Table talk; with a bibliographical pref. and notes by S.W. Singer

■^*^»>

«v

/V

^

SELDEN'S TABLE-TALK

" There is more weighty bullion fenfe in this book, than I ever
found in the fame number of pages of any uninfpired writer."

Coleridge.

Mytens Pinrit .

lUman Sad/i'

JOH^ SEILDEK,

irc.c\ -urivxcs xrjv i~^iv6zc\.jy

HE TABLE-TALK

OF JOHN SELDEN
ESQ,

WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL PREFACE AND NOTES
BY S. W. SINGER ESQ^

LONDON

WILLIAM PICKERING

1847 l\0^^

Biographical Preface.

OTHING can be more inter-
efting than this little book^
containing a lively pidlure of
the opinions and converfation
of one of the moft eminent fcholars and
moft diftinguifhed patriots England has
produced ; living at a period the moft
eventful of our hiftory. There are few
volumes of its fize fo pregnant with
fenfe, combined with the moft profound
learning ; it is impoftible to open it with-
out finding fome important fa6t or dif-
cuflion, fomething pradtically ufeful and
applicable to the bufinefs of life. It may
be faid of it, as of that exquifite little
manual, Bacon's Eftays, " after the twen-

Biographical Preface.

tieth perufal one feldom fails to remark
in it fomething overlooked before."

Such were my feelings and expreffions
eight and twenty years fmce, in giving to
the world an edition of Selden's Table
Talk, which has long been numbered in
the lift of fcarce books, and that opinion
time has fully confirmed. It was with
infinite fatisfadlion therefore I found that
one whofe opinion may be fafely taken as
the higheft authority, had as fully appre-
ciated its worth. Coleridge thus empha-
tically exprefies himfelf : '' There is more
weighty bullion fenfe in this book, than I
ever found in the fame number of pages of
any uninfpired writer." And in a note on
the article Parliament, he writes : *^ Ex-
cellent ! O ! to have been with Selden
over his glafs of wine, making every ac-
cident, an outlet and a vehicle of wif-
dom." *

Its merits had not efcaped the notice of
Johnfon, though in politics oppofed to
much that it inculcates, for in reply to an

* Coleridge's Literary Remains, vol. ii. pp. 361-2.

Biographical Preface.

Vll

obfervation of Bofwell, in praife of the
French Ana, he faid : " A few of them
are ^ood, but we have one book of that
kind better than any of them — Selden's
Table-talk." *

The colledlor and recorder of thefe
Aurea Di£fa, the Reverend Richard Mil-
ward, was for many years Selden's Aman-
uenfis ; he had graduated at Trinity
College, Cambridge, and fubfequently
became Re6lor of Little Braxted, in Ef-
fex, upon the prefentation of its then
patron, the Earl of Pembroke. He was
alfo inftalled a Canon of Windfor, in
1666, and died in 1680.

From the dedication to Selden's Ex-
ecutors, it will be obvious that Milward
intended it for publication, but it did not
iflue from the prefs until nine years after
his death. Among the Harleian MSS.
in the Britifh Mufeum (13 15. pi. 42. 6.)
is a written copy of this work, on which
is the following note by Lord Oxford :

* Bofwell's Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides,
p. 321.

Biographical Preface.

"This book was given in i68 — by
Charles Earl of Dorfet to a Bookfeller in
Fleet Street, in order to have it printed,
but the bookfeller delaying to have it
done, Mr. Thomas Rymer fold a copy he
procured to Mr. Churchill,* who printed

It.

j>

pr? f* T f

' The authors of a literary journal gave
at the timet an opinion againft the au-
thority of the book, on the ground that
it contained many things unworthy of a
man of Selden's erudition, and at variance
with his principles and pra6lice. Dr.
Wilkins, the editor of his works, has
adopted this opinion, but we may fairly
fufped that his own political bias may
have influenced this decilion. The com-
pilation has fuch a complete and unaf-
fefted air of genuinenefs, that we can
have no hefitation in giving credit to the

* No edition that I have feen has the name of
Churchill as publiiher. That which has always
been confidered the firft, is in fmall 4to. 60 pages,
and profeflcs to be " Printed for E. Smith, in the
year MDCLXXXIX."

f The Lcipfic "Ads of the Learned/'

Biographical Preface.

IX

aflertion of Milward, who fays that '' It
was faithfully committed to writing, from
time to time, during the long period of
twenty years, in which he enjoyed the
opportunity of daily hearing his (Selden's)
difcourfe, and of recording the excellent
things that fell from him." He appeals
to the executors and friends of Selden, for
the fadl that fuch was the manner of his
patron's converfation, and fays that they
will quickly perceive them to be his by
the familiar illuftrations wherewith they
are fet off, and in which way they know
he was fo happy. This dedicatory appeal
to the moft intimate friends of Selden, is
furely a fufficient teftimonial to the vera-
city of his affertion, and to the genuine
authority of the work.

It was poffibly thought that the fa-
miliar and fometimes homely manner in
which many of the fubjedls difcuffed are
illuftrated, was not fuch as might have
been expected from a profound fcholar;
but Selden, with all his learning, was a man
of the world, familiar with the ordinary
fcenes of common life, and knew how to

Biographical Preface.

bring abftrufe fubjeds home to the bufinefs
and bofoms of men of ordinary capacity,
ill a manner at once perfpicuous and
agreeable. .-r^'N \v.

" He was a perfon (fays his friend
Lord Clarendon) whom no charadler can
flatter, or tranfmit in any expreffions
equal to his merit and virtue. He was
of fuch ftupendous learning in all kinds,
and in all languages, that a man would
have thought he had been entirely con-
verfant among books, and had never fpent
an hour but in reading and writing ; yet
his humanity, courtefy, and affability were
fuch, that he would have been thought to
have been bred in the befl courts, but that
his good nature, charity, and delight in
doing good, and in communicating all he
knew, exceeded that breeding. His ftyle
in all his writings feems harfh and fome-
times obfcure,* which is not wholly to
be imputed to the abftrufe fubjeds of

• Aubrey fays ; ** in his younger years he afFeded
obfcurity of ftyle, which, after, he quite left off, and
wrote perfpicuoufly."

Biographical Preface.

which he commonly treated, but to a lit-
tle undervaluing of ftyle, and too much
propenfity to the language of antiquity ;
but in his converjation he was the moft
clear diJcourJeVy and had the beft faculty of
making hard things eajy^ and of prejenting
them to the underfianding, of any man that
hath been known, Mr. Hyde was wont
to fay that he valued himfelf upon no-
thing more than upon having had Mr.
Selden's acquaintance from the time he
was very young. If he had fome infirmi-
ties with other men, they were weighed
down with wonderful and prodigious ex-
cellencies in the other fcale."* It has
been juftly obferved that it affords tefli-
mony in favour of both, that after their
feparation in the public path of politics,
their friendfhip remained unaltered, and
that Hyde on every occafion flood forth
in defence of Selden's confcientious con-
du6t.

Selden was born at Salvington, a ham-
let in the parifh of wefl Tarring, on the

* Lord Clarendon's Life by himfelf, Fol. Ed. p. i6.

XI

Biographical Preface.

coaft of SufTex, not far from Worthing.
The cottage in which he firft faw the light
was then known as Lacies, and is at-
tached to a farm of about 80 acres. When
vifited in the year 1834, no relic of Sel-
dtn remained .but an infcriptlon on the
infide of the lintel of the entrance door-
way, confifting of the following Latin
diftich, faid to have been compofed by
him when only i o years old :

Gr ATVS Honeste mih • no clavDaR inito sedeb'

FVR ABEAS : NO SV FACTA SOLVTA TIBI.*

Aubrey, who has left fome gofTipIng ma-
terials for a life of Selden, fays that his
father was "a yeomanly man of about 40/.
per annum," that he played well on the
violin, in which he took delight ; and at
Chriftmas time, to pleafe himfelf and his
neighbours, would play to them as they
danced. In the parlfh regifler of Weft

* /. e. Honeft friend, welcome to me I will not
be clofed, enter and be feated.

Thief! begone, I am not open to thee.

Johnson's Memoirs of Selden.

Biographical Preface. xiii

Tarring, is this entry : " 1584, John, the
Sonne of John Selden, the Minflrell, was
baptized the 20th day of December." So
that there is fome reafon to conclude that
his father occafionally exercifed his mufical
talent profeffionally. Indeed Aubrey tells
us that " My old Lady Cotton (wife to
Sir Robert Cotton) was one time at Sir
Thomas Alford's in Suflex, at dinner in
Chriftmas time, and Mr. J. Selden (then
a young ftudent) fate at the lower end of
the table, who was lookt upon then to be of
parts extraordinary, and fomebody afking
who he was, 'twas replied, — his fon that is
playing on the violin in the hall."

Wood fays that it was his father's mu-
fical talent that gained him his wife, who
was the daughter and heirefs of Thomas
Baker of Rufhington, and defcended
from a knightly family of that name in
Kent. Her fortune was probably fmall,
for Selden's fifter feems to have married
humbly ; her hufband appears to have
exercifed the profeffion of a mulician at
Chichefter, and being an invalid with a
large family, had a penfion of about 25/.

XIV

Biographical Preface.

per annum, Selden being one of the con-
tributors to his necelTities.

Selden received the iirft rudiments of
Education at the free-fchool of Chichefter,
under Hugh Barker, afterwards a diftin-
guifhed civilian ; and that he was an apt
fcholar appears from his early proficiency,
for he was admitted a ftudent of Hart
Hall, Oxford, when only fourteen years
old. Wood tells us that he was indebted
to Dr. Juxon for his exhibition ; and that
he was a great favourite with Mr. Barker,
who recommended him to his brother
Anthony, a fellow of New College, who
with John Young, another fellow of the
fame college, aflifted him in his ftudies.

He remained at Oxford about four years,
and in 1602 he repaired to London, and
entered himfelf at Cliffords Inn : here he
commenced his ftudy of the law ; and in
May, 1 604, he removed to the Inner Tem-
ple; his chamber was in an upper ftory, in
Paper Buildings, having the advantage of
a fmall gallery to walk in, and looking
toward the garden.

His early proficiency appears to have

Biographical Preface.

recommended him to the notice of Sir
Robert Cotton, for whom he is faid to
have copied records, and to whom he be-
came clofely attached ; to this early inter-
courfe moid probably may be attributed
his prediledion for antiquarian purfuits.

It was at this period of his life that,
from being devoted to fimilar ftudies, he
formed acquaintance, which afterwards
ripened into friendship, with fome of his
eminent cotemporaries, among whom may
be named Henry Rolle, afterwards Lord
Chief Juftice ; Sir Edward Littleton, af-
terwards Lord Keeper ; Sir Edward Her-
bert, fubfequently Attorney General ; and
Sir Thomas Gardiner, who became Re-
corder of London ; " It was the conftant
and almoft daily courfe (fays Wood) of
thofe great traders in learning, to bring
in their acquefts as it were in a common
ftock, by natural communication, whereby
each of them, in a great meafure, became
the participant and common pofTefTor of
each other's learning and knowledge." He
alfo formed intimate friendfhips with two
of the moft diftinguifhed men of his time.

XV

xvi Biographical Preface.

Camden, and Ben Jonfon, and purfued his
ftudies in conjundion with one lefs known,
Mr. Edward Heyward, of Reepham in
Norfolk. The virtue and learning of this
his " beloved friend and chamber-fellow"
he fpeaks of in high terms.

He became fo fedulous a ftudent, and
his proficiency was fo well known that he
was foon in extenfive pradice as a cham-
ber counfel and conveyancer ; but he does
not feem to have appeared frequently at
the bar. His devotion to his profeffion
did not prevent him from purfuing his
literary occupations with affiduity, and at
the early age of twenty -two he had com-
pleted his DifTertation on the Civil Go-
vernment of Britain before the Norman
Conqueft, which, imperfed as it may now
be thought, was ftill an aftonifhing per-
formance for the age at which it was com-
pofed.*

In 1 6 lo we find him purfuing the fame

* It was not however publiflied until i6i 5, when
it was printed at Frankfort under the title of Ana-
Ic6la Anglo-Britanniccyn. The preface is dated 1607,
and it is dedicated to Sir Robert Cotton.

Biographical Preface.

courfe of ftudy^ the fruits of which were
given to the world under the titles of
" England s EpinomiSy' and '*" Jani Anglo-
rum fades altera" the firft in Englifh, the
latter in Latin, illuftrative of the ftate and
progrefs of Englifh law, from the earlieft
times to the end of the reign of Henry
the Second.

In the fame year he publifhed his EfTay
on " The Duel, or Single Combat," in
which he confines his attention chiefly to
the forms and ceremonies attending judi-
cial combats fince the Norman Conqueft.

In 1 6 13 he furnifhed the Englifh notes
to the firft eighteen fongs of Drayton's Po-
ly olbion : the prodigious number of the re-
ferences in thefe notes manifeft his learn-
ing and aftiduity. His intimacy with
Drayton and Browne, as well as Jonfon,
perhaps arofe from thofe focial mieetings
at the Mermaid^ Tavern, in Friday
Street, where, in 1603 a club had been

* Seidell's intimacy with Jonfon, Drayton, and
Browne, might give us reafon to fuppofe that in his
earlier years poetry had fome fhare of his attention,
but he does not appear to have been a very fucceff-

xvn

XVlll

Biographical Preface.

eftabliihed by Sir Walter Raleigh, at
which thofe interefting "wit-combats" be-
tween Shakefpeare and Jonfon took place,
thus alluded to by Beaumont in his letter
to Jonfon :

What things have we feen
Done at the Mermaid ! Heard words that have been
So nimble, and io full of fubtle flame.
As if that every one from whom they came
Had meant to put his whole wit in a jeft.

His intenfe application appears to have

ful votary of the Mufes, and but few of his attempts
in verfe have been preferved, the reader may not be
difpleafed to have a fpecimen, in his complimentar)
tributes to Donne and Browne.

The following lines were addrefled to Drayton :

Mkbae/f
I muft admire thee, (but to praife were vain
What ev'ry tailing-palate fo approves)
Thy Martial Pyrrhic, and thy Epic ftrain
Digcfling Wars with heart-uniting Loves.
The two firft Authors of what is compof'd
In this round fyftem all ; its ancient lore
All Arts in Difcords and Concents are clof'd ;
When fouls unwing'd Adrafta's laws reftore
To th' Earth, for reparation of their flights.
Scholars the firrt, Muficians, Lovers make.

Biographical Preface.

XIX

very materially injured his healthy for in
the dedication of his " Titles of Honor/'
publifhed in 1 6 1 4, to his friend Mr. Ed-
ward Hey ward, he fays, " Some years
fince it was iinifhed, wanting only in
fome parts my laft hand ; which was then
prevented by my dangerous and tedious
fickneffe ; " from this attack he attributes
his recovery to the fkill and care of Doc-
tor Robert Floyd, (or Fludd) the cele-
brated Roiicrufian philofopher, who is

The next rank deftinate to Mars his Knights,
(The following rabble meaner titles take,)
I fee thy temples crown'd with Phoebus' rites :

Thy Bays to th' eye with Lilly mix'd and Rofe,

As to the eare a Diapafon clofe.

John Selden.

Drayton's Poems, 1610,
Where thefe verfes are followed by panegyrical lines
by Edward Hey ward " To his friend the Author."

There are verfes in Greek, Latin, and Englifh, by
Selden, prefixed to Browne's Britannia's Paftorals (the
firft part in fm. folio was printed I believe in 161 3.
the fecond Edit, in fm. 4to. in 1625).

It is remarkable that Selden's verfes are alfo here
followed by fome by Edward Heyward, and indeed
almoll all the commendatory verfes prefixed are by

Biographical Preface.

faid to have infured the efficacy of his nof-
trums by the myftical incantations he

Members of the Inner and Middle Temple. Browne
was himfelf of the Inner Temple.

In

Bucolica G. Broun. Quod, per feceffus Ruftici otia,
Licuit ad Amic. and Bon. Liter, amantifs.

Anacreonticum

KcxXXos o-oy Kv^Epsicc, &c. i6 lines.

Ad Amoris Numina

Quin voflrum Paphie, Anteros, Erofque, &c. 40 lines.

By the Same.
So much a Stranger my Severer Mufe
Is not to Love-ftrains, or a Sheepwards Reed,
But that She knows fome rites of Phcebus' dues.
Of Pan, of Pallas, and^her Sifters meed.
Read and commend She durft thefe tun'd elTaies
Of Him that loves her (She hath ever found
Her Studies as one circle) Next She prays
His Readers be with Rofe and Myrtle crown'd !
No Willow touch them ! As his Bales* are free
From wrong of Bolts, fo may their Chaplets be !

J. Selderii Juris C.

* Bales (faire Readers) being the materials oi Poets
garlands, (as Myrtle and Rofes are for enjoying
Lovers y and the fruitlefs Willow for them which your
unconftancie, too oft, makes moft unhappy) are fup-
pofed not fubjeft to any hurt of Jupiters Thunder-
bolts, as other trees are.

Biographical Preface.

XXI

muttered over his patients. Returning
to his ftudies with freih zeft and re-
newed vigour, he fays, " Thus I employed
the breathing times which from the fo
different ftudies of my profeffion, were
allowed me. Nor hath the proverbial af-
fertion that the Lady Common Lavj muft
lye alone ^ ever wrought with me."

Selden prefixed to this book fome Greek
verfes addreffed to " That fmgular Glory
of our Nation and Light of Britaine, M.
Camden Clarenceux/' and the highly
complimentary epiftle by Ben Jonfon which
is fubjoined to this preface.'* In the
Year 1617 he contributed the marginal

* In the preface to the firft edition we have the
following interefting notice of his intimacy with Ben
Jonfon: "When I was to ufe [a pafTage out of
Euripides his Oreftes] not having at hand the Scho-
liaft, out of whom I hoped fome aid, I went, for this
purpofe, to fee it in the well furnifht librarie of my
beloved friend that fingular Poet M. Ben. Jonfon,
whofe fpecial worth in literature, accurate judgement,
and performance, known only to that Fezu wliich
are truly able to know him, hath had from me,
ever fmce I began to learn, an increafing admiration,"
The motto to this edition was from Lucilius : Per-

XXll

Biographical Preface.

notes to Purchas's Pilgrimage, and a fhort
paper, '' Of the Jews fometime living in
England," and the fame year produced
his celebrated work, " De Diis Syris ; "
the Prolegomena treats of the Geography
of Syria, of the Hebrew Language, and
the origin and progrefs of Polytheifm,
and the two Syntagmata embrace the
hiftory of the Syrian deities.

He tells us that previoufly to the year
1618, purfuing an uncontrolled habit of
ftudy, full of ambition and hope, he de-
termined to write, among other works,
a Hiftory of Tithes, a Diatribe on the

Jium non euro legere : Lalium Decimum volo. It is
alfo furnifhed with a lift of the Authors cited, and
excellent Indexes, an advantage which the Second
edition publifhed in folio in 1631 does not poffefs.

To this Second edition, which is fo much enlarged
as to conftitute it almoft a new work ; another de-
dication is prefixed, hut ftill to his " moft beloved
friend Edward Hey ward," now ftiled " Of Cardef-
ton in Norfolk, Efquire." The commendatory
verfes of Ben jonfon were alfo retained. In a copy
in my poflefTion, which appears to have belonged to
Sir Thomas Cotton, the following manufcript verfes

Biographical Preface.

Birthday of Chrift, and upon the Domi-
nion of the Sea. The Hiftory of Tithes
was printed in 16185 being duly hcenfed
for the prefs ; but even previous to its
publication, prejudice feems to have been
raifed againft it, and it no fooner appeared
than it excited the difpleafure of the
court, and the bench of Bifhops, with the
honourable exception of the excellent and
pious Lancelot Andrewes, Bifhop of Win-
chefter.

" As foon as it was printed and public,"
fays Selden, " divers were ready to pub-
liih that it was written to prove that

are on a blank leaf facing the title, and are again re-
peated, in the fame hand writing, after the verfes of
Ben Jonfon. They will ferve to fhow in what very
high efteem Selden was held by his cotemporaries,
though they have no other merit :

Selden the greate ! there hardly is a name
More loudely founded by the trumpe of Fame.
Th' annals of learning's Commonwealth doe tell
Of no Prince there, whofe worth doth more excell.

W. M.
The price of this folio appears to have been xvi Sh.
bound.

xxni

XXIV

Biographical Preface.

Tithes were not Jure divino ; fome that
it was written to prove, nay, that it had
proved, that no tithes at all were due ;
others that I had concluded that, queftion-
lefs, laymen might, with good confcience,
detain impropriated churches ; others that
it was exprefsly againft the tithes of Lon-
don." The work however was written
with a far different intention. The fad
is that it was a purely Hiftorical Inquiry,
and he fays, " I doubted not but that it
would have been acceptable to every in-
genuous Chriftian, and efpecially to the
clergy, to whofe difputations and deter-
minations I refolved to leave the point of
the divine right of tithes, and keep myfelf
to the hiftorical part." In this expectation
he was bitterly deceived, it brought forth
a hoft of anfwers and animadveriions, the
moft marked of which were thofe of Dr.
Tillcfley, Archdeacon of Rochester, and Dr.
Montague, afterwards Bifhop of Norwich.
It had been fo mifreprefented to the King,
that Selden was fummoned to appear be-
fore him with his work ; he repaired to
Theobalds, where the King then was, ac-

Biographical Preface.

companied by his friends Ben Jonfon and
Edward Heyward, " being," as he fays,
"entirely a ftranger to the court, and
known perfonally there to a very few."
The King admitted him to a conference,
and defcanted fometimes learnedly, fome-
times humoroufly, and at other times
angrily upon various paflages of his work ;
but dwelt particularly on the apoftolic
appointment of the anniverfary of Chrift's
Nativity, faying that he fufpeded Selden
agreed with thofe contentious Scots, who
refufed to obferve any particular day ; and
upon Selden obferving that this was fo
far from his opinion that he thought the
25th of December might by calculation be
proved to be the proper day, he was
commanded to write an effay on the fub-
jedl, which injun6tion he afterwards com-
plied with. He had another conference
with the King at Whitehall, and thought
from his reception that the matter would reft
there, but he was foon after fummoned be-
fore the Privy Council, and before the
High Commiffion Court, and was obliged
to iign a declaration that he was in error

XXVI

Biographical Preface.

in offering any argument againft the right
of maintenance Jure divino of the minif-
ters of the gofpel. His work was fup-
preffed, and the King faid to him : " If
you or your friends write any thing againft
Dr. Montague's confutation I will throw
you into prifon." He tells us that the
declaration he figned was drawn up
through the favour of fome lords of the
High Commiffion, that it was true he
was forry for having pubhfhed it, becaufe
it had given offence, but that there was
not the lefs truth in it becaufe he was
forry for publifhing it.*

He had fpoken in this work of the un-
limited liberty and confident daring of

* It will be feen by referring to the article Tithes
in the following volume at page 209, that forty years
afterwards Selden had the fatisfaftion of knowing
that the clergy fought and found their beft defence
in his perfecuted volume. In 1653 the Houfe of
Commons in confequence of petitions prefented to
them inftituted an enquiry about the abolition of
Tithes ; the Kentifh petition defiring that " that
Jewifh and Antichriilian bondage and burden on the
eftates and confcicnces of the godly might ceafe."
And Dr. Langbaine, in a letter to Selden, thus ex-

Biographical Preface.

thofe who had interpreted the paflage of
Revelation which ailigns 666 as the num-
ber of the beaft, and praifed the judgment
and modefty of Calvin, who had de-
clared that he could not underftand that
obfcure book ; and as it happened that
the pedantic James had himfelf attempted
to expound the myftic meaning, it is ob-
vious that this tended to aggravate his
anger. Selden was called upon to ex-
plain what he meant by this obfervation,
and in doing fo he made fome compli-
ments to the King which have been con-
fidered as derogatory of his better judg-
ment, and unworthy of him.

prelles himfelf: "Upon occafion of the bufinefs
of Tithes now under conlideration, fome, whom it
more nearly concerns have been pleafed to inquire of
me what might be faid as to the civil rights to them,
to whom I was not able to give any better dire6lion
than by fending them to your Hi/lory. Haply it
may feem llrange to them, yet I am not out of
hopes, but that work, (like Peleus' hafta) which was
looked upon as a piece that ftruck deepeft againft the
divine, will afford the ftrongefl arguments for the civil
right : and if that be made the iifue, I do not defpair
of the caufe."

xxvn

XXVIU

Biographical Preface.

In the ftruggle between James and the
Houfe of Commons, they had addrefled
to him a petition of grievances, in which
their fear of the Papifts and complaints
of extravap-ance were the chief features;
when it was fent, together with a remon-
ftrance, by twelve members of the Houfe,
the King refufed to receive the petition,
and returned a harfh anfwer to the re-
monftrance. The Houfe in confequence
refolved not to grant him any fupplies
until their complaints were attended to,
and the King adjourned and finally dif-
folved the parliament. Before the ad-
journment the Houfe entered a proteft on
their Journals, previously confulting Sel-
den, who, though not a member, was in-
troduced and fpoke with true patriotic
feeling on the fubjedl ; and certainly ad-
vifed, if he did not draw up, the protefta-
tation, which the enraged and baffled
King afterwards tore with his own hand
from the Journals of the Houfe.

In the fame tyrannic fpirit the Impo-
tent monarch wreaked his vengeance upon
thofe who were confidered to have been

Biographical Preface. xxix

the chief movers, and, upon warrants
iifTued by the Privy Council, Sir Edward
Coke, and Sir Robert Philips were com-
mitted to the Tower ; and the Earl of
Southampton, Sir Edward Sandys, Mr.
Pym, Mr. Mallory, and Selden, to other
places of confinement. The v/arrant for
Selden's imprifonment diredled his com-
mittal to the Tower, and prohibited his
having communication with any body but
thofe who had the charge of his perfon ;
but he was retained in the cuftody of the
Sheriff (Robert Ducie), who lodged him in
his own houfe, and treated him liberally
and indulgently ; to the reftraint from in-
tercourfe with his friends the prohibition"
of the free ufe of his books was added, but
the Sheriff indulged him with the ufe of
two works, one of them the MS. of
Eadmer's Hiftory, which he afterwards
publifhed.

His confinement was however of little
more than a month's duration. Hackett
has printed a letter of 'Lord Keeper Wil-
liams to Buckingham, in favour of the
liberation of Lord Southampton and Sel-

Biographical Preface.

den, and this application prevailed, or the
court, though willing, found that it had
no power to punifh ; and after an exami-
nation before the Privy Council, where
Selden feems to have been again proteded
by Bifhop Andrewes, he was liberated on
the 1 8th of July.

In 162 1 the Houfe of Peers honoured
him with their requeft that he would com-
pofe a work on their Privileges, to which he
appears feduloufly to have applied himfelf ;
the refult of his refearches was probably
communicated to the Houfe long before,
but the work itfelf " 'The Privileges of the
Baronage of England " was not publifhed
until 1642.

In 1623 he publifhed his edition of
Eadmer's Hifloria Novorum, five fui Se-
ciili^ librtfex.^^ the notes to which contain
much curious legal and hiftorical matter.

* Sir Henry Spelman is bufie about the impreffion
of his Gloffary, and Mr. Selden of his Eadmerus,
which will be finifhed within three or four days ;
together with his notes, and the Laws of the Con-
queror ; the comparing whereof with the copy of
Crowland, was the caufe of this long Hay; for they

Biographical Preface. xxxl

James had in vain endeavoured to re-
pleniih his exchequer by having recourfe
to what were then ftrangely mifcalled
Benevolences, but this fpecies of extortion
was not found efFedlive, and he was, at
the commencement of the year 1624, con-
ftrained again to fummon a parhament, in
which Selden fat as one of the reprefenta-
tives for Lancafter. Dr. Aikin thinks it
moft probable that "he owed his eledlion
for this borough to his reputation as an able
fupporter of popular rights, when mem-
bers were chofen rather for their public
principles tKan for private connedlions."

Selden, though he does not appear to
have taken much part in the debates of
this fefTion, was an adlive and valuable
member of the celebrated Eledlion Com-
mittee, of which Sergeant Glanville pub-
lifhed the Report, and among its other
members were Sir Edward Coke, Noy,

could not get the book hither, though they had
many promifes, but were fain to fend one to Crow-
land to compare things.

Sir H. Bourgchier to Ulher,
April 16, 1622.

XXXll

Biographical Preface.

Pym, and Finch* The reader need not
be reminded that to this committee the
nation owes one of the ftrongeft bulwarks
of its liberties in the eftablifhment of the
independence of the Houfe of Commons,
in the right of jurifdidion over the elec-
tions of its members : it alfo eftablifhed
that the right of eleftion is in thofe who
pofiefs property within the precinds of
Boroughs, and not founded upon the
royal grant.

Selden's time was now fo fully occupied,
that he refufed to take upon him the
duties of Reader of Lyon's Iiin, to which
he had been nominated by the benchers
of the Inner Temple, and was in confe-
quence fined in the fum of twenty pounds,
and difabled from being called to the
bench or to be Reader of the Inner Tem-
ple, but the latter part of the order was
refcinded in 1632 when he became a
a bencher of that Society.*

* The following letter to Archbilhop Ufher will
fhow how ardently he ftill purfued his literary re-
fearches :

Biographical Preface.

In the firft parliament that was called
at the commencement of the reign of
Charles the Firft, Selden fat as one of the
reprefentatives of Great Bedwin, and in
the fecond parliament which the King
was conftrained by his neceftities to call,
Selden took an a6live part in the proceed-
ings for the impeachment of the favourite

To the Moft Reverend James Uflier,
Archbifhop of Armagh.

My Lord,

It was moft glad news^ to me to hear of your fo
forward recovery, and I Ihall pray for the addition
of ftrength to it, fo that you may the eafier go on
ftill in the advancement of that commonwealth of
learning wherein you fo guide us. I humbly thank
your Lordfhip for your inftrudlions touching the
Samaritan Bible, and the books. I have returned
the Saxon Annals again, as you defired, with this fuit,
that if you have more of them (for thefe are very
flight ones) and the old Book of Ely, Hiftoria Joru-
allenfts, the Saxon Evangelift, the Book of Worcef-
ter, the Book of Mailrofs, or any of them, you will
be pleafed to fend me them all, or as many as you
have of them by you, and what elfe you have of the
Hiftory of Scotland and Ireland, and they fhall be
returned at your pleafure. If you have a Saxon
Bede, I befeech you let that be one alfo. If I have

I

xxxni

XXXIV

Biographical Preface.

Buckingham, which the King defeated by
difTolving the Parliament.

In 1627 we find him pleading for the
difcharge from prifon of Sir Edward
Hampden, one of thofe patriotic men who
had reiifted the illegal mode to which the
King had reforted for raifing fupplies.
His argument was able and forcible, and

any thing here of the reft, or ought elfe that your

Lordfhip requires for any prefent ufe, I fliall mofl

readily fend them to you, and fhall ever be

Your LordQiip's moft affeftionate Servant,

J. Selden.
Sept. 14, 1625,

Wreft.

There is a hope (as Sir Robert Cotton tells me)
that a very ancient Greek MS. copy of the Council
of Nice, the firll of them of that name, is to be had
fomewhere in Huntingdonfhire ; I thought it was a
piece of news that would be acceptable to your
Lordfhip; he is in chace for it.

The Archbilhop had written on this letter :
Sept. 19. Sent him upon this ; Annales Latini Sax-
onici, the Book of Mailros, Forduni Scotichronic.
Fragment. Scotic. Annal. ad finem Ivonis Carnot.
Fragment. Annalium Abb. B. Marise Virginis Dub-
lin. Annales Hiberniae Thomae Cafe. The Book of
Hoath. Pcmbrig's Annals MS.

Biographical Preface.

XXXV

though the judges then decided agalnfl
it, later deciiions have fhown that it was
equally corredl.

In the Parliament which aflembled in
March 1628 he appears to have been
again returned for Lancafler, and various
committees were appointed to enquire
into the public grievances ; of one of
thefe, whofe bufinefs was to enquire into
the proceedings adopted refpeding the
writs of Habeas Corpus moved for in the
cafe of thofe who had refilled the uncon-
stitutional meafure of forced loans under
the name of Benevolences, Selden made
the report. He alfo took a diftinguiihed
part in the debates on the fubjed, and efta-
blifhed incontrovertibly the illegality of
committals without the caufe of imprifon-
ment being exprefled ; the railing money
by impofitions without the confent of the
Parliament; and eftablifhed indifputably
the right of Habeas Corpus in every cafe
of imprifonment.*

* The fpeech may be found in the Parliamentary
Hiftory, vol. vii. p. 415. See alfo Ruih worth's

XXXVl

Biographical Preface.

Four refolutions of the Houfe were
pafTed embodying thefe opinions ; a con-
ference with the Lords was held, which
terminated in the produdion of the me-
morable Petition of Right, in framing
which Selden took an adive part.

His fpeech upon this occafion is a
mafterly and unanfwerable efFufion. He
had confulted and copied with his own
hand all the records v/hich bore upon the
queftion, with unexampled diligence, and
with that confidence which can only be
infpired by a confcioufnefs of being in the
right. He defied the Attorney General
to controvert any one of his pofitions.
He laid before the Lords the copies of
the records he had made, and they or-
dered them to be compared v/ith the ori-
ginals ; in the courfe of this comparifon

colle6lions, vol. i. p. 530, and Selden's Works, vol.
iii. p. 1 9 5 8 . It has alfo been given by Mr. Johnfon in
his "Memoirs of Selden, and notices of the political
conteft during his time," Lond. 1835, a work to
which, together with Dr. Aikin's Life of Selden, 1
have frequently been indebted for the materials of
this fkctch.

Biographical Preface.

fome of them were found deficient or de-
ftroyed, and there was an imbecile at-
tempt of the court party through the
Earl of Suffolk to implicate Selden ; but
that Lord afterwards denied that he had ufed
the criminatory exprefTions which feveral
members had heard him utter : the com-
mittee, notwithflanding this denial, re-
quefled the Lords to vifit the Earl with
fuch punifhment as he deferved for having
brought a moft unjuft and fcandalous
charge againfl Selden.

Two remonftrances were alfo prepared
and prefented, one of them againfl the
Duke of Buckingham, as the principal
caufe of the evils complained of, with a
requefl that he might be removed from
authority, from attendance upon the King,
and that judgment fhould be made againfl
him upon his impeachment in the lafl:
parliament. The other declared that the
impofl of tonnage and poundage was no
prerogative of the Crown, but was always
granted to the King by Parliament. In
the difcuffion and preparation of thefc,
Selden took a prominent part. The King

xxxvn

XXXVlll

Biographical Preface.

received them with marked impatience,
and after the bill of Subfidies was paffed
he diiTolved the Parliament. Selden had
been fome time previoufly appointed fo-
licitor and fteward to the Earl of Kent,
and he now retired to that nobleman's
feat, Wreft, in Bedfordfhire, where he
quietly purfued his literary occupations,
which appear to have been at all times to
him more congenial than the ftrife of po-
litics, in which he mixed rather out of a
fenfe of his duty to his country, than from
any predilection for a public life. The
fruits of his retirement were two treatifes
" Of the Original of Ecclefiaftical Jurif-
didion of Teftaments," and "Of the Dif-
pofition or Adminiftration of Inteftates
Goods," which may have been fuggefted
to him by difcuffions in Parliament on the
King's right to the property of baftards
who die inteftate.

Upon the arrival of the Arundelian
Marbles in this country, Selden's friend.
Sir Robert Cotton, requefled him to ex-
amine them, and he entered upon the
tafk with all the enthufiafm of a confum-

Biographical Preface,

mate antiquary ; being in the courfe of
his inveftigations affifted by two eminent
fcholarSj Patrick Young, and Richard
James. He now gave to the world the
fruit of his labours under the title of
'^ Marmora Arundeliana, five Saxa Gr^ca
Incifa." The work was dedicated to his
companion in his inquiries, Patrick Young,
and the preface makes grateful mention
of the advantage he had enjoyed in com-
piling the work, in the quiet retirement
of Wreft,* by the favour of the Earl and
Countefs of Kent. Though, as may well
be fuppofed, not free from faults, rather
attributable to the defedlive ftate of Epi-

* Lady Kent, who was one of the three daugh-
ters and coheireffes of Gilbert Talbot, Earl of Shrewf-
bury, feems to have been an efpecial favourer of
learning and literature, for we are told that Butler,
the author of Hudibras, was among thofe to whom
while living fhe extended her favours ; and it was
at her houfe, his biographer tells us, ** he had not
only the opportunity to confult all manner of books,
but to converfe alfo with that great living-library of
learning the great Mr. Selden." May we not con-
jedlure that Butler owed this favour to Selden hi m-
felf?

XXXIX

xl Biographical Preface.

graphic Science at that time, than to any
want of fkill in the inquirer, this work is
another honourable teftimonial of the com-
prehenfive learning and adtive induftry of
this extraordinary man.

The Parliament re-aiTembled on the
20th of January, 1629, ^^^ ^^^ conducft
of the Court fince the difiblution had been
fuch as to add to the difiatisfadion of the
Commons. Laud, who had been ac-
counted a fchifmatic and inclined to arbi-
trary meafures, was made Bifhop of Lon-
don, and became the organ of the Court.
Montague was made Bifhop of Chichef-
ter, and Wentworth had been feduced to
abandon the popular caufe and raifed to
the Peerage. Added to thefe afts of ir-
ritation, the tonnage and poundage had
been levied without the confent of the
Parliament, and the goods of Mr. Rolls,
one of the members, had been feized for
refifting the payment of this illegal im-
pofition.

Selden took a very ad.Ve part in the
inquiries which were inftituted ; he had
hitherto exprefTed himfelf leniently about

Biographical Preface.

the court meafures, but his patriotic fpirit
was now excited, and he indignantly ex-
claimed, when a plea of miftake in the
cafe of Mr. Rolls was urged : ^^ This is
not to be reckoned an error, but is quef-
tionlefs done purpofely to affront us, and
of this our own lenity is the caufe." And
when it was fuggefted that the advifers of
the King were mofi: in fault, he faid : '^If
there be any near the King that mifinter-
pret our aftions, let the curfe light on
them, and not on us. I believe it is high
time to right ourfelves, and until we vin-
dicate ourfelves in this it will be in vain
for us to fit here."

The violation of the petition of right
had ihewn that the King was not be
trufted, that he had now no regard to the
obfervance of the laws, and the Commons
continued to urge ftrongly their com-
plaints of religious and political griev-
ances ; during this feffion the court party
were frequently the aggreflbrs ; and at
length an attempt was made to controul
the freedom of the Houfe of Commons,
by commanding the Speaker to adjourn

xli

xlii Biographical Preface.

it. Sir John Finch^ the Speaker, ^as a
mere tool of the court party, and his con-
du6t on this occafion was at once errone-
ous and pufillanimous, the tumult in the
Houfe was extreme, the Speaker was for-
cibly detained in the chair until three
proteftations v/ere read, declaring that
whoever caufed an innovation of religion,
advifed the impofition of tonnage and
poundage without the afTent of Parliament,
or whoever voluntarily paid it, if levied
without fuch fanftion, would be a capital
enemy of his country, and a betrayer of
its liberty. The Houfe then adjourned.
The King, hearing of thefe proceedings,
fent a meffenger to command the Sergeant
to bring away the mace; the Houfe of
courfe would not allow it. He then fent
a fummons to them by the Ufher of the
Black Rod, but he was denied admittance.
At laft he fent a guard to force the
door, but the Houfe had rifen before it
arrived.

Eight days after, March loth, 1629,
he diiTolved the Parliament, addreffing
only the Lords, and in alluding to the

Biographical Preface.

xliii

Commons, he faid, among them were,
"fome vipers and evil affefted perfons,
who muft look for their reward."

Nine of the members of the Houfe,
who had been moft adlive on this occa-
fion, were fummoned to appear before the
Privy Council ; Selden was among the
number ; the feven who appeared were
committed to the Tower. The ftudies of
Sir John Eliot, of Denzil Hollis, and of
Selden were fealed up ; and the other two
members were foon after apprehended and
committed to the King's Bench Prifon.
Nothing can exceed the folly and illegality
of the whole of thefe proceedings, but the
baffled defpotifm purfued its courfe with
the utmoft feverity ; Selden and the other
prifoners were not only reftridled from in-
tercourfe with their friends, but even de-
nied the ufe of books and writing mate-
rials, for nearly three months. At length
Selden obtained permiflion to ufe fuch
books as he could obtain from his friends
or the bookfellers, and he procured the
Bible, the two Talmuds, fome later Tal-
mudifts and Lucian. He fays " alfo I

xli^

Biographical Preface.

extorted by entreaty from the Governor
(Sir Allan Apfley) the ufe of pens, ink
and paper ; but of paper only nineteen
fheets which were at hand were allowed,
each of which were to be figned with the
initials of the Governor, that it might be
afcertained eafily how much and what I
wrote : nor did I dare to ufe any other.
On thefe, during my prifon leifure, I co-
pied many extradls from the above-named
books, which extrads I have now in my
pofTefTion, thus figned and bound to-
gether."

It is evident that the court party found
that they were in the wrong, and not
likely to obtain their objedl by fuch mea-
fures, and agents were employed to en-
deavour to prevail upon the prifoners to
fue for acquittal ; without effedl.^' The
judges had informed the King that as the
offences charged againft them were not
capital, they ought to be admitted to bail

■* One of the agents fent to the prifoners in the
Tower upon this occafion was Dr. Mofely. See § 4
in the article Clergy in the Table-talk.

Biographical Preface.

xlv

on giving fecurity for their good beha-
viour, and they gave their judgment ac-
cordingly pn the firfi day of Michaelmas
term. Selden, for himfelf and for his fel-
low prifoners, replied that they demanded
to be bailed in point of right, and that
they could not affent to the finding of
fureties for good behaviour without com-
promifing the privileges of parliament.
He fubfequently obferved that the judges
were themfelves confcious that the prifon-
ers had done nothing that required them
to enter into thefe recognizances, that it
would have been condudt unv/orthy of
themfelves to have complied, and that
they were determined that the jufl liberty
of the Englifh people fhould not be in-
fringed by their acquiefcence.

They were confequently remanded to
prifon, and Selden, Hollis, Valentine, and
Eliot were proceeded againft by infonna-
tion in the Court of King's Bench ; they
excepted to the jurifdi6lion of the court,
as the offences were alleged to have been
committed in parliament. This plea was
overruled, and judgment was finally given.

X

Ivi

Biographical Preface.

" That they fhould be Imprironed, and
not dehvered until they had found fecurity
for their good behaviour^ and made a fub-
miffion and acknowledgment of their of-
fences."

The condu6t of Selden and his fellov;
fufferer. Sir John Eliot,* on this occaiion
was that of heroic martyrs to the facred
caufe of liberty ; a hoft of friends among
whom were Henry, afterwards Earl of Bath,
Robert, Earl of EfTex, Sir Robert Cotton

* Sir John Eliot, not lefs diftinguilhed for refplen-
dent talents, than patriotic ardour, had been pre-
vioufly imprifoned in the Tower for the part he
took in the impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham
in 1628. The condition of his liberation was now
to be a fine of 2000/., and though ''warned that the
confinement was killing him, he fuffered and died
with magnanimity. He thought, and wrote, and
wept with anxiety for the welfare of his orphan boys,
but he refolved to leave them his example, as well as
his precepts to excite them to live worthily." The
noble houfe of St. Germains may well be proud of
fuch an illuftrious anceftor, and Gibbon (who was
related to it) in his own figurative language, might
have exhorted the Eliots to confider the conduft
of Sir John as " the brighteft jewel of their co-
ronet."

Biographical Preface.

and his Ton Thomas, were ready to be Sel-
den's fureties, and urged him to comply, but
thefe entreaties, and the threats of inter-
minable imprifonment, v/ith which he was
menaced even by the Chief Juftice, were
unavailing ; and, though four of the pri-
foners had compromifed with the oppref-
fors, he adhered firmly to his purpofe.

While he was yet in prifon, a further
perfecution was contrived in the fhape
of an information in the Star Chamber,
againfl him and his friend Sir Robert
Cotton, and Gilbert Barrell, for intend-
ing to raife feditious rumours about the
King and his Government, by framing,
contriving and writing " a falfe, feditious
and peftilent difcourfe." This difcourfe
was a jeu d'efprit, written by Sir Robert
Dudley (the well known author of the
Arcano del Mare). The manufcript of
which being in the library of Sir Robert
Cotton, and copies being traced to the
pofTefTion of Selden and Barrell, they, as
well as the Earls of Bedford, Somerfet,
and Clare, were implicated, until it was
clearly proved in court to have been writ-

xlvii

xlviii Biographical Preface.

ten by Dudley. The title was ^^ A Pro-
pofition for his Majefly's Service, to
bridle the impertinency of Parliament,"
and it was evidently intended as a fatire
upon the fpirit of the Stuart government
by recommending the moft abfurd fyftem
of defpotic mifrule.*

Notwithstanding the failure to prove
the chief charge, inftead of honeftly ac-
quitting the defendants, the Lord Keeper
Coventry told the court that out of the
King's grace, and his joy at the birth of a
fon, he would not proceed to demand
fentence, but would pardon them. A
bafe charge was however trumped up
againft Sir Robert Cotton, that he had
records and evidences in his library be-
longing to the King, and Commiffioners
were appointed to fearch his library, and
withdraw from it all fuch. This was a

* There is a copy among the Harleian MSS. to
which are appended fome particulars of the profecu-
tion, and a further account may be found in Sir
Simon D'Ewes's Journal, and in the Gentleman's
Magazine, vol. xxxvii. p. 335. It is printed in the
firft volume of Rufliworth.

death blow to that excellent perfon, he
is faid to have declined in health from that
day, and to have frequently declared that
they had broken his heart by locking up
his library from him v/ithout rendering
any reafon. He died in 1631.

The court probably weary of a fruitlefs
conteft v/ith men v/ho were determined
not to furrender their rights^ at length
found it expedient to relax their angry
feverity; thofe who were confined in the
Tower v/ere releafed from clofe confine-
ment, and allowed fuch liberty as could
be enjoyed within the walls, and were
permitted to have free communication
with their friends; they were however
made to pay for this indulgence, their
diet, which had been hitherto at the ex-
penfe of the ftate, being flopped.

Selden and Mr. Strode a fhort time
afterward obtained their removal by ha-
beas corpus to the Marfhalfea, and though
Selden was detained there until May,
1630, he was allowed to go without the
walls as often as he wifhed ; and the
plague foon after raging in the neigh-

Biographical Preface.

bourhood of that prifon, Selden obtained
permifTion to be removed to the Gate-
houfe at Weftminfter, and at length was
allowed to vifit the Earl of Kent, at
Wreft, where he foon recovered his health
and fpirits.

Flis retirement was not however long
undifturbed; at Michaelmas term the
judges complained to the Lord Treafurer
of his removal without their concurrence,
and he was confequently remanded to his
previous place of imprifonment; but in
May, 1 63 1 5 his legal fervices being re-
quired in fome law fuits between the
Earls of Arundel, Pembroke, Kent and
Shrewfbury, the two firft named, by their
influence, obtained his liberation, when he
was only required to give bail for his ap-
pearance, and finally in 1634, upon his
petition, he was difcharged.

Befide the condu6t of thefe fuits which
related to the fucceffion to fome eftates
and the baronies of Grey and Ruthyn,
Selden was retained as counfel for Lord
Reay in his charge of treafon againft
David Ramfay, which afterward gave rife

Biographical Preface.

to the curious proceedings in the Earl
Marfhal's Court for a trial by iingle com-
bat ; but when the day was appointed the
King forbade the encounter.*

While confined in the Marfbalfea Sel-
den employed his time in compofing his
treatife " De Succeilionibus in Bona De-
Fundli ad Leges Ebrasorum/' which was
lirft printed in 1634, and an enlarged edi-
tion was pubiifhed in 1636, when an efTay

* I have a curious cotemporary MS. account of
thefe proceedings which bears the following infcrip-
tion:

" The manner of the proceeding betweene Donald
L. Reay & David Ramfay, Efqr. Their coming to
& carriage at their Tryall beginning upon Munday,
Novemb. 28. 1631, Before Robt. Earle of Lindfay,
L. Conflable, & Thomas Earle of Arundell & Surrey,
L. Marfliall of England, Philip Earle of Pembroke
& Montgomery L. Chamberlaine of His Majeilie's
Houfehold, Edward E. of Dorfet L. Chamberlaine
of the Qu. James Earl of Carlifle E. of Montgrave,
Earle of Morten, Vifcount Wimbledon, Vifcount
Wentworth, Vifcount Falkeland, and Sir Henry
Martin Knight. In the painted chamber neere to
the upper houfe of Parliamt." To which is ap-
pended an interelling account of" The waie of Duels
before the King."

li

Biographical Preface.

on the ecclefiaftical polity of the Hebrews,
entitled " De Succeffionibus in Pontifica-
tumEbrsorum," was added, which appears
to have been v/ritten in his retirement at
Wreft, in the fummer of 1634. Both
works were again printed, with additions,
at Leyden, in 1638. Indeed almoil: all
Selden's learned difquifitions were imme-
diately reprinted on the Continent, the
editions being fometimes fuperintended
by himfelf, and fometimes by diftinguifhed
continental fcholars. Thefe works were
dedicated to Archbifhop Laud, as a token
of gratitude for the aiTiftance he had af-
forded Selden in obtaining m^aterials for
their compofition.

The paffion for thofe fmgular pageants
termed Mafques, which had diftinguifhed
the Court of James, and which had made
Wilfon defcribe it as *' a continued Maf-
karado," prevailed no lefs in that of
Charles ; thefe the puritan party confidered
as " finful and utterly unlawful to Chrif-
tians," as Prynne expreffes it in his Hif-
triomaftix, a large volum^e levelled againft
thefe courtly amufements, in common

Biographical Preface.

with all theatrical exhibitions, and it was
probably to difclaim any participation in
thefe puritanic views that the four Inns of
Court united in exhibiting a mafque be-
fore the King and Queen, in 1633, the
poetry of which was by Ben Jonfon,
the fcenic decorations by Inigo Jones,
and Selden affifted Lord Bacon in fettling
the dreffes and devices. Whitelocke had
the arrangement of the mufic, and in his
memorials, he has left us an amufmg re-
cord of its condud:, in which he compla-
cently obferves, " It was fo performed,
that it excelled any previously heard in
England. The dances, figures, proper-
ties, voices, inftruments, fongs, airs, com-
pofures and adions, paffed without any
failure ; the fcenes were mofi: curious and
coftly." But fie tranfit, ^*^this earthly pomp
and glory, if not vanity, was foon pafTed
and gone as if it had never been."

In the year 1609, Grotius publifhed his
*^Mare Liberum," maintaining that the
fea is a territory open and free to the ufe
of all nations, but obvioufly intended as
a defence of the maritime rights of the

liii

[IV

Biographical Preface.

Dutch. This incited Selden to the com-
pofition of an anfwer, which he entitled
^^ Mare Claufum," the intention of which
may be gathered from its enlarged title
thus interpreted: ''The Clofed Sea; or
Two Books concerning the Dominion of
the Sea. In the firft, it is demonftrated
that the fea, by the law of nature and of
nations, is not common to mankind, but
is capable of private dominion, or pro-
perty, equally with the land. In the fe-
cond, it is maintained that the King of
Great Britain is Lord of the circumfluent
fea, as an infeperable and perpetual ap-
pendage of the Britifh Empire." In the
fummer of 1618, purfuant to the royal
command, Selden prepared it for the
prefs, and it was laid before the King, who
referred it to Sir Henry Martin, Judge of
the Admiralty Court, by whom it was ap-
proved. Buckingham fent for Selden, and
was about to write the Imprimatur, when
fuddenly laying dov/n the pen, he faid
" The King fhall do this with his own
hand in honour of the v/ork," and forth-
with brought Selden to the royal prefence ;

't^

\»

Biographical Preface,

Iv

the Monarch was about to fign, but fud-
denly remarked : " I recoiled fomething
is faid here concerning the North Sea
which may difpleafe my brother, of Den-
mark^ whom I would not now offend, be-
caufe I owe him a large fum of money,
and intend fhortly to borrow a larger."
Selden was accordingly ordered to alter
this paffage, but on returning with his
manufcript, found it fo difficult to obtain
an audience that he withdrew. The
work was laid afide until the year 1635,
v/hen the Dutch having monopolifed the
Northern Filhery, and their right to take
herrings on our fhores being difputed, the
work of Grotius and fome other publica-
tions iffued from the Elzevir prefs in de-
fence of their claim. Selden's work was
mentioned to King Charles, and he com-
manded its publication after a revifal by
the author, and a previous examination by
the King and fome of his minifters. The
following minute of Privy council will
ihew how fatisfadtory and important the
work was confidered : " His Majefty, this
day in council, taking into confideration

Ivi

Biographical Preface,

a book lately publifhed by John Selden,
Efq. entitled ' Mare Claufum, feu Domi-
nio Maris/ written at the King's com-
mand, which he hath done with great
induftry, learning, and judgment, and
hath afierted the right of the Crov/n of
England to the dominion of the Britifh
Seas ; the King requires one of the faid
books to be kept in the Council cheft,
another in the Court of Exchecquer, and
a third in the court of Admxiralty, as faith-
ful and ftrong evidence to the dominion
of the Britifh Seas."

The Mare Claufum was tranflated into
Englifh by Marchmont Needham, and
publifhed in 1652, with an appendix of
additional documents by Prefident Brad-
fhaw, and an improved verfion by J. H.
was again printed in 1663.

We have but little recorded of Selden's
occupations from 1635 ^^ 1640; thefe
years were moft probably occupied by lite-
rary and forenfic employments, of which,
refearches into legal antiquities formed at
leaft a part, for his treatife " De Jure
Natural! et Gentium juxta difciplinam

Biographical Preface.

Ivii

Ebr^eorum" was publifhed in the latter
year.

The feries of arbitrary and oppreffive
a61:s of mifgovernment which mark this
period, may be found recorded in the
pages of Clarendon, of Whitelocke, of
Rufh worth, and Frankly n, the fafts being
the fame though viewed in different lights
according to the prejudices of the writer.
The oppreffions of the Council Board and
of the Star Chamber ; the iniquitous
mock-trials of Prynne, Burton, and Baft-
wick, and the ftill more iniquitous pun-
iftiments with which they were vifited;
the perfecution of Biftiop Williams, who
had been Lord Keeper, for daring to op-
pofe the plans of Laud and Buckingham ;
but above all the a6live endeavours to
fubjugate the religious opinions of the
people, and the illegal attempts at raifing
fupplies, are fome of the diftinguiftiing
features of thefe times, when arbitrary at-
tempts were made to govern without a
parliament.

Baffled in all his endeavours to reple-
nifh his exchecquer, the King was at

Ivili I Biographical Preface.

length conftrained to fummon a parlia-
ment, which met In April, 1640; but of
this Selden was not a member, and indeed
it was diflblved at the end of three weeks,
though reprefented by Clarendon as "ex-
ceedingly difpofed to pleafe the ICing and
do him iervice." And the fame hiftorian
exprefTes his opinion of the evil confe-
quences of thefe frequent and abrupt dif-
folutions, as meafures unreafonable, un-
fkilful, and precipitate. The King and
his people parting at thefe feafons with
no other refped and charity one towards
the other, than perfons who never meant
to meet but in their own defence ; and he
laments the traitorous councils that fo-
mented this mutual miftruft. He tells
us that within an hour after the diflblu-
tion, he met Oliver St. John, who though
ufually taciturn and melancholy, was now
fmiling and communicative, faying that
" he forefaw that the progrefs of events
was all well ; that affairs muft be worfe
before they. were better; that the parlia-
ment juft terminated would never have
done what was neceffary."

Biographical Preface.

The fame arbitrary and illegal courfe
continued, fhip-money was levied with
feverity, forced loans exadled, propofals
were made to debafe the currency, and
the Government even had recourfe to the
fwindling pradtice of purchafing goods on
credit and felling them at a lofs for ready
money. The war which had been re-
commenced to coerce the Scottish people
did not profper, the King's army was
more difpofed to join the Scots than to
draw their fwords in his fervice, and de-
feat was the confequence.

Thus circumftanced, the King was con-
ftrained to fummon another parliament,
which met on the 3rd of November; of
which it has been faid, " that many
thought it would never have a beginning,
and afterward that it would never have
ended." The memorable a6ls of this Long
parliament, many of which entitle it to
the gratitude of the country, will be fa-
miliar to every reader of our hiftory.

Selden's high Reputation at this period
is evinced by his being unanimously cho-
fen as reprefentative for the Univerfity of

lix

Ix

• Biographical Preface.

Oxford, and no ftronger proof can be
given that he was regarded by the King's
party as not unfriendly to the caufe of
Monarchy. Indeed the moderate courfe
he purfued had been fo far mifliaken, that
Laud had declared that he would bring
him over : Noy and Wentv/orth had been
fuccefsfuUy tampered with, and it was pre-
fumed that one who had been their com-
panion was not made of fterner ftuir.

On the firft day of the meeting of this
Parliam.entj Selden was nominated one of
the committee to attend to the petitions
againft the Earl Marfhal's Court, which
had been promoted by Hyde, and which
terminated in its abolifhment.

He was alfo appointed one of the com-
mittee of twenty-four, appointed to draw
up a declaration or remonftrance on the
ftate of the nation, and this paper which
contained a full and energetic expofure of
grievances, gave occafion to Hyde to an-
nounce his defertion to the Court party, by
publifhing a reply to it ; and henceforth
Selden was feparated from his friend in
the public path of politics, though to the

Biographical Preface. Ixi

credit of both, their friendfhip remained
unaltered, and Hyde on all occafions ftood
forth in defence of Selden's confcientious
conduce.

It appears that Selden was included by
the Houfe in the lift of thofe who were
defigned to be Strafford's accufers, and his
name occurs in all the committees ap-
pointed to fearch for precedents, and other
preliminary arrangements, but he was not
one of thofe appointed to condudl the pro-
fecution; from which circumftance it has
been prefumed that, in his judgment, the
evidence againft this unfortunate noble-
man was never fatisfadlory. Franklyn
exprefsly fays that Lord Digby and Sel-
den v/ere convinced by the Earl's defence,
and left the profecution when the Bill of
Attainder was introduced. They were
in th^ minority of 59 who voted againft
it, and were honoured by the rabble with
the epithets of Straffordians and betrayers
of their country.

Selden's name is found in the lifts of
various committees at this time, and efpe-
cially on thofe appointed to examine into

Ixii

Biographical Preface.

the illegal proceedings in the exchecquer
refpedting fhip-money ; and upon the
treaty with the Scotch at Ripon ; and on
the appointment of a Cuftos Regni during
the King's abfence in Scotland.

But his moft prominent poiition was
the part he took when the ftate of the
Eftablifhed Church was brought before
the Houfe. In the declaration of griev-
ances, thofe relating to religion and eccle-
fiaftical affairs were chief features, and
now met with earneft attention. The
clergy, as Selden himfelf remarks, were
never more learned ; no man taxed them
with ignorance, but they had worfe faults.
They were too inattentive to their religi-
ous duties, and interfered too much with
political affairs.

During the fufpenfion of parliaments,
a convocation of the clergy had drawn up
new canons and ordinances, and the Houfe
now appointed a committee, of which
Selden was a member, to inquire into
thefe matters. Clarendon juflly obferves
that " The convocation made canons,
which it thought it might do ; and gave

Biographical Preface.

fubfidies out of parliament, and enjoined
oaths, which certainly it might not do :
in a word did many things which in the
beft of times might have been queflioned,
and therefore were fure to be queflioned
in the worft, and drew the fame prejudice
upon the whole body of the clergy, to
which before only fome few clergymen
were expofed."

While fome from political, and others
from theological motives were bent upon
overthrowing the Church Eftablifhment,
Selden purfued that temperate courfe which
fhews that he was friendly to its dodlrines
and difcipline, and only an enemy to the
abufe of eccleiiaftical power in whatever
hands it may be placed.

The Members of the Convocation, and
efpecially the prelates, were juftly alarmed
at the propofed inquiry, and a letter from
Laud to Selden on this occafion, written
in an humble and imploratory ftrain,
evinces the terror excited from the con-
fcioufnefs of having exercifed with little
moderation the powers with which an ar-
bitrary government had invefted them.

ixni

Ixiv

Biographical Preface.

Upon the prefentation of a remon-
flrance to Parliament from certain fedla-
rian minifters refpeding church govern-
ment, Rufhworth has preferved to us a
curious fpecimen of the kind of logoma-
chy* which fometimes took place. Sel-
den had protefted againft the difcufTion of
religious topics in the Houfe, and the de-
bate proceeded upon the right of bifhops
to fufpend the inferior clergy from, the
performance of their minifterial duties.
In oppofition to this Sir Harbottle Grim-
ftone employed the following logic : '^ That
Bifhops are Jure divino is a queftion ; that
Archbifhops are not Jure divino is out of
queftion. Now, that Bifhops who are

* Upon one occaiion an Alderman (probably
Pennington) faid, '* Mr. Speaker, there are fo many
clamours againft fuch and fuch of the Prelates, that
we fhall never be quiet till we have no more Bifhops."
Upon this Selden rofe and defired the Houfe to ob-
ferve, ** what grievous complaints there were for
high mifdemeanors, againft fuch and fuch of the Al-
dermen ; and therefore, by a parity of reafon, it is
my humble motion that we have no more Aldermen."

L'Eftrange's Reflections upon Poggius's Fable of
a Prieft and Epiphany, part i. 364.

Biographical Preface.

queftioned whether Jure divino^ or Arch-
I bifhops, who out of queflion are not Jure
divino, fhould fufpend Minifters that are
Jure divinOy I leave to be confidered."

To which Selden replied with great
pleafantry and dialedic fkill : '^ That the
convocation is Jure divino is a queftion ;
that parliaments are not Jure divino is
out of queftion ; that religion is Jure di-
vino there is no queflion. Now^, Sir, that
the convocation, which is queftionable
whether Jure divino^ and parliaments,
which out of queftion are not Jure divino^
fhould meddle with religion, which, quef-
tionlefs is Jure divino^ I leave to your
coniideration ! "

Sir Harbottle, purfuing his argument,
obferved, ^^ that Archbifhops are not Bi-
fhops." To which Selden rejoined, '^ that
is no otherwife true than that judges are
no lawyers, and aldermen no citizens."

Dr. Aikin has obferved, that " Selden
well knew there was a ftanding committee
of religion in parliament, and that the ec-
clefiaftical difcipline and government, if
not the dodrines of the Church, were re-

Ixv

Ixvi Biographical Preface.

garded by a large party as proper fub-
je6ts of parliamentary dlfcuffion^ and that
therefore this was mere dialedical fenc-

ing."

A declaration againfl: Epifcopacy was

read in the Houfe on the 31ft January,

1 64 1, and though Selden ufed all his
learning and reafoning to defeat it, his
oppofition was vain, for the bifhops were
deprived of their feats in parliament, and
the clergy profcribed from holding any
civil office, early in the following month.
The abolition of Epifcopacy followed,
which was finally voted in September,

1642, as Selden had foretold.

Though nov/ fo adllvely engaged in
the great political ftruggle, Selden feems
to have ftill found time for his favourite
literary purfuits, and one of his mofl: ela-
borate works was publifhed in 1640.
This was the treatife, " De Jure Naturali
et Gentium juxta difciplinam Ebr^orum."
The defign is fuppofed to have been fug-
gefted by the celebrated work of Grotius,
" De Jure Belli et Pacis," but its fubjed
and method are totally different, and its

Biographical Prefac

mottOj from Lucretius : *^ Loca nullius
ante tritajolo, ^cT claims for its fubjedl
the merit of entire novelty. It is without
a dedication, a circumftance which indi-
cates the dubious complexion of the time
of its appearance, but the preface prefents
an analyfis of the work, which the variety
of its matter, and intricacy of its arrange-
ment rendered highly neceffary. " It was
Selden's profefTed objedl to exhibit Jewifh
law as laid down by the Jewilfh writers
themfelves, he was therefore conftrained
in fome meafure to follow their method,
and it cannot be denied that he has made
his work a valuable repertory of all that hif-
tory or tradition has preferved concerning
the Hebrev/ inftitutions, before and after
the Mofaic difpenfation. In that view it
has been much commended, both at home
and abroad, and it made a large addition to
the reputation he already pofTeffed for in-
defatigable induflry and profound erudi-
tion. An abridgment was publiihed by
Buddeus, at Halle, in 1695."*

Ixvii

Allan's Life of Selden, p. in

Ixviii

Biographical Preface.

Mil ton has incidentally given his opi-
nion of this work and its author, in his
^' Areopagitica/' addrelTed to the Parlia-
ment, which it may not be uninterefting
to annex : ^^ Bad meals will fcarce breed
good nourishment in the healthieft con-
co6lion : but herein the difference is of
bad books, that they to a difcreet and ju-
dicious reader ferve in many refpedls to
difcover, to confute, to forewarn, to illuf-
trate, whereof what better witnefs can ye
exped I fhould produce than one of your
own now fitting in parliament, the chief
of learned men reputed in this land, Mr.
Selden, whofe volume of natural and na-
tional laws proves, not only by great au-
thorities brought together, but by exqui-
lite reafons, and theorems almoft mathe-
matically demonftrative, that all opinions,
yea errors, known, read, and collated are
of main fervice and afTiftance toward the
fpeedy attainment of what is trued." The
allufion is to the firft chapter of Selden's
work, where he has thought it neceflary
to accumulate a mafs of authority in juf-
tification of publifhing to the world a va-

Biographical Preface.

riety of diiFerent and contradidlory opi-
nions; Milton has alfo mentioned Sel-
den's work with high eulogy in his ^^ Doc-
trine and Difcipline of Divorce^" chap. 22.

Selden's name appears among thofe
members of the Houfe of Commons, who
figned a proteftation in May, 1641, that
they would maintain the proteftant re-
ligion according to the dodlrine of the
Church of England, and would defend
the perfon and authority of the King, the
privileges of parliament and the rights of
the fubjed. In this proteftation almoft
the whole Houfe concurred, and it was
probably only intended to obviate any
charge of unconflitutional intentions.*

The reader need not now be told that
Selden was in politics ever inclined to
moderation, and that leagued with a few
true lovers of their country, not lefs de-
ferving of, though lefs known to fame
than thofe who figure prominently in its
annals, he purfued a temperate and
thoughtful courfe, as a legiflator and a

* Aikin, p. 113.
- _

Ixix

Ixx

Biographical Preface.

(

patriot. It was at the lodgings of Pym
and of Selden that the leaders of the mo-
derate party met to arrange the courfe to
be purfued in Parliament, as the more
violent oppofers of the Government met
in a fimilar manner at the houfes of
Cromwell, Hafelrigge, and Oliver St.

John.

With thefe moderate views, Selden was
enabled fometimes to reftrain the violence
occafionally offered to the legal courfe of
juftice, and when it was once propofed
that the pay of fome officers fufpeded of
plotting againft the Parliament fhould
ceafe,^ he reminded the houfe that as
there was no judgment or charge paffed
againft them, they could not have incurred
a forfeiture.

The advantage which the King's affairs
would have gained from the influence of
the party to which Selden belonged, was

* An account of this tranfadion may be found in
a letter of Secretary Nicholas to Charles I. printed
in Evelyn's Memoirs, vol. v. pp. 11-12, and in the
Pari. Hift. ix. 531. Johnfon's Mem. of Selden,
p. 268.

Biographical Preface.

defeated by the ill-advifed impeachments
of the five members, for alleged oiFences
committed by them in their places as
members of Parliament, and by the fubfe-
quent attempt to feize them, which muft
be familiar to the reader of our annals.
By this flagrant breach of the privilege of
Parliament, and the violent and illegal
procedure which marked it, a fpirit was
roufed which gave an afcendancy to the
more violent oppofitionifts. A committee
was appointed to fit within the precinds
of London protedled by a guard of citi-
zens, to decide upon the remonftrances
and reports of fub-committees ; to one of
which Selden was nominated, to whom
was deputed the examination of the viola-
tion of the privileges and the framing a
petition to the King.

A proclamation directing the appre-
henfion of the five members was drawn
up by order of Charles, which the Lord
Keeper Lyttleton refufed to feal; it was
however placed upon Whitehall Gate, but
was fupprefi^ed by order of Parliament in
a few days.

Ixxi

Ixxii

Biographical Preface.

Charles had now removed to York, and
from thence. Lord Clarendon relates,
" fent an order to the Lord Falkland, to
require the feal from the Lord Keeper,
though he was not refolved to what hand
to commit it." The Lord Chief Juftice
Banks and Selden were mentioned by him
to Culpepper and Hyde, whofe opinion
he required. Banks was not thought
equal to the charge in times of fuch tur-
bulence, and " they did not doubt Mr.
Selden's affedion to the King, but they
knew him fo well that they concluded he
would abfolutely refufe the place if it was
offered to him. He was in years, and of
tender conftitution ; he had long enjoyed
his eafe, which he loved; was rich, and
would not have miade a journey to York,
or have lain out of his own bed for any
preferment, which he had never affec5l-
ed."*

* The following letter given from the Harding
MSS. in the Biogr. Brittan. fully confirms Lord
Clarendon's opinion. Selden was always oppofed to
the King's friends being abfent from Parliament, v.
Table Talk, The King, § 8 :

Biographical Preface.

The Parliament feem to have obtained
information of this overture^ for on the
4th of February, a peremptory order was
ifTued for Mr. Selden and others to attend
within three days at fartheft, and to con-

Ixxiii

Mr. Selden to the Marquis of Hertford.
My Lord,

I received from his moft excellent Majefly a com-
mand for my waiting on him at York, and he is
moft gracioufly pleafed to fay that I fhould make as
much hafte as my health will permit. I have been
for many weeks, my Lord, very ill, and am ftill fo
infirm that I have not fo much as any hope of being
able to travel, much lefs fuch a journey. Yet, if that
were all, I would willingly venture any lofs of my-
felf rather than not perform my duty to his Majefty.
But if I were able to come, I call God to witnefs, I
have no appreheniion of any pofTibility of doing his
Majefty fervice there. On the other fide, it is moft
probable, or rather apparent that a member of the
Houfe of Commons, and of my condition, by coming
thither, might thereby foon be a caufe of fome very
fenfible difturbance ; by this name I call whatfoever
will at this time (as this would) doubtlefs occafion
fome further or other difference betwixt his Majefty
and that Houfe. My legal and humble affedlions to
his Majefty and his fervice are, and fhall be, as great
and as hearty as any man's, and therefore, when I
am able I fhall really exprefs them. But I befeech
your Lordfhip be pleafed, upon what I have repre-

Ixxlv Biographical Preface.

tinue their fervice at the Houfe.* Dr.
Aikin has juftly obferved '^ that if princi-
ple can be inferred from adlions^ it could
fcarcely be expedled that Selden was pre-
pared to quit the parliamentary party, in
whofe meafures he had for the moft part
concurred, and join the royalifts, whom
he had oppofed." And in the ftruggle
which enfued between the King and the
Parliament refpedling the Militia, and the
Commiffion of Array, the part he took
makes it evident that his principles were
far from wavering.

Lord Clarendon's account of his con-
duct on this occafion will make this evi-
dent ; he fays, " Mr. Selden had in the
debate upon the Commiffion of Array in
the Houfe of Commons, declared himfelf
very pofitively and with much fharpnefs

fented, to preferve me from his Majefty's difpleafure,
which I hope too from his moft excellent goodnefs
towards me. Your Lordfhip's great and continued fa-
vours to me embolden me to make this fuit, which
granted will be a fmgular happinefs to

Your Lordfhip's, &c.
"* Journal of the H. of C. ii. 955.

Biographical Preface. Ixxv

againft it, as a thing exprefsly without any
authority of law, the ftatute upon which
it was grounded being, as he faid, re-
pealed ; and difcourfed very much on the
ill confequences which might refult from
fubmitting to it. He anfwered the argu-
ments which had been ufed to fupport it ;
and ealily prevailed with the Houfe not to
like a proceeding which they knew was
intended to do them hurt, and to lefTen
their authority. But his authority and
reputation prevailed much farther than
the Houfe, and begat a prejudice againft
it in many well affeded men without
doors. When the King was informed of
it, he was much troubled, having looked
upon Mr. Selden as well difpofed to his
fervice : and the Lord Falkland, with his
Majefty's leave, writ a friendly letter to
Mr. Selden, to know the reafon why in
fuch a conjundlure he would oppofe the
fubmiffion to the CommifTion of Array,
which no body could deny to have its ori-
ginal from law, and which many learned
men ftill believed to be very legal, to
make way for the eftablifhment of an

Ixxvi

Biographical Preface.

ordinance which had no manner of pre-
tence to right ? He anfwered this letter
very frankly, as a man who believed him-
felf in the right upon the Commiffion of
Array, and that the arguments he had
ufed againft it could not be anfwered;
fumming up thofe arguments in as few
words as they could be comprehended in.
But there he did as frankly inveigh
againft the Ordinance for the Militia,
which he faid ^ was without a fhadow of
law or pretence of precedent, and moft
deftrudlive to the government of the king-
dom : ' and he did acknowledge, ' that he
had been the more inclined to make that
difcourfe in the Houfe againft the Com-
miffion, that he might with the more
freedom argue againft the Ordinance : and
was moft confident that he fhould likewife
overthrow the Ordinance, which he con-
feffed, could be lefs fupported; and he
did believe it would be much better if
both were rejeded, than if either of them
ftiould ftand and remain uncontrouled.'
But his confidence deceived him ; and he
quickly found that they who fuffered

Biographical Preface. Ixxvii

themfelves to be entirely governed by his
reafon, when thofe conclufions refulted
from it which contributed to their own de-
fignSj would not be at all guided by it, or
fubmit to it, when it perfuaded that which
contradi6led and would difappoint thofe
defigns. And fo, upon the day appointed
for the debate of their ordinance, when he
applied all his faculties to the convincing
them of the illegality and monftroufnefs
of it, by arguments at leaft as clear and
demonftrable as his former had been, they
made no impreffion upon them, but were
eafily anfwered by thofe who with mofl:
paffion infifted upon their own fenfe." *

Whitelocke fays " that Selden and di-
vers other gentlemen of great parts and
intereft, accepted commiffions of lieuten-
ancy, and continued their fervice in Par-
liament." If Selden did accept a deputy
lieutenancy, he was certainly not perfon-
ally adive in the office, for other occupa-
tions detained him in London. He was
one of a committee formed on the 23rd

* Clarendon's Hill. v. i. p. 517. fol. ed.

Ixxvi

Biographical Preface.

ordinance which had no manner of pre-
tence to right ? He anfwered this letter
very frankly, as a man who believed him-
felf in the right upon the Commiffion of
Array, and that the arguments he had
ufed againft it could not be anfwered;
fumming up thofe arguments in as few
words as they could be comprehended in.
But there he did as frankly inveigh
againft the Ordinance for the Militia,
which he faid ' was without a fhadow of
law or pretence of precedent, and moft
deftru6tive to the government of the king-
dom : ' and he did acknowledge, ' that he
had been the more inclined to make that
difcourfe in the Houfe againft the Com-
miffion, that he might with the more
freedom argue againft the Ordinance : and
was moft confident that he ftiould likewife
overthrow the Ordinance, which he con-
feifed, could be lefs fupported; and he
did believe it would be much better if
both were rejefted, than if either of them
ftiould ftand and remain uncontrouled.'
But his confidence deceived him ; and he
quickly found that they who fuft^ered

Biographical Preface. Ixxvii

themfelves to be entirely governed by his
reafon, when thofe conclufions refulted
from it which contributed to their own de-
figns, would not be at all guided by it, or
fubmit to it, when it perfuaded that which
contradidted and would difappoint thofe
deiigns. And fo, upon the day appointed
for the debate of their ordinance, when he
applied all his faculties to the convincing
them of the illegality and monftroufnefs
of it, by arguments at leaft as clear and
demonftrable as his former had been, they
made no impreffion upon them, but were
eafily anfwered by thofe who with moft
pafTion infifled upon their own fenfe." *

Whitelocke fays " that Selden and di-
vers other gentlemen of great parts and
intereft, accepted commifTions of lieuten-
ancy, and continued their fervice in Par-
liament." If Selden did accept a deputy
lieutenancy, he was certainly not perfon-
ally adive in the office, for other occupa-
tions detained him in London. He was
one of a committee formed on the 23rd

* Clarendon's Hift. v. i. p. 517. fol. ed.

Ixxx

Biographical Preface.

to be prelLyterSj with the injundion that
when the patriarchate fhould become va-
cant, they fhould choofe onelqf their
number, and confecrate him patriarch by
the imposition of their hands, at the fame
time eleding aperfon to fill his place
in the prelbytery : fo that there fhould
always be 12 prefbyters, the patriarch
being reckoned as one ; and that this mode
continued in pradlice to the time of the
Patriarch Alexander, who diredled that
thenceforth on the deceafe of a patriarch,
a new one fhould be ordained by an af-
fembly of bifhops.^'

The publication of this piece involved
Selden in hoftilities with the zealous ad-
vocates of Epifcopacy, both Proteftant
and Roman Catholic ; but the Englifh
epifcopalian party do not then appear to
have entered into the controverfy, they
had too much already upon their hands in
contending with their more formidable
adverfary the parliament. f

* Aikin's Life of Selden, p. 123. et feq.

f It was the caufe of truth rather than of prefbyteri-

Biographical Preface.

The calm and difpafTionate moderation
of Selden and the refiftance he occafionally
offered to violent meafures, caufed fome
of the popular leaders to hold him in fuf-
picion. When the plot for introducing
the royal forces into London, and difarm-
ing the Militia was difcovered, and Wal-
ler, the poet, (a principal confpirator) was
examined before the Houfe, he was afked
whether Selden, Whitelocke and others
named ¥/ere acquainted with the defign.
To which he replied, "that they were
not, but that he did come one evening to

anifm which incited Selden to this publication, for
in many parts of his other works he exprefsly favours
epifcopacy. And it is remarkable enough that Pococke
did not much afFeft the tafic of tranflation, being an
Epifcopalian. The authority of Eutychius has been
fince much invalidated by Morinus, Renaudot, Ham-
mond, Walton, and Pearfon. See Twell's Life of
Pococke, p. 216-17. Ed. 18 16. Selden probably
caufed it to be publilhed, becaufe it favoured his own
opinion that the government of the Church, as much
as the government of the reft of the ftate, is fubjed
to the will of the legiHature. See the article " Bi-
fhops out of Parliament " in the Table Talk. Pro-
voft Baillie and Baxter reprefent Selden as the head

Ixxxi

In

Ixxxil

Biographical Preface.

Seidell's ftudy, where Whitelock and Pier-
point then were with Selden, on purpofe
to impart it to them all ; and fpeaking of
fuch a thing in general terms, thefe gen-
tlemen did fo inveigh againft any fuch
thing, as treachery and bafenefs, and that
which might be the occalion of ihedding
much blood, that he durft not for the re-
fped he had for Selden and the reft, com-
municate any of the particulars to them ;
but was almoft diftieartened himfelf to
proceed in it."*

In June, 1643, ^^ ordinance was made

of the Ernjlians, i. e. of thofe who confider the
Church to be part of the civil pplit}^ of a ftate : they
were fo named after Thomas Eraftus, a Swifs phyii-
cian, who was for rellraining the ecclefiaflical power
from all Temporal jurifdiclion. The title of his
work, which is exceedingly rare, is " Explicatio Gra-
viffimae Quaeftionis utrum Excommunicatio, quatenus
Religionem intelligentes et amplexantes, a Sacramen-
torum ufu, propter admilTum facinus arcet; man-
dato nitatur Divino, an excogitata fit ab homini-
bus." 4to. Pefclavii, 1589. Selden has manifefted in
feveral places of the Table Talk, and elfewhere, his
acquaintance with this volume.

* Whitclock's Mem. p. 66.

Biographical Preface.

for afTembling a fynod of divines * and
laymen at Henry VII. chapel in Weft-
minfter "to fettle the government and
liturgy of the Church of England." Among
the lay members, were Selden and White-
locke, and we are told by the latter that
" Selden fpoke admirably and confuted
them in their own learning, and fome-
times when they had cited a text of fcrip-
ture to prove their aifertion, he would tell

* The AiTembly of Divines confifted of lo peers,
20 members of the Houfe of Commons, about 20
epifcopal divines, and 100 other perfons, moil of
which were prefbyterians, a few independents, and
fome to reprefent the Kirk of Scotland. Few of the
epifcopal divines ever, attended, and thofe who did
foon left them. Clarendon fays *' except thefe few
epifcopal divines the reft were all declared enemies
to the Church of England ; fome of them infamous
in their lives and converfation ; moft of them of very
mean parts in learning, if not of fcandalous igno-
rance, and of no other reputation than of malice to
the Church of England." Baxter, on the contrary,
fays. They were men of eminent learning, godlinefs,
minifterial abilities, and fidelity, and that as far as he
was able to judge, the Chriftian world iince the days
of the Apoftles, had never a fynod of more excellent
divines, than this fynod and the fynod of Dort.

Ixxxiii

'1

Ixxxiv

Biographical Preface.

them ^ perhaps in your little pocket bibles
with gilt leaves, (which they would often
pull out and read) the tranflation may
be thus, but the Greek or Hebrew figni-
fies thus and thus/ and fo would filence
them."

Baillie, Principal of the Univerfity of
Glafgow, one of the Scotch deputies to
this afTembly, has graphically defcribed it,
and tells us that " thofe who fpeak ha-
rangue long and learnedly. I do mar-
vel at the very accurate replies that many
of them ufually make." * Sermons, prayer
and failing were part of their ordinary
difcipline, and the fame writer gives us
the account of a day which he defignates
'^ fpending from nine to five very gra-
cioufly."— " After Dr. TwifTe, (the pro-
locutor) had begun with a fhort prayer,
Mr. Marfhall prayed large two hours.
After, Mr. Arrowfmith preached an hour,
then a pfalm ; thereafter Mr. Vines prayed
nearly two hours, and Mr. Palmer preached
an hour, and Mr. Seaman prayed near

* Baillie's Letters and Journals, i. 369.

Biographical Preface.

two hours^ then a pfalm ; after, Mr. Hen-
derfon preached, and Dr. TwifTe clofed
with a ihort prayer and blefling.

But their patient perfeverance in devo-
tion did not unfit them for convivial
enjoyment when it offered. At an en-
tertainment given by the Corporation of
London, to the two Houfes of Parliament
and the afTembly, at Taylor's Hall, in
January, 1644, Baillie informs us '^'^ the
feaft was very great, valued at 4000/.
rlierling, yet we had no defert, nor mufic,
but drums and trumpets. All was con-
cluded with a pfalm, whereof Dr. Burgefs
read the line ! There was no excefs in
any we heard of. The Speaker of the
Houfe of Commons drank to the Lords
in the name of all the Commons of En.o--

o

land. The Lords flood up every one
with his glafs, for they reprefent none but
them.felves, and drank to the Commons.''
In fuch fantailic forms did the preva-
lent religious enthufiafm manifefl itfelf,
and fome it rendered infane; many were
doubtlefs fincere well-meaning men, but
the garb of fanaticifm was afTumed by

Ixxxv

i\

Ixxxvi

Biographical Preface.

many profligate worthlefs wretches. The
title of puritan is faid to have been far-
caftically given in allufion to the fuper-
lative innocency and fpirituality which the
chief of them profefled, but it was firft
appHed about the year 1559 to thofe who
fought to purify the worfhip and dif-
cipline of the Church from what they
conceived to be relics of Papiftry. It
was the fafhion of the time to wear the
hair in flowing locks, but the puritans
" cut their hair fo clofe that it would
fcarce cover their ears; many cut it quite
clofe round their heads with fo many little
peaks that it was fomething ridiculous to
behold," and this acquired them the name
of Roundheads. Mrs. Hutchinfon fays
" that though her huflDand aded with the
Puritan party, they would not allow him
to be religious, becaufe his hair was not
in their cut." * Selden is reported to have
faid " he trufted he was not either mad
enough or foolifli enough to deferve the
name of Puritan." He was certainly

Memoirs of Col. Hutchinfon, p. 100.

Biographical Preface.

no friend to the fynod.* The Jure dl-
vino queftion lafted 30 days, the Eraftians
did not except againfl: a prefbyterial go-
vernment as a political inftitution proper

ixxxvn

* Sir John Birkenhead in his ''AfTembly man"
fays, "What opinion the learned Mr. Selden had
of them, appears from the following account : The
Houfe of Parliament once made a queftion, whether
they had beft admit Archbifhop Ufher to the Af-
fembly of divines ? He faid they had as good enquire,
whether they had beft admit Inigo Jones, the King's
Architeft, to the company of moufe-trap makers:"
and again, "Mr. Selden vifits the AlTembly, as Per-
fians ufed, to fee wild alTes fight : when the Com-
mons have tired him with their new law, thefe bre-
thren refrefti him with their mad gofpel : They
lately were gravelled betwixt Jerufalem and Jericho,
they knew not the diftance between thofe two places ;
one cried 20 miles, another ten. It was concluded
feven for this reafon, that fifti was brought from
Jericho to Jerufalem-market : Mr. Selden fmiled and
faid, perhaps the fifh was fait fifti, and fo ftopped
their mouths."

Cleveland in a poem entitled " The mixt AfTem-
bly," thus alludes to Selden's fuperiority over thofe
with whom he had to contend in this Synod :

Thus every Ghibelline has got his Guelf ;
But Selden he's a Galliard by himfelf ;
And well may be ; there's more Divines in him.
Than in all this their Jewilh Sanhedrim.

Ixxxviii

Biographical Preface.

to be eftablifhed by the civil magi ftrate, but
they were decidedly againft the claim of a
divine right, Selden with the reft was of
this mind, apprehending that preft)ytery
would prove as arbitrary and tyrannical as
prelacy if it came in with a divine claim.

Among the few epifcopalians nomi-
nated members of the afiembly was Sel-
den's early friend the learned and liberal
Archbiftiop Uftier; their intimacy com-
menced in the year 1609^ when Uiher,
then Profeftbr of Divinity at Trinity Col-
lege Dublin, was in London purchaiing
books for its library. Ufher not only
declined to take part in the proceedings
of the aflembly, as it was conftituted, but
maintained by all means in his power the
reafonablenefs of the eftabliftied form of
Church Government. Having preached
againft the authority and purpofe of the
fynod, he drew down upon himfelf the
difpleafure of the Parliament, an ordi-
nance was made for the conftfcation of his
library, then in Chelfea College, and it
v/ould have been fold and difperfed had
not Selden obtained permiftion for Dr.

Biographical Preface.

ixxxix

Featly, a member of the fynod, to pur-
chafe it as if for his own ufe for a trifling
fum. In June, 1646, he performed an-
other adl of kindnefs to his venerable
friend, who was called before a board of
examiners at Weftminfter, and required
to take the negative oath which was im-
pofed upon all who had been adherents
of the King. Ufher defired time to con-
sider of it, and being difmifled for that
time, he was fpared the necefTity of a fe-
cond appearance, by the exertions of Sel-
den and his other parliamentary friends
who obtained permifTion for him to retire
into the country.

By a vote of the Houfe, November 8,
1643, Selden was appointed Keeper of the
Records in the Tower ; an office for which
he was. peculiarly fitted, and which pro-
bably furnifhed him with an excufe for
gradually withdrawing from the political
vortex, where he found himfelfalmoft alone
in his pofition as a moderator. Yet upon
important occafions he was ftill to be found
at his poll as long as he thought he could
be ufeful. We are not informed how

xc Biographical Preface.

long he retained the office of Keeper of
the Records, but it was probably refigned
on the paffing of the Self denying Ordi-
nance in 1645.

In February, 1645-6, he fubfcribed the
folemn league and covenant; he had ufed
his beft endeavours to preferve the mon-
arcbial form of government, and a mo-
derate epifcopacy, but it was now evident
that the caufe of both was loft, and the
train of events which had precipitated the
fall of both, had probably fhewn him that
further refiftance was vain.

The attainder and trial of Archbifhop
Laud now took place, and Selden appears
to have taken no part in that tranfacflion ;
yet, when the parliamentary Commiftion-
ers had feized upon the Archbifhop's En-
dowment of the Arabick Profeftbrfhip at
Oxford, he exerted himfelf to obtain its
reftitution, which he ultimately effeded
about the middle of 1647.

In 1644 he printed his chronological
work, *^ De Anno Civili Veteris Eccleiias,
feu Republicas Judaicas, Differtatio," in
which are difcufled all the points relative

Biographical Preface.

to the Jewifh Calendar, derived from the
Talmudifts or traditional writers of the
Jewifh Church, and difplaying the author's
ufual profundity of erudition. The pre-
face points out the importance of the en-
quiry to the right underftanding of the
fcriptures and the neceffity of reforting to
thefe fources of elucidation.

In April, 1645, a committee of fix
Lords and twelve Commoners being ap-
pointed to condu6t the bufinefs of the
Admiralty, Selden was nominated one of
the commiffioners ; but before they en-
tered upon the duties of their office, the
plan was altered, probably in confequence
of the pafling of the Self denying Ordi-
nance, and three commiffioners feledled
from the whole number were invefted with
the power. Selden was not one of the
three named.

In May of this year, the Houfe of
Commons entered an order on their jour-
nals ^^ for Mr. Selden to bring in an Or-
dinance for regulating the Herald's office,
and the Heraldry of the Kingdom," and
upon a debate on an ordinance for dif-

xci

xcii I Biographical Preface.

charging the wardfhip of the heirs of Sir
Chriftopher Wray, who had died in the
fervice of the ParHament, the abufes and
opprefTions incident to wardfhips were fo
forcibly pointed out by Selden, Maynard,
St. John, Whitelocke, and other lawyers,
that it gave rife to an order for the aboli-
tion of the Court of Wards and its feudal
appendages. The vote was paffed by the
Commons, fandioned by the Lords, and
ordered to be printed in the courfe of one
day.

Upon the death of Dr. Eden, mafter of
Trinity Hall, in Cambridge, in Auguft,
1645, Selden was unanimoufly chofen to
fucceed him, with fuch univerfal approba-
tion as added much to the honour con-
ferred by the choice. Selden declined
the charge as he had all other honourable
charges that fought his acceptance. He
was now in years, was rich, he loved his
literary leifure, and he was connected with
the fifter univerfity ; thefe may be con-
ceived fufficient motives for the refufal
of an honour which few men would have
declined. But though he declined this

Biographical Preface. xciii

intimate connexion with the Univerfity
of Cambridge, he was ever ready to do
it fimilar fervices to thofe he had ren-
dered to Oxford. Dr. Bancroft had left
his library to his fuccefTors in the See of
Canterbury on condition that his fuccef-
for fhould give fecurity that he would
leave it entire and without diminution to
the next Archbifhop in fucceffion ; but in
cafe of refufal to give fuch fecurity, he
bequeathed it to Chelfea College, then
building, if that building fhould be finifhed
within fix years after his deceafe. If this
did not occur his library was to go to the
Univerfity of Cambridge. The order of
Bifhops being abolifhed, and Chelfea Col-
lege abandoned, Selden fuggefted to the
Univerfity that their right to the books had
arifen on the contingent remainder. It
confequently petitioned the Upper Houfe,
and Selden pleaded for them fo fuccefsfully
that the Univerfity obtained an order not
only for Dr. Bancroft's books, but for
thofe of his fuccefibr, Archbifiiop Abbot.
They were however re-claimed for Lam-
beth, by Archbifhop Juxon, afte): the re-

xciv Biographical Preface.

ftoration, ftill Selden's interference had
prevented their difperfion, and preferved
them for their original deftination.

D'Ifraeli has remarked that the repub-
licans of England like thofe of France in
the next century, were infeded with a
hatred of literature and the arts ; he af-
ferts that the burning of the Records in
the Tower was certainly propofed ; and
that a fpeech of Selden's put a ftop to
thefe incendiaries.*

The fame fanatic fpirit placed the Uni-
verfities in danger of abolition, or at any
rate of fpoliation, and reftridlion. Brad-
fhaw propofed an immediate vifitation for
this purpofe, and Selden fuccefsfully ob-
je6led to the injuftice of fuch a proceed-
ing, before the Univerfity had provided
itfelf with legal afliftance ; and in order to
be of more effe6lual ufe, he obtained in
1647 ^^^ appointment of one of the Par-
liamentary Viiitors of the Univerlity of
Oxford.

A letter from Dr. Gerard Langbaine

* Curiofities of Literature, 2nd feries, iii. 446.

Biographical Preface. xcv

provoft of Queen's College exprefTes the
warmeft gratitude of the Univerfity for
this interpofition in its favour. " We are
all abundantly fatisfied in your unwearied
care and pafTionate endeavours for our
prefervation. We know and confefs,

— Si Pergama dextra

Defend! poterant, etiam hac defenfa fuiffent.

Of this we are confident, that (next un-
der God's) it muft be imputed to your
extraordinary providence that we have
flood thus long : you have been the only
belli mora^ and

Quicquid apud noflrae ceffatum eft moenia Troj^,
Hedloris.

I cannot add ^^nesque, for you had no
fecond,

: — manu viftoria Graium

By your good a6ls, and prudent manage,
our fix-months hath been fpun unto two
years, and it hath been thus far verified
upon us, by your means, nee capti potuere

capi." *

Leland's Colleftanea, by Hearne, v. 2 8 2 . Three

xcvi Biographical Preface.

In 1 646, Selden gave to the world one
of the moft curious and intereftlng of his
works, entitled, " Uxor Ebraica ; feu de
Nuptiis et Divortiis ex Jure Civili, id eft,
Divino et Talmudico, veterum Ebrasorum,
Libri tres."

Having in his former work on Jewifh
natural and international law, treated of
every thing relating to the Hebrew matri-
monial regulations that came under thofe
two heads, in this work he completed
his fubjedt, adding all that relates to it
from what he terms their civil law, that
is, the matrimonial rites and ceremonies,
cuftoms and inftitutions proper to their
nation, and derived from the Levitical
law, or from the ancient ordinances of
their rulers. He adds what he calls the
ftupendous dodlrines of the Karaites re-
fpeding inceft ; and incidental notices of
the modes of contradling and difibiving
marriages among Pagans, Mahomedans,

other letters, written in Latin to him in the name of
his Ah?ia mater , are preferved by Dr. Wilkins, and
alfo two letters from the Univerfity of Cambridge,
thanking him for his fervices.

Biographical Preface. ^cvil

and Chriftians in the Eaft and Weft, which
have been either derived from Jewifh cuf-
toms or appear to refemble them.*

In 1647, ^^ publifhed from a MS. in
the Cotton library, the valuable old law
treatife entitled " Fleta," fo named from
being compiled by its anonymous author
while confined in the Fleet prifon, moft
probably in the reign of Edward ift. It
is divided into fix books ; the firft treat-
ing of pleas of the crown ; the fecond
gives a full and curious account of the
royal houfehold, &c. illuftrative of the
hiftory of thofe times, and the remaining
books contain the pradice of the courts
of judicature, the forms of writs, explana-
tions of law-terms and the like.

Selden's preface contains many curious
particulars relating to the early writers on
the laws of England, Bradon, Britton,
Fleta, and Thornton, and of the ufe vv^hich
v/as made of the Imperial and Juftinian
Codes in England.

A vote paiTed the Floufe of Commons

* Aikin's Life of Selden, 138.

xviii Biographical Preface.

in 1 646-7, awarding to Selden and feveral
others of his political aiTociates during the
reign of arbitrary power, the fum of five
thoufand pounds each " for their fufferings
for oppofing the illegalities of that time."
Wood reports that fome fay Selden re-
fufed this grant, and faid that he could
not out of confcience take it ; but Walker,
in his Hiftory of Independency, fays that
Selden received half the money voted to
him ; and on the Journals of the Houfe
there are two entries ordering payment of
the moieties on the nth of May, and
nth of November, 1647. Selden, in a
pecuniary point of view, certainly did not
want this recompenfe, and probably did not
receive the fecond payment, for as Wood's
authority obferves, "his mind was as great
as his learning, full of generofity, and har-
bouring nothing that feemed bafe."

One of the laft adls of Selden's political
life was conne6led with the laft effort to
effedl a reconciliation between the King
and the Parliament, in which he had
doubtlefs taken an a6live and earneft part.
On the iith of December, Selden went

Biographical Preface. xclx

up with a meflage to the Lords from the
Commons, defiring their confent to four
bills; concerning the management of the
army and navy ; for juftifying the pro-
ceedings of parliament in the late war ;
concerning the peerage; and the adjourn-
ment of both houfes; which were to be
prefented to his majefty for his affent.
And when the Scotch Commiflioners de-
fired that thefe bills might be communi-
cated to them, Selden again appeared at
the bar of the Houfe of Lords with two
refolutions, vindicating, from fuch inter-
ference, the independence of Parliament.
But now perceiving that all was hope-
lefs, that a military defpotifm and the
King's ruin were inevitable, he, however
unwilling, withdrew to thofe fludies which
had ever occupied all the leifure he could
command ; yet in 1 649, ftill folicitous
for the interefts of learning, a vote being
palTed for the prefervation of the books
and medals in the palace at St. James's,
he perfuaded his friend Whitelocke to ac-
cept the office, in order to prevent their
being pillaged or difperfed.

Biographical Preface.

It is faid that when the Eikon Bafilike
appeared, its influence in winning favour
to the royal caufe was fo much feared,
that an anfwer to it was deemed highly
eflential, and that Cromwell, more than
once, inftigated him both perfonally, and
by his friends, to undertake the tafk, which
he unhefitatingly declined ; and it was
eventually replied to by Milton in his
" Iconoclafl:es," his republican principles
making him not averfe to it.

In 1650, he fent to the prefs the iirft
part of a work v/hich he had written above
twelve years before, but kept by him to
corredl and enlarge. This was his ample
treatife '^ De Synedriis et Prefedluris Ju-
ridicis Veterum Ebrasorum." It was in-
tended to comprife every thing recorded
relating to the Sanhedrim or Juridical
Courts of the Jews both before and after
the promulgation of the Mofaic law, with
collateral notices of fimilar inftitutions in
modern times and countries. In this firfl;
part he confiders largely the fubjed of
excommunication, or the penal interdidion
by ecclefiaftical authority of participation

Biographical Preface.

Cl

in facred rites^ a power to the aflumption
of which he had already fhewn himfelf a
decided adverfary.

His preface almoft entirely relates to
this fubje(5l ; a peculiarly interefting one
at the time^ and the following paflage is
remarkable. Speaking of the divine right
of excommunication claimed by different
churches, he fays, "This claim has not a
few ajffertors as well Romanifts, as Non-
romanift Epifcopalians, and Prefbyterians,
which latter infift upon it much more po-
fitively, and carry it much farther in their
own favour ; for after having, in their
manner, inveighed againft this power in
papal and epifcopal hands, they have, as it
were, cut it into fhreds and portioned it
out among themfelves, with a vaft accef-
fion from that authority, which they fo con-
fidently attribute to their own order."

The firfl book brings the fubjedl down
to the giving of the law at Mount Sinai.
It was followed three years afterward by a
fecond book, comprifing the judicial hif-
tory of the Jews to the defhrudion of the
Temple. A third which propofed to

cii Biographical Preface.

treat of the great Sanhedrim was left in-
complete, and was not printed till after
his death.*

In 1652, he contributed a preface to
the colleftion of ten monkifh hiftorians
known as the Script ores pofi Bedam; he
was not the editor, but communicated
fome collations of MSS. from the Cotton
library, and occafionally looked over the
proof fheets. In his preface he endeavours
to prove that the hiftory of Simeon Dun-
el menfis was really compofed by Turgot,
Prior of the Monastery of Durham, and
Bifhop of St. Andrews ; Simeon's claim
has been however reafferted by Thomas
Rudd, Keeper of the Durham library.
Selden incidentally gives fome account of
the Keledie or Culdees of Scotland, who
long afforded an example of prefbyterial
ordination, without the intervention of a
bifhop.

The laft of his writings was a defence
of himfelf, refpe6ling the compofition of
the " Mare Claufum," againft Theodore

* Aikin's Life of Selden, pp. 146-7-8.

Biographical Preface. ciii

Grafwinckelj a Dutch Jurift, who in an
anfwer to Burgus on the Dominion of the
Genoefe Sea, had mentioned Selden and
his motives for compofing the Mare Gau-
fum in terms highly oifeniive to our illuf-
trious countryman. It is dated from his
houfe in Whitefriars, May i, 1653, and
is chiefly valuable for the particulars it
affords of fome of the events of his life^
efpecially relating to his different impri-
fonments. The motto indicates the keen
feelings from which it fprang :

" Contameliam nee fords poteft, nee ingenuus pad."

The infirmities of age now began to
gain ground upon him, and he became
fenfible that his end was approaching ; on
the loth of November, 1654, he addreffed
the following fhort note to his friend
Whitelocke, then Keeper of the Great Seal:

My Lord,

I am a moft humble fuitor to your

Lordfhip that you would be pleafed that

I might have your prefence for a little

time to-morrow, or next day. Thus

CIV

Biographical Preface.

much wearies the moft weak hand and
body of

Your Lordfhip's moft humble fervant,

J. Selden.

Nov. lo, 1654, Whitefryars.

Thefe were probably the laft lines he
wrote. Whitelocke " went to him and
was advifed with about fettling his eftate
and altering his will, and to be one of his
executors ; but his weaknefs fo increafed,
that his intentions were prevented." He
died on the laft day of November, 1654;
within 1 6 days of the completion of his
70th year. According to Aubrey the
difeafe which terminated his exiftence was
dropfy. Death feems to have approached
him without its terrofs,* for his life had
been well fpent, and he had virtuoufly and
confcientiouftv aimed at the welfare of his
country, and the promulgation of truth.

A ftiort time before his death, it is re-
lated, he fent one afternoon for his friends
Archbiftiop Uftier, and Dr. Langbaine,

* Aubrey tells us that he had his funeral fcutcheons
prepared fome months before he died.

Biographical Preface. cv

and upon that occafion uttered thefe me-
morable words : '* That he had furveyed
moft parts of the learning that was among
the fons of men ; that he had his ftudy
full of books and papers of moft fubje6ls
in the world ; yet at that time he could
not recoiled: any paftage out of thofe in-
finite books and manufcripts he was maf-
ter of, wherein he could reft his foul, fave
out of the Holy Scriptures ; wherein the
moft remarkable paftage that lay moft
upon his fpirit, was Titus ii. ii, 12, 13,
14, 15."* The import of thefe verfes is

* I have quoted this anecdote from Bifhop Lloyd's
" Fair Warnings to a Carelefs World," 1682, p. 140.
It is repeated in a work attributed to George, Earl
of Berkley, entitled " Hiftorical Applications, and
occafional meditations upon feveral fubjefts ; " the firft
edition of which was printed in 1670. But we
learn from the preface to Lloyd's book, that part of
it was printed in 1655, both at London and York,
and that the edition of 1682 was enlarged and pub-
liftied at a pious perfon's (Dr. T's.) earneft requeft.
In the margin of " Fair Warnings " we have the
following note : " From Do6lor Ufher's mouth,
whom he delired to preach at his funeral, and to
give him the facraments ; at the celebration whereof
a great fcholar, as it is commonly reported, coming

cvi Biographical Preface.

obedience to the commands of God, and
faith in the redeeming facrifice of our Sa-
viour. Truths which Selden therefore

in, flared, faying, * I thought Selden had more learn-
ing, judgment, and fpirit, than to ftoop to obfolete
forms.' " It is prefaced too, thus : " Mafter Selden,
who had comprehended all the learning and know-
ledge that is either among the Jews, Heathens, or
Chriilians ; and fufpe6led hy many of too little regard
for religion, one afternoon before he died, &c." Later
editions of the ** Fair Warnings " were given, pro-
bably by a bookfeller's fraud, under the name of Dr.
Woodward. A goffiping llory is told by Aubrey,
that " when Selden was near death ; the minifter
(Mr. Johnfon) was coming to aflbile him : Mr,
Hobbes happened to be there ; fay'd he, * What,
will you that have wrote like a man, now die like a
woman ? ' So the minifter was not let in." This
filly ftory has probably the fame vague origin as that
of Lloyd, in which the great fcholar probably is
meant to delignate Hobbes.

That Selden was a firm believer in Chriftianity
cannot be doubted, and we are told by Baxter, his
cotemporary, " The Hobbians and other infidels
would have perfuaded the world that Selden was of
their mind, but Sir Matthew Hale, his intimate
friend and executor, affured me that Selden was an
earneft profeflbr of the Chriftian faith, and fo angry
an adverfary to Hobbes, that he hath rated him out
the room." Baxter's Diary, by Sih'e/ler,pt. 3, 48.

Biographical Preface. cvii

regarded as the efTence of the Chriftian
revelation ; thefe had probably been the
rule and guide of his life; content with
the religion of the Bible, and difgufted
with the fanatic fpirit of fed:arian bigotry,
contentious about unefTential points of
do6lrine, and hurling damnation upon
thofe who differed from them in the mofl;
immaterial particulars.

He had himfelf prepared an epitaph in
Latin, which is interefting as it records
his eftimate of his own charader ; Dr.
Aikin has given us the following verfion
of it : after mentioning his admiffion to
the Society of the Inner Temple, it pro-
ceeds thus : '' He applied himfelf to the
ftudies of the place neither remifsly nor
unfuccefsfully ; but indulging his natural
difpoiition, and little fitted for the buftle
of courts, he betook himfelf to other ftu-
dies as an enquirer. He was happy in
friendftiips with fome of the beft, moft
learned, and illuftrious of each order ; but
not without the heavy enmity of fome in-
temperate adverfaries of truth and genuine
liberty ; under v/hich he feverely but man-

CVIU

Biographical Preface.

fully fuffered. He ferved as burgefs in
feveral parliaments, both in thofe which
had a King, and which had none." *

Aubrey thus records the laft honours
paid to his mortal remains : '^ On Thurs-
day the 14th of Deer, he was magnifi-
cently buryed in the Temple Church.
His Executors invited all the parliament
men, all the benchers, and great officers.
All the Judges had mourning, as alfo an
abundance of perfons of quality. His
grave was about i o foot deepe or better ;
walled up a good way with bricks, of
which alfo the bottome was paved, but
the fides at the bottome for about two
foot high were of black polifiied marble,
wherein his coffin ^covered with black
bayes) lyeth, and upon that wall of mar-
ble was prefently let downe a huge black
marble fi:one of great thicknefi'e, with this
infcription :

Hie jacet Corpus Johannis Seldeni qui obiit
30 die Novembris, 1654.

1. , ■

* Marchmont Needham, making mention of this
epitaph in his Mercurius Politicus, fays, "it was well
he did it, for no man elfe could do it for him."

Biographical Preface.

Over this was turned an arch of brick,
(for the houfe would not lofe their
ground) and upon that was throwne the
earth, &c. and on the furface lieth another
faire grave ftone of black marble with this
infcription :

I. Seldenvs I. C. heic fitus eft.

There is a coate of arms on the flat mar-
ble, but it is indeed that of his mother,
for he had none of his owne, though he fo
well deferved it. 'Tis ftrange (me thinke)
that he would not have one."

A mural monument to his memory was
fubfequently placed in the circular part of
the Church.

His friend Archbifhop Uflier, at the
requeft of his executors, preached his fu-
neral fermon, and among the eulogies
which according to cuflom it contained,
he faid, " that he looked upon the deceafed
as fo great a fcholar, that himfelfe was
fcarce worthy to carry his books after
him."

The Mafter of the Temple (Richard
Johnfon) read the burial fervice according

cix

ex Biographical Preface.

to the form of the New Diredory, and
added at the clofe, '^ if learning could have
kept a man alive, this our brother had not
died."

In perfon Selden was tall, being in
height about fix feet, his face was thin and
oval, and the whole head not very large.
His nofe was long, and inclining to one
fide. His eyes were grey, and full and
prominent.

He kept a plentiful table, which was
never without the fociety of learned guefts.
Though himfelf temperate in eating and
drinking, he was accuflomed to fay jocu-
larly '* I will keep myfelf warm and moifl
as long as I live, for I fhall be cold and
dry when I am dead." ^ His intimate
friend Whitelocke fays, " his mind was as
great as his learning : he v/as as hofpitable
and generous as any man, and as good
company to thofe whom he liked." Dr.
Wilkins tells us that he could occafionally
afTume an ungracious aufterity of counte-
nance and manners, and this, as Dr. Aikin

•

* Aubrey.

Biographical Preface.

juftly obferves, " is not extraordinary and
may be eafily pardoned, for the perfecu-
tions he had undergone, and the weighty
concerns in which he was engaged, joined
to a naturally ferious difpofition, would be
likely to produce that effed:. In a period
of civil difcord, levity ought to give more
offence to a thinking man than feverity ;
and it is a mark rather of an unfeeling
than of a kind difpofition, to appear eafy
and cheerful while friends and country are
expofed to the moft lamentable diflrefs." *
His generofity was not confined to his
convivial hours. Meric Cafaubon was re-
lieved by him with a confiderable fum in
time of need. He fubfcribed largely to
the publication of Walton's Polyglot.
He was the patron of Kelly when purfu-
ing his antiquarian travels, and Afhmole
and Farington the antiquarians. He had
deteded the merits of Hale while yet a
flripling, and continued, though much
his fenior, his unwavering friend. f

* Aikin's Life of Selden, p. i6i.

f Johnfon's Memoirs of Selden, p. 353,

CXI

cxii Biographical Preface.

It could not be expeded that^ immerfed
as he was in bufinefs and ferious ftudies,
he fhould always be ready to receive vic-
tors. When called upon by ftrangers,
Aubrey fays, '^ he had a flight fluff or
filk kind of falfe carpet to caft over the
table where he read and his papers lay, fo
that he needed not to difplace his books
or papers." And we are told by Colo-
mies, that when Ifaac Voflius was fome-
time afcending his ftaircafe to pay him
a vifit, when he was engaged in fome
deep refearchj Selden would call out to
him from the top that he was not at lei-
fure for converfation.

After the death of the Earl of Kent
in 1639, Selden appears to have been do-
mefticated with his widow both at Wrefl
in Bedfordfliire, and White Friars in Lon-
don. Elizabeth, Countefs dowager of
Kent, was daughter and coheir of Gilbert
Talbot, Earl of Shrewfbury, and was em-
inent for her piety and virtue. Aubrey
tells us that Selden " was married to the
Countefs, but never owned the marriage
till after her death, upon fome law ac-

Biographical Preface.

count. He never kept any fervant pecu-
liar, but my lady's were all at his com-
mand ; he lived with her in ^dibus Car-
meliticis (White- friars), which was, be-
fore the conflagration, a noble dwelling."

The fame gofliping authority tells us,
" he would write fometimes, when notions
came into his head, to preferve them, un-
der his barber's hands. When he died
his barber faid, he had a great mind to
know his will, for, faid he, ' I never knew
a wife man make a wife will.' "

When Lady Kent died, in 1651, fhe
appointed Selden her executor, bequeathed
to him the Friary Houfe in White-friars,
and it is thought that he derived from her
the chief part of the confiderable property
he pofTefled, which at his death was efti-
mated at 40,000/.

He told his intimate friend. Sir Bennet
Hofkyns, that he had no body to make
his heir, except it were a milkmaid, and
that fuch people did not know what to do
with a great eftate." *

* Aubrey ; who adds as a memorandum : "Bifhop

cxni

cxiv Biographical Preface.

We confequently find that he bequeath-
ed to each of his nieces and nephews one
hundred pounds, and to various other
perfons fmall legacies as tokens of his re-
gard, and the remainder of his fortune to
his four executors. Thefe were Lord
Chief Juftice Hale, Chief Juftice Vaughan,
Rowland Jukes, and Edward Heywood,
Efquires. He left the plate and a dia-
mond hat band, v/hich had belonged to
the Earls of Kent, to Mr. Grey Longue-
ville, as a heir loom, he being nephew to
the laft Earl.

It had been his original intention to
leave his library to the Univerfity of Ox-
ford, but having taken umbrage at being
required to give fecurity for the fafe re-
turn of a manufcript in the Bodleian Li-
brary, of which he delii^ed the loan, he
expunged the bequeft,* and left the whole

Grofteft of Lincoln told his brother, who afked him
to make him a great man ; ' Brother,' laid he, * if
your plough is broken, I'll pay the mending of it ; or
if an ox is dead, I'll pay for another ; but a plough-
man I found you, and a ploughman I'll leave you."
* It muft be confefled that he feems to have taken

Biographical Preface.

with the exception of fome Arabic works
on medicine given the College of Phyfi-
cians, to the difpofal of his executors.
He defired them ^^ rather to part the
books among themfelves, or otherwife
difpofe of them, for fome public ufe, than
put them to any common fale," and fug-
gefted *' fome convenient library public,
or of fome college in one of the Univer-
fities."

His executors confidering themfelves
"as the executors not of his anger but his
will," after fele(5ling fome of the books,
and offering them to the benchers of the
Inner Temple as the foundation of a law
library, prefented the remainder together
with his mufeum to the Univerfity of
Oxford, according to their original de-
ftination. And as the benchers of the
Inner Temple delayed to provide a place

offence unreafonably, for it appears that the Univer-
fity had made a fpecial regulation in his favour, that
he might have any three books from the hbrary at a
time, upon giving a bond that they fhould be re-
turned within a year.

cxv

Biographical Preface.

of depofit for the books, the whole collec-
tiorij comprifing more than 8000 volumes
were conveyed to Oxford, one of the terms
of the gift being that they fhould be for
ever kept together, and in a diftind body,
with the title of, Mr. Selden's Library.
The Books arrived in September, 1659,
and are preferved in a feparate apartment
of the Bodleian Library. In opening
fome of them, feveral pairs of fpedacles
were found, which Selden muft have put
in and forgotten where he had placed
them.

The marbles had arrived in the previous
June, and were finally arranged in one of
the fchools. An infcription in front of
the Divinity fchool, testified the grati-
tude of the academical body for thefe do-
nations.

One of his biographers has very truly
faid, ^^ There can fcarcely be a lefs dif-
putable mark of integrity and worthinefs
in an individual than his fucceeding in fe-
curing the ^ golden opinions ' of parties
oppofed to each other in contending for
the fame obje6l, and concerning which

Biographical Preface.

obje6l that individual is known by them
to differ from them both. Now of all
contentions, hiftory affords uniform tefli-
mony that none are fo jealous and im-
placable as thofe in which are involved
the religious opinions and the temporal
pre-eminence of the difputants. Ming-
ling in fuch contentions, Selden paffed his
life a prominent a6tor in them all, and
yet fo moderate, confiftent, and talented
was his courfe, that although occalionally
fupporting and oppofing each, the ex-
tremes of the conflidling parties looked
up to him and fought the aid of his abili-

ties.

" *

His literary merit was liberally acknow-
ledged by thofe continental fcholars befl
able to appreciate it ; Grotius, Salmafius
Bochart, G. VofTius, Gronovius and Da-
niel Heinfius are a few among the diftin-
guifhed lifl of his encomiafts, and though
his works are probably little read at the
prefent day, becaufe the additions he
made to the ftock of learning have been

*

Johnfon's Memoirs of Selden, p. 342.

cxvn

CXVlll

Biographical Preface,

made available by more modern writers
and compilers, he muft ever be accounted
one of the chief literary ornaments of this
country, nor has perhaps Europe produced
a fcholar of more profound and varied
erudition.

His parliamentary charadler has been
thus ably fketched by an anonymous wri-
ter.* " Selden was a member of the long
parliament, and took an adlive and ufeful
part in many important difculTions and
tranfadlions. He appears to have been
regarded fomewhat in the light of a valu-
able piece of national property, like a
mufeum, or great public library, reforted
to, as a matter of courfe, and a matter of
right, in all the numerous cafes in which
afliftance was wanted from any part of the
whole compafs of legal and hiftorical learn-
ing. He appeared in the national council
not fo much the reprefentative of the con-
temporary inhabitants of a particular city,
as of all the people of all paft ages ; con-

* It appeared in fome periodical to which I have
loll the reference.

Biographical Preface.

CXIX

cerning whom, and whofe inftitutions, he
was deemed to know whatever was to be
known, and to be able to furnifh whatever,
within (o vafl: a retrofpedt, was of a nature
to give light and authority in the decifion
of questions arifing in a doubtful and ha-
zardous ftate of the national affairs.'*

But as Mr. Seward fays, " after all,
the moft endearing part of Selden's cha-
rader is elegantly touched by himfelf in
the choice of his motto : ''

Liberty concerning all things.

S. W. S.

MICKLEHAM,
Dec. 8, 1846.

The following Commendatory Verfes are juh joined^
not fo much for their merit as to afford confir-
matory evidence of the high Efteem in which
Selden was held by his Cotemporaries.

BEN. JONSON

To his Honor'd Friend Mr. John Selden,

Health,

T KNOW to whom I write : Here I am fure,
-^ Thoug-h I be fhort, I cannot be obfcure.
Lefs fhall I for the art or dreffing care,
Since, naked, beft Truth and the Graces are.
Your Booke, my Selden, I have read, and much
Was trufted, that you thought my judgment fuch
To afk it : though, in moft of works, it be
A penance, — where a man may not be free, —
Rather than Office. When it doth, or may
Chance, that the Friend's affe61ion proves allay
Unto the cenfure. Yours all need doth fly
Of this fo vicious humanity :
Than which, there is not unto Studie'' a more
Pernicious Enemy. We fee, before

Commendatory Verfes.

CXXl

A many' of Books, even good judgments wound

Themfelves, through favouring that, is there not found j

But I to yours, far from this fault, fhall do j

Not fly the crime, but the fufpicion too :

Though I confefs (as every mufe hath err'd,

And mine not leafl:) I have too oft preferred

Men paft their terms j and praif 'd fome names too much.

But 'twas with purpofe to have made them fuch.

Since, being deceived, I turn a fliarper eye

Upon myfelf, and afk to whom, and why,

And what I write ? and vex it many days

Before men get a verfe, much lefs a praife j

So that my reader is aflured, I now

Mean what I fpeak, and ftill will keep that vow.

Stand forth my obje6l, then. You that have been

Ever at home, yet have all countries feen j

And like a compafs, keeping one foot ftill

Upon your centre, do your circle fill

Of general knowledge ; watch'd men, manners too,

Heard what times paft have faid, feen what ours do !

Which grace ftiall I make love to firft ? your fkill

Or faith in things ? or is't your wealth and will

T' inform and teach ? or your unwearied pain

Of gathering ? bounty in pouring out again ?

What fables have you vexM, what truth redeem'd,

Antiquities fearch'd, opinions difefteem'd,

Impoftures branded, and authorities urg'd !

What blots and errors have you watched and purg'd

Records and Authors of ! how re<51:ified

Times, manners, cuftoms ! innovations fpied !

Sought out the fountains, fources, creeks, paths, ways,

And noted the beginnings and decays !

Where is that nominal mark, or real rite,

Form, aft, or enfign, that hath Tcaped your fight ?

How are traditions there examined ! how

Conjeftures retrieved ! and a ftory now

And then of times (befides the bare condu6l

Of what it tells us) weav'd in to inftm61: !

I wonder'd at the richnefs, but am loft,

To fee the workmanfhip fo exceed the coft !

To mark the excellent feafoning of your ftyle

And manly elocution ! not one while

With horror rough, then rioting with wit ;

But to the fubjeft ftill the colours fit.

In fharpnefs of all fearch, wifdom choice,

Newnefs of fenfe, antiquity of voice !

I yield, I yield. The matter of your praife

Flows in upon me, and I cannot raife

A bank againft it 5 nothing but the round

Large clafp of Nature fuch a wit can bound.

Monarch in letters ! 'monorft the Titles lliown

Of others honors, thus enjoy thy own.

I firft falute thee fo ; and gratulate

With that thy ftyle, thy keeping of thy ftate ;

In offering this thy work to no great name.

That would perhaps, have praif 'd and thank'd the fame.

But nought beyond. He, thou haft given it to,

Thy learned chamber-fellow, knows to do

It true refpe61:s : he will not only love.

Embrace, and cherifti j but he can approve

And eftimate thy pains, as having wrought

In the fame mines of knowledge, and thence brought

Humanity enough to be a friend.

And ftrength to be a champion, and defend

Thy gift 'gainft envy. O how I do count

Among my comings in, and fee it mount.

The gain of two fuch friendlhips ! Heyward and

Selden ! two names that fo much underftand !

On whom I could take up, and ne'er abufe

The credit, that would furnifli a tenth mufe !

But here's no time nor place my wealth to tell,

You both are modeft. So am I. Farewell.

Commendatory Verfes.

On the Death of the Learned
Mr. John Selden.

SO fell the facred Sybill, when of old
Infpir'd with more than mortal breaft could hold,
The gazing multitude ftood doubtful by
Whether to call it Death or Extafie :
She fdent lies, and now the Nations find
No Oracles but the Leaves fhe left behind.

Monarch of Time and Arts, who traveirdft o'er
New worlds of knowledge, undefcried before,
And haft on everlafting columns writ,
The utmoft bounds of Learnincr and of Wit.
Had^ft thou been more like us, or we like thee,
We might add fomething to thy memory.
Now thy own Tongues muft fpeak thee, and thy praife
Be from thofe Monuments thyfelf did'ft raife j
And all thofe Titles * thou did'ft once difplay,
Muft yield thee Titles greater far than they.

Time which had wings till now, and was not known
To have a Being but by being gone.
You did arreft his motion, and have lent
A way to make him fixt and permanent ;
Whilft by your labours Ages paft appear.
And all at once we view a Plato's year.

A6lions and Fables were retrievM by you.
All that was done, and what was not done too.
Which in your breaft did comprehended lye
As in the bofom of Eternity j

* Titles of Honor.

CXXlll

CXXIV

Commendatory Verfes.

You purg'd Records and * Authors from their i-uft,
And fitted Pearls out of Rabbinick dull.
By you the Syrian Gods f do live and grow
To be Immortal, fnice you made them fo.
Infcriptions, Medals, Satues | look frefh ftill,
Taking new brafs and marble from your quill ;
Which fo unravels time, that now we do
Live our own Age, and our Forefathers' too.
And thus enlarged, by your difcoveries, can
Make that an ell, which Nature made a fpan.

If then we judge, that to preferve the State
Of things, is every moment to create.
The World's thus half your creature, whilft it Hands
Refcued to memory by your learned Hands.
And unto you, now fearlefs of decay,
Times paft owe more than Times to come can pay.

How might you claim your Country's juft applaufe.
When you ftood fquare and upright as your caufe
In doubtful times, nor ever would forego
Fair Tioith and Right, whofe bounds you beft did know.

You in the Tower did ftand another Tower,
Firm to yourfelf and us, whilft jealous power
Your very foul imprifon'd, that no thought
By books might enter, nor by pen get out j
And ftrip'd of all befides, left you confined
To the one volume of your own vaft Mind ;
There Virtue and ftrift Honor paft the guard.
Your only friends that could not be debarr'd j
And dwelt in your retirement ; arm'd with thefe
You ftood forth more than Admiral of our Seas j

* Eadmerus. Fleta. -j- De Diis Syris.
X Marmora Arundeliana.

Commendatory Verfes.

cxxv

Your Hands enclof'd the Wat'ry Plains,* and thus
Was no lefs Fence to them, than they to us j
Teaching our Ships to conquer, while each fight
Is but a Comment on thofe books you write.

No foul difgraces, nor the worft of things
Made you like him (whofe Anger Homer lings)
Slack in your Country's Quarrel, who adore.
Their Champion now, their Martyr heretofore :
Still with yourfelf contending, whether you
Could bravelier fuffer, or could bravelier do.
We afk not now for Anceftors, nor care
Tho' Selden do no kindred boaft, nor Heir,
Such worth beft ftands alone, and joys to be
To th' felf at once both Founder and Pofterity.
As when old Nilus who with bounteous flows
Waters an hundred Nations as he goes.
Scattering rich Harvelts keep his Sacred Head
Amoncrft the Clouds ftill undifcovered.

Be it now thy Oxford's Pride, that having gone
Through Eaft and Weft, no Art, nor Tongue unknown ;
Laden with Spoils thou hang'ft thy Arms up here.
But fefft thy great Example every where.

Thus when thy Monument fhall itfelf lie dead,
And thy own Epitaph f no more be read,
When all thy Statues fhall be worn out fo,
That even Selden fhould not Selden know j
Ages to come fhall in thy Virtue fhare :
He that dies well makes all the world his Heir.

R. Bathurft, T. Co. Oxon.

Decembr. 19, 54. Dryden's Mifcellanies, Part iii. 44.

* Mare Claufum.

■\ His Epitaph, made by himfelf, in the Temple Church.

CXXVl

Commendatory Verfes.

To the profoundly Learned, and unparalleVd
Antiquary,

John Selden, Esquire.

THOU living Library, the admiration
Of this our Borean Clime, who know'ft each Nation
Their Cuftoms trivial, or authenticall.
All which thou has narrated with fuch fkill,
That more then Camden's all admire thy O^ill,
Scaliger's but a Pupil unto thee,
(The very Bafis of Antiquitie)
Sufficient chara6lers to exprelTe all things
Thou haft, nor need'ft thou Metaphorick wings :
For all the Earth is thine, a Cafpian fea
Thou art, and all Brookes fally into thee.
But like the Ocean, thou giv'ft back far more
To thofe clear fprings, than thou receiv'ft before.
From thee true living Wifdome doth proceed,
Thou haft the art of Eloquence indeed.
What bold prefumption it is then in me
To dedicate my Epigrams to thee,
Yet fo I dare to do, that all may know
I wilh the cenfure of the rigid'ft brow.

Epigrams, Theological, Philofophical, and Roman-
tick, p. 170, &c. by S. Shepard, Lond. Pr. by G. D.
for Thomas Bucknell at the Signe of the Golden Lion
in Duck Lane.

Table-Talk:

BEING THE

DISCOURSES

OF

John Selden^ Efq.

Being His Senfe of various Matters of

Weight and high Confequence ;

relating efpecially to

RELIGION and STATE.

Diftingue Tempora,

LONDON:

Printed for E. Smith, in the Year

M DC LXXXIX.

TO THE HONOURABLE

MR. JUSTICE HALES,

One of the Judges of the Common-
Pleas ;

And to the much Honoured

Edward Heywood, John Vaughan,
and Rowland Jewks, Efqs.

Moft worthy Gentlemen,

ERE you not Executors to
that Perfon, who (while he
liv'd) was the Glory of the
Nation ; yet I am Confident
any thing of his would find Acceptance
with you, and truly the Senfe and No-
tion here is wholly his, and mofr of the
Words. I had the opportunity to hear
his Difcourfe twenty Years together, and

cxxx

The Epiftle Dedicatory.

left all thofe Excellent things that ufually
fell from him might be loft, fome of them
from time to time I faithfully committed
to Writing, which here digefted into this
Method, I humbly prefent to your Hands ;
you will quickly perceive them to be his
by the familiar Illuftrations wherewith
they are fet off, and in which way you
know he was fo happy, that with a mar-
velous delight to thofe that heard him he
would prefently convey the higheft Points
of Religion, and the moft important Af-
fairs of State to an ordinary apprehenfion.
In reading be pleafed to diftinguifh
Times, and in your Fancy carry along
with you, the When and the JVhy many
of thefe things were fpoken ; this will
give them the more Life, and the fmarter
Relifti. 'Tis poftible the Entertainment
you find in them, may render you the
more inclinable to pardon the Prefump-
tion of

Tour moft Obliged and

moft Humble Servant

Rl. MiLWARD.

CXXXl

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

BBIES, Priories

Articles .

Baptlfm .

Ballard

Bible, Scripture
Bifhops before the Parliament
Bifhops in the Parliament
Bilhops out of the Parliament
Books, Authors
Canon Law ....
Ceremony ....
Chancellor ....
Changing Sides

Charity

Chrlftmas . ■ .
Chrlftlans ....
Church ....

Church of Rome
Churches ....

City

Clergy ....

Commiflion, High
Commons, Houfe of
Confeflion ....
Competency
Conjunftion, Great
Confcience ....
Confecrated Places
Contrafts ....
Council ....

Page

I
3

4
6

7

12

15

22

28
31
31

32

33
34
35
36

37

39

40

41
42

44

45
46

47
48

48

50
52
53

CXXXll

Table of Contents.

Page

Convocation 54

Creed 55

Damnation 55

Devils ^j

Denial, Self
Duell .
Epitaph
Equity

60

61

63

... 64

Evil Speaking 65

Excommunication
Faith and Works

^7

71

Failing Days 71

Fathers and Sons 73

Fines 73

Free-will 74.

Friars 74

Friends 75

Genealogy of Chrift 76

Gentlemen 77

Gold 78

Hall 79

Hell 80

Holy Days 81

Humility 82

Idolatry . . . 83

Jews 83

Invincible Ignorance 84

Images 85

Imperial Conftitutions 87

Imprifonment 87

Incendiaries 88

Independency 89

Indifferent Things 90

Intereft, Public 91

Invention, Human 92

Judgments 93

]^^g^ • 94

Juggling 95

Jurifdiftion 9^

Jus Divinum 96

King . . . . • 97

King of England 99

Table of Contents.

CXXXlll

King, The

Knights Service

Land

Language

Law

Law of Nature . . . .

Learning

Lefturers . . . . ,

Libels

Liturgy

Lords in the Parliament
Lords before the Parliament
Marriage ....
Marriage of Coufm-Germans
Meafure of Thinsrs .
Men, Difference of .
Minifter Divine
Money ....

Moral Honefty . . . .

Mortgage

Number ....

Oaths

Oracles ....

Opinion ....

Parity

Parliament . .
Parfon ....

Patience ...'..

Peace

Penance

People

Pleafure ....
Philofophy • . . .

Poetry ..,..,

Pope

Popery

Power, State

Prayer

Preaching ....

Predeftination

Preferment

Praemunire . . . ,

Page

[02

[05
:o5

[o6

[o8

lO

II
13

14

14-

15
i6

18

[21

:22

[2-3

30

32

33

33

34-

38

39
[4.1

141
E45

t46

t4-7
t48
[49

51

52
54-
58

59

[63
:66

75
76

79

CXXXIV

Table of Contents.

Page

Prerogative i8o

Prefbytery i8i

Priefts of Rome . . . . . . . 183

Prophecies • 185

Proverbs 185

Qjaeftion 186

Reafbn 186

Retaliation 188

Reverence . 188

Refidency, Non . 189

Religion 190

Sabbath 197

Sacrament . . .. .. . . . 198

Salvation • . 199

State 200

Superftition 201

Subfidies 201

Simony 202

Ship-Money 203

Synod Aflembly . . . . . . . 204

Thankfgiving . 207

Tithes . . . 208

Trade . 210

Tradition 211

Tranfubftantiation 212

Traitor 213

Trinity 213

Truth .214

Trial 215

Univerfity 217

Vows 218

Ufury 218

Ufes, Pious 219

War 220

Witches 225

Wife 225

Wifdom 226

Wit 228

Women 229

Year 231

Zelots ,233

The Difcourfes of

John Seidell, Efq,

Abbies^ Priories^ ^c.

I HE unwillingnefs of the Monks
to part Vv^ith their Land, will
fall out to be juft nothing,
becaufe they were yielded up
to the King by a Supreme Hand, {viz.)
a Parliament. If a King conquer another
Country, the People are loath to lofe their
Lands, yet no Divine will deny, but the
King may give them to whom he pleafe.
If a Parliament make a Law concerning
Leather, or any other Commodity, you
and I for Example are Parliament-Men,

B

Difcourfes, or

perhaps in refped to our own private In-
tereft, we are againft it, yet the major
part conclude it, we are then involved,
and the Law is good.

2. When the Founder of Abbies laid
a Curfe upon thofe that fhould take away
thofe Lands, I would fain know what
Power they had to curfe me : 'Tis not
the Curfes that come from the Poor, or
from any Body, that hurt me, becaufe
they come from them, but becaufe I do
fomething ill againft them that deferves
God fhould curfe me for it. On the
other fide, 'tis not a Man's bleffing me
that makes me bleffed, he only declares
me to be fo, and if I do well I fhall be
blefled, whether any blefs me or not.

3. At the time of DifTolution, they
were tender in taking from the Abbots
and Priors their Lands and their Houfes,
till they furrendered them (as moft of
them did) indeed the Prior of St. John's^
Sir Richard Wefton^ being a ftout Man,
got into France^ and flood out a whole
Year, at lafl fubmitted, and the King took
in that Priory alfo, to which the Temple

belonged, and many other Houfes in Eng-
land^ they did not then cry no Abbots, no
Priors, as we do now no Bifhops, no
Bifhops,

4. Henry the Fifth put away the Friars,
Aliens, and feized to himfelf 100,000/.
a Year, and therefore they were not the
Proteftants only that took away Church
Lands.

5 . In Queen Elizabeth's time, when all
the Abbies were pulled down, all good
Works defaced, then the Preachers muft
cry up Juftification by Faith, not by good
Works.

Articles.

I HE nine and thirty Articles
are much another thing in
Latin^ (in which tongue they
were made) than they are
tranflated into Englijh ; they were made
at three feveral Convocations, and con-
firmed by Ad of Parliament fix or feven
times after. There is a Secret concern-
ing them; Of late Minifl:ers have fub-

4

Difcourfes, or

fcribed to all of them, but by Ad of
Parliament that confirmed them, they
ought only to fubfcribe to thofe Articles
which contain matter of Faith, and the
Dodtrine of the Sacraments, as appears
by the firft Subfcriptions. But Bifhop
Bancroft (in the Convocation held in
King James's days) he began it, that
Minifters fhould fubfcribe to three Things,
to the King's Supremacy, to the Com-
mon Prayer, and to the Thirty-nine
Articles ; many of them do not contain
matter of Faith. Is it matter of Faith
how the Church fhould be governed ?
Whether Infants fhould be baptized?
Whether we have any Property in our
Goods ? i^c.

Baptifm.

WAS a good way to perfuade
Men to be chriftened, to tell
them that they had a Foul-
nefs about them, viz. Origi-
nal Sin, that could not be wafhed away
but by Baptifm. .^•^'

Table-talk.

2. The Baptifing of Children with us,
does only prepare a Child againft he comes
to be a Man, to underftand what Chrifti-
anity means. In the Church of Rome y'lt has
this Effeft, it frees Children from Hell.
They fay they go into Limbus Infantum.
It fucceeds Circumcifion, and we are fure
the Child understood nothing of that at
eight Days old ; why then may not we
as reafonably baptife a Child at that Age ?
In England of late years I ever thought
the Parfon baptized his own Fingers ra-
ther than the Child.

3. In the Primitive Times they had
God-fathers to fee the Children brought
up in the Chriftian Religion, becaufe
many times, when the Father was a Chrif-
tian, the Mother was not, and fometimes,
when the Mother was a Chriftian, the
Father was not, and therefore they made
choice of two or more that were Chrif-
tians to fee their Children brought up in
that Faith.

Difcourfes, or

Bajlard.

IS faid the 23^. of T) enter on.
2. \A Baftard JJiall not en-
ter into the Congregation of
the Lordy even to the tenth
Gefieration.l Non ingredietur in Ec cleft am
Domini, he fhall not enter into the Church.
The meaning of the Phrafe is^ he fhall
not marry a Jewifh Woman. But upon
this grofsly miftaken ; a Baftard at this
Day in the Church of Rome, without a
Difpenfation, cannot take Orders ; the
thing haply well enough where 'tis fo
fettled; but it is upon a Miftake, (the
Place having no reference to the Church)
appears plainly by what follows at the
third Verfe \An Ammonite or Moabite fhall
not enter into the Congregation of the Lord,
even to the tenth Generation^ Now you
know with the Jews an Ammonite or a
Moabite could never be a Prieft ; becaufe
their Priefts were born fo, not made.

Table-talk.

Bible^ Scripture.

IS a great Queftion how we
know Scripture to be Scrip-
ture, whether by the Church,
or by Man's private Spirit :
Let me afk you, how I know any thing?
how I know this Carpet to be green ?
Firft, becaufe fomebody told me it was
green : that you call the Church in your
Way. Then after I have been told it is
green, when I fee that Colour again, I
know it to be green, my own eyes tell
me it is green, that you call the private
Spirit.

2. The EngliJJi Tranflation of the Bible
is the beft Tranflation in the World, and
renders the Senfe of the Original beft,
taking in for the Englifh Tranflation, the
Bifhop's Bible as well as King James's.
The Tranflation in King James's time
took an excellent way. That Part of the
Bible was given to him who was moft
excellent in fuch a Tongue (as the Apocry-
pha to Andrew Downs) and then they

■ /

8 Difcourfes, or

met together^ and one read the Tranfla-
tion, the reft holding in their Hands fome
Bible, either of the learned Tongues, or
French^ Spani/hy Italian, etc. if they
found any Fault, they fpoke ; if not he
read on.

3. There is no Book fo tranflated as
the Bible for the purpofe. If I tranflate
a French Book into Englijh, I turn it into
Engli/h Phrafe, not into French Englijh.
\Il fait froid'] I fay it is cold, not, it
makes cold ; but the Bible is rather tranf-
lated into Engli/h Words than into Eng-
li/h Phrafe. The Hebraijms are kept,
and the Phrafe of that Language is kept :
As for Example, [He uncovered her
Shame] which is well enough, fo long as
Scholars have to do with it ; but when it
comes among the Common People, Lord,
what Gear do they make of it !

4. Scrutamini Scripturas, Thefe two
Words have undone the World ; becaufe
Chrift fpake it to his Difciples ; therefore
we muft all, Men, Women and Children,
read and interpret the Scripture. ^^^

5. Henry the Eighth made a Law,

Table-talk.

that all Men might read the Scripture,
except Servants ; but no Woman, except
Ladies and Gentlewomen, who had Lei-
fure and might afk fomebody the Mean-
ing. The Law was repealed in Edward
the Sixth's Days.

6. Lay-men have beft interpreted the
hard places in the Bible, fuch as Johannes
PicuSj Scaliger^ Grotius, SalmaJiuSy Hein-

Jius, &c.

7. If you afk which of Era/mus, Beza,
or Grotius did beft upon the New Tefta-
ment, 'tis an idle Queftion ; For they all
did well in their Way. Erajmus broke
down the firft Brick, Beza added many
things, and Grotius added much to him,
in whom we have either fomething new,
or fomething heightened that was faid
before, and fo 'twas neceffary to have them
all three.

8. The Text ferves only to guefs by,
we muft fatisfy ourfelves fully out of the
Authors that lived about thofe times.

9. In interpreting the Scripture, many
do as if a Man fhould fee one have ten
Pounds, which he reckoned by i, 2, 3,

lO

Difcourfes, or

4j 5? 6, 7, 8j 9, lo: meaning four was
but four Units, and five five Units, &'c.
and that he had in all but ten Pounds ;
the other that fees him, takes not the
Figures together as he doth, but picks
here and there, and thereupon reports,
that he hath five Pounds in one Bag, and
fix Pounds in another Bag, and nine
Pounds in another Bag, <y^. when as in
truth he hath but ten Pounds in all.
So we pick out a Text, here and there, to
make it ferve our turn ; whereas if we
take it altogether, and confider what went
before and what followed after, we fhould
find it meant no fuch thing.

lo. Make no more Allegories in Scrip-
ture than needs muft, the Fathers were
too frequent in them, they indeed before
they fully underflood the literal Senfe,
looked out for an Allegory. The Folly
whereof you may conceive thus : Here
at the firfl fight appears to me in my
Window a Glafs and a Book ; I take it
for granted 'tis a Glafs and a Book,
thereupon, I go about to tell you what
, they fignify ; afterwards upon nearer

Table-talk.

view, they prove no fuch thing ; one is
a Box made like a Book, the other is a
Pi6lure made like a Glafs ; where's now
my Allegory ?

1 1 . When Men meddle with the literal
Text, the Queftion is, where they fhould
flop : In this Cafe, a Man muft venture
his Difcretion, and do his beft to fatisfy
himfelf and others in^thofe Places where
he doubts, for although we call the Scrip-
ture the Word of God (as it is) yet it
was writ by a Man, a mercenary Man,
whofe Copy, either might be falfe or he
might make it falfe : For Example, here
were a thoufand Bibles printed in England
with the Text thus, \Thou /halt commit
Adultery'] the Word [not] left out ; might
not this Text be mended ?

12. The Scripture may have more
Senfes befides the Literal ; becaufe God
underftands all things at once ; but a
Man's Writing has but one true Senfe,
which is that which the Author meant
when he writ it.

13. When you meet with feveral Read-
ings of the Text, take heed you admit

II

12

Difcourfes, or

nothing againft the 'Tenets of your Church;
but do as if you were going over a Bridge^
be fure you hold faft by the Rail, and
then you may dance here and there as
you pleafe ; be fure you keep to what is
fettled^ and then you may flourifh upon
your various Ledlions.

14. The Apocrypha is bound with the
Bibles of all Churches that have been
hitherto. Why fhould we leave it out ?
The Church of Rome has her Apocrypha
(viz.) Sufanna and Bell and the Dragon^
which fhe does not efteem equally with
the reft of thofe Books that we call
Apocrypha,

Bijhops before the P arlimnent .

BISHOP as a Bifhop, had
never any Ecclefiaftical Ju-
rifdi(5lion ; for as foon as
he was Ele£fus Confirmatus^
that isj after the three Proclamations in
Bow-Churchy he might exercife Jurifdic-
tion, before he was confecrated : yet till
then he was no Biftiop, neither could he

Table-talk. 13

give Orders. Befides, Suffragans were
Bifhops, and they never claimed any Ju-
rifdidion.

2. Anciently the Noblemen lay within
the City for Safety and Security. The \a
Bifliops' Houfes were by the Water fide,
becaufe they were held facred Perfons
which nobody would hurt.

3. There was fome Senfe for Commen-
dams at firft, when there was a Living
void, and never a Clerk to ferve it, the
Bifhops were to keep it till they found a
fit Man, but now 'tis a Trick for the
Bifhop to keep it for himfelf.

4. For a Bifhop to preach, tis to do
other Folks' Office, as if the Steward of '
the Houfe fhould execute the Porter's
or the Cook's Place : 'Tis his Bufinefs
to fee that they and all other about the
Houfe perform their Duties.

5. That which is thought to have done
the Bifhops hurt, is their going about to
bring Men to a blind Obedience, impofing
things upon them [though perhaps fmall
and well enough] without preparing them,
and infinuathig into their Reafons and

\

14

Difcourfes, or

Fancies. Every Man loves to know his
Commander. I wear thofe Gloves ; but
perhaps if an Alderman fhould command
me, I ihould think much to do it : What
has he to do with me ? Or if he has,
peradventure I do not know it. This
jumping upon things at firfl Dafh will
deftroy all : To keep up Friendship,
there muft be little AddrefTes and Appli-
cations, whereas Bluntnefs Spoils it quickly:
To keep up the Hierarchy, there muft be
little Applications made to Men, they
muft be brought on by little and little.
So in the Primitive Times the Power was
gained, and fo it muft be continued.
Scaliger faid of Erajmus ; Si minor ejfe
voluit^ major fuijfet. So we may fay of
the Biftiops, Si minores eJfe voluerint^
majores fuijfent.

6. The Biftiops were too hafty, elfe
with a difcreet flownefs they might have
had what they aimed at : The old Story
of the Fellow, that told the Gentleman,
he might get to fuch a Place, if he did
not ride too faft, would have fitted their
turn.

Table-talk.

15

7. For a Bifhop to cite an old Canon
to ftrengthen his new Articles, is, as if a
Lawyer fhould plead an old Statute that
has been repealed God knows how long.

Bijhops in the Parlimnent.

ISHOPS have the fame Right
to fit in Parliament as the
beft Earls and Barons, that
is, thofe that were made by
Writ : If you alk one of them \_Arundel,
Oxford, Northumberland'] why they fit in
the Houfe ? they can only fay, their Fa-
thers fate there before them, and their
Grandfather before him, ^c. And fo fay
the Bifhops, he that was a Bifhop of this
Place before me, fate in the Houfe, and
he that was a Bifhop before him, ^c. .
Indeed your later Earls and Barons have \ a
it expreffed in their Patents, that they
fhall be called to the Parliament. Objec-
tion, but the Lords fit there by Blood,
the Bifhops not. Anjwer, 'Tis true, they
fit not there both the fame way, yet that

^^ Difcourfes, or

takes not away the Bifhop's Right : If I
am a Parfon of a Parifh^ I have as much
Right to my Glebe and Tithe^ as you
have to your Land which your Anceftors
have had in that Parifh Eight Hundred
Years.

2. The Bifhops were not Barons, be-
caufe they had Baronies annexed to their
Bijfhopricks (for few of them had fo, un-
lefs the old ones, Canterbury. Winchefter^
Durham^ etc. the new ere6ted we are fure
had none, as Glouceftery Feter borough^ etc.
befides few of the Temporal Lords had
any Baronies). But they are Barons, be-
caufe they are called by Writ to the Par-
liament, and Bifhops were in the Parlia-
ment ever fince there was any mention,
or fign of a Parliament in England.

3. Bifhops may be judged by the
Peers, though in time of Popery it never
happened, becaufe they pretended they
were not obnoxious to a Secular Court;
but their way was to cry Ego Jum Frater
'Domini Pap^e^ I am Brother to my Lord
the Pope, and therefore take not myfelf
to be judged by you ; in this Cafe they

Table-ta^k. 17

impanelled a Middlefex Jury, and dif-
patched the B^^^nefs.

4. Whether may Bifhops be prefent m
Cafes of Blood ? Anjw. That they had a
Right to give Votes, appears by this, al-
ways when they did go out, they left a
Proxy, and in the time of the Abbots,
one Man had 10, 20 or 30 Voices. In
Richard the Second's time, there was a
Proteftation againft the Canons, by which
they were forbidden to be prefent in cafe
of Blood. The Statute o{ 25th of Henry
the Eighth may go a great way in this
Buiinefs. The Clergy were forbidden to
ufe or cite any Canon, i^c. but in the
latter end of the Statute, there was a
Claufe, that fuch Canons that were in
ufage in this Kingdom, fhould be in force
till the thirty-two CommifTioners appointed
fhould make others, provided they were
not contrary to the King's Supremacy.
Now the Queftion will be, whether thefe
Canons for Blood were in ufe in this
Kingdom or no ? the contrary whereof
may appear by many Precedents in i^. 3.
and H, 7. and the beginning of //. 8. in

1 8 Difcourfes, or

which time there were more attainted than
fince, or fcarce before : The Canons of
Irregularity of Blood v/ere never receiv'd
in England y but upon pleafure. If a Lay-
Lord was attainted;, the Bifhops afTented
to his Condemning, and were always pre-
fent at the pafnng of the Bill of Attainder.
But if a Spiritual Lord, they went out,
as if they car'd not whofe Head was cut
off, fo none of their own. In thofe Days,
the Bifhops being of great Houfes, were
often entangled with the Lords in Mat-
ters of Treafon. But when d'ye hear
of a Bifhop a Traitor now ?

5. You would not have Bifhops med-
dle with Temporal Affairs, think who
you are that fay it. If a Papift, they do
in your Church ; if an Engli/h Proteftant,
they do among you ; if a Prefbyterian,
where you have no Bifhops, you mean
your Prefbyterian Lay-Elders fhould
meddle with Temporal Affairs as w^ell as
Spiritual. Befides, all Jurifdidlion is Tem-
poral, and in no Church, but they have
fome Jurifdi6lion or other. The Quef-
tion then will be reduced to Magis and

Table-talk.

Minus ; They meddle more in one
Church than in another.

6. Ohjeulion. Bifhops give not their
Votes by Blood in Parliament, but by an
Office annexed to them, which being taken
away they ceafe to vote, therefore there
is not the fame reafon for them as for
Temporal Lords. Anjw. We do not
pretend they have that Power the fame
way, but they have a Right : He that
has an Office in Weftminfter-Hall for his
Life, the Office is as much his, as his
Land is his that hath Land by Inherit-
ance.

7. Whether had the inferior Clergy
ever any thing to do in the Parliament ?
AnJw. No, no otherwife than thus. There
were certain of the Clergy that ufed to
affiemble near the Parliament, with whom
the Bifhops, upon occafion might confult
(but there were none of the Convocation,
as 'twas afterwards fettled, (viz.) the
Dean, the Arch-Deacon, one for the
Chapter, and two for the Diocefs) but it
happened by continuance of time (to fave
Charges and Trouble) their Voices and

20

Difcoiirfes, or

the Confent of the whole Clergy were in-
volved in the Bifhops, and at this Day the
Bifhops' Writs run, to bring all thefe to
the Parliament, but the Bifhops them-
felves ftand for all.

8. Bifhops were formerly one of thefe
two Conditions, either Men bred Canon-
ifts and Civilians, fent up and down Am-
bafTadors to Rome and other Parts, and fo
by their Merit came to that Greatnefs, or
elfe great Noble Men's Sons, Brothers,
and Nephews, and fo born to govern the
State : Now they are of a low Condition,
their Education nothing of that way ; he
gets a Living, and then a greater Living,
and then a greater than that, and fo comes
to govern. -^ ^^

9. Bifhops are now unfit to Govern,
becaufe of their Learning, they are bred
up in another Law, they run to the Text
for fomething done amongfl: the Jews
that nothing concerns England ; 'tis juft
as if a Man would have a Kettle, and
he would not go to our Brazier to have
it made, as they make Kettles, but he
would have it made as Hiram made his

Table-talk.

Brafs-work, who wrought in Solomon's
Temple.

10. To take away Bifhops' VoteSj Is
but the beginning to take them away ;
for then they can be no longer ufeful to
the King or State. 'Tis but like the
little Wimble, to let in the greater Auger.
Ohje^ion. But they are but for their
Life, and that makes them always go for
the King as he will have them. Anjwer.
This is againfl: a double Charity, for you
muft always fappofe a bad King and bad
Bifhops. Then again, whether will a
Man be fooner content, himfelf fhould be
made a Slave, or his Son after him ? [when
we talk of our Children we mean our-
felves,] befides, they that have Poflerity
are more obliged to the King, than they
that are only for themfelves, in all the
reafon in the World.

1 1 . How fhall the Clergy be in the
Parliament, if the Bifhops are taken away .^
Anjwer, By the Laity, becaufe the Bi-
fhops, in whom the reft of the Clergy are
included, are fent to the taking away their
own Votes, by being involv'd in the ma-

Difcourfes, or

jor Part of the Houfe. This follows na-
turally.

12. The Bifhops being put out of the
Houfe, whom will they lay the fault
upon now ? When the Dog is beat out
of the Room, where will they lay the
ftink?

Bifhops out of the P arliame7U .

N the beginning Bifhops and
Prefbyters were alike, like
the Gentlemen in the Coun-
try, whereof one is made
Deputy Lieutenant, and another Juftice
of Peace, fo one is made a Bifhop, another
a Dean ; and that kind of Government
by Archbifhops, and Bifhops no doubt
came in, in imitation of the Temporal
Government, not Jure Divino. In time
of the Roman Empire, where they had a
Legatus, there they placed an Archbifhop,
where they had a Re6lor, there a Bifhop,
that every one might be inftruded in
Chriflianity, which now they had received
into the Empire.

Table-talk.

2. They that fpeak ingenioufly of Bi-
fhops and Prefbyters, fay, that a Bifhop
is a great Prefbyter, and, during the time
of his being Bifhop, above a Prefbyter :
as your Prefident of the College of Phy-
ficians, is above the reft, yet he himfelf is
no more than a Doftor of Phyfic.

3. The Words [Bifhop and Prefbyter]
are promifcuoufly ufed, that is confefted
by all ; and though the Word [Bifhop]
be in Timothy and Titus ^ yet that will not
prove the Bifhops ought to have a Jurif-
didlion over the Prefbyter, though Timothy
or Titus had by the Order that was given
them : fomebody muft take care of the
reft, and that Jurifdidion was but to Ex-
communicate, and that was but to tell
them they fhould come no more into their
Company. Or grant they did make
Canons one for another, before they came
to be in the State, does it follow they muft
do fo when the State has receiv'd them
into it ? What if Timothy had power in
EphefuSy and T'itus in Crete over the
Prejhyters ? Does it follow therefore the
Bifhops muft have the fame in England ?

24

Difcourfes, or

Mufl we be govern'd like Ephejus and
Crete ?

4. However fome of the Bifhops pre-
tend to be Jure Divino, yet the Pra6tice
of the Kingdom had ever been otherwife^
for whatever Bifhops do otherwife than
the Law permits, Weftminfter Hall can
control, or fend them to abfolve, ^c.

5. He that goes about to prove Bifhops
Jure Divino, does as a Man that having
a Sword, fhall ftrike it againft an Anvil,
if he ftrike it awhile there, he may per-
adventure loofen It, tho' It be never fo
well riveted, 'twill ferve to ftrike another
Sword (or cut Flefh) but not againft an
Anvil.

6. If you fhould fay you hold your
Land by Mofes' or God's Law, and would
try It by that, you may perhaps lofe, but
by the Law of the Kingdom you are fure
of It; fo may the Biftiops by this Plea of
Jure Divino lofe all. The Pope had as
good a Title by the Law of England as
could be had, had he not left that, and
claimed by Power from God.

7. There Is no Government enjoln'd

Table-talk. 25

by Example, but by Precept ; it does not
follow we muft have Bifhops ftill, be-
caufe we have had them fo long. They
are equally mad who fay Bifhops are fo
Jure Drcino that they muft be continued,
and they v/ho fay they are fo Antichriftian,
that they m.uft be put away, all is as the
State pleafes.

8. To have no Minifters, but Preft^y-
ters, 'tis as if in the Temporal State they
fhould have no Officers but Conftables.
Biftiops do beft ftand with Monarchy,
that as amongft the Laity, you have
Dukes, Lords, Lieutenants, Judges, ^c.
to fend down the King's Pleafure to his
Subje6ls ; fo you have Bifhops to govern
the inferior Clergy : Thefe upon occafion
may addrefs themfelves to the King,
otherwife every Perfon of the Parifti muft
come, and run up to the Court.

9. The Proteftants have no Bifhops in
France^ becaufe they live in a Catholic
Country, and they will not have Catholic
Bifhops; therefore they muft govern
themfelves as well as they may.

10. What is that to the purpofe, to

^6 Difcourfes, or

what End were Bifhops' Lands given to
them at firfl: ? you muft look to the Law
and Cuftom of the Place. What is that
to any Temporal Lord's Eftate, how
Lands were firft divided, or how in Wil-
liam the Conqueror's Days ? And if Men
at firft were juggled out of their Eftates,
yet they are rightly their^ Succeftbrs. If
my Father cheat a Man, and he confent
to it, the Inheritance is rightly mine.

1 1 . If there be no Bifhops, there muft
be fomething elfe, which has the Power
of Biftiops, though it be in many, and
then had you not as good keep them ?
If you will have no Half-Crowns, but only
fingle Pence, yet Thirty fingle Pence are
half a Crown ; and then had you not as
good keep both ? But the Biftiops have
done ill, 'tv/as the Men, not the Fundlion;
As if you ftiould fay, you would have no
more Half-Crowns, becaufe they were
ftolen, when the Truth is they were not
ftolen becaufe they were Half-Crowns, but
becaufe they were Money, and light in a
Thief's hand.

12. They that would pull down the

Table-talk. . 27

Bifhops and ere6t a new way of Govern-
ment, do as he that pulls down an old
Houfe, and builds another in another
Fafhion ; there's a great deal of do, and
a great deal of trouble : the old rub-
blfh mufl: be carried away, and new ma-
terials mufl: be brought ; Workmen muft
be provided, and perhaps the old one
would have ferv'd as well.

13. If the Parliament and Frejhyterian
Party jQiould difpute, who fhould be
Judge ? Indeed in the beginning of Queen
Elizabeth, there was fuch a difference,
between the Proteftants and Papifts, and
Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Chancellor, was
appointed to be Judge, but the Conclufion
was, the ftronger Party carried it : For
fo Religion was brought into Kingdoms,
fo it has been continued, and fo it may be
caft out, when the State pleafes.

14. 'Twill be great Difcouragement to
Scholars, that Bifhops ihould be put down :
For now the Father can fay to his Son, and
the Tutor to his Pupil, Study hard, and
you /hall have Vocem et Sedem in Parlia-
mento ; then it mufl: be. Study hard, and

28

• Difcourfes, or

you jJiall have a hundred a year^ if you
pie of e your Parifli. Objecf. But they that
enter into the Ministry for Preferment,
are like Judas that look'd after the Bag.
Anfw, It may be fo, if they turn Scholars
at Judas' s Age ; but what Arguments
will they ufe to perfuade them to follov/
their Books while they are young.

Books^ Authors,

HE giving a Bookjeller his
Price for his Books has this
Advantage, he that will do
fo, fhall have the refufal of
whatfoever comes to his hand, and fo by
that means get many things, which other-
wife he never fhould have feen. So 'tis
in giving a Bawd her Price.

2. In buying Books or other Commo-
dities, 'tis not always the beft way to bid
half fo much as the feller afks : witnefs
the Country fellow that went to buy two
[fhove-] groat Shillings,* they afk'd him

* The reader will recolledt Falllaff's "Quoit him

Table-talk.

29

three Shillings, and he bade them Eigh-
teen pence.

3. They counted the Price of the Books
(^A^s 19. 19.) and found Fifty Thoufand
Pieces of Silver, that is fo many Sextertii,
or fo many Three-half-pence of our
Money, about Three Hundred pound
Sterling.

4. Popifh Books teach and inform,
what we know, we know much out of
them. The Fathers, Church Story, School-
men, all may pafs for Popifh Books, and
if you take away them, what Learning
will you leave ? Befides who mufl: be
Judge ? The CufLomer or the Waiter ?
If he difallows a Book, it muft not be
brought into the Kingdom, then Lord
have mercy upon all Scholars. Thefe
Puritan Preachers, if they have any things
good, they have it out of Popifh Books,
tho' they will not acknowledge it, for
fear of difpleafmg the People : he is a

down, Bardolph, like 3. Jhove-groat Shilling^ Mal-
ter Slender's coll him "two fliillings and twopence
a piece." S. W. S.

30 Difcourfes, or

poor Divine that cannot fever the good
from the bad.

5. 'Tis good to have Tranflations, be-
caufe they ferve as a Comment, fo far as the
Judgment of the Man goes.

6. In anfwering a Book, 'tis beft to be
fhort, otherwife he that I write againft
will fufpedl I intend to weary him, not
to fatisfy him. Beiides in being long I
fhall give my Adverfary a huge advan-
tage, fomewhere or other he will pick a
hole.

7. In quoting of Books, quote fuch
Authors as are ufually read, others you
may read for your own Satisfaction, but
not name them.

8. Quoting of Authors is mofl: for
matter of Fad:, and then I cite* them as
I would produce a Witnefs, fometimes for
a free ExprefTion, and then I give the Au-
thor his due, and gain myfelf praife by
reading him.

9. To quote a Modern Dutch Man,
where I may ufe a Claffic Author, is as if

* The firft and iecond editions have write.
Evidently an error.

Table-talk.

I were to juftify my Reputation, and I
neglecft all Perfons of Note and Quality
that know me, and bring the Teftimonial
of the Scullion in the Kitchen, u/],^,^^

Canon Law,

F I would ftudy the Canon
Law as it is ufed in England^
I muft ftudy the Heads here
in ufe, then go to the Pradli-
cers in thofe Courts where that Law is
pradliced, and know their Cuftoms, fo for
all the Study in the World.

■ Ceremo7ty^

EREMONY keeps up all
things ; 'Tis like a Penny-
Glafs to a rich Spirit, or fome
excellent Water, without it
the Water were fpilt, the Spirit loft.

2. Of all people Ladies have no reafon
to cry down Ceremonies ; for they take
themfelves flighted without it. And were

Difcourfes, or

they not ufed with Ceremony, with Com-
pliments and Addrefles, with Legs and
KifTing of Hands, they were the piti-
fulleft Creatures in the World ; but yet
methinks to kifs their Hands after their
Lips, as fome do, is like little Boys, that
after they eat the Apple, fall to the
Paring, out of a Love they have to the
Apple.

Chancellor,

HE Bifhop is not to fit with a
Chancellor in his Court (as
being a thing either beneath
him or befide him) no more
than the King is to fit in the Kmg's- Bench
when he has made a Lord-Chief- Juftice.

2. The Chancellor govern'd in the
Church, who was a Lay-man : And there-
fore 'tis falfe which they charge the Bi-
fhops with, that they challenge fole Jurif-
didtion. For the Bifhop can no more put
out the Chancellor than the Chancellor the
Bifnop. They were many of them made
Chancellors for their Lives, and he is the

Table-talk.

fitteft Man to govern, becaufe Divinity fo
overwhelms the reft.

Changing Sides.

IS the Trial of a Man to fee
if he will change his fide ; and
if he be fo weak as to change
once, he will change again.
Your Country Fellows have a way to try if
a Man be weak in the Hams, by coming
behind him and giving him a Blow una-
wares, if he bend once, he will bend again.

2. The Lords that fall from the Kinof
after they have got Eftates by bafe Flat-
tery at Court, and now pretend Con-
fcience, do as a Vintner, that when he
firft fets up, you may bring your Wench
to his Houfe, and do your things there ;
but when he grows Rich, he turns con-
fcientious, and will fell no Wine upon the
Sabbath-day.

3. Colonel Goring ferving firft the one
fide and then the other, did like a good
Miller that knows how to grind which
way foever the Wind ftts.

Difcourfes, or

4. After Luther had made a Combuf-
tion in Germany about Religion, he was
fent to by the Fofe^ to be taken off, and
offer'd any Preferment in the Church,
that he would make choice of: Luther
anfweredj if he had ofFer'd half as much
at iirftj he would have accepted it ; but
now he had gone fo far, he could not
come back. In Truth he had made him-
felf a greater thing than they could make
him ; the German Princes courted him,
he was become the Author of a Se6l ever
after to be called Lutherans. So have
our Preachers done that are againfl: the
Bifhops ; they have made themfelves
greater with the people than they can be
made the other way ; and therefore there
is the lefs probability of bringing them
off.

Charity.

HARITY to Strangers is en-
join'd in the Text ; by Stran-
gers is there underftood thofe
that are not of our own Kin,
Strangers to your Blood; not thofe you

Table-talk.

cannot tell whence they come, that is, to
be charitable to your Neighbours whom
you know to be honeft poor People.

Chrijlmas.

HRISTMAS fucceeds the

Saturnalia, the fame time, the

fame number of Holy-days,

then the Mafter waited upon

the Servant like the Lord of Mi/rule.

1. Our Meats and our Sports (much of
them) have Relation to Church- works.
The Coffin of our Chrijlmas -Vits in fhape
long, is in Imitation of the Cratch ; our
choofing Kings and Queens on Twelfth-
Night, hath reference to the three Kings.
So likewife our eating of Fritters, whip-
ping of Tops, roafting of Herrings, Jack
of Lents, i^c, they were all in Imitation
of Church-works, Emblems of Martyr-
dom. Our Tanfies at Eajler have refer-
ence to the bitter Herbs ; tho' at the
fame time 'twas always the Fafhion for
a Man to have a Gammon of Bacon to
fhow himfelf to be no Jew.

3^ Difcourfes, or

Chrijlians,

|N the High-Church of y^T/^-
faleniy the Chriftians were but
another Se6l of Jews, that
did believe the Mejjias was
come. To be called^ was nothing elfe,
but to become a Chriftian, to have the
Name of a Chriftian, it being their own
Language : For among the Jews, when
they made a Dodor of Law^ 'twas faid he
was called.

2. The Turks tell their People of a
Heaven where there is fenfible Pleafure_,
but of a Hell where they fhall fuffer they
don't know what. The Chriftians quite
invert this Order, they tell us of a Hell
where we fhall feel fenfible Pain, but of a
Heaven where we fhall enjoy we can't tell
what.

3. Why did the Heathens objedl to
the Chriftians, that they worfhip an Afs's
Head ? You muft know, that to a Hea-
then, a Jew and a Chriftian were all

Table-talk.

one, that they regarded him not, fo he
was not one of them. Now that of the
Afs's Head might proceed from fuch a
Miftake as this ; by the Jews' Law, all
the Firftlings of Cattle were to be offered
to God, except a young Afs, which was
to be redeemed, a Heathen being prefent,
and feeing young Calves and young
Lambs kill'd at their Sacrifices, only
young Affes redeem'd, might very well
think they had that filly Beaft in fome
high Eftimation, and thence might im-
agine they worfhipped it as a God.

Church.

ERETOFORE the Kingdom
let the Church alone, let them
do what they would, becaufe^^
they had fomething elfe to
think of, (viz.) Wars ; but now in time
of Peace, we begin to examine aj[l things^
wTir Tiave' notKmg But what we like, grow
dainty and wanton, juft as in a Family
when the Heir ufes to go a hunting, he

38

Difcourfes, or

never coniiders how his Meal is dreft, takes
a bit, and away ; but when he flays within,
then he grows curious, he does not like
this, nor he does not like that, he will
have his Meat drefl his own way, or per-
adventure he will drefs it himfelf.

1. It hath ever been the game of the
Church when the King will let the Church
have no Power to cry down the King
and cry up the Church : But when the
Church can make ufe of the King's
Power, then to bring all under the King's
Prerogative, the Catholics of England
go one way, and the Court-Clergy an-
other. ___ -..,

3. A glorious Church is like a magni-
ficent Feaft, there is all the Variety that
may be, but every one choofes out a Difh
or two that he likes, and lets the refl
alone : how glorious foever the Church
is, every one choofes out of it his own Re--
ligion, by which he governs himfelf, atid
lets the reft alone. /

4. The Laws of the Church^are moft
favourable to the Church, becaufe they
were the Church's own making ; as the

Table-talk.

Heralds are the beft Gentlemen, becaufe
they make their own Pedigree.

5. There is a Queftion about that Ar-
ticle, concerning the Power of the Church,
whether thefe Words [of having Power
in Controverfies of Faith] were not ftolen
in, but 'tis moft certain they were in the
Book of Articles that was confirm'd,
though in fome Editions they have been
left out : But the Article before tells you,
who the Church is, not the Clergy, but
C(stus fidelium.

Church of Rome.

EFORE a Juggler's Tricks
are difcover'd we admire him,
and give him Money, but
afterwards we care not for
them ; fo 'twas before the Difcovery of
the Juggling of the Church of Rome,

1. Catholics fay, we out of our Charity
believe they of the Church of Rome
may be faved : But they do not believe
fo of us. Therefore their Church is bet-

40

Difcourfes, or

ter according to ourfelves : Firft^ fome of
them no doubt, believe as well of us, as
we do of them, but they mufl not fay fo :
Befides, is that an Argument their Church
is better than ours becaufe it has lefs
Charity ?

3. One of the Church of Rome will not
come to our Prayers, does that argue he
doth not like them ? I would fain fee a
Catholic leave his Dinner, becaufe a No-
bleman's Chaplain fays Grace, nor haply
would he leave the Prayers of the Church,
if going to Church were not made a
Mark of Diflin6lion between a Proteftant
and a Papift,

Churches.

HE Way coming into our
great Churches, was anciently
at the Weft-Door, that Men
might fee the Altar, and all

the Church before them, the other Doors

were but Pofterns.

Table-talk. 41

City.

HAT makes a City ? Whe-
ther a Bifhopric or any of
that nature ?

Anjwer, 'Tis according to
the firft Charter which made them a
Corporation. If they are incorporated
by Name of Civitas, they are a City, if
by the name of Burguniy then they are a
Borough.

2. The Lord Mayor of London by
their firft Charter, was to be prefented to
the King, in his abfence, to the Lord
Chief Judiciary of England, afterwards
to the Lord Chancellor, now to the
Barons of the Exchequer; but ftill there
was a Refervation, that for their Honour
they fhould come once a Year to the King,
as they do ftill.

Difcourfes, or

Clergy.

HOUGH a Clergyman have
no Faults of his own, yet
the Faults of the whole Tribe
ihall be laid upon him, fo
that he fhall be fure not to lack.

2. The Clergy would have us believe
them againft our own Reafon, as the Wo-
man would have had her Hufband againft
his own Eyes : What ! will you believe
your own Eyes before your own fweet
Wife?

3. The Condition of the Clergy to-
wards their Prince, and the Condition of
the Phyfician is all one : The Phyficians
tell the Prince they have Agrick and
Rhubarb, good for him, and good for his
Subjedls' Bodies ; upon this he gives them
leave to ufe it ; but if it prove naught,
then away with it, they fhall ufe it no
more : So the Clergy tell the Prince they
have Phyjfic good for his Soul, and good
for the Souls of his People ; upon that

Table-talk. 43

he admits them : But when he finds by
Experience they both trouble him and
his People, he will have no more to do
with them, what is that to them, or any
body elfe, if a King will not go to Hea-
ven.

4. A Clergyman goes not a dram
further than this, you ought to obey your
Prince in general ; [if he does he is loft]
how to obey him, you muft be informed
by thofe whofe ProfefTion it is to tell you.
The Parfon of the Tower, (a good dif-
creet Man) told Dr. Mofely, (who was
fent to me and the reft of the Gentlemen
committed the 3^. Caroli, to perfuade us
to fubmit to the King) that he found no
fuch Words as [Parliament, Habeas Cor-
pus. Return^ Tower, &c.], Neither in the
Fathers, nor the Schoolmen, nor in the
Text; and therefore for his part he be-
lieved he underftood nothing of the Bufi-
nefs. A Satire upon all thofe Clergymen
that meddle with Matters they do not un-
derftand.

5. All confefs there never was a more
learned Clergy, no Man taxes them with

Difcourfes, or

Ignorance. But to talk of that, Is like
the fellow that was a great Wencher ;
he wifh'd God would forgive him his
Lechery, and lay Ufury to his Charge.
The Clergy have worfe Faults.

6. The Clergy and Laity together are
never like to do well, 'tis as if a Man
were to make an excellent Feaft, and
fhould have his Apothecary and his Phy-
fician come into the Kitchen : The Cooks
if they were let alone would make excel-
lent Meat, but then comes the Apothe-
cary and he puts Rhubarb into one Sauce
and Agarick into another Sauce. Chain
up the Clergy on both fides.

High Commijfion.

^lEN cry out upon the High
CommifTion, as if the Clergy-
men only had to do in it,
when I believe there are more
Lay-men in CommifTion there, t}ian
Clergy-men ; if the Lay-men will not
come, whofe fault is that ? So of the

Table-talk.

45

Star-Chamber, the People think the Bi-
fhops, only, cenfur'd Pririy Burton, and
Baft wick ^ when there were but two there,
and one fpake not in his own Caufe.

Houfe of Commons.

HERE be but two Erroneous
Opinions in the Houfe of
Commons : That the Lords
fit only for themfelves, when
the Truth is, they fit as well for the Com-
monwealth. The Knights and Burgefles
fit for themfelves and others, fome for
more, fome for fewer, and what is the
Reafon ? becaufe the Room will not hold
all ; the Lords being few, they all come,
and imagine the Room able to hold all the
Commons of England, then the Knights
and BurgefTes would fit no otherwife than
the Lords do. The fecond Error is, that
the Houfe of Commons are to beorin to
give Subfidies, yet if the Lords diiTent
they can give no Money.

2. The Houfe of Commons is called

^t^a^M*^

46

Difcourfes, or

the Lower Houfe, in twenty A(5ls of
Parliament, but what are twenty Adls of
Parliament amongft Friends ?

3 . The Form of a Charge runs thus, /
Accuje in the Name of all the Commons of
England, how then can any man be as a
Witnefs, when every Man is made the
Accufer ?

•-.^

ConfeJJty

ton.

N time of Parliament it ufed
to be one of the firft things
the Houfe did, to Petition
the King that his Confeflbr
might be removed, as fearing either his
Power with the King, or elfe, left he
fhould reveal to the Pope what the Houfe
was in doing, as no doubt he did, when
the Catholic Caufe was concerned.

2. The Difference between us and the
Papifts is, we both allow Contrition, but
the Papifts make Confeftion a part of
Contrition ; they fay a Man is not fuffici-
ently contrite, till he confefs his Sins to a
Prieft.

Table-talk.

3. Why fhould I think a Prieft will
not reveal ConfefTion^ 1 am fure he will
do any thing that is forbidden him, haply
not {o often as I, the utmoft Punifhment
is Deprivation ; and how can it be proved,
that ever any Man revealed ConfefTion,
when there is no Witnefs ? And no Man
can be Witnefs in his own Caufe. A
mere Gullery, There was a time when
'twas public in the Church, and that is
much againft their Auricular Confeffion.

Competency.

HAT which is a Competency
for one Man, is not enough
for another, no more than
that which will keep one
Man warm, will keep another Man warm ;
one Man can go in Doublet and Hofe,
when another Man cannot be without a
Cloak, and yet have no more Clothes
than is neceffary for him.

Difcourfes, or

Great Conjunction,

HE greateft Conjundion of
Satan and 'Jupiter^ happens
but once in eight Hundred
Years, and therefore Aftrolo-
gerSj can make no Experiments of it, nor
foretel what it means, (not but that the
Stars may mean fomething, but we can-
not tell what) becaufe we cannot come at
them. Suppofe a Planet were a Simple,
or an Herb, how could a Phyfician tell the
Virtue of that Simple, unlefs he could
come at it, to apply it ?

Co7ifcience,

E that hath a Scrupulous Con-
fcience, is like a Horfe that
is not well weigh'd, he ftarts
at every Bird that flies out of
the Hedge.

2. A knowing Man will do that, which
a tender Confcience Man dares not do.

Table-talk.

49

by reafon of his Ignorance, the other
knows there is no hurt, as a Child is
afraid to go into the dark, when a Man
is not, becaufe he knows there is no

D

anger.

3. If we once come to leave that out-
loofe, as to pretend Confcience againfl
Law, who knows what inconvenience may
follow ? For thus, Suppofe an Anahaptift
comes and takes my Horfe, I Sue him,
he tells me he did according to his Con-
fcience, his Confcience tells him all things
are common amongft the Saints, what is
mine is his ; therefore you do ill to make
fuch a Law: If any Man takes another's
Horfe he fhall be hanged. What can I
fay to this Man ? He does according to
his Confcience. Why is not he as honeft
a Man as he that pretends a Ceremony
eftablifhed by Law, is againfl his Con-
fcience ? Generally to pretend Confcience
againfl Law is dangerous, in fome Cafes
haply we may.

4. Some men make it a Cafe of Con-
fcience, whether a Man may have a
Pigeon-houfe, becaufe his Pigeons eat

E

DifcourfeSj or

other Folks' Corn. But there is no fuch
thing as Confcience in the Buiinefs, the
Matter is, whether he be a Man of fuch
Quality, that the State allows him to
have a Dove-houfe, if fo, there's an end
of the bufinefs, his Pigeons have a right
to eat where they pleafe themfelves.

Confecrated Places,

HE Jews had a peculiar way
of confecrating things to God,
which we have not.

1. Under the Law, God,
who was Mafter of all, made choice of a
Temple to worfliip in, where he was
more efpecially prefent : Juft as the Maf-
ter of the Houfe, who owns all the Houfe,
makes choice of one Chamber to lie in,
which is called the Mailer's Chamber ;
but under the Gofpel there was no fuch
thing, Temples and Churches are fet apart
for the conveniency of Men to Worfhip
in ; they cannot meet upon the Point of a
Needle, but God himfelf makes no choice.

Table-talk.

3. All things are God's already, we can
give him no right by confecrating any,
that he had not before, only we fet it apart
to his Service. Juft as a Gardener brings
his Lord and Mafter a Bafket of Apri-
cocks, and prefents them, his Lord thanks
him, perhaps gives him fomething for his
pains, and yet the Apricocks were as much
his Lord's before as now.

4. What is Confecrated, is given to fome
particular man, to do God Service, not
given to God, but given to Man, to ferve
God : And there's not any thing. Lands,
or Goods, but fome Men or other have it
in their Power to dilpofe of as they pleafe.
The faying things Confecrated cannot be
taken away, makes men afraid of Confe-
cration.

5. Yet Confecration has this Power,
when a Man has Confecrated any thing
to God, he cannot of himfelf take it away.

51

Difcourfes, or

Contracts,

F our Fathers have loft their
Liberty, why may not we
labour to regain it ? Anfw.
We muft look to the Con-
tradj if that be rightly made we muft
ftand to it ; if we once grant we may
recede from Contrails, upon any incon-
veniency that may afterwards happen, we
lliall have no Bargain kept. If I fell you
a Horfe, and do not like my Bargain, I
will have my Horfe again.

2. Keep your Contrails, fo far a Di-
vine goes, but how to make our Contracfts
is left to ourfelves ; and as we agree upon
the conveying of this Houfe, or that
Land, fo it muft be. If you offer me a
Hundred Pounds for my Glove, I tell
you what my Glove is, a plain Glove,
pretend no Virtue in it, the Glove is my
own, I profefs not to fell Gloves, and we
agree for an hundred Pounds, I do not
know why I may not with a fafe Con-

Table-talk.

S3

fcience take it. The want of that com-
mon Obvious Diftindlion of Jus pr^cepti-
vuniy and Jus permijjivumy does much
trouble Men.

3. Lady Kent Articled with Sir Edward
Herbert J that he fhould come to her when
fhe fent for him^ and ftay with her as long
as fhe would have him, to which he fet
his hand; then he Articled with her,
That he fhould go away when he pleafed,
and ftay away as long as he pleafed, to
which fhe fet her hand. This is the
Epitome of all the Contradls in the World,
betwixt Man and Man, betwixt Prince
and Subjedl, they keep them as long as
they like them, and no longer.

CounciL

HEY talk (but blafphemoufly
enough) that the Holy Ghoft
is Prefident of their General
Councils, when the Truth is,
the odd Man is ftill the Holy Ghoft.

Difcourfes, or

Convocation,

HEN the King fends his Writ
for a Parliament^ he fends for
two Knights for a Shire, and
u two BurgefTes for a Corpora-
tion : But when he fends, for two Arch-
Bifhops for a Convocation, he commands
them to affemble the whole Clergy, but
they out of Cuflom amongft themfelves
fend to the Bifhops of their Provinces, to
will them to bring two Clerks for a Dio-
cefe, the Dean, one for the Chapter, and
the Arch-Deacons ; but to the King every
Clergyman is there prefent.

1. We having nothing fo nearly ex-
prefTes the Power of a Convocation, in
refpedl of a Parliament, as a Court-Leet,
where they have a Power to make By-
Laws, as they call them ; as that a Man
fhall put fo many Cows, or Sheep in the
Common, but they can make nothing
that is contrary to the Laws of the King-
dom.

Vi

\

Table-talk.

■**/jx

Creed.

THANASIUS'S Creed is the
fhorteft, take away the Pre-
face, and the Force, and the
Conclufion, which are not
.part of the Creed. Iri the Nicene Creed
it is '^'fKHAv^c-zV-v, I believe in the Church ;
tefffow, as ourCornrnoh-pfaytr Kas It^
I believe one Catholic and Apoftolic
Church : they like not Creeds, becaufe
they would have no Forms of Faith, as
they have none of Prayer, though there
be more reafon for the one, than for the
other.

Damnation.

F the Phyiician fees you eat
any thing that is not good for
your Body, to keep you from
it, he cries 'tis Poifon ; if the
Divine fees you do any thing that is hurt-
ful for your Soul, to keep you from it, he
cries you are damned.

\

:^

S6 Difcourfes, or

2. To preach long, loud, and Damna-
tion, is the way to be cried up. We love
a Man that damns us, and we run after
him aorain to fave us. If a Man had a
fore Leg, and he fhould go to an Honeft
Judicious Chirurgeon, and he fhould only
bid him keep it warm, and anoint with
fuch an Oil (an Oil well known) that
would do the Cure, haply he would not
much regard him, becaufe he knows the
Medicine beforehand an ordinary Medi-
cine. But if he fhould go to a Surgeon
that fhould tell him, your Leg will Gan-
grene within three days, and it mufl be
cut off, and you will die, unlefs you do
fomething that I could tell you, what
liflening there would be to this Man ;
Oh, for the Lord's Sake, tell me what this
is, I will give you any content for your
pains.

Table-talk.

57

Devils,

HY have we none pofTeft with
Devils in England ? The old
Anfwer is, the Proteilants the
Devil hath already, and the
Papifts are fo Holy, he dares not meddle
with them. Why, then beyond Seas
where a Nun is pofTeft, when a Huguenot
comes into the Church, does not the Devil
hunt them out ? The Prieft teaches him,
you never faw the Devil throw up a Nun's
coats, mark that, the Prieft will not fuf-
fer it, for then the People will fpit at
him.

2. Cafting out Devils is mere Jug-
gling ; they never caft out any but what
they firft caft in. They do it where for
Reverence no Man fhall dare to examine
it, they do it in a Corner, in a Mortife-
hole, not in the Market-place. They do
nothing but what may be done by Art,
they make the Devil fly out of the Win-
dow, in the Likenefs of a Bat or a Rat, why

58 -Difcourfes, or

do they not hold him ? Why in the
Likenefs of a Bat, or a Rat, or fome Crea-
ture ? That is, why not in fome fhape
we paint him in, with Claws and Horns ?
By this trick they gain much, gain upon
Men's Fancies, and fo are reverenced : and
certainly if the Prieft deliver me from him
that is my moil deadly Enemy, I have all
the reafon in the World to reverence him.
Objeofion, But if this be Juggling, why
do they punifh Impoftures ? Anfwer. For
great reafon, becaufe they do not play their
part well, and for fear others fhould dif-
cover them ; and fo all of them ought to
be of the fame Trade.

3. A Perfon of Quality came to my
Chamber in the Temple^ and told me he
had two Devils in his Head [I wondered
what he meant] and juft at that time, one
of them bid him kill me, [with that I be-
gun to be afraid, and thought he was
mad] he faid he knew I could cure him ;
and therefore entreated me to give him
fomething ; for he was refolved he would
go to no body elfe. I perceiving what an
Opinion he had of me, and that 'twas only

Table-talk.

59

Melancholy that troubled him, took hhn
in hand, warranted him, if he would fol-
low my dire6lions to cure him in a fhort
time. I defired him to let me be alone
about an hour, and then to come again,
which he was very willing to. In the
meantime I got a Card, and lapped it up
handfome in a Piece of TafFata, and put
Strings to the TafFata, and when he came,
gave it him to hang about his Neck,
withal charged him, that he fhould not
diforder himfelf neither with eating or
drinking, but eat very little of Supper,
and fay his Prayers duly when he went to
Bed, and I made no Queilion but he
would be well in three or four Days.
Within that time I went to Dinner to his
Houfe, and afked him how he did ? He
faid he was much better, but not perfedlly
well, or in truth he had not dealt clearly
with me. He had four Devils in his head,
and he perceived two of them were gone,
with that which I had given him, but the
other two troubled him ftill. Well, faid
I, I am glad two of them are gone, I
make no doubt but to get away the other

Go Difcoiirfes, or

tv/o likewife ; fo I gave him another
thing to hang about his Neck. Three
Days after he came to me to my Chamber
and profeft he was now as well as ever
he was in his Life, and did extremely
thank me for the great Care I had taken
of him. I fearing left he might relapfe
into the like Diftemper, told him that
there was none but myfelf, and one Phy-
fician more in the whole Town that could
cure the Devils in the Head, and that was
Dr. Harvey (whom I had prepared), and
wifhed him if ever he found himfelf ill in
my Abfence, to go to him, for he could
cure his Difeafe as well as mvfelf. The
Gentleman lived many Years and was
never troubled after.

Self Denial.

lis much the Do6lrine of the
times, that Men fhould not
pleafe themfelves, but deny
themfelves every thing they
take delight in ; not look upon Beauty,

Table-talk.

wear no good Clothes, eat no good Meat
(f^c. which feems the greateft Accufation
that can be upon the Maker of all good
things. If they be not to be ufed, why
did God make them ? The truth is, they
that preach againft them, cannot make
ufe of them theirfelves, and then again,
they get Efteem by feeming to contemn
them.; But mark it while you live, if
^ey do not pleafe themfelves as much as
they can, and we live more by Example

I than

recept.

jt«trtnio»«»«™

6i

./

Duel/.

DUELL may ftill be grant-
ed in fome Cafes by the Law
of England, and only there.
That the Church allowed it
Anciently, appears by this, in their pub-
lic Liturgies there were Prayers appointed
for the Duelifts to fay, the Judge ufed to
bid them go to fuch a Church and pray,
zfjc. But whether is this Lawful ? If you
grant any War Lawful, I make no doubt
but to convince it. War is Lawful, be-

62

Difcourfes, or

caufe God is the only Judge between two^
that is Supreme. Now if a Difference
happen between two Subjedls, and it can-
not be decided by Human Teftimony,
why may they not put it to God to Judge
between them by the Permiflion of the
Prince ? Nay, what if we fhould bring
it down for Argument's fake, to the
Swordmen. One gives me the Lie, 'tis
a great difgrace to take it, the Law has
made no Provifion to give Remedy for
the Injury (If you can fuppofe any thing
an Injury for which the Law gives no
Remedy) why am not I in this Cafe Su-
preme, and may therefore right myfelf.

1. A Duke ought to fight with a Gen-
tleman ; the Reafon is this, the Gentleman
will fay to the Duke *tis True, you hold
a higher Place in the State than I ; there's
a great diftance between you and me, but
your Dignity does not Privilege you to
do me an Injury ; as foon as ever you do
me an Injury, you make yourfelf my
equal, and as you are my equal I chal-
lenge you, and in fenfe the Duke is bound
to Anfwer him. This will give you fome

Table-talk.

63

Light to underftand the Quarrel betwixt
a Prince and his Subjedls ; though there
be a vail Diftance between him and them,
and they are to obey him, according to
their Contrad, yet he hath no power to
do them an Injury ; then they think
themfelves as much bound to vindicate
their Right, as they are to obey his Law-
ful Commands ; nor is there any other
meafure of Juftice left upon Earth but
Arms,

Epitaph,

N Epitaph muft be made fit
for the Perfon for whom it is
made ; for a Man to fay all
the Excellent things that can
be faid upon one, and call that his Epitaph,
is as if a Painter fhould make the hand-
fomeft Piece he can poflibly make, and fay
'twas my Pidlure. It holds in a Funeral
Sermon.

"-.

/

Difcourfes, or

Equity,

OyiTY in Law, is the fame
that the Spirit is in Rehgion,
what every one pleafes to
make it ; fometimes they go
according to Confcience, fometimes ac-
cording to Lav/, fometimes according to
the Rule of Court '

2rr -Equity is a Roguifh thing, for Law

we have a meafure, know what to truft
to. Equity is according to the Confcience
of him that is Chancellor, and as that is
larger or narrower, fo is Equity. 'Tis all
one as if they fhould make the Standard for
the meafure, we call [a Foot] a Chancellor's
Foot, what an uncertain Meafure would
this be ? One Chancellor has a long Foot,
another a fhort Foot, a Third an indif-
ferent Foot : 'Tis the fame thing in the
Chancellor's Confcience.

3. That faying, Do as you would be
done to, is often mifunderftood, for 'tis
not thus meant, that I a private Man

Table-talk.

fhould do to you a private Man, as I
would have you to me, but do, as we
have agreed to do one to another by pub-
lic Agreement. If the Prifoner fhould
afk the Judge, whether he would be con-
tent to be hanged, were he in his cafe, he
would anfwer no. Then fays the Prifoner,
do as you would be done to ; neither of
them muft do as private Men, but the Judge
mufl do by him as they have publicly
agreed, that is both Judge and Prifoner
have confented to a Law, that if either
of them ileal, they fhall be hanged.

Rvil Speaking,

E that fpeaks ill of another,
commonly before he is aware,
makes himfelf fuch a one as
he fpeaks againft ; for if he
had Civility or Breeding he would for-
bear fuch kind of Language.

2. A gallant Man is above ill words :
an Example we have in the old Lord of
Saltjhury (who was a great wife Man).

66 Difcourfes, or

Stone had call'd fome Lord about Court,
Fool, the Lord complains, and has Stone
whipt ; Stone cries, I might have called
my Lord of Salijhury Fool often enough,
before he would have had me whipt.

3. Speak not ill of a great Enemy, but
rather give him good words, that he may
ufe you the better, if you chance to fall
into his Hands : the Spaniard did this
when he was dying ; his ConfeiTor told
him (to work him to Repentance) how
the Devil tormented the wicked that went
to Hell : the Spaniard replying, called
the Devil my Lord. I hope my Lord
the Devil is not fo cruel, his ConfefTor
reproved him. Excufe me faid the Tion^
for calling him fo, I know not into what
Hands I may fall, and if I happen into
his, I hope he will ufe me the better for
giving him good words.

Table-talk.

Kxcommunication .

HAT place they bring for
Excommunication [put away
from among yourfelves that
wicked Perfon, i Cor. 5 Cha.
13 Verje^ is corrupted in the Greek for
it fhould bcj TO tsovv^i^qv^ put away that
Evil from amongytrtifnot to'j -sjovvj^ov, that

Evil Perfon, befides, d -siovvi^o? is the Devil
in Scripture, and it may be fo taken there ;
and there is a new Edition of Theodoret
come out, that has it right to tsqmy^^qv, 'Tis
true the Chriftians before the Civil State
became Chriftian, did by Covenant and
Agreement fet down how they fhould
live, and he that did not obferve what
they agreed upon, fhould come no more
amongft them, that is, be Excommuni-
cated. Such Men are fpoken of by the
Apoftle \_Romans i. 31.] whom he calls
a(jVv^6Tovg acii da-Tsov^oyg, the vulgar has it,
Incompojitos, et fine feeder e the laft word is
pretty well, but the firfl: not at all. Ori-

68

Difcourfes, or

I

/

gen in his Book againfl Celfus, fpeaks of
the Chriftiansj avvkUvj : the Tranflation
renders it Conventus, as it fignifies a
Meeting, when it is plain it fignifies a
Covenant, and the Englijh Bible turned
the other Word well, Covenant-breakers.
Pliny tells us, the Chriftians took an Oath
amongft themfelves to live thus, and
thus.

2. The other place \T>ic Ecclefi^ Matth.
18,17.] tell the Churchy is but a weak
Ground to raife Excommunication upon,
efpecially from the Sacrament, the lefler
Excommunication, fmce when that was
fpoken, the Sacrament was [not*] inilituted.
The Jews' Ecclefia was their Sanhedrim,
their Court : fo that the meaning is, if after
once or twice Jdmonition, this Brother
will not be reclaimed, bring him thither.
? . The firft Excommunication was 180
Years after Chrift, and that by Vi6tor, Bi-
X.fhop of Rome : But that was no more
than this, that they fhould Communicate

* The word not is erroneoufly omitted in all
previous editions.

Table-talk.

and receive the Sacrament amongft them-
felveSj not with thofe of the other Opinion :
The Controverfy, (as I take it,) being
about the Feaft of Eafter. Men do not
care for Excommunication, becaufe they
are fhut out of the Church, or delivered
up to Sat an J but becaufe the Law of the
Kingdom takes hold of them, after fo
many Days a Man cannot Sue, no not
for his Wife, if you take her from him ;
and there may be as much reafon, to
grant it for a fmall Fault, if there be con-
tumacy, as for a great one. In Weftmin-
fter Hall you may Out-law a Man for
forty Shillings, which is their Excommu-
nication, and you can do no more for
Forty Thoufand Pound.

4. When Confiantine became Chriftian,
he fo fell in love with the Clergy, that
he let them be Judges of all things ; but
that continued not above three or four
Years, by reafon they were to be Judges
of Matters they under ftood not, and then
they were allowed to meddle with nothing
but Religion ; all Jurifdidion belonged
to him, and he fcanted them out as much

69

I

■i

I

yo Difcourfes, or

as he pleafed, and fo things have iince
continued. They Excommunicate for
three or four Things, matters concerning
Adultery, Tythes, Wills, ^r. which is
the civil Punifhment the State allows for
fuch Faults. If a Bifhop Excommuni-
cate a Man for what he ought not, the
Judge has Power to abfolve, and punifh
the Bifhop : if they had that Jurifdidlion
from God, why does not the Church Ex-
communicate for Murder, for Theft ? If
the Civil Power might take away all but
three Things, why may they not take
them away too ? If this Excommunication
were taken away, the Prefbyters would be
quiet ; 'tis that they have a mind to, 'tis
that they would fain be at. Like the
Wench that was to be Married ; fhe afked
her Mother when 'twas done, if fhe
fhould go to Bed prefently : no, fays her
Mother, you muft dine firft, and then to
Bed Mother ? no you muft dance after
Dinner, and then to Bed Mother ? no,
you muft go to Supper, and then to bed
Mother, &c.

Table-talk.

Faith and JVorh,

WAS an unhappy Divifion
that has been made between
Faith and Works : tho' in
my Intelled: I may divide
them, juft as in the Candle, I know there
is both Light and Heat. But yet put out
the Candle, and they are both gone, one
remains not without the other : So 'tis
betwixt Faith and Works ; nay, in a right
Conception Fides eft opuSj if I believe a
thing becaufe I am commanded, that is
Opus,

Fajling-Days.

!1HAT the Church debars us
one Day, fhe gives us leave
to take out in another. Firft
we fail:, and then we feaft ;
firft there is a Carnival, and then a Lent.
2. Whether do Human Laws bind the

71

72

Difcourfes, or

Confcience ? If they do^ 'tis a way to en-
fnare : If we fay they do not, we open the
Door to difobedience. Anjw. In this
Cafe we muft look to the Juftice of the
LaWj and intention of the Law-giver : if
there be no Juftice in the Law, 'tis not to
be obeyed : if the intention of the Law-
giver be abfolute, our obedience muft be
fo too. If the intention of the Law-giver
enjoin a Penalty as a Compenfation for
the Breach of the Law, I ftn not if I
fubmit to the Penalty : if it enjoin a Pe-
nalty, as a further enforcement of Obedi-
ence to the Law, then ought I to obferve
it, which may be known by the often re-
petition of the Law. The way of faft-
ing is enjoined unto them, who yet do
not obferve it : The Law enjoins a Pe-
nalty as an enforcement to Obedience ;
which intention appears by the often call-
ing upon us, to keep that Law by the
King and the Difpenfation of the Church
to fjch as are not able to keep it, as
young Children, old Folks, difeafed Men,

Table-talk.

Fathers and So7is.

jT hath ever been the way for
Fathers, to bind their Sons,
to ftrengthen this by the Law
of the Land : every one at
Twelve Years of Age is to take the Oath
of Allegiance in Court- Leets, whereby he
fwears Obedience to the King.

Fi72es.

HE old Law was, that when
a Man was Fined, he was to
be Fined Salvo ContenementOy
fo as his Countenance might
be fafe, taking Countenance in the fame
fenfe as your Countryman does, when he
fays, if you will come unto my Houfe,
I will fhow you the beft Countenance I
can, that is, not the beft Face, but the beft
Entertainment. The meaning of the
Law was, that fo much ftiould be taken

Difcourfes, or

from a Man, fuch a gobbet fliced off, that
yet notwithftanding he might live in the
fame Rank and Condition he hved in be-
fore ; but now they fine men ten times
more than they are worth.

E

m.

ree-wi

HE Puritans who will allow
no Free-will at all, but God
does all, yet will allow the
Subjed his Liberty to do, or
not to do, notwithftanding the King, the
God upon Earth. The ArminianSy who
hold v/e have Free-will, yet fay, when we
come to the King, there muft be all Obe-
dience, and no Liberty to be ftood for.

Friars.

HE Friars fay they poflefs
nothing, whofe then are the
Lands they hold? not their
Superior's, he hath vowed
Poverty as well as they, whofe then ? To

Table-talk.

anfwer this, 'twas decreed they fhould fay
they were the Pope's. And why muft
the Friars be more perfed: than the Pope
himfelf ?

2. If there had been no Friars Chrijien-
dom might have continued quiet, and
things remained at a flay.

If there had been no Ledlurers (which
fucceed the Friars in their way) the
Church of England might have ftood, and
flourifht at this Day.

Friends.

LD Friends are beft. King
James ufed to call for his old
Shoes, they were eafieft for
his Feet.

Difcoiirfes, or

Genealogy of Chrifi.

HEY that fay the Reafon why
JqfepJis Pedigree is fet down,
and not Marfs^ is, becaufe
the Defcent from the Mother
is loft, and fwallowed up, fay fomething ;
but yet if a JewiJIi Woman, married with
a Gentile J they only took Notice of the
Mother, not of the Father ; but they
that fay they were both of a Tribe, fay
nothing ; for the Tribes might marry one
with another, and the Law againft it was
only Temporary, in the time while JoJJiua
was dividing the Land, left the being fo
long about it, there might be a confufion.
2. That Chrift was the Son of Jcfeph
is moft exadily true. For though he was
the Son of God, yet with the JewSy if
any Man kept a Child, and brought him
up, and called him Son, he was taken for
his Son ; and his Land (if he had any)
was to defcend upon him ; and therefore
the Genealogy of y^^^A isjuftly fet down.

Table-talk.

Ge7itle7nen.

HAT a Gentleman is, 'tis
hard with us to define ; in
other Countries he is known
by his Privileges ; in Weft-
minJler-Udll he is one that is reputed one;
in the Court of Honour, he that hath
Arms. The King cannot make a Gentleman
of Blood [what have you faid] nor God
Almighty, but he can make a Gentleman
by Creation. If you afk which is the
better of thefe two. Civilly, the Gentlemian
of Blood, Morally, the Gentleman by
Creation may be the better ; for the other
may be a Debauched Man, this a Perfon
of worth.

2. Gentlemen have ever been more
Temperate in their Religion, than the
common People, as having more Reafon,
the others running in a hurry. In the
beginning of Chriftianity, the Fathers
writ Contra genteSj and Contra Gentiles
they were all one : But after all were

78 Difcourfes, or

Chriftians, the better fort of People flill
retained the Name of Gentiles, through-
out the four Provinces of the Roman Em-
pire ; as Gentil-homme in French^ Gentil
huomo in Italian^ Gentil-homhre in Span-
i/hj and Gentil-man in Englifli : And they,
no queftion, being Perfons of Quality,
kept up thofe Feafts which we borrow
from the Gentiles ; as Ckrifimas, Candle-
mas y May -day, &c. continuing what was
not diredly againft Chriftianity, which
the common People would never have
endured.

Gold.

'HERE are two Reafons, why

thefe Words {J ejus autem
tranfiens per medium eorum
ibat) were about our old
Gold : the one is, htz2iu(t Ripley , the Alchy-
mift, when he made Gold in the ^tower, the
firft time he found it he fpoke thefe Words
\_per medium eorum~\ that is, per medium
Ignis et Sulphuris. The other, becaufe
thefe Words were thought to be a Charm,

Table-talk. 79

and that they did bind whatfoever they
were written upon, fo that a Man could
not take it away. To this Reafon I ra-
ther indine.

Hall.

HE Hall was the Place where
the great Lord ufed to eat,
(wherefore elfewere the Halls
made fo big ?) Where he faw
all his Servants and Tenants about him.
He eat not in private, except in time of
ficknefs ; when once he became a thing
cooped up, all his greatnefs was fpoiled.
Nay the King himfelf ufed to eat in the
Hall, and his Lords fat with him, and
then he underftood Men.

Difcourfes, or

Hell.

HERE are two Texts for
Chrlft's defcending into Hell:
The one FJal, i6. The
other Acts the id. where the
Bible that was in ufe when the Thirty-
Nine Articles were made has it {Hell.)
But the Bible that was in Queen Eliza-
hetJis time, v/hen the Articles were con-
firmed, reads it {Grave), and fo it con-
tinued till the new Translation in King
James's time, and then 'tis Hell again.
But by this we may gather the Church of
Eyigland declined as much as they could,
the defcent, otherwife they never would
have altered the Bible.

2. \He dejcended into HeW] this may
be the Interpretation of it. He may be
dead and buried, then his Soul afcended
into Heaven. Afterwards he defcended
again into Hell, that is, into the Grave, to
fetch his Body, and to rife again. The
Ground of this Interpretation is taken

Table-talk.

from the Platonick Learning, who held a
Metempfychoiis, and when the foul did de-
fcend from Heaven to take another Body,
they called it Kccrx (idciv elg cc^viv taking
aSiig^ for the lower World, the State of
Mortality : Now the firft Chriftians many
of them were Platonick Philofophers, and
no queftion fpake fuch Language as was
then underflood amongft them. To un-
derftand by //<?// the Grave is no Tautology,
becaufe the Creed firft tells what Chrift
fuffered, He was Crucified, Dead, and Bu-
ried; then it tells us what he did. He
defcended into Hell, the third day he rofe
again, he ajc ended, &c.

Holy Days.

HEY fay the Church impofes
Holy-Days, there's no fuch
thing, though the Number of
Holy-days is fet down in
fome of our Common-Prayer Books.
Yet that has relation to an A6t of Parlia-
ment, which forbids the keeping of any

,8 1

Difcourfes, or

Holy-Days in time of Popery ; but thofe
that are kept^ are kept by the Cuftom of
the Country, and I hope you will not fay
the Church impofes that.

Humility.

UMILITY is a Virtue all
preach, none pra6life, and yet
every body is content to hear.
The Mafter thinks it good
Dodlrine for his Servant, the Laity for
the Clergy, and the Clergy for the Laity.
1, There is Humilitas qu^edam in Vitio,
If a Man does not take notice of that
excellency and perfedlion that is in him-
felf, how can he be thankful to God,
who is the Author of all excellency and
perfedion ? Nay, if a Man hath too
mean an Opinion of himfelf, 'twill ren-
der him unferviceable both to God and
Man.

3. Pride may be allowed to this or
that degree, elfe a Man cannot keep up
his Dignity. In Gluttony there muft be

Table-talk.

Eating, in Drunkennefs there muft be
drinking ; 'tis not the eating, nor 'tis not
the drinking that is to be blamed, but the
Excefs. So in Pride.

Idolatry.

DOLATRY is in a Man's
own thought, not in the
Opinion of another. Put
cafe I bow to the Altar, why-
am I guilty of Idolatry ? becaufe a
ftander by thinks fo ? I am fure I do not
believe the Altar to be God, and the
God I worihip may be bow'd to in all
Places, and at all times.

J'

ews.

OD at the firft gave Laws to
all Mankind, but afterwards
he gave peculiar Laws to the
Jews, which they were only
to obferve. Juft as we have the Common

84 Difcourfes, or

Law for all England^ and yet you have fome
Corporations, that befides that have pecu-
liar Laws and Privileges to themfelves.

2. Talk what you will of the Jews^
that they are curfed, they thrive where
e'er they come, they are able to oblige
the Prince of their Country, by lending
him Money ; none of them beg, they
keep together, and for their being hated,
my life for yours, Chriftians hate one
another as much.

hivincihle Ignorance.

^IIS all one to me if I am told
of Chrift, or fome Myftery
of Chriftianity, if I am not
capable of underftanding, as
if I am not told at all, my Ignorance is as
invincible, and therefore 'tis vain to call
their Ignorance only invincible, who
never were told of Chrift. The trick of
it is to advance the Prieft, whilft the
Church of Rome fays a Man muft be

Table-talk.

85

told of Chrlft by one thus and thus or-
dained.

Images,

HE Papifts taking away the
fecond [Commandment], is
not haply fo horrid a thing,
nor fo unreafonable amongft
Chriftians as we make it : For the Jews
could make no figure of God, but they
muft commit Idolatry, becaufe he had
taken no fhape ; but fince the AfTumption
of our flefh, we know what fhape to pic-
ture God in. Nor do I know why we
may not make his Image, provided we be
fure what it is : as we fay St. Luke took
the pidure of the Virgin Mary^ and St.
Veronica of our Saviour. Otherwife it
would be no honour to the King, to make
a Pi6lure, and call it the King's Pidure,
when 'tis nothing like him.

2. Though the learned Papifts pray
not to Images, yet 'tis to be feared the
ignorant do ; as appears by that Story of
St. Nicholas in Spain. A Countryman

86

Difcourfes, or

ufed to offer dally to St. Nicholas's Image,
at length by mifchance the Image was
broken, and a new one made of his own
Plum- Tree ; after that the Man forebore,
being complained of to his Ordinary, he
anfwered, 'tis true, he ufed to offer to the
old Image, but to the new he could not
find in his heart, becaufe he knew 'twas
a piece of his own Plum-Tree. You fee
what Opinion this Man had of the Image,
and to this tended the bowing of their
Images, the twinkling of their Eyes, the
Virgin's Milk, ^c. Had they only meant
reprefentations, a Pi6lure would have
done as well as thefe Tricks. It may be
with us in England they do not worfhip
Images, becaufe living amongft Protef-
tants they are either laughed out of it, or
beaten out of it by fhock of Argument.
3. 'Tis a difcreet way concerning Pic-
tures in Churches, to fet up no new, nor
to pull down no old.

Table-talk.

87

Imperial Conjlitutions.

HEY fay Imperial Conftltu-
tions did only confirm the
Canons of the Church ; but
that is not fo, for they in-
flided PuniiKmentj when the Canons
never did (viz.) If a Man converted a
Chriftian to be a JeWy he was to forfeit
his Eftate, and lofe his Life. In Valen-
tine's Novels, 'tis faid, Conftat Epifcopus
Forum Legibus non habere, et judicant
tantum de Religione,

Imprifonment,

IR Kenelm Digby was feveral
times taken and let go again,
at laft imprifoned in JVin-
chefter Houfe, I can com-
pare him to nothing but a great Fifh that
we catch and let go again, but ftill he

88

Difcourfes, or

will come to the Bait; at laft therefore
we put him into fome great Pond for
Store.

Licendiaries.

ANCY to yourfelf a Man fets
the City on Fire at Cripple-
gate^ and that Fire continues,
\ by means of others, till it
come to White-Friars, and then he that
began it would fain quench it, does not
he deferve to be punifhed moft that firft fet
the City on Fire ? So 'tis with the Incen-
diaries of the State. They that firfl: fet
it on Fire, [by Monopolizing, Foreft Bufi-
nefs, Imprifoning Parliament Men tertio
Caroli, ^c.'\ are now become regenerate,
and would fain quench the Fire ; certainly
they deferve moft to be punifhed, for
being the firft Caufe of our Diftradions.

Table-talk.

another.

Indepeiidency.

NDEPENDENCY is In ufe
at Amfterdaniy where forty
Churches or Congregations
have nothing to do one with
And 'tis no queftion agreeable
to the Primitive times, before the Em-
peror became Chriftian : For either we
muft fay every Church governed itfelf,
or elfe we muft fall upon that old foolifh
Rock, that St. Peter and his Succeftbrs
governed all ; but when the Civil State
became Chriftian, they appointed who
ITiould govern them, before they governed
by agreement and confent : if you will
not do this, you ftiall come no more
amongft us, but both the Independent
Man, and the Prefbyterian Man, do
equally exclude the Civil Power, though
after a different manner.

2. The Independents may as well plead,
they fhould not be fubjedl to Temporal
Things, not come before a Conftable, or

Difcourfes, or

a Juftice of Peace, as they plead they
fhould not be Subje6l in Spiritual things,
becaufe St. Paul fays, It is Jo, that there is
not a wife Man amongst you ?

3. The Pope challenges all Churches
to be under him, the King and the two
Archbifhops challenge all the Church of
England to be under them. The Pref-
byterian Man divides the Kingdom into
as many Churches as there be Prefby-
teries, and your Independent would have
every Congregation a Church by itfelf.

Things Indifferent.

iN time of a Parliament, when
things are under debate, they
are indifferent, but in a
Church or State fettled, there's
nothing left indifferent.

Table-talk.

Public Interejl,

LL might go well in the
Common -Wealth, if every
one in the Parliament would
lay down his own Intereft,
and aim at the general good. If a man
were lick and the whole College of Phy-
ficians ihould come to him, and admin-
ifter feverally, haply fo long as they ob-
ferved the Rules of Art he might recover,
but if one of them had a great deal of
Scamony by him, he muft put off that,
therefore he prefcribes Scamony. An-
other had a great deal of Rhubarb, and
he muft put off that, and therefore he
prefcribes Rhubarb, ef^. then would cer-
tainly kill the Man. We deftroy the
Common- Wealth, while we preferve our
own private Interefts, and negledl the
public.

92

Difcourfes, or

Human Invention,

OU fay there muft be no
Human Invention in the
Church, nothing but the
pure Word. Anjwer. If I
give any Expofition, but what is exprefled
in the Text, that is my Invention ; if you
give another Expofition, that is your In-
vention, and both are Human. For Ex-
ample, fuppofe the Word [Egg] were in
the Text, I fay, 'tis meant an Hen-Egg,
you fay a Goofe-Egg, neither of thefe are
expreft, therefore they are Human In-
ventions, and I am fure the newer the In-
vention the worfe; old Inventions are
beft.

2. If we muft admit nothing but what
we read in the Bible, what will become
of the Parliament ? for we do not read of
that there.

Table-talk.

yudgments,

E cannot tell what is a Judg-
ment of God, 'tis prefump-
tion to take upon us to know.
In time of Plague we know
we want Health, and therefore we pray
to God to give us Health : in time of
War we know we want Peace, and there-
fore we pray to God to give us Peace.
Commonly we fay a Judgment falls upon
a Man for fomething in him we cannot
abide. An example we have in King
James^ concerning the Death of Henry
the Fourth of France; one faid he was
killed for his Wenching, another faid he
was killed for turning his Religion. No,
fays King James (who could not abide
lighting,) he was killed for permitting
Duels in his Kingdom.

/

94

Difcourfes, or

Judge.

^v^^?:;?J*vVrf^

E fee the Pageants in Cheap-
fide ^ the Lions, and the Ele-
phants, but we do not fee
the Men that carry them ;
we fee the Judges look big, look like
Lions, but we do not fee who moves
them.

2. Little things do great works, when
the great things will not. If I fhould
take a Pin from the Ground, a little pair
of Tongs will do it, when a great pair
will not. Go to a Judge to do a buli-
nefs for you, by no means he will not
hear of it ; but go to fome fmall Servant
about him, and he will difpatch it accord-
ing to your heart's defire.

3. There could be no mifchief in
the Common-Wealth without a Judge.
Though there be falfe Dice brought in at
the Groom-Porters, and cheating offered,
yet unlefs he allow the cheating, and judge
the Dice to be good, there may be hopes
of fair Play.

Table-talk.

Juggling.

■IS not Juggling that is to be
blamed, but much Juggling,
for the World cannot be
Governed without it. All
your Rhetoric, and all your Elenches in
Logic come within the compafs of Jug-
gling.

yurifdiSiion,

IHERE'S no fuch Thing as
Spiritual Jurifdidion, all is
Civil, the Church's is the
fame with the Lord Mayor's.
a Chriftian came into a Pagan
Country, how can you fancy he fhall have
any Power there ? he finds faults with
the Gods of the Country ; well, they will
put him to death for it : when he is a
Martyr, what follows ? Does that argue
he has any fpiritual Jurifdidion ? If
the Clergy fay the Church ought to be

Suppofe

96

Difcourfes, or

governed thus, and thus, by the Word of
God, that is Dodrine all, that is not
Difcipline.

2. The Pope he challenges Jurifdidion
over all, the Bifhops they pretend to it as
well as he, the Prefbyterians they would
have it to themfelves ; but over whom is
all this ? the poor Laymen.

yus Di

tvtnum.

LL things are held by Jus
Divinum, either immediately
or mediately.

2. Nothing has loft the
Pope fo much in his Supremacy, as not
acknowledging what Princes gave him.
'Tis a fcorn upon the Civil Power, and an
unthankfulnefs in the Prieft. But the
Church runs to Jus divinum, left if they
ftiould acknowledge that what they have,
they have by pofitive Law, it might be as
well taken from them as given to them.

Table-talk.

Ki.

m

'g-

»:••aii.iKKK«!!^VCffiS^;^V^S*a=•'f^J^■^VV^

Jr,fc*r.jr*-.*»li/i^"*.^.

KING is a thing Men have
made for their own Sakes, for
quietnefs-fake, ' Jufl: as in a
'Family one Man is appointed
to buy the Meat; if every Man fhould buy,
or if there were many buyers, they would
never agree, one would buy what the other
liked not, or what the other had bought
before, fo there would be a confufion.
But that Charge being committed to one,
he according to his Difcretion pleafes all ;
if they have not what they would have
one day, they fhall have it the next, or
fomething as good.

2. The word King diredls our Eyes ;
fuppofe it had been Conful, or Diftator :
to think all Kings alike is the fame folly,
as if a Conful of Aleppo or Smyrna fhould
claim to himfelf the fame Power that a Con-
ful 2it Rome [had.] What, am not I a Con-
ful ? or a Duke of England fhould think
himfelf like the Duke o^ Florence ; nor can

H

98 Difcourfes, or

it be imagined, that the word BcctnXevs did
fignify the fame in Greek as the Hebrew
Word "1^3 did with the Jews. Befides,
let the Divines in their Pulpits fay what
they will, they in their pradlice deny that
all is the King's : They fue him, and fo
does all the Nation, whereof they are
a part. What matter is it then what they
Preach or Teach in the Schools ?

3. Kings are all individual, this or that
King, there is no Species of Kings.

4. A King that claims Privileges in
his own Country, becaufe they have them
in another, is jufl as a Cook, that claims
Fees in one Lord's Houfe becaufe they
are allowed in another. If the Mafter of
the Houfe will yield them, well and good.

5. The Text [Render unto C^Jar the
things that are Ccefar's'] makes as much
againft Kings, as for them, for it fays
plainly that fome things are not dejar's.
But Divines make choice of it, firfl in
Flattery, and then becaufe of the other
part adjoined to it \_Render unto God the
things that are God's~\ where they bring in
the Church.

Table-talk.

6. A King outed of his Country, that
takes as much upon him as he did at
home, in his own Court, is as if a Man
on high, and I being upon the Ground,
ufed to hft up my voice to him, that he
might hear me, at length fhould come
down, and then experts I fhould ipeak as
loud to him as I did before.

King of England.

HE King can do no wrong,
that is, no Procefs can be
granted againft him. What
muft be done then ? Petition
him, and the King writes upon the Peti-
tion foit droit fait, and fends it to the
Chancery, and then the bufinefs is heard.
His ConfefTor will not tell him, he can do
no wrong.

2. There's a great deal of difference
between Head of the Church, and Su-
preme Governor, as our Canons call the
King. Conceive it thus, there is in the
Kingdom of England a College of Phyfi-

lOO

Difcourfes, or

cians, the King is Supreme Governor of
thofe^ but not Head of them, nor Prefident
of the College, nor the beft Phyfician.

3. After the Diflblution of Abbies,
they did not much advance the King's
Supremacy, for they only cared to exclude
the Pope : hence have we had feveral
Tranflations of the Bible put upon us.
But now we muft look to it, otherwife
the King may put upon us what Religion
he pleafes.

4. 'Twas the old way when the King
of England had his Houfe, there were
Canons to fing Sei-vice in his Chapel ;
fo at Weftminfter in St. Stephen's Chapel
(where the Houfe of Commons fits) from
which Canons the Street called Canon-row
has its Name, becaufe they lived there,
and he had alfo the Abbot and his Monks,
and all thefe the King's Houfe.

5. The three Eftates are the Lords
Temporal, the Bifhops are the Clergy,
and the Commons, as fome would have it,
[take heed of that] for then if two agree
the third is involved, but he is King of
the three Eftates.

Table-talk.

6. The King hath a Seal in every
Court, and tho' the Great Seal be called
Sigillum Anglic, the Great Seal of Eng-
land, yet 'tis not becaufe 'tis the King-
dom's Seal, and not the King's, but to
diftinguifh it from Sigillum Hiberni^, Sigil-
lum Scotia,

7. The Court of England is much al-
tered. At a folemn Dancing, firft you
had the grave Meafures, then the Corran-
toes and the Galliards, and this is kept
up with Ceremony ; at length to 'Trench-
more, and the Cufhion-Dance, and then
all the Company dance. Lord and Groom,
Lady and Kitchen-Maid, no diftindlion.
So in our Court, in Queen Elizabeth's
time. Gravity and State were kept up.
In King James's time things were pretty
well. But in King Charles's time, there
has been nothing but Trench-more, and
the Cufhion-Dance, omnium gatherum
tolly, polly, hoite come toite.

lOI

Difcoiirfes, or

The King,

lis hard to make an Accomma-
datlon between the King and
the Parliament. If you and
I fell out about Money, you
faid I owed you Twenty. Pounds, I faid I
owed you but Ten Pounds, it may be a
third Party allowing me Twenty Marks,
might make us Friends. But if I faid I
owed you Twenty Pounds in Silver, and
you faid I owed you Twenty Pounds of
Diamonds, which is a Sum innumerable,
'tis impoflible we fhould ever agree.
This is the Cafe.

2. The King ufing the Houfe of Com-
mons, as he did in Mr. Pymm and his
Company, that is, charging them with
Treafon, becaufe they charged my Lord
of Canterbury and Sir George Ratcliff; it
was juft with as much Logic as the Boy,
that would have lain with his Grandmo-
ther, ufed to his Father, you lay with my
Mother, why fhould not I lie with yours ?

Table-talk.

3 . There is not the fame Reafon for
the King's acciifing Men of Treafon, and
carrying them away, as there is for the
Houfes themfelves, becaufe they accufe
one of themfelves. For every one that
is accufed, is either a Peer, or a Com-
moner, and he that is accufed hath his
Confent going along with him ; but if
the King accufes, there is nothing of this
in it.

4. The King is equally abufed now as
before ; then they flattered him and made
him -do iir things, now they would force
him againft his Confcience. If a Phyfl-
cian fliould- tell me, every thing I had a
mind to was good for me, tho' in truth
'twas Poifon, he abufed me ; and he
abufes me as much, that would force me
to take fomething whether I will or no.

5. The King fo long as he is our King,
may do with his Officers what he pleafes;
as the Mafl:er of the Houfe may turn
away all his Servants, and take whom he
pleafe.

6. The King's Oath is not fecurity
enough for our Property, for he fwears to

103

/

I04

Difcourfes, or

N,

Govern according to Law; now the
Judges they interpret the Law, and what
Judges can be made to do we know. ~^--
_^^^^ The King and the Parliament now
falling out, are juft as when there is
foul Play offered amongft Gamefters, one
fnatches the others ftake, they feize what
they can of one anothers. 'Tis not to be
afked whether it belongs not to the King
to do this or that : before when there was
fair Play, it did. But now they will do
what is moft convenient for their own
fafety. If two fall to fcuffling, one tears
the others Band, the other tears his ; when
they were Friends they were quiet, and
did no fuch thing, they let one anothers
Bands alone.

8. The King calling his Friends from
the Parliament becaufe he had ufe of them
at Oxford^ is as if a Man fhould have ufe
of a little piece of Wood, and he runs
down into the Cellar, and takes the Spi-
got, in the meantime all the Beer runs
about the Houfe ; when his Friends are
abfent, the King will be loft.

Table-talk,

Knights Service.

NIGHTS Service in earneft
means nothing, for the Lords
are bound to wait upon the
King when he goes to War
with a Foreign Enemy, with it may be
one Man and one Horfe, and he that doth
not, is to be rated fo much as fhall feem
aood to the next Parliament. And what
will that be ? So 'tis for a private Man,
that holds of a Gentleman.

105

Land,

HEN Men did let their Land
underfoot, the Tenants would
fight for their Landlords, fo
that way they had their Re-
tribution : but now they will do nothing
for them, may be the firft, if but a Con-
ftable bid them, that fhall lay the Land-

n

Difcourfes, or

lord by the heels, and therefore 'tis va-
nity and folly not to take the full value.

2. Allodium is a Law Word, contrary
to Feudum^ and it fignifies Land that
holds of no body. We have no fuch Land
in England. 'Tis a true Propofition ; all
the Land in England is held, either imme-
diately, or mediately of the King.

O a living Tongue new
Words may be added, but
not to a dead Tongue, as
Latin, Greek, Hebrew, &c,

2. Latimer is the Corruption of Lati-
ner, it fignifies he that interprets Latin,
and though he interpreted French, Spanifh,
or Italian, he was called the King's Lati-
ner, that is, the King's interpreter.

3. If you look upon the Language
fpoken in the Saxon Time, and the Lan-
guage fpoken now, you will find the Dif-
ference to be, juft as if a Man had a
Cloak that he wore plain in Queen Eli-

Table-talk.

zabetlis Days, and fince, here has put in
a piece of Red, and there a piece of Blue,
and here a piece of Green, and there a
piece of Orange-tawny. We borrow
Words from the French ^ Italian^ Latin ^
as every Pedantic Man pleafes. ^
^4. We have more Words than No-
tions, half a dozen words for the fame
_^„|}ung,' Sometimes we put a new fignifi-
cation to an old word, as when we call
a Piece a Gun. The Word Gun was in
ufe in England for an Engine, to cafl: a
thing from a Man, long before there was
any Gun-powder found out.

5. Words muft be fitted to a Man's
Mouth ; 'twas well faid of the Fellow
that was to make a Speech for my Lord
Mayor, he defired to take m.eafure of his
Lordfhip's Mouth.

107

^

7

/

\/)

Difcourfes, or

Law.

MAN may plead not guilty^
and yet tell no Lie ; for by
the Law, no Man is bound to
accufe himfelf ; fo that when
I fay Not Guilty, the meaning is, as if 1
fhould fay by way of paraphrafe, I am
not fo guilty as to tell you ; if you will
bring me to a Trial, and have me pun-
ifhed for this you lay to my Charge,
prove it againft me.

2. Ignorance of the Law excufes no
man ; not that all Men know the Law,
but becaufe 'tis an excufe every man will
plead, and no Man can tell how to con-
fute him.

3. The King of Spain was outlawed
in Weftminfter-Hall, I being of Council
againft him. A Merchant had recovered
Cofts againft him in a Suit, which becaufe
he could not get, we advifed to have
him Outlawed for not appearing, and fo
he was. As foon as Gondomar heard that

Table-talk.

he prefently Tent the money, by reafon,
if his Mafter had been Outlawed, he
-eould not have the benefit of the Law,
which would have been very prejudicial,
there being then many fuits depending
betwixt the King of Spain , and our Eng-
lijh Merchants.

4. Every Law is a Contra6l between
the King and the People, and therefore
to be kept. A Hundred Men may owe
me a Hundred Pounds, as well as any
one Man, and fhall they not pay me be-
caufe they are ftronger than I ? Obje£f. Oh
but they lofe all if they keep that Law.
Anfw. Let them look to the making of
their Bargain. If I fell my Lands, and
when I have done, one comes and tells
me I have nothing elfe to keep me. I
and my Wife and Children muft ftarve,
If I part with my Land ; mufl I not
therefore let them have my Land, that
have bought it and paid for it ?

5. The Parliament may declare Law,
as well as any other inferior Court may,
(viz.) the King's Bench. In that or this
particular Cafe, the King's Bench will de-

109

Difcourfes, or

clare unto you what the Law is, but that
binds no body but whom the Cafe con-
cerns : So the higheft Court, the Parlia-
ment may do, but not declare Law, that is,
make Law that was never heard of before.

Law of Nature.

CANNOT fancy to myfelf
what the Law of Nature
means, but the Law of God.
How fhould 1 know I ought
not to ileal, I ought not to commit Adul-
tery, unlefs fome body had told me fo .^
Surely 'tis becaufe I have been told fo ?
'Tis not becaufe I think I ought; not to
do them, nor becaufe you think I ought
not; if fo, our minds might change,
whence then comes the restraint ? from
a higher Power, nothing elfe can bind.
I cannot bind myfelf, for I may untie my-
felf again ; nor an equal cannot bind me,
for we may untie one another : It muft be
a fuperior Power, even God Almighty.
If two of us make a Bargain, why fhould

Table-talk.

I II

either of us ftand to it ? What need you
care what you fay, or what need I care
what I fay ? Certainly becaufe there is
fomething about me that tells me Fides eft
fervanda^ and if we after alter our Minds,
and make a new Bargain, there's Fides
fervanda there too.

Learning.

O Man is the wifer for his
Learning ; it may adminifter
Matter to work in, or Objeds
to work upon, but Wit and
Wifdom are born with a Man.

2. Moft Mens Learning is nothing
but Hifl ry duly taken up. If I quote

^Thomas Aquinas for fome Tenet, and
believe it, becaufe the School-Men fay fo,
that is but Hiftory. Few men make
themfelves Mafters of the things they
write or fpeak.

3. The Jefuits and the Lawyers of
France^ and the Low Countrymen, have
engroffed all Learning. The reft of the
World make nothing but Homilies.

112 Difcourfes, or

4. 'Tis obfervable, that in Athens where
the Arts flourifht, they were governed by
a Democracy ; Learning made them
think themfelves as wife as any body,
and they would govern as well as others ;
and they fpeak as it were by way of Con-
tempt, that in the Eaft^ and in the North
they had Kings, and why ? Becaufe the
moft part of them followed their Bufinefs,
and if fome one Man had made himfelf
wifer than the reft, he governed them,
and they willingly fubmitted themfelves
to him. Ariftotle makes the Obfervation.
And as in Athens the Philofophers made
the People knowing, and therefore they
thought themfelves wife enough to go-
vern ; fo does preaching with us, and
that makes us affe6t a Democracy : For
upon thefe two Grounds we all would be
Governors, either becaufe we think our-
felves as wife as the beft, or becaufe we
think ourfelves the Ele6l, and have the
Spirit, and the reft a Company of Repro-
bates that belong to the Devil.

Table-talk.

113

Lecturers,

ECTURERS do in a Parifh
Church what the Friars did
heretofore, get away not only
the AiFe6lions, but the Boun-
ty, that fhould be beftowed upon the
Minifter.

9. Ledlurers get a great deal of Money,
becaufe they preach the People tame [as
a Man watches a Hawk*] and then they
do what they lift with them.

3. The Le6lures in Black Friars^ per-
formed by Officers of the Army, Tradef-
men, and Minifters, is as if a great Lord
fhould make a Feaft, and he would have
his Cook drefs one Difh, and his Coach-
man another, his Porter a third, i^c.

* The reader need fcarcely be told that Hawks
were tamed by watching. Shakfpeare has feveral
allufions to it: Defdemona in affuring CaJJio how
fhe will urge his fuit to Othello, fays :

** I'll watch him tame, and talk him out of patience."

Difcourfes, or

Libels.

HOUGH fome make flight
of Libels J yet you may fee
by them how the Wind fits :
As take a Straw and throw it
up into the Air, you fhall fee by that
which way the Wind is, which you fhall
not do by calling up a Stone. More folid
Things do not fhew the Complexion of
the times fo well, as Ballads and Libels.

Liturgy,

HERE is no Church without
a Liturgy, nor indeed can
there be conveniently, as
there is no School without a
Grammar. One Scholar may be taught
otherwife upon the Stock of his Acumen,
but not a whole School. One or two,
that are pioufly difpofed, may ferve them-

Table-talk.

felves their own way, but hardly a whole
Nation.

2. To know what was generally be-
lieved in all Ages, the way is to confult
the Liturgies, not any private Man's writ-
ing. As if you would know how the
Church o^ England {tvYts God, go to the
Common-Prayer-Book, confult not this
nor that Man. Befides, Liturgies never
Compliment, nor ufe high ExprefTions.
The Fathers oft-times fpeak Oratorioufly.

Lords in the Parliament.

HE Lords giving Protections
is a fcorn upon them. A
Protection means nothing
actively, but pafTively ; he
that is a Servant to a Parliament Man
is thereby protedled. What a fcorn it is
to a Perfon of Honour, to put his Hand
to two Lies at once, that fuch a man is
my Servant, and employed by me, when
haply he never faw the man in his Life,
nor before never heard of him.

ii6

Difcourfes, or

2. The Lords protefting is Foolifh.
To proteft is properly to fave to a man's
felf fome Right ; but to proteft as the
Lords protefl:, when they their felves are
involved, 'tis no more than if I fhould go
into Smith-field^ and fell my Horfe, and
take the money, and yet when I have
your money, and you my Horfe, I fhould
proteft this Horfe is mine, became I love
the Horfe, or I do not know why I do
proteft, becaufe my Opinion is contrary
to the reft. Ridiculous, when they fay
the Biftiops did anciently proteft, it was
only diftenting, and that in the cafe of
the Pope.

Lords before the Parliament,

REAT Lords by reafon of
their Flatterers, are the firft
that knov/ their own Virtues,
and the laft that know their
own Vices : Some of them are aftiamed
upwards, becaufe their Anceftors were
too orreat. Others are aftiamed down-
wards, becaufe they were too little.

Table-talk.

2 . The Prior of St. John of Jerufalem^
is faid to be Primus Baro Anglic ^ the firfl
Baron of England^ becaufe being laft of
the Spiritual Barons, he chofe to be firft
of the Temporal. He was a kind of an
Otter, a Knight half Spiritual, and half
Temporal.

3. due ft. Whether is every Baron a
Baron of fome Place ?

Anjw. 'Tis according to his Patent ; of
late Years they have been made Baron of
fome Place, but anciently not, called only
by their Surname, or the Surname of
fome Family, into which they have been
married.

4. The making of new Lords lefTens
all the reft. 'Tis in the bufinefs of Lords,
as it 'twas with St. Nicolas' s Image : The
Country-Man, you know, could not find
in his Heart to adore the new Image,
made of his own Plum-Tree, though he
had formerly worfhiped the old one. The
Lords that are ancient we honour, becaufe
we know not whence they come ; but the
new ones we flight, becaufe we know their
beginning.

117

ii8 Difcourfes, or

5. For the Irijh Lords to take upon
them here in England^ is as if the Cook
in the Fair fhould come to my Lady Kenfs
Kitchen, and take upon him to roaft the
Meat there becaufe he is a Cook in an-
other place.

Marriage,

F all Ac5lions of a Man's Life,
his Marriage does leaft con-
cern other people, yet of all
A6lions of our Life 'tis moft
meddled with by other People. .

2. Marriage is nothing but a Civil
Contrad ; 'tis true, 'tis an Ordinance of
God : fo is every other Contrad, God
commands me to keep it when I have
made it.

3 . Marriage is a defperate thing ; the
Frogs in j^Jop were extreme wife, they
had a great mind to fome Water, but
they would not leap into the Well, be-
caufe they could not get out again.

4. We fingle out particulars, and ap-

Table-talk.

ply God's Providence to them, thus when
two are married and have undone one
another, they cry it was God's Providence
we ihouid come together, when God's
Providence does equally concur to every
thing.

Marriage of Coujin-Germans.

OME Men forbear to marry
Couiin Germans out of this
kind of fcruple of Con-
fcience, becaufe it was unlaw-
ful before the Reformation, and is ftill in
the Church of Rome, And fo by reafon
their Grand-Father, or their great Grand-
Father did not do it, upon that old Score
they think they ought not to do it : as
fome Men forbear Flefb upon Friday,
not refledling upon the Statute, which
with us makes it unlawful, but out of an
old Score, becaufe the Church of Rome
forbids it, and their Fore-fathers always
forbore flefh upon that Day. Others

I20

Difcourfes, or

forbear it out of a Natural Confideration,
becaufe it is obferved (for Example) in
Beafts, if two couple of a near Kind, the
Breed proves not fo good. The fame
Obfervation they make in Plants and
Trees, which degenerate being grafted
upon the fame Stock. And 'tis alfo fur-
ther obferved, thofe Matches betv/een
Coulin germans feldom prove fortunate.
But for the lawfulnefs there is no Colour
but Coufin-germans in England may
marry both by the Law of God and man :
for with us we have reduc'd all the De-
grees of Marriage to thofe in the Leviti-
cal-LaWj and 'tis plain there's nothing
againft it. As for that that is faid Coufin-
germans once removed may not Marry,
and therefore being a further degree may
not, 'tis prefumed a nearer fhould not, no
Man can tell what it means.

Table-talk.

Meafure of Things.

E meafure from ourfelves, and
as things are for our ufe and
purpofe^ fo we approve them.
Bring a Pear to the Table
that is rotten, we cry it down, 'tis naught ;
but bring a Medlar that is rotten, and 'tis
a fine thing, and yet I'll warrant you the
Pear thinks as well of itfelf as the Medlar
does.

2. We meafure the Excellency of other
Men, by fome Excellency we conceive to
be in ourfelves. Na/h a Poet, poor
enough (as Poets us'd to be), feeing an
Alderman with his Gold Chain, upon his
great Horfe, by way of fcorn, faid to one
of his Companions, do you fee yon fel-
low, how goodly, how big he looks ; why
that fellow cannot make a blank Verfe.

3. Nay we meafure the goodnefs of
God from ourfelves, we meafure his
Goodnefs, his Juftice, his Wifdom, by
fomething we call Juft, Good, or Wife in

122

Difcourfes, or

ourfelves ; and in fo doing, we judge
proportionably to the Country-fellow in
the Play, who faid if he were a King, he
would live like a Lord, and have Peas
and Bacon every day, and a Whip that
cried Slafh.

Difference of Men,

HE Difference of Men is very
great, you would fcarce think
them to be of the fame Spe-
cies, and yet it confifts more
in the Affedion than in the Intelled. For
as in the ftrength of Body, two Men fhall
be of an equal ftrength, yet one fhall ap-
pear ftronger than the other, becaufe he
exercifes, and puts out his ftrength, the
other will not ftir nor ftrain himfelf. So
'tis in the ftrength of the Brain, the one
endeavours, and ftrains, and labours, and
ftudies, the other fits ftill, and is idle, and
takes no pains, and therefore he appears
fo much the inferior.

Table-talk.

Minijier Divine,

HE impofition of hands upon
the Minifter when all is done,
will be nothing but a defig-
nation of a Perfon to this or
that Office or Employment in the Church.
'Tis a ridiculous Phrafe that of the Canon-
ifts [Confer re Or (lines'] 'Tis Co apt are ali-
quem in Ordinem, to make a Man one of
us, one of our Number, one of our Order.
So Cicero would underftand what I faid,
it being a Phrafe borrowed from the La-
tins^ and to be underftood proportiona-
bly to what v/as amongft them.

1. Thofe Words you now ufe in ma-
king a Minifter [receive the Holy Ghoji']
were ufed amongft the Jews in making of
a Lawyer ; from thence we have them,
which is a villanous Key to fomething, as
if you would have fome other kind of
Prasfedure than a Mayoralty, and yet keep
the fame Ceremony that was ufed in
m.aking the Mayor.

124 Difcourfes, or

3. A Prieft has no fuch thing as an in-
ilehble Charadler : what difference do you
find betwixt him and another Man after
Ordination ? only he is made a Prieft^ (as
I faid) by Defignation ; as a Lawyer is
called to the Bar^ then made a Serjeant :
all Men that would get Power over others,
make themfelves as unlike them as they
can, upon the fame Ground the Priefts
made themfelves unlike the Laity.

4. A Minifter when he is made, is Mate-
ria prima J apt for any form the State will
put upon him, but of himfelf he can do
nothing. Like a Dodlor of Law in the
Univerfity, he hath a great deal of Law
in him, but cannot ufe it till he be made
fome-body's Chancellor ; or like a Phy-
iician, before he be received into a houfe,
he can give no-body Phyfic ; indeed af-
ter the Mafter of the houfe hath given
him charge of his Servants, then he may.
Or like a Suffragan, that could do nothing
but give Orders, and yet he was no Bi-
fhop.

5. A Minifter fhould preach according
to the Articles of Religion eftablifhed in

Table-talk.

the Church where he is. To be a Civil
Lawyer let a Man read Juftinian, and the
Body of the Law^ to confirm his Brain
to that way, but when he comes to prac-
tife, he muft make ufe of it fo far as it
concerns the Law received in his own
Country. To be a Phyiician let a Man
read Galen and Hippocrates ; but when he
pradlifes, he muft apply his Medicines ac-
cording to the Temper of thofe Men's
Bodies with whom he lives, and have re-
fpe6t to the heat and cold of Climes,
otherwife that which in Pergamus (where
Galen lived) was Phyfic, in our cold
Climate may be Poifon. So to be a Di-
vine, let him read the whole Body of Di-
vinity, the Fathers and the Schoolmen,
but when he comes to pradife, he muft
ufe it and apply it according to thofe
Grounds and Articles of Religion that are
eftablifhed in the Church, and this with
fenfe.

6. There be four things a Minifter
fhould be at ; the Confcionary part, Ec-
clefiaftical Story, School Divinity, and the
Cafuifts.

125

126

Difcourfes, or

1. In the Confcionary part, he muft
read all the chief Fathers, both Latin and
Greek wholly. St. Auftin^ St. Amhroje^
St. Chryjoftome^ both the Gregories^ &c.
'Tertullian^ Clemens Alexandrinus^ and Epi-
phanius ; which lafl have more Learning
in them than all the reft, and writ freely.

2. For Ecclefiaftical Story let him read
Baronius^ with the MagdeburgenJeSy and
be his ov/n Judge, the one being ex-
tremely for the Papifts, the other ex-,
tremely againft them.

3. For School Divinity let him get
Javellus's Edition of Scotus or Mayro^^
where there be Quotations that diredt you
to every Schoolman, where fuch and fuch
Queftions are handled. Without School
Divinity a Divine knows nothing Logi-
cally, nor will be able to fatisfy a rational
Man out of the Pulpit.

4. The Study of the Cafuifts muft fol-

* In the original edition it is Mayco, but there is
no doubt that Francifcus Mayro?ns the renowned
follower of Duns Scotus is meant. He was called
DoSior illuminatus et acutusy magijier abjlr ac-
tion urn.

Table-talk.

low the Study of the Schoolmen, becaufe
the divifion of their Cafes, is according
to their Divinity ; otherwife he that be-
gins with them will know little. As he
that begins with the ftudy of the Reports
and Cafes in the Common Law, will
thereby know little of the Law. Cafuifts
may be of admirable ufe, if difcreetly
dealt with, though among them you fhall
have many leaves together very imperti-
nent. A Cafe well decided would ftick
by a man, they will remember it whether
they will or no, whereas a quaint Pofition
dieth in the birth. The main thing is to
know where to fearch ; for talk what
they will of vaft memories, no man
will prefume upon his own memory for
any thing he means to write or fpeak in
public.

7. [Go and teach all Nations. 1 This was
faid to all Chriftians that then were, be-
fore the diftindlion of Clergy and Laity ;
there have been fince. Men defigned to
preach only by the State, as fome Men are
defigned to fludy the Law, others to
ftudy Phylic. When the Lord's Supper

128 Difcourfes, or

was inftituted, there were none prefent
but the Difciples, fhall none then but
Minifters receive ?

8. There is all the reafon you fhould
believe your Minifter, unlefs you have
ftudied Divinity as well as he, or more
than he.

9. 'Tis a foolifh thing to fay Minifters
muft not meddle with Secular Matters,
becaufe his own profeftion will take up
the whole Man : may he not eat, or
drink, or walk, or learn to fing ? the
meaning of that is, he muft ferioufly attend
his Calling.

10. Minifters with the Papifts [that is
their Priefts] have much refpedl, with the
Puritans they have much, and that upon
the fame ground, they pretend both of
'em to come immediately from Chrift ;
but with the Proteftants they have very
little, the reafon whereof is, in the begin-
ning of the Reformation they were glad
to get fuch to take Livings as they could
procure by any Invitations, things of piti-
ful condition. The Nobility and Gen-
try, would not fuft'er their Sons or Kin-

Table-talk. 129

dred to meddle with the Church, and
therefore at this day, when they fee a
Parfon, they think him to be fuch a thing
ftill, and there they will keep him, and
ufe him accordingly ; if he be a Gen-
tleman, that is fingled out, and he is ufed
the more refpe6lfully.

1 1 . The Proteftant Minifter is leaft re-
garded, appears by the old Story of the
Keeper of the Clink. He had Priefts of
feveral forts fent unto him ; a they came
in, he afked them who they were ; who
are you to the firfl ? I am a Priefl: of the
Church of Rome ; you are welcome quoth
the Keeper, there are thofe will take Care
of you. And who are you ? A filenced
Minifter. You are welcome too, I fhall
fare the better for you. And who are
you ? A Minifter of the Church of En-
gland. O God help me (quoth the
Keeper) I fhall get nothing by you, I am
fure you may lie and ftarve, and rot, be-
fore any body will look after you.

1 2. Methinks 'tis an ignorant thing for
a Churchman, to call himfelf the Minif-
ter of Chrift, becaufe St. Faul^ or the

K

Difcourles, or

Apoftles called themfelves fo. If one of
them had a Voice from Heaven, as St.
Paul had, I will grant he is a Minifter of
Chrift, I will call him fo too. Mull they
take upon them ^s the Apoftles did ? Can
they do as the Apoftles could ? The
Apoftles had a Mark to be known by,
fpake Tongues, cured Difeafes, trod upon
Serpents, i^c. Can they do this ? If a
Gentleman tells me, he will fend his Man
to me, and I did not know his Man, but
he gave me this mark to know him by, he
ftiould bring in his Hand a rich Jewel ;
if a Fellow came to me with a Pebble-
Stone, had I any reafon to believe he was
the Gentleman's Man ?

Mo7tey,

ONEY makes a Man laugh.
A blind Fiddler playing to a
Company, and playing but
Scurvily,the Company laught
at him ; his boy that led him, perceiving it,
cried. Father let us be gone, they do no-
thing but laugh at you. Hold thy Peace,

Table-talk.

Boy, faid the Fiddler, we fhall have their
money prefently, and then we will laugh
at them.

1. Euclid was beaten in Boccaline^^' for
teaching his Scholars a mathematical Fi-
gure in his School, whereby he fhewed
that all the Lives both of Princes and pri-
vate Men, tended to one Centre, Con Gen-
tilezzay handfomely to get Money out of
other men's pockets, and put it into their
own.

3. The Pope ufed heretofore to fend
the Princes of Chriftendom to tight
againft the Turk, but Prince and Pope
finely juggled together, the Monies were
raifed, and fome Men went out to the
Holy War ; but commonly after they
had got the Money, the '^urk was pretty
quiet, and the Prince and the Pope fhared
it between them.

4. In all times the Princes in England
have done fomething illegal to get Money :
But then came a Parliament and all was
well, the People and the Prince kift and
were Friends, and fo things were quiet

131

* RagguagH di ParnalTo.

Difcourfes, or

for a while. Afterwards there was an-
other Trick found out to get Money, and
after they had got it, another Parliament
was called to fet all right, ^'c. but now
they have fo out-run the Conftable —

Moral Honefly.

HEY that cry down moral
Honefty, cry down that which
is a great part of Religion,
my Duty towards God, and
my duty towards Man. What care I to
fee a man run after a Sermon, if he co-
zens and cheats as foon as he comes home.
On the other fide Morality muft not be
without Religion, for if fo, it may change,
as I fee convenience. Religion muft go-
vern it. He that has not Religion to go-
vern his Morality, is not a dram better
than my Mafliif-Dog ; fo long as you
ftroke him, and pleafe him, and do not
pinch him., he will play with you as finely
as may be, he is a very good moral-Maf-
tiff ; but if you hurt him, he will fly in
your Face, and tear out your Throat.

Table-talk.

Mortgage.

N cafe I receive a thoufand
Pounds, and mortgage as
much Land as is worth two
thoufand to you ; if I do not
pay the Money at fuch a day, I fail, whe-
ther you may take my Land and keep
it in point of Confcience ? Anjw, If you
had my Lands as fecurity only for your
Money, then you are not to keep it, but
if we bargained fo, that if I did not repay
your I ooo/. my Land fhould go for it, be
it what it will, no doubt you may with a
fafe Confcience keep it ; for in thefe
things all the Obligation is Servare Fidem,

Number.

LL thofe myfterious things

they obferve in Numbers,

come to nothing upon this

very ground, becaufe Number

in itfelf is nothing, has not to do with

134 Difcourfes, or

Nature, but is merely of Human Impofi-
tion, a mere Sound. For Example, when
I cry one o'Clock, two o'Clock, three
o'clock, that is but Man's divifion of
Time, the time itfelf goes on, and it had
been all one in Nature, if thofe Hours
had been called nine, ten, and eleven.
So when they fay the feventh Son is
Fortunate, it means nothing ; for if you
count from the feventh backward, then
the Firft is the feventh, why is not he
likewife Fortunate ?

Oaths.

WEARING was another
thing with the Jews than with
us, becaufe they might not
pronounce the Name of the

Lord Jehovah.

2. There is no Oath fcarcely, but we
fwear to things we are ignorant of: For
Example, the Oath of Supremacy ; how
many know how the King is King ? what
are his Right and Prerogative ? So how

Table-talk.

US

many know what are the Privileges of
the Parhament, and the Liberty of the
Subjed, when they take the proteftation ?
But the meaning is, they will defend them
when they know them. As if I fhould
fwear I would take part with all that wear
Red Ribbons in their Hats, it may be I
do not know which Colour is Red ; but
when I do know, and fee a Red Ribbon in
a Man's Hat, then will I take his Part.

3. I cannot conceive how an Oath is
impofed, where there is a Parity (viz.)
in the Houfe of Commons, they are all
pares infer fe, only one brings Paper, and
fhews it the reft, they look upon it, and
in their own Senfe take it : Now they
are but pares to me, who am none of the
Houfe, for I do not acknowledge myfelf
their Subje6l ; if I did, then no queftion,
I was bound by an Oath- of their impofing.
'Tis to me but reading a Paper in their
own Senfe.

4. There is a great difference between
an Affertory Oath, and a Promiffory Oath.
An Affertory Oath is made to a Man be-
fore God, and I muft fwear fo, as Man

136

Difcourfes, or

may know what I mean : But a Promif-
fory Oath is made to God only, and I am
fure he knows my meaning. So in the
new Oath it runs [whereas I believe in
my Confcience, if^c. I will affift thus and
thus] that [whereas] gives me an Out-
loofe, for if I do not believe fo, for ought
I know, I fwear not at all.

5. In a PromifTory Oath, the mind I
am in is a good Interpretation ; for if
there be enough happened to change my
mind, I do not know why I fhould not.
If I promife to go to Oxford to morrow,
and mean it when I fay it, and afterwards
it appears to me, that 'twill be my undo-
ing ; will you fay I have broke my Pro-
mife if I ftay at Home ? certainly I muft
not go.

6. The Jews had this way with them,
concerning a PromifTory Oath or Vow, if
one of them had vowed a Vow, which
afterwards appeared to him to be very
prejudicial by reafon of fomething he
either did not forefee, or did not think of,
when he made his Vow; if he made it
known to three of his Country-men, they

Table-talk. 1^3 7

had Power to abfolve him, though he
could not abfolve hlmfelf, and that they
picked out of fome Words in the Text :
Perjury hath only to do with an AfTertory
Oath, and no Man was punifht for Per-
jury by Man's Law till Queen Eliza-
beth's time ; 'twas left to God, as a fin
againft him ; the Reafon was, becaufe
'twas fo hard a thing to prove a Man per-
jured : I might mifunderftand him, and
he fwears as he thought.

7. When Men afk me whether they
may take an Oath in their own Senfe, 'tis
to me, as if they fhould afk whether they
may go to fuch a place upon their own
Legs, I would fain know how they can
go other wife.

8. If the Miniflers that are in fequef-
tred Livings will not take the Engage-
ment, threaten to turn them out and put
in the old ones, and then I'll warrant you
they will quietly take it. A Gentleman
having been rambling two or three Days,
at length came home, and being in Bed with
his Wife, would fain have been at fome-
thing, that fhe was unwilling to, and in-

^s''^ Difcourfes, or

ftead of complying, fell to chiding him
for his being abroad fo long : Well fays
he, if you will not, call up Sue (his Wife's
Chamber-maid) upon that fhe yielded
prefently.

9. Now Oaths are fo frequent, they
fhould be taken like Pills, fwallowed
whole i if you chew them you will find
them bitter : if you think what you fwear
'twill hardly go down.

Oracles,

RACLES ceafed prefently
after Chrift, as foon as no
body believed them. Juft
as we have no Fortune-Tel-
lers, nor Wife-Men, when no body cares
for them. Sometime you have a Seafon
for them, when People believe them, and
neither of thefe, I conceive, wrought by
the Devil.

-s ^'

Table-talk.

Opinion.

PINION and Affedlion ex-
tremely differ ; I may affed
a Woman beft, but it does
not follow I mull: think her
the handfomeft Woman in the World.
I love Apples beft of any Fruit, but it
does not follow, I muft think Apples
to be the beft Fruit. Opinion is fome-
thing wherein I go about to give rea-
fon why all the World fhould think as
I think. Affedion is a thing wherein I
look after the pleafing of myfelf.

2. 'Twas a good Fancy of an old Pla-
tonick : The Gods which are above Men,
had fomething whereof Man did partake,
[an Intelledl Knowledge] and the Gods
kept on their courfe quietly. The Beafts,
which are below Man, had fomething
whereof Man did partake, [Senfe and
Growth] and the Beafts lived quietly in
their way. But Man had fomething in
him, whereof neither Gods nor Beafts did

140

Difcourfes, or

partake, which gave him all the Trouble,
and made all the Confuiion in the World ;
and that is Opinion.

3. 'Tis a foolifh thing for me to be
brought off from an Opinion, in a thing
neither of us know, but are led only by
fome Cobweb-fluff; as in fuch a Cafe as
this, Utrum Angeli in vicem colloquanturf
if I forfake my fide in fuch a cafe, I fhew
myfelf wonderful light, or infinitely com-
plying, or flattering the other party :
But if I be in a bufinefs of Nature, and
hold an Opinion one way, and fome Man's
Experience has found out the contrary, I
may with a fafe Reputation give up my
fide.

4. 'Tis a vain thing to talk of a H«re-
tick, for a Man for his heart can think no
otherwife than he does think. In the
Primitive Times there were many Opini-
ons, nothing fcarce but fome or other
held : One of thefe Opinions being em-
braced by fome Prince, and received into
his Kingdom, the refl were condemned as
Herefies ; and his Religion, which was
but one of the feveral Opinions, firfl is

Table-talk.

faid to be Orthodox, and fo have con-
tinued ever iince the Apoftles.

Parity.

HIS Is the Juggling Trick of
the Parity, they would have
no body above them, but they
do not tell you they would

have no body under them.

Parlia7ne7it.

LL are involved in a Parlia-
ment. There was a time
when all Men had their Voice
in choofing Knights. About
Henry the Sixth's time they found the
inconvenience, fo one Parliament made a
Law, that only he that had forty Shillings
■per annum fhould give his Voice, they
under fhould be excluded. They made
the Law who had the Voice of all, as well

142 Difcourfes, or

under forty Shillings ; as above ; and
thus it continues at this Day. All confent
civilly in a Parliament, Women are in-
volved in the Men, Children in thofe of
perfed age ; thofe that are under forty
Shillings a Year, in thofe that have forty
Shillings a year, thofe of forty Shillings in
the Knights.

2. All things are brought to the Par-
liament, little to the Courts of Juftice :
jufl as in a room where there is a Ban-
quet prefented, if there be Perfons of
Quality there, the People muft exped,
and ftay till the great ones have done.

3. The Parliament flying upon feveral
Men, and then letting them alone, does as
a Hawk that flies a Covey of Partridges,
and when fhe has flown them a great way,
grows weary, and takes a Tree ; then the
Falconer lures her down, and takes her to
his fift : on they go again, hei rett, up-
fprings another Covey, away goes the
Hawk, and as fhe did before, takes an-
other Tree, i^c.

4. Diflenters in Parliament may at
length come to a good end, though firft

Table-talk. 143

there be a great deal of do, and a great
deal of noife, which mad, wild folks
make: juft as in brewing of Wreft-Beer,
there's a great deal of Bufinefs in grind-
ing the Malt, and that fpoils any Man's
clothes that comes near it : then it muft
be mafhed, then comes a Fellow in and
drinks of the Wort, and he's drunk ;
then they keep a huge quarter when they
carry it into the Cellar, and a twelve
month after 'tis delicate fine Beer.

5. It muft neceflarily be that our Dif-
tempers are worfe than they were in the
beginning of the Parliament. IfaPhyfi-
cian comes to a fick Man, he lets him
blood, it may be fcarifies him, cups him,
puts him into a great diforder, before he
makes him well ; and if he be fent for to
cure an Ague, and he finds his Patient
hath many difeafes, a Dropfy, and a Palfy,
he applies remedies to 'em all, which
makes the cure the longer and the dearer :
this is the cafe.

6. The Parliament-men are as great
Princes as any in the World, when what-
foever they pleafe is Privilege of Parlia-

144 Difcourfes, or

ment; no man muft know the number
of their Privileges, and whatfoever they
diflike is Breach of Privilege. The Duke
of Venice is no more than Speaker of the
Houfe of Commons ; but the Senate at
Venice^ are not fo much as our Parliament-
men, nor have they that Power over the
People, who yet exercife the greateft
Tyranny that is any where. In plain
truth. Breach of Privilege is only the ac-
tual taking away of a Member of the
Houfe, the reft are Offences againft the
Houfe. For Example, to take our Pro-
cefs againft a Parliament-man, or the like.

7. The Parliament Party, if the Law
be for them, they call for the Law ; if it
be againft them, they will go to a Parlia-
mentary Way ; if no Law be for them,
then for Law again : Like him that firft
called for Sack to heat him, then fmall
Drink to cool his Sack, then Sack again
to heat his fmall Drink, ^c.

8. The Parliament Party do not play
fair play, in fitting up till two of the
Clock in the Morning, to vote fomething
they have a mind to. 'Tis like a crafty

Table-talk.

Gamefter^that makes the Company drunk,
then cheats them of their Money. Young
men, and infirm men go away ; belides, a
man is not there to perfuade other men
to be of his mind, but to fpeak his own
heart, and if it be hked, fo, if not, there's
an end.

H5

Parfo72.

HOUGH we write [Parfon]
differently, yet 'tis but Per-
fon; that is, the individual
Perfon fet apart for the Ser-
vice of fuch a Church, and 'tis in Latin
Perfona, and Perfonatus is a Perfonage.
Indeed with the Canon-Lawyers, Perfona-
tus is any Dignity or Preferment in the
Church.

2. There never was a merry World
fince the Fairies left Dancing, and the
Parfon left Conjuring. The Opinion of
the latter kept Thieves in awe, and did
as much good in a Country as a Juilice of
Peace.

Difcourfes, or

Patience.

ATIENCE Is the chlefeft
fruit of Study, a man that
ftrives to make himfelf a dif-
ferent thing from other men
by much reading, gains this chiefeft good,
that in all Fortunes, he hath fomething to
entertain and comfort himfelf withal.

Peace.

ING James was pictured going
ealily down a Pair of Stairs,
and upon every Step there
was written, Peace^ Peace,
Peace ; the wifeft way for men in thefe
times is to fay nothing.

2. When a Country-wench cannot gtt
her Butter to come, fhe fays, the Witch
is in her Churn. We have been churn-
ing for Peace a great while, and 'twill not
come, fure the Witch is in it.

Table-talk.

3. Though we had Peace, yet 'twill be
a great while e'er things be fettled : Tho'
the Wind lie, yet after a Storm the Sea
will work a great while.

147

Penance.

ENANCE is only the Puniih-
ment inflided, not Penitence,
which is the right word ; a
Man comes not to do Pen-
ance, becaufe he repents him of his Sin,
but becaufe he is compelled to it; he
curfes him, and could kill him that fends
him thither. The old Canons wifely en-
joined three years Penance, fometimes
more, becaufe in ithat time a Man got a
habit of Virtue, and fo committed that fin
no more, for which he did Penance.

Difcourfes, or

People. ^

HERE is not any thing in the
World more abufed than this
Sentence, Salus popuUfuprema
Lex efto, for we apply it, as
if we ought to forfake the knov/n Lav/,
when it may be moft for the advantage of
the People, when it means no fuch thing.
For firll, 'tis not Salus popuUfuprema Lex
ejiy but efto, it being one of the Laws of
the Twelve Tables, and after divers Laws
made, fome for Punifhment, fome for Re-
ward ; then follows this, Salus populi Ju-
prema Lex efto : That is, in all the Laws
you make, have a fpecial Eye to the Good
of the People, and then what does this
concern the way they nov/ go ?

2. Ohje^ion. He that makes one is
greater than he that is made ; the People
make the King, ergo^ (ffc.

Anjwer. This does not hold, for if I
have looo/. per Annum, and give it you,
and leave myfelf ne'er a Penny ; I made

Table-talk.

you, but when you have my Land, you
are greater than I. The Parifh makes
the Conftable, and when the Conftable is
made, he governs the Parifh. The An-
fwer to all thefe Doubts is, Have you
agreed fo P if you have, then it muft re-
main till you have altered it.

Pleaftire.

LEASUREis nothing elfe but
the intermilTion of Pain, the
enjoying of fomething I am in
great trouble for till I have it.

2. 'Tis a wrong way to proportion
other Men's Pleafures to ourfelves ; 'tis
like a Child's ufing a little Bird [O poor
Bird, thou fhalt fleep with me] fo lays it
in his Bofom, and ftifles it with his hot
Breath ; the Bird had rather be in the cold
Air : And yet too, 'tis the moft pleafmg
Flattery, to like what other men like.

3. 'Tis moft undoubtedly true, that all
Men are equally given to their pleafure,
only thus, one man's pleafure lies one

150 Difcourfes, or

way^ and another's another : Pleafures
are all alike fimply confidered in them-
felves ; he that hunts^ or he that governs
the Commonwealth, they both pleafe
themfelves alike, only we commend that,
whereby we ourfelves receive fome bene-
fit. As if a man place his delight in
things that tend to the common good ;
he that takes pleafure to hear Sermons,
enjoys himfelf as much as he that hears
Plays ; and could he that loves Plays en-
deavour to love Sermons, poffibly he
might bring himfelf to it as well as to any
other Pleafure. At firft it may feem
harfh and tedious, but afterwards 'twould
be pleafing and delightful. So it falls
out in that, which is the great Pleafure
of fome Men, Tobacco, at firft they
could not abide it, and now they cannot
be without it.

4. Whilft you are upon Earth, enjoy
the good Things that are here (to that
end were they given) and be not melan-
choly, and wifh yourfelf in Heaven. If
a King fhould give you the keeping of a
Caftle, with all things belonging to it.

Table-talk.

Orchards, Gardens, <f^c. and bid you ufe
them ; withal promife you that after
twenty years to remove you to the Court,
and to make you a Privy Councillor.
If you fhould negled your Caftle, and
refufe to eat of thofe fruits, and fit down,
and whine, and wifh you were a Privy
Councillor, do you think the King would
be pleafed with you ?

5. Pleafures of Meat, Drink, Clothes,
&'c. are forbidden thofe that know not
how to ufe them ; juft as Nurfes cry pah,
when they fee a Knife in a Child's Hand,
they will never fay any thing to a Man.

Philofophy.

HEN Men comfort themfelves
with Philofophy, 'tis not be-
caufe they have got two or
three Sentences, but becaufe
they have digefted thofe Sentences and
made them their own : So upon the mat-
ter, Philofophy is nothing but Difcretion.

Difcourfes, or

Poetry.

FID was not only a fine Poet,
but [as a man may fpeak] a
great Canon Lawyer, as ap-
pears in his Faftij where we
have more of the Feftivals of the old Ro-
mans than any where elfe : 'tis pity the
reft are loft.

2. There is no reafon Plays fhould be
in Verfe, either in Blank or Rhime ; only
the Poet has to fay for himfelf, that he
makes fomething like that, which fome-
body made before him. The old Poets
had no other reafon but this, their Verfe
was fung to Mulic, otherwife it had been
a fenfelefs thing to have fettered up them-
felves. -

3. I never converted but two, the one
was Mr. Crafliaw^ from writing againft
Plays, by telling him a way how to un-
derftand that Place [of putting on Wo-
men's Apparel] which has nothing to do
in the buftnefs [as neither has it, that the

Table-talk.

Fathers fpeak againft Plays in their Time,
with reafon enough, for they had real
Idolatries mixed with their Plays, having
three Altars perpetually upon the Stage.]
The other was a Dodlor of Divinity, from
preaching againft Painting, which fimply
in itfelf is no more hurtful, than putting
on my Clothes, or doing any thing to
make myfelf like other folks, that I may
not be odious nor ofFenfive to the Com-
pany. Indeed if I do it with an ill Inten-
tion, it alters the Cafe ; fo, if I put on my
Gloves with an intention to do a mif-
chief, I am a Villain.

4. 'Tis a fine thing for Children to
learn to make Verfe, but when they come
to be Men, they muft fpeak like other
Men, or elfe they will be laughed at.
'Tis ridiculous to fpeak, or write, or
preach in Verfe. As 'tis good to learn to
dance, a man may learn his Leg, learn to
go handfomely ; but 'tis ridiculous for
him to dance, when he fhould go.

5. 'Tis ridiculous for a Lord to print
Verfes : 'tis well enough to make them to
pleafe himfelf, but to make them public.

^S3

154

Difcourfes, or

is foolifh. If a Man in a private Cham-
ber twirls his Band-ftrings^ or plays with
a Rufh to pleafe himfelf, 'tis well enough ;
but if he fhould go into Fleet-fireet, and
iit upon a Stall, and twirl a Band- firing,
or play with a Rufh, then all the Boys in
the Street would laugh at him.

6. Verfe proves nothing but the quan-
tity of Syllables ; they are not meant for
Logic.

Pope.

POPE'S Bull and a Pope's
Brief differ very much ; as
with us the Great Seal and the
Privy Seal. The Bull being
the highefl Authority the Pope can give,
the Brief is of lefs : The Bull has a
Leaden Seal upon filk, hanging upon the
Inflrument; the Brief has fub Annulo
Pifcatoris upon the fide.

2. He was a wife Pope, that when one
that ufed to be merry with him, before

* King. Orig. Edit.

Table-talk.

^S5

he was advanced to the Popedom, re-
frained afterwards to come at him, (pre-
fuming he was bufy in governing the
Chriftian World) the Pope fends for him,
bids him come again, and (fays he) we will
be merry as we were before ; for thou
little thinkeft what a little Foolery go-
verns the whole World.

3. The Pope in fending Relics to
Princes, does as Wenches do by their
Ff^aJJails at New-years tide, they prefent
you with a Cup, and you mull drink of a
flabby ftuif ; but the meaning is, you
mull give them Moneys, ten times more
than it is worth.

4. The Pope is Infallible, where he
hath power to command ; that is where
he mull be obeyed, fo is every Supreme
Power and Prince. They that llretch his
Infallibility further, do they know not
what.

5. When a Protellant and a Papill dif-
pute, they talk like two Madmen, be-
caufe they do not agree upon their Prin-
ciples ; the one way is to dellroy the
Pope's Power, for if he hath Power to

156 DifcourfeSj or

command me, 'tis not my alleging Rea-
fons to the contrary can keep me from
obeying : For Example, if a Conftable
command me to wear a green Suit to-
morrow, and has Pov/er to make me ;
'tis not my alleging a hundred Reafons
of the Folly of it, can excufe me from
doing it.

6. There was a Time when the Pope
had Power here in England^ and there
was excellent ufe made of it, for 'twas
only to ferve turns, (as might be mani-
fefted out of the Records of the King-
dom, which Divines know little of). If
the King did not like what the Pope
would have, he would forbid the Pope's
Legate to land upon his ground. So
that the Power was truly then in the
King, though fuffered in the Pope. But
now the Temporal and the Spiritual
Power (Spiritual fo call'd, becaufe ordained
to a Spiritual End) fpring both from one
Fountain, they are like to twift that.

7. The Protectants in France bear Of-
fice in the State, becaufe though their
Religion be different, yet they acknow-

Table-talk.

ledge no other King but the King of
France. The Papifts in England they
muft have a King of their own, a Pope,
that muft do fomething in our Kingdom,
therefore there is no reafon they fhould
enjoy the fame Privileges.

8. Amfterdam admits of all Religions
but Papifts, and 'tis upon the fame Ac-
count. The Papifts where'er they live,
have another King at Rome ; all other
Religions are fubjedl to the prefent State,
and have no Prince elfewhere.

9. The Papifts call our Religion a Par-
liamentary Religion ; but there was once,
I am fure, a Parliamentary Pope ; Pope
Urban was made Pope in England by A(5l
of Parliament, againft Pope Clement: The
A6t is not in the Book of Statutes, either
becaufe he that compiled the Book would
not have the Name of the Pope there,
or elfe he would not let it appear that
they meddled with any fuch thing, but
'tis upon the Rolls.

10. When our Clergy preach againft
the Pope and the Church of Rome, they
preach againft themfelves, and crying

157

Difcourfes, or

down their Pride, their Power and their
Riches, have made themfelves poor and
contemptible enough ; they did it at firft
to pleafe their Prince, not confidering
what would follow. Juft as if a man
were to go a journey, and feeing, at his
firft fetting out, the way clean and fair,
ventures forth in his Slippers, not conft-
dering the Dirt and the Sloughs are a little
further off, or how fuddenly the Weather
may change.

Popery,

I HE demanding a Noble, for a
dead body paffmg through a
Town, came from hence in
time of Popery, they carried
the dead Body into the Church, where
the Prieft faid Dirges ; and twenty Dir-
ges at four Pence a piece, comes to a
Noble ; but now it is forbidden by an Or-
der from my Lord Marfhal, the Heralds
carry his Warrant about them.

2. We charge the Prelatical Clergy

Table-talk.

with Popery, to make them odious, tho'
we know they are guilty of no fuch thing :
Juft as heretofore they called Images
Mammets, and the Adoration of Images
Mammetry : that is, Mahomet and Ma-
hometry ; odious names, when all the
World knows the Turks are forbidden
Images by their Religion.

Power^ State.

HERE is no flretching of
Power ; tis a good rule. Eat
within your Stomach, a6l
within your Commiffion.
1. They that govern moft make leaft
noife. You fee when they row in a
Barge, they that do drudgery-work, flafh,
and puff, and fweat ; but he that governs,
fits quietly at the Stern, and fcarce is feen
to ftir.

3. Syllables govern the World.

4. \^All power is of God'] means no
more than Fides efi Jervanda. When St.
Faul faid this, the People had made Nero

i6o

Difcourfes, or

Emperor. They agree, he to command,

they to obey. Then God's* comes

in, and cafts a hook upon them, keep your
Faith : then comes in, all Power is
of God. Never King dropt out of the
Clouds. God did not make a new Empe-
ror, as the King makes a Juftice of Peace.

5. Chrift himfelf was a great obferver of
the Civil power, and did many things
only juftifiable, becaufe the State required
it, which were things merely Temporary
for the time that State flood. But Di-
vines make ufe of them to gain Power to
themfelves, (as for Example) that of Bic
Ecclefi^y tell the Church ; there was then
a Sanhedrim, a Court to tell it to, and
therefore they would have it fo now.

6. Divines ought to do no more than
what the State permits. Before the State
became Chriftian, they made their own
Laws, and thofe that did not obferve them.

* Some word feems to be wanting here, though
there is no fpace for it in the firftedition. The fecond
edition reads, God comes, &c. Perhaps we fhould
read, " God's ordinance " ? See Richard Baxter's
notes to his Paraphrafe on the N. T. Romans, xiii.

Table-talk.

they Excommunicated, [naughty men'] they
TufFered them to come no more amongft
them. But if they would come amongft
them, how could they hinder them ? By
what Law ? By what Power ? they were
ftill fubjed to the State, which was Hea-
then. Nothing better exprefTes the Con-
dition of Chriftians in thofe times, than
one of the meetings you have in London,
of Men of the fame Country, of SuJJex-
Men, or Bedfordfiiire-Nltn ; they appoint
their Meeting, and they agree, and make
Laws amongfl themfelves [//<? that is not
there fliall 'pay double, &c.] and if any one
mif-behave himfelf, they fhut him out of
their Company : But can they recover a
Forfeiture made concerning their Meeting
by any Law ? Have they any power to
compel one to pay ? but afterwards when
the State became Chriftian, all the Power
was in them, and they gave the Church as
much, or as little as they pleafed; and
took away when they pleafed, and added
what they pleafed.

7. The Church is not only fubjed to
the Civil Power with us that are Protef-

161

M

i62 Difcourfes, or

tants, but alfo in Spain : if the Church
does Excommunicate a Man for what
it fhould not, the Civil Power will take
him out of their Hands. So in France,
the Bifhop of Anglers altered fomething
in the Breviary ; they complained to the
Parliament at Paris, that made him alter
it again, with a \comme abufe.'\

8 . The Parliament of England has no
Arbitrary Power in point of Judicature,
but in point of making Law only.

9. If the Prince be Jervus natura, of a
fervile bafe Spirit, and the Subjects liber i.
Free and Ingenuous, oft-times they depofe
their Prince, and govern themfelves.
On the contrary, if the People be Servi
Natura, and fome one amongft them of
a Free and Ingenuous Spirit, he makes
himfelf King of the reft ; and this is the
Caufe of all changes in State; Common-
wealths into Monarchies, and Monarchies
into Common-wealths.

10. In a troubled State we muft do as
in foul Weather upon the Thames, not
think to cut dire6lly through, fo the Boat
may be quickly full of water, but rife

Table-talk.

and fall as the Waves do, give as much as
conveniently we can.

163

rrayer.

F I were a Minifter, I fhould
think myfelf moft in my Of-
fice, reading of Prayers, and
difpenfing the Sacraments ;
and 'tis ill done to put one to officiate in
the Church, whofe Perfon is contemptible
out of it. Should a great Lady, that was
invited to be a GofTip, in her place fend
her Kitchen-Maid, 'twould be ill taken ;
vet fhe is a Woman as well as ihe : let
her fend her Woman at leaft.

2. \_Tou /hall pray ~\ is the right way,
becaufe according as the Church is fettled,
no Man may make a Prayer in public of
his own head.

3. 'Tis not the Original Common-
prayer-book ; why : fhew me an original
Bible, or an original Magna Charta,

4. Admit the Preacher prays by the
Spirit, yet that very Prayer is Common-

164

Difcourfes, or

prayer to the People ; they are tied as
much to his Words^ as in faying [Almighty
and moft merciful Father {\ Is it then un-
lawful in the Minifter, but not unlawful
in the People ?

5. There were fome Mathematicians,
that could with one fetch of their Pen
make an exad Circle, and with the next
touch, point out the Centre ; is it there-
fore reafonable to banifh all ufe of the
Compafles ? Set Forms are a pair of
Compares.

6. \God hath given gifts unto MenJ]
General Texts prove nothing : let him
fhew me John, William, or Thomas in the
Text, and then I will believe him. If
a man hath a voluble Tongue, we fay, he
hath the gift of prayer. His gift is to pray
long, that I fee ; but does he pray better .^

7. We take care what we fpeak to
Men, but to God we may fay any thing.

8. The people muft not think a thought
towards God, but as their Paftors will put
it into their Mouths : they will make right
Sheep of us.

9. The EnglifJi Priefts would do that

Table-talk.

in Engli/hy which the Romijh do in Latin^
keep the people in Ignorance ; but fome of
the people outdo them at their own Game.

10. Prayer fhould be fhort, without
giving God Almighty Reafons why he
fhould grant this, or that ; he knows beft
what is Good for us. If your Boy fhould
afk you a Suit of Clothes, and give you
Reafons (otherwife he cannot wait upon
you ; he cannot go abroad but he will
difcredit you) would you endure it ? you
know it better than he, let him aik a Suit
of Clothes.

11. If a Servant that has been fed with
good Beef, goes into that part of Eng-
land where Salmon is plenty, at firft he is
pleafed with his Salmon, and defpifes his
Beef, but after he has been there a while,
he grows weary of his Salmon, and wifhes
for his good Beef again. We have a
while been much taken with this praying
by , the Spirit, but in time we may grow
weary of it, and wifh for our Common-
Prayer.

12. 'Tis hoped we may be cured of
our extemporary Prayers, the fame way

165

Difcourfes, or

the Grocer's Boy is cured of his eating
PlumSj when we have had our Belly full
of them.

Preaching.

OTHING is more miftaken
than that Speech [Preach the
Gqfpel~\ for 'tis not to make
long Harangues, as they do
now-a-daySj but to tell the News of
Chriil's coming into the World ; and
when that is done, or where 'tis known
already, the Preacher's Work is done.

1. Preaching in the firft fenfe of the
word ceafed as foon as ever the Gofpel
was written.

3. When the Preacher fays, this is the
Meaning of the Holy Ghoft in fuch a
place, in fenfe he can mean no more than
this ; that is, I by ftudying of the place,
by comparing one place with another ; by
weighing what goes before, and what
comes after, think this is the Meaning of
the Holy Ghoft ; and for fhortnefs of Ex-

Table-talk.

preffion I fay, the Holy Ghoft fays thus,
or this is the Meaning of the Spirit of
God. So the Judge fpeaks of the King's
Proclamation, this is the Intention of the
King ; not that the King had declared his
Intention any other way to the Judge,
but the Judge examining the Contents of
the Proclamation, gathers by the purport
of the Words the King's Intention ; and
then for fhortnefs of expreflion fays, this is
the King's Intention.

4. Nothing is Text but what was fpo-
ken in the Bible, and meant there for
Perfon and Place, the reft is Application,
which a difcreet Man may do well ; but
'tis his Scripture, not the Holy Ghoft.

5. Preaching by the Spirit (as they call
it) is moft efteemed by the Common-peo-
ple, becaufe they cannot abide Art or
Learning, which they have not been bred
up in. Juft as in the buftnefs of Fencing;
if one Country Fellow amongft the reft,
has been at the School, the reft will un-
der-value his Skill, or tell him he wants
Valour : Tou come with your School-'Tricks :
'There's Dick Butcher has ten times more

167

1 68 Difcourfes, or

Mettle in him : So they fay to the Preach-
erSj Ton come with your School-Learning :
There's Juch a one has the Spirit.

6 The Tone in preaching does much in
working upon the people's AiFe6lions. If
a Man fhould make Love in an ordinary
Tone, his Miftrefs would not regard him ;
and therefore he muft whine. If a Man
fhould cry Fire, or Murder in an ordi-
nary Voice, no body would come out to
help him.

7. Preachers will bring any thing into
the Text. The young Mafters of Arts
preached againft Non-Refidency in the
Univerfity ; whereupon the Heads made
an Order, that no Man fhould meddle
with any thing but what was in the Text.
The next Day one preached upon thefe
Words, Abraham begat Ifaac : when he
had gone a good way, at laft he obferved,
that Abraham was refident ; for if he had
been Non-Rejfident, he could never have
begot Ifaac; and fo fell foul upon the
Non-Reiidents.

8 . I could never tell what often preach-
ing meant, after a Church is fettled, and

Table-talk.

169

we know what is to be done ; 'tis juft as
if a Hufband-man fhould once tell his
Servants what they are to do, when to
fowj when to reap, and afterwards one
fhould come and tell them twice or thrice
a Day what they know already. You
muft fow your Wheat in October ^ you
mull reap your Wheat in Auguft, i^c.

9. The main Argument why they
would have two Sermons a Day, is, be-
caufe they have two Meals a Day ; the
Soul muft be fed as well as the Body.
But I may as well argue, I ought to have
two Nofes becaufe I have two Eyes, or
two Mouths becaufe I have two Ears.
What have Meals and Sermons to do
one with another ?

10. The Things between God and Man
are but a few, and thofe, forfooth, we muft
be told often of ; but things between Man
and Man are many ; thofe I hear of not
above twice a Year, at the Aftizes, or
once a Quarter at the Seftions ; but few
come then : nor does the Minifter exhort
the People to go at thefe times to learn
their Duty towards their Neighbour.

170 Difcourfes, or

Often preaching is fure to keep the Min-
ifter in Countenance, that he may have
fomething to do.

11. In preaching they fay more to raife
Men to love Virtue than Men can poflibly
perform, to make them do their beft ; as
if you would teach a Man to throw the
Bar ; to make him put out his ftrength,
you bid him throw further than it is pof-
fible for him, or any Man elfe : Throw
over yonder Houfe.

12. In preaching they do by Men as
Writers of Romances do by their chief
Knights, bring them into many Dangers,
but ftill fetch them off: So they put Men
in fear of Hell, but at laft bring them to
Heaven.

13. Preachers fay, do as I fay, not as
I do. But if a Phiiician had the fame
Difeafe upon him that I have, and he
fhould bid me do one thing, and he do
quite another, could I believe him ?

14. Preaching the fame Sermon to all
forts of People, is, as if a School-Mailer
fhould read the fame LeiTon to his feveral
Forms : If he reads Amo^ amas, amaviy

Table-talk.

171

the higheft Forms Laugh at him ; the
younger Boys admire him : So 'tis in
preaching to a mixed Auditory. Obj,
But it cannot be otherwife ; the Parifh
cannot be divided into feveral Forms :
What muft the Preacher then do in Dif-
cretion ? Anjw. Why then let him ufe
fome exprefTions by which this or that
condition of people may know fuch Doc-
trine does more efpecially concern them,
it being fo delivered that the wifeft may
be content to hear. For if he delivers
it altogether, and leaves it to them to
fingle out what belongs to themfelves
(which is the ufual way) 'tis as if a Man
would beftow Gifts upon Children of
feveral Ages : Two Years old. Four
Years old, Ten Years old, ^£c. and there
he brings T^ops^ Pins^ Points, Ribands, and
cafts them all in a Heap together upon a
Table before them ; though the Boy of
Ten Years old knows how to choofe his
'Top, yet the Child of Two Years old,
that fhould have a Riband, takes a Pin,
and the Pin e'er he be aware pricks his
Fingers, and then all's out of order, ^c.

172 Difcourfesj or

Preaching for the moft part is the glory
of the Preacher, to fhow himfelf a fine
man. Catechifing would do much better.
15. Ufe the beft Arguments to per-
fuade, though but few underftand ; for the
Ignorant will fooner believe the judicious
of the Pariih, than the Preacher himfelf ;
and they teach when they diffipate what
he has faid, and believe it the fooner con-
firmed by men of their own fide. For
betwixt the Laity and the Clergy there is,
as it were, a continual driving of a bar-
gain ; fomething the Clergy would ftill
have us be at, and therefore many things
are heard from the Preacher with fufpicion.
They are afraid of fome ends, which are
eafily afl^ented to, when they have it from
fome of themfelves. 'Tis with a Sermon
as 'tis with a Play ; many come to fee it,
which do not underftand it ; and yet hear-
ing it cried up by one, whofe judgment
they caft themfelves upon, and of power
with them, they fwear and will die in it,
that 'tis a very good Play, which they
would not have done if the Prieft himfelf
had told them fo. As in a great School,

Table-talk.

'tis the Mafter that teaches all ; the Mo-
nitor does a great deal of work, it may
be the Boys are afraid to fee the Mafter :
fo in a Parifti 'tis not the Minifter does
all ; the greater Neighbour teaches the
lefTer, the Mafter of the Houfe teaches his
Servant, &€.

1 6. Firft in your Sermons ufe your
Logic, and then your Rhetoric. Rhe-
toric without Logic is like a Tree with
Leaves and Bloftbms, but no Root ; yet
I confefs more are taken with Rhetoric
than Logic, becaufe they are catched with
a free Expreftion, when they underftand
not Reafon. Logic muft be natural, or
it is worth nothing at all : Your Rhetoric
Figures may be learned : That Rhetoric
is beft which is moft feafonable and moft
catching. An inftance we have in that
old blunt Commander at Cadiz, who
ftiewed himfelf a good Orator, being to
fay fomething to his Soldiers (which he
was not ufed to do ;) he made them a
Speech to this purpofe ; ^hat a Jhame
will it he, you Engliftimen, that feed upon
good Beef and Brewejs, to let thoje Rajcally

173

174 Difcourfes, or

Spaniards heat you that eat nothing but
Oranges and Lemons. And fo put more
Courage into his Men than he could
have done with a more learned Oration.
Rhetoric is very good, or ftark naught :
There's no Medium in Rhetoric. If I
am not fully perfuaded I laugh at the
Orator.

17. 'Tis good to preach the fame thing
again, for that's the way to have it learned.
You fee a Bird by often whirling to learn
a Tune, and a Month after record it to
herfelf

18. 'Tis a hard Cafe a Minifter fhould
be turned out of his Living for fomething
they inform he fhould fay in his Pulpit.
We can no more know what a Minifter
faid in his Sermon by two or three words
pickt out of it, than we can tell what
Tune a Mufician played lafl: upon the
Lute, by two or three fingle Notes.

i

Table-talk.

Predejlination .

HEY that talk nothing but
Predeftinationj and will not
proceed in the way of Hea-
ven till they be fatisfied in
that point, do, as a man that would not
come to London^ unlefs at his iirft ftep he
might fet his foot upon the top of FauVs,

2. For a young Divine to begin in his
Pulpit with Predeftination, is as if a Man
were coming into London^ and at his firft
Step would think to fet his Foot, eff .

3. Predeftination is a point inacceffible,
out of our reach ; we can make no notion
of it, 'tis fo full of Intricacy, fo full of
contradidtion ; 'tis in good earneft, as we
ftate it, half a Dozen Bulls one upon
another.

4. Do6lor Prideaux, in his Ledures,
feveral Days ufed Arguments to prove
Predeftination ; at laft tells his Auditory
they are damned that do not believe it.
Doing herein juft like School-Boys, when

Difcourfes, or

one of them has got an Apple, or fome-
thing the reft have a mind to, they ufe
all the Arguments they can to get fome
of it from him : / gave you fome t'other
Day : Tou JJiall have fome with me another
time : When they cannot prevail, they tell
him he's a Jackanapes, a Rogue and a
Rafcal.

Preferment,

HEN you would have a
Child go to fuch a place,
and you find him unwilling,
you tell him he fhall ride a
Cock-horfe, and then he will go prefently :
So do thofe that govern the State, deal
by men, to work them to their ends ;
they tell them they fhall be advanced to
fuch or fuch a place, and they will do
any thing they would have them.

2. A great Place ftrangely qualifies.
Johyi Read (was in the right) Groom of
the Charaher to my Lord of Kent. At-
torney Noy being dead, fome were faying.

Table-talk. 177

how would the King do for a fit Man ?
Why, any Man (fays John Read) may
execute the Place. I warrant (fays my
Lord) thou think'ft thou underftand'ft
enough to perform it. Yes, quoth John^
Let the King make me Attorney, and I
would fain fee that Man, that durfl tell
me, there's any thing I underftand not.

3. When the Pageants are a coming
there's a great thrujRiing and a riding upon
one another's Backs, to look out at the
Window ; ftay a little and they will come
juft to you, you may fee them quietly.
So 'tis when a new Statefman or Officer is
chofen ; there's great expedlation and lift-
ening who it fhould be ; flay a while, and
you may know quietly.

4. Miffing Preferment makes the Pref-
byters fall foul upon the Bifhops : Men
that are in hopes and in the way of rifing,
keep in the Channel, but they that have
none, feek new ways : 'Tis fo amongft
the Lawyers ; he that hath the Judge's
Ear, will be very obfervant of the way of
the Court ; but he that hath no regard
will be flying out.

N

lyS Difcourfes, or

5 . My Lord Digby having fpoken fome-
thlng in the Houfe of Commons, for
which they would have questioned him,
was prefently called to the upper Houfe.
He did by the Parliament as an Aoe
when he hath done fome waggery ; his
Mafter fpies him, and he looks for his
Whip, but before he can come at him,
whip fays he to the top of the Houfe.

6. Some of the Parliament were dif-
contented, that they wanted places at
Court, which others had got ; but when
they had them once,^then they were quiet.
Juft as at a Chriftening, fome that get no
Sugar Plums, when the reft have, mutter
and grumble ; prefently the Wench comes
again v/ith her Bafket of Sugar-plums,
and then they catch and fcramble, and
when they have got them, you hear no
more of them.

Table-talk.

PrcEintmire.

HERE can be no Pr^munire.
A Framunire (fo called from
the word Pr^munire facias)
was when a Man laid an Ac-
tion in an Ecclefiaftical Court, for which
he could have no remedy in any of the
King's Courts, that is, in the Courts of
Common Law, by reafon the Ecclefiafti-
cal Courts before Henry the Eighth were
fubordinate to the Pope, and fo it was
contra coronam et dignitatein Regis ; but
now the Ecclefiaftical Courts are equally
fubordinate to the King. Therefore it
cannot be contra coronam et dignitatem
Regis, and fo no Praemunire.

179

Difcourfes, or

Prerogative,

REROGATIVEIs fomething
that can be told what it is,
not fomething that has no
Name. Juft as you fee the
Archbifhop has his Prerogative Court,
but we know what is done in that Court.
So the King's Prerogative is not his will,
or what Divines make it a power, to do
what he lifts.

2. The King's Prerogative, that is, the
King's Law. For example, if you afk
whether a Patron may prefent to a Living
after fix Months by Law ? I anfwer no.
If you afk whether the King may ? I an-
fwer he may by his Prerogative, that is
by the Law that concerns him in that cafe.

Table-talk.

Prejbytery.

HEY that would bring in a
new Government, would very
fain perfuade us, they meet
it in Antiquity. Thus they
interpret Prefbyters, when they meet the
word in the Fathers : Other profefTions
likewife pretend to Antiquity. The Al-
chymift will find his Art in FirgiVs Au-
reus ramus J and he that delights in Op-
tics will find them in 'Tacitus. When
C^Jar came into England they would per-
fuade us, they had Perfpedive-GlafTes,
by which he could difcover what they
were doing upon the Land, becaufe it is
faid, Pofttis Speculis : the meaning is, His
Watch or his Sentinel difcovered this, and
this, unto him.

2. Prefbyters have the greatefl power
of any Clergy in the World, and gull the
Laity moft : For Example ; admit there
be twelve Laymen to fix Prefbyters, the
fix fhall govern the refi: as they pleafe.

1 82 Difcourfes, or

Firfl becaufe they are conftant, and the
others come in like Churchwardens in
their turns, which is a huge advantage.
Men will give way to them who have
been in place before them. Next the
Laymen have other profefTions to follow :
the Prefbyters make it their fole Bufinefs ;
and befides too, they learn and ftudy the
Art of perfuading ; fome of Geneva have
confeiTed as much.

3. The Prefbyter with his Elders
about him, is like a young Tree fenced
about with two, or three, or four Stakes ;
the Stakes defend it, and hold it up ; but
the Tree only profpers and flourifhes ; it
may be fome Willow Stake may bear a
Leaf or two, but it comes to nothing.
Lay-Elders are Stakes, the Prefbyter the
Tree that flourifnes.

4. When the Queries were fent to the
Affembly concerning the Jus Divinu?n of
Prefbytery, their afking time to anfwer
them, was a Satire upon themfelves : For
if it were to be feen in the Text, they
might quickly turn to the place, and fhew
us it. Their delaying to anfwer makes

Table-talk.

us think there's no fuch thing there.
They do juft as you have feen a fellow
do at a Tavern Reckoning, when he
fhould come to pay his Reckoning, he
puts his Hands into his Pockets, and keeps
a grabbling and a fumbling, and fhaking,
at laft tells you he has left his Money at
home; when all the Company knew at
firft, he had no Money there ; for every
Man can quickly find his own Money.

Priejls of Ro7ne.

iHE Reafon of the Statute
againft Priefts, was this ; In
the beginning of Queen Eli-
zabeth there was a Statute
made, that he that drew Men from their
civil Obedience was a Traitor. It hap-
pened this was done in privacies and con-
feffions, when there could be no proof;
therefore they made another A61, that for
a Prieft to be in England was Treafon, be-
caufe they prefumed that was his bufinefs
to fetch men off from their Obedience.
2. When Queen Elizabeth died, and

i84

Difcourfes, or

King James came in, an Irifli Prieft does
thus Exprefs it : Elizahetha in orcum de-
trufa, Juccejfit Jacobus alter Haretkus.
You will afk why they did ufe fuch Lan-
guage in their Church. Anjw, Why does
the Nurfe tell the Child of Raw-head and
Bloody-bones, to keep it in awe ?

3. The Queen Mother and Count RoJ-
Jetj are to the Priefts and Jefuits like the

Honey-pot to the Flies.

4. The Priefts of Rome aim but at two
Things, to get Power from the King, and
Money from the Subjedl.

5. When the Priefts come into a Fa-
mily, they do as a Man that would fet fire
on a Houfe ; he does not put fire to the
Brick-wall, but thrufts it into the Thatch.
They work upon the Women and let the
Men alone.*

6. For a Prieft to turn a man when he
lies a dying, is jufl like one that hath a
long time folicited a woman, and cannot
obtain his end ; at length makes her
drunk, and fo lies with her.

* See Michelet's late remarkable publication,
'* Priefts, Women, and Families."

Table-talk.

Prophecies.

REAMS and Prophecies do
thus much good ; they make
a man go on with boldnefs
and courage, upon a Danger
or a Miftrefs ; if he obtains, he attributes
much to them ; if he mifcarries, he thinks
no more of them, or is no more thought
of himfelf.

Proverbs,

HE Proverbs of feveral Na-
tions were much ftudied by
Bifhop Andrews J and the
reafon he gave, was, Becaufe
by them he knew the minds of feveral
Nations, which is a brave thing; as we
count him a wife man, that knows the
minds and infides of men, which is done
by knowing what is habitual to them.
Proverbs are habitual to a Nation, being
tranfmitted from Father to Son.

i86

Difcourfes, or

^ejlh

on.

HEN a doubt is propounded,
you muft learn to diftinguifh,
and {how wherein a thing
holds, and wherein it doth
not hold. Ay, or no, never anfwered any
Queftion. The not diftinguifhing where
things fhould be difiinguifhed, and the
not confounding, where things fhould be
confounded, is the caufe of all the mif-
takes in the World.

Reafo?7.

N giving Reafons, Men com-
monly do with us as the
Woman does with her Child;
when fhe goes to Market
about her bufinefs, fhe tells it fhe goes to
buy it a fine thing, to buy it a Cake or
fome Plums. They give us fuch Reafons

Table-talk.

187

as they think we will be catched withal,
but never let us know the Truth.

1. When the School-Men talk o^ Reef a
Ratio m Morals, either they underftand
Reafon as it is governed by a Command
from above j or elfe they fay no more
than a Woman, when fhe fays a thing is
fo, becaufe it is fo ; that is, her Reafon
perfuades her 'tis fo. The other Accep-
tion has Senfe in it. As take a Law of
the Land, I muft not depopulate, my
Reafon tells me fo. Why .^ Becaufe if I
do, I incur the detriment.

3. The Reafon of a Thing is not to be
enquired after, till you are fure the Thing
itfelf be fo. We commonly are at \_Whafs
the Reafon of it ?'\ before we are fure of
the Thing. 'Twas an excellent Queftion
of my Lady Cotton^ when Sir Robert Cot-
ton was magnifying of a Shoe, which was
Mojes's or NoaJis^ and wondering at the
ftrange Shape and Fafhion of it : But
Mr. Cotton, fays fhe, are you Jure it is a
Shoe.

Difcourfes, or

Retaliation.

N Eye for an Eye, and a Tooth
for a Tooth ; That does not
mean, that if I put out an-
other Man's Eye, therefore I
muft lofe one of my own, (for what is he
the better for that ?) though this be com-
monly received ; but it means, I fhall give
him what Satisfadion an Eye fhall be
judged to be worth.

Revere72ce.

IIS fometimes unreafonable to
look after Refpedt and Re-
verence, either from a Man's
own Servant, or other Infe-
riors. A great Lord and a Gentleman
talking together, there came a Boy by,
leading a Calf with both his Hands ; fays
the Lord to the Gentleman, You fhall fee
me make the Boy let go his Calf; with

Table-talk.

that he came towards him, thinking the
Boy would have put off his Hat, but the
Boy took no Notice of him. The Lord
feeing that, Sirrah^ fays he. Do you not
know me that you ufe no Reverence ? Tes,
fays the Boy, if your Lord/hip will hold
my Calf, I will put off my Hat.

189

No7i-Refidency,

HE People thought they had
a great Vidory over the
Clergy, when in Henry the
Eighth's time they got their
Bill paffed, That a Clergyman fhould have
but two Livings ; before a Man might
have Twenty or Thirty ; 'twas but get-
ting a Difpenfation from the Pope's Limi-
ter, or Gatherer of the Peter-Pence, which
was as eafily got, as now you may have a
Licence to eat Flefh.

2. As foon as a Minifter is made, he hath
Power to preach all over the World, but
the Civil-Power reftrains him ; he cannot
preach in this Parifh, or in that ; there is

Difcourfes, or

one already appointed. Now if the State
allows him Two Livings, then he hath
Two Places where he may Exercife his
Fundion, and To has the more Power to
do his Office, which he might do every
where if he were not reftrained.

Religh

1071,

ING James faid to the Fly,
Have I Three Kingdoms,
and thou muft needs fly into
my Eye ? Is there not enough
to meddle with upon the Stage, or in
Love, or at the Table, but Religion ?

1. Religion amongft Men appears to
me like the Learning they got at School.
Some Men forget all they learned, others
fpend upon the Stock, and fome improve
it. So fome Men forget all the Religion
that was taught them when they were
Young, others fpend upon that Stock, and
fome improve it.

3. Religion is like the Fafhion, one
Man wears his Doublet flafhed, another

Table-talk.

IQI

laced, another plain ; but every Man has
a Doublet : So every Man has his Reli-
gion. We differ about Trimming.*

4. Men fay they are of the fame Reli-
gion for Quietnefs fake ; but if the Mat-
ter were well examined you would fcarce
find Three any v/here of the fame Reli-
gion in all Points.

5. Every Religion is a getting Reli-
gion ; for though I myfelf get nothing, I
am fubordinate to thofe that do. So you
may find a Lawyer in the temple that gets
little for the prefent, but he is fitting
himfelf to be in time one of thofe great
Ones that do get.

6. Alteration of Religion is dangerous,
becaufe we know not where it will ftay ;
'tis like a Millftone that lies upon the top
of a pair of Stairs ; 'tis hard to remove it,
but if once it be thruft off the firfl: Stair,
it never ftays till it comes to the bottom.

7. ^.eftion. Whether is the Church or
the Scripture Judge of Religion ? Anjw.
In truth neither, but the State. I am

* May not this have afforded a hint to Swift for
The Tale of a Tub ?

IQ2

Difcourfes, or

troubled with a Boil ; I call a Company of
Chirurgeons about me ; one prefcribes one
thing, another another ; I fingle out fome-
thing I like, and afk you that ftand by,
and are no Chirurgeon, what you think
of it. You like it too ; you and I are
Judges of the Plafter, and we bid them
prepare it, and there's an end. Thus 'tis
in Religion ; the Proteflants fay they will
be judged by the Scriptures ; the Papifts
fay fo too ; but that cannot fpeak. A
Judge is no Judge, except he can both
fpeak and command Execution ; but the
truth is they never intend to agree. No
doubt the Pope where he is Supreme, is to
be Judge -, if he fay we in England ought
to be fubjedl to him, then he mufl: draw
his Sword and make it good.

8. By the Law was the Manual received
into the Church before the Reformation ;
not by the Civil Law, that had nothing to
do in it ; nor by the Canon Law, for that
Manual that was here, was not in France^
nor in Spain ; but by Cuftom, which is
the Common Law of England ; and Cuf-
tom is but the Elder Brother to a Parlia-

Table-talk. ^93

ment : and To it will fall out to be no-
thing that the Papifts fay : Ours is a
Parliamentary Religion, by reafon the
Service-Book was Eflablifhed by Ad: of
Parliament, and never any Service-Book
was fo before. That will be nothing that
the Pope fent the Manual ; 'twas ours,
becaufe the State received it. The State
ftill makes the Religion, and receives into
it what will beft agree with it. Why are
the Venetians Roman Catholics ? becaufe
the State likes the Religion : All the
World knows they care not Three-pence
for the Pope. The Council of T^rent is
not at this day admitted in France.

9. Papiji, Where was your Religion
before Luther, an Hundred years ago ?
Protefiant. Where was America an Hun-
dred or Sixfcore Years ago ? our Religion
was where the reft of the Chriftian Church
was. Papift. Our Religion continued
ever fince the Apoftles, and therefore 'tis
better. Proteftant, So did ours. That
there was an Interruption of it, will fall
out to be nothing, no more than if another
Earl fhould tell me of the Earl of Kent ;

o

94 Difcourfes, or

faying, He is a better Earl than he, be-
caufe there was one or two of the Family
of Kent did not take the Title upon them ;
yet all that while they were really Earls ;
and afterwards as great a Prince declared
them to be Earls of Kent^ as he that made
the other Family an Earl.

lo. Difputes in Religion will never be
ended, becaufe there wants a Meafure by
which the Bufinefs would be decided :
The P^r//^;? would be judged by the Word
of God : If he would fpeak clearly he
means himfelf, but he is afhamed to fay fo ;
and he would have me believe him before
a whole Church, that has read the Word
of God as well as he. One fays one thing,
and another another ; and there is, I fay,
no Meafure to end the Controverfy. 'Tis
juft as if Two Men were at Bowls, and
both judged by the Eye ; One fays 'tis
his Caft, the other fays 'tis my Caft ;
and having no Meafure, the Difference
is Eternal. Ben Jon/on Satirically ex-
prefTed the vain Difputes of Divines, by
Inigo Lanthorne, difputing with his Pup-
pet in a Bartholomew Fair. It is fo ; It

Table-talk. 195

is not (o : It is fo ; It is not fo, crying
thus one to another a quarter of an Hour
together.

11. In Matters of Religion to be ruled
by one that writes againft his Adverfary,
and throws all the Dirt he can in his Face,
is, as if in point of good Manners a Man
fhould be governed by one whom he fees
at Cuffs with another, and thereupon
thinks himfelf bound to give the next
Man he meets a Box on the Ear.

1 2. 'Tis to no purpofe to labour to
reconcile Religions, when the Intereft of
Princes will not fuffer it. 'Tis well if
they could be reconciled fo far, that they
fhould not cut one another's Throats.

13. There's all the Reafon in the
World, Divines fhould not be fuffered to
go a Hair beyond their Bounds, for fear
of breeding Confufion, fince there now be
fo many Religions on Foot. The Matter
was not fo narrowly to be looked after
when there was but one Religion in
Chriftendom ; the reft would cry him
down for an Heretic, and there was no
Body to fide with him.

196

Difcourfes, or

14. We look after Religion as the
Butcher did after his Knife, when he had
it in his Mouth.

15. Religion is made a Juggler's Pa-
per ; now 'tis a Horfe, now 'tis a Lan-
thorn, now 'tis a Boar, now 'tis a Man.
To ferve Ends Religion is turned into all
Shapes.

16. Pretending Religion and the Law
of God, is to fet all things loofe. When
a Man has no mind to do fomething he
ought to do by his Contra6t with Man,
then he gets a Text and interprets it as
he pleafes, and fo thinks to get loofe.

17. Some Men's pretending Religion,
is like the Roaring Boys' way of challenges,
[Their Reputation is dear^ it does not ft and
with the Honour of a Gentleman^ v/hen,
God knows, they have neither Honour
nor Reputation about them.

18. They talk much of fettling Reli-
gion : Religion is well enough fettled al-
ready, if we would let it alone : Methinks
we might look after, ^c.

1 9. If Men would fay they took Arms
for any thing but Religion, they might

Table-talk.

197

be beaten out of It by Reafon ; out of
that they never can, for they will not be-
lieve you whatever you fay.

20. The very Arcanum of pretending
Religion in all Wars, is. That fomething
may be found out in which all men may
have intereft. In this the Groom has as
much Intereft as the Lord. Were it for
Land, one has One Thoufand Acres, and
the other but One ; he would not venture
fo far as he that has a Thoufand. But
Religion is equal to both. Had all Men
Land alike, by a hex Agraria^ then all
Men would fay they fought for Land.

' Sabbath.

HY fhould I think all the
fourth Commandment be-
longs to me, when all the
fifth does not ? What Land
will the Lord give me for honouring my
Father ? It was fpoken to the Jews with
reference to the Land of Canaan ; but the
meaning Is, If I honour my Parents, God

198

Difcourfes, or

will alfo blefs me. We read the Com-
mandments in the Church-Service, as we
do David's Pfalms ; not that all there
concerns us, but a great deal of them
does.

Sacrament.

HRIST fufFered Judas to take
the Communion. Thofe Mi-
nifters that keep their Parifh-
ioners from it, becaufe they
will not do as they will have them, re-
venge, rather than reform.

2. No Man can tell whether I am fit
to receive the Sacrament; for though I
were fit the day before, when he ex-
amined me ; at leafl appeared fo to him ;
yet how can he tell, what fin I have com-
mitted that night, or the next morning,
or what impious Atheiflical thoughts I
may have about me, when I am approach-
ing to the very Table ?

Table-talk.

Salvation .

E can beft underftand the
meaning of (rwri^^/a, Salvation,
from the Jews, to whom the
Saviour was promifed. They
held that themfelves fhould have the
chief place of happinefs in the other
world ; but the Gentiles that were good
men, fhould likewife have their portion
of Blifs there too. Now by Chrift the
Partition-Wall is broken down, and the
Gentiles that believe in him, are admitted
to the fame place of Blifs with the Jews :
and why then fhould not that portion of
Happinefs ftill remain to them, who do
not believe in Chrift, fo they be morally
Good ? This is a charitable opinion.

200

Difcourfes, or

State.

N a troubled State fave as
much for your own as you
can. A Dog had been at
Market to buy a Shoulder of
Mutton ; coming home he met two Dogs
by the way, that quarrelled with him ; he
laid down his Shoulder of Mutton, and
fell to fighting with one of them ; in the
meantime the other Dog fell to eating his
Mutton ; he feeing that, left the Dog he
was fighting with, and fell upon him that
was eating ; then the other Dog fell to
eat ; when he perceived there was no re-
medy, but which of them foever he
fought withal, his Mutton was in danger,
he thought he would have as much of it
as he could, and thereupon gave over
fighting, and fell to eating himfelf.

Table-talk. 201

Superjlition.

HEY that are againft Super-
ftition oftentimes run into it
of the wrong fide. If I will
wear all colours but black, then
am I fuperftitious in not wearing black.

2. They pretend not to abide the Crofs,
becaufe 'tis fuperftitious ; for my part I
will believe them, when I fee them throw
their money out of their pockets, and
not till then.

3. If there be any Superftition truly
and properly fo called, 'tis their obferving
the Sabbath after the Jewifh manner.

Suhjidies.

ERETOFORE the Parha-
ment was wary what Subfidies
they gave to the King, be-
caufe they had no account ;
but now they care not how much they

202

Difcourfes, or

give of the Subjedls' money, becaufe they
give it with one hand, and receive it with
the other ; and fo upon the matter give it
themfelves. In the mean time what a
cafe the Subjedls of England are in ; if the
men they have fent to the Parliament
mifbehave themfelves, they cannot help
it, becaufe the Parliament is eternal.

2. A Subfidy was counted the fifth
part of a man's Eftate, and fo fifty Sub-
fidies is five and forty times more than a
man is worth.

Simo7ry.

HE Name of Simony was be-
got in the Canon-Law ; the
firfl Statute againft it was
in Queen Elizabeth's time.
Since the Reformation Simony has been
frequent : One reafon why it was not
pradifed in time of Popery, was the
Pope's provifion ; no man was fure to
beftow his own Benefice.

Table-talk. 203

Ship-Money.

R. Noy brought in Ship-money
firft for Maritime Towns ;
but that was like putting in
a little Auger, that after-
wards you may put in a greater : He that
pulls down the firft Brick, does the main
Work, afterwards 'tis eafy to pull down
the Wall.

2. They that at firft would not pay
Ship-money, till 'twas decided, did like
brave men, (though perhaps they did no
good by the Trial) but they that ftand
out fince, and fufFer themfelves to be
diftrained, never queftioning thofe that do
it, do pitifully, for fo they only pay twice
as much as they fhould.

Difcourfes, or

Sy?2od AJfembly.

E have had no National Synod
fince the Kingdom hath been
fettledj as now it is, only
Provincial ; and there will
be this inconveniency, to call fo many
Divines together ; 'twill be to put power
in their Hands, who are too apt to ufurp
it, as if the Laity were bound by their
determination. No, let the Laity con-
fult with Divines on all fides, hear what
they fay, and make themfelves Mailers of
their Reafons ; as they do by any other pro-
fefTion, when they have a difference be-
fore them. For Example, Goldfmiths,
they enquire of them, if fuch a Jewel be of
fuch a value, and fuch a ftone of fuch a
value, hear them, and then being rational
men judge themfelves.

2. Why fhould you have a Synod,
when you have a Convocation already,
which is a Synod ? Would you have a
fuperfetation of another Synod ? The

Table-talk. 205

Clergy of England when they caft off the
Pope, fubmitted themfelves to the Civil
Power, and fo have continued ; but thefe
challenge to be Jure Divino, and fo to be
above the Civil Power; thefe challenge
power to call before their Prefbyteries all
Perfons for all fins diredly againft the
Law of God, as proved to be fins by ne-
ceffary confequence. If you would buy
Gloves, fend for a Glover or two, not
Glovers-Hall ; confult with fome Divines,
not fend for a Body.

3. There muft be fome Laymen in the
Synod, to overlook the Clergy, left they
fpoil the Civil work : Juft as when the
good Woman puts a Cat into the Milk-
Houfe to kill a Moufe, fhe fends her
Maid to look after the Cat, left the Cat
ftiould eat up the Cream.

4. In the Ordinance for the Aftembly,
the Lords and Commons go under the
names of learned, godly, and judicious
Divines ; there is no difference put be-
twixt them, and the Minifters in the con-
text.

5. 'Tis not unufual in the AfTembly to

2o6 Difcourfes, or

revoke their Votes, by reafon they make
To much hafte, but 'tis that will make them
fcorned. You never heard of a Council
[that] revoked an A6t of its own mak-
ing ; they have been wary in that, to
keep up their Infallibility ; if they did
any thing, they took away the whole
Council, and yet we would be thought
infallible as any body. 'Tis not enough
to fay, the Houfe of Commons revoke
their Votes, for theirs are but Civil
truths, which they by agreement create,
and uncreate, as they pleafe : But the
Truths the Synod deals in are Divine ;
and when they have voted a thing, if it
be then true, 'twas true before ; not true
becaufe they voted it, nor does it ceafe to
be true becaufe they voted otherwife.

6. Subfcribing in a Synod, or to the
Articles of a Synod, is no fuch terrible
thing as they make it ; becaufe, If I am
of a Synod, 'tis agreed, either tacitly or
exprefsly. That which the major part
determines, the reft are involved in ; and
therefore I fubfcribe, though my own pri-
vate Opinion be otherwife ; and upon the

Table-talk.

fame Ground, I may without fcruple fub-
fcribe to what thofe have determined,
whom I fent, though my private Opinion
be otherwife, having refped: to that which
is the Ground of all afTemblies, the ma-
jor part carries it.

Thankfgiving,

T firfl we gave thanks for
every Vidlory as foon as ever
'twas obtained ; but fince we
have had many, now we can
flay a good while. We are juft like a
Child ; give him a Plum, he makes his
Leg ; give him a fecond Plum, he makes
another Leg : At laft when his Belly is
full, he forgets what he ought to do ;
then his Nurfe, or fome body elfe that
ftands by him, puts him in mind of his
Duty, Where' s your Leg?

Difcourfes, or

Tithes.

ITHES are more paid in kind
in England, than in all Italy
and France. In France they
have had Impropriations a

long time ; we had none in England till

Henry the Eighth.

2. To make an Impropriation, there
was to be the confent of the Incumbent,
the Patron, and the King ; then 'twas con-
firmed by the Pope : Without all this the
Pope could make no Impropriation.

3. Or what if the Pope gave the Tithes
to any Man, muft they therefore be taken
away ? If the Pope gives me a Jewel, will
you therefore take it away from me ?

4. Abraham paid Tithes to Melchize-
deckj what then ? 'Twas very well done
of him : It does not follow therefore that
I muft pay Tithes, no more than I am
bound to imitate any other adion of Abra-
ham's.

5. 'Tis ridiculous to fay the Tithes are

Table-talk.

20(

God's Part, and therefore the Clergy muft
have them : Why, fo they are if the Lay-
men has them. 'Tis as if one of my Lady
Kenfs Maids fhould be fweeping this
Room, and another of them fhould come
and take away the Broom, and tell for a
Reafon why fhe fhould part with it ;
'Tis my Lady's Broom : As if it were not
my Lady's Broom, which of them foever
had it.

6. They confulted in Oxford where
they might find the befl Argument for
their Tithes, fetting afide the Jus Divi-
num ; they were advifed to my Hiflory
of Tithes ; a Book fo much cried down
by them formerly ; (in which, I dare
boldly fay, there are more arguments for
them than are extant together any where :)
Upon this, one writ me word. That my
Hiflory of Tithes was now become like
Peleus's Haft a, to wound and to heal.
I told him in my Anfwer, I thought
I could fit him with a better Inftance.
'Twas poflible it might undergo the fame
Fate, that Ariftotle, Avicen, and Aver-
roes did in France^ fome five hundred

Difcourfes, or

Years ago ; which were Excommunicated
by Stephen Bifhop of Paris ^ [by that very
name, Excommunicated,'] becaufe that
kind of Learning puzzled and troubled
their Divinity. But finding themfelves at
a lofs, fome Forty Years after (which is
much about the time fince I writ mv
Hiftory) they were called in again, and
fo have continued ever iince.

T;

raae.

HERE is no Prince in Chrif-
tendom but is diredlly a
Tradefman, tho' in another
way than an ordinary Tradef-
man. For the purpofe, I have a Man ;
I bid him lay out twenty Shillings in fuch
Commodities ; but I tell him for every
Shilling he lays out I will have a Penny.
I trade as well as he. This every Prince
does in his Cuftoms.

2. That which a Man is bred up in he
thinks -no cheating ; as your Tradefman
thinks not fo of his Profeffion, but calls it

Table-talk. 211

a Myftery. Whereas If you would teach
a Mercer to make his Silks heavier, than
what he has been ufed to, he would per-
adventure think that to be cheating.

3. Every Tradefman profefTes to cheat
me, that afks for his Commodity twice as
much as it is worth.

Tradition,

AY what you will againft
Tradition ; we know the Sig-
nification of Words by no-
thing but Tradition. You
will fay the Scripture was written by the
Holy Spirit J but do you underftand that
Language 'twas writ in ? No. Then for
Example, take thefe words, \_In principio
erat verhum^ How do you know thofe
words flgnify, \In the beginning was the
wordy] but by Tradition, becaufe fome
Body has told you fo ?

Difcourfes, or

TranfubJlant^at^07^.

HE Fathers ufing to fpeak
Rhetorically, brought up
Tranfubftantiation : As if be-
caufe it is commonly faid.
Amicus eft alter idem^ one fhould go
about to prove a Man and his Friend are
all one. That Opinion is only Rhetoric
turned into Logic.

2. There is no greater Argument (tho'
not ufed) againft Tranfubflantiation than
the Apoftles at their iirft Council, forbid-
ding Blood and Suffocation. Would
they forbid Blood, and yet enjoin the eat-
ing of Blood too ?

3. The beft way for a pious Man, is,
to addrefs himfelf to the Sacrament with
that Reverence and Devotion, as if Chrift
vv^ere really there prefent.

Table-talk.

213

Traitor.

IS not feafonable to call a Man
Traitor that has an Army at
his Heels. One with an
Army is a Gallant man.
My Lady Cotton was in the right, when
fhe laughed at the Dutchefs of Richmond
for taking fuch State upon her, when fhe
could Command no Forces. [ She a
Dutchefs^ there's in Flanders a Dutchefs
indeed ;] meaning the Arch-Dutchefs.

Trinity,

HE fecond Perfon is made of
a piece of Bread by the Pa-
pift, the Third Perfon is
made of his own Frenzy,
Malice, Ignorance and Folly, by the
Roundhead [to all thefe the Spirit is in-
tituled,] One the Baker makes, the other
the Cobler ; and betwixt thofe two, I
think the Firft Perfon is fufficiently
abufed.

Difcourfes, or

Truth.

HE Ariftotelians fay^ All
Truth is contained in AriJ-
totle in one place or another.
Galileo makes Simplicius fay
fo, but fhows the abfurdity of that Speech,
by anfwering. All Truth is contained in
a lefTer Compafs ; viz. In the Alphabet.
Ariftotle is not blamed for miftaking
fometimes ; but Ariftotelians for maintain-
ing thofe miftakes. They fhould acknow-
ledge the good they have from him, and
leave him when he is in the wrong.
There never breathed that Perfon to whom
Mankind was more beholden.

2. The way to find out the Truth is by
others' miftakings ; For if I was to go to
fuch a place, and one had gone before me
on the Right-hand, and he was out ; an-
other had gone on the Left-hand, and he
was out ; this would dired me to keep
the middle way, that peradventure would
bring me to the place I defired to go.

Table-talk.

3. In troubled Water you can fcarce
fee your Face ; or fee it very little, till the
Water be quiet and ftand ftill. So in
troubled times you can fee little Truth ;
when times are quiet and fettled, then
Truth appears ;

TriaL

RIALS are by one. of thefe
three ways ; by ConfelTion,
or by Demurrer ; that is, con-
feffing the Fad, but deny-
ing it to be that, wherewith a Man is
charged ; [for Example, denying it to be
Treafon, if a Man be charged with Trea-
fon ;] or by a Jury.

2. Ordalium was a Trial; and was
either by going over nine red hot Plough-
Shares, (as in the Cafe of Queen Emma,
accufed for lying with the Biihop of
TVinchefter yOYQr^\i\ch. fhe being led blind-
fold; and having pafTed all her Irons,
afked when fhe fhould come to her Trial ;)
or 'twas by taking a red-hot Coulter in

2l6

Difcourfes, or

a Man's hand, and carrying it (o many
Steps, and then calling it from him. As
foon as this was done, the Hands or the
Feet were to be bound up, and certain
Charms to be faid, and a day or two
after to be opened ; if the parts were
whole, the Party was judged to be Inno-
cent ; and fo on the contrary.

3. The Rack is ufed no where as in
England: In other Countries 'tis ufed in
Judicature^ when there is a Semi-plena pro-
bation a half Proof againft a Man ; then
to fee if they can make it full, they rack
him if he will not confefs. But here in
England they take a Man and rack him,
I do not know why, nor when ; not in
time of Judicature^ but when fome body
bids.

4. Some Men before they come to their
Trial, are cozened to Confefs upon Ex-
amination : Upon this Trick, they are
made to believe fome body has confeffed
before them ; and then they think it a
piece of Honour to be clear and ingenu-
ous, and that deftroys them.

Table-talk.

Univerjity,

HE bell Argument why Ox-
ford fhould have precedence
of Cambridge^ is the A61 of
Parhament, by which Ox-
ford is made a Body ; made what it
is ; and Cambridge is made what it is ;
and in the A61 it takes place. Befides
Oxford has the beil Monuments to
fhow.

2. 'Twas well faid of one, hearing of a
Hiftory Ledure to be founded in the
Univerfity ; Would to God, fays he, they
would diredl a Le6lure of Difcretion there,
this would do more Good there a hun-
dred times.

3. He that comes from the Univerfity
to govern the State, before he is ac-
quainted with the Men and Manners of
the Place, does juft as if he fhould come
into the prefence Chamber all Dirty, with
his Boots on, his riding Coat, and his
Head all daubed ; They may ferve him

2l8

Difcourfes, or

well enough in the Way, but when he
comes to Court, he muft conform to the
Place.

Vows.

UPPOSE a Man find by his
own Inclination he has no
mind to marry, may he not
then vow Chaftity ? Anjw.
If he does, what a fine thing hath he done ?
'tis as if a Man did not love Cheefe, and
then he would vow to God Almighty
never to eat Cheefe. He that vows can
mean no more in fenfe than this ; To do
his utmoft endeavour to keep his Vow.

Ufury.

HE Jews were forbidden to
take Ufe one of another, but
they were not forbidden to
take it of other Nations.
That being fo, I fee no reafon, why I may

Table-talk,

not as well take Ufe for my Money, as
Rent for my Houfe. 'Tis a vain thing to
fay. Money begets not Money ; for that
no doubt it does.

2. Would it not look oddly to a Stran-
ger, that fhould come into this Land, and
hear in our Pulpits Ufury preached
againft, and yet the Law allow it ? Many
Men ufe it ; perhaps fome Churchmen
themfelves. No Bifhop nor Ecclefiafti-
cal Judge, that pretends power to punifh
other Faults, dares punifh, or at leafl does
punifh any man for doing it.

Pious Ufes.

HE ground of the Ordinary's
taking part of a Man's Eflate
(who died without a Will) to
Pious Ufes, was this ; to
give it fome body to pray, that his Soul
might be delivered out of Purgatory ;
now the pious Ufes come into his own
Pocket. 'Twas well exprefl by John O
Fowls in the Play, who adted the Priefl ;

Difcourfesj or

one that was to be hanged, being brought to
the Ladder, would fain have given fome-
thing to the Poor ; he feels for his Purfe,
(which John O Fowls had pickt out of
his Pocket before) miffing it, cries out.
He had loft his Purfe ; now he intended
to have given fomething to the Poor :
John 0 Fowls bid him be pacified, for the
Poor had it already.

War.

O not under-value an Ene-
my by whom you have been
worfted. When our Coun-
try-men came home from
fighting with the Saracens^ and were
beaten by them, they pidlured them with
huge, big, terrible Faces (as you ftill fee
the fign of the Saracen's Head is) when in
truth they were like other Men. But this
they did to fave their own Credits.

2. Martial-Law in general, means no-
thing but the Martial-Law of this, or that
Place ; with us to be ufed in Fervor e Belli ^

i

Table-talk.

in the Face of the Enemy, not in time of
Peace ; there they can take away neither
Limb nor Life. The Commanders need
not complain for want of it, becaufe our
Anceftors have done gallant things with-
out it.

3. ^eftion. Whether may Subjec5ls
take up Arms againft their Prince ?
Anjwer, Conceive it thus ; Here lies a
Shilling betwixt you and me ; Ten Pence
of the Shilling is yours, Two Pence is
mine : By agreement, I am as much King
of my Two Pence, as you of your Ten
Pence : If you therefore go about to take
away my Two Pence, I will defend it;
for there you and I are equal, both
Princes.

4. Or thus, two fupreme Powers meet;
one fays to the other, give me your Land ;
if you will not, I will take it from you :
The other, becaufe he thinks himfelf too
weak to refift him, tells him, of Nine
Parts I will give you Three, fo I may
quietly enjoy the reft, and I will become
your Tributary. Afterwards the Prince
comes to exad Six Parts, and leaves but

221

'2 2 2 Difcourfes, or

Three ; the Contradl then is broken^ and
they are in Parity again.

5. To know what Obedience is due to
the Prince, you muft look into the Con-
trad betwixt him and his People ; as if
you would know what Rent is due from
the Tenant to the Landlord, you muft
look into the Leafe. When the Contrad:
is broken, and there is no third Perfon to
judge, then the Deciiion is by Arms.
And this is the Cafe between the Prince
and the Subjed.

6. ^eflion. What Law is there to take
up Arms againft the Prince, in Cafe he
break his Covenant ? Anjwer, Though
there be no written Law for it, yet there
is Cuftom which is the beft Law of the
Kingdom ; for in England they have al-
ways done it. There is nothing expreft
between the King of England and the
King of France ; that if either Invades the
other's Territory, the other fhall take up
Arms againfl him, and yet they do it
upon fuch an Occafion.

7. 'Tis all one to be plundered by a
Troop of Horfe, or to have a Man's

Table-talk.

223

Goods taken from him by an Order from
the Council Table. To him that dies, 'tis
all one whether it be by a Penny Halter,
or a Silk Garter ; yet I confefs the filk
Garter pleafes more ; and like Trouts, we
love to be tickled to Death.

8 . The Soldiers fay they fight for Ho-
nour ; when the Truth is they have their
Honour in their Pocket. And they
mean the fame thing that pretend to fight
for Religion. Juft as a Parfon goes to
Law with his Pariihioners ; he fays. For
the good of his SuccefTors, that the
Church may not lofe its Right ; when
the meaning is to get the Tithes into his
own Pocket.

9. We govern this War as an unfkilful
Man does a Cafting-Net ; if he has not
the right trick to call the Net off his
Shoulder, the Leads will pull him into the
River. I am afraid we fhall pull our-
felves into DeftruJlion.

10. We look after the particulars of a
Battle, becaufe we live in the very time of
War. Whereas of Battles pafi; we hear
nothing but the number flain. Juft as

224

Difcourfes, or

for the Death of a Man ; when he is fick,
we talk how he flept this Night, and that
Night ; what he eat, and what he drunk:
But when he is dead, we only fay, he died of
a Fever, or name his Difeafe ; and there's
an end.

1 1 . Eoccal'ine has this paffage of Sol-
diers, They came to Apollo to have their
ProfefTion made the Eighth Liberal Sci-
ence, which he granted. As foon as it
was noifed up and down, it came to the
Butchers, and they defired their Profef-
fion might be made the Ninth : For fay
they, the Soldiers have this Honour for
the killing of Men ; now we kill as well
as they ; but we kill Beafts for the pre-
fei-ving of Men, and why fhould not we
have Honour likewife done to us ? Apollo
could not Anfwer their Reafons, fo he re-
verfed his Sentence, and made the Sol-
dier's Trade a Myftery, as the Butcher's is.

Table-talk.

Witches.

HE Law again ft Witches does
not prove there be any ; but
it puniihes the MaHce of thofe
People, that ufe fuch means
to take away Men's Lives. If one fhould
profefs that by turning his Hat thrice,
and crying Buz, he could take away a
Man's Life (though in truth he could do
no fuch thing) yet this were a juft Law
made by the State, that whofoever ftiould
turn his Hat thrice, and cry Buz, with an
intention to take away a Man's Life, ihall
be put to death.

Wifi

e.

E that hath a handfome Wife,
by other Men is thought
happy ; 'tis a Pleafure to look
upon her, and be in her Com-
pany ; but the Huft)and is cloyed with

CL

Difcourfes, or

her. We are never content with what we
have.

2. You fhall fee a Monkey fometime,
that has been playing up and down the
Garden, at length leap up to the top of
the Wall, but his Clog hangs a great way
below on this fide ; the Bifhop's Wife is
like that Monkey's Clog, himfelf is got
up very high, takes place of the Temporal
Barons, but his Wife comes a great way
behind.

3. 'Tis reafon a Man that will have a
Wife fhould be at the Charge of her
Trinkets, and pay all the Scores fhe fets
on him. He that will keep a Monkey
'tis fit he fhould pay for the Glafies he
breaks.

Wifdi

arrive at

om.

Wife Man fhould never re-
folve upon any thing, at leafl:
never let the World know his
Refolution, for if he cannot
that, he is afhamed. How

Table-talk.

227

many things did the King refolve in his
Declaration concerning Scotland, never to
do, and yet did them all P A Man muft
do according to Accidents and Emergen-
cies.

2. Never tell your Refolution before-
hand ; but when the Caft is thrown, play
it as well as you can to win the Game you
are at. 'Tis but folly to ftudy how to play
Size-ace, when you know not whether you
fhall throw it or no.

3. Wife Men fay nothing in dangerous
times. The Lion you know called the
Sheep to afk her if his Breath fmelt : fhe
faid, Aye ; he bit off her Head for a
Fool : He called the Wolf and afked
him ; he faid no ; he tore him in pieces
for a Flatterer. At laft he called the Fox
and aiked him ; truly he had got a Cold
and could not fmell.

Difcourfes, or

Wit.

IT and Wifdom differ ; Wit
is upon the fudden turn,
Wifdom is in bringing about
ends.

d. Nature muft be the ground-work of
Wit and Art ; otherwife whatever is done
will prove but Jack-pudding's work.

3. Wit muft grow like Fingers; if it
be taken from others, 'tis like Plums ftuck
upon black Thorns ; there they are for a
while, but they come to nothing.

4. He that will give himfelf to all man-
ner of ways to get Money may be rich ;
fo he that lets fly all he knows or thinks,
may by chance be Satirically Witty.
Honefty fometimes keeps a Man from
growing Rich ; and Civility from being
Witty.

5. Women ought not to know their
ov/n Wit, becaufe they will ftill be fhev/-
ing it, and fo fpoil it ; like a Child that
will continually be fhewing its fine new

Table-talk.

Coat, till at length it all bedaubs it with
its pah Hands.

6. Fine Wits deftroy themfelves v/ith
their own Plots, in meddling with great
Affairs of State. They commonly do as
the Ape that faw the Gunner put Bullets
in the Cannon, and was pleafed with it,
and he would be doing fo too : at laft he
puts himfelf into the Piece, and fo both
Ape, and Bullet were fhot away together.

Wo7nen.

El' the Women have povser cf
their heads ^ hecauje of the An-
gels. The reafon of the

o

words hecauje of the Angels^ is
this ; The Greek Church held an Opinion
that the Angels fell in Love with Wo-
men. An Opinion grounded upon that,
Genefis 6. T^he Sons of God Jaw the Daugh-
ters of Men that they were fair. This
Fancy St. Paul difcreetly catches, and
ufes it as an Argument to perfuade them
to modefty.

230

Difcourfes, or

2. The Grant of a Place is not good
by the Canon Law, before a Man be
dead ; upon this ground fome Mifchief
might be plotted againft him in prefent
poffeifion, by poifoning or fome other
way. Upon the fame reafon a Contradl
made with a woman, during her Huf-
band's Life, was not valid.

3. Men are not troubled to hear a Man
difpraifed, becaufe they know tho' he be
naught, there's worth in others. But
Women are mightily troubled to hear
any of them fpoken againft, as if the Sex
itfelf were guilty of fome Unworthinefs.

4. Women and Princes muft both trufl
fome body ; and they are Happy or Un-
happy according to the defert of thofe
under whofe Hands they fall. If a Man
knows how to manage the Favour of a
Lady, her Honour is fafe, and fo is a
Prince's.

Table-talk.

Year,

WAS the Manner of the Jews
(if the Year did not fall out
right, but that it was dirty
for the People to come up
to Jerujalemy at the Feaft of the PalTover ;
or that their Corn was not ripe for their
firft Fruits) to intercalate a Month, and
fo to have, as it were, two Februaries,
thrufting up the Year ftill higher, March
into April's Place, April into May's Place,
^c. Whereupon it is impoflible for us
to know when our Saviour was born, or
when he died.

2. The Year is either the Year of the
Moon, or the Year of the Sun ; there's
not above eleven Days difference. Our
moveable Feafts are according to the
Year of the Moon ; elfe they fhoald be
fixt.

3. Tho' they reckon ten Days fooner
beyond Sea, yet it does not follow their
Spring is fooner than our's ; we keep the

231

232 Difcourfes, or

fame time in natural things, and their ten
Days fooner, and our ten Days later in
thofe things mean the felf fame time ; jull
as twelve Sous in French^ are ten Pence in
EngUfh.

4. The lengthening of days is net fud-
denly perceived till they are grown a
pretty deal longer, becaufe the Sun,
though it be in a Circle, yet it feems for
a while to go in a right Line. For take
a Segment of a great Circle efpecially, and
you fhall doubt whether it be ftraight or
no. But when the Sun is got paft that
Line, then you prefently perceive the
Days are lengthened. Thus it is in the
Winter and Summer Solftice ; w^hich is
indeed the true Reafon of them.

5. The Eclipfe of the Sun is, when it is
new Moon ; the Eclipfe of the Moon
when 'tis full. They fay Dionyfnis w^as
converted by the Eclipfe that happened at
our Saviour's Death, becaufe it was nei-
ther of thefe, and fo could not be natural.

Table-talk.

Zelots,

NE would wonder Chrifl fhould
whip the Buyers and Sellers
out of the Temple, and no-
il body offer to refift him (con-
fidering what Opinion they had of him.)
But the reafon was, they had a Law, that
whofoever did profane San^itatem Dei,
aut T^empli ; the Holinefs of God, or the
Temple, before ten Perfons, 'twas lawful for
any of them to kill him, or to do any thing
this fide killing him ; as whipping him,
or the like. And hence it was, that when
one ftruck our Saviour before the Judge,
where it was not lawful to ftrike (as it is
not with us at this Day) he only replies ;
If I have fpoken Evil, bear Witnefs of
the Evil ; but if Well, why fmiteft thou
me ? He fays nothing againft their fmiting
him, in cafe he had been guilty of fpeak-
ing Evil, that is Blafphemy ; and they
could have proved it againft him. They

234

Table-talk.

that put this Law into execution were
called Zelots ; but afterwards they com-
mitted many Villanies.

9\

NOTES.

Part of the folloiving Illujlrations nvere kindly communi-
cated to the Editor by a gentleman to ivhom his beji
tha7iks are due, and ivhom it ^would ha^e afforded him
great pleafure to be allo-ived to name.

Page 2. Abbiesy Fr lories.

T. John'' s of fenfalem at Clerkenwell,
founded 1 1 oo, endowed with the re-
venues of the Englifh Knights Templars,
1323. The Prior ranked as iiril: Baron
of England. The lafl Prior, Sir R. Wefton, retired
on a penlion of 1 000/. a year, but died of a broken
heart on Afcenfion day, 1540: the day the Priory
was fupprelTed. The Church and the Houfe re-
mained entire during Henry the Eighth's reign; he
kept his hunting tents and toils in them. But in
Edward the Sixth's time the Church was blown up
with gunpowder, by order of Somerfet, and the
fhones carried to build his houfe in the Strand.

P. 7. Bible.

I . The Bifhops' Bible, begun foon after Elizabeth's

236

Notes.

acceffion to the throne, by Archbifhop Parker and
eight Biihops, befides others. It was publifhed in
1568 with a preface by Parker.

2. King James's. Begun in 1607, publifhed in
161 1 : 47 of the moft learned men in the nation em-
ployed on it. There is no book fo tranflated, i. e. fo
peculiarly tranflated, confidering the purpofe it was
meant for — General reading.

Many impreffions of Englifh Bibles printed at
iVmfterdam, and more at Edinburgh, in Scotland,
were daily brought over hither and fold here. Little
their volumes, and low their prices, as being of bad
paper, worfe print, little margin, yet greater than the
care of the corrector — many abominable errata being
paffed therein. Take one inftance for all. Jerem.
iv. 17: fpeaking of the whole commonwealth of Ju-
dah, inllead of " Becaufe Ihe hath been rebellious
againft me, faith the Lord," it is printed (Edinb.
I S-^j.) " Becaufe fhe hath been religious againft me."

P. 1 1. Bible. 1 1. — Archbifhop Ufher on his way
to preach at St. Paul's Crofs, entered a bookfeller's
fhop and purchafed a London edition of the Bible, in
which, to his artonifhment and difmay, he found the
text he had feledled was omitted. This was the oc-
cafion of the firll complaint on the fubjedl, and in-
ducing further attention, the King's printers, in 1632,
were juftly fined 3000/. for omitting the word*' not"
in the feventh commandment. During the reign of
the Parliament a large impreffion of the Bible was
fupprefled on account of its errors and corruptions,
many of which were the refults of defign as well as

Notes.

m

of negligence. The errors in two of the editions ac-
tually amounted refpeftively to 3600 and 6000.

Johnfo?i's Memoirs of Selden.

P. 12. Bible. — Apocrypha which is extant in
Greek only, except the 4th book of" Efdras in Latin :

14. The Apocrypha was one great ftumbling block
to the Prefbyterians. They looked upon its introduc-
tion into the Liturgy to be papiflical.

P. 15. Bijhops ill Parliament. — A refolution had
pafTed the Houfe of Commons in 1640, and a Bill
w^as founded upon it, declaring that no Biihop or
other Clergyman ought to be a privy counfellor, in
the commilTion of the peace, or to have any judicial
power in a civil court, it being a hindrance to his
fpiritual fundions and injurious to the Common-
wealth. This was probably in imitation of the refo-
lution of the General AlTembly of the Kirk of Scot-
land, who, in their Ad. of SefTions, 17 th Auguft,
1639, had propounded that ** The civil power and
places of Kirkmen, their Sitting in SelTion, Councell,
and Exchecquer, their Riding, Sitting, and voting
in Parliament, and their fitting in the Bench as
Juftices of Peace, are incompatible with their Spiri-
tual Sanction, lifting them up above their Brethren
in worldly pomp, and do tend to the hinde^ance of
the Miniiirie."

The King infiiled upon their right from cuftom,
which he was bound to maintain as one of the fun-
damental inllitutions of the kingdom, and we fee
that with this opinion Selden concurred.

238

Notes.

P. 15. Bijhops in Parliament. — Mr. Bagfhaw,
who was reader of the Middle Temple, ledturing
during the Lent vacation of 1 640 upon the flatute
of the 25th, Edward III. inferred from its ena6l-
ments, that Bifhops, as fpiritual lords, have no right
to lit in Parliament. It is true he was filenced by
the Government; but the fupport which he met with,
and the very fa6l of his leduring on the topic be-
fore fuch an audience, is teftimony of that opinion
not being unpalatable or unfavoured.

John/on s Mem. of Selden.

P. 17. Bijhops. 4. — In Richard the Second's time
there was a protellation againfl the Canons. They
were forbidden by Canon law only, and unlefs the
King's moft royal aflent might be had unto them, &c.

Canons for blood, i. e. forbidding the Bifhops to
vote in cafes of blood.

Canons of irregul. of blood, i. e. againll their
voting in cafes of blood, &c.

P. 24. 7. — There is no Government enjoined. Sec.
i. e. by example of other Governments but by that
which is judged bell for our own.

P. 25. 10. — Bijhops* Lands. Ordered by the Par-
liament to be fold for the ufe of the Commonwealth,
Nov. 16, 1646.

P. 26. Bijhops out of Parliament. 5. — Who would
not have laughed to hear a Prelbyterian obferve, from
the firil chapter of Genefis, iirft verfe, that whilft

:!{

Notes.

Mofes relates what God made, he fpeaks nothing of
Bilhops ; by which it was evident that Bifliops were
not of divine inflitution. A conceit as ridiculous as
that of a Priefl, who finding Maria fpoken of, figni-
fying Seas, did brag that he had found the Virgin
Mary named in the Old Teftament.

Religio Stoiciy 12°, Edinb. 1663, p. 77.

P. 29. Books. 4. — Cujlomer, i. e. The officer of
the Cuftoms. The importation of Popifh Books was
contraband ; it was one of the charges againfh Laud
that he had fuffered the cuftoms to let pafs many
Popifh Books.

P. 33. Changing Sides. 3. — Col. Goring. He
was firft fworn to the King's fecret orders ; con-
fefled to the Houfe ; was entrufted by them with
Portfmouth, which he furrendered to Charles in
1642, &c. ''He would (fays Clarendon) without
hefitation have broken any truft or done any aft of
treachery, to have fatisfied any ordinary paffion or
appetite."

P. 35. Chriflmas. — ^ack 0* Lents, i. e. Puppets
to be pelted at like fhrove-cocks in lent.

P. 39. Chrijiians. 5. — '^ Of having power in con-
tr over fie s.^'* Article 20th. Inferted, fays Fuller, in
the original edition, 1562-3, 1593, 1605, 161 2,
omitted edition 1571, when firft ratified by aft of
Parliament.

P. 40. Churches. — I received letters lately out o^

239

240 Notes.

France touching this point — Whether we find that
any Churches in the elder times of Chriftianity were
with the doors, or fronts eaftward or no ? becaufe of
that in Sidonius : — Arce Frontis ortum fpeftat squi-
no6lialem, lib. 2. Ep. 10. and other like. I befeech
your Lordfhip to let me know what you think hereof
My Titles of Honour are in the prefs, and new
written, but I hear it fhall be ftaid ; if not I fhall
falute you with one as foon as it is done.

Selden to Ulher, March 24, 1621.

Ufher to Selden.
Touching that which you move concerning the
fituation of Churches in the elder times of Chrilti-
anity, Walafridus Strabo (De Reb. Eccleliaft. c. 4.)
telleth us : Non magnopere curabunt illius tempo-
ris jufti, quam in partem orationis loca converterent.
Yet his conclufion is, Sed tamen ufus frequentior,
et rationi vicinior habet, in Orientem orantes con-
verti, et pluralitatem maximam Eccleliarum eo tenore
conftitui. Which does further alfo appear by the
teftimony of Paulinus, Bifhop of Nola, in his 12 th
epillle to Severus : Profpe6lus vero Bafilicas non, ut
ulitatior mos, Orientem fpedlat. And particularly
with us here in Ireland, Jofceline, in the Life of St.
Patrick, obferveth, that a Church was built by him
in Sabul, hard by Downe (in Ulfter), " Ab aquilo-
nali parte verfus meridianam plagam." Add here-
unto that place of Socrates, lib. 5. Hift. Eccles. c.
22. Ev Kvnoyjia tyj^ Su^ia^-, tj EKKXr^trioc avri(rr§o-
^ov c^si rrjv Saa-iV ou yocp itpog oivoLroXccs ro Qva-iccj-rrj-
§iov, aWa it^05 ^vcriv o^oi. And compare it with that

Notes.

other place of Walafridas Strabo, where he fheweth
both in the Church that Conftantine and Helena
builded at Jerufalem ; ■ and at Rome alfo in the
Church of All Saints, (which before was the Pan-
theon), and St. Peter's ; " Altaria non tantum ad
Orientem, fed ctiam in ahas partes efle diftributa."
April 1 6, 1622.

P. 44. High Conunijfton. — Eflablifhed imo Eliz.
in place of a greater power under the Pope, (fays
Clarendon,) CommiiTioners who exercifed the King's
Ecclefiaftical Supremacy. Intended as a Court to
reform manners, it grew to a contempt of the Com-
mon Law — to reprehend the Judges, &c. It was
abolifhed in 1641.

P. 44. Clergy. 6. — Chain up both fides, i. e.
Court-clergy and Puritan.

P. 45. High Commifiion — " There were but two
there y and one /pake, ^^ i5c. London and Canterbury.
Prynne and the others arraigned them for fitting
judges in their own caufe. Laud made a long fpeech,
fays Fuller, againft making innovations in the Church,
and concluded, " that he left the prifoners to God's
mercy and the King's juftice."

P. 50. Conference. 4. — To have a dove-houfe.
A Lord of a Manor may build a dove-cot upon his
land, parcel of his manor ; but a tenant of the manor
cannot do it without licence. 3 Salkeld, 248. But
any Freeholder may build a dove-cote on his ovrn
ground. Cro. Jac. 382. 490. Burn's Jufiice.

2aI

R

242 Notes.

p. 53. Contrails. 2. — Jus permijjtvum^ l!^c.
The Law that enjoins, and the Law that fuffers.
** If this doth authorife ufury which before was but
permiJJiVCy &c." Bacon,

3. Sir Edward Herbert, Solicitor and Attorney
General to Charles the Firft, and for fome time Lord
Keeper to Charles the Second, when in exile. Dr.
Aikin fays that a legal friend fuggefted to him that
Sir Edward Herbert, who was an eminent lawyer,
was probably retained for his advice by Lady Kent,
at an annual falary ; and he produced examples of
deeds granted for payments on the fame account, one
of them as late as the year 171 5. Hence it would
appear that the lady had a great deal of law bulinefs
on her hands, which would render the domeftic
counfel of fuch a perfon as Selden very valuable to
her.

P. 54. Convocation. — The Convocation fum-
moned with the Parliament in April, 1640, con-
tinued after that Parliament was dilTolved, under a
new writ, fays Clarendon, *' under the proper title
of a Synod. Made Canons which it was thought it
might do ; and gave fubfidies out of Parliament, and
enjoined oaths, which it certainly might not do, &c."

P. 55. Creed. — Shortefi. It is confined to the
Trinity ; leaving out Catholic Church, Communion
of Saints, &c.

P. 57. Devils. L. 10. him, i. e. the Devil. Find

out the Hugonots and enter into them, or hunt them
out of the Church,

P. 60. Self Denial. — We live more by example
than precept, and fhow our lives more in what we
do than what 'wq fay,

P. 67. Excommunication. — All this was argued by
Selden in the Affembly of Divines, March, 1644-5.
The Prefbyterians claiming the Keys of Heaven to
retain or remit fms — to exclude from Sacrament, &c.
(See articles "Sacrament," "Synod," " Affembly.")
At laft it was decided that the Prefbyterian Synods
might have the power to fufpend from Sacrament,
&c. but always fubje6l to the final decifion of Parlia-
ment if an appeal were made. The Prefbyterians
protefl againft this vote ; and are warned that they
have violated the Privileges of Parliament, and come
under a Prsmunire.

P. 68. Excommunication, z. — Selden probably
derived this notion from the work of Eraftus upon
Church Government, where we have the following
palTage : Demonllratum eft nunc folidiffime, ** Die
Ecclefis," non aliud fignificare, quam die populi tui
Magiftri tui (feu qui ejufdem tuum lit religionis) an-
tiquam apud profanum Magiftratum cum fratre tuo
litiges : ut apoft. Paulus in i Cor. 6. cap. ubi propter
hanc cauflam arbitros ex fuo ordine eos jubet eligere,
pulcherrime exponit. Thejis lii. p. 40.

P. 68. Excommunication. 3. — Always an enemy

Notes.

to the ufurpations of Eccleiiaftical authority, when
the points of Excommunication and fufpenfion from
the Sacrament, as part of the difcipline in the new
eftablifliment of Religion, were debated in the Houfe,
September 3, 1645, Selden gave his opinion on the
fubjeft, and Whitelock, in his Memorials, has given
the following outline of his argument :

** That for 4000 years there was no fign of any
law to fufpend perfons from religious exercifes : —
that under the law every linner was Eo nominey to
come and offer, as he was a linner ; and no prieft or
other authority had to do with him, unlefs it might
be made to appear to them whether another did re-
pent or not, which was hard to be done. Strangers
were kept away from the pafTover, but they were
pagans. The queftion is not now for keeping pagans
in times of Chriftianity, but protellants from protef-
tant worfhip. No Divine can fhew that there is any
fuch command as this, to fufpend from the Sacra-
ment. No man is kept from the Sacrament, eo no-
mine^ becaufe he is guilty of any fm, by the conili-
tution of the reformed Churches, or becaufe he hath
not made fatisfaftion. Every man is a finner; the
difference is only that one is a finner in private, the
other in public : the one is as much againil God as
the other. Die Ecclejie in St. Matthew meant the
courts of law which then fat in Jerufalem. No man
can fliew any Excommunication till the popes Vic-
tor and Zephyrinus, 200 years after Chrift, firft be-
gan to ufe it in private quarrels : whence Excommu-
nication is but a human invention : it was taken from
the heathen."

Notes.

Dr. Aikin has jullly oblerved that Selden could
not have more explicitly declared himfelf againfl that
fpirit of Ecclefiaflical dominion which began to cha-
rafterife the new rulers and which provoked Milton
to exclaim

New prejbyter is but old priejl writ large.

P. 78. Gold. — We have the following account in
Camden's Remains :

" The firil gold that K. Edward III. coyned
was in the yeare 1343, and the pieces were called
Florences^ becaufe Florentines were the coyners.
Shortly after he coyned Nobles, of noble faire and
fine gold ; afterwards the Rofe- Noble then current
for 6 Ihillings and 8 pence, and which our Alchy-
mifts do affirme (as an unwritten verity) was made
by projeftion or multiplication Alchymicall of Ray-
mund Lully in the Tower of London, who would
prove it as Alchymically, befide the tradition of the
Rabbies in that faculty, by the infcription ; for as
upon the one fide there is the King's image in a
fhip, to notifie that he was the Lord of the Seas, with
his titles ; fet upon the reverfe a crofs fleury with
Lioneeux, infcribed, Jefus, autem tranjte?nper medium
illorum ibat. Which they profoundly expound, as
Jefus pafi'ed invifible and in moft fecret manner by
the middeft of the Pharifees, fo that gold was made
by invifible and fecret art among the ignorant. But
others fay, that text was only one of the Amulets ufed
in that credulous warfaring age to efcape dangers in
battle."

Lenglet du Frefnoy, in his Hiilory of Hermetic

245

246 Notes.

Philofophy, after mentioning Camden's and Selden's
account fays : *' mais je n'ai jamais lu en aucun en-
droit que les artiftes de la fcience Hermetique fen
foient fervi de ces devifes pour les accommoder a
leur art ; en voici une explication plus fimple.

Raymond Lulle apres fon operation trouva moyen
de f'evader de la Tour de Londres, ou il etoit
detenu ; et avec un barque, ou un vailTeau, il f9Ut
franchir le palTage de la mer et fortir de I'Angle-
terre, fans qu'on fen appercut. C^tH a quoi fe
rapportent ces paroles de I'Evangile, ou Edouard
paroit inlinuer, que I'auteur de la matiere de ces
pieces d'or avoit pafle au travers de fes vaiffeaux,
comme Jefus Chrill fait au milieu de fes Difciples,
fans qu'on le vit, ou fans qu'on le connut.

II eft vrai cependant, que ce ne fut que fous Ed-
ouard III. ou V. que Ton commenga en Angleterre
a frapper des monnoyes d'or ; mais ce pourroit etre
de celui que Raymond avoit fait fous le regne prece-
dent, ou de celui que Cremer, inftruit par Raym.ond
Lulle, pouvoit avoir produit a ce prince, fous lequel
il a vecu.

P. 76. Genealogy of Chr'ifi. — They were both of
a tribe J and therefore only the genealogy of one was
put down, as fach marriage was unlawful, &c.

This point is difcufled in the i8th chap, of
Selden's Treatife De Succeffionibus ad Leges Ebrae-
orum.

P. 80. The defcent into Hell. — For much upon
this controverted point fee the Appendix to Parr's

Notes.

Life of Ufher, p. 23, et fcq. Archbifliop Uflier's
opinion was very much that exprefled by Selden.

P. 80. Hell. 2. — In Edward the Sixth's Articles
it was '* went down to hell to preach to the fpirits
there." Fuller.

P. 81. Holy Days. — ''They,'' i. e. the Laudites.

P. 88. Incendiaries. — For eft hujinefs, encroach-
ments of the King's lands on the Subjeft's. Decided
by jury under dire6lion of corrupt Judges.

247

P. 90. Independency. — " St. Paul fays,
thians, ch. vi.

>>

Corin-

P. 94. Judge. — The Judges almoft unanimoufly
fanftioned Charles's right to Ship-Money and other
extortions. When Selden and others fued to be ad-
mitted to be bailed out of the Tower, in 1629, Sir
Robert Heath, Attorney General, faid to the Judges :
" I am confident that you will not bail them if any
danger may enfue ; but firft you are to confult with the
King ; and he will ihew you where the danger lies."

P. 94. Groom Porter. 3. — An office of the Royal
houfehold fucceeding, it is faid, to the Mafter of the
Revels. He ufed to keep a Gaming-Table at Chrift-
mas. It fhould appear that this cuftom was aboliihed
in or about the year 1700, when a poem was pub-
lilhed, with the following title :

" An Elegiack Eflay upon the Deceafe of the
Groom-Porter, and the Lotteries," fol. 1700.

248

Notes.

p. 100. King of Eiigland. 5. — "The three Ef-
tates." "This divifion of eftates is countenanced by
fome old ftatutes, fays Fuller, and was doubtlefs well
agitated between High Church and Parliament.
Some of the aged Bifhops (he fays) had their tongues
fo ufed to the language of a third eftate, that more
than once they run on that reputed rock in their
fpeeches ; for which they were publicly fhent, and
enjoined an acknowledgement of their miftake."

P. 105. Knight's Service, i. — Some of the early
Kings forced their fubjefts of 20/. a year to take the
order of knighthood, or exempt themfelves by a fine.
Elizabeth and James had exercifed this right once.
Charles at his coronation fummoned all of 40/. a
year to take the order; and in 1630 levied heavy
fines on thofe who did not; raifing 100,000/. thereby.
It is faid the Long Parliament foon abolifhed this and
fo many other grievances.

Every man is bound by his tenure to defend his
Lord ; and both he and his Lord the King and his
country, &c. See Homage, Coke upon Littleton.

P. 105. Land. Under-foot, i. e. under-value.

I

P. 109. Law. 5. — The Parliament may declare.
This may refer to the Lords fitting on appeals.
Peerages, &c. or as a Court of Juftice, as in Stafibrd's
trial. Or to fome fuch language as this Manifello
put forth by the Parliament againll one of the King's
in 1642. They declare that "the King alone could
not be Judge in this cafe," (the ftate of the nation.

Notes.

&c.) " for the King judges not matters of law but by
his courts ; nor can the Courts of Law be Judges of
the Hate of the Kingdom againft the Parliament, be-
caufe they are inferior. But as the Law is deter-
mined by the Judges, who are of the King's Council ;
fo the ftate of the Nation is to be determined by the
two Houfes of Parliament, who are the proper Judges
of the Conilitution. If therefore the Lords and
Commons in Parliament affembled declare this or
the other matter to be Law, or according to the
Conftitution of the Kingdom, it is not lawful for any
fingle perfon or inferior court to contradi6l it." —
Refolved : " That when the Lords and Commons,
which is the fupreme Law of Judicature in the
Kingdom fhall declare what the Law is — to have
this not only quelHoned but contradicted, and a com-
mand that it fliould not be obeyed, is a high breach
of Privilege of Parliament."

Rujhworth, V. 3. part i. p. 698.

P. 116. Lords in Parliament. 2. — ''The Lords
proiejiing" The Lords (fays Clarendon) had an
ancient privilege, very rarely ufed, of entering their
names as difientients from the vote of the majority.
But nozu the Puritan Lords would often do it; not
{imply entering their names, but fumming up the
matter debated, and protelling " left mifchief fhould
befall the Commonwealth by this Refolution,"
&c. and this in the Records of the Houfe, fo that
the Commons faw who was with them and who
not.

249

250 Notes.

p. 117. Prior of St. John. 2. — Being generally
of noble extraction and a military perfon.

*' So alfo the Abbot of St. James, by Northamp-
ton, may be faid to fit bat on one hip in Parliament,
he appears fo in the twilight betwixt a Baron and no
Baron in the fummons thereunto." Fuller.

P. 118. Irijh Lords. 5. — In 1626 the Lords
complained to the King, that whereas they had here-
tofore, out of courtefy, as to ftrangers, yielded prece-
dency according to degree, "unto fuch nobles of
Scotland and Ireland as, being in titles above them,
have reforted hither; Now divers of the natural
born fubjefts of thofe Kingdoms relident here with
their families, and having their chief eftates among
us, do, by reafon of fome late created dignities in
thofe Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland, claim pre-
cedency of the Peers of this Realm, which tends to
the differvice of your Majeily, and to the great dif-
paragement of the Englifh Nobility, as by thefe rea-
fons may appear, &c." Rujhworth i. 237.

P. 129. Minifier Divine. 11. — The Clink.
" Now amongft the fruitful generation of jails in
London, there were thought never a better; fome
lefs bad amongft them. I take the Marlhalfea to be
in thofe times the beft for ufage of prifoners. But
O ! tlie mifery of God's poor faints in Newgate,
under Alexander the Jailer (more cruel than his
namefake w^as to St. Paul) in Lollard's Tower, the
Clinky and Bonner's Coal houfe." Fuller.

The Clink was an appendage to the Bifliop of
Winchefter's Palace in Southwark.

P. 131. Money. 2. — Boccaline, i. e. in a Story of
Boccalini. He was a famous fatirirt of the i6th
Century, and in the Ragguagli di Parnafo feigns this
llory of Euclid. The common tradition is, that
Boccalini himfelf was killed by the very means he
fuppofed employed againft Euclid ; being beaten to
death by four men armed with bags of fand. It is
more probable that rumour picked up his own fic-
tion ignorantly and applied it to himfelf. v. Biogr.
Univerfelle,

P. 139. Opinion. — Good! This is the true dif-
ference betwixt the beautiful and the agreeable, which
Knight and the reft of that TTA^Sof dQeov have fo be-
neficially confounded, meretricibus fcilicet et Plutoni.

O what an infight this whole article gives into a
wife man's heart, who has been compelled to aft
with the many, as one of the many 1 It explains Sir
Thomas More's zealous romanifm. Coleridge.

P. 141. Parity. — The public men faid this was
the deftroying of Prefby ters if the leifer number did
not fubmit to the greater ; it was a fort of Prelacy,
if it was pretended that votes ought rather to be
weighed than counted; Parity was the elTence of
their conftitution, &c. Burnet.

On the 9th of Februry, 1640, upon a debate in
the Houfe refpefting the Bifhops, Sir Simonds D'
Ewes records that *' Sir Johij Strangways rofe up

252 Notes.

and fpake on their behalf, faying, if we made a Parity
in the Church, we mull come at lail to a Parity in
the Commonwealth ; and the Bifhops were one of
the three Eftates of the Kingdom, and had a voice in
the Parliament. Mr. Cromwell flood up next and
faid, he knew no reafon for thefe fuppofitions, — he
did not underfland why the gentleman that lail fpoke
Ihould make an inference of Parity from the Church
to the Commonwealth, nor that there was any necef-
fity of the great revenue of Bifhops. He was more
convinced, touching the irregularity of Bifhops, than
ever before ; becaufe like the Roman Hierarchy they
would not endure to have their condition come to a
trial." MSS. Harl. 162, cited in the Edinburgh
Review, Vol. 84, p. 90.

Since a Parity was firffc ordained by God him-
felfe, and that there needeth no Order or Degree of
perfons, becaufe God is equall and no refpefter of
perfons. Be it therefore ordered— that we have no
King but Parity.

That every yeare there fhall be the Round-heads
feafl celebrated, a well-lung'd long-breathed Cobler
fliall preach a Sermon fix houres, and his prayer two
houres long, and at every MefTe in this Feafl fhall be
prefented a goodly Difh of Turnips, becaufe it is
very agreeable to our Natures ; for a Turnip has a
round head, and the Anagram of Puritan is a Tvr-
Nip." New Orders new made by a Parliament of
Roundheads, Sec. 4to. Lond. 1642.

P. 144-5. Parliament. 8. — The famous Remon-
flrance v/as carried a^er fitting from 3 p. m. to 3

Notes.

a. m. which made fome one fay it was ** the Verdift
of a flarved Jury."

^53

P. 146. Peace. 2. — " Wheri a country wench can-
not get her butter to come, Jhe fays t.he witch is in
the Churn.^^

This is bantered by C. Cotton in his Virgil Tra-
vefty, b. iv.

Scot in his Difcovery of Witchcraft, obferves,
" That when the country people fee the butter
cometh not, then get they out of the fufpefted
witch's houfe, a little butter, whereof mull be made
three balls in the name of the holy Trinity ; and fo,
if they be put into the churn, the butter will pre-
fently come, and the witchcraft will ceafe — but if
you put a little fugar and foap into the churn among
the cream, the butter will never come." Webller
(Difplay of Witchcraft, b. 12. c. 21.) affigns natural
caufes for the butter not coming, with the method to
make it come. ,

P. 152. Poetry. — No one man can know all
things ; even Selden here talks ignorantly. Verfe is in
itfelf a mufic, and the natural fymbol of that union of
paffion v/ith thought and pleafure, which conftitutes
the elTence of all poetry, as contradilllnguifhed from
hiftory civil or natural. To Pope's EfTay on Man, —
in Ihort to whatever is mere metrical good fenfe and
wit, the remark applies. Coleridge.

P. 154. — "Verfe proves nothing but the quantity
of fyllables; they are not meant for logic."

254 Notes.

True ; they, that is, verfes, are not logic ; but
they are, or ought to be, the envoys and reprefenta.
tives of that vital paffion, which is the practical ce-
ment of logic J and v^ithout which logic mull re-
main inert. ^ Coleridge.

P. i68. Preaching. 7. — In 163 1, they began to
preach againft Laud's innovation, at Oxford. Yea,
their very texts gave offence ; one preaching on
Numbers xiv. 6. " Let us make a Captain and return
into Egypt." Another on Kings xiii. 2. *' And he
cried againil; the Altar in the word of the Lord, and
faid, O ! Altar, Altar."

P. 175. Predefiination. — It was ilridlly forbidden
to preach againft Predefiination in the early part of
Charles's reign, and Clergymen were fummoned be-
fore the Council for doing fo.

P. 178. Preferment. 5. — Lord Digby. He
fpoke againil Strafford's attainder, and was called up
to the Lords, June 10, 1641.

P. 179. Pramunire, — In Edward the Third's
reign an Adl of provifion againil the Pope's encroach-
ments was made ; in Richard the Second's the A<fl
of Prsmunire paffed againil the Pope giving away
Bilhopricks, Livings, &c. contra Regis, &c. But in
25 th Henry the Eighth any appeal to Rome from
any of the King's Courts came under the Adl of
Prsmunire.

Notes.

p. 182. Prejbytery. 4. — The Allembly met with
many difficulties; fome complaining of Mr. Selden,
that advantaged by his ikill in antiquity, common law,
and the Oriental tongues, he employed them rather to
pofe than profit, perplex than inform the members
thereof — in the 14 queries he propofed ; whofe in-
tent therein was to humble the Jure-divino-fhip of
Prefbytery ; which though hinted and held forth, is
not fo made out in Scripture, but, being too fcant on
many occafions, it muft be pieced with prudential
additions. Thefe queries being fent from Parliament
to the Aflembly, and it was ordered that in the an-
fwers proofs from Scripture be fet down with the
feveral texts at large, in the exprefs words of the
fame, &c. On receiving thefe queries the AlTembly
is in great perturbation, appoints a folemn fail, and a
committee to confider of the anfwers.

P. 184. Pr lefts of Rome. 3. — The ^een Mother
and Rojfett. Mary de Medicis got out of England
at lall by the Parliament, at 10,000/. expenfe, Aug.
1641.

RofTetti ; complained againft by the long Parlia-
ment, as being Nuncio or agent between the Pope
and Henrietta Maria.

P. 187. Reafon. 2. — Depopulate. Depopulatio agro-
rum — a great offence in the ancient Common Law :
Pulling down, or leaving to ruin farm-houfes, cot-
tages, &c. turning arable into pafture, &c.

P. 189. No?i Refdency. — Peter Pence. A levy

^ss

of one penny to the Pope on every chimney that
fmoked — fo called, hearth-penny, fmoke-penny, &c.
granted by Ine or Athelulph.

P. 196. Religion. 17. — Roaring boys. The
Swafh bucklers or bullying bucks of Charles's time.

P. 201. Superjlition. — They pretend not to abide
the Crofs. It will be remembered that on the old
coins the reverfe had generally the figure of a Crofs.
Hence the French phrafe " jouer croix ou pile " for
to play at toffing for heads and tails.

P. 203. Ship-Money. 2. — Selden evidently
doubted whether Hampden's conteft againfl the pay-
ment of Ship-Money, though praifeworthy and cor-
re6l, was of any benefit to the country, and we may
conlider that his doubt was founded upon a juft fear
that it would aggravate the growing enmity between
the people and the Sovereign, and would involve in
one feeling of diflike all the conftituted branches of
the Executive." John/on^- Me??ioirs of Selden.

P. 204. Synod AJfembly. — It was not compofed
like the yearly General Synods of the Prefbyterian
Church, entrufted with independent power ; but was
a Committee to advife with Parliament in matters of
Religion, and referring all to the final fandion of
Parliament. The Prefbyterian party ftrove hard to
make their Church and councils independent of the
Hate ; but Selden and the Eraflians kept them under
the civil power.

The Aflembly began to fit in July, 1643, in

Notes.

257

February, 1648-9 changed into a Committee for the
ordination of Minifters, and broke up finally in 1652.

P. 208. Tithes. — LnpropriationSf i. e. Lay-im-
propriations ; appropriation being the proper term
for any benefice given into clerical hands.

P. 216. Trial. 3. — It is commonly believed the
Rack was not ufed in England later than 16 19, w^hen
Peacham, fufpedled of treafon, was racked by or-
der of the Privy Council. But Mr. Jardine quotes
from the Council Book a feries of warrants for tor-
ture from Edward the Sixth down to 1640. The
twelve Judges declared it was againft the Law, in
Felton's cafe.

P. 220. War. 2. — Martial Law. This was one
of the chief grievances complained of in the Petition
of Right, debated many days in Parliament, and
Selden one of the chief fpeakers. Charles had billeted
his foldiers illegally on his fubjefts ; any crimes,
violence, &c. thofe foldiers Ihould commit, to be
panifhed by Martial Law — whereby many were
illegally executed, and many, acquitted by the
Martial Law, evaded the furer procefs of the Com-
mon Law. Great outrage and violence prevailed ;
the roads were not fafe, markets unfrequented, &c.

The End.

C. VVHJTTINGHAM, CHISWICK.

Corrigenda.

Page 27, Line 18, read ^^ thefe kingdoms,"

— Ill, — 1 5, for " duly " read " dully."

— 144, — 13, for "our" read "out."

— i73> — I, read " 'tis not the Mafter."

I

4

i

/

PR Selden, John
2339 Table talk
S3A7

18^7

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

■JS*.

'^^'f^'

k.-»i,'jIS»^,