister.
My sister-in-law.
Uu-ge-ah'-ne-a
Ah-ge-ah'-yeh
Un-ga-la'-seh
Un-ge~ah'-le~a
Un-ga-liiss'
Un-ga-le-ya'-ah
Ack-ga'-re-ah
Uh-go-ha'-kwa .'..
Ja-ra'-seh
O-in-da'-wait
cj. , . ,
Han-kii'
Ta'-she
Ha-fca'
Ka'-zha
Wa-ka'
Ta'-she
Q, , a f
Hii-ka'
Ta'-she
Ta'-ha-sh-)
Ta'-she
Ta-ha'-she
S'cha-pa'-she
She-cha'-she
Hun-ka'
Ha-ka'
Hii-ka'
t , >
Ha-ka'
Ta-ha'-she
Ma-hii'-ga
Na-ge'-ha
Te-na'-ha
Wee-tee'-me
Heen-tco'-me
Hin-cha'-ka
E-tu'-me
Be-ja'-ga
RA ia.' fffl.
Be-je'-me
We-ia'-ira...
We-je'-me
E-take'
E-choon'-we
Ma-de-sha'
Ma-to'-ga
Bot-so'-ka
Boa -rae'-a-kun-is-ta
Suh'-siih
Sup'-uk
Suh'-soh
Sa'-pok
Sn'-soh
Snp'-pok
Chup-pti'-che.. .
Un-hu-tis'-se
E-tsan'-h!
Ah-ge-tzau'-hT
Pe'-row
Scoo'-rus
Pe'-row
Sko'-dus
Neest-chas'
Nee-tim'
Nee-sart'
Nee-tim'
Nee-tim'
Nl-ta'-wiss
Ni'-niin
Nr'-nim
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-nim'
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-nira'
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-nim'
Ne-zhese'-sa
N'-sa'-gwe-sa'
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-za'-gBs-sa,'
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-za'-gOs-sa'
Ne-zhe'-san
Ne-sa'-gwis-sa'
Ne-sa'-gwis-sa'
Na-zhe-sa'
Nak-ye'-ha
Ne-zha'
Na »Tia'
Ne-ne'
Na-si-tha'
Na si th&'
Na-tha-kwi-th&'
Nt-sl-tha'
Nl-sl tha'
Na-tha-gwe-tha'
Ta'-ya?
Nee-tira'
N'-to'-tes-ta-mo
N'-do'-to-ke-man
Noh'-sa-kin'-ame
No-in'-na
Ne-to'-to-ke-man
Ne-lu-mils'
Nu-ta'-gus
Ne-lu-mfis'
N'-da-kwus
N» Hnnf
Nee-num'
Nee-ma'-tus
Nee-lum'
Na-nee-lim'
A-cha'-a
Sa'-gy
Sa-ga-ya'-za ?
Sa-ten-a-ba'-che-la
Set-chil'-e-ii-za
Set'-so
Sa'-cha
ga/ (.ij^
Soo-tre (o.), Sa-chuth(y.)
T af rrn
Sa-cha
Ig-dlo-ra
Il-lOng'-a
Il-lo'-a
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
333
TABLE II. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
4!)
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
M
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
120. My mother's brother's
sou's wife.
(Female speaking )
Translation.
321. My mother's brother's
daughter — older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
122. My mother's brother's
daughtrr — older tb;tu myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
My sister-in-law.
a it
« it
a n
tt tl
It 1C
ft It
tt tl
it it
tt tl
tl tt
it it
tt t
it t
tl t
tl t
tt t
My aunt.
it it
ti i
tt t
it i
it i
u t
My daught.-in-Iaw.
My sister-in-law.
My granddaughter.
ti it
u it
My daught.-in-law.
tt ti
ti it
tt n
u tt
My sister-in-law.
tt it
tt u
it ti
tt tt
u u
it ti
ti it
My aunt.
it it
u u
tt tt
tt tt
tt u
it tt
My sister-in-law.
My aunt.
n n
My sister-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
tt it
it tt
it tt
tt it
it it
b Half-sister.
My sister-in-law.
My cousin,
tt tt
tt tt
tf ft
ti tt
tt ft
My elder sister.
My cousin.
ft «
tt tt
t tt
My cousin.
ti ti
tt it
tt tt
ff tt
u (i
My elder sister.
My cousin.
n ti
it ti
ti ft
ti tt
tt tt
ti tt
u tt
ft tt
it tt
My mother.
tt u
it ti
ft tt
ft tt
tt tt
ft tf
My daughter.
tt tt
tt if
tt tt
My gd. daughter.
My grandchild.
My child.
tt u
ft ft
tt tt
My cousin.
ti ti
tt ti
it tt
tt it
tt ti
ft ft
tt if
My mother,
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
it it
ii ii
tt ft
My elder sister.
My cousin.
My elder sister,
it tt tt
My cousin.
My step-sister.
it ti
My elder sister,
tt tt tt
My sister-in-law.
My elder sister,
u u ti
My half-sister.
My cousin.
tt tt
Un-ga-lass'
Ahk ga'-ra-sthar
Uh-go-hii'-kwa
Ak-je'-yii
E-cha'-pan
E-chay'-pan-she
Ha-ka'-she
E-sha'-pa
Ah-ka'-zha
Pii'-zhe
E-sha'-pa
t it
i tt
i tt
t tt
i tt
My mother.
u tt
a tt
it tt
tt tt
ti tt
it ti
My daughter.
u tt
tt K
tt tt
u <«
(t tt
My child.
n ti
ti tt
tt tt
My cousin.
tt (i
ft tt
ft tt
tt ft
ft tt
tf tt
tt <t
My mother.
tt tt
ft M
ff tt
ft «
ff ft
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
My elder sister.
My cousin.
it tt
My elder sister.
My step-sister,
tt tt
tt ti
My elder sister,
tt ft
My cousin.
My elder sister.
u ti if
My half-sister.
My cousin.
tt tt
S'cha-pa'-she
S'-chii'-pa
E-sa'-pa
Ha-ka'-zhe.
Ta-ha'-she
Te-na'-hii
Nii'-ha
Na'-hS,
E-na'-hii .
F-na'-h&
E-tu'-me
He'- nah
He'-uah
Be-je'-me
Na-ne'-ka
Na-ne'-kS.
Ma'-ka
Ma'-ka
Nak'-me-a
Sup'-uk
Suh-suhMake
Sa'-pok
Un-hu-tis'-se
E-tslln'-hl
Ah-ge-tzau'-hT
Scoo' rus
Sko'-dus
N'-ja'-koase
N'-ja'-koase
N'-dii'-koase
Nin-dau'-f o-she
N'-dan-gwa'
N)-da-kwam/
N'-sa'-gwe-sa'
Nin-ge-ah'
Nin-ge-ah'
N'e z;i' gos-sa/
Ne-sa'-gwis-sa'
Ne-ge-ah'
Nilk-ye'-ha
Na-ke~a'
Nil ke^a'
Ne-ue'
Ne-ke~ah'
Nach-a-im'
Ni-ke~a'
NY-ke~a'
Na-tUa-kwi-tha'
Na-tha-gwe tha'
Na-ke~ah;
Ne-ta'-be
Na'-be?
Na' be ?
Nee-mis'
Nee-mis'
Ne his' ta
Nu-n»ak-tim'
Nu-tii'-ku
w v /
N'-da-ohk'
N'-da-kwus-oli'-kwa-oh ..
NJ ko kwa'
Npe-ta'-wis
Nain-ue-la'-kon
Sa'-gy
Sa'-da-
Sa/ da
Sa'-ga
Sa-tso-ya'-za?
Sa'-ya ?
Soo-tre (o.), Se-chuth(y.)
Oo-ko-a/-ga
Sa'-che
Sa'-che
Se-chuth
Se-chuth
Il-lung'-a
Il-lo'-a
334
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
TABLE II. — Continued.
123. My mother's brother's
daughter — younger than mygelf.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
124. My mother's brother's
daughter — youugerthau myself
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
125. My mother's brother's
daughter's husband.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
7!)
8n
My cousin.
U it
it it
ft It
It tt
It It
My younger sister.
My cousin.
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
t< tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My mother.
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
tt ft
tt ft
tt tt
My daughter.
tt tt
it tt
tf tt
tt it
tt tt
My child.
tt it
it tt
My cousin.
it tt
tt it
ti it
tt tt
tt K
tt it
My mother.
tt tt
ti it
tt ii
tt ti
it it
it ii
it ii
tt ti
My younger sister.
My cousin.
it it
My younger sister.
My stt-p-sister.
ti ft
tt tt
My younger sister.
it *f ti
My cousin.
My younger sister.
it it it
My cousin,
tt tt
My cousin.
It ff
tl ft
tt ti
tl 11
11 tl
My younger sister.
My cousin.
« a
u tt
it tt
ti It
tl It
tt tt
tt tl
tl It
tt It
My mother.
t. u
tt tt
tt u
(t tt
tl It
It It
My daughter.
tt «
tl 11
11 tl
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My child.
tt it
(f U
My cousin.
it U
It tt
It I
tt I
tf t
tt t
tt «
My mother.
tf U
tt tt
tt It
U It
It U
tl It
tl 11
It tl
My younger sister.
My cousin.
My younger sister.
tt it tt
My cousin.
My step-sister.
tt tt
My younger sister.
It U 11
My sister-in-law.
My younger sister,
tt t< tt
My cousin.
t< tf
Ah-ge^ah'-ne^o
My bro.-in-law.
ft tt
(t U
fC ft
tt It
tt tt
It tt
11 U
It tl
tt tt
It It
11 tt
(f tf
(t tf
tt ft
(t 11
It tt
My son-in-law.
ti it
My father.
it tt
ft it
tt it
My bro.-in-law.
My son-in-law.
tt tt
f< tt
ft K
tt tt
tt ti
tt u
ti tt
tt it
My bro, -in-law.
ii 11
tl It
t It
1 tl
1 tt
t It
1 tt
My father.
tt a
ti tt
tt tt
it tt
n n
u tt
ti tt
ti ti
My bro.-in-law.
it ti
ff tf
(f ft
tt ii
ft ft
ft tf
ti tf
tf ff
it a
ft tf
My bro.-in-law.
Al " ' ' li
Un-ga-la'-seh . .
Ahk-ga'-ra-sthar
Ka-ga'-ali
Ka-ga'-ah ....
Un-ja-jo'-ha
Ta han'
Ta-huh'
Pa'-zhe
Ta-ha'
Ha-ka'-she
Ta-ha'
S'cha-pa'-she .. . . ...
Ta-ha'
Ta-ha'
Ta-ha'
Ta-huh'
Ta-ha'-she
Ma-ha'-ga-she
Ma ha'-ga
Na'-ha
Na'-ha.
We tuh'-da
E-na'-ha
E-na'-ha
We-t5n-da
Heen'-ka
He'-nah
Hin'-ka
E'-naw
E-da'-je
Na-ne'-ka
Na-ne'-ka
E-chun'
Ma'-ka
Mii'-ka
Ma too'-te
Nak'-me-a
Suh-soh'-take . .
Sa'-yup
Chuoh-hus'-te
E-hua-tsi'
Pe'-row
Koos-tow'-e sii
Pe'-row ...
Ko-sta/- witch
N'-ja'-koase
N'-da'-koase
Nin-dan'-go-shg
Ne'-ta
Ne-ne-mo'-sha
Ne-che-ke'-wa-ze
N'-da-n'go-sha'
Ne-ta'
N'-dan-gwush-a'
Ne-ta'
N'-da-kwam'
Ne-ta' . ...
No-six'
Nin-ge-ah'
No-sa'
No-sa'
No-sa' .
Na-ke~a'
Na-ke^a'
N5ss
Ne-ke~ah'
Ni-ke" a'
NT-ke^a'
Na-to'
No-tha' . ...
Na-ke~ah'
Na-ke~ah'
Na'-be-a
Na'-be-a
Na-to'
Ne-ta'-kame
Ne-sis'-sa
Nis-ta'-mo
Nu-ta-kw-sus'-kw
N'-da-kwus-oh'-kwa-oh ...
N'-doh-kwa-yome'
N'-ko-kwa'
N'-dii-oh-k'
Neet-kolr-kw'
Noh'-tan-kw'
Nain-hise'-sa-mus'
A-da'-ze
Sa'-ffa ..
Sa-tso-ya'-za 1
SA'-I?A
Sa'-aa
Sa'-re
Sa'-re
Sa-chith'
Ning-a-on'-gwa
Il-lo'-a
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
335
TABLE II. — Continued.
126. My mother's brother's
daughter's husband.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
127. My mother's brother's
son's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translatlon.
128. My mother's brother's
son's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha-ya'-o
My brother-in-law.
tt tf
ft ft
tt ti
it tt
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
u ti
tt tt
it tt
t u
t it
t tt
t it
t u
t ft
My son-in-law,
tt tt
My father
Ha-ah'-wuk
My son.
tt tt
it tf
if tt
ft ft
My child.
My son.
ft it
tt it
tt ti
ft it
ff 1C
ff ft
My uncle.
tt ft
it tt
ft it
ti tf
My little uncle.
My grandchild.
tt tt
My grandson.
it ft
My grandchild.
tt tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My step-son.
a it
it n
it tt
it ft
tt ft
ff it
it it
My uncle.
tt tf
tt ft
ft if
tt n
ft u
My step-son.
My son.
it tt
tf tt
My step-child.
My son.
tt tt
My step-son.
My son.
tt tt
My nephew.
My nephew.
My son.
tt if
ft tt
My nephew.
tf ti
My nephew.
My son.
tt ti
ft ft
tt ti
it tt
tt tt
ft ft
tt tt
My uncle.
tt tt
tt ft
tt ft
ft tt
tt tt
My little uncle.
My grandchild.
tt it
My grandson.
tt tt
ft tt
My grandchild,
ft ti
u ft
My grandson.
My grandchild. •*"
My nephew.
it tt
ft tt
tt tt
ft tt
ft tt
tt tt
My uncle.
tt tt
ff tt
ft if
tf tt
ft tf
tt ft
tt tt
My nephew.
tt ft
ft it
tt ft
My step-child.
My sou.
it tt
tt tt
My nephew.
Ha-ya'-ho
Ha-ha'-wuk
Ha-ha'-wuk
Ha-lui'-wa
Le-ya'-ha
E-ya'...
E-yo-wa'-da
Un-ja'-go-ha
Le-ya'-ah
Le-ya'-ah
Ah-zha'-ku
He-wa'-teh
She-cha'
She-cha'
Ak-she'-da
Me-toash'-ka
She-cha'
She-cha'
Me-toase'-ka
She-cha'
Me-toash'-ka
She-cha'
Me-to'-za
We-tuh'-da
Na-ge'-ha
Na-ge'-ha
We-t6n'-da
Hin'-ka
t't n
tt tt
tt tt
My brother-in-law.
My son-in-law.
t tt
t tt
t tt
t it
My brother-in-law.
tt ti
n tt
n n
n it
it n
it tt
tt n
My father.
tt tt
tt <f
tt tt
f( ff
ft ff
(f ft
My brother-in-law.
tt tt
tt ft
tt it
t f «f
tt tt
tt tf
tf ti
tt tt
tt u
ff it
ft u
Hin cha'-ka
Hin-cha'-ka
In-ta'-che
We-ja'-ga
E-chun'
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Bus-ba' pe-ta
Bus-ba'-pe-ta.. . . .
Sai'-yup
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Sa'-yup
Sup'-pok-nak'-nT ..
Un-hu-tis'-se
E-hua-tsi'
Un-gi-li-si
Koos-tow'-e-sii
Ko-sta'- witch
Lak-te'-kis
Nee-tim'
N'-de-kwa-tim'
Nee-tim'
N'-do'-zhim
N'-de-kwa-tim'
N'-do'-zhim
Ne-nim'
No-sa'
No-sa'
Nf-zhe'-sa
No-sa'
Ne-zhe'-sa
No-sa'
No-sa'
NOss
Na-zhe-sa'
Na-zhe-sa'
Ne-zha'
No-tha'
Na-si-thS,'
Na-si-thS,'
Ni-si tha'
Ni-si-tha'
Ne-ta'-be
N'-do'-to-ko
NJ-to'-to-yome
Ne-lu-mus'
N'-kwis'
Nu-liiks'
Nee lum'
Na-nee-lim'
Sa'-ga
Tu'-zen-a
Sa-ta'-za-pa-teii'-ne
Sa-yix'-za
Se-ya'-za
Set-shi'-ya
I-e'-ga
Kun-e-a'-ga
TTnff-a'-ffa
33C)
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
129. My mother's brother's
son's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
130. My mother's brother's
son's dauirhter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
131. My mother's brother's
daughter's son.
(Male speaking )
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3(i
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
4ti
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka-ah'-wuk
My daughter.
K «i
it ft
ft ((
tf ft
My child.
My daughter.
n it
t< ti
u tt
it tt
t it
t tt
t it
i tt
t tt
tt tt
My mother.
tt it
tt It
It tt
tt It
tt tt
My step or little mo-
[ther.
My grandchild.
« u
My granddaughter.
(i u
tt tt
My grandchild.
it it
tt it
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My step-daughter.
tt a
(t tt
tt it
u tt
it tt
it tt
tt tt
My mother.
it t
tt i
<t t
tt t
it i
it t
tt tt
tt u
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
tt tt
u tt
My step-child.
My daughter.
tt tt
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
(f U
My niece.
My niece.
My daughter.
it tt
tt u
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
My niece.
n tt
tt tt
u tt
it tt
U tf
tt It
It It
It tt
It tl
My mother.
ti it
tt tt
<t tt
tt u
tt ti
My step or little mo-
[ther.
My grandchild.
tt <(
My granddaughter.
ti tt
tt tf
My grandchild,
it tt
u tt
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My niece.
ti it
tt tt
it ft
it tt
tt tt
tt U
it tt
My mother.
it tt
tf U
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
It tt
My niece.
tt tt
it it
tt tt
My step-child
My daughter.
tt tt
n it
n ti
tt it
My niece.
My nephew.
ti n
ti tt
tt tt
tt n
ti tt
i u
t u
i tt
i it
i n
t tt
i i
t t
i t
t t
t t
My elder brother.
a it
u ti
tt tf
tt tt
u ti
ti n
My grandchild.
ti tt
My grandson.
ti it
tt ti
My grandchild.
1 1 tt
ft tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My nephew.
it it
ft it
ft u
ii tt
tl 11
It It
tl tt
My elder brother.
If !(
ft If
If If
ft ft
ft tf
(f tl
My brother.
My elder brother.
My nephew,
tt u
tt tt
it it
it tt
ft ft
tt tf
ft tt
My son.
ti u
My nephew.
Ka-ha'-wuk
Ka-ha'-wa .
Ka-ha'-wa-
Ka-ya'-ha
Ka-ya'-ba
Ka-ya'
Ka-ya'-no-na
Ka-ya'-no-na-ah
Ka-ya'-wa-na
Ka-ya'-ah
Ka-ya'-ha
E-ue-ah/
E-wa'-teh
Me-tonsh'-ka.
Me-to'-zha
Me-tose;-ka
Me-toh'-zha
Me-toh'-aha
Me-to'-za
Ne-toash'-ka ....
Me-chiink'-she
Me-to'-za
Me-to'-za .
Na'-ha
Na'-ha
Zhin-da'-ha,
E-na'-ha
We-zhe'-tha
He'-nah
He'-nah
E'-naw
E'-naw
In-uah/
We-she'-la
E-oo'-ne-neke'
E-ne'
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
M et - a- w li-pi s h '-sh a
Sup'-uk
Sup'-nk
Sa'-pok
Sa'-pok
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Un-gT-lI-sT
Au-ge-lee'-se
Lak-te'-gee
Lak-te'-kis
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame'...
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwem' . ...
Nin-do-zhi-ml'-kweiu
Nin-do-zhe-mi'-quara
N*-de-kwa-tim'
Neest-che-mish'
N'-de-kwa-tim' .
Neese-che-uiis'
N'-deh-kwa-tim' ...
NT-shl-miss'
Nin-do'-zha-mT-kwam'....
N'-do-zha-m!-kwam'
N'-do-zha-ml-kwam'
Nin-ge-ah'
Ne-she-mis'
Nin-ge-ah' .t.
Ne-^a-sa'
Nin-ge-ah'
Nin-ge-ah/
Ne-ge-ah'
Ne-ge-aU'
Ne-sa-7a'
Ne-ge-ah'
Ne-ge-ah'
Ne-sa-za'
Na-ke~a'
Na-ke~a'
Na sa'-ma
Ne-ke^ah'
Ne-ke~ah'
Na-na'
Ni-ke^a'
Nt-ke~a'
Ni-to-ta-ma'
Na-ke~ah'
Na-ke~ah'
N'-tha-tha/
N'-to'-to-tun
Ne-tan'-a
N'-tus'
N'-sum'
Nu-lQks'
N'-su'-mus
Na-kun'
Na-kun'
No-kwath/
N'-da-nuss'
Nain-da'-ness
Sa-ya'-dze
Sa-ya' dze
Sa-zy/
Sa-to'-a
Sa-to'-a .
Sa-le'-a
Sa-le'-a
c :•/
Kun-e-a'-ga
Uue-a'-ea
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
337
TABLE II. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
05
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
132. My mother's brother's
daughter's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
133. My mother's brother's
daughter's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
134. My mother's brother's
daughter's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
My son.
t< «
u it
u it
u n
My child.
My son.
it «
U 11
it u
It (t
It tt
11 tt
tl It
tt (I
tl tt
H It
My elder brother.
ti tt n
n tt u
tt ti it
tt n ti
it it it
it it tt
My grandchild.
n ti
My grandson.
n u
tt tt
My grandchild,
tt it
it it
My grandson.
My giamichild.
My step-son
tt tt
tt ti
My step-child.
tt it
My son.
tt tt
te it
My elder brother.
it u tt
ti ( a
tt t it
u i ti
it t tt
ti t tt
My brother.
My elder brother.
My step-son.
My son.
it u
tt a
it u
ti it
n tt
it it
tt it
ti u
ti n
My nephew.
My niece.
tt t
It C
tt (
II i
tt 1
It (
tt t
if I
tt 11
11 11
u tt
Ka-ah'-wuk
My daughter,
tt it
ft if
ti tt
it u
My child.
My daughter.
tt ti
tt 11
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
u tt
ft fi
ft tt
tt tt
ft ft
My elder sister.
ti tt tt
tt tt ft
ft tt ft
ft tt ft
u it tt
ti ft ti
My grandchild.
it it
My gd. daughter.
tt ti
it ft
ft tt
tt tt
it ft
tt tf
My grandchild.
My step-daughter.
fi it
My step-child.
My daughter.
tt tt
tt it
My elder sister.
tt ft tt
it tt ti
ti tt n
ti u it
ti it u
n ti it
My sister.
My elder sister.
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
tt ti
if ft
tt tt
tt ft
tf ft
tt it
tt tt
it ft
My grandchild.
My niece.
Ha-ha'-wa
Ka-ya-wa'-da
Ka-ha'-wa
Le-ya'-ha
Ka-ya'-ha
E-yii'
Ka-ya'-no-na
Ka-ya'-ha
Me-to^us'-za ...
Me-chounk'-she
Ak she'-da .
Me-to'-zha . ..
Me-toh'-zha
tt ((
tt It
tt It
tl tl
tl tt
My elder sister.
tt it tt
ti ti n
11 tt tt
it ti ti
it n ti
tt ti tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My granddaughter*
u it
n ti
My grandchild,
tt it
tt tt
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My niece.
ti <t
ti t<
K it
tf ti
tt tt
ti u
ti <t
My elder sister,
tt tt it
u ti i
it if (
it ti t
ft ti i
u tt i
My sister.
My elder sister.
My niece,
ti tt
u if
<t tt
tt tt — rf »
tt tt
tt ft
ft tf
My daughter.
ti it
My grandchild.
My niece.
Me-toh'-zha
Me-to'-za
Ton-no'-ha .. ..
Ton-ga'-ha
Zhon-da'-ha
Wee-tSn'-ga ...
Wee-tOn-tha
Heen-tan'-ya
We-tuu'-ka
We-sho'-la
E-che'-to
E-noo'
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Sup'-uk n5k'-ne
Sup'-uk
Sa'-pok...
Sa'-pok
Sup'-pok.
Sup'-pok
Um-os-siis'-wa
Un-gi-li-sl
Lak-te'-gish ... .
Lak-te'-kis
Lak-te'-kia
N'-go'-sim
Neese-che-tnish'
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame' ...
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwem' ....
N'-go'-zhira
Neest-che-mis' . . .
Nm-do'-shi-mis3
Neen-gwia'
N'-da-niss'
N'-gwis'
N'-da-niss'
Ne-sa-sa'
Ne-mis-sa'
Ne-san'-za
Ne-sau'-za
Ne-sa-za'
Ne-sa-za'
Ne-me-sa/
Na-sa'-ma
Na-na'
Ni-to-ta-ma'
Ne-ta-kwa-mi
N'-tha-tha'
Ni-mi-tha/
Nl-mi-tha'
N'-do'-to-ko
N'-to'-to-tun
Noh--ko'-a
Ne-tan'-S,
N'-tus'
Nee-tse-kes'
Noh-k-soh'-kwa'-oh
Nain-gwase'
Sa-ya'-za
Sa-ya'-dze
Sa-to'-a
Sa-to'-a
Se-ya'-za
Sa-le'-a
Sa-le'-a,
So-he
Set -she
Noo-ii'-ga
43 April, 1870.
338
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
13i. Mjr mother's brother's
great grandson.
Translation.
136. My mother's brother's
great granddaughter.
Translation.
137. My mother's brother's
great grandson's BOQ.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
14
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
ff ft
tt n
tt n
n tf
My grandchild.
My grandson.
u tt
My grandchild.
ft ((
tt ((
tt tt
11 11
It 11
tt 11
tt 11
It tt
My uncle.
tt if
tt ti
tt tt
n it
it tt
My little uncle
My grandchild.
u tt
My grandson,
tt ((
tt it
My grandchild.
« <t
(i it
My nephew.
My grandchild.
My grandchild.
f If
t n
I 11
t It
t 11
1 It,
1 tt
tt tt
My uncle.
tt ti
tt it
tt ti
it it
it it
it n
ti tt
it it
My grandchild.
a tt
tt u
it tt
a tt
ti it
a ti
a ti
My grandson.
(t tt
it tt
My grandchild.
Ka-ya'-da
My granddaughter.
*t tt
tt tt
tt a
(C ft
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
it it
My grandchild.
« t
ti <
(t t
ti t
n t
n ti
it tt
n ti
My niece.
a «
tt tt
« tt
it it
n tt
My little niece or gd.
[daughter.
My grandchild.
it tt
My granddaughter.
tt tt
it u
My grandchild.
tt (t
tt tt
My niece.
My grandchild.
My grandchild,
tt ti
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
a tt
tf tt
tt tt
tt tt
My niece.
tt ft
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
u it
tt ti
tt ft
My grandchild.
tt ft
ft tt
tt n
it tt
ti tt
tt ti
tt it
My granddaughter.
if ft
ft ff
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it it
ft tt
ii it
tt ti
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it ft
My grandchild.
tt tt
it tt
it it
n it
ti tt
it it
tix tt
it it
My uncle.
tt ti
it tt
it tt
n a
it u
My little uncle.
My grandchild.
tt tt
My grandson.
ti tt
it ff
My grandchild.
tt ti
tf tt
My child.
My grandchild.
My grandchild.
tt a
it it
it it
if it
ii ti
it ff
ff ft
tt tt
My uucle.
ft fi
tt if
ff ff
tt it
ft ii
ff ft
fi it
ff tt
My grandchild.
ti ti
t it
t it
t tt
t ii
t tf
My grandson.
U ti
ff ti
My grandchild.
Ha-ya'-dra .
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ya'-da . ..
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra
Kii-ya'-ra
Le-ya-ta-ra'-ya
Ua-tra'-ah
Ya-tra'-ah
lla-tra'-ah
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha. . .
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta' ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha.
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-sak-pok
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta' ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta '-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-tii'-ko-za
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Me-ta'-ko-sa.
Na-ge'-ha
Ta-zha'-ha
Na-ge'-ha
We te'-zha
Heen-ja'-ka
Heen-toas'-ka-ine
Hin-cha'-ka
Be-ia'-Ka...
\Vt»-in.'-ffA
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke' ..
E- ta ke '- e • neke '
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Bus-ba'-pe-ta
Sup'-uk-nSk'-ue
Sup'-uk
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Sa'-pok
Sitp'-pok-nak'-nT
Um-ds-sus'-wa
An-gl-ll-si
An-ge-lee'-se
Te'-wut
Te'-wnt
Lak-te'-kis
Lak-te'-kis .
No-se-sem'
No-se-sim'
No-se-sem'
No-zM'-she
No-she'-sha
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sba'
No-she-sha'
No-sa-seh'
Ne-zhese'-sa
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-zhe'-sa
N 1 '
Na-zUe-sa
Na-sha'-mis
Na-zhe-sa'
Ne-zha'
Na-na'-ma.. ..
Ne-zha'
Na-sUha'
Na-si-tha'
Nl-si-tha'
Nee-so'-tan
Nee-so'-tan
Nu-jeech'
Nu-jeecb'
N'-kway'-nus
Na-lrise'
Na-h-ise'
Noh'-whese'
Nain-no-whase'
N ' -h '
Sa-t'-thu'-a
Ha t'thu'-a
S t'thu' a
Sa-ken'-ne
Se-ya-zet'-tha-re
Sa-Ie-zet'-tha-re
Se-ya-zet'-tha-re
Set-she
Set-shai
Op* ollA
Eng'-o-ti
Eng'-o-ta
Eng'-o-ta
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
339
TABLE II. — Continued.
138. My mother's brother's
great grandsou's daughter.
Translation.
139. My mother's sister.
Translation.
140. My mother's sister's
husband.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
86
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
78
77
78
79
80
Ka-ya'-da .
My granddaughter.
it a
n ft
f< ft
« it
My grandchild.
My granddaughter,
it n
My grandchild.
u a
u it
it n
tt ft
it t
a t
ft t
tt t
tt l
it t
My granddaughter.
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My little gd. daught.
My grandchild.
tt it
My granddaughter.
tt it
ft tt
My grandchild.
ft tt
My child.
My grandchild.
My grandchild.
ft it
it ft
u tf
ft u
u fi
tt t
ti t
ft t
ft t
ti i
ft t
tt t
it tf
ft ff
if ft
if ft
tt it
it if
it if
tt it
ft ft
tt ft
it it
tt it
ft fi
My granddaughter.
tt a
if ft
My grandchild.
My mother.
n n
n it
« «
<( a
« «
n a
n tt
" ti
it U
(t tt
tt it
My step-father.
ft it
ft tt
it tt
ft tf
it it
My father.
My uncle.
My father.
ti if
tt tt
it tt
u it
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
ii tt
it tt
tf tt
ii tt
tf tt
tt u
ft ft
My step-father.
My father,
it tt
u u
'i u
u ii
My little father.
ti If II
My step-parent.
it u
it tt
it tt
u ti
My step-father.
u tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
ft tt
ii tt
tt tt
My uncle.
My father,
it tt
My uncle.
ti tt
tt tt
My father.
tf ft
it tt
ft ft
(t <t
My step-father,
ft tt
My grandfather.
My step-father,
ft it
My little step-fath.
My step-father.
u tt
My father.
My step- father.
My father-in-law.
(Not rendered.)
My step father.
My step-father.
Ka-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Oh-na
Ka-ya-ta-ra'-ya
Ya-tra'-ah
Ah-na'-uh
Me ta'-ko-zha
E-nah' .
At-tay'
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Ah-ta'
Me-ta'-ko-zha
E'-nah
Ah-ta'
Ken-na'
Ah-ta;
Me-ta'-ko-sak-pok
E'-nah
(( ii
11 it
U It
tt tl
It tl
It It
tt tl
tl tt
It tl
It tt
" " [ther.
My step or little mo-
My mother,
u tt
tt tt
tt it
tt u
My little mother.
it it tt
My mother.
ti tt
tt (t
ff U
tt ft
My step-mother.
it U
(i fi
ft tf
ff tt
ft ft
ff ft
ft ft
ff ff
My mother.
it if
ft If
tf ff
ft it
tf ft
ff ft
tf ff
ft ff
ff tf
ff tt
My step-mother.
tt tt
My little mother.
tt tt tt
My mother.
My little mother,
tt t( it
My step-mother.
My mother.
My step-mother.
My mother.
My step-mother.
My auut ?
My step-mother,
tt tt
(Not rendered.)
tt tf
My aunt.
tt ti
Ah-ta'
Me-ta'-ko-zliii
E'-nah .
Ah-ta'
Me-ta' ko-zhli
E'-nah.
Ah-ta'
E'-nah
Ah-ta'
Me-ta'-ko-aa
K-nah'
Na'-lia....
Ah-da'
Toosh'-pii-ha
Ta-de'-ha
E-na'-ha
Heen tii' kwa'-me
Hetm'-ka
E-ta'-kwii-rne
He'-nah
Hin'-ka
Be-chose'-pa
We-ehose'-pa
In-ta'-che
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'..
Met-a-wii-pish'-sha
E-oo'-ne-neke'
Nil-a'...
K-noo'-gos-neke'
Ih'-kii
Ta-ta'
E'-ke-a
Ah-h-a'
Sup'-uk
U*h'-ki
A'-kT
Sa'-pok
Ush'-kl
A'-kl
Sup'-pok . ..
Um-os-siis'-wa
Chul-ku-che' .
Un-gWT-sI
E-tsi'
Ta-le-ra-ah-ge-do'-da
Ah-te'-rii
Ah-te'-is
Lak-te'-kes
A-te'-ra
A-te'-ra . ..
No-se-sem'
Ah-te'-a
N'-do'-sis
No'-ko-mis
No-se-sim'
No-se-sem'
N'-do'-zis
No-zlri'-she
No-she'-sha
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-sha'
No-sa-seh'
No-sheh'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'
No-sa-mii'
No-sa'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-ma'
No-she-sem'
Na-ke~a'
No-she-sa'
Ne-ke~ah'
Noh'-neh
Na-se-tha'-ma
Na'-ko
Na-o'-a ".
Ni-ke~a'
No-tha'
No-stha-tha'
Ni-ke~ah'
No-tha' ....
Nee-so'-tan
Na'-na
N'-to'-tox-is
Nee so' tan
Ne-to'-to-na
Nfi-jeech'
Nu-lis'
N'-kway'-nus
Na-h-ise'
N'-rrnk'
N'-ja'-kw*
Nolr-whese'
N'-ca-ha'-tut
N'-me-lu-tak'-tut
Nain-uo-whase'
Sa-t'thu -a
Eh-ta-eh
Sa-to~a'-ba
A'-na .. .
Sa-ta'
Sa-le-zet'-tha-re
Sa-kre'-a
Sel-the'-na....
Set-shai
Set -ye
Sa-ku-i
Eug'-o-ta „
Na-magh'-has
Pa'-tsin
Su-a'-i-a
340
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
141. My mother's sister's son
— older thaa myself.
'Male speaking.)
Translation.
142. My mother's sister's son
— older than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
143. My mother's sister's sun
— younger than myself.
(.Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
4t>
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha'-je
My elder brother.
U ( ff
(( I it
tl f ff
ft t It
ff t it
It 1 tl
11 t tl
11 I tl
tl I tl
I I 11
1 I 11
'. t 11
t tl 11
i tl 11
1 11 It
t It tt
1 tl It
It It 11
It tt U
tl tl tl
t tl tt
t It tt
1 It It
t 11 tl
1 tt tt
t 11 It
t tl It
tt tt tl
My brother.
My elder brother.
U il It
11 It tt
My brother.
ft it
u n
My elder brother.
it it it
it it n
tt it n
My step-brother.
If 11 It
tl It It
It It tt
It It It
My elder brother.
tt tt tt
it n it
it tt n
it (( U
tt It It
11 It tl
It tl 11
My brother.
My elder brother.
tt (t tt
U 11 11
ti ti ti
ti u it
My brother.
My st-'p-brother.
My eldt-r brother,
tt ii tt
tt ti ti
tt it it
tt tt ti
it tt it
One like my brother.
My brother.
My elder brother.
My cousin.
tt t«
Ha'-je
My elder brother.
ti tt tt
n it n
n n it
it ti tt
u ti it
i it tt
i ti ti
I 11 !(
t tl t
I 11 I
U 11 t
tl tt t
tl tl I
It tl I
11 tt I
It tl I
It It I
U It I
11 11 I
It tt t
11 It I
tt tt t
u c t
tl I I
U t I
U t tl
tl t tt
tt t It
It I 11
11 11 tf
tf (t tl
It It tl
My brother.
tt it
« tt
My elder brother.
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt (i tt
My step-brother.
My elder brother,
tt tt tt
ti ti ti
n ti it
tt tt ti
it it it
tt u 11
it u u
it n tt
n n n
it 11 it
11 <i tt
1C (t tt
ft ft ff
If ff tf
ff ff (f
tt ff ft
ff ff ff
My step-brother.
tf tf it
ft it K
tf ft it
My elder brother. •
tt ti it
ft tt u
ti u tt
ti tt K
My younger brother.
My brother.
My elder brother.
My cousin.
tt tt
Ha'-e&
My younger bro.
ti (t a
ti tt tt
if ft it
(f ft tt
tt ff tt
tt tf ft
tf tt ft
tt tt (t
tt ft tt
it tt tf
tt u tt
tt it it
11 il It
it ft ft
ft tt tf
II tl tl
il n it
ft it tt
it ft ft
ft u it
It tt tt
n n i
it il i
ti it t
it it t
U it t
ff tf t
it it t
My brother.
My younger bro.
ti tt ti
ti it ti
My brother.
tt tt
tt it
My younger bro.
tt ft tt
(t u u
ft ii (t
My step-brother.
ft tt it
ti it ti
ti it it
ti • it tt
My younger bro.
ti tt ti
a it tt
ft it f<
t( ff f
ff ft f
ff ff f
f It I
f If t
f ff t
f ft f
f ft f
f tf t
t ff If
My brother.
My step-brother,
tf ti ti
My younger I ro.
it ti t
tt u t
f< ii i
tt it i
(i t
}
My brother.
My younger bro.
My cousin,
tt ti
Kuh-je'-ah
Kuh je' ah ....
Ha-«a'-an
Kuh-je'-ah
Ha'-ca...
Lak-je'-ha
Lak-je'-ha
Lak-je'-ha
Ahk-ra'-je
Ahk-ra'-je
Ka'-°a
Lok-je'-ha
Lok-je'-hii
Lok je'-ha
Ha-ye'-uh
Ha-ye-a'-ha
Te-mdo'
Me-sun'-ka.
Che-a'
Chim'-a-do
Me-soh'-ka
Che'-a
Tih'-e-do
Me-sunk'-a
Che'-a
Tib'-a-do
Che'-a
Tib'-a-lo
Me-soh'
Tib-a-lo'
Me-suuk'-a-la
Che'-a
Tib'-a-lo
Che'-a
Tib'-a-lo
Me-Boli'
Zhin-da'-ha
Ton-uo'-ha
Ka-ea' ..
Wee-zhe'-tha
He-ye'-na
We-she'-la
We-son'-ka
E-ne'
E-che'-to
Moo'-ka
Me-sho'-ka
Mee-a'-ka
Meek'-a
Ba-chu'-ka
A-nak'-fi ..
Snh-nak'-fish
4-nak'-fi
Et-e-ba'-pi-shi-U
A-nak'-fi
Et-e-ba'-pl-shl-li
Chu-hla'-ha
Chu-chil'-wa
Chu-chu'-se •
Un-gi-ni'-l I .
Aiin'-ke-na-tsI
E-da'-deh
E-rats'-teh
E-da'-deh
A-da'-de
Ta-la'-lik-tis
A-tnas'
Nis-sa'-ye
Ne-ka'-na
Ni-sa-yS,'
Ne-ka'-nis
Ne-ka'-nia
Ne-ka'-na
N'-sa'-ya
Ne-kS-'-na
Ne-ka'-na
N'-seh-sa'
Ne-ka'-na
Ne-sa-sa'
Ne-sa-sa'
Ne-sa-za' .-
Ne-she-ma'
Ne-sa-za'
N&-9a'-ma
Na-sa'-ma
Na-na'
Na-na'
Na-sa'
Na-ne'-a
Na-ue'-a
N'-tha-tha'
N'-tha-tha'
N' the-ma-tha'
Na'-tha-ha
Na'-th&-li5
Ta/_va
Nis-knn'-a
Nis'-sa
Nis'-sa
Nis-kun'
N*-sees'
N'-tul-mura'
Ne-ta-kun'
Ne-ta-kun'
N' Ir'i-sum'
Nain-n'-hans'
Kun'-dig-eh
Sa'-cha
Sa-cha
E-i-hnp. bNe-pah'
Ko-ko-wa malt
Ko-ko-wa-malt
Ig-dlo-ra
Il-lung'-a
Il-lo'-li
Il-lung'-a....
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
341
TABLE II. — Continued.
144. My mother's sister's son
— yountferthan myself.
(Female speakiug.)
Translation.
14."i. My mother's sister's sou's
wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
146. My mother's sister's sou's
wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
IS
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3d
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
76
80
Ha'-ga
My younger brother.
n a it
K (( if
tl U it
tt ft ft
ff 11 ff
ff it 11
(i 11 ff
11 11 tl
11 it it
11 11 fl
it tt fl
if if 11
it if tf
ft tt i
(f it t
i( if f
it If t
i( it i
if 11 i
11 it ii
if i 11
11 f it
if 1 if
ft i 11
u i ti
fl l ii
ii i ii
u it it
u u it
if ft ft
ii if ft
it tf ft
My brother.
u it
ii ii
My younger brother.
u u u
u it tt
it ti u
My step-brother.
My younger brother,
it ti it
ft tt i
if tt t
tt tt t
tt u i
it tt t
ti tt t
u tt t
it ft t
ft ft i
ft - tt t
ft tt tt
u tt ti
if ft it
ft tt tt
ft u it
ii ii it
My step-brother.
My younger brother.
My step-brother.
My younger brother.
u u u
u it tt
fl U ft
It II ft
ft ff ft
My brother.
My younger brother.
My cousin.
tt u
My aister-in-law.
u ii
fi ii
u ii
u ti
tf it
ft it
it t
ft t
ft i
ft t
ft t
My sister-in-law,
u K
1C tl
t it
t ft
( tt
t a
i tt
t tt
t tt
t tt
i tt
t (t
t tf
t tt
t tf
t «t
t it
t tt
f tt
t tf
f tt
tt tt
ff tt
ft u
it tt
it tt
ti ti
it it
ii ti
it tt
tt tf
tf tt
tt it
it n
it tt
it ti
tt tt
ft ft
tt tt
ft tt
tt (t
ft tt
tt ft
tt tt
it ti
tt it
tt tf
if tt
tt if
tt tt
fi ft
if tt
tt u
11 It
ft (f
tt ff
ff ff
If tf
Ha-ga'-ah
Ha'-ga
Un-ge"ah'-le"a
E'-ga-ha
Un-ga-le-ya'-ah
Uu-ga-le-a'-ah.
Lok-je'-ha
O-in-da'-wait •
Me-sun'-Va
Han-ka'
E-cha'-pan . .
Me-soh'-ka
Ha-ka'
E-sha'-pa. . .
Me-sunk'-a
Wa'-ka
E-sha'-pa
Me-sun'-ka
Ha-ka'
E-sha'-pa
Me-soh'-ka-la
Hun-kii'
f tt
ft ft
tf tt
tt ft
tt ti
tf ft
ft tt
tt tt
' t ft
t ti
t tt
t tf
t ff
it tt
ti it
it tt
ti tt
tt ft
tt ft
ft tt
it ft
My wife.
My sister-in-law.
» it
it u
tt tt
ft tt
ft tt
ft it
u ft
ft tt
ft ft
it it
it tt
ft tt
ft tt
it ft
it ti
it it
ft ti
ft u
tt ii
it ti
ti it
ft tt
tf ii
u tt
ft tt
tf ft
it tt
ft it
u tt
tt ft
tt ft
a «
If U
Me-sunk'-a-la
Hun-ka'
Me-soh'-ka-la
Ha'-ka. .
E-sa'-pa
Ha'-ka
E-sa'-pa .. ..
Me-soh'
Me-ha'-ka
Ka-ga'
We-bun'-ga
She-ka'
Wee-son'-ga
Wrt-hun'-ga .
We-she'-ka .
E-chun'-cha
Hun'-ga
Hee-she'-ka
Hin-she'-ka
Be-ha'-ga
We-hun'-ka
We-she'-ka
E-sunk'
E-yun'-ea .
E-slie'-ga.
Me-sho'-ka
Boo-a-ka'.
Mat-too' .
Moo'-a-ka
A-nak'-fi
Suh-hai'-ya
A-nak'-fi
Sii-haT'-ya..
A-nak'-fi
01m chihl '-wa
Um-e-hi'-wa
Un-gT-dau'
Au-sda-duu'-hl
Au-sda li-gl
An'-ke-do
Ah-ke-tso'-hl
E-na-duh'-hl
Ta-te'-luk-tuk-u
Kii-we'-ta
Sko'-dus .
Sko'-dus
Ka-wit'-ta
Ne-seme'
Ne-sha-mish'
N'-ja'-koase
Ne-she-mish'
Nee-tim'
N'_da'-koase ..
NT'-nim
Nin-da-wa'-ma
Ne-she'-ma
Ne-she'-ma
N'-dan-gwa'
Ne-she-ma'
Se-me-ma'
Ne-lim-wa'
N'-jan-gwa/
Ne-she-ma'
Ne-litn-wa' .
Ne-she-ma/
Ne-she-ma'
Nin-ja-kwa'
Ne-she-ma'
Ne-le-mwa'.
Na-se'-ma
Na-da'-kwa
Na-sa'
Wa-a'-che-uk
Na-sim-a'
Ni-to-ta-ma'
N'-the-ina-tha'
Ne-lira-wa' .
N'-UL kwa'
Ta'-ya
Ne-ta'-be
Nis-kun'-a
N'-ohi-gu'-num
Ne-uiak-tem'
N'-h'i-sum'
N'-da-oh-k'
tl tl
It tl
It It
tt tl
tt tt
It tl
tl tt
N'-duu-oo-yome'
Ne-ta'-wia
Nain-hise'-sa mus
A-cha'-a
Sa'-ev..
Sa'-cv I
Sun-no'-ga-ya-za
Sa'-ga..
Set-chil'-a-a-ze.'
Set'-so
Sa'-o-ga «
Sa'-cha
Oo-keo-a'-ga
Sa-chi
T-p'.<ra
P-cu-i-hi'-ba
Il-lo'-a
342
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
147. My mother's sister's daugh-
ter — older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
148, My mother's sister's daugh-
ter — older than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
149. My mother's sister's daugh-
ter — younger than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
58
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
70
77
78
79
80
Ah'-je
My elder sister.
It tt if
11 (( t
«( ft {
ft tf I
(t 11 I
It tl (
t< ({ (
f tt I
f ft (
f ft (
( It I
f ti it
t tl t
t tl I
t t I
1 I t
t t I
It t
t I I
It t t
t I t
I t t
t ( I
It t
f ( t
t I t
1 t f
t t t
I t t
I I tt
t t It
1 I tt
My sister.
a tt
it tt
My elder sister.
n it it
(i it tt
it ti n
My step-sister.
t( ti
ti tt
it n
it it
My elder sister.
it it it
it tt ti
it ti n
11 tt tt
it ti ti
u n it
it tt ti
My sister.
My elder sister.
(t if ti
u it ti
it it n
n n it
My step-sister.
it it
a it
My elder sister.
it it 11
tt If 11
ft tl U
11 U 11
tl 11 11
[step-sister.
(Not rendered. ) My
My sister.
My,elde- sister.
My cousin.
it tt
Ah'-je
My elder sister.
U 11 (t
ft ft It
It 11 t
tt tt I
tt tl t
It I I
It t t
tt 1 t
It I t
t t I
I tl I
t tt I
t It It
t tl It
I I It
1 I t
It t (
11 t t
tt I I
tl tt I
I tl t
I tt t
I tt I
t It t
t It I
t tt t
It It t
It It t
My sister.
My elder sister.
it tt it
tt it tt
My sister.
u a
It 11
My elder sister.
(( tt ti
It It tl
It It it
My step-sister.
My elder sister.
tt tf tt
ti tt n
n it tt
<t tt «
tt it it
ti tt it
it it it
it n u
it u u
tt it it
U ft It
My sister.
My elder sister,
tt tt tt
t< ft tt
ft tt <t
tt tt tt
My step-sister.
ti U
tl It
My elder sister.
ti ti it
ti it it
u tt tt
K tt tt
tt tt it
My sister.
My elder sister.
My cousin.
tt u
Ka'-ga
My younger sister,
ft u it
<t t i
it t (
tt t (
" i i
u i (
ti t t
tt t it
ti t n
t i ti
t i ti
t t it
t i it
i i u
' i ti
t i n
ti t ti
t t t
i i i
t t i
i i
i i t
t i t
t i t
i i
i i i
i t i
i i i
t i i
i it i
i it i
i ti i
My sister.
U tl
II fl
My younger sister.
It ' If U
If (( 1C
(1 U tl
My step-sister.
My younger sister.
tl tf 41
ti ft it
fi u u
it u ti
ti it tt
tt tt tt
tt tt u
tt it u
tf tt ti
tt ft it
it ti it
My sister.
My younger sister.
tt u tt
If ft ft
ft ft tf
tf It II
My step-sister.
u K
n a
My younger sister.
if ft It
If 11 U
11 It tl
It 11 It
It 11 tf
My sister.
My younger sister.
My cousin.
it u
TJh-je'-ah
Uh-je'-ah
Ka-ga'-ah
Uh-je'-ah
Uh-je'-ah
Ka'-ca...
Ahk-je'-ha
Ahk-je'-ha
Ka-ga'-ah
Ahk-je'-ha
Ahk-je'-ha . .
Ahk'-je
Ahk'-je'
Ka'-ga
Ak-je'-ya
Ak-je'-ya
Ka-ga'-ah
Ya-ye-ii'-ha
Tan-kay'
Me-tank'-she
Tou-ka'
Chu-ih'
Tank'-she
Tank'-she
Tan'-ka
Tii-ka'
Chu-wa'
Touk-a'
Chu-a' .
Mt'-tunk'-she
Ton'-ka
Chu-ih'
Me-tank'-she
Ton-ka'
Chu-wa' ..
Me-tonk'-she
Me-tou'-ga . ....
Zhon-da' ha
We-lia'
Wee-t5n'-ga
Wee-t5n'-ga
Hce-u'-ua
Heen-tan'-ya
Be-tun'-ga-zhin-ga
We-tuu'-ka
We-sho'-la
We-tnn'-ka
E-noo'
E-noo'
Wych-ka'
P-ta'-me-ha
Mat-ta-we'-a
Ba-za'-kat
An'-take
An'-take
An'-take
Et-e-ba'-pT-shi-li
An'-take .
Chu-wnn'-wa
Chu-hia'-ha
Chu-wun'-wa
Un-gi-daa'
CJn-gi-lun'-i
Un-d-dan'
An-ke'-doh
An-ge-la'-ih
An'-ke-doh
E-ta'-heh
E-da'-deh
E-tii'-lieh
A-tU'-he
A-tii/ he
A-ta'-ke..
Ah-te'-ta
Ah-te'-ta
Ali-te'-ta .
Ne-sheme'
Ne-.she-mish7
Ne-mish'
Ne-she-rnish'
Nl-mis'-s
Ni-mis'-s
Nl-shl'-tne
Nin-da-wa'-ma
Nin-da-wa'-ma
Ne-she'-raS,
N'-do-wa'-ma
Ne-she-ma'
N'-da-wa-ma'
N'-mis'-sa
N'-she'-m&
Ne-she-ma'
Ne-me-sa'
Ne-me-sa'
Ne-tne-sa'
Na-mis'-aa
Na-se'-ma
Na-sa'
N4-ma'
Na-ma'. .
Ne-ta-kwa-mi'
Ne ta-kwa-mi'
Nl-ml-tha'
Ni-mi-tha'..
N'-the-ma-tha' .. ..
Na'-be
Na'-be
Na'-be-a
Nee-mis'-ta
Ne-sis'-sS
Ne-his'-ta
Ne-his'-ta
Nu-mees'
Nn-ta-kw-sfis'-kw
Nn-ta-kw-siis'-kw
Na-mese'
Na-mese'
N'-dolr-kwa-yome'
Neet-koh-'-kw*
Sa'-dii
Sii'-da.. . .
A-da'-zo
Sa-da'-za
Sa-da'-za
Set-dez'-a-a-ze
Set-dez'-a a-ze
Sa'-che
Sa-che'.
Sa-chith'
Sa-che
Al-kat-kitsh-kilt
Al-kat-kitsh-kilt ..
Al-kat-kitsh-kilt
Gu-i'-a
Gu i'-a
Cu-hu'-ha
Ii?-dlo-ra
Il-luug'-ii
Il-lo'-ii . ..
Il-lflng'a
OF THE HUMAN
FAMILY.
n
343
TABLE II. — Continued.
150. My mother's sister's daugh-
ter—younger thaa myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1.">1. My mother's sister's
daughter's husband.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
132. My mother's sistfir's
daughter's husband.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka'-cS,
My younger sister.
a it ft
ff if It
ff 11 it
tt it it
ft ft tt
it it n
n n n
11 tt tt
tt tt tt
tf tt tt
ft tt tt
11 tf tt
(t t( ft
tt (( tt
tt ft 11
It tf ft
ft ff (C
It tl 11
ff (( tf
ff ft tf
(f ff ff
ft ff ff
tf ff ft
ff tf ff
ff ff ff
tf ff ff
ff ff tf
ff ff ff
My sister.
My younger sister.
tt tt ft
ft ft tt
My sister.
u tt
tt tt
My younger sister.
it tf tt
tf ff ff
tf ff ff
My step-sister.
My younger sister.
it tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt ft
tt ft tt
tt tt tt
tf ft ft
tf tf tt
tt tt ft
tt tt tt
tf ft tt
ft tf tt
My sister.
My younger sister.
ft ft tt
tf tt tt
u tt tt
tt tt tt
My step-sister,
tt tf
tt ft
My younger sister.
ft ft tt
tt tt tt
ft tt ft
tt tt tt
tt ft tt
My sister.
My younger sister.
My cousin.
tt tt
My brother-in-law.
ft tt
ft tt
ft tt
ft tt
tf tt
tt tt
ft ft
tt it
it u
tt tt
<< ft
tc <t
tt tt
ft tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt <f
ft tt
tt tt
tf ft
ft tt
ft ft
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
ct tt
tt tt
tt tt
it ft
My son-in-law.
ft tt
tt tt
My brothor-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
ft t
tt t
ft t
tt t
« t
tt t
ft t
tt t
(t f
tf t
tt t
it t
tt t
tf t
ft t
ft t
ft t
tt t
tt f
tf t
tt t
ft <t
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
tf tt
My son-in-law.
My brother-in-law.
My son-in-law.
Ha-ya'-o
My broth.-in-law.
tt tt
ft tt
it tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tf
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt tf
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
ft ft
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt ft
ft tt
tf tt
tt ft
ft ft
tt ft
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
My son-in-law.
ft if
ft ft
My broth.-in-law.
ft ft
tt ft
it ft
(t ft
tt if
tt ft
ft ft
ft ft
ft ff
ft tt
ft ft
ft tt
ft tf
(f ft
tf ft
ft tt
ft tt '*•
tf ft
ff V ff
ff tt
ff tf
ff tf
ff ff
ff ft
ff tf
ff ff
ff ff
tf ff
tt tf
(Not rendered.)
My son-in-law.
Ka' ea..
Ah-ge-ah'-de-^
Ka ga'-ha
Ka'-gii
Un-j£'-jo-ha
Un-ja/-jo-ha
Ya-ye-a'-ha
Ah-zha'-ku
Ta-han' . .
Me-tun'-ka
Ta-ha' .
She-cha'
Me- tank '-a- do
Ta-h8/
She-cha'
Me-tan'-ka
Ta-ha/ ,_
She-cha'
Me-tunk'-ha-la
Ta-ha'
She-cha'
Me-tonk'-a
Ta-ha'
She-ches'
Ton'-ka
Ta-ha'
She-cha'
Me-ton'-ka
Ta-hnh'
Me-ta/
Me-han'-ka
Me-she'-cha
We-ha'
Ta ha/ hnh
Wee-t5n'-ga
We-ta' i)£
We-she'-ka
Heen-tun'-ga
Heen-ta'-ha
Hee-she'-ka
Heen-t;in'-ga
Hin-she'-ka
Be-tV ha
Be-she'-ka
We-tun'-ka
\Ve-t a '-ha
We-she'-ka
E chunk'.
E-chun'
Me-no'-ka
Wo-wa/-ke-&
Ma-ta-ka'-zha
Ma-na'-te
Ma-na'-te
Ba-so'-ka
Suh-nak'-fisn
Um-a/ 15k
Um-a'-15k
Sa-nak'-fish
Um-aMak
Um-a'-lak
Et-e-ba'-pl-shi-ll
Um a' lak
Um-a'-lak
Chu-chu'-se
Chu-hu'-cho-wa
Un-gT-lun'-Y
Aw-sa'-dlun'-hi
An-ge-Ia'-ih
Squa-lo'-sih
E-da'-deh
A-ta'-he
Ko-sta/-witch
Ko-sta'-witch
Ah-te'-ta
Kuh-ta-wa'-suh
NV-sheme'
Ne-she-mish'
Ne-she-mish/
Nee-tim'
NT shi'-me
Ni'-ta
Nl'-uim
Ne-de-ge'-ko
Ne-she-ma'
Ne ta\
Ne'-nim
Ne-ta/
Ne-nim'
NJ-she'-m&
Ne-ta'
Ne-she-ma'
Ne-ta'
Ne-nim'
Ne-go-se-ma'
Ne-she-ma/
Ne-ta-wV
Ne-she-ma'
Ne ta-wa'
Ne-she-tua/
Ne ta wa'
Ne-she-ma'
Na-se'-ma
Ne-ta'-wa
Na-sa'
Na tow'
Na-sim-a'
Ne-to'
Na-ta-ta-ma'
N'-the-ma-tha'
Ne ta kwa'
Ne-lim-wa'
Na'-be-a
Ne-sis'-sa
N'-to'-to-yome
Nn-sis'-sa
N'-kwa-jeech'
Nee-tse kes'
N'lri-sun^
N' da oh-k'
Neet-kolr'-kw'
Nain-hise'-sa-mus'
A-da'-ze
S:\r ™a
Sa'-ffa...
Sa-da'-za-ya'-za
Sa' t7R
Sa'-re
Sa-chith'
8
Al-kat-kitah-kilt
I-e'-ca ...
Cu-ku'-ba
J.l-lo'-a
344
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
153. My mother's sister's sou's
SOD.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
154. My mother's sister's son's
BOD.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
155. My mother's sister's sou's
daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My son.
u tl
(( It
tt It
It It
My child.
My son.
tt tt
it tt
it tt
it tt
it tt
it tt
it tt
it tt
it it
tt it
it ti
it it
it it
it ti
tt ti
it i
ti i
ti i
it i
it t
it t
it i
u i
it i
My child.
My nephew.
My son.
It ((
u ti
n tt
My nephew.
My son.
My nephew,
t ti
i tt
i ti
i ti
i it
i ti
i tt
n tt
tt t
ti t
ti i
ti t
it t
ti t
a t
My little nephew.
My son.
My grandchild.
My son.
My grandson.
u ti
it ti
Mv grandchild.
My nephew.
ti ti
My child.
it it
My grandchild.
My nephew.
it it
it t
ti t
tt t
n t
it t
it t
it t
i i
i t
i t
i t
t i
I U
t tt
( tl
1 tt
1 It
I It
t tt
I It
1 tl
My step-child.
tt a
My son.
a ti
ti tt
it it
ti u
My step-child.
My nephew.
My daughter.
it n
it tt
it tt
it it
My child.
My daughter.
tt it
(t ii
ti tt
tt tt
ft tt
it it
tt it
ti tt
it it
li tl
ti it
li it
ti it
tl it
My girl.
My daughter.
a n
ti ti
n it
it it
ti it
ti it
tt it
ti n
My child.
tt ti
11 tt
ft 11
li tl
My step-daughter.
it a
n it
it tt
n i
it t
it i
11 i
ti i
My daughter.
it it
it tt
it it
it ti
it tt
it tt
it it
it ti
tt tt
it n
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
My step-child.
a it
My daughter.
tt ti
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
a *t
My step-child
My niece.
Ha-ha'-wuk
Ha-ha'-wa .
Ha-ha'-wa
Le-ya'-ha
Le-ya'-ha
E-ya' ..
E-ya'
Ka-ya'
Ka-ya'-no-na
Le-ya'-ah
Ka-ya'-ah
E-ne-ah'
Me-toash'-ka
Me-ohink'-she
Me-tose'-ka
Me-chunk'-se la
Me-toash'-ka
Me-chunk'-she
Me-chunk'-she
Nis-se'-ha
We toans' ka
Be-chose'-ka
She-me'-she-ga
We-she'-ka
E-neke'
E-nook'
Ma-de-shii'
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Bot-sa'-sa
Ma'-ka
Nak'-me-a
Suh'-stth
Suh-suh'-take
Suh'-soh
Su'-soh
Pe'row
ti it
it ti
it n
My step-son.
u
tt
ti
ti
it
tt
u
u u
My son.
it it
it tt
11 It
U It
11 It
I I
t I
I I
I I
I I
My step-son.
My son.
(t it
My step-child.
u u
My son.
it ti
My step-son.
My son.
« it
My step-child.
My nephew.
Na-te-na'-o
Nii-te-na'-o
N'-de-kwa tjm/
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame'...
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwem'
N'-do'-zhim
N'-de-kwa-tim'
N'-do'-zhim
N'-deh-kwa-tim'
Niu-do'-zbim
Nin-do-zhe-me'-quam
Nin-do-sha-mT-kwam'
N'-do'-zha-urn-kwam7
N'-do'-zha-ml-kwam'
N'-do'-zhim
N'-do'-zhim-a
N'-do'-zhim
N'-do'-she-ma
Neen-gwase'-sa
Nin-da'-na
Ne la'-ewa-la-sa'
Nin-da'-na
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Ne-gwis-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sa/
Ne-gwis-sa'
N'-da;-na
Na-kwis'-sa
Na-ta'-nis
Ne-tane'
Na
Na-tun'
Nl-k we-tha'
Na-la-cwal-tha'
Na'-ha
Na-talr'-ta
N'-do'-to-ko
N'-to'-to-tun
Noh--ko'-a
Ne-tan'-a
N'-kwis'
Nu luks'
N'.tus/
N'-too-a'-snm
Na-kun'
Na-kun'
Na-knn'
N'-kweese'
Nain-gwase'
Tu-zen'-a
Se-ya'-za
Sa-le-3/
Si-ou
Kun-e-a'-ga
Ung-a'-gS,
OF TIIE HUMAN FAMILY.
345
TABLE II. — Continued.
lj(j. My mother's sister's son's
daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
157. My mother's sister's daugh-
ter's BOH.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
158. My mother's sister's daugh-
ter's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
ID
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
23
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
86
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
68
57
58
59
00
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My niece.
My daughter.
11 (
if (
tt I
11 I
tl I
My niece.
it tt
(t it
it tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
ft ft
it tt
tt tt
ft it
it it
tt tf
it it
My little niece.
My daughter.
tt it
it it
My granddaughter.
n it
it it
My grandchild.
My niece.
K ti
My child.
ti. It
My grandchild.
My niece.
ti a
u tt
ti tt
ti tt
t U
t tt
t tt
t It
t t
tl t
It t
tt t
It I
It I
u t
tl I
tl It
It It
tl tl
It It
11 11
It ft
I. It
My step-child.
My daughter.
n ti
it it
it n
it ti
My step-child.
My niece.
My nephew,
t it
( «
t u
I H
I 11
t It
U U
« M
U it
" (1
If U
My son.
it n
n n
11 It
U It
My child.
My son.
tt tt
tt it
t ti
i it
t n
t u
i it
i it
I It
I 11
1 It
1 tt
11 tl
tl tl
It 11
tl It
My step-child.
My sou.
11 K
tf 1C
My grandson
« ti
K u
My grandchild.
My child,
tt tt
ft it
tt it •
ti n
My step-son.
tt u
tt ti
My step-child.
tt tt
My son.
ft tt
if ti
tt t
tt (
tt i
it i
i t
t t
i t
t i
t it
t u
i tt
n 11
My step-son.
My son.
u tt
ft it
it (i
ft It
if (i
My step-son.
My ?ou.
tt tt
My step-child.
My nephew.
Ka-ha'-wa . .
Ha-ya-wa'-da
Ha-ha/-wa
Ka-ya'
E-yo-wa'-da
E-ya'
Ka-ya'-no-na
E-wa'-teh . ..
Me-toash'-ka..
Ah-she'-dft .
Me-tose'-ka -
Me-toh'-zha
tt u
tl U
tt tt
t tl
t tt
t t
I t
t t
t I
t I
t I
My little nephew.
My younger brother.
" U U
My nephew.
a it
it ti
tt it
11 it
tt u
<< ti
11 u
tt H
tt It
tt tt
tt U
tl U
t u
t ((
1 tt
t tt
t tl
I I
I U
1 tt
t u
tl tt
tl tt
tl U
it u
tt tt
It tt
tl tt
1 It
t u
I U
t tt
I U
1 tt
1 It
1 tl
My son.
My step-child.
My nephew.
Me-toh'-zha
Me-toase'-ka ..
Me-toash'-ka.. .
Me-to'-za
Me-to'-za
Me-to'-za
Me-chink'-she
Ta-zha'-ha
We-toash'-ka.
Nis-se'-ha .
We-te'-zha
We-toans'-ka
Be-chose'-ka
Be-she'-ga .. .
We-che'-zho
We-shen'-kS,
K-choon-zhuuk'-e-neke'...
Me-no'-ha-ka
Ma'-ka
Mat-so'-ga..
Ma-de-sha'
Nak'-me-a
Bot-sa'-sa
Sup'-nk
Sub-ai'-yih
Sa-bi'-yih .
Un-gwii'-tuh
Te'-wut
Pe'-row
Te'-wut
Pe'-row . .
At-nuch'
Ah-te'-wut .
Na-te-na'-o
Neest-uha-mish'
Neest-che-mis'
Ne-she'-me-sha >..
Ne-she-mis'
Ne-nin-gwi-nis'
Ne-she-niis'
Ne-she-mis'
Ne-she'-iuis
Ne-she'-mis-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Ne-she'-mis-sii'
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sa'
Ne-she'-mis-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sa/ .
NJx-sha-mis'
Na-kwis'-sa
Na-na'-ma
Na-un'
Na-cbin'-e-ta.
Na
Na-sem-e-thS/
Ni-kwe-tha' ..
Ne-sa-me-tha'
Na'-tha-be
Na-tah*'-ta
Na'-ha
Nee-mis'-sii
N'-do'-to-vose
N'-do'-to-ko
Nee-tnis'-sa
Noh'-ko'-a
N'-sum'
Nu-luks'
jj'_too-a'-suna
Na-kun'
No-kwath/ .
N'-da-nuss'
Sa-yii'-dze
Sa'-zy..
Sa-ya'-ze
Sa-to'-a
Se-ya'-za
Sa-le'-a
Se yS/ za
Si-ou
Ung-a'-ga
41 Apr. 1,1872.
346
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued,
159. My mother's sister's daugl
ter's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
160. My mother's sister's daug]
ter's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
161. My mother's sister's grea
grandson.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
My niece.
a ft
ff it
ft fC
ff If
ff fl
11 If
ff ff
ff ff
ff fl
tf fl
ft fl
f ff
f II
t fl
f ff
f II
f fl
f ff
ff fl
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
My little niece.
My younger sister.
ft ft tt
My niece.
tt tf
ft ft
ft ii
tt i
ft i
ft t
tt f
ft i
f i
i it
t it
f tt
t u
t ti
f • ft
tf it
tt ti
it ti
ff ti
tf fi
ft ti
tt ft
tf it
ft ft
it ff
ft ft
ft ft
it tf
ft it
ft it
ft tt
ft ft
ft tt
tt it
ft ft
ft tt
My daughter.
My step-child.
My niece.
My daughter.
n (t
a u
t tt
i K
i tt
t tt
i it
tt u
tt n
it it
tl U
tt tt
tl tt
tt It
tt tt
tt tt
It tt
tt tl
tt tt
tt tt
My girl.
My daughter.
My step-child.
My daughter.
<< u
ti ti
My granddaughter
U «
« it
My grandchild.
My child.
it tt
1C
n
it
My step-daughter.
(t i
it
My ste -child.
n i
My daughter.
it
it
ti
n
tt
it
tt
u tt
tt tt
tt tt
ti tt
tt tt
n it
ti tt
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
K (t
tt tt
n it
11 n
tt ti
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
« u
My step-child.
My niece.
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
tt u
n u
it ti
tt it
My grandchild.
My grandson.
a n
My grandchild.
«« «
« «
*( u
it n
it t
ti i
ti i
it i
ti i
ti i
My grandson.
it tt
My grandchild.
'( tt
My little gd. son.
My grandchild.
« tt
ti tt
My grandson.
u u
it it
My grandchild.
ti «(
tt «
My grandson.
My grandchild.
it u
(t u
11 It
tl tl
tl It
u It
tf f
tf f
ff t
if f
ft t
If f
ff I
tl i
li I
it t
It
tt
11
It
U
tl
11
11
It
11
ll
ft
it
My grandson,
ti n
it ti
\ly grandchild.
Ka-ha'-wuk
Ha-ya'-dra
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-ha
Le-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'
E-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'- wa-na
Ka-ya'-no-na
Ka-wa-da'-ah
Ka-ya'-ha
Le-ya-ta-ra'-ya.. . .
E-ne-ah'
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-zha
Me-toh'-zba
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-toh'-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-za
Me-ta'-ko-zha.
Me-to'-za
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-to'-za
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Ta-?ha'-ha
Toosh'-pa-ha
We-te'-zha .-
Wee-tush'-pa .
Heen-ta'-kwa .
E-ta'-kwa
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'...
Ma-ta-ka'-zha
E-cha-lrkun'
Me-no'-ha-ka
P-ta-we'-ha-ka .
Ma'-ka
Met-a-wa pish'-sha
Ba-sa'-chete
Bus-ba'-pe-ta
Sub-ih'-take
Sup'-uk
Sup'-uk-n5k'-ne
Suh-bih'-take
Sa'-pok
Sa'-pok-niik'-ne
Su-bl'-take
Un-hak'-pute
Un-el-II-si
Un-gwa'-tuh
Te'-wut
Te'-wnt
Lak-te'-kis
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame'. ...
No-zhi'-she
No-she'-shfi,
Ne-she-mis'
Ne-she-mis'
N'-da-niss'
No-she-shS/
Ne-she-mis'
N'-da'-niss
No-sa-seh'
Shame-sa'
Nin-da'-na
Ne-she-mis-sa'
Nin-da'-na.. .
No-sa/-mS
Ne-shfl-mis-sa'
Nin-da'-na
No-sa'-ma
Ne-she-mis-sa'
N'-da'-na
Ne-she-mis-sa'
N'-da'-na
Na-sha'-mis
Na-ta'-nis
Na-n&'-ma
Ne-tane'.. .
Ne-she-mis'.
Na-tun'
Na-h'-ka/
Ni-ta-na-tha'
Na-se~tha/-ina
Ne-sa-me-tha'
NT-ta-na-tha'
No-stha-tha/
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Na-tha'-be
Na-ta'-na
Nee-mis'-sa
N'-to'-to-tun
Nee-mis'-sa
Ne-tan'-a .
Nee-so'-tan ,
N'-sum'
N-tas' . . .
Nu-jeech'
N'-sum'
Nob-sob- -kwa'-oh
Na-lrise'
Longue-kwa'
Na-lone'-gwa-sis'
Sa'-zy
Sa-t'thu;-a
Sa-le'-a
Sa-to'-a
Sa-le'-a
Si-ou
Noo-a'-gfi,
Eng'-o-ta.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
347
TABLE II. — Continued.
162. My mother's sister's great
granddaughter.
Translation.
163. My mother's sister's great
grandson's son.
Translation.
164. My mother's sifter's great
granddaughter's daughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
lil
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My granddaughter.
a it
u ti
it ti
a tt
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
« ((
My grandchild.
it
it
n
it
n
It
tt
tt
((
My granddaughter.
tt a
My grandchild.
a tt
My little gd. daught.
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt t<
My granddaughter.
ti tt
tt tt
My grandchild,
tt U
u t(
My granddaughter.
My granuehild.
t tt
t t
t t
t i
t t
t t
t t
< t
t i
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
( t
t t
t t
t t
i (
( t
t t
t t
( t
t t
( t
f t
t t
t t
t t
My granddaughter.
tt tt
My grand-child.
*
My grandchild.
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
a tt
tt ti
ti n
u ti
My grandchild.
My grandson.
tt tt
My grandchild.
it tt
(C it
U It
« tt
It It
tl tl
It tt
tl It
tt tl
It tt
My grandson.
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My little grandson.
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt it
My grandson.
tt u
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt it
u tt
My nephew.
My grandchild.
ti tt
tt tt
tt a
tt tt
ft ft
tf it
ft U
It It
tt tt
tt tt
tt It
It tl ,
ft ft
tl It
tl It
tt tt
tt tt
ft ft
tt (t
tf U
ff ff
ff ff
ff ft
ff It
1 tl
t ((
( tt
t tt
I U
(i a
My grandchild.
Ka-ya'-da
My gd. daughter.
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
u tt
My grandchild.
My gd. daughter.
u tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tf
tt tt
it tt
tt ft
tt it
tt ft
tt tt
tt tf
My gd. daughter.
tt tt
My grandchild.
if tt
My little gd.dau.
My grandchild.
tt ft
it ti
My gd. daughter.
tt it
' tt t<
My grandchild.
tt ti
ft it
My niece.
My grandchild.
tt
tt
it
u
U
(t
«i
t.t
ti
tc
H
<
f.
<
I
t
t
I
t
t
t
I
t
t
H
tl
it
My gd. daughter.
tt ft
ff t<
My grandchild.
Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da *
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-ya'-ra
Ya-tra'-ah
Ya-tra'-ah
Me-ta/-ko-zha ,
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-til'-ko-zha .
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-tii'-ko-sak'-pok
Me- til' ko-siik pok
Me-ta'-ko-sak-pok
Me ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha . ...
Me-tii'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko za
Me ta' ko-za
Me-ta'-ko-sS
Toosh'-pa-ha
Wee-tush'-pa
Wee-tush'-pa
Wee-tush'-pa
E-ta'-kwa-me
E-ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kwa-me
We-chose'-pa
E-cboon-zhuuk'-e-neke'..
P-ta-we'-ha-ka
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke' ..
p_ta-we'-ha-ka
Met-a-wa-pish'-sha
Sup'-uk
Sa'-pok
Sa'-pok nak'-ne
Sa'-pok
Sup'-pok ...
Sup'-pok
Um-od-sus'-wa
Un-gT-ll-si
Un-gi-ll-sl
Te'-wut
Lak-te'-kis
No-se-sem'
No se-siiu'
No-se-sem'
No-zlri'-she
No-zhl'-she
No-&he'-sha
No-she-shS/
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-sa-seh'
No-sa-iria'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-ma
N '
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-ma/
No-she-sem'
No-she-sa'
Na-ir-ka'
Na h1 ka'
Na-h'-ka
Na-se-tha'-ma
Na-se-tha'-ma
No-atha-tha'
Nee'-sa
Nee-so'-tan
Nee-so'-tan
Nu-jeech'
Nu-jeech'
N' kway'-nus
M» 1 /
Na-lvise'
Na h'ise'
Nolr-whese'
Nain-no-whase'
N ' 1 '
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-to-a'-ba
Sa-to^a'-bS-
Sa-le-zet'-tha-re
Set-she
Eng'-o-ta
Eng'-o tS.
Eng'-o-ta
348
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
165. My father's father's
brother.
Translation.
166. My -father's father's
brother's sun.
Translation.
167. My father's father's brother1
son's son — older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Truncation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
«9
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My grandfather.
it ((
( tf
( It
t It
I It
t ff
( ti
I It
t u
tt it
n tt
tt ff
ft «
ft tf
I( 1C
if if
it i(
ft it
u it
tt it
U if
it if
it (i
it tt
tt ti
tt ff
tt it
it tt
tt u
it tt
My grandparent.
it it
My grandfather.
tt tt
it u
tt tt
tt ti
tt it
tt «
tt ti
tt it
tt a
ft if
it tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
ti it
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
tt it
tt it
it ti
tt tt
t it
t t
t t
t t
t t
t t
tt tt
tt it
ti u
it u
tt tt
Ha'-nih
My father.
f< it
tt tt
tt tt
t ti
t if
f ft
t tt
t tt
tl K
if ff
if ft
ft ff
if fi
ft t( *
ff ft
ff ft
f (f
f ft
f tf
f ft
f ff
ff ff
ff fi
tf it
ft it
tf f
ff f
it t
tt t
tt t
ft ft
if f
ft i
(f f
ft t
ft f
u f
ft f
tt t
ti t
it t
tt tt
ti tt
ti n
it n
tt it
it tt
it tt
My step-father.
My father.
ft ft
My step-father.
tt tt
tt tt
My little father.
My step-father.
tf tt
My father-in-law.
Ha'-je
My elder brother.
tt tt tt
it tt it
tl It tl
tl 11 I
11 It I
tt ff f
ft ff t
ff ff f
tf ff ff
if ft i
ff tt I
11 tl I
11 11 I
It It I
It It tl
I 11 It
1 tl tt
t U It
I tt 11
1 tl tt
I tl tt
It tl tl
11 11 It
11 It tt
It tt It
tt tt It
tt U U
tt It 11
My brother.
n it
My elder brother.
^ ft ft
tt tt if
it ft tf
My step-brother.
tt ti
it n
11 tt
tt n
My elder brother.
ff tf it
tt ft ft
f ft tf
t tt tf
t it ft
t tt ft
t ft it
My brother.
My elder brother.
ft ft tt
tt tt ft
My brother.
My step-brother.
it ti
My elder brother.
ti it n
ti 11 tt
tt ti if
Ha'-nih
Kuh-ne-ha'
Kuh-je'-ah
Liik-je'-ha
Lak-j«'-ha
Ahk-rS'-sote
Ahk-re'-ah
Ahk-ra'-je
Lok-sote'-liii
La-ga-ne'-ha
Lok-je'-ah .
Shu-ta'
Hi-ese'-tfi,
Ha-ye'-uh .. .
At-tay'
Chin-yay'
Ah-ta'
Che-a'
Tun-ka'-she-la
Ah-ta'
Che'-a
To-ka'-she-la '
Ah-ta'
Che '-a.. .
Me-tonk'-a
Ah-ta'
Che' a
T5n-kS/-sne-la
Ah-ta'
Me-che'-a
Toon-ka'-zhe-la
Ah-ta'
Che'-a.
Toh'-ka '-she-la
Ah-ta'
Che-a' ....
Me-to'-ga-she
Ah-da'
Me-chin'
Ta-ga'-ha
Ta-de'-ha
Zhin-dii'-ha
In-da'-de
Wee-zhe'-tha
Heen'-ka
E-tfi'-ka
Hin'-ka
E-da'-je
Cha-je'-ka
E-ne'
E-cho'-ka
Ta-ta'-h'e-ha
A'-kT
Um-un'-ni
Um-u'-fo
A'-kl
Ang'-kl
Et-e-ba'-pT-shl-li
Chuhl'-ke
Chu-hla'-ha
E-nl'-sI
E-dau-da'
Ah-ge-doo'-tse
Ah-te'-put
Ah-te'-is
E-da'-deh
Ah-te'-put
A-te'-ase
A-da'-de
Ah-te'-pot
Noh'-ta'-we
Noh'-ta'-we
Noh-ta'-we
Neesh-tase'
NCsa
No'-sa
Ne-ka'-na
N6"ss
Ne-ka'-na
N5ss
Ne-ka'-nis
NQss
Ne-ka'-na
Noss
No-sa'
Nosa'
Na-nia'-sho-ma'
No-sa'
No-sa'
No-sa'
N5ss
Na-sa'-ma ....
Na-na'
Na-o'-a .. . .
Na-ne'-a
Nem-ma-soo'-ma-tha
No-tha'
N'-tha-tha'
No-bes'-sib-a
Na-ah-'-sa
Neese-sa'
Na-ah-'-sa
Na-ahxs'
Nuch
Niks-ka-mich'
N'-muk-suma'
Nee-chaMook
Nuh-ma-home'
Noh-
Nu-moh'-ho-mus'
Noh-'-h'
Na-ina-ho-mis'
Sa-tse'-a
E-tii'-eh
Sa-ta'-chock
Sel-the'-ne
Sii-na'-ga
Set-see'-a
Set-se
Set-ye
Is-hah'-pa
E-tfl'-ah
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
349
TABLE II. — Continued.
168. My father's father's brother'<
son's son — yonnirer than mysel
(Male speaking.)
Translation,
169. My father's father's brother'
son's son's son.
(Mule speaking.)
Translation.
170. My father's father's
brother's son's SOD'S son.
(Female speakiug.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
1 7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57"
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha'-eS .
My younger brother.
U 11 H
11 tl tl
it. ff f
1 ft (
( (( I
f tf (
t It t
I tl t
1 11 t
t I t
t I tl
f ( tf
It ( It
tt t tt
it t tt
it I it
tt t it
tl t tt
it 1 tl
tt it tl
tl tl tl
it tt , tl
ft tl 11
it It tl
tt it tl
it tt it
tl it it
it 11 tt
My brother.
u a
My younger brother,
ft u it
ti tt t<
ti (t <t
My step-brother.
tt u
(f tf
f ft
tt It
My younger brother.
tt it tt
tt u it
ti u ti
u »f ft
(t ti ft
tt ft tt
ti it it
My brother.
My younger brother.
tt n tt
ti ti it
My brother.
My step-brother.
tf U
My younger bro.
tt tt tt
ti u n
u tt a
My son.
it if
it tf
tt tt
it it
My child.
My son.
tt tt
tt t
it ft
ft u
ft ti
My nephew.
My son.
tf ff
tf ti
ff tf
If ff
ft ff
My nephew.
My son.
it ft
tf u
it t
u t
it t
ti i
ti t
u t
it i
it t
tt t
tt t
ti i
My little nephew.
My grandson.
it ti
it tt
My grandchild.
My nephew.
tt ti
My child.
tt u
My nephew.
tt tt
ft tf
it it
ti tt
tt u
ti tt
» ti
tt u
tt tt
tt tt
ft (i
it tt
it tt
tf U
tt tt
tt tt
ti tt
tt ti
ti it
it tt
ti it
My step-child.
My sou.
tt ti
My step-son.
My son.
tt tt
Ha-ga'-ah
Ha-ha/-wuk . . .
Ha ha/ wuk
Ha'-ga
Ha-ha'-wii
Le-ya'-ha
E'-»a-ha
E-ya'
E-ya'...
Ka'-ga
Le-ya'-ah
He-wa/-teh
Me-tonsh' ka
Me-to~us'-ka
Me-sunk'-a
Ak-she'-dii .
Me-toash'-ka
Me chink'-she
Me-toze'-ka
Mrt-sdW
ti t
it t
tt t
it t
t t
t t
i it
i it
i tt
i ti
ti it
ft tt
ft tf
tf tf
tf tt
My child.
if tt
ti it
U tl
My step-son.
it
tt
it
it
tf
tt
a
it t
My son.
tt ft
it it
it ff
tt ft
it ft
it a
11 U
It tt
It It
My step-son.
My son.
tt tt
My step-child.
My son.
ti tt
*( step-eon.
My son.
ft U
Me-toans'-ka
Me-toase'-ka
Me-toash'-ka
Me-son'-ka-lii
Me-toas'-ka
Me-to'-za
Ka-ga'
We-toash'-ka
We-sfin'-ea
Be-chose'-ka
E-sunk'
E-neke'
Suh-nak'-fish
Suh'-stih
Sli-uak'-fish
Suh'-soh
Sa-niik'-fish
Su-soh'..
Sup'-pok-nak'-nl
Ohu-chu'-se
Un-gl-nnn-th'
An'-ke-na-tsi
K-dii'-deh
Pe'-row
Pe'-row...
A-dii'-de
Ne-seme'
N'-do'-sim
N'-de-kwa tim'
Ne-sha-mish'
N'-do'-zliim
Ne-she-mish'
Nl-shi'-me
Ne-ka'-na
Ne-ka/-na
N'-do'-zhim
Ne-ka'-nis
Ne-ka'-na
Ne-ka'-na
N'-do'-zhe-mS,
Na'-gwi-nh
Se-me-ma'
Ne-she'-ma
Ne-la'-gwii-la-sa/
Ne-she'-ma
Ne-la'-gwii-la-sa/
Nn-slie-ma'
Ne-she-ma'
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sS,' ....
Na-se'-mii
Na-kwis'-sS
Na-sa'
Na-sim-a'
N&
Na-chin'-e-ta .
Ni-to-ta-mS/
Nl-kwe-th£'
N'-the-ina-tha'
Ne-kwe-tha'
Nis-kun'-a
N'-do'-to-ko
N'-chi-gu'-num
N'-kwis'
Nu-lfiks'
N'-see'-we$
N'-dii-kwus'
Nii-kun'
Nee-ma/-tua
Nain-hise'-sa-mus'
A-cha'-a
Set-chil'-e-a-za
Se-yS'-za
Sa-cha
350
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
171. My father's father's
brother's son's son's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
]72. My father's father's
brother's son's son's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
173. My father's father's
brother's great great grandson.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
GO
01
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My daughter.
tt tl
(( 11
It 11
tl <(
My child.
My daughter.
a tt
it it
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
n tt
it it
it t
it t
it t
it i
tt t
tt t
it (
tt t
it it
tt it
tt tt
it tt
tt a
tt tt
it tt
My child.
ti ft
My step-daughter.
U ((
tt It
it 11
tt tt
ti It
tl tt
tt tt
tt It
My daughter.
« <(
tt ti
u tt
it it
ti it
n u
it ti
U tl
It It
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
tt ti
My step-child.
My daughter.
tt tt
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
u it
My niece.
My daughter.
U tt
tl tt
tl tt
My niece.
My daughter.
My niece.
My daughter.
(( U
(( tl
ti tt
It tt
It 11
I It
t It
1 tl
1 t
1 t
t I
1 t
I I
My little niece.
My granddaughter.
tt tt
« u
My grandchild.
My niece.
tt it
My child.
tf tl
My niece.
n it
tt tt
u n
it it
tt tt
it n
it n
u u
tt u
11 tl
tl It
11 tl
It tl
11 tt
It tl
11 tl
11 It
It It
tt tt
It ft
It It
My step-child.
My daughter.
tt (i
My step-daughter.
My daughter
it ti
Ha-ya'-da . . ..
My grandson,
tt it
n u
ti tt
n u
My grandchild.
My grandson.
tt n
My grandchild,
tt «t
tt «
(t t
tt t
tt t
n i
it i
ti i
n t
it i
it n
u it
it tt
My little gd. son.
My grandson.
U «f
(( ft
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt u
My grandson.
My grandchild.
tt tf
ft tt
ft tt
tt it
tt tt
t it
t tt
t tf
t tt
t tt
t tt
t ft
t tt
< tt
t tt
t tt
ti n
n tt
it ti
ti it
i u
i it
t n
t n
t it
it it
n tt
ti tt
Ka-ha'-wuk
Ha-ya'-dra. ...
Ka-ha'-wa
Ha-ya'-da
Ra-ya'-h'a
Ka-ya'-ha
La-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-yS,'
Ka-ya'
E-ya'-dla-ah
KiL-ya-no'-na-ah
Ka-ya'-ha
Ka-ya'-ah
E-ne-ah'
E-wa'-teh .
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me to'-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me to' zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me toh' zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha .. ..
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me to'-za
Ta zha' hS.
Toosh'-pa ha
We te' zha
Heen-ta'-kwa
He-yun'-ga
E-ta'-kwa
She-uie'-she-ga
E-nook'
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'...
Snp'-nk .
Snh-sah'-take
Sup'-uk-no'k'-ne
Sa'-pok
Su-soh'-take
Chuch-hus'-te
A-gwae-tsi'
TJn-gT-lI'-sY
Un-ewa'-tuh
Pe'-row
p^'-row
Pe'-row
Lak-te'-kis
N'-do-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do-zha-inis-kwarae'....
N'-do-zha-tnis-kwein'
Nin-do-zhT-mi-kwem'
Neest-che-mish'
Nin-do'-zhe-ml-quam'
Nin-do-sha-mt-kwaru'
N'-do-zha-mT-kwam'
No-slie'-sha
No-she-sha'
N'-do-zha-mi-kwam'
No-she-sha'
N'-do-zha-mia
Nin-da'-na
Nin-da'-na
N 1 ' "'
Ne-shi-mis-sa/
N'-da'-na
N'-da'-na
Na-ta'-niss
Ne-taue'
Na-na'-m£
Na-tuii'
Na-un
Na-h'-ka'
Ni-ta-na-tha'
Ni-^em-e-tha'
Na se tha'-ma
Nl-ta-na-tha'
No-stha-tha'
N'-to'-to-tun
Ne-mis'-sa
N'-tus'
Nu jeech'
N'-su'-mus
Na-kun'
Na-h'ise'
N'-da-nnss'
N'-da-nu^s'
Nain-da'-ness
N " 1 '
Sa-yii'-dze
Sa-ya'-dze
Sa t'thu' a
Sa-le'-a
Sa le' a
Se ya zet' tha-re
Set-shere
Set-she
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
351
TABLE II. — Continued.
74. My father's father's brother's
great great granddaughter.
Translation.
175. My father's father's
sister.
Translation.
176. My father's father's
sister's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka-ya'-da . ...
My granddaughter.
i< ft
ft «
n tt
K it
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
U It
My grandchild.
(( ft
it ti
ti u
ti tt
u tt
It tt
u u
11 it
tt tt
tf It
My granddaughter.
tt (t
My grandchild.
My little gd. daught.
My granddaughter.
U ((
tt tt
My grandchild.
" tt
tt tt
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt H
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
t tt
< tt
t a
t tt
t tt
t ti
t u
t ti
t tt
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt u
it ti
it ti
it tt
it tt
tt it
It It
My grandmother.
a u
K tt
tt ti
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt ti
u tt
tt ti
tt tt
it tt
Ah-ga'-huc
My aunt.
My mother.
41 tt
U It
It ti
My aunt.
My mother.
My aunt.
ti u
ti u
tt it
it tt
u it
it it
ti it
tt ti
it it
U It
It It
tl 11
It It
it It
tl 11
My aunt.
(t tt
My grandmother,
tt t«
My aunt.
u tt
My grandmother.
tt tt
My aunt.
t( t
<t (
tt f
tt t
it t
tt t
ff <
if t
it f
ft ft
ft ft
it tt
u tt
tf ft
tt it
it it
«t it
«f tf
tt ft
tt tt
My step-mother.
My little mother.
tt tt it
My aunt.
tf if
My step-mother.
Ka-ya'-dra
Oc-so'-da-ha .
Ah-ge-no'-ha
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ahk-sote'-ha
Ahk-nole'-ha
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra
Ahk-kaw'-rack
Ka-ya-ta-ra'-ya
Lok-sote'-ha
Ah-ga-nese'-ta-ha
Ya-tra'-ah
Ah-shn-ta'
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Un-che'
Me-ta'-ko zlia
0-che'
Toh'- we
Me-ta'-ko-zha
O-che'-la
Tonk7-wa
Me-ta'-ko-zha....
Oh-che'
Tonk'-wa
Oo-che' .
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
u tt
tt tt
it ti
tt tt
it tt
ti it
tt tt
u it
it tt
it t
it t
tt t
tt i
tt t
tt t
My grandparent.
(t U
tt It
ft tt
tt tt
My grandmother.
a tt
u tt
tl tt
tt tl
tt tl
tt It
tl ti
It tl
tl U
It tl
tl 11
u tt
U It
It tt
tl It
It tt
It tl
tt u
u tt
It It
tt It
u tt
tl tt
11 tt
tt tt
u tt
It tl
11 tl
11 tt
It 11
11 It
If tt
Toh- we'
Me-ta'-ko-zha.
Toh'-we
Me-ta'-ko-zha
0-che'
Toh'-we
0-che'
Toh'-we
O-g&'-she
Toosh'-pa-ha
Ga-haV
Te-na'-ha
Wee'-ka
Wee-tee'-me
Hin kfi'-ne.
E-tii'-me
K-ko'
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'...
Sup'-uk
E-che'
Nah-'-he-a
Ka-ru'-ha
Ba-sa'-ka-na
Sa'-pok
Hap-pii'-si
Un-gi-lI'-sT
E-nl'-sI
E-hlau'-g!
Ah-te'-ka
Ah-te'-ka
Lak-te'-kis
Ah-te'-ka
Ah-te'-ka
No-se-sem'
Ah-te'-ka
No-se-sim'
No-se-setn'
No-zhl'-she
No-she'-sba
No-she-sliS/
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-ko'-mis
No-sa'-ma
Ne-za'-gSa-sa'
No-ko-ma'
No'-ko-rna..
No-sa-ma'
No'-ko-ma
No-she-sa'
Ne-ne'
Na-lv-ka'
Na-tha-kwi-tha'
Na-tha-gwe-tha'
Na'-e-ba
Ne ta ke ar sa
Nu-jeech'
N1 kway'-nus
Nu'-kutn
Na-lrisp'
Nolr-whese'
N'-ga-ha'-tut
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-le-zet'-tha-re
Set'-so
In-kah'-na (m. s.). In-
[chau'-wa (f. a.).
Ning-e-o'-wa
353
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
177. My father's father's sister's
daughter'* SOD.
(Male speaking )
Translation.
178. My father's father's sister's
daughter's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Tranalation.
17f*. My father's father's Pinter's
daughter's daughter's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
0
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My cousin,
ft it
ii it
ti tt
it ft
u ft
My eld. or young.bro.
My cousin.
«t ft
ft it
tt tt
ft it
tt It
tt tt
tl It
11 ft
tt tf
My nephew.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My little nephew.
My father.
tt tt
My little father,
(f tt tt
My father
« tf
if ft
If (C
My cousin.
tt tt
tt t
u <
it t
tf t
ft t
Ct f
My nephew.
tt tf
tt tt
tt tt
it u
tt tt
tt u
tt it
tt tt
My cousin.
My elder brother.
My cousin.
My step-brother.
tt • tt
My elder brother.
it tt ft
tt tf tt
My younger brother.
My cousin,
ti tt
1C ft
tt tf
u u
tt ti
My eld. or young, sis.
My cousin.
ft tt
tt tt
tf ft
tt ft
tt u
it tt
tt 1C
tf ft
ft tf
My nieoe.
tt tt
ft tt
ft ft
ft ft
My little niece.
My nunt.
My mother.
My grandmother.
u a
My aunt.
a tt
My grandmother.
My cousin.
it tt
tt tt
tt ft
ft ft
tt tt
ft tf
ft tt
My nieoe.
tt tt
tt ft
ft tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt tf
ft ft
tt it
My cousin.
My elder sister.
My step-sister,
tf tt
tt tt
My elder sister.
ft tt tt
f* it it
tt tc ii
My nephew.
My sou.
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
My nephew.
t <f
f tt
f ft
t ft
t tt
t tt
t tt
t ft
t ft
t tt
tt tt
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it a
My grandchild.
My little gd. sou.
My younger bro.
My brother.
My little father.
H it 11
My father.
U tf
My grandfather.
My nephew,
tt tt
if ft
ft tf
ft ft
ft ft
ff f 1
My grandchild.
tt t«
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt t
ft tt
tt tt
My nephew.
ft tt
t ft
f tt
t tt
t tt
t tt
My son.
ft tt
Ha-ha'-wa
Un-ga-l&'-seh
Le-ya'-ha
Un-ga-lass'
E-ya/
Ka-yaAwa-na
Lok-je'-ha(e.),L«-ga'-ah(y.)
Ak-je'-yS, (e.), Ka-ga'-ah(y.)
Ta'-she
Ha-ka'-she
Ah-ka'-zha
Me-toash'-ka
Ta' she
Hii-ka'-she
Ta'-she
Me-toans'-ka ...
Ta-ha'-she
Han kji'-she
Me-toase'-ka
Ta' she
HiL-ka'-zhe
Ta ha'-she
Ha-ka'-she
Me-toas'-ka
Ta-ha'-she
Ma-ha'-<Ta-she
Me-to'-za.
We-toash'-ka
Ta-zha' -ha
Toosh'-pii-lia
We-toans'-kS,
We-te'-zha
Wee-tiish'-pa
E-ta'-kwa ...
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'. . .
A'-k!
Suh-nak'-fish
A'-kl
Ush'-kT
Et-e-bii'-pi-shT-lI
Chuhl-ku'-che
Chuhl-ku-che/
E-dan-da'
E-hlau'-gT
E-dau-da7
Ah-ge-do'-da
Ah-ge-do'-da
Ah-te'-is
•\h-te'-ka
N'-de-kwa-tim'
N'-deh-kwa-tim' ..
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
No-«a'*ma
Ne-la'-gwa-lis-sa'
No-sa-ma/
Ne-Ia'-gwii-lis-sa'
Ne-ni'-kwa-na
Na-na'-mS,
Na-sem-e-tha'
Na-la-gwal-tha'
No-stha-tha'
N'-to'-tes-ta-mo
N'-sees'
Nn-luks'
N'-ta'-gus
N'-da-kwus'
N'-da-kwus-oh-kwa-oh ...
No-kwath'
Kun'-dig-eh
Sa'-da
Sa'-zy . .
Sfi-na'-gfi,
Set-dez'-a-a-za
Sa-chft
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
353
TABLE II. — Continued.
180. My father's father's sister's
daughter's daughter's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
181. My father's father's sister's
daughter's daughter's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1S2. My father's father's sister's
daughter's daughter's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
04
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
03
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My son.
«
My child.
My s n.
My grandchild.
u tt
My grandson.
U tf
My grandchild.
My little grandson.
My younger brother.
ti tt " tt
My little father.
ft it tt
My father.
ti a
My grandfather.
My step-son.
U 41
(( 11
My step-child,
tt («
My sou.
a n
My grandchild,
tt tt
tt «
tt tt
tt u
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
My step-son.
My son.
u t<
tt tt
tt tt
<t tt
My step-son.
My sou.
tt u
My niece.
My daughter.
tt it
tt u
If U
My niece.
tt tt
tt tt
u tt
tt tt
tt tt
ji tt
My daughter.
tt it
tt it
tt it
ti tt
My child.
My daughter.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tf
« ti
it ti
it tt
tt u
tt tt
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My gd. daughter.
<t tt
My grandchild.
My little gd. dau.
My gd. daughter.
ft tt
My grandmother.
tt tt
My aunt,
tt tt
My grandmother.
My step-daughter.
tt («
ti it
My step-child,
tt ft
My daughter.
tt it
it ti
My grandchild.
tt tt
n tt
it it
tt u
n it
tt u
it it
it it
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
u ti
ti ii
t< <i
it ti
My grandchild.
My gd. daughter,
tt tt
Ka ha'-wuk
Ka-ha'-wa
Ka-ha'-wa
Le-ya'-ha
Ka-ya'-ha
E-ya' ..
Ka-ya'. ..
Ka-va'
Ka-ya'-wa-na
Le-ya'-ah
K-ne-ah/
Me-chink'-she
Ak-she'-da
Me to'-zha
Me-toh'-zha
tt n
u tt
tl tt
tt tt
It tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
My granddaughter.
tt tt
My grandchild.
My little gd. daught.
My yonnger sister.
tt tt tt
My grandmother.
it tt
My aunt.
(t ff
My grandmother.
My niece.
tt tt
<t tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
n tt
it tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
<t tt
it it
tt n
u tt
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
My niece.
<t (
tt t
ft t
ft (
tt t
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
tt u
Me-to' za
Toosh'-pa-hS,
Toosh/-pa-ha.. . ...
Toosh'-p'a-ha,
Wee-tiish'-pa
Heen-ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kwa
E-tii'-kwa-me
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke' ..
An' take
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke' . .
Sup'-uk
A-nak-ft
A-nak-fi
An'-take
Sa'-pok
Chuhl ku-che'
E-dau-da'
E-hlan'-(?T
E-hlau'-pl
Ah ge h'lo' gin
Ah-te'-put
Ah-te'-ka
Ah-te'-ka
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame7...
N'-do'-zha-inis-kwem'
N'-do'-zhim
Nin-do'-zhi-miss
Nin-do'-zhe-uiis
Nin-gwis'
Nin gwis'
N'-da-nisi'
N'-gwis'
N'-da-niss'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-ma...
No-sa'-ma
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-uia'
No-she-sem'
No-she-sa'
No-she-sa'
Na-ge-tha'-nta
No-stha-thii'
No-stha-tha' ..
No-stha-tha'
N'-do'-to-ko
Ne-mis/-sa
NMo'-to-tun
N'-kwis'
N'-^nm'
N'-tns'
N'-sum'
N'-di-ome'
Sa-ya'-za
Sa-t'tUu'-a
Se-ya'-za
Set-she
45 Apra, 1870.
354
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
183. My father's father's sister's
great great grandson.
Translation.
184 My father's father's sister's
great great granddaughter.
Translation.
185. My mother's mother's
brother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
U 11
11 H
It H
ft (I
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it tt
My grandchild.
it it
it ti
tt tt
ti tt
tt tt
tt tt
n n
tt tt
it it
tt it
My grandson.
tt tt
My grandchild.
My little grandson.
My grandson.
tt tt
My little father.
tf tf U
My father.
ft It
My grandfihild.
u «
(( tt
It u
ft U
tt tf
if It
ft ((
It tt
tt tf
it It
tt tt
11 ((
tf It
tt It
It tl
tt tt
tt It
It tt
tt tl
tt tl
tt It
It tl
tt 11
It tt
My grandson.
tt n
Ka-ya'-da
My granddaughter.
<t tt
u it
It U
It tl
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
ti n
My grandchild.
u a
n ti
n it
it u
tt n
n tt
tl U
U It
tt u
If tl
My granddaughter.
tl U
My grandchild.
My little gd. daught.
My granddaughter.
u u
My grandmother.
it ti
My aunt.
n it
My grandchild.
ti it
tt u
it u
tt n
ti it
it ti
it n
ti it
n ti
u it
it u
u it
ti u
it ti
u ti
it it
ti tt
u u
It tt
tt tt
tt It
tt tt
tl tl
It tl
My granddaughter.
tt t<
My grandfather.
tt U
It I
I t
t t
I I
I I
t I
I I
I I
I 11
I 11
I • 11
1 It
t 11
t 11
I 11
11 U
It t
11 t
11 I
It I
11 I
11 I
It I
It I
It I
11 I
It I
11 t
It I
My grandparent,
tt ft
f< tt
tt tt
tt tt
My grandfather.
u tt
(i ti
tt tt
a it
i ti
i it
i t
i t
i t
t i
i t
i i
i i
i t
i t
i t
i i
t i
i i
n i
i i
i t i
t t
t t
t ti
i n
i ti
it tt
tt it •
it it
Ka-ya/-dra
Ka-ya'-da ....
Hoc-so'-da-ha
E-va'-dla-ah
Lake-sote'
Ka-ya'-ra
Ahk-ra'-sote ....
Ka-ya-ta-ra'-ya..
Lok-sote'-ha .
Ha-tra'-ah
Ya-tra'-ah
Ha-shu-ta7
Me-ta'-ko-zliii
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Tuu-kan'-she-dan
Toon-ka'-she-nS,
Me-ta'-ko-zlia
Me-ta'-ko zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Tun-ka'-she-la
Me-ta'-ko-zha
To-ka'-she-la . . ...
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko-zha.. . .
Ton-ka'-she-la
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Toon-ka'-zhe-la
Me-ta'-ko-za
Toh'-ka'-she-la
Me-ta'-ko-sa.
Toosh'-pa-lia
Toosh'-pa-ha. ..
Ta-ga'-ha
Wee-tfish'-pa
Wee-tu^h'-pa
Heen-ta'-kwa
E-ta'-kwa
E-tii'-kwa-me
E-tu'-ka
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke/..
Sup'-nk
E-cho'-ka
Snp'-uk-nBk'-ne
Ta-taMre-ha -...
Ma-toosli-a-ru'-ta-ka
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Sa'-pok
Ang-ko'-sT
Chuhl-ka-che'
E-dau-da'
E-hlau'-gi
E-nl '-sT
No-zhl'-she
No-she'-sha
No-she-sha'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-ma
No-sa-ma'
No-she-sa'
Na-se-tha'-ma
Na-fie-tha'-raa
Nani-a-shim'
No-stha-tha'
No-stha-tha' .
Nee-so'-tan
Nee- so'- tan
No-bes'-sib-a
Nu-jeech'
Nfi-jeech'
Na-ahxs'
Na-h-ise'
,.,... ,
Noh'-whese'
Nain-no-whese'
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-t'thu'-a
Se-ya-zet'-tha-re
Sa-le-zet'-tha-re
Set-she
Set-she
Set-se
E-tur-ah
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
355
TABLE II. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
M
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
76
80
186. My mother's mother's
brother's sou.
Translation.
187. My mother's mother's
brother's sou's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
183. My mother's mother's
brother's son's daughter.
(Female speaking,)
Translation.
My uncle.
tt K
K u
ii n
ii n
i it
t u
t tt
i tt
i tt
t n
t u
t tl
It tt
tt tl
tt tt
tl It
It It
11 It
U It
It It
My little uncle.
My uncle.
it u
it tl
tt tt
li il
li tl
tl tl
It It
tt tt
tt tl
ll it
tl tl
it tt
it ti
t ll
l It
t tl
l tl
l tl
t ll
t tl
l tl
t ll
t ll
1 ll
l • ll
l tl
U tl
ll It
f f li
It ll
tl It
ll tl
ll tt
tl tt
Ah-g&re'-seh
My cousin.
it U
tt It
ll ll
ll ll
ll tt
My eld. ory'ngerbro
My cousin.
u u
if tl
It ll
tt tl
My cousin.
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt ft
tt tt
My e. or y. sister.
My cousin.
tt tt
it (t
tt it
i< tt
ti if
tt tt
tt f<
tt ft
tt n
My mother.
it tt
ft it
tt ft
tt tt
My little mother.
My daughter,
tt tt
ft ft
tf tf
My child.
tt tt
tt ft
ft ft
My cousin.
tt tt
ii ti
u u
u ti
ii ii
U tl
tl tt
My mother.
tt it
ft u
ti ti
u u
ti ti
it ti
u it
My cousin.
My elder sister,
tt ti tt
My step-sister.
ft tt
My elder sister,
ft tt tt
tt ft f<
Liig-nole'-hii
Un-ga-la'-seh
Uu-ua-la'-seh
Un-ga-lass'
A hk-ga-ra'- s tl i a r
Lok-je'-ha(e.), Le-ga'-ah(y.)
Ja-rii'-sa
Ak-je'-ya(e.), Ka-gii'-ah (y.
Dak she'
Ta'-she
A-dik'-she
Ka'-zha
Wa-kii'
Ah-dik'-she
Ha-ka'-she
Til'-she
It tl
ll ll
tl 11
ll tl
tl tt
My uncle.
it ii
tt ti
ti u
tt tt
My little uncle.
My eon.
a ii
ii it
it ii
My child.
it «t
a ii
ii it
My cousin.
t* tt
tt tt
u it
*i u
ti ti
it u
tt it
My uncle.
tt tt
u tt
ii it
U ll
•
(( (t
It tl
(1 ll
My cousin.
My elder brother.
My cousin.
My step-brother.
it it
My elder brother.
tt « it
ii ii u
Han-ka'-she
Ta'-ha-she
Huu-ka'-she
Ta'-she
Ha-ka'-zhe
TiL-ha'-she
Ta-ha'-she
Ma-ha'-ca-she
Na-ge'-ha .
Na-ge'-ha
Na'-ha
E-na'-hS
Heen-ja'-ka
Hiu-cha'-ka
Hin-cha'-ka
He'-nah
E'-naw
Um-usV-T
Suh'-suh
Suh-suh'-take
Um-u'-shi
Suh'-soh
Su'-soh
K-du'-tsi
Te-wii'-chir-iks
Neest-chas'
Nee-sis'
Ni-zhl'-she
Ni-ta'-wiss
Ne-zhe-sha'
Ne-zhe-sha'
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-zhUh-sha'
N'-jeh-shS/
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-ke^ah'
Na-she'
Na-si-tha/ *..
Nt-ke^a'
Na-si-tha'
ISi-si-tha'
Ni-sl-tha/
Na-ke*ah'
Ne-to-talrse'
N'-to'-to-ke-man' *.
N'-ku-la-miik'-sis
N'-ku-lft-mook'-sis
N'-da-kwus-oh-kwa'-oh...
Neet-koh''-kw'
N'-shee'-se
Tha-tha'
Kun'-dig-eh
Sa'-da
Ser'-a
Su-na'-ga
Su-na'-ga
356
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
189. My mother's mother's
brother'* eon's son's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
190. My mother's mother's
brother's sun's son's son.
(Female speaking. )
Translation.
101. My mother's mother's
brother'.-' sou's son's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My son.
u u
It U
It ((
U It
My child.
My son.
It It
u tt
U It
tl tt
It tt
tt tt
tt It
tt it
tt tl
tl It
My uncle.
ft U
It tl
U It
11 It
My little uncle.
My grandson.
tt tt
it it
My grandchild.
it n
it tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My step-son.
it it
tt u
u u
My nephew.
My son.
ft a
tt It
It tt
My nephew.
My son.
My nephew
U ft
u tt
t< tt
tt tt
ft tt
tt ft
tt ti
it it
tt tt
My uncle.
tt tt
*f tt
<t t<
tt tt
My little uncle.
My grandson.
it it
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt tt
ft tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My nephew,
ti it
n tt
tt <t
H 1C
tl 11
tt tt
tt tt
My uncle,
tt (t
u ti
it tt
it tt
tt u
ti it
u it
ti it
My nephew.
tt tt
ft tt
My step-child.
My son.
tt ti
My step-son.
My son.
My daughter.
*i H
ft ff
ft it
ff tt
My child.
My daughter.
ti it
ff ft
(t it
ff if
(t ft
f( ft
ft ff
tc it
tl tl
tt It
My mother.
tt n
tt ti
u tt
11 It
My step or little
[mother.
My gd. daughter.
tt ti
tt it
My grandchild
tf tt
My gd. daughter.
My grandchild.
My step-daughter
it tt
tt it
tt tt
(t tt
it ft
if 1C
If ft
My mother.
U ff
t it
i tt
t n
t tt
i tt
it tt
it tt
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
14 U
My step-child.
My daughter.
tt ti
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
Ha-ha'-wuk
Ha lia'-wuk
Ha-ha'-wa ..
Le-ya'-ha .. . .
Ka-yJi'-ha
E-ya'
E-yii' ...
Ka-ya/-no-n&
Le-ya'-ah
Ka-va'-ah
E-ne-ah'
Me-tonsh'-ka .
Ak-she'-da
Me-chink'-she
Me-tose'-ka
Me-chnnk'-she
Me-chink'-she
Me-to'-za
Na-ge'-ha
Na'-ha
Wee-na'-gee
E-na'-ha
Heeu-ja'-ka
Heen-ja'-ka
Hin-eha'-ka
Hin-cha'-ka
He'-nah
Be-ia'-ea
Bt/-ia-ea
E-take'-e-neke'
Snp'-uk-nSk'-ne
Sup'-uk-nfik'-ne ...
Sup'-uk
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Sa'-pok .
Sup'-pok-uak'-ni
Um-os-sus'-wa
Un-gl-ll'-sl
Un-gi-lI'-sT
An-ge-lee'-se
Lak-te'-gish
Lak-te'-gish
Lak-te'-kis
Lak-te'-kis .
N'-do'-sirn
N'-de-kwa-tim'
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame'...
N'-do'-zha-mis-l;wein' ....
Nin-do-zhT-uii'-kwem
N'-do'-zhim
N'-do'-zhim
Nin-do'-zhim
Ni-nin-gwa/-niss
N'-do'-zhim
it u
It U
tt It
My uncle.
It It
tl 11
11 11
ft It
II tl
It It
tl tl
It It
My step-son.
My son.
« u
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
My step-son.
My son.
Ne-nin-gwuh'-nis
Nin-do-zhe-me'-quam
Nin-do-sha-mT-kwam'
N'-do'-zha-mi-kwara'
N'-do'-zha-nii-kwam'
N'-do'-zbim-a
N'-do-zUiin'
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-zhe'-saw
Ne-zhe'-sa w
Na-zhe-sa'
Na-zhe-sa' ..
Na-ke^a'
Ne-zha'
Ne-ke^ah7
Na-si-tha'
Na-si-tha'
Ni-ke~aV
Ni-sl-tha'
Ni-si-tha'
N'-do-to'-ko
N'-to'-to-tun
N'-kwis'
Nu-luks'
N' tils'
N'-too-a'-snm
N'-di-ome'
Na-kun'
Na-kun'
N'-kweese'
Nain-gwase'
Tu-zeu'-a
Se-ya'-za
<ja W ^
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
357
TABLE II. — Continued.
192. My mothers mother's
brutlier's son's sou's daughter.
(Female speaking )
Translation.
193. My mother's mother's
brother's .sou's son's son's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
194. My mother's mother's bro-
ther's son's daughter's daughter"
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My niece.
My daughter.
It U
tf if
if it
My niece.
My daughter*
My niece.
(( U
it tt
U tt
11 U
ll u
({ It
it tl
tl tt
11 It
My mother.
tt n
ti tt
it tt
it tt
My step or little
[mother.
My granddaughter.
tt *t
(( tt
My grandchild.
ti tt
n it
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My niece.
tt a
« <t
(( a
it it
tt it
tt it
tt tt
My mother.
it it
tt it
tt it
tt n
it tt
it tt
ti .tt
it tt
My niece.
it it
tt n
My step-child.
My daughter.
ti t(
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
Ha-yii/-da
My grandson.
it
«
«
«
My grandchild.
My grandson.
My grandchild.
tt
it
it
Ka-ya'-da
My gd. daughter,
tt tt
t< tt
(t 11
a it
n it
it tt
it it
My grandchild.
tt u
(t tt
it It
tl 11
tl It
it It
It It
It 11
My niece.
tt tt
tt u
it u
n tt
My step or little
[mother.
My gd. daughter.
tt tt
tt tt
My grandchild,
tt tt
My niece.
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt n '
11 it
it u
n it
u u
it 11
My niece,
tt tt
n it
H It
tt ll
11 ll
ll tt
ll H
My grandchild.
t tt
( tt
t it
i n
i u
i u
My gd. daughter.
Ha-ya'-dra
Ka-ha'-wa
Ha-ya'-da
La-yar-da
Ka-ya'-ha
E-ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra . . ..
Ka-ya'-ra. . . .
E-wa'-teh
Ha-tra'-ah
Ka-tra'-ah
Me-ta-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha.
Me-to - us'-za
Me-ta'-ko-zha.
Me-ta'-ko-zhii
Me-to'-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-zha
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-toh'-zha
ti
ti
ti
U
11
A y uncle.
H
It
11
tl
My little uncle.
My step-son.
tt tt
if tt
My grandchild.
(t it
ti it
My nephew.
My grandchild.
tt tc
tt tl
11 tl
11 It
11 11
tl tl
It It
My uncle.
tt tt
« ti
it it
u it
it tt
u u
tt u
n u
My grandchild.
tc it
ti ti
u 11
It U
tt tt
tt 11
My grandson.
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-toh'-zhii
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-za
Me-ta'-ko-zha ....
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-za
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-ta'-ko-za
Me-to'-za
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Na'-lia
Ta-za'-ha
E-na'-ha
We-te'-zha
Heeu'-nah
Heen-ia'-ka
He'-nah
E'-uaw
E-oo'-ne-iieke'
Snp'-uk
Sup' nk
Sa'-pok
Sa'-pok-nak'-ne
Sa'-pok
Sup'-pok
Um-os-sus'-wa
Un-gl-ll-si
Un-gT-17-sT.. . .
An-ge-lee'-se
Lak-te'-gee
Te'-wut
Te'-wut
No-se-sem'
No-se-sem'.
No-se-sim'
Neese-che-m ish'
Neest-che-mish'
Neese-che-mis'
No-se-sim'
Nl-slii-miss'
N h"' \)
Ne-she'-me-sha
•NT V / 1 x
Ne-she-mis'
Ne-she-mis'
No-she-sha'. .. .
Ne-she-mis'
M L KX/
Nin-ge-ah'
Nin-ge-ah'
Nin-ge-ah'
Ne-zhese'-sa
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne she' mis sa'
Ne-ge-ah'
Ne-ge-ah'
Ml "/
Na-ke-a'
Na-zhe-sa'
Ne-ka-ah'
Ne-zhS/
Nl-ke~a'
Na-si-tha'
Na-ke~ah'
Nl-si-thii' . .
« ' ,
Ne-mis'-sa
N'-sum'
Nu-jceoh'
N'-sum'
Nii-kuu'
Nii-h-ise'
N'-da-nuss'
Nain-da'-ness
M . , * .
Sa-ya'-dze
Sa-le'-a
358
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
j
TABLE II. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
&
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
6fa
67
68
69
70
7!
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
195. My mother's mother's
sister.
Translation.
196. My mother's mother's
sister's daughter.
Translation.
.97. My mother's mother's »is-
er's daughter's daughter — older
tan myself. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
)c'-sote
ic'-sote
Oc-so'-da-ha
.hk-sote'-hii
Ahk-sote'
My grandmother.
tf 11
ii «
( ((
( It
t It
t It
I It
t a
it it
it it
ft a
tt it
It ll
it it
it tt
it tt
ti tt
t tt
t tt
i tt
i tt
t t
if f
It t
It t
tt t
it t
tt tt
tt tl
It tt
My grandparent.
*t ti
My grandmother.
U t(
tl tt
tl tt
It tt
It tt
tt tt
tt It
tt tl
ll tl
ft tt
tt tl
ll tt
It tt
tl It
tl
tl
ll
ll
ll
tt
u
ll t
tt t
tt I
ll t
ll I
It t
It I
11 I
tl t
tl I
It t
My uncle.
« a
My mother.
ii it
tt tt
u tt
u it
tt tt
u tt
it it
it it
u it
it it
ii tt
u it
tt n
tt u
ii t
it i
ti t
ti i
n i
n t
u u
it u
ti tt
it it
it ii
My little mother.
My mother.
ii it
n ii
tt ii
tt ii
tt t
ti i
U I
ll I
U I
tl tl
It tl
It ll
11 It
tl tl
It It
11 t
tl I
ll I
It I
tl t
ll I
tt It
ll ll
It tl
11 ll
11 ll
My little mother.
It tt ll
My step-mother.
<t K
<t it
Ah'-je
My elder sister.
it tt <t
tt u a
n it ti
ti ii it
i ti ii
t ii t
t it i
i u t
i u t
i ti i
u t i
i t i
i i i
t t i
i i t
t it i
i it i
it ii i
u ti t
it tt i
ii n t
tl 11 U
it ti it
it ii u
ii tt ii
n a u
it it it
ii ti it
My sister,
tt ti
My elder sister.
tt n it
it ii n
n it it
My stepsister.
My elder sister,
ft tt tt
it it ti
ti ti it
ii ti i
it u t
tt it t
ti ii t
u it t
it tt ti
ii u n
ll U ll
My sister.
My elder sister.
U ll tl
ll ll ll
ll ft ll
My step-sister,
tt tt tt
My elder sister.
ft it it
tt ii it
u ft it
Cuh-no'-ha
Cuh-ne-ha/
Ahk-nole'-ha
Ah-ga-nese'-ta
Oh'-na
Uh-je'-ah
Jh-je'-ah
Ahk-je'-ha
Ahk-je'-ha
Ahk'-je
Ak-je'-ya
Ah shu tii'
Ah-na'-uh
A-ye'-uh
Me-chun'
Chu-ih'
Me-tiink'-a-do
Oh phtt'
Tan'-ka
E'-nah
Chu-wa;
T I6 1
E'-nah
Chu-ih'
O phfl'
Chu-wa7
K-nah'
Me-chun'
Na'-ha
Zhou-dahlia
E-na'-ha
Heen-tang'-a
E ko' be-ta
Be-sho'-wa
E-che'
E-noo'
Nah-'-he-a
Ush'-kf .. .
Um-nn'-n!
iil-sii'-kii-na
Ush'-kl
Urn-un'-ni
Lush'-kl
An-tik'-ba
Chu-hlii'-liii
E-t91;
An-ge-la'-ih ..i
Ah-te' ka
Ah-te'-ra
E-da'-deh
A-ta'-he
Ah-te'-ka
N'-ga'-we
Ne-mis'
1W I
N'-ga'-we
N ' \c
N t V°
Ne-de-ge'-ko
Ne-mis-sa'
N'-ffflh'
Nrv.tA_rnri'
Ne-mis-sa'
Ne-rue-sa/
N°/ V
Ne-me-sa'
N t k ' '
Na-ke~a'
Na-mis'-sa
Ne-ke^ah'
Na'-ko
Na-rna'
Ni-ke -a'
Na-ta-ta-ma
Na-ke"ah' .
Na'-e-ba
Nee-mis'-ta
Ne ta ke a'-sa
N'-keech'
Nee-tse'-kes
_,u ,
N'-tnik'
N'-ga-ha'-tut
Neet-koh-'-kw'
Nain-na-wase'
Sa'-da
Sa-kre'-a
Set sa'-na
S<)-he
Sa-ku-i
Sa-che
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
359
TABLE II. — Continued.
198. My mother's m'her'a sister's
daughter's daughter — younger
thau myself. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
199. My mother's mother's
sister's dauirhter's daughter's
son. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
200. My mother's mother's
sister's daughter's daughter's
&ou. (Feoiale speaking.)
Translation.
i
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
2U
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka'-ffJL
My younger sister.
t t ft
( ( ii
f i u
it it
t i n
t t it
i it
t ti
I It
t tt
1 tt
It tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
It It
It It
tl tl
11 tt
tt It
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tl tt tt
tl It tt
tt tl tt
tl It tt
11 It tt
My sister.
a it
My younger sister.
it U it
It It tl
It tl tt
My step-sister.
My younger sister.
K u t
it it i
tt tt i
it it i
it tt t
It tl It
11 11 (I
tt tt 11
tl It It
tt It K
My elder sister.
My sister.
My younger sister.
tt It f<
tt it tt
tt it it
My step-sister.
a tt
My younger sister.
ft it it
It tl if
tt tt It
My nephew.
t« tt
< tt
t it
t it
i tt
i H
t tt
n it
n it
it H
My son.
tt ti
tt it
ti ti
it u
My child.
My sou.
it tt
tt K
ii ti
ti ti
if ti
U U
tt it
t it
1 it
t tt
i t
t t
t t
I i
it i
My step-child.
My grandson.
ti ti
it tt
My grandchild.
My child,
tt it
if ft
ft if
My step-son.
it ti
tt ft
My step-child.
tt tt
My son.
ti tt
ft u
ft it
if if
if f
ft t
ft f
it f
f i
i i
( if
t tt
t ft
My step-son.
My son.
tt ft
it if
ft fi
tt ft
My step-son.
My son.
it tt
Le-yiiMia
E-yo-wa'-da
E-ya'...
Ya-ye-a'-ha
Me-tonsh'-ka
Me-to^us'-ka
Me-chink'-she
Me-tuuk'-hix-la
Me-toans'-ka
it i
it i
ti i
U I
it i
it t
tt t
ti i
tt i
ti t
My little nephew.
My nephew.
ti tt
(t ti
i it
t ti
I U
i it
t n
it it
it it
11 ti
it n
it ti
it tt
n tt
it tt
it it
it tt
it ti
ti tt
it ti
tt ti
it it
it ti
ti it
ti n
H It
11 It
tt tt
tl tl
tt tl
tt It
U 11
U 'It
My son.
tt U
Me-chink'-se-la
Ton'-ka
Me-chink'-she
Me-chink'-she
Me-ta/
Me-to'-za.
We-ha'
We-toash'-ka
Nis-se;-ha
\Vee-t5n'-ga
We-toans'-ka
We-zhin'-ga
E-chunk'
E-cha-lrkun
Suh-nak'-fish
Sub-ai'-yih.. .
Sa-nak'-fish
Suh-bai'-yih .
SaV-pok-nak'-ne
Sa-bT'-yih
Chu-chu'-SH
Un-ho-pti'-e-wa .
Un-ge-we'-nuk
Te'-wut
E-da'-deh
A-ta'-he
Te'-wut
N'-de-kwa-tim' ....
Ne sha-mish'
N'-de-kwa tim'
N'-do'-zhim
Nl-shi'-mS
N' she'-ma
N'-ewis'...
Ne-she-ma' ..
Ne-la'-gwa-la-sa'
Ne-laV-gwa-la-sa' .. .
Ne-she-ni a'
Ne-Ia'-gwa-Iis-sa'
Ne-she-ma/
Ne-la'-gwa-Iis-sa'
Na-kwis'-sii
Na-sa'
N3, siin-a'
Na-chin'-e-ta
Na
Na-ta-ta-tna'
Ni-kwa-tha'
N'-the-ma-tha'
Na-la-gwal-tha'. ..
Ne-kwe-tha'
Nee-sis'-sa
N'-do'-to-yose. ...
N'-do'-to-ko
Nu-luks'
N'-kwia
Nee-tse'-kes
N'-ko'-kwa
N'-di-ome'
Neet-kolr'-kw*
Nain-hise'-sa- inns'
Sa'-zy
Sa/-re
Sa-ya'-za...
Se-ya'-za
I
3oO
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
201. My mother's mother's
sister's daughter's daughter's
daughter. (Mule speaking.)
Translation.
202. My mother's mother's
sister's daughter's daughter's
daughter. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
203. My mother's mother's
sister's great great grandson.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My niece.
ti «
it tt
i (I
( if
* 11
I If
I 11
I tl
I I
( (
I t
f (
( (
( (
(' I
( I
( f
( (
£ (
I t
( t
My little niece.
My niece.
I It
I tl
I It
t It
t It
t tl
tt It
It tt
tl It
tt tt
tl I
tt t
tl t
It t
It t
tl t
11 t
It I
tt t
tl I
It I
It t
tt 11
It 11
tt tt
tt tl
tl It
tt It-
11 tt
tt tl
tl 11
tt It
It 11
My daughter.
My grandchild.
My daughter.
ti it
ti ti
n it
ti tt
My child.
My daughter.
(t K
« n
tt i
tt t
it i
ti t
it i
n tt
it tt
it ti
ti it
tt u
n it
ti u
My girl.
My step-child.
My granddaughter.
n it
« tt
My grandchild.
My child.
(i H
It It
11 tt
My step-daughter.
tt it
ti it
My step-child.
11 U
My daughter.
K n
U It
It It
It tt
It tt
tt tl
tl 11
11 It
tl It
11 tl
u tt
it u
11 tl
U 11
tt It
11 11
tl tt
11 tl
It tl
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
My grandchild.
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
(t (t
it ti
tt ti
it ti
My grandchild.
My grandson.
n ti
My grandchild.
tt t
n i
tt i
11 i
it t
t i
i t
i i
i t
t i
My grandson.
U If
My grandchild.
My little gd. son.
My grandson.
u (t
(f U
My grandchild.
u u
fl tt
My grandson.
My grandchild.
ii it
i a
t it
f it
f it
t n
t tl
i tt
i n
f u
t it
it ti
it it
11 it
It tt
it it
it it
tt ti
tt U
tl It
It n
11 tl
it U
tt tt
it it
11 it
My grandson.
My child.
Ka-va'-ha . ,
Ka-ya'
Ka-ya'-wa-na
Ka-ya'-ra
Ka-wa-da'-ah
Ka-ya'-ah . .
Le-ya-ta-ra'-ya
E-ne-ah'.... . . .
Ha tra'-ah
Me-chunk'-she
Me-tii'-ko zha
Me-to~ns'-za
Me-ta/-ko-7ha
Me-to'-zha
Me-chuuk'-she
Me-ta' ko-zha
Me-to'-zha
Me-chunk'-she
Me-ta'-ko-zlia
Me-chunk' se-la.
Me ta'-ko-sak/-pok
Me-chunk' she
Me ta'-ko-zha
Me-to'-za
Me-tii'-ko-zha
Me-to'-za
Me-chunk'-she
Me-to'-za
Me-chunk'-.she
Ta-zha'-ha
Win-no'-ga
Toosh'-pa-ha.
We-te'-zha
Wee-zhun'-ga .
\yee_tflsh'-pa
Heen-toas'-ka-me
Hee-vun'-era...
Hin-tose'-kee-me
He-yun'-tra.
E-ta' kwa
Be-che'-zho
She-nie'-she-ga
E-choon-zhuhk'-e-neke ...
Sab-ih'-lake
E-chii-h-kun'
E-choonsh'-ka'-neke
Sup'-uk
Snh-bih'-take
Su-bl'-take
Un-hak'-pu-te
Un-gwa-rtun'
Un-gi-lT si
Un-gwa'-tuh
Te'-wut
Te'-wut
Lak-te'-kis
Npese-che-mish'
N'-do'-sa-rais-kwame'
Neest-che-mish'
Neese-che-uiis'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kweni' . ...
Ni-shl'-miss
Ne-she'-me-sha
Ne-she-mis'
No-she-sha'
Ne-she-mis'
Ne-she-mis'
Ne-she'-mis
N'-da'-niss
Shames-sa'
Ne-she'-mis-sa'
Nin-da'-na
Ne-she'-mis-sa'
Ne-she-mis-sa'
N'-da'-na
Ne-she-mis-sa'
N'-da'-na.
Na-sha'-mis
N&-t3.'-niss
Na-na'-ma
Ne-tane'....
Ne-she'-uris
NS,-tun'....
Na h'-ka'
Na-sem-e-tha'
Ni~ta-na-th8/
Ni-ta-na-tha
No-stha-tha/
Nee-mis'-sa
N'-to'-to-tun
N'-sum'
N'-tus'
Nil ipppli/
N'-sum'
Noh'k-soh'-kwa'-oh
Na-h-ise'
Longue-kwa'
Na-lone'-gwa-sis'
Sa'-zy.
Sa-ya'-dze t
Sa-le'-a
Sa le'-a
Set-she
Set-shai
Set she
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
361
TABLE II. — Continued.
201. My mother's mother's
sUttr's ureat Krea'
granddaughter.
Translation.
205. Jly father's father's father's
brother.
Translation.
20(i. My father's father's father's
brother's son.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
1!)
20
21
22
2:!
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My granddaughter.
tt u
t( tl
ft ((
ft ((
My grandchild.
Jly granddaughter.
u tt
My grandchild.
tt u
11 ft
(( tf
11 tf
tt tf
11 It
ft (t
ft tt
It U
It it
My granddaughter.
ft ((
My grandchild.
My little gd. daught.
My granddaughter.
ft It
It it
My grandchild.
t; It
(t It
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
tt t
tt t
tt t
if t
tt t
tt (t
tt t
tt t
it t
tt i
tt t
tt t
tt t
ft t
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt tt
tt tt
ft U
tt (i
tt tt
n tt
tt it
it it
it it
My granddaughter.
My grandfather.
U It
It tt
u tt
t tt
i tt
t tt
t tt
i it
it tt
tl t
it t
My grandfather.
tt tt
it n
it tt
tt it
tt tt
tt <t
u tt
tt tf
tt tt
(t <
tt i
i i
t i
t i
t t
i t
t t
i t
t t
tt t
tt i
u u
tt ti
it tt
u ' it
it u
it tt
u it
tt ti
It ft
11 It
tl It
tl It
11 it
It U
tl 11
It it
tt u
U I
I I
I I
I I
t I
t tl
I U
• I 11
I U
t 11
11 U
11 It
H U
11 U
11 U
u u
tl tt
tl U
it tt
11 tt
It tl
11 tt
tl tt
Hoo-so'-da-ha
Lok-sote'-ha
Ka-ya'-ra
Ahk-ra'-sote ..
Lok-sote'-ha
Ya-tra'-ah
Ha-shu-ta'
llii-shu-ta'.
Tun-kan'-sbe-dan
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Tun-ka'-she-la
Tun-ka'-she-la
To-ka'-she-la
To-ka'-she-la
Me-ta'-ko-siik'-pok
tl t
tt i
tt t
It It
tt it
it tt
tt It
it tt
it tl
U it
it tt
it tt
t U
I t
t I
t t
t t
I t
t t
My grandparent.
tt (t
My uncle.
My grandfather.
( U
( t I
t I
t t
t I
t I
tt I
« t
tf «
t (
( t
t I
t t
t I
I I
t it
t tt
t tt
( tl
( It
1 It
tt U
It tl
tt tf
(t (
(t (
If t
ft I
It I
It tt
Me-ta'-ko-zha
T8n-ka'-she-la .
T5n-ka'-she-la . .
Me-ta/-ko-zha
Toon-kii'-zhe-la
Toon-ka'-she-la
Toh'-kii'-she-la
Toh'-ka'-she-la
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Toosh'-pa-hii
Ta-ga'-ha
Ta ga'-ha
Wee-tush'-pii
Wee-te'-ga .
Heen-ta'-kwa-me
E-ta'-kwa-me
E-tu'-ka
E-ko'
E-choon-zhunk-e-neke' ...
Sup'-uk
We-che'-cho
E-cho'-ka
E-cho'-ka
Ta-ta'-lre-ha
Ta-ta'-lre-ha...^
Ma-toosh-a-ru'-ta-kii
Mii-toosh-a-ru'-ta-ka
Uui-uh'-fo . ...
Sii'-pok
Um-u'-fo.
Um-u'-fo
Chu-pu-cha'
Un-gi-li-sl
E-ni'-si
E- Hi '-ai
An-ge-lee'-se
Lak-te'-kis
Ah-te'-put
Ah-te'-put
No-se-sem'
Ah-te'-pot
Ah-te'-pot
No-se-sim'
No-se-seui'
No-zhi'-she
w • ' *
No-so-uia'
No-sa'-nia
No-she-sa'
Na-lr-ka/
Nem-mp-soo'-ma-tha'
Nem-ma-soo'-ma-tha
No-stua-tha'
Nee-so-tan
No-bes'-sib-a ...
Nii-oh*'-sa
Na-alr'-sa
Nu-jeech'
Na-alvxs'
Niks-ka-mioh'
N'-kway'-nus
Noh'-whese'
N "h-f V, 9 " /
Nain-no-whase'
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-tse'-a
Sa-le-zet'-tha-re
Sa-ta'-chock
46 April, 1870.
362
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
207. My father's father's father's
brother's son's eon.
Translation.
2*18. My father's father's father's
brother's Ron's sou's son — older
than myself. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
209. My father's father's father's
brother's sou's sou's sou's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
14
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
67
58
59
60
(il
62
63
N
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My father.
K tt
tf «
ft (f
ti tt
u it
ft t«
ft (t
it ti
11 It
ft tt
it t
it (
a t
ti t
it t
i i
i t
i t
t tt
l tt
ti tl
tt u
it tt
it i
tt t
tt t
it t
it t
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
tt t
tt t
it t
tt t
ti t
it t
it i
ti t
ti i
ti t
it i
ti t
it t
n t
tt it
it it
n it
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
it it
ti It
My little father.
Ha'-je
My elder brother.
tt tc tt
It tl tl
tt It It
My brother.
My elder brother. .
tt a tt
ti tt ti
My brother.
My elder brother.
(t (t it
(( <t it
n tt it
My step-brother.
tt tt
tc cc
ft tt
tt (t
My elder brother.
tt tt
tt (t
tt tt
tt tt
tt (t
<t tt
tc «t
My brother.
My elder brother.
tt tt tt
« it tt
My brother.
My step-brother.
tt it
My elder brother.
Ha-ah'-wuk
My son.
U if
ft ff
ft (f
ff ff
My child.
My son.
it u
tt ft
it ft
tt tt
ff u
(C ff
tt (f
ff f
f t
f f
f f
t 1
f ff
( ft
ff ff
ff ff
ff ff
ft fl
tf ff
(f tf
My child.
it it
ff It
My step-son.
U ti
if ft
if ff
ft If
ff ff
ft ff
ff ff
if tf
My son.
tt ti
it tt
ft tt
ft ft
tt ft
tt ft
it tt
ft ft
tt tf
My step-son.
My sou.
ft tt
My step-child.
My son.
ft tt
11 ;; ' 1.;},
Kuh-je'-ah
Ha-ha/-wuk
E-ya'...
Ahk r**' ah
Ahk-ra'-je
Lok-je'-ha
Hi ese'-tfi,
At tay'
Ah-ta'
Che'-a
Ah-ta'
Che'-a
Ak-she'-dii
Ah-ta'
Che'-a
Me-chink'-she
Ah-ta'
Che'-a
Me-chiuk'-se-la
Ah-ta' t
Me-che'-a
Ah-ta'
Che-a'
Me-chink'-she
Ah-ta'
Che-a'
Me-chink'-she
Ah-da'
Me-cliink'-she
Ta-de'-ha
Nis-se'-ha
Wee-zhe'-tha
Heen'-ka
Hin'-ka
E-dii'-je .
E-ne'
E-neke'
A'-kT ..
Suh^sfib
A'-kf
Suh'-soh
Ang'-ki
Et-e-ba'-pl-shi-ll
Chuhl'-ke
Chn-hla'-ha
E-dau-da'
Un-gi-ni'-lT
Ah-te'-ri
E-da'-deh
Noh'-ta'-we
Noh*'-ta'-we
No'-sa
Ne-ka'-na ....»
N5SS
N'-do'-zhim'-a
Ne-ka'-na
Ne-ka'-na
No-sa'
Ne-sa-sa'
No-sa/
No-sa'
No-sa'
Ne-sa-za/
No-aa'
Ne-sa-za/
Na-sa'-ma...
Noh'-neh
Na-na'
Na-o'-a
Na-ne'-a
Na ....
No-tha'
Ni-to-ta-mS.
Nl-kwa-tha'
No-tha'
N'-tha-tha'
Nin
N'-do'-to-ko
Ntich
N'-sees7
N'-kwis'
N'-too-ii'-suin
Noh'
N'-dii-kwus'
Na-kun'
Noh-'-h*
Na-no'-whus
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
363
TABLE II. — Continued.
210. My father's father's father's
brother's son's son's son's
sou's son.
Translation.
211. My father's father's father's
sister.
Translation.
212. My father's father's father's
sister's daughter.
Translation,
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
30
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
00
01
62
63
04
05
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
it tt
a tt
n it
My grandchild.
My grandson.
a tt
My grandchild.
tt ti
a tt
a t
it r
<( t
tt i
it i
a t
it i
it i
My grandson.
ti it .
My grandchild.
My little grandson.
My grandson.
it a
it it
My grandchild.
ti a
it it
My grandson.
My grandchild.
a a
it it
it it ,
a it
it it
tt it
a a
it tt
tt t
it i
it t
tt i
ti i
it i
it tt
it it
tt tt
it tt
it tt
tt it
tt ft
tt tt
it it
it it
My grandmother.
a n
tt it
it tl
ti it
ti il
li tt
It it
tt a
tt t
tt t
— U~ l
tt t
tt i
a t
tt i
(i t
ti 1
it i
" t
« t
" (
tt i
ft f
it t
it t
(t t
a tl
it ti
tt it
tt it
My grandparent.
ti ti
My mother.
My grandmother.
n ti
a tt
it it
tt (
(t i
ti i
ti (
tt t
tt (
tt t
a i
it t
tt i
tt (
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt t(
(t a
tt «
tt (t
tt it
tt n
t it
i it
i ft
c tt
( tt
ti ft
- *
My grandmother.
it n
n i
tt t
ft t
it i
tt t
it i
it ti
n it
tt it
it t
it t
ti t
ti i
it i
n t
it t
It U
It It
tt It
tt It
It 11
II tt
tt 11
It 11
It It
tt It
It il
11 11
My grandparent,
tt ti
My grandmother.
u ti
i n
i ti
i it
i n
i ti
i n
i ti
i it
i n
i it
i tt
i ti
t tt
I U
t tt
1 It
I If
1 It
t tl
I tt
I tt
t tt
I 11
t tt
t tl
I 11
Oc-so'-da-ha
Le-yii'-dla-ah
Ahk-sote'-ha
E yii'-dla-ah
Ahk-sote'
Ahk-sote'
A lik7 sote
Le ya-ta-ra'-ya
Ha-tra'-ah
Ha-sbu-ta'
Ah-shu-ta/
Un che'
Me-ta'-ko-zha
0-che'
0-cbe'.
Me-ta'-ko-zha
O-che'-la
O-che'-la. .
Oh-che'
Oh-che'
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Oo-che'
Me-ta'-ko-zha
0-che' .
0-che'. .
Me-ta'-ko-za
0-che'
0-che'
Me-ta'-ko-sa
0 ga'-she
Toosh'-pa-ha
Ga-ha' .
Ga ha/
Wee tush'-pa
Wee'-ka .
Wee'-ka .
Heen-ta'-kwii
E-ta'-kwii
Be-chose' pa
E-ko'
E-ko'-be-ta
E-choonsli'-ka-neke'
E-che'
E-ko'-ro-ka....
Sup'-ul<-n5k' ne
Nah-'-he-a
Nah-'-he-a
Ka-nV-ha ...
Ka-ru;-ha ...
Ba-sa'-ka-na
Ba-sa'-ka-na
Si'-pok-niik' ne
Sup'-pok-niik'-ni
Hap-po'-si.. .
Um-orf-sus'-wa
Un-gi-lT-s!
E-ni'-sT ...
Ah-ge-doo'-tse
Lak-te'-gish
Ah-te'-ra
Ah-te'-ka
No-se-sem'
No^e-sim'
No-se-sem'
No-zhi'-she
No she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-sa-seh'
No-sa-ma'
No-ko-ma' .
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-ma
No-ko-ma'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-ma'
No-she-sem'
No-she-sa'
No'-ko mft
No'-ko-ma
Na-h'-ka'
Na-vish'-kim .
Na-se-ma'-tha
No-stha-tha'
Nee-so'-tan
Na'-e-ba..
Ne-ta-ke-a'-sa
Nii-jeech'
N'-kway'-nus
Nuk'-mua...
Na-lrise'
Noh'-whese'
Nain-no-whase'
Sa-tsum
Set-sa'-na
364
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
213. My father's father's rather
Bister's daughter's daughter.
Translation.
214.. My father's father's father
sister's daughter's daughter's
daughter. (Male speakiug.)
Translation.
21ii. My father's father's father1
SHUT'S il mi i,' liter's daughter's
daughter s daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3ti
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My aunt.
My mother.
ft a
ti ti
tt u
My aunt.
My mother.
My aunt.
<t tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt u
tt it
tt u
tt ii
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tf
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
It U
My aunt.
u tt
My grandmother.
tt it
My aunt.
tt it
tt ft
tt tt
ft tf
ft tt
ft tt
tt tf
t ft
t u
t tt
t ti
t tt
t ti
f it
t ii
f ff
t fi
t tt
t tt
t fi
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
My step-mother.
My little mother.
ti t:
My cousin.
a it
it n
n it
it 11
" " [sister
My niece.
It U
11 11
11 11
It It
It if
ii tl
u tt
U 11
tl 11
1 tl
I 11
1 tl
I U
i 11
1 It
I 11
My grandchild.
it tt
My gd. daughter.
<« (t
My grandchild.
My little gd. dau.
My niece.
tt n
My grandmother.
u tt
My aunt.
ti tt
My niece.
tt «
*i ti
it u
u ii
it u
it ti
it ti
My grandchild.
ti ((
tt a
ti U
it u
tt ti
ii il
it u
it tl
My niece.
u u
ti it
tt tt
tf <t
ti f<
Kno'-ha
Ka-yuh'-wa-da
Ahk-nole'-ha
Un-ga-lass'
Ahk-ga'-ra-sthar
Ak-je'-ya (e.), Ka-ga'-ah (y
My elder or younger
My cousin.
ft n
<( ii
it i
n t
ii t
U (
11 I
U t
It I
My niece.
U ((
It tl
U tl
11 It
My little niece.
My younger sister,
tt tt a
My grandmother.
tt (t
My aunt.
(t U
My cousin.
(( U
it tl
11 tt
tl tl
11 U
tl 11
11 ««
My niece.
a it
it it
it ti
it ti
tl H
It tl
11 11
It tl
My cousin.
My elder sister.
My cousin.
My step-sister.
it it
My elder sister.
Ka-wa-da'-ah
Ah-ra'-hoc
Tan-han'-she
Me-tun'-zhau .
Toh '-we
Ha-ka'-she
Tonk'-wa
Ah-ka'-zha
Tonk'-wa
Ha-ka'-she
Me-to' zha .
Toh-we'
Hun-ka'-she .
Me-toh'-zha
Toh'-we
Hun-ka'-she
Tolr'-we
Ha-ka'-she .
Me-to'-za
Toh'-we
Ha-ka'-she
Me-to'-za ...
Me-toh'-we
Tii-ha'-she
Me-to'-za
Te-na'-ha
Ta-zha' ha
Toosh'-pa-ha
Wee-tee'-me
We-te'-zha
Wee-tush'-pa
E-tu'-me
E-ta'-kwa-me.
Be-je'-me
E-choojj'-we
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'..
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'...
Sub-ih'-take
A-hnk'-ne
A-huc'-ne
An'-take
Hap-po'-sl
Chu-pu'-se
Chu-pu'-«e
E-hlau'-gl
E-hlau;-gT
Ah-ge-h'lo'-gih
Ah-ge-h'lo'-gih
Nia-sY-goos'
Nis-se-goos'
Ni-se-goos'
Nin'-sl'-goss
Nl-nT-mo'-sh8
Ne-ze-gfls'
Ne-see-goss'
Nis-zee-gfiss'
Nis-sa-gSse
N'-si-gwis'
No-sa-ma/
N'-sa'-gwe-sa'
Ne-za'-gBs-sa'
No-sa'-ma
Ne-za'-goa-sa'
Ne-she'-mis-sa'
Ne-sa'-gwis-sa
He-sa'-gwis-aa
Ne-she-mis-sa'...
Sak-ye'-hii
Ne-ne'
Na-n3/-ma .
No-she-sa'
Na-nn'
Ni-sem-e-thS/
No-se-tha'-ma
Na-tha-kwi-tha
*a-tha-gwe-tha'
Ne-sa-me-tha'
Na-stha-tha'
Ne-to'-tarse
N'-to'-to-ke-man'
y'-sn-gwis'
Nu-mees' ...
N'-sum'
tfoo'-kum
N'-ta'-gus....
N'-sum'
l^o-muths'
N'-ga-ha'-tut
N'-doh''-kwa-vome
Hin-guk'-us
„ f . .. . .
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
365
TABLE II. — Continued.
216. My father's father's fath<-r's
sister's daughter's daughter's
daughter's daughter's daughter.
Translation.
217. My mother's mother's
mother's brother.
Translation.
218. My mother's mother's
mutliur's brother's Boa.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
ii2
U3
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My granddaughter.
a it
tt n
n ti
ti it
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
«( it
My grandchild.
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
it it
tt tt
it u
it it
tt tt
n u
My granddaughter.
U ((
My grandchild.
My little gd. daught.
My granddaughter.
ti n
My grandmother.
(t n
My aunt.
tt tt
My grandchild.
tt it
tt tt
n u
it tt
tt it
it ti
tt tt
ti it
tt tt
it it
ft ti
n tt
ti tt
it ti
tt ti
tt it
tt a
tt tt
a ti
it ti
tt tt
«
My grandfather.
u n
it tt
n tt
It ti
tt tt
It tt
tl It
tt tl
tt it
tl tt
-U tl
It It
It It
tt It
tt It
tt It
It tl
It It
It tt
tl It
It It
U tl
It It
tl tl
It It
It It
It tt
It 11
tl It
It It
My grandparent.
ti it
My uncle.
My grandfather,
it ((
u u
tt ti
u it
ti it
it tt
tt ti
u tt
ti u
tt u
it tt
tt it
n ti
tt u
tl It
tt ft
11 tl
tt tt
tl tl
tl It
tt tt
It tt
tt It
It tt
tt tt
it It
It tl
tt 11
It tl
tl tl
tl t
My grandfather.
it it
tt it
n u
ti ti
« tt
t it
t it
^ it
i it
t ti
it ti
it ti
tt i
tt i
it t
ti i
it t
it t
it i
ti i
n it
u tt
ti u
11 11
11 11
tt 11
It tt
11 tl
My grandparent,
(i n
it ti
it tt
tt it
My grandfather.
ti a
ti n
ti t
u i
it i
it i
tt t
U I
11 t
tt I
It I
It I
It I
tl It
It It
It tl
tt It
I U
t tt
I It
t u
I It
t tl
t It
t 11
1 tt
Hoc-«o'-da-ha
Ka-ya'-dla-ah
Lok-soteMia
Ka ya'-dla-ah
Ka-ya'-ra
Ahk-ra'-sote
Ahk-ra'-sote
Lok-sote'-ha
Ya-tra'-ah
Ha-shu-ta/..
Me-ta'-ko-zhii
Me-ta'-kozha
Me-ta' ko-zha
Tun-kii' she-la .. .
Tun-kii'-she-la
Me-ta '-ko-zha
To-kii'-she-la . ~
To-ka'-she-la
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Ton ka'-she-la
T5n-kS/ she-la
Toon-kiiAzhe-la
Mi;-ta'-ko-za
Tolr-ka'-she-Ia .. .
Toh'-ka'-she-la. .
Me-ta'-ko-sa
Toosh'-pa-ha
Ta-«a'-ha
Ta-pa'-ha . . .
Wee-tiish'-pa
Heen-ta'-kwa-me
E-ta'-kwa-tne
E-tu'-ka
E-tu^-ka
Be-chose'-pa
E-choon-zhunk'-e-neke'..
Snp'-uk
E-cho'-ka
E-cho'-ka
Ta-ta'-h'e-ha
Ta-ta'-h'e-ha
Ma-toosh-a-ru'-ta-ka
Um-uh'-fo
Um-uh'-fo
Sa'-pok
Um-u'-fo
Hap-po'-si
Chti-pu'-se
Chu-pu-cha/
E-hlau'-fn
E-nl'-sI
E-nl'-sT
Ah-ge-h'lo'-gih
No-se-sem'
Ah-te'-put
Ah-te'-pot
Ah-te'-pot ..
Ah-te;-pot
No-se-sim'
No-se-sem'
No-zhi''-she
No-ihe'-sha
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-sa-ma'
No-sa'-ma
No-sa'-iua
No-sa-ma'
No-sa-ma'
No-she-sem'
No-she-sa'
Na-se-tha'-ma
Nera-tna-soo'-ma-tha
Nem-tna-soo'-ma-tha
No-stha-tha'
Nee-so'-tan
No-bes'-sib-a
No-bes'-sib-S,
Na-ah-'-sa
Nti-jeech'
Na-ah-xs'
Niks-kii-mich'
N'-kway'-nus
Na-h-ise'
Nolr-whese'
Naiu-no-whase'
Na-ma-ho-mis' .,
Sa-tse'-a
366
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
219. My mother's mother's
mulher's brother's son's son.
Translation.
2'JO. My mother's mother's
mother's brother's sou's .SUM'S
son.
Translation.
'±21. My mother's mother's
mother's brother's son's son's
sou's son.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My uncle.
ft *f
ft
M
U
If
H
(
(
|
t
I
(
t
l
f
i
i
l
1
l
My little uncle.
My uncle.
it ti
<t «
tf if
(t <t
ft ff
(( ft
a tt
tt ft
t tt
t (t
f ft
( if
t ft
t f(
< ft
f tf
(t if
t if
( fi
i ft
i tf
t it
i tt
t tf
ti fi
ti ft
tt tt
fi ff
if ff
ti ff
My cousin.
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
ft ii
" " [brother.
My elder or younger
My cousin.
ft ti
tt ti
if (f
ft ti
fi ff
ff ff
ff it
ff tf
if if
My uncle.
it ft
tt ft
tf tf
«f tt
My little uncle.
My son.
ft tt
tf tt
ft ti
ft ft
fi ft
My cousin.
(< ft
t ft
f tt
t ft
f tt
t tt
ft it
My uncle.
ft tt
ft U'
ff if
ff ff
ff ff
it tt
ft ft
fi ii
My cousin.
My elder brother.
My cousin.
My step-brother.
tt tt
My elder brother.
My son.
ft tt
if ft
ti ft
tt tt
My child.
My son.
tf it
tt if
t ii
l tt
i it
t it
t tt
i tt
i it
t it
My uncle.
tt tf
tf ft
tt tf
tt ft
My little uncle.
My grandson.
it tt
tf ff
My grandchild,
ti tt
tf ft
My step-son.
it (t
(t tf
fi f
ti f
ff f
ii f
ft i
My uncle.
(t tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft it
tt ti
ff tt
ft fi
ft ft
My step-son.
My son.
U ff
My step-son.
My sou.
ft it
Ha-ha'-wuk
Ge-no'-sa-ha..
Lag-nole'-ha
Un-ga-la'-seh
Le-ya'-ha
Un~ga-Jass'
E-ya'
Ahk-ga-ra'-sthar
Ka-ya'-no-na
La-ga-no-ha'-ah
Lok-je'-ha(e.),Le-ga'-ah(y.)
Ja-ra'-sa
Ha-wa-te-uo'-ra
Dak-she'
Tau-han'-she
Ta'-she
A-dik'-she
Ka'-sha
Tii'-she
Ta'-she
Tii-hii'-she..
Ta'-she
Ta-ha'-she
Ta-ha'-she
Na-ge'-ha
Na-ge'-ha
Heen-ja'-ka
Hin-cha'-ka
Hin-cba'-ka...
Hin-cha'-ka
Be-ja'-ea
E-take'-e-neke'
E-take'-e-neke'
Um-ush'-Y
Suh'-suh
Suh'-soh
Um-u'-shI
Sa/ pok-nak'-ne
Um-o'-shI
Su'-soli .
Chu-pa'-wa
E-dii'-tsi
Un-gT-li'-sT .
Ah-ge-doo'-dze
Nee-sis'
Nee-sis'
Nee-sis'
N'-do'-zhim
Nl-zhl'-she
Ne-zhe-sha'
Ne-zhe-sha'
Ne-ta'-wis
Ne-zhish'-sha
N'-do'-zhira-S,
Ne-zhish-sha'
Ne-ta'-wis ..
N'-do-zhirn
N'-jeh-sha'
Ne-zhese'-sa
Ne-zhe'-sii
Ne-zhe'-sS
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-zhe'-sa
Ne-zhe'-saw
Ne-zhe'-saw
Na-xhe-sa'
Na-zhe-sa'..
Na-zhe-sa'
Ne-zha'
Ne-zha'
Na-she'
Na-31-tlia'
Na-si-tha'
Na-si-tha't
Nl-si-tha'
Ni-si-tha' . .
Ni-sl tha
Ne-to-tah'se'
N'-to'-tes-ta-rao
N'-do'-to-ko
N'-ku-la-muk'-sis
N'-sees
N'-kwis'
N'-ku-la-mook'-sis
N'-ta'-ffus
Nee-zeethe'
N*-da-kwas'
N'-shee'-se
N' k '
Ne-zheese'
ee.e
i
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
567
TABLE II. — Continued.
222. My mother's mother's
mother's brother's son's son's
BOIL'S sou's son.
Translation.
223. My mother's mother's
mother's sister.
Translation.
224. My mother's mother's
mother's sister's daughter.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
10
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
(JO
61
62
63
64
G5
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
a K
it it
it it
it tt
My grandchild.
My grandson.
K ti
it it
tt n
tt tt
tt it
11 It
It tt
tt tl
It tl
It tt
My uncle.
u «
it it
it it
tt tt
My little uncle.
My grandson.
u a
tt it
My grandchild.
U (t
(( *t
1C tl
tt ti
it tl
it tt
tt u
tl tl
tt it
tt tl
My uncle,
(i tt
tt it
it it
it tt
tt ti
tt ti
n tt
it ti
My grandchild.
tt tt
it tt
it it
It It
tl It
My grandmother.
it u
it tt
it tt
tt it
i it
i tt
t it
i it
t u
ti tt
~u a
(C It
it ti
i tt
t it
i ti
t n
t n
t it
t ti
i ti
u it
it tt
tt ti
i u
tt
t ti
t it
t n
i tt
My grandparent.
u it
My mother.
My grandmother,
t u
t it
i u
i n
t ti
t it
t u
i it
ti u
ti 11
u it
it it
u it
it u
tt ft
ti u
it tt
it u
tt it
ti ti
ti it
tl U
tl U
tl tt
It It
It tt
It 11
it u
tl tl
tt tl
tt 1C
Oc'-SOt6
My grandmother.
<t (t
it it
ti tt
tt it
ti n
it ti
it tt
a it
it n
tt it
ti n
it tt
tt it
it u
it tt
it tt
t it
t it
t ti
t it
t it
it tt
ti it
it it
tl 11
It U
It tl
It It
U It
My grandparent.
tt ti
tt tt
ti it
it ti
My grandmother,
tt tt
ti it
it it
it it
ti tt
u ti
n ti
n u
it ti
it it
tt it
it t
it i
n i
ti i
u i
it i
it t
tt i
u t
n t
a i
u i
ti t
tt i
it t
Oc-so'-da-ha
Oc-so'-da-ha
Ahk-sote'-ha
E-ya'-dla-ah .
Ahk-sote'
Ahk;-sote
Ak-soteMia
Ha-tra'-ah
Ah-shu-ta'
Ah-shu-ta'
Un-che'
Me-ta'-ko-zha
0-che'
0-che'
O-che'-la
O-che'-la
Me-ta/ ko zha
Oh-che' ~
Oh-che'
Me-ta'-ko-sak'-pok
Un-che'
0-che'
0-che'
Me-ta'-ko-za
0-che'
0-che'
O-ga'-she
Na-ge' ha
Ga-ha' .
Gra-ha'.. .
Wee-na'-gee
Wee'-kii
Wee'-ka
Heen-ja'-ka
He-koo/-n Jye . . .
Hia-cha'-ka
Hin-kii'-ne .
E-ko'
E-ko
E-che'
E-bo'-ro-ka ....
E-ko'-ro ka
Nah-'-he-a.. .
Ka-ru'-ha
Ka-ru'-ha
Ba-sa'-ka-na
Sup'-pok-nak'-ni
Um-os-stis'-wa
Un-irT-lI-sT
E-ni'-si
E-ni'-si
An-ge-lee'-sa
Ah-te'-ra
Ah-te'-ka
Ah-te'-ka
Ah-te' ka
Ah-te'-ka
Ah-te'-ka
No-se-sim'
No-se-seii/
No-zhi'-she
No-zhe'-sha
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
No-she-sha'
Ne-zhe'-sa
No-ko-ma'
Ne-zhe'-sa
No-ko-ma' .
Ne-zhe'-saw
No-ko ma'
No-ko-ma/.
Ne zhe' saw
Na-zhe-saV
No'-ko-mis ...
Ne-zha'
Na-si-tha'
Na-vish'-kim
No-ko-ma-some-thaV
Nl-si-tha'
Na'-e-ba
Na'-e-ba
Ne-ta-ke-a'-sa
Ne-ta ke-a' sa
Nu-jeech'
Nii-lrise' ,
Noli'-whese'
Nain-no-whase'
368
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE 11. — Continued,
22.V My mother's mother's
mother's sinter's daughter's
daughter.
Translation.
226. My mother's mother's
mother's sister's daughter's
daughter's daughter — older than
myself. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
227. My mother's rootlH-ii1s
mother's M.-t'T's (laiu'liter's
daughter's daughter's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
28
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
It
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My mother.
it ti
u it
t u
f U
( tt
t tt
f t
( (
( t
I t
f t
tt t
ft f
tt t
(( t
ft f
ft (
ft f
ft f
ft I
ft ft
ft ft
ff ff
ft ft
If If
My little mother.
My mother,
tt it
ft tt
ft it
tt tt
f tt
t tt
t tt
f tt
t ft
t it
t t
t t
t t
t t
tt t
f t
f t
t t
t tt
t tt
t tt
ft tt
ft tt
My step-mother.
My mother.
My little mother.
ft tf tf
Ah'-je
My elder sister.
it tf It
It 11 It
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
It It tl
My eld. or young, sis
(t u
tt ti
it it
tt n
tt it
u tt
t u
t t
t I
I I
I I
It I
It I t
tt tt I
u tt t
tt It ft
My elder sister.
ii n it
tt u it
it it it
tt it tt
ti u it
My sister.
My elder sister.
a n tt
n it it
it it it
My step-sister.
My elder sister.
it tt n
ti ti it
it it tt
u tt tt
ti ti ti
it it tt
n it it
tt n it
it n u
tt tt ti
u it tt
My sister.
My elder sister.
ti 11 tt
tt it tt
My step-Bister.
n it u
u ti u
My elder sister.
My daughter.
it ti
it it
tt n
My child.
My daughter.
« ti
u it
u it
it it
ti ti
it it
ti ti
u tt
tl tl
tl It
U It
11 tt
tl It
It tl
My girl.
n it
My daughter.
it it
ti tt
tt it
u it
u ti
My child.
My step-daughter.
(( U
(t ((
My step-child.
tt u
My daughter.
u u
it it
I U
1 tl
t I
t t
t I
t t
t t
t I
I I
t I
I I
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
tt tt
u <(
tt (i
« tt
Uh-je'-ah
Uh-je'-ah
Ahk-nole'-hS,
Ahk-je'-ha
Ka-ya'-ha
Ah-ga-nese'-ta
Ahk-je'-ba
Ka-ya'
Oh'-na
Ahk'-je
La-ga-nese'-ta-ha
Ak.je'-yii(e.), Ka-ga'-ah (y.)
E-nah'
K-nah'
Chu-ih'
E'-nah
En'-na
Tiln'-ka
E'-nah
E'-nah
Clm-a'
E'-nah
Chu-ih'
E'-nah
Clin-wa'
E-nah'
\r v/ i
Nii'-ha
Zhon-da'-ha . . .
E-na'-ha
Wee-z5n'-tha
He'-nah
E'-naw
E-oo'-ne
E-uoo'
E-nook'
Ush'-kl
Suh suh' take
Ush'-ki
Sush'-kl
Au'-tik-ba
S 1 ' t k
Chuhl-kiV-che
Chu-hla'-ha
Chuch-hus'-wii
E-t3l'
Ah-girt'-ze
Ah-ge-la'-ih
T *
Ah-te'-ra
E-ta'-he
P /*
N'-ga'-we
N'-rto'-sa-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame'....
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwem'
N'-ga'-wa
Ne-mish'
Ntn'-gah
Nin' gah
Ne-ga-sha'
N* da uiss'
N'-geh'
N' da/ niss
^Iin-ge-ah'
Nin-ge-ah'
Nin-ge-ah'
Nin-da'-na
Ne-ge-ah'
N'-dii'-na
Ne-ge-ah'
Na-ke~a'
N'-da'-na
Ne-ke~ah'
Na'-ko
Na-tun'
Ni-ke~a'
Ni-ta-ta-ma'
Ni-ta-na-thS/
Na-ke~ah'
Ni-ml-tha/,.
NY tii na tilii'
Neex-iat'
Nee-hist'-S,
N' tn' tn trm
N'-keech'
N'-sees'
N' tiis/
N'-kee'-sees
N'-guk'
Ne-ta-kun' .
W I, /
N'-ga-ha'-tut
Neet-koh''-kw' .. .
Nin-guk'-us
Nain-na-wase'
N ' H"/
OF THE II UMAX FAMILY.
369
TABLE II. — Continued.
228. My mother's mother's
mother's sister'8 daughter's
daughter's daughter's daughter'
daughter.'
Translation.
229. My husband.
Translation.
230. My wife.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka-ya'-da
My granddaughter.
it It
(( tc
il 11
It It
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
It 11
My grandchild.
n it
tt ti
n tt
u tt
tt it
it n
U It
tt It
tt tt
tt tl
My granddaughter.
n tt
My grandchild.
My little gd. danght.
My granddaughter.
i« a
tt tt
My grandchild.
it «
(C ((
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
U ((
(( tl
It I
It I
tl t
t I
I I
t I
t t
I t
t t
tt It
u tt
tt It
tt It
tl It
tl It
It tl
tt tt
It It
It tt
It tt
tt It
it tt
Da-yake'-ne
My husb. (2 joined).
Two joined.
u (t
ft tt
u tt
tt tt
it tt
it tt
My husband.
u tt
« t<
t< tt
tt u
tt tt
tt tt
tt i
it i
t • t
i i
t i
i t
i i
tt t
tt t
tt t
u i
if t
My man.
tt a
He lends me.
My husband*
u n
it it
tt it
tt it
it tt
My man.
n n
it it
it tt
tt it
it it
it i
i i
i i
i i
i i
t t
t t
t i
t i
i it
i 11
t tt
My husband.
tt tc
My man.
tt ti
My husband.
My man.
My husband.
My aid through life.
My male.
My man.
<t tt
tt tt
My husband.
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
it it
a tt
a it
it it
ti it
ti tt
ti ti
n n
it tt
My wife (2 joined).
Two joined.
u
it
n
it
ti
My wife, my worn.
*t tt ti
My wife.
tt tt
tt tt
t tt
t t
i t
t i
i i
t i
i t
t t
t i
i u
t t
t t
i i
it i
it t
n
ti t
tt t
n t
ti i
Da-yake-ne-ya'-seh
Da-yiike-ne'-da
K ya' dla ah
Da-ya-ga-ne'-da
Wak-dak'-ga
Wak-dak'-ga
Da-ya-ga-ne'-tar-o
Ta-an'-de
O;i ya-ga-uti'-tar-o
Me-he'-hna
Me t;i' ko-zlia
Me-ta'-we-cho
Me-ta'-ko-zha
E-chak'-sa-me-ta'-we-do. .
We-chas'-ta-ne-ta'-wa
We-nake/-cha-me-ta/-we-
Me-ta'-ko-zha
Me til' ko-siik/-pok
Me-ta' ko-zha
Me-ta'-we-ah
Me-ta/-wich
Toosh'-pa ha
Wee-tush'-pa
Wee-a'-prOn-ka .
Wee-ga'-thnough
Hee-ta'-me
E-ta'-kwa...
En-kr~ a'-me
Ne-ka'
Wa-ko'
Wa-che'
E-kun'-S,
E-chaw'-e
Moo'-hul
Sup'-nk..
Ma-ke-ra'
Ma-ta-ra-we'-a
Moo'-a
A ha'-tiik
A-ha'-tak ....
Sut-take'-chI
Sn-lau-a'-H
Sl-a-wa'-va
Chu-he'
Chu-hi'-wa
Un-gl-li'-si
Ah-gT-ya'-hl
Te-ku'-tuk-u
Ta-te'-luk-tuk-ii
tt t
it t
tt it
Part of myself.
tt ft it
tt ft tt
My cohabitant.
ft tt
Part of myself.
tt tt it
tt ti tt
ft u tt
it tt tt
tt ft it
tt tt it
tt tt it
tt tf t<
it it n
it it u
My wife.
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
it it
My woman.
My wife.
My aid thro' life.
My wife.
My woman.
tt ft
tt tt
My wife.
it tt
tt tt
it tt
tf ft
tt it
ft tt
it (t
tt tt
t tt
t n
C II
t ft
t ft
Tow-a'-^o
Cha'-pot
Ne-w&'
Na-bim'
Ne-wa'
No-zhi'-ahe
Niu-wS-dT-gg-ma-gan
Ne-wi^h'
Na/-bam
Na-bam' .
Ne-wish'
Nee-we'-wa
No-sa'-mii
Na-ba-mii'
No-sa-ma/
Ne-we-wa'
No-she-sem/...
Na'-na-bam
Ne'-wa
Na'-yo
Na-rr-ka'... .
Na'-am
Na-wa
No-stha-tha' ...
Ne-wa'
Nase
Na-ta-ta'-ha
Nfi-jeech'
N'-t-a-bT-tem'
Na-hise'
Nolv-whese'
Wee-chaa'-oke
Na-wa-h'-au
Sa-ten'-ne ...
Sa-tsa'-ka
Set-den '-na
Set-ze'-a-na
Siik-ingh. ..
Sa-ut
Su-ku-i. b Se-te-koon-du-i
Is-heh-low
Se-tran-jo. bSu-hut
In-no'ch'-ho-no*ch'
Ese-hile'-wa
E-nalv'-naw
In-mam
Kan-u-klak-a-nak
Ton-un-iin
sa'-tni
No-vis-o. b No-vi-to-wa...
Kee-toek
Sii-hil-o'-a
Gn-i'
Oo-e-ga
Wiu^'-a
47 May, 1870.
370
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
231. My husband's father.
Translation.
232. My husband's mother.
Translation.
233. My husband's grandfather.
Translation."
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
4.1
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
6fi
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
7.1
It
77
7*
79
80
My father-in-law,
a <(
K ft
if if
K ff
ii <f
if ft
ti it
ii it
ii if
ii ff
if ft
fi ft
it ft
ft ft
it ii
My grandfather,
n it
tt ft
ft it
tf ff
if if
ft ft
My father-in-law,
ii it
My father.
My grandfather.
u u
My little grandfather.
My father-in-law.
My parent-in-law.
« it
My old man.
K it ft
My parent-in-law.
My uncle.
-« — rr~
ti u
My father-in-law.
« if
tt t<
tf u
ft it
it ti
tt it
it tt
it n
It U
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
It tt
tt tt
It tt
It It
My father.
My father-in-law.
tt tt
ti u
tt tt
tt f<
My grandfather.
My father-in-law.
tt n
u t
it t
a t
ft t
ft t
ft t
u t
t< t
n t
My husband's father.
My parent-in-law.
t( tt
My mother-in-law.
tt tt
tt n
n it
tt tt
it tf
tf ft
ft tt
11 It
It t
It t
tt t
tt t
ff f
ft t
Mv aunt.
Ha-ga'-sa
My father-in-law.
u tt
f< f<
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
Not related.
My grandfather.
ft tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
My father-in-law.
My grandfather.
it it
tt ft
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
ft tt
tt K
ft i:
tt it
tt it
My little gd. father.
My fatlier-in-law.
My parent-in-law.
ii" tt
My old man.
tt tt ti
My grandfather.
tt tt
ft t
it t
tt f
tt t
tt t
My father-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft u
tt it
tt it
ft tt
it tt
My grandfather.
My father-in-law.
Oc-sa'-wa
Hoc-sa'-wa
Ha-gwale-hose'-ha
Ya thaf'
Ya-thaf'..
Ya-thaf'
To-ka'-she
Toon-ka'-she-na
Mi'-tan'-ka .
O-che'-she
Tun-ka'-she-la
To-ka'-she
To-ka'-she-la
Tun-ka'-she
Me-tonk'-ah
Tun-ka' she
Tan-kii'-she
To-ka'-she
Toon ka'-zhe-la
To-ka'-she
Tolr-ka'-she-la
Ta-ga'-ha
Ga-ha'
My urandmother.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ft tt
ft f<
My mother-in-law.
tf ft
My mother.
My grandmother,
tf ft
tt tf
My mother-in-law.
My parent-in-law.
tt tt
My old woman.
tt ft tt
My parent-in-law.
My aunt.
4( tf
It it
My mother-in-law.
ft ft
ft tt
ff fc
ff (f
tt ff
ff ff
ff t(
ff ft
f ft
f 11
t ft
f ft
f ff
ft ft
ff ff
f( ft
My mother.
My mother-in-law.
ft tt
tt u
tt it
ft ft
My grandmother.
tt it
My aunt.
My mother-in-law.
tf it
tt <t
tt t(
tf tt
tt tt
K ft
K ft
ft tt
tt it
My parent-in-law.
ft tt
Ta-ga'-ha
\Vee-te'-ga
E-tu'-kii
E-tii'-ka
K-ko'
Be-che'-go
E-che'
K-cho'-ka
Ura-uh'-fo
Ah-h-a'
E'-ke-a
Um-u'-fo
Um-u'-fo-si
Um-ma'-he
E-hna-tsi' .. .
E-hna-tsT'
Tse-na'-tze
Tse-na'-tze
Chose'-tit
Chose'-tit
Nee-sis'
Nis-si-goos'
N7-sT-goos'
Nl-si'-miss
N'-zik'-zis
Na-ma'-sho-ma
Na-sha'-ni
Ne-shS-'-ke-sha .
Na-ma'-sho
Na-rl-skim' . . ..
Wa-si'-na-ma-ka
Wa-se-ah'-O-tha-le',.
Wa-se-ah'-O-tha-le'
Wa-se-ah'-O-ka-Ie'
Na-sit'
Na-ha'-ha
Na-alr'-sa
My grandfather.
tl U
My father-in-law.
Ne-ta'-ke-ase
Nin'-na
N'-chilch'
N'-chilch'
N'-se«l'-hahs
N'-su'-kwus
N'-seel' hulis
it u
tt ft
My grandfather,
tt tt
tt ti
tt tt
My father.
My grandfather,
it tt
N'-zein-noth'
N'-zo-kwaths'
N'-zhe'-luh-looh-'
Sa-tse'-a
Ne-ze-la-loze'
Sa-tse'-a
Sa-tsun'
Sa-ten'-ne-ba-ta
Sa-cho'-na
Sa-ta'-choek
Seth'-a
Set'-so
Set-ye
Sn-tre
Set-se
Is-hah'-ha
TH-tV wa-be-at-sin
Ese-h-a'-ha
En-pe-natsh'
Kan-a-was-patl
Shko'-a-te .
Shko'-a-te
Nish-te'-a
K-a-kwi-a
Ah-ta-ta-tcha-na
Go-a'-ca
Noo-ly-a-ma-ah-ta-tft
E-tu'-ah
Shak-ing'-a
Shak-ing'-ii
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
371
TABLE II. — Continued.
234. My husband's grandmother.
Translation.
235. My wife's father.
Translatiou.
236. My wife's mother.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
2G
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
80
Gl
62
63
64
66
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
7fi
77
78
79
80
My mother-in-law,
t
(
t
<
t
Not related.
My grandmother.
tf ((
(f U
it It
ft U
My mother-in-law.
My grandmother.
t* t<
n it
n it
it it
tt it
tt it
n tt
tt u
tt u
tt ti
it it
tt it
My mother-in-law.
u u
tt (t
My old woman.
(t tt ti
My grandmother.
tt tt
a u
tt n
U (t
tt tt
tt n
My mother-in-law.
<* tt
it tt
n «
<< tt
<( it
tt <t
My grandmother.
ti tt
tt u
My mother-in-law.
My grandmother.
My mother-in-law.
I* ((
tt tt
it u
a n
tt tt
ti u
tt u
My mother.
My grandmother.
My father-in-law.
it n
it tt
tt it
it it
ti tt
ti t
tt i
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt tt
My grandfather.
My father-in-law.
t( tt
tt tt
n tt
My grandfather.
My old man.
My father-in-law,
tt tt
My old man.
tt tt tt
My father-in-law.
My father.
My father-in-law.
tt tt
n it •
« <t
u tt
t< tt
My old man.
My parent-iu-law.
My uncle.
"~« tt
ft it
My father-in-law.
t< <t
u u
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it it
tt tt
tt tt
it (t
tt ft
tt tt
tt tt
n tt
tt u
tt it
U It
My grandfather.
My father-in-law.
tt tt
u ti
u tt
tt f<
My grandfather.
ti tf
My father-in-law.
tt it
it it
ft tt
n tt
My father.
My father-in-law.
tt u
My wife's father.
My parent-in-law.
«t ft
My mother-in-law.
it it
tt It
tt tt
tt It
it tl
tt tt
it tt
tl tl
tl tl
It it
tl It
My grandmother.
My mother-in-law.
ti u
tt tt
My aunt.
My grandmother.
My mother-in-law.
My aunt
it tt
My old woman.
.. ft tt
My mother-in-law.
My mother.
My mother-in-law.
u ti
a tt
a it
tt it
it tt
My old woman.
My parent-in-law.
My aunt.
~~t< tt
tt tt
My mother-in-law.
u u
ii tt
>
ii ft
tt tf
ff a
tt tt
tt ti
it a
n tt
it tt
it tt
tf tt
it it
it it
My grandmother.
My mother-in-law.
tt ft
it tt
tt it
it ft
My grandmother.
My mother.
My aunt.
My mother-in-law.
tf tt
if ti
t* ft
My mother.
My mother-iu-law.
My wife's mother.
My parent-in-law.
u ft
On-ga'-sa-ah
Unc-na'-hose
Ya-thaf
Yak-te'-he-a-tho
Un-che'-she
0-che' .
O-che'-la
Oh-che'
To-kii'-she
Oo-che'
Tun-kii' she . .
Un-che'-she
U uhe'
To-ka'-she
0-che' . .. .
To-ka'-she
Ga-ha' .
Ta-ga' ha
Ga-ha'
Wee'-ka..
Gah'-ah
E-tu'-ka
K-ko'
S'ah'-ga
E-ehe'
E-cho'-ka
Mii-na'-ti^h
Ma-too-ta'-ka
Sup-po'-chi. O-hoy'-oh ...
Sii-po'ch I. O-ho'-yo
Up-pok'-ne
Sa-po'-chl
Hap-po'-si
Sa-po'-chT
Sa*po'-chi. O-ho'-yo
Um-hok-tul'-wa
Un-hok-tul'-wa
E-hna-tsT'
F dsau'-hT
Tse-na'-tze
Tse-na'-tze
Chose'-tit
Chose'-tit
Na toot kV koo
Na-toot-ka'-koo
No-kome'
Nis-se-goos'
No-kome'
No'-ko-iniss
No-ko'-mis
No-ko-mis'
N'-za-gwa-zis'
No-sa-mah'
N 1 / ""
No-sa-mah'
Na-ma'-sho-ma'-ke-ah'....
Na-ma'-sho-ina'-ke-ah'....
Na-ma'-sho-ma'-ke-ah' ...
Na-ma'-sho-ma'-ke-ah' ...
No-sa-mah'
No sa-mah'
No-ko'-uia
No'-ko-ma
Ne-sha'-ke-shi
Na-vish'-kim
,T w , ,
Wa-se-ah'-O-ka-le'
Wa se ah' O tha le'
Wa-se-ah'-O-ka-le'
Ne-ta-ke-a'-sa
Na-ha'-ha
Ne-ta'-ke-ase
Ne-ta'-ke-ahxs
Ne-ta'-ke-ah-xs
N'-clnl-gwe'-jich
N' chilch'
N'-chu-gwe'-jich'
N'-su'-kwus
N'-zo-kwathd'
N' ' ' ti''
N'-zo-kwaths'
Sa-tsnn
N'-7he' luh looh*'
Sa-cho'-na
A'-na
Set-sa'-na
Seth' a
Set'-so
Soo-tre
Ta-tJi'-wa-le-at-sin
Is-hah'-ha .. ..
En'l-tsats'-tsh
Kan-a-was-patl
Nish te'-&
Ni'-ya
Ni'-ya
Ning-e-o'-wa
Chi-ca
Noo-ly-a-ma-ah-ta-ta
Sa-ki-tra
37-2
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
237. My wife's grandfather.
Translation.
23S. My wife's grandmother.
Translation.
23!). My Koi-.in-law.
(Male bpeakmg )
Translation.
\
Hoc'-sote. .. ..
My grandfather,
u it
tt u
My father-in-law.
My grandfather.
it (t
u it
Not related.
My grandfather.
it It
11 11
If It
tt 11
My father-in-law.
My grandfather,
(i ti
it u
tt it
ft tt
tt ti
tt it
My old man.
tt ft
My father-in-law.
ti u
tt tt
ti u
tt tt
ti it
My old man.
My grandfather.
»t u
tt tt
tt tt
u ii
tt tt
it tt
it tt
it it
tt tt
tt t
ti t
tt t
it t
ft t
it 11
ti it
it u
u tt
ft tt
tf tt
My father-in-law.
My grandmother.
it tt
ft tt
My son-in-law.
i' a
U It
I U
( (t
( ((
I It
1 «
( «
( ll
t it
I t
( (
(( t
<< 1
t( i
<f I
tl (
It (
U (
it (
« (
U (
<f I
ii I
tt (
ll tl
tl ll
it it
" " [on.
My present hanger
My sou-in-law.
ti n
ti n
tt n
tt it
u it
ii it
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
it a
it t
it i
tt t
ii t
(i (
ti t
tt ti
u (t
U ((
tt tt
ll ll
tt ll
tt ll
tt tl
It ll
It ll
tl tl
tl tl
" « [benefit.
My hunter for ray
My son-in-law.
<> tt
n i
tt i
it i
tt t
it i
it ii
it it
it n
ii it
n ii
a u
tt ii
tt u
it tl
il it
Hoe'-sote
Hoc-so'-da-ha
Oc-so'-da-ha
Ha-yale-hose'-ha
1
t
8
<
1(
11
My grandmother.
tt ti
tt it
Not related.
My grandmother,
it tt
ft (t
ft tt
ft ft
My mother-in-law.
My grandmother.
it it
ft it
ft ti
ft it
ti u
ft ft
My old woman.
it tt
My mother-in-law.
tt ti
it it
u it
it tt
11 tt
My old woman.
My grandmother,
tt tt
ti u
ft tt
tt it
i tt
t u
t tt
t t
i i
i i
i t
it i
ft i
u i
it tt
ti tt
ti ti
ft it
ft it
it it
My mother-iu-law.
ii it
ft
My grandmother.
ft ti
tt ti
tt u
tfy mother.
My grandmother.
Ahk-ra'-sote
Yiik-te-he-ah'-tha
Lok-sote'-ha
Ak-sote'-ha
Tnn-kan'-she-dan
Me-tii'-kosh
Toon-ka'-she-na
O-che'
Me-ta'-koash .. .
Tnn-ka'-she-la
O-che'-Ia
Me-tii'-koash.. ..
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
02
03
04
05
66
67
08
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
To-ka'-she-la
Oh-che'
Me-tonk'-ah
Tun-ka '-she-la
Un-che'-zhe
Toon-ka'-she-la
O-che'..
Me-ta'-koash
Toh--ka '-she-la
O-che'
Me-to'-ga-she
O-ga'-she
Me-tii'-koash
Ta-ga'-ha
Ga-ha'
We-tuli'-da
Wee-te'-ga
Wee'-ka
We-tfln'-da
Wa-do'-ha
E-tu'-ka
S'ah'-ga
Wa-ko-s'ah'-ga
Be-to'-ja
E-cho'-ka
We-ton'-cha
"Wa-to'-ho. bE-wong'-o-no
Ko-too'-te
Snp-po'-chI
Snp-po'-chi. O-hoy'-oh....
Ma-too'-te
Sa-po'-chi
Sa-po'-chI
Sa-po'-chT. O-ho'-yo.
Um-ma'-he
E-dsau'-hl
E-dsau'-hl .
E-hna-tsi'
Tse-na'-tze....'
Tse-nil'-t7e ....
Kool'-er-hoos „
Ch'ose-tit
Ne-mo-some'
Noh'-kome'
Ne-mo-shome'
No-koine'
Na-mo-sliome'
Ni-ml-sho'-miss
N- ' /
Ne-me-sho'-mis
M ll
Na-ma-sho'-mis
No-ko'-mia.. .'
Ne-mis'-sho-mis'
No-ko-mis'7
Na-ma-sho'-mis
Na-ma-sho'-mis
, •• jj '
Na-ma-gho'-mis
Na-ma'-sho-ma'
No-ko-ma'..
Na-ma'-sho-ma'
No-ko-ma'. ...
Na-ma'-sho-tna'
V H" " K' ' '"
Na-ma'-sho-ma'
Na-ma'-sho-mis
No-ko'-ma
Na-ma'-sho
No'-ko-ma .
Nam-a-shim'
Na-vish'-kim
Nich a'
Na-ma-sotne-tha'
No bes'-sib-a
Na'-e-ba
Na tits'
^a-ah-'-sa
Ne-ta-ke-a'-sa
Nia
S'a-ah-xs'
Nia
X'-chiloh'
N'-see'-chtths
N'-chu-ijwe'-jich
N' sil' k\vu<<
N'-tlu'-sflk
N'-zein-noth
ia-tse'-a
u tt
My grandfather,
it ti
u ft
11 ti
My father.
My wife's gd. father,
tt tt u
N'-zo-kwaths'
Sa-tsnn'
Wii-seen'-no-kwa/
Nii-to-na'-ma'-kw1
Se-ga'-ton
Set-see'-a
Sa-cho'-na.
Sa-tsii'-ya
Set-se
Nish-te'-a
TiUil'-wa-ba
foo-le-a-ma-a-tii-ta-
[toliatig-a
E-tu'-ah
Sa-wa/-te
'hu'-ji
ring-a-u-ga
Ning-a-ou'-gwa
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
3,73
TABLE II. — Continued.
240. My son-in-law.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
241. My daughter-in-law.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
242. My daughter-in-law.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
53
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
63
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My son-in-law.
(( U
(( It
ff ft
« «
ft ft
u u
tt (t
a tt
tt it
tt tt
ti ti
tt tt
it tt
tt it
it tt
H It
It tt
It tl
It tt
tl tt
It It
It It
tt It
tt It
tt tt
tt tl
It It
tl tl
it It
tt It
tl It
It It
11 tl
It It
It U
It I
It t
11 I
It t
tt t
It t
tl I
It It
11 It
It fl
tl tl
11 It
tt tl
tl It
11 11
It It
11 It
11 It
It tt
It tl
It It
It It
It It
tl It
It 11
Mv hunter.
K;i' s;i
My daught.-in-law.
n it
n it
it it
it tt
it n
it n
U 11
11 It
ft tl
tl 11
~~ fT 11
U 11
It U
H tl
tt tt
tl It
11 It
tt It
It tl
11 11
11 It
tl It
tt It
It 11
tl tl
tt 11
My gd. daughter.
tt a
My daught.-iu-law.
(t it
<t tt
it tt
tt <t
ti ti
it it
ti tt
it it
tt it
it it
n it
U 11
It tt
11 11
tl 11
11 11
11 It
11 It
tl tf
(( ft
ft tt
ft 11
11 It
tl tt
It tt
11 tt
11 11
tt 11
ft If
tt If
ft ft
My cook.
My daught.-in-law.
My grandchild.
My daught.-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
it tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
it ti
tf ti
ti tf
tt tt
Ka'-sa
My daught.-in-law.
it it
it it
tf tt
it ti
ti if
tt <(
<t ft
it n
it ti
it n
ti ti
it n
it it
it ft
ft tt
<t it
ft it
it ft
tt it
ti tt
tt if
ti it
ti it
ft it
ti it
tf it
My gd. daughter.
ti ft
My daught.-in-law.
ft tt
tt tf
tt ft
ft it
ft tt
ft it
if tt
tt ft
ft tt
it ft
it ft
ft ti
ft ti
ft it
ti it
it it
11 ti
tt U
11 tt
If ff
(f ft
fl ff
ff fl
fl ff
ff If
ff If
If ff
ff If
ft ff
tf If
ff ff
My cook.
My daught.-in-law.
My grandchild.
My daught.-iu-law.
ft it
ti it
ft it
ft ft
if ti
it it
it if
if ft
tt tt
if ft
it it
ft it
H ' 1
Ha-yale ho*e'-ha
Ka-za'-wa
Ka-za'-wa
Yak te lit1 ah'-thit
Ahk-thaP
Ahk-thaf
Ka-*a' wii
Ka-sa'-wa
Ya-na'-maque
Me-ta' kosh
Me-tii'-ko<0i
Me-ta'-kosh
Me ta' koash
Me-ta'-koash....."
Me-ta'-kosh
Me-ta '-kosh
Me-ta' koash
Me-ta'-koash
Me-tii'-koash
Me-ta '-goash
We-tuh'-da
Ta-ne'-ha
Ta-ne'-ha
Wa-do'-ha •
Wan-do'-ha
B»j-to'-j a
We-ton'-cha
aWa-to'-ho. bE-wong'-o-no
E-nook-chek'-aw-chau
Ko-too'-te
Ma-too' te
Ma-too'-ga
Mii-na'-jca
Snp'-uk
Sup'-uk ...t
Sai'-yop
Sii'-pok
Sa' pok
Sup-pok'-take
E-hna'-tsi'
E-tsau'-hT
Sko'-dus
Sko'-dus
Na-hak'-sim
N'-ha'-ke-shim
Ne-nin'-gwun
Ne-nin-gwun
Ne-sim' " *
Ne-nin-gwun'
Ne-sim'
Ne-sim'
N'-do'-she-na-game'
Lan-gwa'-la
Na-la'-gwii-la' . ,
Na-ha'-ga-na'-kwa-No-ko-ma'
Nit-lia'-ga-na'-kwa-No-ko-nia'
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa'-No-ko-ma'
Na-ha-gii-na-kwa'-No-ko-ma'
Na-ha-ga-na'-kwii-No-ko-ma/
Na-ha-ga-na'-kwa-N -ko-ma'
Na-ha'-ga-na-kwa-No-ko-ma'
Na-ha-ga-na-kwa-No-ko-ma/
Na-ha-ea/-ne-kwam .
Na-la'-gwa-la'
N'-da-gwa' la'
No-ha'-kun-e-uk-ye-yu'
Nich-a'
No-ha'-kun-e-uk-ye-yu'
Nich-a' . . . .
Nich-a'
Na-nS, kwam-nS/
NT-tha-mT ih/
Ni-tha-ml-ah' .
Na-tim'
Na-timx
Nis
\is
N'-tlu'-siik
N'-tlu'-suk .~
VVa-seen'-no-kwa'
Na-hum'
Na-to-na-naii'-kw*
Na-na-to-na-makue'
Sa-chl'-a
U a
it ti
n it
it it
n it
it it
it it
My son.
Sa-t'thu'-a
Sa-cha'
aSa-ja'-kwe. bSa-ya-ze-la-
Sa-ts;l'-ya
Sa-tsa'-ya. Sa-ya-za-la-ja7-
Set-thu'-ya [kwe
Set-shi'-ya [ja'-kwe
Sa-tan-i-o
Set-she ... .
Is-natch'1-hu
Ees-neek'-al-lou
En-swagh'
Eii-pe-natsh'
To-at-sin
E-at-sin
E-at-sin
So-eng-gi
Sa-pe'-a
Ku-nec-u
ft n
it n
My son-in-law.
n it
it ti
Gua'-I-a
Chu' a
Gua'-i-a
Ning-a-u-ga .*....
U-ku-a'-ra..
Ning-a-ou'-gwii
374
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
243. Sly step-father.
Translation.
244. My step-mother.
Translation.
24-». My step-son.
(.Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
a
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
5S
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
w
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My step-father.
tt t
tt 1
«t I
it I
tt t
1( (
if It
I call father.
My father.
it it
ti tt
it it
tt tt
i tt
i it
t tt
t t
t t
t t
t i
i i
t i
My step-father.
My father.
It It
My step-father.
My father become.
My little father.
U tt 11
My step-parent.
My step-father.
My step-parent.
tt a
My step-father.
it t
it f
t( i
ti t
it t
tt it
tt u
u tt
!( t(
tt tt
tt tt
(f tt
ft ft
My father.
My step-father.
tt (t
My step-parent.
ti u
My father.
My step-father,
it tt
My grandfather.
My step-father.
tt it
My giver of profit.
My step father.
it it
My father.
My step-father.
it u
ft ff
My step-parent.
tt tt
ft tt
My father.
My step-father,
ti it
ft tt
tt ti
tt tt
tt tf
My step-mother.
ti tt
tt tt
tt t<
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt tf
tf tt
My mother.
tt tt
t ft
t tt
t ft
t tt
t ft
t it
f tt
tt tt
tt ft
tt tf
tt tt
tt tf
My little mother
My mother.
tt tt
tt tt
Towards a mother,
ft tt tt
My little mother.
tt tt tt
My step-parent.
My step-mother.
My step-parent.
tf it
My step-mother,
ti n
tt tt
tt ;<
ti ft
tt it
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
ti it
(t tt
My mother.
My step-mother,
it tt
My step-parent.
My step-mother.
My mother.
My step-mother.
ft tt
My grandmother.
My step-mother,
u u
Saver of profit.
My step-mother.
tt it
My mother.
My step-mother.
My step-mother and
[auiit.
My step-parent.
tt tt
My step-mother.
My mother.
My step-mother.
tt it
it tt
a ft
tt tt
tt tt
Ha'-no
My step-son,
ti tt
ft if
ft tt
tt ti
My step-child.
My step-son,
it ti
tt ft
My son.
tt tt *
tf ft
it tt
ft ft
ti t<
ft tt
tt tt
tt i
tt t
ft f
ft f
tt t
a if
My step-child.
My sou.
tt it
u ft
My sou become.
it tf ti
tt it it
Like my son.
My step-child.
it ti
My child.
it ti
My step-son.
tt it
if K
it i
it t
it t
tt i
it t
it t
it t
it t
tt ti
it it
it tf
My son.
My stup-son
My step-child.
it ti
My son.
My step-son.
ti u
My grandchild.
My step-son.
My step-child.
My outside child. 1
My stej>-clii!it.
My step-sou.
My sou.
<i it
My child.
-My step-child.
My step-son.
My step-chilil.
My sciii.
My step-son.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
Ha'-no
Ha-noh'
E-noh'
,f , ..
Ka-we;-ra
, , .
Oon-du'-ah
At-tay' Wa-ya
Shan-kay'
Ah-ta'
E'-iiah
Ah-ta'
E'-nah
Ak-she'-da
Ah ta'
Een'-uii
All ta'
K'-nah
Ah-ta'
K'-nah
Me-chink'-she
Ah-ta'
E'-nah
Me-chink'-she
Ah-ta'
E'-nah
Me-chink'-she
Ah da'
E-nah'
Ta-de'-ha
Nii'-ha
Nis-se'-ha
E-na'-ha
Heen'-ka
Heen'-nah
Hin'-ka
He'-nah
He-ne'-cha
E-da'-je
E'-naw
In-ta'-che
We-she'-ka
E-oo'-ne neke'
E-cha-h*kun
Ta tay'
Na-a'
Ta-ta'
Ih'-ka
M&-de-slia/
E'-ke-a
A'-ki To'-ba
Ush'-k! Pi'-la
Suh'-suh To-ba
A'-kl To'-ba
Ush'-ki To'-ba
Suh'-soh To'-ba
Sush-ko'-sl
Su-soh' To'-ba
Chuhl-ku-elie'
Chuch'-ku-che'
Ah-gwa-ti-na'-T
Ah-gwa-ti-ua'-T
Tsi-ya-tT-nii'-i
Ta-le-na'-ah-ge-do'-dil ....
Ah-te'-is
Tsi-ya-tl-nii'-i
Ah-te'-ra
A-te'-ra
N'-do'-sis
N'-do'-sim
N'-do'-zis
Ni-iio'-she
Ne-iio'-sha
Ne-uo'-shS,
N'-do'-zhim-a
No-sha'
No-sheh'
Na-no-ne-ta' Nin-gii'. ...
N'.jo'-sa
Na-no-ne-ta'
Na-no-ne-ta' We-ga
Ne-gwis-sa' Na-no-ne-ka/
Ne-gwis-sa' Na-no-ue-kar
Na-no-ne-ta'
Na-no-ne-ta' We-ga
N5ss
NSUke^S/
Na-ta'
Ne-sa wit-sin-ne'-o-a
Ka-sa-uo-ni-tS,
Ne-ka'-se-no-ne-ta'
Na-tha'-na'
Na'-ma?
Na'-hS,
Ne-to-tox'-is
N'-do'-to-ko
Niks-ka-mich'
Nu-gu'-mich
Nee-cha'-look
N'-kee'-sees
N'-ja'-kw'
No-nauths'
N'-me-lu-teh-'
M'-bee-a-tah"'
Na-na-nio'-whome
Na-na'-ho-mus
E-tah'-eh
San-ga;
Sa-ta'
A'-na
Set-the'-na
Sa-kre7-a
Set'-he
Sa'-ki
Hi'-ki
Sa-ku-i
lu-tlu-es'-tin
In-tlu-es'-tin
Is-tlu-alt'
Na-magh'-has
Na-niaghMias
Pai'-ya
Ka-ko-o'kt
Ha'-nish
Mo-an ?
Pe-ati?
ShkO-ni'-ya
ShkQ-ni'-yii ...
Qaa-ta-ra
Qua-ye-a
Ung-oo-te-kit-va
An-ah-na-ka
Ang-u-tigs-sa-ra
Ar-iiai^s-sa-ra
Ang-o-e-cha'
Au-uek-cha'
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
375
TABLE II. — Continued.
246. My step-son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
247. My atep-danghter.
Translation.
24S. lly step-brother. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
ti
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
2o
27
28
2!)
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
4(5
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
58
57
58
59
tiO
61
62
U3
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ha' no
My step-son.
a a
n it
it it
n ti
My step-child.
My step-son,
ft n
it it
My son.
(4 (
a t
a t
tt <
it t
tt f
tt t
it i
it t
tt tt
it tt
it it
tt it
My step-child.
My son.
it tt
ft it
My son become.
tt tt tt
tt u tt
Like my son.
My step-child.
a a
My child.
tt tt
Aly step-son.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
(t tt
tt tt
it it
it it
it tt
tt tt
My son.
My step-son.
My step-child,
tt tt
My son.
My step-son,
tt tt
My grandchild.
Ka'-no
My step-daughter.
(i n
tt u
tt it
tt u
My step-child.
My step-daughter.
t( U
(i tt
My daughter.
X tt
tt tt
u — rt
ti it
it n
tt u
it it
tt tt
tt ti
it tt
it tt
My girl.
My daughter.
My step-child.
My daughter.
a tt
tt ft
My dau. become.
tt u tt
ft tt ft
Like my daughter.
My step-child.
u <t
My child.
U ft
My step-daughter,
u «
tt it
it it
ft tt
ft tt
ft tt
tt t
tt f
tt t
tt t
tt t
it i
it t
My daughter.
My step-daughter.
My step -child.
tt tt
My daughter.
My step-daughter,
tf tt
My grandchild.
My step-daughter.
My step-child.
My outside child.
My step-child.
My step-daughter.
My daughter.
tt it
My child.
My step-child,
tt tt
My step-daughter.
My step-child.
My daughter.
My step-daughter,
tt ft
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
Ha-je (o.), Ha'-ga (y.)
My e. or y. bro.
ft ft it
tt ft tt
tt tt tt
tt ft t
tf tt t
tt ft t
tt it t
tt it t
ft tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt it t
tt tt t
tt f t
ct t t
it t t
ft t f
tt t t
ft t tt
tt f tt
tt t ft
tt t tt
t t tt
t f tt
t t it
t t tt
t t ft
My bro. become.
ft tt tt
My other brother.
My step-brother.
My brother.
tt tt
My elder brother,
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
My step-brother.
ft it
u t ft
ft ft
fl ft
ft ft
My half-brother.
My elder brother.
My e. or y. bro.
My step-brother.
My elder brother.
My step-brother.
tf U
My brother.
My bro. e. or y.
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
My brother.
My daughter.
My younger bro.
My step-brother.
tt tt
tt ti
lla'-no
Kuh-je'-ah (o.), Ha-ga'-ah (y.) ..
Kuh-je'-ah (o.), Ha-ga' (y.)
Ha-noh' . . .
Ka'-no
Lak-je'-ha (o.), Le-gii'-ah (y.) ...
Lak je'-ha (o.), E' ga-ha (y.) ....
F-noh'
Ka-noh'
Ahk-rii'-je (o.), Ka'-ga (y.)
Lok-je-hii' (o.), Le-ga-a' (y.)
Hoon-du'-ah
Ha-ye'-uh (o.), Ha-ye-a'-ha (y.)
Chin-yay' (o.), Me-sun'-ka (y.)..
Che-'a' (o.), Me-soh'-ka (y.)
Che'-a (o.), Me-sun'-ka (y.)
Che'-a (o.), Me-suu'-ka (y.)
Me-chunk'-se-la.
Che'-a (o.), lie-soli' (y.)
Me-chuuk'-she
Me-che'-a (o.), Me-sunk'-a-la (y.)
Che'-a (o.), Me-soh'-ka-la (y.) ...
Che-a' (o.), Me-son'-ka-lii (y.)...
Me-chink'-she
Me-chunk'-she.. . .
Me-chuuk'-she .
Nis-se'-ha
Win-no'-gha .
Zhin-da'-ha (o.), Ka-ga' (y.)
Wee-zhe'-tha(o.),Wee-s8n'-ga(y.)
He-yeu'-na (o.) , Heen-thu n'-ga (y .)
Hee-ye'-na(o.),Heen-tlmn'-ga(y.)
Be-zhe'-yeh (o.), Be-sun'-ea (y.)
We-she'-la (o.), We-son'-ka (y.)
E-ne' (o ) E-sunk' (y.)
We-zhin'-ga
Hee-yuu'-ga ..
We-she'-kii
We-shon' ka
K-chii-h'kun ..
Moo'-ka (o.), Me-sho'-ka (y.) ....
Mee-a-ka' (o.), Mat-so'-ga (y.) ...
Meek'-a (o.), Ba-chu'-ka (y.) ....
Um-un'-nT(o.),Suh-nak'-fish(y.)
Et-e-ba'-pi-shT-li To'-ba
Ma-de-shii'
Mii'-ka
Bot-sa'-sa
Niik'-me-a
Suh'-suli To'-ba
Suh-suh' take Pl'-la
Suh'-soh To'-ba. .
Snh-soh'-take To'-ba...
Su-soh'-take To'-ba....
Chuch'-hu-stu-ha'-ke ..
Tsi-ya-tl-na'-I
Su-soh' To'-ba
Et-e-bii'-pi-sliT-li
Cliup-pii'-chu-ha'-ke
E-da'-deh
Tsi-ya-tT-na-I
Pe'-row
Pe'-row
Pe'-row
Pe'-row
A-da'-he
N'-do'-sa-mis-kwame'..
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwame'
N'-do'-zha-mis-kwem'. .
N'-go'-zlum
Ne-kii'-na
Nin-do'-zliH-mis
N'-do'-sha-mis
Nin-do-zhe-me'-quam..
Nin-do-slia-ml-kwam...
N'-do'-zha-mi-kwam1'. . .
N'-do'-zha-mi-kwam ...
Ne-ka'-na
N'-do'-zha-mis
N'-do'-zha-mis
N'-do' zha-m5,
Na-no'-na-ga-ne-dan'...
Na-no nii'-kii
No-no-nil'-kii '..
Ne-gwis-sa' Na-no-ne-kii,'
Ne-gwis-sa' Na-no-ne-ka'
Na-kwis'-sa
N'-da-na Na-no-ne-ka'.
N'-da-na Na-no-ne-kil'.
Ne-ka'-se-no-ne-ka'
Na'-hi
Nii-tii'-na
NJL'-thS, ha (o ) Ta'-ya (y )
N'-do'-to-ko
N'-to'-to-tun . .
Ne-to'-to-pa-pe
Ne-to'-to-kolr-a
Nu-jeech'
N'-sees'
N'-too-a'-sum
Nii-kun'
My step-child.
My outside child.
My step-child.
My step-son.
My sou.
ft tt
My child.
Nii kun'..
N'-holv'-pa-la-kun'
N'-hoh-'-pa-la-kun'
Na-nokue'-toue
Nain-n'-hans (o.), Nain-hise-se-
[(y-)
Sun-no'-ga (o.), Sun-no-ga-ya'-za
Sii-na'-ga (o.), Set-chil'-e-U-ze (y.)
Soon'-da-ga (o.), Sa'-oha (y.)
Sa-yii'-ze
Sa-ya/-dze
Sa-ya'-za
Sa-to'-a
Sa-le'-S.
Sa'-ki
Sa'-ki
Si-ou
Is-tlu-alt'
ti it
My step-son.
My step-child.
My sou.
My step-son.
(f <(
ft <(
ft (t
Is-tlu-alt'
A'-tee
!Pach-h'yach' (m. s.) )
I'ee'-see (f.s.) f
( lla'-nish (ru.s.) )
( Ko-ke'-tish (f. s.) ... )
Pii-chin?
Ko-ke'-tish
Pa-chin '
To-at-siu?
Qua-e-a
Shku-ni'-yii
Tum-inu'
Ung-e-oo-ka-vS, (o.), Noo-ka-ka-
Yun-e-kii-va.
Kr-nigs-sa-ra
In-uik-cha'
;:TG
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
249. My step-brother. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
250. My step-sister. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
76
80
My older or younger bro.
« it
a n
it ft
a tt
it i
i t
c (
( t
t i
t i
t i
i i
i i
t t
it I
i (
t t
f i
t t
t t
t t
i t
i t
i i
f t
t i
I t
My brother become.
My elder brother,
ft tt tt
My step-brother.
My brother.
My elder brother.
tt tt tt
t< tt tt
My step-brother.
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt ft tt
tt ft tt
tt tt tt
My half-brother.
My elder brother.
My elder or younger bro.
My step-brother.
it tt tt
My younger brother.
My step-brother,
tt tt (t
My brother.
My bro. elder or younger,
tt tt tt a
H It tt tt
My step-brother.
(t tt tt
ft ft tt
Ah'-je (o.), Ka'-ga (y.)
My elder or y'nger sister.
ft tt a tt
tt tt tt tt
ti (t tt tt
tt ft ft ft
tt t tt tt
tt t tt
it t ft
tt t it
t t -— • t tt
t i t ft
t f t tt
t t t tt
t t ct
t t tt
f < ft
tt tt
t t ft t
t t tt t
tt t <
< t ft
t t tt
t t tt
t t t - f
t t t f
t t tt
t t ft
it < tt
My sister become.
My elder sister,
ft tt it
My step-sister.
My sister.
it it
My elder sister.
tt tt tt
My step-sister.
ti tt
tt it
tt tt
ti tt
tt tt
My half-sister.
My elder sister.
My elder or y'nger sister. I
My step-sister.
(t tt
My elder sister.
My step-sister,
tt tt
tt tt
My sister.
My sister elder or y'nger. 1
tt tt tt tt
ti (i tt tt
My sister.
.
My step-sister.
tf tt
tf tt
Uh-je'-ah (o.), Ka-ga'-ah (y.)
Uh-je'-ah (o.), Ka'-gS, (y.)
Ahk-je'-ha (o.), Ka-ga'-ah (y.)
Ahk-je'-ha (o.), Ka'-ga-ha (y.)
Ahk'-je (o ) Ka'-^a (y.)
Tiiu-kay' (o.) Me-tank'-she (v.)
Tou-ka' (o ) Me-tank'-she (y.)
Tank'-she (o.), Me-tank'-she (y.)
Tonk-a' (o ) Me-tunk'-she (y )
Ton'-ka (o.) Me-tank'-she (y.)
Tou-ka' (o.) Me-tonk'-she (y.)
Ton no' hii (o ) Ka-ga' (y )
Tou-ga'-ha (o.), We-ha' (y.)
Wee-t6nr-ga (o ) Wee-t8n'-ga (y.) ..
Be-tun'-ga (o.), Be-tun'-gii-zhin'-ga (y.)....
We-tiin'-ka (o.) We-tuu'-ka (y.)
E-ohe'-to (o ) E-siink' (y )
E-noo' (o.) Wych-ka' (y.)
Me-sho'-ka (o ) Me-sho'-ka (y.)
P-ta-me'-ha
Ma ta roo' (o ) Mat-so'-ga (y )
Mat-ta-we'-S, (o ) Ma-ta-ka-zha (y )
Ba-za/ na (o ) Ba-chiV-ka (y )
Bii-za'-kat (o ) Bii-sa'-chete (y.)
A-nak'-fi (o ) A-nak'-fi (y ) ..
Et-e-ba'-pi-shl-ll To'-ba
Et-e-bil'-pi-shi-ll To'-ba
A-nak-ft
Cliu-chihl'-wa
E-rats'-teh
E-ta'-heh
A-da'-he
A-ta7-he
N*-do-wa-ma'
N'-da-wa-ma'
N'-da-wa'-nia
N'-da-wa/-uia
Na'-tha-ha (o.), Ta'-ya (y.)
Na'-be (o ) Na'-be-S, (y.)
N'-donk'
N'-dun-oo-yome'
Nain-n'-hans' (o.), Naiu-hise-se-mua' (y.)..
Sun-no'-ga (o.), Siin-no-ga-ya'-za (y.)
Sa-na'-ga* (o.), Set-chil'-e-a-ze (y.)
Nain-na-wase' (o.), Nain-hise'-se-mus' (y.)-
Sa-da'-za (o.) Sa-da'-za-ya'-za (y.)
Set-dez'-a-a-ze (o ) Sa/-z« (y )
Soon'-da-ga (o.), Sa-cha (y.)
Sa'-che (o ) Sa chith' (y )
En-haigh'
Ung-e-oo-ka-va (o.), Noo-ka-ka-va (y.)
An-ne-cha'
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
377
TABLE II. — Continued.
251. My step-sister. {Female speakiDg.)
Translation.
252. Two fathers-in-law
to each other.
Translation.
253. Two mothers-in-law
to each other.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
85
36
87
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ah'-ie Co.), Ka'-<»a Cv.V..
My o. or y. sister,
tt u
ti it
it u
tt t
tt
i
t
t
t
t
it
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
i
i
i
i
t
t
t
i
t
t
a
My sister become.
u a it
My elder sister.
My step-sister.
My sister,
u it
My elder sister.
n n n
tt tt it
My step-sister.
« a
tt it
tt it
tt tt
it tt
My half-sister.
My elder sister.
My e. or y. sister.
My step-sister.
tt tt
My younger sister.
My step-sister.
tt u
tt n
My sister.
My sister e. or y.
<( u (t
«t tt n
My step-sister.
(t it
tt tt
Same.
u
It
tl
It
It
tt
It
It
tl
tt
tt
tt
tt
It
It
It
My old man.
Same.
M
tt
u
tt
tt
tt
tt
tl
different nations,
ers.
Same.
((
tt
Not related.
tt tt
Same.
tt
" [in-law.
My child's father-
« u ti
Dividers of the
plunder, i. e.., the
marriage presents.
O-na-da-no'-wa
Same.
(«
a
tt
tt
tt
n
tt
it
it
it
it
it
it
(i
it
n
My old woman.
Same.
tt
tt
u
u
it
it
tt
tt
different nations,
rs.
Same.
ti
tt
Not related.
u it ti
Same.
«
[-hi-1aw.
My child's mother
«t ** tt
Dividers of the
[plunder.
Uh-je'-ah (o ) Ka-ga'-ah (y )
Uh-je'-ah (o ) Ka'-gfii (y )
Ahk-je'-ha (o ) Ka-ga'-ah (y )
Un-ga-da'-no-ha
Ahk-je'-ha (o ) Ka-ga'-ha (y.)
O-na'-da-nole
Ahk'-je (o.) Ka'-ga (y.)
Na-yo'-thof
Ak-je'-ya (o ) Ka-ga'-ah (y )
O-nm'-wa-lie-ton
O-ma'-wa-he-ton
Me-chun' (o.), Me-tan'-ka (y.)
Chu-ili' (o ) Me-tun'-ka (y )
0-ma/-he-to
O-ma'-he-to
Tiln ka (o ) Me-tan'-ka (y )
0 ma' he-to — —
Chu-wa' (o.)} Me-tunk'-ha-la (y.)
Chu-a' (o.) Me-tonk'-a (y.)
0-maMie-to
Chu'-ih (o.), Tou'-ka (y.)
Chu-wa' (o.), Me-ton'-ka (y.)
O-ma'-he-to
O-ma'-he-to
Me-chun (o.) Me-ta/ (y.)
0 -ma '-he- to
O-ma'-he-to
Zhon-da'-ha (o.) We-ha' (y.)
Wee-z5n'-tha (o.), Wee'-hii (y.)
Heen-tan'-ga (o.), Heen-tun'-ga (y.).-.
Heen-tang'-a (o.), Heen-tau'-ga (y.) ...
Be-sho'-wa (o.), Ah-se'-zhe-ga (y.)
We-sho'-la (o.), We-tun'-ka (y.)
E-noo' (o.), E-chunk' (y.)
Me-ho-he-a
Me-no'-ka (o.), Me-no'-ka (y.)
Ma-roo' (o.) Ma-ta-ka'-zha (y.)
Mti-na-pa'-che
Ha'-na
Urn-un'-n! (o.), Suk-nak'-fish (y.)
Et-e-ba-pT-shl-lT To'-ba
Urn ma/ he
Un-hok-tiU'-wa
Chose'-tit .
Et-e-ba'-pi-shl-ll
Chu-hla'-ha
E-da/-deh
A-tii'-he
N'-da'-wa
N'-da'-wa
Ne-mis' (o.)
Ne-mish' (o.)
N'-de-ta'-wa
Ne-iuish' (o.) *?,-.»•
Nin din da/ wa
Nio-din-da'-wa .
Ne-de-ge'-ko
Nin-din-da/~wa,»
Nin-din-da'-wa
Nee de-gT-ko
Nin-din-da-wa'
N' din7 da wa'
N'-din'-da-wa'
N'-da-kwam'
N'-din-da wa'
N'-din-da-wa'
N'-din-da-wa'. .
No relation unless o:
when they are brotl
No relation unless o
when they are siste
Na-tel'-ta-wa
Na-tel'-ta-wa
Ne-t&'-ta-won
Na'-be (o.), Na'-be-a (y.)
Na-ta-nake'
N'-to'-to-kaine
N'-tu-te-me'-skw
N'-tu-te-mees'-kw.,..
N'-tul'-mu
N'-ko-kwa'
Sahn
Neet-koh-'-kw'
Nain-na-wase' (o. ) , Nain-hise-se-mus/
[(y-)
Sa-da'-za (o.), Sa-da'-za-ya'-za (y.)
Set-dez'-a-a-ze (o.)» Sa'-re (y.)
Sa'-che (o.), Sa-chith' (y.)
Su-thu-i
Ka-o'-wa
Ang-a-yuk-cha'
48 May, 1870.
378
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — 'Continued.
234. Brother-in law.
My husband's brother.
Translation.
2.).1. Brother-in law.
ily Ulster's husband.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
2.J6. Brother-in-law.
Sly sister's husband.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My brother-in-law.
U 11
tl (
it f
f I
I I
1 t
I t
( (
if {
it 1
ii t
if 1
ft i
ft {
II (
II i
II i
II 1
II II
ii i<
tf il
it it
it it
ii a
it ft
tt it
tl a
li ii
ft if
My present occupant.
My brother-iu-law.
if ti
My husband.
ti tt
My brother-in-law.
tt ft
it a
it ti
u tt
tt t
ti t
it t
. it t
it t
tt t
ft t
it i
it t
tt it
tt ti
it it
u ti
tt it
u it
ti it
II II
II fl
II tf
li If
II fl
It It
If II
" " [in-law.
My bro. iu-law& son-
My brother-in-law.
tt it
ti it
u ii
u it
u . it
u 11
u ii
u it
ii tt
My brother-in-law.
ti it
« ti
« K
a tt
t< ti
tt tt
tt it
it (t
tt tt
tt tt
<t ti
ft ft
if ti
tt tt
ti tt
tt t
tt t
it i
it t
ti t
it t
u tt
tt it
ti tt
tt tt
it ti
it tt
tt ti
it ^
n ti
it tt
tt it
My son-in-law
It it
tl tl
My brother-in-law.
(t tt
a u
1C fl
My old friend.
My brother-in-law.
if tt
it if
ft it
ft t
t< t
ff t
i t
t t
i i
t i
t t
t t
it tt
tt tt
it it
u it
ti ft
t* ft
ft it
ft tf
ft if
it it
ft ii
ft it
if ft
it u
it it
ti ti
ft ft
it tf
it ft
ft it
ft ti
Ha-ya'-o
My bro. -in-law.
if tt
tt tf
fi it
ft <t
ft tt
ft tt
if ti
it u
fi ti
it ti
u ft
tf it
it fi
ti it
ft tt
tf it
ft ft
ft it
tf it
tt u
fi it
it ti
ti u
tt ti
it tt
it it
ti it
" " [pant.
My present occu-
My bro. -in-law.
tt it
My husband.
My bro. -in-law.
ti tt
tt t
ti t
ft i
tt t
if f
ff f
ft f .
If If
ii f
f f
f t
f f
f f
f f
i ii
f it
f if
if tt
ft tt
ti tf
ft if
t ii
f it
t ft
t it
f t
t t
t t
t t
t t
t i
t it
t ti
ft ft
tf it
Ha-ya'-ho
Uh-ge'^ali'-ne'^o
Ha-ya'-ho
Un-ga' le a-ha
Ack-gaw'-no-ah.... v
La-go-ha'-kwa
Un-ja'-jo-ha
Ah-zha'-kii
Ah-zlia'-kn
She-chay'
Ta-han'
Hhe-chay/
Ta-hnh'
She-cha'
Ta-ha'
She-cha'
She-oha'
Ta-ha'
She-cha'
She-cha'
Ta-ha' . .
She-cha'
Ta-ha'
She-cha'
Ta-ha'
She-cha'
She-cha'
Ta-hnh'.. .
She-cha'
Me-hii'-ga
Ta-ha'-huh
We-she'-eh
We-she'-a
We-ta'-ha
We-she'-ii
Hee-she'-kS
Hee-she'-ka
Hin-she'-ka
Hin-she'-k&
Be-she'-ka
Be-ta'-ha
Be-she'-ka
We-she'-ka
We-ta'-ha
We-she'-kii
E-she'-ga
E-chun'
E-she'-ga..*
Wo-wa'-ke-a
Ma-na'-te ... ...
Ma-na'-zha
Um-a'-lok
Um-a'-lok
Um-a'-lak
Um-a'-lak
Um-a-lak'-o-sl
Urn-a'-lak
Un-ka'-wa
An-sda-dng'-hl
Au-sda-lau'-sl
E-na-duh'-hl
Aw-sa-dlun'-hi
Ta-kfi-tnk-u
Koos-tow'-et-su
Ta-ku-tuk-fi *
Tow-a'-ra
Kuh-ta'-wa-suh *
Nee-tim'
Kuh-ta'-wa suh
Nee-tim'
Nl'-uim
Ni-ta
Ne'-nim
Ne-ta'
Ne-ta/
Ne-nim'
Ne-ta'
Ne-nim'
Ne-ta/.
Ne-lim-wa'
Ne-ta-wa'
Ne-lim-wa'
Ne-lim-wft'
Ne-ta-wa'
Ne-lim-wa'
Ne-ta-wa'
Ne-le-mwa'
Ne-ta-wa'
Ne-le-mwa'
Ne-ta- w a'
Ne-le-mwa/
Ne-ta-wa'
Na-nim'
Na-tow' ..
Ne-tum'
Ne-to'
Ne-nem-wi'
Ne-lim-wa'
N'-ta-kwa
Ne-lim-wa'
Ne-ta'-be
Ne-ah'-a.
Ne-ta'-be
N'-to'-to-yome
Nis-ta/-mo .
Ne-to'-to-yome
Nis-ta'-mo.
Ne-ln-miis'
Nu-mak'-tem
Ne-num'
N'-da-oh-k'
Nee-luin'
Noh'-taij'-kw' ...
Na-nee-lim'
Na-na-donkue'
Sa'-ga
Sa'-ca..
Sa-ten'-a-ba-che-la
Sa'-ga.. ..
Set-shi'-ya
Sa'-o-ga
Langh
I/lnch
Su-thu-i
Sahn . ..
Is-saV-t&m
Ist-sasht'. .
E-sas-tan'
En-p«-noke'
Ta-ta'-wa-be
Kash-kat
Tii-ta'- \vil- lit1
Ub-so
Ay-e-ga
Ka-ki-ah-si-a-ra
Ning-a-u-ga
Ning-a-ou/-gwa
T A/ ua
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
379
TABLE II. — Continued.
257. Brother-in-law.
My wife's brother.
Translation.
258. My wife's sinter'*
husband.
Translation.
2o9. My husband's sister's
husband.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
10
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
30
37
38
3!)
40
41
42
4.!
44
45
48
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
02
03
04
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
My brother-in-law.
u t(
tt it
u a
it t
n i
ft i
a i
u i
a i
u i
it i
tt t
u i
n t
u i
tt t
t i
i t
t t
i t
t i
I U
t It
I tt
t tt
I It
My little br.-in-law.
ti U ft
It tt It
My little separator.
My brother-in-law.
tt u
Male marriage rela-
[tive.
My brother-in-law.
a n
tt tt
u it
My old friend.
My brother-iu-law.
(1 4
(( (
tt t
tf f
( t
t t
I It
{ «
t (
I t
tt t
It I
It tt
t (t
t I
t t
( (
t t
I t
I tl
t tl
t tf
t tt
t ((
tt tt
It tl
tt It
tl (C
a it
tt tt
it tt
tt n
Not related.
tt
y
n
u
ti
it
n
My brother-in-law.
My hrother.
My brother-iu-law.
— it u
tt it
tt tt
tt it
u tt
tt u
My e. or y. brother.
My elder brother.
tt it it
My e. or y. brother.
My e. bro. if married
and y. if married
first.
My relative.
My little separator.
My brother-in-law.
tt it
Not related,
u tt
My brother-in-law.
ft tt
My step-brother.
it ft
tt tt
My brother.
My brother-in-law.
Not related,
ft tt
Not related.
«t tf
tt tt
tt tf
(t it
tt tt
tt (t
tt tt
My bro. -in-law.
My brother.
My bro. -in-law.
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
tt ft
tt ft
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
My brother.
My relative.
My pre. occupant.
My bro. -iii-law.
tt tt
My husband.
Not related.
tt tt
tt tt
My bro. -in-law.
My step-brother.
tt tt
u tt
Not related.
My bro. -in-law.
Not related.
tt tt
tt «i
tt ft
My bro.-in-law.
My elder brother.
Not related.
tf tt
tt ft
My bro.-in-law.
tt if
My friend.
My elder brother.
My bro -in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
U'-ja'-jo-ha
Ta-han'
Ta-han'
Tii-huh'
Che-a'(o.)jMe-soh-ka/(y.)
Ta-ha'
Che-a'(o.), Me-soh'-ka(y.)
She-cha'..
Ta-ha'
Ta-ha'
Ta-ha'
She-cha'.. ..
Ta-ha'
Ta ha'
Ta-hii'
Ta-ha'
Ta-ha'
Ta-ha'.
Tii-ha'
Ta-ha'..
She-cha'
Me-ta'-ha
Me-ta'-ha
Ta-hii'-huh
[ga
Wee-she'-tha or Wee-son'-
We-ta'-ha
We-ta'-ha
Heen-ta'-ha
He-she'-ka
Heen-tii'-ha
Be-ta'-bii
Be-zhe'-yeh or Be-sun'-ga
*E-ne. bE-sunk'
Be-shex-ka
We-ta'-ha
E-chun'
Mii'-zhe
Um-a-lak'-o-si
Un-ka-piV che
Au-sda-law'-sT
S!-da-ua'-lun
Ga-yii-loh'-si
Sa-toot-ka-ku
Ga-va-loh'-sih
Tii-koot-scoo-rus
La-kfi'-tuk-S,
Neese-tow'
jNI'-ta
Nl'-tii
Nt^nira
Ne-che-ke'-wa-ze
Ne-tii'
Ne-ka'-na
Ne-ta'
N'-da-wa'-ma
Ne-ta'
Ne-ta'
Ne-ta
A-mii-ka
Em-ma'-ka .
Em-ma'-ka
Em-ma'-ka
Ne-ta'-wa
Mas-sa-wik
My brother.
Not related.
My brother-in-law.
Not related.
My brother-in-law.
tt tt
tt ti
My friend.
My elder brother.
My brother-in-law.
My brother-in-law.
Na-tow'
Na-nfi.'
Na-to'
Wa-si-na-ma-ka
Ne-ta-kwa'
Nis'-ta-mo
Ne-ah' a..
Nis-ta-molr'-ko
Nis'-ta-mo
Nu-mak-tem'
Nit-chus'
Nit-chus'
Nu-ma'-ku-tem
N'-da-oh-k'
Norr-tan'-kw'. ..
Na-na-donkue'
Sa'-ga
Kun'-dig-eh
Sa'-ga
Ha-thon-a-ga-gech-el-che
Ang-a-jor-no-ra (o.), Nu-
[ha-or-no-ra (7.)
Sahti
Ist-sasht'
Au/-wi-ta-atl
Al-kash-kat
Tii-ta'-wa-le
Noo-ly-a-ma-ttn-ya'
Sa-ki-at-si-a-ra
Shuk-i-a'-ga
380
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY A X D AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
260. Sister-in-law.
My wife's sbter.
Translation.
261. Sister-in-law.
My husband's sister.
Translation.
JtjJ. Sister-in-law. My brother's
wire. (Male speakiiig.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
to
56
57
U
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Ka-ya'-o
My sister-in-law.
K u
« «
« ti
tf it
tt tt
tt ((
(C «f
it tt
(( t<
it tt
ti it
tt ti
tt tt
ti tt
tt tt
a n
it tt
tt a
tt tt
it ft
tt tf
n tt
ft tt
tf tt
My wife.
tt tt
My sister-in-law.
u n
tt u
tt u
tt ft
t< tt
My wife.
tt if
n t<
My sister-in-law,
tt tt
tt t<
tt tt
ft tt
ti it
tt <t
tt tt
tt ii
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
tt it
« ft
tt ft
ft it
My wife.
My sister-in-law,
it it
fi tt
ft it
ti u
ti t*
it (t
ft tt
tf u
. tt u
ft t
ft t
ft t
ii t
tt i
if t
tt ii
a it
u tt
tt it
41 ft
Ah-ge^a-h'-ne^o
My sister-in-law,
tt u
it tt
tt tf
ft tt
ft tt
tt it
ft ti
tt tt
tt it
tt it
fi it
it it
tf tt
tt it
rt ft
tf l(
ff ff
tf ft
tt 1*
tf U
tt ff
Ah-ge^ah'-ne-ah
My sister-in-law.
ft tt
tt ti
it K
it it
u fi
ft ft
tt tt
ti it
u tt
ft it
ft it
tt it
ti ft
ti tt
tt ft
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
f! ff
ff ff
tf tt
tf ff
fi ft
My wife.
My sister-in-law.
ti u
it tf
it u
tt tt
it it
tc tt
My wife.
tt ti
My sister-in-law.
(t tt
it ft
ft ft
it tt
ft tt
tt ft
ft tt
ft tt
tt it
tf it
it it
tf it
(t tt
tt tt
tt ti
ft tt
U tt
tt tt
tt it
tt it
tt fi
tt it
tt tt
tt (t
ft tt
tt tt
ft ft
ft tt
tt tt
ti tt
ft tt
ti tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tf
ti ti
ii tt
Uh-ge - ah'-ne - o
Uh-ge~ah/ ne-a
Ah-ge-ah'-yeh
Un-f£e^ah'-le'"a
Un-ga-le-ya'-ha
Un-ga-le-ya'-ba
Yack-gaw'-we-ri-o'-ah
Uh-go-ha'-kwa
Ah-go-ha'-kwa
O-iu-da'-wait
Ha n Va'
E-cha'-pan
Han-ka/
Ha' ka
E-sha/-pa
llii-kii'
Wa' ka
E-sha'-pa
E-sha'-pa
Wii'-kii
Ha'-ka
Ha'-ka
Hun'-ka
S'-cha'-pa...
Hun'-ka
Han-ka'
S'-cha'-pa...
Hun-kii'
Ha ka'
E-sa'-pa
Ha-kii'
Ha-ka'
Scka'-pa
Ha-ka'
Ma-ha-ca'
Ma-ha'-ga
We-hun'-ga
She-ka'
We-hun'-ga
We-she-ka'
We-hun'-ga
Hiin'-ea .
Hee-she'-ka
Hun'-ga
Han'-ga
Hin-she'-ka
Hiin'-ga
Be-ha'-ga
Be-she'-kSl
Be-ha'-ga
We-hun'-ka
We-«he'-ka
II ff
ft ff
If tt
It ff
If ff
ff ft
ft ff
tf ff
ff ff
If ff
ff II
It ff
ff ff
If If
ff ff
ff tt
tt tt
It tt
It tt
ff ff
II If
fi ff
ff ff
ff ff
tf ff
II ff
ff ff
If If
II ff
ft ff
ff ff
ff ff
ft ff
ff ft
ff (f
ff ff
ff ff
If ff
If tf
If ff
ff If
U fi
ff 41
ff f f
ff If
tf ff
If ff
tf ff
ft II
tf (t
We-hun'-ka
E ynn'-ga
Ma-too'
Ma-ta-ra-we'-a
Boo-a-ka'
Moo'-a
Ba-koo'-a
Moo'-a-ka
Sup'-o
Snh-hai'-yS,
Um-a-lak'-o-sl
Suh'-po
Sa-hi'-ya
Um-a-lak'-o-sl
Utn-a-lak'-o-si
Sa-hi'-ya
Clm-liu'-cho-wii
Au-sda-lT-gT
Ah-ke-tso'-hl
Ah-ge-tso'-hT
Ta'-te-luk-tuk-d'
Ta'-te-luk-tuk-tt
Cha'-pot
Sko'-dus ,
Na'-te-na-ta-koo'
Na-te-na-ta-koo'
Nee-tim'
Nee-tim'
N'-da'-koa^e
Nee-tim'
Ni'-nim
Ni'-nim
Ne-nim'
Ne-nim'
N'-dan-ewS/
Ne-nim'
N'-dan-gwa'
Ne-ninv'
Ne-nim'
Ne-lim-wa'
Ne-Hm-wa'
Ne-lim-wa'
Ne-lim-wa'
Ne-lim-wa' .
Ne-le-mwa'.
N'-da'-kwa-si-ma'
N'-da'-kwa-sa-voa'
Ne-le-mwa'
Ne-nim'-wa
Na-da'-kwa
Ne-nim'-wa
Na-nim'
Na-tsem' . .
Ne-nem-wa' ..
Ne-liin-wa'
NR to'
Ne-tim'
Ne-tim'
N'-do'-to-ke-mau'
N'-do'-to-ke-tnan'
Ne-to'-to-yome
Nea'-lu-mtia
Nee-nnm'
N7-da-oh-k'
Nee-lam'
Na-nee-lim'
Na-nee-lim'
Sa'-ga
Ra'-ffa
Sa'-ga
Sa'-i?a
Set'-ao
Set'-SO
Sng-gingh
Sa-thn-igh
Su-thu-ii^h
Is-sas'-tain
En-pe-noke'
E-sas-tnn'
Pa-ven-e-benk
K-ilt-sin
Na-ka-ma-noo-ly-ang-a. ...
Noo-ly-a-uia-no-ka
Sa-ki-ah-ai-a-ra
I-e'-ga
Shuk-e-a'-g^ ..
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
381
TABLE II. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
263. Sister-in-law. My brother's
wife. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
264. My husband's brother's
wife.
Translation.
2G5. My -wife's brother's
wife.
Translation.
My sister-in-law.
a n
it It
<t if
a ti
(( ((
u u
n tt
n U
n u
(( it
u n
ft it
it it
ti tt
n tt
it tt
it tt
tt it
u it
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
My young woman.
My sister-in-law.
tf tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tl
" « lative.
My fern, marriage re-
My sister-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
a tt
it tt
u n
it it
tt n
tt it
it it
it tt
tt it
tt u
It tt
tt tt
tt tl
tt tt
it tt
tt It
tt If
tl tt
it (1
tl It
tl It
tl It
tl tt
tl tl
11 tt
It tt
tt It
It tt
tt It
tt 11
It U
It tt
It It
My sis. & da.-iu-law.
Not related.
n it
tt tt
it tt
it it
it it
it tt
tt it
My sister-in-law.
u u
it it
ft u
tt it
u tt
tt it
it it
Not related.
My sister-in-law.
Not related.
tt it
My elder or younger
[sister.
My sister.
My comrade.
My relative.
My present occupant.
My sister-in-law.
u n
Not related.
u it
tt tt
it ti
it ti
My sister-in-law.
My step-sister,
it *«
« it
Not related.
<t <f
tt <t
K tt
H it
u it
My elder sister.
ff tt tt
Not related.
<t ft
tt it
My sister-in-law.
ft <t
tt tt
My friend.
My elder sister.
My sister-in-law,
tt tt
Not related.
« n
i a
( «
( it
i it
t tt
t tt
My sister-in-law,
(i (
tt t
tt t
tt t
it i
it i
it tt
Not related.
My grandmother.
Not related.
it it
My sister-in-law.
My sister.
My comrade.
My relative.
Present occupant.
.My sister-in-law.
" " [relative
My male marriage
Not related.
ff ff
ff ff
My sister-in-law.
My step-sister
it ft
tt ft
« tt
tf tt
Not related.
tt tt
tt ft
tf tt
tt f<
tt ft
My elder sister.
Not related.
ti it
tt n
My sister-in-law.
tt tt
tt ft
My friend.
My elder sister.
My sister-in-law.
ft »
Al 1 '
E-cha-pan'-she
Han-ka/
Ha-ka'
E-slia'-pa
Wa'-ka
E-sha'-pa
Ha'-ka
S'cha'-pa
S'cha'-pa
Hun'-ka
S'cha'-pa
Han-ka'
E-sa'-pa
Ha-ka'
Ha.kax
She-kit'
We-she'-ka
Wee'-ka
We-she-ka'
He-she'-ka
Hf-she'-ka
Be-sho'-wa or Be-tun'-ga.
Me-wi'-huh-ha
We-she'-ka
K-she-gun'
Ma-too'
Bos-me'-a-kuu-is-ta
Suh-hai'-ya . .
Sii-hi'-ya
Chu-hu/-cho-wa
Au-sda-ll'-iu
K-na-duh'-hT
E-na-duh'-hl
E-na-duh'-hT
Kee-rut-koo'-rns-tak
Sko'-dus
Ni n-dan'-gwe
Nt'-nim
Niii-<ion'-gwa
Niu-diin-i;\va'
Nin-de-gi'-ko
N'-dan-sjwa'
N'-da-gi'-ko
N'-iiiiu-gwa'
N'-da-wa-ma'
N'-diin-gwa'
Nin-jii-kwa'
Nin-ja-kwa' .
Nii-da-kwa
Na-sa'-tna ...
Wa-a'-che-uk
Nat'h-a ina' ....
Wa-si-na-ma-ka
Nii-to' or Ne-ta'-be
0-mis'
Nee-mis'
Nee-mis'
Nit-chus'
Na-tii'-kw'
N'-da-oh-k'
Ne-ta'-wis
Nain-ne-la'-kon
Sa'-ga
Sa'-da
Sa'-ga
Sa'-o-ga
Su-thu-igh
In-is-cha'-oo
E-at-sin
Gi-ca
U-ku-a-ra
Ang-a-jos-no-ra (o.), Nu-
[ka-or-no-ra (y.)
Oo-koo-ii'-gii
382
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE II. — Continued.
266. Widow.
Translation,
207. Widower.
Translation.
268. Twins.
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Go-no-kwa'-yes-ha'-ah....
Widow.
a
•
(i
it
it
tt
(<
it
H
1C
H
H
It,
tt
It
tf
tt
tt
tt
tl
it
Her man dead.
ti it (i
a tt tt
A mourner.
Wi.iow.
u
Without a husband.
Widow.
M
H
it
tt
U
u
tt
tt
tt
tl
tl
tl
tt
tt
tl
tl
tt
tt
tl
tl
d
H
H
tl
11
tl
tl
U
tt
11
tl
tt
Ho-no-kwa'-yes-ha-ah ....
Widower.
tt
tt
ti
it
tt
»
u
tl
tt
tt
tt
tt
It
tt
tt
tl
Wife dead.
Widower.
u
tt
Woman dead to him.
tt « u
it 11 tt
A mourner.
Widower.
u
Without a wife.
Widower.
H
tt
U
It
tt
tl
tl
U
tl
u
u
u
tt
tl
a
tt
tt
tt
u
tl
tl
tl
tt
tl
tl
tl
It
It
u
11
u
tl
It
Ta-geek'-ha
Twins.
It
11
It
tt
It
It
It
Attached navels.
U (I
tl It
tt u
tt tl
It
Twins.
>t
H
tl
It
U
11
It
tl
n
tl
Double men.
Twius.
ti
u
li
tt
it
Two hearts,
tt
tt
Twins.
Two hearts.
«
tf
it
it
Twins.
it
tf
it
tl
It
t
I
t
t
I
11
ft
My twin brothers.
Twin*.
ti
ii
tl
It
tl
tl
tl
U
U
It
It
Cha-kpa'-pe
Chek-pa'
Chak-pa/-pe
Wa-wa'-ze-cha'-we-ah
We-wa'-ze-cha'-we-ah
We-cha'-we-wa'-ze-chSi ...
Chake'-pa
Chek-pa'
We-ta'-zhe-no
Chek-pa/
We-ta'-zhe-na
Ta-zhe-na-ha
Ta-ka'-te-a-go
She'-pa
Wa-the-ha'-zhe
Nome-ba'-ak-da
He-nn'-ta-ke'-cha
No-wa'-ta
Wa-cho-ne-ka-ket-so
Ko-bo'-ro-ta
No-po;-ta
Noh-'-kS,
Doots-ka'
Natch'-ka
I-hat-ak Il-li
O-ho'-yo In-il'-ll
I-hat-ak Il-li
O-ho'-yo In-il'-li
A-tak'-un-ai Il-li
E-ho'-yo-im-ai 1 1 '-IT
Ha-tak-luk'-lo
O'-ve
O'-ye
Pok-tuV-ke
Dl-ni-la'-w!
Da-ne-h'la'-wih
Kaw-ka-ha-la-lik-a
See-kow'
See-kowf
Ta-la'-ke
Ta-ra'
She-gow7
Zhl'-gab
Zhl'-g&b [111
She-ga. bZha-ga-wid Ik-w6
She-ga'-kwa
She'-ga. bZha-ga'-wid I-iii-
She-ga'
She-ga/ ...
She-ga' ...
ShK-ga/
She-ga' ...
Che-kom-wa'-ke
Chick-sa'-ke
Chick-sa'-ke
Chick-sa'-ke
She-ka'-wis
She-ka'-wfi,
Me-ta'-suk
Shi-ka-wi-wa
Sho-ka-wi-wa'
Es-ta'-ke
Sa-ka'-we-ta
Sa-ka'-we-ta ....
Ah-ke-he'-tha
A-ne'-na Wa-ke'-wit
Se-gtts'-kw'
Se-gu-5p'.
Se-ka-kwa'-wa
Se-ka'-wa
Kwiis-wuk'
Kot-hoo'
Sa-go'-kwa
Sa;-ko ..
Ja-kwe'-ba-te-no-la
Ja-n a-u '-ch a-k we-e-la
Est-whetMe
Na'-ka-ten-e-a'-za.. .
Slu-el'-lumt
Slu-el'-lumt
Snas'-sal
La-pe-wat'
Ta-wats'-la-pe-wat'
Wa'-b'ats
Mai-dlu-li-at
We-got'-tfi
Nu-le-uk'-to ..
PART III.
CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIOMIIP.-CONTINUED.
TURANIAN AND MALAYAN FAMILIES.
WITH A TABLE.
(383)
CHAPTER I.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE TURANIAN FAMILY.
Turanian Family as newly constituted, consists principally of three Asiatic Stocks — The People speaking the Dravi-
dian Language — The People speaking the Gaura Language — And the Chinese — I. Dravidian Nations — Highest
Type of the Turanian System found amongst them — They still possess their Original Domestic Institutions. 1. Tamil
— Tamilian System the Standard — Its General Characteristics — Lineal and First Collateral Lines — Diagrams —
Marriage Relationships — Second Collateral Line — Diagrams — Marriage Relationships — Other Collateral Lines —
Diagrams — Tamilian System substantially identical with that of the Seneca-Iroquois — Importance of this Dis-
covery— The Tamil People salnte by Kin — Evidences of the Antiquity of the System — Its Ability to perpetuate
itself. 2. Teliigu System — Indicative Relationships — It agrees with the Tamilian. 3. Canarese — Indicative Re-
lationships— It agrees with the Tamilian — Further Evidence of the Antiquity of the Turanian System — Pre-
sumptively the same System prevails in the six remaining Dravidian Dialects — A Domestic Institution — One of
the Oldest Institutions of the Human Family.
IN Max M Ciller's Genealogical Table of the Turanian family of languages, the
Ugrian and Turkish dialects form a part of its northern division, and the Malayan
a part of its southern.1 It has been seen that it was found necessary, using their
system of relationship as the basis of classification, to remove the former from th.3
Turanian connection, and to organize them into an independent family, the Uralian ;
and, for the same reasons, it will hereafter be found necessary to detach the
Malayan, and to place them also in the position of an independent family. Of the
remaining dialects of the northern division, the Mongolian and Tungusian are not
represented in the Table; and but a small portion of those belonging to the
southern. So material an innovation upon the Turanian family, as formerly consti-
tuted, has not been made without hesitation and solicitude. A comparison, how-
ever, of the systems of relationship of the nations herein classified as Turanian,
with the systems of the other families of mankind, will disclose ample reasons to
justify the proposed classification upon the basis assumed. The sufficiency of this
basis, as of any other, must be accepted or rejected upon its merits. It so happens
that the most remarkable and distinctive system of consanguinity and affinity yet
discovered in Asia prevails in a portion of the old Turanian family, and also
amongst a number of other nations hitherto excluded from that connection. The
quarter in which it is found seemed sufficiently commanding after the Ugrian and
Turkish stocks had been removed, to carry with it the Turanian name. Whether
there is a sufficient foundation for the proposed innovations can Le better deter-
mined after the systems of relationship of the Turanian nations, which are herein
classified as such, have been presented and considered.
The four principal Asiatic stocks comprised in the Turanian family, as newly
constituted, are the people of South India, who speak the Dravidian language, and
number upwards of thirty millions; the people of North India, who speak the
1 Science of Language, pp. 397, 398.
49 April, 1870.
386 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Gaura language, and number upwards of one hundred millions; the Chinese, who
are supposed to number upwards of three hundred millions; and the Japanese, who
are included provisionally, numbering about thirty millions. Of the systems of
relationship of these great branches, that of the first is the highest and most per-
fectly developed, and the Tamilian form of this system will be taken as the standard
or typical form of the Turanian family. The admission into this family of the people
speaking the Gaura language, the present speech of the Brahmins, will excite some
surprise. Their system of relationship is classificatory. Although it falls in some
respects below the Tamilian, the variance seems to be explainable by Sanskritic in-
fluence, the system itself being still Turanian in the greater part of its radical cha-
racteristics. The restoration of the northern branch of the great Hindu stem to a
connection with the southern, in the same family is in accordance with philological
evidence, notwithstanding the intrusion of Aryan elements in excessive measure into
the materials of the Gaura language. With respect to the Chinese, whose introduc-
tion into this family will seem still more novel and extraordinary, the reasons
drawn from their system of relationship are equally decisive. Aside from the
barrier interposed by the differences between a monosyllabic al and an agglutinated
language, such an affiliation was to have been expected on general ethnological
grounds, rather than assumed to be impossible. As thus constituted the Turanian
family numbers upwards of four hundred and fifty millions of people, and is, there-
fore, much the largest, numerically, of all the families of mankind.
Dravidian Language. 1. Tamil. 2. Telugu. 3. Canarese (and 4. Malayalam.
5. Tulu. 6. Tuda. 7. Kota. 8. Gond. 9. Ku; not in the Table).
The highest type of the Turanian system of relationship, as before remarked, is
found amongst the people of South India, who speak the Dravidian language.1
Five of its nine dialects are cultivated, namely, the Tamil, Telugu, Canarese, Ma-
layalam, and Tulu. The system of relationship of the first three, fully and minutely
presented, will be found in the Table. The people, to a very great extent, are still
unmixed in blood, and in possession of their original domestic institutions. Their
position in the southern part of the peninsula of Hindustan, hemmed in on three
sides by an ocean barrier, tends to the inference that they had been forced south-
ward from a more northern location.2 Presumptively they are amongst the oldest,
1 Dr. Caldwell estimates the number of people speaking the several dialects of the Dravidian lan-
guage as follows : —
1. Tamil. . . . 10,000,000 6. Tuda, 1
2. Telugu . . . 14,000,000 7. Kota, j 50Q
3. Cauarese . . . 5,000.000 8. Gond, |
4. Malayalam . . 2,500,000 9. Ku j
5. Tulu . . . 150,000-
Dravidian Comparative Grammar, Intro., p. 9, Lond. Ed., 1856
• "The existence of a distinctively Dravidian element in these aboriginal dialects of Central India
[the Rajmahal and Uraon] being established, the Dravidian race can now be traced as far north as
the banks of the Ganges ; and the supposition (which was deduced from other considerations) that
this race was diffused at an early period throughout India is confirmed. The Brahui, the language
of the Beluchi mountaineers of the khanship of Kelat, enables us to trace the Dravidian race beyond
the Indus to the southern confines of Central Asia. The Brahui language, considered as a whole,
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 387
in the duration of their political existence, of the Asiatic stocks. For these reasons
their system of consanguinity and affinity would be invested with special import-
ance. This importance is greatly enhanced by its extraordinary character.
1. Tamil. The Tamilian system of relationship will be first considered. An
analysis sufficiently complete to develop its fundamental characteristics would be
nearly a literal transcript of that previously given of the system of the Seneca-
Iroquois. For the purpose of comparison, this analysis is given in the subjoined
note, to which reference is made.1
is derived from the same source as the Panjabi and Sindhi, but it unquestionably contains a Dra-
vidian element, an element which has probably been derived from a remnant of the ancient Dra-
vidian race incorporated with the Brahuis. The discovery of this Dravidian element in a language
spoken beyond the Indus proves that Dravidians, like the Aryans, the Grs8co-Scythians, and the
Turco-Mongolians, entered India by the northwestern route." Caldwell's Dravidiau Comp. Gram.
Intr., p. 23.
1 Analysis of the Tamilian System of Relationship : —
I. Relatives by blood or marriage are not described by a combination of the primary terms, but
each and all are so classified as to fall under the recognized relationships, for each of which there is
a special terra. Exceptions elsewhere stated.
II. The several collateral lines are ultimately merged in the lineal line.
III. All the brothers and sisters of my grandfather and of my grandmother are my grandfathers
and grandmothers; but they are distinguished into elder or younger, as they are older or younger
than my own grandparents. All the brothers and sisters of my several ancestors above grand-
parents are distinguished in the same manner, and also numerically, according to the degree of
removal. All of my descendants below grandchildren are also distinguished from each other
numerically.
IV. The relationship of brother and sister is conceived in the twofold form of elder and younger.
There is one term for elder brother, and another for younger brother ; one term for elder sister, and
another for younger sister; and no term for brother or sister in the abstract.
V. All the children of several brothers are brothers and sisters to each other, and they use inter-
changeably the same terms which they apply to an own brother and sister.
VI. All the sons of the sons of several brothers are brothers to each other, and the sons of the
latter are brothers again ; and the same relationship of males, in the male line, continues downward
theoretically, ad infinitum, so long as the persons stand at equal removes from the original brothers ;
but when one is further removed than the other, by a single degree, the rule which turns the col-
lateral into the lineal line at once applies; thus, the son of one of these, my elder or younger
brothers, becomes my son, and the son of the latter my grandson.
VII. All the children of several sisters are brothers and sisters to each other, and the terms of
relationship are applied in the same manner as before stated in the case of the children of several
brothers.
VIII. All the daughters of the daughters of several sisters are sisters to each other; and the
relationship of females, in the female line, continues to be that of sisters, elder or younger, at equal
removes, theoretically, ad infinitum, as in the case of the male descendants of brothers, and with the
same consequences if one of them is further removed than another by a single degree from the original
sisters.
IX. All the children of several brothers, on the one hand, are cousins to all the children of their
several sisters on the other.
X. All the sons of several male cousins, and all the daughters of several female cousins, are them-
selves cousins respectively to each other; and the same relationship of males, in the male line, and
of females, in the female line, continues to be that of cousins at equal removes, theoretically, ad
infinitum.
XI. With Ego a male, the children of my male cousins are my nephews and nieces, and of my
female cousins are my sons and daughters. With Ego a female, the children of my male cousins are
388 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
It is advisable to take up this form in detail, and to trace the circuit of each branch
of the first five collateral lines from the point of their emergence from the lineal
until they are again restored to its descending stream, that we may seize and hold
its distinctive features. As we are now to pass from the American to the Asiatic
continent, and from one family of mankind to another, which families, if in fact
descended from common ancestors, must have been separated for thousands of
my sons and daughters, and of my female cousins are nephews and nieces; and the children of these
nephews and nieces, sons and daughters, are, without distinction, my grandchildren.
XII. All the brothers of my father are my fathers, and they are fathers to each other's children.
In like manner all the sisters of my mother are my mothers, and they are mothers to each other's
children, but distinguished into great and little.
XIII. All the brothers of my mother are my uncles, and my mother is an aunt to the children of
all her brothers. In like manner all the sisters of my father are my aunts, and my father is an uncle
to the children of all his sisters. The relationship of uncle is restricted to the brothers of my
mother, and to the brothers of such other persons as stand to me in the relation of a mother ; and
the relationship of aunt is restricted to iny father's sisters, and to such other persons as stand to my
father in the relation of sisters.
XIV. All the children of my several brothers, Ego a male, are ray sons and daughters; and all
the children of my several sisters are my nephews and nieces.
XV. All the children of my several brothers, Ego a female, are my nephews and nieces; and all
the children of my several sisters are my sons and daughters.
XVI. AH the grandchildren of my several brothers, and of my several sisters, are, without dis-
tinction, my grandchildren, and I apply to them the same terms used to designate my own grand-
children.
XVII. It has been stated in effect, and is now repeated, that all the children of the several brothers
of my father, and all the children of the several sisters of my mother, are my brothers and sisters,
elder or younger, the same as my own brothers and sisters. With Ego a male, all the children of
these several collateral brothers are my sons and daughters, and all the children of these several col-
lateral sisters are my nephews and nieces. With Ego a female, these relationships are respectively
reversed. All the grandchildren of these several collateral brothers and sisters are my grandchildren
without distinction.
XVIII. The principle of discrimination as to relative nearness where the two are equally removed
from the common ancestors appears to be the following : From Ego a male to the children of a male,
and from Ego a female to the children of a female, the relationship of these children to Ego ap-
proaches in the degree of its nearness. But from Ego a male to the children of a female, and from
Ego a female to the children of a male, it recedes. This rule is reversed as to the children of a
male or female cousin.
XIX. As a general consequence the descendants of an original pair cannot, in theory, ever pass
outside the relationship of cousin, which is the most remote collateral relationship recognized, and
the greatest divergence allowed from the lineal line. Hence the bond of consanguinity which can
never, in fact, be broken by lapse of time is not suffered to be broken in principle.
XX. All the wives of these several collateral brothers are my sisters-in-law, or female cousins (the
term used signifying a cousin as well) ; and all the wives of these several male cousins are my younger
sisters.
XXL All the husbands of these several collateral sisters are my brothers-in-law, or male cousins
(the terms being the same for both relationships), and all the husbands of these several female cousins
are my elder or younger brothers, according to relative age.
XXII. All the wires of these several collateral sons, if Ego is a male, are my daughters-in-law
(the term for niece and daughter-in-law being the same); and it Ego is a female, they are my
daughters. All the wives of these several nephews are my daughters, whether Ego is a male or a
female. All the husbands of these several collateral daughters, Ego being a male, are my sons-in-law
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 389
years, it is desirable to go through the system as it now prevails in Turanian
lands, although it may be a close repetition of the Ganowanian form.
The relationships of collateral kindred, in many cases, are very different with
Ego a male from what they are with Ego a female, as was also the fact in the
American Indian system. This characteristic cannot be too distinctly apprehended.
In a family consisting of several brothers and sisters, each having children, these
children stand to the brothers in one relation, and to the sisters in another, of which
the converse is true with respect to the relationships of these brothers and sisters to
each other's children. Collateral brothers and sisters and their children exhibit the
same differences in their relationships. A chart of consanguinity with Ego a male,
which would be true as to each of these brothers and their collateral consanguinei,
would be untrue as to each of these sisters and the same persons also their con-
sanguinei ; and therefore two charts are required for the same group of persons,
one for the males and the other for the females. It introduces diversity of rela-
tionships as well as complexity into the system ; but since these changes are made
in accordance with the established principles of discrimination they are easily
understood and followed.
The lineal line admits of but little diversity, and, therefore, it is substantially the
same under all systems. Ancestors above grandfather and grandmother, to the
third degree in Tamil, are distinguished as second and third grandfather and grand-
mother, e. g., Pddddn, Pudddn, and Muppaddan. Descendants below grandson
are distinguished to the third degree as second and third grandsons and grand-
daughters, e. </., Pei-an, Irandam P£ran, and Mundam Per an. In common
intercourse the first terms only are used. There are also terms for father
and mother, TakMppdn and Tay, and for son and daughter, MdMn and Mahal.
There is no term in the Tamil dialect for brother or sister in the abstract. These
relationships are conceived in the twofold form of elder and younger, and there are
separate terms for each. To all of my brothers and sisters who are older than
myself I apply the respective terms for elder brother and elder sister ; and to those
who are younger than myself the respective terms for younger brother and younger
sister. There are two terms of synonymous import for elder brother, Tdmaiydn and
Annan; two for elder sister, Akkarl and Tamakqy, and two for younger sister,
Tangaichcld and Tangay; and but one term for younger brother, Tambi. It seems
probable that one set of these terms was originally used by the males, and the
other by the females ; but whether so used or otherwise, they are now used indis-
criminately.
In the first collateral line male, with Ego a male, my brother's son and daughter
I call my son and daughter, Mdlcdn and Mdktil. This is the first indicative feature
(the term for son-in-law and nephew being the same) ; and if Ego is a female, then they are my sons.
And all the husbands of these several nieces, whether Ego is a male or female, are my sons.
XXIII. In all of tlje preceding cases the principle of correlative relationship is strictly applied ;
thus, the one I call elder brother, calls me younger brother; the one I call cousin, calls me cousin;
the oae I call nephew, calls me uncle; the one I call son-in-law, calls me father-in-law ; and thus
onward through every recognized relationship. The only exceptions are those to whom the words
"great" and "little" are applied; the one I call great father calls me son.
390 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
of the Tamilian system. My brother's grandchildren are my grandchildren, Pdran
and Pertti. With Ego a female, my brother's son and daughter are my nephew
and niece, Marumakan and Marumakal ; and their children are my grandchildren.
In the same line, female branch, with Ego a male, my sister's son and daughter
are my nephew and niece, Marumakan and Marumakal. This is the second indica-
tive feature. With Ego a female, my sister's son and daughter are my son and
daughter, Makan and Mdkal; and my sister's grandchildren are my grandchildren,
whether Ego be a male or female.
In the diagram Plate X. the lineal and first collateral line, male and female,
are represented with Ego a male. It would require a second diagram to exhibit
the relationships of the same persons to Ego a female ; but the only changes re-
quired would be the substitution of nephew and niece in the place of son and
daughter, and vice-versa. This diagram, and those which follow, are constructed upon
the same plan as those used to illustrate the Seneca-Iroquois system, and the
explanations previously given apply equally to the diagrams of the Tamilian
system.
The marriage relationships in this line are as follows : the wife of my brother's
son, Ego a male, is my daughter-in-law, Marumakal; the wife of my sister's son
is my daughter, Mdkal; the husband of my brother's daughter is my son-in-law,
Marumakan; and of my sister's daughter is my son, Makan. With Ego a female,
these relationships are reversed ; the wife of my brother's son is my daughter, and
of my sister's son is my daughter-in-law ; whilst the husband of my brother's
daughter is my son, and of my sister's daughter is my son-in-law. It will be
observed that the terms for nephew and niece are used for son-in-law and daughter-
in-law as well. This disposes of the first collateral line.
In all of the preceding relationships, as well as in all of those which follow, the
principle of correlative relationship is strictly applied ; the one I call my son calls
me father, the one I call my nephew calls me uncle, the one I call grandfather calls
me grandson, and the one I call my son-in-law calls me father-in law, and so on-
ward through all the recognized relationships.
The principle of classification found in the first collateral line is applied to the
second, third, and each successive collateral, line, as far as the connection of con-
sanguinei can be traced ; that is to say, wherever a brother or sister is found in
either of these lines, and however remote in numerical degrees, their children and
descendants stand in the same relationship to Ego as the children and descendants
of an own brother and sister, as above stated.
• In the second collateral line male, on the father's side, my father's brother I
call my father, Takkappan. This is the third indicative feature. He is also dis-
tinguished as my great or little father, as he is older or younger than my own father,
by prefixing the words Periya or Seriya, which signify great and little. In ordinary
intercourse I call him my father. My father's brother's son and daughter, if older
than myself, are my elder brother and elder sister Tdmaiydn and Akkarl, and if
younger, are my younger brother and younger sister TamU and Tangay. This is
a fourth indicative feature of the Tamilian system. The son and daughter of this
collateral brother, Ego a male, are my son and daughter ; of this collateral sister
OP THE -HUMAN FAMILY. 391
are my nephew and niece ; and the children of these sons and daughters, nephews
and nieces, are, without distinction, my grandchildren. With Ego a female the
former relationships are reversed ; my brother's son and daughter are my nephew
and niece, whilst my sister's son and daughter are my son and daughter. The
children of each are my grandchildren.
My father's sister is my aunt, Altai. This is the fifth indicative feature. My
father's sister's son and daughter are my male and female cousins. For these rela-
tionships there is a double set of terms, Mdittunan and Machchan, with their femi-
nines, Mdittuni and Machchi ; and also Attan for male cousin. The son and
daughter of my male cousin, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece ; and of my
female cousin are my son and daughter. With Ego a female the son and daughter
of my male cousin are my son and daughter, and of my female cousin are my
nephew and niece. The grandchildren of these cousins are severally my grand-
children.
The discrimination of the relationship of cousin is a remarkable fact in the
Tamilian system. It is now found in the systems of but a small portion of the
Turanian family. From the structure and principles of the Turanian system, as
has before been remarked with reference to the Ganowanian, it was predetermined
that when developed this relationship would be applied and restricted to the chil-
dren of a brother and sister.1 It was probably unknown in the primitive system.
In the male branch of the same line, on the mother's side, my mother's brother
is my uncle, Mdmdn. This is a sixth indicative feature. My mother's brother's
son and daughter are my male and female cousins. The children of my male
cousins, Ego a male, are my nephews and nieces ; of my female cousins are my sons
and daughters ; and their children are my grandchildren. With Ego a female the
children of my male cousins are my sons and daughters, and of my female cousins
are my nephews and nieces ; and the children of each are my grandchildren.
It is a little singular that the children of my male cousin, Ego a male, should be
my nephews and nieces, instead of my sons and daughters, and that the children
of my female cousins should be my sons and daughters instead of my nephews and
nieces, as required by the analogies of the system. It is the only particular in
which it differs materially from the Seneca-Iroquois form ; and in this the Seneca
is more in logical accordance with the principles of the system than the Tamilian.
It is difficult to find any explanation of the variance.
My mother's sister is my mother, Tdy. This is the seventh indicative feature.
My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder or younger.
This is the eighth indicative feature. The son and daughter of this collateral
brother, Ego a male, are my son and daughter; of this collateral sister are my
nephew and niece ; and the children of each are my grandchildren. With Ego a
female, the children of my collateral brother are my nephew and niece ; of my col-
lateral sister, are my son and daughter ; and the children of each are my grand-
1 It may be conjectured that .the system of the Hill Tribes of South India, when obtained, will be
found without this relationship ; and that its place is supplied by some ruder form, as that of uncle
and nephew, or father and son.
392 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
children. In this branch of the line on the mother's side, and in the male branch
on the father's side, it will be noticed that the rule of classification established in
the first collateral line is fully applied ; whilst in the other two branches the places
of nephew and son and of niece and daughter are reversed.
Diagram Plate XI. represents the lineal and second collateral line, male and
female, on the father's side ; and Diagram Plate XII. represents the same lines
and branches on the mother's side, with Ego in both cases a male. It would
require two other diagrams to represent the relationships of the same persons to
Ego a female, with changes in the lower horizontal line of figures, where son and
daughter would give place to nephew and niece, and the latter to the former.
The marriage relationships in this line are discriminated with equal particularity.
The wife of my father's brother is my mother, and of my mother's brother is my
aunt ; and the husband of my father's sister is my uncle, and of my mother's sister
is my father. At the next degree, the wives of my several collateral brothers are.
my sisters-in-law, the term used being that for female cousin ; but the wives of my
several male cousins are my younger sisters. In like manner the husbands of my
several collateral sisters are my brothers-in-law, the term used being that for male
cousin ; and the husbands of my several female cousins are my brothers, elder or
younger. Whether the husbands and wives of my several collateral nephews and
nieces stand to me in any recognized relationship does not appear in the Table, as
no questions were introduced into the schedule to determine that question ; but it
is probable that they were embraced within the comprehensive folds of the system.
The four branches of the second collateral line have now been traced from the
point of their emergence from the lineal, first as divergent, then as parallel, and
lastly as convergent, until they were reunited with its descending stream. It is
seen that the descendants of my collateral kindred, after passing beyond a certain
numerical degree, are placed in the same category as my own direct posterity. The
chain of consanguinity has been followed with great particularity, that the artificial
and complicated character of the system might be exhibited, as well as the rigor-
ous precision with which its minute details are adjusted. Nearly all the indicative
features of the system, together with its most important principles of classification
are contained in the first and second collateral lines. In those more remote the
classification is the same as far as the connection of consanguinei can be traced.
With this fact in mind the relationships in the remaining lines will be readily
understood as a descending series.
In the third collateral line male, on the father's side, my grandfather's brother
is my grandfather. This is the ninth indicative feature of the system. He is also
distinguished from my lineal grandfather by prefixing the terms for great or little,
as he is older or younger than my own grandfather. The son of this grandfather
is my father ; his son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder or younger ;
the son of this collateral brother, Ego a male, is my son, and of this collateral
sister is my niece ; and their children are my grandchildren. With Ego a female
the relationships of the children of this collateral brother and sister are reversed.
My grandfather's sister is my grandmother, great or little ; her son and daughter
are my uncle and aunt, and their children are my cousins. The children of my
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 393
male cousins, Ego a male, are my nephews and nieces, of my female cousins are my
sons and daughters, and their children are my grandchildren. With Ego a female,
the changes are as before.
My grandmother's brother is my grandfather ; his son and daughter are my uncle
and aunt, and the children of the latter are my cousins. The descendants of these
cousins stand to me in the same relationships as in the last case.
Lastly, my grandmother's sister is my grandmother; her son and daughter are
my father and mother, and their children are- my brothers and sisters, elder or
younger. The descendants of these collateral brothers and sisters stand to me in
the same relationships as those named in the first branch of this line.
For all practical purposes the lineal and first three collateral lines, which in-
clude the body of our kindred whose relationships are traceable, carries the system
as far as its ordinary use extends. These lines, however, neither exhaust its range,
nor reach the limits of its application. It extends to the fourth, fifth, and even
more remote collateral lines, without any limitation whatever upon its all embrac-
ing character, and without any change in the relationships of collaterals because
of their remoteness in numerical degrees. When the position of any given person,
with reference to Ego, is precisely ascertained, even though found in the twelfth
collateral line, the relationship of such person would be at once determined. He
would fall into one of the great classes found in the lineal and second collateral
lines. In other words, the system is theoretically unlimited.
It will be sufficient to pass through one branch of the fourth and fifth collateral
lines, proceeding from the parent to one only of his or her children, which will
give the following series: .My great-grandfather's brother is my grandfather in the
second degree; his son is my grandfather; the son of the latter is my father, great
or little; his son is my brother, elder or younger; and the son and grandson of this
brother are my son and grandson. In the fifth, my great-great-grandfather's brother
is my grandfather in the third degree ; his son is my grandfather in the second
degree; his son is my grandfather; his son is my father, great or little; the son of
the latter, is my brother, elder or younger ; and his son and grandson are my son
and grandson.
In all of the preceding illustrations the collateral lines are ultimately brought
into the lineal line, which gives the tenth indicative feature of the Tamilian
system.
Diagram Plate XIII. represents the lineal, and second, third, and fourth col-
lateral lines, male and female, on the father's side ; and Diagram Plate XIV. the
same on the mother's side, with £170 in both cases a male. Each line is restricted
to a single person at each degree. The second collateral line, which was shown in
previous diagrams, is retained for comparison with the third and fourth. It wouid
require two others to exhibit the relationships of the same persons to Ego a female,
but the changes, as before, would be limited to persons in the horizontal line of
figures below Ego, and would be the same as indicated with reference to the other
diagrams. The explanations and mode of testing these diagrams are the same as
those previously given with respect to those illustrative of the Seneca-Iroquois sys-
tem. The only failure in the verification will be found when the relationships to
50 April, 1870.
394 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Ego of the children of nis cousins intervene, whereia the true principles of the
system, as elsewhere stated, are contravened.
All of the maternal parts of the Tamilian system of relationship have now been
presented with fulness and particularity. There were reasons for so doing which
reach beyond any importance this form of consanguinity might possess as a local
domestic institution. It is seen to be the same system, in fulness, precision, and
complexity, as well as in radical characteristics, with that which now prevails in
the principal branches of the Ganowanian family. For the purpose of showing
this great fact amongst others, and of making it expressive, the mass of materials
in the several Tables have been accumulated. It is in great part with reference to
the ultimate uses to be made of this fact of identity of system upon the American
and Asiatic continents that such an elaborate presentation of the systems of the
several families of mankind was believed to be necessary.
Several general considerations remain to be noticed. It is apparent from the
foregoing exposition that the Tamilian system proceeds with the utmost regularity,
and that it is coherent, self-sustaining, and harmonious throughout, although it cre-
ates the largest conceivable diversity in the relationships of blood-kindred. As a
plan of consanguinity it is stupendous in form, and complicated in its details, and
seemingly arbitrary and artificial in its structure, when judged by ordinary stan-
dards. The fundamental conceptions upon which it rests are not only clearly
defined, but they are enforced with rigorous precision. From the manner of their
use the primary terms are divested of their strict signification, whence father and
mother cease to convey the idea of progenitors, son and daughter, grandson and
granddaughter that of direct lineal descent from Ego ; and brother and sister that
of birth from common parents, unless we assume the prevalence of a wide-spread
system of intermarriage or cohabitation amongst relatives, which would render
these relationships those which actually existed.
It will be observed, as another prominent feature of the system, that a proper
classification of kindred under it involved an exact knowledge of the degrees of
consanguinity numerically, since the several collateral relationships depend upon
the distance in degree of related persons from the common ancestor. For example,
the collateral brother of Ego, to stand in this relation, must be equally distant with
himself from the common ancestor, the collateral father one degree less, the col-
lateral son one degree further, and the collateral grandson two degrees further
removed. To apply the proper terms with facility and correctness required a
knowledge of the chain of connection as well as of the principles of the system,
and also the certainty of parentage.
There are also three fundamental conceptions embodied in the Tamilian system,
which were previously found in the Ganowanian, which, if they do not form its
basis, contain the principal part of its substance. These are, first, that the children
of own brothers should be brothers and sisters to each other ; that the sons of these
collateral brothers should be brothers again, and the daughters of these collateral
sisters should be sisters again ; and that the same rule should continue downwards
amongst their descendants at equal removes in an infinite series. Second, that the
children of own sisters should, in like manner, be brothers and sisters ; and that
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 395
their descendants at equal degrees, and under the same limitations, should also be
brothers and sisters to each other in a like infinite series. And, third, that the
children of a brother on the one hand, and of his own sister on the other, should
stand to each other in a more remote relationship than that of brother and sister.
If in that of cousin and cousin, then this relationship should continue amongst
their descendants at equal removes, and under like limitations, in a like infinite
series. These provisions are far from constituting the whole of this remarkable
system, but a knowledge of their existence tends lo render it more intelligible.
Finally, two inquiries naturally suggest themselves, of which the first is, What
assurances can be given that this elaborate system of relationship, precisely as
herein detailed, exists at the present moment, in actual practical use, amongst the
people of South India ? And the second is, By what means has such a compli-
cated classification of consanguinei been maintained understandingly amongst the
masses of the people 1 If it holds the rank of a domestic institution, it must be
not only permanently established, and of great antiquity, but there must also be
constantly operating causes by means of which a knowledge of it is both acquired
and preserved. These questions may be properly answered before we present the
Telugu and Canarese forms, which agree essentially with the Tamilian.
The Tamil and Telugu schedules, as given in the Table, were filled out by the
Rev. Ezekiel C. Scudder, of Vellore, South India, a son of the late distinguished
American missionary, Dr. John Scudder, the founder of the Arcot mission. He was
born and raised in India, within the area of the Tamil speech, which thus became
as much his mother tongue as the English. His qualifications as a Tamil scholar,
to work out and verify the minute details of this elaborate system of relationship,
were of the highest order. It was esteemed by the writer a peculiar instance of
good fortune that the verification of the existence as well as of the details of the
Tamilian system, upon the truthfulness of which one of the main results of this
research must hinge, was to rest upon such distinguished authority. It may be
further stated that when his brother, the Rev. Dr. Henry W. Scudder, was in this
country in 1859, 1 obtained from him a synopsis of both the Tamil and Telugu sys-
tems, which he had investigated far enough to ascertain their principal indicative
characteristics, but as he was unable, without native assistance, to furnish its de-
tails, he placed the schedule in the hands of his brother upon his return to India.
Having thus discovered the identity of the Ganowanian and Tamilian systems, it
became a matter of the utmost importance that the latter should be thoroughly
explored, and its structure and principles verified beyond a contingency of doubt.
In addition to the Scudder schedule, I have a second one of the Tamil filled out
very completely by the late Rev. Dr. Miron Winslow, American missionary at
Madras ; and still a third furnished by the Rev. William Tracey, one of the English
missionaries at Madras. The three schedules agree in all particulars which are
fundamental to the system, and thus verify each other ; but as the first was the
most complete in its details, it was inserted in the Table.
The answer to the second question brings to light an unexpected usage, which
is thus found to prevail in two, at least, of the great families of mankind. It has
been shown to be a universal usage in the Ganowanian. family for relatives to
396 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
salute by kin. In familiar, as well as in formal, intercourse they address each
other by the term of relationship, and never by the personal name. It was seen
that this custom contributed powerfully both to the knowledge and maintenance
of the system, for to use it thus it must be understood. That the same usage pre-
vailed in India was a reasonable conjecture ; and if so, it was important that the
fact should be ascertained. In answer to inquiries upon this subject the Rev. E.
Ci Scudder writes : " You ask me first, ' Do the Tamil and Telugu people in familiar
intercourse and in formal salutation address each other, when related, by the term
of relationship or by the personal name, or in both forms.' The younger can
never address the elder relative by the personal name, but always by the term of
relationship, i. e., the son must say father, the younger brother must say elder
brother, and so on throughout. In the case of the elder the matter is left optional.
A father may call his son by his personal name, or by the term of relationship as
he chooses. An elder brother may address a younger brother in the same way.
The rule is, a younger relative cannot address an elder relative by the personal
name ; an elder may. * * * Your question in reference to correlative relationship,
viz., ' Does the one I call elder brother call me younger brother V etc. etc., is covered
by the answer to your first question, I call my elder brother anna only, he calls me
iambi, or by my personal name as he chooses. In this there is no variation."
The diiference between the American Indian and Tamil Indian usages does not
impair the general result, since the necessity for addressing the elder relative by
the term of relationship requires as well as teaches a complete knowledge of the
system. The large number of persons brought by its provisions within the near
relationships intensifies the influence of the custom. It also tends to strengthen
the integrity of the bond of kindred.
2. Telugii. The system of this people agrees with the Tamilian in minute as
well as general particulars, the extent of which will be seen by consulting the
Table. It will, therefore, be unnecessary to do more than state the indicative
relationships, which determine those that follow.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece. The
children of each are my grandchildren.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter. The children of each are 'my
grandchildren.
Third. My father's brother is my father. He is also distinguished as great or
little father, as he is older or younger than my own father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. Her children are my cousins.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. His children are my cousins.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 397
Tenth. The children of my collateral brothers, and of my female cousins, Ego a
male, are my sons and daughters ; and of my collateral sisters, and of my male
cousins, are my sons and daughters ; and the children of each are my grand-
children. In this manner the collateral line is merged in the lineal.
It is impossible to mistake the identity of the Telugu with the Tamilian form,
or to fail of perceiving the same rigorous application of the principles of classifica-
tion. Some changes have occurred in their nomenclatures of relationship in the
lapse of ages ; but the terms, for the most part, are the same words dialectically
changed. The two dialects have been distinct for centuries, and the two systems
independent of each other for the same period of time ; but it is still manifest that
both the system and the terms were derived from the same original source. From
this fact an impression is obtained of the antiquity as well as permanence of the
Turanian system. It is seen to have perpetuated itself, in two independent
channels, from the period when these dialects became distinct ; and that the two
forms, in whatever is radical, are still identical not only but also coincident in
nearly all of their subordinate details.
3. Canarese. Whatever has been said of the Telugu is substantially true with
respect to the Canarese. The three peoples numbering upwards of tw.enty-seven
millions, have subjected the system through force of numbers to an unusual test.
If a system so elaborate in its structure has been able to maintain itself for ages
without material innovation it affords decisive evidence of the vitality of its radi-
cal forms, and of its ability to perpetuate itself through long periods of time. It
will be sufficient for a comparison of the Canarese with the Tamilian system to
present the indicative relationships.
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece.
Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father. He is also distinguished as my great
or little father, as he is older or younger than my own father.
Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt. Her children are my cousins.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle. His children are my cousins.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother. She is also distinguished as great
or little, as .she is older or younger than my own mother.
Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.
Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my own brothers and sisters, of my collateral
brothers and sisters, and of my cousins, are, without distinction, my grandchildren.
The marriage relationships in both Canarese and Telugu are in general agree-
ment with the Tamilian.
Presumptively the same system of relationship prevails amongst the peoples who
speak the six remaining dialects of the Dravidian language. The form, as it now
398 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
exists, amongst the Hill Tribes of South India would be especially interesting,
since it might be found less developed, and consequently nearer the primitive
Turanian form. If any difference exists upon a principal relationship, it will prob-
ably be found to occur in the relationship between the children of a brother and
sister. This relationship of cousin is the last developed in the order of time, and,
as we have seen, is frequently wanting.
The preservation of this system in the three principal dialects of the Dravidian
language since the period of their formation, and through such changes of condi-
tion, attests in a remarkable manner the permanence of the system, and its power
of self-perpetuation. These facts can only be explained by the recognition of the
system as a domestic institution. As such it must be regarded as one of the
oldest existing institutions of the human family.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 399
CHAPTER II.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE TURANIAN FAMILY.— CONTINUED.
Ganra Language of North India — Its Dialects — Grammatical Structure Turanian — Vocabulary mostly Sanskritic —
Gaura System of Relationship — A Ciassiflcatory System. 1. Hindi Form — Explanation in Detail — Original
Characteristics in which it agrees with Polish and Bulgarian — Nomenclature of Relationships — Source of same —
Turanian Characteristics in the System — Absence of Others — Severe Ordeal through which it has Passed. 2.
Bengali Form — Agrees with the Hindi. 3. Gujarlthi Form — Agrees with the Hindi. 4. Marathl Form — It also
agrees with the Hindi — Evidences of the Stability of the System — First Hypothesis : Whether it is an indepen-
dent Variety of the Classificatory System — Second Hypothesis: Whether it was originally Turanian, and modi-
fied under Sanskritic Influences into its present Form — The latter the most satisfactory — Reasons for placing the
Gaura System in the Turaniau Connection.
THE Sanskrit grammarians divided the colloquial languages of India into two
classes, each containing five dialects, of which those of South India were called the
"five Draviras," and those of North India the "five Gauras." Later researches
have led to the correction of this arrangement, which was found to be erroneous
both in classification and in the number of dialects. There are nine dialects, as we
have seen, of the Dravidian language, and there are, also, seven of the Gaura. The
latter are the Hindi, with its daughter the Hindustani, the Bengali, the Uriya, the
Panjabi, the Marathi, the Gujarathi, and the Sindhi. To these Dr. Caldwell pro-
poses to add the Cashmirian, and the language of Nipal.1
In their formation the dialects of the Gaura language have a history somewhat
remarkable. When the Sanskrit branch of the Aryan family entered India they
found the countries bordering the Indus and the Ganges in the possession of rude
aboriginal tribes, speaking a language or dialects of a language radically different
from their own, and probably exceeding them several times in number. These
tribes, whose dialects may have originated the present dialects of North India,
were conquered by the Sanskrit speaking invaders. As conquerors they imposed
upon the aborigines their religious system, their laws, and to some extent their
usages and customs ; and by the device of caste they further sought to keep them-
selves forever pure and unmixed in blood, whilst they retained the natives of the
country in a position of political and social inferiority. But the former failed to
wrest from the latter the grammatical structure of their language along with their
civil liberties. In the final result the grammatical forms of the aboriginal speech
conquered the polished and cultivated Sanskrit, and gave its own structure to the
new dialects, which were destined to become the vernacular idioms of both invaders
and invaded. The Sanskrit, in the course of time, became a dead language, and
was superseded throughout North India by the Gaura speech.
1 Dravidian Comp. Gram. Intro., p. 27.
400 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
In the formation of the Hindi and Bengali, and other dialects of this language,
by the joint contributions of two radically distinct languages, a remarkable illus-
tration is afforded of the results of an ethnic struggle between two dissimilar peoples
for the mastery of the common speech. The preponderance of numbers, or of the
blood, in such cases, usually carries with it the grammatical structure, and confers
it upon the resulting language. In the present case the Sanskrit element over-
whelmed and enveloped the primitive speech so completely, and impressed its
character upon it in so many particulars, that these dialects are still placed in the
Aryan family of languages ; although by the true criterion of classification, that of
grammatical structure, they are not admissible into this connection. Their voca-
bles are in the extraordinary disproportions of ninety per centum of Sanskrit to ten
per centum of aboriginal words, with the exception of the Marathi, which is estimated
to contain ninety-five per centum of the former against five per centum of the latter.1
This ratio is without a parallel in cases where the grammatical forms followed
tl 3 minority of the vocables. It is explained, to some extent, by the opulence in
vocables of the highly developed Sanskrit, and a corresponding scantiness of the
same, for want of development, in the aboriginal tongues. Since grammatical
structure must determine the classification, the source and proportion of the voca-
bles are immaterial. Upon the manner of the formation of these dialects, which is
a matter of theory, some difference of opinion exists among oriental scholars ; but
upon the question of their grammatical structure they generally concur in repre-
senting it to be that of the aboriginal speech. Dr. Stevenson supposes " that the
North India vernaculars have been derived from the Sanscrit, not so much from
the natural process of corruption and disintegration, as through the overmastering
remoulding power of the un-Sanscrit element which is contained in them ;" and
Dr. Caldwell observes that " the grammatical structure of the spoken idioms of
Northern India was from the first, and always continued to be, in the main
Scythian [using this term generically], and the change which took place when
Sanscrit acquired the predominance, as the Aryans gradually extended their con-
quests and their colonies, was rather a change of vocabulary than of grammar, a
change not so much in arrangement and vital spirit as in the materiel of the
language."2 These statements are so specific and rest upon such competent
authority as to leave no doubt upon the principal question. This fact, also, must
be received as conclusive evidence that the aborigines exceeded their conquerers
in numbers. Under the operation of the law of caste the blood of the Aryans has,
in the main, continued unmixed to the present day ; but the two stocks have
become one people, notwithstanding, by diffusion of blood, as well as by a common
1 Dravidian Comp. Gram. Intro., p. 38.
• Ib. Intro., p. 38. The context is as follows: " Nevertheless, as the grammatical structure of
the Scythian tongues possesses peculiar stability and persistency ; and as the Pre-Aryan tribes, who
were probably more numerous than the Aryans, were not annihilated, but only reduced to a depen-
dent position, and eventually, in most instances, incorporated in the Aryan community, the large
Sanscrit addition which the Scythian vernaculars received, would not alter their essential structure,
or deprive them of the power of influencing and assimilating the speech of the conquering race. Ac-
cording to this theory the grammatical structure of the Spokane idioms," &c., as" above.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 401
language, and a common civilization, with a preponderance of the blood from
aboriginal veins. If this be true, the novel spectacle is presented of a conquering
and cultivated people of the Aryan lineage forced to yield their language to a
people whom they had subjugated, and to become transferred linguistically to an
inferior family.
Several interesting questions are presented by the system of consanguinity and
affinity of the people speaking the Gaura language, the most important of which
is, whether or not it is Turanian. It is certainly not Sanskritic. With the excep-
tion of three, and perhaps four, terms of relationship, the nomenclature is drawn
exclusively from the Sanskrit. It has the apparel of the system of consanguinity
of the latter people without its form, and the question is whether its form, origi-
nally Turanian, has been modified by Sanskritic influences, or whether it was origi-
nally a system differing from both. The weight of the evidence is in favor of the
first hypothesis. Where two radically different languages become consolidated by
natural processes into one resulting language it does not follow that the system of
relationship would be imposed by the people who contributed the great body of
the vocables ; but, on the contrary, it would be more apt to be furnished by the one
that conferred the grammar, since the grammatical structure of the newly developed
language would represent the preponderance of the blood. It has before been
shown that the Sanskrit system of relationship is descriptive. The Gaura system
is classificatory. And although it is much less elaborate and discriminating than
the Turanian, it embodies several of its fundamental conceptions, and perhaps it
may be satisfactorily explained as originally Turanian, but modified into its present
form by the overpowering influence of the Sanskrit element arrayed against it.
In the Table will be found the Hindi, the Bengali, the Gujarathi, and the Mara-
thi, exhibiting fully and minutely the system of relationship which now prevails
amongst the people speaking these dialects. They are the most important of the
nine idioms, and, without doubt, these schedules exhibit substantially the form
which prevails in the five remaining dialects. To illustrate fully the Gaura system,
the others need examination, since each may retain some one or more features of
the original system which the others have yielded, and thus from all together the
original form might be satisfactorily ascertained. A sufficient number of the radical
features of the Turanian system are present, taken in connection with the history
of these dialects, to render extremely probable its Turanian origin.
Gaura System of Eelationship. 1. Hindi. 2. Bengali. 3. Gujarathi. 4.
Marathi.
It will be sufficient to present the Gaura system as it now exists among the
people speaking one of these dialects. But inasmuch as its characteristics can
neither be shown by means of the indicative relationships, nor by indicating the
points of difference between it and the Tamilian, it will be necessary to take it up
with some degree of detail. After the system has been once explained, the points
of agreement and of difference between it and the systems which are found in the
other dialects can be readily shown.
1. Hindi. The Hindi will be adopted as the standard form of the Gaura system
of relationship. The four schedules, however, are in such full agreement with each
51 April, 1870.
402 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
other that either might have been taken for the same purpose. This schedule was
filled out by the Rev. James L. Scott, of Futtehgurh, North India, a missionary of
the American Presbyterian Board.1 The care with which it was executed is shown
by his letter, which is appended in a note as a verification of the work.2 This
system is specially interesting because it seems to embody the history and the
results of a conflict between the descriptive and the classificatory forms, which are
the opposites of each other in their fundamental conceptions.
The first noticeable feature of the Hindi system appears in the fraternal and
sororal relationships. Their conception in the twofold form of elder and younger,
which is the rule rather than the exception amongst Asiatic nations, gives place to
1 I cannot mention the name of this distinguished scholar without improving the same moment to
acknowledge my great obligations to him for his courtesy, and for the very efficient aid which he has
rendered me in India in procuring material for the illustration of my subject. Beside working out
the Hindi system, I am indebted to him for procuring the Marathi, the Gujarathi, the Canarese, and
one of the Tamil schedules. He also endeavored to obtain for me the system of the people of NTpal,
of the Assamese, and of the Malays. Without his friendly co-operation the materials for illustrating
the systems of consanguinity of the Asiatic nations would have been quite insufficient. If these lines
should ever meet the eyes of my friend in his distant field of labor, I trust he will regard them as
but a faint expression of my grateful appreciation of his friendship. A person at all familiar with
the excessive and exhausting labors of the American missionaries, in the enervating climate of India,
will understand the measure of the obligation imposed, by the voluntary assumption on their part
of additional labor, in the interests of science.
FtJTTEHGCRH, April 30, 1860.
1 MY DEAR SIR: It has given me much pleasure to fill the schedule which you have sent, and I
now return it, having done the best I could to make it accurate. I have gone over it two or three
times in company with a maulwi, a moushee, a pundit, and one or two others, besides having had
the assistance of an elderly female whom I found skilled in relationships. I have besides had it
revised by a friend of mine, assisted by his pundit, who pronounced it correct. Under these circum-
stances I may be allowed to express the hope that no mistake has been made, and that you may
depend upon the accuracy of the Table.
The language which I have used is the Hindi. Had I used the Urdu, which is the language in-
troduced by the Mussulmen conquerors of India, the system would have been substantially the same,
with here and there a Persian instead of a Hindi term. The explanation of this I suppose is, that
the Mussulmen have, in the main, adopted the Hindi system. The Hindi language is, I am per-
suaded, the one in which it was the most important that the schedule should be prepared. It is the
language of the great mass of the people, and is derived immediately from the Sanskrit. Hence it
represents the system of relationship adopted by the Aryan race, who are shown by affinities of lan-
guage to be the same race as our own.
And yet I see that their system of relationship is, in some points, strikingly similar to that which
you have found among the American Indians, and which is represented as existing among the abori-
gines of Southern India. I hope you will be able to explain how this has happened.
The Hindi language is spoken with slight variation over a large portion of Northern India, and I
should expect to find that the same system of relationship prevails in the Punjaub or the Mahratta
country, and in Bengal, the languages of these countries being only different dialects, all looking up
to the Sanskrit as their common parent.
The system of notation which I have used is that adopted by Sir William Jones, and extensively
used in this country. By attending to the directions I have given, you will, I think, have no difficulty
in reading it. Wishing you every success in your investigations,
I remain, dear sir, yours sincerely,
J. L. SCOTT.
To L. H. MORGAN, Esq., Rochester, New York.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 403
a different form — to descriptive phrases in the place of original terms — which
recognize a difference in relationship, but without expressing it in the concrete. In
the Hindi an elder brother is described as bara bhai, greater brother, and younger
brother as chota bJiai, lesser brother ; and elder and younger sister by the feminine
form of these terms. An explanation of this form appears to be found in the Ben-
gali, in which a younger brother calls his oldest brother burro dada, the next to
the oldest majo dada, third shejo dada, and the fourth mono dada, whilst the oldest
brother calls the youngest by his personal name. Sisters are distinguished from
each other in the same manner. Whether the youngest brother and sister are dis-
tinguished by descriptive phrases to be used at the option of the speaker does not
appear. As a method of discriminating these relationships, it is radically different
from the Tamilian. In the Marathi, however, the regular form is found, namely,
agraz, elder brother; agraza, elder sister; anuz, younger brother; and awarza,
younger sister. But we have words from the same root in the Sanskrit system of
relationship previously given, namely, agrajar, elder brother ; agrajri, elder sister ;
am u jar, younger brother; and amujri, younger sister. Whether these terms were
indigenous in the Marathi dialect, and were borrowed thence into the Sanskrit, or
were derived from pure Sanskrit roots, I am unable to state. From the absence of
this method of discriminating the fraternal and sororal relationships in the Aryan
family, and its general prevalence among the non-Aryan Asiatic nations, the pre-
sumption would be strongly in favor of their origin in the aboriginal language.
Another peculiarity in the Gaura system is the absence of any difference in the
relationships of the same persons with a change of the sex of Ego. This striking
feature of the Turanian system, and which produces its principal diversities, has
been entirely eradicated from the Gaura form, if it ever formed a part of its
structure. The terms used, however, are sometimes different.
In the first collateral line male, in the Hindi system, my brother's son and
daughter are my nephew and niece, Bhatija and Bhanji, and their children are my
grandchildren, Pota and Poll.
In the female branch my sister's son and daughter are my nephew and niece,
but different terms are used. Bhauja and Bhanji with Ego a male, and Bahinauta
and Baldnauii, with Ego a female. The children of each are my grandchildren.
The wives of these several nephews are my daughters-in-law, and the husbands
of these several nieces are my sons-in-law ; but these relationships are qualified by
prefixing the terms for nephew and niece, to indicate the precise manner of the
connection, e.g., Batij Damad, nephew-son-in-law. The recognized relationship is
seen to be Turanian, but the qualification, as well as the terms, are Sanskritic.
In the second collateral line my father's brother is my uncle, ChacJid. This is
one of the few terms in the nomenclature which is not Sanskritic but aboriginal.
The Vaisyas often use Tdu, and the Kshatriyas Ddu in its place. If the Sudras
also used the latter term, it would at least suggest the probability that it was the
aboriginal term for father, which was retained as an appellative for father's brother
after the Sanskrit pita had become substituted to distinguish an own father. In
addition to the term Chachd, which expresses the recognized relationship, he is
also called, by courtesy, " great" or " little" father, as he is older or younger than
404 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the real father, which, as we have seen, is the Tamilian form. At the next degree
the most remarkable feature of the Hindi system is found. My father's brother's
son and daughter are my brother and sister, Bhai and Bahin, the terms being the
same as those applied to an own brother and sister. But there is still another
form of expressing these relationships, of which the counterpart is found in the
Polish and Bulgarian. They are described by the phrase, Chachera Bahi, and
CJiacheri Bahin, literally " paternal uncle brother," and " paternal uncle sister," or
" brother through paternal uncle," and " sister through paternal uncle." In the Polish
we have Styj paternal uncle, Stryjeczna J3ra<-brother through paternal uncle, and
Stryjeczna Siostra-sistej: through paternal uncle. The two forms, both as to relation-
ship and method of expressing it, are the same. If a parallel is run between the
Hindi and Polish systems, the coincidences will be found to be sufficiently
remarkable to challenge inquiry concerning the probable Gaura origin of the Sla-
vonic form. But to proceed, the children of these collateral brothers and sisters
are my nephews and nieces, discriminated from each other as in the first collateral
line, and their children are my grandchildren.
My father's sister is my aunt, Plmplii. This term is also aboriginal. Her son
and daughter are my brother and sister, but they are also distinguished as a brother
through paternal aunt, Phuphera Bhai, and sister through paternal aunt, Phupheri
Bahin. The children of these collateral brothers and sisters are my nephews and
nieces, and their children are my grandchildren.
My mother's brother is my uncle, Mamu. This term is probably aboriginal,
although Mr. Scott suggests a Sanskrit derivation. His son and daughter are my
brother and sister. They are also distinguished as Mamera Bdliai and Mameri
Bahin, as in the previous cases. The children of these collateral brothers and
sisters are my nephews and nieces, and their children are my grandchildren.
In the remaining branch of this line my mother's sister is my aunt, Mausi.
This term is from the Sanskrit Matri Susi, and has nearly the signification of mother.
To the extent in which it carries this meaning it is used in accordance with the
Turanian system, and tends to restore the other term for aunt to its primitive and
restricted application. Her children are my brothers and sisters. They are also
distinguished as Mauseta Bhai, brother through maternal aunt, and Manseti Bahin,
sister through maternal aunt. The children of this collateral brother and sister are
my nephews and nieces, and the children of the latter are my grandchildren.
The wives of these several collateral brothers are my sisters-in-law, and the hus-
bands of these several collateral sisters are my brothers-in-law. In these marriage
relationships the Hindi agrees substantially with the Tamilian form.
With respect to the remaining collateral lines they can be sufficiently shown by-
taking a single branch of each. In the third, my grandfather's brother is my
grandfather, Dada. His son is my paternal uncle, Chachd ; the son of this uncle
is my brother, his son is my nephew, and the son of the latter is my grandson. In
like manner, in the fourth, my great grandfather's brother is my great grandfather,
Pardada ; his son is my grandfather, Dada, and the son of the latter is my
paternal uncle, CJiachd. The son of this uncle is my brother, his son is my
nephew, and the son of the latter is my grandson. The fifth collateral line is also
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
405
extended in the Table, and gives the following series : Sardada, Pardada, Dada,
Chachd, BJiai, Bhatija, and Pota.
It now remains to examine the source of the nomenclature of relationships, and
to indicate the principal points of agreement and of disagreement between the
Hindi and the Turanian systems.
The Rev. Mr. Scott has furnished me with a table showing the derivation of the
several terms, together with his observations upon the same, which will be found
in the note.1 It is quite remarkable how completely the Sanskritic have displaced
HINDI TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP WITH THEIE SANSKRIT ORIGINALS.
Terms.
Hindi.
Sanskrit.
Remarks.
1. Father ....
Pita, b Bap
Pita. b Baba
2. Mother ....
Ma. b Mata. b Amma
Mata. b Amba
3. Son
Beta (
,
No connection with Sanskrit ;
4. Daughter .
Beti |
must be original words.
5. Grandson .
Pota
Pota
6. Brother. . . .
Bhai
Bhrata
In Hindi the r often falls out, as
krishn — kishn ; and the i is a
Hindi termination.
t. Sister ....
Bahin
Bhagni
Bahin is the shortening of bhdi In.
8. Sister-in-law . .
Bhawaj
Bhratra jayd
Bhratra becomes bhd; the j is the
radical j of jaya, wife ; wa is
a connecting link.
9. Son-in-law
Damad
lamtri
10. Daughter-in-law .
Bahi'i
Badhii
The d is easily dropped.
11. Grandfather . .
Diida
Must be Sanskrit ; a natural word.
12. Husband . . .
Admi. b Pat
Pat (master)
AAdmi is Arabic, meaning man,
son of Abram.
13. Wife ....
Jarii
«_»__^
Hindi jor, join, from Sanskrit
jukt, joined.
14. Father-in-law . .
Sasur
Sasur
15. Mother-in-law
Siis
Sas
10. Widow ....
Rand
Rand
It. Widower . . .
Bidwa
Bidwa
18. Father's brother .
Chacha
Not Sanskrit. The Vaishyas
often say tae'e, and the Chatrias
daee', neither of which is San-
skrit.
19. Mother's brother .
M;lmu
Matul ?
Evidently from ma.
20. Father's sister
Phuplul
Not Sanskrit.
21. Mother's sister .
Mausi
Matri siisi
Matr,= mother.
22. Brother's son . .
Bhatija
Bhratra ja
Born of a brother : a man's or a
woman's brother's son.
23. Sister's son (m.s.)
Bhauja. b Bhauija
Bhagni ja
Born of a sister. (A man's sister's
son.)
24. Sister's son (f. s.)
Bahenauta
Bhagneya
Born of a sister. (A woman's sis-
ter's son.)
" From the foregoing table it appears tliat all these words, and they include I believe all the
terms of relationship, are derived from the Sanskrit, except three, viz., Beta, Chachd, and Phuphd.
I think I am safe in saying that these are not, and that the probability is they are original.
"I think Caldwell's explanation of the sources of the Hindi, and its cognate dialects exceedingly
ingenious and probable. I believe that most of our low caste people are of aboriginal descent, and
4()6 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the aboriginal terms ; and the fact is rendered still more extraordinary by the pre-
sumption that the native idioms were opulent in terms of relationship, however
scant in other vocables. Out of twenty-two radical terms in the nomenclature,
exclusive of Tau, Mr. Scott was able to recognize but three of undoubted origin
in the aboriginal speech. To these it is suggested that Mdmu, maternal uncle,
should probably be added, which, aside from the difficulty of deriving it from the
Sanskrit Matul, may prove to be from the same root as Mamdn of the Tamil,
Mama, of the Bengali, and Mara, of the Canarese dialect, for the same relation-
ship. Four of the indicative features of the Turanian system are involved in the
relationship of the father's and mother's brothers and sisters. The presence of
aboriginal terms for one, and perhaps two of these relationships, and the qualifica-
tions which attach to the other two reveal distinct traces of the Turanian system.
We must suppose that the principal point of controversy between the Aryan and
Turanian or aboriginal form was upon the classification of kindred. Upon the
assumption of the existence of marriage between single pairs, the former was true
to the nature of descents, whilst the latter was false in respect to it in more than
half of its provisions. If the latter system was originally true to the nature of
descents through compound marriages or a custom of wide-spread cohabitation
amongst relatives, and it had survived the epoch in which society had extricated
itself from this condition, and had reached the marriage relation between single
pairs, the system itself would have been vulnerable upon this part of the classifica-
tion. The reasons for calling a father's brother a father, and a mother's sister a
mother ; and also for a man calling his brother's son his son, and a woman calling
her sister's son her son could not be defended (the causes justifying this classification
having disappeared), when it was resisted and questioned by a portion of the people
speaking the same language and desiring a common system. And yet the surrender
of the Turanian and the adoption of the Aryan system, or the reverse, would not be
expected, but rather a modification of both into one resulting system. Such appears
to have been the issue of the conflict between the two antagonistic forms. Traces
of compromise are seen throughout its details. The principal points in which it
has been influenced from each source may be briefly stated as follows.
In the first place the Hindi system is classificatory. Consanguinei are arranged
in an arbitrary manner under a few principal relationships, or into a limited num-
ber of great classes, without regard, in most cases, to nearness or remoteness in
degree, or to the obvious divergence of the streams of the blood. This is distinct-
ively Turanian.
Secondly. The son of a man's brother becomes his nephew instead of his son ;
and as if to mark the falsity of the Turanian classification, the Sanskrit term em-
it is not surprising that they have moulded the Sanskrit, into what we now find it in Hindi, with an
infusion of 'words of their own.
" On the question whether the system of consanguinity has followed that of the Aryan, or of the
original race, I am not able to judge. From the Table it will be manifest that the words have been
mostly taken from the Sanskrit, with a small element from the original language. This, however, is
what might have been expected. The aboriginal system may have remained notwithstanding."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 407
ployed signifies "born of a brother." This modification obliterates two of the
indicative features of the Turanian system. It is also extended to the second and
more remote collateral lines, in which the sons of collateral brothers become nephews
and nieces instead of sons and daughters.
Thirdly. The children of two or more brothers continue to be brothers and
sisters to each other, notwithstanding the falsity of the classification under the
principles of the Aryan system. This is equally true with respect to the children
of two or more sisters. It is also a Turanian characteristic, and would give two of
the indicative features of the latter system but for the admission of the children of
a brother and sister into the same relationships. The Sanskrit also intervenes again
at this point, and discriminates these collateral brothers from each other, as well as
from own brothers, by the phrases "brother through paternal uncle," brother
through paternal aunt," without making it the exclusive form.
Fourthly. The brotherhood of consanguine! in a perpetual series, which is one
of the striking .characteristics of the Turanian system, is also preserved. For ex-
ample, the sons of brothers are brothers to each other, the sons of the latter are
brothers again, and the same relationship continues downward indefinitely among
their descendants at equal removes from the common ancestor. The same is equally
true of the children of two sisters, and of the children of a brother-and sister.
Fifthly. The several collateral lines are ultimately merged in the lineal line, so
that the posterity of my collateral consanguine! are placed in the same category
with my own posterity. This is also a Turanian characteristic.
Sixthly. In the ascending series, the collateral lines are not allowed to become
detached from the lineal. None of the brothers, for example, of my several ances-
tors above father could fall without the relationship of grandfather. Grandfather,
uncle, brother, nephew, and grandson mark the external boundaries of the system,
within which all of a person's consanguinei, near and remote, were embraced.
This is another and a marked characteristic of the Turanian system.
Seventhly. The relationships of uncle and aunt, applied to the mother's brother
and the father's sister are Turanian in form ; and although the force of these rela-
tionships is weakened by placing the father's brother and the mother's sister in the
same relationships, thus tending to obliterate two other indicative features of the
former system, yet there are special circumstances leading to the supposition that
they were modifications from the Aryan source imperfectly STippressing the original
form, as to the latter, whilst the former remained unchanged.
Lastly. The marriage relationships are Turanian.
The ability of the original system to resist the powerful influence of the language
and form of consanguinity of the Aryan invaders, and retain, with so small a part
of its nomenclature, so many of its aboriginal features, is to be ascribed to its
internal vigor and resisting force, supported as it was by a majority of the people.
If the modifications introduced from Sanskrit sources could be separated, and the
displaced parts restored, there might still be some question whether the system
thus reproduced was Turanian, or an independent form, although the former sup-
position is much the most probable. It cannot, in any event, be classed with the
descriptive systems of the Aryan, Semitic, or Uralian families. But as there are
408 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
three distinct varieties of the classificatory form, the Turanian, Malayan, and Es-
kimo, so there may be still others among the remaining Asiatic nations. However
this may be, it can be confidently affirmed that no other form of consanguinity
given in the Tables has been subjected to such an ordeal as that now under con-
sideration. Its preservation as a classificatory system, possessed of so many Tura-
nian characteristics, against the pressure brought to bear upon it by the superior
intelligence and cultivation of the Sanskrit colonists, to whom its provisions must
have been exceedingly offensive, is a striking confirmation of the persistency of
the fundamental conceptions upon which it rests.
With respect to the identity of a portion of the Hindi system of relationship
with the corresponding part of the Polish and Bulgarian, the supposition of acci-
dental coincidence is not so convincing as to repress speculation. It may be con-
jectured, with some degree of plausibility, that after the Sanskrit branch of the
Aryan family had become incorporated with the native tribes beyond the Indus,
their blood undoubtedly going downward through the masses, whether that of the
latter penetrated their ranks or otherwise, and after the new vernaculars, and the
new system of relationship had commenced their formation, a portion of this amal-
gamated stock broke off and emigrated westward, carrying with them the system
as it then existed, and becoming, in the course of time, the Slavonic branch of the
Aryan family.
2. Bengali. This form follows the Hindi so closely, both in its nomenclature,
and in its classification of persons, that it does not require a notice in detail. The
schedule was prepared by the late Rev. Gopenath Nundy, a Bengalese by birth, and a
missionary of the American Presbyterian Board, stationed at Futtehpore, North
India. It was executed with care and precision. His letter to the author, which
presents the essential parts of the system, and contains some valuable information,
will be found entire to the note.1 Some of his answers, however, need qualifica-
tion.
FCTTEHPORE, NORTHERN INDIA, July 26, 1860.
1 DEAR Sia : I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your printed letter, and some
printed forms, which were forwarded by Rev. J. C. Lowrie, Secretary of the A. B. of Foreign Mis-
sions, requesting me to fill up the printed forms, and to answer your letter, which I herewith beg
to do.
By reading over all the printed papers I find that there is a great likeness and similarity in rela-
tionships between the Indian nations of North America, and the nations of this country. When I
say nations of this country I do not mean the Mohamedans, but the Hindus, who are the original
natives of India. They are called by different names, such as Toybunguis (People of South India),
Marhatos, Hindustanies, Bengalies, &c. &c. They all have pretty much the same religion, and in
most parts agree in their relationships. I, as a Bengali, born and brought up in Calcutta, speak
from my own experience and knowledge when I say there is a great similarity in the various degrees
of consanguinity between the Indian nations of North America and the natives of this country, as
the answers to your questions will show. How they came to agree I cannot understand, for there
must have been some sort of communication with each other.
Now I will answer [the propositions resulting from an analysis of the system of relationship] as
they stand in your printed letter, page 4.
" I. All the brothers and sisters of a man's grandfather, and of his grandmother, and all his
ancestors above grandfather and grandmother, together with all their brothers and sisters, are equally
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 409
It appears that there are two terms for paternal uncle, Ja'ta when older than my
father, and Khoro when younger, which give to these terms the signification of
elder and younger paternal uncle. His son is my brother. He is also distinguished
as in Hindi as my brother through this uncle, Jatoto Bhrata, and Khortoto Bhrata.
My father's sister is my aunt, Pishi; my mother's brother is my uncle, Mama; and
his grandfathers and grandmothers. Some of the nations discriminate among them as second and
third grandfathers, &c., but practically, they are all grandfathers and grandmothers. There are no
great uncles or great aunts, as with us."
We also call them all grandfathers and grandmothers, as a matter of courtesy.
" II. All the brothers of a father are equally fathers to his children, and he is a father to the
children of all his brothers. In like manner, all the sisters of a mother are equally mothers to her
children, and she is a mother to the children of all her sisters. These are not uncles and aunts,
nephews and nieces, as with us."
We call them Jdta and Khoro (uncles). Jala is the elder brother, and Khoro is the younger
brother of a father. But as a matter of courtesy they are called elder and younger fathers. The
sister of a mother, whether elder or younger, is called Mashi (Mash, aunt-mother). The children
of a mother to her sister are, if male, Bonpo, and if female, Bonjhi, nephew and niece.
" III. On the contrary, all the brothers of a mother are uncles to her children, and all the sisters
of a father are aunts to his children, as with us; so that of the father's brothers and sisters, and of
the mother's brothers and sisters, the mother's brothers and the father's sisters are the true and the
only uncles and aunts recognized under this system."
All the brothers of a mother are called Mama, equivalent to uncle ; and all the sisters of a father
are called Pishi, aunt.
" IV. There is one term for elder brother; another for younger brother ; one term for elder sister,
and another for younger sister; and no term either for brother or sister, except in the plural number.
These separate terms are not applied to the oldest or the youngest specifically, but to each and all,
who are older or younger than the person speaking."
The younger calls their oldest brother Burro Dada, next to him Mojo Dada, third, Shejo Dada,
and fourth, None Dada, but elder call their younger brothers by name. In the same way sisters are
called Burro Didy (eldest sister) ; Mojo Didy (second) ; Shejo Didy (third) ; Nono Didy (fourth),
and so on ; but elder sister calls her younger brothers and sisters by name. All brothers and
sisters, whether older or younger, also call each other by the general name Bhrata (brother), and
Bhogny (sister).
" V. All the children of several brothers are brothers and sisters to each other, and all the children
of several sisters are brothers and sisters to each other, and they use, in each case, the respective
terms for elder and younger brother, and for elder and younger sister, the same as in the case of own
brothers and sisters. Whilst all the children of brothers on the one hand, and of sisters on the other,
are cousins to each other, as with us. To this last rule there are exceptions. When you cross from
one sex to the other, the degree of relationship is farther removed."
As a general rule they are called brothers and sisters to each other, and the same with the children
of sisters. But when required to particularize, the former (i. e., the children of my father's brother)
are called Jatoto Bhrata, and Jatoto Bhogny, or Khortoto Bhrata, and Khortoto Bhogny, according
to their birth ; and the latter (i. e., the children of my mother's sisters) Mashtoto Bhrata, and Mash-
toto Bhogny.
"VI. All the sons of a man's brothers, as before stated, are his sons; so that all the grandsons of
a man's brothers are his grandsons. The sons of a man's sisters are his nephews, but the grandsons
of a man's sisters are his grandsons. In the next collateral line the son of a man's female cousin is
his nephew, and the son of this nephew is grandson."
The grandson of a man's brothers are his Pautra (grandsons), and the granddaughters his grand-
daughters, Pautry. According to Bengali usage, the sons of a man's sisters are called Bhagna
(nephews), and the grandsons of a man's sisters are also grandsons to him. In the next collateral
52 April, 1870.
410 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
my mother's sister is my aunt, Mausi = aunt-mother. All of these terms but the
last are from the aboriginal speech ; and they seem to indicate that the true uncle
and aunt, as in the Tamilian form, were the mother's brother, and the father's
sister, and that the other are but qualified forms of the previous relationships of
father and mother.
A comparison of the Bengali with the Hindi form shows that they are in full
agreement with each other, with slight deviations, in their minute details ; and
that the terms of relationship are the same words dialectically changed. If the
Gaura speech was divided into its present dialects at the epoch of the Sanskrit
colonization of India, then the modifications of the original system, under Sans-
kritic influences, have taken the same precise direction in each dialect ; thereby
illustrating the uniformity of the operation of intellectual and moral causes in its
formation. On the other hand, if the present system antedates the formation of
these dialects it is a not less significant attestation of the permanency of the system
line, the son of a man's female cousin (here his sister) is his Bhagua (nephew) ; the grandson of this
female cousin is also a grandson to him.
" VII. All the grandsons of brothers are brothers to each other, and the same of all the grandsons
of sisters, while all the grandsons of brothers on the one hand, and of sisters on the other, are
cousins; and the same relationship continues to the remotest generation in each case, so long as
these persons stand in the same degree of nearness to the original brothers and sisters. But when
one is farther removed than the other, by a single degree, the rule which changes the collateral line
into the lineal at once applies; thus the son of one cousin becomes a nephew to the other cousin, and
the son of this nephew a grandson. In like manner the son of one brother becomes a son to the
other brother, and the son of this son a grandson."
Among us they are also called brothers to each other, and the same with the grandsons of sisters.
And so also all the grandsons of brothers on the one hand, and of sisters on the other, are called
brothers ; and the same relationships continue to the remotest generations.
"VIII. Consequently the descendants of brothers and sisters, or of an original pair, could not, in
theory, ever pass beyond the degree of cousin, that being the most remote degree of relationship
recognized, and the greatest divergence allowed from the lineal line. Hence the bond of consan-
guinity which can never, in fact, be broken by lapse of time, was not, as a fundamental idea of the
Indian system, suffered to be broken in principle."
It is exactly the same among us.
"IX. All the wives of these several brothers, without discrimination, and all the wives of these
several male cousins, are interchangeably sisters-in-law to the brothers and cousins of their respective
husbands; and all the husbands of these several sisters, without distinction, and of these several
female cousins, are in like manner brothers-in-law to the sisters and cousins of their respective wives.
All the wives of these several sons and nephews are daughters-in-law alike, to the fathers and
mothers, uncles and aunts of their respective husbands; and all the husbands of these several daugh-
ters and nieces are sons-in-law alike to the fathers and mothers, uncles and aunts of their respective
wives.
" This system, which, from its complexity and unlikencss to our own, is embarrassing to us, is yet
perfectly natural and readily applied by the Indian, to whom any other than this is entirely
unknown."
It is substantially the same among us.
* * *,* * * * * * * *
I believe I have answered all your inquiries. Should you need any further information, I shall be
happy to give it. I remain yours very truly,
GOPENATH NUNDY.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 411
through centuries of time, demonstrated by its preservation in such a number of
independent channels.
3. Gujarathi. This system is also in full and and minute agreement with the
Hindi and Bengali, as will be seen by consulting the Table. It is chiefly interest-
ing as confirmatory of the truthfulness of the latter ; and for the additional testi-
mony which it furnishes of the stability of the system in its present condition.
The features in which it deviates from, as well as those in which it agrees with the
Tamilian are also constant in the Gujarathi.
4. Marathi. The same remarks that have been made with reference to the last
form are equally true of the Marathi. There are but two particulars in which
there is any noticeable difference between the Marathi and those previously
explained. The first consists in the presence and use of special terms in the
Marathi system, for elder and younger brother, and for elder and younger sister,
which have before been considered ; and the other of the absence of the Polish
method of distinguishing the children of uncles and aunts. The failure to adopt
this method tends to confirm the inference of the Sanskritic origin of this method
of Discrimination. For a further knowledge of this form, reference is made to the
Table.
From the foregoing exposition of the Gaura system of relationship a definite
impression of its present characteristics has been obtained. The form which pre-
vails in the five remaining dialects must be ascertained and compared with those
given before the question of the true position of the Gaura system can be fully
determined. Presumptively the same form prevails in all of the dialects ; but at
the same time if the original system were the same as the Tamilian, other traces
than those already found may still exist in the unrepresented dialects. There are
two hypotheses, as before intimated, with reference to this system, each of which
has some basis of probability. First, that it is an independent variety of the
classificatory system, and has remained unchanged, in its radical features, since the
advent in India of the Sanskrit stock ; or, Second, that it was originally Turanian
of the Tamilian type, and has been modified to the extent of losing several of its
radical characteristics under the long-continued pressure of Sanskritic influence.
Upon the first hypothesis, in addition to what has previously been stated, it may
be remarked that it would exclude all influence from Sanskrit sources upon its
formation. If adopted, we must suppose that they voluntarily abandoned their
own descriptive system and accepted, in its place, the form of a barbarous people,
contenting themselves with the substitution of their own terms of relationship in
the place of the aboriginal. Upon the second, which is much the strongest
hypothesis, it may be said, first of all, that the system is un-Sanskritic, and, therefore,
must have taken its origin without the Aryan family. Secondly, that when the
two peoples became united, two radically different systems of consanguinity were
brought into collision, and held in antagonistic relations until a new system was
constructed. Thirdly, that the resulting system would represent in the source of
its several parts the amount of influence each was able to impress upon it. Lastly,
That the Sanskritic influence would be directed with greater force against the
412 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
objectionable parts of the aboriginal system which they sought to eradicate. It is
certain that the indigenous form held the mastery to the end, and that it yielded
the very features, and no others, that would be most offensive to Sanskritic tastes.
For these and other reasons the latter hypothesis is the most satisfactory.
There seemed, therefore, to be sufficient reasons for placing the Gaura system in
the Turanian connection.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 413
CHAPTER III.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE TURANIAN FAMILY— CONTINUED.
1. Chinese — Antiquity of the Chinese Nation — Immobility of their Civilization — Its tendency to arrest Changes
in their Domestic Institutions — Their System of Relationship — Fully Exhibited in the Table — Classificatory in
Character— Possesses a number of Turanian Characteristics — The System consists of Two Parts— First, the Terms
of Relationship — Second, Qualifying Terms to distinguish the Branches — In the last respect it differs from all
other Forms — This part evidently Supplemented by Scholars — The " Nine Grades of Relations" — Elaborate and
Artificial Characters of the Chinese System — Lineal Line — Fraternal and Sororal Relationships — First Collateral
Line — Second and Third Collateral Lines — Reasons for placing the Chinese in the Turanian Family — Their
System midway between the Turanian and Malayan. 2. Japanese— Their System of Relationship— Details of
the System — Reasons for placing the Japanese provisionally in the Turanian Connection — Addenda : Observa-
tions of Hon. Robert Hart, upon the Chinese System — Table.
THE acknowledged antiquity of the Chinese nation invests their system of rela-
tionship with special importance. Notwithstanding the tendency of later opinion
has been to lessen the extravagant age claimed for their literature and civilization,
there can be no doubt whatever that the distinct political existence of this singular
people ascends to a period of time, in the past, coeval, at least, with the. oldest
nations of which we have any knowledge. No existing nation has perpetuated
itself, with unbroken identity, through the same number of centuries, or developed
from one stem or stock an equal number of people. In numbers of the same
lineage, and in years of political duration, the Chinese are the first among the
nations of mankind.
Within the historical period immobility has been the characteristic of their civi-
lization. This hereditary jealousy of innovation has tended to preserve their
domestic institutions within the narrowest limits of change. If, then, there is
found among them a clearly defined and perfectly developed domestic institution,
which is founded upon fixed necessities of the social state, and jvhich satisfies as
well as regulates these necessities, it would be expected to partake of the perma-
nence and stability such immobility implies. It would also follow as a legitimate
inference, that the institution itself, in virtue of its identification with primary
needs, originated in the earliest periods of the national existence.
The Chinese system of consanguinity and affinity is a domestic institution of this
description. As a system it belongs to the classificatory division, and to the Tura-
nian branch of this division, although it falls below the highest type of the Tura-
nian form, and affiliates wherever it diverges with the Malayan. If the Dravidian
speaking people of India are placed in the centre of the Turanian family, the
Chinese nation is an outlying member. Their system of relationship possesses
some features which distinguish it from every other, but these will be seen, in the
end, to relate to external rather than to radical characteristics. In its method it
414 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
is cumbersome and highly artificial ; yet in the completeness of its plan for the
separation of the several lines, and branches of lines, from each other, and for the
specialization of the relationships of every kinsman to the central Ego, it is second
only to the Roman form ; and, in many respects, is not surpassed by any existing
system. It has accomplished the difficult task of maintaining a principle of classia
fication which confounds the natural distinctions in the relationships of consan-
guinei, and, at the same time, of separating these relationships from each other in
a precise and definite manner. Certain individuals in each of the several collateral
lines are placed upon the same level in the degree of their nearness to Ego, and
yet their relationships are distinguished one from another. The collateral lines are
maintained divergent from the lineal, and yet are finally merged within it. These
seemingly inconsistent results have been produced in a manner altogether peculiar
to the Chinese form.
There are two distinct parts of the system of relationship, by the joint operation
of which the results indicated have been effected, and which, to a great extent, may
yet be separated from each other. The first consists of the terms of relationship
which are used, to a great extent, in accordance with the Turanian principle of
classification. Consanguinei, near and remote, are arranged into great classes, and
the members of each class are admitted into the same relationship, irrespective of
nearness or remoteness in degree. This is the original as well as radical portion
of the system. The second part consists of independent qualifying terms, which
are used to distinguish the several branches of each collateral line from each other,
and consequently the relationship of each individual. By means of these additional
terms the branch of the line in every case, and, usually, the line itself, are definitely
indicated ; and collateral consanguine! are thus discriminated from the lineal. In
some instances these qualifying terms have superseded the terms of relationship ;
but in all such cases the latter are probably understood. The precise manner in
which these results are produced will become apparent as the several branches of
each line are presented in detail. All that is peculiar in the Chinese system will
be readily apprehended by following the chain of relationship from parent to child,
observing the terms that are employed to express the series of these relationships
to Ego, and, also, the specific additions by which the branches of particular lines
are distinguished from each other. It will thus be found that that part of the
framework of the system which specializes the several branches of each line was
engrafted upon the radical portion ; that it was the afterwork of scholars or civilians
to clear up or qualify the primitive classification ; and that it probably originated
in the necessity for a code of descents to regulate the inheritance of property.
The Chinese system of relationship, as given in the Table, was furnished by
Hon. Robert Hart, an English gentleman of Canton, now at the head of the Chinese
Bureau of Marine Customs, It was especially fortunate that the difficult labor of
spreading out in detail this elaborate and artificial form of consanguinity and affinity
was undertaken by one so abundantly qualified as Mr. Hart to trace it to its limits
in this peculiar language, and to bestow upon its nomenclature the etymological ob-
servations so necessary to its interpretation. It is evident, from his work, that his
investigations covered its entire range, and .developed all of its material charac-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 415
teristics. The schedule gives the system in the Pekin or Mandarin dialect. It
will be found at the end of this chapter in a form more convenient for special exa-
mination than in the Table, together with Mr. Hart's observations upon the Chinese
system.
The Chinese classify the consanguinei of any given person under nine grades of
relationship, four of which are above, and four below Eyo. It would seem that
collateral consanguinei are included to some extent in the nine grades, and stand
in the same relationship to Ego, respectively, asjhe person in the lineal line does
who is at the same distance in degree from the common ancestor. For example,
my first, second, and third cousins, male, under our system, are my brothers under
the Chinese, and the sons of the latter are my sons ; and they stand in the same
grades respectively as my own brothers and my own sons. Mr. Hart furnishes, in
his observations, the following translation from a Chinese author upon this subject:
" ( A) All men who are born into the world have nine ranks of relations. My
own generation is one grade, my father's is one, my grandfather's is one, that of
my grandfather's father is one, and that of my grandfather's grandfather is one ;
thus above me are four grades : my son's generation is one grade, my grandson's is
one, that of my grandson's son is one, and that of my grandson's grandson is one ;
thus below me are four grades of relations ; including myself in the estimate, there
are in all nine grades. These are brethren, and though each grade belongs to a
different house or family, yet they are all my relations, and these are called the
nine grades of relations."
" (B) The degrees of kindred in a family are like the streamlets of a fountain,
or the branches of a tree ; although the streams differ in being more or less remote,
and the branches in being more or less close, yet there is but one trunk, and one
fountain head."
The chief question of interest in the interpretation of this fragment is, whether
the members of each grade of relations stand upon a level and fall under the same
relationship to Ego as the person in the lineal line at the same remove from the
common ancestor, e. g,, whether my father's brother and my mother's brother are
equally my fathers, my brother's son and my sister's son are equally my sons ; or
whether it is a division of a man's kindred into generations simply, founded upon
the degrees in the lineal line. In the former case all consanguinei, near and remote,
would stand to Ego in the relation either of fathers or mothers, brothers or sisters,
sons or daughters, grandparents or grandchildren of different degrees. This would
render the Chinese and Malayan forms identical, and tend to show that the true
ethnic position of the Chinese is at the head of the Malayan family. In the latter
case, if consanguinei are merely classified into generations according to the distance
of particular persons from common ancestors, whilst the division has but little sig-
nificance, it would leave the relationships of persons unaffected. The system itself
does not fully sustain either interpretation, although it contains abundant internal
evidence of an original affinity with the Malayan form.
It is now proposed to take up the several lines in their order, and present them
with fulness of detail that a complete knowledge of this singular system may be
obtained.
416 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
The Chinese differs from other forms in possessing a double set of terms for an-
cestors, one for those on the father's side, and another for those on the mother's,
which was rendered necessary by the descent of the family name in the male line.
Also for the further reason that the term for grandfather on the father's side,
tsu-fu = ancestral father, contained the idea that he was the founder or beginner
of a family; wheace wae-7cung= "outside grandfather," is employed to distinguish
the grandfather on the mother's side. To discriminate the several ancestors for
four degrees above Ego, qualifying terms are added to indicate the relative near-
ness of each ; thus, on the father's side we have for the series, father, fu-tsin =
" my father relation" (wo-te= " my" being understood as prefixed in this and each
succeeding illustration) ; grandfather, tsu-fu = "my ancestral father;" great-grand-
father, tsung-tsu = " my additional ancestor ;" and grandfather's grandfather, kaon-
tsu — " my far removed ancestor." On the mother's side we have for mother,
mo-tsin — my mother relation ; grandmother, wae-po = my outside mother ; great-
grandmother, wae-tsu-po= "my outside ancestral old mother;" and grandmother's
grandmother, wae-tsung-tsu-mo = " my outside more remote ancestral mother." In
the descending series we have son, ir-tsze = " my child-boy ;" grandsc^, sun-tsze =
" my growing for the second time boy ;" great-grandson, tsung-sun = " my additional
growing for the second time boy ;" and grandson's grandson, yuen-san = " my great
growing for the second time."
There is a double set of terms for elder and younger brother and for elder sister,
and a single term for younger sister, but no term either for brother or sister in the
abstract. It will be observed that one of the terms for elder brother, Jco-7co, one
for elder sister, tsea-tsea, and the term for younger sister, mei-mei, are each duplica-
tions of the same term. No explanation is given why they were thus formed ;
heung-te is the term for younger brother. The other terms are Jieung, my elder
brother, literally "senior;" a-te, my younger brother, literally "junior;" and tsze
my elder sister, literally " an experienced woman." All of these are used indis-
criminately by the males and females. The term heung-te is employed to designate
each of the collateral brothers, and tse-mei each of the collateral sisters, which are
equivalent respectively to elder-younger brother and elder-younger sister. They
also apply to collateral brothers and sisters the full terms for our brothers and
sisters.
In the first collateral line male, Ego a male, I call my brother's son chih-ir, my
child of the chih class, or branch, or grade ; my brother's daughter, chih-neu, my
girl of the chih class ; my brother's grandson, chih-sun, my grandson of the chih
class ; and my brother's granddaughter, chih-sun-neu, my granddaughter of the chih
class.
It is difficult to find a proper definition for the term chih, which is here employed
to distinguish the descendants of the brothers of Ego, and elsewhere of his colla-
teral brothers. The word " class" is adopted by Mr. Hart, and although not per-
fectly expressive of the idea, is preferable to "branch" or "grade." This, and
similar terms, will be best understood by the manner of their use. In the previous
relationships ir and neu express kin. Ir-tsze = child-boy, is the term for son, and
Jr = girl-child, that for daughter ; Jr, therefore, is a strict term of relationship,
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 417
whilst tsze and neu seem to express more than gender. Whether or not the last
two, standing apart from £/•, are the equivalents of son and daughter, or whether Ir
is understood in each case, I am unable to determine. The reciprocal relationships
in the above cases appear to be those of father and son, father and daughter,
grandfather and grandson, and grandfather and granddaughter. If this be so, the
Chinese possesses the first indicative feature of the Turanian system. Notwith-
standing the discrimination of my brother's descendants from my own by means of
the term chih, this branch of the first collateral line is merged in the lineal line by
force of the terms of consanguinity, which is an indicative feature of the Turanian
system, and also of the Malayan.
My sister's son, Ego a male, I call wcte-sung, which is rendered by Mr. Hart,
" outside nephew." Woe signifies " outside," and sung, which originally signified
a " daughter's child," with woe prefixed expresses " sister's son." A better render-
ing, perhaps, would be " outside child"=nephew. My sister's daughter I call wae-
sung-neu, translated by Mr. Hart, " my daughter of the woe-sung class." Rendered
as suggested above, it would be " my outside female child" =niece. As the correla-
tive relationship is that of uncle, it favors the latter form. My sister's grandson I
call wac-sung-sun, and her granddaughter wae-sung-neu, my grandson and grand-
daughter of the wae-sung class. Whether these several renderings are correct is
important only so far as it tends to show that the Chinese has a third distinctive
and indicative feature of the Turanian system, namely ; that whilst my brother's
children are my sons and daughters, my sister's children are my nephews and
nieces, Ego being a male. It will be seen in the sequel that this feature does not
run through the system as it does in the typical Turanian form.
On the other hand, with Ego a female, my brother's son I call woe-chili, my
"outer nephew," or ir being understood, "my child of the ivae-chih class;" his
daughter I call wae-chih-neu, my " outer niece," or my child of the wae-chih class ;
and the children of this nephew and niece are my grandchildren of the same class.
The correlative relationship in the first cases is that of " aunt-mother," sometimes
" aunt." If we find here, in fact, the relationship of aunt and nephew, another
Turanian characteristic is revealed; but with ir understood in each case, my
brother's children are my children by force of the terms of consanguinity, whilst
the force of the discrimination comes from the qualifying terms which have no
counterpart in any other known system. It also tends to show that the Chinese
form is still in a transition state from the Malayan to the Turanian.
My sister's son, Ego a female, I call e-sung, which is not rendered. Mr. Hart
remarks that the E here used is composed of two characters, one of which signifies
" woman," and the other " foreign," and that it appears in the word E-ma, applied
to a mother's sister. Sung is the same term before considered. This branch of
the first collateral line is the same, whether Ego be a male or female, except that in
the former case wae, and in the latter E is prefixed. It follows that my sister's
children stand to me a female in the same relationship of consanguinity that they do
to my brother a male, except that they are made nearer or more remote in grade,
as the terms v:ae and E are interpreted. My sister's daughter I call e-sung-neu;
and her grandchildren my grandchildren of the e-sung class.
53 April, 1870.
418 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
The wives of these several sons and nephews are my daughters-in-law ; and the
husbands of these several daughters and nieces are my sons-in-law, each of them
addressing me by the correlative terms, which last usage runs through the system ;
but they are distinguished from each other, and from my own sons-in-law and
daughters-in-law, by the terms expressive of the class to which they severally
belong. This disposes of the first collateral line.
A digression may be here allowed to observe that descent, amongst the Chinese,
as to the family name, is limited to the male line, and followed strictly. Family
names are still used in the primitive sense. They call themselves, as a nation or
people, Pili-sing, which signifies " The Hundred Families." The idea of the
family and of the family name, as it now exists in the Aryan family, was compara-
tively modern, and of slow growth. It appears to have been imperfectly reached
outside of this great family. Originally the idea expressed itself in tribes, the
family being then unknown. The descendants of an original pair, or of the founder
of a family, assumed a distinctive name to perpetuate the memory of their common
descent. Into this general name, the names of individuals and of immediate con-
sanguinei were absorbed. They thus became a tribe, or a great family, united by
the bond of kin, and distinguished by a common tribal name. Such, in all proba-
bility, were the original " hundred families" of the Chinese. Under this organization
the names of persons, whilst they might indicate the tribe, would not show that
the members of the same household, or children of the same parents, were related
to each other, except generally as the members of a great family or circle of
kindred. To the all-creative Roman mind the Aryan family is chiefly indebted for
the full development of the idea of the gens with its subordinate distinctions as
expressed by the prenomen, nomen, and cognomen, out of which, at a later day, came
the family as now constituted, with the Christian and surname, the latter descend-
ing in the male line. Mr. Hart further states that at present there are but four
hundred family names in China,1 or about that number. It seems probable, par-
ticularly from the prohibition of intermarriage in the same family, that the " Hun-
dred Families" of the Chinese were the remains or the result of their ancient tribal
subdivisions. With them, therefore, in a more marked sense than with us, the
females were regarded as transferred to the families of their respective husbands.
The male descendants of a man's brothers would retain his family name ; whilst
his sisters, and their female descendants would assume those of their respective
husbands.
In the second collateral line male, on the father's side, and irrespective of the
sex of Ego, I call my father's brother, if older than my own father, poh-fu, my
"In some parts of the country," he remarks, "large villages are met with, in each of which there
exists but one family name ; thus, in one district will be found, say, three Tillages, each containing
two or three thousand people, the one of the 'horse,' the second of the 'sheep,' and the third of
the ' ox' family name." The Rev. J. V. N. Talmadge, a returned American missionary from Amoy,
mentioned the same fact to the writer. He spoke of one village of five thousand inhabitants, all of
whom had the same name, with a few exceptions. The most interesting fact connected with this
matter is the prohibition of intermarriage amongst all of those who bear the same family name, for
reason of consanguinity.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 419
senior father, and if younger, s7iuh-fu, my junior father. This is a fourth indicative
feature of the Turanian system. My father's brother's son I call tang-hciing-te,
" toy Hall brother," or my brother of the tang class ; and my father's brother's
daughter, tang-tsze-mei, my " Hall sister," or my sister of the tang class, each of
them calling me the same. As the children of brothers we bear the same family
name. I also call them elder and younger brother and sister, according to our rela-
tive ages. Since the three remaining male cousins are my brothers in Chinese, the
system in these relationships agrees with the Malayan. The son and daughter of
this collateral brother I call tang-chili and tang-chih-neu, my son and daughter of
the tang-chih class ; and his grandson and granddaughter, tang-chih-sun and tang-
chiJirsun-neu, my grandchildren of the same class. It will be observed that the
cldh class of the first collateral line here reappears, thus showing that the son of
my own brother and of my collateral brother fall into the same class, although in
different branches. In like manner the son and daughter of this collateral sistei
I call tang-wae-sung and tang-wae-sung-neu, my outside nephew and outside niece
of the tang class, and their children are my grandchildren of the same class. Up
to this point the method of the system is coherent, and its parts are in self-agree-
ment. But a deviation now occurs with respect to the children of this collateral
brother and sister, Ego a female, which is difficult of explanation ; they are the
same as above given with Ego a male. It has been seen that the principle of
classification, Ego a male, established in the first collateral line, is carried into the
second, Ego still a male ; but with Ego a female, the principle established in the
first is not carried into the second, as it should be in accordance with the logic of
the system. In other words, the second collateral line should be in its male and
female branches a counterpart of the first, with the addition of the word tang, ex-
pressive of the class, and it is not. It is one of those particulars in which the
original Malayan form at the basis of the system still manifests itself.
My father's sister, if older than my father, and irrespective of the sex of Ego, I
call ku-mo = aunt-mother, and if younger, Tcu-tseay = aunt-elder-sister ; but in com-
mon usage, simply ku — aunt. This is a fifth indicative relationship of the Tura-
nian system. My father's sister's son and daughter I call peaon-heung-te, and
peaon-tsze-mei, my external brother and my external sister of the peaon class. I
also call them my elder or younger brother and sister, according to relative age,
using the same terms I apply to own brothers and sisters. In these relationships
the system is again Malayan. The son and daughter of this collateral brother I
call peaon-cliiJi and peaon-cliili-neu, my son and daughter of the peaon class. Mr.
Hart renders these terms nephew and niece ; but inasmuch as they are the same
terms applied by a man to his brother's children, with peaon added to distinguish
the branch and line, the former appears to be the preferable translation. The
children of the latter are my grandchildren of the same class. The son and
daughter of this collateral sister I call peaon-chih-wae-sung -and peaon-cliih-u-ea-sung-
neu, my nephew and niece of the peaon class. The children of the latter are my
grandchildren of the same class. With Ego a female, these relationships are the
same. From the precision with which the same terms are applied in this line
which are used in the first, with Ego a male, it still appears singular that tlie
420 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
discriminations made in the former, with Ego a female, are not applied in the
latter with Ego the same. Without any reason for supposing that any part of this
intricate system escaped the critical attention of Mr. Hart, to maintain its con-
sistency with itself the principles of classification adopted in the first collateral
line should be carried into the second, third, and even more remote. Wherever a
collateral brother and sister are found, however distant in degree, their children
should fall into the same relationships of consanguinity as those of an own brother
and sister, but distinguished from each other by the class terms. Notwithstanding
the apparently arbitrary character of the system, it rests upon definite ideas which
stand to each other in fixed relations; and the relations thus created must con-
stantly assert their integrity, or the system becomes blemished.
Irrespective of the sex of Ego, I call my mother's brother mo-kew = my mother-
uncle, or commonly kew, uncle. Sometimes kew-fu = uncle-father, is used. The
relationship of uncle, restricted to my mother's brother, is a sixth indicative charac-
teristic of the Turanian system. It was the presence of this relationship, together
with that of aunt, which is equally positive, followed, but with much less distinct-
ness, by the correlative relationships of nephew and niece, that furnished the pre-
ponderating reason for placing the Chinese in the Turanian rather than in the
Malayan connection. When the Malayan form is presented it will be found that
the Chinese system stands on the confines between the Malayan and Turanian
forms. In determining the question of its true position the terms of consanguinity,
which represent the original as well as the radical parts of the system, must govern ;
and the qualifying terms, which represent the afterwork of scholars, must be laid
out of view. If this is done, the Chinese form, with the exception of the relation-
ships named, will be seen to affiliate more closely with the Malayan than with the
Turanian. On the other hand, with those relationships which mark the transition
from the former to the latter stage of development, the preponderance of internal
evidence is in favor of the Turanian connection. When the systems of relation-
ship of the remaining Asiatic nations, as well as of the assemblage of nations
inhabiting Oceanica, are collected and compared it is not improbable, as elsewhere
intimated, that the rightful position of the Chinese nation will be in the Malayan
family. This subject will be referred to again. To resume : my mother's brother's
son and daughter I call peaon-lieung-te and peaon-isze-mei, my external brother and
sister, or my brother and sister of the peaon class. I call them also my elder or
younger brother and sister, according to our relative ages ; the son and daughter
of this collateral brother peaon-cJiih and peaon-c7iih-neu, my son and daughter of
the peaon class, and the children of the latter my grandchildren of the same class.
The son and daughter of this collateral sister I call ivae-peaon-chih, and wae-peaon-
c7dh-neu, my son and daughter of the wae branch of the peaon class. Mr. Hart
renders this phrase as equivalent to nephew and niece of the same branch and
class. Their children are my grandchildren of the pcaon-chih class.
Mr. Hart remarks in a note that " relationship on the father's side transmitted
from male to male is of the tong class ; the moment it passes out, by the marriage of
a female to another family, it is characterized as peaon; and if it passes from that
to another family, by the marriage of another female, it becomes wae-peaon"
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 421
My mother's sister, if older than my mother, I call ta-e-ma,, and if younger,
leaon-e-ma, which is rendered by Mr. Hart my " great" or " little outside mama."
Whether in common usage she is called mother does not appear. Her son and
daughter I call e-peaon-Iieung-te, and e-peaon-tsze-mei, my brother and sister of
the e-pcaon class. The force of the E, appears to be, to make this class more
remote than the peaon, which is another departure from the spirit of the Turanian
form. As phrases, they are equivalent to " outside external," brother and sister.
I also call them elder or younger brother and sister. The children of this brother
are my sons and daughters of the e-peaon class ; and the children of the latter are
my grandchildren of the same class. On the other hand, the son and daughter of
this collateral sister I call wae-e-peaon-chih and wae-e-peaon-cJiih-neu, which Mr.
Hart translates my nephew and niece of the woe branch of the e-peaan class.
Their children are my grandchildren of the same class.
It will be observed that the children of brothers are placed upon the same level
under the relationship of " Hall brothers" and " Hall sisters ;" that the children
of sisters are placed upon equality as " external outside brothers and sisters ;" and
that the children of a brother and sister are similarly placed as " outside brothers
and sisters." The members of each of the three classes are equal amongst them-
selves, but stand in different relationships as classes, the difference being made in
the qualifying terms. By the terms of consanguinity they are all brothers and
sisters to each other, which is another departure from the Turanian system.
The wives of these several collateral brothers in each of the four branches of the
second collateral line, are each my sister-in-law ; and the husbands of each of these
collateral sisters are my brothers-in-law, each of them addressing me by the cor-
relative term ; but they are distinguished from each other, in the same manner as
blood relations, by the qualifying terms expressive of the class with which they are
respectively connected by marriage. This disposes of the second collateral line.
It will be sufficient to present in detail one of the four branches of the third
collateral line. My father's father's sister I call kii-mo, my aunt-mother the same
as my father's sister ; her son if older than my father I call peaon-poh, if younger
peaon-shuli, my "senior" or "junior," of the peaon class. If the relationship in
this case was that of uncle, it would be more consistent. My father's sister's
daughter I call peaon-ku, my aunt of the peaon class. The children of each I call
peaon-heung-te, and peaon-tsze-mei, my brother and sister of the peaon class. The
son and daughter of this collateral brother are my children, and the children of the
latter are my grandchildren of the same class.
We have now, with tedious minuteness, presented the material parts of the
Chinese system of relationship. Although the contents of this remarkable system
are by no means exhausted by the explanations given, they exhibit its form suffi-
ciently to illustrate its elaborate and artificial character. It embodies a well-con-
sidered plan, which works out its results in a coherent and harmonious manner.
If we eliminate from the system the supplemental portion which renders specific
the classes, and their branches, and examine the terms of relationship which
remain, together with the classification of consanguine! under them, the primitive
system of the people will be revealed with considerable certainty. It will thus be
422 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
seen that it was originally Malayan in form, but with positive and distinct Tura-
nian elements engrafted upon it, which in the sequel will be found equally true of
the Turanian system as a whole. The Chinese is more complicated than any
system contained in the Tables, and yet not so difficult as to forbid its universal
use amongst the people. If they address each other, in familiar intercourse, by the
terms of relationship, instead of their personal names, this usage would impart as
well as preserve a knowledge of the system. Whether or not this mode of address
generally prevails the writer is not able to state. In the immediate family they
speak to each other by the terms of relationship, and not by personal names. This
fact is stated upon the authority of Rev. Mr. Talmadge before mentioned, who had
observed the usage at Amoy in Chinese families with whom he was in constant
intercourse.
There are said to be barbarous tribes in the interior and mountain districts of
China who are imperfectly controlled by the government, and who enjoy some
measure of independence. In this class of the population the primitive system of
this ancient nation, unencumbered with the qualifying terms, might be expected
to be found. If the form now in use among them is ever procured, it will settle
the question of the character of the original system, as well as explain its present
characteristics.
Below, in a note,1 will be found the letter of Mr. Hart, which accompanied
CANTON, CHINA, Sept. 18, 1860.
DEAK SIR : In compliance with the request made by you in your circular letter dated 1st October,
1859, and which has been placed in my hands by Mr. Perry, U. S. Consul at this port, I have much
pleasure in forwarding, through that gentleman, for your perusal, a schedule (with remarks) of the
system of relationship in existence in China.
My comparison of the Chinese system with the results of your inquiries amongst the American
Indian tribes, inclines me to think that it not merely possesses the radical features of the Indian
system, but that it farther possesses those features in such a manner as to give ground for the suppo-
sition that, while most intimately connected, it — the Chinese system — precedes, as it were, and is
much nearer the parent relationship system than is the Indian system.
If, from the examination of the schedule now forwarded, you should wish further inquiries to be
made, I shall most willingly give my assistance ; the subject already interests me not a little.
Very faithfully, yours, ROBERT HART.
LEWIS H. MORGAN, ESQ., New York.
Observations by Hon. Robert Hart, upon the annexed Schedule, &c.
1. The Chinese system of relationship is, as will be seen, based upon definite ideas, standing in
fixed and intelligent relations to each other. The bond of consanguinity does not lose itself in the
diverging collateral lines, while these collateral lines revert into, or are merged in the lineal, the
merging process acting upwards as well as downwards,
2. The groundwork of the system, judging from the nomenclature employed, is to be found in the
terms used to designate the immediate or nearest relations of any individual, viz., father, mother,
brother, sister, son, daughter. All the persons related by consanguinity to such an individual are
regarded by him as standing in some one or other of these relationships to himself; but while the
true father is styled simply father, the true brother, brother, and the true son, son, the others are
styled class fathers, class brothers, and class sons; the word for "class" being in each case one
authorized by both rule and practice, and which expresses clearly the manner in which such a rela-
tionship originated.
3. The brothers and sisters of one's grandparents are styled " class grandparents," the word for
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 423
the Chinese schedule, together with his observations upon the Chinese system
of relationship. These are followed, at the end of the chapter, with the schedule
"class" showing, on the paternal side, whether the individual spoken of is senior or junior to the
true grandparent ; and on the maternal side, that the person referred to is, like the maternal true
grandfather, not a real lineal progenitor.
4. The brothers and sisters of one's parents are with the true parents, equally styled parents, cha-
racterized, however, as "class parents," the word for "class" on the father's side showing their
seniority or juniority to the true father, and on the mother's side explaining, as it were, that they are
parents by relationship with the mother, as her brothers and sisters. In some instances, however,
there appears to be a trace of distinction made between the relationships in whiqh, a father's brother
and a mother's sister stand to an individual, when compared with that in which a father's sister
and a mother's brother are situated, showing that while in the former case they are called " class
parents," they are in the latter distinguished by terms — the words for father and mother being
omitted — equivalent, seemingly, to "uncle and aunt."
5. There is no one word for brother, but there is one expression used for elder, and another for
younger brother, and these are employed, not to designate the oldest and youngest brother, but
respectively for such brothers as may be older or younger than the person speaking or spoken of.
In the same way, while there is one term signifying sister generally, there are in use two expressions,
the one for older, and the other for younger sister.
6. The children of several brothers of several sisters, as well as of brothers on the one hand, and
sisters on the other, are brothers and sisters to each other, and they in each case use the respective
terms for elder and younger brother, and for elder and younger sister, the same as in the case of own
brothers and sisters. Such relatives, however, style each other "class brothers," "class sisters," the
word signifying "class" showing whether the person in question is the child of a father's brother, of
a father's sister, or of a mother's brother, or of a mother's sister ; the fraternal relationship being of
three classes, Tang, Peaon, and E-peaon. The children of these class brothers, &c., are again class
brothers and class sisters to each other, as are also their children's children, the bond of consan-
guinity continuing the same so long as the parties concerned are equally removed by descent from
the original pair of brothers, &c. The degree or intensity of relationship is, however, lessened or
farther removed, when it passes from one to another family by the going out of a female in marriage.
7. The children of an individual's brothers and sisters, as also of class brothers and sisters, are
that individual's children likewise, but characterized as class children of various classes, according to
fixed rule and practice ; and the children of such class children are that individual's class grand-
children. Thus, for instance : —
Said by a man. A brother's child is the individual's child of the Chih class.
" " " A sister's " " " " " Wae-sung class.
Said by a woman. A brother's child is the individual's child of the Wae-chih class.
" " " A sister's " " " " " E-sung class.
It is here worth noticing that the wae in wae-sung, and wae-chih signifies external, so that the
words made use of by a man to designate a sister's son and daughter, and by a woman to designate
a brother's child, might be considered equivalent in some degree to our words nephew and niece.
In this way a kind of confirmation is given of the remark made in No. 4, that traces seem to exist
of occasions on which one's father's sisters, and one's mother's brothers are regarded as uncles and
aunts, rather than as class parents.
8. The grandchildren of brothers, of sisters, and of brothers and sisters are, as already stated,
class brothers and sisters to each other; and the same relationship continued to exist to the
remotest generation, so long as the parties concerned stand in the same degree of nearness to the
original brothers and sisters. But when one is further removed than another by a single degree, the
rule which changes the collateral line into the lineal at once applies. It is, however, to be remarked
that as regards remoteness in respect of ancestors and descendants, the Chinese system recognizes,
practically, only such either way, as with an individual form Jive generations ; thus above me, my
424 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
itself, which contains also his etymological observations upon the nomenclature of
relationships. They were evidently prepared with much care and labor, and treat
great-great-grandfather is the most remote of my practically recognized forefathers ; while, in the same
way, my molt remote practically recognized descendant is my great-great-grandson. By practical
recognition two things are expressed : first, within these limits each individual has a separate name
of relationship, while beyond them relations are classed generally as " ancestors" and " descendants"
respectively ; and secondly, it would be only for relatives within such limits that, according to usage,
I should be obliged to wear mourning in the event of their decease during my lifetime.
9. Thus, the descendants of an original pair do not, in theory, pass beyond the degree of class
brother, and hence results a recognized tie of consanguinity which no lapse of time can effect, but
which, practically, the brethren do not consider worth observing after the fifth generation.
10. The wives of these several brothers and class brothers, as also the husbands of these several
sisters and class sisters are interchangeably sisters-in-law and class sisters-in-law, brothers-in-law
and class brothers-in-law to the brothers and class brothers, as to the sisters and class sisters of their
respective wives and husbands. Likewise all the wives of these several sons and class sons are
daughters-in-law and class daughters-in-law to the parents and class parents of their respective
husbands, and the husbands of these several daughters and class daughters are alike sons-in-law and
class sons-in-law to the parents and class parents of their respective wives.
11. The nomenclature employed in the designation of two brothers-in-law and two sisters-in-law,
i. e., by a wife towards the brothers and sisters of her husband, and by a husband towards the brothers
and sisters of his wife, seems to have its origin in the names applied to such people by the children
(their class children, or nephews and nieces) born of the marriage. Thus, an individual's wife's
brother is the kew of that individual's children, and that individual in speaking of him as his brother-
in-law, employs the same word, kew, to designate him as such. So with the others.
12. As regards "Division into Tribes," I am not aware that the Chinese, amongst whom the pre-
ceding form of relationship is in existence, recognize at this day any such tribal distinctions. There
are, it is true, in some parts of the country wild aboriginal mountain tribes, but the people composing
such tribes speak languages differing entirely (I believe) from that from which the schedule nomen-
clature is drawn, and they likewise ignore the authority of the Chinese officials in their country.
Their system of relationship, with their habits and customs, are unknown to me, and have not, so far
as I am aware, as yet been investigated by foreigners. The Chinese expression, however, for the
people is "Pih-sing," which means "the hundred family names;" but whether this is merely word-
painting, or had its origin at a time when the Chinese general family consisted of one hundred sub-
families or tribes, I am unable to determine. At the present day there are about four hundred family
names in this country, amongst which I find some that have reference to animals, fruits, metals,
natural objects, &c., and which may be translated as Horse, Sheep, Ox, Fish, Bird, Phcenix, Plum,
Flower, Leaf, Rice, Forest, Biver, Hill, Water, Cloud, Gold, Hide, Bristles, &c &c. In some parts
of the country large villages are met with in each of which there exists but one family name : thus,
in one district will be found, say, three villages, each containing two or three thousand people, the
one of the "Horse," the second of the " Sheep," and the third of the "Ox" family name; and two
of the three will in all probability have a kind of reciprocity treaty, offensive and defensive, and be
continually at feud with the third. In this way may perhaps be detected traces of a recognition, at
some former period, of tribal divisions.
13. Just as among the North American Indians, husbands and wives are of different tribes, so in
China, husband and wife are always of different families, i. e., of different surnames. Custom and
law alike prohibit intermarriage on the part of people having the same family surname.
14. The children are of the father's family, that is they take the family surname. The only case
in which a child is of its mother's family, taking her family surname, is when a father, having only a
female child, instead of marrying her out, brings to his own house a husband for her, then if more
sons than one are the fruit of the marriage, the second one generally takes the mother's family name
and is considered as continuing literally her father's race.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 425
the several subjects named in a thorough and scholarly manner. It should be
stated that the order in which he discusses the radical features of the Chinese
system follows step by step the series of propositions deduced by an analysis of the
Ganowanian system which accompanied the blank schedule. These several pro-
ductions of the pen of Mr. Hart are worthy of careful examination.
2. Japanese Nation.
The insular situation of the Japanese, their numbers and their civilization give
to them an important position among oriental nations. Since their language is
now becoming generally accessible their domestic institutions and early history, as
well as their ethnic relations, will soon become understood. It is evident that they
have made considerable progress in the direction of a true civilization. They are
also a teachable as well as an appreciative and improvable people. From such
customs and institutions as have been ascertained to exist amongst them a pre-
sumption arises of their great antiquity as a nation. They likewise tend to show
that in their upward progress they have extricated themselves from the worst evils
15. The Chinese, by national custom, change the names of individuals at different periods. Thus,
a child at the breast and during its early years has its "milk name;" it goes to school, and is then
called by another name ; it arrives at puberty, or is married, and it receives another name. There
are, besides, amongst the Chinese a few other occasions on which an additional name is taken or given.
16. When a father dies intestate the property generally remains undivided, but under the control
of the oldest son during the life of the widow. On her death the oldest son divides the property
between himself and his brothers, the shares of the juniors depending entirely upon the will of the
elder brother.
17. The following translation from the Chinese may not be out of place here.
"A. All men who are born into the world have nine ranks of relations. My own generation is
one grade, my father's is one, my grandfather's is one, that of my grandfather's father is one, and
that of my grandfather's grandfather is one ; thus above me are four grades. My son's generation
is one grade, my grandson's is one, that of my grandson's son is one, and that of my grandson's
grandson is one ; thus below are four grades of relations. Including myself in the estimate, there
are in all nine grades. These are brethren, and though each grade belongs to a different house or
family, yet they are all my relations, and these are called the nine grades of relations.
" B. The degrees of kindred in a family are like the streamlets of a fountain or the branches of a
tree ; although the streams differ in being more or less remote, and the branches in being more or
less close, yet there is but one trunk and one fountain head."
18. The natives of the province of Keang-se are celebrated through the other Chinese provinces
for the mode or form used by them in address, which is Laon-peaon. This may be paraphrastically
translated as " 0 you old fellow 1 brother mine by some of the ramifications of female relationship."
19. In conclusion, it merely remains to be remarked that the Chinese system of relationship,
judging from its nomenclature, and that nomenclature one that has existed for some thousands of
years, must have had its origin in the earliest days, and in the cradle-lands of humanity — in the days
when all existing looked upon each other as being equally members of the one increasing family —
when each successive birth was considered as increasing the one family, and as being in relationship
with every individual composing that family ; and when from the original pair or parents down to
their coeval great-great-grandchildren, the relationship of each to the other, through every succes-
sive grade, and upwards and downwards, could be distinctly traced, accurately expressed, and was
in actual being, having a personal interest for, and being patent to the observation of all.
N. B. — The Mandarin dialect, or, more properly expressed, the "Pekin dialect," is the standard
spoken language of China.
The Table of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Chinese, in the Mandarin dialect, will be found at
the end of the chapter, p. 432.
64 April, 1870.
426 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
of barbarism. When they have learned to put aside their exclusiveness as well as
jealousy of foreign influence, and have experienced the advantages of a wisely
regulated commercial intercourse, which has contributed so largely to the material
and intellectual advancement of the civilized nations, there is every reason to
believe that the Japanese will attain to a respectable and creditable position among
the nations of the earth.
The Japanese islands sustain a peculiar physical relation to the northwest coast
of the United States. A chain of small islands (the Kurilian) breaks the distance
which separates Japan from the peninsula of Kamtschatka; and from thence the
Aleutian chain of islands stretches across to the peninsula of Alaska upon the Ameri-
can continent, forming the boundary between the north Pacific and Behring's Sea.
These islands, the peaks of a submarine mountain chain, are thickly studded together
within a continuous belt, and are in substantial communication with each other, from
the extreme point of Alaska to the island of Kyska, by means of the ordinary native
boat in use among the Aleutian islanders. From the latter to Attou island the
greatest distance from island to island is less than one hundred miles. Between
Attou island and the coast of Kamtschatka, there are but two islands, Copper and
Behring's, between which and Attou the greatest distance occurs, a distance of
about two hundred miles ; whilst from Behring's island to the main land of Asia it
is less than one hundred miles. These geographical features alone would seem to
render possible a migration, in the primitive and fishermen ages, from one conti-
nent to the other. But superadded to these is the great thermal ocean current,
analogous to the Atlantic gulf stream, which, commencing in the equatorial regions
near the Asiatic continent, flows northward along the Japan and Kurilian islands, and
then bearing eastward divides itself into two streams. One of these, following the
main direction of the Asiatic coast, passes through the straits of Behring and enters
the Arctic Ocean ; whilst the other, and the principal current, flowing eastward, and
skirting the southern shores of the Aleutian islands, reaches the northwest coast
of America, whence it flows southward along the shores of Oregon and California,
where it finally disappears. This current, or thermal river in the midst of
the ocean, would constantly tend, by the mere accidents of the sea, to throw
Asiatics from Japan and Kamtschatka upon the Aleutian islands, from which their
gradual progress eastward to America would become assured. It is common at
the present time to find trunks of camphor wood trees from the coasts of China
and Japan upon the shores of the island of Ounalaska, one of the easternmost of the
Aleutian chain, carried thither by this ocean current. It also explains the agency
by which a disabled Japanese junk with its crew was borne directly to the shores
of California but a few years since. Another remarkable effect produced by this
warm ocean current is the temperate climate which it bestows upon this chain of
islands and upon the northwest coast of America. These considerations assure us
of a second possible route of communication besides the straits of Behring, between
the Asiatic and American continents.1
1 The Eskimo now occupy tbe Aleutian islands ; but it seems probable that it is a retrogression
westward of this people under the pressure upon them of the Athapascan nations. As a matter of
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 427
Whilst our knowledge of the Japanese is in a fragmentary state every new fact
concerning their domestic institutions possesses value. Since the completion of
this work an opportunity was unexpectedly offaied, through the visit to this country
of a Japanese troupe, to obtain not only their system of relationship, but also to
extend the inquiry to some other particulars. The results in the latter respect,
although not especially important, may be worth inserting for the reason first above
stated. They will be limited to three particulars : the family, the burial of the
dead, and the divisions of the people into classes^ The interpreter of this troupe,
Man-kl'-cJii Kd-iva'-be, a young man of intelligence and of education in the Japanese
sense, had acquired our language in Japan through Mr. Smith, who brought the
troupe to this country to exhibit their performances in our cities. In this respect
he had made sufficient progress to use it for ordinary colloquial purposes. I am
indebted to him for the Japanese system of relationship contained in the Table,
for a vocabulary of the language, and for the information given upon the subjects
named. After a fruitless effort to procure the former from the American Legation
at Yedo, and which resulted in obtaining but a fragment of the system, it seemed
not a little singular that this troupe of adventurers should have brought it to my
door at the last moment before publication.1
The Japanese have not only reached the state of marriage between single pairs,
which is now common in nearly all barbarous nations, but they have also developed
the family in the civilized and modern sense of this term, with the distinctions of
the family and the personal name. This is rarely the case in barbarous nations,
and is, in itself, decisive evidence of the substantial progress of the Japanese in
the scale of civilization. Amongst the former class of nations, while in the lowest
condition, a single personal name for each individual is the extent of the develop-
ment of the modern family distinctions, the tribe supplying the place of the family.
The family name arises after the dawn of civilization. Our Saxon ancestors within
the historical period had the personal name only, and were without the family
name. Whilst the latter names are numerous amongst the Japanese, they have not
been multiplied to such an extent as in civilized nations. The father bestows per-
sonal names upon his children, in addition to which they take his family name and
retain it so long as they remain members of a common family.
In describing a person the surname precedes the personal, thus reversing our
custom. The following are examples : —
Family.
Names of Males.
Family. Names of Females.
Ka-wa'-be,
Man-ki'-chi.
My Interpreter.
Ka-wa'-be,
O-ka'-ma.2
His Mother.
it
To '-yen.
His Father.
She-ra'-ta,
O-ee'-che.
it
To-da'-ro.
His Brother.
Nong-oo'-che,
O-ka'-ee.
No'-da,
Ska-ro'-ko.
No'-da,
O-ee'-ro.
Ta'-rook,
Ju'-ba.
She-wa'-yS,
O'-sen.
Nung'-ich,
Gen'-zo
No'-za-wa,
Oaf'-ku.
speculation the straits of Behring was the more probable route of the Eskimo migration as hyper-
boreans ; whilst that by the Aleutian islands is the more probable route of the much older migration
of the Ganowtinian family.
1 May, 1861, • Female personal names universally commence with the vowel O.
428 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
In the higher classes marriages are arranged by the parents for their sons and
daughters ; amongst the lower, by the parties themselves. Polygamy is unknown.
Individuals of the privileged classe^take to themselves concubines, but recognize
only one lawful wife. The eldest son, who inherits the property, is not allowed to
leave the paternal home. When he marries he takes his wife to his father's house
and she assumes his family name. In like manner the eldest daughter is not
allowed, when she marries, to leave the paternal home, but her husband removes
thereto, and takes her family name. It follows, and such is the established custom,
that the eldest son of one family cannot marry the eldest daughter of another, as
the latter cannot leave her home. Neither can the second son of one family marry
the second daughter of another, as he would be excluded from the houses of both
families, and so of each of the remaining children, unless a separate house is pro-
vided for them. If the father buys a house for his second or other younger son,
and he marries, his wife takes his family name ; but if the wife's father provides
the house, then he loses his family name, and takes that of his wife. The eldest
son may marry the second or other younger daughter of another family, and the
eldest daughter the second or other younger son of another family. Upon the
death of the eldest son, the next, or oldest remaining son, if married, returns to the
paternal home and resumes the family name. Cousins are allowed to intermarry,
but within this degree marriage is forbidden. The purchase or sale of women for
wives is unknown amongst the Japanese. Females are marriageable at seventeen.
They still practise the custom of changing their personal names. It may be
done by the father, or by the person, and is limited to one change. It is not
unusual, however, for persons to carry the same name through life. In this custom
is recognized the very ancient Asiatic and American Indian usage of the " milk
name" for childhood, followed by a different one for adult life. The modern or
family name has direct relation to the house or home, and consequently must have
originated after property had become stable, and its transmission by inheritance
had become established by law. This is sufficiently shown by the term itself, E'-a,
a house ; E-a'-no, a family ; E-a' -no-no, a family name. The clear and perfect
development of the idea, as well as the realization of the family, with the personal
and family name distinctions, it may be here repeated, is very high evidence of the
progress of the Japanese in a true civilization.
The Japanese bury their dead in a sitting posture. After the body is dressed in
its ordinary apparel, it is placed in an urn of earthenware, about three feet and a
half high, with the legs flexed and the arms folded. This urn is then covered and
inclosed in a coffin of wood, and buried in the ground, in a grave four feet square
and eight feet deep. No personal articles are buried with the deceased, except he
is a person of rank entitled to wear two swords, in which case two wooden swords,
as insignia of his rank, are deposited in the urn by his side. A tombstone or
obelisk is erected near the grave inscribed with the family and personal name of
the deceased.1
1 The cemeteries of the Japanese are not much unlike our own. In Perry's Japan Expedition,
I, 407, there is a representation of a Japanese graveyard and temple which fully sustains this
statement.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 429
The political or class divisions of the people are more difficult to be understood.
They have, in vigorous development, those cunningly devised gradations of rank
which spring up in the transition period from barbarism to civilization, and which
the privileged classes are certain to perpetuate long after the absurdity as well as
criminal injustice of legalized rank is perfectly understood by all classes. The
entire scheme of hereditary rank and titles, having its roots in barbarism, is still
essentially a barbarous institution, violative of the brotherhood which should
unite the people of the same immediate lineage. - The privileged classes in Japan
whose mastery over the people is complete, illustrate in a striking manner the
injurious operations of the principle.
With respect to the civil head of the Japanese empire the common opinion that
it is under the joint sway of a spiritual and a temporal emperor does not appear
to be correct. The Japanese regard the Me-ka'-do as the true emperor and
supreme ruler of Japan, and the Ty'-koon as his prime minister or vicegerent.
Man-kl-cM, illustrated to the writer their relative positions by that of a merchant
and his chief clerk. Notwithstanding the fact that the people regard the Ty'-koon
as the subordinate of the Me-ka'-do, he has the substance of power, and for most
practical purposes is the emperor. For several generations the office has been
hereditary in the same family. He resides in the chief city of the empire, whilst
the Me-ka'-do lives at Ke-o'-to, some three hundred miles distant. The former levies
and collects taxes, commands and supports the military forces, and appoints and
controls all the subordinate officers of the empire. In all these particulars he
appears to be left substantially to his own direction. He is bound, however, to
obey the requisitions of the Me-ka'-do in every particular, as Man-ki-clii affirms.
The treaty with the United States was negotiated by the Ty'-koon, but it was also
signed, I am told, by the Me-ka'-do, who was waited upon by the Ty'-koon and his
ministers, to solicit his signature, which he was reluctant to give, and also professed
their readiness to commit hari-kari if he so directed. The position of the Ty'-koon
appears to be analogous to that of the Mayor of the Palace, in the early days of
the French monarchy.
The remaining orders of nobility and gradations of the people are, 1. The Koo'-gih
class. Of their numbers, privileges, and position I could obtain no satisfactory in-
formation, except that they are higher in rank than the princes. 2. Koke'-she Di'-
me-o class, or the Eighteen Princes. These Dimeos are under the Ty'-koon, and
are the persons to whom the great districts or provinces of the empire are farmed
out for the letting of the land and the collection of the taxes. They receive their
titles from the Me-ka'-do, but whether it is hereditary in their families I did not
ascertain. They are called the Koke'-slve Dimeos, to distinguish them from an
inferior class of princes. 3. Di'-me-o class. Of these princes, called Dimeos1
simply, there are several thousand. 4. Ha' -tii-mo' -to class. These are the officers
of the Tt/'-koon in the various departments of the public service. They are of the
1 In the Japanese language there is no plural for words signifying objects or things. To such
words the number is prefixed. For persons, it is made by adding do' -mo, e. g. O-to'-ko, a man ;
O-to'-ko do'-mo, men.
430 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
class of nobles, are entitled to wear two swords, and number eighty-eight thousand.
Man-ki-chi belongs to this class, as he assured me. 5. Farmers. 6. Artisans, as
goldsmiths, carpenters, blacksmiths, &c. &c. 7. Shopkeepers. 8. Common people.
The Japanese language is syllabical, of the Turanian type, but apparently in an
advanced stage of development. Its verbs are regularly inflected, and its nouns
appear to have a systematic declension.1 It is entirely free from guttural and nasal
tones if the ordinary vocabulary words are sufficient to determine that question.
In speaking the lips rarely close, but they have most, if not all, the labial letters.
The Lew Chewans speak a dialect of the Japanese.2
When related the Japanese address each other by the term of relationship, and
when not related, by the personal name. Their system of relationship is classific,
and embraces all collateral consanguinei as far as the connection can be traced. It
is an interesting form for the reason especially that it has passed under the power-
ful influences arising from the possession of fixed property, and the establishment
of laws for its transmission by inheritance. Property rights alone appear to pos-
sess sufficient power to overthrow the classificatory system.
In the lineal line there are terms for grandfather and grandmother, o-jee'-sang
and o^bd'-san ; for great-grandfather and mother, «7ie-jee'-je and slie-ba'-bti ; for
grandson and granddaughter, ma' -go and ma'-ee ; for great-grandchild, zhe'-ko ;
and for grandchild's grandchild, ya-shang' -o. There are also separate terms for
elder and younger brother and for elder and younger sister, but no term for brother
or sister in the abstract. The plural is formed, as before stated, by adding do'-mo,
e. g., a'-nee, elder brother; a' -nee do'-mo elder brothers. These terms are used
both by the males and females.
My brother's son and daughter are my nephew and niece, e-to-ko and o-nd
e-to'-ko ; their children are my grandsons and granddaughters ; and the children
of the latter are my grandchildren. My sister's children, and their descendants,
stand to me in the same relationships ; and these are the same whether Ego is a
male or a female.
The wife of this nephew is my daughter-in-law, yo'-md ; and the husband of this
niece is my son-in-law, moo'-ko.
My father's brother is my uncle, o'-j'ee. This term was rendered by the late Mr.
H. J. S. Heusken, TJ. S. Secretary of Legation at Yedo, from whom I received an
imperfectly filled schedule, " my little father." The son of this uncle, if older
than myself, is my elder brother, a'-nee ; if younger, my younger brother, o-to'-to ;
his daughter, in like manner, is my elder or younger sister, a'-nilt, or e-mo'-to. Each
of the Borland daughters of this collateral brother and sister is my nephew, e-to'-ko,
or my niece, o'-nd e-to'-lco; each of their children is my grandson or granddaughter,
md'-go or md'-ee ; and each of the children of the latter is my great-grandchild,
she'-ko.
1 Oo'-ma. A horse. Oo'-ma. A horse.
Ma'-mo. Of a horse. Oo'-mii-to. With a horse.
Mii'-mc. To or for a horse.
• Japan Expedition, under Commodore Perry, 2, 47.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 431
My father's sister is my aunt, o'-ba, which is also rendered by Mr. Heusken, " my
little mother." Her children and descendants stand to me in the same relation-
ships as those of my uncle last above mentioned.
My mother's brother is also my uncle, o'-jee, and my mother's sister is my aunt,
o'-bd. The relationships of their respective children and descendants are the same
as those above given, no difference whatever being made in the several branches of
this line.
The wives of my several collateral brothers are my eider or younger sisters,
according to our relative ages ; and the husbands of my several collateral sisters
are severally my elder or younger brothers.
In the third collateral line, my grandfather's brother is my grandfather, o-jee'-
sang ; his son is my uncle, o'-jee ; the son of this uncle is my elder or younger
brother, a' -nee or o-to'-to ; his son and daughter are my nephew and niece ; and the
children of the latter are my grandsons and granddaughters. In the other branches
of this line the relationships are the same after that of the first person.
The fourth and more remote collateral lines are counterparts of the second and
third, but with additional ancestors.
With respect to the position of this system it will be seen, when the Malayan
form is presented, that there is a strong probability that it was originally Malayan
in form. Whilst the Chinese appears to be in a transition state between the Ma-
layan and the Turanian, the Japanese is passing out of the Turanian in the direc-
tion of the Aryan form, but without giving sufficient evidence to determine the
question whether it passed into the Turanian in its progressive development from
the Malayan into its present form. It is placed, provisionally, in the Turanian
connection.
432
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE CHINESE, IN THE MANDARIN DIALECT.
Bv HON. EOBEET HABT, OF CANTON.
Description of persons.
Relationships in Chinese.
Translation.
Etymological explanations.
1. My great great grandfather (father's
aide).
2. " great great grandmother
3. " great grandfather
4. " great grandfather's brother
5. " great grandfather's sister
great grandmother
great grandmother's brother.
9.
10.
great grandmother's sister .
grandfather
grandfather's elder brother.
" grandfather's younger brother.
11. " grandfather's sister
12. " grandmother
13. " grandmother's brother
" mother's brother
14. " mother's sister.
15. " great great grandfather (mother's
side).
16. " great great grandmother
17. " great grandfather
18. " great grandmother ,
19. " grandfather ,
20. " grandmother
21. " father . .
22. " mother
23. « son
24. " daughter
25. " grandson
26. " granddaughter.
27. " great grandson .
28. " great granddaughter
29. " great great grandson
30. " great great granddaughter
31. " elder brother . .
32. " elder sister .
33. " younger brother
34. " younger sister . .
35. " brothers
36. " sisters
37. " brother's son (male speaking)
38. " brother's son's wife (male apeak' g)
39. " brother's daughter "
Wo-te kaon-tsu
" kaon-tsti-mo .
" tsung-tsu. . . .
tsung-^-tsu.
' shuh
kii-po .
tsnng-tsfl-mo .
kew-tae-kung.
kfi-tae-po.
tsu-fu
poh-tsu . .
shuh-tstt
ku-mo ,
tsu-mo
wae-tsu-kung .
kew-kung
wae-e-po
wae-tsung-tsfi. . ..
wae-tsnng-tsu-mo
wae-tsu-kung ....
" wae-tsn-po
" wae kung .
wae-po ,
" fu-tsin ,
" Heay-teay; ckea-fii
" mo-tsiu ; bkea-ino. .
Ir-tsze
neu-Ir
suu-tsze
sun-neu ,
tsung-suu
" tsung-sun-nen . . .
" yuen-sun
yuen-sun-neu ....
ko-ko; bheung. . .
tseay-tseay; Hsze
henng-te; ba-te. . .
niei-mei
heung-te-mnn. .. .
tsze-mtti ....
chih-ir .
chih-fu . . .
chih-iieu .
My far removed ancestor.
" far removed ancestral mother.
" additional ancestor, t. e., more re-
mote.
" more remote ancestor.
" old mother of the ku class.
" more remote ancestral mother.
" very old gentleman.
" old great mother.
" ancestral father.
" senior ancestral relation.
" junior ancestral relation.
" aunt mother.
" ancestral mother.
" outer ancestral old gentleman.
" mother's brother ; the old gentle
man.
" mother of the wae-e class.
" more remote ancestor.
" more remote ancestral mother.
" out of the family ancestral old
father.
" out of the family ancestral old
mother.
" out of the family old father.
" out of the family old mother.
" father relation.
" "daddy; 'housefather.
" mother relation; 'housemother.
" child-boy.
" girl child.
" growing for the second time boy.
" growing for the second time girl.
" additional growing for the second
time boy (grandson).
" additional growing for the second
time girl (granddaughter).
" great growing for the third time
boy (grandson).
" great growing for the third time
girl (granddaughter).
" elder brother ; bsenior.
elder sister;"1 an experienced wo-
man.
senior little junior; ''little brother,
younger sister.
seniors-juniors ; that is, brothers,
elder sister, younger sister ; t. e.,
sisters.
nephew child, or my child boy of
the chih class,
nephew child's wife,
niece girl, or my child daughter
of the chih class.
Kaon = high or lofty.
Of the poll or shuh paternal relationship, see
"father's brother."
Ku is a term applied alike to a woman's
husband's mother, and to a father's sis-
ters. Po = old mother. Thus ku-po is
my old mother of the kit class.
Kew-kung is my grandmother's brother.
Tae means great. Kew-tae-kung is thus
my mother's brother (my father of the kew
class), that very old gentleman.
Same ku-po as above, and the same tae.
Tail is one who begins or founds a family.
The same poh and shuh are met with in my
father's brother.
Same as father's sister.
E is a mother's sister ; po is an "old mo-
ther;" wae-po, without the e, is my mo-
ther's mother. Kung and po are used for
father and mother towards persons who
stand in that relationship without being
the real parents.
Kung and po are likewise used by a woman
to designate her husband's parents. They
mean, originally, old or venerable people
of either sex. Wae is outer, external.
Wae-kung is thus my out of the family
old father, kung showing that the person
spoken of is not the real begetter.
Ko originally means "to sing;" repeated,
ko-ko, is simply an untranslatable word
for elder brother, Heuni) means senior.
Tseaij was originally applied to a " mother."
It is now a simple terra for "elder sister,"
and it is likewise the equivalent for our
word "rnias." Tsze = au experienced
woman.
J/«n is sign of plural.
OF THE II U MAX F A M I L Y.
403
TABLE OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE CHINESE, IN THE MANDARIN DIALECT. — Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationships in Chinese.
Translation.
Etymological explanations.
40. My bro.'s daughter's husband (m. s.)
41. " brother's grandson (male speak'g)
42. " brother's granddaughter "
43. " brother's great grandson "
44. " bro.'s gt. granddaughter "
45. " sister's son "
47. " sister's son's wife "
48. " sister's daughter "
49. " sister's daughter's husb. "
50. " sister's grandson "
51. " sister's granddaughter "
52. " Bister's great grandson "
53. " sist.'s gt. granddaughter "
54. " brother's son (female speaking) ..
55. " brother's son's wife (fern, speak' g)
5(j. " brother's daughter ' "
57. " bro.'s daughter's husband"
58. " brother's grandson "
59. " brother's granddaughter "
60. " brother's great grandson "
61. " bro.'s gt. granddaughter "
62. " sister's sou "
63. " sister's son's wife "
64. " sister's daughter "
65. " sister's daughter's hnsb. "
66. " sister's grandson . "
07. " sister's granddaughter "
68. " sister's great grandson "
69. " sist.'s gt. granddaughter "
70. " father's elder brother
My niece girl's superior, or my son-
in-law.
" grandson of the chih class.
" granddaughter of the chih class.
" great grandson of the chih class.
" great granddaughter of the chih
class.
" outside nephew.
" son's wife of the wae-sung class.
" daughter of the wae-sung class.
" son-in-law of the wae-sung class.
" grandson of the wae-sung class.
" granddaughter of the wae-sung
class.
" great grandson of the wae-sung
class.
" great granddaughter of the wae-
sung class.
" outer nephew, or, Tr being un-
derstood, my child of the
wae-chih class.
" outer nephew's wife.
" niece of the wae class, or my
daughter of the wae-chih class.
" son-in-law of the wae-chih class.
" grandson of the wae-chih class.
" granddaughter of the lOxe-chih
class.
" great grandson of the wae-chih
class.
" great granddaughter of the wae-
chih class.
" son of the e-sung class.
" daughter-in-law of the e-sung
class.
" daughter of the e-sung class,
i. e., through her sister.
" son-in-law of the e-sung class.
" grandson of the e-sung class.
" granddaughter of the e-sung
class.
" great grandson of the e-sung
class.
" great granddaughter of the
e-sung class.
" senior father.
" junior father.
" senior mother.
" father's younger brother's wife.
" hall brother, or brother of the
tang class.
" sister-in-law of the tang class.
" hall sister, or sister of tlie tang
class.
" brother-in-law, f. e., elder
' younger
sister's husband of the tang
class.
" nephew of the tang class.
" niece of the lang class.
" wae-sung child of the tan^olass.
A man's brother's children and their descend-
ants are thus styled his descendants of the
c.liih class.
Sung originally is a daughter's child ; with
"wae" (outside) prefixed, it expresses sis-
ter's son, and forms a wan-sung class.
" Daughter-in-law." " Seih-fZ" is a son's wife.
This e is the word already used in " my mo-
ther's sister," and the sung as in wae-sung
above. Thus, while a man calls his sister's
sous wae, a woman styles them e-sung.
One's father's brothers are styled father, but
distinguished as senior and junior from the
real begetter. Shuh is a term of respect
applied by one to their juniors.
Shin is the wife of one's younger brother.
Shin-neang is the wife of one's father's
younger brother. Neang is a word often
used for mother, meaning originally a youug
female.
Tang means hall or family ; my hall brother,
i. e., my brother of the tang class, of the same
family, descended from the same grand-
father, of the same surname.
My sister's child is my wae-suni] ; my paternal
uncle's daughter's child is iny wne-tung of
the tnng class. Thus my sister's child is
my child of the wae-sung class ; my wae-sung
daughter of the tang class is my father's
brother's daughter's daughter.
" chih-tsnng-neu. . . .
" chih-tsung-sun-ueu
" wae-snng-seih-fu . .
" wae-sung-neu-se . .
" wae-suug-sun-ueu .
" wae-sung-tsung-snu
" wae-sung-tsung-
sun-neu.
" wae-chih-seih-fu . .
" wae-chih-neu-se . . .
" wae-chih-sun-neu .
" wae-chih-tsung-sun
" wae-chih-tsnng-
snn-neu.
" e-sung-ueu
" e-suug-suu-neu . . .
" e-sung-tsung-sun. .
" e-sung-tsnng-suu
neu.
" poh-fu
71. " father's younger brother
" shuh-fu
72. " father's elder brother's wife
73. " father's younger brother's wife . .
74. " father's brother's son (males and
females use same terms).
75. " father's brother's son's wife
" tang-heung-te
76. " father's brother's daughter
77. " father's bro.'s daughter's husb'd
78. " father's brother's son's son
" tang-tsz<?-fii..
° mei
" tang-chih . .
79. " father's brother's son's daughter.
80. " father's brother's daughter's son.
" tang-chih-neu
" tang-wae-sung ....
65 April, 1870.
434
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
TABLE OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE CHINESE, IN THE MANDARIN DIALECT.— Continued.
Description of persons.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
no.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
My father's bro.'s daugh.'s daughter
" father's brother's gt. grandson . .
" father's bro.'sgt. granddaughter
" father's bro.'s gt. gt. grandson..
" father's bro.'s great great grand-
daughter.
" father's elder sister ...........
" father's younger sister .........
" father's sister's husband .......
father's sister's son (males and
females use same terms).
father's sister's son's wife ......
father's sister's daughter .......
father's sister's daughter's hus-
band.
father's sister's son's son ......
father's sister's son's daughter. .
father's sister's daughter's Bon .
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
" father's sister's daugh.'s daugh-
ter.
" father's sister's great grandson . .
" father's sist. 's gt. granddaughter
" father's sister's gt. gt. grandson .
" father's sister's great gt. grand-
daughter.
" mother's brother ..............
mother's brother's wife
mother's brother's son (males
and females use same terms).
mother's brother's son's wife
mother's brother's daughter. . . .
mother's bro.'s daughter's hus-
band.
mother's brother's son's son
mother's bro.'s son's daughter. .
mother's bro.'s daughter's sou. .
mother's brother's daughter's
daughter.
mother's bro.'s great grandson. .
mother's brother's great grand-
daughter.
mother's brother's great great
grandson.
mother's brother's great great
granddaughter.
mother's elder sister
mother's youuger bister
mother's sister's husband
mother's sister's son (males and
females use same terms),
mother's sister's son's wife
mother's sister's daughter
Relationships in Chinese.
Wo-te tang- wae-sung-nea
" tang-chih-sun
" tang-chih-sun-neu .
" tang-chih-tsung-
sun.
" tang-chih-tsung-
sun-neu.
" kii-mo
" kii-tseay
" kii-chang
" peaon-heung-te . . .
peaon-saou
peaou-tsze-mei .
Translation.
mei
peaon-chih
peaon-chih-nen . .
peaou-ehih-wae-
sung.
peaon-chih-wae-
sung-neu.
peaon-chih-snn . .
peaon-ohih-suu-
neu.
peaou-chih-tsnug-
81111.
peaon-chih-tsung-
sun-nen.
mo-kew
kew-mo
peaon-heung-te
peaon-saon
p«aon-tsze-mei . . .
peaon-ffi--fu....
peaon-chih
peaon-chih-neu . .
wae-peaon-chih . .
wae-peaon-chih-
neu.
peaon-chih-sun . . .
peaon-chih-sun-
ueu.
peaon-chih-tsung-
sun.
peaon-chih-tsuug-
Sllll-llrU.
ta-e-ma
seaon-e-ma
e-ffl
e-peaou-heung-te .
e-peaon-saon
e-peaou-tsze-mei
My wae-sung daughter of the tang
class.
" grandson of the tang-chih class,
or in the tang-chih line.
" granddaughter in the tang-chih
line of relationship.
" great grandson of the tang-chih
class.
" great granddaughter of the
tnng-chih class.
" aunt's mother.
" aunt's elder sister.
" aunt's husband.
" brother of the peaon class.
" sister-in-law of the peaon class
" sister of the peaon class.
elder
of
younger 8ister'8 husband
the peaon class.
nephew of the peaon class.
niece of the peaon class.
nephew of the wae-suny branch
of the peaon class.
niece of the wae-sung branch of
the peaon class.
grandson of the praon-chih class.
granddaughter of the peaon-chih
class.
great grandson of the peaon-
chih class.
great granddaughter of the
praon-chih class.
mother uncle.
uncle mother.
brother of the peaon class.
sister-in-law of the peaon class,
sister of the peaon class.
sister's husband of the peaon
class.
nephew of the peaon class,
niece of the peaon class,
nephew of the wae branch of
the peaon class,
niece of the wae branch of the
pcaon class.
grandson of the peaon-chih class,
granddaughter of the peaon-chih
class,
great grandson of the peaon-
cliih class,
great granddaughter of the
peaon-chih class,
great outside mamma,
small outside mamma.
mother's sister-father,
brother of the e-peaon class.
sister-in-law of the e-peaon class,
sister of the e-peaon class.
Etymological explanations.
My hall nephew reproduced.
My hall niece reproduced.
A father's sister is called kfi, i. e., aunt.
My external brother, i. e., not of the same sur-
name.
A mother's brothers are called Tcew, i. t., uncle.
AJo-krw = mother-uncle. Sometimes fcew-fu
is used =uucle-father. Kew is pronounced
like the gu in the Scotch word "gude" (good).
Same as my father's sister's son. In this way
the descendants of my father's brothers are
my brothers ; the children of my mother's
brothers and my father's sisters are my cou-
sins; the children of my mother's sisters
are my second cousins. This distinction be-
tween brothers and cousins is but fanciful ;
all the children of the brothers and sisters
of my parents are my brothers and sisters,
but distinguished as belonging to the tay-
peaon or e-peaon class, according to the rela-
tionship in which their parents stood to mine
The sisters of a mother, as also the sisters of
one's wife, are designated e. As written by
the Chinese, the character for e is composed
of two other characters, meaning " woman"
and "foreign." Tan and seaon are "great"
anil "small." Tn-e-ma is thus "great out-
siile mamma," and seaon-e-ma = small out-
side mamma.
The e is the same word as in e-ma •-
sister.
= mother's
OP THE HUM AX FAMILY.
43;')
TABLE OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE CHINKSE, IN THE MANDARIN DIALECT. — Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationships in Chinese.
Translation.
Etymological explanations.
121. My mother's sister's daughter's hus-
band.
Wo-te e-peaou-mz<?-fu
My sister's husband ° „" of the
e-peaon class.
" nepliew of tlie e-peaon class.
u niece of the c-peaon class.
" nephew of the wne branch of
the e-peaon class (wae = out-
side).
" niece of the icae branch of the
e-peaon class.
" grand-son of the chili kind of
the e-peaon class.
" granddaughter of the chih kind
of the e-peaon class.
" great grandson of the chih kind
of the e-peaon class.
" great granddaughter of the
chih kind of the e-peaon class.
" aunt mother.
" of the peaon class.
" — - of the peaon class.
" brother of the peaon class.
" sister " " "
" brother " " "
" sister " " "
" nephew " " "
" niece " " "
" grandson of the peaon-chih class.
" mother of the wae-e class.
" uncle of the peaon class.
" aunt " " "
" brother " " "
" sister " " "
" brother of the wae-e branch of
the peaon class.
" sister of the wae-e branch of the
peaon class.
" nephew of the peaon class.
" niece '
" grandson of the peaon-chih class.
" old man.
" old woman or wife.
" old, old man.
" old, old woman.
" great family venerable.
" wife's father.
" wife's mother.
" out of the family ancestral old
father.
" daughter's superior.
' son's wife, lady.
' subsequent father.
' subsequent mother.
' easily gotten child.
' easily gotten daughter.
' of a different father brother.
' of a different father sister.
Related family.
Related family's lady mother.
My son and daughter of the chih kind in the
e-peaon class.
The same poh and shuh as in father's brother,
peaon denoting that the individual is related
to my father's house through a female who
has by marriage entered another family.
Father's sisters are called &«. Peaon-kS is
thus a female relation of mine in the peaon
class, but of the same kind as is my father's
sister.
Same relation to me as is my father's sister's
or my brother's brother's son.
Same lew as in mother's brother.
Same e as in mother's sister.
Tsig is one's equal.
My husband's father.
My husband's mother.
I.e. the venerable old gentleman of our family.
Que is used to designate the parents of one's
Fii, father; mo, mother. [wife.
Wne-tsH-kung is also used for father's grand-
mother's brother, and mother's great grand-
father.
Though this is the expression in existence,
people do not like to make use of it.
This form of relationship is of very rare oc-
currence. Brothers and sisters by the same
father, but of different mothers, are simply
brothers and sisters — heung-te aud taze-mei.
123. " mother's sister's sou's daughter.
124. " mother's sister's daughter's soil.
125. " mother's sister's daughter's
daughter.
126. " mother's sister's great grandson
127. " mother's sister's great grand-
daughter.
128. " mother's sister's great gt. grand-
son.
129. " mother's sister's great gt. grand-
daughter.
130. " father's father's sister . . .
" e-peaou-chih-neu. .
" wae-e-peaon-chih. .
" wae-e-peaon-chih-
neu.
" e-peaon-chih-sun . .
" e-peaon-chih-sun-
nen.
" e-peaon-chih-tsuug-
sun.
" e-pi'aon-chih-tsung-
suu-neu.
" ku-tno
131. " father's father's sister's son
132. " father's father's sister's daugh-
ter.
133. " father's father's sister's son's son
134. " father's father's sister's son's
daughter.
135. " father's father's sister's daugh-
ter's son.
136. " father's father's sister's daugh-
ter's daughter.
137. " father's father's sister's great
grandson.
138. " father's father's sister's great
granddaughter.
139. " father's father's sister's great gt.
grandson.
" peaou- po'1
shuh"
" peaon-kfl
" peaon-heung-te. . . .
" peaon-tsze-mei
" peaon-heung-te . . .
" peaon-tsze-mei ....
" peaon-chih-neu . . .
" peaon-chih-sun . . .
141. " mother's mother's sister's son . .
142. " mother's moth. 'ssist.'s daughter
143. " mother's mother's sister's sou's
son.
144. " mother's mother's sister's son's
daughter.
145. " mother's mother's sist.'s daugh-
ter's son.
146. " mother's mother's sist.'s daugh-
ter's daughter.
147. " mother's mother's sister's great
grandson.
148. " mother's mother's sister's great
granddaughter.
149. " mother's mother's sister's great
great grandsou.
150. " husband
" kew-chaug
11 peaon-e
" peaou-heung-te . . .
" peaon-tsze-mei ....
" wae-e-peaon-heung-
te.
" wae-e-peaon-tsze-
mei.
" peaon-chih
" peaon-chih-nen . . .
" peaon-chih-sun . . .
" laon-kung; bchang-
fii.
' laon-po-btsee-tsze. .
151. " wife
I.rj2 " husband's father . . ...
155. " wife's father
' qu6-fii
15i;. " wife's mother
' qu6-mo
158. " son in-law
" nen-se
" seih-fu
100. ' step father
" how-fu
1<>2. ' step-son . . ...
" peen-e-tsze
" peen-e-neu
1 (J3. ' step-brother
" e-fu-heung-te
105. Two fathers-in-law to each other. . . .
166. " mothers-in-law to each other. . .
Tsin-kea
Tsin-kea-neang-mo
436
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE CHINESE, IN THE MANDARIN DIALECT. — Continued.
Description of persona.
Relationships in Chinese.
Translation.
Etymological explanations.
167. My brother-in-law (husband's bro.)
168. " brother-in-law (sister's husb'd)
169. " brother-in-law (wife's sister's
husband).
170. " brother-in-law (wife's brother) .
Wo-tS ta-poh-yay.
" seaon-shuh-tsze .
taze
-fa,
ta
-kew.
171. " brother-in-law (husband's sis-
ter's husband).
172. " sister-in-law (wife's sister)
" kfl-chang-kung . .
ta-5. ...
" seaon-e .
173. " sister-in-law (husband's sister)
174. " sister-in-law (bro.'s wife, male
speaking).
" ta-kfi (o) seaon-ku-
tsey. (y)
" saon-tsze
" shin-tsze . .
175. " sister-in-law (bro.'s wife, female « tsin-tsze
speaking).
176. " sister-in-law (husband's bro.'s «
wife).
177. " sister-in-law (wife's brother's « ts'iu-tsze
wife).
178. Twins....
179. Widow...
180. Widower .
1. The daughter of the daughter of one
Bister to the daughter of the daugh-
ter of the other sister.
2. The son of the son of one sister to the
son of the son of the other sister.
3. The son of the son of one sister to the
daughter of the daugh'r of the other
sister.
4. The daughter of the son of one sister
to the son of the daughter of the
other sister.
5. The daughter of the daughter of the
daughter of cue sister to the daugh-
ter of the daughter of the daughter
of the other sister.
1. The gon of the son of one brother to
the son of the son of the other bro-
ther.
2. The daughter of the daughter of one
brother to the daughter of the daugh-
ter of the other brother.
3. The son of the son of one brother to
the daughter of the daughter of the
other brother.
4. The son of the son of the son of one
brother to the son of the son of the
son of the other brother.
Shwang-sung
Kwa-ffl
Kw.vn.in . ,
E-peaon-tsze-mei
E-peaon-heung-te . . .
E-peaon-heung-mei .
E-peaon-henng mei .
E-peaon-tsze-mei . . .
My husband's elder brother.
" " junior "
" younger sister?s husban(l-
The husband of a wife's sister.
" " " " younger
sister.
My elder or younger brother.
Tsung-tang-henng-te
Peaon-tsze-mei
Peaon-heung-mei
Woo-she-tang-henng-te . .
" husband's sister's husband.
" elder sister of wife.
" younger sister of wife.
" great and little sister-in-law.
" elder brother's wife.
" younger brother's wife.
" brother's wife.
" husband's older brother's wife
" " younger " '
" wife's brother's wife.
Double, or rather a pair birth.
Lone woman.
Lone man.
Sisters of the e-peaon class.
Brothers " " "
Brother and sister of the e-peaon
class.
Brother and sister of the e-peaon
class.
Sisters of the e-peaon class.
Brothers of the tang class.
Sisters " " "
Brother and sister of the (any class
Brothers of the tang class, fifth
generation.
The words poh and shuli are applied to the
brothers of a father, as also to those of a
husband. These names for brother-in-law
seem taken from the relationship in which
they will stand to the children of the lady
speaking.
Kin is that part of a garment which, folding
over, is joined and fastened by clasps or
buttons.
This same kew is used for " mother's brother.'1
Thus, while a wife designates her husband's
brothers by the same terms she applies to
her paternal uncles, a husband applies to his
wife's brothers the word (Jcew~) he would use
in speaking of his maternal uncle. Again,
my wife's brother will be to my child in a
kew relationship.
Ku is applied to the mother and sisters of
one's husband, and also to the sisters ol
one's father — chang-lcunr/, husband.
The sisters of one's mother and wife go by
the same name "e" ; ta and seaon = large
and small = elder and younger.
Saon is an elder brother's wife ; shuh t
younger brother's wife. The wife of a shuh
fit, father's younger brother, is also stylec
shin.
My great mother, i. e., wife of one's husband's
elder brother.
A-shin as above in shin-tsze.
From this it would appear that the names
by which people address their brothers and
sisters-in-law are derived from the names
which would be applied to such individuals
by the children born, their nephews and
nieces.
rhe point from which anything begins is
called tsung. Thus, while these two people
are brothers of the tang class, the tsung pre-
fixed shows that they are some generations
removed from their common progenitor —
their great grandfather.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
437
TABLE OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF TUB CHINESE, IN THE MANDARIN DIALECT. — Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationships in Chinese.
Translation.
Etymological explanations.
1. The son of the son of a brother to the
son of the son of the brother's sister.
2. The daughter of the daughter of a bro-
ther to the daughter of the daughter
of the brother's sister.
3. The son of the son of a brother to the
daughter of the daughter of the bro-
ther's sister.
4. The son of the son of the son of a
brother to the son of the son of the
sou of the brother's sister.
1. The daughter of the dnnghter of one
sister to the daughter of the daugh-
ter of the daugh'r of the other sister.
2. The son of the son of one brother to
the daughter of the son of the son
of the other brother.
3. The daughter of the daughter of one
brother to the son of the son of the
son of the brother's sister.
Peaon-heung-te
Peaou-tsze-mei . ,
Peaon-heung-mei .
Peaon-heung-te . .
The second is the e-suny-
new of the first.
The second is the chih-lr
of the first.
The first is the peaon-lu-
mo of the second.
Brothers of the peaon class.
Sisters " " "
Brother and sister of the peaon
class.
Brothers of the peaon class.
A woman's sister's daughter is her
e-sung-neu.
The nephew, or son of the chih
class.
A father's sisters are called kii-mo.
In the present relationship, the first is a £&
mo of the peaon class to the second.
438 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY
CHAPTER IV.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF UNCLASSIFIED ASIATIC NATIONS.
Burmese and Karens — Their System of Relationship classificatory — Whether an Independent or a Subordinate Form
of the Turanian uncertain. 1. Burmese — Not Ancient within their present Area — Their System of Relationship
— It possesses a number of Turanian Characteristics— Lineal Line — First Collateral Line — Second and other
Collateral Lines — Marriage Relationships — Recapitulation of its Radical Characteristics. 2. Karens — The People
without Nationality — Dialects of the Karen Language — Mr. Judson's Description of the Karens — Their System
closely allied to the Burmese — Three Schedules in the Table — Lineal and Collateral Lines — Marriage Relation-
ships— Burmese and Karen complete the Series of Asiatic Schedules — Concluding Observations.
THERE are two other Asiatic nations represented in the Table, (Table III.) which
remain to be noticed, the Burmese and the Karen. They are left, for the present,
as unclassified, for the reason that their system of relationship, although it belongs
to the classificatory division, does not affiliate decisively with any form hitherto, or
hereafter, to be presented. It approaches very closely to that of the people of
North India, but differs from it in some particulars which are material. There
were reasons for placing the Gaura form in the Turanian connection which do not
exist in the present case. The nomenclature of relationships in the Hindi, Bengali,
and other dialects of the Gaura language, as we have seen, has been so greatly
changed under Sanskritic influence that it was a more reasonable supposition that
the system itself had been modified from a higher to a lower Turanian form, than
that it had remained unchanged under the pressure of the modifying causes which
had supplanted its aboriginal terms of relationship. From these considerations the
Gaura form was placed in the Turanian connection. There is no evidence, and
but little probability, that the system of consanguinity of the Burmese or of the
Karens has been influenced from without, and it has, without doubt, continued in
its present condition for a long period of time. It has also been stated that all
the systems of relationship of the human family fall under two general divisions,
the descriptive and the classificatory. Of the first there is no subordinate form,
that of the Aryan, the Semitic, and the Uralian families being identical ; but of
the second there are three which may be regarded as distinct, the Turanian, the
Malayan, and the Eskimo ; and there may be a fourth form, of which the Burmese
and the Karen are representatives, which may yet be found to be widely distributed
amongst Asiatic nations not represented in the Tables. Until after the forms
which prevail among these nations have been investigated, it is preferable to leave
unclassified the systems about to be presented.
1. Burmese. The Burmese are not regarded by ethnologists as a very ancient
people within their present area. They first came into prominence as a nation
about the middle of the last century. The ethnic relations of the native popula-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 439
tions that inhabit the extensive regions between Chinese Tartary, China, and Siam
on the north and east, and Hindustan on the south and west, are still very im-
perfectly understood. In connection with them may be placed the inhabitants of
Bhotan and Asam. They are broken up into tribes, more or less intermixed, and
can only be treated in groups, which are formed upon slender affiliations. The
principal of these are the Bhot, Asamese, and the Burmese. In the latter are
placed the Karens, Among all of these native populations the Burmese have
attained to the highest national rank ; and, as a people, they have been made quite
familiar to us on this side of the Atlantic, by the life and labors of the illustrious
Judson.
The Burmese system of relationship is regular in its form and clearly defined.
It has a number of Turanian characteristics, but is wanting in some of its arbitrary
and artificial principles of classification. Some of its generalizations are the same
as those found in the system of the Aryan family. The points of agreement and
disagreement with the forms before presented wall be seen as its details are given.
In the lineal line, male, the series is as follows: a-ba, father; bo, grandfather;
ba, great-grandfather; bee, great-great-grandfather; and descending, thci, son; my-a,
grandchild; my-eet, great-grandchild; and tee, great-great-grandchild.
There is a double set of terms for elder and younger brother, and for elder and
younger sister, one of which is used by males, and the other by females.
Elder Brother. Elder Sister. Younger Brother. Younger Sister.
Said by a male. E-ko', E-ma', Ny-ee'. Hnee-ma'.
Said by a female. Mo-ung' Ky-ee', E-ma', Mo-ung Ga-ta', Ny-ee-ma'.
The term for elder and younger brother, which is used by females, is the same,
a separate word being added expressive of elder and younger ; and the term used
for younger sister is the same as that used by a male for younger brother, with the
addition of a particle expressive of the female gender. In the formation of the
plural of brother, the terms for elder and younger brother are united, ny-ee-e '-ko-to' ',
literally, younger-elder brother = brothers, to being the sign of the plural ; in like
manner, for sisters we have e-ma' hne-ma'-to, literally, elder-younger sister. The
plural is formed in the Chinese in precisely the same way, e. g., heung, elder brother,
literally, senior; cu-te, little brother or junior, which give 7ieung-te~mun, senior-
junior = brothers ; mun being the sign of the plural; and for sisters, tsze-mei =
elder-younger sister = sisters.
In the first collateral line male, irrespective of the sex of Ego, my brother's son
is my nephew, too. Inasmuch as the correlative here used is that of father, it may
be doubtful whether the latter word is in strictness equivalent to nephew. My
brother's daughter I call too-ma', my niece. Each of the children of this nephew
and niece I call my grandchild, my-a. My sister's son and daughter, Ego being
still a male, are my nephew and niece, using the same terms, and their children are
my grandchildren.
The principal Turanian characteristics are wanting with the exceptions that my
father's brother is my father, and my father's sister is my aunt, and with the further
exception that this line is merged in the lineal line.
440 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
In the second collateral line male, on the father's side, irrespective of the sex of
Ego, my father's brother is my father, great or little, his son and daughter are my
elder or younger brother, or my elder or younger sister, as they are respectively
older or younger than myself. The sons and daughters of this collateral brother
and sister are my nephews and nieces, the terms used being too and too-ma', and
the children of the latter are my grandchildren.
In the female branch of the same line, my father's sister, is my great or little
aunt, as she is older or younger than my father. Here we find a distinct Turanian
characteristic, namely the relationship of aunt, restricted to the sisters of a father
to the exclusion of those of a mother. My father's sister's son and daughter are
my elder or younger brother, and my elder or younger sister in all respects as in
the former case ; their children are my nephews and nieces, and the children of the
latter are my grandchildren.
On the mother's side, my mother's brother is my uncle, oo-men. He is also my
great or little father, as he is older or younger than my mother ; and this appears
to be the prevailing relationship over that of uncle. The presence of an original
term for uncle, restricted to the mother's brothers, is a significant fact, especially
when considered in connection with the other term tau, aunt, restricted to a
father's sister. It may be found, on further investigation, that the latter terms are
used exclusively when the Burmese system is strictly interpreted. Should this
prove to be the fact, it would give to the system two other important Turanian
characteristics. My mother's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister,
elder or younger, according to our relative ages ; the children of this collateral
brother and sister are my nephews and nieces, and the children of the latter are
my grandchildren.
My mother's sister is my mother, great or little, as in other cases ; her son and
daughter are my brother and sister, elder or younger ; the children of this collateral
brother and sister are my nephews and nieces, and the children of the latter are my
grandchildren.
The third, and more remote, collateral lines are counterparts of the first and
second in all respects, with the exception of additional ancestors. In respect to
the latter, we find that the brothers and sisters of the grandfather and of the
grandmother are all alike grandfathers and grandmothers, which is a characteristic
of the Turanian system.
The coincidences between the Burmese form, and the Tamilian will be at once
observed. Its close agreement with the Gaura form will also be noticed, as well
as the points in which it differs from both. Its principal characteristics may be
recapitulated as follows : first, it has a double set of terms for elder and younger
brother, and for elder and younger sister, one of which is used by males, and the
other by females. Secondly, it has but one term for nephew and one for niece,
which are not only applied to the children of an own brother, as well as to the
children of an own sister, but also to the children of a collateral brother and sister.
Thirdly, that while these terms have strict correlatives in oo-men, uncle, and tau,
aunt, and do not find a proper correlative in great or little father and mother, they
are used indiscriminately as correlatives of both, which is, at least, a defect in the
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 441
principles of the system. Fourthly, the relationship of cousin is unknown. Fifthly,
the children of brothers, of sisters, and of brothers and sisters, are all alike brothers
and sisters to each other. Sixthly, the several collateral lines are ultimately merged
in the lineal, by means of which remote consanguinei are brought within the fold
of the near relationships. And lastly it is a classificatory system.1
2. Karens. The Karen language, which is now spoken in nine dialects, is an
uncultivated speech, except that it has been reduced to a written form by the
American missionaries. The people are subdivided into a number of tribes, and
the area of their occupation extends beyond the" boundaries of the Tenasserim
province into Burraih, into Siam, and even into the southern part of China; but
this occupation is not continuous. They are a rude, but gentle and teachable
people, and are without nationality.2
1 The Burmese have a strong resemblance to the American Indians. It is seen in the color of
the skin the character and color of the hair, and in the eyes. In their features and in the shape of
the head the resemblance fails. I met a Burmese accidentally in a railway car, and upon asking him
to what Indian nation he belonged, was surprised to be informed, in good English, that he was a
Burmese. He is now a student in Madison University.
9 The following general description of the Karens from the pen of the second Mrs. Judson, ns th«y
appeared about the year 1830, when the now venerable Dr. Francis Mason and Dr Jonathan Wade
founded the American missions amongst them, furnishes an interesting picture of this singular people
" The Karens," she says, " are a meek, peaceful race, simple and credulous, with many of the softer
virtues, and few flagrant vices. Though greatly addicted to drunkenness, extremely filthy and indo-
lent in their habits, their morals, in other respects, are superior to many civilized races. Their
traditions, like those of several tribes of American Indians, are a curious medley of truth and
absurdity ; but they have some tolerably definite ideas of the Great Being who governs the universe ;
and many of their traditionary precepts bear a striking resemblance to those of the gospel. They
have various petty superstitions; but, with the exception of a small division, known to the Burmans
as the Talingkarens, and to the missionaries as the Pwos or Shos, they have never adopted Boodhism ;
the oppressive treatment whieh they have received at the hands of their Burmese rulers probably
contributing to increase their aversion to idolatry.
" Soon after the arrival of the first Burmese missionary [Dr. Judson] in Rangoon, his attention was
attracted by small parties of strange wild-looking men, clad in unshapely garments, who from time
to time straggled past his residence. He was told that they were called Karens ; that they were
more numerous than any other similar tribe in the vicinity, and as untamable as the wild cow of the
mountains. He was further told that they shrunk from association with other men, seldom entering
a town, except on compulsion ; and that, therefore, any attempt to bring them within the sphere of
his influence would prove unsuccessful. His earnest inquiries, however, awakened an interest in the
minds of the Burmese converts ; and one of them, finding, during the war, a poor Karen bond-ser-
vant in Rangoon, paid his debt, and thus became, according to the custom of the country, his tem-
porary master. When peace was restored, he was brought to the missionaries on the Tenasserim
coast, and instructed in the principles of the Christian religion. He eventually became the subject
of regenerating grace, and proved a faithful and efficient evangelist. Through this man, who will
be recognized as Ko-thah-byu, access was gained to others of his countrymen, and they listened with
ready interest. They were naturally docile : they had no long-cherished prejudices and time-honored
customs to fetter them ; and their traditions taught them to look for the arrival of white-faced
foreigners from the west, who would make them acquainted with the true God. The missionaries,
in their first communications with the Karens, were obliged to employ a Burmese interpreter ; and
notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they labored, the truth spread with great rapidity.
Soon, however, Messrs. Wade and Mason devoted themselves to the acquisition of the language, and
the former conferred an inestimable boon on the race by reducing it to writing. This gave a fresh
56 April, 1870.
442 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
The Rev. H. L. Van Meter in a letter to the author which accompanied one of
the Karen schedules of relationships, dated at Bassein in 1861, remarks: " The
Karens are not an independent united people, and, if they ever were, the fact is
not certainly known to those now living. Those in Pegu, and near the sea coast,
have long been in subjection to the Burmese, while the tribes inhabiting the
mountains of Toungoo and beyond, though not acknowledging any other govern-
ment, if we except their subjection to the English, within a few years past have
been in a constant state of warfare with each other, and with adjacent powers.
Their tribal divisions are numerous. The two principal divisions in Southern
Burmah are the Sgaus and the Pwos, indicated in Karen as Pah-tee and Mo-tee,
the former signifying, of descent from the father's side, and the latter, of descent
from the mother's side ; but how, or when these divisions originated cannot be
discovered. The former are all known as Burmese Karens, and the latter as
Taking Karens, from the nations with which they have associated. There are also
White Karens, Red Karens, and Black Karens. Dr. Mason says, ' All the Karen
tribes between the mouth of the Tenasserim and the sources of the Sittang resolve
themselves into three classes, the Sgau tribes, the Pwo tribes, and the Bhgai tribes.'
In reference to the schedule, the answers elicited have been prompt and unhesi-
tating with very few exceptions, showing that the system of consanguinity, as here
presented, is well established among them, and one with which all are more or less
familiar."
From the highly primitive character thus ascribed to the Karens their system of
relationship is very important. It has remained uninfluenced by the development
of civilization from within, and doubtless unchanged from external causes, as a
consequence of their free and roving habits. Their system is classificatory ; and it
is not a little singular, that whilst it does not possess the extraordinary characteris-
tics which distinguish the Tamilian, it affiliates, in its fundamental features, very
closely with the Burmese, and also with the Gaura form, although variant from both
in some particulars. The nomenclature is rude and rather scant. Many of the terms
are in common gender, which is an unfailing indication of the undeveloped condi-
tion of a language. It is, however, in the systems of the rude and uncultivated
impulse to the spread of Christianity. The wild men and women in their mountain homes found a
new employment ; and they entered upon it with enthusiastic avidity. They had never before sup-
posed their language capable of being represented by signs, like other languages ; and they felt
themselves, from being a tribe of crushed, down-trodden slaves, suddenly elevated into a nation, with
every facility for possessing a national literature. This had a tendency to check their roving pro-
pensities; and under the protection of the British government, they began to cultivate a few simple
arts, though the most civilized among them still refused to congregate in towns, and it is unusual to
find a village that numbers more than five or six houses. Their first reading books consisted of
detached portions of the gospel ; and the Holy Spirit gave to the truth thus communicated, regene-
rating power. Churches sprang up, dotting the wilderness like so many lighted tapers ; and far back
among the rocky fastnesses of the mountains, where foreign foot has never trod, the light is already
kindled, and will continue to increase in brilliancy, till one of the darkest corners of the earth shall
be completely illuminated."*
* Wayland's Life of Judson, I. 542.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
443
nations and tribes that we must look for the most ancient and unaltered forms of
consanguinity. However undeveloped any language may be it will be found that
the system of relationship in daily use among the people is clearly defined and
perfectly familiar to all. As a domestic institution it is invested with a peculiar
stability and persistency. Its deviations from other forms with which it is nearly
allied embody a record of ancient affiliations, which a comparison of forms will still
reveal ; and these deviations thus become a source of evidence of the ethnic con-
nection of widely separated stocks.
There are three schedules in the Table, each ^giving the system of relationship
of the Karens. The first was prepared by the Rev. Dr. Francis Mason, of Toun-
goo ; the second by Rev. Dr. Jonathan Wade, of Maulmain ; and the third by Rev.
H. L. Van Meter, of Bassein. For upwards of thirty years the first two have been
engaged in the Karen missionary field. The first schedule is in the Sgau dialect,
as Dr. Mason states in his letter; the second is conjectured to be in the Pwo
dialect, although the fact is not stated by Dr. Wade ; in what dialect the third is
written does not appear.
The Karen language is very difficult to represent by any system of notation
which can be prepared, from the unusual number of vowel sounds, and the inability
of English letters fully to indicate the native consonants. Dr. Wade says upon
this subject : " The Karen language has nine vowel sounds, and each of these five
inflections, making, in all, fifty-four vowel sounds. Every change in these fifty-four
sounds involves a change in the signification. It is plain, therefore, that with all
the diacritical marks with which we are able to invest our English vowels, the exact
sound, and, of necessity, difference of signification between some words and others
will not be comprehendible. There is, also, as great an impossibility of indicating
the native consonants by English letters ; and it is equally important that they
should be indicated, in order to avoid wrong deductions from apparent identity of
syllables, where really no identity exists. I have, therefore, great aversion to
writing native words in Roman characters, where scientific questions are involved.
Erroneous conclusions will very often be the consequence."1 Dr. Wade furnished
1 Dr. Mason, in the letter which accompanied his schedule, and which was dated at Toungoo, June
6, 1860, after premising that " it seems necessary to append a few remarks that could not be intro-
duced into the schedule," proceeds as follows : —
" I. Karen Dialects.
"There are three or four written Karen dialects, and several more unwritten. It matters nothing,
for the purposes of the schedule, which is adopted in filling it up, The Sgau has been used be-
cause it is the most cultivated. The difference of dialect may be illustrated by the word for man
which occurs in the schedule.
Dialects.
Man.
Sgau,
Phii-ka-my-an.
Red Karen,
Pray-ka-ya.
Paku,
Gha-yan.
It
Pie-yan.
Bhgai,
Pie-yS.
Dialects.
Pwo,
it
Ka,
Shopgha,
Tarn,
Sham-phie,
Man.
Hen-phlung.
Ghen.
Han.
Plan.
Pin.
Pa-Iu.
444 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
a special notation for the Karen schedule filled by him, with appropriate characters
to indicate the high, low, and middle! sounds of the vowels, but it was deemed
advisable to reduce it to the notation adopted in the schedule, for the sake of
uniformity.
It is now proposed to take up the Karen system of relationship, and pass through
the several lines for the purpose of comparing it with other forms.
The lineal line in the descending series is distinguished, as to its members, in much
the same manner as the Burmese. The whole series, beginning with grandfather,
and ending with great-great-grandchild, is as follows : phu, pa, -pho, le, Id, and Id.
" 2. Additional Letters.
6, as o in note. au and ay, as pronounced in English.
n, as pronounced on the continent. kh, like the German ch, or the Scotch in
eu, " " " loch.
eit as pronounced in German. gh, like the Northumberland r.
" 3. Terms of Consanguinity.
" The only independent terms which distinguish difference of sex are
Father, Pa. Mother, Mo. Son-in-law, Ma.
Grandfather, Phu. Grandmother, Pine. Daughter-in-law, Day.
Uncle, Fha,-tie. Aunt, Mu-g/ia.
The other primitive terms are
Ph6, a child, male or female. Way, an elder brother or sister.
Lie, a grandchild, male or female. Pu, a younger brother or sister.
LO, a great-grandchild, male or female. Mue-pglm, a father or .mother-in-law.
La, a great-great-grandchild, male or female. Ta-khwa, or Dan-ta-khwa, cousin.
" Cousins are distinguished, as first, second, third, as in English.
"Words of common gender are made masculine or feminine by affixes. P6-khwa, or khwa, mascu-
line -, po-mu, or mu, feminine. Dan denotes relationship, and is prefixed to some of the compound
terms. For instance, as in the Indian languages, there are independent words for elder brother and
younger brother, but none for brother or sister; so the words for elder and younger are inverted,
ddn prefixed, and the compound is used for brother or sister. Thus, way, elder brother or sister,
becomes dan-pu-way, a brother or sister younger or older.
" 4. Karen Tribes.
" The Karens are broken up into many tribes, but nothing like the tribal organization of the Ame-
rican Indians is known among them. The names of some of the principal tribes are
S£au- Mop-gha. Sho. Ka, or Kay.
Pa-ku- Klm-hxa. Bghai. Hash-wie.
" It is remarkable that no satisfactory signification of any one of these names can be given.
" 5. Marriage Customs.
' In the matter of marriages the rule among the Karens is diametrically opposite to that among
:an Indians. Marriages must always, among the Karens, be contracted by relations. First
rry, but that is deemed undesirably near. Second cousins are considered the most suit-
third cousins may marry without impropriety, though that is considered undesir-
Beyond third cousins marriages are forbidden.
These rules arc not carried out very strictly, but sufficiently so to produce a weakly people,
owing to the intermarriages of near relations."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 445
A peculiar feature is found in the fraternal and sororal relationships, the terms
for which are still significant. They are conceived in the duplex form of elder and
younger, but the terms are in common gender, and require the addition of kJnra
and nut to express the sex of the person. The term for elder brother and elder
sister is wai, which signifies " predecessor in birth ;" and for younger brother and
sister, pu, which signifies " successor in birth." With the connecting particle po,
we have for elder brother, w-ai-po-khwa, for elder sister, wai-po-mu, and for younger
brother, pu-po-Mwa, and for younger sister, pu-po-mu. The method here used for
expressing these relationships is evidently founded upon natural suggestion. A
form somewhat analogous obtains in the Hawaiian system.
In the first collateral line, irrespective of the sex of Ego, I call my brother's son
pho-do-khica, and my brother's daughter pho-do-mu, which are rendered nephew and
niece by Dr. Mason. The children of this nephew and niece are my grandchildren.
In the female branch, my sister's son and daughter are my nephew and niece, the
same terms being used as before ; and their children are my grandchildren. It
will be observed that the relationships of uncle and aunt are applied to the father's
and mother's brothers, and to the father's and mother's sisters, as the correlatives
of nephew and niece ; but the term for uncle, phd-te, the literal signification of
which is not given, is evidently based upon the radical term pa, father, and in like
manner, the term for aunt, rmi-gha, upon that for mother, which is mo. At the
same time the terms which are rendered nephew and niece are the same as those
for son and daughter (pho-Jehvoa and pho-mu), with the exception of the particle
do. The point of the observation is this, that the relationships of uncle and aunt,
nephew and niece, in Karen, are but slight variations of the relationships of father
and mother, son and daughter, which may have been the previously recognized
connections, and which by this variation of the terms they sought to change. If
such were in fact the original form, it was identical with the present Malayan form.
The etymologies of the terms of consanguinity possess great value for the proper
interpretation of systems of relationship, and particularly of their modifications;
but unfortunately these are seldom preserved, and when they are, the terms them-
selves are usually found to be recent.
In the second collateral line male, on the father's side, irrespective of the sex of
Ego, my father's brother is my uncle, the son and daughter of this uncle are my
male and female cousins, ta-kliwa if a male, and ta-khwa-mu, if a female. The
presence of this relationship is another remarkable feature of the Karen system.
Among the Turanian nations it is only found among the people speaking the Dra-
vidian language, and it has also been found among a portion of the Ganowanian
family. Mr. Van Meter remarks upon this relationship as follows : " The descend-
ants of brothers and sisters are generally designated by the term given in the
schedule, viz., f-khwa, cousin ; but the terms brother and sister are occasionally
used in speaking of or to each other, the term for elder or younger brother or
sister being used according to the relative ages of the persons." This is a very
significant suggestion, tending to show a concurrent, and perhaps, originally, an
exclusive use of the latter terms. To resume, the sons and daughters of these
446 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
cousins are my nephews and nieces, and the children of these nephews and nieces
are my grandchildren.
The three remaining branches of this line are the same in all respects as the one
just described, with a change of the first person in the line. My father's sister
is my aunt, my mother's brother is my uncle, and my mother's sister is my aunt ;
and the relationships of the children of each, and their respective descendants,
is such as to make each branch of the line a counterpart of the other, with the
single exception of changing uncle to aunt, or the reverse.
The marriage relationships in the first and second collateral line are also peculiar
in the Karen. By courtesy the wife of a nephew becomes a niece, the husband
of a niece becomes a nephew, and the husband and wife of a female and male
cousin in like manner are regarded as cousins. These deviations from uniformity,
even in slight particulars, will be found to subserve an important purpose when the
systems of many nations are brought together for comparison. These forms are
not taken up and laid aside inconsiderately, but tend, when adopted, to become
permanent, and to perpetuate themselves in all of the off-shoots of a particular
branch of a family which become detached from the parent connection after these
deviations were made ; and thus they will often reappear in the separate subdi-
visions of such a branch after long intervals of time.
The third and more remote collateral lines, so far as they are extended in the
Table, are counterparts, in their several branches, of the corresponding branches of
the second collateral line ; and it will not, for this reason, be necessary to consider
them in detail. My father's father's brother is my grandfather ; his son is my uncle,
the son of this uncle is my male cousin, and the remainder of the line is the same
as the second. My father's father's sister is my grandmother ; her daughter is my
aunt, the daughter of this aunt is my female cousin ; and the remainder of this
line is the same as the corresponding part of the second. The male and female
branches, on the mother's side, are counterparts of those on the father's side.
The close approximation of that part of the system of a portion of the Aryan
family, which is classificatory, to the corresponding part of the Karen will at once
be noticed ; but when we pass beyond such portion, the remainder of the Karen
system continues classificatory, while that of the Aryan nations referred to is
descriptive.
We have now considered in this, and in previous chapters, the series of Asiatic
schedules, contained in the Table, which fall under the classificatory form. They
are much too limited in number to represent fairly the great body of the Asiatic
nations, considered with reference to the number of nationalities ; but they are
abundantly sufficient to establish the existence of one most remarkable form, the
Turanian, as exemplified by the system of the people of South India, who speak
the Dravidian language. This form, of which the Tamilian is selected as the type,
rises to the rank of a domestic institution in the highest sense of that term, by
reason of its elaborate and complicated character, and of it? uses for the organiza-
tion of the family upon the broadest scale of numbers. This remarkable system of
consanguinity and affinity embodies important testimony concerning the ethnic
affinities of nations among whom its fundamental conceptions can be definitely traced.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 447
Whether this peculiar form, under different degrees of modification, prevails among
the remaining Asiatic nations, or whether one or more forms radically distinct from
the Turanian will yet be discovered, remains to be determined. Whichever may
be the case, it will be found, in the sequel, that any form, endowed with radical
and distinctive characteristics, is able, within certain limits, to survive radical
mutations of language, and, having crossed intact the boundary line which sepa-
rates one stock language from another, will remain unimpaired after the vocables
of the disunited languages (not to say their grammatical structure) have become
so entirely changed as to be unrecognizable. The schedules referred to exhibit,
at most, but two forms, both of which are classificatory. Of these, the Turanian,
as exemplified by the Tamil, Telugu and Canarese, is the highest and the most
artificial, and the other, whether independent or a subordinate form of the Tura-
nian as exemplified by the Burmese and the Karen, is the lowest and least artificial.
It will be necessary to bring together the systems of consanguinity and affinity of
the remaining Asiatic nations, and to compare their radical forms with each other,
and with those herein presented, before the true position of the latter nations can
be definitely ascertained.
The principal object of the author has been attained in the discovery among the
people of South India, who speak the Dravidian language, of a system of relation-
ship which is at once original, clearly defined, and elaborate. The fact of the
actual present existence of such a system in practical operation upon the Asiatic
continent was the main fact to be established in the third part of this work. The
extent of the ramifications of the system in Asia is of much less importance than
the knowledge of its present existence among some portion of the continental
Asiatic populations. Should the uses of such a system of consanguinity and affinity
be found important, as well as successful, in advancing our knowledge of the
families of mankind, it will be comparatively easy, hereafter, to bring together the
forms which prevail in Central and Northern Asia, for the purpose of gathering up
the testimony which they may be able to deliver concerning the affiliations of these
nations with each other, and with those herein named, as well as with reference to
the order of their separation from each other. The principal object of developing
with so much particularity the Turanian system of consanguinity and affinity has
been to prepare the way for a comparison of its radical forms with those which
now exist in the system of the Ganowanian family.
448 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
CHAPTER V.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE MALAYAN FAMILY.
Continental and Island Life — Difference in their Advantages for National Development — Malayan Family — Its
Principal Branches — Malayan System of Relationship — I. Polynesian. — 1. Hawaiian — Analysis of the System —
Consanguine! Reduced to Great Classes — These Restricted to the Primary Relationship — The Malayan Realizes the
"Nine Grades" of the Chinese — System Classificatory — Lineal Line — Collateral Lines — Marriage Relationships
— Simplicity and Regularity of the System — Older than the Turanian — Latter probably Engrafted upon it — The
Hawaiian Custom or Pinaluanic Bond — It Tends to Explain the Origin of the Malayan System of Relationship.
2. Maori of New Zealand — Details of the System — Identical with the Hawaiian. — II. Micronesian Form. 1.
Ensaien — Lineal Line — Collateral Lines — Marriage Relationships. 2. Kingsmill Island — Lineal Line — Collateral
Lines — Marriage Relations — Micronesian Form identical with the Hawaiian — Failure to procure System of Negroid
Nations — III. Ainazulu or Kafir — Zulu-Kafir Language — Their System of Relationship — Lineal Line — Collateral
Lines — Marriage Relationships — Agrees substantially with the Hawaiian — The Amazulu concludes the Series of
Schedules.
FROM continental to island life the change for the worse is very great with respect
to opportunities and incitements to progress. Primitive peoples, having the range
of a continent, must of necessity have commenced their career as fishermen, in
dependence upon this great primary source of human subsistence, and with but
incidental support from the proceeds of the hunt. In the course of time they
would learn to domesticate young animals captured in the chase, out of which
would come a discovery of the uses of flocks and herds, as a more abundant and
more invigorating means of subsistence. This again, in the lapse of time and
through migrations, would be followed by the discovery of cereals, and of the art
of cultivation, which would lead inevitably to village life, out of which would
spring the first germs of civilization. In addition to this known sequence of the
means of progress, the stages of which were doubtless separated from each other
by centuries and decades of centuries of time, every nation upon a continent
had one or more contiguous nations between whom and itself there was more or
less of intercourse. Amongst contiguous nations there would be a free propaga-
tion of arts and inventions, which would tend to the general advancement of society
throughout the entire area in which these influences were felt. Nations are apt to
share in the more important elements of each other's progress.
On the other hand, the islands of the Pacific, except those adjacent to the main
land, may be likened to so many cages in which their insulated occupants were
shut in from external influences, as well as denied a knowledge of the uses of
flocks and herds and of the principal cereals. Intercourse, at most, was limited
to the inhabitants of particular groups- of islands, who were thus compelled to
sustain their national growth upon the development of their own intelligence exclu-
sively, and without the great instruments of progress afforded by continental areas.
They were also denied the advantages of numbers which is a most important ele-
ment in the progress of human society. Under such circumstances it would be
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 449
expected that isolated populations would remain in a stationary condition through
longer periods of time than the inhabitants of continents. Immigrants, presump-
tively, from original continental homes, their posterity would be expected to reflect
the condition of their ancestors at the epoch of their migration, since the proba-
bilities of retrograding in knowledge would be at least equal to those of progress,
under the physical limitations with which they were subsequently surrounded.
These hindrances would tend to preserve their domestic institutions within narrow
limits of change.
Dr. Prichard's classification and description "of the assemblage of nations in-
habiting Oceanica will bring them before us in their proper relations. " The
inhabitant of Oceanica," he remarks, " divide themselves into three groups. * * *
The first is the race termed by different writers Malayan, Polynesian, and Oceanic.
* * * I shall term these people the Malayo-Polynesian, or, in short, the Malayan
race. * * * The second group consists of tribes of people of darker complexion,
with hair crisp, and more or less resembling African negroes. * * * I shall call
them Pelagian negroes. They have often been called Papuas. * * * A third dis-
tinct group consists of tribes who differ in physical characters from the two former.
* * * They are savages of dark color, lank hair, and prognathous heads. To this
group the natives of Australia belong. I shall term them collectively Alforas." * * *
" The Malayan stock may be subdivided in a manner that will facilitate the
description, into three branches. The first branch is the Indo-Malayan, compre-
hending the Malays proper of Malacca, and the islands of the Indian Archipelago,
as the inhabitants of Sumatra, Java, Celebes, the Moluccas, and the Philippines.
The last nations resemble the proper Malays both in language and in physical
characters much more nearly than they do the Polynesian tribes. To the Indo-
Malayan branch may, perhaps, be associated the nations of the Caroline Islands,
and the Ladrones, who appear to be nearly related to their neighbors, the natives
of the Philippines. To the second or Polynesian branch belong the Tonga Island-
ers, the New Zealanders, the Tahitians, and the Hawaii ; these are the four prin-
cipal groups of the Polynesian family, arranged according to the indications of
their languages. The third branch are the Madacasses, or people of Madagascar."1
The Rev. Artemus Bishop, an American missionary, resident during the last
forty years at the Sandwich Islands, thus remarks upon the Polynesian branch of
the Malayan family, in a letter to the author, dated in April, 1860, at Honolulu:
" It has been pretty well ascertained that the Polynesian race is not from Northern
Asia, but from the Indian Archipelago. They are the same people as the Malays,
and include, also, the inhabitants of Madagascar. In the Pacific, among the west-
ern islands, they pass into another race who speak a radically different language,
in which enter many words of Polynesian origin. But through the Eastern and
Southern Pacific they belong to the same branch. The same contour of features,
the same structure of sentences in the language, and in perhaps half the words or
more, the same words in their radical letters, but slightly varying by the omission
1 Nat. Hist, of Man, 326-328.
57 April, 1870.
450 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
of some of the letters, and the substitution of others. But they are all dialects
of the same language. A native of New Zealand, of the Fejee, the Navigators,
the Tahitian, or the Marquesas Islands can, in a few days, interchange thoughts
as freely with Hawaiians as if he were among his own people. I mentioned,
in a note, an Indian girl from Chili, who lived in my family a few years ago.
She had the perfect contour of features which mark the Hawaiian women, and
the same copper color, but a shade lighter. After being here a few months
she spoke with the same fluency and intonation of voice as if she had been born
here. Yet she was ignorant of the grammar of language, and of letters. She
told me her native tongue was a little like the Hawaiian, but cpuld give me no
further information. The words in many cases may differ, but, as the structure of
sentences is the same in both cases, it is easy, as in her case, to quickly get hold of
the tongue.
" When I visited the Marquesas, two years ago, I found the people essentially
Hawaiian. In a week after landing I could talk with them on any common sub-
ject. I found they held traditions that their ancestors came originally from Hawaii,
and the name of the first ancestor of their race was Mawi of Hawaii, which is the
same traditional name the Hawaiians boast of as their first ancestor.
" But the question, how the Polynesian race became so widely scattered, I fear
will never be fully solved. In coming from Southern Asia they must have s'ailed
to the windward all the way. The only manner in which I can solve it is to sup-
pose that the ancient Southern Asiatics were civilized, and sailed in ships rather
than in canoes ; and that they had a sufficient knowledge of navigation to traverse
a pathless ocean to windward. If so, they have long lost it. They have no tradi-
tions of their Asiatic origin. But there are intimations of the original Hawaiians
having come here direct from the Navigators' Islands. The name of the principal
island of that group corresponds to the name of our principal island. Svaii there.
Hawaii here. The v and w are interchangeable letters in all Polynesia ; s and Ji
are exchangeable, although there is no s in Hawaiian."
The Malayan family possess an original and distinctive system of relationship ; a
system not less clearly limited and defined than the highest form of the Turanian.
Its importance is much enhanced by the relation in which it stands to the
Ganowanian and Turanian forms, although separated from them by a wide interval.
It is an older, and so far as the tables show, the first stage of the classificatory
system. Whatever form may have existed antecedent to the Malayan, the latter
is probably the oldest form of consanguinity and affinity now existing upon the
earth. In the natural order of the subject it should have been first presented ; but
as the question of the probable origin of the system, and the relation of its several
forms, does not arise until after a knowledge of these forms has been obtained, it
has been reserved for the last place.
In the table will be found the system of relationship of the Hawaiians, and
New Zealanders of Polynesia, and also of the Kusaiens and Kingsmill islanders of
Micronesia. For a family of nations so numerous and so widely scattered geogra-
phically as the Malayan, this number of schedules furnish a narrow basis for a final
induction determinative of the system of this family. The Hawaiian form herein
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
451
presented prevails, presumptively, amongst the Tonga, Samoan, Navigators, and
Marquesas islanders, and the Tahitians ; and the Kusaien and Kingsmill among the
Caroline, Ladrone and Pelew islanders, representing very favorably two of the great
branches of the Malayan family, and leaving the inhabitants of Madagascar unrepre-
sented. The system of the Malays proper, however, is wanting in the Table. To
this we should naturally look for the typical form of the family. Repeated and per-
severing efforts, continued through a period of several years, to procure this system
proved unsuccessful, although the Malays apparently are more accessible than any
other branch of the family. If it had been obtained, and on comparison had been
found identical in form with the Hawaiian, it would have rendered the proposition
reasonably certain that the Malayan family, as constituted of the Malayan race of Dr.
Prichard, possessed a common system, of which the Hawaiian was typical. The Malay
terms of relationship were procured from a returned missionary from Borneo, and
are given in the note,1 but he was unable, without native assistance, to fill X)ut a
schedule. It should be observed, however, that the terms for nephew and niece,
uncle and aunt, are descriptive phrases. It is not probable that these relationships
are discriminated ; but that the persons thus described are son and daughter, and
father and mother, under the system. From the nomenclature the close approxi-
mation if not identity of the Malay and Hawaiian forms may be inferred with
some degree of probability. The system of relationship of the Zulus or Kafirs of
South Africa is also Malayan in form. Upon the basis of these schedules, which
reveal an independent and distinctive system of consanguinity, the Malayan family
has been constituted, and into which may be admitted all such nations as hereafter
furnish evidence of common blood, through the possession of the same system of
relationship.
I. Polynesian. 1. Hawaiian. The language and domestic institutions of these
islanders have been rendered thoroughly accessible through the labors of the Ameri-
can missionaries. It is well known that the language is now written, and that it has
become to some extent a cultivated language. Three schedules of the Hawaiian
system of relationship were obtained. One of them was furnished by the Hon.
Thomas Miller, United States Consul at Hilo, Island of Hawaii ; the second by
1 Malay Terms of Relationship by the Rev. William H
. Steele.
1. Grandfather,
Nenek.
15.
Husband,
Swami or Laki.
2. Grandmother,
Nenek Parampuan.
16.
Wife,
Bini or Istri.
3. Father,
Bap a.
17.
Father-in-law,
Mintua Laki Laki.
4. Mother,
Mak or Ibu.
18.
Mother-in-law,
Mintna Parampuan.
5. Son (Anak child),
Anak Laki Laki.
19.
Wife's brother,
Biras.
6. Daughter,
Anak Parampuan.
20.
Brother-in-law,
Ipat.
7. Grandson,
Chuchu Laki Laki.
21.
Step-father,
Bapa Tiri.
8. Granddaughter,
Chuchu Parampuan.
22.
Step-mother,
Mak Tiri.
9. Elder brother,
Abafig.
23.
Step-child,
Anak Tiri.
10 Younger brother,
Adik.
24.
Adopted child,
Anak Angkat.
11. Uncle,
Bapa Sudara.
25.
First born,
Anak Sulung.
12. Aunt,
Mak Sudara.
26.
Last bom,
Anak Bongsu.
13. Nephew,
Anak Sudara Laki Laki.
27.
Cousin,
Sudar Sa-pnpu.
14. Niece,
Anak Su.da.ra Parampuan.
2.8.
Twins,
Anak Kumbar.
452 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the Hon. Lorin Andrews, of Honolulu, Island of Oahu, one of the judges of the
Supreme Court of Hawaii, under Kamchameha IV. ; and the third by Rev. Artemus
Bishop, before mentioned. They furnish a full and complete exposition of the
Hawaiian system. The schedule of Mr. Miller was adopted for the table, with
some modification of the orthography of the terms of relationship from that of
Judge Andrews. The valuable observations of the gentleman last named, upon
the nomenclature, as well as upon the system, which were evidently prepared with
great care, will be found in the subjoined note, to which attention is invited.1
1 Notes on the Hawaiian Degrees of Relationship, by Judge Andrews.
" 1. Captain Cook, on the discovery of these islands, named them Sandwich Islands, after Lord
Sandwich, aud the English and most travellers continue the appellation to the present day. But
he found the islands not only inhabited, but regular governments existing under chiefs or rulers, and
each of the islands had its specific name, and there was, also, a general name for the whole group.
This name was Hawaii, from the name of the larger island. ' Na aina o Hawaii,' the lands or
country of Hawaii ; 'Na moku o Hawaii,' the Islands of Hawaii. These have been the names ap-
propriated by the inhabitants themselves from time immemorial ; and it seems proper that that
name should be continued rather than a name given by a discoverer. Especially as no untaught
Hawaiian can pronounce the epithet Sandwich Islands, until after a long training of his vocal organs.
In all laws and legal documents the word Hawaii is used to denote this group of islands.
" 2. Where there is an elision of a vowel it is indicated by an apostrophe. Thus, /to' u or ka1 u
stands for ko ou and ka au, and is the genitive of ou and au; the same applies to o'w and a'u. The
pronunciation is effected by a slight break where the apostrophe occurs, to distinguish it from kou
and kau, of the second person, thy or thine, ou, au, of thee, of thine, &c. The form kua, my or
mine, is used when it is not certain whether ko1 u or ka' u ought to be used in order to be gramma-
tically correct. •
" In Hawaiian printed books no accents or other diacritical signs are used, except the above
apostrophe. I have, therefore, marked the accented syllables by a simple inclined dash over the
vowel. The sounds of the vowels, it will be perceived, are those of the languages of Southern
Europe, in distinction from the English. The vowel u may, perhaps, be an exception.
" 3. The Hawaiians have no definite word for father, mkua signifies parent, either male or female.
If we wish to say father or mother, we must add kane, male, or wahina, female. When used as
nouns kane signifies husband, and wahine a wife.
" 4. For maku wahine, mother, a slightly different orthography is often used ; thus, makuahine,
the syllable wa is thrown out, and the two words united in one, the pronunciation continuing nearly
the same.
" 5. The Hawaiian has no specific word for son. Keiki signifies child, or originally the little ; iki,
little, small ; the article ke has, in modern times, become prefixed, that is attached, and the word
thus compounded takes at present another article, ke ; hence the present form, ke keiki, the little
one, the junior, &c. To express the idea son, the adjective kane, male, must be added.
" 6. The form kaikamahine is an anomaly which I have never heard a native (though often asked)
account for. According to the analogy of the language, the word for daughter would be keiki
wahine ; but Hawaiians never use that phrase. Kaikamahine signifies a female child, girl, daughter,
young woman, &c.
" 7. The Hawaiian has no term for grandson. Moopuna signifies a grandchild of either sex.
Hence kane, male, or wahine, female, is added. Moopuna, however, is not always restricted to a
descendant of the second generation, but is often used of several degrees.
"8. Moopuna kualua, that is ku, fitting, belonging to, alua, two, the second, <fec. This assumes
that moopuna, grandchild, is the first in a series of that title. Hence moopuna kualua signifies a
great-grandchild.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 453
The Hawaiian system is classificatory in the strict sense of the term ; but more
simple and inartificial than any other form which obtains in the several families of
mankind. Its simplicity is caused by the adoption of the primary relationships as
the basis of the system, and by bringing collateral consanguine! within one or the
other of these relationships. In this fundamental provision can be clearly recog-
nized the " nine ranks of relatives" which form the basis of the Chinese system
(supra, page 415), but reduced to five. The Chinese text reduced accordingly,
"9. Moopiwa kuakdlu, great-great-grandchild, from ku, belonging to, and akolu, three, or these,
&c., as above.
" 10. Kaikuaana. The Hawaiian has no definite general word for brother in common use. (See
hoahanau below.) Kaikuaana signifies any one of my brothers, older than myself; that is an older
brother of a brother. The same applies to females. If a, woman speaks of a sister older than her-
self, she calls her kaikuaana.
" 11. Kuikunane, thus spoken by a female, applies to any of her brothers, older or younger than
herself.
"12. Kaikuwahine, said by a male, means a sister older than himself.
" 13. Kalkaina, a younger brother of a brother, or a younger sister of a sister. Thus, a brother
speaks of a brother either as kaikuaane, elder brother, or kalkuaina, younger brother The terms
apply to any number older or younger. The same applies to a sister. When a sister speaks of a
younger brother she calls him kalkundne. See No. 11.
"14. Brothers. See Xo. 10. The Hawaiian has no word for brother in the sense of the lan-
guages of Western Europe. The word hoahanau, from hoa, companion, and hanau, born, 'i. e., a com-
panion in birth, is used in a loose sense, and is now mostly applied to those belonging to the church,
or church members. They seldom use it of one born of the same parents. The word is in common
gender, and needs kdne or wahlne in order to specify the sex. I have used the terms hoahanau
and hoahanau wahine, for brothers and sisters, because they may be so used, and because without
them I could not go on with the degrees of relationship.
"15. The Hawaiian has no words for uncle or aunt. All uncles and aunts are makua, i. e.,
fathers or mothers.
" 16. Makuahine. See No. 4.
" It. See No. 15. This admits of another form in Hawaiian, but the phrase in the line is the
most common.
" 18. Hawaiians have no words for nephew or niece. Nephews and nieces are all son» and
daughters.
" 19. Hawaiians have no term for cousin. All cousins are brothers and sisters, and the same dis-
tinguishing epithets of older and younger apply as in the case of own brothers and misters. See
Nos. 10-13. This applies to cousins of any degree.
" 20. The word kupuna=more, literally means a grandparent, and with kdne or •wahine, grand-
father or grandmother. This was, probably, the original idea ; but in common use -t means an
ancestor of any degree.
" 21. The hunona has no corresponding term in English. It applies to a man who has married
my daughter, or to a woman who has married my son.
" 22. Kolea has no corresponding term in English
"23. Hunai (fed, nursed) is equivalent in practice to our word adoption, though it has no such
legal form. If a child lived to grow up in the family of one in no way related to it, or was
sustained at their expense, it was entitled by common law to inherit as if a real child.
" 24. Puliena expresses the relationship of a man's parents to those of his wife.
" 25. Kaikoeke is a brother-in-law or sister-in-law, according as kdne or wahine is added.
" 26. The relationship of pinalua is rather amphibious. It arose from the fact that two or more
brothers, with their wives, or two or more sisters with their husbands, were inclined to possess each
other in common ; but the modern use of the word is that of dear friend, an intimate companion."
454 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
would read as follows in Hawaiian : " All men who are born into the world have
five ranks of relatives. My own generation is one grade ; my father's is one ; and
my grandfather's is one ; thus above me are two grades. My son's generation is
one grade, and my grandson's is one ; thus below me are two grades of relations ;
including myself in the estimate, there are five grades. These are brethren, and
though each grade belongs to a different house or family, yet they are all my rela-
tions ; and these are called the five grades of relations." The difference consists
in this, that whilst the Chinese have departed from the literal classification of con-
sanguinei into nine grades, by the introduction into their system of what may be
called distinctive Turanian elements, the Hawaiians have held, pure and simple, to
the five primary grades of relatives. When compared with the highest type of the
Turanian system the Hawaiian is found to be classific without being Turanian ;
and the difference between them is the precise element which constitutes the Tura-
nian system, as distinguished from other classificatory forms. In about half of the
Hawaiian relationships the classification is identical with the Turanian, but the
remaining parts of the two are wholly different. It will be seen in the sequel that
the Turanian might have been, and probably was, engrafted upon an original form
in all respects agreeing with the Hawaiian ; but that the latter could not have been
derived from the former, whence the inference that the Hawaiian is the oldest
form.
An analysis of the system will develop in a few propositions the limited number
of ideas upon which it is founded.
I. All the brothers and sisters of my grandfather and of my grandmother on the
father's side, and on the mother's side, are, without distinction, my grandparents ;
and the same is true of the several ancestors above grandparents, and their brothers
and sisters. They are distinguished from each other as second or third grand-
parents, but practically stand in the relationship of grandparents.
II. All the children and descendants of my sons and daughters are my grand-
children, but distinguished from each other in the manner last above named.
III. Brothers are distinguished into elder and younger, by the males, but not by
the females ; and sisters are distinguished into elder and younger by the females,
but not by the males.
IV. All the children of my several brothers, and all the children of my several
sisters are my children, and all the children of the latter are my grandchildren.
A change in the sex of Ego makes no difference in relationships under the Hawaiian
system.
V. All the brothers of my father, and all the brothers of my mother are my
fathers, and all the sisters of my father, and all the sisters of my mother are my
mothers.
VI. All the children of several brothers, of several sisters, and of several
brothers and sisters, are themselves brothers and sisters to each other, elder or
younger ; and they apply to each other the same terms they would use to designate
own brothers and sisters. The children of these collateral brothers and sisters are
also brothers and sisters to each other, elder or younger ; and the same relationships
continue, theoretically, amongst their descendants, at equal removes, indefinitely.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 455
VII. All the children of these, my collateral brothers and sisters, are my sons
and daughters ; and the children of the latter are my grandchildren.
VIII. The wives of my collateral sons are my daughters-in-law, and the husbands
of my collateral daughters are my sons-in-law. The wives of my several collateral
brothers are my wives, and the husbands of my collateral sisters are my brothers-
in-law.
IX. In each and all of these relationships the correlative terms are applied to
Ego ; e. g., the one I call father calls me son, the one I call grandfather calls me
grandson, the one I call elder brother calls me younger brother, and the one I call
father-in-law calls me son-in-law.
X. The several collateral lines are ultimately merged in the lineal line, ascend-
ing as well as descending.
From the foregoing propositions it appears, first, that the relationships of uncle and
aunt, nephew and niece, and cousin are unknown in the HaAvaiian system ; secondly,
that consanguine! are never described ; and, lastly, that they are generalized into as
many great classes or categories as there are primary relationships. All the members
of each class are thus reduced to the same level in the rank of their relationships
to each other, and to Ego, without regard to nearness or remoteness in degree. It
exhibits, as before stated, a perfect realization of the " Grades of Relatives"
described by the Chinese author, and which the Chinese system now fails to illus-
trate. If we make the application, commencing with grandfather, it will be seen
that my grandparents, and such kinsmen of theirs as stand to me in the relation of
grandparents, form one grade or class ; that my parents, and such relatives of theirs
as stand to me in the relationship of parents, form a second grade or class ; that
myself, with my brothers and sisters, and my collateral brothers and sisters, form a
third grade or class ; that my children, and the children of my collateral brothers
and sisters form a fourth grade or class ; and that my grandchildren and my colla-
teral grandchildren form a fifth grade or class. Those of each grade stand to Ego
in the same identical relationship, and the individuals of the same grade or class
stand to each other in the relationships of brothers and sisters. It follows, also,
that a knowledge of the degrees of consanguinity, numerically, is an integral part
of the Hawaiian system, without which it would be impossible to determine to
which of the great classes any given person belonged. The simple and distinctive
character of the Hawaiian system will at once arrest attention. It has positive
elements, which contravene natural suggestion, on the assumption of marriage
between single pairs, and it is also classificatory without the special discriminations
of the Turanian system.
The Malayan form holds such an important relation both to the Turanian and
Ganowanian that it should be presented with some degree of detail. It affords a
probable solution of the origin of the classificatory system.
There are terms in Hawaiian for grandparent, Kupuna, for parent, Makua, for
child, Kaikee, and for grandchild, Moopuna. The gender is expressed by adding
the terms for male and female, Kdna and Wdheena. Ancestors and descendants
above and below those named, are distinguished numerically, when it is necessary
456 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
to be specific, as second, third, and so on. But in common usage Kupund is ap
plied to all ancestors above father, and Moopuna to all descendants below son.1
In the manner of indicating the fraternal and sororal relationships, there are
peculiar characteristics which deserve special notice.
Elder brother, said by a male, Kaikuaana. Said by a female, Kaikunana.
Younger brother, " " Kaikaina. " Kaikunana.
Elder sister, " " Kaikuwahina. " " Kaikuaana.
Younger sister " " Kaikuwahiim. " " Kaikaina.
It will be observed that a man calls his elder brother Kaikuaana, and that a
woman calls her elder sister the same ; a man calls his younger brother Kaikaina,
a woman calls her younger sister the same; hence these terms are in common
gender, and the manner of their use suggests the idea found in the Karen system,
of predecessor and successor in birth, although limited to the brothers of the male,
and to the sisters of the female. To this extent these relationships are conceived
in the twofold form of elder and younger. But a single term is used by the males
for elder and younger sister, and a single term by the females for elder and younger
brother. It thus appears that with Ego a male his brothers are classified into elder
and younger, whilst his sisters are placed in one class ; and that with Ego a female
her sisters are distinguished into alder and younger, whilst her brothers are placed
in one class. A double set of terms are in this way developed, one of which is
nsed by the males, and the other by the females. This arrangement is quite arti-
ficial as well as peculiar, and wherever it prevails will furnish evidence of
ethnic connection with the Hawaiians. Deviations from the common form, in
which two or more independent nations concur, very often suggest the order of the
separation of these nations from each other, and from the common stem.
In the first collateral line, and irrespective of the sex of Ego, my brother's and
sister's children are my sons and daughters, and their children are my grandchildren.
The husbands and wives of these several collateral sons and daughters are my
daughters-in-law and my sons-in-law, the terms used being in common gender, and
having the word for male or female added to each respectively.
In the second collateral line my father's brother is my father ; his children are
my brothers and sisters, the same terms being used which are applied to own
brothers and sisters ; their children are my sons and daughters ; and the children
of the latter are my grandchildren. My father's sister is my mother ; her children
are my brothers and sisters ; the children of the latter are my sons and daughters ;
and their children are my grandchildren.
In like manner, my mother's brother is my father ; his children are my brothers
and sisters ; the children of the latter are my sons and daughters ; and their chil-
dren are my grandchildren. My mother's sister is my mother ; her children are
my brothers and sisters ; the children of the latter are my sons and daughters ; and
their children are my grandchildren.
The wives of these several collateral brothers are, Avithout distinction, my own
1 See Judge Andrews's statement. Note, supra, 1, 820.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 457
wives, the same term being still used to designate them, which I apply to my own
wife ; and the husbands of these several collateral sisters are my brothers-in-law.
In the third collateral line, my grandfather's brother is my grandfather ; his son
is my father ; the children of this father are my brothers and sisters ; their children
are my sons and daughters ; and the children of the latter are my grandchildren.
The remaining branches of this line give the same series. If the connection of
consanguinei is traced into the fourth and more remote collateral lines, the same
principle of classification is applied.
From the foregoing analysis and detailed presentation of the Hawaiian form its
simplicity and originality are apparent. It is a clearly defined system, comprehen-
sive in its range, and uniform in its classification. The generalizations upon which
it rests are fundamentally different from those which underlie the Aryan, Semitic,
and Uralian ; but they agree in part with those which organize the Turanian system.
In other words, half of the Hawaiian is Turanian, and the other half is not ; and
that part which is not Turanian is a duplicate of the part which is. The differ-
ences will be seen by placing the two forms side by side. Several interesting
problems are suggested by the comparison which will come up for discussion in
another place.
It is important, in this connection, that particular attention should be directed
to the Hawaiian custom, or Pinaluanic bond which is mentioned by Judge Andrews
in the last section of his notes (supra, p. 453.) " The relationship of Pinalua" he
remarks, " is rather amphibious. It arose from the fact that two or more brothers
with their wives, or two or more sisters, with their husbands, were inclined to
possess each other in common ; but the modern use of the word is that of dear friend
or intimate companion." The Rev. Artemus Bishop refers to the same usage in the
following language : " This confusion of relationships is the result of the ancient
custom among relatives of the living together of husbands and wives in common."
In this singular usage, which is now for the first time announced, so far as the
writer is aware, we recognize a custom older in point of time than polygamy and
polyandria, and yet involving the essential features of both. The several brothers,
who thus cohabited with each other's wives, lived in polygynia ; and the several
sisters, who thus cohabited with each other's husbands, lived in polyandria. It also
presupposes communal families, with communism in living, which, there are
abundant reasons for supposing, were very general in the primitive ages of mankind ;
and one of the stages through which human society passed before reaching the
family in its proper sense, founded upon marriage between single pairs.
The Hawaiian custom affords a probable solution of the Hawaiian system of
relationship. After this is determined a probable explanation of the origin of the
Turanian may be obtained through other customs which together will be con-
sidered in a subsequent chapter.
2. Maori, of New Zealand. The dialects of New Zealand affiliate closely with
the Hawaiian, and the two peoples were evidently derived from the same immediate
stem. As far as the Maori system of relationship is given in the Table, it is
identical with the Hawaiian.
58 April, 1870.
458 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
In the manner of indicating the fraternal and sororal relationships the same
method is found.
Elder brother. Said by a male, Tu-a-ka-na. Said by a female, Tun-ga-ne.
Younger brother. " " " Te-i-na. " " " Tun-ga-ne te-i-na.
Elder sister. " " " Ta-a-hi-ne. " " " Tu-a-ka-na,
Younger sister. " " " Tu-a-hi-ua te-i-na. " " " Te-i-na.
A man calls his elder brother Tu-a-ka-na, and a woman calls her elder sister the
same ; a man calls his younger brother Te-i-na, and a woman calls her younger
sister the same ; hence these terms are in common gender. This is analogous to
the Hawaiian method (supra, 456).
In the iirst collateral line, and irrespective of the sex of Ego, my brother's
children and my sister's children are my sons and daughters, and their children are
my grandchildren.
In the second and third collateral lines the questions on the schedule were, by a
misapprehension, translated into Maori, which would have left the relationships in
these lines in doubt, but for a marginal note by Mr. Taylor, as follows : " A cousin
of any degree is a brother or sister." It appears, also, that the same relationship
continues downward indefinitely at equal removes, for he remarks further : " To
one descended from an elder brother he or she is a Te-i-na, and the descendant of
the elder branch is a Tu-a-ka-na to the younger."1
It is rendered probable from the Maori schedule in its imperfect state that the
system is identical with the Hawaiian. And since New Zealand is at the southern,
as the Sandwich Islands are at the northern, extreme of Polynesia, it seems proba-
ble that the Hawaiian system will be found prevalent in the intermediate Tonga,
Samson, Society, and Marquesas Islands, as elsewhere suggested. In like manner
the existence of the same system, as will next appear, in the Kingsmill or Tarawan
Islands will lead to a similar inference that it will also be found in the Caroline,
Ladrone, and Pelew Islands, which are the principal groups in Micronesia.
II. Micronesian. 1. Kusaien, of Strong's Island. 2. Kingsmill, of Kingsmill
Island.
The Micronesian Islands are near the equator, and nearer to the coast of Asia
than to the Hawaiian group. Judging from the nomenclature of relationships
these dialects are radically distinct from the Hawaiian, although in grammatical
structure the two languages are said to be the same.
From two of these island schedules were obtained. One, that of the Kusaiens,
was prepared by the Rev. B. G. Snow, and the other, that of the Kingsmill Island-
ers, by the Eev. Hiram Bingham, Jr., both American Missionaries to the Micro-
nesian Islands. They had at the time resided upon these islands about two years,
not long enough to master the dialects, but sufficiently long to use them for ordi-
nary colloquial purposes. Neither schedule was completely filled, but the work,
1 Mr. Taylor further observes, that "a descendant of the elder branch of a family is a pa-pa
[father] to all other branches, and the eldest child of the main branch is an a-ri-ki, lord, to all that
family, and is supposed to have the spirits of all his or her ancestors embodied in himself or herself,
and to be able to converse with them at pleasure."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 459
in each case, was far enough advanced to reveal the principal features of the system,
and to show its substantial identity with the Hawaiian.
1. Kusaien. No terms exist for ancestors above father and mother, and none for
descendants below spn and daughter. They are indicated by a reduplication of the
primary terms.1
Whether the relationships of brother and sister are in the twofold form of elder
and younger, is left in some uncertainty by the schedule.
My elder brother, said by a male, Lek lass, or matu. My brother, larger or older.
My younger brother, " " Lek Srik, or fwos. " " smaller or younger.
My elder sister, " " Louk lass, or matu. " sisters, larger or older.
My younger sister, " " Louk Srik, or fwos. " " smaller or younger.
My brothers, Ma leh= my brother. The number is indicated by numerals.
My sisters, Ma lauk=my sister. " " "
The terms used by females are not given. It is not improbable that the above
terms are the mere equivalents of the questions in the schedule, for which reason
these relationships require further investigation.
In the first collateral line, my brother's son and daughter are my son and
daughter, which is all that is given in this line.
In the second, my father's brother is my father ; his son and daughter are my
brother and sister; and the children of this collateral brother and sister are Tny
sons and daughters. This is the extent to which this branch of the line is earned.
My father's sister is my mother, her children are my brothers and sisters, and their
children are my sons and daughters.
My mother's brother is my father, his children are my brothers and sisters, and
their children are my sons and daughters. My mother's sister is 'my mother, her
children are my brothers and sisters, and their children are my sons and daughters.
The foregoing is all that is given of the Kusaien form. It is reasonably inferable
that the children of these collateral sons and daughters are my grandchildren,
which is all that is needed to establish its identity with the Hawaiian form.
1 In the letter which accompanied the schedule, dated at Kusaie, March, 1860, Mr. Snow remarks:
" You will readily see, when you once get the run of the pronominal suffixes, that you can carry the
relationships on ad infinitum, e.g., papa, father; pappa tummuk •= my father ; papa tummum=your
father; papa tunimal=his or her father. None, mother; none keyuk=my mother ; none keyum =
your mother ; neni; keyal=his or her mother. Then we have papa tummun papa=father of my
father ; nene keyen nene=mother of my mother.
" The paradigms for the filial relationships are quite uniform, though different as to their forms;
e. g., muen, son ; nmen muttik=my son ; muen muttin mueri muttik=my grandson ; an, daughter;
an muttik=my daughter ; an muttin an miittik=my granddaughter.
" A form for gender in the third person is wanting. It is always indicated not with persons, but
with animals, fish, fowls, &c., by the word which signifies male and female respectively; male,
mogul ; female, mutan.
" The forms for the relationships of brother and sister differ of course from the foregoing, e. g., ma
lek=my brother ; ma leum=your brother ; ma lal=his brother. Ma louk=my sister; ma loum =
your sister ; ma loul=liis sister. Then there is a form used only for the brother of a brother, as
tamulal ; also, for the sister of a sister, as tamulael. I have not been able to ascertain that these
two forms mean anything more than to indicate the relationship of a brother's brother and a sister's
sister."
460 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
2. Kingsmill. The system of relationship of these Islanders is more fully de-
veloped than the Kusaien, but it is limited to the lineal and first and second colla-
teral lines.
With respect to the fraternal and sororal relationships it agrees in some respects
and differs in others from the Hawaiian.
My elder brother, said by a male, Taru te Karimoa. Said by a female, Manu te karimoa.
" younger brother, " " Taru te karimwi. Miinu te karimwi.
" elder sister, " " Maim te karimoa. Taru te karimoa.
" younger sister, " " Manu te karimwi. Taru te karimwi.
They are also expressed in another manner as follows : —
My elder, a male. Said by a male or a female, Karimoau te mana
" younger, a male. " " " Karimwin te mane.
" elder, a female. " " " Karimoau te aiue.
" younger, a female. " " " Karimwin te aine.
The true test by which to discover whether these relationships are held in the
mind in the twofold form of elder and younger, is the manner in which they
address each other, which I am unable to give.1
In the first collateral line, and irrespective of the sex of Ego, my brother's child-
ren and my sister's children are my sons and daughters. The term Ndtu — my
child, is in common gender, and is followed by mane = male, for son, and aine =
female, for daughter. These last words appear to be the Hawaiian kana — male,
and waheena = female, dialectically changed. Whether my brother's children are
my grandchildren was not shown in the schedule ; but there can be no doubt that
this is the classification.
In the second collateral line my father's brother ib my father, his children are
my brothers and sisters, and the children of the latter are my sons and daughters.
1 In Mr. Bingham's first letter to the author, dated at Apaiang, Nor. 1859, and which preceded
the schedule, he says : " Our terms of relationship, so far as I am acquainted with them, are as
follows : —
Tama=father or uncle. Tadu or Tara=my brother, &c.
Tamau=my father or uncle. Maru=man's sister and female cousin.
Tiua=mother or aunt. woman's brother and male cousin.
Tinau=my mother or aunt. Mana=My sisters, &c.
Nati or Naje=child. Tibu=my grandparent and grandchild.
Natu=my child. foster parent and foster child.
Natu te mane=my child, the male. Bu=my husband or wife.
Natu te aine=my child, the female. Bujikau=my wife's brother and my (a man)
Jinapau=my daughter-in-law. sister's husband.
my (a man's) mother-in-law. Kaenapau=my husband's sister, and my (a
my (a woman's) father-in-law. woman's) brother's wife.
Ail bu=my relations in general. Eadeku=my wife's sister, my (a woman's) sis-
Au kiiro my parents. ter's husband, and my (a man's)
Tade or Tari=man's brother and male cousin. brother's wife, and my husband's
woman's sister and female cousin. brother.
"I presume other terms exist."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 461
My father's sister is my mother, her children are my brothers and sisters, and their
children are my sons and daughters.
On the mother's side, my mother's brother is my father, his children are my
brothers and sisters, and the children of the latter are my grandchildren. In like
manner my mother's sister is my mother, her children are my brothers and sisters,
and their children are my grandchildren. This is the extent to which the several
branches of this line are carried.
The husbands and wives of these several collateral sons and daughters are my
sons-in-law and my daughters-in-law, and the husbands and wives of these several
collateral brothers and sisters are my brothers-in-law and my sisters-in-law.
The identity of this system with the Hawaiian admits of no doubt. It is not
surprising that this peculiar classification of consanguine! wore the appearance of
an abuse of terms. The " confusion of relationships," as Rev. Mr. Bishop ex-
pressed it, was still more strongly insisted upon by Rev. Mr. Bingham. In his first
letter to the author, dated at Apiang, in 1859, he observes: " The terms for father,
mother, brother, and sister, and for other relationships, are used so loosely we can
never know, without further inquiry, whether the real father, or the father's brother
is meant, the mother or the mother's sister, the brother or the cousin, the grand-
father or the godfather." In his subsequent letter, dated in August, 1860, which
accompanied the schedule, he remarks : " You think I will find that the terms to
which you refer are not used loosely, but in the most precise, regular, and uniform
manner. * * * They are so loosely used that in common conversation I am often
much puzzled to know who is referred to, until I have put specific questions. A
man comes to me and says e mote tamau, my father is dead. Perhaps I have just
seen his father alive and well, and I say, ' No, not dead V He replies, ' I mean my
father's brother,' or ' my mother's brother.' ' These quotations are introduced to
verify their work, and to show how distinctly the prominent features of this system
ot relationship met their attention at every point, and that it is both a real and a
living form.
These schedules complete the series from the Pacific Islands. Each one is
sufficient to bring to our notice a system distinct and original in its character,
however limited their united testimony may be with reference to the extent of its
distribution. Notwithstanding the extreme simplicity of its plan it produces a
definite and coherent system, capable of answering the ordinary purposes of life.
That it descended to each of these nations, with the streams of the blood, from a
common source, and has been perpetuated by them through all the centuries of
their separation from each other, would seem to be a necessary inference from the
continued agreement of their radical characteristics. If the forms which now pre-
vail amongst the members of the widely scattered Malayan family could be
brought together for comparison, it would undoubtedly lead to singular and inte-
resting results. The system is radically different from the Aryan, Semitic, and
Uralian ; and, although classificatory, it is widely divergent from the Turanian.
It is sufficiently sui generis to be capable of self-perpetuation, in this precise con-
dition, through indefinite periods of time, and after crossing, unaffected, the barrier
which separates one stock language from another, and even one family of languages
462 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
from another, of remaining constant in each after the identity of the vocables and
of the grammatical forms of these languages have ceased to be recognizable. The
materials in the table, however, as before stated, are perhaps too limited to show
the ran^e, and, inferentially, the permanence throughout the family of the Malayan
system of relationship.
An attempt was made to reach the Negroid nations of Africa, but it proved
entirely unsuccessful. The people of pure negro stock are known to be limited
in numbers on the African continent. To such a degree is this now understood to
be the fact that Dr. Latham remarks that " the negro is an exceptional African."1
A portion of the west coast, between the Senegal and the Congo, and some other
small and isolated portions of the interior are in possession of this family, leaving
the remainder of the continent in the occupation of nations of more or less imme-
diate Asiatic affiliations. Unimportant in numbers, feeble in intellect, and inferior
in rank to every other portion of the human family, they yet centre in themselves, in
their unknown past and mysterious present, one of the greatest problems in the
science of the families of mankind. They seen to challenge and to traverse all the
evidences of the unity of origin of the human family by their excessive deviation from
such a standard of the species as would probably be adopted on the assumption of
unity of origin. The primitive condition of the red and brown races, as revealed in
their domestic institutions of consanguinity and affinity, involves successive stages of
barbarism, each more profound and unrelieved than we have been accustomed to
conceive as possible ; but it would scarcely imply a condition of physical and
mental inferiority such as the remote ancestors of the present negro race must have
exhibited. In the light of our present knowledge the negro is the chief stumbling
block in the way of establishing the unity of origin of the human family, upon the
basis of scientific proofs. The monuments of Egypt determine the fact of the
existence of Negroes in nations in Africa at least fifteen hundred years before the
Christian era, according to the chronological dynasties of Lepsius ;2 thus showing that
the whole amount of this divergence had then occurred. It is difficult to know
even the direction in which to look for a discovery of the causes which produced
such an excessive amount of divergence from a common typical standard of the
species. The element of time, if measured out upon a scale sufficiently ample, may
contribute to a solution ; but it would manifestly require such a series of ages upon
ages as would greatly overstep our present conceptions with respect to the antiquity
of man upon the earth.
Inasmuch as the Tables of consanguinity and affinity contained in this work are
presented in a great measure as an experiment to test the uses of systems of rela-
tionship in ethnological investigations ; and since the inquiry, if found deserving
of further prosecution, must be carried far beyond its present limits before the
system of the Negroid family will become material, the absence of their system
from the tables is, in a great measure, unimportant. It will be found, however,
that they have a system, and that it will furnish evidence of their relations to each
other, and possibly to the other families of mankind.
1 Descriptive Ethnology, II. 184. * See plate 117, Book III., Lepsius's Egypt and Ethiopia.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 463
III. Amazulu or Kafir. One African schedule will be found in the table exhi-
biting the system of relationship of the Amazulus or Kafirs. The Kafir stock is
one of the largest, in the number of people, as well as most widely distributed in
Africa. Under this name, says the Rev. J. L. Dohne, is included, " all the tribes
to the eastward of Cape Colony, along the coast, as far as Delagoa."1 He after-
wards enumerates twenty-nine of these tribes under seven general divisions.2 He
remarks upon the language as follows : " Generally speaking the Zulu distinguishes
only two dialects, the high language, Ukukuluma, and the low, Amalala. To the
first belong the Zulu, Tembu, and Xosa ; to the" second, the languages of all the
other tribes of Natal, the frontier Fingoes, the Seetos," &c.3 The Bechuanas, and
some other tribes of the interior are said to speak closely allied languages. It is
probable, therefore, that the Amazulu schedule exhibits the system of relationship
of the Kafirs proper, not only, but also that which prevails over a large portion of
Southern and Eastern Africa. Their system of relationship is classificatory in form,
and essentially Malayan in its characteristics. It is distinguished from the latter
in two particulars only, one of which is the discrimination of the relationship of
uncle, restricted to the mother's brother ; and the other that of cousin, which is
limited in its application to the children of this uncle. Its agreement with the
Malayan system in all other particulars will be at once recognized.
The first African Mission of the American Board was established among the
Kafirs in the province of Natal, about the year 1835; and it has been eminently
successful. Amongst the fruits of missionary labor upon the language is the com-
plete lexicon of the language before referred to, together with the reduction of the
language to a written form by the translation of portions of the Scriptures, and
of some entire works into the vernacular tongue.
The schedule in the Table was filled out by the Itev. A. Abraham, one of the
oldest members of this mission, and a resident of Mapumulo in Natal. It was
executed with such fulness as to illustrate in the most satisfactory manner the
details of the system. He also furnished, with it, a number of valuable obser-
vations upon the nomenclature of relationships, and upon the Amazulu classification
of kindred, which will be found in the note, and to which attention is invited.4
1 Dohne's Tulu Kafir Dictionary, Intro., p. viii. Cape Town ed., 1857.
1 Ib. Intro., p. xvi. » Ib. Intro., p. xv.
4 " Notes on the Schedule" by the Itev. A. Abraham, Mapumulo, January, 1866.
" The vowels are not always of the same length. They are longer on the accented syllables.
Sometimes the final vowel of a word is scarcely heard. The consonants are the same as in English,
except the hi, represents a sound peculiar to this language. We have other characters which I have
not had occasion to use in filling up the schedule. The accent is on the penultimate ; and generally
every syllable ends with a vowel, as u-bd'-ba, u-ma'-ma, u'-mna or um'-na.
"a. Thcppronouns are not generally used in connection with the words for father and mother.
U-bti'-ba is my father, u-ye-hlo thy father, u'-yese his father, u-ma'-ma my mother, u-my-o'-ko thy
mother, u-ne'-na his mother.
"For grandfather and grandmother we suffix ku-lu — great, to the above words ; thus, ubdba kulu,
my grandfather ; wyise kulu, his grandfather. Ukulu is either grandfather or grandmother, and is
used with the pronouns thus, ukulu wame, my grandparent ; ukulu waka, his grandparent.
464 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
These explanations are so specific as to render a detailed presentation of the
Amazulu form, for the most part, unnecessary; but from the great importance
which attaches to this system, the several lines should be briefly considered.
"b. Umetsha, umetshdnd, umzukulu, and umzukulwana are usually synonymous. Grandchildren
and all below grandchildren are designated by either of these words.
" c. Umma, umnawa, and udada are never used alone, i. e., without the pronouns. We may say
bd Idmana, i. e., they were born one after the other (having the same father or mother). From the
verb we have the noun, ezalamana, (own) brothers and sisters.
" There is another peculiarity to be observed here. Umna and udada always require the plural
pronoun. We must say umna wetu, our brother ; and not umna w&me, my brother. So also we
never hear a native say udada wame, my sister, but udada natu, our sister.
"Umfo is very much used for brother, and it is a very convenient term, as it may be nsed either for
elder or younger brother. It must be used with a plural pronoun, thus umfo natu, our brother ;
never umfo wame, for my brother. Umfo without a pronoun means an enemy or stranger or
foreigner. Thus, if people come in from a neighboring nation, they may be called abafo (plural),
whether they come as enemies, or on any business. With a singular pronoun, umfo means son, thus
umfo wame, my son ; umfo waka, his son. Abafo watu = my brothers, abafo bdme = my sons ;
but this is not the usual term for son.
"d. My father's brothers are my fathers, and my father's sisters are my fathers (not my mothers).
Aze may be added, thus, ubabakaze.
"My mother's sisters are my mothers, umdma or umamakdze, but her brothers are not my fathers.
My mother's sister's husband is my father ubaba, and not ubabakaze.
" e. Umaluma is my uncle, i. e., my mother's brother. The pronouns are not necessary, unyoko-
luma, thy uncle ; unindluma, his uncle. There is no special term for mother's brother's wife, unless
it be the same, umaluma. In speaking to her she might be addressed as um.ij.luma; but in speaking
of her a native would generally say, umkd mdluma, wife of my uncle.
"f. My father's brother's son is the same to me as my father's son, i. e., unfo natu, my (own)
brother. The same is the rule as respects the other relations ; my father's brother's son's wife is
the same as my father's son's wife; i. e., my brothers wife, which is umkawe, 'my wife.'
"g. It will be observed that umzala is the son or daughter of the umaluma. The relationship is
not reciprocal here, as with us, where both are cousins. My umzala (cousin) calls me his brother.
"h. Umkwanyana = umkwanyd is the name given to a man who marries into a family. The father
and mother call him umkwayanna wame, my son ; but a brother or sister will always use the plural
pronoun, thus, umkwayana watu, our brother-in-law ; never umkwayana wame, my brother-in-law.
From the same root we have unkwa, father-in-law ; and umkuakaze, mother-in-law, i. e., the males
father-in-law and mother-in-law, ebakwame (locative case from ebukwd), at the wife's house. A man
generally calls his wife's father and mother, ubaba, and umdma, father and mother.
"i. Umyana is the proper term for husband. A woman also calls her husband's brothers and
sisters by the same term, i. e., her husbands; she also calls them brothers and sisters.
"j. Umkame is a compound word, composed of a noun and pronoun, and hence changes with the
person, thus, umkame, my wife ; umkdko, thy wife ; umkaka, his wife ; umka'nkaze, wife of the
king; umkafdka, wife of ufdku. The noun is never used except with a pronoun or noun as above.
Umfdze is another term, used for wife, which may be used without a pronoun or noun. A man's
brother's wife is his wife, and a woman's brother's wife is her wife.
" k. Unydna is a term by which one wife of a polygamist addresses another wife, using the plural
pronoun, thus, unydnd watu. The husband's brother's wives are addressed in the same way.
"1. Umfalskdze is a woman who has lost either her husband or children. I am not aware that
there is any term for widower. ll is not often that we meet with a widower. If a man loses one
or two wives he usually has several left. It is common to use the verb thus, ufalwa umkaka, ' lie
is died for by his wife,' i. e., he has lost his wife.
"m. These relationships will be understood if we keep in mind that my father's father's sister's son
OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 465
Amongst the Amazulu the relationship of brother is conceived in the twofold
form of elder and younger, whilst that of sister is in the abstract. Umna watu,
" elder brother of us," watu being the pronoun ; umnawa wamu, " younger brother
of me ;" udada watu, " sister of us," whether elder or younger. The near ap-
proach of this form to the Hawaiian will be noticed. The fraternal and sororal
relationships have not been treated as indicative, although in many respects they
deserve this distinction. Beside these there is a term in the abstract for brother,
abiifo, which with udada, are also applied to collateral brothers and sisters.
In the first collateral line, and irrespective of the sex of Ego, the children of my
brother, and the children of my sister are my sons and daughters, and the children
of the latter are my grandchildren.
In the second, my father's brother is my father, ubiibdkaze, instead of ubaba,
but the addition of the particle, aze, does not change the signification of the term ;
his children are my brothers and sisters ; the children of the latter are my sons
and daughters, and their children are my grandchildren. My father's sister is my
father, ubdbci, instead of my mother, umdme. No explanation is given of this
singular use of the term. It is probably used in the sense of parent. Her children
are my brothers and sisters, the children of the latter are my sons and daughters,
and their children are my grandchildren.
My mother's brother is my uncle, umaluma, but he calls me his son. The rela-
tionship, therefore, is not reciprocal, and it raises a presumption that the relation-
ship originally was that of father. His children are each my cousins, umzala, but
they call me brother. Here again the relationship is not reciprocal, and it leads
to the same inference. The children of these cousins are my sons and daughters,
and their children are. my grandchildren. My mother's sister is my mother, her
children are -my brothers and sisters, the children of the latter are my sons and
daughters, and their children are my grandchildren.
The wives and husbands of my several collateral sons and daughters are my
daughters-in-law and my sons-in-law ; the wives of my several collateral brothers,
and of my several male cousins are my wives, and the husbands of my several col-
lateral sister, and of my several female cousins are my brothers-in-law.
The third collateral line, in its four branches, is a counterpart of the second,
with the exception of one additional ancestor. It will be sufficient to give the
series in one branch. My father's father's brother is my grandfather, his son is my
father, his children are my brothers and sisters, the children of the latter are my
sons and daughters, and their children are my grandchildren.
It thus appears that the Amazulu system of relationship is clearly defined as well
= my father's father's son = my father's brother = my father = rebdba ; and that my mother's
mother's brother's son = my mother's mother's son = my mother's brother = umaluma, my uncle.
" Many of the proper terms of relationship are not used in common conversation. A man calls his
wife comtaname, my child, or he may call her ' mother of his child,' or ' child of her father.' So also
a woman calls her husband by the name of her child ; father of . We have boy instead of son ;
girl instead of daughter. We often hear umtana ka bciba, child of my father, i. e., father's brother ;
umtana wodcida wabo ka babd = child of the sister of my father."
59 April, 1870.
466 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
as fully developed, and that in its principles and structure it is in radical agreement
with the Malayan. This fact is immensely significant, if identity of systems
proves unity of origin. It suggests the possibility that the ancestors of the Kafirs
and of the Hawaiians, once an Eastern Asiatic stock, had divided into branches,
one of which ventured upon the ocean and became spread over the Polynesian
Islands, whilst the other, holding to continental life, had, through the exigencies
and migrations of the centuries, finally reached the southern confines of the African
continent. Such a supposition is not improbable in view of what must necessarily
have been the rapid spread of mankind in the fisherman age.
With the Amazulu system the examination of the schedules contained in the
Tables is concluded. The contents of these Tables have by no means been ex-
hausted, although the more important characteristics of each particular form
have been brought into notice. It has been a tedious and unattractive labor to
follow the course of these time-worn forms of consanguinity and affinity through
so many nations ; and yet, without an investigation and comparison of the details
and structure of the system of the several families of mankind, as it now exists in
the largest number of nations capable of being reached, it was impossible to secure
comprehensive results. The investigation has brought to light a mass of singular
and suggestive facts relating to the oldest existing domestic institution of mankind.
It also illustrates, in a forcible manner, the power of ideas and conceptions to per-
petuate themselves long after the causes which produced them have disappeared by
becoming incorporated with our primary necessities, and thus acquiring possession,
for their transmission, of the channels of the blood.
It now remains to gather up and bring together the final results of a comparison
of these forms, to test the validity of these results, and to indicate some of the
conclusions which they appear to authorize.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 467
CHAPTER VI.
GENERAL RESULTS.
General Results considered in a Series of Propositions — Two Radically Distinct Forma, the Descriptive and the
Classifieatory— Peculiarities of each — Both Domestic Institutions — The Descriptive System is explicable from the
Nature of Descents upon the Assumption of the Existence of Marriage between Single Pairs — Classificatory not so
Explicable — Causes which might be supposed to have influenced the formation of the Latter — Uses of the Bond
of Kin for Mutual Protection — Influence of the Tribal Relationships — Of Polygamy and Polyandria — Insufficient
separately or collectively to account for the Origin of the System — Series of Customs and Institutions the assumed
Existence of which will explain the Origin of the Classificatory System from the Nature of Descents. 1. Promis-
cuous Intercourse — 2. The Intermarriage or Cohabitation of Brothers and Sisters— 3. The Communal Family —
4. The Hawaiian Custom — These explain the Origin of the Malayan System from the Nature of Descents — 5.
The Tribal Organization ; breaking up the Cohabitation of Brothers and Sisters — This explains the Origin of the
Remainder, or Turanian portion of the System — 6. Marriage between Single Pairs — 7. Polygamy — 8. The Patri-
archal Family — 9. Polyandria — 10. Rise of Property with the Establishment of Lineal Succession to Estates — 11.
The Civilized Family— 12. Overthrow of the Classificatory System, and Substitution of the Descriptive — Evidence
from the System of the Unity of Origin of the American Indian Nations — Evidence of Its Transmission with
the Blood — Stability of Its Radical Forms — Coeval with the first Appearance of the Ganowanian Family upon
the American Continent — Turanian Family organized upon the Basis of the same System — Systems of the Tura-
nian and Ganowauian Families Identical — Evidence from this Source of the Asiatic Origin of the Gauowaniau
Family — But Four Ways of accounting for this Identity — By borrowing from each other — By Accidental Inven-
tion in Disconnected Areas — By Spontaneous Growth in like Areas — By Transmission with the Blood from a
Common Source — First Three Hypotheses incapable of explaining the Facts — Reasons which appear to render the
Fourth sufficient — Adequacy of this Channel of Transmission — Stability of the Radical Features of the System —
Verification of its Mode of Propagation — Final Inference of the Asiatic Origin of the Gauowanian Family — Ma-
layan System not Derivable from the Turanian — Latter might have been Engrafted upon the Former — Malayan
the Older Form — But Malayan Family not necessarily the Oldest — Malayan the Original System of the Turanian
Family — Its Turanian Element introduced after the Malayan Migration — Ganowaniau Family probably derived
from the Turanian after the Separation of the Malayan — The Ganowunian consequently the Youngest of the
three Families — Eskimo System — Mongolian and Tungusian Systems not in the Tables — Probability that the
Eskimo will affiliate with qne of them.
THE systems of consanguinity and affinity of six of the great families of man-
kind, the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian, the Ganowanian, Turanian, and Malayan
have now been presented, together with a series of Tables illustrative of the forms
of each. In these Tables all of the principal, and many of the inferior nations of
the earth are represented. They contain the systems of relationship of eight-
tenths and upwards, numerically, of the entire human family. And notwithstand-
ing the absence of the Mongolian, Tungusian, Australian and Negroid nations, the
materials which the)' contain are sufficient to determine the nature and objects of
systems of relationship, considered as domestic institutions, the mode of their pro-
pagation, and their ultimate uses for ethnological purposes.
In order to develop the general results which are derived from an investigation
of these several forms of consanguinity and affinity, and from their comparison
with each other, the following series of propositions will be considered: First.
How many systems ol relationship, radically distinct from. each, other, exist amongst
468 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the nations represented in the Tables 1 Secondly. Whether or not their several forms
rest upon and embody clearly-defined ideas and principles, and contain the essen-
tial qualities of a domestic institution. Thirdly. Whether or not the origin of the
descriptive system can be accounted for and explained from the nature of descents,
and upon the principle of natural suggestion, on the assumption of the existence
of the state of marriage between single pairs. Fourthly. Whether or not the
origin of the classificatory system can be accounted for and explained from the
nature of descents and upon the principle of natural suggestion, on the assump-
tion of the existence of a series of customs and institutions antecedent to the state
of marriage between single pairs, of which the Hawaiian custom is one. Fifthly.
Whether or not the present existence of such a sys-tem as that found amongst the
American Indian nations furnishes, in itself, conclusive evidence that it was derived
by each and all from a common source ; and, therefore, that the nations themselves
are of common origin ; or, in other words, whether the genealogical connection of
certain nations may be inferred from the fact of their joint possession of this par-
ticular system of relationship, the radical characteristics of which are found to be
constant and identical amongst them all. Sixthly. Whether or not the genealogical
connection of two or more families, separately constituted upon the basis of such a
system, may be inferred from their joint possession of the same, when these
families are found in disconnected areas. And lastly. When the forms which
prevail in different families are to a limited extent radically the same, whether any,
and what, inference may be drawn from this partial identity. Upon these several
propositions, which are believed to comprehend the material facts contained in
the Tables, some observations will be submitted, as a proper conclusion to this
investigation.
I. How many systems of consanguinity and affinity, radically distinct from each
other, do the Tables present1?
In a general sense there are but two, the descriptive and the classificatory. Of
the first, the Celtic, and of the second, the Seneca-Iroquois is an example. They
rest upon conceptions fundamentally different, and are separated from each other
by a line so clearly defined as to admit of no misapprehension. In the first, which
is the form of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families, consanguinei are, in the
main, described by a combination of the primary terms of relationship, the colla-
teral lines are maintained distinct and divergent from the lineal, and the few
special terms employed are restricted to particular persons, and to those nearest in
degree. The generalizations of kindred into classes, with special terms to express
the relationships, are few in number, were an aftergrowth in point of time, and are
exceptional in the system. These facts have been shown in previous chapters.
The original system of these families, or rather their present system in its origin,
was purely descriptive, as it appears from the Sanskritic when it ceased to be a
living form, and as it is still exemplified by the Celtic and the Scandinavian forms
in the Aryan family, by the Arabic in the Semitic family, and by the Esthonian in
the Uralian, As a system it is based upon a true and logical appreciation of the
natural outflow of the streams of the blood, of the distinctivencss and perpetual
divergence of these several streams, and of the difference in degree, numerically,
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 469
and by lines of descent, of the relationship of each and every person to the central
Ego. It is, therefore, a natural system, founded upon the nature of descents, and
may be supposed to have been of spontaneous growth. But it manifestly proceeds
upon the assumption of the existence of marriage between single pairs, and of the
certainty of parentage through this marriage relation. Hence it must have come /
into existence after the establishment of marriage between single pairs.
The systems of relationship of these families are identical. There are some
discrepancies in the several forms in each family, but the character and extent
of the coincidences are such as to leave no doubt that in general plan and in
fundamental conceptions the system is one and the same amongst them all. The
Celtic, the Scandinavian, and the Sanskritic forms are in closer agreement with the
Arabic and the Esthonian than they are with the Romaic the Germanic or the
Slavonic, whilst all alike proceed upon the idea of a rigorous discrimination of the
degrees of consanguinity according to their value, and in maintaining the natural
distinctions between the several lines of descent.
Whether the possession of the same system furnishes any evidence of the unity
of origin of these families, and to what extent it may be supposed to have a bearing
upon this question, it is not necessary here to inquire, as it is not proposed to draw
any inference as to these families from this identity of forms. It may be remarked,
however, that if the system is to be regarded as exclusively natural and spontaneous,
the argument for unity of origin would be without force; since, as such, it would be
the form to which all nations must insensibly gravitate under the exercise of ordinary
intelligence. But if to reach the descriptive system these families have struggled out
of a previous system, altogether different, through a series of customs and insti-
tutions which existed antecedently to the attainment of the state of marriage
between single pairs, then it becomes a result, or ultimate consequence of customs
and institutions of man's invention, rather than a system taught by nature. The
evidence drawn from the classificatory system tends to show that marriage between
.single pairs was unknown in the primitive ages of mankind. If this conclusion
is sustained, a strong presumption arises that these families once possessed the
classificatory system, and that it was overthrown by the progressive development of
their institutions. Considered in this light it is the institution of marriage be-
tween single pairs which teaches the descriptive system of relationship ; whilst this
form of marriage has been taught by nature through the slow growth of the
experience of ages. In the second place the adoption and maintenance of the
descriptive system required both intelligence and discernment which endowed it
with affirmative elements. The joint possession of the same system by the three
families implies a similar antecedent condition, and a similar progressive experience,
which cannot be divested of a deep significance. Moreover the preservation of this
form for so many centuries, through so many independent channels, and under such
eventful changes of condition, is, in itself, a remarkable fact. It is now, and has
been for ages, a transmitted system. It is not at all improbable that marriage in
its high sense was the culminating institution by means of which these families
emerged from barbarism, and commenced their civilized career.
On the other hand, the classificatory system contains one principal and one sub-
470 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
ordinate form, which are separate stages of growth of the same system ; and a third
form which differs from both. In the Turanian and Ganowanian families is found
the principal or highest form in full and perfect development, whilst in the Malayan
the same system is recognized in a lower stage. The Eskimo represents the third.
The three forms are distinct and independent of each other, although the first two
stand to each other in intimate relations. As complicated and apparently artificial
systems they are capable of delivering decisive testimony concerning the ethnic
.connection of the nations by whom they are severally possessed. Under the
classificatory system consanguine! are not described by a combination of the
primary terms, but each and all, however remote in degree, fall under some one
of the recognized relationships. The gradus yields to the nexus. By comprehen-
sive, as well as apparently arbitrary, generalizations they are reduced to great classes
or categories, the members of each of which, irrespective of nearness or remoteness
in -degree, are placed upon the same level, and admitted into the same relationship.
In this manner, if marriage existed between single pairs, persons whose relationships
would be obviously dissimilar are confounded together. In the next place, persons
who would stand in the same degree of nearness are placed in different relationships
by a generalization true to the nature of descents as to one, and false as to the
other, in consequence of which those who should be classed together are separated
from each other; and lastly, the several collateral lines are ultimately merged in
the lineal line, by means of which the otherwise natural outflow of the streams of
the blood is arrested, and diverted from several channels into a single stream. The
tlassificatory system becomes, in these several particulars, arbitrary, artificial and
complicated.
When it is considered that the domestic relationships of the entire human family,
so far as the latter is represented in the Tables, fall under the descriptive or the
classificatory form, and that they are the reverse of each other in their fundamental
conceptions, it furnishes a significant separation of the families of mankind into
two great divisions. Upon one side are the Aryan Semitic and Uralian, and upon
the other the Ganowanian the Turanian and the Malayan, which gives nearly the
line of demarcation between the civilized and uncivilized nations. Although both
forms are older than civilization, it tends to show that the family, as now consti-
tuted, and which grew out of the development of a knowledge of property, of its
uses, and of its transmission by inheritance, lies at the foundation of the first
civilization of mankind. Whilst the division introduces no new barriers between
the recognized families, it tends to draw nearer together the members of each
division.
II. Do these systems of relationship rest upon and embody clearly defined ideas
and principles ; and do they contain the essential requisites of a domestic institution ]
Some method of distinguishing the different degrees of consanguinity is an
absolute necessity for the daily purposes of life. The invention of terms to express
the primary relationships, namely, those for father and mother, brother and sister,
son and daughter, and husband and wife, would probably be one of the earliest
acts of human speech. With these terms all of the remaining relatives, both by
blood and marriage, may be described by using the possessive case of the several
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 471
terms. The Erse and Gaelic systems were never carried beyond this stage. After
a descriptive system was adopted it would have a form, a method of distinguishing
relatives one from another, and, as a consequence, an arrangement of kindred into
lines of descent. The application of this method involves a series of conceptions
which become, at the same time, clothed with definite forms. If this simple plan
of consanguinity became permanently introduced into practical use, its transmission,
through a few generations, would convert it into an indurated system capable of
resisting radical innovations. The Erse and Gaelic are illustrations in point. The
ideas embodied are few in number, but their association in fixed relations creates
a system, as well as organizes a family. In its connection with the family, and in
its structure as a system, its power of self-perpetuation resides. By these con-
siderations it is raised to the rank of a domestic institution.
The invention of terms for collateral relationships must of necessity have been
extremely difficult under the descriptive system. This is shown by the present
condition of these forms in the several Aryan and Semitic nations, none of "which
developed their system far beyond the Erse. In process of time the relationship
of paternal and maternal uncle and aunt might be turned from the descriptive into
the concrete form by the invention of special terms, making each of the four dis-
tinct. This is the extent of the advance made in the Arabic and Hebraic forms.
The discrimination of the relationships of nephew and niece in the concrete would
be still more difficult, since it involves a generalization of the children of an indi-
vidual's brothers and sisters into one class, and the turning of two descriptive
phrases into a single concrete term with a masculine and feminine form. These
relationships, as now used, were reached among such of the Aryan nations as
possess them within the modern period. That of cousin was still more difficult of
attainment, as it involved a generalization of four different classes of persons into
a single class, and the invention of a term to express it in the concrete. Amongst
the nations of the Aryan family the Roman and the German alone reached this,
the ultimate stage of the system. Such of the remaining nations as possess
this relationship borrowed it, with the term, from the Roman source ; and it is
probable that the Germans derived the conception from the same quarter, although
their term was indigenous in the German speech. These terms were designed to
relieve the inconvenience of the descriptive method as far as they applied. In so
far as they were founded upon generalizations they failed, with some exceptions, to
indicate with accuracy the manner of the relationships ; whence it became necessary
to resort to explanatory words, or to the descriptive method, to be specific. These
considerations tend still further to show the stability of the system as a domestic
institution, although the ideas which it embodies are limited in number.
In marked contrast with the descriptive is the classificatory system, which is
complex in its structure, elaborate in its discriminations, and opulent in its nomen-
clature. A very different and more striking series of ideas and principles here
present themselves, without any existing causes adequate for their interpretation or
explanation. With marriage between single pairs, with the family in a modified
sense, with the tribal organization still unimpaired in certain nations and abandoned
in others, with polygamy polyandria and the Hawaiian custom either unknown or
472 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
of limited practice, and with promiscuous intercourse substantially eradicated, the
classificatory system of relationship still exists in full vigor in a large portion of
the human family, ages upon ages after the sequence of customs and institutions
in which it apparently originated have ceased to exercise any influence upon its
form or upon its preservation. This system as it now stands is seen to magnify the
bond of consanguinity into stupendous proportions, and to use it as an organic in-
strument for the formation of a communal family upon the broadest scale of num-
bers. Differences in the degree of nearness are made to yield to the overmastering
strength of the kindred tie. Its generalizations traverse the natural lines of
descent, as they now exist through the marriage of single pairs, disregard equalities
in the degree of nearness of related persons, and create relationships in contra-
vention of those actually existing. There are upwards of twenty of these particu-
lars, each of which develops a distinct idea, all uniting in the formation of a
coherent intelligible and systematic plan of consanguinity. From the excessive
and intricate specializations embodied in the system it might be considered diffi-
cult of practical use ; but it is not the least singular of its characteristics that it is
'complicated without obscurity, diversified without confusion, and understood and
applied with the utmost facility. With such a number of distinct ideas associated
together in definite relations, a system has been created which must be regarded as
a domestic institution in the highest sense of this expression. No other can
properly characterize a structure the framework of which is so complete, and the
details of which are so rigorously adjusted.
III. Can the origin of the descriptive system be accounted for and explained
from the nature of descents, and upon the principle of natural suggestion, on the
assumption of the existence of the state of marriage between single pairs I
Natural suggestions are those which arise spontaneously in the mind with the
exercise of ordinary intelligence. As suggestions from nature they might spring
from internal sources or from the subject; from external sources or from the
object ; or from both united.
In the formation of a plan of consanguinity reflection upon the nature of
descents, where society recognized the marriage relation, would reveal the method
of nature in evolving generations of mankind from common ancestors, through a
series of marriages, and thus develop the suggestions of nature from the subject.
On the other hand, the uses of a system, when formed, would reach outward upon
the condition and wants of society and induce reflection upon the objects to be
gained. Whatever deliverances may thus be supposed to come from the voice of
nature they are necessarily uniform in all time and to all men, the conditions of
society being similar.1
1 The phrase, "similar conditions of society," which has become technical, is at least extremely
vague. It is by no means easy to conceive of two peoples, in disconnected areas, living in conditions
precisely similar. The means of subsistence would vary, and this would create diversity in the mode
of life. But we may regard the condition of agricultural nations as similar, as well as that of pas-
toral nations ; and going back of these, the same may be said of such nations as subsist by fishing
and hunting. Their domestic institutions, however, might be materially different. It is only in the
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 473
The descriptive and the classificatory systems of relationship cannot both be
explained from the nature of descents, and as arising by natural suggestion, if a
similar condition of society is assumed to have existed at the time of their forma-
tion. The same argument which proved one of them to be true to the nature of
descents would demonstrate the untruthfulness of the other. And yet there are
grounds for believing that both can be explained from the nature of descents by
recognizing, not improbable, conditions of society suggestive of their respective
forms. If they can be thus explained, the two systems will rise into striking prcA
minence as domestic institutions, since they will be found to represent and embody
the vast and varied experience of mankind through the unrecorded ages of barbarism.
The descriptive system can be readily shown to be in accordance with the nature
of descents, as they now exist, with marriage between single pairs. The very
method by which the generations of mankind are reproduced, through marriage,
creates a lineal line consisting of such persons as are derived immediately one froiriy
the other, proceeding from parent to child, in an infinite series. Each person in
this line becomes in turn the centre of a group of kindred, the stationary EjO,
who represents and sustains to his lineal and collateral kindred, at one and thS
same time, every relationship which can possibly exist. Out of the lineal line
emerge the several collateral lines, one beyond the other, each consisting of branches.
The first consists of the brothers and sisters of Ego and their descendants ; the
second of the brothers and sisters of the father, and of the brothers and sisters of
the mother of Ego, and of their respective descendants ; and beyond these there are
as many other collateral lines as there are ancestors of Ego ; each leaving brothers
and sisters and descendants. It is thus made obvious that consanguine! are bound
together in virtue of their descent from common ancestors ; and that the manner
of the relationship can be expressed by ascending from Ego to the common ancestor,
counting each person a degree, and then by descending, in the same manner
through the collateral line, to the person whose relationship is sought. The
descriptions of persons thus made produce the descriptive system of relationship.
It also indicates a numerical system founded upon the units of separation between
Ego and his several kinsmen. A classification of consanguinei, into lineal and
collateral lines, is thus taught from the nature of descents, as well as the perpetual
divergence of the latter from the former ; followed by a decrease in the value of the
relationship of each person as he recedes from Ego. A system both numerical and
descriptive thus arises from marriage between single pairs which nature may be
said to teach to mankind with unerring certainty. It gives a classification of
persons into lines, with an indication of the value of each relationship in numerical
degrees ; but no classification of persons into grades, with an indication of the rela-
tionship of each in the abstract. The discrimination of collateral relationships in the
most general sense that nations can be said to live in similar conditions of society; thus, the stone
age, which antedates agriculture and the possession of domestic animals, necessitated and developed
a mode of life which led to the simultaneous invention, in disconnected areas, of similar implements
and contrivances to answer similar wants. In this comprehensive sense, the one in which the
phrase is used, two peoples may be said to live in similar conditions of society.
60 April, 1870.
474 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
concrete was the growth of experience. It has been seen that such special terms
as were subsequently brought into use were employed in accordance with the
principles of the descriptive system. The truth of the general proposition is sj
far manifest that it does not require further discussion except to remark, that the
adoption and maintenance of this system required an exercise of intelligence. It
seems probable, also, that marriage between single pairs and the descriptive
system of relationship had become established institutions in the Aryan and Semitic
families prior to or simultaneous with the commencement of the civilization of
their several branches. Neither is it improbable that in the preceding ages of
barbarism they possessed a classificatory system.
IV. Can the origin of the classificatory system be accounted for, and explained
from the nature of descents, upon the assumption of the existence of a series of
customs and institutions antecedent to a state of marriage between single pairs, of
which the Hawaiian custom is one 1
/ It is perfectly evident that the origin of the classificatory system cannot be
explained from the nature of descents as they now exist amongst civilized nations.
And yet a state of society might have existed in the primitive ages, and might
exist at the present time, in which this system would be in strict accordance with
the nature of descents, and explainable as the product of natural suggestion. It is
for this reason, among others, that it becomes important to inquire whether in any
portion of uncivilized society, as now organized, there are at present operating
causes adequate to the production and therefore to the constant reproduction of
this remarkable system of relationship ; and secondly, if no such causes are now
found to exist, whether its origin can be explained by any supposable antecedent
condition of society, however contrary that condition may be to our conceptions
of the early state of mankind. Should the first hypothesis become established, the
possession of this system by different nations of the same family would lose much
of its significance, since it might have sprung up spontaneously in each under the
operating force of these causes. On the other hand, should the last hypothesis be
sustained it must be treated as a transmitted system from the earliest epoch of its
complete establishment, and its origin would be contemporaneous with the intro-
duction of the customs, or the birth of the institutions, from which it sprung. A
presumption would arise, from the fact of its possession by different nations of the
same family, that it was derived by each from a common source ; and a like pre-
sumption where it was found in different families ; provided the system could be
shown to be stable in its forms, and capable of self-perpetuation. That such causes
do not now exist will be made to appear in the discussion of the second hypothesis,
which will supersede the necessity of considering the first.
There aj-e two external causes which might be supposed to have exercised some
influence upon the formation of the system, the bearing of which should be con-
sidered before those are taken Tip which spring from the nature of descents.
. These are the uses of the bond of kin for mutual protection, and the tribal organi-
zation.
In the primitive ages the uses of the blood tie for the mutual protection of
related persons could not fail to arrest attention, and to rise to pre-eminent import-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 475
ance. It would be more natural to intrust personal rights to the protection of near
kindred, than to the community at large ; whence, the larger the circle of blood
relatives the greater the assurance of safety. A more cordial recognition of col-
lateral consanguinci would be expected to prevail in such a state of society than in
civilized communities, where the law or the state is the source of protection.
Whilst it is certain that the system does preserve the relationships of remote con-
sanguinei by bringing them within the near degrees, thus making the kindred tie
more authoritative than the divergence of descents, it does not follow that relation-
ships would be created in the system which found no sanction in the nature of
descents. And finally, since these considerations would neither suggest this
particular plan of consanguinity, nor any definite plan, they are rather results of
the system, than operative causes in its production.
The tribal organization stands in a much nearer connection with this system of
relationship. This oiganized form of society has existed in all ages, and amongst
the greater portion of the nations of mankind in the early periods of their history.
It prevails at the present time, to a greater or less extent, amongst the uncivilized
nations of Asia, Africa, and America. Within the historical period it has been
found so wide spread as to leave no doubt whatever that it is one of the oldest
institutions of the human family. In a general sense a tribe is a group of con-
sanguinei, not including all of the descendants of a supposed original ancestor, but
usually such only as are embraced within the line through which descent is
reckoned. If descent is limited to the male line, then it is composed of the
children of a supposed male ancestor, and his descendants in the male line forever.
It would include the sons and daughters of this ancestor, the children of his sons ;
and all the children of his lineal male descendants. The children of the males only
belong to the tribe, whilst the children of the females would be transferred to the
tribe of their respective fathers. In like manner, when descent is limited to the
female line, the tribe would consist of a supposed female ancestor, and her
descendants in the female line forever. It would include the children of this
ancestor, the children of her daughters, and all the children of her lineal female
descendants ; the children of the females only belonging to the tribe, whilst the
children of the males would be transferred to the tribe of their respective mothers.
These results were produced by the prohibition of intermarriage in the tribe, and
by assigning the children to the tribe of the father, or to the tribe of the mother, as
descent was in the male or in the female line. The last two characteristics of the
tribal organization were fundamental. Modified forms of the tribe, as thus
explained, may have existed, but this is the substance of the institution. Other
incidents pertaining to the tribe have elsewhere (supra, page 139) been explained.
Inasmuch as the tribal organization is founded upon consanguinity, and
furthermore, since all the members of a tribe are, theoretically, brothers and
sisters to each other it might seem probable that it had exercised some influence
upon the formation of the classificatory system of relationship. To show how
the fact is the tribal relationships must be placed by the side of those esta-
blished by the system of consanguinity, in doing which the illustrations will
be drawn from the tribes and system of the Seneca-Iroquois.. Two sisters and
476 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
their children are of the same tribe, and these children are brothers and sisters
to each other in virtue of their common tribal name. They are also brothers
and sisters under this system of relationship. It is at least a plausible supposition
that the tribal connection, superadded to their nearness of kin as the children of
sisters, might have suggested the relationship of brother and sister as eminently
proper, and thus have laid the foundation of one of the indicative features of the
system. The same thought developed a step further might, from analogy, establish
the two sisters in the relation of a mother to each other's children, which would
give a second indicative feature of the system. But these influences are set aside
by running the parallel in other cases. Thus two brothers, born of the same
mother, are of the same tribe ; but since they must marry out of the tribe, and
since descent is in the female line, their children are of a different tribe from them-
selves, and seven chances out of eight of two different tribes, each differing from
their own, and yet their children who are not tribal brothers and sisters are such
under the system. If the principle of the tribal connection suggested these rela-
tionships in the former case, it would, for the want of that connection, forbid it in
the latter. Again, Ego being a female, my sister's son is my son ; we are also
both of the same tribe, whilst my brother's son, who is not of my tribe, is placed in
the more remote relationship of nephew. Conformity with the tribal connection is
here preserved. But on the other hand, with Ego a male, my brother's son is my son,
although he is not of my tribe, whilst my sister's son, who is of my tribe, stands
in the more remote relationship of nephew. Conformity with the tribal organiza-
tion is here disregarded. To the same effect it may be added that my father's
brother, who is not of my tribe, is my father; whilst my mother's brother, who is
of my tribe, is placed in the more remote relationship of uncle. Contrariwise, my
father's sister, who is not of my tribe, is my aunt; whilst my mother's sister, who
is of my tribe, is my mother. It thus appears when the tribal relationships are
run parallel with those established by the system that the former traverse the latter
quite as frequently as they affirm the connection. This will be found to be the
case throughout the entire range of the system. In some Indian nations descent
is in the male line, in which cases the tribal relationships, as above given, would be
reversed ; in still others it does not now exist, and yet the same system of relation-
ship prevails amongst them all alike, irrespective of the existence or non-existence
of the tribal organization, and whether descent is in the male or female line.
There is, however, another aspect of the case in which this tribal organization, as
one of a series of institutions affecting the conditions of society, may have exer-
cised a decisive influence upon the formation of the classificatory system. This
will be considered in another connection.
Among existing customs which touch the domestic relationships, and thus become
sources of influence upon the system, are polygamy and polyaudria. They are in-
capable of explaining, from the nature of descents, the origin of the classificatory
system as a whole ; but they seem to afford an explanation of one or more of its
indicative features. Inasmuch as polygamy has prevailed, more or less, amongst
the principal nations of mankind in the early periods of their history, and since it
is an existing custom in a large number of nations at the present time, the nature
OF TIIE HUMAN FAMILY. 477
and limits of its influence must be ascertained before other causes of the origin of
the system are sought ; and it is further important in order to show that the true
causes must be found in a state of society which existed antecedently to the intro-
duction of both polygamy and polyandria. Polygamy may claim the position of a
domestic institution. In its highest and regulated form it presupposes a consider-
able advance of society, together with the development of superior and inferior
classes, and of some kinds of wealth. The means of subsistence must have become
enlarged as well as stable, and individual ownership of property recognized, before
a single person would be able to maintain more than one household, or several sets
of children by several different mothers. In its high form it must have been
limited to the privileged few, whilst the mass of the people were debarred, by
poverty, from its practice. In a lower and unregulated form it has probably pre»
vailed from a very early period in man's history. Polyandria, on the other hand, is
scarcely entitled to the rank of a domestic institution. It is an excrescence of
polygamy, and its repulsive converse. Traces of it have been found in many
polygamous nations in various parts of Asia, in Africa, and, according to Hearne
and Humboldt, in occasional instances in North and South America. The countries
in which it has prevailed most extensively, as is well known, are Thibet, and the
Nilgherry Hills of South India. It presupposes either a scarcity of unappropriated
females, or of the means of subsistence, or of both together. The Thibetan
polyandria, where several brothers possess one wife in common, is the highest form
of the usage ; and the lowest, that in the Nilgherry Hills, where several unrelated
persons possess one wife in common. There are no reasons for supposing that the
mass of the people in any country were involved in the practice of these customs,
after polygamy had become a settled usage, although their joint existence in a
particular nation would be a most unfavorable indication of the condition of the
remainder of the people. There is no evidence that polyandria was ever an esta-
blished practice of the American aborigines. On the contrary there are reasons
which render its practice improbable. The females are usually more numerous
than the males from the destruction of the latter in war.1 Polygamy has prevailed
among them very generally, and is still practised; but it is under a permanent
check amongst the greater portion of the people from the inability of an individual
to support more than one set of children. Consequently throughout this family
there never has been a necessity for the practice of polyandria.
With respect to the influence of general polygamy upon the formation of the
system it is very slight ; but there is a special form of this usage existing in theory,
and to some extent in practice, in the Ganowanian family, which reaches some of
the domestic relationships. It embraces all of the influence of general polygamy,
and also reaches beyond it. When a man marries the eldest daughter he becomes,
by that act, entitled to each and all of her sisters as wives when they severally
attain the marriageable age. The option rests with him, and he may enforce the
1 In some nations, as the Blackloot and the Shiyann, they are said to be two to one.
478 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
claim, or. yield it to another.1 Taking such a case of polygamy as an illustration,
the children of sisters thus married would naturally apply to each other the full
terms for brother and sister. They are own brothers and sisters with respect to
their father, and half-brothers and half-sisters with respect to the wives of their
father, one of whom is their mother. This might explain one of the most import-
ant indicative features of the system. Advancing a step beyond this, the children
of one sister might apply the term mother to each sister of their mother,
although the true relationship is neither that of mother, nor strictly that of step-
mother, since the own mother is still living. Assuming this to have occurred, it
would give a second indicative feature. For the same reason it might be supposed
that the several sisters would call each other's children their sons and daughters,
which would explain the origin of half of a third indicative feature. Here the
influence of this form of polygamy, which may or may not have existed in other
families of mankind, terminates. Turning next to the Thibetan form of polyandria,
where several brothers have children by a common wife, these children would
necessarily call themselves brothers and sisters, first because they are such with
respect to their mother, and, secondly, because with respect to the several brothers
who are the husbands of their mother, it would be unknown which of them was
their father. This would explain the probable origin of a fourth indicative rela-
tionship. Again, these children would call the several husbands of their mother
indiscriminately fathers. If they so called either one, then all would receive the
appellation. For the same reasons the several brothers would call these children
their sons and daughters without distinction, thus explaining a fifth and sixth in-
dicative relationship, as well as a seventh and eighth with more or less distinctness,
namely, that the children of these children would be called grandchildren by each
of these brothers, and be called grandfathers in return. Here the influence of
polyandria ceases. It will be seen that these special forms of polygamy and
polyandria approach the system very closely, and tend to render it explainable as
a natural system drawn from the nature of descents as they actually existed at the
time the system was formed. But it must be remembered, first, that these rela-
tionships are the same in the Malayan, Turanian, and Ganowanian forms ; secondly,
that they are not indicative relationships in the Malayan system ; and thirdly, that
they become such in the latter by virtue of the remaining indicative relationships,
which polygamy and polyandria are incapable of explaining. Why my mother's
brother is my uncle, my father's sister is my aunt, my sister's son and daughter,
Ego a male, are my nephew and niece, and why the children of this uncle and
aunt are placed in the more remote relationship of cousin, still remain unexplained.
At the same time, it is to these relationships that the Ganowanian and Turanian
systems are indebted for their striking characteristics. But there is another and a
general objection to the sufficiency of these customs to explain the origin of those
parts of the system first above named. It is their restriction in practice to a small
portion of the people. The number of children of sisters, and also of brothers, in
1 I have found this practice among the Shyannes, Omahas, lowas, Kaws, Osages, Blackfeet, Crees,
Miunitarees, Crows, and several other nations.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 479
every nation unaffected by these customs would far outnumber, in any event, those
included within their operation. In other words the reasons for these relation-
ships, which should be as universal as their adoption, would fail for want of univer-
sality. If these forms of polygamy and polyandria suggested the relationships
named in a certain number of cases, the reasons for them would fail in a much
larger number of other cases in the same community, and thus the chances would
preponderate against their adoption.
This view of the possible influence of these customs upon the formation of certain
parts of the classificatory system is as important ~as~it is significant. It shows that
we are drawing near to the causes from which it originated, and an increasing
probability that it sprung, by organic growth, from the nature of descents as they
actually existed. I think it will appear in the sequel, that whilst its origin ante-
dates the first existence of these customs in the primitive nations of mankind, the
latter have contributed materially to the perpetuation of the system, through the
intervening ages, by means of the principles which polygamy and polyandria have
tended to preserve.
I propose now to take up the Malayan system of relationship, as the earliest
stage of the classificatory, and to submit a conjectural solution of its origin. This
solution will be founded upon the Hawaiian customp and upon the assumption of
the existence of antecedent promiscuous intercourse, involving the cohabitation of
brothers and sisters. After this I shall present a further conjectural solution
of the origin of the remainder, or Turanian portion of the system, upon the
basis of the tribal organization. These solutions will render necessary an assump-
tion of the existence and general prevalence of a series of customs and institu-
tions which sprang up at intervals along the pathway of man's experience, and
which must of necessity have preceded a knowledge of marriage between single
pairs, and of the family itself, in the modern sense of the term ; but which led,
step by step, as so many organic movements of society, to the realization of the
latter. Mankind, if one in origin, must have become subdivided at a very early
period into independent nations. Unequal progress has been made by their de-
scendants from that day to the present ; some of them still remaining in a condition
not far removed from the primitive, and now revealing many of the intervening
stages of progress. It must be supposed, therefore, that these customs and insti-
tutions, taken as a complete series or sequence, must have been of slow growth,
and of still slower diffusion amongst the nations, as they progressed in experience;
and that they are but the great remaining landmarks of this experience, whilst the
mass of minor influences which contributed to their adoption have fallen out of
knowledge. This series, originating in the order named, and brought down to an
epoch long subsequent to the complete establishment of the classificatory system,
may be stated as follows : —
1 I am indebted to my learned friend, Rev. Dr. J. H. Mcllvaine, Prof, of Political Science in the
College of New Jersey, for the suggestion of a probable solution of the origin of the classificatory
system upon the basis of the Hawaiian custom.
480 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
I. Promiscuous Intercourse.
II. The Intermarriage or Cohabitation of Brothers and Sisters.
III. The Communal Family. (First Stage of the Family.)
IV. The Hawaiian Custom. Giving
V. The Malayan form of the Classificatory System of Eelationship.
VI. The Tribal Organization. Giving
VII. The Turanian and Ganowanian System of Relationship.
VIII. Marriage between Single Pairs. Giving
IX. The Barbarian Family. (Second Stage of the Family.)
X. Polygamy. Giving
XI. The Patriarchal Family. (Third Stage of the Family.)
XII. Polyandria.
XIII. The Rise of Property with the Settlement of Lineal Succession to Estates.
Giving
XIV. The Civilized Family. (Fourth and Ultimate Stage of the Family.) Pro-
ducing.
XV. The Overthrow of the Classificatory System of Relationship, and the Sub-
stitution of the Descriptive.
The first four customs and institutions being given, the origin of the Malayan
system can be demonstrated from the nature of descents, and the several relation-
ships shown to be those actually existing. In like manner the first six being given
(although IV. is not material), the origin of the Turanian system can be explained
on the principle of natural suggestion, and the relationships proved to be in accord-
ance with the nature of descents. Whether, given the Turanian system of relation-
ship, the antecedent existence of these customs and institutions can be legitimately
inferred, will depend upon the probability of their prevalence, from the nature of
human society, and from what is known of its previous conditions. It may be
confidently affirmed that this great sequence of customs and institutions, although
for the present hypothetical, will organize and explain the body of ascertained facts,
with respect to the primitive history of mankind, in a manner so singularly and
surprisingly adequate as to invest it with a strong probability of truth.
Although the universal prevalence of promiscuous intercourse in the primitive
ages, involving the cohabitation of brothers and sisters as its most common form,
rests, for the present, upon an assumption, evidence is not wanting in many barbarous
nations of such a previous condition. In several civilized nations the intermarriage
of brother and sister continued long after civilization had supervened upon bar-
' barism. Without multiplying cases, one of the Herods was married to his sister,
and Cleopatra was married to her brother. Even these modern cases are more
satisfactorily explained as the remains, as well as the evidence, of an ancient custom,
than as a lapsed condition of private morals.
The Hawaiian custom is neither a matter of conjecture nor of assumption.
Traces of its prevalence were found by the American missionaries in the Sandwich
Islands when they established their missions, and its antecedent universal preva-
lence amongst this people is unquestionable. This custom, which has elsewhere
(supra, page 453, note) been explained, is a compound form of polygynia and poly-
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 481
andria, since under one of its branches the several brothers live in polygynia, and
their wives in polyandria ; and under the other, the several sisters live in polyandria,
and their husbands in polygynia. In other words, it is promiscuous intercourse
within prescribed limits. The existence of this custom necessarily implies an ante-
cedent condition of promiscuous intercourse, involving the cohabitation of brothers
and sisters, and perhaps of parent and child ; thus finding mankind in a condition
akin to that of the inferior animals, and more intensely barbarous than we have
been accustomed to regard as a possible state of man. It will be seen in the
sequel that this custom springs naturally out of the communal family founded upon
the intermarriage of brothers and sisters. Seen in this light it is at least suppo-
sable that the Hawaiian custom still embodies the evidence of an organic move-
ment of society to extricate itself from a worse condition than the one it produced.
For it may be affirmed, as a general proposition, that the principal customs and
institutions of mankind have originated in great reformatory movements. The
Pinaluanic Bond must, therefore, be regarded as a compact between several brothers
to defend their common wives, and a like compact between the husbands of several
sisters to defend their common wives against the violence of society, thus implying
a perpetual struggle amongst the males for the possession of the females. If this
supposed origin of the custom is accepted as real, it must be regarded as one of a
series of similar movements by means of which mankind emerged from a state of
promiscuous intercourse, and afterwards, step by step, and through a long and
varied experience, attained to marriage between single pairs, and finally to the
family as it now exists. In this series the two, holding the position of paramount
importance, are 1st, the intermarriage of brothers and sisters, and 2d, the tribal
organization. Repulsive and distasteful as every suggestion must be that assumes
an antecedent condition of man in which the propensity to pair and live in the
family relation, now so powerfully developed, did not exist ; in which both marriage
in the proper sense and the family were unknown, and in which the mental and
moral powers of man must have been extremely feeble in comparison Avith his
present; yet such a condition is rendered extremely probable from the fact that it
explains the origin of the Malayan system, which, as the first stage of the Turanian
and Ganowanian, must have sprung from the relations actually subsisting between
the several members of the communal family as it then existed. This, at least,
would be the first presumption.
Whether brothers and sisters intermarried and cohabited amongst the Hawaiians
we have, at present, no evidence to submit. The fact will be assumed, and if by
its assumption the origin of their system of relationship can be fully and com-
pletely explained, the existence of the system will tend to prove the fact.
In the order adopted the Malayan system will be first explained from the nature
of descents, by the Hawaiian custom, and the intermarriage of brothers and sisters
with antecedent promiscuous intercourse ; and after that the Turanian, by the tribal
organization.
It will be remembered that under the former system the primary relationships
only are recognized and named. To these must be added the relationships of
grandparent and grandchild. These terms are applied to consanguinei in a definite
61 April. 1870.
482 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY
manner, by means of which they are reduced to as many great classes as there are
primary relationships, including those last named. No distinction is made between
lineal and collateral consanguine! except that they are distributed into classes. In
a word all consanguine! are either fathers or mothers to each other, or brothers or
sisters, sons or daughters, grandparents or grandchildren. It follows that a
knowledge of the degrees numerically forms an integral part of the system, with
certainty of parentage within prescribed limits.
1. All the children of my several brothers, myself a male, are my sons and
daughters.
Reason. I cohabit with all my brothers' wives, who are my wives as well (using
the terms husband, wife, and marriage in the sense of the custom). As it would
be impossible to discriminate my children from those of my brothers, if I call any
one my child I must call them all my children. One is as likely to be mine as
another.
2. All the grandchildren of my several brothers are my grandchildren.
Reason. They are the children of my sons and daughters. With myself a
female the relationships of my brothers' children and descendants are the same.
The reason must be sought in the analogy of the system. Since my brothers are
my husbands their children by other wives would be my step-children, which rela-
tionship being unrecognized they naturally fall into the category of my sons and
daughters. These must be the relationships or none.
3. All the children of my several sisters, myself a male, are my sons and
daughters.
Reasons. I cohabit with all my sisters, who are my wives. Explanation when
fully given as in 1.
4. All the grandchildren of my several sisters are my grandchildren.
Reason. They are the children of my sons and daughters. With myself a
female, the relationships in the last two cases are the same. Reason. I cohabit
with all the husbands of my sisters, who are my own husbands as well. This
difference, however, exists, I can distinguish my own children from those of my
own sisters, to the latter of whom I am a step-mother. But since the step-rela-
tionships are not discriminated they fall into the category of sons and daughters.
5. All the children of several own brothers are brothers and sisters to each other.
Reason. These brothers cohabit with all the mothers of these children. Among
their reputed fathers these children cannot distinguish their osvn father; but
among the wives of these brothers they can distinguish their own mother ;
whence, as to the former, they are brothers and sisters to each other, but, as to
the latter, while the children of a common mother are brothers and sisters to
each other, these are step-brothers and step-sisters to the children of their mother's
sisters. Therefore, for reasons stated in similar cases, they fall into the relation-
ship of brothers and sisters.
6. The children of these collateral brothers are also brothers and sisters to each
other ; the children of the latter are brothers and sisters again ; and these relation-
ships continue downward, amongst their descendants, indefinitely.
An infinite series is thus created which forms a fundamental part of the system.
OF THE HUMANFAMILY. 483
It is not easily explained. The Hawaiian custom, as stated, is restricted to several
own brothers and their wives, and to several own sisters and their husbands. To
account for this infinite scries it must be further assumed that this privilege of
barbarism extended wherever the relationship of brother and sister was recognized
to exist ; each brother having as many wives as he had sisters, and each sister as
many husbands as she had brothers, whether own or collateral.
7. All the children of several own sisters are brothers and sisters to each other ;
all their children are brothers and sisters again ; and so downward indefinitely.
Reasons as in 5 and 6.
8. All the children of several own brothers on one hand, and of their several own
sisters on the other, are brothers and sisters to each other; the children of the
latter are brothers and sisters again ; and so downward indefinitely.
Reasons as in 5 and 6.
9. All the brothers of my father are my fathers.
Reasons as in 1.
10. All the sisters of my mother are my mothers.
Reasons as in 1 and 3.
11. All the sisters of my father are my mothers.
Reasons as in 2.
12. All the brothers of my mother are my fathers.
Reason. My mother is the wife of all her brothers.
13. All the children of my several collateral brothers and sisters are, without
distinction, my sons and daughters.
Reasons as in 1, 3, and 6.
14. All the children of the latter are my grandchildren.
Reasons as in 2.
15. All the brothers and sisters of my grandparents are likewise my grand-
parents.
Reasons. They are the fathers and mothers of my father and mother.
Every blood relationship recognized under the M alayan system is thus explained
from the nature of descents, and is seen to be the one actually existing, as near as
the parentage of individuals could be known. The system, therefore, follows the
flow of the blood instead of thwarting or diverting its currents. It is a natural
rather than an arbitrary and artificial system. As thus explained it appears to
have originated in the intermarriage of brothers and sisters in a communal family,
the assumption of which custom is necessary to explain its origin from the nature
of descents. When the Hawaiian custom, which finds its antetype in the former,
supervened it brought other males and females into the family, but it must have
left the previous custom unaffected ; otherwise several of the Malayan relationships
would have been untrue to the nature of descents as they existed.
The several marriage relationships may be explained with more or less of cer-
tainty upon the same principles.
This solution of the origin of the Malayan system, although it rests, aside from
the Hawaiian custom, upon the assumption of the intermarriage of brothers and
sisters, is sufficiently probable in itself to deserve serious attention. It uncovers
484 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
and reveals a state of society in the primitive ages, not confined to the islands of
the Pacific, with the evidence of its actual existence still preserved in this system
of relationship, which we shall be slow and reluctant to recognize as real ; and yet
towards which evidence from other and independent sources has long been pointing.
It finds mankind, during the periods anterior to the Hawaiian custom, in a bar-
barism so profound that its lowest depths can scarcely be imagined ; but which is
partially shadowed forth by the fact that neither the propensity to pair, nor mar-
riage in its proper sense, nor the family except the communal, were known ; and,
above all, that the sacredness of the tie which binds brother and sister together, and
raises them above the temptations of animal passion, had not dawned upon the
barbarian mind.
In the next place the origin of the Turanian system is to be explained from the
nature of descents. No evidence has been presented of the prevalence of the
Hawaiian custom in any part of Asia or America, or of the intermarriage of
brothers and sisters as a general custom. Neither is it necessary for the purpose
in hand that such evidence should exist. The solution to be offered proceeds upon
the assumed existence of these customs, together with the tribal organization ; and
if these are sufficient to explain the origin of the Turanian system, the system
itself, to some extent, becomes evidence of their antecedent existence.
The Turanian was undoubtedly engrafted upon an original form agreeing in all
essential respects with the Malayan ; the latter being the first permanent, and the
former the second permanent stage of the classificatory system. About half of the
Malayan relationships must be changed, leaving the other half as they are, to pro-
duce the Turanian system. It is clear that the Malayan could not be derived from
the Turanian, since it is the simpler, and, therefore, the older form. Neither could
the Turanian be developed out of the Malayan, since the former contains addi-
tional and distinctive elements ; but a great change of social condition might have
occurred which would supply the new elements, and such, in all probability, is the
history of the transition from the one into the other. It will be seen, at a glance,
that it is only necessary to break up the cohabitation of brothers and sisters to
turn the Malayan into the Turanian form, provided the changes in parentage, thus
produced, are followed to their logical results.
Following step by step the supposed sequence of customs and institutions which
developed the classificatory system by organic growth, it will next be assumed that
the Malayan form, as its first stage, prevailed upon the continent of Asia among
the ancestors of the present Turanian family at the epoch of the Malayan migra-
tion to the islands of the Pacific. In other words it may be conjectured that the
Malayan family took with them the form which then prevailed, and preserved it to
the present time, whilst they left the same form behind them amongst the people
from whom they separated. With the Malayan system thus prevalent in Asia, it
may be supposed that another great organic movement of society occurred which
resulted, in the course of time, in the tribal organization. This institution is so
ancient and so wide spread that its origin must ascend far back towards the primi-
tive ages of mankind. It is explainable, and only explainable in its origin, as a
reformatory movement to break up the intermarriage of blood relatives, and par-
ticularly of brothers and sisters, by compelling them to marry out of the tribe who
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 485
were constituted such as a band of consanguine!. It will be seen at once that with
the prohibition of intermarriage in the tribe this result was finally and permanently
effected. By this organization the cohabitation of brothers and sisters was perma-
nently abolished, since they were necessarily of the same tribe, whether descent
was in the male or the female line. It would neither overthrow the Hawaiian
custom, although it abridged its range, nor the communal family, which was not
inharmonious with the tribal organization ; but it struck at the roots of promiscuous
intercourse by abolishing its worst features, and thus became a powerful movement
towards the ultimate realization of marriage between single pairs, and the true
family state.
If the principles resulting from the tribal organization, so far as they relate to
parentage, are now applied to that part of the Turanian system which is distinc-
tively Turanian, the relationships will be found to be in accordance with the nature
of descents, and explainable by natural suggestion. It will also tend to show in
what manner the Turanian element became incorporated in the system. |i
1. All the children of my several sisters, myself a male, are my nephews and nieces.
Reason. Under the tribal organization brothers and sisters not being allowed to
intermarry or cohabit, the children of my sisters can no longer be my children, but
must stand to me in different and more remote relationships. Whence the rela-
tionships of nephew and niece.
2. All the children of these nephews and nieces are my grandchildren.
The reason must be sought in the analogy of the system. No relationships out-
side of grandfather, uncle, cousin, nephew, and grandson, are recognized under the
system, wherefore they must fall into the class of nephews and nieces or grand-
children. That of grandchild being the relationship under the previous system,
would naturally remain until a new relationship was created.
On the other hand, the children of my several brothers are still my sons and
daughters, because I cohabit with all the wives of my brothers, who are my own
wives as well. It will be found that the changes in the system, are restricted to
those relationships which depended upon the intermarriage of brothers and sisters.
3. All the children of my several brothers, myself a female, are my nephews and
nieces.
Reason as in 1.
4. All the children of these nephews and nieces are my grandchildren.
Reason as in 2.
On the other hand, all the children of my several sisters, myself still a female,
are my sons and daughters, and their children are my grandchildren, as in the
Malayan, and for the reasons there assigned.
5. All the sisters of my father are my aunts.
Reason. Since, under the tribal organization, my father cannot marry his sisters,
they can no longer stand to me in the relation of mothers, but must be placed in
one more remote. Whence the relationship of aunt.
6. All the brothers of my mother are my uncles.
Reason. As my mother's brothers no longer cohabit with my mother, they can-
not stand to me in the relation of a father, but must be placed in one more remote.
Whence the relationship of uncle.
486 .SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
My father's brothers are still my fathers, and my mother's sisters are still my
mothers, as in the Malayan, and for the reasons there given. The tribal organiza-
tion does not prevent my father and his brothers from cohabiting with each other's
wives, nor my mother and her sisters from cohabiting with each other's husbands.
7. All the children of these several uncles and aunts are my cousins.
Ileasons as in 5 and 6. Since they cannot be my brothers and sisters for the
reasons named, they must be placed in a more remote relationship.
But the children of brothers are brothers and sisters to each other, and so are
the children of sisters, as in the Malayan, and for the reasons there given.
All the children of my male cousins, myself a male, are my nephews and nieces ;
and all the children of my female cousins are my sons and daughters.
Such is the classification amongst the Dravidian nations of South India. Unless
I cohabit with all my female cousins, and am excluded from cohabitation with the
wives of all my male cousins, these relationships cannot be explained from the
nature of descents. In the Ganowanian family this classification is reversed ; the
children of my male cousins, myself a male, are my sons, and daughters, and of
my female cousins are my nephews and nieces. These are explainable from the
principles, and from the analogy of the system. It is a singular fact that the
deviation upon these relationships is the only one of any importance between the
Tamil and the Seneca-Iroquois, which in all probability has a logical explanation
of some kind. If it is attributable to the slight variation upon the privilege of
barbarism above indicated a singular solution of the difference in the two systems
is thereby afforded.
8. All the children of these nephews and nieces are my grandchildren.
Reasons as in 2.
9. All the children of these collateral sons and daughters are my grandchildren.
It is the same in Malayan, and for the reasons there given.
10. All the brothers and sisters of my grandfather, and of my grandmother, are
my grandfathers and grandmothers.
Reasons. As to the brothers of my grandfather, and the sisters of my grand-
mother, the reasons are as given in the Malayan, where the relationships are the
same. In the other cases they must be sought in the analogy of the system.
The same course of investigation and of explanation may be applied to the more
remote collateral lines, and to several of the marriage relationships, with substan-
tially similar results ; but the solution of the origin of that part of the classificatory
system which is distinctly Turanian has been carried sufficiently far for my present
purpose. All of the indicative relationships have been explained, and shown to be
those which actually existed in the communal family as it was constituted under
the tribal organization, and the other prevailing customs and institutions. If the
progressive conditions of society, during the ages of barbarism, from which this
solution is drawn are partly hypothetical, the system itself, as thus explained, is
found to be simple and natural, instead of an arbitrary and artificial creation of
human intelligence. The probable existence of the series of customs and institu-
tions, so far as their existence is assumed, is greatly strengthened by the simplicity
of the solution which they afford of the origin of the classificatory system in two
great stages of development.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 487
An exposition of the entire series of customs and institutions upon which these
solutions are founded, together with a discussion of the historical evidence of their
existence and spread are necessary to a full appreciation of the probable correctness
of these solutions. But they cover too wide a field, and embrace too many con-
siderations to be treated in this connection. I am, therefore, reluctantly com-
pelled to limit myself to what seem to be the controlling propositions, although the
conclusions reached are thereby open to the charge of being too sweeping in their
character. In any event this discussion is but the introduction of the subject ot
which it treats. Further investigations, in its various departments, will modify
the positions here taken, as well as the conclusions reached, or confirm their truth-
fulness.
The present existence of the classificatory system of relationship, with the
internal evidence of its transition from the Malayan to the Turanian form, is, of
itself, a powerful argument in favor of the prevalence of these customs and institu-
tions, and of their origination substantially in the order stated. All except the
first and second, and perhaps the fourth, still prevail in portions of the human
family, and are known to have existed as far back, in the past, as the oldest his-
torical records ascend ; with abundant evidence of the existence of some of them
from time immemorial. Evidence is not wanting in many barbarous nations, at
the present time, of an antecedent state of promiscuous intercourse involving the
cohabitation of brothers and sisters as its primary form. It will not be difficult,
hereafter, to accumulate such a body of evidence upon this subject as to leave no
doubt upon the question.
It remains to notice the order of origination of these customs and institutions as
a great progressive series founded upon the growth of man's experience ; and to
consider their reformatory character. The establishment of this series as a means
of recovering the thread of man's history through the primitive ages is the principal
result of this solution of the origin of the classificatory system. Upon these ques-
tions some suggestions will be submitted, in doing which it will be necessary to
recapitulate the series.
I. Promiscuous Intercourse.
This expresses the lowest conceivable stage of barbarism in which mankind
could be found. In this condition man could scarcely be distinguished from the
brute, except in the potential capacity of his endowments. Ignorant of marriage
in its proper sense, of the family, except the communal, and with the propensity to
pair still undeveloped, he was not only a barbarian but a savage ; with a feeble
intellect and a feebler moral sense. His only hope of elevation lay in the fierce-
ness of his passions, and in the improvable character of his nascent mental and
moral powers. The lessening volume of the skull and its low animal characteris-
tics as we recede in the direction of the primitive man, deliver decisive testimony
concerning his immense inferiority to his civilized descendants. The implements
of stone and flint found over the greater part of the earth, attest the rudeness of
his condition when he subsisted chiefly upon fish, leaving it doubtful whether to
become a fisherman he had not raised himself from a still more humble condition.
That the ancestors of the present civilized nations were, in the primitive ages,
488 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
savages of this description, is not improbable ; neither is it a violent supposition
that they, as well as the ancestors of the present barbarous nations, once lived in
a state of promiscuous intercourse, of which, as to the latter, their systems of
consanguinity and affinity still embody the evidence. To raise mankind out of
this condition could only be accomplished by a series of reformatory movements,
resulting in the development of a series of customs and institutions for the govern-
ment of their social life.
II. Intermarriage or Cohabitation of Brothers and Sisters.
This practice, which the previous condition necessarily involved, would tend to
regulate as well as to check the gregarious principle. It would, probably, be the
normal condition of society under this principle ; and, when once established,
would be apt to perpetuate itself through indefinite, or at least immensely long
periods of time. It gives the starting point and the foundation of the Malayan
system of relationship, which, in turn, is the basis of the Turanian and Ganowa-
nian. Without this custom it is impossible to explain the origin of the system
from the nature of descents. There is, therefore, a necessity for the prevalence of
this custom amongst the remote ancestors of all the nations which now possess the
classificatory system, if the system itself is to be regarded as having a natural
origin.
III. The Communal Family.
Such a family resulted necessarily from the custom last considered. The union
of effort to procure subsistence for the common household, led to communism in
living. This probable organization of society, in the primitive ages, into communal
families, and which continued long after the intermarriage of brothers and sisters
was abolished, has not been sufficiently estimated in its bearings upon the early
condition of mankind. Without being able to assert the fact, there are strong
grounds for supposing that most barbarous nations at the present time, although
marriage between single pairs exists, are now organized into such families, and
practise communism as far as the same can be carried out in practical life. The
American aborigines have lived, and still live to a greater or less extent, in commu-
nal families, consisting of related persons, and practise communism within the house-
hold. This feature of their ancient mode of life can still be definitely and widely
traced amongst them. It also entered into and determined the character of their
architecture.1
1 This principle entered into and determined the character of their architecture, as soon as they
gathered in villages. This may be illustrated by a brief reference to the character of their houses.
Tiotohatton, one of the ancient Seneca villages near Rochester, is thus described by Mr. Green-
halgh, who visited it in 1677. (Doc. Hist. N. Y., I, 13.) "It lyes to the westward of Canagora
[Canandaigua] about 30 miles, contains about 120 houses, being the largest of all the houses we
saw; the ordinary being 50 to 60 feet long, with twelve and thirteen fires in one house." A house
with ten fires would be about seventy feet long and eighteen wide, and comparted at intervals of
seven feet, with a hall through the centre, and a door at each end. The fire-pits were in the centre
of the hall, one between each two compartments. Each family or married pair used one compart-
ment, and each pair of families on opposite sides of the hall used the fire in common. Such a house
would accommodate twenty families, usually consisting of related persons who shared their provisions
in common. Some years ago I had a model of one of these ancient houses constructed to ascertain
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 489
In the communal family, consisting of several brothers and sisters, and their
children, the family in its first stage is recognized.
IV. The Hawaiian Custom.
The existence of this custom is not necessary to an explanation of the origin of
the Malayan system. All it contains bearing upon this question is found in the
intermarriage of brothers and sisters, where the brothers live in polygynia, and the
sisters in polyandria; but it holds a material position in the series, for the reason
that it was an existing and still prevalent custom in the Sandwich Islands at the
epoch of their discovery. It finds its type in the previous custom out of which it
naturally arose, and for which reason it may be expected that it will yet be found
in other barbarous nations. So far as it brought unrelated persons into the house-
its mechanism. Mr. Caleb Swan, who visited the Creeks in 1790, thus describes their houses:
" These houses stand in clusters of four, five, six, seven, and eight together, . . . each cluster of
houses containing a clan or family of relatives, who eat and live in common." (Schoolcraft, Hist.
Cond. and Pros. Ind. Tribes, 5, 262.) Lewis and Clarke thus speak of a village of the Chopunnish
(Xez Perces) in the valley of the Columbia. (Travels, Lond. ed., 1814, p. 548.) "The village of
Tumacheraootool is in fact only a single house one hundred and fifty feet long. ... It contains
twenty-four fires, about double that number of families, and might, perhaps, muster one hundred
fighting men." In like manner the Dirt Lodge of the Mandans and Minnitares is a communal
house, about forty feet in diameter, and polygonal in form, and capable of accommodating seven or
eight families. It is comparted with willow screens ; each apartment being open towards the fire-
pit in the centre. These specimens illustrate the principle. If we now turn to the architecture of
the Village Indians of New Mexico, Mexico, Chiapa, and Yucatan, it will be found that their houses
were great communal edifices, constructed of adobe brick, or of rubble stone and mud mortar, or of
slate stone, or of stone fractured or cut, and laid with mortar, possibly in some cases of lime and
Band. The pueblo of Taos, in New Mexico, consists of two such houses, one of which is 260 feet
long, 100 feet deep, and five stories high, the stones being in the retreating or terrace form ; and
the second is 140 feet long, 220 feet deep, and six stories high. They are built of adobe brick, and
each capable of accommodating about four hundred persons. They are now occupied by 361 Taos
Indians. In the canon of the Rio de Chaco, about one hundred and forty miles northwest of Santa
Fe, there is a remarkable group of some seven pueblos, now in ruins (they answer very well to the
seven cities of Cibola), constructed of stone, a thin tabular limestone. That of Hungo Pavie is
built on three sides of a court, is 300 feet long, by 130 deep on the two sides, and three stories high.
It contained 144 chambers, each about 15 by 18 feet, and would accommodate seven or eight hundred
persons. It was built in the terraced form, the stories retreating from the court backward, and the
court was protected by a low stone wall. If this communal edifice is compared with the so-called
palaces of Mexico, as they are imperfectly described by the early Spanish writers, a very satisfactory
explanation of the latter will be found in the former, and 'the reason why the communal houses of
Mexico were mistaken for palaces will also be made apparent. By the light of the same testimony
the so-called palaces of Palenque, TJxmal, and Chi-Chen-Itza fade away into communal houses,
crowded with Indians throughout all their apartments.*
* In an article upon the " Seven Cities of Cibola," published in the April number of the North American Review
for 1869, I pointed out, with some minuteness of detail, the characteristics of the architecture of the Village
Indians ; and iu two subsequent articles in the same Review, published in the October number, 1869, and in the
January number, 1870, I treated at length the subject of " Indian Migrations." The latter was considered under
three principal divisions : First, the influence of physical causes, including the geographical features of North
America, and the natural subsistence afforded by its different areas ; second, the influence of Indian agriculture ;
and third, their known migrations, together with such as might be inferred to have occurred from the relations in
which the several Indian stocks were found. These articles form a proper supplement to Part II.. and this reference
is made to them as such.
62 April, 1870.
490 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
hold it was a positive advance upon the previous condition, tending to check pro-
miscuous intercourse, and to. relieve society from some of the evils of intermarriage
amongst blood-relatives. It also tended to develop still further the idea of the
communal family, and to move society in the direction of marriage between single
pairs. Its reformatory character is plainly indicated by the fact that it imposed
upon the several brothers, who shared their wives in common, the joint obligation
of their defence against the violence of society, the necessity for which would be
apt to exist in such a state of society as this custom presupposes.
V. The Malayan System of Relationship.
This system has been sufficiently explained. It holds the rank of a domestic
institution, and takes its place in the series as the basis of the Turanian and Gano-
wanian systems. The argument, when fully developed, tends very strongly to
show that this form of consanguinity must have prevailed over Asia at the epoch
of the institution of the tribal organization.
VI. The Tribal Organization.
It is to be inferred that this institution was designed to work out a reformation
with respect to the intermarriage of brothers and sisters, from the conspicuous manner
in which it accomplishes this result. Its necessity is demonstrated by the state of
society revealed by the Malayan system. The origin of this ancient wide-spread and
most remarkable institution seems, from the stand point of this discussion, to find
a full explanation, the first yet found in all respects adequate and satisfactory. It
is not supposable that it came into existence all at once as a completed institution ;
but rather that it was of organic growth, and required centuries upon centuries for
its . permanent establishment, and still other great periods of time for its spread
amongst existing nations. The existence of this organization, with the prohibition
of intermarriage in the tribe, implies the antecedent intermarriage of blood relatives,
together with a knowledge of its evils. From the very constitution of society, in
the primitive ages, into small and independent bands the introduction of the
tribal organization, with the prohibition of intermarriage, would make neighboring
bands dependent upon each other for wives, and thus produce a radical change of
social condition. For this and other reasons it seems extremely probable that it
can only be explained as a reformatory movement. It was probably the greatest
of all the institutions of mankind in the primitive ages, in its influence upon human
progress, particularly toward the true family state, as well as the most widely dis-
tributed in the human family. This also gave the Turanian system of relationship.
VII. The Turanian System of Relationship.
This has elsewhere been sufficiently explained. With the changes in parentage
thereby introduced the necessary additional materials are supplied to demonstrate
its origin from the nature of descents. It fixes the seventh great epoch in the
progress through barbarism, and becomes one of the permanent landmarks of man's
advancement toward civilization. We cannot fail to notice the extremely ancient
date at which the Turanian system must have become established.
VIII. Marriage between Single Pairs.
The observations made upon the previous customs and institutions have reference
to the condition of the body of the people. Instances of marriage between single
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 491
pairs may have, aud probably did occur in all periods of man's history ; but they
must have been exceptional from the necessity of the case in the primitive ages.
After the tribal organization came into existence, and the cohabitation of brothers
and sisters was broken up, as well as all intermarriage in the tribe, there must
have been a very great curtailment of the license of barbarism. Women for
wives became objects of negotiation out of the tribe, of barter, and of capture
by force. The evidence of these practices in Asia and America is ample.
Wives thus gained by personal effort, and by personal sacrifices for their pur-
chase, would not be readily shared with others. _ In its general tendency it would
lead to individual contracts to procure a single wife for a single husband, and
thus inaugurate marriage between single pairs. Such must have been the
direct result of the tribal organization ; but these marriages were followed down the
ages with polygynia and polyandria of the Hawaiian and other types.1 This
argument upon the basis of authenticated facts, will bear great amplification, and
would tend in a remarkable manner to confirm the conclusion that marriage between
single pairs cannot be placed earlier in the sequence than the place here assigned.
IX. The Barbarian Family.
The family in its second stage thus developed is far removed from the family in
its modern sense, or the civilized family. It is rather an aggregation of families,
with communism in living more or less prevalent, and with tribal authority holding
the place of parental. The family name, in addition to the personal, and the idea
of property and of its transmission by inheritance were still unknown.
X. Polygamy.
In its relation to pre-existing customs and institutions polygamy is essentially
modern. It presupposes, as elsewhere stated, a very great advance of society from
its primitive condition, with settled governments, with stability* of such kinds of
property as existed, and with enlargement of the amount, as well as permanence
of subsistence. It seems to spring, by natural suggestion, out of antecedent customs
akin to the Hawaiian. With strength and wealth sufficient to defend and support
several wives the strongest of several brothers takes them to himself, and refuses
to share them longer with his brothers. Regarded from this stand point polygamy
becomes a reformatory instead of a retrograde movement, and a decisive advance
in the direction of the true family.
XI. The Patriarchal Family.
Polygamy resulted in the establishment of the patriarchal family, or the family
in its third stage. A family, having a single male head, was an immense-
advance upon the communal, and even upon the 'barbarian. It necessitated to>
some extent a privileged class in society before one person would be able to support
several sets of children by several different mothers. Polygamy in its highes forms
belongs to the ages of dawning civilization.
1 The passion of love was unknown amongst the North American aborigines of pure blood". Th»
fact is sufficiently established by their marriage customs. They were giv«n in marriage without
being consulted, and often to entire strangers. Such, doubtless, is also, the fact aud, the usage among;
barbarous nations in general.
492 SYSTEMS O F C O N S A N GU I N I T Y AND AFFINITY
XII. Polyandria.
This custom, a consequence of polygamy, requires no further notice.
XIII. The Rise of Property and the Settlement of Lineal Succession to Estates.
It is impossible to over-estimate the influence of property upon the civilization
of mankind. It was the germ, and is still the evidence, of his progress from
barbarism, and the ground of his claim to civilization. The master passion of the
civilized mind is for its acquisition and enjoyment. In fact governments, institu-
tions, and laws resolve themselves into so many agencies designed for the creation
and protection of property. Out of its possession sprang immediately the desire
to transmit it to children, the consummation of which was the turning point between
the institutions of barbarism and those of civilization. When this desire, which
arose with the development of property, was realized by the intrpduction of lineal
succession to estates, it revolutionized the social ideas inherited from the previous
condition of barbarism. Marriage between single pairs, became necessary to
certainty of parentage ; and thus, in the course of time, became the rule rather
than the exception. The interests of property required individual ownership to
stimulate personal exertion, and the protection of the state became necessary to
render it stable. With the rise of property, considered as an institution, with the
settlement of its rights, and, above all, with the established certainty of its trans-
mission to lineal descendants, came the first possibility among mankind of the true
family in its modern acceptation. All previous family states were but a feeble ap-
proximation. The subject involved in this proposition is one of vast range and
compass. A passing glance is all that can be given to it for the purpose of indi-
cating its position in the series of customs and institutions, by means of which
mankind have traversed the several epochs of barbarism, until they finally, in some
families, crossed the threshold which ushered them into the commencement of their
civilized career. It is impossible to separate property, considered in the concrete,
from civilization, or for civilization to exist without its presence, protection, and
regulated inheritance. Of property in this sense, all barbarous nations are neces-
sarily ignorant.1
XIV. The Civilized Family.
As now constituted, the family is founded upon marriage between one man and
one woman. A certain parentage was substituted for a doubtful one ; and the
family became organized and individualized by property rights and privileges. The
establishment of lineal succession to property as an incident of descent overthrew,
among civilized nations, every vestige of pre-existing customs and institutions in-
consistent with this form of marriage. The persistency with which the classifica-
tory system has followed down the families of mankind to the dawn of civilization
furnishes evidence conclusive that property alone was capable of furnishing an
adequate motive for the overthrow of this system and the substitution of the des-
criptive. There are strong reasons for believing that the remote ancestors of the
1 Under the tribal organization property usually descended in tbe tribe, and was distributed
amongst the tribal kinsmen, resulting substantially in the disinheritance of the children. Lands
were usually held in common.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 493
Aryan, Semitic, and Uraliaii families possessed the classificatory system, and broke
it up when they reached the family state in its present sense.
Upon this family, as now constituted, modern civilized society is organized and
reposes. The whole previous experience and progress of mankind culminated and
crystallized in this one great institution. It was of slow growth, planting its roots
far back in the ages of barbarism ; a final result, to which the experience of the
ages had steadily tended. The family, which in this view of the case is essentially
modern, is the offspring of this vast and varied experience of the ages of barbarism.
Since the family was reached, it has also had its stages of progress, and a number
of them. The rise of family names, as distinguished from the single personal name
common in barbarous nations, is comparatively modern in the Aryan family. The
Roman GENS is one of the earliest illustrations. This people produced the triple
formula to indicate the name of the individual, of the Gens or great family, and of
the particular family within the Gens. Out of this arose, in due time, the doc-
trine of agnation, to distinguish the relationship of the males, who bore the family
name, from that of the females of the same family. Agnatic relationship was
made superior to cognatic, since the females were transferred, by marriage, to the
families of their husbands. This overthrew the last vestige of tribalism, and gave
to the family its complete individuality.
XV. The Overthrow of the Classificatory System of Relationship, and the Sub-
stitution of the Descriptive.
It is not my intention to discuss the fragments of evidence yet remaining here
and there, tending to show that the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families once pos-
sessed the classificatory system. I shall content myself with remarking that if
such were the fact, the rights of property and the succession to estates would
insure its overthrow. Such an hypothesis involves the concession that the remote
ancestors of the Celts, and of the Esthonians, and Finns as well, had once attained
to the earliest stages of civilization. It is more than probable that the Uralian
nations, after reaching the first stages of civilization, were forced out of their area
by Aryan nations, and were never afterwards able to recover their lost advantages.
Their system of consanguinity seems to require, for its interpretation, such an
antecedent experience. Property alone is the only conceivable agency sufficiently
potent to accomplish so great a work as the overthrow of the classificatory, and
the substitution of the descriptive system. This is shown by the present condition
of the classificatory system in the partially civilized nations.
Finally, in considering the relations of these several customs and institutions to
each other, and their order of origination, it cannot be supposed that there was a
trenchant line of demarcation between them. They must have sprung up gradu-
ally, prevailed more or less concurrently, and been modified in different areas under
special influences. In the midst of unequal degrees of development, there must
have been a constant tendency, under their operative force, from a lower to a higher
condition. Remains of each and all of these customs and institutions are still
found in some of the nations of mankind. The first seven were probably reached
at a very early epoch after substantial progress had commenced.
If this solution of the origin of the classificatory system is accepted, another
494 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
question will at once arise, namely, whether any limit would exist to the constant
reproduction of the system in barbarous nations. Should its reproduction in dis-
connected areas become even probable, the system must lose its value for certain
branches of ethnological investigation. The discussion of this question belongs in
another connection. It may be remarked, however, that the adoption of this
sequence of customs and institutions to explain its origin from the nature of
descents, plants the roots of the system in the primitive ages of mankind. It then
follows it down to the epoch of the institution of the tribal organization which
perfected the Turanian form, since which time it has, in all probability, been a
transmitted system to all the descendants of the Turanian family.
V. Does the present existence of such a system as that found amongst the
American Indian nations furnish, in itself, conclusive evidence that it was derived
by each and all from a common source, and, therefore, that the nations themselves
are of common origin; or, in other words, can the genealogical connection of
certain nations be inferred from the fact of their joint possession of this particular
system of relationship, the radical characteristics of which are found to be constant
and identical amongst them all1?
Whether this system can be made of any use for the purposes named must
depend upon the stability of its radical forms, and upon its power of self-perpetua-
tion. If these are found to be attributes of the system it will lead the way to far-
reaching and important conclusions. There is no occasion to assume either the
stability or the self-perpetuating power of these radical forms. The Table contains
abundant material to test the system in both these respects ; either to overthrow its
testimony or to place it upon a solid foundation. "Whether this system of relation-
ship may be employed in corroboration of other evidence tending to establish the
unity of origin of the American Indian nations is not the question ; but whether,
as principal evidence thereof it is convincing and conclusive. The number of
truths implicitly accepted, which rest upon mathematical demonstration, are few in
number compared with those which are received with equal confidence when drawn
by legitimate deduction from sufficient premises. Up to a certain point, which is
far enough advanced to include the great practical questions submitted to individual
judgment, the processes of moral reasoning are as trustworthy as those of mathe-
matical reasoning, and their results not less conclusive. Conclusions thus founded
enforce their own acceptance. In disposing of the questions, now under considera-
tion, the quantity and quality of the evidence must be the same that would be
required to form an opinion in any other case.
If, then, as a matter of research, the system of relationship of the Seneca-
Iroquois were taken up, it would be our first care to trace it out in its entire range,
and to acquaint ourselves with its structure and principles. When the contents of
the system are mastered we ask the Senecas from whence its was obtained, and
they answer : "We and our ancestors before us have used it from time immemorial;
it has remained unchanged within the period to which our knowledge extends ; it
answers every want a system of relationship could supply ; and we know nothing
of its origin." We next pursue the inquiry in the five remaining Iroquois nations,
amongst whom we find the same elaborate and stupendous system in full operation.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 495
The same question is asked of each of these nations, and the same answer is given.
Two other facts are now determined ; first, that the system exists in six nations
speaking as many dialects of a common stock language; and second, that the
terms of relationship are the same original words dialectically changed. From
these facts the first inference arises, namely, that they severally obtained the system,
with the common terms, from the parent nation from which they were derived.
Next we turn to the Wyandotcs or ancient Hurons, who spoke another dialect of
the same stock language, but who are known to have been detached from the
Iroquois political connection for several centuries. Amongst them we find not
only the same system, but, also, the same nomenclature of relationships, almost
term for term, changed dialectically like the other vocables of the language. From
this fact comes a second inference, corroborative of the first, and reaching back
of it in point of time, namely, that the Wyandotes and the Iroquois derived the
system, with the terms, from a common parent nation, and that it had been trans-
mitted to each with the streams of the blood. Since the forms of the system
among these nations are radically the same it follows that the system was coeval, in
point of time, with the existence of a single original nation from which they are
mediately or immediately derived. We thus obtain our first impression of its sta-
bility as a domestic institution, as it can now claim an antiquity of several centuries,
and also a verification of its mode of transmission. Up to this point the argument
for its stability, for its antiquity, and for its mode of transmission is corroborated
by the parallel argument from unity of language.
Having thus traced the system throughout one stock language, we next cross the
Mississippi and enter the area of the Dakotas. It is a change from the forest to
the prairie, begetting, to some extent, a change in the mode of life. Here we find
twelve or more nations, in embryo, occupying an area of immense extent. We
take up their system of relationship and spread it out, in its several lines, upon
diagrams, and then compare it with the Seneca-Iroquois. Every term of relation-
ship, with perhaps two exceptions, are different from the corresponding Seneca
terms ; so completely transformed, indeed, that no " letter changes," however in-
genious, can break through the indurated crust produced by the lapse of centuries.
Although the Avords have lost the power to avow their common parentage with the
Seneca, the relationships of persons are still the same. Every indicative feature
of the Seneca system is found in the Dakota. This is not only true with reference
to fundamental particulars, but throughout their minute details the two systems
are identical with unimportant exceptions. If the same question is asked the
Dakotas with reference to the origin of the system, the same answer will be received.
Having now crossed the barrier which separates one stock language from another;
and found the system present as well as intact in each, the question arises how
shall this fact be explained ? The several hypotheses of accidental concurrent in-
vention, of borrowing from each other, and of spontaneous growth are entirely
inadequate. Of these hypotheses the first two need no discussion, and the third
may be disposed of with the single remark that it is not possible these two Indian
stocks should have passed independently through the same identical experiences,
developing the same sequence of customs and institutions with the long intervals
496 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
of time between each which this sequence presupposes, and finally have wrought
out, by organic growth and development, the same identical system of relationship.
The length of time required would far outrun any supposable period during which
these stocks have maintained an independent existence. The terms in the several
Dakota dialects are still the same original words changed dialecticaHy, thus fur-
nishing conclusive proof that both the system and the terms were derived imme-
diately by each from a common parent nation. If the inquiry were extended so
as to include the remaining nations speaking dialects of the same stock language,
the same conclusion would be obtained, thus moving back the system to a point of
time coeval with the first appearance of the parent nation from which they were
severally derived. The antiquity of the Iroquois and Dakota systems being thus
established, the inference arises that it was derived by each stock from some other
stock back of both, from which they were alike descended ; and that it had been
transmitted with the blood to the several branches of each. When the Iroquois
and Dakota forms are placed side by side every thought and principle embodied
in each ring out an audible affirmation of their descent from a common original.
Turning northward, we next enter that portion of the Algonkin area occupied
by the Ojibwas and the Crees, and having ascertained their system of relationship,
it is, in like manner, spread out upon diagrams. A third stock language is now
before us. The terms of relationship are equally numerous but each and all of
them differ from the corresponding Seneca and Dakota terms. Moreover, whilst
there is a slight, and perhaps traceable, family resemblance between the Seneca and
Dakota nomenclatures, the Cree and Ojibwa are so pointedly unlike them as to
stand in marked contrast. Yet the personal relationships, with deviations in un-
essential particulars, are the same. Every indicative feature of the common
system is present, and the greater part of its subordinate details. There is no
possibility of mistaking in each the same fundamental conceptions. The system
exists in full vigor and in constant practical use. To the same question concerning
its origin a similar answer is given. In these dialects the terms of relationship are
the same words, dialectically changed, which proves, as in the other cases, that
they inherited the system, with the terms, from a common parent nation. If the
inquiry were extended so as to include the remaining Algonkin nations, the same
results would be reached, namely, that it was transmitted to each with the blood
from the parent Algonkin nation. Its great antiquity in this stock is thus
established. Up to this stage of the inquiry the number of special features which
are identical in the three forms of the system, beyond those which are radical, is
very great. Hence the possibility of simultaneous invention, or of spontaneous
growth decreases with the increase of the number of these special characteristics
which are constant. There are now three distinct and independent currents of
Indian speech, each subdivided into a large number of dialects, which are found
to possess the system in all its fulness and complexity ; thus leading us, by a three-
fold chain of testimony, to refer the system, the languages, and the peoples to a
common original source. This carries back the system to a point of time coeval
with the separation and development of these three currents of language.
The same course of statement and of inference may be applied to each of the
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 497
remaining stock languages represented in the Table. In the south was the Creek
and its several cognate dialects, and the Cherokee ; in the west the Pawnee,
also spoken in several dialects. These languages have been distinct for many cen-
turies. If the forms of consanguinity prevailing in each are spread out in diagrams
and compared with those before presented, the indicative features of the common
system will be found definitely and distinctly preserved. The terms of relationship
in each stock language have lost their identity ; but those in the same are still
readily identified, although dialectically changed ; thus showing that each nation
received the system, with the terms, from a common source ; and that the system
is as ancient as the first development of each independent language. There are
now six great currents of Indian speech, subdivided into sixty independent dialects,
giving six different lines of evidence supported in the aggregate by sixty qualified
witnesses, all testifying to the same great fact, namely; that this system of relation-
ship, in its radical characteristics, existed in the original stock, from which these
several stocks were mediately or immediately derived ; and that it was transmitted
to each, and to their several subdivisions, with the streams of the blood.
Upon the evidence of unity of origin contained in this system of relationship
these several stocks have been organized into the Ganowanian family, and a posi-
tion is now claimed for them as a family of nations, whose common origin has been
established.
There are several other stock languages yet remaining the concurrent testimony
of whose system of relationship to the same effect might be added. These are the
Athapasco- Apache, the Salish, the Sahaptin, the Shoshonec, the Kootenay, and the
Village Indians of New Mexico, which would increase the number of independent
lines of evidence to ten or more, and the number of independent witnesses to
upwards of one hundred. Whilst these are important to illustrate the general
prevalence of the system, and to determine the right of these several stocks to be
admitted into the Ganowanian family, they are not necessary to the completeness
of the argument. It cannot be made more convincing by adding to its fulness. It
has been demonstrated that the system has been propagated, in repeated instances,
into several dialects of the same language from an original parent dialect.
Further than this, it has been shown that it is still the same system in all the dia-
lects of ten or more stock languages. The inference from these facts is unavoidable,
that it was propagated into these several languages from a common parent language
lying back of all of them. This conclusion is not only reasonable and probable, but
there seems to be no alternative. Thus the great antiquity and mode of propaga-
tion of the system become fully demonstrated.
From the foregoing considerations the following conclusions are deemed estab-
lished : —
First, that the present existence of this system of relationship amongst the nations
comprised in the Ganowanian family is conclusive evidence that these nations were
derived from a common source ; and are, therefore, genealogically connected
Second, that the system was transmitted to each of these nations with the
streams of the blood.
Third, that the stability of its radical forms through centuries of time is veri-
63 May, 1870.
498 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
fied by its perpetuation in such a number of independent channels, and through
such periods of unknown duration as must have elapsed whilst these stock languages
and their several dialects were forming.
And fourth, that the system is, presumptively, coeval with the first appearance
of the Ganowanian family upon the North American Continent.
VI. Where two or more families, constituted independently upon the basis of
such a system of relationship, are found in disconnected areas or upon different
continents, can their genealogical connection be legitimately inferred from their
joint possession of the same system ?
The question involved in this proposition is of deep importance. It covers the
great problem of the Asiatic origin of the Ganowanian family. In the solution of
this problem, about to be submitted, the conclusions previously reached must be
applied on a more comprehensive scale, and the stability and mode of propagation
of the system must be subjected to a severer test than any hitherto employed. This
interesting question it is now proposed to consider upon the basis of the identity
of the Ganowanian and the Turanian systems of relationship.
The Asiatic origin of the Ganowanian family is no new hypothesis. It has long
been rendered probable from the physical characteristics of the American aborigines,
and from philological considerations ; but it is rather a belief than an established
proposition. The evidence has not assumed that direct and tangible form which
sustains conviction. It has not, at least, been rendered so entirely probable as to
leave further evidence undesirable, from whatever source it can be obtained. The
question is sufficiently open, as well as important, to insure an impartial conside-
ration of any new current of testimony which may be adduced ; and which, if it
tends to support the affirmative, will have the advantage of following in the same
general direction to which previous evidence has pointed.
There is another, and independent class of facts, which tend to render probable
their Asiatic origin. A careful study of the geographical features of the conti-
nent of North America, with reference to its natural lines of migration and to the
means of subsistence afforded by its several parts to populations of fishermen and
hunters, together with the relations of their languages and systems of relationship
all unite, as elsewhere stated, to indicate the valley of the Columbia as the nursery
of the Ganowanian family, and the initial point of migration from which both
North and South America received their inhabitants. If the outflow of the several
branches of this family can be retraced to the valley of the Columbia, of which there
can be little doubt, it carries them to a region above all others within the possible
reach of adventurers from Asia. The Amoor River stands very much in the same
relation to the coasts of Northeastern Asia as the Columbia does to the coasts of
Northwestern America. Both are celebrated for their fisheries and both undoubt-
edly became, from this fact, centres of population at an early day, and initial points
of migration upon each continent. Dependence upon fish for subsistence, which,
prior to the pastoral and agricultural periods, was the chief means of subsistence
of the human family, begets a knowledge of boat craft. A glance at the map shows
the relation which nations of fishermen and hunters established in the valley of the
Amoor would sustain to the shores of the sea of Ochotsk and Kamtschatka, and to
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 499
the first islands of the Aleutian chain ; and another inspection shows the relation
of the valley of the Columbia to the peninsula of Alaska, and the easternmost islands
of the same chain. There is no evidence whatever that the feet of the American
Indians were ever planted on these islands ; or, if they came in fact from Asia, of
the route by which they carne. But the fact is not immaterial that a possible route
exists without forcing the ancestors of the Ganowanian family first to become an
arctic people, as a preparatory step to a migration across the straits of Bearing, and
afterwards to become reacclimated to a lower latitude. It is important to know
of a possible line of communication unembarrassed by this consideration. Whilst
adventurers, originally from Asia, may have reached this continent in some other
way by the accidents of the sea, or by an ancient actual continental connection, it
is yet not impossible that they may have come by way of the Aleutian chain. This
hypothesis, and it is nothing more, will occupy the strongest position until it is
superseded by one having superior claims to adoption.
Before entering upon the question of the Asiatic origin of the Ganowanian
family there is a preliminary fact to be determined, upon which the discussion must
be founded ; namely, whether the systems of consanguinity and affinity of the
Ganowanian and Turanian families are identical in their radical elements, and in
their fundamental characteristics. This fact must be ascertained, beyond the possi-
bility of a doubt, before any ground whatever from this source is obtained, from
which such an inference may be drawn. A general impression of the close
approximation of the two forms must have been obtained from the previous chapters.
It now remains to place the two side by side for comparison throughout their entire
range, that it may be seen not only how far their indicative relationships are coin-
cident, but also the extent of their agreement in subordinate details. It will thus
be found that the application of the same principles of classification, inherent in
the two forms, have produced precisely the same results. The typical forms of the
two families will be selected for comparison; since in these the principles of discrimi-
nation have been most rigorously applied, and because organic structures are more
successfully studied in elaborate, than in the restricted development. A com-
parative Table of the Seneca and Tamil systems will be found at the end of the
present chapter, in which the relationships of persons are presented on a scale
sufficiently ample to exhibit all the features and principles of each system.
An attentive examination of the two forms, as they stand side by side, will
satisfy the reader of their complete identity. It is not only revealed in a manner
sufficiently comprehensive and absolute, but it includes minute as well as general
characteristics. No argument is necessary to render more apparent this fact of
identity in whatever is material in the common system, since a bare inspection of
the table determines the question.1 The question now arises how shall this identity
be explained I
The same proof exists with respect to the great antiquity of this system in Asia,
1 There is another manner of showing this identity, namely, by comparing the analysis of the
Seneca Iroquois system (supra, page 145) with that of the Tamil (supra, page 387, note). The
several points in which they are identical and in which they are divergent are thus made to appear.
500 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
which has before been adduced in relation to its antiquity in America. Its present
existence among the people who speak the three principal dialects of the Dravidian
language (and it is presumptively in the six remaining) carries it back to the
primitive stock from which these nations were derived, or of which they are sub-
divisions. The terms of relationships in the three dialects, with unimportant
exceptions, are still the same words, dialectically changed, like the other vocables
of the language ; thus showing conclusively that it has been a transmitted system
from the epoch of the formation of these dialects. Next, its parallel existence
amongst the Gaiigetic nations gives the same inference of an antiquity coeval with
the formation of the dialects out of which the -Gaura speech w-as partly formed.
And finally, if the Chinese system is regarded as identical in its radical characteris-
tics with the Dravidian and Gaura forms, its great antiquity in Asia is still further
illustrated. The materials in the Tables are more abundant for the verification of
its antiquity and mode of propagation upon the American continent than upon the
Asiatic ; but with an equal number of schedules, in the latter case, the results of
the agreement would be equally convincing. The fact of its perpetuation in the
Ganowanian family would render probable its like perpetuation in the Turanian,
in which the old ideas of barbarous society are not yet overthrown.
There would seem to be but four conceivable ways of accounting for the joint
possession of this system of relationship by the Turanian and Ganowanian families ;
and they are the following : First, by borrowing from each other ; secondly, by
accidental invention in disconnected areas ; thirdly, by spontaneous growth in like
disconnected areas, under the influence of suggestions springing from similar wants
in similar conditions of society ; and fourthly, by transmission with the blood from
a common original source. These four hypotheses are sufficiently comprehensive
to exhaust the subject. If then three of the four are insufficient, separately or
collectively, to explain the fact of their joint possession of the system, and a fourth
is shown to be sufficient, it ceases to be an hypothesis and becomes an established
proposition.
1. By borrowing from each other. It appears from the Tables that the terms of
relationship in the several dialects of each of the Ganowanian stock languages,
changed dialectically like other vocables, have been transmitted with the system to
each nation, thus tending to show that each received it from the same source from
which each stock language was derived, and that in each case it was a transmitted
system. If the system had been borrowed from one stock language into another,
the terms themselves would reveal the fact, whereas their identity is as completely
lost as that of other vocables. This fact holds as well with respect to the Turanian
as the Ganowanian languages. The manner of its propagation, as a domestic in-
stitution, forbids the supposition of its spread by borrowing. This hypothesis,
therefore, is incapable of furnishing an explanation. Moreover, the supposition
that the Ganowanian family borrowed the system from the Turanian would presup-
pose a direct and long-continued territorial connection between them, thus admitting
their Asiatic origin.
2. By accidental invention in disconnected areas. If there were a multiplicity
of systems, radically different, amongst the nations of the earth such a fact might
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 501
encourage an inference of accidental invention, where two or more of these forms
were found to be in radical agreement ; but since the number is but two, the
descriptive and the classificatory, of the first of which there is no subordinate form,
and of the last but one principal and two subordinate forms, this hypothesis is seen
to rest upon a weak foundation. There is, however, a much greater difficulty than
this, and it is found in the elaborate and complicated structure of the system.
The improbability of an accidental invention of the same system in disconnected
areas increases with the addition of each special feature, from the first to the last ;
becoming finally an impossibility. A system of -consanguinity which, upon analy-
sis, yields upwards of twenty distinct particulars must be acknowledged to stand
entirely beyond the possibility of accidental invention. This hypothesis, therefore,
like the preceding one, must be dismissed as untenable.
3. By spontaneous growth in disconnected areas under the influence of sugges-
tions springing from similar wants in similar conditions of society.
This method of accounting for the origin of the classificatory system, by repeated
reproduction, possesses both plausibility and force. It suggests itself at once as a
presumption, and as the readiest solution of its origin independently in different
families of mankind. From the commencement of this research it has seemed to
the author to be the essential and the only difficulty that stood in the pathway
between this extraordinary system of relationship and the testimony it might
deliver, unincumbered by this objection, upon ethnological questions. It has,
therefore, been made a subject of not less careful study and reflection than the
system itself. Not until after a patient analysis and comparison of its several
forms, upon the extended scale in which they are given in the Tables, and not until
after a careful consideration of the functions of the system, as a domestic institu-
tion, and of the evidence of its mode of propagation from age to age, did these
doubts finally give way, and the insufficiency of this hypothesis to account for the
origin of the system many times over, or even a second time, become fully apparent.
Every attempt to account for the simultaneous or concurrent production of the
system in the several subdivisions of a particular family is met with insuperable
difficulties, and these are equally great with respect to its production independently
in different families. Whether the reasons herein assigned against the sufficiency
of this hypothesis are convincing or otherwise is neither material nor final, since
the Tables remain to declare for themselves. They stand unaffected by argument
or inference, and hold their own facts and testimony uninfluenced by the theories
or speculations of particular persons.
The discussion of this hypothesis resolves itself into two distinct arguments.
The first proceeds upon the rejection of the proposed solution of the origin of the
system from the nature of descents, as they would exist in virtue of the series of
assumed customs and institutions (supra, 480), thus leaving the system to have
sprung from unknown causes. And the second, accepting this solution as pro-
bable and recognizing the said series as having actually existed, meets the final
question whether or not it originated in disconnected areas, through the rise and
development independently of the same series of customs and institutions.
Under the first branch the system is unexplainable and fortuitous in its origin;
502 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
and, having nothing in the nature of descents to uphold its classification of con-
sanguinei, it stands before us as a purely artificial system. The only existing
causes which could have exercised any influence upon its formation are polygamy
and polyandria, since there are no traces of the Hawaiian custom either in the
Turanian or Ganowanian families as yet produced. Polygamy, as has been seen,
must have been restricted to the privileged few, whilst polyandria came in, as its
consequence, to repair the disturbed balance of the sexes, so far as it was caused
by the former, leaving the masses of the people unaffected by either custom. As
to the latter, and their children, who were living in a state of marriage between
single pairs, the reasons for the relationships established by the- system would not
exist, and, therefore, the latter must be supposed to have been adopted without any
reference to polygamy and polyandria. Considered as an arbitrary and purely arti-
ficial system, without ascertained causes of its origin, similar conditions and similar
wants are voiceless with respect to the manner of its production. In whatever direc-
tion this argument is produced nothing can be elicited, because the reasoning must be
disconnected from a probable cause of its origin. It is contrary to the nature of
descents as they now exist both in the Turanian and Ganowanian families, amongst
whom marriage between single pairs is now recognized, and has been as far back as
our direct knowledge extends. If it sprang up spontaneously in two disconnected
families, the causes must have operated with remarkable power and uniformity to
have produced two systems so complicated and elaborate, and yet in such minute
agreement as the Seneca and the Tamil. Causes adequate to produce and maintain
such results must necessarily be within reach of discovery. It Avill not be necessary
to pursue this branch of the argument further than to remark that if the question
of the Asiatic origin of the Ganowanian family turned upon the necessary adoption
of one of the two following alternative propositions, namely; either that the system
sprang up in the two families by spontaneous growth, from similar wants in similar
conditions of society, or ; that it was transmitted to each with the streams of the
blood from a common original source, the latter must of necessity be adopted,
provided it can be shown that the channel of its transmission is adequate, the
common origin of the two families being for that purpose assumed.
The second branch of the argument whether this system originated in Asia, and
also in America, through the rise and development independently of the same
series of customs and institutions, presents several difficult questions. It has been
seen that the influence of the bond of kin for mutual protection, and of the tribal
relationships have no connection with the origin of the system. Further than
this, it has been shown that polygamy and polyandria, whilst they touch the family
relationships, quite nearly, are incapable of explaining its origin, from the necessary
limitations upon their influence. And, finally, it has been rendered extremely
probable, so probable as scarcely to admit of a doubt, that the tribal organization
by breaking up the intermarriage of brothers and sisters produced an epoch in the
growth of the system which developed its Turanian element. With these points
considered established the first appearance of the Turanian system is carried back
to a period of time coeval with the introduction of the tribal organization, thus
giving to it an antiquity in Asia immensely remote. It must be accepted as a
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 503
truth that the families who now occupy Europe and Asia shared a common expe-
rience, and lived in direct relations during the ages of barbarism ; and that they
participated in the benefits, to a greater or less extent, of each other's discoveries,
customs, and institutions. Another fact seems not less certain, namely, that there
is progress in barbarism. With some oscillation forward and backward there is a
constant and prevailing tendency upward to a higher and improved condition.
This is an inevitable consequence of the development, through reformatory move-
ments, of customs and institutions, the benefits of which when once secured were
never lost. Their progress may have been substantially imperceptible for ages
upon ages ; but any supposed perpetual tendency to relapse into a deeper barbar-
ism was permanently arrested by their influence. They were so many sheet anchors
against the surging waves of barbarism. Indestructible elements of progress are
incorporated in the improvable nature of man. The tribal organization, which
was by far the most important reformatory institution conceived in the ages of
barbarism, was common alike to the Aryan, Semitic, Uralian, and Turanian families.
It originated with some one of their respective ancestral stocks, and was propagated
from thence into all the others ; or it may, and it is not a violent supposition, have
originated in a primitive family from which they are all alike descended. This
gives to the system of relationship an antiquity without known limits, and pro-
bably reaching back to a point of time which preceded the independent existence
of these families. And yet the tribal organization gave a supplementary part of
the system only, the body of it with its displaced portions extending back through
unmeasured periods beyond this epoch. If it is now assumed, for the time being,
that the Ganowanian family came out of Asia, the period of their migration or
expulsion must be fixed long subsequent to the establishment of the tribal organi-
zation. The whole period since its first introduction is much too long for the
relative conditions of these families at the present time, physical and linguistic on
any other assumption. Within its lifetime four great families of mankind, and per-
haps a fifth, the Mongolian, have been developed in Asia, with clearly defined lines
of separation between them, whilst the American aborigines are still of the same type,
and without such marked diversities as to break their ethnic connection. Every fact
in man's physical history points to a much longer occupation of the Asiatic continent
by man, than of the American. Herein is found an insuperable difficulty in ascrib-
ing to the Ganowanian family an occupation of the American continent anterior to
or even coeval with the introduction of the tribal organization. It follows that if
they came, in fact, from Asia, they must have brought the tribal organization with
them, and also the system of relationship then fully developed. The further pro-
gress of the argument seems now to be shut in to one of two alternative theories of
the origin of the human species. First, that man was created in Asia, and has
spread from thence over the surface of the earth ; or, second, that he was created,
the same species, several different times in independent zoological provinces. The
first theory, as it assumes the Asiatic origin of the Ganowanian family, needs no
discussion ; but the second requires some notice.
Whilst this last theory is open to the objection that it is entirely unnecessary to
explain the physical history of man, it will be considered exclusively in its relations
501 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
to the question in hand. If it is assumed, then, that the Turanian and Ganowanian
families were -created independently in Asia and America, would each, by impeia
tive necessity, have passed through the same experience, have developed the same
sequence of customs and institutions, and, as a final result, have produced the same
identical system of relationship 1 The statement of the proposition seems to work
its refutation on the ground of excessive improbability. It is evident that the
whole of this experience is but partially represented by the series of customs and
institutions named ; they are but the prominent landmarks of man's progress from
one stage of barbarism into another. The accidents, the struggles and the neces-
sities connected with the rise and adoption of each custom and institution must
remain unknown. If the tribal organization is taken as an illustration, it is neither
so obvious nor so simple that two people would originate it by natural suggestion,
or fall into it without design. It contains one refinement contravening the prin-
ciple upon which it may be supposed to rest as a natural organism ; namely, it
excludes a portion of the descendants of the supposed common ancestor, by the
limitation of descent to the male or to the female line, whereas nature would sug-
gest the inclusion of all. The series given involves great changes of social condi-
tion, and the intervention of long periods of time between the establishment of
each, during which the people, if the exclusive occupants of North and South
America, must have broken up into independent stocks, and scattered far asunder.
Besides this, the system must pass through two widely different and distinctly
marked stages, and change in the same precise direction in both. In its first stage
promiscuous intercourse inaugurates some system adapted to the state of society it
produced ; then comes the intermarriage or cohabitation of brothers and sisters, as
a partial check upon the former, with the introduction of the communal family.
This should be followed by the Hawaiian custom, bringing unrelated persons to
some extent into these communal families, and tending still further to check pro-
miscuous intercourse. Out of this experience arises the Malayan system of rela-
tionship, at once definite and complete. From this to the Ganowanian the transi-
tion is very great. It can only be reached by breaking up the cohabitation of
brothers and sisters, and whatever device was resorted to, it must leave unimpaired
existing institutions, except so far as they affected this particular practice. If the
tribal organization was then introduced, it is by no means a necessary inference
that two families, created independently upon different continents, would reform
tfrfiir respective systems of relationship in precisely the same manner, and after-
wards maintain them unchanged down to the present time. After this it must
further be supposed that each family, with their progressive experience, attained
to marriage between single pairs, and to the family state in a limited sense,
together with the practice of polygamy ; and also that they encountered the dis-
turbing influence of property so far as it existed and the question of its inheritance,
and yet maintained the system unbroken on both continents. These are but a few
of the difficulties in the way of explaining the simultaneous origin of the system in
two independent families of mankind. The present existence of this system of
relationship in the Turanian and Ganowanian families is a decisive argument, as
it seems to the author, against the theory of the separate creation of man upon the
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 505
Asiatic and American continents ; and also against the possibility of his having
reached the American continent before the epoch of the tribal organization. It
may be said that if these causes produced the system once they might again. This
is true, but it involves a further condition that two primitive families in discon-
nected areas shall have their lives through unnumbered ages graduated to the
same experiences. Without pursuing other branches of the argument, I may con-
fidently leave the conclusion of the Asiatic origin of the Ganowanian family to
turn upon the naked question of the probability or improbability of the production
of the system in America by natural growth, from suggestions springing from the
nature of descents, its antecedent existence in Asia having been established. If
the two families commenced on separate continents in a state of promiscuous inter-
course, having such a system of consanguinity as this state would beget of the
character of which no conception can be formed, it would be little less than a
miracle if both should develop the same ultimate system of relationship. Upon
the doctrine of chances it is not supposable that each would pass through the same
experience, develop the same series of customs and institutions, and finally pro-
duce for themselves the same system of consanguinity, which would be found, on
comparison, to be identical in radical characteristics, as well as coincident in minute
details. A slight divergence in customs, an imperfect development of a particular
institution, or a difference in social condition would be apt to be represented by
corresponding divergencies in their respective systems of relationship. And finally,
from what is known of the mode of propagation of the system in different stocks
of the same family, and of its power of self-perpetuation when once established,
the hypothesis of its transmission with the blood from a common original source
is found to be both adequate and satisfactory ; thus leaving no occasion for the
violent hypothesis under discussion. It remains to consider this final proposition.
4. By transmission with the blood from a common original source. If the four
hypotheses named cover and exhaust the subject, and the first three are incapable
of explaining the present existence of the system in the two families, then the
fourth and last, if capable of accounting for its transmission, becomes transformed
into an established conclusion. Its joint possession by the Turanian and -Gano-
wanian families having been demonstrated, and no causes adequate for its repeated
reproduction either in the same, or in disconnected areas, being found it follows
that it is only necessary to find an instrumentality capable of its propagation, from
a single beginning, to conclude the discussion. When such a vehicle is found, it
yields a solution of the problem. The system once established finds in the diverg-
ing streams of the blood an instrument and a means for its transmission through
periods of indefinite duration. As these innumerable lines ascend through the
ages they converge continually until they finally meet in a common point, and
whatever was in the original blood, capable of flowing in its currents, was as cer-
tain to be transmitted as the blood itself. Could anything have existed in the
ancient human brain more likely to follow down in these streams of existence,
through all vicissitudes, than those simple ideas, in their fixed relations, by which
man sought to distinguish his several kinsmen 1 These ideas were seeds planted
in the beginning, and perpetually germinating. Language has rolled along
64 May, 1870.
506 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
the same diverging lines ; first breaking up into dialects each of which in course
of time became the fountain of still other dialects, until this not less wonderful
attendant of the blood in all its multitudinous branches has become worn by the
friction of time, into indurated forms. These now interpose serious obstacles
to a reascent along the several lines of outflow beyond certain points of
demarcation. The ideas deposited in its grammatical structure, and the laws
governing the development of its grammatical forms, are analogous to the ideas
contained in a system of relationship, and to the laws which govern its develop-
ment; but language has been subjected to more subtle, long-continued, and pow-
erful influences than consanguinity. Whilst the instrument for the perpetua-
tion of their respective ideas was the same in both cases, the ability of this instru-
ment to hold and transmit the original indicative features of language was greatly
less than in the other case, from the magnitude of the burden imposed ; and also
from the nature of language, which must advance and unfold with the growth of
knowledge. Consanguinity advances by great stages, and these are few in number
with immense intervals between ; but language changes imperceptibly and con-
tinuously, the change stamping it with a monotonous flow. The terms of relation-
ship have passed through the same ordeal as the other vocables of language, and
have lost themselves as completely ; but the ideas and conceptions they represent
are independent of the mutations of language, and they have lived without essential
modification, because they were defined and made perfect once for all, both
separately, and in their relations to each other.
It is a striking as well as instructive fact that all the nations of mankind have
been traced, by conclusive linguistic evidence, to a few primitive stems or families.
If philologers could possess themselves of their several languages precisely as they
existed when they represented the speech of the entire human family, they could
readily determine the question whether these languages were derived from a single
original; but inasmuch as they are limited to the forms in which the several dia-
lects of each are at present found, after the great changes produced by the wear of
centuries, their efforts have hitherto been arrested by the barrier which separates
one grammatically distinct language from another. No grammatical analysis, how-
ever minute and searching, has been able to reveal the subtle processes by which
the radical structure of these languages has been changed. The achievements of
comparative philology have been so brilliant and so remarkable as to justify the
expectation that, with its augmented means and improved methods, it will yet be
able to solve the great problem of the linguistic unity of mankind, of which, as a
science, she has assumed the charge. In this great work philology will welcome
any assistance, however slight, which may be offered from other sources. The ob-
ject of this investigation was to determine the question whether an instrumentality
could be found, in systems of consanguinity and affinity, which was able to take
up the problem at the point where philology is now arrested; and having crossed
the barrier which separates these languages from each other, find the links of con-
nection between any two or more of these stocks or families through the constancy
of the ideas embodied in this system of relationship as an organic structure, and
as the oldest existing institution of mankind.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 507
It now remains to present a_£ummarj of the argument, which the facts contained in
the Tables appear to sustain, together with the final conclusion to which it appears to
lead, so far as the classiticatory system is concerned. It has been seen that this system
was transmitted, with the terms of relationship, to the several dialects of the Iro-
quois stock language from a common original source, the terms having been changed
dialectically like the other vocables of the language ; but that the system, as well
as the terms, remained constant, and its forms identical. Next it was shown that
in the Dakota stock language corresponding terms for the same relationship existed,
entirely unlike the former, and that these were changed dialectically like its other
vocables, thus showing that it was a transmitted system in each dialect from a com-
mon parent nation ; and yet the system in its radical forms, and in the greater
part of its subordinate details, was identical with the first. Its propagation into
two stock languages from some other lying back of both was thus rendered appa-
rent. The Algonkin, the Creek, the Cherokee, and the Pawnee, four other dis-
tinct and independent currents of Indian speech, were then examined in their
several dialects, and were found to deliver, respectively, the -same concurrent testi-
mony as to the identity and mode of transmission of the common system to each
from a common source. A further examination of the system which prevails in
several other stock languages tended to the same conclusions. The prevalence of
the system in upwards of a hundred Indian nations not only furnished a sufficient
basis for their classification together as one family of nations, but it also appeared
to show conclusively that the system was coeval, in point of time, with the first
appearance of the Ganowanian family upon the North American Continent. If,
then, this family came in fact originally from Asia, they must have brought the
system with them from the Asiatic continent, and have left it behind them amongst
the, stock from which they separated; and further than this, its perpetuation upon
the American continent rendered probable its like perpetuation upon the Asiatic.
We next entered the area of the Turanian family, and traced their system of
relationship through its several branches, by the same chain of facts and inferences,
to a common original form, which gave to the system in Asia an antiquity equally
great. Up to this point the argument appears to encounter neither difficulty nor
doubt. Whether the proposed solution of the origin of the system is accepted or
rejected, it was made apparent that, instead of a constantly reproduced, it had
been a transmitted system from the earliest epoch of the separate existence of the
Turanian and Ganowanian families ; and if the solution is accepted, then from the
period of the introduction of the tribal organizations in the Turanian family.
Having ascended, by a chain of facts and inferences, from the several systems of
the several branches of the Ganowanian family to a common original form ; and,
by a like chain, from the several systems in the several branches of the Turanian
family to a common original form, the two ultimate forms were then placed side
by side and found to be identical in their radical characteristics. From this ascer-
tained identity the final induction follows as a necessary consequence, namely, that
if the preceding facts and inferences are true of each form and of each family
separately, they are equally true of both forms and of both families unitedly ; and
thus the two ascend to a common fountain and source, from which both were de-
508 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
rived. In other words, the Turanian and Ganowanian families drew their common
system of consanguinity and affinity from the same parent nation or stock, from
whom both were derived ; and that each family has propagated it, with the streams
of the blood, to each of its subdivisions upon their respective continents through all
the centuries of time by which their separation from each other is measured.
The magnitude and importance of this final conclusion are sufficiently obvious.
Before it will be admitted and recognized, as a demonstrated proposition, the facts
contained in the Tables will be subjected to a more rigid analysis and to a severer
scrutiny than they have yet received. By that ordeal this conclusion of the Asiatic
origin of the Ganowanian family must abide.
The whole question seems to turn upon the point whether the radical forms of
the system are stable, and capable of self-perpetuation through the immense period
which has elapsed since the supposed separation of these families from each other.
It is believed that the affirmative has been established by the undoubted fact of its
perpetuation in the several branches of each family from a common sourca And
this conclusion is further strengthened by the extraordinary circumstance that the
system, in virtue of its organic structure, has survived for ages the causes in which
it originated, and is now in every respect an artificial system, because it is con-
trary to the nature of descents as they actually exist in the present state of Indian
society. It is also confirmed by the negative proposition that it is found impossible
to account for the present existence of the same system in the two families except
through its transmission with the blood. If the facts show that the Iroquois, Al-
gonkin, and Dakota nations derived their system from a common source, the re-
maining facts show, in a manner equally conclusive, that the Turanian and Gano-
wanian families derived their systems from a common source ; and also, that it was
a transmitted system in each of their several branches.
Should the main conclusion of the Asiatic origin of the Ganowanian family
abide the test of criticism it will furnish an additional illustration of the toilsome
processes by which we strive to discover hidden truths when they lie open before
us in the pathway upon which we tread. Although separated from each other by
continents in space, and by unnumbered ages in time, the Tamilian Indian of the
Eastern hemisphere, and the Seneca Indian of the Western, as they severally address
their kinsmen by the conventional relationships established in the primitive ages,
-^daily proclaim their direct descent from a once common household. AVhen the
discoverers of the New World bestowed upon its inhabitants the name of Intlimts,
under the impression that they had reached the Indies, they little suspected that
children of the same original family, although upon a different continent, stood
before them. By a singular coincidence error was truth.
VII. When the forms which prevail in different families are, to a limited extent,
radically the same, can any inference be drawn from this partial identity, and to
what effect I
Several interesting questions are suggested with respect to the relation of the Ma-
layan system of relationship to the Turanian and Ganowanian. . The Malayan family
were foreordained to a stationary condition from the moment their fortunes became
permanently identified with the islands of the sea. Without the range of a conti-
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 509
nent, which, sooner or later, leads to the possession of flocks and herds, or to the
discovery of the cereals together with the art of cultivation, the first germs of civil-
ization were beyond their reach. With the exception of that portion of th'e family
who maintained some connection with the Asiatic continent, they have remained
in a stationary condition through a longer period of time than any other family of
mankind. It must be inferred, as a consequence, that their domestic institutions
have undergone the minimum amount of change. The extent of the agreement
and of the differences between the Malayan and the Turanian systems of relation-
ship have elsewhere been indicated. In constructing the latter, the former was
apparently used as the basis, and after substituting certain new relationships here
and there, and such only as were necessarily suggested by the principles of the
tribal organization, the remainder of the system was retained unaltered. An in-
ference of great importance arises from this undoubted identity of a part of the
Malayan system with the corresponding part of the Turanian, namely, that whilst
the former cannot be derived from the latter, the latter may have been engrafted
upon the former, which, if actually done, would make the Malayan the older form.
It is not probable that the Turanian form would ever revert into the Malayan ;
neither could that part which is distinctly Turanian be developed out of any ideas
or principles contained in the Malayan. The great change from the latter to the
former could only be effected by the introduction into the Malayan system of a new
and independent class of conceptions in harmony with those which were retained.
It will be seen by a comparison of the two systems that they stand to each other
in the precise relations indicated. The same is true with respect to the Ganowa-
nian as compared with the Malayan.
This probable connection of the two forms raises the question of their relative
antiquity. It does not necessarily follow because the Malayan is the oldest form
that the Malayan family is also the oldest. On the contrary, if the supposed con-
nection of the two forms is real, it might follow, and the inference is both reason-
able and probable, that both families sprang from the same stock, amongst whom
the present Malayan system prevailed ; and that when this family broke off and
migrated to their insular homes, they carried with them the system as it then
existed and perpetuated it to the present time, as well as left it behind them
amongst the people from whom they separated. And finally, that the Turanian
element was engrafted upon the common form subsequent to the separation. An-
other inference of great significance necessarily and immediately follows, namely,
that the Ganowanian family became detached from the Turanian, subsequently to
the establishment of the Turanian system of relationship, and consequently, as a
family, are younger than the Malayan. If these conclusions should be sustained,
it will follow, as a further consequence, that America was not peopled from the
Polynesian Islands, the system of relationship having been completely developed
in Asia after the Malayan migration.
Another result of this investigation was the discovery among the Eskimo of an
independent classificatory system of consanguinity, differing radically from the
Ganowanian, Turanian, and Malayan. It appears to remove any remaining doubt
with respect to the non-connection of the Eskimo with each and all of the families.
510 SYSTEMS OF C 0 X S A X GUI XI T Y AXD A F FIXITY
so far as any evidence in their respective systems bears upon the question. The
systems of the Tungusian and Mongolian stocks yet remain to be ascertained.
They are the only important Asiatic stocks not represented in some of their
branches in the Tables. When their several systems are procured it is not impro-
bable that the Eskimo form will find its type in one of them, although the suppo-
sition is conjectural. It would be remarkable if it did not. The Eskimo are
comparatively a recent people upon the American continent, at least to the east-
ward of Mackenzie River. This fact is attested by the present nearness of the
dialects of the Greenland, Labrador, and Western Eskimo, in all of which the
identity of the vocables is still recognized with facility ; whilst the Ganowanian
language has fallen into a large number of stock languages, the vocables of each
of which are different and distinct.
The Eskimo form agrees with the Ganowanian in being classificatory, and in
merging the collateral lines in the lineal line ; but it differs from it in the classifi-
cation of kindred. Its generalizations are true to the nature of descents in every
particular, as they now exist with marriage between single pairs, and as they are
found in the Aryan family, with the exception of those which relate to the merging
of the collateral lines in the lineal line. In many respects it approaches quite near
to the systems of the Aryan and Uralian families, to both of which it is nearer
than to the Turanian or Ganowanian, thus implying an advance in their experi-
ence at some anterior period far beyond either of the latter. In the absence of
all knowledge of the forms which prevail in Northeastern Asia, it is premature to
indulge in conjectures, but there are features in the Eskimo which suggest, at least,
the possibility that when traced to its limits it may furnish the connecting links
between the Turanian and Uralian forms.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
511
COMPARISON OF THE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE SENECA-IROQUOIS WITH THAT OF THE TAMIL PEOPLE OF SOUTH AMERICA.
Description of persons.
Relationships in Seneca.
(Morgan.)
Translation.
Relationships in Tamil.
(Scndder )
Translation.
1. My great grandfather's father
2. " great grandfather's mother
Hoc'-sote
Oc'-sote . . .
My grandfather.
' grandmother.
' grandfather.
' grandmother.
' grandfather.
' grandmother.
' father.
' mother.
' son.
' daughter.
' grandson.
' granddaughter.
' grandson.
' granddaughter.
' grandson.
' granddaughter.
' elder brother.
( it it
' elder sister.
( tt U
' younger brother.
( tt tt
' younger sister.
t it it
' brothers.
t tt
' sisters.
' son.
' daughter-in-law.
' daughter.
' son-in-law.
' grandson.
' granddaughter.
' grandson.
' granddaughter.
' nephew.
' daughter-in-law.
' niece.
' son-in-law.
' grandson.
' granddaughter.
' grandson.
' granddaughter.
' nephew.
' daughter-in-law.
' niece.
' son-in-law.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" son.
' daughter-in-law.
' daughter.
' son-in-law.
' grandson.
1 granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" father.
" step-mother.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" sister-in-law,
it tt
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
" brother-in-law,
it tt
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
Eii muppaddan
My 3d grandfather.
" " grandmother.
" 2d father.
" " mother.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" father.
' mother.
' son.
' daughter.
' grandson.
' granddaughter.
' 2d grandson.
' " granddaughter.
' 3d grandson.
' " granddaughter.
' elder brother.
( tt it
' elder sister,
t it tt
' younger brother.
' .. tt
' younger sister.
' brothers.
' brothers (Sanski it).
' Sisters.
' sisters (Sanskrit).
' son.
' dau. -in-law &iiiece.
' daughter.
' son-in-law & neph.
' grandson.
' granddaughter.
* 2d grandson.
' " granddaughter,
nephew.
' daughter.
' niece.
' son.
' grandson.
1 granddaughter.
' 2d grandson.
' " granddaughter.
' nephew.
' daughter.
' niece.
' son.
grandson,
granddaughter.
2d grandson.
" granddaughter.
son.
dau. -in-law & niece,
daughter,
sou.
grandson,
granddaughter.
2d grandson.
" " granddaughter.
" great father if oliler
than my father.
" little father if y'nger
than my father.
" mother.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" cousin & sis. -in-law.
' puddau
Oc'-sote
' puddi
Hoc'-sote
' paddan.
Oc'-sote .
' paddi
7. " father
Ha'-nih
" takkappau
8. " mother
No-yeh'
" tay
9. ' son
Ha-ah'-wuk
10. ' daughter
Ka-ah'-wuk .
" uiakai
11. ' grandson
Ha-ya'-da
" puran
12. ' granddaughter
Ka-ya'-da
" pfirtti . .
13. ' great grandson
1 4. * great granddaughter
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da . .
" irandam pCran
15. * great grandson's son
Ha-yii'-da
1 6. ' great grandson's daughter
17. * elder brother (mnle speak!n<[)
Ka-yii'-da
Ha'-je1
" mundam pertti
" tamaiyan. b Annan..
" tamaiyau. b Annan..
" akkiirl. bTamakay.
" akkarl. b Tamakay.
" tambi
18. * " ** ( female speaking)
Hii'-je
19. ' elder sister (male speaking)
Ah'-je
20. * " ** (female speakinq)
Ah'-je
Ha'-ca
22. ' " " ( female speaking)
Ha'-ga
" tambi .
23. ' younger sister (male speakinrf)
Ka'-ga
" tangaichchi. b Tangay
" tangaichchi. b Taugay
" annan tambi miir...
' sakot barer
Ka'-ga
25. ' brothers (male speaking)
26. ' " (female speaking)
Da-yii'-gwa-dan'-no-dii
Da-ya'-gwii-dan'-no-dil
' tamakay tangay miir.
Da-yii'-gwii-dan'-no-dii
Ha-ah'-wuk
Ka'-sii
29. ' brother's son (male speaking)
30. * brother's son's wife (nude speaking)
' makan
' marumakal
31. ' brother's daughter " "
32. ' brother's daughter's husband (in. s.)
33. ' brother's grandson "
34. " brother's granddaughter "
Ka-ah'-wuk
Oc-na'-hose
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-yii'-da
' makai
1 maramakau
' peran
' pCrtti .
35. " brother's great grandson '
36. " brother's great granddaughter '
37. " sister's sou '
Ha-yii'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Ha-y a'- wan-da
' irandam peran
' irandam pertti
' inn nnn;ik;ui
38. " sister's son's wife '
Ka'-sa
1 makai . . .
39. " sister's daughter '
Ka-y a'- wan-da
' marumakal
40. " sister's daughter's husband '
Oc-na'-hose
' makan
41. " sister's grandson '
42. " sister's granddaughter '
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
' peran
' pertti
43. " sister's great grandson '
44. " sister's great granddaughter "
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
' irandam peran. .
* irandam pertti
45. " brother's son (female speaking)
46. " brother's son's wife (ft male speaking)
Ha-soh'-neh
Ka'-sa
' marumakan
' makat
47. " brother's daughter " "
48. " brother's daughter's husband (/.».)
Ka-so'-aeh
Oc-na'-hose
' marumakal
' makan , .
49. ' brother's grandson '*
50. ' brother's granddaughter "
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-yii'-da
' peran
' pertti
52. ' brother's great granddaughter "
53. ' sister's sou "
Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ah'-wuk
1 irandam pertti
' makan
Ka'-sa
' marumakal
Ka-ah'-wuk
1 makai..
56. ' sister's daughter's husband "
Oc-na'-hose
' makan
57. ' sister's grandson "
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
" pSran
" pOrtti . . .
59. ' sister's great grandson "
GO. ' sister's great granddaughter "
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Ha'-nih
" irandam peran
" irandam pertti. .
" periya takkappan . . .
" serlya takkappan . . .
" tay
62 " father's brother's wife
63. " father's brother's sou (older titan myself) . .
64. " ** " u (younger than myself)
65. " father's brother's son's wife (male speaking)
66. " " " " " (f"in. speaking)
67. " father's brother's daughter (alder than my-
self).
68. " father's brother's daughter (younger than
myself).
69. " father's brother's daughter's husb'd (711. s.)
70. " " " " " (f.s.)
71. " father's brother's son's son (male speaking)
72. " " " " (fern, speaking)
73. " father's brother's son's daughter (in. s.) ...
74. " " " " " (f.s.).
Hii'-je
Ha'-ga
* tamaiyan
' tambi ....
Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah
' maittunifo.), anni;y.)
' maittuni('o.), annily.)
' Akkarl. b Tamakay . .
" tangaichchi bTangay .
" maittunan
Ab-ge - ah'-ne - o
Ah'-je
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
" bro. -in-law & cons.
Ka'-ga
Ha-ya'-o
" maittunan
" makan
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" nieue.
" nephew.
" son.
Ha-soh'-neh
Ka-ah'-wuk
" makai
" marumakal
75. " father's brother's daughter's son (;«. s.). ..
76. " " " " (/. s.)...
Ha-ya'-wan-da
" mariimakan f
512
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
COMPARISON OF THE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE SENECA-!ROQUOIS WITH THAT OF THE TAMIL PEOPLE. — Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationships in Seneca.
Translation.
Relationships in Tamil.
Translation.
77. My father's bro.'s daughter's daughter (m.s.)
78. " " " " " (/• *•)
79. " father's brother's great grandson
80. " father's brother's great granddaughter . . .
My niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" aunt.
" step-father.
" cousiii.
II If
" sister-in-law,
ii ii
" cousin.
it it
' brother-in-law,
i it
' son.
' nephew.
' daughter.
' niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" uncle.
" aunt-in-law.
" cousin,
ii ii
" sister-in-law,
i ii
' cousin,
i ii
' brother-in-law,
i it
' son.
' nephew.
' daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" mother.
" step-father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" sister-in-law,
ii ii
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
" brother-in-law.
ii *i
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" graudson.
" granddaughter.
" grandfather.
" father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter
" niece.
En marumakal
My niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" auut.
" uncle.
" cousin.
i« it
" younger sister,
it ii it
" cousin.
ii ii
" bro. older or y'nger.
ii (i tt ii
" nephew.
" sou.
" nii-cH.
" daughter.
" sou
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" uncle.
" aunt.
" cousin.
ii it
" younger sister,
ii ii ii
" cousin.
it ii
" bro. elder or y'nger.
it ii it *i
" nephew.
" BOH.
" niece.
" daughter.
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" mother great or
little.
" father great or little.
" elder brother.'
" younger brother.
" sist. -ill-law (n uoug.
it 11 it it
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
" bro.-in-law & cous.
it ii ii ii it
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece..
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" graudson.
" granddaughter.
" gd. father gt. or lit.
" father gt. or little.
" elder brotlier.
" younger brother.
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" makal
Ha-yii'-da
Ka-ya'-da
" pftran
" pfirtti
" attai
82. " father's sister's husband
83. " father's sister's son {male speaking) ......
84. " " " " (female speaking')
85. " father's sister's son's wife {male speakiny)
86. " " " " " (/em. tpeaking
87. " father's sister's daughter (male speaking)
88. " " " " (fern, speaking)
89. " father's sister's dangliter's husband (m. s.)
90. " " " " " (/• •'•)
91. " father's sister's son's son (male speaking
92. " « " " " (/em. speaking)
93. " father's sister's son's daughter (m. s.) . .
94. " " " " " (/. s.) . .
95. " father's sister's daughter's son (m.s.) ..
96. " « " " " (f.s.)..
97. " father's sister's danght.'s daughter (m. s.)
98. " " " " " (/. s.)
99. " father's sister's great grandson
100. " father's sister's great granddaughter
lul. " mother's brother
102. " mother's brother's wife
103. " mother's brother's sou (male speaking). . .
104. " " " " (female speaking) .
105. " mother's brother's sou's wife (m. s.)
106. " " " " " (/. s.)
Hoc-no'-ese
Ah-gare'-seh
Ah-gare'-seh
' Attan. "Maittunau .
( machcliaii
Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o
( maittuni
" machchi. bMachchar
" ai.man (o.),tambi(y.
" aniian (o.), tambi(y/
(* uiarumakau
Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o ....
Ha-ya'-o
" makan
" maruinakai
Ka-soh'-neh
" makal
" mSLkan
*4 maruuiakan
Ka-ya'-wan-da
" makal
" mariimakal
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Hoc-no'-seh
Ah-ga'-nl-ah
Ah-gare'-seh
" pSran
" pfirtti
" mamau
tl ma me
** maittiinan
Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah
Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o ....
Ah-gare'-seh
Ah-gare'-seh
Ah-ge~ah/-ne~o ....
Ha-ya'-o
107. " mother's brother's daughter («. s.)
108. " " " " (/. s.)
109. " mother's brother's daughter's iiusb. (m.s.]
110. " " " " " (/. s.)
111. " mother's brother's son's son (m. s.)
112. " " " " " (f.s)
* Maittuni
* maehcharl ,
* annau (o.)» tambi(y.'
* annan (o.), tainbi(y.
Ha-ah'-wuk
113. " mother's brother's son's dans>hter (m.s.).
114. « « ii ii it (f.s.).
115. " mother's brother's daughter's son (m.s.).
116. ' " " « (f.s.).
117. " mother's bro.'s danght.'s daughter (m.s.)
118. " " « " (/. s.)
119. " mother's brother's great erandson
120. " mother's brother's great granddaughter . .
121. " mother's sister
Ka-ah' wuk
Ka-soh'-neh
' makal
Ha-ya'-wan-da
* makan
Ka-ya'-wan-da
' makal
Ka-ah'-wuk
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
1 p6rtti [thanmy mo.)
' pgriya- tay (if older
* sfiriyatay (if y'ncer)
' takappan (P. or S.). .
* tamuiyaii. b Annan. .
122. " mother's sister's husband
123. " mother's sister's sou (older than myself). .
);i4- ' " " (younger than myself)
125. " mother's sister's son's wife (m. s.) . .'
m " " " " " (f.s.) ;
127. " mother's sister's daughter (older than my-
telf).
128. " mother's sister's daughter (younger than
myself).
129. " mother's sister's daughter's hnsb'd (m. s.)
130. " » '" ii .• (y s <
131. " mother's sister's son's son (m. s.) . .
Ha'-je
Ha'-ga
Ali-ge-ah'-ne-ah
Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o
Ah'-je
" maittuni
" annatavi
" akkarl. bTamakay. .
" tangaichelii. b Tan-
gay-
" maittunan'
Ka'-gJl
Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o
Ha-ya'-o
** inaiti Caian
Ha-ah'wuk
« makan
132. ' " " 11 ii (f s.)
133. " mother's sister's son's daughter (m.s.) .
134. " " « .i u (f.s.)..
135. " mother's sister's daughter's son (m. s.)
136. " " «i ii ii If S)
137. " mother's sister's daught.'s daughter (m.s.)
138. ' " " « it (f.s.)
39. " mother's sister's great grandson
Ha-soh'-neh
Ka-ah'-wuk
Ka-soh'-neh
Ha-ya'-wan-da
" makal
a in:inim;ik;il
Ha-ah'-wuk
" makan
Ka-ya'-wan-da
" marumakal
Ka-ah'-wuk
" makal
Ha-ya'-da
140. " mother's sister's great granddaughter
141. « father's father's brother
142. " father's father's brother's son ..........
143. " father's father's brother's sou's son (older
than myself).
144. " father's father's bro.'s son's son (younger
than myself).
145. " father's father's brother's son's son's son
(m. ».).
146. " father's father's brother's son's son's son
(/• *•)•
147. " father's father's bro.'s son's son's dauKh-
t«r (m.s.).
148. " father's father's bro.'s son's son's daugh-
ter (/.«.).
Ka-yii'-da
Hoc'-sote
Ha'-nih
Ha'-je
" pfirtti
" paddan (P. &S.)
" takappan (P. & S.). .
" annan. b Tamaiy^u . .
Ha'-ga
Ha-ah'-wuk
" makan
Ha-soh'-neh
'* marumakan
Ka-ah'-wuk
" makal
Ka-soh'-neh
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
513
COMPARISON OF THE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE SENECA-!ROQUOIS WITH THAT OF THE TAMIL PEOPLE. — Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationships in Seneca.
Translation.
Relationships in Tamil.
Translation.
149. My father's father's brother's great gt. grand-
son.
150. " father's father's brother's great gt. grand-
daughter.
151. " father's father's sister
Ha-ya'-da
My grandson.
" granddaugliter.
" grandmother.
" aunt.
" cousin.
n tt
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandfather.
" uncle.
" cousin.
it n
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandmother.
" mother.
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandfather.
tt it
" father.
" elder brother.
" son.
" grandson.
" grandmother.
tt It
" aunt.
" cousin.
" daughter.
" granddaughter.
" grandfather.
U it
" uncle.
" cousin.
My grandson.
" granddaughter.
" gd. mother gt. or lit.
" mother gt. or little.
" sister elder or youn-
ger.
" sister elder or youn-
ger.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" gd. father gt. or lit.
" uncle.
" cousin.
u it
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" gd. mother gt. or lit.
" mother gt. or little.
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" 2d grandfather.
' gd. father gt. or litt.
" father great or little
" elder brother.
" son.
" grandson.
" 2d grandmother.
" gd.mother gt. or lit.
" mother gt. or little.
" sister elder or youn-
ger.
" nieue.
" granddaughter.
" 2d grandfather.
" gd. mother gt. or lit.
" uucle.
" cousin.
Ka-y ii'-da
" pertti
Oc'-sote
Ah-ga'-huc
" paddi (P. & S.)
" tay? (P. &S.)
" tainakay (o.), tan
gay (y.)
" tamakay (o.), tan
gay (y-)
" marumakan
153. " father's father's sister's daught.'s daugh-
ter (m. s.)
154. " father's father's sister's daught.'s daugh-
ter (/. s.).
155. " father's father's sister's danght.'s daugh-
ter's son (m. s.).
156. " father's father's sister's daught.'s daugh-
ter's son (/. s.).
157. " father's father's sister's daught.'s daugh-
ter's daughter (m. s.).
158. " father's father's sister's daught.'s daugh-
ter's daughter (/. s.) .
159. " father's father's sister's great gt. grand-
son.
160. " father's father's sister's great gt. grand-
daughter.
161. " mother's mother's brother
Ah-gare'-seh
Ah-gare'-seh
Ha-ah'-wuk
" makan?
" maramakal '
" makal ?
Ha-ya'-da
" peran
Ka-ya'-da
" pertti
Hoc'-sote
" paddan (P. & S.) . .
Hoc-no'-seh ...
103. " mother's mother's bro.'s son's son (m. s.)
164. " mother's mother's bro.'s son's son (f. s.)
165. " mother's mother's brother's son's son's
sou (m. s.).
166. " mother's mother's brother's son's sou's
son (/. s.).
167. " mother's mother's brother's son's sou's
daughter (m. s.).
168. " mother's mother's brother's son's son's
daughter (/. s.).
169. " mother's mother's brother's great great
grandson.
170. " mother's mother's brother's great great
granddaughter.
171. " mother's mother's sister. . .
" maittunan
Ah-gare'-seh
" machchan . . .
Ha-ah'-wuk
Ha-so'-neh
" makan
Ka-ah'-wuk
" mariimakal
Ka-so'-neh ....
" makal
Ha-ya'-da
" peran
Ka-ya'-da
" pertti
Oc'-sote
" paddi (P. & S.) ....
" tay (P. & S.)
No-yeh'
173. " mother's mother's sister's daugh.'s daugh-
ter (older than myself).
174. " mother's mother's sister's daugh.'s daugh-
ter (younger than myself).
175. " mother's mother's sister's daugh.'s daugh-
ter's son (m. s.).
176. " mother's mother's sister's daugh.'s daugh-
ter's son ( /'. s.).
177. " mother's mother's sister's daugh.'s daugh-
ter's daughter (m. s.).
178. " mother's mother's sister's daugh.'s daugh-
ter's daughter (f. s.).
179. " mother's mother's sister's great great
grandson.
ISO. " mother's mother's sister's great great
granddaughter.
181. " father's father's father's brother
Ah'-je . .
" tamakay
Ka'-ea..
" tangay . .
Ha-ya'-wan-da
" marumakan
" makan
Ka-y5/-wan-da ....
" martimakal . . .
Ka-ah'-wuk
" makal
Ha-ya'-da
" peran
Ka-ya'-da. ....
" pertti
Hoc'-sote
182. " father's father's father's brother's son . .
Hoc'-sote
" paddan (P. & S.)
" takappan (P. & S.). .
" annaii
183. " father's father's father's bro.'s son's son .
184. " father's father's father's brother's son's
son's son '(older than myself).
185. " father's father's father's brother's son's
son's son's sou (m. s.).
186. " father's father's father's brother's son's
son's son's son's son.
187. " father's father's father's sister
Ha'-nih
Ha'-je
Ha-ah'-wuk
" makan
Ha-ya'-da
" pSran
" irandam paddi . .
188. " father's father's father's sister's daughter
189. " father's father's father's sister's daught.'s
daughter.
190. " father's father's father's sister's daught.'s
daughter's daughter (m. s.).
191. " father's father's father's sister's daught.'s
daughter's daughter's daughter (f. s.).
192. " father's father's father's sister's daugh-
ter's daughter's daughter's daughter's
daughter.
193. " mother's mother's mother's brother
194. " mother's mother's mother's brother's 'son
195. " mother's mother's mother's brother's son's
son.
196. " mother's mother's mother's brother's son's
son's son (in. s.).
Oc'-sote . .
" paddi (P. & S )
Ah-ga'-huo
" tiiy » (P. or S.)
Ah-gare'-seh . .
" tamakay. b Tangay ?
" mariimakal
Ka-ah'-wuk
Ka-ya'-da
" pertti
" irandam paddan ....
" paddan (P. or S.) ...
Hoc-no'-seh
65 May, 1870.
514
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
COMPARISON OF THE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE SENECA-!ROQUOIS WITH THAT OF THE TAMIL PEOPLE.— Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationships in Seneca.
Translation.
Relationships in Tamil.
Translation.
197. My mother's mother's mother's brother's son's
son's son's son (m. s.).
198. " mother's mother's mother's brother's sou's
son's sou's son's son.
My son.
" grandson.
" grandmother.
" mother.
" elder sister.
" daughter.
" granddaughter.
" husband (2 joined)
" wife (2 joined).
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
En marumakan
My nephew.
" grandson.
" 2d grandmother.
" gd. mother gt. or lit.
" mother gt. or little.
" elder sister.
" daughter.
" granddaughter.
" husband.
" wife.
" uncle & fath.-in-law.
" aunt & mo.-in-iaw.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" uncle.
" aunt.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" son-in-law. bNeph.
" dau.-in-law niece.
(Widow cannot marry.]
My little mother.
" son.
" daughter.
" bro. older or y'nger.
" sist. older or y'nger.
" bro.-in-law&cous.
11 i i
ii i i
ii i i
11 i i
ii i i
" sist.-in-law. bCous.
" sister-in-law,
it ii
11 ii
ii ii
" sister old. or y'nger.
Widow.
No term.
Twins (Sanskrit.)
Brothers elder and
younger,
ii ii ii it
Sisters elder and youn-
ger.
ii ii ii ii
Brothers elder and
younger.
Cousin and cousin.
K ii ii
ii it ii
Ha ya'-da
" pfiran
Oc'-sote . . .
" irandilm paddi
200. " mother's mother's mother's sist.'s daugh-
ter.
201. " mother's mother's mother's sist.'s daugh-
ter's daughter.
202. " mother's mother's mother's sist.'s daugh-
ter's daughter's daughter (older thun
myself).
203. " mother's mother's mother's sist.'s daugh-
ter's daughter's daughter's daughter
204. " mother's mother's mother's sist.'s daugh-
ter's daughter's daughter's daughter's
daughter.
205. ' husband
200. ' wife
207. ' husband's father
208. ' husband's mother
" puddi (P. or S.)
No-yeh'
" tay (P. or S.)
Ah'-je
" akkarl
" makal
Ka-yii'-da
" pSrtti
Da-yake'-ne
Da-yake'-ue
Ha-ga'-sa
On-ga'-sa
Ha-ga'-sa
" kanavan. bPurushan
" manaivi. bPernchiitti
" maman. bMiiraanar. .
' mami. bMilmiar
' paddan
210. ' husband's grandmother
211. ' wife's father
On-ga'-sa
' paddi
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" grandfather.
' grandmother.
' son-in-law.
' daughter-in-law.
' step-father.
' -step-mother.
" step-son.
" step-daughter.
" e. or y. brother.
" e. or y. sister.
" brother-in-law,
ii ii ii
11 ;i ii
11 ii ii
Not related.
Not related.
My sister-in-law.
" sister-in-law.
ii ii
ii ii
Not related.
Widow.
Widower.
Twins.
Brothers elder and
younger.
i' ii ii ii
Sisters elder and youn-
ger.
ii ii ii ii
11 ii it ii
Brothers elder and
younger.
Cousin and cousin,
ii ii ii
ii ii ii
' maman
' mami .
213. ' wife's grandfather
214. ' wife's grandmother
215. " son-in-law
21(j. " daughter-in-law
Hoc'-sote
Oc'-sote
Oc-na'-hose
Ka'-sa
" paddin
" paddi .... [kan
" mapellai. bMaruma-
" marumakal
217. " step-father
218. " step-mother
Hoc-no'-ese
Oo-no'-ese
219. " step-son
Ha'-no
" makan
220. " step-daughter
Ka'-no
" makal
221. " step-brother
Ha'-je (o.), Ha'-ga (y.)
Ah'-je (o.), Ka'-ga (y.)
Ha-ya'-o
Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o
Ha-ya'-o
" annan(o.), tarnbi (y.)
" akkarl(o.),tangay(y.)
" maittunan
222. " step-sister
223. " brother-in-law (husband's brother)
224. " " " (sister's husband, m. «.)... .
225. " " " ( « " /.».)....
226. " " « (wife's brother)
" maittuuan [(y.)
" attan(o.),maichchan
227. " " " (wife's sister's husband) ....
228. " " " (husband's sister's husband)
229. " sister-in-law (wife's sister)
230. " " " (husband's sister)
231. « " « (brother's wife, m. s.)
232. " " " " " /. s.)
" sakalan
Ka-y&'-o
Ah-ge~ah-ne"o
Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah
" sakotaran. . . . [turni
' korlnuti (o.) bMait-
' nattanar [(y.)
' anni (o.), maittuni
' anni (o.), maittuni
' orakatti [(y.)
233. " " " (husband's brother's wife)....
234. " " « (wife's brother's wife)
Go-no-kwii'-yes-ha-ah
Ho-no-kwa'-yes-ha-ah
Ta-geek'-ha
Ha'-je and Ha'-ga
Ha'-je and Ha'-ga
Ah'-je and Ka'-ga
Ah'-je and Ka'-ga
Ah'-je and Ka'-ga
Ha'-je and Ha'-ga
Ah-gare'-seh and Ah-
gare'-seh.
Ah-gare'-seh and Ah-
gare'-seh.
Ah-gare'-seh and Ah-
' timakay (o.), tangay
235. Widow
236. Widower
Dithambathio
237. Twins
Annan and Tambi
Relationships to each other of the descendants of two brothers,
of two sisters, and of a brother and sister.
1. The son of the son of one brother to the son of
the son of the other brother.
2. The son of the son of the son of one brother to the
son of the son of the son of the other brother.
3. The daughter of the daughter of the daughter
of one brother to the daughter of the daughter
of the daughter of the other brother.
1 . The daughter of the daughter of one sister to the
daughter of the daughter of the other sister.
2. The daughter of the daughter of the daughter
of cue sister to the daughter of the daughter
of the daughter of the other sister.
3. The son of the son of the son of one sister to the
son of the sou of the son of the other sister.
1. The son of the son of a brother to the son of the
son of the brother's sister.
2. The con of the son of the son of a brother to the
son of the son of the son of the brother's sister.
It. The daughter of the daughter of the daughter of
n brother to thn daughter of the daughter of
the daughter of the brother's sister.
Annan and Tambi
Tamakay and Tangay. . .
Tamakay and Tangay. . .
Annan and Tambi . .
Attan and Maittunan . . .
Attan and Maittflnan
Machchi and Machcharl
APPENDIX TO PART III.
TABLE OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE TURANIAN AND
MALAYAN FAMILIES.
(515)
APPENDIX TO PART III.
GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF SUCH OF THE TURANIAN AND MALAYAN LANGUAGES AS ARE REPRESENTED
IN THE ANNEXED TABLE, TOGETHER WITH CERTAIN UNCLASSIFIED LANGUAGES.
Family.
Class.
Dialects.
DaAviDic •
' 1. Tamil,
2 Telugu
TURANIAN
GAURAIC <
. 3. Canarese.
' 4. Hindi,
5. Bengali,
CHINESE ,
6. Gujarathi,
. T. Marathi.
8. Chinese.
JAPANESE .
9. Japanese.
MALAYAN
UNCLASSIFIED
OCEANIC
10. Burmese,
11. Karen (Sgau dialect),
12. Karen (Pwo dialect),
13. Karen.
14. Kingsmill Island,
15. Kusaien,
16. Hawaiian.
17. Maori (New Zealand).
18. Tongan1 (Friendly Islands).
19. Rewan1 (Fiji Islands).
20. Amazulu (Kafir).
1 These schedules were received too late for insertion in tbe Table, and will be found in a note appended to
Table III.
(517)
518
APPENDIX.
SCHEDULES OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE TURANIAN FAMILY, AND OF SEVERAL UNCLASSI-
FIED NATIONS OF ASIA, AND ALSO OF THE MALAYAN FAMILY ; WITH THE NAMES AND RESIDENCES
OF THE PERSONS BY WHOM THE SAME WERE SEVERALLY PREPARED.
Nations and Dialects.
L TAMIL.
2. TILUGU .
3. CANARESE
4. HINDI . .
5. BENGALI .
6. GUJARATHI
7. MARATHI
8. CHINESE
9. JAPANESE . . . .
10. BURMESE
11. KAREN (Sgau dialect)
12. KAREN (Pwo dialect) .
13. KAREN
14. KINQSMILL ISLAND
15. KUSAIEN (STRONG'S
ISLAND.)
Persons by whom and Places where Schedules were filled.
1. Rev. Ezekiel C. Scudder, Missionary of the American Board of
Foreign Missions of the Dutch Reformed Church, "Vellore, South
India, August 1, 1862.
2. Rev. Miron Winslow, D. D., Missionary of the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Madras, South India, October,
1860.
3. Rev. William Tracey, English Missionary, Madura, South India,
December, 1862. Procured through Rev. James L. Scott, of Fut-
tehghur, North India.
Rev. Ezekiel C. Scudder, before mentioned, Yellore, South India,
April, 1863.
Rev. B. Rice, English Missionary, Bangalore, South India, December,
1862. Procured through Rev. Jas. L. Scott, of Futtehghur, North
India.
Rev. James L. Scott, Missionary of the American Presbyterian Board,
Futtehghur, North India, April, 1860.
Rev. Gopenath Nundy, Missionary of the same Board, Futtppore, North
India, July, 1860. A native Bengali.
Rev. Joseph S. Taylor., Irish Presbyterian Mission, Borsaa, Gujarat,
North India, July, 1862. Procured through Rev. Jamej L. Scott,
of Futtehghur, North India.
Rev. S. B. Fairbank, Missionary of the American Board of Commis-
sioners for Foreign Missions, Wadale, District of Ahmednuggur,
North India, April, 1862. Procured through Rev. James L. Scott,
of Futtehghur, North India.
Hon. Robert Hart, Department of Marine Customs, Canton, China,
September, 1860.
Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y. From Man-ki-che Ka-wa-be, a
native Japanese from Yedo, May, 1867.
Rev. E. A. Stephens, Missionary of the American Baptist Missionary
Union, Rangoon, India, August, 1860.
Rev. Francis Mason, D. D., Missionary of the Board last named, Toun-
goo, India, June, 1860.
Rev. Jonathan Wade, D. D., Missionary of the Board last named,
Maulmain, India, June, 1860.
Rev. H. L. Van Meter, Missionary of the Board last named, Bassein,
India, November, 1861.
Rev. Hiram Bingham, Jr., Missionary of the American Board of Com-
missioners for Foreign Missions, Kingsmill Island, Micronesia, Au-
gust, 1860.
Rev. B. G. Snow, Missionary of the Board last named, Kusai, Strong's
Island, March, 1860.
APPENDIX. 519
SCHEDULES OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE TURANIAN FAMILY, ETC. — Continued.
Nations and Dialects.
Persona by whom and Places where Schedules were filled.
16. HAWAIIAN .
17. MAORI
18. TONGAN
19. REWAN ....
20. AMAZULU, or KAFIR
1. Hon. Thomas Miller, United States Consul, Sandwich Islands, Hilo,
Island of Hawaii, May, 1860.
2. Hon. Lorin Andrews, one of the Judges of the King's Courts, Hono-
lulu, Sandwich Islands, May, 1860.
3. Rev. Artemus Bishop, Missionary of the Board last named, Hono-
lulu, Sandwich Islands, April, 1860.
Rev. Richard Taylor, M. A., F.S.L., Wanganni, New Zealand, Au-
gust, 1862. Procured by the late Hon. G. W. Leavenworth, U. S.
Consul, Bay of Islands.
Rev. Lorimer Fison, English Missionary to the Fiji Islands, Rewa,
Fiji, December, 1869. Procured through Prof. Gold win Smith, of
Cornell University, New York.
Rev. Lorimer Fison, Rewa, Fiji, December, 1869. Procured through
Prof. Goldwin Smith.
Rev. Andrew Abraham, Missionary of the Board last named, Mapu-
malo, Natal, East Africa, January, 1861.
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
521
1
TABLE III.— SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE TURANIAN AND MALAYAN FAMILIES.
Families.
Classes.
Branches.
Dialects.
Persons by whom schedules
were filled.
Pronoun my or mine.
TURANIAN,
MALAYAN, -
DRAVIDIC,
GAUEAIC,
Unclassified, «
OCEANIC,
Dravidian, <
Gauran,
5 {
1. Tamil
Rev. Ezekiel C. Scudder
En.
NSnnS.
Masc. mera; fern, ineri.
" amar.
" mazha; " mazhi.
" maro; " mari.
Wo-te.
Wa-ta~k'-se-no
JMasc. Ky-u-nok'.
^(Fem. Ky-un-ma.
Ya.
Y'
Yen.
Suffix U.
Suffix uk or ik.
Ku-ii and ko'u.
Ta'-ku(sing.),a'-ku(pl.)
E-ku or ho-ku.
Suffix No'ng-gu or
Ne'ng-gu.
Wa'-me or ya'-me.
2 Tpl iin-ii
3. Canarese
Rev. B. Rice ....
Rev. James L. Scott . .
Rev. Gopenath Nundy .
Rev. S. B. Fairbank . .
Rev. Joseph S. Taylor .
Hon. Robert Hart . .
Lewis II. Morgan . . .
Rev. E. A. Stephens. .
Rev. Francis Mason, D. D.
Rev. Jonath'n Wade, D.D.
Rev. H. L. Yan Meter .
Rev. Hiram Bingliam .
Rev. B. G. Snow . . .
Hon. Thomas Miller . .
Rev.Rich'd Taylor, F.S.L.
Rev. Lorimer Fison . .
u tt n
Rev. Andrew Abraham .
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
<5. Marathi ....
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
9. Japanese ....
1 I
10. Burmese
11. Karen. (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen. (P\vo " )
13. Karen
Micronesian, -|
Polynesian, <
Kafrarian,
14. Kings Mill Islands .
15. Kusaien (Strong's Is'd)
16. Hawaiian ....
17. Maori (New Zealand)
18. Tongan (Friendly Is'ds)
19. Fijian (Bewa Nation)
20. Amaznlu (Kafir) .
66 May, 1870
NOTATION IN TABLE III.
VOWELS.
a as a in ale, mate. i as i in idea, mite,
a " " " art, father. i " " " it, pity,
a " " " at, tank,
a " " " all, fall. o as o in over, go.
6 " " -" otter, got.
e as e in even, mete.
e " " " enter, met. u as u in use, mute,
e has a nasal sound as the French en u " oo " food,
in mien.
CONSONANTS.
ch as ch in chin. t' prefixed indicates that the tongne is
d pronounced harshly by curving back to be pressed forcibly against the
the tongue and bringing it forcibly teeth in its pronunciation.
against the roof of the mouth. ' An apostrophe after a final syllable
g hard as in go. denotes a slight breathing sound,
g soft as in gem. 1 An interrogation mark in the Table
h- a sonant guttural. indicates that the answer is cou-
rt nasal as in drink. jectural.
The notation of the cultivated languages is left unchanged. The following is
much used in India : —
a short as in cat. u as oo in food,
a as in far. t dental.
e long a as in pale. palatal.
i short as in pit. n as French non.
i long as e in mete. ch as in church.
o as in note. au as ow in how.
u as in bull.
(522)
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.
523
TABLE III. — CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE TURANIAN AND MALAYAN FAMILIES.
1. My great grandfather's father.
Translation.
2. My great grandfather's mother.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
8
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My third grandfather.
My great great grandfather.
41* 41 If If
It It It 11
My forefather or ancestor.
My far removed ancestor.
High beginning father.
My great great grandfather.
tt tt tt tt
My grandfather.
My great grandfather.
My ancestor,
generation.
My grand parent male, third
My ancestor.
En muppaddi
My third grandmother.
My grefit gt. grandmother.
tt tt tt it
tt tt tt it
My anrestor.
Far removed ancestral mo.
High beginning mother.
My great gt. gran il mother,
tt tt «t tt
My grandmother.
My great grandmother.
[generation.
My gd. parent female, third
My ancestor.
2. Telno-u
Meri sardadV
4 Hindi
Aniar oty broh pse pte ruohu...
Ainar oty broh pse pita rnohy
Ko-o-so-bo
K: bee-ma'. b A-bee-ma
11. Karen (Sean dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Y' phu
Y' phe
14. Kings Mill Islands
[a ko-lu
Ku'-u ku'-pii-na wa-hee-na ku'
[ko-lu
Ku'-u ku'-pu-na ka'-na ku'-a
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
,
3. My great grandfather.
Translation.
4. My great grandmother.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My second grandfather.
Great grandfather.
My great grandfather,
tt tt tt
ft H It
It It tt
My ancestor.
My additional ancestor.
Great grandfather.
My great grandfather.
If It It
My grandfather.
My great grandfather.
My ancestor. [my.
Father of the fa tlier of father
My gd. parent male, second
[generation.
My ancestor.
En puddi
My second grandmother.
Great grandmother.
My great grandmother,
it it tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
My ancestor. [mother.
My more remote ancestral
Great grandmother
My great grandmother.
it tt tt
My grandmother.
My great grandmother,
[ther my.
Mother of the mother of ino-
Mygd. parent female, second
[generation.
My ancestor.
2 Telugu
Muttavva
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
(j M'iratlii
She'-ba-ba
K- ba. b A-b&
K: a-ba-ma. * lia-ma
11. Karen (Sean dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands
Y? phu
Y' phe
Yeh pii-pa-do
Yeh pee-pa-do
[keyuk
Nen6-keySn-nenS keySn-neng-
Ku'-ii ku pu'uii wa-hee-na ku'-
[a-lii'-a
Pupa-tnimnnn-i>iLpa-tiinimnn
Ku'-u ku'-pu-na ka'-na kft'-ii
[lu'-a
U-ko'-ko wa'-we
18. Auiazulu (Kafir) ...
»
5. My grandfather.
Translation.
6. My grandmother.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
ri
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Hi
17
18
My grandfather.
Grandfather.
My grandfather.
t( tt
tt tt
tt tt
it it
My ancestral father.
Grandfather.
My grandfather.
K tt
tt it
it tt
My ancestor.
Father of the father my.
My grandparent male.
My grandfather.
My grandfather.
En paddi
My grandmother.
Grandmother.
My grandmother.
tt tt
11 tt
tt tt
My elder brother.
My ancestral mother.
Grandmother.
My grandmother,
tt tt
it tt
tt tt
Mother of the mother my.
My grandparent female.
My grandmother.
My grandmother.
2 Trlugu
TatS,
Avv&
4 Hindi
6 Mirathi
Wo-tetsu-lu
Wo-t6 tsu-mo
O-ba'-san
K- bo. bA-po
K : a-pwa. b Bwaa. c Bwa...
Ya phie
1!. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y' phu
Y' phe
14. Kings Mill Islands
JTljfl
Pupil- tuninmn-papa-tummuk.
Ku'-u ku-pu'-na wa'-hee-ua. ...
Ta-ku ku-i-a
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
U-ba'-ba kii'-lu
524
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
7. My father.
Translation.
8. My mother.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En takkappan
My father.
Father.
My father.
U It
11 It
11 tl
ft it
My father relation. b Daddy.
Father. [c House father.
My father.
it n
tt tt
H 11
ft It
Father, male my.
My parent male.
My father.
My father.
En tiiy
My mother.
Mother.
My mother.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
Aty mother relation. b House
Mother. [mother.
My mother,
tt tt
tt tt
t< tt
tt tt
Mother female my.
My parent female.
kMy mother.
My mother.
2 Telugu
Tandrl
Tain
Nanna tai
4 Hindi
Meri mata
5 Bengali
6 Mar; it hi
7 GujUnLthi
Maro bapa. b Pita. ... [c Kea-fu
Wo-tB fu-tsin. b Teay-teay.
O-to'-tsang. b Tsee-tsee
Miiri mii
Wo-tS mo-tsin. b Kea-mo
0-ka-tsan. b Ha-ha
K • a-ba' b A-pa'
K* a-me/. b A-ma'
11. Karen (Sgau dial 'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pa
Ya mo
Y' pa
Y1 mo
Yeh pah
Yeh mo
14. Kings Mill Islands
Tiniiu
Kii'-ii ma-ku'-a ka'-na.
17 Maori
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)...
U-ba'-ba .
U-ma'-me
9. My son.
Translation.
10. My daughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En makan
My son.
Son.
My son.
it it
tt tt
tt it
it (i
My child boy.
Son.
My son.
My male child.
<t (t tt
tt it tt
Child my a male.
Son my.
My child male
My son.
Son of me.
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter,
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
it tt
My girl child.
Daughter.
My daughter.
My female child,
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
Child my a female.
Daughter my.
My child female.
My daughter.
Daughter of me. A daughter.
2. Telugu
K5duku
3. Canarese
4. Hindi
Meri' beti'
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Miizha pntra. bLank. ° Mulaga
Maro dikaro. b Putra
Miizhi kamyii. b Lek. c Mulage
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
Moos' ko
10. Burmese
K: tha
K • tha-ne£
1 1 . Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pho-khwa
Y' pho-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
Mwen-niittik
16. Hawaiian
Ku'-ii kal'-kee ka'-na. »Ka'-
Ta-ku ta-ma [ma ka'-na
Ku'-ii kal-kee wa-hee-na
Ta-ku ta-ma-hi-ne.... [tom-be"
In-do-dii-ka'-ze yii'-me. b In-
17. Maori
18. Ainazulu (Kafir)...
lu-do-da'-na ya'-me
11. My grandson.
Translation.
12. My granddaughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
En pfiran
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
tt n
My grandson. b Son's son.
My grandson.
My born of a son.
My growing for the second
Grandson. [time boy.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
a u
My grandchild male.
Grandchild my a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild male.
My grandchild.
Grandchild of me.
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter;
tt tt
My gd. danght. b Dau. dan.
My granddaughter.
My born of a daughter.
My growing for the 2d time
Granddaughter. [girl.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter,
tt tt
My grandchild female.
My crrandchild a female.
Granddaughter my.
My grandchild female.
My grandchild.
Grandchild of me.
2. Telugu
Manamadu
3. Canarese
Kanna uiomma^anu
Ma -s xl
4. Hindi
Mera pota
5. Bengali
I). Maratlii
Amar naty b Powutro
Miizlia nUtu
7. Onjirathl
Hiiro pantra
M ' •'
8. Chinese
Wo-t5 suu-tsze
... .J*
!). Japanese
Mii'-go
Ma' ee
1 'i. HurineHe
K: my-a'
i ' Ivareu (Siraudial'ct)
12, Karen (1'wo " )
i '.. Karen
Ya lie-po-khwa
Y' le-po-khwa
i I. KTiiw Mill Islands
• n
14
15
l(i
17
18
T liu-te-mnne
Mwon-nuttiii-nuttik
.. 1 l;t\vaiian
17. Maori
Ta-ku ino-ko-pu-na
18. Ainazulu (Kafir)...
U-me-tshii'-uii yii'-me
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
525
TABLE III. — Continued.
13. My great grandson.
Translation.
14. My great granddaughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
32
13
14
15
16
17
18
My second grandson.
Great grandson.
My great grandson.
it 11 It
11 11 11
U it It
[the second time boy.
My additional growing for
Great grandchild.
My great grandchild.
My great grandson.
t. (( (t
My great grandchild male.
Grandchild of my child.
Great grandson my.
My great grandchild male.
My grandchild.
Great grandchild of me.
My second granddaughter.
Great granddaughter
My great granddaughter.
a tt tt
it it it
tt it it
[the second time girl.
My additional growing for
Great grandchild.
My great grandchild.
My great granddaughter.
tt it it
My great grandchild female.
Grandchild of my child.
Great granddauahter my.
My great grandchild female.
My grandchild.
Great grandchild of me.
2. Telugu
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Manilla
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
She'-ko
She'-ko
10. Burmese
11. Karen (S^audial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya lo-po khwa
Y' lo-po-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
MwGn-nuttin -mw6n -nuttin -
Au-nuttin-an-nuttin-niittik ...
Kft'-u moo-pu'-na wa-hee-na-
Td-ku mo-ko-pn-na. [ku'-a-lii-a
16. Hawaiian
17. Maori . .
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
15. My great grandson's son.
Translation.
16. My great grandson's daughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
lo1
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My third grandson.
. My great great grandson.
My great grandson.
My great great grandson,
[cond time boy.
My great growing for the se-
Great grandson's child.
My great great grandchild.
My great great grandson.
tt 11 11 it
My gt. gt. grandchild male.
Grandchild of my child.
Great great grandson my.
My gt. gt. grandchild male.
My grandchild.
Great grandchild of me.
My third granddaughter.
My gt. gt. granddaughter.
My granddaughter.
My gt. gt. granddaughter,
[second time girl.
My great growing for the
Gt. gd. daughter's child.
My great great grandchild.
My gt. gt. granddaughter.
«t tt tt tt
My gt. gt. gd. child female.
Grandchild of my child.
Gt. gt. granddaughter my.
My pt. gt. gd. child female.
My grandchild.
Great grandchild of me.
2. TelU"U
3. Canarese
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
Ya-shang'-o
10. Burmese
K- tee . ...
K • tee
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya Ia-p5-khwa
Y' la-po kliwii
14. Kings Mill Islands
15, Kusaien
Tibnn-natn [tik
Mw£n-nuttin-n.-n.-n.-n.-nut-
Au-nuttin-a-nuttin-a-n.-nuttik
Ku'-u moo-pu'-n£ wii-ha-na kw-
17. Maori
Ta-ku mo-ko-pu-na [ko-lii
U-rnzu-kii -lu wa'-me
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)...
U-mzii-ku'-lu wa'-me ti-ren-ty-
[tar
17. My elder brother.
(Mule speaking)
Translation.
18. My elder brother.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My elder brother.
Elder brother.
My elder brother.
My greater brother.
My eldest brother.
it a n
My brother.
My elder brother. Senior.
Elder brother.
My elder brother, [cessor).
My elder bro. (male prede-
it tt it tt n
My elder brother.
Brother my elder.
Brother my larger.
My bro. older than myself.
My elder brother.
Elder brother of us.
Eat mti an *A
My elder brother.
Elder brother.
My elder brother.
My greater brother.
My oldest brother.
tt tt tt
My brother.
My elder brother. b Senior.
Elder brother.
My brother elder, [cessor).
My elder bro. (male prede-
tt tt tt tt tt
My elder brother.
Brother my older.
Brother my larger.
My bro. older than myself.
My elder brother.
Elder brother of us.
2. Tc-lugu
Anna
3. Canarese
4. Hindi
Mera bara bhai
5. Bengali
•J. Marathi
Mazliil waclGl bluiu. b Agraz..
Mazha wadel bhau. '' Agraz.
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
Wo-te ko-ko. b Heung
9. Japanese
10. Burmese
K: mo-ung ky-ee
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y' wai-po-khwii
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
Lek-la«s. v Ma-tii
LSk-lass b Mii-tu
Ku'-u-k:u' ku-na'-na
17. Maori
Ta-ku tn-a-ka-na
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)...
U'-mna wa'-tu
526
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
19. My elder sister. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
20. My elder sister. (Female speaking.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En akkarl b Tamakay
My elder sister.
Elder sister.
My elder sister.
My greater sister.
My eldest sister,
tt n it
My sister, [enced woman.
My elder sist. b An experi-
Elder sister.
My elder sister, [decessor).
My elder sister (female pre-
(t tf tf (( ft
My elder sister.
Sister my oMer.
Sister my larger.
My sister older than myself.
My elder sister.
Sister of us.
En akkal. b Tamakay
My elder sister.
Klder sister.
My elder sister.
My greater sister.
My eldest sister,
tt tt tt
My sister, [enced woman.
My elder sist. b An experi-
Elder sister.
My elder sister, [decessor.
My elder sister (female pre-
tt tt tt tt tt
My elder sister.
Sister my older.
Sister my larger. -
My sister older than myself.
My elder sister.
Sister of us.
Akka
Akka
rsann& akka
4 Hindi
Meri bari bahin
5 Bengali
A mar burro diddy
6 Mara- thi
Mazlii wadel bahen. b Agraza
Miizhi wadel bahen. b Agraz'i
8. Chinese
Wo-t6 tseay-tseay. b Tsze....
A'-nih
Wo-te tseay-tseay. b Tsze....
A'-nih
K- e-ma'
K : e-ma'
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
1 3 Karen
Y' wai-po-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands
Taru-te-karimoa
Loflk-lass. b Miitu
Louk-lass. b Miitu
Ku'-u kal'-ku wa-hee'-na
Ku'-u kal'-ku-a-a'-na
17 Maori
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)...
U-da'-da wa'-tti
21. My younger brother.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
22. My younger brother.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
'7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My younger brother.
Younger brother.
My younger brother.
My lesser brother.
it tt tt
it tt tt
My brother. [brother.
My sen. little junior. b Little
Younger brother.
My younger bro. [cessor).
My younger bro. (male suc-
(t ti tt tt tt
My younger brother.
Brother my younger.
Brother my smaller.
My brother younger than
My younger bro. [myself.
Younger brother of me.
My younger brother.
Younger brother.
My younger brother.
My lesser brother,
tt tt tt
tt tt it
My brother. [brother.
My sen. little junior. b Little
Younger brother.
My bro. younger. [cessor.
My younger bro. (male suc-
tt tt it n tt
My younger brother.
Brother my younqer.
Brother my smaller.
My brother younger than
My younger bro. [myself.
Younger brother of me.
2. Telugu
Tammudu
Tammudu
4 Hindi
Mera chota bhat
5 Bengali
6. Maratlii
Muzha dhilkata bhiiu. b Ann/
Mliro bhai
M"izh':i dhakatU bhau. b Anflz
M'iro bhai
7 Gnjarathi
Wo-tS heung-te b A-te
O-to'-to
O-to'-to
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pu-khwa
Ya pu-khwa
Y' pu-po-khwli
Yeh pii'-pau-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
Lik-srik. b Fwos
Ku'-fl kin' klii'-nd
17 Maori
]8. Amazulu (Kafir)...
X
23. My younger sister.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
21. My younger sister.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En tangaichchi. b Tangay ...
CU6I161U
My younger sister.
Younger sister.
My younger sister.
My lesser sister,
tt tt tt
(t tt tt
My sister.
My younger sister.
Younger sister.
My younger sist. [cessor).
My younger sist. (fern, suc-
tt tt tt ' tt tt
My younger sister.
Sister my younger.
Sister my smaller.
My sister younger.
My younger sister.
Sister of us.
En tangaichcbi. b Tangay....
Chell61u
My younger sister.
Younger sister
My younger sister.
My lesser sister,
tt tt tt
ft tt tt
My younger sister.
Younger sister.
My younger sist. [cessor).
My younger sist. (fern, siu:-
tt tt tt ft tt
My younger sister.
Sistep my younger.
Sister my smaller.
My sister younger.
My younger sister.
Sister of us.
2. Telugn
3. Canarese
4. Hind!
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
MiLzhi dhakate bahen. b Aw-
Miizhi dhakate bahen. b Aw-
[arza
7. Gnjarathi
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
10. Burmese
K : ny-ee-tna
11. Karen (Sgan dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya-pu-mu
Y' pu-po-inn
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Knsaien
Manu-te-karimwi
Loiik-srik
!(!. Hawaiian
Ku'-u kiil-kil wii-he<j-na
17. Maori
Ta-ku tu-a-hi-ne te-i-na
T'i-ku te-i-na
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
U-da -da wa'-tiS
U-da'da wa'-tu
OP THE HUMA.N FAMILY.
527
TABLE III. — Continued.
25. My brothers. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
26. My brothers. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
My elder younger brothers.
2 Telngu
2
3
Salioilararu
Brothers (Sanskrit).
Sahodararu ... ....
4 Hindi
4
Mera bhai
5
n <t
(t (t
6 Marathi
6
« «
Mazhi bhaw. b Bhawande ...
tt it
7 Gu is. rat hi
7
g
9
10
11. Karon (Sgaudiarct)
11
it it u (i a
U It tl 11 ((
12 Karen (Pwo " )
12
n « (t it it
tt tt tt tt ti
13
It tl tt tl H
tt tt ti tt n
14
15
Ma-lSk
Ma-16k
16
Kii-tt' mau-kal'-ku-a-a'-na
Ku-ii' mau-kai'-kal-iia
17
IS Amazulu (Kafir)...
18
U'-mfo wa'-tu
27. My sisters. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
28. My sisters. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2. Telngu
?
Sakotharulu
Sisters (Sanskrit).
Sakothaiulu
Sisters (Sanskrit).
3
<( («
Sahodarigalu
t( (t
4 Hindi
4
5. Bengali
5
Amar bhoguy
n it
Q Maratlii ...
g
u tt
it it
7 Gujarathi
7
g
9
A-uih-do'-mo
Elder sisters.
10
12 Karen (Pwo " )
12
it n tt tt it
U tt tl tl tt
13
tt tl 11 it U
tt It • It 11 U
14
Manu-nako
Sisters my all of.
15
Mii-lauk
Ma-lauk
16
Ku-ii' mail-kill'- ku-wa-he£-na
17
A-kti tu-a-hi-ne
18 Amazulu (Kafir)...
18
U-da'-da wa'-tu
U-da'-da wa'-tii
29. My brother's SOD.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
30. My brother's son's wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
My son.
My dau.-in-law and niece.
2 Telugu
2
Kaduku....^
Son.
Kodalu
3
My son.
Nanna eOsS
My daughter-in-law.
4 Hindi
4
Meri bhatij bahfi
5. Bengali
5
it tt
6 Maratlii
g
it it
Mazhi sun b Chiilat sun..
(( It U
7
8
Wo-tS chih-Ir
Wo-t6 chih-fti
9
E-to'-ko. b 0-ee
Yo'-ma
10
K- too
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
11
K (i
It 11
12. Karen (Pwo " )
12
Y' pho-do-khwii
n it
It U
13 Karen
13
tt it
H tt
14
15
MwSn-nuttik
Son my.
16
Ku-u'- kai'-bee ka'-na
Ku-u' hii-no'-na
17
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
18
In-do-da'-na ya'-nie
Son of me.
U-a'-na wa'-me
*
528
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued,
31. My brother's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
32. My brother's daughter's hnsband.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter.
My niece.
u tt
K ft
My niece (born of sister).
My dau. of the cliih class or
Nephew. [niece girl.
My niece,
(t (t
« (t
it if
Daughter my a female.
Daughter my.
My child female.
My daughter.
Daughter of me.
En m&rumakan
My son-in-law and nephew.
Son-in-law.
My son-in-law.
My nephew son-in-law.
My son-in-law,
tt tt ft it
My nephew son-in-law.
Alludii
Nanna magaln.
4Rtndt
Mera bbatij damad
Mazhi putani. b Dhade
Mazha zawai. b Chftlat zawai
Wo-t6 chih neu
Niece girl's superior or son-
Son-in-law, [in-law.
My nephew,
ft ft
tf tt
tf ft
Son-in-law my.
Son my.
My child-in-law male.
Son-in-law of us.
O-na'-e-to-ko b Ma-o-e
Moo'-ko
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Yeh. po-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Mwen-nuttik
Ku-u' ka! -kee-wa hee na
Ku-u'-hu-no-ua ka'-na
17 Maori
U-mkwa-ny-a/-na-wa/-ta
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
33. My brother's grandson.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
34. My brother's granddaughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson,
ft tt
tf ff
ff ft
tf tt
My grandson of the chih
Grandson. [class.
My grandchild.
My grandson,
tt tt
tt tf
Grandchild my a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild male.
My grandchild.
Grandchild of me.
En p6rtti
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter,
tt tf
tf tt
tf tt
tt tt
My granddaughter of the
Granddaughter, [c/n'/i class.
My grandcliild.
My granddaughter,
tt tt
tt tt
Grandchild my a female.
Grandchild my.
My grandchild female.
Grandchild of me.
2 Telugu
Manamadii
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
6 Marathi
7 Guiarathi
Wo-tS chili-sun -neu
Ma'-go
Ma'-ee
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Ya lie-khwa
Ya lie-mu
Y* le-khwa
Y* le-mu
Yeh lee-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Au-niittin-vmttik
16 Hawaiian
Ku-ii' raoo-piV-na w;i-he6-na...
17 Maori
18. Amazuln (Kafir) ...
U-me-tsha'-na wa'-me
35. My brother's great grandson.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
36. My brother's great granddaughter.
(Male speaking. )
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My second grandson.
Great grandson.
My great grandson,
tt tt tf
My grandson.
My great grandson.
My great grandson of the
Grandchild. [rhih class.
My great grandchild.
My great grandson.
tt tt tt
ft ft tt
Grandchild of my child.
Great grandson my.
My great grandchild male.
Great grandchild of me.
My second granddaughter.
Great granddaughter.
My great granddaughter,
tt ft tt
My granddaughter.
My great granddaughter.
My great granddaughter of
Grandchild. [therAi/i class.
My great grand child.
My great granddaughter,
ti ft tt
tt tt tt
Grandchild of my child.
Great granddaughter my.
My great grandchild female.
Great grandchild of me.
2. Telngu
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
Wo-te chih-tsung-sun neu
She'-ko
9. Japanese
She'-ko
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y5, lo-khwa
Y' lo-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Tibun-natu [nuttik
Mwen -n(ittin-mw6n- niittin-
Kfi-u' moo-pii'-na ka'-naku'-ii-
[lu'-a
U-mzu-ku'-lu w'i'-me
Au-iiuttin-an-mlttin-niittik ...
17. Maori
fku-a-lu'-ii
U-mzu-ku'-ln wa'-me ta-ren-
ty-tar
18. Amazuln (Kafir) ...
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
529
TABLE III. — Continued.
37. My sister's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
38. My sister's son's wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
<t U
11 tl
It It
My neph. (born of a sifter).
My outside neph. or sou of the
Nephew. \_wae-sung class.
My nephew.
ft U
U (I
It <(
Child my a female.
Son my.
My child a male.
My son.
Sou of in*,-.
En makal..
My daughter.
Daughter.
My niece.
My nephew dau.-in-law.
My daughter-in-law.
it u u tt
My nephew dau.-in-law.
My son's wife of the wae-
Dau. -in-law. [suny class.
My niece,
tt <t
it tt
a it
Daughter-in-law my.
Daughter my.
My child-iu-law female.
Daughter-in-law of me.
Menalludu
Kuthuru
4. Hindi
6. Marathi
7 Gujarathi
8. Chinese
E-to'-ko. *> O'-e
K: too
Yo'-mS,
K: too-ma'
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Si^au dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y' pho-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Mwgn-niittik
17. Maori
U-ma-lo-ka-za'-na wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
39. My sister's daughter.
(Mate speaking.)
Translation.
40. My sister's daughter's husband.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
f( It
tt tt
tt ((
My niecft (born of a sister).
My daught. of the wac-xung
Niece. b P'em. iieph. [class.
My niece.
(1 U
(( it
11 11
Child my a female.
Daugliter female my.
My child female.
My daughter.
Daugliter of me.
My son.
Son.
My son.
My nephew son-in-law.
My son-in-law*
K tt u tt
My nephew-son-in-law.
My son-in-law of the wae-
Son-in-law. [sung class.
My nephew.
<( U
tt It
It tt
Son-in-law my.
Sou male my.
My child-iu-law male.
Son-in-law of me.
2. Telugu
Menakodalii
K5duku
Nanna sodarasSse
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazhi putani
7. Gujarathi
Mari bhoneji
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
O-na'-e-to'-ko. b Ma-o-e
10. Burmese
K : loo-ma'
K • too
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ut)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pho-d< -mu
Y' pho-do-khwa
Yeli po-do-mii
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Natu-te-aine
15. Kusaien
Au-niittik
MwSn-nuttik
Ku-u/ hu-no'-na-kii-ne
17. Maori
Ta-ku ta-ma-hi-ne
U-mkwa-ny-a/-na-wa/-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
41. My sister's grandson.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
42. My sister's granddaughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
14 tt
tt tt
t: ft
tt tt
My grandson of the wae-sung
Grandson. [class.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
(t (i
(t it
Grandchild my a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild male.
My grandchild.
Grandchild of me.
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter.
tt t(
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
My granddaughter of the
Gd. dau. [wae-sung class.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
<t it
<t K
Grandchild my a female.
Granddaughter my.
My-grandcliild female.
My grandchild.
Grandchild of me.
2. Telugu
3. Canarese
4. Hindi
Mera pot£
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Miizhii natu
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
Ma/-go
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Ya lie-khwS,
Ya lie-mu
Y' le-khwa
Y' le-mu .
Yeh lee'-khwa
Tihu-te-mane
Y' lee-rnu
Mwen-nuttin-nuttik
Ku-u7 moo-pu-na-wa-hee-na...
17. Maori
Ta-ku mo ko-pu-iia
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
67 l^av. 1870
530
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
43. My sister's great grandson.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
44. My sister's great granddaughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My second grandson.
Great grandson.
My great grandson.
fi If fl
My grandson.
My great grandson.
My g.gd.son of the wae-sung
Gt. gd. child. [class.
My great grandchild.
My great grandson.
U U li
11 ff it
Grandchild of my child.
Great grandson my.
My great grandchild male.
Great grandchild of me.
En irandiim pertti
My second granddaughter.
Great granddaughter.
My great granddaughter.
« ft ft
My granddaughter.
My great granddaughter.
My gt. gd. dau. of the wae-
Gt. gd. child. [•s"'"/ class.
My great grandchild.
My great granddaughter,
tt tt tt
fi ft ft
Grandchild of my child.
Great granddaughter my.
My great grandchild female.
Great grandchild of me.
Mummaiiamarillii
N&una muuimagalu
4PtnHi
A mar natury
6 Marathi
7. Gujarathi
Wo-te wae-sung-tsung-sun
She'-ko
Wo-tB wae - sung - tsung - sun-
She'-ko [ueu
TO R
K : my-eet7
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y' lo-khwa
Y* lo-mu
Yeli 16-khwa •• • •
14. Kings Mill Islands..
MwSn -nuttin-mweu - nuttin-
Ku-u'- moo-pu-na-ka/- na-ku7-
[a-lu-a
U-mzu-kuMii wa/-me
Au-nuttin-an-nuttiu-nuttik ...
Ku-u/ moo-pu-na-wil-h*'6-na-
[kii'-a-lii'-a
17 Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
4-~j. My brother's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
46. My brother's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
a u
if *t
<t it
My nephew (born of bro.).
My outer neph. or my son of
Neph. [the wae-chik class.
My nephew.
if ti
tt it
ft tt
Child my a male.
Son my.
My child male.
My son.
Son of me.
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter.
My daughter-in-law.
ft ft it ft
(f ff ff ff
My nephew dauj:ht.-in-law.
My outer nephew's \vife.
Daughtpr-iii-law.
My niece.
tt ti
it ff
it tt
Daughter-in-law my.
Daughter my.
My child-in-law female.
Daughter-in-law of me.
Men a 11 ml u
Kutliuru
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
6 Marathi
7 Gujarathi
Wo-t6 wae-uhih-seih-fu
E-to'-ko b O'-e*
Yo'-uia
K • too-mS/
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Yeh po-do-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands.-
lS Kusaien .
Mwgn-nuttik
Ku-iV kal'-kee-ka'-na
Ku-u' hu-no'-na-wa-hee'-na...
U-ma-lo-kil-zii'-na wa'-me
17 Maori
Ta-ku ta-ma
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
47. My brother's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
48. My brother's daughter's husband.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
it a
tt tf
it ft
My niece (born of a brother).
My dau. of the wae-chik class.
Niece. b Female nephew.
My niece.
ft ff
ft if
(( f(
Child my a female.
Daughter my.
My child female.
My daughter.
Daughter of me.
My son.
Son.
My son.
My nephew son-in-law.
My son-in-law.
if ff It U
My nephew son-in-law.
My son-in-law of the wae-
Son-in-law. [chih class.
My nephew.
tt tt
it it
tf fi
Son-in-law my.
Son my.
My child-in-law male.
Son-in-law of me.
2. Telugn
Menakodalii
KOduku
4. Hindi
5 Bengal!
6. Maratlii
7 Gnjarathi
O-na'-e-to-k. b Ma-6-6
K: too-mS/
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kinga Mill Islands..
16
17
18
KG-ii' kai-ka-wa-hee'-na
Ta-ku ta-ma-hi-ue
U-mkwiL-ny-U/-na wa/-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
v
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY
531
TABLE III. — Continued.
49. My brother's grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
50. My brother's granddaughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En p&riin
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
a it
u it
H it
It tt
En pertti
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter.
11 H
It (I
U 11
u tt
My granddaughter of the
G<1. dau. [wae-chih class.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
it u
tt u
Grandchild my a female.
Granddaughter my.
My grandchild female.
Grandchild of me.
2. Telugu
3. Canaiese
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazha natu
7. Gujarathi
Wo-tS wae-chih-sun
Grandson of the wae chih
Grandson. [class.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
** 11
(t «
Grandchild ray a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild male.
My grandchild.
Grandchild of me.
9. Japanese
Mii'-go
10. Burmese
K: my-a'
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y& lie-khwa
Y& li'e-um
Y' le-khvva
Yeh Ie6-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Tibu-te-mane ".
Mw6n-uuttin-niittik
16. Hawaiian
Kii-iV moo-pu'-na-wa-hee'-na .
17. Maori
Ta-ku mo ku-pu-na
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
U-me-tsha/-na wii/-me
51. My brother's preat grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
52. My brother's great granddaughter.
(Female speaking. )
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En irandiim pfiraii
My second grandson.
Great grandson.
My great grandson.
(( K K
My grandson.
My great grandson.
[ivae-chih class.
My great grandson of the
Great grandchild.
My great grandchild.
My great grandson.,
(t it U
ff *( tt
Grandchild of ray child.
Great grandson my.
My great grandchild male.
Great grandchild of me.
My second granddaughter.
Great granddaughter.
My great granddaughter.
ft U ((
My granddaughter.
My great granddaughter,
[the wae-chih class.
My great granddaughter of
Great grandchild.
My great grandchild.
My great granddaughter.
tt tt u
U II II
Grandchild of my child.
Great granddaughter my.
My great grandchild female.
Great grandchild of me.
2. Telugu
3. Canarese
Nanui uiummaganu
4. Hindi
Mera parotS.
5. Bengali
(i. Marathi
Miizhii panatii
M" \ ' '•' t*
7 Gujarathi
Wo-15 wae-chih-tsung-sun
Wo-t8 wae-chih-tsung-sun-neu
She'-ko
8. Chinese ...
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y3, lo-khwa
Y' lo-khwa
Y1 lo-mu
Yeh lo-khwa
Yeh lo-mii
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Tibun-uatu [nuttik
Mwen -nuttin-mwen-nuttin-
Ku-u/ inoo-pii-na-ka-ne kii'-ii-
[lu'-iL
U-mzu-kuMu wa/-me
Au-niittin-an-niittin-nuttik ...
Ku-ur moo-pu'-na-wa-hee-na-
[-ku-u'-a-lu^a
17 Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
53. My sister's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
64. My sister's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
U
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En makan
My son.
Son.
My son.
My nephew.
tt u
n it
My neph. (born of a sister).
My son of the e-sung class.
Nephew.
My nephew.
(( U
it tt
It It
Child my a male.
Son my.
My child male.
My son.
Son of me.
My dau.-in-law and niece.
Daughter-in-law.
My Daughter in-law.
My nephew dau.-in-law.
My daughter-in-law.
U (t (1 ((
My nephew dau.-in-law.
My daughter-in-law of the
Dau.-in-law. [e-sung class.
My niece.
U ((
it it
u ii
Daughter-in-law my.
Daughter my.
My child-iu-law female.
My daughter-in-law.
2. Telugu
Kodaku
Kodalu
3. Canarese
Nauna ma^anu
4. Hindi
Mera bhahinautd
5. Bengali
Amar boupo
6. Marathi
Mazha chacha
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
Wo-t£ e-suug
E-to-ko. b 0'-6
Yo'-ma ^
K • too-ma'
10. Burmese
K: too
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ot)
12. Karen (I'wo " )
13. Karen
Ya pho-do
Y' pho-do-khwa
Yeh po-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
In. Kusaien
Natii te-maiie
MwSn-nuttik
Ku-u' hu-no'-nii-wii-hee'-na...
U-ma-lo-ka-za'-na wS'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
532
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
55. My sister's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
56. My sister's daughter's husband.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter.
My niece.
it t(
« tt
My niece (born of a sister).
My daughter of the e-sung
Niece. [class.
My niece.
a n
tl It
it ft
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, a female.
My daughter.
Daughter of me.
My son.
Son of law.
My nephew.
My niece, son-in-law.
My son-in-law.
<( it
My niece, son-in-law.
My son-in-law of the e-sung
My son-in-law. [class.
My nephew,
tt tt
II K
(I It
Son-in-law my.
Son my.
My child-in-law male.
Son-in-law of us.
2 Telugu
Kutliuru
Allurtii
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
6 Ma nit hi
Mazhi chache
Mazha chauha zawai
8 Chinese .. . .
Moo'-ko
K * too-ma'
K- too
11. Karen (Sgau dial 'ot)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Yeh p6-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
Mw&n-nuttik
Ku-u' hu-nd-nii-ka'-na
17 Maori
U-mkwa-ny-a'-na wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
57. My sifter's grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
58. My sifter's granddaughter,
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En peran
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
tt «
<t tt
ti a
tt it
My grandson of the e-sung
My grandson. [class.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it n
tt tt
Grandchild my a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild male.
My grandchild.
Grandchild of me.
En pertti
My granddaughter.
Granddauehter.
My granddaughter,
it ti
it ii
ti ii
it it
My granddati. of the e-xjiny
My granddaughter, [class.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
(i it
ti a
Grandchild my a female.
Granddaughter my.
My grandchild female.
My grandchild.
Grandchild of me.
2 Telugu
Manamadu
Manimaralu
4. Hindi
Mera poti'
5 Bengali
6 Mara-thi
7 Gujarathi
8 Chinese
K' my-a;
11. Karen (Sgau dial 'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Ya lie-khwa
Y' le-khwa
Yeh-lee'-khwa
Yeh lee'-mii
14. Kings Mill Islands
Tibu-te-aine
Ku-u; moo-pti'-na-wa-hee'-na.
17 Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
59. My sister's great grandson.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
60. My sister's great granddaughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My second grandson.
Great grandson.
My great grandson.
t( tt u
My grandson.
My great grandson.
My gt. gd. son of the e-sung
My gt. grandchild, [class.
a tt
My great grandson.
ti tt tt
tt tt it
Grandchild of my child.
Great grandson tny.
My great grandchild male.
Great grandchild of me.
My second granddaughter.
Great granddaughter.
My great granddaughter.
tt tt tt
My granddaughter.
My great granddaughter.
My gt. gd.dan. of the f-sung
My gt. grandchild, [class,
it ti u
My great granddaughter.
tt tt it
ii it ii
Grandchild of my child.
Great granddaughter my.
My great grandchild female.
Great grandchild of me.
2. Telugu
MfliiTniaii&mariil u.
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
Wo-tS e-sung-tsung-sun-nen..
She'-ko ..
She'-ko
10. Burmese
K: my-eet'....
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya lo-khwa
Y' lo-khwa
Y' lo-mu
Yeh l<5-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
Tibun-natu [nuttik
Mwfen - nuttin • mwSn - nuttin-
Ku-u' Tnoo-puv-na-ka/-ua-ku'-
a-la'-a.
U-mzu-ku'-lu wii'-me
An-nuttin-an-nuttin-nuttik ...
Kfl-iV inoo-pfl'-nii-wa-hee'-na-
ku'-a-lu-ii.
U-mzu-kii'-ia wa'-me
17. Maori
18. Amazuln (Kafir)...
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.
533
TABLE III. — Continued.
61. My father's brother.
Translation.
62. My father's brother's wife.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My great father (if older.)
My lit. fa. (if y. than ruy fa.]
u a it a n
n ti n <* «
My uncle paternal.
it a ' a
My uncle.
K tt
My sen!or father.
J junior
My little father.
" Uncle.
Father's elder brother.
My great or little father.
My uncle.
My own uncle.
My uncle.
My father.
Father male my.
My parent male.
My other father.
My paternal uncle.
En tiiy
My mother.
Great or little mother.
it it it
My aunt paternal.
it it it
My aunt.
it it
My senior mother.
My father's younger l>ro-
[thtr's wife.
My aunt.
My great mother.
My aunt.
tt tt
ft ft
Sister-in-law of father my.
Mother female my.
My parent female.
My mother.
2. Tehign
Petalli (o.), Plnatalll (y.)
N. Doddappa (o.), Chikkappa
Mera chachi' [(y-)
Pettandri(o.), Pinatandri (y.)
Nanna Doddappa. bChikkappa
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
Amar jata (o.), Khoro (y.)....
Amar jata ye.-
6 Marathi
Mazhi chulate
7. Gujarathi
Miiri kaki
8. Chinese
Wo-tB f'j-fu
TTT .v poh-mo...
Wo-t6 *,
9. Japanese
0-ba
bQ-ie
K: ba-ky-ee (o.), Ba-twa (y.)
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Ya mu-gha
Y' m'-ea..
Yeh pah-tee... ...
14. Kings Mill Islands
Nfine-knyiik
Ku-u' ma-ku'-a-wa-hee'-na....
U-ma'-ma
1 7. Maori
18. Ainazulu (Kafir)...
U-ba-ba-ka'-sa
63. My father's brother's son
— older than myself.
(Mate speaking.)
Translation.
64. My father's brother's son —
older than myself.
(Female speaking )
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My elder brother.
Elder brother.
My elder brother.
Bro. or bro. thro' pat. uncle.
tt tt it tt tt
tt tt tt it it
My brother.
My bro. of the tany class.
My elder brother.
My elder brother.
My male cousin.
t( tt tt
My cousin.
Brother my elder.
My brother.
My brother elder.
My elder brother.
Brother of us.
En famuiyuu. bAnnan
My elder brother.
Elder brother.
My elder brother. [uncle.
My bro. or bro. thro1 pat'nal
2 Telugu
Nanna &nn&
4. Hindi
Mera bhai'. l'Chacherd bhai'..
MerS, bhai'. bCha<-hera bhai'..
5. Bengali
6 Marathi
Amar. Jattoto bhye
Amar. Jattoto bhye
tt tt ft tt tt
My brother.
My bro. of the tang class.
My brother.
My older brother.
My male cousin,
tt tt it
My cousin.
Brother my elder.
Brother my.
My brother elder.
My elder brother.
Brother of ua.
7 Gujarathi
A '-nee
K- e-ko
K- e-ko
1 1 . Karen (Se;au dial'ct)
12. Karen (P"wo " )
Ya ta khwa ... . .
Ya ta-khwa
Yell t'-khwa . ...
Yeh t' khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
Ma-lek
Ma-lek
Ku-u' kai'-kti a'-na
Ku-u kai'-ku-a'-na
17. Maori
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)...
U'-mfo wa-tu
U'-mfo wa-tfi
65. My father's brother's son —
youmjei* than rnvself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
66. My father's brother's sou—
younger than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My younger brother.
Younger brother.
My younger brother, [uncle.
My bro. or bro. thro' pat'nal
it tt ti tt tt
tt it tt tt ft
My Brother.
My bro. of the Tang class.
My younger brother.
tt tt it
My male cousin.
it it it
My cousin.
Brother my younger.
Brother my.
My brother younger,
it tt tt
Younger brother of me.
My younger brother.
Younger brother.
My younger bro. [uncle.
My bro. or bro. thro' pat'nal
2 Telugu
Tainmulii
4. Hindi
Mera bhai'. ''Chachera bhai'..
Mera bhai'. bChachera bhai'..
1 5. Bengali
6 MaraMii
tt ft tt ft it
My brother.
My bro. of the Tang class.
My younger brother.
ft tt tt
My male cousin,
tt u tt
My cousin.
Brother my younger.
Brother my.
My brother younger.
tt ft tt
Younger brother of me.
7. Gujarathi
Maro bhai
8 Chinese
O-to'-to
O-to'-to
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands
Ya ta-khwa
Ya ta-khwa
Yeh t'-khwa
Yeh t'-khwa
Mii-luk
Mii-lek
Ku-u' kal'-ku-na
Ku-u' kai'-kfi-na
17 Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
U-inua'-wii Wa'-rae
534
SYSTEMS OF C 0 X S A X G U I X I T Y AXD AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
.67. My father's brother's son's wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
68. My father's brother's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En maittuni (o.), Anni (y.)...
Va-dln6 (o.), Maradalft (y-) —
Nanna attige(o.), Nadini (y.)
My sister-in-law & cousin.
Sister-in-law.
My sister-in-law & cousin.
My sister-in-law.
(* ft
it it
it it
My sister-in-law of the tany
My elder sister. [class.
My sister-in-law.
My female cousin.
ft u it
My cousin's wife.
Sister-in-law my.
Sister my.
My wife or my female.
My wife.
Maittuni (o.), Anni (y.)
My sister-in-law and cousin.
My sister-in-law.
My sister-in-law and cousin.
My sister-in-law.
tt tt
ti it
ii ti
My sister-in-law of the tany
My elder sister. [class.
My sister-in-law.
My female cousin,
tt tt tt
My cousin's wife.
Brother's wife my.
Sister my.
•My wife or my female.
2. Teliign
VadlnS (o.), Maradalu (y.) ...
Nanna attige (o.), Nadini (y.)
Mera bhawaj
4 Hindi
5. Bengali
6 Marathi
7 Giijarathi
A'-nih
A'-nih
11. Karen (Sgan dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa-mn
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Yeh dan-t'-khwa-a-ma
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
Eiriku
Ma-lank
Ma-lauk
Ku-u' wa-hee'-na
Ku-ii' wa-hee'-na
17. Maori
U-mka'-ma
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
69. My father's brother's daughter —
older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
70. My father's brother's daughter-
older than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En akkarl. Tamakay
My elder sister.
Elder sister.
My elder sister.
My sis. or sis. thro' pat. line.
En akkarl bTamakay
My elder sister.
Elder sister.
My elder sister.
My sis. or sis. thro' pat. uno.
tt tf it it n
it tt tt ti ft
My sister.
My sister of the Tang class.
My elder sister,
tt it ft
My female cousin,
tt tt tt
<i tt it
Sister my elder.
Sister my.
My sister elder,
tt tt tt
Sister of us.
2. Telngu
Akka
Akka
3. Canarese
Nanua akk&
Nanna itkkfi
4. Hindi
Mer'i bahin. bChacheri bahin.
Mer'i bahin. bChacheri bahin.
5 Bengali
6. Marathi
« (i n n u
My sister.
My sister of the Tang class.
My elder sister,
it it it
My female cousin,
tt it tt
ti K it
Sister my elder
Sister my.
My sister elder,
tt tt tt
Sister of us.
7. Gajarath'i
9. Japanese
A'-nih
A'-nih
10. Burmese
K : e-ma
1. Karen (Sgatidial'ct)
2. Karetf (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
4. Kings Mill Islands
15, Kusaien
Mann-te-karimoa
Ma-lauk
Ma laQk
16. Hawaiian
Ku-ii' kal'-ku-a-hee'-na
Ku-ti' kal'-kti-a hee' na
17. Maori
8. Amazulu (Kafir)...
U-da'-da wa'-tu
U-da'-da wa'-tu
71. My father's brother's daughter —
younger than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
72. My father's brother's daughter —
younger than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En tangaichchi. 'Tangay
CligllSlii
My younger sister.
Younger sister.
My younger sister.
My sis. or sis. thro' pat. uno.
>i ti tt tt tt
it «i ti tt u
My sister.
My sister of the tang class.
My younger sister,
ti tt tt
My female cousin,
ti tt tt
tt tt tt
Sister my younger.
Sister my.
My sister younger,
tt tt tt
Sister of us.
En tanijaichcM. bTangay
Chfellfelii
My younger sister.
Younger sister.
My younger sister.
My sis. or sis. thro' pat. une.
ft tt it ft ft
tt ii it if u
My sister.
My sister of the tang class.
My younger sister,
tt it tt
My female cousin.
it it it
if n ii
Sister my younger.
Sister my.
My sister younger,
u u ' ti
Sister of us.
2. Telugu
3. Canarese
Nana tungi
4. Hindi
Mer'i bahin. bChacheri bahin.
Auiar. Jattoto hhugny
Mera bahin. ^Chaclieri bahin.
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Miizhi chulat bah'in
7. Giijarathi
Miiri bahen
.. '. . .
8. Chinese
w x ' .
9. Japanese
E-mo'-to
10. Burmese
K: hnee-ma
1. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa-mn
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mn
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Yeh dan-t'-khwa-mii
4. Kings Mill Islands
15. Knsaien
M;imi-te-karimwi
Mii-liiuk
M:i 1 ;i fik
1 i. Hawaiian
Kii-Q' kal'-kn-a-hee'-na
17. Maori
Ta-ku tu-a-hi-na-te-i-na
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)...
U-da'-da wa'-tu
U-da'-da wii' tu
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
535
TABLE III. — Continued.
73. My father's brother's daughter's
husband. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
74. My father's brother's danpbter's
husband. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
En maittiinSn
En Maittunan
2. Telugu
a
Bava(o.), Maradl (y.)
Bava (o ) Maradi (y ) ...
3
N. Bhava (o ) Meidana (y ) .
N Bhava (o ) MeidauSi (y )
4. Hindi
4
Mer£ bahinoi
5. Bengali
5
tt u a
tt tt tt
6. Marathi
6
U f( It
ft tt tt
7
n it n
tt tt tt
8
Wo-tS tang-tsz?-fu. .
My brother-in-law el^er-
Wo-tS tane-tsz^-fu ...
My brother-in-law "**'
9
o mei
y younger.
s mei
10. Burmese
10
11
Y& ta-khwa
Ya ta-khwa
tt t« (t
12. Karen (Pwo " )
12
Y' t'-khwa
<( (t tt
Y' t'-khwa
13. Karen
IS
Yeh t'-khwa..
14. Kings Mill Islands
14
Butikau
15
Ma-lek...
Ma-16k
16
Ku-u' kal'-ko-ee'-ka
Ku-u' kal'-ko-ee'-ka
17. Maori
17
18. AmazuLu (Kafir)...
18
U-mkwa-ny-a'-na, wii'-tu....
U-mkwa-ny-a'-na wa'-tfi
To. My father's brother's son's son.
(Male speaking. )
Translation.
76. My father's brother's son's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil .
1
En Makan . . .
2. Telugu
2
KQilukii
Son.
Alludu
3
4. Hindi
4
tt tt
5. Bengali
5
it tt
ft «
6. Mara-thi
6
« tt
ft ((
7. Gujarathi
7
Maro bhratijo
tt tt
tf (t
8. Chinese
g
Wo-tS tant'-chih
9
E-to-ko
E-to-ko
10
K: too
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
11
Ya pho-do
tt tt
tt tt
12. Karen (Pwo " )
V?,
Y' pho-do-khwa
t< tt
Y1 pho-do-khwa . . . .
tt tt
13. Karen
13
(t u
tt ti
14. Kings Mill Islands
14
Niitu tt* mane
l.r». Kusaien
If.
MwBn-nnttik
l(j
Ku-u/ kai'-kee-ka' na
17
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
18
In-do-diL'-na yii'-ma
77. My father's brother's son's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
78. My father's brother'* son's
daughter. (Female npeaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
En makal
2. Telugu
2
Kfithuru
Koiialu
3
4. Hindi
4
tt tt
5
U tf
tt tt
6. Marathi
6
ft ft
tt tt
7. Gujarathi
7
tt 11
Mari bhratiji
ft tt
8. Chinese
8
Wo-t6 tang-chih-neu
9
10
K- too-ma'
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
11
Y3, pho-do-mu
it tt
tt tt
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13
Y' pho-do-mu
(f tf
ft tt
13. Karen
13
ft tt
tt tt
14. Kings Mill Islands
14
15. Kusaien
15
Au-nuttik
16. Hawaiian
16
Kii-u' kai'-ka wa-hee'-na
Ku-u' kal'-ka-wa-liee'-na
17. Maori ..
17
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
18
In-do-dix-ka'-ze ya'-me
In-do-da-ka'-ze ya'-me.
536
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
79. My father's brother's daughter's
bun. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
80. My father's brother's daughter's
sou. (Feuiule speakiug.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
tt tt
It If
t( ft
" " ['any class.
My wae-sung child of the
Nephew.
My nephew.
u* a
n it
it it
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
My son.
Sou.
My son.
My nephew.
tt it
it it
" " VanH class.
My wae-sung child of the
Nephew.
My nephew.
tt tt
it it
it tt
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
Alludu
Koduku
Nanua maganu
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
6 Marathi
7 Gujarathi
Maro lihrati jo
8 Chinese
K-to-ko
E-to-ko
K- too
K- too
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ku-u' kiil'-kee-ka'-na
Ku-u' kill'-kee-ka'-na
18. Aiuazulu (Kafir) ...
81. My father's brother's daughter's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
82. My father's brother's danghter's
daughter. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En marumakal
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
<( tt
tt tt
tt tt
" " [tang class.
My u>ae-suny daughter of the
Niece.
My niece.
tt K
K it
tt tt
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter.
My niece.
tt it
tt tt
" " tnnr/ class.
My wae-sung daughter of the
2. TelugM
Kodalti
Kuthuru
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mii/.lie piitani
Mari bhratiji
Wo-tS tang-wae-sung-neii
K. too-ma'
My niece.
tt tt
tt tt
it it
Child my, a male.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y' pho-do-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
16. Hawaiian
Ku-u' kaT'-ka-wa-hee'-na
Ku-u' kal'-ka-wa-hee'-na
17. Maori
In-do-da-ka'-ze
In-do-dil-kii'-ze
18. Amaznlu (Kafir) ...
83. My father's brother's great
grandson.
Translation.
84. My father's brother's great
granddaughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
IG
17
18
En peran
My grandson.
Grandson.
My graudson.
a it
tt it
it tt
[class.
My grandson of the lang-chth
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
" "
tt it
Grandchild my, a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild, male.
Grandchild of me.
En pertti
My granddaughter.
[tang-chih class.
My granddaughter in the
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter,
it tt
tt tt
Grandchild my, a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild, female.
Grandchild of me.
2. Telugn
Mananiarulu
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
Amar naty .. ..
6. Marathi
Mazua iiatu
Mazhi nat
7. Gujarathi
Wo-t5 tang-chih-sun-neu
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
Id. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya liB-khwa
Y' le-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Tibu-te-mane
Mwen-nuttin-nuttik
16. Hawaiian
Ktt-u' moo-pu'-na-ka'-na
Ku-u' moo-pu'-nil-wa-hee'-na .
U-me-tsha'-nii wa'-me
17. Maori
U-me-tshii'-na wa'-me
18. Aina/.ulu (Kafir) ...
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY
537
TABLE III. — Continued.
85. My father's brother's great
grandson's son.
Translation.
86. My father's brother's great
grandson's daughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En peran
My grandson.
Great grandson
[tang-chth class.
My great grandson of the
My great grandchild.
My grandchild.
My great grandson.
tt *t it
it tt tt
Grandchild of my child.
Great grandson my.
My great grandchild, male.
Great grandchild of me.
En pertti
My granddaughter.
Great granddaughter.
[the tang-rhih class.
My great granddaughter of
My great grandchild.
My grandchild.
My great granddaughter,
ti tt tt
tt tt tt
Grandchild of my child.
Great granddaughter my.
My gt. grandchild, female.
Great grandchild of me.
2 Telugu
Wo-t8 tang-chih-tsung-sun....
She'-ko
Wo-tS tang-chih-tsnng-sun-neu
She'-ko
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Maratlii
7 Uujarathi
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Ya lo-khwi
Y' lo-khwa
Y' lo-nm
Yeh lo-khwa
Tibun-natu [uuttik
Yeh lo-mu
Mw6n - unttin - mwSn - nuttin-
Ku-u' moo-pu'-na-ka-na-ku'-a-
[lu'-a
U-mzu-ku'-lu wa'-me
An-nuttin-an-nuttin-nuttik ...
Kii-u' inoo-pu'-ua-wa-hee'-ua-
[ktt'-a-lu'-a
U-mzii-kii'-lii wa/-me..
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kaflr)....
87. My father's sister.
Translation.
88. My father's sister's husband.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En attai
My aunt.
Aunt.
My aunt.
My paternal aunt.
<t tt tt
ft tt tt
My aunt. [der sister.
My aunt mother. bAunt el-
Little mother or aunt.
My gt. aunt, my little aunt.
My aunt.
My own aunt.
My aunt.
Mother my.
ft tt
My parent, female.
My mother.
My father (so used).
My uncle.
Uncle.
My father great or small.
My paternal unule.
tt tt ti
tt tt tt
My uncle.
My aunt's husband.
" " " [father.
My great father, my y'nger
My uncle,
tt tt
tt tt
Brother-in-law of my father.
Father my.
My parent, male.
My father.
2. Telugu
MSnatta
3. Canarese
Nanna atte
N. doddappan (o.), Chikkap-
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
Wo-tS ku-uhang
9. Japanese
0-ba
E-to'-ko
K: ky-ee-tan(o.), Twa-tan(y.)
K: ba-ky-ee (o.), Ba-twa(y.;
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y' ni'-ga-te-te
Y' pha-te ...
Yeh pah-tee
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Tinau
Ku-ii' ma-ku'-a-wa-hee-na
Kfi-G/ ma-ku'-a-ka'-na
17. Maori
U-ba'-ba. ..
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
U-ba'-ba
89. My father's sister's son— older
thau myself. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
90, My father's sister's son — older
than myself. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En attan. 'Maittilnan
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. fpat. uncle.
My brother. b Brother thro'
tt tt ft tt tt
My brother.
1 1 tt
My bro. of the peaon class.
My elder brother.
My elder brother.
My male cousin,
tt tt tt .
tt ft tt
Brother, my elder.
Brother my.
My brother, elder.
Elder brother of us.
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. [pat. nncle.
My brother. b Brother thro'
tt tt tt tt it
My brother.
tt tt
My bro. of the peaon class.
My elder brother.
My elder brother.
My male cousin.
it tt tt
it it tf
Brother, my elder.
Brother my.
My brother, elder,
it ti it
Elder brother of us.
2. Telugu
Bava
Maradi
Nanna bhavameida .
4. Hindi
Mera bhai. bPhuphera thai...
Amar bhve. bPishtoto bliye..
Miizha ate bliau. bMahuna. ...
Miiro bliai
Mera bhai. bPhuphera bhai...
Amar bhye. Pishtoto bhye...
Mazha ate bhiiu. bMahuna....
Maro bhai . . ....
5. Bi-nga'i
6. Maratlii
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
A '-nee
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. K;iren(Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa
Ya ta-khwa ...
Y' t'-khwa-sau
Yeh t'-khwa
Yeh t'-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Tiiru-te-karimoa
Ma-lek
Mil-lSk
16. Hawaiian
Kii-ii' kiii'-ku-a'-na,'
Ku-fl kal'-ku-a'-na
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
U-runa wa'-tu
68 May, 1870.
538
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
Translation.
.
Translation.
than myself. (Mala speaking.)
than myxelf. (Female speaking.)
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En attaii. 'Maittunan
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. [pat. uncle.
My brother or brother thro'
it u a it n
My brother.
If ((
My bro. of the peaon class.
My younger brother.
tt it ft
My male cousin.
it tt tt
tt tt u
Brother my, younger.
Brother my.
My brother, younger.
tt tt tt
Brother of us.
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. [pat. uncle.
My brother or brother thro'
ff ft ft tt tf
My brother.
it ti
My bro. of the peaon class.
My younger brother.
ii it ii
My male consin.
it it it
ti tf tt
Brother my, younger.
Brother my.
My brother, younger.
tt tt ti
Brother of us.
Bava
Maradi
4 Hindi
Mera bhai. 'Phuphera bhai...
A mar bhye. 'Pishtoto bhye ...
Mazha ate bhau. bMahuna....
Mera bhai. Thuphera bhai...
Amar bhye. b Pishtoto bhye...
Mitzha atS bhau. bMahuna....
Maro bhai
6 Marathi
8 Chinese
O-to'-to
E-to'-ko
. * R P
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Ya ta-khw&
Ya ta-khwa
Yeh t'-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ma-lSk
Ma-lfik
Ku-u' kaT'-kal'-na
Ku-u' kal'-kal'-nS.
Ta'-ku te-t-na
18. Aiuazulu (Kafir)....
U'-mfo wa'-tu
U'-mfo wa'-tu
93. My father's sister's son's wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
94. My father's sister's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My younger sister.
Elder or younger sister.
My elder or younger sister.
My sister-in-law.
a tt
tt tt
" " [class.
My sister-in-law of the peaon
My sister elder or younger.
My younger sister.
Elder or younger sister.
My elder or younger sister.
My sister-in-law,
ii tt
tt tt
" " [class.
My sister-in-law of the peiwn
My sister elder or youuger.
2. Telngn
Akka (o.) Cbeiieiu (y.)
Akka(o.) ChSlieiU (y.)
N. akka (o.), Tangi (y.)
N. akka (o.), Tan»i (y.)
4. Hindi
Meri bhawaj
Meri bhawaj
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujaratht
Mari bhojai. bBabi
Maro bhojai. b Babi
A'-nih (o.) E-mo'-to
K- kai-ma'
K- kai-ma'
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa-ma
My female cousin.
ft n it
My cousin's wife.
Sister-in-law my.
Sister my.
My wife, my female.
My wife.
Ya ta-khwa-mu
My female cousin.
tt ti tt
tt ti tt
Sister-in-law my.
Sister my.
My wife, my female.
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ma-louk
Ma-louk
Ku-u wa-hee'-na
Ku-u' wa-hee'-ua
17. Maori
U-mka' me
18. Araazulu (Kafir)....
95. My father's sitter's daughter—
older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
96. My father's sister's daughter—
older than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En niaittnni .
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. [pat. uncle.
My sister. b Sister through
<( tt n tt tt
My sister.
<( it
My sister of the peaon class.
My elder sister.
My elder sister.
My female cousin,
it it tt
tt it it
Sister my, elder.
Sister my.
My sister, elder.
tt tt it
Sister of us.
En machchi. bMachcharl
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. [pat. uncle.
My sister. b Sister through
u u tf ii ti
My sister.
K ti
My sister of the peaon class.
My elder sister,
tt u tt
My female cousin.
u it u
tt tt tt
Sister my, elder.
Sister my.
My sister, elder.
u it tt
Sister of us.
2. Telngu
3. Canarese
Nanna attige
4. Hindi
Meri bahin. bPhnpheri bahin.
Ainarbhugny. bPistotobhugny
Mazhi at8 babin. bMahuni....
Meri bahin. bPhnpheri bahin.
Amarbhtigny. bPistoto bhngny
Mazhi ate bahin. bMahuni. ...
5. 'Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujlrathi
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
A'-nih
A-nih
10. Burmese
K: e-ma'
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Ya ta-khwa mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Yeh dan-t'-khwa-mii .. .
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Knsaien
Manu-te-karimoa
Ma-louk
Ma loiik
16. Hawaiian
Ku-u' kal;-ku-wa-hee'-na
Ta'-ku te-a-hi-ne
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
U-da'-da wa'-tu
U-da'-da wa'-tu
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
539
TABLE III. — Continued.
97. My father's sister's daughter —
yoiuiL'tT than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
98. My father's sister's daughter-
younger than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Traaslation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En iiuuttuni
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. [pat. uncle.
My sister. b Sister through
tl (( il It tt
My sister.
It il
My sister of the peaon class.
My younger sister.
My younger sister.
My female cousin.
.1 !( ((
ft tt tt
Sister my, younger.
Sister my.
My sister, younger.
H It It
Sister of us.
En machchi. >>Macheharl
Maradillu
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. [pat. uncle.
My sist«r or sister through
it «( tt ti it
My sister.
tt U
My sister of the peaon class.
My younger sifter.
My younger sister.
My female nousin.
tt U i(
tt a it
Sister my, younger.
Sister my.
My sister younger.
tt tt ' tt
Sister of us.
2. Telugu
Maradalii
3. Canarese
4. Hindi
Meri bahin. bPhupheri bahin.
A mar bhugny. bPistoto bhugny
Mazhi ate bah'in. ''Maliiini....
Meri bahin. bPhupheri bahin.
Amar bhugny. bPistoto bhugny
Ma/hi ate bahin. bMahuni....
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
E-mo'-to
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Y* t'-khwa-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Mii-loflk
Ku-fl' kal'-lai'-na
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
U-da'-da wa'-tu
U-da'-da wa'-tu.
99. My father's sister's daughter's
husband. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
100. My father's sister's daughter's
husband. (Female speaking.)
Translation,
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En annan (o.), Tambi (y.) ....
Anna (o.), Tammudu (y.)
Nanna anna (o ), Tamma (y.)
My elder or younger bro.
Elder or younger brother.
My elder or younger bro.
My brother-in4aw.
it it
tt tt
" " [the peaon class.
M^ younger sister>shusb-of
My brother elder or y'nger.
My brother-in-law.
My male cousin.
it it tt
My cousin's husband.
Brother-in-law my.
Brother my.
My brother in-law.
Brother-in-law of us.
En annan (o.), Tam&i (y.) ....
Anna (o.), Tammudu (y.)
Nann& 5,nn5,(o.), T&mma (y.)
My elder or younger brother.
Elder or youuger brother.
My elder or younger brother.
My brother-in-law.
tt «t
it tt
" " [the peaon class.
^ younger •Ut.r'.hnsb. of
My brother elder or y'nger.
My brother-in-law.
My male cousin.
tt tt H
My cousin's husband.
Brother-in-law my.
Brother ray.
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law of us.
t
2. Telugu
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Maratlii
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
Wo-tS tsea?-fu...
Wo-tfc tsea^-fii
9. Japanese
mei
A'-nee (o.), O-to'-to (y.)
K • youk-pS,
e mei
A'-nee (o ) O-to'-to
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ut)
12. Karen (Pivo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa
Ya ta-khwa
Y* t'-khwa-sau
Yeh dan-t'-khwa-a-wa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Knsaien
Butikau
Ma-Ifek
Ma-ICk
1'i. Hawaiian
Ku-u/ kal'-ko-ee'-ka
Ku-ii' kal'-ko-ee'-ka
17. Maori
U-mkwa-ny-a'-na wa'-tu
U-mkwa-ny-a'-na wa'-tu
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
101. My father's sinter's son's soa.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
102. My father's siptnr's SOD'S SOD.
(Female vpeak.ng.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
it tt
tt tt
it tt
My brother (born of aunt).
My neph. of the peaon class.
My nephew.
tt tt
tt it
tt it
it tt
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
My son.
Son.
My son.
My nephew.
n n
tt it
My brother (born of avint.)
My ncpli. of tha peaon class.
My nephew,
i* tt
it tt
it it
tt it
Child my, a male.
Sou my.
My child, male.
Son of me
2. Telugu
Allu.lu '
KOdiaku
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Miizha chleha
Mazha cliacha
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
E-to'-ko
E-to'-ko
10. Burmese
K: too
K- too
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pho-do
Y' pho-do-khwa
Y' phe-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
16. Hawaiian
Kii-u' kal'-kee-ka-na
17. Maori
18. Amazuln (Kafir) ...
-
540
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
103. My father's sister's son's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
104. My father's sister's son's
daughter. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
1
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
a it .
it n
tt ft
My sister (born of uncle).
My niece of the peaon class.
My niece.
it it
n it
tt u
(( K
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter.
My niece.
tt tt
tt tt
My sister (born of aunt).
My niece of the peaon class.
My niece.
tt tt
(t (i
tt tt
tt <t
Child my, a female.
Daughter ray.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
2 Telugu
Ko-da-liS
Kuthuru
4 Hindi
Meri bhatiji
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazhi chache
7 Gnjarathi
Mari bhratiji .
O-nii'-e-to-ko .
K' too-ma'
K* too-ma'
1 1 . Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands
Au-nuttik
16. Hawaiian
Ku-ii' kai'-ka-wa-hee'-na
Ku-ii' kai'-ka-wa-hee'-na
17 Maori
In-do-da-ka'-ze yS'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
105. My father's sister's daughter's
son. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
106. My father's sister's daughter's
BOD. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My son.
Sou.
My son.
My nephew.
tt u
n ti
My brother (born of aunt).
My nephew of the wae-sung
branch of the peaon class.
My nephew,
it ti
tt tt
tt u
it tt
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
My nephew.
Nephew.
My son.
My nephew.
tt tt
tt «
My brother (born of aunt).
My nephew of the wae-sung
branch of the peaon class.
My nephew,
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
2. Telugu
Kfidfiku
Alludu
4. Hindi
Mera bhanja
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazha chacha. . ..
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
Wo-t6 peaon-chih-wae-sung...
E-to'-ko
Wo-t& peaou-chih-wae-sung ..
E-to'-ko
10. Burmese
K: too...;
K- too
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ot)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y' pho-do-khwa
Y1 pho-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
Mw5n-nuttik
16. Hawaiian
Kii-u' kai'-kee-ka-na
Ku-iV kal'-kee-ka-na
17. Maori
In-do-da'-na ya'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
107. My father's sister's daughter's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
108. My father's sister's daughter's
daughter. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter.
My niece.
tt u
tt tt
My sister (born of an annt).
My niece of the wea-sung
branch of the peaon class.
My niei-e.
tt t<
« (i
tt tt
K tt
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
En marGmakal
My niece.
Niece.
My daughter.
My niece.
a tt
tt tt
My sister (born of an aunt,)
My niece of the wae-sung
branch of the peaon class.
My niece,
tt it
tt it
tt tt
tt (t
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
2. Telugu
Kuthuru
Kodalu
3. Canarese
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marithi
7. Gujarathi
Mari bhratiji
Mari bhratiji
8. Chinese
Wo-t6 peaou-chih-wae-sung-
neu.
O-na'-e-to'-ko
Wo-te" peaou-chih-wae-sung-
neu.
O na'-e-to'-ko
9. Japanese
10. Burmese
K : too-ma'. .
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pbo-do-mu
Y' pho-do-mn
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
16. Hawaiian
Ku-ii' kai'-ka-wa-hee'-na
17. Maori
In-do-da-kii'-ze ya'-me
In-do-da-ka'-ze ya'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
OP THE UUMAN FAMILY.
541
TABLE III. — Continued.
Translation.
110. My fathi-r'a sister's great
grauddaugkler.
Translation.
graudsun.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
ft <(
<t ti
ti u
" " [class.
My grandson of the peaon
En pGrtti
My granddaughter.
Granddauijhter.
My granddaughter.
a H
it it
a it
" " [peaon class.
My granddaughter of the
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
a a
a n
Grandchild my, a female.
Granddaughter my.
My grandchild female.
Grandchild of me.
2. Telugu
4 Hindi
Meia pota
5. Bengali
6. Maratln
Mazlia natii
7. (lujaralhi
Mii'-i;0
My grandchild.
My grandson.
tt a
<f ff
Grandchild my, a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild, male.
Grandchild of me.
K • my-a'
11. Karen (Se;au dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya lie-khwa
Y' le-khwa
Y' le-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Tibu-te-miine
Mwen-nuttin-nnttik
16. Hawaiian.
Ku-u' uioo-pu'-na-ka-na
Ku-i' uioo-pu'-na-wa-hee-na..
U-mzu-ku'-lu wa'-me
17. Maori
U-mzu-ku'-lu wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
111. My father's sister's great
grandson's son.
Translation.
112. My father's lister's great
grandson's daughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandson.
My great grandson.
My great grandson.
tt tt ((
My grandson.
(( U
My great grandson of the
[peaon class.
My great grandchild.
My grandchild.
My great grandson.
ft (( it
it 11 it
Grandchild of my child.
Great grandson my.
My great grandchild, male.
Great grandchild of me.
Fn pertti
My granddaughter.
Great granddaughter.
My great granddaughter.
n a a
My granddaughter.
(t a
My great granddaughter of
[the peaon-cliih class.
My great grandchild.
My grandchild.
My great granddaughter.
a a u
it tt it
Grandchild of my child.
Great granddaughter my.
My gt. grandchild, female.
Great grandchild of me.
2. Telugu
Muiiinianamadu
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
Atnar naty
7. Gujar.ithi
Wo-tB peaou-chih-tsung-sun..
She'-ko
Wo-t6 peaon-chih-tsung-sun-
neu.
She'-ko .. . .
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya lo-khwa
Y' lo-khwa
Y' lo-mu
14. Kintjs Mill Islands..
Tilmn-natu [nuttik
Mwen - nuttin - mwSn - nnttin-
Ku-u ruoo-pu-na-ka'-na ku'-a-
[lu'-a
U-mzu-ku'-lfl wa'-me
Au-iinttin-au-nnttin-nuttik ...
Ku-Ci uioo-pu'-na wa-hee'-na
[ku'-a-lu'-a
U-zmu-kii-lu wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ....
113. My mother's brother.
Translation.
114. My mother's brother's wife.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My uncle.
Uncle.
My uncle.
My uncle maternal.
My uncle.
(( U
ft (t
My mother uncle.
Second little father.
My great or little father.
" Uncle.
My uncle.
My own uncle.
My uncle.
My father.
Father my.
My parent, male.
My maternal uncle.
My aunt.
Aunt.
My aunt,
tt u
a tt
u a
it a
My uncle mother.
My aunt.
My great or little aunt.
My aunt.
u tt
tt tt
My mother-in-law.
Mother my.
My parent, female.
My aunt or uncle.
2. Telugu
Menatta bAtt&
3. Canarese
4. Hindi
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
O'-je
O'-ba
Nebiin-ma-no-o-asee
K: ky-ee-tau (o.), Twa-tau (y.)
Ya mu-ffha
K : ba-tyee (o.), Ba-twa (y.).
H)o-m«n.
Ya pha-tie
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Y' pha-te-te
Y' m'-ga
Yeh pah-tee
Tiimau
Papa-turn muk
Ken6-hSvuk
16. Hawaiian
Ku-ii' nia-ku-a-ka'-na..
Ku-u' ma-ku'-a-wa-hee'-na....
U-ma-lu'-ma
17. Maori
U-ma-lu'-ma
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
542
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
115. My mother's brother's son
— older tliuii myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation. •
116. My mother's brother's son
—oliler than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. [ternal uncle.
My bro. b Bro. through pa-
ii it a u ft
u it u it n
My brother.
My bro. of the peaon class.
My elder brother.
U It 11
My male cousin.
ft It It
It tl 11
Brother my older.
Brother my.
My brother, elder.
tt ti tt
Cousin of me.
En machchan
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin. [ternal uncle.
My bro. b Bro. through pa-
<* tt u it n
it 11 11 11 11
My brother.
My bro. of the peaon class.
My elder brother.
tt tt t.
My male cousin.
tf tt U
It ft tt
Brother my older.
Brother my.
My brother, elder.
a it it
Cousin of me.
BilVS,
Bav5,
Nanna bhavameida
4. Hindi
Mera bhai. b Mamere bhai
Mera bhai. b Mamera bhii. ...
Araar mamato bhye
5 Bengali
6 Marathl
Mazhii mama bhau. bMehuna.
Miizha mama bhau. bMehuna.
Miiro bhai
Wo-t6 peaon-heung-te
A '-nee
in R ^
K- e-ko'
K: e-ko'
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Ya ta-khwa
Ya ta-khwa
Y' t'-khwa-sau.. ..
Yeh t'-khwa... .
Yeh t'-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ma-lBk
Mii-16k
Ku-u' kai'-ku-a-a'-na
Ku-u' kiil'-ku-na'-na
17 Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
117. My mother's brother's son
— younger than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
118. My mother's brother's son
— younger than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
IS
My cousin
Cousin.
My cousin. [ternal uncle.
My bro. b Bro. through pa-
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin, [ternal uncle.
My bro. b Bro. through pa-
tt tt tt it it
it n it tt tt
My brother.
My bro. of the peaon class.
My younger brother.
it it tt
My male consin.
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
Brother my younger.
Brother my.
My brother, younger.
Cousin of me.
2 Telu<*u
MaradT
Maradi
NannS, bhavameida
Nanua bhavameida
4. Hindi
Mera bliai. b Mamera bhii ....
Mera bhai. b Mamera bhai ....
5. Bengali
6 Marathl
Miizliil mama bhau. bMehuna.
ct U It It tt
My brother.
My bro. of the peaon class.
My younger brother.
it tt tt
My male cousin.
tt tt tt
tt it it
Brother my younger.
Brother my.
My brother, younger.
Cousin of me.
Mazha mama bhau. bMehuna.
7 Gujarathi
Wo-t6 peaon-beung-te
O-to'-to . .
O-to'-to
K- ny-ee'
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa
Ya ta-khwii
Y' t'-khwa-sau
Yeh t'-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
15
16
17
18
Taru-te-karimoa
Mii-lek
Ma-lek
16. Hawaiian
Ku-ii' kiil'-kai-na
Ku-u' kal'-ku-na'-na
U-mza'-la wii'-me
U-mza'-la wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
•
119. My mother's brother's son's
wife. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
120. My mother's brother's son's
wife. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En Tangay
My younger sister.
Klder or younger sister.
My younger sister.
My sister-in-law.
t( u a
tt tt tt
" " " [class.
My sist.-in-law of the peaon
My Bister elder or y'nger.
My sister-in-law.
My female cousin.
tt u tt
My cousin's wife.
Sister-in-law my.
Sister my.
My wife or female.
My wife.
My younger sister.
Klder or younger sister.
My younger sister.
My sister-iu-law.
ft tf ft
" " " [cU?s.
My sist.-in-law of the peaon
My sister elder or y'nger.
My sister-in-law.
My female consin.
it ft ti
My cousin's wife.
Sister-in-law my.
Sister my.
My wife or female.
2. Telugu
Akka (o.), ChSllelu (y.)
Akka (o ) ChSlieiti .
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathai
7. Gujaratht
8. Chinese
A'-nih (o.), E-mo'-to (y.)
K: kai-roa
A'-nih (o.), E-mo'-to (y.)
K • kai-ma
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya t5.-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu .
Yeh dan-t'-khwa-a-ma
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kus.iirn
Eiriku
Mii-louk
Ma-louk
16. Hawaiian
Ku-u' wa-hee'-na
Ku-u' wa-hee'-na
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
/
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
543
TABLE III. — Continued.
121. My mother's brother's daughter
— older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
122. My mother's brother's daughter
— older tbau myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil . . .
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin.
My sister. [ternal uncle.
My sister or sister thro' ma-
tt tt tt tt tt tt
My sister.
My sister of the peaon class.
My elder sister,
tt tt tt
My female cousin.
tt tt tt
ti tt tt
Sister my elder.
Sister my.
My sister, elder.
Cousin of me.
En macbcharl ...
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin.
My sister. [ternal uncle.
My sister or sister thro" ma-
2 Telugu
Nanua nadiui
4. Hindi
5. Ben"ali . .
Mazhi mama bah'in. bMahune.
Mazhi mama bahin. bMahune.
Mari ba.ien *
7 Gujarathi
My sister.
My sister of the peaon class.
My elder sister.
tt tt tt
My female cousin.
tt tt tf
ft tt <f
Sister my elder.
Sister my.
My sister, elder.
Cousin of me.
A'-nih
A'-nih
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa-mn
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu..
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ma-louk
Ma-louk .
Ku-u' kai'-ku-a-a-na
17 Maori
U-mza'-la wa'-me
U-mza'-la wa'-me
18. Ainazulu (Kafir)....
123. My mother's brother's daughter
— younger than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
121. My mother's brother's daughter
— younger than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En maittfini
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin.
My sister. [ternal uncle.
My sister or sister thro' ma-
tt tt tt tf tt tf
My sister.
My sister of the peaon class.
My younger sister.
tt tt ft
My female cousin.
tt tt tt
tt ft it
Sister my younger.
Sister my.
My sister, younger.
Cousin of me.
My cousin.
Cousin.
My cousin.
My sister. [ternal uncle.
My sister or sister thro' pa-
tt tt tt tt tt tt
My sister.
My sister of the peaon class.
My younger sister.
tt ti tt
My female cousin.
tt tt tt
ft tt tt
Sister my younger.
Sister my.
My sister, younger.
Cousin of me.
2. Telugu
Maradalu
Maradalu
4. Hindi
Meri bahin
6. Mara: lii . .
Mazhi mama bah'in. bMahune.
Mazhi mama bahiu. bMahune.
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
E-mo'to
E-ino'-to
10. Burmese.
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Ma-louk
Ma-louk..
16. Hawaiian
Ku-u' kal'-ku-wa-hee'-na
U-mza'-la, wa'-me
Ku-u' kai'-lal-na
U-mza'-la wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
-
125. My mother's brother's daughter's
husband.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
120. My mother's brother's daughter's
husband.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En annan (o.), Tambi (y.)....
Anna (o.), Tammuiil (y.)
N. Anna (o.), Tamma (y.)....
My elder or younger brother.
Elder or younger brother.
My elder or younger brother.
My brother-in-law.
ft tt ft
ft ff U
tt ft if
[peaon class.
My sister's husband of the
My brother elder or young'r.
My brother-in-law.
My male cousin.
tt tt it
My cousin's husband.
Brother-in-law my.
Brother my.
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law of us.
En annan (o.), Tambi (y.)....
Anna (o.), Tammudi (y.)
N. Anna (o.), Tarnuia (y.)
My elder or younger brother.
Elder or younger brother.
My elder or younger brother.
4 Hindi
Amar bhugny poty
tt tf ft
tt tt ««
fc ft tt
[peaon class.
My sister's husband of the
My brother, eld'r or young'r.
My brother-in-law.
My female cousin.
it ft ft
My cousin's husband.
Brother-in-law my.
Brother my.
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law of ns.
6 Marathi
Mazha mahuna
7. Gujarathi
8. Chinese
Wo-te peaon ts™-fu
A'-nih (o.) O-to'-to (y.)
A'-nih (o ) O-to'-to (y )
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa
Ya ta-khwa
Y' t'-khwit sau
Y' t'-khwa sau
Yeh dan-t'-khwa-a-wa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Butikau
Ma-lSk
Mii-I8k
Ku-u' kai-ko-ee'-ka
Ku-u' kal'-ko ee' ka
U-mkwa-ny-a'-na
U-mkwa-ny-a'-na
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
-
544
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
127. My mother's brother's son's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
12S. My mother's brother's sou's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
it ft
It It
U It
ft If
My neph. of the peaon class.
My nephew.
a n
tt tt
n n
it it
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
My son.
Son.
My nephew.
f< ft
tt ti
tt tt
tt tt
My neph. of the peaon class.
My nephew.
it tt
it tt
tt tt
it tt
Child my, a male.
Sou Tny.
My child, male.
Son of me.
2 Tel ugu
Alludi
KSduku
4 Hindi
Mera bhatija
5 Bengali
Mii/ha putanya
Miiro bhratijo
K-to'-ko
E-to'-ko
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Y' pho-do-khwa ...
Yeh po-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Mwen-nuttik
Ku-u' kal'-kee-kii'-na
Ku-u' kal'-kee-ka'-na
17 Maori
18. Arnazulu (Kafir)....
120. My mother's brother's son's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
130. My mother's brother's son's
daughter. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
it ft
it (i
it tt
tt tt
My niece of the peaon class.
My uiece.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
it it
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
En makal
My dan«hter.
Daughter.
My niece,
tt' tt
tt ft
tt tt
ft tt
My niere of the peaon class.
My niece.
ft ft
tt tt
tt ft
tt tt
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
2 Telucu
Kodaiti
Kuthiiru
4 Hindi
Meri bhatiji
5 Bengali
Amar bhvjhfl
6 Marathi
7. Gujaruthi
8 Chinese
10. Burmese
K : too-tr.a'
K • too-ma'
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
YeU po-do-mii
14. Kinus Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Natu-te-aine
Ki-a' kal'-ka-wa-hee'-na
Ku-u' kiil'-ka-wa-hee'-na
In-do-da-kii'-ze ya'-me
18. Amazuln (Kafir)....
131. My mother's brother's daughter's
eon. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
132. My mother's brother's daughter's
son. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
&
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My son.
Son.
My son.
My nephew,
tt tt
My son or nephew.
My nephew, [the peaon class.
My neph. of the wae br'ch of
My nephew.
tt tt
tt tt
tf ii
tt ft
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
tt tt
tt tt
My son or nephew.
My nephew. [tlie/>faon class.
My neph. of the wae br'ch ol
My nephew.
it tt
ft tt
tt tt
tt tt
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
2. Telugn
Kfiduku
Alludu
3. Canarese
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
Maro bhratijo
8. Chinese
W<>-tS wae-peaon-chih
K-to'-ko
E-to'-ko
K • too
10. Burmese
K: too
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pho-do
Y' pho-do-khwa
Yeh po-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Natu-te-mitne
MwfSn-nuttik
16. Hawaiian
Ku-u' kal'-kee-ka'-na
Kfl |V kiiT' V*»*» Irii/ nfl
In-do-da'-na ya'-me
In-do-da'-na yii'-me
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)....
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
545
IABLE III. — Continued.
133. My mother's brother's daughter's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
134. My mother's brother's daughter's
daughter. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
En makal
My niece.
2 Telugu
2
3
My niece.
4 Hindi
4
<( it
Meri bhauji
ft a
5 Bun "ill
5
a tt
tt it
6. MnnUlii
6
My daughter or niece.
My daughter or niece.
7. Gujaratlu
7
My niece, [the peaon class.
Mari bhratiji
My niece, [the peaon class.
8. Chinese
8
Wo-tS wae-peaon-chih-neu ....
My niece of the wae br'ch of
Wo-t8 wae-peaon-chih-neu....
My niece of the wae br'ch of
9
O-ma-e-to'-ko
10
K • too-ma'
U ((
K* too-ma'
tt tt
H
(( It
u it
12. Karen (Pwo (< )
1?,
11 K
tt tt
13
a it
ti tt
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
Child my, a female.
15
16
Ku-u' kai'-ka-wa-hee'-na ...
Ku-u' kal'-ka-wa-hee'-na
17
18. Arnazulu (Kafir)....
18
In-do-da-ka'-ze ya'-me
In-do-da-ka'-ze ya'-me
135. My mother's brother's great
grandson.
Translation.
136. My mother's brother's great
granddaughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
My grandson.
En pertti
My granddaughter.
2. Telu^u.
2
3
Nanna momm3.g3.lu
My granddaughter.
4 Hindi
4
it U
tt it
5
11 ((
u tt
6. Maratlu
fi
a a
u tt
7 Guiarathi
7
« » [cAi'A class
" " [chih class.
8
9
Mii-/eo
Ma'-ee
My granddaughter.
10
K- ny-a'
11
Ya lie-mu
12. Karen (Pwo " )
1?
Y' le-khwii
u u
Y' le-mu
u n
13
Yeh lee-khwa
tt u
it tt
14
Grandchild nay, a female.
15
Mwen-nuttin-nuttik
Granddaughter my.
16
17. Maori
17
18 Amazulu (Kafir).
18
U-me-tsha/-na wa'-me
137. My mother's brother's great
grandson's son.
Translation.
138. My mother's brother's great
grandson's daughter.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
En pertti .
2 Telugu
2
Munimanamaralfi
Great granddaughter.
3
tt ti it
My great granddaughter.
4 Hindi
4
5
it ti
tt tt
6. Marathi
6
u tt
tt ti
7. Gnjarathi
7
[chih class.
[neu
[peaon-chih class.
8
My gt. granddaughter of the
q
She'-ko
Sbe'-ko
My great grandchild.
10
K- ny-a'
K' ny-a'
11
Y& lo khw&
12. Karen (Pwo " )
IS
Y' lo-khwa
u n it
Y' lo-mu
f< tt tt
13. Karen
13
tt (• if
Yeh lo-inu
it tt tt
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
Grandchild of my child.
15. Kusaien
15
MwSn - nuttin - m wSn - nuttin-
Great grandson my.
Au nuttin-Jiu-nuttin-nuttik...
Great granddaughter my.
16
My gt. grandchild, female.
17. Maori
17
[a-lu'-a
[ku'-a-lu-a
18. Ainazulu (Kafir)....
18
Great grandchild jof me.
69 May, 1870.
546
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
139. My mother's sister.
Translation.
140. My mother's sister's husband.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En pgriya tay (if older than
my mother), En sSriya lay
(if younger).
Petall! (o.), PTnatalli (y.)
N. doddamma (o.), Chickkam-
ma (y.).
My mother, great or little.
Mother, great or small.
My mother, great or small.
My aunt maternal.
(( 41 II
ft 11 tf
tf 11 tt
My great outside mamma.
""Little outside mamma.
Little mother or aunt.
My great or little mother.
My annt.
My own aunt.
My aunt.
Mother my.
ft a
My parent, female,
[ther.
My maternal aunt. bMy mo-
En Takappan (p. or s.)
My father, great or little.
Father, great or small.
My father, great or small.
My uncle,
tt ft
tt tt
tt ti
My mother's sister's father
My uncle.
My great or littie father.
My uncle,
tt tt
ft tt
Bro.-in-law of my mother.
Father my.
My parent, male.
My father.
Pettandri (o.), Plnatandri (y.)
N. Doddappa (o.), Chickkappa
(y-).
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
6 Marathi ....
Mazha mawasa
7 Gujarathi
8 Chinese
Wo-tfi ta-e-ma. b Leaon-e-ma.
0-ba
Wo-te e-fa
O'-je
K: mee-ky-ee (o.), Mee-kwa
(y.).
Ya mti-eliii
K : ba-ky-ee <o.), Oo-men or
Ba-twa (y.).
Ya pha-tie
11. Karen (Sgan dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
1 3 Karen
Y' pha-te
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Butikan tinau
16 Hawaiian
Ku-u' ma-ku'-a-wa-hee'-na....
U-ma'-ma ka'-ze. Hl-ma'-ma..
Ku-u' ma-kii'-a-ka'-na
U-ba'-ba
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
141. My mother's sister's son —
older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
142. My mother's sister's son —
older than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
6
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My elder brother.
Elder brother.
My elder brother.
My brother or aunt brother.
ff K i( it
it ff tf 11
My brother.
My bro. of the e-peaon class.
My elder brother.
ft il ff
My male cousin.
n tt it
tf It It
Brother my, an elder.
Brother my.
My brother, elder,
[of me.
My elder brother. bBrother
En tamaiyan. bAnnan
My elder brother.
Elder brother.
My elder brother.
My brother or annt brother,
tt tt tt tt
it tt it tt
My brother.
My bro. of the e-peaon class.
My elder brother.
tt tt it
My male cousin.
ft tf tf
tt ti tf
Brother my, an elder.
Brother my.
My brother, elder,
[of me.
My elder brother. 'Brother
2 Telugu
Nanna anna
4. Hindi
Mera bhai. 'Mauseta bhai
Mera bhai. bMauseta bhai
5 Bengali
6 Marathi
Mazha maus bhau
Mazha mails bhau
7 Gujarathi
8 Chinese
A'-nee
K- e-ko'
K- e-ko'
11. Karen (Sgan dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Ya ta-khwa
Ya ta-khwa
Y' t'-khwa-sau
Yeh t'-khwa
Yeh t'-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ma-iek
Ma-lSk
Ku'-u kal'-ku-a-na'-na
[ttt
U'-mna wa'-me. bU'-mfo wa'-
Kii-u' kai'-ku-na'-na
[tu
U'-mna wa'-me. bU'-mfo wa'-
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
,
Translation.
144. My mother's sister's son —
yonnjfer than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
younger than myself.
(Male speaking.)
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My younger brother.
Younger brother.
My younger brother.
My brother or aunt brother,
tt tt tt tt
tt tt ti tt
My bro. of the e-peaon class.
My younger brother.
ft it ft
My male cousin.
it tt tt
tt tt ft
Brother my, a younger.
Brother my.
My brother, younger.
My younger brother.
My younger brother.
Younger brother.
My younger brother.
My brother or aunt brother.
tf tt it fi
ti tt tt tt
My brother.
My bro. of the e-peaon class.
My younger brother.
it it it
My male cousin.
it it it
it tt it
Brother my, a younger.
Brother my.
My brother, younger.
My younger brother.
2. Teluga
Tammudii .
Tammtidu .
4. Hindi
Mera bhai. bMausetu bhai
Mera bhai. bMauseta bhai
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazha maiis bb.au
Mazha maus bhau
7. Gnjarathi
O-to'-to
O-to'-to
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgan dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa
Ya ta-khwa
Y' t'-khwa-sau
Y' t'-kl]wa--iau
Yeh t'-khwa
Yeh t'-kliwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ma-lek
Ma-lek
Ku-u' kal'-kat-na
Ku-ii' kai'-ku-na'-na
U-mna'-wa wa'-me
U-mna'-wa
18. Amaiulu (Kafir)....
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
547
TABLE III. — Continued.
145. My mother's sister's son's wife.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
146. My mother's sister's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My sister-in-law and cousin.
Sister-in-law and cousin.
My sister-in-law arid cousin.
My sister-in-law.
(( 11 If
ff tf it
" " " [class.
My sist.-in-law of the e-peaon
My sister-in-law and cousin.
Sister-in-law and cousin.
My sister-in-law and cousin.
My sister-in-law.
u tt it
tt tt «t
" " " [class.
My sist.-in-law of tlie e-peaon
My elder or younger sister,
tt tt (t tt
My female cousin.
tt tt tt
My cousin's wife.
Sister-in-law my.
Sister my.
My wife or female.
Vadlne.
Vadine
Nanua attige (o.), Nadini (y.)-
Nanna attigi (o.), Nadini (y.)
4 Hindi
fi MarStHi
Mari bhazi
Wo-te e-peaon-saon
My sister elder or younger.
My eld. or y'ger sist.-in-law.
My female cousin,
ti ft ft
My cousin's wife.
Sister-in-law my.
Sister my.
My wife or female.
My wife.
A'-nih (o.), e-mo'-to (y.)
K: ma-yee (o.), Kai-ma (y.)..
Ya ta-khwa-mu
K: ma-yee (o.), Kai-ma (y.)"
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Yeh dan-t'-khwa-a-ma
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Firiku
Eiriku
Ma-loiik
Ma-louk
1 « H
17. Maori
18. Araazulu (Kafir)....
147. My mother's sister s daughter
—older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
143. My mother's sister's daughter
— older than myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
Eii akkarl bTamakay
My elder sister.
Elder sister.
My elder sister.
My sister.
My cousin sister.
My sister or sister through
My sister, [maternal aunt.
My sist. of the e-peaon class.
My elder sister.
If If It
My female cousin.
(( ff it
It U It
Sister my, an elder.
Sister my.
My sister, elder.
Sister of us.
En akkarl. 'Tamakay
My elder sister.
Elder sister.
My elder sister.
My sister.
My cousin sister.
My sister or sister thro' my
My sister, [maternal aunt.
My sist. of the e-peaon class.
My elder sister.
it tt tt
My female cousin.
tt tt tt
ft tt ft
Sister my, au elder.
Sister my.
My sister, elder.
Sister of us.
AkkSL
Akka
Nannii akkSt .
Nanna akka
4 Hindi
Meri bahin
5 Beug&li
(i Marat hi
7 Gujarathi
Mari bahen
8 Chinese
A'-nih
* R P fe
K • e-ma'
K : e-ma'
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Kareu(Pwo " )
13 Karen
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Yeh dan-t'-khwa-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ma-loiSk
Ku-fi' kal'-ku-wa-hee'-na
Ktt-u' kal'-ku-a-a'-na
17 Maori
U da'-da wa'-tii
(J-da'-da wa'-tii
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
149. My mother's sister's daughter
— younger than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
150. My mother's sister's daughter
— yonngerthan myself.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En tangaichchi. bTangay
Chelielii
My younger sister.
Younger sister.
My younger sister.
My sister.
My cousin sister.
My sister or sister thro" my
My sister, [maternal aunt.
My sist. of the e-peaon class.
My younger sister.
II (( ft
My female cousin.
u a tt
ti tt tt
Sister my, a younger.
Sister my.
My sister, younger.
Sister of us.
En tam?aichchi. Tangay
Chellelu
My younger sister.
Younger sister.
My younger sister.
My sister.
My cousin sister.
My sister or sister thro' my
My sister, [maternal aunt.
My sift of the e-peaon class.
My younger sister,
tt tt ft
My female cousin.
it tt tt
tt it ft
Sister my, a younger.
Sister my.
My sister, younger.
Sister of us.
2 Telugu
5 Bengali
Amar mashtoto bhugny
6 Marathi .. .
7 Guiarathi
Mari bahen
11. Karen (Sijau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
1 3 Karen
Y3, ta-khwa-mu
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Mii-louk
Ku-u' kal'-ku-wa-hee'-na
U-da'-da wa'-tiS
Ku-ti kal'-kal-na
U-da'-da wa'-tu
18. Arnazulu (Kafir)....
548
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
151. My mother's sister's daughter's
husband. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
152. My mother's sister's daughter's
husband. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
IS
My bro.-in-law or cousin.
Brother-in-law or cousin.
My bro.-in-law or cousin.
My brother-in-law.
ft it it
it tt a
tt tt it
My son of the chih kind °!,d®J
of the e-peaon class.
My sister elder or younger.
My brother-in-law.
My male cousin.
if tt tt
My cousin's husband.
Brother-in-law my.
Brother my.
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law of us.
My bro.-in-law or cousin.
Brother-in-law or cousin.
My bro.-in-law or cousin.
My brother-in-law.
tt tt a
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
My son of the chih kind °J,d"
of the e-praon class.
My elder or y'nger brother.
My brother-iu-law.
My male cousin.
tt tt tt
My cousin's husband.
Brother-in-law my.
Brother my.
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law of us.
Bav&
Bava
Nanna bhavaineidang
Niuinfi bhavameidan&
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
6 Marathi
7 Gujarat hi
Mari baneui
8 Chinese ....
Wo-tS e-peaon-^-ftt
A'-nee (o.), o-to'-to (y.)
Wo-tS e-peaon-tszt!-fu...
11. Karen (Sgan dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Ya ta-khw&
Ya ta-khwa
Y' t'-khwa-sau
Y' t'-khwa-sau
Yeh dan-t'-khwa-a-wii
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ma-lek
Mii-l&k
Ku-u' kal'-ko-ee'-ka
Ku-u' kai'-ko-ee'-ka
U-mkwa-ny-a-na wa'-tfi.
U-mkwa-ny-a-na wa'-tii
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
153. My mother's sister's sou's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
154. My mother's sister's eon's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My son.
Son.
My son.
My nephew.
tt tt
tt tt
11 " [the e-peaon class.
My son of the chih kind of
My nephew.
tt tt
tt tt
«t tt
tt t(
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew,
it tt
tt tt
tt K
" " [the t-fifaan class.
My son of the c/u'A kiud of
My nephew.
it tt
tt tt
ft ff
tt ft
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
2 Telngn
Kodiiku
Alludu
4. Hindi
Mera bhatija
Mera bhatija
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Miizha putanvil. .
Miizha putanya
7. Gujarathi
E-to'-ko
E-to'-ko
K • too
K • too
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y' pho-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
16. Hawaiian
Ku-ii' kal'-kee-ka-na
Ku-u' kal'-kee-ka'-na
17. Maori
In do-da'-na ya'-me
In-do-da'-na ya'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
l.W. My mother's sister's son's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
156. My mother's sister's son's
daughter. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
]ii
17
18
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter.
My niece.
tt tt
it tt
" " [of the e-peaon class.
My dauph'r of the chih kind
My niece.
t< a
(t tt
a tt
« tt
Child my, ft female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
ft ft
tt tt
ft tt
" " [of the f-peaon class.
My daugh'r of the chih kind
My niece.
tt tt
tt tt
tt ft
tf ft
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
2. Telngn
Knthurn .
K5dalu
4. Hindi
5. Bengili
6. Marathi
7. Gnjarathi
Mari bhratiji
Mari bhratiji
9. Japanese
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgan dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y& pho-do-mn
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Knsaien
Natu-te-aine
Au-nuttik
Ku-u' kai'-k&-wa-hee'-na
Ku-u' kal'-ka-wa-hee'-na
17. Maori
In-do-da-ka'-ze ya'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
549
TABLE III. — Continued.
157. My mother's sister's daughter's
sou. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
158. My mother's sister's daughter's
sou. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
u it
n ti
ii it
ti tt
My nephew of the wae br'ch
of the e-peaon class.
My nephew,
tt n
i< n
a it
it a
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
My son.
Son.
My son.
My nephew.
tt tt
ti <i
tt tt
My nephew of the wae br'ch
of the e-peaon class.
My nephew.
<t tt
tt it
tt tt
if ft
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
2. Telucu.
Alliidu
Kfiduku
4. Hindi
Mera bhanja
Mera bhauja
6 Marathi
7. Gnjarathi
8 Chinese
E-to'-ko
E-to'-ko
11. Karen (Sgaudialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y' pho-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Kii-u' kiu'-kee-ka-na
In-do-da'-na ya'-me
In-do-da'-na ya'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
159. My mother's sister's daughter's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
160. My mother's sister's daughter's
daughter. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
it (i
(t it
ti it
tt it
My niece of the wae branch
of the e-peaon class.
My niece.
ft U
(I tl
It It
It tt
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter.
My iiiece.
if it
ti fi
it ft
My niece of the wae branch
of the e-peaon class.
My niece.
it tt
tt ft
it ff
tt tf
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
2. Telutpi
Kodalu
Kttthurii
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. fiujarathi
Wo-te wae-e-peaou-chih-neu..
Wo-tS wae-e-peaon-chih-ueu.
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ku-u' kal'-ka-wa-hee'-na
Kii-u' kai'-ka-wa-hee'-ua
17 Maori
In-do-da-ka'-ze ya'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
161. My mother's sister's great
graudson.
Translation.
162. My mother's sister's great
granddaughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
IS
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
tt tt
tt tt
tt ti
tt it
My grandson of the chih kind
in the e-peaon class.
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it ft
it ti
Grandchild my, a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild, male.
Grandchild of me.
Eu pfirtti
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter.
tt u tf
ft ft tf
u tf tf
tf tf tf
My granddaugh'r of the ckih
kind of the e-peaon class.
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter,
tt tt tt
ft tt ft
Grandchild my, a female.
Granddaughter my.
My grandchild, female.
Grandchild of me.
2. Telugu
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Mar.ithi
Mil/hi nat .
7. Gujarathi
Wo-t8 e-peaon-chih-snn-neu..
Ma'-go
10. Burmese
K: ny-a'
K • ny-a'
11. Karen (Sgaudialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya lie-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
15
16
17
18
Tibii-te-miiue
Ku-u' moo-pii'-iia-wa-hee'-na..
17. Maori
U-me-tsha'-na wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
550
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
•
TABLE III. — Continued.
163. My mother's sister's great
grandson'u son.
Translation.
164. My mother's sister's great
granddaughter's daughter.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandson.
Great grandson.
My great grandson.
ft ft it
it t( It
it It tt
My gt. grandson of the chlh
kind of the e-peaon class.
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My great grandson.
U 11 It
11 11 It
Grandchild of my child.
Great grandson my.
My great grandchild, male.
Great grandchild of me.
Kn pertti
My granddaughter.
Great granddaughter.
My great granddaughter.
tt tt tt tt
(t ft tt It
It tt tl It
My gt. g'ddaugh'r of the chili
kind of the e-peaon class.
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My great granddaughter.
tt n it it
ti it it n
Grandchild of my child.
Great granddaughter my.
My gt. grandchild, female.
Great grandson of me.
2 Telugu
MunTm&nJlmaralu
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazha panatu
Mazhi panati
7 Gujarathi
Wo-tg e-peaon-chih-tsung-suu
Ma'-eo....
Wo-t6 e-peaon-chih-tsuug-sun-
neu.
K- ny-a'
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Kareu(Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya lo-khwa ,..
Y' lo-khwa
YJ lo-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands
Mwen - mitt in - mwSn - imttin -
Ku-u' moo-pu'-na-ka-na-ku'-a-
[lu'-a
Au-nuttin-an-mittin-nuttik ...
Ku-u' moo-pii'-na-wa-hee'-na-
[ku'-a-lu'-a
U-mzu-ku'-lu w&'-me .
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
165. My father's father's brother.
Translation.
166. My father's father's brother's
son.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandfather, gt. or little.
Grandfather, great or little.
My grandfather, gt. or little.
My grandfather,
tt it tt
it it tt
tt it it
My j8®™* ancestral relation.
My grandfather.
11 It it
t It tt
t It It
t tl tt
f (( It
1 it It
My grandparent, male.
My grandfather.
My father, great or little.
Father, great or small.
My paternal uncle.
My father.
My paternal uncle.
tt tt tt
[class.
My senior father of the tang
My uncle.
My great father.
My uncle.
tt tt
tt it
Father my.
tt tt
My parent, male.
My uncle paternal.
2. Telugu
Pettata (o.), Plntata (y.)
N. doddS tata (o.), Chikka tata
Mera dada (y.)
Pettandn (o.), Pinatandri (y.)
Mera chacha
4. Hindi
6. Marathi
7. Gujaratht
Maro vadova
8. Chinese
Wo-te poh-tsii (o.), Shuh-tsu
O-ie'-sane ... . ^y')
CK-jo
10. Burmese
11. Kari'n (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya phu
Ya pha-tai . ...
Y' phu
Y' pha-te
Yeh pa -tee
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
Jibu
I'apa-tnmtnun-papa-tumumk.
Ku-u' ku-pu'-na-ka'-na
16. Hawaiian
Kii ii' rna-ku'-a-ka/-na
17. Maori
U-ba'-ba ku'-lfi "
U-ba'-ba ka'-ze
IS. Amazulu (Kafir)...
167. My father's father's brother's
Boa's son— older than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
168. My father's father's brother's
son's sop — younger than myself.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En annan. bTamaiyan.
My elder brother.
Elder brother.
My greater brother.
My elder brother.
tt tt tt
tt it tt
My brother of the tang class.
My elder brother,
tt ft it
My male cousin.
tt it u
K tt tt
Brother my, elder.
Brother my.
My brother, elder.
Brothers of us.
En tarabi
My younger brother.
Younger brother.
My lesser brother.
My younger brother.
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
My brother of the tang class.
My younger brother.
tt it ti
My male cousin.
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
Brother my, younger.
Brother my.
My brother, younger.
Brothers of us.
2. Telugu
Anna
Mera chota bhai
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
Araar buro dad&
6. Marathi
Mazha wadel bhau
7. Oujarathi
Maro bhai
8. Chinese
Wo-t8 tang-heung-te
9. Japanese
A' nee
O-to'-to
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ta-khwa
Y' t'-khwa-san
Y' t'-khwa-sau
Yeh t'-khwa
Yeh t'-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
Taru-te-karimoa
Ma-16k
Ma-lek
16. Hawaiian
Ku-u7 kal'-ku-a-a'-na
17. Maori
U'-mfo wa'-tu
U'-mfo wa'-tu
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
551
TABLE III. — Continued.
169. My father's father's brother's
Boa's sou's son. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
170. My father's father's brother's
sou's son's sou. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My son.
Son.
My nephew.
a It
it «
tl ft
My son of the tang class.
My nephew.
tf tf
it K
ft tl
tt it
Grandchild my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
«t ti
tt tt
it ti
My son of the tang class.
My nephew.
« <t
K K
It tt
It It
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
2 Telugu
Kadukii
Menalludu
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
Mazha putanya
7 (jujaraLhi
8 Chinese
Wo-te tang-chih
E-to'-ko
E-to'-ko .
K- too
K- too
11. Karen (Sgandial'ot)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y' pho-do-khwa
Y' pho-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
Natu-te- inane
Ku-u' kai'-kee-ka'-na
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
171. My father's father's brother's
sou's sou's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
172. My father's father's brother's
son's son's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My niece.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My daugh'r of the tang class.
My niece.
tt it
ti tt
K tt
ft tt
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
tt tt
tt ti
ti ti
My daugh'r of the tang class.
My niece.
it tt
tt tt
it ti
tt it
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
2. Telu^u
MSnakSdalu
3. Canarese
Meri bhatij!
4. Hindi
5 Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazhi putani
7. Gnjarathi
O-ma-e-to'-ko
11. Karen (Sgau dial 'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands
Ku-u' kai'-ka-wa-hee'-na
17 Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
173. My father's father's brother's
great great grandson.
Translation.
174. My father's father's brother's
great great granddaughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil . .
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
ti it
ft if
" " [class.
My grandson of the tang-chik
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it it
tt ti
Grandchild my, a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild, male.
Grandson of me.
En pertti
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter,
tt tt tt
tt fi tf
" " " Ichih class.
My g'ddanghter in the tang-
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter,
tt ii tt
it ti ii
Grandchild my, a female.
Granddaughter my.
My grandchild, female.
Granddaughter of me.
2. Tclu"u
3. Canarese
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazhi uat
7. Gujarathi
Maro pautra
8. Chinese
Wo-t6 tang-ohih-sun-neu
K- ray-a'
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya lie-khwa
Y' le-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
Ku-u' moo-pu'-na-wa-hee'-ua.
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)...
552
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
175. My father's father's sister.
Translation.
176. My father's father's sister's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
IS
My grandmother (great or
Grandmother. [little).
My grandmother (great or
My grandmother, [little).
11 »
it 11
ti it
My aunt mother.
My grandmother,
ti 11
it it
ti it
it it
Grandmother my.
My grandparent, female.
Grandmother of me.
En Tay (p. or s.)?
My mother, great or little.
Auut.
My aunt.
11 it
u it
" " [class.
My aunt mother of the peaon
My aunt.
My great mother.
My aunt.
u it
it tt
Mother my.
Mother my.
My parent, female.
My father (so used).
Avva [ka awwa (v )
Menatta
Nann& doddaawwa(o.), Cliik-
Meri phuphi
4 Hindi
Amar pushi
6 Marathi
Mazhi miinae
Miiri phoi
8 Chinese
Wo-t6 peaon-ku
0-ba/-san
O'-ba
in" R ^ 6Se '
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Ya phie . . ..
Y' phe
Y' m'-^a
14. Kings Mill Islands
Tinau..
Ku-u' ku-pu'-aa-wa-hee'-na...
U ma/ ma ku' lii wa' me
Ku-u' ma-kii'-a-wa-hee'-na....
U-ba'-ba
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
177. My father's father's sister's
daughter's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
173. My father's father's sister's
dauir liter's daughter.
(Male speakiug.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
1
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En annan (o.), Tambi (y.) ?...
Biiva (o.), Maradi (y.)
My elder or y'ger brother.
Elder or younger cousin.
My brother.
My cousin.
My elder brother.
My brother.
My bro. of the peaon class.
My elder or younger brother,
tt it it it
My male cousin.
it 11 tt
11 it it
Brother my.
tt it
My elder brother.
Brothers of us.
En tamakay (o.), Tangay (y.)?
VadluS (o.), Maradalu (y.)...
My elder or younger sister.
Elder or younger cousin.
My sister.
My cousin sister.
My elder sister.
My sister.
My sister of the peaon class.
My elder or younger sister.
11 ti tt tt
My female cousin,
ii u u
fi tt it
Sister my.
u tt
My elder sister.
Sister of us.
2. Telugu
Mera bhai
4 Hindi
5 Bengali . . ..
6. Maratni ..
Mazha wadel bhau . .
Mazhi wadel bahiii
7 Gujarath'i
8 Chinese
A'-nee (o.), O-to'-to (y.)
A'-nih (o.), E-mo'-to (y.)
K* e ma (o.), Hnee-ma (y.)..
K-e-ko(o.) Ny-ee (y.). .
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ot)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Y& ta-khwa
Y' t'-khwa-sau .
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Yeh t'-khwa . . ..
14. Kings Mill Islands
Taru
Ma-lek
Ma-louk
Ku-ii' kai'-ku'-wa-hee'-na
U-da'-da wa'-tfi
U'-mfo wa'-tfi..
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
179. My father's father's sister's
daughter's daughter's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
180. My father's father's sister's
daughter's daughter's son.
(Female speakiug.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Son.
My nephew.
it tt
tt <t
tt tt
My neph. of the peaon class.
My nephew.
if it
ft fC
tf ft
tf If
Child my, a male.
Son niy.
My child, male.
Sou of me.
En makan ?
My son.
Nephew.
My nephew.
it it
K ff
tt ft
My nepVi. of the peaon class.
My nephew.
tf tt
tt ft
tt it
u fi
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
2. Telugu
Kodfikii .. .
Alludu
Mera bhauja .
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazha putanya
Mazha putanya
7. Gnjarathi
8. Chinese
Wo-te peaon-chih
9. Japanese
E-to'-ko
E-to'-ko....
10. Burmese
K: too
K- too
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y' pho-do-khwa
Yeh po-do-khwa .
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Knsaien
Natu-te-mane
Mw6n-nuttik
16. Hawaiian
Ku-u' kal'-kee-ka'-na
Kii u' kai' kee-ka'-na
17. Maori
In-da'-da ya'-me
In-da'-da ya'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
553
TABLE III. — Continued.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
181. My father's father's sister's
daughter's daughter's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
Translation.
daughter's daughter's daughter.
(Female spenking.)
1. Tamil
My niece.
Daughter.
My niece.
ft ((
It U
En makal*
My daughter.
Niece.
My niece.
U tt
tt It
It tt
" " [class.
My gd. daughter of the jteaon
My niece.
t( *t
tt tt
t< n
n n
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
2 Telugu .
K6dalu
Merii bhauji
Mera bhauji
4 Hindi
(j Marat hi
Miiri bhatriji
11 It
Mygd.dau. of thepeaon class.
My uiece.
(t n
n ti
If U
(t U
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, a female.
Daughter of me.
Wo-tS peaou-chih-sun-neu....
Wo-te" peaou-chih-sun-neu....
O-rna-e-to'-ko
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
14. Kings Mill Islands
Ku-ur kai'-kee-wa-hee'-na
17. Maori
18. Aulazulu (Kafir)...
183. My father's father's sister's
great great grandson.
Translation.
184. My father's father's sister's
great great granddaughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
lli
17
18
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
4( t(
f( (I
" [class.
My gd. son of the peaon-chik
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
<< u
(( It
Grandchild my, a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild, male.
Grandson of me.
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter.
ti u
a ti
« tt
My gd. daught. of the peaon-
My gd. daught. [<:A/A class.
tt ti
My granddaughter.
tt tt
U tf
Grandchild my, a female.
Granddaughter my.
My grandchild, foinale.
Granddaughter of me.
2. Telllgu.
4. Hindi
li. Marat hi
Miizlia natu
7. Gujarathi
Mdro pautra
Wo-te peaon-chih-tsung-sun ..
Wo-t6 peon-chih-tsung-sun-
10. Burmese
K: my-a'
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands
Y' le-khwa
Y.'h-lee'-khwa
Tib u te-mahe
Ku-u' moo-pu'-na-wli-hee'-iia.
17. Maori
U-me-tsha/-na wa' me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
185. My mother's mother's brother.
Translation.
186. My mother's mother's brother's
eon.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
l(i
17
18
En paddan (p. or s.)
My grandfather gt. or little.
Grandfather great or little.
My grandfather gt. or little.
My grandfather.
It U
(t «
(i it
My outside venerable.
My great grand brother.
My grandfather.
(t a
a a
a t(
n tt
Grandfather my.
My grandparent, male.
My grandfather.
My uncle.
Uncle.
My uncle.
tt <(
tt tt
tt tt
My senior of the peaon class.
My uncle.
fi tt
tt ((
ft ((
it ft
Father my.
tt n
My parent, male.
My maternal uncle.
2. Telugu
Pettiita (o.), PTutiita
N. dadda tatta (o.), Chikka
Mera dada [tatta (y.)
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
Amar pita moha
6. Maratl.i
7. Gnjarathi
Miiro vadova
8. Chinese
Wo-t& wae-kung ?
9. Japanese
She-je'-je
0;-ie
10. Burmese
K : a-po
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya phu
Y' phu
y pha-te
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
If). Hawaiian
Tiliii
Piipa-turmnun-papa-tummuk
17. Maori
U-bii-bii-ku'-lu
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
70 May, 187C,
554
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
167. My mother's mother's brother's
sou's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
188. My mother's mother's brother's
sou's daughter.
• (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My cousin.
Cousiu elder or younger.
My brother.
My cousiu.
My elder brother.
a ft it
My broth, of the peaon class.
My brother elder or y'nger.
My elder or y'uger brother.
My male cousin,
ft tt it
n tt ft
Brother my.
tt tt
My elder brother.
My cousin.
My cousin.
Cousin older or younger.
My sister.
My cousin sister.
My elder sister.
My sister.
My sister of the peaon class.
My elder or younger sister.
tt tt ft tt
My female cousin.
tt it it
tt ft ft
Sister my.
tt tt
My elder sister.
My cousin.
Bava (o ) Maradi (y.)
Merabhai
.1 HinHi
5 Bengali
Amor mamoto bhugny
6 Muratln
7 GuT£trS,thi
A'-nih (o.), E-mo'-to (y.)
K : e-rna (e.), Huee ma (y.)...
Ya ta-khwa mu
K-e-ko(o.) Ny-ee (y.)
11. Karen (Sgaa dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Ya ta-khwa ...
Y' t'-khwa-sau
Y' t'-khwa-mu
Yeh t'-khwa
Yeh dau-t'-khwa-mii
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Taru
Ma-iek
Ma-louk
Ku-u' kal'-ku'-a-a'-na
Ku-fl' kai'-ku-wa-uee'-na
17 Maori
U-mza'-la
U-mza'-la
18. Amazulu (Kaflr) ...
189. My mother's mother's brother's
son's son's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
190. My mother's mother's brother's
son's son's son.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
ft tt
ft ft
tt tt
My son of the peaon class.
My nephew.
tt ft
t< ft
tf it
it it
Child my, a male.
Sou my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
En Makan
My son.
Son.
My nephew,
ft tt
tt ft
ft tt
My son of the peaon class.
My nephew.
ft tt
tt ii
ti ft
tt tt
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Son of me.
2. Telngu
Alludu
KOduku
Mera bhauja
4. Hindi
5. Bengal!
6 Marathi
7 Gnjarathi
Maro bhatrijo
8 Chinese .
E-to'-ko
E-to'-ko
K • too
K- too
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Ya pho-do
Y1 pho-do-khwa
Y' pho-do-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ku-u' kai'-kee-ka'-na
Ku-u' kai'-kee-ka'-na
17. Maori ,
18. Amazulu (Kaflr) ....
191. My mother's mother's brother1!
son's son's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
192. My mother's mother's brother's
son's sou's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
6
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My niece.
Niece.
My niece,
ft ft
if if
ft tf
My niece of the peaon class.
My niece.
tt it
ft tt
tt tt
tt ft
Child my, a female.
Daughter tny.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My daughter.
tt tt
My niece.
it tt
My niece of the peaon class.
My niece.
tt tt
tf tf
tt tt
it tt
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
2. Telugu
Kodiilu
Kuthuru
Meri bhauji
Mera bhauji
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathl
Mari bhatriji
Mari bhatriji .
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
O-ma-e-to'-ko. . .
10. Burmese
K : too-ma'
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Yeh po-do-mu ..
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Niitu-te-aine
Ku-u' kal'-kee'-wa-hee'-na....
17. Maori
In-do-da-ka'-ze ya'-me
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)....
Or THE HUMAN FAMILY.
555
TABLE III. — Continued.
193. My mother's mother's brother's
son's son's son's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
194. My mother's mother's brother's
sou's daughter's daughter's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
it n
it n
" " [chlh class.
My grandson of the peaon-
My grandson.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
tt It
11 It
Grandchild my, a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild, male.
Grandchild of me.
En pertti
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter.
U ((
a ((
" " [rhlh class.
My gd.daught. of the peaon-
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
<( tt
u tt
Grandchild my, a female.
Granddaughter my.
My grandchild, female.
Grandchild of me.
2 Telugu
Mauamadu
Meri poti
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
6 Marathi
7 Gujarathi
8. Chinese
Wo-te peaon-chih-sun
Wo-t£ peaon-chih-sun-neu ....
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y& lie khwa
Y' le-khwa
14. Kings Mill Islands
17. Maori
U-me-t8hS/-na wa/-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
195. My mother's mother's sister.
Translation.
196. My mother's mother's sister's
daughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My gd. mother (gt. or little).
Grandmother (gt. or little).
My gd. mother (gt. or little).
My grandmother.
ti ti
t( it
it n
My mother of the wae-e class.
My grandmother.
n ti
tt a
it it
tt (t
Grandmother my.
My grandparent, female.
My grandmother.
My mother (great or little).
Mother great or little.
My aunt maternal.
ti it tt
it tt tt
it it it
My aunt of the peaon class.
My aunt.
My great mother.
My aunt.
1 tt tt
tt tt
Mother my.
tt tt
My parent, female.
My aunt.
2. Telugu
Talll
N. dodda awwa (o.), Chikka
Meri dadi [awwa y.)
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
Atnar mata mohy
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
Mari yardi mil
8. Chinese
She-ba'-ba
O'-ba
10. Burmese
K:apwa. b Bwa
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pliie
Y1 phe
Y' m'-ga . .
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
NeiiS keyen-nenS-keyuk
Tinau
16. Hawaiian
Ku-u' ku-pu'-na-wa-hee'-na...
U-ma'-na ku'-lQ.
Ku-ii' ma-ku'-a-wa-hee-na ....
U-ma-ma-ka/-ze
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
197. My mother's mother's sister's
daughter's daughter — older than
myself. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
198. My mother's mother's sister's
daughter's daughter — younger than
myself. (FemaU speaking. )
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My elder sister.
Elder sister.
My elder sister.
tt u tt
tt tt ((
My sister.
My sister of the peaon class.
My elder sister.
u a n
My female cousin.
it It 11
It tt It
Sister my, elder.
Sister my.
My sister elder.
Sister of us.
My younger sister.
Younger sister.
My younger sister.
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
My sister of the praon class.
My younger sister.
tt tt tt
My female cousin,
tt tt tt
tt tt ' ft
Sister my, younger.
Sister my.
My sister younger.
Daughter of us.
2. Telugu
Akka
Ch611Slu
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
er c , *
6. Marathi
Mazhe wadel bahin
M" I'd) k } I
7. Gujarathi
Mari bahen
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
A'-nih
10. Burmese
K : e-ma
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y& ta-khwii mu
Ya ta-khwa-mu
Y' t'-khwa-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands
15. Kusaien
Ma-louk
Ma louk
16. Hawaiian
Kii-il' kiii'-ku-wa-hee'-na
TJ-da'-da
Ku u' kai' kiii ua
17. Maori
In-do-da-ka'-ze. Ya'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
556
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
199. My mother's mother'*, Bister's
daughter's daughter's goo.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
200. My mother's mother's sister's
daughter's daughter's eon.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
n a
u tt
tt u
My neph. of the peaon class.
My nephew.
« a
it t(
it tt
tt tt
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Grandson of me.
My son.
Sou.
My nephew.
it tt
tt tt
tt it
My neph. of the peaon class.
My nephew.
a tt
tt it
it tt
it tt
Child my, a male.
Son my.
My child, male.
Grandson of me.
Alludu
Mera bhatija
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
Atnar bhagna
6 Marathi
7 Gujarathi
E-to'-ko
E-to7 ko
K- too
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Natu-te-mane
Ku-u' kai'-kee-ka'-na
Ku-u' kal'-kee-ka-na
U-me-tsha'-na. Wa'-me
U-me-tsha'-na. Wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kaflr)....
4ft
201. My mother's mother's sister's
daughter s daughter's daughter.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
202. My mother's mother's sister's
daughter's daughter's daughter.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En mariimakftl ..........
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
U it
a i<
(A «
My niece of the peaon class.
My niece.
a u
1C «
it tt
it tt
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Granddaughter of me.
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My niece.
tt .;
ft tt
it (t
My niece of the peaon class.
My niece.
tt* tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
Child my, a female.
Daughter my.
My child, female.
Granddaughter of me.
2 Telugu ....
KSdalft
Kuthuru
Meri bhatiji
4 Hindi
6 Marathi
7 Gujarathi
Mari bhatriji
K' too-ma'
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ktt-tl' kal'-ka-wa-hee'-na
U-me-tsha'-na. Wa'-me
Ku-ii' kiii'-ka-wa-hee'-na
17. Maori
U-me-tsha'-na. Wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
203. My mother's mother's sister's
great great grandson.
Translation.
204. My mothor'n mnthpr's sister's
great great granddaughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
«( tt
a tt
tt tt
My grandson of the peaon
My grandson. [class.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
tt it
tt n
Grandchild my, a male.
Grandson my.
My grandchild, male.
Great grandson of me.
En pertti
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter.
(t U
" " [c!,ih class.
My gd.daught. of the peaon-
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
tt u
t( ft
Grandchild my, a female.
Granddaughter my.
My grandchild, female.
Great granddaughter of me.
2. Telugu
Mauamaralu
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathai
Mazha natu
7. Gnjarathi
8. Chinese
Wo-tfi peaon-chih-sun-neu....
M«i '-go . .
9 Japanese
Mii'-go
10. Burmese
K: my-a'
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen '.
Ya He-khwS,
Y' le-kliwa
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kus;iifii
! MwSn-nuttin-nuttik ....
Ku-u moo-pu-na-ka'-na-ka-na
U-mztt-ktt'-ltt wa'-me
Ku-u moo-pfi'-nil wii-hee'-na
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
557
TABLE III. — Continued.
20.5. My futhor'« father's father's
brother.
Translation.
206. My father's father's father's
brother's sou.
Translation.
1 Tamil
i
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My second grandfather.
Great grandfather.
My great grandfather.
If U ii
tl (t tt
11 11 11
My ancestor.
My more remote ancestor of
the poh or s!tu7i class.
My great grandfather.
ti u it
it ti U
My grandfather.
My great grandfather.
My ancestor,
[eond generation.
My grandparent, male, se-
My grandfather.
My gd. father (gt. or little).
Grandfather.
My grandfather,
tt tt
My paternal grandfather.
My grandfather.
My ancestral father.
My grandfather.
it t
tt t
tt t
tt t
tt t
My grandparent, male.
My grandfather.
2. Telu»u
Muttata . [muttata
Tata
N. dodda muttata (o.),cl)ikki
Mera pardada
Mera-dada
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
Miiro purvaj
Wo-tetsung- I101? -tstt...
Wo-tS tsfl ffl
B slmh
K • Ba' LA-ba'
K • a-po'
11. Karen (Spaa dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Ya, phu
V phu
Y' phu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Jibii
jibii
Ku-ii' ku-pu-na-ka'-na-ku'-a-
[lu'-a
U-ba-ba-kii'-ia
17. Maori
U-ba-ba-ku'-lu
18. Arnazulu (Kafir)....
207. My father's father's father's
brother's sou's son.
Translation.
208 My father'8 father's father's
brother's sou's son's son— older than
myself. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My father (great or little.)
My father.
My uncle paternal.
ti u * K
u 11 n
11 ti a
My senior or junior father.
My father.
My great father.
My uncle.
» ti
n n
Father my.
My parent, male.
My uncle (paternal).
My elder brother.
Kliler brother.
My elder brother,
tt tt tt
tt tt tt
tt it tt
My brother of the tang class.
My elder brother.
it tt tt
My male cousin.
tt ft it
it tf tt
Brother my, elder.
My brother elder.
Brother of us.
1
2. Telngu
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
8. Chiiii'se
9. Japanese
O-to'-tsang
K • e-ko
11. Karen (Seau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Ya ta-khwa
Y' pliil-te
Y* t'-khwa-san
Yeh t'-khwa
[4. Kings Mill Islands..
Tiiinan
Kii-u ma-ku'-a-ka'-na
Ku u' kat'-ku'-a-a'-na
17. Maori
U'-mfo wa'-tu
.8. Amazula (Kafir)....
1
209. My father's father's father's
brother's SOD'S son's son's son.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
210. My father's father's father's
brother's SOD'S son's eon's son's son.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
Mr son.
Son.
My nephew.
11 n
it 11
U ft
My nephew of the tang class.
My nephew.
it n
n n
n tt
Child my, a male.
My child, male.
Son of me.
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson.
it ti
tt it
it tt
My grandson of the tang-
My grandson. [c/iih class,
it u
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
Grandchild my, a male.
My grandchild, male.
Grandson of me.
2. Telugu
4. Hindi
Mazha natu
9. Japanese
E-to'-ko
K: too
Ma'-eo. ..
1. Karen (Sfgaudial'ct)
2. Karen (Pwo " )
Ya i>ho-do....
Ya lie-khwa
Y' le-khwa
Yi'h po-do-kh\va ,
4. Kings Mill Islands..
Natu-te-itiane
Kii-u' kal'-kee-ka'-na
1G. Hawaiian
17. Maori
In-di5-da'-na ya'-me
U-rne-t«ha'-na wa'-me
8. Amazula (Kafir)....
1
553
SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
211. My father's father's father's
sister.
Translation.
212. My father's father's father's
Bister's daughter.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My second grandmother.
My great grandmother.
My gt. gd. mother (gt. or lit.)
My great grandmother.
« « ft
it K t(
My ancestor.
My old mother of the ku
My grandmother. [class.
My great grandmother.
it it U
My grandmother.
My great grandmother.
[cond generation.
My grandparent, female, se-
My grandmother.
En paddi (p. or s.)
My grandmother (gt. or lit.]
Grandmother.
My grandmother.
tt tt
My paternal grandmother.
tt ti tt
My aunt mother.
My grandmother,
it tt
if ti
ft K
ft ft
My grandparent, female.
My grandmother.
2 Teluga .
Muttavva [(y-)
AvvS,
N. dodda ajje (e.), chikka ajje
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
6 Marathi . ..
7 Gujarathi.
Wo-tfi phii-po
Wo-te ku-mo
She-bii'-ba
O'-bii-san
K • a-ba-ma bB&-rn&
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
YS. phie
Y' phe
Y' phe
14. Kings Mill Islands..
[ku'-a
Ku-fi' ku-pu'-na-wa-hee'-na-
U-ma-ma-ku'-lu
Ku-u' kii-pu'-na'-wa-hee'-na..
U-m»-ma-ku'-lu
16. Hawaiian
17. Maori
18. Amazalu (Kafir)....
213. My father's father's father's
sifter's daughter's daughter.
Translation.
214. My father's father's father's
sister's daughter's daughter's
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En tiiy ' (p or s.)
My mother (great or little).
My mother.
My aunt paternal.
ft tt it
tf ft tf
My annt of the peaon class.
My aunt.
My great aunt.
My auut.
tt tt
ft tt
Mother my.
My parent, female.
En tamakay (o.), tangay (y.)
Akka (o.) chSUSlu (y )
My elder or younger sister.
Elder or younger sister.
My elder or younger sister,
ft ti tt tt
My elder sister.
My sister.
My sister of the peaon class.
My elder or younger sister,
tt tt tt tt
My female cousin.
41 If If
ft If ft
Sister my.
My sister.
Sister of us.
2. Telugu
Talll
Meribarabahin orchhotabahin
Amarborodidy. bCbotobhugny
4. Hindi
5. Bengili
6. Marathi
Mii/.hi at
7. Gnj&riUhi
8. Chinese
0-ba
A'-nih (o.), E-mo'-to (y.)
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
YS, mu-gha
YS, ta-khwa-mu
Y' m '-ea .
Y' t'-khwa-mu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Tiuau
Ku-ii' miL-ku' a-wa hee'-na....
Ku-ii' mau-kai'-ku wa-hee'-na
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
215. My father's father's father's sis-
.er's daughter's daughter's daughter'*
daughter. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
216. My father's father's father's sis-
ter's daughter's daughter's daughter's
daughter's daughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
G
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
tt it
it tf
it if
My niece of the peaon class.
My niece.
ft tt
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
Child my, a female.
My child, female.
Daughter of me.
En p6rtti
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My gd.daught of the/jcnon-
My grandchild. [cAiA class.
tt tt
My granddaughter.
it it
it tt
Grandchild my, a female.
My grandchild, female.
Granddaughter of me.
2. Telngu
Kodalu
3. Canaresa
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Muz hi pfttani
7. Gujarathi
Mart bhatriji
8. Chinese
9. Japanese
E-to'-ko
Ma '-go
10. Burmese
K: too-ma'
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya-pho-do-mu
Y' le-mu
Yeh po-do-mii
14. Kings Mill Islands..
15. Kusaien
Natu-te-aine
Ku-fi' kiil' k&' wa-hee'-na
In-do-da-ka'-ze ya'-me
Kii-u' moo-pu'-na wii-hee-na..
16. Hawaiian
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
559
TABLE III. — Continued.
217. My mother's mother's mother's
brother.
Translation.
21S. My mother's mother's mother's
brother's son.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En irandam paddan
My second grandfather.
Great grandfather.
My gt. gii. fath. (pt. or lit.)
My great grandfather.
tt ft a
n it it
My ancestor, [old geutl'n.
My mother's bro,, that very
My great grandfather.
It (( tl
(( It tl
My grandfather.
My great grandfather.
Ancestor my.
[tion.
My grandparent, 2d genera-
My grandfather.
En paddan (p. or s.)
My grandfather (gt. or lit.)
Grandfather.
My grandfather.
n it
My maternal grandfather.
tt it it
My outer ancestral old
My grandfather. [gentl'ii.
tt tt
it it
tt tt
it it
ti tt
My grandparent, male.
My grandfather.
2 Telu^u
Muttata [ n nit til la (v.)
Tata
3. Canarcse
4. Hindi
N. d6ddatnuttata(o.),clukka
Mera pardaUa
MeradadS,
5 Bengali
6 Maratli!
7. (rujarathl
Maro purvaj
K-ba. bA-ba
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Ya phu
Y' phu
Y' phu
Yeh pu
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Jibu
Jibu
[lu'-a
Ku-u' ku-pn'-na-ka-na-ku'-ii-
U-ba'-ba kii'-lu
Ku-u' ku-pu'-na-ka'-na
U-ba'-bii ku'-lu.
18. Amazulu (Kaflr)....
219. My mother's mother's mother's
brother's son's son.
Translation.
220. My mother's mother's mother's
brother's son's sou's son.
Translation,
1. Tamil .
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My uncle.
Uncle.
My uncle paternal.
ti tt a
it it n
ti n it
My uncle of the chang class.
My uncle.
11 H
tl tt
It tt
It It
Father my.
My parent, male.
My uncle.
My cousin.
Cousin.
My brother.
My cousin.
My brother.
tt tt
My bro. of the peaon class.
My elder or younger bro.
tt tt tt tt
My female cousin.
tt it tt
it u it
Child iny, a male.
My child, male.
Cousin of me.
2. Telugu
Bava .
4 Hind! . ..
5 Bengali
6. Marathi
O'-jee
A'-nee (o ) E-to;-to (y.)....
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pha tie
Ya ta-khwa
Y' pha-te
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Kjl u' ma ku'-a-ka'-na .
Ku-u' kai'-kee-ka'-na
17 Maori
U-uia-lQ'-ma
U-mza'-lii wa/-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
221. My mother's mother's mother's
brother's sou's son's son's son.
Translation.
222. My mother's mother's mother's
brother's sou's son's son's son's son.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
It 11
ft It
tl ft
My neph. of the peaon class.
My nephew.
ti tt
tt ti
it tt
it ti
Brother my.
My elder brother.
Grandson of me.
My grandson.
Grandson.
My grandson,
it it
it u
it tt
My grandson of the peaon-
[chih class.
My grandchild.
My grandson.
it it
it u
Grandchild my, a male.
My grandchild, male.
Great grandson of me.
2. Telugu
Allfldi
Mera bhatijS
MerS, pota
4. Hindi
6. Marathi
E-to'-ko
Ma'-go
K : too
K • my-a
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya lie-khwa .
Y' le-khwii ....
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Tarn
Ku-u' kai'-ku'-a-a-na
Ku-u' moo-pu'-na-ka'-na
16. Hawaiian
17. Maori
rJ-mzu-ku'-lu wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
560
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
223. My mother's mother's mother's
sister.
Translation.
224. My mother's mother's mother's
bister's daughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My second grandmother.
Great grandmother.
Gt. grandmother (gt. or lit.]
My great grandmother.
U (t if
(( (1 it
My ancestor. [old lady.
My mother's sister, that very
My great grandmother.
« u a
it tt tt
My grandmother.
My great grandmother.
[generation.
My grandparent, female, iJd
My grandmother.
En paddi (p. or s.)
My grandmother (gt. or lit.)
Grandmother.
My grandmother.
<( a
My maternal grandmother.
ft it a
My mother of the wae-e class.
My grandmother.
it tt
tt tt
tt tt
it H
My grandparent, female.
My grandmother.
2 Telugu
Mtittavva [(y-)
N. dodda ajje (o.), chekkaajje
Meri pardadi
Meri dadi
4 Hindi
6 Ma rat hi
7 Gujarathi . .
Wo-ti ku-tae-po
She-ba'-ba
0-ba;-san
K- ba-ma
K • a pwa'. Bwa
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ot)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y' phe
14. Kings Mill Islands..
[hu'-a-lu'-a
Kfi-tt' ku-pu'-na wa-hee'-na-
U-rua-ma-ku'-lu
Ku-ii' ku-pu'-ua wa-hee-ha ...
U-ma-ma-ku'-lu ..
18. Amuzulu (Kafir) ...
225. My mother's mother's mother's
sister's daughter's daughter.
Translation.
226. My mother's mother's mother's
sister's dauj; liter's daughter's daugh-
ter — older thau myself. (Fern. sp.).
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En lay (p. or s.)
My mother (great or little.)
My mother.
My aunt maternal.
tt tt tt
tt tt it
tt tt tt
My out of the family mother.
My aunt.
My great or little mother.
My aunt.
ti it
tt ft
Mother roy.
My parent, female.
My aunt (maternal).
En akkarl
My elder sister.
Elder sister.
My sister.
it tt
it tt
it tt
My sister of the penon class.
My sister elder or younger.
My elder sister.
My female cousin.
U tl tt
tt ft It
Sister my, elder.
My sister, elder.
Our sister.
2. Telugu
Talll
Akka
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
Mari niasi ?.
O'-ba
A'-nih (o.), E-mo'-to (y.)
10. Burmese
K : mee-hy-ee (o.), K : mee-
Ya tnu-gha [kwa (y.)
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
YS, t3,-khwS,-mu
Y' m'-ga
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Taman
Ku-ii' ma-hu'-awa-hee'-na
U-ma-ma-ka'-ze
Kii-u' kai'-ku-ix a'-na
16. Hawaiian
17. Maori
U-da'-da wa'-tu
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
227. My mother's mother's mother's
sister's daughter's daughter's daugh-
ter's daughter. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
228. My mother's mother's mother's
sister's daughter's daughter's
daughter's daughter's daughter.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En makal
My daughter.
Daughter.
My iiiece.
<( tt
it it
tt ft
My daughter of the chih
kind in the e-peaon class.
My niece. .
tt tt
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
Child my, a female.
My child, female.
My daughter.
En p&rtti
My granddaughter.
Granddaughter.
My granddaughter.
n tt tt
tt it tt
it a tt
My granddaugh'r of the chili
kind in the e-petwn class.
My granddaughter.
My grandchild.
My granddaughter.
ti it tt
it a 11
Grandchild my, a female.
My grandchild, female.
My grandchild.
2. Telugu
Kuthuru
Manilm&ralu
Meri bhauji
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazh<> chachi
MB. K4 Rt
7. Gujarathi
Mari bhatriji
8. Chinese
Wo-tS e-peaon-chih-suu-ueu..
Ma'-ee
9. Japanese
O-na-e-to'-ko
10. Burmese
K: too-m&'
11. Karen (Sgau dial'ct)
]2. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya pho-do-mu
Y' pho-do-mu
Yeh po-do-mu
Y h 1
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Natu-te-aine
Kfl-fi' kal'-kee wa-hee'-na
In-do-da-ka'-ze
Ku-u' moo-pu'-na wii-hee'-na.
U-ku'-lu wa'-me
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
561
TABLE III.— Continued.
229. My husband.
Translation.
230. My wife.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2 Telugu
2
Ma«adu. '' MSgadu
P&ndlama
Wife.
3
4 Hindi
4
it (t
ti tt
5
« it
it tt
6 Mar.itlii
6
Mazda nawara. 6Dadala. °War
i( a
tt ii
7 Gujarathi
7
My lord.
8. Chinese
8
Wo-tS laon-kung. b Chang-fu
My old man.
Wo-t6 laou po. b Tsee-tsze
My old woman, or wife.
9
Ote'-to
My husband.
Si
10
K- iiu
** it
K- ma-ya
it tt
]]
Ya wa
it u
Ya-ma
u it
12 Karen (Pwo " )
12
y wa
u u
Y1 ma
ii it
13. Karen
13
ti n
it ii
14 Kinss Mill Islands
14
Bu
Husband my.
Bfi
Husband my.
15
16
Ku-ii' ka'-na .
Kii-ti' wa-hee;-na
My wife.
17 Maori
17
Ta-ku. Ta-liu
Ta-kn. Ho-a
18 Amazulii (Kafir)
18
U-nikii'-me. b U-mfa'-ze
K ii
231. My husband's father.
Translation.
232. My husband's mother.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
En mauian. bMamanar
My uncle and father-in-law.
My aunt and mother-in-law
2
Atta
3
4 Hindi
4
11 it
it U
5
<i «
1 1 it
6
it u
Mazha sawfl
ti ii
7. Gujarathi
7
n it
t< u
8
9
O-ka'-san
10
it ti
tt ft
11
ti it
if 11
12. Karen (Pwo " )
1?
(i U
Y' me-p'-ga-mu
tt it
13
fi 11
it ii
14
Father-in-law my.
15
ii;
Ku-ii7 roa-ku'-a-hu-na-al ka'-na
Ku-ii' ma-ku'-a-hu-na al wa-
17 Maori
17
18. Amazulu (Kafir) —
18
U-ma-ma-za'-la. b U-ba'-ba....
My father-in-law. b My father.
U-mkwa ka'-ze. Wa'-me
Mother-in-law of me.
233. My husband's grandfather.
Translation.
234. My husband's grandmother.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
En paddi
2 Telngu
2
Tata
Arva
3
4 Hindi
4
5
11 <i
it 11
6. Marathi
6
(( «
If ii
7. Giijarathi
7
ii ii
ti it
8
9. Japanese
9
10. Burmese
10
U it
li tt
11. Karen (Sgaudialect)
11
Ya-phu
(i it
Ya pbie
11 K
12. Karen (Pwo " )
1?,
Y' phu
u ft
Y1 phe
if K
13. Karen
13
Yen pa
it it
it it
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
Jlbu
it ii
15
16
Ku-u7 kii-pu'-na ka'-na
Ku-ii' kii-pu'-na wa-hee'-na
17. Maori
17
18. Amaznlu (Kafir)....
18
U-bii-bii-kuMu
U-ma-ma-ku'-lu
71 May, 1670.
562
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
235. My wife's father.
Translation.
236. My wife's mother.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My uncle.
Uncle.
My uncle.
My father-in-law.
u u
it u
n n
My wife's father.
My father-in-law,
ft it
tt u
(t H
tt tt
tt (t
My parent-in-law, male.
My father-in-law.
En mami
My aunt.
Aunt.
My aunt.
My mother-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My wife's mother.
My mother-in-law.
tt u
it <t
ti «<
it »
My parent-in-law, female.
Mother-in-law of me.
Atta
4 Hindi
Meri las
5 Bengal!
6 Marathi
7 Gujarathi
8 Chinese
Wo-t8 quS-fu
Wo-tS que-mo
O-tote'-sa . .
O-kii'-sau
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Kareii(Pwo " )
13 Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Ku-u'ma-ku'-a-hu-na-ai ka'-na
U'-mkwa
KQ-fi' ma-ku-a-hu-na-ai wa-
[hee'
16. Hawaiian
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
237. My wife's grandfather.
Translation.
238. My wife's grandmother.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My grandfather.
Grandfather
My grandfather.
My gran'lfather-in-law.
u tl tt
U It It
11 It It
My out of the family ances-
My grandfather, [traloldfa.
tt it
tt tt
u tt
It It
It tt
My grandparent, male. .
My grandfather.
My grandmother.
Grandmother.
My grandmother.
My grandmother-in-law.
tt tt tt
it u u
if ft ti
My grandmother.
it it
ft it
it tt
tt ti
My grandparent, female.
My grandmother.
2. Telugu
Tata
Avva
Nanna tata
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6 Marathi
7. Gujarath.1
Ma.ro veda vevai
K : a-p6
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya phu
Y' phu
Y' phe
Yeh pil
Yeh pee
14. Kings Mill Islands..
JibQ
Ku-u' ku-pu'-na wa-hee'-na...
D-ma-ma-ku'-lu
Ku-u' ma-pu'-na ka-na
U- ba'-ba-ku'-lii
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
239. My son-in-law.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
240. My son-in-law.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En Mapillai. b Marflmakan....
Alliidu
My son-in-law. b Nephew.
Son-in-law.
My son-in-law and nephew.
My son-in-law,
ii u
<t it
tt tt
My daughter's superior.
My son-in-law.
« K
tt tt
tt it
tt u
Son-in-law my.
My child-in-law, male.
My son-in-law.
En mapillai. b Marttmakan ...
Alludfi
My son-in-law. b Nephew.
Son-in-law.
My son-in-law and nephew.
My son-in-law.
it it
tt it
ti u
My daughter's superior.
My son-in-law.
it tt
ii it
ti it
u it
Son-in-law my.
My child-in-law, male.
My son-in-law.
2. Telngu
Nann& aleyanu,.
4. Hindi
Mera damad
5. Bengill
6. Marathi
Ma/ha zawar
7. Gnjarath!
Maro jamai
8. Chinese
w «a
9. Japanese
Moo'-ko
\T ' lr
10. Burmese
K: tha-met
„ ,
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Ya ma
Ya ma
Y'ma.
Y1 ma
Yeh ma
Yeh ma
14. Kings Mill Islands..
Jlnapafi
Ku-u' hfi-no-na ka'-na
16. Hawaiian
17. Maori
U-mkwa'-nya wa'-me
18. Amazulu (Kafir)....
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
563
TABLE III. — Continued.
241. My daughter-in-law.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
212. My danphter-in-law.
(Femaie speaking..)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
En marumakal . .
2. Telugu
2
Kodalu
Kodalu
3
4 Hiudi ... .
4
n a
tt tt
5
tt it
tt tt
6 Maratlii
6
n u
ti tt
7 Gaiaratki
7
a tt
tt ti
8
Wo-tS seih-fii
9
Yo'-ma
10
a it
it tt
11
tt U
tt ti
12 Karen (Pwo *' )
12
y dai
It tt
Y' dai
it ti
13
Y**h deh
tt tl
Yeh deh .'...
it ti
14 Kings Mill Islands .
14
15
16
KU-U' hu-n<S-na wa-hee'-na..,.
My child-in-law, female*
Ku-u' hQ-nd-na wa-hee'-na....
My child-in-law, female.
17. Maori
17
18 Amazulu (Kafir).
18
U-ma-lo-ka-za'-na wa'-me
U-ma-lo-ka-za'-na wa'-me
243. My step-father.
Translation.
244. My stop-mother.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
En sSriyfi.. Tay
My little mother.
2 Telir*u
2
tt tt tt
Savitl tallt
3
My father
4. Hindi
4
My step-mother.
5
it ti
6
it it
tt it
7 GHijarathi
7
My other mother.
8. Chinese
8
My subsequent mother.
9
My father
O-ka'-tsan
10
K' po-twa. b Badwa
My younger mother.
11
Yi mo-pho-tha
; 12 Karen (Pwo " )
12
Y' po-va
u u
13
(( U
My little mother*
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
15
10
Ku-ii' ma-ku'-a, ka'-na ko-la'-a
Ku-ii' ma-kfi'-& wa-hee'-na....
My step-parent, female.
17. Maori
17
18 Amazulu (Kafir).
18
U-ba'-ba . .
U-ma'-ma
245. My step-son. (Male speaking.)
Translation.
246. My ptop-son. (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
My SOU.
2. Telugu
9
KSduku
Son.
Kndukii
Son.
s
My son.
4 Hindi
4
5 Bengali ..
5
6. Mar£thi
6
Mazhaadalya gharacha inulaga
tt tt
Mazhii adalya gharacha- tnulaga
tt it
7 Gujilrathi
7
8
9
Moo'ko
Moo'-ko
My son. [son.
10
K • lin-ba-tha. b Ma-ya-ba-tha
K • lin-ba-tha. bMa-ya-ba-tha
11
My step son (little son).
12 Karen (Pwo " )
12
tt tt tt ti
YJ pho-ya-khwa
tt It tt H
13 Karen
13
My step-son.
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
15
16
Ku-u' kal'-kee ka'-na
Ktl-tt' kat'-kee ka'-na
My child, male.
17. Maori
17
18 Amazulu (Kafir) ...
18
564
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
-
247. My step-daughter.
Translation.
248. My step-brother.
(Male t-peakiug.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
En makal
My daughter.
En annan (o.), Tambi (y.)....
My older or younger brother.
2 Telugn
2
Kutliurii
Daughter.
Annii (o.), TamniudT
Older or younger brother.
3
My daughter.
Nanna, anna (o.), Tauiina (y.)
My older or younger brother.
4 Hindi
4
Meri (santeli) beti
My (rival) daughter.
Mera (santela) bhai
My (rival) brother.
5 Bengali
5
My step-daughter.
My brother.
6. Marathi
6
Mazhi adalya gharachi mulagl
t( <(
7 Gujarathi
7
My other daughter.
Maro hennaio bhai
My other brother.
8 Chinese
8
My easily gotten daughter.
My of a different father bro.
9
10
K: lin-ha-tha-nee". Ma-ya-ba
My husband's dau. Wife's
[khwa
11
My step-dau. (little dau.).
Ya dan-pu-way-du-khwa-po-
Mv half-brother.
12 Karen (IVo " )
12
(t u a it
U ((
13
My step-daughter.
My younger brother.
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
15
16
Kti-u' kai'-kee wa-hee'-na....
Ku-tl' kal'-ku'-a-a/-na
17
18 Awazulu (Kafir) ...
18
lu-do-da-ka'-ze ya'-me
U-mfa'-na wa'-ttl
Brother of U8.
249. My step-brother.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
250. My step-sister.
(Male speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
My older or younger brother.
En akkarl (o.), Tangay (y.)-
My older or younger sister.
2 Telugu
2
Anna (o ) Tammudi (y )
Akka (o ) Chfellulu (y.)
3
Nanna anna (o ) Tamma (y.)
My older or younger sister.
4. Hindi
4
My (rival) sister.
5. Bengali
5
My sister.
6. Marathi
6
7. Gujarathi
7
My other brother.
My other sister.
g
My of a different fath. sister,
9
10
[khwa
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
11
12
13
Ya dan-pu-way-du-khwa-po-
Y' dan-pu-wai-khwa-du-khlu
My half-brother.
it it
n it
Ya dan-pu-way-du-khwa-po-
Y' dan-pu-wai-uau-du-khlu ...
My half-sister
a n
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
15
16
Ku-ii' kfi-na'-ija
My brother.
Kii-ii' kai-ku wa-hee'-na
17
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
18
U'-mfa'-na wa'-ttl
Brother of us.
Sister of us.
2">1. My step-sister.
(Female speaking.)
Translation.
252. Two fathers-in-law to each
other.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
En Akkarl (o ) T£ngay (y.)-
2. Telngu
2
Akka (o ) Chfelliilii (y )
(4 it It It
3
Nanna, akka (o ) Tangi (y )
« a « «
ft
4. Hindi
4
5. Bengali
5
Bhye
Brothers.
6. Marathi
fi
Vyahl
7. Gnjarathi
7
Vavar
8. Chinese
8
Tsin-k§a
Related family.
g
10. Burmese
10
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
11
Ya dan-pu-way-du-khwa-po-mu
n if
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Ifl
YJ dan-pu-wai-mu-du-khlu ...
it a
13. Karen
13
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
15
16. Hawaiian
Ifi
Kfl-tt' kfi-a-a'-na
My sister
Pa-lu'-na
17. Maori
17
IS. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
18
U-da'-da wa'-ttt
My equal.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
565
TABLE III. — Continued.
253. Two mothers-in-law to each
other.
Translation.
2.">4. Brother-in-law.
(My husband's brother.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
8
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
Same.
(i
Sisters.
Related family's lady moth.
Not related.
Equal of me.
it <(
My brother-in-law & cousin.
Brother-in-law and cousin.
My brother-in-law & cousin.
My brother-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My husband's elder brother.
My husband's junior bro.
My younger brother.
My brother-in-law e. or y.
My brother.
My brother-in-law.
tt tt
My husband.
Husband of us.
2 Telngu
Bava (o ) Maradi (y )
4 Hindi
5 Bengali
Amar bhashue (o.),Dawor (y.)
Mazha bhiiwil (o.), Di'r (y.)..
Miiro jetto (o.), Diar (y.)
6 Marathi
Vihin
7 GujaratUi
O-to'-to .
K- kai-o (o.) Mat (y )
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y' do
Dan-do-mu
Yeh khjee-neh-pau-khwa
Ku-fi'ka'-na
14. Kings Mill Islands
Pa-lu'-na
My equal.
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
2oo. Brother-in-law. (My sister's
hn-li;u.il. j (Male speaking.)
Translation.
2.56. Brother-in-law. (My sister's
husband.) (Female speaking.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
9
My bro.-in-law and cousin.
Brother-in-law and cousin.
My bro.-in-law and cousin.
My brother-in-law.
a ft
tt it
tt It
1Iyy±gerSi3ter'ShUSb-
My elder brother.
En attau (o.), Maichchan (y.)
Bava
My bro.-in-law and cousin.
Brother-in-law and cousin.
My bro.-in-law and cousin.
My brother-in-law.
tt tt
tt it
tt it
My elder sister's hush,
younger
My elder brother.
My brother-in-law.
My brother.
My brother-in-law.
tt tt
Sister's husband my.
My husband.
Brother-in-law of us.
Biiva
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
N. bhiiva (o.), Meidana (y.) .
Mera bahinoi
N. bhiiva (o.), Meidana (y.).
4 Hindi
Amar bhnpny poty
6 Maiatlu
7. Gnjarathi
Wo-te t!lz?-ftt ..
Wo-t5 taze-fti.
mei
A'-nee
nie.i
K • kai-o
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
Y' do
My brother.
My brother-in-law.
u t(
Sister's husband my.
My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law of us.
Y' do
Yeh khyfie-neh-pan-khwa
Eidiku
Yeh khyee-neh-pan-khwa
Eidiku
14. Kings Mill Islands
Ku-fi' kai'-ko-a-ka
Ku-u' ka'-na
IT-inkwa-mya'-na wa'-tu-
U-mkwa-mya'-na wa'-tfi
18. Ainazulu (Kafir)...
2.i7. Brother-in-law.
(My wife's brother.)
Translation.
258. My wife's sister's husband.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My bro.-in-law and cousin.
My bro.-in-law and cousin.
Brother-in-law.
My brother-in-law,
tt' tt
it it
tt tt
tt tt
My hush, of a wife's sister.
My husb. of a y'uger sister.
My related brother.
My brother.
My brother-in-law.
My intimate companion.
Brother-in-law of us.
2. Telui'U
Bar a
Saddakudii
Nanna bhiivameida
My bro.-in-law and cousin.
My brother-in-law.
it a
it tt
tt tt
My elder or y'nger brother.
My elder brother.
My brother-in-law.
My brother.
4. Hindi
Mera sala
5 Bengali
6. Marathi
Miizhii sadu bSad bhau
7. Gujarathi
Milro salo
Wo-t8 , ta -kew ...
Wo-tB-kin-heung
Wo-t6-kiu-te
leaon
A'-nee
11. Karen (Sgaudial'et)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
14. Kings Mill Islands
Y' deo
Yeh khye'e-neh-pan-khwa
Ku-ii' pu na If^-a
Yeh khyeVneh-pan-khwa
tt tt
Wife's brother my.
My brother-in-law.
Wife's brother of me.
Ku-ii' kal-ko-a-ka
16. Hawaiian
17. Maori
U-mkwa-mya'-na wa'-ta
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
566
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
TABLE III. — Continued.
259. My husband's Bister's husband.
Translation.
260. Sister-in-law.
(My wife's Bister.)
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
My bro.-in-Iaw and cousin.
Older or younger brother.
My older or younger brother.
My brother-in-law.
U it
My husband's sister's husb.
My elder sister.
My brotber-iu-law.
My brother.
My brother-in-law.
Husband's sister's husband.
Brother-in-law of us.
En korlunti (o.), Maittuni (y.)
vaduis (o.), Maradaia (y.)...
N. attige (o.), Nadini (y.)....
Meri sali
My sister-in-law and cousin.
Sis.-in-law (o. ory.) &coua.
My sister-in-law (o. ory.) &
My sister-in-law, [cousin.
it it
tt tt
tt tt
My wife's eld. or y. sister.
My elder sister.
My sister-in-law (e. or y.)
My sister.
My sister-in-law.
it it
Wife's sister my.
My wife.
Wife's sister of me.
2. Telii»u
Anna (o.) Tammudu (y.)....
Nanna anna (o.), Tauima (y.)
4 Hindi
Amar shaly
6 Marathi
Miizlii rr.ehum. b Sali
7 Giijarathi
Miiri sali
Wo-t8 ta-e (o.), Leaon-e (y.)
A'-nih
A'-nih .
K'kai-o
K: ma-see (o. ), Kai-ma (y.).
Y' do
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13 Karen
Y«h khyee-neh-pan-khwa
Bujikau
14. Kings Mill Islands
Eldlkii
U-mkwa-my3,'-na wS'-tii .
Ku-u' wa-hee'-na
16 Hawaiian
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
261. Sister-in-law.
(My husband'* sister.)
Translation.
262. Sister-in-law. (My brother's
wife.) (Male speaking.)
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
0
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En nSttanar
Adi bidda b VadlnS
My sister-in-law.
Sister-in-law and cousin.
My sister-in-law and cousin.
My sister-in-law,
tt tt
tt tt
it it
My grt. and lit. sister-in-law.
My sister-in-law.
My sister.
My sister-in-law.
t< it
Husband's sister my.
My sister-in-law.
My husband (so used).
En anni (o.), Maittuni (y.)...
My sister-in-law.
My sister-in-law and cousin
tl It It
My sister-in-law.
tl U
It tt
It It
My eld. or young, bro.'s wife.
My sister-in-law (e. or y.)
My sister.
My sister-in-law.
K it
Brother's wife my.
My wife.
My wife.
2. Telii"ii
Nanna attige (o.), Nadini (y.)
N. attige (o.), N&dini (y.)----
4. Hindi
5. Beneali
6. Marathi
7. Gujarathi
8 Chinese
Wo-t6 ta-kii (o.), Seaon-ku-tse
Wo-te saon-tze wo-t6shin-tsze
K: ma-ree (o.), Kai-ma (y.)--
Y' do
11. Karen (Sgandial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y' do
14. Kings Mill Islands
Eldlka
Kil ft' kal'-ko-i-ka wa-hee'-na
U-mya'-na wa/me
17. Maori
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
263. Sister-in-law. (My brother's
wife.) (Female speaking.)
Translation.
264. My husband's brother's wife.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
En anni (o.), Maittuni (y.) ..
VadlnS
My sister-in-law.
My sister-in-law and cousin,
u it it
My sister-in-law.
it it
tt u
it tt
My eld. or young, bro.'s wife.
My sister-in-law.
My sister.
My sister-in-law.
tt u
Brother's wife my.
My sister-in-law.
En orakatti
My sister-in-law.
Sister-in-law.
My elder or ynnnger sister.
My sister-in-law.
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
My hus.'s o. ory. bro.'s wife.
My related sister.
My sister.
My sister-in-law.
Husband's brother's wife my.
My intimate companion.
2. Telugu
Todlkodalxi
N. attige (o.), Nadini (y.)....
Nanna akka (o.), Tangi (y.)
4. Hindi
5. Bengali
6. Marathi
Mazhi bhausa'i
Mazhi zaft
7. Giijarathi
Mari jetti
8. Chinese
Wo-tS ta-mo (o.), A-shin (7.)
10. Burmese
11. Karen (Sgaudial'ct)
12. Karen (Pwo " )
13. Karen
Y* do
14. Kings Mill Islands
Kainapau
Eidiku
Kfl-u' kal'-ko-a-ka
16. Hawaiian
17. Maori
U-mya'-na wa'-tu
18. Amazulu (Kafir)...
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY
567
TABLE III. — Continued.
265. My wife's brother's wife.
Translation.
266. Widow.
Translation.
1 Tamil
1
En tamakay (o.) Tan^ay (y.)
Widow.
2 Telugti
2
Akka (o.) ChSllulu (y.)
Manila or vidava
Widow (Sanskrit).
3
Nanna akka (o ) Tangi (y ).
Vedave
ti 11
4 Hindi
4
Raud
Widow.
5
u ii
it
6 Marathi
6
Vidawa
it
7 Gujarat hi
7
VMhava
«
8 Chinese
g
My wife's brother's~wife.
Kwa-tu
q
Ya-mo'-me-on-ma
Widow.
10
«
11. Karen (S^au dialect)
11
12. Karen (Pwo " )
1?.
« (( U
13
14. Kino-s Mill Islands..
14
Eidiku
Wife's brother's wife.
15
16
Ku-u' wa-hee'-na
Wa-hee'-na ka'-na ma'-ka
17. Maori
17
18 Ainazulu (Kafir) ....
18
U-mfa-lo-ka'-ze
267. Widower.
Translation.
268. Twins.
Translation.
1. Tamil
1
Twins (Sanskrit)
2. Telugu
?,
Twins
3
Vedava
Widower (Sanskrit)
«
4. Hindi
4
K
5. Bengali
S
H
6
Vidur
11
Zuwal
It
7. Gujarathi
7
8. Chinese
8
Kwa-nau
9. Japanese
9
Ya-mo'-me. O-to'-ko
Widower.
Fu-ta'-go .
Twins
10. Burmese
10
Mok-so-bo
K
«
11. Karen (Sgau dialect)
11
K3, may
A bereaved male.
Ka-khie
H
12. Karen (Pwo " )
I?,
11 it 11
M'-kliye. ..
tt
13. Karen
IS
T-lhSk
H
14. Kings Mill Islands..
14
15
16. Hawaiian
Ifi
Kii'-na wa-hee'-na ma'-ka
Husband, wife dead.
Ma-ho'-a
u
17. Maori
17
18. Amazulu (Kafir) ...
18
A-ma-wa'-la
it
568 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
SUPPLEMENT TO PART III.
Two schedules, the Tongan and the Fijian, were received after a portion of Table
III. was stereotyped, and therefore too late for insertion. They were filled out
with much care and precision, by the Rev. Lorimer Fison, an English missionary
resident at the Fiji Islands, at the instance of Prof. Goldwin Smith, who very
kindly undertook to procure for me the Fijian system of relationship. Some notice
of the contents of these schedules is due to their importance, as well as to the
unexpected presence of Turanian characteristics in the system of these Malayan
nations. Their proper place in the Table is number 18 and 19. The interesting
observations of Mr. Fison are also worthy of careful attention. These together
seem to justify a formal note as a supplement to Part III.
Horatio Hale, author of the volume on the Ethnography and Philology of the
United States Exploring Expedition under Charles Wilkes, U. S. N., places the
Tonga Islands within, and the Fiji Islands without, the boundary line circumscrib-
ing Polynesia. The latter are also without Micronesia. With respect to the
former he remarKS : " The people of the Tonga or friendly group, though belonging
to the Polynesian family, form a class apart from the rest. This is seen in their
language, which differs strikingly in several points from the others, especially in
the article, the pronouns, and the passive voice of the verb. Several of their cus-
toms are, moreover, peculiar, such as that of infant sacrifice of cutting off a finger
to appease tne gods. * * * It is evident that these islanders have received modi-
rications in their language and usages which have not affected the rest." With
respect to the Fijian language Dr. Prichard observes : " The grammatical structure
of this language has been investigated by Mr. Norris. * * * The result to which
he has arrived is that the Fijian is really a Polynesian dialect, though offering
peculiarities not found in any other, and having a vocabulary so peculiarly modified
that it requires some examination to perceive the resemblances, while the Polyne-
sian idioms display the proofs of their affinity at a glance The Fijians are a very
interesting people, of almost black complexion, with frizzled but not woolly hair,
very rude and savage in their habits, but possessed of greater physical and mental
energy than any of the fair Polynesians. In natural capabilities they seem to be
superior to any other tribe of the Pacific, though perhaps descended from a mixture
of the Tongan race with some Papua tribe. This hypothesis, however, was
rejected by Baron Willian Von Humboldt, who observed that the Fijian language
displays affinity to the western forms of the Malayo-Polynesian idiom, viz., the
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 569
Madecassian and Malayan, while receding from the peculiarities of the Eastern or
Oceanic idioms." (Natural Hist, of Man, Third Ed., 664.)
These statements concerning the Tongans and Fijians may, perhaps, render less
remarkable the deviations in their system of relationship from the Hawaiian form,
and its sensible approximation to the Turanian.
1. Tongan. There are terms in this dialect for grand parent, Kui ; for father
and mother, Tcimai and Foe ; for son and daughter, Fuha and Ofe/ine ; and for
grand child, Mokop&na,
As with the other Malayan dialects the Tongan fails to indicate the fraternal
and sororal relationships in the twofold form of elder and younger with entire
completeness.
Elder brother (male speaking) Taokete. (Female speaking) Tuaga'ani. b Taokete.
Younger brother " " Tehina. " " Tuaga'ani. b Tehina.
Elder sister " " Tuofefine. b Taokete. " " Taokete.
Younger sister " " Tuofefine. b Tehina. " " Tehina.
A man calls his elder brother Taokete, and a women calls her elder sister the same ;
so a man calls his younger brother Tehina, and a woman calls her "younger sister
the same. Precisely the same use of terms is found in the Hawaiian and also in
Fijian. It thus appears that whilst the males distinguish their brothers into elder
and younger, and not their sisters, the females distinguish their sisters into elder
and younger, and not their brothers. The additional terms are anomolous.
In the first collateral line male, Ego a male, my brother's son and daughter are
my son and daughter, Folia and Ofefine ; and their children are my grandchildren.
But my sister's son and daughter are my nephew and niece llamutu, the term being
in common gender. This is the first Turanian characteristic.
With myself a female my brother's son and daughter are my nephew and niece,
llamutu ; whilst my sister's son and daughter are my boy and girl, Tama and
Tahina. The children of each are my grandchildren.
In the second collateral line, my father's brother is my father ; his children are
my brothers and sisters, elder or younger ; the children of the former, myself a
male, are my sons and daughters, of the latter are my nephews and nieces ; and the
children of each are my grandchildren. With myself a female, those above who
are nephews and nieces become sons and daughters, and vice versa.
My mother's sister is my mother ; and her children and descendants follow in the
same relationship as in the last case.
My father's sister is my aunt, MeJiildtage. This again is Turanian. My
mother's brother is my uncle, Tuajina, which in like manner is Turanian. For the
children of my uncle and aunt there are no specific relationships. Mr. Fison
remarks that " there are no specific terms for any of these, and yet they are con-
sidered relations. Thus, I being a male, my son will be Tautehina [i. e., brother]
with my father's sister's son's son. It is singular that the Tongans should have no
specific term for cousin, for Tama amekitega = son or daughter of my aunt."
In the third collateral line my grandfather's brother is my grandfather ; his son
is my father ; his son is my brother ; the son of the latter is my son, and his son is
my grandchild.
72 June, 1870.
670 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
2. Fijian. The schedule is filled in the dialect of the Rewas, one of the Fijian
nations. There are terms for grandparent, Mbu' ; for father and mother, Tamo!
and Tina'; for son and daughter Luve', to which tangane= male, and alaioe =
female are added to -distinguish sex.
The fraternal and sororal relationships are expressed as follows : —
Elder brother (male speaking) Tuaka' . (Female speaking) Ngane'.
Younger brother " " Tathi'. " " Ngane'.
Elder sister " " Ngane'. " " Tuaka'.
Younger sister " " Ngane'. " " Tathi'.
It will be seen, as in the Tongan and Hawaiian, that the males distinguish their
brothers into elder and younger, and not their sisters ; whilst the females distin-
guish their sisters into elder and younger, and not their brothers ; and that the
males use the same terms for elder and younger brother which the females apply
to elder and younger sister.
In the first collateral line, Ego a male, my brother's son and daughter are my
son and daughter, Luve' , the term being in common gender; and their children are
my grandchildren, Makubu'; whilst my sister's son and daughter are my nephew and
niece, Vungo', the term being in common gender, each of them calling me the same,
thus showing that the relationship is reciprocal. This is the first Turanian charac-
teristic. The children of these nephews and nieces are my grandchildren.
With myself a female my brother's son and daughter are my nephew and niece,
Vungo'; whilst my sister's children are my sons and daughters; and the children of
the latter are my grandchildren.
In the second collateral line, my father's brother is my father, Tamo! ; and his
children are my brothers and sisters, elder or younger. With myself a male, the
children of these collateral brothers are my sons and daughters, of these collateral
sisters are my nephews and nieces; and their children are my grandchildren.
With myself a female, those above who are nephews and nieces become sons and
daughters, and vice versd.
My mother's sister is my mother, Tina' ; and her children and descendants follow
in the same relationships as in the previous branch.
My father's sister is my aunt, Vungo'. This is a second Turanian characteristic.
With myself a male the son and daughter of this aunt are my male and female
cousin, Tavale' and Davola' ; and with myself a female, the same, Davola andRaivti.
These terms are so rendered by Mr. Fison. The term Tavale' signifies a brother-
in-law, and is applied by a man to his wife's brother ; and Raivd' signifies a sister-
in-law, and is applied by a female to her brother's wife. Such was doubtless the
primary use of these terms, and it therefore must govern. It is not probable that
the relationship of cousin, as a distinct and definite relationship, is known amongst
the Fijians. The son and daughter of my male cousin, myself a male, are my
nephew and niece, and of my female cousin are my son and daughter ; whilst with
myself a female these relationships are reversed. In this respect the Fijian system
agrees with the Tamilian, and differs from the Seneca-Iroquois. The children of
the persons last named are my grandchildren.
My mother's brother is my uncle, Vungo'. This is also a Turanian characteristic.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 571
It will be noticed that a single term is employed to express the four relationships
of uncle and aunt, nephew and niece; and that it is an arrested or defective
development of them. The striking fact is that the introduction of a new and
perhaps foreign element into the system touched the precise relationships, and no
other, which mark the transition from the Malayan into the Turanian form. The
remainder of this line is a counterpart of the one last above described.
In the third collateral line my grandfather's brother is my grandfather ; his son is
father ; his son is my brother, elder or younger ; and the son and grandson of this
brother are my son and grandson. The other branches of this line are counter-
parts of the corresponding branches of the second.
The marriage relationships both in Tongan and Fijian tend in a striking manner
to confirm the position elsewhere taken that compound marriages in communal
families prevailed universally in the primitive ages when the classificatory system
was formed.
Take the following illustrations : —
Tongan. Fijian. Hawaiian.
My brother's wife (m. s). Unoho, My wife. Noqu Daqu', My back. Wahena, My wife.
My wife's sister (m. s). Unoho, " wife. Noqu Daqu', " back. Wahena, " wife.
My husband's brother (/. ")
gx r Unoho, ' husband. Watequ', husband. Kane, ' husband.
My sister's husband (/.")
gs c Unoho, ' husband. Noqu Daqu', ' back. Kane, ' husband.
My father's brother's")
son's wife (m. s). j Unoho' ' wife" Noqu Daqu', ' back. Wahena, " wife.
My mother's sister's son's)
wife (m s) ) Unoho, " wife. Noqu Daqu', ' back. Wahena, " wife.
My father's brother's \
daughter's husband V Unoho, " husband. Noqu Daqu', " back. Kai-ko-e-ka, brother-
(f. s). ) in'law-
My mother's sister's •)
daughter's husband I Unoho, " husband. Noqu Daqu', " back. Kai-ko-e-ka-y,
(/. s). )
Wherever the relationship of wife is found in the collateral line that of husband
must be recognized in the lineal ; and more than this, if the wife of my father's
brother's son is my wife as well as his, then my wife is doubtless his wife as well
as mine.
With respect to the term Noqu Daqu it must be understood as an express denial
of the conjugal relationship ; and as a probable substitute for Watequ = husband
or wife. Mr. Fison significantly remarks (Note E) : " Noqu Daqu'. This appears
= brother-in-law or sister-in-law. Some natives gave me Watequ in those places
where Noqui Daqu' appears ; and it is evident Noqul Daqu' is Watiqu in theory
from the fact that the children of JWoqu Daqu' are Luvequ" i. e., my children.
The presence of a Turanian element in the Tongan and Fijian systems is the
remarkable fact concerning it. How is it to be explained 1 The Tongan has the
relationship of uncle, restricted to the mother's brothers, that of aunt restricted to
the father's sisters ; and that of nephew and niece restricted to the children of a man's
sisters, and of a woman's brothers. In like manner the Fijian has the four rela-
572 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
tionships restricted to the same several classes of persons, but expressed by a single
term in common gender, Vungo' ; which, as an inchoate form, might be explained
by the desuetude of intermarriage between brothers and sisters followed by a par-
tial recognition of the consequent change of descents. But the Tongan, it must
be admitted, rises nearly to the Turanian standard. It presents the vital question
whether this change was an organic growth within the Malayan system, through
the progressive experience of the Malayan family ; or an intrusive element brought
in from Turanian sources. It will be seen at once that the antecedent history of
both the Tongan and Fijian nations is necessary to a solution of the question. If
the special linguistical and physical characteristics of these nations (who occupy
groups of contiguous islands) noticed by Messrs. Hale and Prichard indicate a
foreign element in their blood, and that element was Turanian, it would afford a
satisfactory explanation. Again, this precise change comes through the tribal
organization, which by abolishing the intermarriage of brothers and sisters touches
the relationships in question, and no others. This organization is found in an
incomplete form both among the Tongans and Fijians, as will be seen in the notes
of Mr. Fison. It also prevails amongst the Kusaiens. From this fact it becomes
also material to know whether it sprang up independently in these subdivisions of
the Malayan family, or was propagated into it from Turanian sources. When the
system of the Malayan family is completely ascertained it will reveal its own history.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
573
COMPARATIVE TABLE OF THE TONGAN AND FIJIAN SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP.
Made by Rev. Lorimer Fison, Rewa, Fiji, December, 1869.
Native pronouns. — Tongan : Eku or Iloku = my. Fijian : N6nggu or NSnggu suffixed = my.
Description of persons.
Relationship in Tongau.
(Friendly Islanders.)
Translation.
Relationship in Rewau.
(Fijian.)
Translation.
1 My father'
Eku tamai
My father.
" mother.
" son.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson-two.
" granddaughter-two.
" grandson-three.
" gr'ddaughter-three.
" elder brother.
" elder brother.
" elder sister.
ft « U
" younger brother.
n it it
" younger sister.
(( ft it
" brothers, &c.
My father.
"• mother.
' child, male.
' child, female.
' grandchild, male.
' grandchild, female.
' source,
t tt
t tt
t tt
' elder brother,
t tt tt
" elder sister.
ft ft ft
" younger brother.
it ft tt
" younger sister,
it tt tt
" father.
" great father.
" little father.
" gt. (or lit.) mother.
" aunt.
" uncle.
ft tf
" annt.
" mother.
" great mother.
" little mother.
" father.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" nephew.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" source,
tt ft
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" son.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" source,
it tt
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" nephew.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
2 " mother
Eku fa'e
Ho'ku fo'ha
Ho'ku ofefi'ne
Ho'ku mokopu'na
Ma'kubu'nggu tangane...
Ho'ku mokopu'na
Ho'ku mokopuna ua
Ho'ku mokopuna ua
Ho'ku mokopuna tolu....
Ho'ku mokopuua tolu....
Hoku taokete
Nongu vu (see Remarks «)
9. *' great great grandson
TiiakS/nggu
12. " " " (female speaking')
Hoku taokete, or hoku
tuoga'ani
Hoku taokete, or hoku
tuofefine
Hoku taokete
13. " elder sister (m. s.) ,
14 " " "(ft)
Tii&ka'neeu
Hoku tehina
Tathl'nggu
16. " " " (/. s )
Hoku tehina, or tuoga'ani
Hoku tehina, or tuofefiue
Hoku tehina
17. " « sister (m. s.)
18. " " " ( f s )
Tathluggu3
19 " brothers
Hoku gahi toko'ua2
20. " sisters
See 19.
Eku tamai
" father.
it It
U ft
" mother.
" aunt.
" chief.
" uncle.
" mother.
t< tt
it tt
tt it
1 father.
' son.
' daughter,
t tt
' son.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" great grandson.
" gt. granddaughter.
" nephew.
" child.
" niece.
" child.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" great grandson.
" gt. granddaughter.
" boy.
" girl.
ft ti
" boy.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
Eku tamai
Tamfi/nggu lili
Eku fae
Ti'nS/nngu lavu or lailai
25. " father's sister
Hoku mehekitaga
26. " father's sister's husband (See No. 68)
Eku fae
Eku fae
Eku fae
Eku fae
Tina'nggu lili
33. " brother's son (m. s.)
Eku foha
Eku ofefine
36. ' brother's daughter's husband (m. s.)..
Hoku foha
38. * brother's granddaughter (m. s.)
Hoku mokopuua
Hoku mokopuna ua
40. ' brother's great granddaughter (m. s.).
VuugS'nggu.ornoqnvasu,
or noqu vatu'vu1
42. " sister's son's wife (m. s.)
44. " sister's daughter's husband (m. s.)....
45. u sister's grandson (»n. s.)
Hoka mokopuna
47. " sister's great grandson (»i. s.)
48. " sister's great granddaughter (m. s.) ...
49. ' sister's son (/". s. )
Hoka mokopuna ua
52. ' sister's daughter's husband ( f. s.)....
1 The arrangement of the working schedule is followed in the Table.
2 Gahi tokohua includes sisters also, children of father's brothers and mother's sisters, and in fact all the tautchina. Gahi is but the sign of the
plural. There is no specific term for "brothers" or "sisters" separately, though, speaking loosely, I may call my brothers or my sisters hoku gala
toko'ua.
3 If I am the eldest, I can speak of them as tatliinggu ; if the youngest, as tuakanggu ; but there is no one word by which I can speak of them all,
if I be not either the eldest or the youngest. So also a woman cannot speak of her sisters by any one word, unless she be the eldest or the youngest.
But a male can speak of his (all his) sisters as ngane-ua = his sisters. So also can a woman speak of all her brothers as ngaue-na = her
brothers.
* In future I shall write vungonggu only.
5 Eku fanau means literally my children, all my children ; but it is used thus in the singular for this relationship and for others similar.
• These are considered to be "my children," though they are thus called "my boy," "my girl." My son's wife is " eku taliine" only while she is
betrothed to him, which may be from earliest childhood. When they are married she becomes " eku taina," though she is a female, or " eku fefine"
= my woman. Tahine = an unmarried girl.
574
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
COMPARATIVE TABLE OF THE TONGAN AND FIJIAN SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP. — Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationship in Tongan.
(Friendly Islanders.)
Translation.
KeUtiouxhip in Kewan.
(Fijian.)
Translation.
My great grandson.
" gt. granddaughter
nephew,
child,
niece,
child,
grandson,
granddaughter,
great grandson.
gU granddaughter,
brother.
!(
wife,
lady.
sister,
ii
chief,
husband,
son.
boy.
daughter,
girl,
nephew,
boy.
niece,
girl.
eat grandchildren, male
iopuna, and his great
puna ua, whether I be
My cousin.
U II
" cousin.
n for any one of these,
red relations. Thus, I
e " tautehina" with my
It is singular that the
ive no specific term even
aamekitaga = foa^hter
noted that if a Tongan's
ut, he takes one of his
dchildreu, who is then
My brother.
n it
" wife.
" lady.
" sister.
« ((
' chief.
' husband.
' son.
' boy.
' daughter.
' girl.
" nephew.
" boy.
" niece.
" girl.
tich will apply to these
Noneeu vu ..
My source.
<< «
" nephew.
' daughter.
" nephew.
(< son.
11 grandson.
" granddaughter.
(* source.
a a
brother.
a
back,
cousin.
Bister.
H
cousin.
back.
son.
nephew,
daughter,
niece,
nephew,
son.
niece,
daughter.
grandson,
it
granddaughter.
H
source.
ii
cousin.
u
sister,
woman-one.
cousin.
a
man-one,
brother,
nephew.
son.
niece,
daughter,
sou.
nephew.
daughter.
niece.
grandson.
granddaughter,
source.
brother.
H
back,
cousin,
sister.
cousin.
back,
sou.
nephew.
daughter.
niece,
nephew.
* son.
niece.
daughter.
grandson.
(t
H
source,
u
56. " sister's great granddaughter (/Is.)...
Ijuve'no-itu (J) (') ...
60. ' brother's daughter's husband (/. s.)
64. " brother's great granddaughter (/. i.)
Hoka mokopuna ua
Noqu vu
Tnaka/ngguortathl'nggu
NiiRiienggu. ..
Hoku taokete or tuoga'ani
Hoku unoho
67. " father's brother's son's wife (IB. «.)...
68. " " " " " (/.«.)...
69. " father's brother's daughter (m. ».)....
70. " " " " (f.s.)....
71. " father's bro.'s daughter's husb. (»i. a.)
72. " " " " " (/. *.)
73. " father's brother's son's son (m. s.) ...
T4. " " " " " (/. s.)....
75. " father's brother's son's daught'r (m. s.)
76. " " " " " (/. s.)
77. " father's broth. 's daughter's son (m. «.)
78. " " " " " (/. ».)
79. " father's bro.'s daug.'s daughter (m. s.)
80. " " " " " (/. s.)
81. " father's brother's great grandson(m. s.)
82. " " " " " (/.s.)
83. " father's bro.'s gt. granddaughter (ni.s. '
84. " " " " " (/. s.)
85. " father's bro.'s gt. gt. grandson (m. s. )
8(j. " father's bro.'a gtr gt. grandson (f. «.)
87. " father's sister's son (m. s.)
Noqu daku2 (s).
Rivaneeu (n
Hoku tuofefine1
Ngane'nggu
Hoku tehina
TuakS/nggu.. .
Tavale*ngeu ...
Hoku unoho
Noqu da'ku
Eku taina
LuvS'nggu
Eku tahine
Vung6'nggu ..
Hoku ilamutu
LuvS'nggu .
My father's brother's gr
or female, are hoku ma
grandchildren hoku moko
male or female.
Hoku tama-amehekitaga.
Hoku tama-amehekitaga.
No specific term.
No specific term.
Hoku tama-amehekitaga.
There is no specific ten
and yet they are conside
being male, my son will b
father's sister's son's son.
Tongaus should actually h.
for cousin ; for hoku tarn
of my aunt. It should be
grandchildren proper die o
father's sister's great gran
called his grandchild.
Hokn taokete....
Mfi'kubunggu
Ma'kubiiuggu
Noqu vu
Noqu vu
88. " " " " (/. s.)
89. " father's sister's son's wife (m. s.)
90. ' " " " " ( f s )
NganS'ngtiu
Nonggu alewa dua5 («) ...
91. ' father's sister's daughter (m. s.)
92. ' " " " (/•.«.)
93. ' father's sister's daughter's husb. (ro.s.)
94. ' " " " » (/. s.)
95. ' father's sister's son's son (m. s.)
96. ' " " " " (/. «.)
Vun^ouggu
97. ' father's sister's son's daughter (m. s.)
98. ' " " " " (/. «.)
99. ' father's sister's daughter's son (m. s.)
100. ' " " " " (/ s.)
101. ' father's sister's daugh.'s daugh. (m.s.)
102. " " " " " (/. s.)
103. " father's sister's great grandson
104. " " " granddaughter..
105. " father's sister's great great grandson.
106. " " " " g'ddaughter.
107. " mothers' sister's son (m. s.)
Tufika'nggu
108. " " " " (f. s.)
109. " mother's sister's son's wife (m. s.)....
HO. " " " " " (/. s.)....
111. " mother's sister's daughter (m. s.)
112. " " " " (f.s.)
Hoku unoho'
Noqu da/ku
Hoku taokete
113. " mother's sister's daugh. s husb.(m.s.)
114. » "1 li « ii (y fcj
115. " mother's sister's son's son (m. s.)
116. " " " » (/ s )
Hoku folia
117. ' mother's sister's son's daughter (m.s.)
118. ' " " " " (/.s.)
119. ' mother's sister's daughter's son (m. s.)
120. " " » ii (/. ,.)
1 21 . ' mother's sister's daugh. 's daugh. (m.s. )
122. ' " " " >' (/.«.)
123. ' mother's sister's gt. grandson (m. *.)
124. ' " " " " (y. s.)
25. ' mother's sister's great granddaughter
126. ' mother's sister's gt. gt. grandson
127. ' " « « granddaughter
Hoku ofefine
Kku tahine
Hoku ilamutu
Eku tama
Hoku ilamutu
Eku tahine
See note on 81 to 86, wl
also.
1 If he be the son of my father's elder brother, he is hoku taokete ; if of my father's younger brother, hoku tehina; and this irrespective of onr
respective ages. He may be younger than I, and yet is he hoku taokete ; older, and still hoku tehina.
If her husband dies, she is then wa'tenggu = my wife.
» I have translated hoku ma'a " my lady," and hoku matapule (No. 26) " my chief." These are not the exact meanings of the words. The Ton-
gans answer, when asked the ezact meaning, is always " They are words of respect."
I shall give but one word for brother or for sister. The distinction between elder and younger must always be understood.
• See remarks.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
575
COMPARATIVE TABLE OP THE TONOAN AND FIJIAN SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP. — Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationship in Tongan.
(Friendly Islanders.)
Translation.
Relationship in Kewan.
(Fijian.)
Translation.
My cousin.
Tavale'nggu
My cousin.
11 11
" sister.
" woman-one.
" cousin.
11 ti
" man-one.
" brother.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" source.
11 !(
' grandfather,
t 11
1 grandmother,
i it
' grandfather.
' grandmother.
' source,
i it
i 11
" uncle.
" mother.
" cousin.
11 ii
" brother.
" sister.
" nephew.
" niece.
" ancle.
" mother.
" cousin.
11 ii
mn n 11 ii / /• „ -i
See note on 92 to 106, w
also.
Eku kui
130. " mother's brother's son's wife (»«. s.).
131. " " " " " (/. s.).
132. " mother's brother's daughter (m. s.)...
133. " " " " (/. *.)...
134. " mother's bro.'sdaugh.'s husb. (m. s.)
135. " " " " " (/. s.)
136. " mother's brother's son's son (m. s.)..
137. ' " " " " (/. s.)..
138. ' mother's bro.'s son's daughter (m.s.)
139. ' " " " " (/. s.)
140. ' mother's bro.'s daughter's son (m. s.)
141. ' " " " " (/. s.)
142. ' mother's bro.'s dau.'s daugh. (m. s.)
143. ' " " " " (/. ».)
144. ' mother's brother's great grandson ....
145. " mother's brother's gt. granddaughter.
146. " mother's brother's great gt. grandson
147. " mother's bro.'s gt. gt. granddaughter
148. " grandfather'
RaivS/nggu
hich will apply to these
My grandfather.
a n
" grandmother.
t a
* grandfather.
1 grandmother.
( grandfather-two.
t •( <t
" grandmother-two.
it n it
" grandfather-two.
" grandmother-two.
" grandfather-three.
" grandmother-three.
« father.
a t<
" brother.
" sister.
" brother.
" sister.
" son.
" daughter.
" motlier.
i< <(
" brother.
" sister.
Kku kui
Eku kui
Eku kui
Eku kui
Tuka'nggu
158. ' great grandmother's brother
Eku kui-ua
160. ( great great grandfather
Eku kui-toluj
162. " father's father's sister's son (m. s.)...
163. " father's father's sister's daugh'r (xi.s.)
164. " father's father's sister's sou's son(»«.s.)
165. " father's father's sister's son's daugh-
ter (?n. s.)
166. " father's father's Bister's daughter's
son (m. s. )
167. " father's father's sister's daughter's
daughter (m. s.)
168. " father's father's sister's great grand-
son (m. s.) [daughter (m.s.)
I(i9. " father's father's sister's great grand-
170. " mother's mother's sisters son (m. s.)
171. " mother's mother's sis. 's daugh. (m.s.)
172. " mother's mother's sister's son's son
(m. s.)
173. " mother's mother's sis.'s son's daugh-
ter (in. «.)
Eku tamai3
Tavalenggu
TuakS/nggu
Kku fae
1 I will give the words for grandparents, &c., first for the father's side, and then for the mother's.
Description of persons.
Relationship in Tongan.
(Friendly Islanders.)
Translation.
Relationship in Kewan.
(Fgian.)
Translation.
My grandfather.
ii it
" grandmother,
it ii
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" source.
11 11
ii ii
154A. mother's mother's father
155 A. mother's mother's father's brother...
156i. mother's mother's father's sister....
Several natives whom I have questioned told me that "my great grandfather" is tukanggu vakarua = my grandfather-twice, " my great grand-
mother" " bunggu vakarua" = my grandmother-twice, &o. " Noqu vu" is not, properly speaking, a title of kinship, as is evident from the fact that all
words expressing kinship take the pronoun affixed. Many natives could not tell me any word for great grandfather. Great grandfathers are very
scarce in Fiji, and the word is but seldom used. I believe that " grandfather-twice" is the real title, though I have written " noqu vu" because the
majority of my authorities gave it, and it is certainly u*ed. My informants say that all ancestors beyond grandfathers are " noqn vu."
8 My great great great grandfather would be eku kni-fa, my grandfather-fonr, and so on. If a Tongan wants to distinguish the sex of the grand
parent of whom he speaks, he will say " eku kui tagata" = my grandparent male, or " eku kui fefine" = my grandparent female.
3 The "grandfathers," &c., are the same on the mother's side.
4 She is called " eku tamai," although she is a female.
§ Though he is a man, yet is he called " eku fae. "
576
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
COMPARATIVE TABLE OF THE TONGAN AND FIJIAN SYSTEM or RELATIONSHIP. — Continued.
Description of persons.
Relationship in Tongan.
(Friendly Islanders.)
Translation.
Relationship in Rewan.
(Fijian.)
Translation.
174. My mother's mother's sister's daughter's
son (HI. s.)
175. " mother's mother's sister's daughter's
daughter (m. s.)
176. " mother's mother's sister's great grand-
son (m. s.)
177. " mother's mother's sister's great grand-
daughter (m. s.)
178. " mother's mother's mother's sister's
daughter (m. s.)
179. " mother's mother's mother's sister's
granddaughter (m. s.)
180. " mother's mother's mother's sister's gt.
granddaughter (m. s.)
181. " mother's mother's mother's sister's gt.
great granddaughter (m. s.)
182 " husband
My brother.
" sister.
" son.
" daughter.
" grandmother.
" mother.
" sister.
" daughter.
" husband.
" wife.
" father.
" mother.
" grandfather.
" father.
" mother.
" grandmother.
" son.
" boy.
" daughter.
" girl-
" father.
" mother.
" step-child, or sou.
" step-child, or
daughter.
" boy-adopted.
" child-adopted.
" brother.
" my sister.
" husband.
" chief.
" husband.
One of my brethren.
« « a
My wife.
" chief.
" wife.
" lady.
One of my sisters.
tt a <(
Twins.
(i
Widow.
Widower.
Sisters.
Brothers
Brother and sister.
Tuaka'nggu
My brother.
" sister.
" nephew.
tl niece.
" grandmother.
" mother.
(( sister.
" niece.
" husliaml
" wife.
" uncle.
" aunt.
" uncle.
11 aunt.
" nephew.
it (t
14 niece.
n tt
" father.
" mother.
" sou.
" daughter.
" child of nursing.
It it tl tt
" brother.
" sister.
" husband.
" cousin.
" back.
' man-one.
' cousin.
i it
' back.
' cousin.
' back.
" cousin.
" woman-one.
" sister.
Twins.
Widow.
Widower.
Sisters, literally " sis-
tered together."
Brothers, literally
" brothered together."
Cousins.
Eku kui .. ..
TinS/nggu
WatTnggu
183 " wife
Watlnggu
184 " husband's father
Eku fae
187 " wife's father
188 " wife's mother
Eku kui
190 " son-in-law (m s )
m" " ( f s ) ...
Eku tama
m" " (/*. s.)...
Eku tahine
194 step- father
Tama'nggu
Eku fae
Eku ho'umatua,1 or eku
foha.
Hoku h<5umatua, or hoku
ofefine
2"'0. half-brother
Hoku taokete
Tuaka'nggu
201. half-sister
No word.
No word.
203. two mothers-in-law to each other
205. " " (sister's husband, m. ».).
206. " " ( " " f. s.).
207. " " (wife's sister's husband)
208. " " (wife's brother)
Hoku metapule
Hoku tokoua
No specific term.2
209. " " (husband's sister's hush.)
210. sister-in-law (wife's sister)
Raivanggu
211. " " (husband's sister)
212. " " (brother's wife, m. s.)
213. " " ( " " f. s.)
214. " " (husb.'s bro.'s wife, f. s.)
215. " " (wife's bro.'s wife, f. s.) ..
216. Twins (if of the same sex)
Hoku unoho
Hoku ma'a
Hoku tokoua
Noqu alewa dua
Nga'nfe'qu
Ndru'S,
Yandi
217. Widow
Uitou4
218. Widower
Vaiula
Veitacini (spelt after the
Fijian manner.)
Vatathe'nl
Relationship of descendant* of brother and sister to
each other.
1. Daughter of daughter of one sister to daugh-
ter of daughter of other sister.
2. Son of son of one sister to son of son of
other sister.
3. Son of son of one sister to daughter of
daughter of other sister.
Tautehina
Vandavol&'nt
1 Ho'umotu applies to all step-children.
1 He would call me " hoku matapule."
5 My wife would speak of MY sister as " hoku matapule," it being thereby understood that the respect Is shown to me, the male, through her. My
sister would speak of my wife as " hoku ma'a."
, « I strongly suspect " Uitou" to be an introduced word. The missionaries have introduced many such words into the Tongan language, unnecessarily
'as I venture to think). I don't know enough of the tongue to be sure about this word being our English " widow" iu a Tongan dress, but it has a
uspicious look and sound. I will inquire about it when I meet with an old Tongan. Takape applies to women as well as to men, and is used also
\ ith reference to an unmarried person. There is also a verb " takape," which means " to be poor as to clothing ;" and hence I should suppose the
in, 'n to apply more properly to a man, because it is the woman's business to make tapa, or native cloth ; so that takape would seeiu to mean " a man
whi had no woman to make tapa for him."
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.
577
COMPABATIVE TABLE OF THE TONGAN AND FlJIAN SYSTEM OP RELATIONSHIP. — Continued.
Description of persons.
4. Daughter of son of one sister to son of
daughter of other sister.
5. Daughter of daughter of daughter of one
sister to daughter of daughter of daugh-
ter of other sister.
1. Son of son of one brother to son of son of
other brother.
2. Daughter of daughter of one brother to
daughter of daughter of other brother.
3. Son of son of one brother to daughter of
daughter of other brother.
4. Son of son of son of one brother to son of
son of son of other brother.
1. Son of son of a brother to son of son of
brother's sister.
2. Daughter of daughter of a brother to daugh-
ter of daughter of brother's sister.
3. Son of son of a brother to daughter of
daughter of brother's sister.
4. Son of sou of son of a brother to son of son
of son of brother's sister.
1. Daughter of daughter of one sister to daugh-
ter of daughter of daughter of other sis-
ter.
2. Son of son of one brother to son of son of
son of other brother.
3. Daughter of daughter of a brother to son of
son of son of brother's sister.
Kelationship In Tongan.
(Friendly Islanders.)
Tautehina
Tautehina.
Tantehina .
Tautehina.
Tautebina .
Tautehina.,
Tautehina..
Tautehina..
Tautehina.,
Tautehina.,
Enetahine.
Honofoha ..
Enetama1 ..
Translation.
Sister and brother.
Sisters.
Brothers.
Sisters.
Brother and sister.
Brothers.
Brothers.
Sisters.
Brother and sister.
Brothers.
Aunt and niece.
Uncle and nephew.
Aunt and nephew.
Relationship in Rowan.
(Fijian.)
Vandavola'nl.
Vatathe'nI...
Vatathe'nI....
Vatathe'nI....
Vandavola'nl.
Vatathe'nI...
VatavalS'nl .
Varaiva'nI..
V4-ngan«ni .
Vitavale'nl .
Vatina'ni .
Vatama'nl..,
Vavungo'nl
Translation.
Cousins.
Sisters.
Brothers.
Sisters.
Cousins.
Brothers.
Cousins,
(i
Brother and sister.
Cousins.
Mother & daughter, lit,
"mothered together.'
Father and son.
Aunt and nephew.
NOTE. — Va (spelt Fijian-wise vei) expresses some sort of reciprocity, thus: —
Lomaua = to love ; veilomani = mutual love.
Cata = to hate ; veieati = mutual hatred.
Ravu = to slay ; veiraravui = mutual slaughter.
Lako = to go ; veilakovi = visiting one another.
1 Tau answers to the Fijian vei.
Enetahine = her girl, but is used to express the kinship between aunt and niece.
Honofoha = his son, but is used to express the kinship between uncle and nephew.
Enetama = her boy, but is used to express the kinship between aunt and nephew.
This seemed strange to me, and I questioned the natives (Tongans) over and over again about it. There was no variation in their replies. I placed
pens on a sheet of paper in double row, thus : —
o - 8 two sisters.
Daughter of a y - i - daughter of 8.
Daughter of y
daughter of i.
daughter of f.
explaining them fully as in diagram, and asking for the kinship between fr and n. " Enetahine," said the Tongans. " No," said I, " that means her
girl, and refers only to what ) would say of »." " Not so," they answered. " If you asked us what kin they are, both of them together, we should
say, 'they are enetahine.' " I then inquired in like manner about " honofoha," and " enetama," with a like result.
73 June, 1870.
578
SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
REMARKS OF MR. FISON ON THE TONGAN SYSTEM.
FROM these relationships it sterns that the Tongan system differs materially from the Fijian as to
"cousinage" — all vietayaleni, veidavolani, and veiraivani, excepting the first generation, being
tautehina (= veitacini) in the Tongan.
I have spelt all words after the Tongan manner, making a few exceptions for the sake of clearness,
but departing slightly from the Tongan system of spelling only where that system is manifestly
faulty. For instance, the Tongan language has the sound of p as well as that of b (the English b,
not the Fijian, which is mb) ; but the framers of the alphabet have rejected p altogether, making b
do double duty. I have, therefore, spelt "matapule," " takape," &c., with the p, though they would
be spelt by a Tongan " matabule," " takabe," &c. They are sounded as I have spelt them.
Again, the framers of the Tongan alphabet have used aa very often where a only is required ; and
this is disastrous, because there are many words which require the aa, as ma'a — words in which
there is a break.
Speaking of these breaks, I am inclined to think that they represent missing letters — letters which
were formerly sounded in the word. What makes me almost sure of this, is the singular fact, that
here in Fiji, two dialects, not differing materially from the Bauan, drop, one the k, and the other
the t, in every word wherein these letters occur, making a break in the sound of the word where the
missing letter has fallen. Thus, the Cakandrove people say " 'ata'ata," where a Bauan says "kata-
kata;" and the people on a part of the coast of Navitilevu pronounce the same word " ka'aka'a."
I have found this difference existing between two islands not ten miles apart ; nay, even between two
towns on the same island. Thus, on the island of Vanua Balavu, the Lomaloma folks say " kata-
kata," but the Mualevu folks, '"ata'ata." The Ovalau islanders say "e tini na tamata" = ten men,
while the people of the neighboring island, Naigani, say "e 'ini na 'ama'a." The break is distinctly
heard, even when it occurs at the beginning of the word. Now there is no physical difficulty to
account for this singular fact, no physical difficulty such as the Northumbrians have in pronouncing
the letter r. " Au sa la'o 'i na 'oro," said a Cakandrove woman whom I met in the Ban district
(= "I am going to the town"). " Vosa vaka bau mada ga," said I (= "speak Bauan") ; where-
upon she said at once, with a laugh, " Au sa lako ki na koro."
I can, therefore, look upon this letter dropping only as mere caprice, that is as to the origin of it.
It may have taken its rise in the determination of some ruling chief never to pronounce a letter
which was the first or predominant letter of some hated enemy's name ; and he may have commanded
his people to follow his example, or they may have followed his example of their own accord. It
may have taken its rise, however, in mere affectation, just as I remember the gobbling sound of the
letter "r" took its rise among foolish young men of the Lord Dundreary stamp.
The sound of'the Tongan vowels is that of the Fijian, and the remarks which I made about the
so-called Fijian diphthongs will apply to the Tongan also.
G is pronounced ng as in Fijian ; but
B is never pronounced mb.
I subjoin a list of the words employed, with the accented syllables and the long vowels marked.
I have separated certain syllables when it has seemed necessary to do so for the sake of clearness.
The short vowels are unmarked.
Eku.
Ho'ku.
(Pron. Hogu, Eog. g.)
Ho'no.
Hotau.
Tamii.
Fae.
Ofefi'ne.
Ma'kopu'na.
U».
T6'lu.
Ta'okete.
Ttt'oga'ani.
Tuofefi'ne.
Tehl'na.
Gahi.
Tokoa'a.
Mehfikitaga.
(«c likeEng. harder.)
Mata'pQ'le.
Ttiaji'Da.
(J like soft ch.)
Ilamfl'tu.
Tim*.
Uno'lio.
Ma'a'.
Tahi'ne.
Ku'i.
Tagata.
H6"umatu'a.
Tama-5'hi.
Mahaga.
Mahagalei.
Takape.
Tautehi'na.
Euetahi'ne.
Ilonofciha.
Enetama.
Olote'le.
Olomaftt'a.
Pagai.
Ha'atu'i.
Ms'lofa'ha.
Ha"atakala'-a'a.
Ha"agatamotu'a.
MotQ'apua'ka.
Lan-aki.
Kamokubo'lu.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 579
Answers to Questions p. 15 of Circular.
I. The Tonga nation is divided into the following tribes : —
1. Olotele, meaning obscure. Olo = to ensnare, tele = an instrument used in shaving.
2. Olomafua, meaning uncertain. Mafua is a sort of tree.
3. Pagai = the king's plaza.
4. Mulofaha = the mad tramplers-underfoot.
These tribes are subdivided as follows : —
(Olotele and Olomafua have no subdivisions.)
Pagai.
1. Ha'atui = reverenced kings. = Fijian roko tui, or sachems.
2. Ha'agatamotua = respected (or reverenced) old snake.
3. Ha'ave'a. Vea is a sort of yam.
4. Ha'agatatu'bu. Reverenced growing snake.
Molofaha.
There are two divisions of this tribe, which have, however, no distinguishing name.
The chief of one division takes as his title of office, motuapuaka1 = old pig, and stands ou the
right hand of the king on all state occasions.
The chief of the other division takes as his title, lauaki (meaning obscure), and stands on the
king's left hand.
Quest. 2. A man was not forbidden to marry a woman of his own tribe.
Quest. 3. The children are of the father's tribe.
Quests. 4, 5, 6. The answers to these questions, which I gave in my paper about the Fijians, will
apply word for word to the Tongans.
7. There were, in the heathen times, four kings or principal chiefs, or rather one queen and three
kings, as follows : —
1. Tamaha'. This was a woman, daughter of the sister of a Tui Tonga, or of a Tui Kanokubo'lu.
2. Tui Ha'atakalau'a. He was of the Olomafua tribe.
3. Tui Toga. He was of the Olotele tribe.
4. Tui Kanokubolu. He was of the Pagai tribe.
Of these Nos. 1, 2, 3 had little or no authority. They were held in great reverence (especially
the Tamaha), feasts were made for them, and property presented to them, but they had no voice in
the government.
No. 4, the Tui Kanokubolu, had and has all the real power in his hands ; but it is a significant
fact that when food or property is presented to No. 1, No. 2, or No. 3, he has to carry a part thereof
on a stick which he holds over his shoulder ; and it is not a little remarkable that, on these occasions,
the Molofaha, though an inferior tribe, carry no burdens, but sit around the Tui or Tamaha to whom
the gifts are presented. These facts seem to suggest a different state of things in the olden times.
I have no opportunities of inquiring further into this matter, but I will write to the Tonga mission-
aries.
Quest. 8. As in Fiji.
Quest. 9. The descendants of two sisters, &c. &c., were brothers and sisters to each other through-
out all generations. So also with the descendants of two brothers. But the descendants of a
brother and of a sister were cousins in the first generation only. The children of cousins were
brothers and sisters. See schedule.
Quest. 10. The birthname was not changed unless the person were adopted by a member of another
tribe.
Quest. 11. On the father's death, his property descends to his children.
1 This title motnapuaka must be of comparatively recent origin, for pnaka is evidently an introduced word,
though introduced long before the missionaries went to Tonga. I have a very curious, and somewhat disgusting,
legend of the first coming of pigs to Tonga, wherein it is stated that there were formerly no pigs in Samoa, Tonga,
and Fiji.
580 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
Quest. 12. On the mother's death, her property remained with her husband and children, not even
excepting her dower-land, which did not revert to her own tribe, as in Fiji.
Quests. 13, 14, 15. I am unable to answer these questions.
Quest. 16. The members of no subdivision of any Tongan tribe are necessarily akin.
Quest. 17. Kinsfolk do not salute by the term of kinship. They do not even use the term in
speaking to their nearest relations. Thus, a child, in calling his father, will not call " father I" but
will bawl out his father's name.
REMARKS OF MR. FISON ON THE FIJIAN SYSTEM.
As to the spelling of the Fijian words I have sometimes been at a loss how to spell them so that
the English sound of the letters should represent the sound of the Fijian word.
Where a is left without the breve, I have intended it to have the sound of a in fame, as vatatheni
= vaytatheni.
Where e is left without the breve, I have intended it to have the sound of e in meet, also when
have written it e or ee.
Where i is left without the breve, I have meant it to have the sound of i in light, thus lili = ly-Iy.
Where o is written o, it is intended to have the sound of o in stone, as nonggu = noh-nggu.
I regret to see, in looking over the sheets, that I have in many cases relapsed into the Fijian
spelling : thus, after spelling the word for wife, watenggu, I write the same word watiqu, nonggu,
noqu ; Rawa, Rewa ; alawa, alewa ; tathenggu, tathinggu, &c. &c. I am exceedingly sorry for
this, and in order to remedy it as far as possible, I append a list of all the words, written according
to the Fijian spelling, which is nearly phonetic ; first explaining the sounds of the letters.
The Fijian alphabet consists of the following letters : —
abcdefgijklmnopqrstuvwy.
Of these, f, j, and p are used only in foreign words.
All the consonants are sounded as in English, except
b c d g q.
B has the sound of mb.
C has the sound of th in these, but never of th in thin.
D has the sound of nd.
G has the sound of ng in ring.
Q has the sound of ng in younger. Sometimes it has the sound of nk in younker ; thus, waga =
wanka ; but this sound is not heard in any word which I have employed.
The vowels have the sound which they have in the French language, only it must be remembered
that there are no diphthongs in Fijian, and that, therefore, ai, ei, &c. have not the French sound.
Ai = ah-e, which sounded quickly makes nearly the sound of i in light.
Ei = eh-e, which makes nearly the long a in fame.
Ou = O-oo, which makes Au = ah-oo = ow nearly.
These so-called diphthongs, though sounded quickly, and one vowel slurred as it were into the
other, are not diphthongs, for a quick ear can always catch the distinct sound of each vowel. I
mark the long vowels ; the short are unmarked.
ES'wa. Tarotaro. Kedarn. Taci'qu. Buqu.
Vale-le'vu. Nasimi'ti. NodaWu. L3Vn. Na'damaqu.
Ndku-ni-tabO'a. Nani'u. KSitdu. Lailai. GO'ne.
Santuraga. Va'anamn. Mfiittfa. VngS'qu. Sa'stt'.
T<5ga-vl'ti. Se'ru. Eda. Makubfiqu. Drfl'a.
Nara'sa. Cikino'rn. K&mami. Vaau. Yada.
Nakeli. Ca'kobau. Tamaqu. Vatflvu. V£itaci'ni.
Nac5'lase. No'qu. Tinaqn. Daku. V6igaii6ni.
Naivakacdn. K6qu. Lttveqn. Eaivaqu. Veidavolani.
Maknltl'va. Qau. Tagane. TavalSqu. V6iraiv&ni.
Naka'ro. M6qn. Ale'wa. Davolaqu. V6itinani.
Navolau. Wai. Vn. Dtia. V&tamani.
NavQ'savasn. Nodara Tu'akaqu. Tubtiqn. Vfiivugo'ni.
Nakairewa. KC-iriu.
OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 581
a. Grandchildren and grandfathers.
Some nations make a curious distinction here. One whom I questioned gave me the following : —
Child of my daughter = makubuqu.
Child -of my son = noqu diva = my fencepost.
Both these children would salute me as " tubuqu."
Their children, grandchildren, great grandchildren, and so on throughout all generations, are noqu vu.
These remarks apply whether I be male or female, and whatever be the sex of my grandchildren.
Another of my informants says that in speaking of grandchildren the grandmother would say
" ko ira na makubuqu" = " they the grandchildren-my," while the grandfather would say " ko ira na
maku."
(3. (Page 574.) Uncles and nephews.
Vugoqu is used for my uncle, my aunt, my nephew, or my niece. Vasu or vatuvu is a title rather
of office than of kinship, for the nephew has strauge rights and privileges as regards his uncle. He
can take his uncle's property, and for this act the Fijians have a verb, vasuta, which applies to the
thing so taken ; thus, " sa vasuta na waga ko koya" = " has taken-nephew-wise the canoe he." The
nephew has been known, when at war with his uncle, to go to his uncle's house and help himself to
his gunpowder, none daring to say him nay.
A great lady is sometimes given in marriage by one kingdom to another. Her sons are vasu to
the kingdom from which she came, and most abominably do they abuse their privileges.
y. I have omitted to write "or taciq" after " tuakaqu," but in every case (excepting Nos. 11 and
14) "or taciqu" must be understood after "tuakaqu," whether the word mean "brother" or" sister."
3. (Page 574.) I have marked a note of interrogation to Nos. 58 and 60, because the natives do
not agree therein ; but I think that " luvequ" is correct, because the children of both would be
" makubuqu." There is, however, a doubt about it. I have given the opinion of the majority.
i. (Page 574.) Noqu daku. This appears = brother-in-law or sister-in-law. Some natives gave
me •watiqu in those places where noqu daqu appears, and it is evident that noqu daqu is watiqu in
theory, from the fact that the children of noqu daqu are luvequ.
I (Page 574.) Raivaqu (No. 68), Tavalequ (No. 71), Davolaqu (No. 88). Each of these =
cousins.
If I am a male, my male cousin is tavalequ.
If I am a male, my female cousin is davolaqu.
If I am a female, my male cousin is davolaqu.
If I am a female, my female cousin is raivaqu.
Therefore male cousins are veitavaleni.
Therefore female cousins are veiraivani.
Therefore cousins of opposite sexes are veidavolani.1
6. In comparing my schedule with that of the Seneca tribe, given p. 7 of pamphlet, I found that
while " my father's brother's" descendants are the same in both systems, there is a most curious
difference as regards the descendants -of "my father's sister," the Senecan "son" being the Fijian
" nephew," &c., thus : —
Senecan. Fijian.
My father's sister's son's son (said by a male) = son. Nephew.
" " " " " (said by a female) «= nephew. Son.
My father's sister's son's daughter (said by a male) = daughter. Nieee.
" " " (said by a female) = niece. Daughter.
I thought, when I first observed this, that I must have made a mistake in my schedules, and so
went over them again, making repeated inquiries from many natives, the result whereof is to assure
me beyond a doubt that the difference does exist. I cannot see the point of divergence, for that
most curious fact of father's brothers being fathers, and mother's sisters, mothers ; while mother's
brothers are uncles, and father's sisters aunts ; which seems to me to lie at the root, and to be the
1 Raiva is a Rewa word. Its equivalent in the Baa dialect is dauve. The other words are the same in both
dialects.
582 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY
key of the whole system, explaining nearly all its difficulties, appears to be the same in both systems.
I should be very glad to know whether any of the other Indian tribes thus differ from the Senecan ;
and in the mean while I will not cease from making diligent inquiry among all the tribes (Fijians
and others) to whom I have access.
Quest. 1. (P. 15 of pamphlet.) Into how many tribes is the nation divided ?
In order to answer this question clearly, it will be necessary to define what we mean by " tribe,"
and what by "nation." I propose to take the people of Rewa as a Fijian " nation," -and the
divisions of this people as " tribes." The whole Fijian nation is split up into many of these smaller
nations, who speak different dialects ; and perhaps, in the case of the hill tribes, different languages.
I have been to a mountain tribe whose language was utterly unintelligible to a Fijian who accom-
panied me, although his town was not more than twenty or thirty miles distant, as the crow 'flies;
and in many places, even on the coast, we (missionaries) have to employ an interpreter.
The Rewa (= lofty, exalted) nation is divided into four tribes, viz : —
1. Ya'le-lavu = great house.
2. Nuku-ne-tambua = sand of whale's tooth.
3. Sow-turanga = lord-kings.
4. Tonga-veete = Tongan Fijians.
These are again subdivided into smaller tribes.
Vale-lava.
1. Na-riisS, = destruction.
2. Na-kale = the moat.
3. Na-th6-la'se = the grass coral.1
4. Ni-vaka-th6w. (The meaning doubtful. It MAY mean " the accusers," or the " causers of
gift-bringing.")2
Nulcunitamb ua.
1. Ma'ku-lu'va =naked grandchild.
2. Na-ko'ro = the town.3
Na-sow-turdnga.
1. NS/vol6w = the canoe shed. 2. Na-vu'sa-va'su = tribe of nephews.
3. Na-ki-rawa = people of Rewa. 4. Ta'ro-ta'ro = inquirers.
5. Na-sime6te = the thieves. 6. Na-new = the cocoanuts.
Tonga Veeti.
1. Tonga-nil' ku-ne-tambu' a = Tongan Nukunetambuans.
2. Na-vusa-narau = the tribe of Mosquitoes.*
Quest. 2. A man was not forbidden to marry a woman of his own tribe.
Quest. 3. The children are of the father's tribe.
Quests. 4, 5, 6 may be answered together, as follows : When the sachem dies, his successor is
chosen from among his kinsfolk, whom I write down in order of preference. 1. Elder brother of
deceased. 2. Younger brother. 3. Eldest son. 4. Elder brother's son. 5. Younger brother's
son. That is, the elder brother first ; failing all elder brothers, then a younger brother; failing all
brothers, then sons in order according to age ; failing sons, then elder brother's sons, &c. He who
stands first in order may be passed over because of mental or bodily defect, or notoriously foolish
1 This tribe is extinct.
* The Rewa sachems were chosen from 1, 2, and 3 of these tribes, but never from the 4th (Ni-vaka-thow). That
is, the royal family was of the Narusa tribe ; failing Narusa, then Nakali ; failing Nakali, then Natholase.
5 The war-kings are of these tribes.
1 These are uot, strictly speaking, Rewans. They are a mixed race, the descendants of a band of Tongans who
came down to Fiji many generations ago, and settled down under the protection of Rewa. There is a most
curious legend about their coming to Fiji. I am strongly tempted to give it, but refrain.
OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 583
conduct. A sister's son is never chosen, unless she be married into one of the royal tribes, her sons
being of her husband's tribe.
Quest. 7. There is strong evidence, amounting to almost absolute certainty, that the sachem's
duties were confined exclusively to affairs of peace. Thus, even now, if the sachem go with a war
party, the war-king going also, it is the latter who takes command. Practically, however, in some
cases the sachem has usurped the duties of both war-king and sachem ; while, in others, the war-king
has got into his own hands all the power of both sachem and war-king. A notable instance is that
of the Mbau nation, whose war-king, Thakombau, has laid his hands upon everything, not even
allowing a sachem to be formally appointed.
Quest. 8. The office of war-king is hereditary, the order of succession being precisely the same
with that of the sachem.
Quest. 9. The descendants of two sisters, of the same sex, and standing in equal degrees from
their common ancestors, are brothers and sisters to each other in theory, throughout all generations
So also with the descendants of two brothers. But the descendants of brother and sister are not
cousins throughout all generations ; as, for instance, a Fijian's father's father's sister's daughter's
daughter is his "sister," because his father's father's sister's daughter is his "mother." (See
schedule Nos. 167 and 163.)
Quest. 10. The Fijians have not one name for childhood, another for manhood, &c. ; but their
names are sometimes changed in commemoration of some notable event, as slaying an enemy, &c., or
because of some peculiarity either of body or of mind. Thus the Mbau king's birthname was Seru
= Comb ; afterwards, because of his stealthy manner of creeping upon his enemies, and the sudden
sharpness of his bite, he was called " Thikinovu" = Centipede ; and, finally, during the great rebel-
lion, when his father had to flee for his life, he was called " Tha-kombau" = Bau is in evil case.
Quest. 11. The theory is that on the death of the father his property descends to the widow and
her children ; but the practice is for the kinsfolk of the dead, especially his brothers, to take to
themselves all they can get ; and I have known many widows " loud in their wail" about property
thus taken from them. This, however, is perhaps not quite so unjust as it seems to be, for the
brothers of the dead are the " fathers" of his children, and so care for them. " My father's brother
loves me more than my father," said a native whom I was questioning about this matter.
Quest. 12. On the death of the mother her property remains with her husband, excepting the land
which she brought with her as her dower, and which now reverts to her own tribe.
Quests. 13, 14, 15. I am not able to say whether any of the castes or subdivisions among the
Fijians be analogous to the tribes of the North American Indians, nor have I any books of reference
to help me. If by " castes" we are to understand something similar to the " castes" of India, then,
judging from the little I know of them, there are no such divisions among the Fijians. There are
chiefs of various degrees, and commoners of various degrees. One tribe is " mbati" to another, i. e.
has to follow it to war ; but such tribes are paid for their services, after the fight ; they are much
esteemed, and moreover often not a little feared by the very tribe whose mbati they are, for they are
inconstant and often rebellious.
Another tribe is nggali to the chief tribe. This class has not only to fight at the command of the
chief tribe, but to present food, and to do work in times of peace. There are, moreover, degrees of
the gali — the nggali kaisi being abject serfs, holding their lands, their property, their wives, their
children, nay, their very lives, only at the will of their chiefs.
Quest. 16. The members of these subdivisions are not necessarily akin.
Quest. 17. Kinsfolk salute each other by the term of kinship.
INDEX.
The Roman numerals refer to the Preface.
Abenakis, 218.
Abraham, Rev. Andrew, 463, 519, 520.
Achaotinne, or Slave Lake Indians, 231 ; dialects, 232 ;
system of relationship, 234.
Acowan dialect, 261.
Adams, William, a Delaware Indian, 289, 291.
Agriculture, Indian, 249.
Ahahnelins, 226 ; vocabulary, 209 ; system of relation-
ship, 226, 291.
Algonkin Nations, 200 ; area of occupation, ib.; language,
201.
Amazulus, or Kafirs, 463 ; system of relationship, ib.;
note, 465, 520.
Andrews, Judge Lorin, observations on Hawaiian system
of relationship, 452 note, 519.
Apaches, 241 ; area of occupation, ib.
Arabic, 51 ; system of relationship, ib.
Aramaic branch of Semitic family, 53.
Arapahoe vocabulary, 214.
Architecture of village Indians, 257 ; tends to explain
that of Mexico and Central America, 488 note.
Arickarees, 195, 198 ; system of relationship, 291.
Arink, Dr. Gerard, 74.
Armenians, 48 ; system of relationship, ib.
Aryan Family, 16 ; system of relationship, ib., 77.
Asiniboines, 171, 175 ; system of relationship, 291.
Athapascans, 230 ; area of occupation, ib.
Athapasco-Apache nations, 230.
B.
Barbarian Family, 480, 491.
Barbarism, ages of, 497 ; sequence of customs and
institutions in, 480 ; sequence indicating successive
epochs, ib. 1. Promiscuous intercourse. 2. Intermar-
riage of brothers and sisters. 3. The Communal Fa-
mily. 4. The Hawaiian custom. 5. The Malayan Sys-
tem of relationship. 6. The Tribal Organization. 7.
The Turanian and Ganowanian systems of relation-
ship. 8. Marriage between single pairs. 9. The Bar-
barian Family. 10. Polygamy. 11. The Patriarchal
Family. 12. Polyandria. 13. Property, and lineal
succession to estates. 14. The Civilized Family. 15.
Overthrow of the classificatory system of relationship,
and substitution of descriptive, ib,
74 June, 1870.
Bear's Paw Mountain, 185 note.
Beaver Indians, vocabulary, 232 ; area of occupation,
283 note.
Belgian system of relationship, 36, 77.
Bengali system of relationship, 408, 520.
Berendt, Dr. H., 263.
Bingham, Rev. Hiram, 458, 460 note, 518, 520.
Bishop, Rev. Artemns, 449 ; observations upon Polyne-
sian nations, ib., 519, 520.
Blackfeet, vocabulary, 209 ; Piegan Blackfoot system of
relationship, 225, 291 ; Blood Blackfeet, 291.
Blackfoot Dakotahs, 171 ; system of relationship, 291.
Bliss, Porter C., 264 note.
Blood relationships, 11.
Bohemian system of relationship, 41.
Bonnacks, 251.
Bopp, Prof. F., 75.
Brothers and sisters, intermarriage of, 480, 488.
Brutes, 171 ; system of relationship, 291.
Bulgarian system of relationship, 42.
Burmese, 438 ; system of relationship, 439, 520 ; resem-
blance to American Indians, 441 note.
Byington, Rev. Dr. Cyrus, 135, 190, 286, 291.
C.
Cahnillos, 251.
Caldwell, Dr. R., 400.
Canarese, 397 ; system of relationship, ib., 520.
Capotes, 251.
Cass, Lewis, ix.
Cataubas, 190.
Cayugas, 154 ; system of relationship, 291.
Celtic Nations, 44 ; system of relationship, purely de-
scriptive, ib.; strictly the typical system of Aryan
Family, ib.
Chehalis, 244.
Chepewyaus, vocabulary, 232 ; area of occupation, 233
note.
Cheraws, 218.
Cherokees, 183 ; vocabulary, ift. ; system of relationship,
192, 291 ; pronominal forms, 137 note.
Chibcha village and Indians of New Grenada, 260 ;
system of relationship, 265, 291.
Chickasas, 189; system of relationship, 291.
( 585 )
586
INDEX.
Chinese system of relationship, 413, 520 ; the Hundred
Families, 418 ; table of consanguinity and affinity,
432.
Chinooks, 243.
Choctas, 183 ; vocabulary, ib.; system of relationship, 190,
291.
Choutal village Indians, of Tabasco, 263, 291.
Clallams, 244.
Clare, James R., 275, 290, 291.
Classificatory system of relationship, 131, 143, 385, 412 ;
explainable from the nature of descents on the as-
sumed antecedent existence of compound marriages
in a communal family, 474 ; one of a great series of
institutions in the ages of barbarism, 480.
Coan, Rev. Dr. G. W., 74, 77.
Coco-Maricopas, 261.
Columbia River, remarkable resources of its valley, 241 ;
nursery land of the Ganowauian Family, 242 ; Na-
tions of the valley, 243.
Comanches, 251.
Communal Family, 480, 488.
Comparative philology, 111, 506.
Consanguinity, computation, of numbers, 24 ; mode of
computing degrees, 25.
Copeland, Rev. Charles C., 190, 286, 291.
Coronado, expedition to New Mexico, 255.
Cour d'Alenes, 244.
Cowatahius, 244.
Creeks, 183 ; vocabulary, 16.; system of relationship, 198,
291.
Crees, 202, 206 ; system of relationship, 207, 291 ; vo-
cabulary, 209.
Crows, 183 ; vocabulary, ib. ; system of relationship, 185,
291.
Cusick, Rev. Cornelius C., a Tuscarora Indian, 283.
D.
Dakotah Nations proper, 171 ; area of occupation, 172;
thirteen embryo nations, 174.
Dakotan Nations, 150.
Dances, Indian, a domestic institution, 258 ; their stu-
died development, 259.
Danish system of relationship, 36, 77.
Dawson, Andrew, 198.
Degrees of consanguinity, Roman method of computa-
tion, 25 ; Canon law method, ib.
Delawares, 218 ; system of relationship, 220 ; 291.
Descent among the Iroquois, 165 cote.
Descriptive system of relationship, 12, 468 ; explainable
from nature of descents upon the assumed antecedent
existence of marriage between single pairs, 472.
Deviations from uniformity in systems of relationship,
138 ; their uses, 139.
Dewey-Chester, ix.
Dialectical variation, 136, 18C note.
Dog Rib Indians, vocabulary, 232, 233 note.
Dohne, Rev. J. L., 463.
Dougherty, Rev. P., 287.
Dravidian element in dialects of North India, 386 note ;
language, ib.
Druses, system of relationship, 51, 77.
Dunmore, Kev. George \V., 69 note, 75, 77.
Edwards, Rev, John, 190, 286, 291.
Elder, Rev. P. E., 285, 291.
Ely, Samuel P., ix.
English, system of relationship, 32; diagram, ib., 77.
Erse, system of relationship, 12, 44, 77.
Eskimo, 267 ; area of occupation, 269 ; vocabulary, 268 ;
physieal characteristics, 272 ; Eskimo west of Hudson's
Bay, 275 ; of Greenland, ib. ; of Baffin's Bay, ib. ; sys-
tem of relationship, 276, 291 ; disconnected with Gano-
wanian Family, 277.
Estates, influence of inheritance of upon systems of re
lationship, 14, 480.
Esthonians, 62 ; system of relationship, ib. ; purely de-
scriptive like the Erse, 63, 77.
Etcheinius, system of relationship, 218, 291.
F.
Fairbanks, Rev. S. B., 518, 520.
Family. 1. Communal, 480, 488. 2. Barbarian, 430,
• 491. 3. Patriarchal, 480, 491. 4. Civilized, the last
of the four stages of development, 480, 492.
Fay, Theodore S., 33.
Felix, Joseph, 74, 77.
Female line, descent in, 165 note.
Fijians, 570 ; system of relationship, 573.
Finns, 60 ; system of relationship, ib ; 77.
Fish, Rev. Paschal, 288-, 291.
Fisheries of Columbia River, 241.
Fison, Rev. Lorimer, 519.
Flatbows, or Kooteuays, 251.
Flatheads, 224.
Foley, Rev. Dr. D., 74, 77.
French, system of relationship, 31, 77.
G.
Ganowanian, name proposed for American Indian Fa-
mily, 131 ; its etymological signification, ib. ; evidence
of unity of origin of American Indian Nations from
system of consanguinity, 493 ; evidence of their Asi-
atic origin considered, 498.
Garcia, Guillermo, a Chontal Indiab, 263, 290.
Gaura language of North India, 399.
Greeks, ancient, system of relationship, 29 ; opulence of
nomenclature, 30 ; modern Greeks, 31.
Green, Prof. W. Henry, 74, 77.
Gibbs, George, 243, 244, 245, 248, 249, 250 note, 290.
Gichigamian, or Great Lake Nations, 202 ; area of occu-
pation, ib,
Gorman, Rev. Samuel, 290.
Gulf Nations, 189.
Guthrie, Rev. H. A., 285, 291.
Gujarathi, 411 ; system of relationship, ib., 520.
H.
Half-blood Indians, 206 note.
Hall, Fitz Edward, D.C.L., 39 note, 74, 77.
INDEX.
587
Hall, Capt. C. F., 273, 275, 290.
Hare Indians, 235 ; system of relationship, 236, 291.
Hart, Robert, 414, 420 ; observations upon the Chinese
system of relationship, 422 note, 432, 518, 520.
Harvey, Friend Simon, D., 217 note, 288, 291.
Hawaiian custom of Piualua, 453 note, 457, 480, 489.
Hawaiian*, 451; system of relationship, 454, 520 ; ob-
servations on same by Judge Andrews, 452 note ;
explanation of its origin, 482.
Hebraic Nations, 52.
Hebrews, system of relationship, 52 ; 77.
Hellenic Nations, 29.
Henry, Prof. Joseph, 5.
Herdesty, W. L., 238, 289, 291.
Hindi system of relationship, 401, 520 ; features agree-
ing with Polish, 404 ; terms chiefly from Sanskrit,
406 ; system classificatory, t'6.
Hodenosaunian Nations, 150 ; origin of name, 153.
Holland Dutch, system of relationship, 35 ; 77.
Houses of Iroquois, communal, 153 note.
Huecos, 195.
Hnnfalvy, Prof. Paul, 75, 77.
Hunziker, C., 33 note, 75, 77.
Hurons, or Wyaudotes, 151, 166.
I.
Icelanders, 37 ; system of relationship, ib.
Illinois, 210 ; a name for several nations collectively, ib.
Indians, American, address by kin, 132 ; progress in ac-
quiring English language, 134; two great divisions:
1. Roving Indians. 2. Village Indians, 140. Interme-
diate class, ib.; their idea of government, 141 ; three
stages of organization : 1. The Tribe. 2. The Nation ;
and 3, The Confederacy of Nations, ib. A council the
instrument of government, t'6.; analysis of their system
of relationship, 143 ; custom of sleeping nude, 274
note ; of wearing the waist cloth, ib. ; evidence of unity
of origin, 493 ; of Asiatic origin, 498.
lowas, 176 ; system of relationship, ib., 291.
Iroquois, area of occupation, 150 ; Cognate Nations, 152.
Irwin, Rev. S. &!., 184 note.
Isaunties, 171 ; vocabulary, 182.
Italians, system of relationship, 31 ; 77.
Itazipcoes, 171.
J.
Japanese, 425 ; family names, 427 ; marriage customs,
428 ; burial customs, ib. ; gradations of rank, 429 ;
system of relationship, 430, 520 ; passing out of Tura-
nian form, 432.
Johnson, J. A., 77.
Jones, Rev. Evan, 137, 286, 291.
Jones, Evan T., 74, 77.
Judson, Mrs. Sarah B., account of Karens, 441 note.
K.
Kafirs or Amazulns, 463 ; system of relationship, ib.
Kalapuyas, 243.
Kalawatsets, 243.
Kalispelms, 244.
Karens, 441, and note ; dialects, 443 ; system of relation-
ship, 444, 520.
Kaskaskias, 210 ; system of relationship, 291.
Kaws, 176 ; system of relationship, 176 ; vocabulary,
182.
Kayuses, 243.
Kechis, 251.
Kennicott, Robert, 234, 252, 283, 290.
Kichais, 195.
Kikapoos, system of relationship, 213, 291.
Kin, salutation by, 132.
King's Mill Islanders, Micronesia, 460 ; system qf relation
ship, ib., 520.
Kizhes, 251.
Kleinschmidt, Rev. Samuel, 275, 290, 291.
Klikitats, 249.
Kootenays, 243, 251.
Koskinen, Prof. Urjo, 75.
Kowooks, 244.
Kusaiens, of Micronesia, 458 ; system of relationship,
459.
Kutchin, or Louchieux, 239 ; vocabulary, 232 ; system
of relationship, 239.
Kuzulbashe, 68 ; system of relationship, 69, 77.
Laguna, Village Indians, 261 ; system of relationship,
262, 291.
Languages, the three stages of development, 201 note ;
Indian languages, 136, 186 ; syllabical, 201 ; accent
and quantity, ib.; language of signs, 227 note.
Leas, Charles A., 62 ; observations on the Esthoiiians, ib.
Lisboa, Senor Miguel Maria, 74, 77.
Lithuanians, 43.
Lituami, 243.
Louchieux, or Kutchin, 237 ; system of relationship, 239,
291.
Loughridge, Rev. R. M.,-286, 291.
Lowrie, Walter, ix.
Lushbaugh, B. F., 286? 291.
M.
Magyars, 64 ; system o/ relationship, t'6. ; 77.
Malayalam, 386.
Malayan Family, 448 ; stationary condition as islanders,
ib. ; system of relationship, 450 ; basis of Turanian
system, ib.
Malays, terms of relationship, 451 note.
Malisetes, or Etchemins, 218, 291.
Mandans, 181 ; ruins of their village, ib. note ; vocabu-
lary, 182; system of relationship, 184, 291.
Maori of New Zealand, 447 ; system of relationship, 458,
520.
Marathi, system of relationship, 411, 520.
Marriage between single pairs, 480, 490 ; compound
marriages, 457 ; of ssveral sisters to one husband,
238.
588
INDEX.
Marouites, 71 ; system of relationship, ib.
Mason, Dr. Francis, 442, 443, 518, 520.
McDonald, R., 290, 291.
Mollvaine, Rev. Dr. J. H.. ix., 479 note.
McNab, Rev. Duncan, 74, 77.
Meldruin, Robert, 133, 186 note.
Mengarini father, Flathead grammar, 246, and note.
Menoininees, 213; system of relationship, 291.
Miamis, 210 ; system of relationship, 211, 291.
Micmacs, 218 ; system of relationship, 223, 291.
Micronesian Islands, 458.
Miller, Thomas, 451, 518, 520.
Miunikanyes, 171.
Minuitares, 170, 185 ; vocabulary, 183 ; system of rela-
tionship, 188, 291.
Mississippi Nations, 208 ; area of occupation, ib.
Missouri Nations, 170 ; area of occupation, 177.
Missouris, 176.
Mohaves, 261.
Mohawks, 154; system of relationship, 291.
Mohegans, 218 ; system of relationship, 222, 291.
Mohnaches, 251.
Moore, John, 74, 77.
Moquis, 260.
Morse, Rev. Charles P., 42 note, 75, 77.
Morton, Dr. Samuel G., 2U9 ; observations upon Eskimo
skulls, Hi.
Miiller, Max, 56 note, 385.
Munsees, 218 ; system of relationship, 221, 291.
Murray, Alexander H., 207, 237, 238.
Muyska, or Chibcha of New Granada, 264; system of re-
lationship, 265 ; 291.
N.
Names for children according to relative age, 180 note.
Nautikokes, 218.
Narragansetts, 218, 219 note.
Natches, 190.
Navajos, 241.
Negroid Nations, 462 ; antiquity of Negro type, ib.
Nepos and its cognates, 35 note.
Nestorians, 53 ; system of relationship, ib., 77.
Netelas, 251.
Neutral Nation, 152.
New Zealanders, 449 ; system of relationship, 457.
Nez Perces, 249.
Nohannies, 233 note.
Nomenclatures of relationship, 37 note ; growth or de-
velopment outward, ib.
Norwegians, 36 ; system of relationship, ib., 77.
Nottoways, 233 note.
Nundy, Rev. Gopenath, 408 note, 518, 520.
Nursing children by Indian mothers for several years,
238.
0.
Ogalallas, 171 ; system of relationship, 291.
Ohenonpas, 171.
Ojibwas, 202 ; system by relationship, 204, 291 ; vocabu-
lary, 209.
Okinakan, 224 , system of relationship, 291.
Omahas, 176 ; system of relationship, 291.
Oneidas, 154, 291.
Onondagas, 154 ; system of relationship, 291.
Osages, 176.
Osmauli-Turks, 67 ; system of relationship, 68, 77.
Otawas, 202 ; system of relationship, 291.
Otoes, 176 ; vocabulary, 182 ; system of relationship, 291.
P.
Pah-Utes, 251.
Paloos, 249.
Parkman, Francis, 152 note.
Patriarchal Family, 480, 491.
Pawnees, 196 ; vocabulary, 195 ; system of relation-
ship, 196, 291.
Peltz, Philip, ix.
Pend d'Oreilles, 244.
Peorias, 210 ; system of relationship, 291.
Pequots, 219 note.
Persians, 46 ; system of relationship, 16., 77; diagram of
descents, 47.
Piankeshaws, 210 ; system of relationship, 291.
Picoris, 261.
Piegan Blackfeet, 225 ; system of relationship, 291,
Pimos, 261.
Pinalua, 453 note, and 457.
Piper, Edward Count, 74, 77.
Pisquons, 244.
Platt Dutch, system of relationship, 36.
Plinta, Augustus, 75, 77.
Polish Nation, 40 ; system of relationship, ib., and 77.
Polyandria, 476 ; Thibetan form, 477 ; that on the Nil-
gherry Hills, ib.; its influence upon the formation of
the classificatory system considered, 478.
Polygamy, marrying several sisters, 238 ; its influence
upon the formation of the classificatory system con-
sidered, 476 ; an institution of the ages of barbar-
ism, 480, 491.
Portuguese, 32 ; system of relationship, 16. ; 77.
Posten, Charles D., 261.
Potawattamies, 202, 291 ; vocabulary, 209.
Powhattans,218.
Prairie area, 242 ; occupies interior of North America,
ib.; a barrier to a free communication between Atlan-
tic and Pacific sides of the continent, t'6.
Prairie Nations, 195 ; area of occupation, ib.
Pratt, Rev. Andrew T., 75.
Prichard, Dr. James Cowles, 449 ; his classification of
inhabitants of Oceanica, ib.
Pronominal forms, 137 ; illustrations from Cree, ib.; from
Cherokee, ib. note ; effect upon ordinary vocabulary
words, 138 note.
Property, considered in its influence upon, systems of
relationship, 480, 492.
Prussians, 33 ; systems of relationship, t'6., and 77.
Punkas, 176; language, 177 note; system of relation-
ship, 291.
Q.
Quappas, 176, 291.
INDEX.
589
R.
Baud, Rev. Silas T., 289, 291.
Rasloff, W. D., 74, 77.
Reciprocal relationships, 245.
Red Knives (Tal-sote'-e-nct), 236, 291.
Red River Settlement, 206 note.
Relationship, systems of, general observations, 10; upon
American Indian system, 132 ; descriptive form, 12,
468, 472 ; classificatory form, 131, 143, 385, 474, 479 ;
a domestic institution, 469 ; one of the oldest institu-
tions of the human family, 490.
Results of a general comparison of systems of relation-
ship, 467.
Rewan Nation, 569 ; system of relation ihip, 573.
Rice, Rev. B., 518.
Riggs, Rev. Dr. Elias, 75, 77.
Riggs, Rev. Stephen R., 283, 291.
Rocky Mountain Nations, 224.
Romaic Nations, 31.
Roman system of relationship preserved in the Pandects,
19 ; details of system, 20 ; typical form of Aryan Fa-
mily, ib.; diagram of Roman descents, 19 ; of civilians,
23 ; most perfect of known systems, 27.
Roving Indians, 140, 255.
Russians, 42 ; system of relationship, ib.; 77 ; diagram of
descents, ib.
S.
Sahaptin Nations, 249.
Salish Nations, 244.
Salmon fisheries of Columbia river, 241.
Samena, 244.
Sansarcs, 171.
Sanskrit, system of relationship, 38 ; diagram of de-
scents, ib.
Sashalt, 244.
Sawks and Foxes, 212 ; system of relationship, 291.
Schwoyelpis, 244.
Sclavonic Nations, 40 ; original peculiarities in their
system, 40 ; reappear in the Hindi and Bengali, 204.
Scoffies, 218.
Scott, Rev. James L., 422 and note, 518, 520.
Scudder, Dr. Henry W., 5.
Snudder, Rev. Ezekiel C., 395, 518, 520.
Selin, GK, 75, 77.
Selkirk Settlement, 201 note.
Seminoles, 189.
Semitic Family, 50 ; system of relationship, ib.; its near
approach to Aryan form, 54 ; Semitic language, 50.
Seuecas, system of relationship, 154 ; typical form of
Ganowanian Family, ib.; diagrams, 155, 156, 161;
comparative table of Seneca and Yankton systems,
167 ; of Seneca and Tamil, 511.
Seward, William H., ix.
Shastees, 243.
Shawnees, 215 ; vocabulary, 214 ; dialect, 216 ; system
of relationship, 217, 291.
Sheep Indians, 233 note.
Sheshatapoosh, 218. .,
Shiyans, 213 ; system of relationship, 214, 291 ; vocabu-
lary, ib.
Shoshonee Nations, 251 ; area of occupation, ib.; migra-
tions, 251, 252.
Shoushwaps, 244.
Signs, language of, 227 note.
Sigwardson, Prof. J., 74, 77.
Simpson, General J. H., 256.
Sissetona, 171 ; system of relationship, 291.
Skagit, 244.
Slave Lake Indians, 231 ; vocabulary, 232 ; system of
relationship, 234, 291.
Slovaks, 40.
Smet, Rev. Father P. J., 74, 77.
Smith, Prof. Goldwiu, 568.
Snow, Rev. B. G., 458, 459 note, 518, 520.
Spanish Nation, 32 ; system of relationship, ib.; 77 ; In-
dian missions in New Mexico, 256.
Spokane, 244; system of relationship, 247, 291.
Steck, Dr. Michael, 290, 291.
Steele, Rev. William H., 451 note.
Stephens, Rev. E. A., 518, 520.
Sturges, Rev. Charles, 284.
Susquehannocks, 152; identical with Andastes, ib.
Susseas, 233 note.
Swedish Nation, 37 ; system of relationship, ib. ; 77.
Swiss, 33 ; system of relationship, ib. ; 77.
T.
Tabegwaches, 251 ; system of relationship, 252 ; 291
Table lands of Asia, 66 note.
Table of Aryan system, 77 ; of Ganowanian, 291 ; of Tu-
ranian and Malayan, 520.
Taieets, 244.
Tiilsotenas, 236 ; system of relationship, 16. ; 291.
Tamilian system of relationship, 387, 520 ; typical form
of Turanian Family, ib.; analysis of same, ib. note ;
diagrams, 390, 392 ; classificatory in form, 389 ; com-
parative table of Tamil- and Seneca-Iroquois, 511.
Tdndlinnees, 236 ; system of relationship, ib. ; 291.
Taos Village Indians, 261.
Taylor, Rev. Richard, 519, 520.
Taylor, Rev. Joseph S., 458, 518, 520.
Tellamooks, 244.
Telugu, 396 ; system of relationship, ib., 520.
Tesson, Joseph, 215 note.
Tesuque Village Indians, 261 ; system of relationship,
263, 291.
Teutonic Nations, 32.
Toanhooks, 244.
Tongan Nation, 568 ; system of relationship, 569.
Torrey, Rev. C. C., 286, 291.
Tracey, Rev. William, 395, 518.
Treat, Rev. S. B., ix.
Tribal Organization, 139 ; definition of a tribe, ib.; anti-
quity of this organization, 475, 496 ; its wide preva-
lence, ib.; antecedent to the formation of the Turanian
system, 488 ; explanation of its origin, 484, 490 ; one
of the most important institutions of the ages of bar-
barism, 490.
Tukuthees, 239 ; system of relationship, 240, 291.
Turanian Family, 385 ; system of relationship, 385 ; ex-
planation of its origin, 488.
Turk Nations, 66 ; area of occupation, 16.
590
INDEX.
Turner, Prof. William W., 195, 230, 256.
Tuscaroras, 154 ; system of relationship, 291.
Two Mountain Iroquois, 154, 165, 291.
U.
Ugrian Nations, 59 ; area of occupation, ib.
Uintahs, 251.
Uncpapas, 171, 291.
Unity of origin of American Indians, 258 ; facts tending
to show it, 16.
Uralian Family, 57 ; reasons for constituting a new fa-
mily out of the Northern branch of the Turanian, ib.;
system of relationship descriptive, 59.
Uricoechea, Dr. E., 264, 290.
Utahs, 251.
V.
Van Dyck, Dr. C. V. A., 52, 74, 77.
Van Meter, Rev. H. L., 422, 518, 520.
Vilaseca, Don Augustin, 263.
Village Indians, 141, 254 ; of New Mexico, 257, 201 ;
still in possession of their original domestic institu-
tions, ib.; of Central America, 263 ; of South America,
264.
W.
Wade, Rev. Dr. Joaatlian, 443, 518, 520.
Wala Walas, 249.
Wampanoags, 218.
Warren, J. G., ix.
Weaws, 210; system of relationship, 291.
Welsh, 45 ; system of relationship, ib., 77 ; diagram of
Welsh descents, 46 note.
Wemenuches, 251.
Westphalians, 36 ; system of relationship, 16., 77.
Whitney, Prof. W. D., 40 note, 74, 77.
Wichitas, 195.
Winnebagoes, 180 ; system of relationship, ib., 291 ; vo-
cabulary, 183.
Winslow, Dr. Miron, 395, 518.
Wright, Rev. Austin K., 74, 77.
Wyandotes, 151 ; system of relationship, 166, 291 ; vo-
cabulary, 183.
Y.
Yakamas, 244 ; system of relationship, 250, 291 ; gram-
mar of Father Pandosy, 253 note.
Yampahs, 251.
Yanktonais, 171 ; system of relationship, 291.
Yanktons, 171 ; system of relationship, 174, 291 ; stan-
dard form of Dakotah Nations, ib.; comparative table
of Yankton- and Seneca-Iroquois, 167.
Z.
Zulus, or Amazuln, 463 ; system of relationship, 16. ; 523.
Zuui Village Indians, 261.
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
WASHINGTON CITY,
JtTNE, 1870.
See Pa£e 19.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: ROMAN.
PLATE I.
See Paw 32.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: ENGLISH.
PLATE Hi.
Great
Grandfather's
V
P. Great grcal
Great
Aunt.
V
P. Great £reat
Great
Uncle.
V
P Great groat
Groat Aunt's
Daujihter.
IV
Paternal
Groat
Great Aunt
P. Great great
Great Uncles
Son.
IV
P Great
Great Aunt's
Daughter.
V
P.Great great
Great Aunt's
IV
P Great great
Uncles
Son
V
P Great |reat
Great Uncle's
Grands on
in
Paternal
Groat Aunt
Paternal
Great Uncle
V
P Great great
Great Uncles
\ Great Grand
Son.
IV
P Great great
tlnt'le's
Graiulson
ra
P. Great
Aunt's
Daughter
P. Great
Groat Aunt'a
Grand
Daughter
P.Groatgre*
Great Aunt
Great t
HI
Cpu
P.Gr^at
Aunt's
Grand
Daughter.
Tnird Cousin
P. Growt great
Aunts
Great Grand
Daughter.
P Great
Uncle's
Grand ami
P Great 6reat
Bncleli
Great Grand
SDH
Paternal AnnTs
Dauiliter
rv
E Great
Aunt's
Great Grand
Daughter
m
Paternal
AimTs
Grand
Daughte
IV
P. Great
Undo's
Great Grand
Sun
III
Paternal
Uncle's
Grandson.
rv
P Uncles
Great
GtAiuLeoit
ate
Aunt's
Groat Grand
Sister's
Grand
Daughter
Brother's
Grand Son
IV
Great great
J5ece
SistetS
Groat Grand
aughter.
Brother's
reat Grand -y
Son
See Page 155.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: SENECA-IROQTJOIS.
PLATE IV.
HA-YA-DA
My Grandson
KA-YA-DA
Lineal and First Collateral Lines: Male and Female
Efjo, a Male.
See Page 155.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: SEXECA-IROQTJOIS.
PLATE Y.
rv->
HA-YA-DA
My Grandaon
KA-YA'-DA
Mr
Lineal and First Collateral Lines: Male and Female.
Ego, a Female.
See Pago 156.
DIAGRAM OP CONSANGUINITY: SENECA-IROQUOIS.
PLATE VI.
AH-CA-HUC
My Jaunt
V AMale I
A-YA-WAN-DA\ /KA'YA-WAN-OAN /HA-AH-WUKX /KA-AH-WUK\ /HA-AH-WUK
)fy Nephew / \ %Nicre / \ My Son / \ HyDmi|htCT
Lineal and Second Collateral Lines: Male and Female : Father's Side.
Ego, a Male.
See Pa?e 158.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: SENECA-IROQUOIS.
PLATE VII.
OC-NO-SE
My Uncle
NO-YEH
My Mother
NO-YEH
My Mother
AH-CARE-SE
My Male
KA-YA-WAN-DAX /HA-AH:WUK\ /HA-AH:WUK\ /KA-AH:WUK
'My Niece / \ JfySon / \ MySon / VMyDaugtaer/ My Nephew
Lineal, and Second Collateral Lines: Male and Female: Mother's Side.
Ego, a Male.
See Page 1G1.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: SENECA-IROQTJOIS.
PLATE VIII.
HOC-SOTE
MyGrandiiiUttr
HA-N1H
My Father
HA-NIH
My Father
HA-NIH
MY Fitlier
AH-CA-HUq
Sfy Aunt
AH-CA-HUC
My Aunt
AH-CARE-SEH\ / AH-CARE-SEH\ / AR-CARE
Female Cousin/ \MyFcjualeCmisi
My Brother
Elil or
HA-AH-WUK
My San.
HA-AH-WUK
My Son
HA-AH-WUK
My Son
KA-YA-WAN-DA
Mj Niece
KA-YA-WAN-OA
My ft'iece
HA-YA-DA
T*\Y Grandson
Lineal, and Second, Third, nnd Fourth Collateral Lines: Male and Female: Father's Side.
Ego, a Male.
See Page 161.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: SENECA-IROQITOIS.
PLATE IX.
OC:SOTt V / OC-SOTC \ / HOC-SOTE
My GrandmoiJier / V Tfy Grandmother
OC'SOTE \ / OC-SOTE
1fy Grandmother/ VMy-Graritoo&a-
HOONO-SEH\ /HOC-NO-SEH
My Mother
/AH-CAR£-'5EH\ /AH-CARE-'S£H\
UfyMaJcCousiiy \MyMaleGouW
/AH-JE \
—
\ My Sister /
^3ld. or jvnn£ *./
Lineal, and Second, Third, and Fourth Collateral Lines : Male and Female : Mother's Side
Ego, a Male.
See Page 390.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: TAMIL.
PLATE X.
Lineal and First Collateral Lines: Male and Female.
Ego, a Male.
See Pa-re 392.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: TAMIL.
PLATE XL
FADDAN
ATTAJ
Aunt
/TAKKAPF
Father
'MAITTUNr
\remflte Cousin/
ATTAN
Male Couain >
ANNAN
TANCAY
MAKAL
Pan/htpr
MAKAN
Son
»iec«
MAKAL
DangfaSsr
fituon
meet
PERAN
Grandjori
Lineal, and Second Collateral Lines: Male and Female: Father's Side.
£170, a Male.
See Page 392.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: TAMIL.
PLATE XII.
RUMAKAL\ / MAKAN
Niece / \ Son
Lineal, and Second Collateral Lines: Male and Female : Mother's Side.
Ego, a Male.
See Pago 393.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY: TAMIL.
PLATE XIII.
Secojid
urandmother
Second '
Grandfather
Seconji
Grandfather
PADDI \ / PAOOI \ / PADDAN
Grandmother / V Grandmother / V Grandfather
PADDAN
Grandfatlier
TAKKAPPAN\ /TAKKAPPAN\ /TAKKAPPAN\ /TAKKAPPAN
ITTUNI \ / MA!
Fraaale Cousm / \ Female Consin
Elder orYoim
Brolher
Elder orYwmesr
Brotlier
MAKAL
Daughter
Daughter / A Daughter
RERAN
Grandson.
Lineal, and Second, Third, and Fourth Collateral Lines : Male and Female : Father's Side.
Ego, a Male.
r\
. M
See Page 393.
DIAGRAM OF CONSANGUINITY : TAMIL.
PLATE XIV.
Third
Grarutmotlier
Second
tmnuluujther
Second.
Gr.-.lui&thcfr
GronximofhCT/ \ Grandmother/ xGrandmother/ \Gramlfathcr / \GianiiCillier
AKKARL
or
TANGAY
/UCKARL
TANGAY
MAITTUNANX /MAITTUNAN
Male Corasin. / \ JIale Couein / \ llalo Consm
lier orToimiar/ \ElderorYonneer
Sister / \ Sister
MARUMAKANN /MARUMAKANX /MARUMAKA
Nephew / \ Nephew
ARUMAKAIA /MARUMAKALN /MARUMAKAL
Hiece
RERAN
Grandson
Lineal, and Second, Third, and Fourth Collateral Lines : Male and Female. Mother's Side.
Ego, a Male.
RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT
TO—*- 202 Main Library
LOAN PERIOD 1
HOME USE
2
3
4
5
6
ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS
Renewals and Recharges may be made 4 days prior to the due date.
Books may be Renewed by calling 642-3405.
DUE AS STAMPED BELOW
QnTlflifla5
lAAR OR 19flQ
m^ftrW
AUTn nisr. MAR 2 1 1985
JUN 1 5 ia3b
tiRQULA,^
I, m
Z a S|
O <B
Pi ^1996
> 1 i
»* 3
^ JO ^
C 1
REfeE^J?97
1AM 1 1 1QQ7
D. -^ •*
i- ^
1 Ur* n C. r 133 f~"
^-IR^ULAI ION DCPT
z z
573
FORM NO. DD6
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY
BERKELEY, CA 94720
GENERAL LIBRARY - U.C. BERKELEY
600032^701