Full text of "Taboo"
<^ !=i
w ^ p
(< OU_1 60321 >m
^99 5 w
OSMANIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
No 6 7 W Vl T" AC -.cession No
This book should be returned cm or before the date last marked below
$4.00
(Continued from front of jacket)
to exhibit the momentous role which these
prohibitions have played in human socie-
ties. He has filled a gap in the literature of
social anthropology by a comprehensive
treatment of taboo as a phenomenon of
wide prevalence.
The ethnographical, historical, and psy-
chological approaches to the study have
not been neglected, but the author's main
purpose is to show how important a place
taboos hold in the cultural evolution of
mankind.
THE AUTHOR
Dr. Webster took his A.B. at Stanford
in 1896 and his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1904.
He was Professor of Social Anthropology
at the University of Nebraska from 1907 to
1929 and a Lecturer in Sociology at Stan-
ford since 1932, now emeritus. Among his
many books are History of Civilization,
Primitive Secret Societies, and Rest Days.
BY THE SAME AUTHOR
Primitive Secret Societies: A Study in Early
Politics and Religion (The Macmillan Company,
New York, 1908; Japanese translation, 1916;
Italian translation, 1920; second edition,
revised, 1932)
Rest Days: A Study in Early Law and Morality
(The Macmillan Company, New York, 1916).
Out of print.
TA^OO
A ^Sociological Otudy
By
HUTTON WEBSTER, PH.D.
Sometime Professor of Social Anthropology
University of Nebraska
Lecturer in Sociology ^ Stanford University
STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Stanford University, California
HUMPHREY MILFORD :: OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
London
STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
STANFORD UNIVERSITY, CALIFORNIA
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
THE BAKER AND TAYLOR COMPANY
55 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK
COPYRIGHT 1942 BY THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES
OF THE LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY
PRINTED AND BOUND IN THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA BY STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
===== TO =====
MY CHILDREN
"The field covered by taboos among savage
and half -savage races is very wide, for there is
no part of life in which the savage does not feel
himself to be surrounded by mysterious agen-
cies and recognize the need of walking warily."
W. ROBERTSON SMITH
"Le passage du tabou a Tinterdiction moti-
vee, raisonnee, raisonnable, c'est presque This-
toire des progres de Tesprit humain."
SALOMON REINACH
PREFACE
THE word "taboo" (Polynesian tabu) entered English speech
from Captain Cook's fascinating narrative of his third and last
voyage to the island world of the Pacific. In 1888 James George
Frazer contributed to the ninth edition of the Encyclopedia Bri-
tannica a brief article dealing with the system of taboo, especially
in Polynesia, its peculiar home. Noteworthy contributions to our
knowledge of the subject have since been jnade by Frazer himself
and by other students of primitive magic and religion. It now
seems possible to fill a gap in the literature of social anthropology
by a comprehensive treatment of taboo as a phenomenon of wide
prevalence.
The present work brings together much trustworthy evidence,
but makes no pretense to exhaustiveness. Indeed, a compilation
of encyclopedic proportions would be required to set forth fully
the materials that have been gathered among primitive or pre-
literate peoples alone. Were the investigation extended to peoples
of archaic civilization, still more volumes would be necessary. In
order to guide the reader to further sources of information, I
have regularly included references to other works where particu-
lar taboos have been assembled and described.
An inquiry of this sort might be conducted along various lines:
ethnographically, by an effort to trace the diffusion of taboos;
or historically, by a search for the contacts between peoples which
may explain this diffusion ; or psychologically, by the attempt to
formulate the ideas underlying the systejn of taboo in its many
ramifications. I have not wholly neglected these various ap-
proaches to the subject, but my main concern has been to show
or try to show how important a place taboos hold in the cultural
evolution of mankind.
Taboos form a specific series of thou-shalt-nots. They are
not to be confused (as in popular usage) with social conventions
and regulations of a negative sort, conventions and regulations
without an obvious utility. They are to be distinguished from
restrictions resting on the vague notion of unluckiness which
attaches to certain acts or things or times, restrictions found in
the lower culture and, under the attenuated form of a survival,
VII
via TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
lingering among ourselves. More important still, there are in-
numerable prohibitions, both animistic and non-animistic in char-
acter, which must likewise be excluded from the conception of
taboo if this is to possess any scientific validity and retain a
place in ethnological theory. Taboos are prohibitions which,
when violated, produce automatically in the offender a state of
ritual disability "taboo sickness" only relieved, when relief is
possible, by a ceremony of purification. To this definition I have
steadfastly adhered.
The customs considered here are mostly of unknown origin
and of unknown antiquity. Many of them, particularly those re-
lating to reproduction, death, and the dead, must be very old, reach-
ing back into the childhood of the race. Though often fantastic and
absurd and sometimes lewd and cruel, they are, nevertheless, the
most imperative of primitive observances, those to which the sav-
age accords the most implicit obedience. To study them is to gain
some comprehension of social evolution through unnumbered cen-
turies ; it is to open a window into man's dim and distant past.
HUTTON WEBSTER
MENLO PARK, CALIFORNIA
July, 1942
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author acknowledges with hearty thanks the permission
granted to him by publishers in England and the United States
(Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press, Macmil-
lan and Co., Ltd., Seeley, Service and Co., Ltd., H. F. and G.
Witherby, Christophers, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co.,
Harper and Brothers, Charles Scribner's Sons, and the Hartford
Seminary Press) to make numerous quotations from their books.
H. W.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
NATURE OF TABOO
Social and extra-social sanctions for human conduct; taboos,
1, 2. The taboo system in Polynesia, 2-7. Taboos distin-
guished from animistic and sympathetic prohibitions, 7, 8.
Factors in taboo-making: dreams, visions, and untoward
events, 9, 10. Coincidental experiences as confirming taboos,
10-13. Origin and multiplication of taboos, 13-15. Mystic
dangerousness and occult power, 15-17. Authority of ta-
boos, 17, 18. Consequences of taboo-breaking, 18-20. Sick-
ness as the punishment for violation of taboos, 20-22. Treat-
ment of the sick, 22-24. Death as the punishment for
violation of taboos, 24-26. Treatment of those who die a
"bad death," 26-28. Taboos, curses, oaths, and vows, 28.
Individual and social taboos, 28, 29. Inherent, imposed, and
acquired taboos, 29, 30. Imposition of taboos by tribal eld-
ers, secret societies, chiefs, and priests, 30-33. Taboo signs,
33. Duration of taboos, 33, 34. The rite of desacralization,
34, 35. Purificatory rites, 35-39. Notes to chapter i, 39-48.
CHAPTER II
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 49
Pregnancy regulations, 49-52. Restrictions observed by the
husband of a pregnant woman, 52. Sexual intercourse usu-
ally forbidden but sometimes required during a wife's preg-
nancy, 52, 53. Seclusion of a pregnant woman, 53, 54. Se-
clusion of a parturient woman, 54-56. Communal taboos
observed after a birth, 56, 57. Treatment of a woman who
has miscarried or been delivered of a stillborn child, 57-59.
Treatment of deformed children and of those with some
striking abnormality, 59-61. Twins and the mothers of twins
tabooed, 61-65. Twins sometimes regarded as auspicious,
65-67. Sexual intercourse after a wife's confinement, 67-
70. Taboos imposed upon a puerperal woman until her puri-
fication, 7(X-76. .Purification of her child, 76-78. Taboos
observed by her husband, 78-81. Uncleanness of menstru-
ous women, 82-88. Seclusion and purification of menstruous
women, especially of pubescent girls, 88-93. Initiation of
boys at puberty, 93-95. Notes to chapter ii, 95-109.
ix
x TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
CHAPTER III
FAGB
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 110
Permanent uncleanness of women, 110. Sexual separation in
eating; commensal taboos, 110-12. Men's clubhouses, 112.
Division of occupations between the sexes, 112-15. Secu-
lar restrictions imposed upon women, 115-17. Dietary dis-
abilities of women, 117, 118. Religious restrictions imposed
upon women, 119-21. Notes to chapter iii, 121-28.
CHAPTER IV
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 129
Sexual intercourse regarded as polluting, 129-32. Taboos of
sexual intercourse on critical occasions, 132-39. Illicit sexual
relations; adultery, 139-46. Fornication, 146-48. Incest, 148-
52. Rules of avoidance, 152-55. Taboos affecting newly mar-
ried couples, 155-57. Notes to chapter iv, 157-66.
CHAPTER V
DEATH AND THE DEAD 167
The pollution of death, 167. Precautions and avoidances in re-
spect to the moribund, 167-69. Precautions and avoidances in
respect to the dead, 169-72. Desertion of a settlement where a
death has occurred, 172-74. Abandonment or destruction of a
house in which a death has occurred, 174-77. Goods and chat-
tels of the dead abandoned or destroyed, 177-84. Avoidance of
the names of the dead, 184-87. Rest days after a death, 187-89.
Taboos observed by undertakers and gravediggers, by the
relatives of the deceased, and by other mourners, 189-96. Ta-
boos observed by widows and widowers, 196-202. Private man-
slayers tabooed, 202-7. Executioners tabooed, 207. Warriors
tabooed, 208-13. Notes to chapter v, 214-29.
CHAPTER VI
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA . . 230
Taboos of strangers, 230-33. Purification of strangers and
of returning travelers, 233-35. Strange lands tabooed, 235.
Strange, unfamiliar, and new objects tabooed, 236, 237. Con-
servatism of the savage, 237, 238. Taboos which relate to
strange or terrifying aspects of nature, 238, 239. Thunder and
lightning taboos, 239-43. Lunar taboos: eclipses, 243. The
interlunium, 243, 244. Phases of the moon, 244-46. Taboos
imposing communal abstinence and quiescence on critical occa-
. sions, 246-52. Notes to chapter vi, 253-60.
CONTENTS XI
CHAPTER VII
PAGE
SACRED PERSONS - 261
Sacred persons, 261-63. Taboos affecting chiefs and kings,
263-70. Taboos affecting magicians, priests, and secret society
officials, 270-73. Celibacy of sacred men and women, 273, 274.
Laymen sometimes sacrosanct, 275. Sanctity of secret society
initiates, 275. Ceremonies of consecration, 275, 276. Notes to
chapter vii, 276-79.
CHAPTER VIII
SACRED THINGS 280
Sacred places, sepulchers, and temples, 280-83. The right of
sanctuary, 283-86. Cult ic objects sacred, 286-92. Sacredness
ascribed to non-cultic objects, 292, 293. Sacred animals, 293,
294. Sacred times, 294-97. Sacred numbers; seven, 297, 298.
Sacred rites, formulas, and myths, 298-300. Names of sacred
persons tabooed, 300, 301. Names of spirits and gods tabooed,
301, 302. Euphemisms, 302. Taboo languages, 303. Notes to
chapter viii, 304-10.
CHAPTER IX
SIN AND RITUAL DEFILEMENT 311
Public confession of sins, 311. Examples of public confession,
311-15. The primitive conception of sin, 315. Examples, 315-
18. Notes to chapter ix, 319-21.
CHAPTER X
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 322
Food restrictions in general, 322. Food restrictions observed by
young people among the aborigines of Australia, 322, 323. To-
temic food restrictions in Australia, 323-25. Food restrictions
in connection with the cult of guardian spirits, 325, 326. Food
restrictions pertaining to individuals, families, and social groups
and classes, 326-32. Avoidance of certain foods, especially fish,
swine, poultry, eggs, and milk, 332-36. Prohibitions relating to
the preparation and eating of food, 336-38. Closed seasons for
food plants and animals, 338-42. Ceremonies of first-fruits,
342, 343. Taboos of private property, 344. Evidence for ta-
boos of private property : in Australia and the islands of Torres
Straits, 344; in New Guinea, 344, 345; in the D'Entrecasteaux
Islands, 345, 346; among the Melanesians, 346, 347; among the
Polynesians, 347-49; among the Indonesians, 349, 350; in the
Nicobar Islands and Ceylon, 350; in Madagascar, 350; through-
xii TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
PAGE
out Negro Africa, 350-52; among- the Negroes of Surinam, the
Caribs, and some South American Indians, 352. Economic in-
fluence of taboos of private property, 353. Notes to chapter x,
353-65.
CHAPTER XI
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO 366
Abolition of taboos in Polynesia, 366-69. Elimination of taboos
by civilized peoples, 369, 370. Taboo and religion, 370, 371.
Taboo and morality, 371, 372. Taboo and civil law, 372, 373.
Salutary restraints of a taboo system, 373, 374. Disintegra-
tion of a taboo system as the result of European influence, 374,
375. Introduction of new taboos following contact with Euro-
peans, 375, 376. Taboos sometimes deliberately violated, 376-
78. The role of taboo in primitive society, 378. Notes to chap-
ter xi, 378-81.
INDEX 383
CHAPTER I
NATURE OF TABOO
THE unfettered, uninhibited savage, described by the romanti-
cists of the eighteenth century, is as fictitious as the Golden Age
itself. The savage, rather, is bound hand and foot by custom,
especially negative custom. Thou-shalt-nots surround him from
the cradle to the grave. He must entertain no thought, express
no feeling, and perform no deed which runs counter to the general
will. How slowly and with how many setbacks have men any-
where achieved some measure of personal independence, some
freedom to think, feel, and act for themselves and not for the herd!
The English jurist, John Austin, developing ideas ultimately
derived from the seventeenth-century philosopher Thomas Hobbes,
made familiar the conception of law as a rule prescribed by the
sovereign to his subjects, whether the sovereign be one man to
whom obedience is given or a group of men who possess su-
preme power. The Austinian conception of "positive" law has
no application, of course, to rude societies, whose binding cus-
toms are responses to community needs rather than commands
laid down in an arbitrary way by some superior authority. The
group, or at least its dominant members, reacts favorably or un-
favorably toward certain modes of behavior, which thereby be-
come approved or disapproved. The outcome is the formation
of standards of belief and conduct. A minor departure from the
norm will then meet some degree of reprobation, while the most
serious offenses, such as witchcraft and incest, will often be
punished directly by a sort of "lynch law" or indirectly by recog-
nized judicial authorities. These are social sanctions.
There are also extra-social sanctions. A transgressor of ac-
cepted usages may be supposed to kindle the anger of spiritual
beings and, unless appeasement is made, to suffer some punish-
ment at their hands in this world or in the next. Prohibitions
resting on such a personal sanction are animistic in character. He
may also be supposed to call down upon himself some inevitable
punishment in the shape of evils inextricably bound up with the
L TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
violation, just as, in the physical world, fire burns, water drowns,
and poison kills. Innumerable restrictions relating to certain foods
may be thus explained : in Madagascar a soldier will not eat the
knee of an ox, lest like an ox he should become weak-kneed and
unable to march, nor will he partake of kidneys because in the
Malagasy language the word for kidney is the same as that for
"shot," so shot he would be if he consumed this delicacy. No hint
can be found in such restrictions of punitive action by any agent :
the commission of the forbidden act itself begets the penalty.
For us the causal connection between deed and aftermath of deed
is imaginary; for the savage the connection is as real as are the
spiritual beings of whose presence and activity he is so certain.
Prohibitions with such an impersonal sanction are sympathetic
in character, because they rest on the assumption that things
which bear a likeness to each other can affect each other at a
distance, through a secret sympathy. Finally, there are prohibi-
tions, likewise impersonal as to their sanction, but supported by
the belief that their infraction will result automatically in a most
serious condition for the culprit, who becomes "tabooed" or in a
"state of taboo" a condition of ritual disability dangerous to
himself and often to others as well. Unless he can be relieved
by appropriate measures and these are not always efficacious
a great misfortune will befall him and possibly his fellows. The
evil to come is sometimes represented as sickness, disease, or death
and sometimes, again, it is but vaguely imagined. Whatever the
consequences of violation, agreement is general that they are real
and that they may be dreadful. Only prohibitions of this nature
are properly described as taboos. 1
"Taboo," from the Polynesian tabu, is one of the few words
which the languages of the Pacific Islanders have contributed to
modern speech. In English it is used indifferently as noun, adjec-
tive, participle, or verb: a "taboo" is a prohibition; an object
"taboo" or "tabooed" is an object under a prohibition; "to taboo"
is to put under a prohibition. The Polynesian word had only an
adjectival significance, and the substantive and verbal forms were
expressed by derivative words and phrases. Tabu seems to be
properly the Tongan word; tapu the term found in Samoa, the
Marquesas Islands, the Society Islands, and New Zealand; and
kapu the Hawaiian expression. 2 Tapu has been derived from ta,
to mark, and pu, an adverb of intensity. "The compound word
tapu, therefore, means no more than 'marked thoroughly/ and
only came to signify sacred or prohibited in a secondary sense;
NATURE OF TABOO 3
because sacred things and places were commonly marked in a
peculiar manner, in order that every one might know that they
were sacred." 8 According to another derivation, tapu is from
the name of the conch shell, pu f and ta, which means to strike as
well as to mark, and is also used as a causative prefix. "In the
old order when a chief announced a ceremonial restriction by
blowing his conch shell, it may have been described by the com-
pound word ta-pu." 4 Such etymologies and others like them are
discredited by the fact that the word tapu or tabu, together with
the customs and beliefs which it denotes, is traceable widely in the
Pacific area. 5
As an English word, "taboo" was made familiar by Captain
James Cook in the narrative of his third and last voyage around
the world. 6 He reached the Tonga or Friendly Islands in 1777,
and at Tongatabu entertained on shipboard several superior and
inferior chiefs. When dinner was served, not one of them would
sit down or eat anything provided. "On expressing my surprise
at this, they were all taboo, as they said, which word has a very
comprehensive meaning, but, in general, signifies that a thing is
forbidden." Sometime later, observing that two women of a
company at supper were being fed by others, he learned that they
were taboo mattee. It seems that one of them, two months before,
had washed the corpse of a chief and consequently might not
handle any food for five months. The other, having performed
the same office for the corpse of a person of inferior rank, was
also under the same restriction, but not for so long a time. Dur-
ing his stay at Tongatabu Cook was fortunate enough to witness
a certain ceremony in honor of the king's son. The king re-
quested Cook not to allow his sailors to stir from the ship, "for,
as everything would, very soon, be taboo, if any of our people, or
of their own, should be found walking about, they would be
knocked down with clubs; nay mateed, that is, killed." No infor-
mation as to the meaning of the ceremony was vouchsafed by the
natives. "We seldom got any other answer to our inquiries, but
taboo; a word, which, I have before observed, is applied to many
other things."
Human sacrifices were called tangata taboo t "and when any-
thing is forbidden to be eat, or made use of, they say, that it is
taboo." Cook later found this word used in the Society Islands
(Tahiti), but only with reference to the consecrated man offered
as a sacrifice. He found it also in the Sandwich Islands, where
negative regulations of one sort or another seemed to be very
4 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
strictly observed. "For the people here always asked, with great
eagerness and signs of fear to offend, whether any particular
thing which they desired to see, or we were unwilling to show,
was taboo, or, as they pronounced the word, tafoo"
Captain James King, who in 1779 succeeded to the command
after Cook's death and continued the narrative of the voyage,
also makes reference to taboo among the Sandwich Islanders.
He states that the word could be applied to both persons and things
and that it was also used to denote anything "sacred, or eminent,
or devoted." King was impressed by the "most implicit and
scrupulous obedience" of the natives in regard to the prohibitions
laid upon them, but he could not decide whether this was on any
principle of religion or merely in deference to the civil authority
of their chiefs. Elsewhere, however, he describes taboo as a kind
of "religious interdiction."
Cook and the other famous navigators who opened up the
island world of the Pacific were soon followed by the missionaries,
and in 1795 the (London) Missionary Society was formed "to
disseminate the light of divine truth over all the dark regions of
the earth." One of the ablest and most useful of the men whom
it sent to the South Seas was William Ellis. He lived for eight
years (1816-1824) in the Society and Sandwich or Hawaiian
Islands, and after his return to England published in 1829 his
Polynesian Researches. It is an extensive work of lasting value.
The account which Ellis 7 gives of the Polynesian tabu system
relates particularly to the Hawaiian group.
"In most of the Polynesian dialects, the usual meaning of the
word tabu is 'sacred/ It does not, however, imply any moral
quality, but expresses a connection with the gods, or a separation
from ordinary purposes, and exclusive appropriation to persons
or things considered sacred ; sometimes it means devoted as by a
vow. Those chiefs who trace their genealogy to the gods are
called arii tabu, chiefs sacred, from their supposed connection with
the gods ; and a temple is called a wahi iabu, place sacred, because
devoted exclusively to the abode and worship of the gods. It is
a distinct word from rahui, to prohibit .... and is opposed to
the word noa, which means general or common This ap-
pears to be the legitimate meaning of the word tabu, though the
natives, when talking with foreigners, use it more extensively,
applying it to everything prohibited or improper . . . , 8
"Although employed for civil as well as sacred purposes, the
tabu was entirely a religious ceremony, and could be imposed
NATURE OF TABOO 5
only by the priests. A religious motive was always assigned for
laying it on, though it was often done at the instance of the civil
authorities; and persons called kiaimoku, island keepers, a kind
of police officers, were always appointed by the king to see that the
tabu was strictly observed.
"The antiquity of the tabu was equal to the other branches of
that superstition of which it formed so component a part, and its
application was both general and particular, occasional and perma-
nent. The idols, temples, persons, and names of the king, and
members of the reigning family ; the persons of the priests ; canoes
belonging to the gods ; houses, clothes, and mats of the king and
priests; and the heads of men who were the devotees of any
particular idol were always tabu, or sacred. The flesh of hogs,
fowls, turtle, and several other kinds of fish, cocoanuts, and almost
everything offered in sacrifice, were tabu to the use of the gods
and the men; hence the women were, except in cases of particular
indulgence, restricted from using them. Particular places, as those
frequented by the king for bathing, were also rendered perma-
nently tabu. Sometimes an island or a district was tabued, when
no canoe or person was allowed to approach it. Particular fruits,
animals, and the fish of certain places were occasionally tabu for
several months from both men and women. The seasons kept
tabu were: on the approach of some great religious ceremony;
immediately before going to war; and during the sickness of
chiefs. Their duration was various, and much longer in ancient
than in modern times Before the reign of Tamehameha,
forty days was the usual period ; during it, ten or five days, and
sometimes only one day. In this respect, the tabus, or seasons of
restriction, in Hawaii, appear to have exceeded those of the South
Sea Islands The tabu seasons were either common or strict.
During a common tabu, the men were only required to abstain
from their usual avocations, and attend at the heiau when the
prayers were offered every morning and evening. But, during the
season of strict tabu, every fire and light on the island or district
must be extinguished; no canoe must be launched on the water,
no person must bathe; and, except those whose attendance was
required at the temple, no individual must be seen out of doors ;
no dog must bark, no pig must grunt, no cock must crow or the
tabu would be broken and fail to accomplish the object desired.
On these occasions, they tied up the ftiouths of the dogs and
pigs, and put the fowls under a calabash, or fastened a piece of
cloth over their eyes. All the common people prostrated them-
o TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
selves, with their faces touching the ground, before the sacred
chiefs, when they walked out, particularly during tabu; and
neither the king nor the priests were allowed to touch anything
even their food was put into their mouths by another person. The
tabu was imposed either by proclamation, when the crier or herald
of the priests went round, generally in the evening, requiring
every light to be extinguished, the path by the sea to be left for
the king, the paths inland to be left for the gods, etc. The people,
however, were generally prepared, having had previous warning,
though this was not always the case. Sometimes it was laid on
by fixing certain marks called unu unu, the purport of which was
well understood, on the places or thing tabued .... The pro-
hibitions and requisitions of the tabu were strictly enforced, and
every breach of them punished with death, unless the delinquents
had some very powerful friends who were either priests or chiefs.
They were generally offered in sacrifices, strangled, or despatched
with a club or a stone within the precincts of the heiau, or they
were burnt . . . . 9
"An institution so universal in its influence and so inflexible
in its demands contributed very materially to the bondage and
oppression of the natives in general. The king, sacred chiefs, and
priests appear to have been the only persons to whom its applica-
cation was easy; the great mass of the people were at no period
of their existence exempt from its influence, and no circumstance
in life could excuse their obedience to its demands. The females,
in particular, felt all its humiliating and degrading force. From
its birth, the child, if a female, was not allowed to be fed with a
particle of food that had been kept in the father's dish, or cooked
at his fire ; and the little boy, after being weaned, was fed with
his father's food, and, as soon as he was able, sat down to meals
with his father, while his mother was not only obliged to take
hers in an outhouse, but was interdicted from tasting the kind
of which he ate. It is not surprising that the abolition of the
tabu, effecting for them an emancipation so complete, and an
amelioration so important, should be a subject of constant con-
gratulation ; and that every circumstance tending, in the smallest
degree, to revive the former tabu should be viewed with the most
distressing apprehensions. The only tabu they now have is the
Sabbath, which they call the La tabu (day sacred), and to its
extension and perpetuity those who understand it seem to have
no objection."
Thus far our excellent missionary. He shows very clearly
NATURE OF TABOO 7
that the tabu system played a great part in the life of the Poly-
nesian peoples. It readily united with priestcraft and statecraft
and so became, in the hands of the ruling classes, an instrumentum
regni, a powerful engine of political and social control. It was
the chief prop of a society organized on theocratic lines.
Ellis regarded the taboo system as peculiar to the natives of
the South Seas. Anthropological research has disclosed, how-
ever, the presence of comparable ideas and customs among many
other primitive peoples and even among those of archaic civili-
zation, so that "taboo" is now a category of almost world-wide
application.
Taboos should not be confused with those animistic prohibi-
tions imposed by many an early lawgiver and inserted by the
side of positive regulations in the elaborate codes of morality and
religion which have descended to us from the ancient world.
Of the Ten Commandments, for instance, eight are expressed
negatively, but as we now have them they are not taboos; they
are the injunctions of a deity. Animistic prohibitions, while
naturally most numerous in such collections as the Laws of Manu,
the Avesta, and the Mosaic code, are by no means unknown to
preliterate peoples. However, taboos have often been incorporated
in a religious system, ascribed to a spiritual being, and supported
by an appeal to divine authority. This was the situation in Poly-
nesia, where, as Ellis remarks, tabu expressed "a connection with
the gods." 10 The ancient Hindu, Persian, and Hebrew codes
likewise abound in negative regulations which, though professedly
revealed by a god, betray a manifest likeness to the ordinances
of the lowliest savages. The problem then becomes one of getting
behind the animistic prohibition to the original taboo.
On the other hand, not all prohibitions whose violation is said
to be punished by a spiritual being are animistic in character. By
the savage, "spirits" are frequently thought of as impersonal
rather than personal, and some are regarded as merely vague
influences resident in all extraordinary objects which fix his at-
tention and excite his fears. The role of such spirits in adminis-
tering punishment for a violated prohibition is often quite arbi-
trary; they have no initiative as penal powers; their anger is
automatically aroused against an offender; and they cannot be
appeased by prayer or sacrifice. When the consequences of viola-
tion are represented in this way, we are dealing with taboos and
not with animistic prohibitions. 11
Nor should taboos be confused with sympathetic prohibitions,
8 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
with the innumerable precautions and prejudices finding an ex-
planation in analogical reasoning of every sort. The Paraguay In-
dian who abstains from eating the flesh of deer, lest it should
make him timid, but who prizes the flesh of jaguars to increase
his strength and boldness assumes very simply that the qualities
of the eaten pass into the eater. The Eskimo lad who will not
play cat's cradle, lest in later life his fingers might become en-
tangled in the harpoon-line, acts on the same principle like begets
like as the Bornean woman who, while her husband is on the
warpath, takes care to cook and scatter popcorn on the verandah
early each morning so that his movements may be agile. This
vast field of anthropological research, so fully explored by Sir
James George Frazer in The Golden Bough, has, indeed, a Janus-
like aspect, and for the student who seeks to understand primitive
mentality its negative precepts deserve perhaps as much attention
as its positive injunctions.
The principal varieties of sympathetic prohibitions include
many pregnancy and puerperal restrictions; most cases of cou-
vade, or "man childbed" ; certain rules of abstinence observed
by hunters, fishers, and warriors when absent from home and by
the relatives and friends whom they have left behind; various
dietary regulations of a negative character; many name avoid-
ances; and avoidance customs generally. Prohibitions of this
nature have played little or no part in the creation or evolution
of social institutions.
Primitive man, that "frail phantom and waif" in an un-
friendly world, lives beset by fears of every kind. His fears are
often the product of a lively imagination and of an abysmal
ignorance. They make anything potentially dangerous and so
prompt him to avoidances, which, in their simplest forms, are
almost as instinctive as those of the lower animals. When com-
munity ties become more closely drawn and habits harden into
customs, avoidances pass into prohibitions, into the forbiddance
of whatever seems to be injurious immtdiately to the individual
and mediately to the group of which he forms a part. If the
objects, activities, and situations covered by the prohibition are
truly baneful, then it satisfies what we are pleased to call common
sense. It is a precept of utility. If the prohibition relates to
what is not really injurious, it is for us a "superstition." To the
savage, however, all his prohibitions rest on a common ground
of usefulness. They are all in accordance with experience. They
are not irrational. Reasons for them have always existed even if
NATURE OF TABOO 9
the savage himself cannot now account for them and the civilized
inquirer cannot fathom the emotions and ideas on which they
were once based. Who shall interpret the fancies, tricks, and
childish guesses of the primitive mind?
It is possible, nevertheless, to suggest some factors operative
in the creation of specific prohibitions having the character of
taboos. The influence of creams deserves mention here, for, to
the savage, dreams are as real as any of the events of his waking
life. Ominous dreams, which have produced the whole pseudo-
science of oneiromancy, may also produce taboos. "All their
dreams," says an observer of the West African Negroes, "are
construed into visits from the spirits of their deceased friends.
The cautions, hints and warnings which come to them through
this source are received with the most serious and deferential at-
tention, and are always acted upon in their waking hours. The
habit of relating their dreams, which is universal, greatly pro-
motes the habit of dreaming itself, and hence their sleeping hours
are characterized by almost as much intercourse with the dead as
their waking are with the living. This is, no doubt, one of the
reasons of their excessive superstitiousness." 12
A similar influence should also be ascribed to visions, espe-
cially those of the medicine man, or magician, whose revelations
are frequently induced by fasting, the use of stimulants and nar-
cotic drugs, dancing, and other means of bringing on a state of
morbid exaltation. The southeastern tribes of Australia, writes
Mr. Howitt, "universally believe that their deceased ancestors
and kindred visit them during sleep, and counsel or warn them
against dangers, or communicate to them song-charms against
magic. I have known many such cases, and I also know that the
medicine men see visions that are to them realities. Such a man
if of great repute in his tribe might readily bring about a social
change, by announcing to his fellow medicine men a command
received from some supernatural being If they received it
favorably, the next step might be to announce it to the assembled
headmen at one of the ceremonial gatherings as a supernatural
command, and this would be accepted without question by the
tribes-people." 13
The fears and forebodings aroused by mishaps of every sort
may give rise to taboos. The Chams of Indo-China put a taboo
(tabun) on a rice plantation if a person or a domestic animal be-
comes gravely sick after working there. It is necessary, however,
that the first symptoms of the illness should have manifested them-
10 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
selves while the person or animal was actually in the plantation.
A tabooed field will no longer be cultivated, but will be sold at a
low price to a Christian Annamite. 14 Among the Meithei of Mani-
pur, if a man falls from a tree and is killed, the elders of his clan
will gather around the tree and declare it taboo to fellow clansmen.
Possibly all trees of the same species will be put under the ban. 15
Among the Pawnee Indians it is said that should a person drink
at a certain spring just before being taken seriously ill, the spring
would be "tabooed" henceforth, although it might have been in
use for years and known to be most excellent water. 16 The Mo-
have Indians will not eat the meat of the beaver, believing that
if they did so their necks would swell. "This belief was brought
about by the circumstance of some one having poisoned beaver
for their hides, and the Indians who ate of the flesh were poisoned
and died ; hence they think all beavers are bad." 17
Once a particular prohibition has come into being, it may
seemingly be confirmed as the result of coincidental experiences.
We owe to William Mariner a remarkable account of his life
in the Tonga Islands during the first decade of the nineteenth
century. Mariner, a young Englishman of good birth and fair
education, went to sea in the privateer "Port au Prince." After
cruising in the Pacific for more than a year, the ship put in at
one of the Tonga Islands. Here nearly all the crew were mur-
dered by the natives. Finau, the chief of Vavau, took a great
fancy to Mariner and gave orders that his life should be spared.
Mariner lived within the chief's enclosure and from one of the
latter's wives received instruction in the language and customs
of the Tonga people. Finau adopted Mariner as his own son and
admitted him to all his councils. Their friendly and even intimate
relations continued until Finau's sudden death. The chief of
Vavau, who seems to have been a man of decidedly rationalistic
temper, often confided to Mariner his doubts that there were such
beings as the gods men were fools, he said, to believe what the
priests told them. He was stricken with a mortal illness at the
very moment when he had given orders for the killing of an
influential priest who had offended him. The proposed sacrilege,
when brought to light after Finau's death, struck everyone with
consternation. "'No wonder!' (for such was the general ex-
clamation) 'no wonder that he died! a chief with such dreadful
intentions !' " 18
On one of the trails between Tarlac Province and Zambales
Province in the island of Luzon there is a huge black boulder
NATURE OF TABOO 11
which the Negritos believe to be the home of a powerful spirit.
No Negrito and, in fact, no Christianized native of Zambales or
Tarlac ever goes by it without leaving a banana, camote, or some
other article of food. Failure to do so would mean that bad luck
in one form or another would mark the journey. A Spaniard,
who afterward became governor of Zambales, once passed the
rock and, to the horror of his companions, kicked it with his feet,
and to add insult to injury, he ate part of a banana and threw the
rest away. The natives were much concerned over the incident;
they said something terrible would happen to him. Sure enough,
before he had gone very far he got an arrow through both legs
from savage Negritos who could have known nothing of the
occurrence. 19
The regalia of Malay sovereigns are highly sacrosanct. Great
danger is supposed to be incurred by one who meddles with these
insignia of royalty. Among the regalia of the late Sultan of
Selangor (one of the Federated Malay States) were two drums
and a long silver trumpet. They were kept in a small, galvanized
iron cupboard, which stood on posts in the lawn of His Highness*
garden residence. They had previously been kept in the house,
but their very uncanny behavior when there was a source of much
annoyance and anxiety to the inmates. Once one Raja Baka
accidentally trod upon the wooden barrel of the drums and died in
consequence of his inadvertence. A hornet's nest having been
formed inside one of these same drums, a Chinese was ordered
to remove it, since no Malay would do so. The Chinese, after a
few days* interval, "swelled up and died." These coincidences
were related to our informant, Mr. Skeat, by the Sultan himself.
Mr. Skeat, upon expressing a wish to examine the trumpet and
the drums, was begged not to do so, for "no one could say what
would happen." Nevertheless, he did see and even handle them
in the presence of the Crown Prince. "I thought nothing more
of the matter at the time, but, what was really a very curious
coincidence, within a few days' time of the occurrence, I was
seized with a sharp attack of malarial influenza, the result of
which was that I was obliged to leave the district, and go into
hospital at headquarters." 20 The news of what had happened much
impressed the Malays.
Dr. Rivers found his research work among the Toda of south-
ern India much hindered as the result of certain untoward events
during his stay with the natives. He had been with them for
about four months when various misfortunes befell some of his
12 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
chief informants. "One man who had pointed out to me certain
sacred places fell ill and made up his mind that he was going to
die. Another man lost his wife a few days after he had shown
me the method of performing one of the most sacred of Toda
ceremonies. A third man who had revealed to me the details of
the ceremonial of the most sacred Toda dairy, suffered the loss
of his own village dairy by fire. 1 ' The diviners, upon being con-
sulted, ascribed these events to the anger of the Toda gods whose
secrets had been revealed to a stranger. 21
Professor Westermarck once visited a cave in the Great Atlas
Mountains, the interior of which is said to contain a whole spirit
city. In the neighborhood of this cave a couple of pigeons were
shot by his party. Shortly afterward his horse happened to stumble
and fell upon one of the natives, who was carrying a gun. The
gun was broken, and the man became lame for several days. Pro-
fessor Westermarck was told that the accident was caused either
by the cave spirits or by a saint who has a shrine in the same
neighborhood, as a punishment for shooting the pigeons. 22
A Kiowa Indian, a noted warrior and medicine man, at a Sun
Dance deliberately violated the strict rule forbidding a mirror
(a part of the toilet equipment of nearly everyone) from being
brought near the taime, or sacred images, to be exposed to view
in connection with the ceremony. He also tried unsuccessfully
to poison his rival, the keeper of the taime, by scraping off the
mercury from the back of the mirror and mixing it with some
tobacco which he gave to the priest to smoke. Soon afterward,
while hunting buffalo, he was thrown from his horse and killed.
The Indians regarded his death as the speedy punishment for his
sacrilegious acts. 28
Another instance of sacrilege occurred among the Omaha In-
dians, in connection with a buffalo hunt. The Omaha made a
practice of advancing to the herd by four regular stages, and at
the close of each stage the director of the hunt and the chiefs
sat and smoked. This slow approach to the herd and the four
stops partook of a religious character. It once happened that dur-
ing a hunt a man galloped up to where the official sat smoking
and spoke impatiently of the slow progress. He declared that the
buffalo were moving off and might escape because of the delay.
The director replied quietly, "If your way is the better, follow it."
The man dashed off, followed by the hunters, who rushed on the
herd; in the confusion several hunters were injured and the man
himself was crippled for life by his horse falling on him. It was
NATURE OF TABOO 13
believed that he had been supernaturally punished for his irrev-
erent action in interrupting the prescribed procedure. 24
Dreams, visions, mishaps, and coincidental experiences have
doubtless played a part in making and upholding taboos, but their
importance can be easily overrated. Some taboos, which now
seem senseless, may have had sense in the past, when they for-
bade what had been found by experience to produce unwholesome
results in the food quest, sex relations, warfare, and other activ-
ities. Some taboos may have an underlying utility in the present,
for they often bear the evidence of deliberate design on the part
of tribal chiefs, magicians, and priests. The savage, indeed, is
quite capable of backing up a useful rule by an appeal to "super-
stitious" fears ; it is his way of securing prompt obedience to the
rule. Like all customary observances, taboos sometimes arise
within the group and are perpetuated by oral tradition; some-
times they are due to intercourse, friendly or otherwise, with
another group; and sometimes they are the result of a remote
foreign impregnation leading to contact and fusion of cultures.
Whatever the process, the outcome is obscuration and distortion,
so that the origin of most taboos is involved in the same Cim-
merian darkness that veils the origin of primitive customs gen-
erally. An authority on the South African natives declares
roundly that most of the Thonga taboos are "inexplicable," and
his statement has more than a local application. 25
A particular taboo, once well established, tends to multiply
endlessly. There is here the same mistaken association of ideas
that underlies sympathetic prohibitions : an object becomes tabooed
which for any reason reminds one of something else tabooed.
Thus prohibition is piled upon prohibition, as Ossa on Pelion and
Pelion on Olympus, to anticipate every single possibility of dan-
ger in the perilous maze of a world where all things are poten-
tially dangerous. The rank growth of taboos, by an accumula-
tion of crude inferences, helps to account for their very miscel-
laneous character.
Taboo, in its sociological aspects, refers to a system of pro-
hibitions observed as customs and developing among the Poly-
nesians and some other peoples into an institution. The objects
forbidden are as numerous and varied as human experiences, for
any persons, things, acts, or situations may be considered so dan-
gerous that meddling with them recoils upon the meddler. The
danger apprehended is never apparent to the senses, it is always
hidden ; it is never explained, it is always assumed. A motive
14 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
then arises for treating them with a caution not required in the
case of other objects. Thus in Polynesia what was tabu must be
handled with care; what was noa (' "general" or "common")
might be handled with impunity. In its psychological aspects
taboo may therefore be defined as the conception of the mystic
dangerousness of a particular object, resulting in compulsions
and restraints which center, not on what is prohibited, but on
the mere fact of prohibition. There is just simple dread of the
consequences of disobedience, (and since the consequences are
often left indeterminate^ the dread is all the more impressive.. As
we learn more about primitive mentality the nature of taboo will
be better understood, and the inquiry into its motivation may
well be extended to include a study of the child mind, the folk
mind, and the subconscious mind as revealed by psychoanalysis.
.- Fear is systematized in taboo. Fear runs the whole gamut
of emotional reactions from "awful" to "awesome," so that any-
thing mystically dangerous may be under prohibition as arousing
now an abhorrent and now a respectful and even a reverential
sentiment. One can say, therefore, that the conception of taboo
is often ambivalent, with the important qualification that, among
primitive peoples at least, the attitude of aversion is far more
pronounced than the attitude of attraction. The "fear of the
Lord" is the "beginning of wisdom" for the savage, however it
may be for his civilized brother. The differentiation of the two
% attitudes is never perfectly accomplished even in the higher reli-
gions, for always some ambiguity remains as to what is fearsome
because diabolic and what is fearsome because divine. The "un- '
clean thing" and the "clean thing" alike possess power, whether
this be the power to blast or the power to bless. 26
This process of differentiation can sometimes be observed
when primitive folk are in contact with Christian missionaries.
In the Tonga Islands the verb tabui, "to place under a taboo," is
now used with the sense of "to bless." 27 In New Zealand the
expression Wairua Tapu is translated "Holy Spirit." 28 Among
the natives of Gabon orunda meant, originally, "prohibited from
human use," "taboo" or "tabooed." As the result of missionary
influence the word developed into its related sense of "sacred to
spiritual use," and in the Mpongwe Scriptures orunda serves as
the translation of our word "holy." "I think it an unfortunate
choice," writes Dr. Nassau, "for the missionary has to stop and
explain that orunda as used for God does not mean the orunda
used by mankind." 29
NATURE OF TABOO 15
Among the Dakota Indians the word wakan is defined as
mysterious; incomprehensible; in a peculiar state, which, from not
being understood, it is dangerous to meddle with; hence the applica-
tion of this word to women at the menstrual period, and from hence,
too, arises the feeling among the wilder Indians that if the Bible,
the church, the missionary, etc., are wakan, they are to be avoided,
or shunned, not as being bad or dangerous, but as wakan. The word
seems to be the only one for holy, sacred, etc., but the common ac-
ceptation of it, given above, makes it quite misleading to the heathen. 30
Objects mystically dangerous are, then, dynamic objects. Man
recognizes them by what they do to him; it is by their activity
that he knows them. From this manner of thinking, so natural
and indeed inevitable, some primitive peoples have gone on to
isolate in thought and often to indicate by a special name the
occult power that reveals itself by producing effects beyond the
ordinary capacity of man or the normal course of nature. Thus
the Ba-ila of Northern Rhodesia conceive of a force, neutral in
character and pervading all things. In itself, the force is neither
good nor bad, but it can be tapped by those who have the secret
of manipulation and so be turned to either a good or a bad use.
An object in which the force resides is dangerous to interfere
with; it is taboo (tonda). "There is something about the tonda
person that jeopardizes the well-being of others; some baneful
influence inherent in, or set in energy by, the tonda things, actions
and words, making them a source of peril not only to the person
handling, using, saying them but also, it may be, to his fellows.
Jn this case they may excite the active resentment of those who
/are affected and the offender may be punished by them ; but, gen-
erally speaking, the taboo-breaker is left to the retribution of his
own misdeed. V That is to say, these deeds or sayings have a
malefic essence in themselves, and by a kind of automatic action
* recoil upon the offender ; or, to put it more accurately they re-
lease the spring which sets the hidden mechanism of nature in
action against the offender." The Ba-ila have never clearly form-
ulated their ideas of this force; they have no name for it. 31
On the other hand, the Elema people of British New Guinea
give it a name ahea t or "magical heat." The meaning of this
word has been transferred from the purely physical heat of fire
or the sun to that of the magician who is in a condition enabling
him to do something beyond ordinary human capacity. Old men,
bull-roarers, certain carved wooden plaques of great sanctity, and
16 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
the magician's charms also possesses ahea. It is especially found
in the secret leaves and pieces of bark used by the magician and in
the ginger which he chews with the express purpose of making
himself "hot." Things in which ahea resides are "hot things/'
"They are charged with power, and those who handle them with-
out authority may expect a shock ; or they are fierce and liable to
snap." 32 Similarly, the Andaman Islanders have a word, ot-kimil,
which, while it means "hot" in the sense of the English word, is
likewise applied to everything supposed to be powerful for good
or ill in their lives. Various plants and animals, together with
the bodies of dead men and their bones, are especially charged
with this quality of "hotness." All contact with them is danger-
ous, but the danger may be avoided by ritual precautions. 38
This notion of occult power is more definitely expressed by
the Melanesian and Polynesian mana, a term best rendered, per-
haps, by two words now somewhat old-fashioned, if not obsolete:
the "virtue" that resides in a man and the "grace" that descends
upon him. Disembodied souls (ghosts) and spirits (which were
incorporeal from the first) possess mana; it may also be acquired
from them by men, animals, and even inanimate things. Essen-
tially similar terms, with much the same meaning, are found
among the Malays, the Malagasy, various African peoples, and
the American Indians. 8 *
The occult power residing in an object mystically dangerous
is transmissible and therefore is capable of affecting whatever
comes in contact with it. This notion must be regarded as a
product of experience, however wrongly interpreted. The savage
is aware that the bite of certain insects and snakes has painful
and perhaps fatal results. He has learned, after long observa-
tion, that many plants and fruits, though tasty, are not good for
eating. He is familiar with various diseases which may spread
from man to man and from family to family, perhaps bringing
death to an entire community. In all these instances the nature
of the ill which happens to him is unknown ; what he knows is
that contact with the dangerous object has unpleasant conse-
quences. How much more unpleasant must be the consequences
of contact with anything mystically dangerous with anything
taboo !
The contact which automatically liberates occult power is
most often bodily contact. The object is something not to be
touched intangible in the strict sense of the word. The criminal*
and the divine chief are both in a state of taboo, the one as un-
NATURE OF TABOO 17
clean, the other as holy. To touch either of them is to be affected
by their mysterious and dangerous qualities. Sexual intercourse
is an exceptionally intimate form of contact ; hence, when women
are unclean, married couples must live apart. The absorption of
food and drink likewise involves intimate contact; hence a great
variety of alimentary prohibitions. Contact can be established in
other ways as well : by sight as when an African chief must not
even look at a river; or through the ear, as when Australian
women must not listen to certain ritual songs; or through the
nose, as when a Navaho Indian will not inhale smoke from a fire
of sacred wood; or by speech, as when a Malagasy shrinks from
pronouncing a tabooed name. Even mere proximity may suffice
to transmit occult power, as when persons in a state of taboo are
forbidden to approach growing crops. Procul 0! procul este,
profani.
The authority of a taboo is unmatched by that of any other
prohibition. There is no reflection on it, no reasoning about it,
no discussion of it. A taboo amounts simply to an imperative
thou-shalt-not in the presence of the danger apprehended. That
any breach of the prohibition was unintentional or well-inten-
tioned matters nothing ; no allowance is made for either the ignor-
ance or the praiseworthy purpose of the taboo-breaker. It should
be noticed, however, that the consequences of a violation are
sometimes thought to vary with the social position of the violator.
This was particularly the case in the Polynesian area, where
every chief possessed his store of occult power, or mana. The
higher his rank, the more he had, and consequently the greater
resistance could he offer to the mana resident in anything or any-
body under a taboo. In the Tonga Islands, for instance, a com-
moner who touched a dead chief became unclean for ten lunar
months, but the uncleanness of chiefs who did so lasted for only
three, four, or five lunar months, according to the superiority
of the dead chief to them. 30 In New Zealand a taboo could be
broken with impunity by a chief's son, because he was of higher
rank than his father. 37 We are told, also, that among the Maori
"a powerful man often broke through the tapu of an inferior." 88
Instruction in the tribal taboos is a regular feature of the
initiation rites found among many primitive peoples. 80 Knowl-
edge of the taboos is also acquired within the family circle. Thus
in Ontong Java, as a boy grows up, he begins to learn about the
essential restrictions which men must observe that certain sub-
jects may not be discussed in the presence of the sister, that
18 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
everything connected with the dead is to be avoided, and that a
temple or a priest must never be approached without due precau-
tions. He is also warned that any infringement of the taboos
will be punished by the kipua, the spirits of the dead. "Dozens of
fearful examples will be told him by his parents and by other
people with whom he may come into contact. All children know
what happened to Ke laepa when he disobeyed his parents and
strayed into the temple : they found him dead on the floor, killed
by the angry kipua. Then there was 'Oma. He took an undue
interest in the genital organs of his sister and was transfixed to
a stone in consequence by these same spirits. Folk tales are told
in the evening sometimes ; many relate the evil consequences fol-
lowing on broken taboos." 40 Similarly in Tikopia, an island
which like Ontong Java forms an outpost of Polynesian culture,
children receive constant instruction from their parents when a
breach of tapu has occurred or seems likely to occur. The habits
of avoidance are inculcated in the earliest and most impression-
able years. 41
The consequences of taboo-breaking are not always described
in detail. They may be left to the excited imagination of the
taboo-breaker, who believes as firmly in the sequence of cause
and effect (violation followed by punishment) as does the modern
man in the inevitable action of natural laws. The taboos (sabe)
observed by the Mowat or Mawatta tribe in the district of Dau-
dai, British New Guinea, have for their sanction the dread that
"something unpleasant" will happen either to the community or
to the individual transgressing them. 42 In the Admiralty Islands,
northeast of New Guinea, there is a direct relationship between
keeping the taboos and success. The bad luck supposed to follow
their violation is the main force in maintaining them. 43
The natives of the Solomon Islands ascribe sickness, difficult
parturition for women, lack of success in fishing and gardening,
misfortune in war, and in short, most of the ills of life to the
ceremonial defilement resulting from the violation of taboos. 44
Among the Maori a taboo-breaker believed himself to be in a very
serious condition, because his sacred life-principle, his mauri,
was unprotected and exposed to every ill wind that blows, to all
shafts of black magic, and to every malign influence affecting
man. "Unless a person in this sorry plight hied him to a tohunga,
or priestly expert, and had such disabilities removed, he would
probably worry himself into an early grave." 45
Among the Sea Dayak of Borneo one who does anything mali,
NATURE OF TABOO 19
or tabooed, is bound to meet some mischance. "Even the children
seem to dread the word, and the little boy, who is willful and
disobedient, will at once drop what he has in his hand if he is
told it is mali for him to touch it." 46 Dr. Matthews once asked
a Navaho what would happen if he married a woman of his own
clan, thus violating the rule of exogamy and committing incest.
"I would have bad fortune," said the Indian; "I would fall into
the fire and get burned, the lightning would strike me, the cold
would freeze me, or the gun would shoot me something fearful
would happen to me." 47
When the blow falls, belief in the efficacy of the taboo is
amply confirmed, and wisdom is justified of her children. During
their stay with the Warramunga, a Central Australian tribe,
Messrs. Spencer and Gillen learned of the illness of a middle-aged
native who had taken an active part in the performance of the
various ceremonies. "He was a medicine man, but not being very
old there were certain foods, such as emu and euro flesh, which
he was not only forbidden to eat, but which he was supposed, ac-
cording to strict etiquette, to bring in to the older medicine men
for them to eat. Now, not only had be omitted to do this, but
on more than one occasion he had actually been known to eat
euro himself a very grave offence in the eyes of the older men,
who had warned him that if he continued to do so something very
serious would happen to him. Accordingly, when his illness came,
it was at once attributed to the fact that he had deliberately done
what he knew perfectly well was contrary to custom, and no one
was in the least surprised. Amongst the men in camp there were
five doctors, and as the case was evidently a serious one, they were
all called in to consultation. One of them was a celebrated medi-
cine man from the neighboring Worgaia tribe, and after solemn
deliberation he gave it as his opinion that the bone of a dead man,
attracted by the campfire, had entered the patient's body and was
causing all the trouble. The others agreed with this opinion but,
not to be outdone by a stranger, the oldest amongst the Warra-
munga doctors decided that, in addition to the bone, an arabillia
or wart of a gum tree had somehow got inside the man's body.
The three less experienced men looked very grave, but said
nothing beyond the fact that they fully concurred in the diagnosis
of their elder colleagues. At all events it was decided that both
the bone and the wart must be removed, and, under cover of
darkness, they were in part removed after much sucking and rub-
bing of the patient's body. However, their efforts were of no
20 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
avail, and the man, who was really suffering from dysentery,
died." 48
More often the punishment to be anticipated is set forth ex-
plicitly. It may be sickness in one shape or another or a wasting
disease. The numerous food taboos observed by Australian boys
are generally supported by such penalties. Among some of the
Lower Murray tribes of Victoria boys prior to initiation must
not eat emu, wild turkey, swans, geese, or black duck, or eggs
of any of these birds. "Did they infringe this law in the very
remotest degree, their hair would become prematurely grey, and
the muscles of their limbs would waste away and shrink up." 49
In the Arunta tribe of Central Australia an uncircumcised youth
is forbidden to eat many animals or parts of animals. Infraction
of the prohibitions entails various penalties such as premature
age and decay and bleeding to death at circumcision. In the
interval between circumcision and subincision, and indeed until
the wound caused by the second of these operations has entirely
healed, the youth is not allowed to eat opossums, snakes, lizards,
wild turkeys, and their eggs, eagle hawks and their eggs, and
some other animals. Should he do so, his recovery would be re-
tarded and his wounds would be much inflamed. 50
The natives of Ontong Java ascribe all illnesses and most
deaths to the kipua, or spirits of the family dead. The breach of
taboos and the neglect of ceremonies are among the offenses which
the kipua'take upon themselves to punish. When a person falls
ill, a medium, usually a woman, is called in to interview the
spirits responsible for the visitation and to discover the particular
action which has incensed them. More often than not this is
the same misdeed that common gossip has already selected, for
the medium, before she goes into a trance, knows all about the
life history of her patient. Once the necessary information has
been acquired, it may be possible to counteract the malign influ-
ence of the spirits by appropriate rites. Sometimes all efforts to
do so are unavailing. Not long ago a man who had been asked
to join a group of fish-eaters accepted the invitation and ate the
fish, but without inquiring what kinds these were. Having found
out later that some of them were taboo to him, he visited a me-
dium, learned from her what spirits had been offended by his con-
duct, and performed the prescribed ceremony to avert their anger.
About a month afterward he fell ill and the medium declared that
the spirits had placed one of the totem fish in his body to eat
away his vitals. "The progress of the fish was announced daily.
NATURE OF TABOO 21
It ate upwards until at last it consumed his heart and so killed
him." 61
The natives of the Tonga Islands in the old days were par-
ticularly subject to malignant tumors. It was a firm belief with
them that if a man broke a taboo or committed any other sacri-
lege his liver or some other internal organ would become enlarged
and indurated. The bodies of those who died were therefore
often opened f o discover whether or not they had been sacrilegious
during their lifetime. 52
The Hawaiians recognized a class of spiritual beings, aumakua,
who were generally though not always deified ancestors. They
watched for any infringement of the taboos and especially for
any neglect to fulfill a vow. A culprit was punished by them with
sickness, disease, or some other dire misfortune. 53
Similarly the Maori believed th^t any neglect or infringement
of the law of tapu, either willful or undesigned or even brought
about by the act of another person, moved the family spirits to
anger. They would then commission one of their number to enter
into the transgressor's body and prey on some part of it, more or
less vital according to the magnitude of the offense. Infant spirits,
it seems, were generally selected for this business, "on account of
their love of mischief, and because, not having lived long enough
to acquire attachments to their living relations, they are more
likely to attack them without mercy When a person falls
sick, and cannot remember that he has broken any law of tapu
himself, he endeavors to discover who has got him into the scrape ;
for it is not an uncommon practice to make a man offend against
some law of tapu, without his being aware of it, with the express
object of causing the anger of his atita to fall on him. This prac-
tice is a secret art called makutu, and it has often happened that
an innocent person has been sacrificed to the rage of the rela-
tives of a sick man, under the belief that he had caused the dis-
ease by such unlawful means." 54
The Akikuyu of Kenya describe by the word thahu the con-
dition into which a person falls by breaking, either accidentally
or intentionally, one of their many taboos. "A person who is
thahu becomes emaciated and ill or breaks out into eruptions or
boils, and if the thahu is not removed, will probably die. In many
cases this undoubtedly happens by auto-suggestion, as it never
occurs to the Kikuyu mind to be sceptical on a matter of this
kind." The taboos (also called thahu) are so numerous that a
person cannot go through life without becoming ritually unclean
22 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
some time or another. The dread of this affliction is ever pres-
ent to the native mind. 55 Among the Akamba, another tribe of
Kenya, thabu or makwa is the term applied to the impurity which
results from a broken taboo. A curious case of this sort recently
came to the notice of a British officer. "He was inspecting the
hospital and found there a Kamba porter stricken with illness;
his face was much swollen and covered with a kind of rash, and
his testicles were also swollen. On enquiry, he stated that his af-
fection came on suddenly after eating some hartebeest meat, and
that he belonged to the Aitangwa clan, in which this is a for-
bidden meat. The officer immediately sought out an intelligent
Mu-Kamba, who knew nothing about the incident, and asked
about the Aitangwa and their tabu, or makwa, and without hesi-
tation he was told that hartebeest meat was forbidden, and de-
scribed exactly the symptoms from which the porter was suffer-
ing as being the result of breaking the prohibition. It was said
that the man would have to sacrifice a goat and go through a
purification ceremony to get rid of the affliction." 66
The Indians in the southwestern part of the United States
very generally believe that sickness is the outcome o/ a broken
taboo. Navaho children who have been sent East to school and
have later returned to the tribe often fall into feeble health.
"Their illness is almost always attributed to the violation of taboo
while they were away from home, and costly healing ceremonies
are performed in order to remove the evil effects of the trans-
gression." 57 Among the Omaha Indians a violation of any taboo
observed by all the members of a clan was believed to be fol-
lowed by the appearance of sores or white spots on the offender's
body, or by his hair turning white. 58
When sickness, especially if serious or prolonged, is regarded
as the punishment for the violation of a taboo, the patient will
be secluded and be subjected to purification should he recover.
By the very fact of suffering from a grave and perhaps incurable
illness, he has revealed himself as a taboo-breaker and hence has
fallen into a state dangerous to others as well as to himself. 59
The missionary William Ellis, referring to the Polynesians,
^ declares that "as soon as an individual was afflicted with any dis-
order, he was considered as under the ban of the gods ; by some
crime or the influence of some enemy, he was supposed to have
become obnoxious to their anger, of which his malady was the
result. These ideas relative to the origin of diseases had a power-
ful tendency to stifle every feeling of sympathy and compassion,
NATURE OF TABOO 23
and to restrain all from the exercise of those acts of kindness that
are so grateful to the afflicted and afford such alleviation to their
sufferings. The attention of the relatives and friends was directed
to the gods, and their greatest efforts were made to appease their
anger by offerings, and to remove the continuance of its effects
by prayers and incantations. The simple medicine administered
was considered more as the vehicle or medium by which the god
would act, than as possessing any power itself to avert the progress
of disease. If their prayers, offerings, and remedies were found
unavailing, the gods were considered implacable, and the diseased
person was doomed to perish. Some heinous crime was supposed
to have been committed. " 80
The Kayan of Borneo hang leaves of long (a species of cdadi-
um), together with a large sun hat, upon the door of any room
in which a person lies seriously ill and therefore "unclean." 81
Among the Colorado Indians of western Ecuador sickness .
defiles, not only the patient, but all other persons living in the
same house with him. For nine days they must eat nothing but
green plantain. Every evening during these nine days a big
drum, which hangs in the hall of the house, is beaten to driv^
away the disease demons. The Canelos Indians of eastern Ecuar
dor require a patient to eat only plantain for a few days after
he falls ill ; if his state grows worse and he seems likely to die, his
nearest relatives must submit to the same restricted diet. As our
authority points out, these rules are dictated by the belief that
the food in the house is infected by the disease, or "more cor-
rectly, " by the disease demon. Uncautious eating on the part of
the patient would therefore aggravate his illness. When all the
persons in the house diet with him, they do so because they fear
being infected themselves. When only the nearest relatives diet,
their action is also partly due to consideration for the sick man.
According to Indian belief there exists such an intimate rela-
tionship between the members of a family that the consumption
of unsuitable food would injuriously affect the delicate patient. 02
A Navaho shaman treated a sick person by pressing certain
sacrificial bundles to different parts of the patient's body from
head to foot. After each application he held the bundles up to
the smoke-hole and blew on them a quick puff in that direction,
"as if blowing away some evil influence which the bundles were
supposed to draw from the body." These were then taken out of
the lodge and buried. 88
The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay believe that a
24 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
dark cloud or vapor, invisible to ordinary men, gathers around
the taboo-breaker. It attaches itself to his soul and makes him
sick. The shaman, helped by a guardian spirit, is able to see the
defilement and to get rid of it. If this were not done, the sick
person would die. In many cases, the defilement also affects those
who have contact with the evil-doer. Particularly does it affect
children, to whose souls the sins of their parents, and particularly
of their mother, readily become attached. When, therefore, a
child falls ill, the shaman, first of all, asks the mother whether
she has transgressed any taboos. As soon as she admits that she
has done so, the defilement leaves the child's soul and the child
recovers. 84
Death certain, sudden, and in terrible form is not seldom
the fate which is announced to the taboo-breaker. In the midst
of Eden grows the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, and
God has forbidden man to eat of its fruit, saying, "In the day
that thou eatest thereof, thou shalt surely die." As a matter of
fact, the taboo-breaker does often die, so acute is the fear aroused
by even an involuntary transgression. Mr. Howitt tells of a
"strong and healthy" Kurnai black boy employed by an Australian
settler and found one day to be ill. "He explained that he had
been doing what he ought not to have done, that he had 'stolen
some female 'possum' before he was permitted to eat it ; that the
old men had found him out, and that he would never grow up
to be a man. He lay down under that belief, so to say, and never
got up again, dying within three weeks." 65
Many instances of this sort are recorded among the Maori.
Judge F. E. Maning knew of a native who was killed "stone
dead in six hours, by what I considered the effects of his own
terrified imagination, but what all the natives at the time believed
to be the work of the terrible avenger of the tapu" The unfor-
tunate man had eaten food set apart for the chief but carelessly
left by the wayside after the war party moved on. When the
man was told that he had devoured the chief's unfinished dinner,
"he was seized by the most extraordinary convulsions and cramps
in the stomach, which never ceased till he died, about sundown
the same day. He was a strong man, in the prime of life, and
if any pakeka freethinker should have said he was not killed by
the tapu of the chief, which has been communicated to the food
by contact, he would have been listened to with feelings of con-
tempt for his ignorance and inability to understand plain and
simple evidence." 68 William Brown, another early authority,
NATURE OF TABOO 25
mentions the case of a man who appropriated some peaches and
sweet potatoes from a tabooed place. After his return home a
woman asked for some of the fruit. He gave it to her and, when
she had eaten it, told her where he got it. She declared that the
spirit of the chief, whose sanctuary had been thus profaned, would
kill her. Die she did, the next day. 87 Richard Taylor relates how
a chief's lost tinderbox killed several persons who were so un-
fortunate as to find it and light their pipes from it, without know-
ing that it belonged to so sacred an owner; "they actually died
from fright/' 68 Tapu is an awful weapon," declares Mr. Tregear.
"I have seen a strong young man die the same day he was ta-
pued; the victims die under it as though their strength ran out as
water." 69
On one of the Loyalty Islands there stands a large stone of
peculiar shape. It is supposed to have come from New Caledonia
and to have been placed there by a certain old woman. She com-
manded that whoever visited the island was on no account to take
anything away. The natives who dared to disobey her injunction
all died, so that now it is strictly obeyed. Nevertheless, some
years ago a French trader, coveting the store of phosphate to be
had on the island, got one of his employes to secure the mineral
for him. The man was a strong, healthy, well-built fellow of
about twenty-eight years of age. Shortly after his return from the
island, he felt a headache and asked his mother to prepare for
him some native medicines. A little later he said, "A great fear
has taken possession of me; I feel as though I were about to be
brought before a tribunal." When his friends looked at him the
next day they noticed that one side of his face and body was
changing color and becoming a dark purple, and they, fearing
they knew not what, began to cry. He put out his hand to reas-
sure them, saying, "Don't cry, if I were ill I would tell you so;
give me a cigarette." He spoke a few words to his wife and then,
without the least pain or apparent loss of power in his limbs,
quietly passed away. 70
Father Mcrolla, who visited the region of the Lower Congo
during the latter part of the seventeenth century, tlls of the fate
of a native who in ignorance had violated his food taboo, or
chegilla. "A certain young negro, being upon a journey, lodged
in a friend's house by the way : his friend, before he went out the
next morning, had got a wild hen ready for his breakfast, they
being much better than the tame ones. The negro hereupon de-
manded, 'If it were a wild hen?' His host answered, 'No'; then
26 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
he fell on heartily, and afterwards proceeded on his journey.
About four years after these two met together again, and the
aforesaid negro being not yet married, his old friend asked him,
If he would eat a wild hen?' to which he answered, That he
had received the chegitta, and therefore could not/ Hereat the
host began immediately to laugh, enquiring of him, 'What made
him refuse it now, when he had eaten one at his table about four
years ago?' At the hearing of this the negro immediately fell
a-trembling, and suffered himself to be so far possessed with
the effects of imagination, that he died in less than twenty-four
hours after." 71
An anthropologist working among the Ga people of the Gold
Coast once saw a man in a violent fit or seizure. It paralyzed his
breathing and contracted all his muscles. He had not suffered a
heart attack, for his pulse remained normal. After some hours
he died. His friends were convinced that nothing could have
been done to save him, for he had broken the conditions attached
to a private taboo which bound him. 72
A distinction is often drawn between what may be described
as normal deaths, involving no danger to the family or the com-
munity, and those which carry with them a dangerous contagion.
People who die a "bad death" have been taboo-breakers or have
been victims of the unseen powers. No pity is felt for them. They
must be got out of the way as quickly as possible, lest the living
be contaminated by their presence. 78
The Australian aborigines account for most deaths as being
due to the nefarious magic of their enemies, who are sought out
and killed in retaliation. In western Victoria, however, the deaths
of adults, as the result of epidemics, were not avenged, nor were
those of beardless boys and of girls before their first menstruation.
Persons who had lost their lives by some accident, such as drown-
ing, falling from trees, or snake bite, were also unavenged. 74
The natives of New Britain (Gazelle Peninsula) think that
a man killed by falling from a tree was smitten by a fearful
spirit, so fearful, indeed, that at night they take care never to
pronounce its name. The victim of such an accident is not buried ;
his body is left where it fell. In Buin (Bougainville Island) the
body is carried to the burning place in the same attitude as that
in which it was found. There are no funeral rites. 78
When a Kayan mother becomes seriously ill or dies in giving
birth to a child, her husband takes it into the forest and leaves it
there to perish. The child is also exposed if either parent is
NATURE OF TABOO 27
frightened by bad dreams at this critical time. 76 The corpses of
murdered people, of suicides, of those who have been accidentally
killed, of warriors fallen in battle, of women dead in childbed,
and of stillborn children all of these inspire the Kayan with the
utmost fear. People who have died such deaths receive no funeral
honors ; their bodies are simply rolled up in a mat and stuck in
the ground. An especial terror attaches to the body of a woman
who has died in giving birth, and no man and no young woman
dares to touch it. 77 The Lolo of Yunnan think that persons who
die by accident, suicide, or childbirth become malignant ghosts
and require propitiation to prevent them from harming those
whom they have left behind. Such deaths are described as "im-
pure." 78
An Ao Naga killed by a wild beast or a poisonous snake, by a
fall from a cliff or a tree, or by drowning brings disgrace and
ruin upon his relatives. However rich and influential he may
have been, his name will never be recited along with those of the
mighty dead, and all his property has to be abandoned. A woman
dying in childbirth is similarly accursed. 79
The Sema Naga add to the list of abnormal deaths those of
people who are struck by lightning or are burned to death. People
who kill themselves come in the same category. The body must
not be buried in front of the house but at the back instead, or in
broken ground where men do not walk about. Domestic animals
killed by wild animals are also considered accursed, and their
flesh may not be eaten by women. The evil attaching to the
manner of death and the prohibitions entailed can be avoided if,
just before the dying man draws his last breath, he can swallow
food or drink. It is enough to pour a little into his mouth or even
to spit in it. 80 The Garo deny to a man killed by a tiger the usual
funeral rites. Everything that he had in daily use, such as his
clothes, cooking pots, sword, and spear, must be destroyed, for
it is taboo to use them after such a disaster. 81
Among the Twi of the Gold Coast "should a man be drowned,
be crushed by a falling tree in the forest, or be killed by lightning,
such an occurrence would not be considered an accident; and a
man who met his death in one of these modes would be believed
to have perished through the deliberate act of a malignant being."
When, for instance, a person has been drowned, the people say
that the local deity of the sea or river where the accident occurred
has "taken him." 82
The Ibibio of Southern Nigeria forbid the burial of a woman
28 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
dying in childbirth. Her body is borne forth through a hole
purposely broken in the house wall and flung away in the bush.
This is said to be done lest her barrenness should have an ill effect
upon the fruitfulness of Mother Earth. A similar practice is
found among the Kalahari, who forbid unmarried girls and preg-
nant women to see the body of a person so accursed. All her
possessions must be destroyed by fire; otherwise sterility might
be the lot of another woman who used them. 83 The Timme
(Timmani) of Sierra Leone destroy a village when anyone in
it has been killed by a leopard or a crocodile. A heavy fine is also
imposed on the members of the family to which the victim be-
longed, because, they say, such a family must be very wicked,
indeed, for their god to have punished it in this fashion. 84
Among the Mossi of the western Sudan those who commit
suicide or die of leprosy are buried at night and without any
ceremonies. One who dies as the result of a fall, snake bite, or
any other accident is disposed of in the same way. To accord
funeral honors to such a person would offend the evil spirit re-
sponsible for the death, and he would slay another member of
the family. 86 Similar practices have been recorded for other West
African tribes. 88
The evils to be anticipated by the taboo-breaker are often
identical with those which follow when a person is solemnly
cursed. Sickness, death, or some fearful but undescribed misfor-
tune will dog the footsteps of the one as of the other. A taboo
cannot properly be described, however, as a prohibition with a
curse expressed or implied. Cursing (as well as blessing) always
requires an agent, who may be a man, a spirit, or a god. In a
taboo there is no suggestion of an agent ; its action is automatic.
For the same reason a taboo must be distinguished from an oath,
which is essentially a self-curse whereby a person subjects him-
self to some evil to be inflicted by a god, if what he says is not
true; and from a vow, whereby a man dedicates himself or some-
thing belonging to himself to a god, who will punish him if he
breaks it. Both oaths and vows are ways of constraining or per-
suading the supernatural powers; both imply a personal relation
between the oath-swearer or the vower and these powers.
Taboos, according to their scope, are either individual or
social, the former affecting a single person or at most his family
and immediate connections and the latter binding on a group
such as a village community, a clan, or a tribe. The distinction of
individual and social also applies to the consequences of broken
NATURE OF TABOO 29
taboos. Sometimes the taboo-breaker alone is supposed to suffer
for his misdeed, but often his fellows are believed to be involved
as well. Such is the solidarity of primitive society, so mobbish
is the primitive mind, that the act of one becomes the act of all
and imperils the welfare of all. If the penalty falls on the group,
it is often represented as an epidemic sickness or a deadly disease.
Terrifying natural phenomena, such as thunder and lightning,
violent storms, and earthquakes, are sometimes ascribed to the
infraction of a taboo, while excessive rainfall, protracted drought,
and other untoward happenings receive the same explanation.
Under such circumstances the group may take over the punish-
ment of an offender, perhaps putting him to death or banishing
him as an outcast and outlaw, not only to make an example, but
also to purge itself of a dangerous contagion. When a taboo has
been incorporated in a religious system the group may seek to
appease by a piacular sacrifice the angered divinity held respon-
sible for the visitation. With developing social life the punish-
ment of the taboo-breaker forms an important function of the
constituted authorities. An increasing reliance on the civil penalty
indicates, however, that a taboo system has begun to break down
of its own weight and for its continuance needs to be bolstered
up by recourse to the secular arm. 87 <* u
A state of taboo is either inherent in an object, as the neces-
sary outcome of certain activities, situations, or characteristics;
or imposed by the arbitrary action of a superior authority; or
acquired by contact with anything or anybody tabooed. Women,
especially during pregnancy, at confinement, after confinement,
and at menstruation; infants; boys and girls at puberty; newly
married couples; widows, widowers, and mourners generally;
manslayers; warriors on a campaign; and hunters, fishers, and
other persons engaged in some occupation highly important for
the community welfare all are inherently taboo. The same con-
dition of inherent pollution (or sanctity) attaches to the sick;
to the dead ; to strangers ; to chiefs, kings, magicians, and priests ;
and to sacred places, objects, rites, times, numbers, and names.
When a state of taboo is due to imposition, this will be done by
the tribal ciders, secret societies, chiefs, priests, and other public
functionaries, and sometimes by private persons. The efficacy
of a prohibition laid down by them depends not only on the pres-
tige of the imposer, but also on the fear of the consequences of
violating the prohibition. To intensify this fear, an object upon
which a taboo has been placed will sometimes be solemnly charged
30 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
with a curse in the name of a powerful spirit or else some potent
incantation will be recited over it. 88
The imposition of taboos by the tribal elders is the general
rule in Australia, where the headmen of totemic and local groups,
magicians, and old men of recognized importance exercise polit-
ical authority. They meet from time to time in councils to debate
and decide all matters affecting the tribe as a whole. The taboos
which they lay down usually take the form of food prohibitions
and restraints on marriage, to be observed by the younger men
for the benefit of men more advanced in years. The council of
elders likewise enforces the taboos, when enforcement is neces-
sary. In northern Queensland, for instance, the natives are firmly
convinced that willfully to partake of a forbidden food would
result in sickness, probably of a fatal character, and that it would
certainly never satisfy hunger. This belief, in itself, is usually
sufficient to uphold the food restriction, but a would-be taboo-
breaker also knows that, should he be caught red-handed by his
fellows, "he would in all probability be put to death." 89
Where secret societies are powerful, these organizations often
lay down taboos and also maintain them. The Harihu society,
among the Elema people of British New Guinea, protects garden
produce by means of taboos which last until the crop is ready for
gathering. The sign of the taboo is a small stone of special shape,
bearing certain "private marks" of the Harihu. This is placed at
the entrance to the garden. Should an offender escape punishment
by the Harihu he would certainly perish from contact with the
occult power (vadd) which invests the taboo sign. Among the
Roro-speaking tribes the Kaivakuku society is less dreaded than
its Elema counterpart, for in this part of New Guinea there is a
recognized form of punishment for men caught breaking the
crop taboos. The Kaivakuku cannot impose a taboo of its own
initiative, but serves merely as the agent of the chiefs and elders,
when the latter decide to take such action. 90 Secret societies are
numerous in Melanesia, where chieftainship is incipient rather
than developed. The Duk-duk of the Bismarck Archipelago ta-
boos certain places and fruit trees, either on its own account or
because of fees given to it by persons who put more trust in the
protection afforded by the society than in the taboos which they
themselves impose. 91
The Tamate associations of the Banks Islands have a leaf of
the croton or a hibiscus flower as their badge. To wear the badge
without being a member of a Tamate association would subject
NATURE OF TABOO 31
the offender to a fine and a beating*. A Tamate man, by marking
with his badge the fruit trees or garden which he wishes re-
served for any particular use, feels reasonably certain that his
prohibition will be respected ; the Tamate is behind him. Should
it not be respected, a known offender must pay a pig or some
shell money to the property owner or to the secret society. 92
The centralization of political authority, replacing ruder
methods of control by tribal elders and secret societies, transfers
to the chieftain the power to impose, enforce, and abrogate taboos.
Chiefs with such power are not unknown in some parts of New
Guinea and also in Melanesia. Among the natives of the Solomon
Islands, "the tambu ban" is said to constitute the real authority
of a petty chief in time of peace. 93
In some of the Solomons the penalty for an infraction of a
chief's prohibition is forty strings of shell money a heavy fine
and as much as a native needs to acquire a bride. An offender
who cannot pay the fine may be killed. If he escapes to another
island even there the vengeance of the chief will follow him, for
a price is put upon his head. Such a prohibition has no ghostly
sanction, but depends for its support upon the power of the chief
who imposes it. There are also taboos (apu) for whose efficacy
it is immaterial whether the person who invokes the ghosts is or
is not a person of consequence. 94
In the Banks Islands and the New Hebrides true taboos are
imposed by both chiefs and commoners. "Some thing, action, or
place is made tambu or tapu by one who has the power to do it,
any one whose standing among the people gives him confidence
to lay this character upon it. The power at the back of the tapu
or tambu is that of the ghost or spirit in whose name, or in reli-
ance upon whom, it is pronounced." Thus a chief may forbid
something to be done or touched under penalty of paying him a
large amount of shell money for violation of the prohibition; it
seems to the European a proof of the power of the chief, but to
the native it is evidence that the chief has his mighty tinddo or
spirit to enforce the taboo. 'The sense of this in the particular
case is remote, the apprehension of angering the chief is present
and effective, but the ultimate sanction is the power of the tin-
dalo" If a common man were to put a taboo on anything people
would think that he would not dare to do so unless he knew he
could enforce it; so they would watch, and if anybody violated
the taboo and became sick afterward they could feel certain that
it was backed by a powerful tinddo. "The tambu is too conven-
32 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
ient an institution to drop when the original sanction for it has
ceased to operate; a native Christian teacher therefore does not
hesitate, as a man of position in society, to set a tambu; thieves,
he says, are afraid of a man if not of a tindalo" 96
The taboo system as it existed in the Fiji Islands was described
by an early missionary as "the secret of power and the strength
of despotic rule. It affects things both great and small. Here it
is seen tending a brood of chickens ; and there it directs the ener-
gies of a kingdom. Its influence is wondrously diffused. Coasts,
lands, rivers, and seas ; animals, fish, fruit, and vegetables ; houses,
beds, pots, cups, and dishes ; canoes, with all belonging to them,
and their management; dress, ornaments, and arms; things to
eat, and things to drink ; the members of the body ; manners and
customs; language, names, temples, and even the gods also, all
come under the influence of the tabu. It is put into operation by
religious, political, or selfish motives, and idleness lounges for
months beneath its sanction. Many are thus forbidden to raise
or extend their hands in any useful employment for a long time.
In this district it is tabu to build canoes ; on that island it is tabu
to erect good houses. The custom is much in favour with the
chiefs, who adjust it so that it may sit easily on themselves, while
they use it to gain influence over those who are nearly their
equals: by it they supply many of their wants, and command at
will all who are beneath them. In imposing a tabu, a chief need
only be checked by a care that he is countenanced by ancient
precedents." 96
The power of imposing taboos was also exercised by the divine
chiefs in New Zealand, who took the fullest advantage of it to
further their ambitions, promote their welfare, and satisfy their
vengeance. A chief was able to communicate his sanctity to any
objects he touched or even named so that they could not be used
or appropriated henceforth by anyone not his superior in rank.
Thus a chief might call a tract of land which he desired to reserve
for his own cultivation his backbone or his head, and the land
would immediately acquire the surpassing sanctity of those parts
of his body. He might take possession of anything else that
pleased his fancy, such as an ax or a canoe, by giving it his own
name, and the rightful owner of the property dared not dispute
the claim of a superior. He sometimes laid a tapu on a road or
river or along the seacoast, to the inconvenience of the people. A
chief who could taboo a whole neighborhood or a war fleet was
a great man indeed. Only if a greater man came along could
NATURE OF TABOO 33
such a prohibition be violated with impunity. The delinquent
would be stripped of everything movable which he possessed, and
a slave would in all probability be put to death. 07
Among the natives of the Marquesas Islands general taboos
seem to have been pronounced by the priests, but in conjunction
and in connivance with the chiefs. "If any one is so irreligious
as to break through a tahbu, and should be convicted of it, he is
called a kikino; and the kikinos are always the first to be devoured
by the enemy, at least they believe it to be so, nor is it impossible
that the priests should so arrange matters as that this really
happens." 98 We are told further that inspirational priests some-
times declared certain things taboo at the time they died. Thus,
one priest forbade all the women of his tribe to wear long hair
after his death, and another priest, having asserted that every-
thing red was sacred to his spirit, prohibited commoners from
wearing red dresses or eating red-colored articles of food." In
the Hawaiian Islands, also, a taboo of general application could
be imposed only by the priests, but this action might often be un-
dertaken at the instance of the civil authorities. A violation of the
regulations in force was punished capitally, the culprit being
seized by the police, dragged to a temple, and there put to a cruel
death. 100
Objects upon which a taboo has been placed are usually indi-
cated in a particular manner, so that the taboo-mark serves as an
emphatic Noli me tangere, an equivalent and more than an equiva-
lent of our "No Trespassing" signs. In some parts of British
New Guinea sago leaves and coconut leaves are attached to fruit
trees, while roads are blocked by placing a small screen of boughs
or a row of sticks across them. In New Zealand a person who
found a piece of drift timber secured it for himself by tying
something around it or by giving it a chop with his ax. A simple
bit of flax attached to the door of a private house made every-
thing in it inviolable. By the same device a person might stop
up a road over his land or protect any property left in an exposed
position. When a chief laid a tafni on anything, he set up a post
and painted it red, the sacred color among the Maori. 101 In the
Marquesas Islands, where white was the sacred color, a strip of
white cloth attached to any piece of property or to a holy place
served as the sign of taboo. Tabooed objects in the Hawaiian
Islands were also indicated by small white streamers or by other
signs well understood and always respected.
The length of time during which taboos remain in force varies
34 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
with their character. Some inherent taboos are usually perma-
nent, such as those affecting sacred persons and sacred objects
and those relating to the consumption of certain foods and to the
intercourse -of the sexes. Other inherent taboos are of a tempo-
rary nature, for example, those which concern birth, puberty,
marriage, and death. The duration of imposed taboos depends
upon the pleasure of the imposer; they are often temporary, as
when restrictions are put on hunting and fishing to secure a closed
season and on the growing crops until harvest time. Many primi-
tive peoples also mark by a temporary cessation of the normal
activities, fasting, and other forms of abstinence certain occasions
of special significance in the community life. The negative regula-
tions which characterize them are true taboos, and the whole
period of their continuance is a tabooed period.
A state of taboo which has been formally imposed by the con-
stituted authorities may be as formally lifted by an act of desac-
ralization. There are various methods of doing so, all equally
efficacious. The natives of Dobu, an island which belongs to the
D'Entrecasteaux group, impose upon themselves a period of
taboo, the so-called givara, after the death of a man of importance
in one of their villages. All the inhabitants refrain from scaling
the coconut palms and betel-nut palms and from touching the fruit
of these trees. How long this ordinance will be observed depends
upon the social position of the dead man and upon other circum-
stances. Only when it is ready to expire do the natives of the
Kiriwina (one of the Trobriands) dare to visit their Dobuan
friends. When they arrive, the Dobuans put up a show of real
hospitality, for the visitors must break the taboo by scaling the
palms and taking the fruit. This procedure, declares our authority,
is in accordance with the widespread Papuan-Melanesian custom
of ending a tabooed period; "in all cases, someone else, who is
not under the taboo, has to put an end to it, or to force the im-
poser of the taboo to break it." 102
The western tribes of Viti Levu, largest of the Fiji Islands,
in former days possessed a secret association known as the Nanga.
Its sanctuary and lodge formed the earthly dwelling place of the
ancestral spirits; it was a tabernacle as holy to those Fijians as
was the structure in the wilderness to the Israelites; there the
first fruits of the yam harvest were presented to the ancestors,
and there the young men of Viti Levu were introduced to the
mysteries of the tribe. When the nanga enclosure was being
raised, the people suspended all other work. Not even food-plant-
NATURE OF TABOO 35
ing might be done at such a time. "If any impious person trans-
gressed this law, 'he would only plant evil to himself and to his
kinsfolk'." After completing the enclosure, the workmen re-
turned to the settlement, where they found the chief priest in
attendance. He held in his arms a large wooden dish piled high
with cooked yams cut into small pieces. Each man went up to
the priest and took a portion of the yams, which he ate standing
and in solemn silence. The ceremony instituted a release from the
taboo of secular activities which had prevailed. 103
In New Zealand a council house under construction was very
tapu. No woman might enter it and no cooked food might be
taken inside it. When completed and ready for occupancy, it had
to be ceremonially named and opened to the public. The officiat-
ing priest ascended the roof and chanted a spell which lifted the
taboo off the building. Before people could enter, however, three
women of rank went through the doorway to "trample the thresh-
old." Were this not done, the ridgepole (the sacred backbone of
the house) would sag dawn and the appearance of the mansion
wopld be spoiled. 10 *
The savage, fortunately for his peace of mind, knows ways
of avoiding objects mystically dangerous and charged with occult
power. These may be removed to a safe distance, or be carefully
isolated, or be subjected to a variety of insulating regulations.
When, however, a state of taboo has not been avoided or cannot
be avoided, the savage seeks an antidote or disinfectant for it
by means of purificatory rites. Since the pollution or sanctity is
conceived of as being material in character, the methods used to
get rid of it will be such as find use in dealing with material
objects. 105
A method of purification found particularly in the Polynesian
area consisted in transferring a state of taboo from one person
to another person who could safely absorb or neutralize occult
power without deleterious consequences to himself. When a
Tongan became tabu from touching a superior chief or any of
the latter's possessions, he dared not feed himself before he had
touched the soles of a grandee's feet with his hands, which he
then rinsed in water. Were no water near, it was enough to rub
his hands with the stem of a plant and thus get the needed mois-
ture. "He may then feed himself without danger of any disease
which would otherwise happen, as they think, from eating with
tabooed hands; but if anyone think he may have already (un-
knowingly) eaten with tabooed hands, he then sits down before
36 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
a chief, and taking the foot of the latter, presses the sole of it
against his own abdomen, that the food which is within him may
do him no injury, and that consequently he may not swell up and
die." However, if anyone touched the person or garments of the
highest chief, the Tui Tonga, who might be described as the
pope of the Tonga Islands, the tabu incurred could not be re-
moved by resort to another chief, since no other chief equaled him
in rank. Only he could do it, but, "to avoid the inconvenience
arising from his absence, a consecrated bowl (or some such
thing), belonging to Tooitonga, is applied to and touched, in-
stead of his feet. In Mr. Mariner's time, Tooitonga always left
a pewter dish for this purpose, which dish was given to his father
by Captain Cook." 106
A Maori, suffering from an attack of hauhamitu, which may
be described as a nervous condition caused by some infringement
of the law of tapu, could be cured if he crawled between the legs
of the chief of his clan. In some cases a person so afflicted got
the eldest-born woman of a high-ranking family to step over
him as he lay on the ground. 107 A taboo-breaker might also be
cured by rubbing his hands on a sweet potato or on fern root
which had been cooked over a sacred fire. This food was then
eaten by the highest representative of his family in the female
line. 108 In New Zealand, as has been noticed, women of high
rank possessed a special tapu-liftmg function. Still another way
of accomplishing the same result was to touch a child and take
food and drink from its hands. The child became, in turn, taboo,
but only for a day. 109
Purification can be accomplished by transferring the infection
to a sacred object, as illustrated by the Tonga practice with refer-
ence to the Tui Tonga. A Hawaiian ruler, as part of the installa-
tion or coronation ceremony, bathed in the sea. While so doing,
a priest struck him on the back with a sacred branch plucked
from a tree which grew in the precincts of the temple and at the
same time offered up the prescribed invocation. Any impurity
which the king might have contracted was thus removed. 110 In a
Maori ceremony of purification a piece of consecrated wood was
passed over the right shoulder of the tabooed person, then round
his loins, and back again over his left shoulder. Afterward the
stick was broken and either buried, burned, or cast into the sea. 111
No doubt this disposition of it was supposed to get rid of the
deadly virus which it had acquired.
Pollution (or sanctity) may also be transferred to an animal
NATURE OF TABOO 37
or scapegoat, which will then be driven away from the community
or, less commonly, will be killed. 112 In the Fiji Islands a tabooed
person first washed in a stream and then wiped his hands on a
pig or a turtle. The animal in this case was not slaughtered, but
became sacred to the chief. 118
A Zulu wife will not partake of sour milk for some time after
her marriage. She was bought with milk-giving cattle, and for
her to eat her own purchase price would be defiling. After a visit
to her father, from whom she brings a goat, a sheep, or a cow,
according to the rank of the parties, the taboo is lifted. The ani-
mal is slaughtered, and the isisila the defilement then passes
into the dead animal from the milk, which henceforth may be
safely consumed. She has "cleaned her spoon/' 11 * The Akikuytt
of Kenya transfer the guilt of incest to a he-goat, which is then
killed. If this ceremony were not performed, the culprit would
die. 116
A human being may serve as a scapegoat. In some parts of
New Zealand, when an epidemic raged, the Maori performed the
following ceremony. Some man was selected as a temporary
scapegoat, and to his body a fern stalk was loosely attached. After
the priestly expert had recited a charm or invocation over him,
he waded into the water, immersed himself, and when completely
submerged released the fern stalk, letting it float away. The epi-
demic was thus transferred to the scapegoat and then to the
fern stalk, and as the latter disappeared so did the evil influence
which affected the people. 116
Among the Baganda, after a new king had been crowned,
two men, bound and blindfolded, were brought before him. One
of them he freed and made guardian of his wives in the royal
enclosure. The other prisoner was taken, along with a cow, a
goat, a dog, a fowl, and the ashes of the late king's sacred fire,
to the Bunyoro frontier. There both man and animals were
maimed, so that they could not crawl back into Uganda, and were
left to perish miserably. The ceremony was designed "to do
away with any uncleanness" which might attach to the king or
to the queen upon their accession to the throne. 117
Purificatory rites by means of a physical purgation vary end-
lessly in detail, but they are mostly reducible to a few great
classes. The principal ones include aspersion and ablution with
water (sometimes also with blood) ; the application of other
detergents such as white earth or clay, ashes, and dung; unction;
burning and fumigation; rubbing and brushing; and flagellation.
38 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Several forms of purgation may be combined in a single cere-
mony. The services of a specialist in the thaumaturgic art are
often required to give potency to the ritual.
In many cases it is not difficult to discover the reasons for the
choice of a particular method of physical purgation. The use of
water is world-wide, for water is the universal cleanser. Mud,
clay, dung, and other substances containing liquids, when daubed
on the person, absorb dirt and sweat; why should they not also
absorb ritual uncleanness? Unguents, applied to the skin and
hair, are commonly used for cosmetic purposes; their employ-
ment in many purificatory rites is therefore understandable. The
power of fire to dry up miasma and destroy infection must have
been recognized by man at an early period ; how natural to sub-
ject the ritually unclean to flames and smoke. The purifying
quality of ashes and charcoal is doubtless derivative from that
ascribed to fire. An object which defiles the person can often be
rubbed away or brushed away; therefore rubbing or brushing
may be equally efficacious to get rid of a mysterious defilement.
In the same way the practice of removing dust and dirt by beat-
ing perhaps accounts for flagellation as a purificatory rite. 118 And
when emetics, cathartics, and sweat baths are taken to get rid
of bodily impurity it is an easy step to their use for riddance
from ritual impurity.
Some features of purificatory rites are intended to mark the
termination of a state of taboo and the complete severance from
things ceremonially unclean that has been at length achieved.
Here belongs the common custom of putting on new clothes for
clothes make the man. Shaving of the head or eyebrows and
depilation are also frequently practiced to indicate that purifica-
tion has been accomplished; conversely, the hair and nails may
be allowed to grow for the same purpose.
Referring to the native peoples of South Africa generally, a
competent authority observes that "a Kafir seems to gain in
self-confidence as he conforms to the customs of cleansing which
his fellows adopt. The act enables him to face the world once
more. His self-respect is restored, and he feels clean, even though
there be but little readjustment of his moral nature." 119 This
statement is evidently of wide application. The consciousness
that the prescribed ceremonies of purification have been duly per-
formed acts as a counter-suggestion to the malaise, the sense of
oppression, the dismay, and even the positive terror aroused by
the violation of a taboo. A great weight has been lifted from the
NATURE OF TABOO 39
offender's shoulders ; relieved of all anxiety as to the unpleasant
consequences of his action, he can now lead a normal life and
take his usual place in the community.
Purificatory rites come in time to be the special care of ma-
gicians and priests. Great has been their service in freeing man
from the disabilities imposed by a taboo system, and richly have
they been rewarded for the performance of what, under the cir-
cumstances, was an indispensable function.
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
1 See Sir J. G. Frazer, 'Taboo," Encyclopedia Britannica (9th ed., 1888),
XXIII, 15-18, reprinted in Garnered Sheaves [London, 1931], pp. 90-92) ; N. W.
Thomas, "Taboo," Encyclopedia Britannica (llth ed.), XXVI, 337-41; R. R.
Marett, "Tabu," Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, XII, 181-85 ;
F. B. Jevons, An Introduction to the History of Religion (2d ed., London, 1902),
pp. 59-95; C. H. Toy, Introduction to the History of Religions (Boston, 1913),
pp. 239-64; W. G. Sumner and A. G. Keller, The Science of Society (New
Haven, 1927), II, 1095-1132, IV, 577-604; A. R. Radcli fife- Brown, Taboo (Cam-
bridge, 1939), The Frazer Lecture, 1939.
2 In the Hawaiian dialect t is pronounced k and Tongan 6 is pronounced p.
See E. Tregear, The Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary, p. xxiii.
a Edward Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders
(2d ed., London, 1856), p. 101.
4 E. S. C. Handy, "Polynesian Religion," Bemice P. Bishop Museum Bul-
letin, No. 34, p. 318, note 32.
6 A list of the cognate forms and equivalents of tapu or tabu in the lan-
guages of Polynesia and Melanesia will be found in William Churchill, The
Polynesian Wanderings (Washington, D.C., 1911), pp. 263 f. A much fuller
list, which includes Micronesia and Indonesia, is given by F. R. Lehmann, Die
polynesischen Tabusitten (Leipzig, 1930), pp. 301-11. See also C. Mensch, Taboe,
een primitieve vrecsreactie. Studie over de taboebe paling en bij de Indonesische
Volken (Amsterdam, 1937), pp. 28-35.
8 James Cook and James King, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean (London,
1784), I, 286, 305 f., 338, 350, 410 f.; II, 40, 249; III, 101, 163 f. Vols. I-II were
by Cook, Vol. Ill was by King.
7 William Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed., London, 1831), IV, 385-90.
8 By the Marquesans, "anything opposed to the ordinary customs of the
islanders, although not expressly prohibited, is said to be 'taboo'" (Herman
Melville, Typee [new ed., Boston, 1892], p. 328). In Madagascar the term fady,
equivalent to tabu, is applied equally to acts which are simply contrary to good
manners and hence meet only popular disapproval and to those which are offen-
sive to the ancestors and entail supernatural punishment (Ralph Linton The
Tanala [Chicago, 1933], p. 229). Among the Tswana and related tribes of the
Bechuanaland Protectorate the word for taboo (rnoila) means "something for-
bidden" and may refer to any prohibited act, whatever its sanction. It is used,
more particularly, with reference to prohibitions where the consequences of dis-
obedience follow automatically, without the direct intervention of any specific
t^<wS nCy (I% Schapera ' A Handbook of Tswana Law and Custom [Ox-
ford, 1938], p. 39).
40 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
9 Archibald Campbell, during a residence of thirteen months (1809-1810)
in the Hawaiian Islands, knew of only one instance of capital punishment for
taboo-breaking. That was the case of a man who violated the sanctity of a
temple. He got drunk, quitted it during a tabooed period, and entered the house
of a woman. He was seized, his eyes were put out, and afterward he was
strangled (A Voyage Round the World [3d ed. New York, 1819], p. 121).
Urey Lisiansky tells of an islander condemned to death for eating a coconut
during a tabooed period (A Voyage Round the World [London, 1814], p. 117).
10 Even in Polynesia the connection of taboo with the gods appears as a
secondary phenomenon. "My own observation of the Polynesians," writes Pro-
fessor Radcliffe- Brown, "suggests to me that in general the native conceives of
the change in his ritual status as taking place as the immediate result of such an
act as touching a corpse, and that it is only when he proceeds to rationalize the
whole system of taboos that he thinks of the gods and spirits the atua as be-
ing concerned" (The Frazer Lecture, 1939, pp. 14 f.).
11 Referring to the "spirits" which protect coconut trees among the Mailu
of British New Guinea, Professor Malinowski declares that "they are merely
mechanical factors, bringing about, as an intermediate agency, the evil results
inherent in the breaking of the taboo." A would-be violator does not fear them,
considered as personal powers; what he fears is the bad luck in fishing which
will result from his action (B. Malinowski, in Transactions of the Royal Society
of South Australia, XXXIX [1915], 583). The Polynesian word atua does not
always refer to a personal divine being. "The term is even applied to disease,
and may include almost anything that is disagreeable or viewed as being super-
natural" (Elsdon Best, The Maori as He Was [Wellington, N.Z., 1924], p. 67).
Among the Thado Kuki of Assam, as an experienced observer points out, the
terms "evil spirits" and "bacteria" are in effect synonymous. "To the Thado
all sickness is caused by spirits, and when I asked an exceptionally intelligent
interpreter why, in that case, quinine should cure malaria, he replied in some
surprise that it was surely obvious; Europeans had discovered with greater
exactitude than Kukis what precise smell each variety of evil spirit disliked
most, and hence used quinine for fear, chlorodyne for a flux, and castor oil for
a pain in the stomach" (J. H. Hutton, in Man, XXXIV [1934], 76). The
Bahima evil spirits, a numerous company, are mostly identified with the various
maladies such as neuralgia, fever, bubonic plague, and smallpox, from which the
natives suffer (Sir H. H. Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate [2d ed., London,
1904], II, 631). A similar identification is made by the Bangala of the Upper
Congo, among whom the names of serious illnesses are also the names of the
spirits responsible for sending them. See J. H. Weeks, in Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute, XL (1910), 377.
12 J. L. Wilson, Western Africa (London, 1856), p. 395; compare pp. 210 f.
Among the Zulu, personal taboos sometimes originate in dreams. One of Canon
Callaway's native informants refers to the case of a man who is troubled by
daily dreams which he does not understand. "At length he becomes ill ; and there
is certain food he is obliged to abstain from, being told in his sleep not to eat
such and such food. So he no longer eats that food If he eat it from opposi-
tion, his health suffers. At length he leaves it alone, saying, 'A spirit has visited
me'" (Henry Callaway, The Religious System of the Amasulu [London, 1870],
p. 183).
13 A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London,
1904), pp. 89 f. Arunta medicine men have the power of seeing and communi-
cating with the ancestral spirits, or iruntarinia. Children who are born with
their eyes open also have this power when they arrive at maturity, provided
always that they grow up modest and sedate in bearing. The iruntarinia, it
NATURE OF TABOO 41
seems, never reveal themselves to scoffers, frivolous people, and chattering men
and women. Children born with their eyes closed cannot have intercourse with
spirits when they reach maturity unless they become medicine men (Sir Bald-
win Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia [London,
1899], p. 515).
14 A. Cabaton, Nouvelles recherches sur les Chams (Paris, 1901), p. 46.
15 T. C. Hodson, The Meitheis (London, 1908), pp. 118 f.
16 J. B. Dunbar, in Magasine of American, History, VIII (1882), 749.
17 G. A. Allen, in Smithsonian Report for 1890, pp. 61 5 f.
18 John Martin, An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands .... from
the Extensive Communications of Mr. William Mariner (3d ed., Edinburgh,
1827), I, 307.
19 W. A. Reed, Negritos of Zambales (Department of the Interior, Ethno-
logical Survey Publications, Vol. II, Part I), (Manila, 1904), p. 65.
20 W. W. Skeat, Malay Magic (London, 1900), pp. 41 f.
21 W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas (London, 1906), pp. 2f. See, further, pp.
308 ff.
22 Edward Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in Morocco (London, 1926), I,
191.
23 James Mooney, "The Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians," Seven-
teenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part I, p. 296.
24 Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche, in Twenty-seventh Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 281 f.
25 H. A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed., London, 1927),
II, 578.
26 The ethical and religious systems of antiquity contain various terms that
bear a close resemblance in signification to taboo. The Babylonian mamit de-
scribed that state of ritual impurity or ceremonial uncleanness attending certain
circumstances or actions (C. Fossey, La magie assyrienne [Paris, 1902], pp. 52,
58; R. C. Thompson, The Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia [London, 1904],
Vol. II, pp. xxxix ff.). The Hebrew tame referred to things dangerous, not to
be touched, ritually defiling ; as W. Robertson Smith pointed out, it "is not the
ordinary word for things physically foul; it is a ritual term and corresponds
exactly to the idea of taboo" (Kinship and Marriage in Ancient Arabia [2d ed.,
London, 1903], p. 309). For a list of Biblical passages containing tame see Jacob
Singer, Taboo in the Hebrew Scriptures (Chicago, 1928), p. 102. The sense of
mystic perilousness and unapproachableness also sometimes attaches to the term
qadosh (rendered in the English version of the Old Testament by "holy"). The
two ideas of sacredness and pollution are combined in the Greek TO fryos, but
they were usually discriminated, dyvcs or fiyios being devoted to the sense of
"sacred" and dvayris to that of "unclean" or "accursed." Among the Romans
the original signification of sacer was simply taboo, that is, "accursed" or
"sacred" according to circumstances. As W. W. Fowler has shown, the word
did not convey a sinister meaning in late Roman times, but rather referred to
that which is consecrated or sacrificed to a benevolent deity. In all its archaic
uses, however, the sinister meaning is prominent (Roman Essays and Interpre-
tations [Oxford, 1920], pp. 23 f.).
27 E. E. V. Collocott, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1921), XXIII, 416.
28 E. Tregear, The Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary, s.v. "Tapu,"
29 R. H. Nassau, Fetichism in West Africa (New York, 1914), p. 80.
42 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
80 The Rev. W. J. Cleveland, in Riggs's Dakota-English Dictionary (Con-
tributions to North American Ethnology, VII, 507 f.).
81 E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern
Rhodesia (London, 1920), I, 347; II, 82 ff., 89.
82 F. E. Williams, Drama of Orokolo (Oxford, 1940), pp. Ill f. At Saa
in Mala (one of the Solomon Islands) all persons and things in which super-
natural power resides are said to be saka, that is, "hot." Powerful ghosts
are saka, so also are men who have knowledge of things supernatural. A per-
son who knows a charm which is saka mutters it over water, thus making the
water "hot" (R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians [Oxford, 1891], pp. 191 f.)
88 A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders (Cambridge, 1933), pp.
267 ff., 307 ff., 404.
84 On mana and related terms see R. R. Marett, in Hastings' Encyclopaedia
of Religion and Ethics, VIII, 375-80, and M. Lohr and R. Thurnwald, in
Ebert's Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, VII, 4-15. See further, H. I. Hogbin,
"Mana," Oceania, VI (1935-1936), 241-74 (for the Melanesian data only).
86 See Ernest Crawley, "Sexual Taboo," Journal of the Anthropological
Institute, XXIV (1895), 116-25, 219-35, 430-46; idem, The Mystic Rose (Lon-
don, 1902), especially pp. 76-132. A new edition of this work, revised and en-
larged by Theodore Besterman, has appeared (2 vols., London, 1927).
86 Martin-Mariner, op. cit., 3d ed., I, 133, note. A Tongan under taboo
"must not feed himself with his own hands, but must be fed by somebody else.
He must not even use a toothpick himself, but must guide another person's
hand holding the toothpick. If he is hungry, and there is no one to feed him,
he must go down upon his hands and knees, and pick up his victuals with his
mouth. And if he infringes upon any of these rules, it is firmly expected that
he will swell up and die; and this belief is so strong that Mr. Mariner thinks
no native ever made an experiment to prove the contrary. They often saw
him feed himself with his hands after having touched dead chiefs and, not
observing his health to decline, they attributed it to his being a foreigner and
being governed by different gods" (Martin- Mariner, loc. cit.).
87 Edward Tregear, The Maori Race (Wanganui, New Zealand, 1904), p. 95.
8 * Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui (2d ed., London, 1870), p. 168.
8 See H. Webster, Primitive Secret Societies (2d ed., New York, 1932),
pp. 49 ff., 106 ff.
40 H. I. Hogbin, "Education in Ontong Java," American Anthropologist
(n.s., 1931), XXXIII, 607 f.
41 Raymond Firth, We, the Tikopia (London, 1936), p. 157.
42 W. H. Beaver, Unexplored New Guinea (2d ed., London, 1920), p. 66.
43 Hortense Powdermakcr, Life in Lesu (New York, 1933), p. 268.
44 W. G. Ivens, Melanesians of the South-Ei*st Solomon Islands (London,
1927), p. 251, referring particularly to the islands of Mala and Ulawa.
45 Best, The Maori as He Was, p. 83. If a seer disregarded a rule of tapu,
he at once lost his power of second sight and became spiritually blind that is,
"he would be unable to see the portents and signs by means of which the gods
warn man of dangers that threaten him, and enable him to peer into the future"
(loc. cit.).
46 E. H. Gomes, Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo (London,
1911), pp. 197 f.
47 W. Matthews, "The Study of .Ethics among the Lower Races," Journal
of American Folk-Lore. XII (1899), 6.
NATURE OF TABOO 43
48 Sir Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central
Australia (London, 1904), pp. 515 f.
49 P. Beveridge, in Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New
South Wales (1883), XVII, 27. Similarly, among the tribes of the Elema dis-
trict of British New Guinea boys undergoing initiation are told that if they
eat any food tabooed to them "they will speedily become bald and prematurely
shrivelled in body; disease and death will come upon them, and their names
will be held in disgrace among their relatives" (J. [H.] Holmes, in Journal of
the Anthropological Institute, XXXII [1902], 422).
60 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 470 f .
61 H. I. Hogbin, Law and Order in Polynesia (London, 1934), pp. 143 if.,
158 f. See, further, idem, "Spirits and the Healing of the Sick in Ontong
Java," Oceania, I (1930), 145-66.
82 Martin-Mariner, op. cit. t 3d ed., I, 172, note. According to the same
authority the Tongans also supposed that taboo-breakers were particularly
liable to be bitten by sharks. Consequently, all suspected persons had to go
into shark-infested waters, and the one who was bitten or devoured was ad-
judged to be guilty (II, 186).
83 W. D. Alexander, A Brief History of the Hawaiian People (New York,
1891), pp. 39, 66.
84 Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders (2d ed.),
pp. 114ff. Cf. J. L. Nicholas, Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand Per-
formed in the Years 1814 and 1815 (London, 1817), II, 170. Makutu was the
general name for witchcraft or sorcery among the Maori. In the case referred
to, it was usually practiced by a person in an inferior position or by one who
did not dare show his animosity openly. The sick man would consult a diviner,
who might be able to point out the culprit and also to nullify the evil effects
of the broken tapu. See Tregear, Maori Race, pp. 201 f .
86 C. W. Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic (London, 1922), pp. 103, 142.
Mr. Hobley enumerates no less than sixty-eight thahu among the Akikuyu.
Tribal elders of the highest grade enjoy, as a rule, immunity from thahu, prob-
ably because of the sanctity which they acquire by the performance of certain
sacrifices. They may thus be considered as a primitive priesthood (p. 127).
80 Hobley, op. cit., p. 134.
7 W. Matthews, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, XI (1898), 107. The
reluctance of the Navaho to send their children away to school is due to the
knowledge that the children will be obliged to violate food taboos; they will
have to eat ducks, geese, and fish or go hungry (p. 106).
88 Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche, in Twenty-seventh Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 144.
89 See L. Levy-Bruhl, Primitive Mentality (London, 1923), pp. 291-306;
idem, How Natives Think (London, 1926), pp. 263-76.
G Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed.), Ill, 46 f.; see also I, 395 f. The
Maori regarded a person seriously ill as suffering from "a preternatural visitation
of retributive justice, which it would be impious to resist by any human expedi-
ent" (Nicholas, Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand, II, 303).
61 Charles Hose and William McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
(London, 1912), II, 8. According to Carl Bock, no one is allowed to enter the
sickroom; the patient is left to himself (The Head-Hunters of Borneo [2d ed.,
London, 1882], pp. 214, 230).
62 Rafael Karsten, The Civilisation of the South American Indians (Lon-
don, 1926), pp. 472 ff.
44 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
68 W. Matthews, in Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 420.
84 F. Boas, in Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, XV,
124 f . These Eskimo, who hold that sickness is the result of taboo-breaking,
require the sick person to confess his sins to the medicine man, before cere-
monies for his recovery can be performed. If, nevertheless, the patient dies,
"it is believed that he had some mental reservation and was not quite honest
about his confession" (J. W. Bilby, Among Unknown Eskimo [London, 1923],
p. 207).
65 Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 769 f ., on the au-
thority of J. M' Alpine.
66 Old New Zealand, by a Pakeka Maori (London, 1884), pp. 95 ff. A
pakeka Maori is a "foreigner turned Maori." Maning received adoption into a
Maori tribe and married one of its women.
67 New Zealand and Its Aborigines (London, 1845), p. 76.
Te Ika A Maui (2d ed.), P. 164.
69 E. Tregear, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIX (1890), 100.
70 Emma Hadfield, Among the Natives of the Loyalty Group (London, 1920),
pp. 165 f .
71 J. Merolla da Sorrento, "A Voyage to Congo," in John Pinkerton, A
General Collection of Voyages and Travels (London, 1814), XVI, 238.
72 M. F. Field, Religion and Medicine of the Ga People (Oxford, 1937),
p. 118 and note 1, p. 119.
73 See Levy-Bruhl, Primitive Mentality, pp. 273-79 ; Sir J. G. Frazer, The
Fear of the Dead in Primitive Religion (London 1933-1936), III, 142-98.
74 James Dawson, Australian Aborigines (Melbourne, 1881), p. 70.
75 R. Thurnwald, in Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, XLII (1910), 134. The
Nasioi of Bougainville think that death by violence, either in battle or as the
result of an accident, is shameful, and that those who come to such an untimely
end must live apart from the other ghosts in the world beyond the grave (E.
Frizzi-Miinchen, Ein Beitrag zur Ethnologie von Bougainville und Buka,
Baessler-Archiv, Beiheft VI, p. 11).
78 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo (Leiden, 1904-1907), I, 70.
"/Wtf.,1,91.
78 A. Henry, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXIII (1903),
102.
7 J. P. Mills, The Ao Nagas (London, 1926), p. 283.
80 J. H. Hutton, The Sema Nagas (London, 1921), p. 262.
81 A. Playfair, The Garos (London, 1909), p. 105. The Garo believe that
a man killed by a tiger or an elephant will be reincarnated in the form of the
animal that caused his death (loc. cit.).
82 A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West
Africa (London, 1887), p. 13. In South Africa the drowned man is said to
have been "called by the river," that is, by the river demons. No attempt is
made to save a drowning person (J. Macdonald, in Journal of the Anthropo-
logical Institute, XX [1891], 124 ff.). Similarly, the Greenland Eskimo shrink
from assisting one of their number who has met with a serious accident at sea
(Fridtjof Nansen, Eskimo Life [2d ed., London, 1894], p. 137). This fear of
one who has obviously been doomed to die for his misdeeds is manifested by
the natives of Kamchatka. We learn from an old writer that if anyone fell
into the water they thought it a great sin to pull him out; rather ought they
to keep him down by force until he drowned. Should the poor wight manage
NATURE OF TABOO 45
to reach land nobody admits him to a dwelling, or speaks to him, or gives him
food, for they consider him as being virtually dead. He must either remove
to a distance or perish of hunger at home (G. W. Steller, Beschreibung von
dem Lande Kamtschatka [Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1774], p. 295 and note).
83 P. A. Talbot, Some Nigerian Fertility Cults (Oxford, 1927), pp. 63 f.
The peoples of Southern Nigeria, it is said, do not recognize the possibility of
an accident. For every misfortune there must be a reason, either the violation
of some taboo or the commission of some act which has drawn upon the per-
son the anger of the gods or the ancestors. When among the Yoruba a person
is nearly killed by lightning; when among the Ibo a birth takes place in a
house; or when among the Abuan a death takes place in a house these are
all instances of punishment by the unseen powers. No consideration is shown
for the culprit. It is even better for him that his friends should lay additional
penalties upon him, so that he may more quickly expiate his wrongdoing
(idem, The Peoples of Southern Nigeria [Oxford, 1926], III, 708 f.).
84 Andre Arcin, La Guinee franqaise (Paris, 1907), p. 431.
85 E. Mangin, in Anthropos, IX (1914), 732.
86 The Gullah Negroes in the coastal regions of South Carolina and Georgia,
along with the typically West African belief in multiple souls and a very
vivid belief in ghosts, have special rites for persons who die by drowning,
lightning, smallpox, and suicide. See W. R. Bascom, "Acculturation among
the Gullah Negroes," American Anthropologist (n.s., 1941), XLIII, 49.
87 The Kayan of Borneo go so far as to distinguish between malan and
parit y their two words for taboo. Malan applies to acts involving risk to the
entire community, parit to those involving risk only to the persons committing
the forbidden acts (Hose and McDougall, op. cit., II, 14, note 1 ; see also p. 125,
note 1).
88 The languages of some Melanesian peoples contain special terms differ-
entiating between an inherent and an imposed state of taboo. In the Banks
Islands "the difference between a naturally sacred character and that which
follows upon an authoritative separation from common uses" is marked by
the use of two words, rongo and tambu, corresponding with which in the New
Hebrides are sapuga and gogona. A naturally sacred character (rongo r sapuga)
is derived from the presence of a spirit in an object or from the association of
a spirit with such an object (Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 181). In the Solo-
mon Islands this distinction does not seem to be recognized (p. 215).
89 W. E. Roth, Ethnological Studies among the North- West-Central
Queensland Aborigines (Brisbane, 1897), p. 57.
00 C. G. Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea (Cambridge,
1910), pp. 299 ff.
91 George Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), p. 273;
R. Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre in der Sudsee (Stuttgart, 1907), p. 592.
92 Codrington, The Melanesians, pp. 75 f., 216. Dr. Rivers points out that
such a prohibition, or soloi, is not now a taboo or at least is no more than a modi-
fied or degenerate taboo. Unless its infraction is discovered by the property
owner or is revealed by confession, the offender suffers no evil consequences. Of
course, to those not members of the Tamate societies, including women, children,
and uninitiated men, the soloi shares in the general sense of mystery which be-
longs to the societies as a whole. An offense against the soloi in their case, as in
that of initiates, is really punished by their fellow men, but the belief that the
punishment is inflicted by the ghosts of the dead "brings the whole matter into
the category of religion" (W. H. R. Rivers, The History of Melanesian Society
[Cambridge, 1914], II, 410; cf. I, 92 ff.).
46 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
98 H. B. Guppy, The S.olomon Islands and Their Natives (London, 1887),
p. 32.
9 * Ivens, Melanesians of the South-East Solomon Islands, pp. 253 ff. In
1894 a chief of the village of Saa on the island of Mala tabooed both beach and
river when his daughter died. No native, in consequence, could get water from
the river or bathe in it, nor could there be any fishing along the beach (p. 254).
In San Cristoval chiefs had the right to place a taboo (tongo) on certain streams
or parts of the sea so that no fishing could take place in them until the taboo was
removed. After the chiefs death his right to taboo became the property of his
son. To break a taboo was to steal it, and in the old days many wars are said
to have been caused by the breaking of a chief's tongo by some other chief
(C. E. Fox, The Threshold of the Pacific [London, 1924], pp. 297, 303).
95 Codrington, The Melanesians t pp. 215 f .
96 Thomas Williams, Fiji and the Fijians (3d ed., London, 1870), pp. 197 f.
In New Caledonia taboos were both imposed and enforced by the chiefs, who put
to death those whom they wished to punish for an infraction of their prohibitions
(Viellard and Deplanche, Essais sur la Nouvelle-Caltdonie [Paris, 1867], p. 67).
97 Brown, New Zealand and Its Aborigines, p. 13 ; Shortland, Traditions and
Superstitions of the New Zealanders (2d ed.), p. Ill; Taylor, Te Ika A Maui
(2d ed.), pp. 168 f.; Old New Zealand, by a Pakeka Maori, pp. 137 ff. The
custom of judicial robbery of a taboo-breaker or of any offender against tribal
custom was known in New Zealand as muru ("stripping"). In a rough way
it corresponded to our law whereby a man is required to pay "damages," only
the damages were both assessed and collected by the culprit's own friends and
acquaintances. Great abuses naturally crept into the system, so great, indeed,
as to make the retention of any sort of personal property almost an impossibility
and, in great measure, to discourage any inclination to labor for its acquisition.
Muru is amusingly described by Judge Maning (Old New Zealand, pp. 83 ff.).
See also Augustus Earle, A Narrative of Nine Months' Residence in New Zea-
land in 1827 (Christchurch, New Zealand, 1909), p. 84. After the death of a
clu'ef a stripping party visited the bereaved family and took away everything
movable, even digging up root crops and spearing and devouring the tame pigs.
If by any chance the mourners were not so stripped, "they would be sure deeply
to resent the neglect" (William Colenso, in Transactions and Proceedings of the
New Zealand Institute [1868], I, 41, separate pagination). The muru custom
was also observed when a person had met with a serious accident. "Why a
people," says Mr. Best, "should pay for the privilege of being afflicted by
some trouble is a somewhat difficult problem for the European mind to solve,
though it appears to be clear enough to the Maori" (Elsdon Best, ibid. [1905],
XXXVIII, 206). The explanation lies in the Maori belief that people who
suffered a grave misfortune were revealed as taboo-breakers. It was the duty of
their relatives and friends to make sure that they paid the penalty for their mis-
deeds. Wrongdoing must be expiated.
98 A. J. von Krusenstern, Voyage Round the World (London, 1813), I, 172,
referring particularly to the island of Nukuhiva, See also Vincendon-Dumoulin
and Desgraz, lies Marquises ou Noukahiva (Paris, 1843), p. 262.
99 E. S. C. Handy, "The Native Culture in the Marquesas," Bernice P.
Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 9, p. 259. Such a taboo, based on any color,
might also be revealed by a god to some highly inspired person. See Mathias
G [Garcia], Lettres sur les lies Marquises (Paris, 1843), p. 52.
100 Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed.), IV, 386 f. Cf. J. J. Jarves, History
of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands (2d ed., Boston, 1843), pp. 56 f * H T
Cheever, The Island World of the Pacific (Glasgow, [1851]), p. 87
NATURE OF TABOO 47
101 "When a person died, his house was thus colored ; when the tapu was
laid on anything, the chief erected a post and painted it with the kura; wherever
a corpse rested, some memorial was set up; oftentimes the nearest stone, rock,
or tree served as a monument; but whatever object was selected, it was sure to
be made red. If the corpse was conveyed by water, wherever they landed a
similar token was left ; and when it reached its destination, the canoe was dragged
on shore, thus distinguished, and abandoned" (Taylor, Te Ika A Maui [2d ed.],
p. 209). According to another early authority, a place which was made tabu
for a time might be marked by a wooden image of a man daubed over with
red earth (A. S. Thomson, The Story of New Zealand [London, 1859], I, 102).
For numerous instances of the use of blood or red paint to mark sacred or
tabooed objects see Robert Briffault, The Mothers (New York, 1927), II, 412-17.
102 Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (London, 1922),
p. 346.
108 L. Fison, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIV (1885), 18 f.
104 Tregear, Maori Race, pp. 278 f. According to another account, the three
women, besides being well-born, had to be elderly and in perfect health (T. E.
Donne, The Maori [London, 1927], p. 25). In this ceremony the peculiar taboo-
lifting function of women of rank seems to be connected with the idea that, while
they were common because of their sex, they were sacred because of their high
birth. Hence, their sacredness neutralized that of the house, thus making en-
trance within it safe for all women. See Margaret Mead, "Social Organization
of Manua," Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 76, p. 118. A house might
also be made noa f or common, by a woman who entered the building through the
window. She ate there some cooked food and then went out through the door-
way (The Old Time Maori, by Makereti [London, 1938], p. 294).
105 See E. N. Fallaize, "Purification (Introductory and Primitive)," Hast-
ings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, X, 455-66; L. R. Farnell, "The Rit-
ual of Purification and the Conception of Purity," in The Evolution of Religion
(London, 1905), pp. 88-162; L. Levy-Bruhl, Primitives and the Supernatural
(London, 1936), pp. 342-95.
i3 Martin-Mariner, op. cit. (3d ed.), II, 187 f.
107 E. Best, "Maori Religion and Mythology," Dominion Museum Bulletin,
No. 10, p. 222. According to Mr. Best, the practice seems to have been due to a
belief that the innate power (mana) of the male and female generative organs had
a preservative or curative effect. The Maori also entertained the contrary belief
as to the harm fulness of generative power, especially of that emanating from
women. The myths of the Maori assign an inferior position to the female sex,
which is associated with evil, misfortune, and death (Joe. cit.). See also idem,
"Maori Beliefs Concerning the Human Organs of Generation," Man, XIV
(1914), 132 ff.
108 Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders (2d ed.),
p. 110.
109 Ernest Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand (London, 1843), II, 105.
110 Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed.), Ill, 110.
111 William Yate, An Account of New Zealand (2d ed., London, 1835),
p. 86.
112 On the transference of all manner of evils to inanimate objects, animals,
and human beings see Sir J. G. Frazer, The Scapegoat (London, 1913), pp. 1-71,
224-28 (The Golden Bough [3d ed.], Part VI).
113 Charles Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition
(Philadelphia, 1845), II, 99 f.
48 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
114 David Leslie, Among the Zulus and Amatongas (Edinburgh, 1875), p. 197.
115 P. Cayzac, "La religion des Kikuyu (Afrique orientale)," Anthropos, V
(1910), 311.
116 Elsdon Best, "Maori Religion and Mythology/* Dominion Museum Bul-
letin, No. 10, p. 199. See also Taylor, Te Ika A Maui (2d ed.), p. 101. As Mr.
Best points out, the object of the temporary scapegoat's immersion seems to have
been to insulate him completely from the evil influence which had been trans-
ferred to the fern stalk.
nTJohn Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), pp. 109, 200. The sacred
fire which burned night and day at the entrance to the king's enclosure was ex-
tinguished at his death and the chief in charge of it was strangled by the fire-
place (p. 103).
118 As Sir James Frazer observes, beating or scourging as a religious or
ceremonial rite was originally a mode of purification. "It was meant to wipe
off and drive away a dangerous contagion, whether personified or not, which was
supposed to be adhering physically, though invisibly, to the body of the suf-
ferer. The pain inflicted on the person beaten was no more the object of the
beating than it is of a surgical operation ; it was a necessary accident, that was
all. In later times such customs were interpreted otherwise, and the pain, from
being an accident, became the prime object of the qeremony, which was now
regarded either as a test of endurance imposed upon persons at critical epochs
of life, or as a mortification of the flesh well pleasing to the god. But asceticism,
under any shape or form, is never primitive." See Frazer, Balder the Beautiful
(London, 1913), I, 65, in The Golden Bough (3d ed., Part VII). On flagellation
as a mode of dispelling evil influences generally, see idem, The Scapegoat (pp.
259 ff.), in ibid., Part VI.
" Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (2d ed., London, 1925), pp. 257 f.
CHAPTER II
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE
THE processes of generation and reproduction, so mysterious to
us, are still more mysterious to the savage. His ignorance of
them is profound. Little wonder, therefore, that for him a
woman's ability to produce children indicates her possession of
occult power and that both pregnancy and parturition should be
regarded as extremely dangerous conditions, when numberless
precautions must be taken to safeguard woman and child, hus-
band and household, and, not seldom, the entire social group. 1
Many pregnancy regulations of a precautionary character are
sympathetic prohibitions. An expectant mother may be subjected
to various food restrictions, sometimes for her own good but
more often for the good of the child. What is usually feared is
the transmission of specific qualities or characteristics of the for-
bidden object. A Papuan woman avoids fat foods during her
pregnancy lest the child be a monstrosity, and she does not smoke
tobacco lest the child be stillborn. In one African tribe no preg-
nant woman may eat hot food, because the natives believe that
the child stretches out its hand to take the food swallowed by the
mother and it will be scalded thereby. In another African tribe
a woman while pregnant must not eat goose lest her child have
the long neck of that fowl, and she must also avoid the flesh of
the hartebeest, because that animal gives birth to its young blind,
and if she ate it her child would likewise be born blind. The hus-
band's diet is sometimes restricted for similar reasons, but the
prohibitions observed by him usually affect his everyday actions
and pursuits; for instance, he may be forbidden to take violent
exercise or climb trees or mount the house roof, lest his wife
have a miscarriage. Similar ideas also account for numberless
other precautions. Thus, during pregnancy both husband and
wife avoid turning a lock lest the child's fingers become bent and
powerless; no knots are tied by them, for that would mean a
difficult delivery. In none of these cases are we dealing with
taboos. A violation of the customary regulations may excite
49
50 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
social disapproval or even lead to some measure of ostracism;
it does not result in defilement for the parents, nor does it require
their ceremonial purification.
But pregnancy is also regarded as a state of ritual unclean-
ness in which the woman is exposed to the assaults of evil spirits,
to witchcraft, and to malefic influences generally. In the Gilbert
or Kingsmill Islands of Micronesia "when a woman was known
to be pregnant, the greatest care was taken to conceal her condi-
tion from all outsiders Remnants of her food, toilet ma-
terials, old clothes, and all other things closely connected with
her person were burned as soon as might be, for through such
things some foreign sorcerer might most easily bring evil upon
her." 2
In some islands of the Malay Archipelago a pregnant woman
never leaves the house without a knife with which to frighten
away evil spirits. 3 Among the Battak of Sumatra pregnant women
put protective images in their hair ; hence such women are called
"those who are wearing amulets upon their heads." 4 As soon as
a Basuto woman is with child a sheep is sacrificed, and the skin
of the animal is made into an apron, which serves to screen her
from witchcraft. 5 Perhaps the same purpose explains a curious
custom of the Wataveta of Eastern Equatorial Africa. When
signs of pregnancy are shown by a woman, a deep fringe of tiny
iron chains is hung over her eyes. It hides her face and also pre-
vents her from seeing clearly. 6
The Ga people of the Gold Coast consider it very necessary
that a pregnant woman should protect herself against witches,
who are wont to prey on the spirits of unborn children. So she
proceeds to wash herself in water containing a powerful herb and
small pinches of every kind of food which anyone can suggest
or contribute, whether the eatables are those of the tribe or for-
eign or European in origin. The idea is that, however catholic in
her eating, the witch will discover that her own food has been
included in the decoction. "The food with which the woman
bathed then protects her by saying to the witch, 'I am your own
food. You cannot hurt me without hurting yourself. " 7
Some restrictions imposed upon a pregnant woman are in-
tended to protect the community against her occult power. The
natives of Geelvink Bay in Dutch New Guinea do not allow her
to engage in planting, lest the crop be destroyed by wild pigs. 8
The Bukaua forbid her to walk on the seashore or near the mouth
of a river; if she did so, her blood would kill all the fish. 9
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 51
Among the Maori the child of a woman of the highest rank
was tapu even before its birth. Consequently, the expectant
mother was not allowed to perform any laborious work. More
especially was she forbidden to carry any food products on her
back; to do so would have had a most injurious influence on the
unborn child. The Maori believed that the proximity of food
products to tapu persons, objects, and places polluted them. 10
The Bechuana do not allow a pregnant woman to enter a hut
where there has been a recent birth. Nor may she go into a sick-
room, not even that of her own husband. Nevertheless, if a sick
husband is very anxious to see his wife when she is with child a
meeting between them can be arranged. It is necessary, however,
for a magician to make a mixture of powdered charcoal, fat, and
the woman's urine and anoint the sick man's body with this pro-
tective salve. Then he may safely receive her. 11 The Ba-ila of
Northern Rhodesia think it often necessary to protect a sick per-
son against the "baneful influences" emanating from pregnant
women and those that have had a miscarriage. A shed is built
in the forest and there the patient lives while being doctored. 12
A pregnant woman is dangerous in many other ways. If she
enters a hut where a child has just been born, its skull will part
asunder; if she passes through a calabash garden, the calabashes
will drop off their stalks or split; if she passes a tree laden with
fruit, the fruit will fall to the ground; if she goes near a litter
of pups, their heads will split and they will die; if she goes near
a hen sitting on a nest of eggs, these will all crack. 18 Among the
Wabena, an East African tribe, a pregnant woman who meets a
sick person must silently sprinkle water on his back; otherwise
"his heart will stand still within him and his sickness will increase
and he will die." Should this take place, the woman would be
held responsible and be liable to pay blood money. When rain is
about to fall, a pregnant woman must go indoors, hide under a
blanket, and keep silent until the rain is over; otherwise there
will be a fearful thunderstorm and the village will probably be
destroyed by lightning. 14
The Safwa, another East African tribe, do not allow a preg-
nant woman to sit on a piece of firewood which belongs to the
men; if she did so it would be thrown away as being unclean.
Nor must she sit on the footstool in the hut. Her husband at this
time does not sleep at home, but in the public house of the village.
He takes there his guns and spears; if these weapons remained in
the hut with his pregnant wife he never henceforth could kill any
52 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
game with them. 15 The Konde of Nyasaland require a pregnant
woman to keep away from growing crops, from food that is being
cooked, and from beer that is being brewed. 16 Among the Banyoro
of Uganda a pregnant woman must not come near clay pots when
drying; otherwise they would break when being baked. 17
The Uaupes of Brazil believe that if a pregnant woman were
to eat meat a domestic animal or tame bird partaking of it would
die, a dog would become incapable of hunting, and a man would
ever after be unable to shoot that particular kind of game. 18 The
Arawak forbid her to eat game caught by hunting dogs; if she
did so, these would never be able to hunt again. 19 By the Yakut of
northern Siberia a pregnant woman is considered in some sense
unclean. She spoils the gun of a hunter and lessens the good for-
tune of a handicraftsman. 20
Not only the pregnant woman but also her husband may some-
times be subject to restrictions. Among the Kiwai Papuans no
man whose wife was pregnant or menstruating could join the
turtle fleet. "If such a one were to do so the turtle on seeing him
would know about him and would sink to the bottom of the
sea." 21 A man of the Yabim tribe does not go fishing during his-
wife's pregnancy, for the fish would flee his presence and the
sea would become agitated. 22 The Monumbo, another Papuan
tribe, subject a man to so many restrictions during his wife's
pregnancy and confinement and while she is nursing that he is
virtually a pariah, shunned by everybody. 28 In New Ireland a
man with a pregnant wife must not go on fishing expeditions or
wild pig hunts. If he does so, he will meet with no success. Nor
may he engage in warfare. 24 Among the Sea Dayak of Borneo
a man is not entirely prevented from working because of his
wife's pregnancy, but he must first get someone to start the work
for him if he is to carry it on with a fair chance of success. This
disability endures after the birth of the child until it cuts its first
teeth. 25 The Bechuana of South Africa believe that an elephant
will single out a man whose wife is pregnant and will ruthlessly
attack him. 26
The very general avoidance of sexual intercourse between
husband and wife, either during the entire pregnancy or toward
the latter part of it, seems to be usually motivated by fear of the
impurity of women at this time: disobedience would result in
sickness, deformity, or even death for the child ; the mother would
produce no milk or sour milk; the father would be unsuccessful
in hunting and fishing. 27
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 53
On the other hand, sexual intercourse may sometimes be re-
quired during pregnancy even until the time of childbirth. The
Wik Monkan, a tribe of the Northern Territory of Australia,
are firmly persuaded that repeated sexual acts are necessary to
build up the baby from the seminal fluid. 28 The Mountain Ara-
pesh of British New Guinea entertain a somewhat similar belief.
It is their idea that the mother's blood, no longer issuing forth
in the menstrual flow, becomes half of the material of the child's
body, and that the other half is made of semen. For the first two
months of pregnancy, there must be continual cohabitation in
order to build up the child, but as soon as the mother's breasts show
discoloration it must cease, for the infant is now "fast" in the
womb. 29
The Kgatla of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, who also at-
tribute a woman's pregnancy to the mixing of her menstrual
blood with her husband's semen, believe that he will not be in-
jured by connection with her. In fact, he is expected to approach
his wife frequently, in order that his semen may continue to add
to the flesh of the child growing in her womb. However, should
someone not responsible for her pregnancy sleep with her, her
husband would be injuriously affected. A woman pregnant by
a lover sometimes refuses, therefore, to cohabit with her husband
lest she harm him, in which case he readily suspects that she has
been unfaithful to him. 30
The Tswana generally continue sexual intercourse right up
to the wife's confinement, so that the husband's "blood" (his
semen) may help to strengthen the child in its mother's womb. 81
The same view as to the necessity of continual sexual intercourse
for the growth of the fetus is entertained by the Azande (Niam-
Niam). This notion, it is said, may help to account for the ex-
traordinary attachment which exists between husband and wife
among the Azande. 32 Among the Ekoi and other tribes of South-
ern Nigeria it is customary for husband and wife to cohabit more
often during the latter's pregnancy than at other times. Cohabi-
tation is continued until the moment of birth, for the delivery of
the child is believed to be thereby expedited. 38
Being in a state of taboo, a woman may be required to live
in seclusion during a part or the whole of her pregnancy. In the
Marquesas Islands a special birth house was built, and the hus-
band remained there with his wife as a protection against evil
spirits until the time of her confinement drew near. 34 In the
Caroline Islands not only was the woman secluded but she was
54 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
also wrapped up in mats from head to foot until the birth of her
child. 35 Seclusion among the Toda takes place at or about the
fifth month of pregnancy. The woman then retires to a special
hut which has been built near the village, the distance depending
upon the degree of sanctity of the village. She stays there for
nearly a month, and purificatory rites are performed over her.
While in seclusion she is visited by relatives and friends, who
do not venture to come near the hut but speak to her from some
way off. She now returns home and resumes her normal activi-
ties, but after the birth she must again go to the hut for another
period of seclusion and purification. 86 Among some Lower Congo
tribes, as soon as women become pregnant, they take up their
quarters in huts built at a distance from the village and there re-
main until the children are weaned. 87
At the time of childbirth the mother's mystic dangerousness
is redoubled in intensity and the need for precautionary measures
becomes all the more imperious. She may be required to give
birth in the open air and not in the house, or to retire to some
secluded spot away from the community. She may be allowed
no assistance or only that of female relatives or friends. In the
Buandik tribe of South Australia the wife went far away from
home to be confined. The husband did not receive her until her
days of purification were over. 88 An Arunta woman, when her
child is about to be born, leaves her husband's camp, and goes to
that special part of the main camp which may not be entered or
even approached by men. She remains there for three or four
weeks after childbirth. The father is not allowed to see the child
until the mother returns to her husband's camp. 89
Among the Mountain Arapesh of British New Guinea a birth
must take place "over the edge of the village." In bad weather,
or where the bush does not provide shelter, a temporary birth
house is erected. Any woman may act as midwife, except the
pregnant woman's own mother, who would become blind if she
witnessed her daughter's delivery. Lochial blood is impure. None
of it must fall on the village ground. If it was eaten by pigs they
would go wild and devastate the yam gardens. 40
In Wogeo, one of the Schouten Islands, all contact with a
parturient woman is avoided during the two months that she
remains in seclusion. If she should die in childbirth or after it
no mourning rites are held for her, and while she is being buried
by the nearest relatives all the other villagers retire to the bush.
The natives account for these taboos as being due to the lochia
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 55
"because of the blood." 41 In the island of Tumleo, off the north-
eastern coast of New Guinea, the mother is secluded for from five
to eight days, but only after the birth of her first child. No man,
not even her husband, may see her at this time. The luckless man
who did so would swell up and die. 42 The people of Mala, one
of the Solomons, do not allow the parturient mother to be touched
by any of the women accompanying her. Should a woman do
so she must go into thirty days' seclusion along with the mother. 43
In the Marquesas Islands the fear of the birth contamination
was so great that if an accidental delivery occurred in the family
dwelling it was destroyed by fire, just as was done when a death
occurred in it. 44 On account of the tapu pertaining to both birth
and death among the Maori, few persons were ever born or ever
died in a dwelling house in New Zealand. A woman of inferior
status was usually delivered in the open air. A woman of rank
had her confinement in the "nest house/' a dwelling placed at
some distance from the settlement and tabooed against the in-
trusion of slaves and commoners. After the mother, her child,
and the attendants had quitted the house, it was destroyed, and
all objects in it were burned by the priest. 45
The Visayan of the Philippines remove everything from the
house when a birth is about to take place in it, just as is customary
when a person is dying there; unless this were done the weapons
and fishing nets would be useless and the fighting cocks their
most highly prized possession would no longer be able to fight. 46
In the Nicobar Islands an expectant mother retires to a birth
house and takes her husband with her. She remains there until
after the birth of her child, sometimes for as long as six months.
If she gave birth in a dwelling house, it would become unclean and
would be pulled down. 47
Among the Hottentots the husband quitted his hut as soon as
his wife's pains came on and did not return until she had been
delivered. Should he do so, he would be adjudged unclean and
have to forfeit a sheep as a "cleansing." 48 In the Ba-ila tribe of
Northern Rhodesia "it is taboo for a woman to give birth in a
hut; were she to do so and the child be born dead, she would
suffer heavy penalties: her husband might enslave her and her
children, unless they were redeemed by her clansmen. All grain
and medicines in the hut would have been contaminated, and
hence would be destroyed." 40 In the Quissama tribe of Angola
a woman, when her labor pains begin, goes alone into the forest
and remains there until the child is born. She may then return
56 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
home, but the infant continues to be secluded for a time. 60 The
Fan of French Equatorial Africa allow no male person to be
present at a confinement. Not even the father, the husband, or
the medicine man may enter the house at this time. 81
Among the Araucanian Indians of southern Chile women
were formerly not allowed to give birth within the village, "as
it was considered to cause infectious diseases." 52 Among the Co-
roado of Brazil a woman must give birth in a carefully secluded
spot in the depth of the forest, and special care is taken to pro-
tect the place from moonlight. 83 The Uaupes, when a birth occurs
in a house, take everything out of it, including their pots and
pans and bows and arrows; otherwise these objects would be
affected by uncleanness and would have to be destroyed. 84
Among the Central Eskimo a small hut or snow house is
built for the parturient woman, and here she awaits her delivery.
She may be visited by friends, but even these must leave her
when the birth takes place. 58 The Tlingit Indians of Alaska re-
quire a mother to give birth in the open air, however inclement
the season may be. She is then allowed to enter a rude shelter,
where she remains for ten days. 58 Among the Point Barrow
Eskimo, women about to be confined are always isolated. In
winter they occupy a little snow hut; in summer, a little tent. 87
The Eskimo about Bering Strait isolate a woman as unclean only
when she is bearing her first child. 58
Among the Chukchi of northeastern Siberia, when confine-
ment approaches, no stranger may enter the inner family room
and even near relatives of the male sex must keep away. When
labor begins, all males, not even excepting small children, leave
the room and do not return until every trace of the birth has been
removed. 69 A Gilyak woman "never dares" to give birth to a
child at home; she must, in spite of the severity of the season or
stormy weather, go out of the hut for the purpose. A special hut
is prepared for her, but it is very uncomfortable and both mother
and child suffer from the exposure to the elements. 60
After delivery takes place the woman's household is often
placed under an interdict, which may also involve the entire com-
munity. Among some Victoria tribes, though the woman remains
in her husband's shelter, he himself must live elsewhere. Indeed,
the entire settlement is temporarily abandoned when a birth oc-
curs, only two married women remaining to care for the patient
in her time of trial. 61
Among the Yabim, a tribe in what was formerly German
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 57
New Guinea, the inhabitants of a village stay at home on the
morning after the birth of a child. This is regarded as a neces-
sary precaution if the fruits of the fields and gardens are not to
be spoiled by the noxious influences emanating from a woman
in childbed. 62 Among the Sulka of New Britain not only are the
men of a village in need of purification after a birth has occurred
in it, but their weapons and the cuttings of the plants they are
about to put in the ground require similar treatment. 63 In Efate,
one of the New Hebrides, the men keep away from the house in
which a birth has taken place. This restriction applies only to
the day of birth. They say that otherwise they "would contract
the ninam or uncleanness and that in consequence 'their eyes
would be darkened (that is, they would be weak) in war,' and
that if, having contracted it, they went to their plantations, the
yams would rot." 84 In Ceram, one of the Moluccas, it is taboo
for the inhabitants of a village to go to their plantations for
three days after a birth has taken place. 65
The Garo of Assam consider the impurity of childbirth so
contaminating that it is forbidden for anybody to go near a cul-
tivated tract of land on the day when a child is born in the vil-
lage. They think that whatever crop is visited on such a day will
be cursed and blighted. This is said to be the only instance among
the Garo of a taboo which affects the community as a whole. 68
The Naga tribes have numerous taboos (gennd), some affect-
ing single households only and others being extended to the com-
munity at large. Household genna are observed for various rea-
sons, of which one is the birth of children or of domesticated
animals. The restrictions apply to all the normal inmates and to
any others, such as midwives, who may be temporarily members
of the family. 67 When a birth occurs in a Zulu kraal all the in-
habitants "eat medicine, i.e., something to protect themselves from
any evil influence. They do the same on the occasion of a death." 68
Among the Amaxosa the food of a lying-in woman is taboo to
men. A man who ate it would be reduced to the weakness of an
infant. 69
We might expect to find, and we do sometimes find, that the
impurity of a parturient woman is supposed to be most pro-
nounced when she has a miscarriage or is delivered of a stillborn
child. Some Bantu-speaking tribes of South Africa, including
the Thonga and Pedi, believe that a woman's miscarriage makes
the whole country impure and brings on a drought. "Let me
quote," writes the missionary Junod, "the ipsissima verba of
58 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Mankhelu, the great medicine-man of the Nkuna Court. I shall
never forget the earnest tone of his voice, his deep conviction
when .he uttered to me the following words, as a kind of revela-
tion. When a woman has had a miscarriage, when she has let
her blood flow secretly and has buried the abortive child in an
unknown place, it is enough to make the burning winds blow,
and to dry up all the land: the rain can no longer fall, because
the country is no longer right. Rain fears that spot. It must
stop at that very place and can go no farther. This woman has
been very guilty. She has spoilt the country of the chief because
she has hidden blood which has not yet properly united to make
a human being. That blood is taboo! What she has done is
taboo. It causes starvation'." 70
The Amaxosa believe that if their cattle should cross the
tracks of a woman who has had a miscarriage they will become
weak and die. Accordingly, her husband prepares a medicine
as an antidote, and this she has to administer to each animal. 71
Bavenda men are firmly convinced that if they have sexual rela-
tions with women who have miscarried, they will die of con-
sumption. 72 The Barotse require a woman who is delivered of a
stillborn child to live for a month in a grass hut outside the vil-
lage. She may return home after her purification, but her hus-
band does not sleep with her until she has had intercourse with
some other man. 78 The Ba-ila regard a woman who has had a
miscarriage as very dangerous. A man may acquire a certain
disease from cohabiting with her, from smoking her pipe, or
even from walking near the place where the fetus was buried. So
contagious is the disease that a woman after a miscarriage must
not enter a hut until she has been purified. Her husband will not
resume cohabitation with her until she has had connection with
another man to whom she thereby transfers the disease. 74
Among the Bakaonde a woman who has had a miscarriage
or has a stillborn child cannot touch any fire except her own, or
any dishes and other household articles. She must retire to a
shelter on the outskirts of the village, where she stays until her
breasts are dry. Then the shelter is set on fire, while the woman
is still inside it. She rushes out and goes to a river for a purifica-
tory bath in which certain herbs are placed. Having donned new
clothes, she returns to the village and resumes marital relations
with her husband. Still other ceremonies are proscribed for her
husband and herself before every taint of evil is removed from
the village and its inhabitants. 76 Among the Ngumba of the
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 59
Cameroons a woman who bears a dead child is treated as doubly
unclean. 76
The Bribri Indians of Costa Rica require the usual seclusion
of a woman in childbed, but her pollution (bukuru) is especially
deadly if she miscarries or gives birth to a stillborn child. She is
then considered so dangerous that all contact with things she has
used is avoided, and her food is passed to her at the end of a
long stick. 77
The Eskimo of Baffin Land think that the body of a lying-in
woman exhales a vapor which would adhere to the souls of seals
if she ate the flesh of any seals except those caught by her hus-
band, by a boy, or by an aged man. "Cases of premature birth
require particularly careful treatment. The event must be an-
nounced publicly, else dire results will follow. If a woman should
conceal from the other people that she has had a premature birth,
they might come near her, or even eat in her hut of the seals
procured by her husband. The vapor arising from her would
thus affect them, and they would be avoided by the seals." 78
Among the Polar Eskimo miscarriages are very frequent, per-
haps as a result of too early marriages. A woman so unfortunate
as to have one is subject to numberless restrictions, and these are
only removed when the sun is in the same part of the heavens
as when she suffered her affliction. It is believed highly dangerous
for a woman to keep her miscarriage a secret, in order to avoid
the severe penance involved. She may fall ill herself or she may
bring misfortune upon the whole community, through the failure
of the fishing or some assault of the forces of nature. 79
! When children are born deformed in any way or with some
striking abnormality, the mothers may be subjected to more than
the usual restrictions and their offspring not allowed to live. 80
The Basuto put to death children born with feet first and those
who cut their upper before their lower teeth. 81 Bavenda children
born feet first or with any deformity are killed by the midwives,
who pour boiling water over them. Such children are often buried
inside the hut near the wall, so that their bodies will be in per-
petual shade. Should the sun ever shine on their remains, the
mother would be afflicted with abdominal pains. 82
The Bambwela of Northern Rhodesia think that a child who
cuts its upper teeth before its lower ones is a herald of great evil
in store for both parents and relatives. Before the English ad-
ministration of the country there was a strong feeling that such
a child should not be allowed to live. The mother herself would
60 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
>
put it out of the way, either by drowning it or by thrusting it
head first into an ant-bear hole. Such murders do not now take
place, but in their stead a rite is practiced whereby the village
is purified from the evil spirit manifest in the unhappy infant.
There is ceremonial beer drinking by the village folk, though not
by the parents and relatives ; cessation of all work during the day ;
and a general abstention from sexual intercourse that night. This
rite performed, the child should suffer no disability whatever, but
the older people are still inclined to find in its preservation the
origin of the ills which may afflict them. 83 The Bakaonde of
Northern Rhodesia require that a child cutting its upper incisors
before its lower ones be thrown into the river. Such a child
would be very dangerous if allowed to live. Every time one of
its milk teeth fell out or one of its nails came off someone would
die. The mother who tried to hide the child's condition and did
not kill it would be constructively guilty of murdering many
people, a risk she dares not take. But sometimes the child is pre-
served. The mother may be allowed to put into a calabash all
its teeth as these come out, all loose nails, all nail parings, and all
shorn hair. When the last milk tooth has been added to the col-
lection in the calabash she places this on her back, as she would
carry a baby, and wrapped in the same cloth in which the child
had been carried. Then she goes to the river and drops the cala-
bash into the water, just as she would have done with the real
child, that is, by loosening the cloth and letting the baby fall into
the stream. She does not look around, but as she hears the splash
of the calabash she calls out, "Here is the lutala" (the tabooed
child.) 84
The Akikuyu of Kenya used to strangle a child born feet
first and bury it at the crossroads and not in the family cemetery.
Were such a child allowed to live it would grow up to be a thief
or a murderer, a disgrace to its parents. 85 Among the Ibo of
Nigeria children born with teeth, or with hand or foot first, crip-
pled children, and those who cut the upper before the lower teeth
were destroyed or disposed of to slave dealers. 88
The Cayenne Indians of Guiana decided the fate of a child
as soon as it was born. If it had any physical defect, it was killed
without pity and buried without ceremony; hence, no dwarfs,
hunchbacks, lame persons, or cripples were to be seen in a Cay-
enne community. 87 Pima children born deformed were taken by
the midwife, who allowed them to die of exposure and lack of
nourishment. "So strong was the feeling of the Pimas against
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 61
the abnormal that they tried in recent years to kill a grown man
who had six toes." 88
The custom of putting twins to death, or one of them at least,
is extremely common and widespread. Various reasons have
been alleged for doing so, particularly the difficulty and extra trou-
ble of rearing two infants at once. Twins are sometimes regarded
as an indication of unfaithfulness on the mother's part, because
of the notion that two children born at the same time cannot
have one father. They are also sometimes supposed to have been
engendered by an evil spirit, which entered the mother. This
animistic explanation is obviously associated with the fears and
forebodings excited by the abnormality of twins. Being ab-
normal, they are dangerous, and, being dangerous, radical meas-
ures must be taken to preserve the community from their malefic
influence. 80
The tribes of Central Australia usually destroy twins at once
because of their uncanniness. 90 In the Solomon Islands and the
Bismarck Archipelago one of the twins the first-born is killed.
Were this not done, both would die. The child is killed by its
grandmother and is immediately buried. No men are allowed
to witness these proceedings. 91
In Nias, when a mother gives birth to twins, they are usually
killed, but in the Mentawei Islands their lives are spared. No
great harm is held to have been done. "Some people think, how-
ever, in the case of girl and boy twins, that the pair will not live
long, because they have come into too close contact with each
other in the womb/' 92 For the low-caste people of Bali, who com-
prise the great majority of the inhabitants of the island, the birth
of boy and girl twins constitutes a great calamity. Famine and
disaster to the entire village can be averted only by the temporary
banishment of the mother and her children, followed by purifi-
catory rites and offerings to the evil spirits. When these have
been completed and the twins have become mature, they are
allowed to marry, for their incestuous connection in the mother's
womb is believed to have been already atoned for. 93 The Battak
of Sumatra think that twins, especially when of different sexes,
betoken bad luck. It is feared that when they grow up they will
commit incest with each other. They are often killed or are al-
lowed to die from lack of care. 94 The Kayan of Borneo kill one
of the twins, generally the girl, if they are of different sexes.
This is done to preserve the life of the survivor, for the Kayan
think that, should both be spared, any misfortune affecting the
62 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
one would be transferred to the other, because of the sympathetic
bond believed to exist between them. 95
The Bontoc Igorot of northern Luzon "do not understand
twins." Carabaos (water buffalo) have only one offspring at
birth; so why should women have two offspring, they ask. The
natives believe that one of the two children is the progeny of an
anitOy a spirit of a dead person. The more quiet of the twins, or,
if they are equally quiet, the larger one, is at once placed in a
water jar and buried alive. 96
The Khasi of Assam argue that as they have but one First
Ancestress and one First Ancestor, so one child, either male or
female, should be born at one time. A twin birth is accordingly re-
garded as the punishment for a transgression committed by some
member of the clan. "When the twins are of opposite sexes the
sang [taboo] is considered to be extremely serious, the Khasi idea
being that defilement has taken place within the womb." 97
The Malagasy considered twins very unlucky. One of them
would often be sent away to be brought up elsewhere or would
be put to death as soon as born. 98
The Zulu and other South African peoples manifested great
horror of twins and usually put them to death. Now that British
rule has extended throughout the country the killing of twins is
forbidden, but the practice is difficult to put down because of the
secrecy which invests it. People do not like to talk about twins,
and the fact of their existence is hidden, if possible, by the par-
ents. A mother who bears twins is taunted with belonging to a
disgraceful family; in the old days, if she bore them a second
time, she was killed as a monstrosity. 99 Among the Bavenda of
the Transvaal twins were killed immediately after birth, either
by the midwife or the mother. Their bodies were placed in one
pot, which was buried in a damp place by the riverside. If this
were not done, the natives feared that the land would be afflicted
by a drought. 100
Among the Thonga, twins (and triplets) arouse the same
terror as children prematurely born. Twins are a calamity for
the whole land because they prevent the rain from falling. In
former times one of the children was put to death ; now the mother
and her offspring must leave the village immediately and live in
a miserable little hut apart from the inhabitants. Until her pre-
liminary purification by the medicine man, no one in the village
must eat anything, and on the day after this rite all work in the
fields is tabooed. The woman's uncleanness continues until her
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 63
final purification. She lives absolutely shut off from the com-
munity ; she has her own utensils and does her own cooking ; and
people speak to her only from a distance. "Women fear that, if
they touch anything belonging to the mother of twins, if they
smear themselves with her provision of fat, or if the defiled one
smears herself with their fat, they will also incur the dreadful
misfortune of giving birth to twins." 101 The Herero of south-
western Africa think that twins are a manifestation of the dis-
pleasure of "Heaven," affecting the whole tribe and calling,
therefore, for a ceremonial purification of everybody. This is
performed by the parents of the twins, who collect a fortune
from the fines which all must pay to regain the celestial favor. 102
In former days the Afungwe, a Lake Nyasa tribe, seem to
have put twins in a basket at the crossroads and to have left them
there to die. Now the exposure is merely a ceremonial act and the
twins are preserved, though the basket is still left at the cross-
roads. Upon returning to the village, the father must mix the
blood of a goat with a medicine prepared by the doctor and then
must sprinkle the liquid in front of each house in the village, over
the grain bins, the pigeon cots, and the goat pen, and, lastly, over
the cattle kraal. Were this not done, a blight would fall on the
village; the inhabitants would fall seriously ill and swell up all
over, the grain would rot, and the cattle would die. 108
Among the Akamba of Kenya, if a woman bears twins the
first time she has children, the twins are thahu, or ceremonially
unclean. An old woman of the village, generally the midwife,
stuffs grass in their mouths until they are suffocated and then
thrqws them out into the bush. If a cow or a goat bears twins
the first time, the same practice is followed. But neither human
nor animal twins are thus treated when they appear at a second
or still later birth. 104 Among the Nandi, another East African
tribe, the mother of twins is ceremonially unclean for the rest of
her life. She remains in the same state of permanent taboo as
the murderer of a fellow clansman. The woman is given her own
cow and is not allowed to touch the milk or blood of any other
animal. She may not enter a house until she has sprinkled a cala-
bash of water on the ground, and she may never again cross the
threshold of a cattle kraal. 105 The Wawanga of Mount Elgon
(Kenya) do not permit the mother of twins to look at a cow with
a calf, for fear lest the cow's milk should dry up. She must not cut
grain at harvest time or sow seed in the plantations without tak-
ing special precautions against her impurity. If she passes by
64 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
fermented grain used for making beer, she must spit on it and
take some in her mouth and restore it to the pile ; otherwise the
beer will be spoiled. She smears white clay on her temples and
forehead whenever she visits a neighboring village, to counteract
the effects of her evil presence. She does the same when she goes
to sow or to reap. 106
The Abongo or Ishogo of French Equatorial Africa confine
the mother of twins in her hut and forbid her to communicate
with her neighbors. Only her parents may enter the hut as long
as her seclusion continues; a stranger who did so would be sold
as a slave. To prevent an accident of this sort, the hut is always
indicated by a particular sign. Twins are kept apart from other
children until six years of age or older, when they are ceremoni-
ally admitted into the life of the community. 107 In Calabar
twins are put to death, and their mother often shares the same
fate. Sometimes she is driven into the bush and left to perish
miserably. The father may also be expelled, but he is allowed to
return to society upon payment of a fine. By some tribes a village
is built in the outskirts of each town, and there the mothers of
twins live for the rest of their days. 108 Among the Bassari of
Togoland, if the twins are the first-born children, then one is kept
and the other is buried alive. When the twins are of different
sexes, then the boy is kept ; if of the same sex, then the stronger
child. A woman who has borne twins is not permitted to approach
a farm at the time of sowing and reaping, lest she destroy the
crops. Only after the birth of another child may she take part in
agricultural labor. 109
Among the Edo of Southern Nigeria, when twins have been
born in a village, no one may eat or make a fire there until they
have been destroyed. 110 By the Ibo twins are destroyed without
delay, and at the same time reproaches are heaped upon the
stricken mother. Her own attitude toward them is as scornful
as that of her relatives, and she refuses even to look at them. The
natives sometimes say that a twin birth is contrary to the nature
of human beings. There must be a difference between mankind
and the brute creation. To function as an animal is to degrade
humanity. Twins are the punishment for some neglect on the
part of the mother (or the father) to offer sacrifices or to perform
the prescribed funeral rites. They may also be the punishment
for some crime committed but unconfessed, particularly murder.
"The visitation of twins is a sort of detective agency bringing
past crimes to light." Whatever the cause of the visitation, the
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 65
unwanted children must be removed from the village without
delay. To allow them to live would be to court disaster. So they
are crammed alive into an old water pot, which is deposited in
the bush. 111
The practice of killing twins either both of them or only
the second seems to be general among the aborigines of South
America, who look upon two children at a birth as a most un-
natural and ominous occurrence. 112 Some Amazonian Indians
kill one of the twins because, as they declare, it is only animals
who bear more than one at a birth, "and the Indian's aversion to
anything resembling the brute creation is intense/ 1113 Among the
Kobeua of northwestern Brazil, if the twins are of the same sex
it is the second one which is immediately killed after birth; if
one is a boy and the other a girl it is the latter which is sacri-
ficed. 114
The custom of twin-killing among the Saliva Indians of Co-
lombia seems to find an explanation in the native conception of the
soul. These Indians believe that when a child is born the father
loses part of his soul. When two children appear at a birth the
father suffers a double loss, which may prove fatal to him. He is
very angry with his wife, for he thinks that she bore twins pur-
posely in order to tear his soul in pieces, bring on his demise, and
leave her free to marry some other man with whom she is enam-
ored. So he gives her a terrible beating and orders her to kill
the second twin without delay. A father entertains no fears for
his soul if his wife bears him several children in natural succes-
sion, one every year or every two years. In such a case the wound
to his soul, caused by the birth of a child, has time to heal before
the birth of the next child, so that a man with a strong and robust
soul can safely surround himself with many offspring. 118
Some of the Indian tribes of North America held twins in
abhorrence and frequently killed them. 116
The Tungus of Manchuria detest twins "a woman is not a
bitch or a pig, and must have only one child/ 1 They allow nothing
to be borrowed, bought, or taken from a woman who has had
twins or from her husband, lest the same calamity fall on other
people. 117
Innumerable are the vagaries of the human mind! Some
primitive peoples welcome the advent of twins, deeming them the
bearers of good fortune and regarding them with the utmost
respect and even reverence. 118 The Hottentots, we are told by an
old writer, regarded boy twins as a "mighty blessing." But there
66 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
was little or no rejoicing if the twins were girls. Quite commonly
one of them, "the worst featured of the two/' was buried alive
or otherwise destroyed. 119 The Bomvana believe that twins can
drive away hail. A hut inhabited by them is safe from light-
ning. 120 The Masai of Tanganyika Territory eagerly desire twins.
These wear a necklace made of leather and cowrie shells to dis-
tinguish them from other children. 121
By the Baganda of Uganda twins were regarded as due to
the direct intervention of a god, and hence they had to be most
carefully treated. "Any mistake on the part of the parents, or any
sickness which befell the twins, was looked upon as the result
of the god's anger, which might extend to the whole clan." Both
mother and father were made sacred, not polluted, by the twin-
birth, and they remained so until an elaborate ceremony had
been performed to remove the odor of sanctity attaching to their
persons. 122 By the Banyoro the birth of twins is regarded as a
propitious event and the happy parents are recipients of congratu-
lations. 123 The Lango, a Nilotic tribe of Uganda, think that twins
bring good luck, not only for the family and clan, but also for
the whole village. The same auspicious character attaches to
triplets. 124 The Shilluk call twins "children of the great spirit"
and protect them by many ceremonies against all possible evils. 125
The Manja of French Equatorial Africa celebrate the advent
of twins with dances and libations. Marvelous powers are at-
tributed to twins ; serpents and scorpions are under their domina-
tion. A person stung by a scorpion can at once be healed if the
first finger of a twin is placed on the wound. Twins themselves
never fear snake bite or scorpion sting. By means of the serpents
twins can hurl curses, and through the same intermediaries they
can kill parents who mistreat them. 126 In most parts of the Benin
territory twins are of good omen. 127
By the Yoruba no phenomenon is invested with greater im-
portance or with deeper mystery than that of twin births. Twins
are "almost credited" with extra-human powers, and the influence
of their birth is exerted even upon single children that may be
born after them. 128 The mother pays special honor to twins while
living. Should one of them die she replaces it by a wooden image
which must be carried about, washed, and dressed just as the
baby was cared for. Sacrifices of food are offered to twins and
the mother receives the congratulations of her neighbors. 129
In Dahomey twins are treated more carefully than other chil-
dren. They are always dressed alike, and if one of them receives
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 67
a gift the other must have a similar gift. 130 The Kpelle of Li-
beria regard twins as born sorcerers. Hence they enjoy an excep-
tional position as long as they live. The people treat them with
respect, not unmixed with fear, and make many gifts to them to
gain their good will. 131
For the Maricopa Indians the birth of twins was a fortunate
event. Twins and deformed children, unlike ordinary children,
were thought to be reborn. They came to this world merely as
visitors; hence, if mistreated, they would return to their home in
the spirit land. 132 Some of the southeastern Indian tribes, includ-
ing the Natchez and the Cherokee, considered that the younger
of twins was likely to make a good prophet. It was thought
that triplets might know still more of hidden things and future
events. 138 The Thompson Indians of British Columbia called
twins "grizzly-bear children" or "hairy feet," because a mother
about to be delivered of twins was generally made aware of the
fact by the repeated appearance of the grizzly bear in her dreams.
Twins were supposed to be under the protection of this animal
and to be endowed by it with special powers, such as the ability to
create good or bad weather. After the birth of twins the parents
moved away from the village and lived in a lodge made of fir
boughs and bark until the twins were about four years old. Dur-
ing this period of seclusion the twins were constantly purified by
means of fir twigs or boughs dipped in water and were not al-
lowed to come in contact with the villagers. 134
It is a common rule that all cohabitation must cease, not only
just after a woman's confinement, but up to her final purification.
Furthermore, husband and wife frequently avoid each other until
the child is weaned or until it can walk or until it can speak. 135 If
sexual intercourse is resumed immediately after the woman has
been purified the previous taboo of cohabitation finds a ready
explanation in the fear of the woman's uncleanness. When, how-
ever, the taboo continues in force for a long time, even for several
years after the woman's purification, or when it applies to inter-
course by the husband with other women during this period, an
explanation must be sought in the assumed dangerousness of any
sexual relations. The danger anticipated is usually for the child,
but sometimes the wife or the husband is supposed to pay the
penalty for a breach of continence.
The Koita of British New Guinea do not allow cohabitation
until the child can toddle about; "if it is resumed before then
the child will weaken, sicken and perhaps die." 186 The Mountain
66 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
was little or no rejoicing if the twins were girls. Quite commonly
one of them, "the worst featured of the two," was buried alive
or otherwise destroyed. 119 The Bomvana believe that twins can
drive away hail. A hut inhabited by them is safe from light-
ning. 120 The Masai of Tanganyika Territory eagerly desire twins.
These wear a necklace made of leather and cowrie shells to dis-
tinguish them from other children. 121
By the Baganda of Uganda twins were regarded as due to
the direct intervention of a god, and hence they had to be most
carefully treated. "Any mistake on the part of the parents, or any
sickness which befell the twins, was looked upon as the result
of the god's anger, which might extend to the whole clan." Both
mother and father were made sacred, not polluted, by the twin-
birth, and they remained so until an elaborate ceremony had
been performed to remove the odor of sanctity attaching to their
persons. 122 By the Banyoro the birth of twins is regarded as a
propitious event and the happy parents are recipients of congratu-
lations. 128 The Lango, a Nilotic tribe of Uganda, think that twins
bring good luck, not only for the family and clan, but also for
the whole village. The same auspicious character attaches to
triplets. 12 * The Shilluk call twins "children of the great spirit"
and protect them by many ceremonies against all possible evils. 125
The Manja of French Equatorial Africa celebrate the advent
of twins with dances and libations. Marvelous powers are at-
tributed to twins ; serpents and scorpions are under their domina-
tion. A person stung by a scorpion can at once be healed if the
first finger of a twin is placed on the wound. Twins themselves
never fear snake bite or scorpion sting. By means of the serpents
twins can hurl curses, and through the same intermediaries they
can kill parents who mistreat them. 126 In most parts of the Benin
territory twins are of good omen. 12T
By the Yoruba no phenomenon is invested with greater im-
portance or with deeper mystery than that of twin births. Twins
are "almost credited" with extra-human powers, and the influence
of their birth is exerted even upon single children that may be
born after them. 128 The mother pays special honor to twins while
living. Should one of them die she replaces it by a wooden image
which must be carried about, washed, and dressed just as the
baby was cared for. Sacrifices of food are offered to twins and
the mother receives the congratulations of her neighbors. 129
In Dahomey twins are treated more carefully than other chil-
dren. They are always dressed alike, and if one of them receives
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 67
a gift the other must have a similar gift. 180 The Kpelle of Li-
beria regard twins as born sorcerers. Hence they enjoy an excep-
tional position as long as they live. The people treat them with
respect, not unmixed with fear, and make many gifts to them to
gain their good will. 131
For the Maricopa Indians the birth of twins was a fortunate
event. Twins and deformed children, unlike ordinary children,
were thought to be reborn. They came to this world merely as
visitors; hence, if mistreated, they would return to their home in
the spirit land. 132 Some of the southeastern Indian tribes, includ-
ing the Natchez and the Cherokee, considered that the younger
of twins was likely to make a good prophet. It was thought
that triplets might know still more of hidden things and future
events. 138 The Thompson Indians of British Columbia called
twins "grizzly-bear children" or "hairy feet," because a mother
about to be delivered of twins was generally made aware of the
fact by the repeated appearance of the grizzly bear in her dreams.
Twins were supposed to be under the protection of this animal
and to be endowed by it with special powers, such as the ability to
create good or bad weather. After the birth of twins the parents
moved away from the village and lived in a lodge made of fir
boughs and bark until the twins were about four years old. Dur-
ing this period of seclusion the twins were constantly purified by
means of fir twigs or boughs dipped in water and were not al-
lowed to come in contact with the villagers. 134
It is a common rule that all cohabitation must cease, not only
just after a woman's confinement, but up to her final purification.
Furthermore, husband and wife frequently avoid each other until
the child is weaned or until it can walk or until it can speak. 185 If
sexual intercourse is resumed immediately after the woman has
been purified the previous taboo of cohabitation finds a ready
explanation in the fear of the woman's uncleanness. When, how-
ever, the taboo continues in force for a long time, even for several
years after the woman's purification, or when it applies to inter-
course by the husband with other women during this period, an
explanation must be sought in the assumed dangerousness of any
sexual relations. The danger anticipated is usually for the child,
but sometimes the wife or the husband is supposed to pay the
penalty for a breach of continence.
The Koita of British New Guinea do not allow cohabitation
until the child can toddle about; "if it is resumed before then
the child will weaken, sicken and perhaps die." 186 The Mountain
68 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Arapesh strictly forbid intercourse by the father, not only with
the mother of his child but also, if he has two wives, with his sec-
ond wife. The taboo is observed until the child can walk or talk. 187
In the Trobriand Islands husband and wife do not have sexual
intercourse until their child can walk, or, according to a stricter
rule, until it is weaned when about two years old. The stricter
rule is always observed by men with several wives. Should the
mother, even of an illegitimate child, copulate too soon after giv-
ing birth, the child would surely die. 138 In New Ireland mother
and father are not supposed to have sexual relations with each
other during the nursing period, which lasts for two or three
years. Nor may they cohabit with anyone else at this time. If
the mother did so, her milk would not be good. If the father did
so and then took up his child and played with it, the child would
"smell" his impurity, sicken, and perhaps die. 189
The people of Buka in the Solomons interdict intercourse
with a mother until the child is at least two years old. There is no
prohibition of the husband's relations with other women, whether
his wives or sweethearts, so that continence is not imposed upon
a man. A woman who fails to observe the taboo is supposed to
bring ill health to her child. Some women who cohabit in secret
give their child a decoction of certain leaves to drink, this being
supposed to counteract the bad effects of their act. But, in gen-
eral, women strongly resent any attempt by their husbands to
approach them during the tabooed period. A man who divorced
his wife for refusing him access at a time she considered too
soon after the birth of their child, aroused the unfavorable sen-
timent of the village and never got another wife. 140
The Thonga prohibit sexual intercourse between husband and
wife for some time after childbirth, "owing to possible contam-
ination by the lochia." Violation of this taboo would be a very
great sin, indeed, if the mother again conceived. When the child
begins to crawl, a rite called "tying the cotton string" is per-
formed to celebrate the child's formal reception into the family.
After this the parents may resume cohabitation, but they avoid
conception until the child is weaned. 141
A Basuto husband is separated from his wife for only four
days after her confinement. A special ceremony, called "the help-
ing," is performed to introduce them to each other. Unless this
is done, the husband will swell up; if he had intercourse with his
wife before the performance of the ceremony he will die. Some
say that he would die if he had intercourse with a woman not his
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 69
wife. 142 Wabena women are not supposed to have sexual rela-
tions while nursing a child; if they did, the child would die. This
taboo is ceremonially broken when the baby is a few months old,
in order to make it strong. After obtaining the sanction of their
elders and receiving from them a medicine for the child similar
to that given to a girl at her first menstruation, husband and wife
spend a night or two together. They must then refrain again
from intercourse until the child is weaned. 143 Among the Bangala
(Boloki) of the Upper Congo a woman never had sexual rela-
tions with her husband for about three months before her con-
finement and until the child was weaned. "It was believed that
if this prohibition were not observed, the child would sicken and
die." 144 The Bambala believe that intercourse with a nursing
mother would be fatal to her. If she dies soon after childbirth
her husband is accused of murder and is heavily fined, or, more
often, is compelled to submit to the poison ordeal. 145 Among the
Manja of French Equatorial Africa the husband does not cohabit
with his wife from the fourth month of her pregnancy until the
child is weaned, that is, for a period of more than a year and a
half, sometimes for two years. Should he break the taboo, he
risks being wounded when fighting. 146 The Baya think that were
a man to have intercourse with his nursing wife her milk would
turn sour and endanger the child's life. 147 Among the tribes of
the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast a woman resumes
sexual intercourse with her husband only when two years have
elapsed after giving birth. It is believed that if a woman became
pregnant again before her child could eat native food the child
would die. 148
This prohibition of sexual intercourse between husband and
wife helps to account for the custom of polygyny. A man with
only one wife must remain continent, perhaps for a long time,
unless sexual relations outside of wedlock are permissible. That
the prohibition benefits the mother is obvious, for it enables her
to "space" her pregnancies. That it benefits the child is no less
obvious, especially among primitive peoples who drink no animal
milk and eat no farinaceous food. A second pregnancy for a
nursing mother means that her first child must be weaned before
it is old enough and strong enough to assimilate solid food, or,
if she continues to nurse it, that her milk will be so impoverished
as to be injurious to the child. Some primitive peoples expressly
recognize the practical utility of the taboo. In the Fiji Islands
husband and wife keep apart for three years, or even four years,
70 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
after childbirth, so that no other baby may interfere with the
time considered necessary for suckling strong and healthy off-
spring. "The relatives of a woman take it as a public insult if
any child should be born before the customary three or four
years have elapsed, and they consider themselves in duty bound
to avenge it in an equally public manner. I heard of a white man,
who being asked how many brothers and sisters he had, frankly
replied 'Ten!' 'But that could not be/ was the rejoinder of the
natives, 'one mother could scarcely have so many children/ When
told that these children were born at annual intervals and that
such occurrences were common in Europe, they were very much
shocked, and thought it explained sufficiently why so many white
people were 'mere shrimps'." 149
In the Tonga Islands, before the missionaries had introduced
European ideas of family life, the native social system required
the mother to abstain from sexual relations during the entire
nursing period, in order to avoid a second gestation and conse-
quently the premature weaning of her first child. 150 The Kgatla
of the Bechuanaland Protectorate forbid sexual relations between
husband and wife only for the first two or three weeks after she
has given birth. It is their duty, however, to see that she does
not become pregnant again until the child is weaned. 151 In Da-
homey, where parents do not cohabit for at least six months after
the birth of a child, and in many cases for a year thereafter, it
is well understood that frequent pregnancies injure the health of
a mother and cause her to produce sickly offspring. 152 Ibo parents
are expected to refrain from sexual intercourse for a period of
about three years, because it is taboo for a woman to bear another
child until the one she is nursing is no longer dependent on her
for sustenance. So the husband seeks another wife, a procedure
which she favors. 158
The woman's uncleanness usually continues for some time
after the birth of the child. She may have to observe various re-
strictions, particularly in regard to food, and undergo a purifica-
tory ceremony before resuming her normal life. In the Euahlayi
tribe of New South Wales the woman must remain in her special
camp for about three months. Every night for the first month
she must lie on a steam bed made of dampened eucalyptus leaves.
During her seclusion she is not allowed to touch anything belong-
ing to another, for what she touched would become unclean and
unfit for use. Her food is brought to her by some old woman. 154
Among the Sinaugolo of British New Guinea a woman gen-
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 71
erally stays at home for about a week after childbirth, and during
this time her husband does not enter the house where she is. For
about a month she must not handle food or cook it, and when
eating food prepared for her by her friends she uses a sharpened
stick to transfer it to her mouth. 155 A Kiwai woman, after recov-
ering from childbirth, makes a gift of food from her garden to
the women who assisted at her confinement. No man partakes of
this food, for if he did he would be stricken by paralysis. 156 Some
of the tribes on the northwest coast of New Guinea require a
woman to stay indoors for several months after bearing a child.
When she does quit the house she must cover her head with a
hood or a mat; if the sun shone on her, one of her male relatives
would die. 157
In Murua or Woodlark Island, to the east of the Trobriands,
a woman giving birth for the first time is secluded in a temporary
room constructed for the purpose at the end of her mother's
house. She and her child stay there for a month or more, exposed
to the smoke of a fire which is kept constantly burning in the
room. The smoke prevents any evil spirit from harming them,
at a time when they are most susceptible to injury from unseen
powers. As a further safeguard, the mother frequently rubs her-
self and her child with coconut oil. 158 The Buin people of Bou-
gainville Island require a woman to stay in the birth house for
a week after her confinement. She is visited only by those female
relatives who are married. Mother and child then have a ritual
washing in a creek and sit down to a feast in which the kinswomen
participate. The mother may not go home nor may the husband
see his child until these purifications have been accomplished.
Once home the wife resumes her usual occupations, but she does
not leave the house, go fishing in the river, or enter a garden or
the forest until another ceremonial feast has been held. This
takes place in from three to six months, though a big chief will
wait for nearly a year. Should a mother break any of the taboos,
evil spirits would attack her child. The ghosts of the ancestors,
angry at the mother's disobedience, would be reluctant to de-
fend it. 159
A New Caledonian woman usually gives birth not in her own
but in a neighboring village. She remains away for sixty days.
Before she returns to her husband's abode she must submit to
purification and make an offering to the tribal sorcerer. 160 In Fiji
a woman after giving birth had to lie down for ten days, and
all food, except taro broth and baked fish, was forbidden her. 161
72 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
In Manahiki, or Humphrey's Island, the woman for ten days
after her delivery was not allowed to handle food and conse-
quently had to be fed by some other person. 162 A Tahitian woman
after childbirth lived for two or three weeks in a temporary hut
erected on sacred ground. During this period she might not touch
food and had to be fed by another. Only the mother was allowed
to touch the child at this time ; anyone else who did so was sub-
jected to the same restrictions until the ceremony of purification
had been performed. 163 In Hawaii the mother remained secluded
for seven days ; during this time she might not eat ordinary food
but partook of a broth made from the flesh of a dog. 164 Maori
women, at least those of the more important families, were se-
cluded for about a month after their confinement. They were
tapu and because of that condition were believed to be especially
dangerous to people engaged in cultivating the sweet potato, a
standard article of diet. 165
Among the Tenguian of Northern Luzon a fire is kept con-
stantly burning for twenty-nine days in the room where a woman
has been confined. The father must carefully prepare each stick
of wood to be burned, for should it have rough places on it the
child would have lumps on its head. That the fire is intended
primarily as a protection against evil spirits and only incidentally
to keep the mother warm appears from the belief that they are
wont to attack a house where a birth or a death has occurred.
The mother for these days follows a very strict regimen and
bathes each day in water in which certain herbs and leaves, dis-
tasteful to evil spirits, are boiled. 166 The purification of a Malay
mother deserves to be called an ordeal by fire. For it a kind of
rough couch is prepared upon a small platform. Under the latter
a fireplace is constructed and a roaring fire lighted. The women
must recline on this couch two or three times in the course of a
day and remain on it for an hour or more. As if this were not
enough, one of the heated hearthstones is frequently wrapped in
a piece of flannel or old rags and applied to the patient's stomach
to roast her still more effectively. This ceremony of "ascending the
roasting-place" is carried out every day for the forty-four days of
purification. 187 Among the Shans a fire is lighted near a mother
who has given birth and is kept burning night and day, whether
the weather be hot or cold, for nearly a month. Her husband does
not eat food cooked by her during this time nor does she cook for
herself. It is necessary that her mother or sister or some female
friend should stay in the house and cook for both of them. 168
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 73
Among the Adivi, an aboriginal people of southern India,
when a woman feels the first birth pangs she leaves the village
and goes to a little leaf or mat hut some distance away. There
she brings forth her child unaided, unless a midwife can be
called in time before the child is born. A midwife who arrived
after the birth would not be allowed to go near the mother. For
ninety days the mother lives alone. Food for her is placed on the
ground near the hut, but no one approaches her, under pain of
being turned out of the village for ninety days. The woman's
husband generally builds a hut near that of his wife and stays
in it much of the time to watch over her, but he too must not
approach her lest he become ceremonially unclean and suffer ban-
ishment. On the ninetieth day the headman of the village calls
upon the woman to quit the hut. Her clothes are then washed,
she puts on clean clothes, and undergoes a ceremonial purification
in her own house. Despite this rigorous regime, it is said that
the death of a mother or of her child never occurs during the
period of seclusion. 169
The bed on which a Malagasy mother lies after giving birth
is hung above and about with large rush mats. Sometimes a fire
is kindled under the bedstead itself, "so that the poor mother is
nearly suffocated with the smoke." Formerly it was a common
practice to place some prickly plant at the foot of the bed and
along one side of it to drive away evil spirits. 170
The Zulu required a mother to be carefully secluded in her
hut for a month after childbirth, and during this period the people
of the kraal "were doctored by special medicines, lest they should
be influenced for evil by the birth of the child." A mother who
neglected her seclusion, or "incubation" as it was called, would
never have any more offspring. 171 A Bavenda mother remained
secluded until the child's umbilical cord dropped off, about four
days after her confinement. Her husband was informed of the
birth of the child and of its sex, but he might not see or touch
it until the mother's seclusion was over. An infringement of
this taboo would inevitably result in his having a disease of the
eyes. 172 A Herero woman who has given birth to a child lives in
a special hut which her female companions have constructed for
her. Both the hut and the woman at this time are "sacred." Men
are not allowed to see the lying-in woman until the navel string
has separated from the child, otherwise they would become weak-
lings and when later they went to war they would be killed. 178
Certain of the tribes absorbed by the Barotse compelled a
74 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
woman, after having given birth, to sleep with two strange men
before returning to her husband. 174
Among the Akikuyu of Kenya childbirth imposes only a brief
period of seclusion for the mother four days after the birth of
a girl and five days after that of a boy. 175 The Nandi do not per-
mit a woman, for one month after the birth of a child, to touch
food with her hands. Her house must be cleansed with water
and cow dung. Until her child is weaned she must proceed to a
river every morning and wash her hands and arms. During this
time she may not touch any part of her body; if she wishes to
scratch herself a stick must be used for the purpose. 176 Among
the Baganda, as soon as the child was born, "the midwife sent
a boy, who had to be a younger brother of the child's father, to
fetch a log of wood, which was placed upon the fire and kept
burning for the first nine days after the birth. No one was al-
lowed to take any fire or water from the house during the nine
days. When they were completed, the log was cast away upon
some waste land, and was supposed to remove any evil that
might be in the house. No one was allowed to enter the house ;
the mother had her meals with the midwife, and was said to be
lying in alkali, and to be unapproachable. When the nine days
(or in the case of some clans, seven days) were ended, the woman
went out to wash, and her house was swept, and cleansed from all
traces of the birth." 177
The Latuka of the Upper Nile secluded a mother for fourteen
days. During this time the father may neither enter his house
nor see his child. The mother is visited only by the women who
were present at the birth. They take charge of the household
duties and care for the child. At the end of the seclusion period
the mother and child are completely washed from head to foot,
and the mother's hair is shaved off and burned. The purificatory
fire which has been blazing all this time is extinguished and the
house is swept and sprinkled with water. Mother and child are
then led to the door, where the grandfather, or if he be dead, the
father, gives the child its name. 178 Among the Twi of the Gold
Coast the uncleanness of the mother lasts for seven days after
childbirth, but she is not allowed to go out in public or to visit
friends until three months have elapsed. 179
It was formerly the custom among the Araucanians of south-
ern Chile not to permit a woman to give birth to a child within
the village; if she did so, infectious diseases would follow. "She
was driven out, on beginning to feel the labour pains, and re-
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 75
tired to the banks of the nearest stream or lake. As soon as the
child was born the mother stepped into the water and performed
the necessary ablutions, returning afterwards to a small hut con-
structed for the purpose near the ruca, which constituted her
home. Here she remained a week, attended by some compassion-
ate friend. At the end of this time she bathed again and returned
to her own home, where all her relations and friends were assem-
bled to celebrate a feast in honour of the babe/' 180 The Muskogee
Indians required a woman who had given birth to stay away from
the community for three "moons," exclusive of that "moon" in
which she had been delivered. Were this rule not observed, she
would be held responsible for any sudden sickness or death among
the people. 181
A Huron or an Iroquois mother never gave birth in her own
hut but always in a little house outside the village. She remained
secluded for some time for forty days in the case of a first child.
When she was ready to return to her abode, the fire there was
extinguished and a new fire built. 182 Among the Fox Indians an
expectant mother builds a little hut and goes there when her con-
finement draws near. Should the birth house not be ready in time,
she is left alone in the wigwam, but this would be a most unfor-
tunate contretemps, for the child will die before its parents if it
has no house of its own. Neighbor women attend the mother.
The men keep out of her way, else they also would have to seclude
themselves. The mother remains in the birth house thirty days
for a boy and forty days for a girl. At the end of this period
she bathes herself and the baby, burns the birth house and its con-
tents, sprinkles herself and the baby with the ashes and goes back
to her household. 188
The Dakota Indian mother, if not on the first day of the
child's birth, at any rate very soon after, goes to a stream or lake
to wash away her uncleanness. If the season is winter, she cuts
a hole in the ice to perform this purificatory rite. 184 Of the Cali-
fornia Indians it has been said, in general, that the mother after
childbirth "was regarded as more or less defiled, though this feel-
ing usually did not approach in intensity those connected with
either death or the woman's periodical functions." 185
The Netsilik Eskimo of Polar America require a woman who
has given birth and has returned home to observe various restric-
tions. She must have her own cooking utensils. She must never
eat in the house of a stranger and never during the day, only
early in the morning and late at night. Raw meat is forbidden
76 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
her, as well as what comes from the inside of an animal such as
guts and eggs. She always drinks ice-cold water, for lukewarm
water would make her child weakly. 188 Among the Koryak, a
tribe of northeastern Siberia, the mother, for a full year follow-
ing the birth of her child, must not eat ringed seal, white whale,
fresh fish, or raw thong seal. These prohibitions are intended to
prevent unclean women from coming into contact with the ani-
mals which form the chief source of subsistence for the people. 187
The uncleanness of childbirth usually affects the child as well
as the mother and requires purification for the one as well as for
the other. A Maori child came into the world an object exceed-
ingly tapu and might be touched only by those equally tapu until
after the following ceremony had been performed. The father
first proceeded to roast some fern root over the blaze of a sacred
fire. He then took the child in his arms and after touching head,
back, and other parts of its body with the fern root, he ate the
food. This was known as "eating the child all over." The next
morning, at daybreak, the child's eldest relative in the direct fe-
male line repeated the rite in precisely the same manner. The child
was then quite noa, or free from restriction, and might be safely
handed about among the relatives to be fondled in their arms. It
also received a name at this time. 188 The Maori also had a bap-
tismal ceremony. When the child was eight days old, the parents
and friends assembled by the side of a stream. A priest stuck a
karamu branch upright in the water. The child's navel string
was cut off with a piece of shell and fastened to the branch. The
priest then sprinkled the child with the water flowing around the
branch ; sometimes he immersed the child. Naming the child com-
pleted the ceremony. 189
The Amaxosa wash a newly-born child for ten days. After
the first washing, that is, on the day of its birth, comes the cere-
mony of "waving through the smoke." A fire is made of certain
twigs whose smoke has an acrid smell. The mother then takes up
her child and, holding the little arms in one hand and the little
legs in another, swings it gently to and fro through the smoke,
meanwhile turning it about so that all parts of its body are ex-
posed to the smoke. The fire is then extinguished. 190 Among the
Herero of southwestern Africa "a new-born child is washed the
only time he is ever washed in his life then dried and greased,
and the ceremony is over." 191
The Swahili, who occupy the island of Zanzibar and the op-
posite mainland, require a woman to remain in seclusion and on a
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 77
diet for forty days after giving birth. At the end of this time she
and her husband must cohabit. Father, mother, and child then
bathe one after the other in the same water. This ceremony, called
"diet breaking," is considered necessary for the child's health. 192
Among the Banyoro, on the third or fourth day after the birth of
a child, the priest presents it to the ancestral spirits and begs their
favors for it. He accompanies each petition by spitting on the
child's body and pinching it. 198 The Yoruba purify both mother
and child with the water which is always in the earthen vessels
placed before the images of the gods. It is brought to the house
and thrown up on the thatched roof and, as it drops down from
the eaves, the mother and child pass three times through the fall-
ing drops. A priest then bathes the child's head with water of
purification, repeats three times the name by which the child is
to be known, and holds it so that its feet touch the ground. The
fire is now extinguished in the house, the embers carried away,
live coals brought in, and a fresh fire lighted. When these cere-
monies have been performed and the house has been carefully
swept out, purification is complete. 194
As soon as a Pima child was old enough to creep about it was
taken by the parents to a medicine man to receive the rite of puri-
fication. He put a sacred pebble and an owl feather into a seashell
containing water, which was then drunk by the parents and the
child. They also ate some white ashes or a little mud. Meanwhile,
the medicine man waved an eagle feather to and fro. "This sim-
ple ceremony was sufficient to thwart the malice of all evil demons ;
lightning would not strike the child, and the possibility of acci-
dents of all kinds was thus precluded." 195
Among the Hopi Indians mother and child are purified to-
gether. The mother must not see the sun or put on her moccasins
until the fifth day after childbirth. She then bathes her head and
her baby's also in a suds made of amole root ; this done, she is at
liberty to go out of doors and to resume her household duties.
The bathing must be repeated on the tenth and fifteenth days,
and on the twentieth day she takes a vapor bath. Until these rites
have been performed she is not allowed to eat meat or salt, and
she may drink only warm water and juniper tea. The house is
also thoroughly cleansed at this time. The sweepings of the floor
are placed in a bowl, which is then thrown, with its contents,
over the rim of the mesa. 198 The Cherokee believed that if the
ceremony of washing a child when three days old was omitted
the child would die. 197 Among the Takelma Indians of Oregon
78 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
a child, a month after its birth, was taken to the river and waved
five times over the water "as a sort of 'baptismal' rite." 198
The family and social responsibilities of the husband would
ordinarily make it very inconvenient, if not impossible, for him
to observe all the taboos which burden the wife after her con-
finement. In common with other men, the husband is often not
allowed to be present on the occasion of childbirth ; sometimes he
may not visit his wife during the period of her seclusion which
follows ; and sometimes, as we have seen, he is forbidden to have
intercourse with her for a long time after her return home. Such
restrictions are accounted for by the impurity of the wife, not
by that of the husband. Nevertheless, there are peoples who be-
lieve that the husband shares the wife's impurity and who, quite
logically, impose upon him pains and penalties more or less simi-
lar to hers. He is secluded, limited in his diet, not permitted to
follow his usual vocations, and obliged to undergo various cere-
monies of a purificatory character. These practices are clearly a
recognition of the intimate ties uniting the parents, so that what
happens to the one affects the condition of the other. Just as the
husband, during his wife's pregnancy, may be obliged to observe
various restrictions for his own good or for that of his fellows,
so while she is lying-in he must share the usual restraints imposed
upon women in the puerperal period. The custom may also acquire
a secondary meaning as a public recognition of the father's par-
entage and his assumption of the responsibilities that go with
parenthood.
Among the Motu near Port Moresby, British New Guinea,
the husband shuts himself up for some days after the birth of his
first child and eats nothing. He is helaga, or taboo. 199
In Buka, an islet off the northern coast of Bougainville Island,
the husband is also taboo. As soon as his wife's labor pains begin,
he stops working and remains indoors, not in the hut where the
birth is taking place but in that of another of his wives or of a
neighbor. For the first three days he does nothing but sit before
the fire and doze. On the fourth day he may visit his wife and
child and may walk about the village but not beyond it. On the
fifth day he washes with his wife in the sea. He then resumes his
usual occupations. The Buka people say that since the father
had "made the child come up" he was responsible, as well as the
mother, for its welfare at birth and for the first few days of its
life ; hence he must take the necessary precautions. Our informant
tells of a young man of "advanced" views who refused to keep
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 79
the customary rules. When his child died shortly after its birth,
the natives were not surprised: he had been punished for his
temerity. 200
In some parts of Dutch Borneo the father of a newly-born
child does not leave the village for four days. His wife must
remain in it for an entire month. 201 When a birth is about to
take place in an Ainu family the father must stay at home close
to the fire or else leave his house and repair to that of some
friends. He must be very quiet, "as though forsooth he was ill,"
for six days. During this time he neither drinks wine nor wor-
ships the gods. On the morning of the seventh day he returns
to his own dwelling, but must abide there quietly for another
period of six days. 202
The Paduang Karen do not allow a father, for the first six
days after the birth of his child, to associate with any person out-
side his own family or even to address a fellow-villager. This
seclusion is said to be intended to prevent the transmission of the
danger and weakness of childbearing to the other members of the
community. 208 Among the Tangkhul of Manipur "the husband
may not go out of the village or do any work after the birth of a
child for six days if the child be a boy, or for five days when the
child is a girl." 204 In Car Nicobar the husband remains idle and
has his food cooked for him for about a month after the birth
of his child. "In some cases husbands consider it advisable to
observe greater precautions by commencing to do little or no work
a few months before their wife's expected confinement, more
especially abstaining from any such work as felling trees and
digging holes for hut posts." The belief is that if the father
failed to observe the rule prescribing idleness the child would be
liable to fits. 205
Some birth customs found in India reveal similar ideas of
the father's uncleanness. Among the Erekula or Yerukula of
southern India "directly the woman feels the birth pangs she
informs her husband, who immediately takes some of her clothes,
puts on his forehead the mask which the women usually place on
theirs, retires into a dark room, where there is only a very dim
lamp, and lies down on the bed, covering himself up with a long
cloth. When the child is born, it is washed and placed on the cot be-
side the father. Asafetida, jaggery [unrefined sugar], and other
articles are then given, not to the mother, but to the father. Dur-
ing the days of ceremonial uncleanness the man is treated as the
other Hindus treat their women on such occasions. He is not
80 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
allowed to leave his bed, but has everything needful brought to
him." 206
Among the Kuravar of Malabar, "as soon as the pains of
delivery come upon a pregnant woman, she is taken to an outlying
shed, and left alone to live or die as the event may turn out. No
help is given to her for twenty-eight days. Even medicines are
thrown to her from a distance ; and the only assistance rendered
is to place a jar of warm water close by her just before the child
is born. Pollution from birth is held to be worse than that from
death. At the end of the twenty-eight days the hut in which she
was confined is burnt down. The father, too, is polluted for four-
teen days, and at the end of that time he is purified, not like other
castes by the barber, but by holy water obtained from Brahmans
at temples elsewhere." 207 Among the Korama of Mysore, the
husband, as soon as his wife is confined, "goes to bed for three
days and takes medicine consisting of chicken and mutton broth
spiced with ginger, pepper, onions, garlic, etc. He drinks arrack
and eats as good food as he can afford, while his wife is given
boiled rice with a very small quantity of salt, for fear that a larger
quantity may induce thirst. There is generally a Korama midwife
to help the wife, and the husband does nothing but eat, drink, and
sleep. The clothes of the husband, the wife, and the midwife are
given to a washerwoman to be washed on the fourth day, and the
persons themselves have a wash. After this purification the family
gives a dinner to the caste-people, which finishes the ceremonial
connected with childbirth." 208 After the confinement of a Paraiyan
woman in Travancore "the husband is starved for seven days,
eating no cooked rice or other food, only roots and fruits ; and
drinking only arrack or toddy." 209
The Maler or Sauria Paharia, an aboriginal tribe of the Raj-
mahal Hills in Bengal, do not allow a father to do any work for
five days after the birth of his child. He stays quietly in the house
during this time. Should he touch anyone's bed or go into any-
one's field, he must provide a sacrificial fowl. Its blood is sprinkled
over the bed or over the field. Were this not done his uncleanness
would bring sickness to the owner of the bed or destroy the crops
in the field. When the child is named, soon after its birth, the
house is cleaned and the clothes of the parents are washed. But
the parents may not go visiting ( for a month in case of a boy or
for two months in case of a girl) , nor are they permitted to touch
the possessions of other people. 210 The father also plays a promi-
nent role in the birth customs of the Hindus of central and north-
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 81
ern India. He joins in the taboos which affect his wife and, like
her, receives a ceremonial purification. 211
The Bechuana of South Africa do not allow a father to enter
a house for two months after the birth of his child. Nor may he
join in hunting excursions during this time. 212 Among the Bangala
a father observes certain food restrictions before the birth of his
child. He does not hunt or fish during his wife's pregnancy and
confinement, unless she obtains from a medicine man certain
charms which allow him to engage in these occupations and also
insure for her an easy delivery and a healthy child. While a man
is observing the taboos, he is said to be in a state of liboi, a noun
derived from a verb meaning "to be confined." 218
Among the Yahgan or Yamana of Tierra del Fuego a man
who has just become a father spends the whole day beside the fire
in his hut, eats sparingly, refraining from certain foods, and
gives up his usual occupations. These restrictions continue for
several days. They are always more strictly observed for his first
child than for a later child. 214
Among some Guiana Indians (Caribs, Arawak, Warrau) "it
is practically the husband who is isolated and does the 'lying-in.'
Indeed, the woman is isolated only during actual delivery, which
takes place either out in the bush, in a separate shelter, or in a
compartment specially partitioned off from the rest of the house.
With the bath that she takes within a comparatively few hours
after the interesting event has occurred, her isolation, and with it
any dangerous influence of her recent condition, ceases." Among
the Makusi and Wapisiana, both parents engage in a "lying-in"
for a shorter or longer period after the birth of their child. All
these tribes consider the father to be as unclean as the mother,
and his uncleanness is occasionally supposed to persist for a long
time. A Mainland Carib, for instance, must devote himself to the
service of an old Indian for several months; during this period
he has to be submissive and look upon himself as a real slave. If
a visitor enters his house while he is "lying-in," that visitor's dogs
will die. The Arawak and Warrau say that if a man during the
period when he ought to be "lying-in" has sexual relations with
any women other than his wife, his newborn child will not live. 218
The taboos kept by a mother during her pregnancy and her
puerperal period, together with those obligatory on a father at
the same times, are a proclamation of parenthood. Father and
mother, having brought a child into the world, thus indicate their
readiness to care for it, even though doing so requires them to
82 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
observe many irksome and often painful restrictions. The in-
clusion of the child in the birth ceremonial binds it to the parents
by ties of custom superimposed upon those of natural affection
and also gives to it a recognized status in the community. Here,
as elsewhere in a primitive group, ritual plays a significant part
in promoting social cohesion.
The conviction that women in their catamenial periods are un-
clean and consequently dangerous to themselves and to others is
well-nigh universal among primitive peoples. All the mystic
perils which for the savage invest pregnancy and parturition are
likewise present at menstruation, and especially at the first com-
ing of the menses. All the restrictions affecting a pregnant or
parturient woman consequently appear, often in intensified form,
at this time. 216
A rule of wide observance requires men to abstain from in-
tercourse with their menstruating wives, and the rule may take
the form of a taboo against such intercourse. In the Luritja
group of Central Australian tribes it is believed that a man who
cohabits with a woman in her courses will get thin and finally
die. 217 Among the Rengma Naga "no one would think of at-
tempting to have connection with his wife during her monthly
period. Were he to do so he would never again enjoy good for-
tune." 218 Of the Tswana, a tribe in the Bechuanaland Protector-
ate, it is said that few men will ever dare to sleep with a men-
struating woman, lest they become afflicted with a virulent form
of sickness. So strong is this belief that many a girl has been able,
temporarily at least, to escape the attentions of an ardent but un-
welcome lover by pleading her monthly illness as an excuse. 219
The Anyanja of Nyasaland believe that a man who has inter-
course with a menstruating woman will die unless he takes a medi-
cine in time to counteract the effects of his indulgence. 220 The
Reindeer Chukchi require husband and wife to sleep apart during
the latter' s menstruation; otherwise the woman will fall sick
and soon become sterile. "Foolish people," we are told, sometimes
do not observe this restriction. 221
The attitude of men toward menstruating women is commonly
one of deep-seated fear and abhorrence. Among the South Aus-
tralian tribes boys and uninitiated men were required to sleep at
some distance from the huts of adults and to leave their quarters
as soon as daylight dawned. This was a precaution to safeguard
them from seeing some of the women, who might have been
menstruating. 222
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 83
In the Encounter Bay tribe, if a boy or a young man came
near a menstruating woman, she uttered a warning cry, and he
made a circuit to avoid her. Boys were told from infancy that
if they saw a menstruous woman they would become gray-headed
before their time and their strength would fail prematurely. 228 In
the Wakelbura tribe of Queensland there is a regulation which
forbids women from coming into the encampment by the same
path as the men. 'The reason for this is the dread with which
they regard the menstrual period of women. During such a time,
a woman is kept entirely away from the camp, half a mile at least.
A woman in such a condition has boughs of some tree of her
totem tied around her loins, and is continually watched and
guarded, for it is thought that should any male be so unfortunate
as to see a woman in such a condition, he would die. If such a
woman were to let herself be seen by a man, she would probably
be put to death/ 1224
Men of the Kabi (Kaiabara) and Wakka tribes of Queens-
land evince a great aversion to passing under a rail or a leaning
tree. They say that the blood of a menstruating woman may be
on the wood and that some of it may fall upon a person passing
underneath. 225 The Arunta do not allow a menstruating woman
to gather irriakura bulbs, a staple article of food; if she did so,
the supply of bulbs would fail. 226 The Kakadu of Arnhem Land,
Northern Territory, think that if menstrual blood gets into the
tracks of men their feet will be sore; if dogs eat it, the dogs will
die. 227 The Murngin, in the same part of Australia, forbid a man
from going out with a menstruating woman in a canoe ; should
the taboo be broken a great mythical snake would swallow up
everybody. 228 In the western group of the Torres Straits Islands
the seclusion of pubescent girls and the taboos observed by them
at this time are explained by "an intense fear of the deleterious
and infective powers of the menstrual fluid," these powers being
considered to be greatest at puberty. 229
In Buka a menstruating woman must not prepare food for
any man, even for her husband ; in consequence, she has to arrange
for someone to cook his meals. She must not work in the taro
garden, for if she did the pigs would eat the plants and the crop
would be poor. She must not enter a canoe, or a storm would
arise and the canoe would capsize. Nor must she go into the sea,
either to wash or to fish, under penalty of spoiling the fishing.
Buka women agree in declaring menstruation a nuisance. Most
of them are said to shorten its duration or to cause it to be omitted
84 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
for a month or more by taking certain medicines made from
plants. 280 In Malekula, one of the New Hebrides, a menstruous
woman may not enter a garden in which young plants are grow-
ing. Her husband is subject to the same prohibition while she is
in this condition. 281
The Marquesans considered menstrual blood to be the most
defiling of all things. A person who touched it, even by accident,
acquired a malady which contracted his joints, particularly those
of feet, hands, and fingers. 282 There are Marquesan mothers who
even today refuse to sit on a chair, for fear that a child might
subsequently walk or crawl under it. 288
The natives of Mangareva believed that one who entered the
little house where a menstruating woman was secluded would
become blind. Contact with her clothing would have the same
disastrous effect. 284 If a Maori man touched a menstruous woman
he would be tapu\ if he had intercourse with her or ate food
cooked by her he would be tapu "an inch thick." Of all the spirits
which entered the body of a taboo-breaker and preyed upon his
vital parts the most deadly were the kahukahu, the spirits of hu-
man germs supposed to be contained in the menstrual fluid. 235
The Maori believed that if a woman in her courses went to a
sea beach where cockles were found all these shellfish would desert
the place and "migrate to pastures new." If she tried to cook the
kernels of certain berries in a boiling spring, the effort would be
useless; the kernels would remain quite hard. If she went to a
fire made for the purpose of attracting muttonbirds, none of the
birds would venture near it but could be heard crying and screech-
ing. Then the fowlers knew that a menstruous woman was among
them. In this condition she was debarred from taking part in the
cultivation of gourd plants, because, if she did so, the plants would
surely die. 286
In Nauru or Nawodo, one of the Gilbert Islands, menstruat-
ing women wear mats around their bodies to indicate their con-
dition. They are not allowed to eat fish which men have caught
at sea in canoes, lest they spoil the fishing. However, the women
may eat fish which they have themselves caught on the reef. 287 In
the Marshall Islands menstruous women may not eat fish caught
with net and weir on the outer reef, nor may they walk on the
beach where fish appear in shoals. 288
The Menangkabau of central Sumatra think that if a men-
struating woman went near a rice field the rice (paddy) would be
spoiled. 289 The Toradja of central Celebes have no ceremonies
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 85
for a girl on the arrival of puberty, but she must not go near a
tobacco field wearing a petticoat stained with menstrual blood. To
do so would blight the tobacco. Such a garment has its usefulness,
however; it will keep wild pigs out of a rice field. 240
The Baca of South Africa believe that if a man should touch
a menstruating woman his bones would become soft and he
would be unable henceforth to take part in warfare or in any
manly exercise. 241 The Ba-ila consider a woman in her courses
to be dangerous. She must not eat in company with a man, else
he would lose his virility. She must not sleep in her husband's
bed. She must not handle other people's pots, or eat out of their
basins, or drink out of their cups, or smoke their pipes. She must
not cook food for anybody or draw water for anybody. She must
not enter a village other than her own. She must not wear fine
clothes. For five days she is taboo (tonda) ; then she washes and
rejoins her fellows. 242 Among the Wabena of Tanganyika Ter-
ritory it is a common practice, prior to sowing seed, to deposit
some of it in water that has been tinted red with the bark of a
special tree. The crops will be thus protected from blight, if a
menstruous woman happens to walk across the field. To the same
end some people put red earth around their tobacco patches. 248
Suk warriors do not eat anything that has been touched by a
menstruous woman, lest they lose their virility " 'in the rain
they will shiver and in the heat they will faint'." 244
By the Akamba a girl's first menstruation is considered to be
a very critical period of her life. Should this condition appear
when she is away from the village, she returns home at once,
being careful to walk through the grass and not on a path. If
.she followed a path and a stranger accidentally trod on a spot of
blood and then indulged in sexual intercourse before her men-
strual blood ceased to flow, she would never bear a child. 245
The Akikuyu regard anyone who touches menstrual blood as un-
clean; if a man cohabits with a menstruating woman both are
unclean. 246
It was formerly the custom among the Bakongo for menstruat-
ing women to live apart in a special house. The custom has now
been given up, but they still confine themselves to the more obscure
part of their own homes and for exit and entrance use the back
door. "During these times a woman is not permitted to cook her
husband's food, nor food for any male member of her family;
neither is she allowed to touch anything belonging to a man, nor
return a man's salutation. If she has to pass near where some
86 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
men are sitting who are likely to give her the equivalent of 'Good
morning/ or 'Good evening/ she deliberately puts her pipe in her
mouth, and gripping it firmly with her teeth she makes it stick
out straight in front of her, as a sign that she may not answer, for
she is regarded as unclean." 247
The Ga people of the Gold Coast believe that their river gods
object to menstruating women being ferried over rivers and upset
a boat carrying such polluted passengers. 248 The Twi of the Gold
Coast are persuaded that their gods have a "great repugnance"
to menstruating women. It is the general opinion that such
women are unclean. Women often take advantage of this belief
by pretending that their menstrual period is at hand. They go off
into the bush and there enjoy the society of their lovers without
restraint. 249 In Southern Nigeria a menstruating woman is not
allowed, as a rule, to enter her husband's house. Nor may she
do any cooking for him. They say that if a man accepts food
from her he will fall sick almost at once. 250
By many American Indian tribes a menstruating woman is
supposed to pollute everything with which she comes into contact.
As a Toba declared, "When a woman has her menstruation the
evil spirits are angry with her." 251 The Caribs of British Guiana
think that a man who eats food prepared by a woman during her
monthly periods will never be well and that he will have bad luck
in hunting if a menstruating woman touches his weapons. 252
The Winnebago believe that by contact with a woman in her
courses even sacred objects lose their power. "If the Winnebago
can be said to be afraid of any one thing it may be said it is this
the menstrual flow of women for even the spirits die of its
effects." 253 When a Cheyenne girl first menstruates everything
that has a sacred character must be taken out of the lodge ; even
the feathers that a man ties in his hair are removed. A menstruat-
ing woman must not enter a lodge where there is a medicine
bundle or bag, for should she do so her flow would be increased.
The young men will not eat from a dish or drink from a pot used
by a woman in this condition because, if polluted, they would
surely be wounded in the next fight. Married men expect the
same thing to happen if they lie beside their menstruating wives. 254
The Karok, a California tribe, believed that if a menstruating
woman touched or even approached any medicine being given to
a sick person, the patient would die. 255 The Sekani Indians of
northern British Columbia allowed a menstruating woman to eat
only dried meat or dried fish. "If she ate fresh meat or fresh fish
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 87
at this season she would spoil the hunters' luck. Since even to
look at a hunter would impair his success in the chase, she cov-
ered her eyes whenever she left her shelter. She might not walk
in a hunter's trail, or touch his beaver net, though she could handle
his knife, ax, or snowshoes. If she looked inside the den of a
black bear that a hunter had slain he would kill no others ; and if
she walked through running water no more fish would be caught
in that stream." 256 The Tlingit were persuaded that the look of
a menstruating woman would destroy the luck of a hunter, a
fisher, or a gambler and would even turn objects into stone. 257
Among all the Tinne, whose name is sometimes given to the
northern Athapascan Indians, hardly any other being was the
object of so much dread as a menstruating woman. "While in
that awful state, she had to abstain from touching anything be-
longing to man, or the spoils of any venison or other animal, lest
she would thereby pollute the same, and condemn the hunters to
failure, owing to the anger of the game thus slighted. Dried fish
formed her diet, and cold water, absorbed through a drinking
tube, was her only beverage. Moreover, as the very sight of her
was dangerous to society, a special skin bonnet, with fringes
falling over her face down to her breast, hid her from the public
gaze, even some time after she had recovered her normal state/ 1258
According to another account, which refers to the Tinne of
the Yukon Valley, Alaska, these Indians believe that menstrual
blood contains the very essence of femininity. Hence girls at
puberty must avoid all contact with men, especially with young
men, for this would make them unfit for all manly pursuits
unfit for the hunt, for the salmon run, or for any kind of heavy
work. A man so unfortunate as to have had contact with a girl
at puberty may fish, as women do, and busy himself with the
common chores about the house, but he is good for nothing more.
"He may as well don the petticoat." Of course, no young man
with a spark of ambition would willingly expose himself to such
a blight nor would a young woman wish to bring it upon him.
The puberty taboos, therefore, are rather rigorously observed. 259
Among the Netsilik Eskimo menstruating women are ex-
pected to make their condition known to all, so that hunters may
be aware of their uncleanness and thus easily avoid them. 260
Among the Maritime Chukchi a woman in her courses must care-
fully avoid approaching her husband, lest her breath spoil his
chances as a hunter of sea animals and even expose him to the
risk of being drowned. 261 A Samoyed woman during her men-
88 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
strual periods and also for the first eight weeks after giving birth
is regarded as an "abominable creature." She must not touch any
food, present anything to a man, or eat any game recently killed. 282
It is usual for a girl, when first menstruating, to be secluded
either in her own abode or in some special dwelling, to be sub-
jected at this time to a more or less rigorous regimen, and, when
her ordeal is over, to undergo a purificatory rite. Seclusion and
purification may also be required of all women at their monthly
periods. Among some of the tribes of southeastern Australia a
pubescent girl is thoroughly smoked by the old woman (not her
mother) who has charge of her in the bush. The efficacy of the
fumigation is sometimes increased by rubbing the girl's body with
opossum fat and ground charcoal. 283 The Arunta and Ilpirra of
Central Australia require a girl at her first menstruation to sit
over a hole for two days. She is not supposed to stir from the
spot during this time. When the flow ceases, she fills in the hole
and returns to the camp. 264
The practice of secluding girls at puberty, as found among
some of the natives of New Ireland, one of the Melanesian Is-
lands, has been described by an eyewitness. "One day we heard
of a girl in a buck, so we went to see her. A buck is the name of a
little house, not larger than an ordinary hen-coop, in which a little
girl is shut up, sometimes for weeks only, and at the other times
for months Briefly stated, the custom is this. Girls on
attaining puberty or betrothal, are enclosed in one of these little
coops for a considerable time. They must remain there night and
day. We saw two of these girls in two coops ; the girls were not
more than ten years old, still they were lying in a doubled-up posi-
tion, as their little houses would not admit of them lying in any
other way. These two coops were inside a large house ; but the
chief, in consideration of a present of a couple of tomahawks,
ordered the ends to be torn out of the house to admit the light,
so that we might photograph the buck. The occupant was allowed
to put her face through an opening to be photographed, in con-
sideration of another present." 265
The Andaman Islanders require the seclusion of a girl at the
first symptoms of puberty. She sits in a special hut, with her
legs doubled up beneath her and her arms folded. "A piece of
wood or bamboo is placed at her head for her to lean against, as
she may not lie down. If she is cramped she may stretch one of
her legs or one of her arms, but not both legs or both arms at the
same time. To feed herself she may release one of her hands,
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 89
but she must not take up the food with her fingers ; a skewer of
cainyo wood is given her with which to feed herself. She may not
speak nor sleep for twenty-four hours. Her wants are attended
to by her parents and their friends, who sit near her to keep her
from falling asleep. The girl sits thus for three days. Early
every morning she leaves the hut to bathe for an hour in the sea.
At the end of the three days she resumes her life in the village." 26 *
Among the wilder Vedda of Ceylon no special measures are
taken when a woman menstruates, for she is allowed to eat the
ordinary food and to sleep in the cave as usual. The village Vedda,
however, and most of those who have mixed at all with the Sing-
halese, strictly isolate menstruous women in a little shelter erected
for them a few paces from the family hut. "At Bendiyagalge,
where the Henebedda and Kolombedda people were staying at the
time of our visit, menstruous women stayed apart at one corner
of the cave; they were fed from the pot in which the food for
the community was cooked, but we do not think they would touch
it or assist in any way in the cooking. At Omuni a menstruous
woman is isolated under a rough shelter where she is waited upon
by a younger unmarried sister or cousin who, it is stated, should
not herself have attained puberty. During her seclusion she may
not eat any food cooked at the ordinary fire, but a special platter
is kept for her use. The girls who look after her suffer no restric-
tions. This happens every time a girl or woman menstruates." 267
An experienced missionary tells us that among the Zulu and
kindred tribes, "when the first signs of womanhood show them-
selves, a girl, should she be walking or working in the fields, runs
to the river and hides herself for the day among the reeds that
she may not be seen by men. Her head she covers with her blanket
that the sun may not shine on it and shrivel her up into a with-
ered skeleton, an assured result of any disregard of custom. At
night she returns home and is closely secluded for a period of
seven days. She then resumes her work .... Precautions must be
taken against accidents, as these may happen at any moment.
Scores of times did I put the question to South Africans : 'Why
do your women never enter the village by the paths the men fol-
low?' before I could get a satisfactory answer .... Gradually
and indirectly I came to know that the restriction was designed to
avoid accidents such as might happen with the advent of woman-
hood unexpectedly." 288
Nandi girls, on arrival at puberty, are subjected to the rite of
"circumcision." Three days before this is to take place their god-
90 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
mothers give them a strong purge and shave their heads. After
the operation the girls are regarded as ceremonially unclean.
They wear long garments reaching from the neck to the feet, and
their heads are enveloped in a kind of mask which has only two
holes in front for the eyes. They also remain in seclusion in their
mothers' huts for a month or more until their purification is com-
pleted by walking completely submerged four times through a
pool in a river. The girls may now be married, but if no hus-
bands come for them their seclusion continues for several weeks
longer. 269
When a Baganda girl first menstruated, she was secluded and
not allowed to handle any food or to enter the house of her
brother or uncle. Her female relatives attended to all her wants.
"She was described as being 'at peace* (atude wamirembe), or
being 'outside* ; when she recovered, the relative with whom she
was staying had to jump over his wife ; or if she was near to them,
the girl had to go and tell her parents that she had just recovered,
whereupon her father had to jump over her mother The
first menstruation was often called a marriage, and the girl was
spoken of as a bride. When a girl cultivated her first plot of
garden alone, and brought the first-fruits from it, her relative
with whom she lived had to jump over his wife, or her father
had to jump over her mother, before they partook of the food.
This caused the garden, and all her future work in the garden,
to be fruitful. It was for a similar purpose that her father, or the
relative with whom she lived, jumped over his wife at her first
menstruation; for if this practice were omitted, the girl would
not have children (so it was thought), or they would die in
infancy. A girl or woman who did not menstruate was looked
upon askance, and if a man married such a woman, then every
time that he went to war he wounded her with a spear sufficiently
to draw blood ; otherwise he would be sure to fall in battle. Such
women were also said to have a malign influence on gardens, and
to cause them to become barren if they worked in them." 270
The Uaupes of Brazil confine a pubescent girl in the house
for a month and during this time provide her with only a little
bread and water. Then she is brought out, perfectly naked, and
her relatives and friends of her parents belabor her across the
back and breast with pieces of an elastic climber until she falls
senseless or dead. If she recovers, the flagellation is repeated four
times, at intervals of six hours, "and it is considered an offense
to the parents not to strike hard." Finally, the sticks are dipped
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 91
into pots of meat and fat and are given to the girl to lick. She
is now considered to be a marriageable woman. 271
The taboos affecting menstruous women are nowhere more
numerous or more rigidly observed than among the North Ameri-
can Indians. The Chickasaw, we are told by an old authority,
"oblige their women in their lunar retreats, to build small huts,
at as considerable a distance from their dwelling-houses, as they
imagine may be out of the enemies' reach; where, during the
space of that period, they are obliged to stay at the risque of their
lives. Should they be known to violate that ancient law, they
must answer for every misfortune that befalls any of the people,
as a certain effect of the divine fire; though the lurking enemy
sometimes kills them in their religious retirement .... They
reckon it conveys a most horrid and dangerous pollution to those
who touch or go near them, or walk anywhere within the circle
of their retreats; and are in fear of thereby spoiling the supposed
purity and power of their holy ark, which they always carry to
war The non-observance of this separation, a breach
of the marriage-law, and murder, they esteem the most capital
crimes. When the time of the women's separation is ended, they
always purify themselves in deep running water, return home,
dress, and anoint themselves." 272
"The Indian women," says Captain Carver, referring more
particularly to the Naudowessies (Sioux or Dakota), "are re-
markably decent during their menstrual illness. In every camp
or town there is an apartment appropriated for their retirement
at those times, to which both single and married women retreat
and seclude themselves with the utmost strictness during their
periods. The men, on these occasions, most carefully avoid hold-
ing any communication with them, and the Naudowessies are so
rigid in this observance that they will not suffer any belonging to
them to fetch such things as are necessary, even fire, from those
female lunar retreats, though the want of them is attended with
the greatest inconvenience." 278
Winnebago women "always take their blankets with them
when they go to a menstrual lodge, for they never lie down but
remain in a sitting posture, wrapped in their blankets. The women
are always watched, so that when their menstrual flow comes
everything is in readiness and lodge poles are placed around them
and a lodge erected above their head just about large enough to
fit their body. They are not permitted to look upon the daylight
nor upon any individual. If they were to look out during the day
92 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
the weather would become very bad, and if they were to look at
the blue sky it would become cloudy and rain. If they looked at
anyone that person would become unfortunate. For four days
they do not eat or drink anything ; not even water do they drink.
They fast all the time. Not even their own bodies do they touch
with their hands. If they ever have any need of touching their
bodies, they use a stick. If they were to use their hands in touch-
ing their bodies, their bones would be attacked with fever. If
they were to scratch their hands, their heads would ache. After
the fourth day they bathe in sight of their houses. Then they
return to their homes and eat." 274
By the California Indians a girl at puberty "was thought to
be possessed of a particular degree of supernatural power, and
this was not always regarded as entirely defiling or malevolent.
Often, however, there was a strong feeling of the power of evil
inherent in her condition. Not only was she secluded from her
family and the community, but an attempt was made to seclude
the world from her. One of the injunctions most strongly laid
upon her was not to look about her. She kept her head bowed and
was forbidden to see the world and the sun. Some tribes covered
her with a blanket. Many of the customs in this connection re-
sembled those of the North Pacific Coast most strongly, such as
the prohibition to the girl to touch or scratch her head with her
hand, a special implement being furnished her for the purpose.
Sometimes she could eat only when fed and in other cases fasted
altogether. Some form of public ceremony, often accompanied by
a dance and sometimes by a form of ordeal for the girl, was prac-
tised nearly everywhere." 275
The mysteriousness and therefore the assumed dangerousness
of pregnancy, childbirth, and menstruation have thus given rise
to many restrictions affecting women in primitive society. Se-
clusion, fasting, cessation of the usual activities, and avoidance
of the opposite sex are normal features of the taboos enforced.
These taboos are especially rigorous when a woman first becomes
pregnant, gives birth to her first child, or menstruates for the
first time, since it is on such critical occasions that she is most a
peril to herself and to the community. The mystic dangers antici-
pated center around the lochial and catamenial discharges. Some-
times we are expressly told that this is the case, as among the
Thonga, "where any birth is taboo, owing to the lochia." 27 * As
for the menstrual blood, the horror which it excites is frequently
mentioned or is clearly implied by our authorities.
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 93
The wide diffusion of these taboos, the rigor of their observ-
ance, and their survival among many peoples of archaic civiliza-
tion and even among civilized peoples today points to their great
antiquity. The ideas back of them must be deeply implanted in
the human mind. Some taboos, as we shall see, turn out to have
a certain practical value, but it is difficult to discover any specific
utility for most of those which have now been considered. The
trouble, pain, and hardship which they involve have been unneces-
sary a tribute paid to man's ignorance and folly through un-
numbered centuries.
The attainment of reproductive power by males is marked by
physical and physiological changes scarcely less impressive than
in the case of females. Consequently, boys at puberty or at ini-
tiation (when this rite does not coincide with the arrival of
puberty) are often thought of as being in a dangerous state,
dangerous to themselves as well as to others. The precautions and
avoidances which they must then observe and the purificatory rites
to which they are submitted correspond in character to those
imposed upon pubescent girls. Boys, also, must undergo a period
of seclusion and retirement from the world; they must submit
to a severe restriction of the quantity and quality of their food ;
they must bear with fortitude many torments and ordeals; and
they must take part in various ceremonies intended to express the
idea that they have "died" to their old childish ways and have
now entered the "new life" of manhood, with all its attendant
privileges and responsibilities. It is usual to initiate a number of
boys at the same time. During their initiatory seclusion the
novices receive a careful training in everything that pertains to
their future career. They learn various practical arts; the native
songs, dances, and games; the traditions and taboos; and the
customs relating to marriage. The moral code imparted at this
time is often of surprising excellence, though, of course, it relates
only to fellow-tribesmen. The novices are also told the legends
concerning the deity who founded and still watches over the
ceremonies ; sometimes they are shown an image of him ; and they
are allowed to utter his real and secret name, which women and
children never know. The initiatory rites form, in short, a cove-
nant with the tribal god and a sacred bond of brotherhood between
all who participate in them. 277
Just as girls at their first menstruation are forbidden to see
or be seen by men or to hold any communication with them, so
boys being initiated are carefully separated from women, even
94 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
their own mothers and sisters. This separation may continue for
some time after the initiatory ceremonies are concluded. In the
Narrinyeri tribe of South Australia, the novices are not allowed
to eat any food which is restricted to women. They are also for-
bidden to eat with women, "lest they grow ugly or become gray."
Everything they possess or obtain becomes "sacred" (narumbe)
from the touch of women. 278 Among the Kurnai of Victoria the
novices "are specially warned against touching a woman, or letting
a woman touch them, or receiving anything from one. Even the
shadow of a woman falling on a boy at such a time would be evil
magic." 279 Among the Lower Murray tribes the boys may not
look at a woman for three months after initiation, "as the sight
of one during this probation would be the means of entailing
numberless misfortunes, such as withering up of limbs, loss of
eyesight, and, in fact, general decrepitude." 280 Among the tribes
of the Elema district, British New Guinea, boys during initiation
live in the men's house. Their food is left there by the women,
who, however, must not talk to them or be seen by them. 281 In
the northern New Hebrides boys undergoing initiation are placed
in enclosures where they remain unwashed and with very little
food and water for sometimes thirty days. No woman, under
pain of death, may look upon them until they have returned to
ordinary life. "They come out black with dirt and soot, and are
not to be seen until they have washed. Not long ago a girl from
the Uta, inland, saw by accident this washing. She fled to Ta-
nouki, where the Mission school is, for refuge, but they could
not protect her. The Uta people sent for her and she went, know-
ing that she could not fail to die, and they buried her, unresisting,
alive." 282 No Basuto woman is allowed to approach the boys who
have been circumcised and are secluded thereafter for three
months in the bush. 283 Among the Thonga the high fence of
thorny branches, surrounding the lodge where the secret rites take
place, may not be seen by uninitiated persons, especially women. 284
Elaborate festivities mark the return of the newly-initiated
to ordinary life, and they become the objects of much attention
on the part of the marriageable girls. At such a time a good deal
of license, especially in sexual matters, is often accorded them,
and a period of almost indiscriminate cohabitation ensues. This
may be regarded as a formal removal of the prohibition previously
resting on unions of young people of immature age. Initiation
is usually followed by marriage, but where the number of women
is limited or the conditions of existence are very difficult, full
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 95
matrimonial privileges are not always immediately accorded to
the initiates. The Australian elders, in particular, seem to be very
successful in monopolizing the women of the class with which
they may marry.
Puberty rites for girls are not, as a rule, socialized. Girls re-
main in seclusion alone or attended by female relations until their
ordeal is over. Often there is no attempt at a formal initiation,
with secret ceremonies in which all the married women participate.
On the other hand, the rites for boys have both a civil and a re-
ligious character, being designed to prepare them for their duties
as members of the tribe (the initiated men) and to admit them
to the mysteries of the tribal religion. These objects are secured,
however crudely and imperfectly. There can be no question as to
the general excellence of the initiatory training, nor as to its per-
manent effects for good upon the character of the initiates. In
primitive communities destitute of all governmental authority
save that of the tribal elders, the boys' initiation rites make pos-
sible a system of social control which demands and receives the
unquestioning obedience of every member of the community. It
is this fact which gives to them their extraordinary significance.
NOTES TO CHAPTER II
1 See J. A. MacCulloch, "Pregnancy," Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion
and Ethics, X, 242-44; E. S. Hartland, "Birth (Introduction)," ibid., II, 635-42;
Arnold van Gennep, Les rites de passage (Paris, 1909), pp. 57-92; P loss- Bar tels-
Bartels, Das Weib in dcr Natur- und Volkerkunde (llth ed., Leipzig, 1927;
English translation, edited by E. J. Dingwall, Woman [London, 1935], 3 vols.).
See also Sir J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul (The Golden Bough,
3d ed., Part II) (London, 1911), pp. 145-57; L. Levy-Bruhl, Primitives and the
Supernatural (London, 1936), pp. 292-341.
2 A. Grimble, "From Birth to Death in the Gilbert Islands," Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute, LI (1921), 34.
8 J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua
('s Gravenhage, 1886), pp. 72 (Amboina), 207 (Watubela Islands), 417 (Kisar).
4 J. R. Warneck, Die Religion der Batak (Gottingen, 1909), p. 95.
8 E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), p. 251.
6 Sir H. H. Johnston, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XV
(1886), 8. Among the Wachagga, neighbors of the Wataveta, a pregnant woman
wears a noisy iron rattle upon her thigh (W. L. Abbott, in Report of the U.S.
National Museum for 1891, p. 398).
T M. J. Field, Religion and Medicine of the Ga People (Oxford, 1937),
p. 164.
8 J. L. van Hasselt, in Mitteilungen der geographischen Gesellschaft (fur
Thuringen) zu Jena, IX (1891), 102. On the other hand, there are primitive
peoples who seek the services of pregnant women in agricultural work. The
96 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
inhabitants of the Nicobar Islands think themselves very lucky to get a pregnant
woman to plant seed in their gardens (Sir R. C. Temple, in Census of India,
1901, III, 206). Among the Zulus she sometimes grinds corn, which is subse-
quently burnt among the half-grown crops as a means of fertilizing them
(Dudley Kidd, Savage Childhood [London, 1906], p. 291). For further instances
see Sir J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings (The Golden,
Bough, 3d ed., Part I) (London, 1911), I, 139 ff.
9 S. Lehner, in R. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu-Guinea (Berlin, 1913), III, 425 f .
10 E. Best, "Ceremonial Performances Pertaining to Birth, as Performed
by the Maori of New Zealand in Past Times," Journal of the Royal Anthro-
pological Institute, XLIV (1914), 129.
11 W. C. Willoughby, Nature-Worship and Taboo (Hartford, Connecticut,
1932), pp. 128 f.
12 E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern
Rhodesia (London, 1920), I, 231.
**lbid., II, 10 f.
" A. T. Culwick and G. M. Culwick, Ubena of the Rivers (London, 1935),
pp. 359 f .
" Elise Kootz-Kretschmer, Die Safwa (Berlin, 1926-1929), I, 66 f.
' 1C D. R. MacKenzie, The Spirit-ridden Konde (London, 1925), p. 106.
17 John Roscoe, The Northern Bantu (Cambridge, 1915), p. 79.
18 A. R. Wallace, A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro
(London, 1853), pp. 501 f. An Indian woman of Wallace's acquaintance had to
live on cassave bread and fruits, abstaining from all animal food, peppers, and
salt (loc. cit.).
19 E. F. Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana (London, 1883), p. 233.
20 W. G. Sumner, "The Yakuts. Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshev-
ski," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXI (1901), 96.
21 E. B. Riley, Among Papuan Headhunters (London, 1925), p. 119.
22 K. Vetter, in Nachrichten iiber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den Bismarck-
Archipel, XIII (1897), 87.
28 F. Vormann, in Anthropos, V (1910), 411.
2 *Hortense Powdermaker, Life in Lesu (New York, 1933), pp. 63, 267. In
Lesu, a village of New Ireland, a man and his wife observe the same sexual
taboos, though for a much shorter time, when their pigs are giving birth. They
do not cohabit when the pig is expected to give birth and also during the first
month that the young pig is suckled. Should this taboo be broken, the young pig
would sicken and die, "and pigs are very valuable property" (pp. 79 f.).
25 F. W. Leggatt, in H. L. Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British
North Borneo (London, 18%), I, 98. The Sea Dayak make a distinction between
the two species of taboos which they observe, namely, those which absolutely
forbid certain kinds of work to a person under the ban and those which allow
other kinds of work to be undertaken if started by someone not subject to the
ban (Roth, loc. cit.).
28 Willoughby, Nature Worship and Taboo, p. 129.
27 W. L. Warner, A Black Civilisation (New York, 1937), p. 78 (Murngin
of Arnhem Land, Northern Territory of Australia) ; Powdermaker, Life in
Lesu t p. 63 (New Ireland) ; S. Ella, in Report of the Fourth Meeting of the
Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science (1892), p. 62 (Loyalty
Islands) ; C. G. Seligman, "The Medicine, Surgery, and Midwifery of the Sinau-
golo," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXII (1902), 301 (British
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 97
New Guinea); E. Tregear, ibid., XIX (1890), 103 (Maori); W. D. Hambly,
The Ovimbundu of Angola (Chicago, 1934), pp. 183 f.; Gerhard Lindblom, The
Akamba (Uppsala, 1920), p. 29; J. H. Weeks, in Journal of the Royal Anthro-
pological Institute, XL (1910), 367 (Lower Congo tribes) ; P. F. X. de Charle-
voix, Histoire et description generate de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1744), V,
426 (Hurons and Iroquois).
28 D. F. Thomson, "Fatherhood in the Wik Monkan Tribe," American
Anthropologist (n.s., 1936), XXXVIII, 375 if.
29 Margaret Mead, in Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History, XXXVII, 350.
80 1. Schapera, Married Life in an African Tribe (London, 1940), pp. 198 f .
81 Idem, A Handbook of Tswana Law and Custom (Oxford, 1938), p. 154.
82 Sir H. H. Johnston, George Grenfell and the Congo (London, 1908), II,
676.
88 P. A. Talbot, The Peoples of Southern Nigeria (Oxford, 1926), II, 354.
84 E. S. C. Handy, "The Native Culture in the Marquesas," Bernice P.
Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 9, p. 72.
88 G. L. D. de Rienzi, Oceanie, II (Paris, 1836-1837), 178.
8 W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas (London, 1906), pp. 313 ft. The Toda cere-
monies are carried out only when a woman is bearing her first child, and when,
therefore, her uncleanness may be considered at its maximum.
87 Herbert Ward, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXIV (1895),
289.
88 Mrs. James Smith, The Booandik Tribe of South Australian Aborigines
(Adelaide, 1880), p. 5.
89 F. J. Gillen, in Report on the Work of the Horn Scientific Expedition to
Central Australia, Part IV, p. 166.
40 Margaret Mead, in Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History, XXXVII, 414.
" H. I. Hogbin, in Oceania, V (1934-1935), 331.
42 W. J. Erdweg, in Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in
Wien t XXXII (1902), 280. The Yir-Yorunt, a Queensland tribe, do not allow a
young man to be present at the birth of a child (L. Sharp, "Ritual Life and
Economics of the Yir-Yorunt of Cape York Peninsula," Oceania, V [1934-1935],
40). Doubtless young men are considered to be more susceptible to the contagion
of feminine impurity than are men of riper years.
43 W. G. Ivens, The Island Builders of the Pacific (London, 1930), p. 104.
44 E. S. C. Handy, "Polynesian Religion," Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bul-
letin, No. 34, p. 48.
45 Edward Tregear, The Maori Race (Wanganui, New Zealand, 1904), p. 41 ;
E. Best, "The Where Kohanga (the 'Nest House') and Its Lore," Dominion
Museum Bulletin, No. 13, pp. 9, 15.
46 W. H. Millington and B. L. Maxwell, "Philippine (Visayan) Supersti-
tions," Journal of American Folk-Lore, XIX (1906), 209.
4 *E. H. Man, The Nicobar Islands and Their People (London, [1932]),
p. 66.
4 Peter Kolben, The Present State of the Cape of Good Hope (London,
1731), I, 140.
49 Smith and Dale, Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia, II, 7.
8 F. G. H. Price, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, I (1872), 188 f.
100 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
96 Charles Hose and William McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
(London, 1912), II, 156.
98 A. E. Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot (Department of the Interior, Ethnologi-
cal Survey Publications, Vol. I) (Manila, 1905), p. 60.
i P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (2d ed., London, 1914), p. 127. The Ao
consider twins very unlucky (J. P. Mills, The Ao Nagas [London, 1926], p. 267).
The Sema also dislike them, partly owing to the added trouble for the mother,
partly to a belief that, being less strong than single children, if one dies the
other will not long survive. Some people believe that the birth of twins is
followed by the early death of both parents (J. H. Hutton, The Sema Nagaf
[London, 1921], p. 262), On the other hand, the Memi are said to think twins
very lucky ; hence they are always helped first when any food is being distributed
(J. Shakespear, in J. H. Hutton, The Angami Nagas [London, 1921], pp. 341 f.).
It is difficult to reconcile this statement with the fact that no work is done on
the day when twins are born it is a genna or tabooed day.
98 H. F. Standing, The Children of Madagascar (London, 1887), p. 31.
99 Kidd, Savage Childhood, pp. 45 ff.
100 Stayt, op. cit. t p. 91.
ii Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), II, 319, 433 ff. For
the unsavory details of the woman's final purification see p. 436.
i 2 E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-Lore Journal, II (1880), 109 ff.
According to a later authority, the parents are regarded as unclean and may
not speak to anyone or be greeted by anyone until they have been purified (J.
Irle, Die Herero [Giitersloh, 1906], pp. 96 ff:). The uncleanness of the parents
probably explains the fact that among the Awemba the father of twins is the
only male who is allowed to visit a girl during her seclusion at her first men-
struation (C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, The Great Plateau of Northern
Rhodesia [London, 1911], p. 159).
108 Gouldsbury and Sheane, op. cit., pp. 275 f .
104 C. W. Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic (London, 1922), p. 114. Simi-
lar customs prevail among the Akikuyu (pp. 154 ff.).
i5 A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), pp. 68, 91.
106 K. R. Dundas, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLIII
(1913), 33.
107 P. B. Du Chaillu, L'Afrique sauvage (Paris, 1868), pp. 226 f .
108 Hugh Goldie, Calabar and Its Mission (London, 1890), pp. 23 ff.
109 H. Klose, Togo unter deutscher Flagge (Berlin, 1899), pp. 509 f .
11 N. W. Thomas, in Man, XIX (1919), 173.
111 G. T. Basden, Niger Ibos (London, [1938]), pp. 181 f. On the treatment
of twins by other Nigerian tribes see Talbot, Peoples of Southern Nigeria, III,
719 ff.; Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (London, 1897), pp. 472 ff.
112 Rafael Karsten, The Ciznfaation of the South American Indians (Lon-
don, 1926), p. 148.
i T. W. Whiffen, in Folk-Lore, XXIV (1913), 45.
114 Theodor Koch-Griinberg, Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern (Berlin,
1910), II, 146.
"OH. von Walde-Waldegg, in Primitive Man, IX (1936), 42 f.
116 J. R. S wanton, in Forty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology, p. 361 (Creek Indians) ; F. Boas, in Thirty-seventh Annual Re-
port, pp. 686 ff. (Kwakiutl). While the Quinault Indians of Washington are
said to have manifested "no horror" of twins, nevertheless, the parents had to
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 101
observe a number of taboos. They might not fish for twenty days, lest the fish
stop running. The father, in addition, refrained from hunting for two years, in
order not to frighten away all game animals. He sometimes camped in the
woods for a month after the birth of twins (R. L. Olson, The Quinault Indians
[Seattle, Wash., 1936], p. 100).
117 S. M. Shirokogoroff, Social Organization of the Northern Tungus
(Shanghai, 1929), p. 275, note 1.
118 For the widespread belief that twin children possess extraordinary
powers over nature, especially over rain and the weather, see Frazer, The
Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings (The Golden Bough, 3d ed., Part I),
I, 262-69.
119 Kolben, The Present State of the Cape of Good Hope, I, 142 f .
120 P. A. W. Cook, Social Organisation and Ceremonial Institutions of the
Bomvana (Cape Town and Johannesburg, [1931]), p. 103.
1 21 M. Merker, Die Masai (Berlin, 1904), p. 51.
122 Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 64 ff.
123 C. W. Hobley, The Soul of Central Africa (London, 1922), pp. 186 f.
The Banyoro do not observe the same attitude toward triplets, whose birth is
regarded as a calamity. If left alive they would bring some evil on the country.
The mother and her children, together with her father and mother, are taken to
some waste land and put to death. The father is not killed, but his eyes are
gouged out so that he may never again behold the king, who would be injured
by his polluting glance (loc. cit.).
124 J. H. Driberg, The Lango (London, 1923), p. 144.
"'Wilhelm Hofmayr, Die Schilluk (Modling bei Wien, 1925), p. 275.
128 A. M. Vergiat, Mceurs et coutumes des Manjas (Paris, 1937), pp. 48 ff.
H. L. Roth, Great Benin (Halifax, England, 1903), p. 35.
128 Samuel Johnson, The History of the Yorubas (London, 1921), p. 80.
120 S. S. Farrow, Faith, Fancies, and Fetich, or Yoruba Paganism (London,
1926), pp. 21 f., 58. However, in the eastern part of Yorubaland, in the district
of Ondo, twins are put to death as soon as possible (p. 58).
130 M. J. Herskovits, Dahomey (New York, 1938), I, 263. Infants born with
some anomaly, for example, one with the umbilical cord about the neck, or with
a caul, or with feet foremost, are put in the category of twins and are treated
accordingly (I, 272).
131 Diedrich Westermann, Die Kpelle (Gottingen and Leipzig, 1921), p. 68.
2 Leslie Spier, Yuman Tribes of the Gila River (Chicago, 1933), p. 213.
188 J. R. Swanton, in Forty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology, p. 615.
134 j. Teit, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History,
II, 310 f.
"5 See Robert Briffault, The Mothers (New York, 1927), II, 390-97; Ed-
ward Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage (5th ed., London, 1921),
III, 67-70.
136 C. G. Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea (Cambridge,
1910), p. 86. A similar rule is observed by the Keraki (F. E. Williams, Papuans
of the Trans-Fly [Oxford, 1936], p. 175).
187 Margaret Mead, in Anthropological Papers of the American Museum
of Natural History, XXXVII, 345.
138 Bronislaw Malinowski, The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western
Melanesia (New York, 1929), p. 233.
102 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
is* Powdermaker, Life in Lesu, p. 79.
140 Beatrice Blackwood, Both Sides of Buka Passage (Oxford, 1935),
pp. 156 f. Among the Buin people of Bougainville Island sexual intercourse is
avoided only during the time that the mother is secluded in the birth hut (Hilde
Thurnwald, "Woman's Status in Buin Society/' Oceania, V [1934-1935], 166).
"* Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe, I, 56 ff., 188.
142 H. Griitzner, "tJber die Gebrauche der Basuto," Verhandlungen der
Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologie, Ethnologic, und Urgeschichte, 1877,
p. (78) (bound with Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, Vol. IX).
148 Culwick and Culwick, Ubena of the Rivers, p. 375.
144 J. H. Weeks, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XL
(1910), 367. Similar rules prevail among the Bakongo (idem, Among the Primi-
tive Bakongo [London, 1914], p. 148).
146 E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute,
XXXV (1905), 410.
146 Vergiat, Mceurs et coutumes des Manjas, p. 42 and note 2.
14 * A. Poupon, in U Anthropologie, XXVI (1915), 125.
148 A. W. Cardinall, The Natives of the Northern Territories of the Gold
Coast (London [1920]), p. 69.
149 Berthold Seeman, Viti (Cambridge, 1862), p. 191. The Fijians have a
word, dabe, which signifies the injury sustained by a child whose parents have
cohabited too soon. In the opinion of the natives the decay of the custom of
sexual abstinence during the period of lactation is an important cause of the
infant mortality prevalent among them. See G. H. Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers, The
Clash of Cultures and the Contact of Races (London, 1927), pp. 125, 146 f., 191.
iso sir Basil H. Thomson, The Diversions of a Prime Minister (Edinburgh
and London, 1894), p. 375.
151 Schapera, Married Life in a South African Tribe, p. 200. The couple
practice coitus interruptus or use some other contraceptive method.
162 Herskovits, Dahomey, I, 268.
l " Basden, Niger Ibos, p. 230.
1 4 Mrs. K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe (London, 1905), p. 39. Among
some of the tribes of New South Wales part of the woman's hair is burned off
just before she returns from her seclusion. Every vessel that has been used by
her is also burned (W. Ridlev, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, II,
[1873], 268).
166 C. G. Seligman, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXII,
(1902), 302.
156 Riley, Among Papuan Headhunters, p. 28.
167 J. L. van Hasselt, in Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-Land-en Volken-
kunde f XXXI (1886), 587.
16 A. P. Lyons, in Man, XXV (1925), 131.
18 Hilde Thurnwald, "Woman's Status in Buin Society," Oceania, V (1934-
1935), 165.
leoGlaumont, "Usages, mceurs, et coutumes des Neo-Caledoniens," Revue
d'ethnographie, VII (1889), 79.
"! W. Deane, Fijian Society (London, 1921), pp. 13 f.
162 George Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), p. 276.
168 Captain James Wilson, Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean
(London, 1799), p. 354.
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 103
i* David Malo, Hawaiian Antiquities (Honolulu, 1903), pp. 183 f. These
restrictions applied only to royal mothers and other women of rank, who were
in a state of taboo during their entire pregnancy and until their final purification.
Commoners did not observe the restrictions (loc. cit.).
i E. Tregear, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIX (1890), 98;
Elsdon Best, The Maori as He Was (Wellington, New Zealand, 1924), p. 99.
" Fay-Cooper Cole, The Tenguian (Chicago, 1922), pp. 265 ff.
ir w. W. Skeat, Malay Magic (London, 1900), pp. 342 ff. The Mintira or
Mantra of the Malay Peninsula place a mother near the fire in order to keep
away the evil spirits anxious to drink her blood (J. R. Logan, in Journal of the
Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia, I [1847], 270). For the Siamese ritual
of purification, in which exposure to fire also plays a large part and a part ex-
ceedingly prejudicial to the welfare of both mother and child, see H. G. Q.
Wales, "Siamese Theory and Ritual Connected with Pregnancy, Birth, and In-
fancy," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LXIII (1933), 446 f.
1M Mrs. Leslie Milne, Shans at Home (London, 1910), pp. 33 f .
169 F. Fawcett, in Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, I,
(1886-1889), 536 f. The Adivi, also called Forest Gallas, form a section of the
Gollavalu of Mysore.
170 Standing, The Children of Madagascar, p. 29.
"i Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (2d ed., London, 1925), p. 201.
172 Stayt, The Bavenda, p. 86.
178 E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-Lore Journal, II (1880), 63. From
this account it would appear that the Herero woman is extremely dangerous
to men, so that "sacred" in her case might better be expressed by "unclean."
However, we learn that her mysterious influence is positively beneficial to cattle,
for every morning the milk of all the cows is brought to her so that she may
consecrate it by touching it with her lips. See Hans Schinz, Deutsch-Sudwest-
Afrika (Oldenburg and Leipzig, [1891]), p. 167; Irle, Herero, p. 94.
174 Stirke, Barotseland, p. 62. The woman's purification, by transferring the
birth contamination to strangers, is further illustrated by the Thonga rule which
requires the mother of twins to sexually "deceive" four men one after another,
all of whom will die. She hears that so-and-so "becomes livid, that his body
swells, that he is dead ! She knows the reason. He has taken her defilement !"
(Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe [2d ed.], II, 436). By the Akikuyu
the mother of twins is handed over to another man until she has borne him a
child ; then she returns to her husband. The mother of a child that cuts its upper
teeth before its lower must cohabit for a month with a friend of her husband
(Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic, pp. 154 f.).
178 W. S. Routledge and Katherine Routledge, With a Prehistoric People
(London, 1910), p. 147.
17 Hollis, The Nandi, pp. 65, 92.
177 Roscoe, The Baganda, p. 55.
178 Franz Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika (Berlin, 1894),
p. 795.
17 A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West Africa
(London, 1887), p. 223.
180 R. E. Latcham, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,
XXXIX (1909), 359 f
181 James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), p. 124.
104 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
182 Charlevoix, Histoire et description generale de la Nouvelle France, V,
425.
188 Mary A. Owen, Folk-Lore of the Musquakie Indians of North America
(London, 1904), pp. 63 ff.
184 S. R. Riggs, in Contributions to North American Ethnology, IX, 208.
385 A. L. Kroeber, "The Religion of the Indians of California/* University
of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, IV, 325.
18 Knud Rasmussen, The Netsilik Eskimos (Copenhagen, 1931), p. 261.
Report of the Fifth Thule Expedition, Vol. VIII.
187 W. Jochelson, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History,
X, 101.
188 Edward Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders
(2d ed., London, 1856), pp. 144 f.
"a Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui (2d ed., London, 1870), p. 185.
190 Soga, op. cit., p. 293.
191 Sir Francis Gallon, The Narrative of an Explorer in Tropical South
Africa (London, 1853), p. 190.
192 H. Zache, "Sitten und Gebrauche der Suaheli," Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie,
XXXI (1899), 64.
193 Sir H. H. Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate (2d ed., London, 1904),
II, 587. A similar spitting ceremony, accompanied by naming the child, is found
among the Mandingo of Senegambia (Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior Dis-
tricts of Africa [London, 1816], I, 4011
194 A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West
Africa (London, 1894), p. 153.
195 Frank Russell, in Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology, p. 187.
196 J. G. Owens, "Natal Ceremonies of the Hopi Indians," Journal of Ameri-
can Ethnology and Archaeology, II (1892), 165 ff.
197 A. W. Whipple, Thomas Ewbank, and W. W. Turner, Report upon the
Indian Tribes, p. 35. Reports of Explorations and Surveys . ... in 1853-4
(Washington, D.C., 1856), Vol. III. Among the Cherokee purification in running
water formed a part of every tribal function. Hence, in the old days, the town
house was always placed close to the bank of a river (J. Mooney, "The Cherokee
River Cult," Journal of American Folk-Lore, XIII [1900], 2).
198 E. Sapir, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1907), IX, 275.
199 James Chalmers, Pioneering in New Guinea (London, 1887), p. 164.
200 Blackwood, Both Sides of Buka Passage, pp. 159 f.
201 H. P. A. Bakker, in Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-Land-en Volken-
kunde, XXIX (1888), 415.
202 John Batchelor, The Ainu and Their Folk-Lore (London, 1901), pp.
235 f.
208 H. M. Marshall, The Karen People of Burma (Ohio State University
Bulletin, Vol. XXVI, No. 13) (Columbus, Ohio, 1922), pp. 287 f.
2 * Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur, p. 177. In one Tangkhul village
the father is tabooed in his house for ten days, while the mother goes out the
day after the child is born (p. 178).
20 E. H. Man, quoted by H. L. Roth, in Journal of the Anthropological
Institute, XXII (1893), 215. See, further, George Whitehead, In the Nicobar
Islands (London, 1924), pp. 115 ff.
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 105
206 John Cain, in Indian Antiquary, III (1874), 151.
207 Edgar Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1907),
p. 548.
208 Thurston, op. cit., p. 549, quoting G. K. Rao.
209 S. Mateer, "The Pariah Caste in Travancore," Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society (n.s., 1884), XVI, 188.
210 R. B. Bainbridge, in Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1907-
1910), II, 61.
211 William Crooke, Things Indian (London, 1906), pp. 59 f.; idem, Natives
of Northern India (London, 1907), p. 197.
212 John Campbell, Travels in South Africa .... Second Journey (London,
1822), II, 207.
218 J. H. Weeks, Among Congo Cannibals (London, 1913), p. 132.
214 Martin Gusinde, Die Yamana (Mddling bei Wien, 1937), pp. 711 f.
215 W. E. Roth, "An Inquiry into the Animism and Folk-Lore of the Guiana
Indians," Thirtieth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp.
321 f., with references to authorities.
216 See Sir J. G. Frazer, Balder the Beautiful (The Golden Bough, 3d ed.,
Part VII) (London, 1913), I, 22-100; Robert Briffault, The Mothers (New
York, 1927), II, 365-90.
217 G. Roheim, "Women and Their Life in Central Australia," Journal of
the Royal Anthropological Institute, LIII (1933), 234.
218 J. P. Mills, The Rengma Nagas (London, 1937), p. 212.
219 Schapera, Handbook of Tswana Law and Custom, p. 38.
220 H. S. Stannus, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute f XL
(1910), 305. Among the Akamba, another East African tribe, married people
usually perform coitus when the woman is menstruating, because of the belief
that she can be impregnated only at this time (Lindblom, Akamba , p. 40).
221 W. Bogoras, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History,
XI, 491 f.
222 E. J. Eyre, Journals of Discovery into Central Australia (London, 1845),
II, 304. According to Eyre, menstruating women were not allowed to eat fish
of any kind. Nor might they go near the water, else the men would have no
success in fishing (II, 295).
223 R. B. Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria (Melbourne, 1878), I, 46, quot-
ing H. E. A. Meyer.
224 A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London,
1904), pp. 776 f., on the authority of J. C. Muirhead. A Queensland blackfellow,
having learned that his wife had lain on his blanket at her menstrual period,
killed her and died of terror himself within a fortnight (W. E. Armit, in Jour-
nal of the Anthropological Institute, IX [1880], 459). For the Mara myth of
the origin of the menstruation taboos see Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes
of Central Australia, p. 602.
226 John Mathew, Two Representative Tribes of Queensland (London and
Leipzig, 1910), pp. 177 f.
226 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 473.
227 Sir Baldwin Spencer, The Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of
Australia (London, 1914), p. 327.
228 Warner, A Black Civilisation, p. 76. This seems to be the only .men-
struation taboo of general observance by the Murngin. In some of the tribes
106 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
in the Kimberly division of Western Australia the men are said not to evince
any disgust or horror of the menstrual state, nor do the women think of them-
selves as unclean. However, a woman who is menstruating keeps "unobtrusively"
out of the way and camps apart (Phyllis M. Kaberry, Aboriginal Woman, Sa-
cred and Profane [London, 1939], p. 238).
229 C G. Seligman, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedi-
tion to Torres Straits, V, 201.
280 Blackwood, Both Sides of Buka Passage, pp. 269 f .
281 A. B. Deacon, Malekula, a Vanishing People in the New Hebrides (Lon-
don, 1934), p. 156. Similarly, among some of the tribes of the western Sudan,
the men refrain from every kind of work, from traveling, and from hunting
during the menstruation of their wives. Since polygyny is common, men have
many occasions for enforced idleness. See Louis Desplagnes, Le plateau Cen-
tral Nigtrien (Paris, 1904), p. 227.
282 Eyriaud des Vergnes, in Revue maritime et coloniale, LII (1877), 727 f. ;
cf. Louis Rollin, Les lies Marquises (Paris, 1929), p. 171.
288 E. S. C. Handy, in Bemice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 34, p. 47.
According to this authority contact with menstrual blood was supposed to cause
leprosy (loc. cit.).
284 Honore Laval, Mangareva (Paris, 1938), p. 225.
285 E. Tregear, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIX (1890),
101 ; Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New, Zealanders (2d ed.),
pp. 115, 292.
28 E. Best, in Journal of the Polynesian Society, XIV (1905), 215. An early
missionary noticed that at Mangaia the work of planting and weeding taro beds
was assigned to "girls" under sixteen years of age and to women who had
"passed the prime of life" (John Williams, A Narrative of Missionary Enter-
prises in the South Sea Islands [London, 1838], p. 211).
287 E. Stephen, in Oceania, VIII (1936-1937), 43.
288 August Erdland, Die Marshall-Insulaner (Minister in Westphalia, 1914),
p. Io9.
239 J. L. van der Toorn, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsche-Indie, XXXIX (1890), 66.
N. Adriani and A. C. Krujt, De Bare'e-sprekende Toradja's van Mid-
den-Celebes Cs Gravenhage, 1912), II, 3.
241 J. Macdonald, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XX (1891),
242 Smith and Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia, II, 27.
248 Culwick and Culwick, Ubena of the Rivers, p. 253.
244 M. W. H. Beech, The Suk (Oxford, 1911), p. 11.
245 c. W. Hobley, Ethnology of A-Kamba and Other East African Tribes
(Cambridge, 1910), p. 65. In this case, it will be observed, the penalty for the
breach of a taboo is paid, not by the innocent stranger or by the woman with
whom he cohabited, but by the real culprit, the girl herself.
246 /dm, Bantu Beliefs and Magic, p. 112.
247 Weeks, Among the Primitive Bakongo, pp. 108 f. An Azimba girl, while
menstruating, wears a special apron to indicate her condition. After she mar-
ries, the apron is hung over her bed. If her husband does not see it there he
knows that she is unclean. See H. C. Angus, "The 'Chensamwali' ; or Initiation
Ceremony of Girls as Performed in Azimba Land, Central Africa," Verhand-
lungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und Urge-
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 107
schichte, 1898, p. (480) (bound with Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, Vol. XXX).
Mandingo women, when menstruating, paint their faces yellow (Thomas Win-
terbottom, An Account of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of Sierra
Leone [London, 1803], II, 207).
248 Field, Religion and Medicine of the Ga People, p. 112.
2 Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 94 f. Among
some Nigerian tribes menstruating women may not take the regular path in
front of a juju house (R. G. Granville and F. N. Roth, in Journal of the Anthro-
pological Institute, XXXVIII [1898], 110).
2B Talbot, Peoples of Southern Nigeria, III, 712.
251 Rafael Karsten, The Toba Indians of the Bolivian Gran Chaco (Acta
Academic Aboensis, Humaniora IV) (Abo, 1923), p. 28. A menstruating
woman is believed to be in grave danger from the attacks of evil spirits. They
strive to enter her through the genitals and other orifices of the body, and if they
succeed, she will either fall ill and die or give birth to a monster. The Toba In-
dians fancy that these demonic powers take the form of snakes, which in great
number, although in invisible shape, make their onset on the girl. The snakes
are also dangerous to women at childbirth; hence these Indians cover carefully
the ventral parts of the mother after her delivery. See Karsten, Civilisation of
the South American Indians, pp. 10, 145.
282 John Gillin, The Barama River Caribs of British Guiana (Papers of the
Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. XIV, No. 2,
Cambridge, Mass., 1936), p. 72.
263 P. Radin, in Thirty-seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, p. 137.
254 G. B. Grinnell, "Cheyenne Woman Customs," American Anthropologist
(n.s., 1902), IV, 13 f.
255 Stephen Powers, Tribes of California (Contributions to North American
Ethnology f Vol. Ill, Washington, D.C, 1877), p. 32. The Cherokee Indians do
not allow a stranger to enter a house where a person lies seriously ill. This
regulation is intended to prevent any contact with a menstruous or a pregnant
woman. Should the patient be visited by anyone who came from a house where
such a woman resides the doctor's treatment would be neutralized. See J. Mooney,
"The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees," Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau
of Ethnology, pp. 330 f.
256 D. Jenness, in National Museum of Canada, Bulletin No. 84 (Anthropo-
logical Series, No. 20), p. 56.
207 J. R. Swanton, in Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology, p. 428.
258 A. G. Morice, in Annual Archaeological Report, 1905 (Toronto, 1906),
p. 218.
259 J. Jette", "On the Superstitions of the Ten'a Indians," Anthropos, VI
(1911), 699. For the Tinne menstrual blood has health-preserving and curative
qualities, because it embodies the principle of life. Hence a mother who has lost
several children will require a surviving child to wear a harness made out of a
woman's drawers soiled with her blood. Rags thus soiled are steeped in a basin
of water, and the liquid will then be used as a lotion to bathe young children or
will be administered to them as an internal remedy. A mother never uses blood
which she could obtain from herself, but always obtains the soiled rags from
another woman. The idea seems to be that her own child has already received
from her all the vital power she could impart, so that it is necessary for the
treatment to procure an additional store of vitality from someone else (ibid.,
108 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
pp. 257, 703). The Ainu of Japan consider menstrual blood to possess a talis-
manic property, so much so that a man who sees a drop of it on the floor will
wipe it up and rub it over his chest. He will even ask the menstruating woman
to give him a piece of her menstrual cloth (B. Pilsudski, ibid., V [1910], 774).
The Mountain Arapesh of British New Guinea believe that a man who sees a
marsalai, a supernatural being usually embodied in some water creature, will
die unless he can get the help of a menstruating woman. "She either gives him
a drink of water in which leaves stained with menstrual blood have been soaked
or she massages his chest or beats him upon the chest with her closed fist, while
he holds aloft his right hand, the hand which he uses in hunting, to keep 'the
power of getting food for children' " (Margaret Mead, in Anthropological Papers
of the American Museum of Natural History, XXXVII, 345). In this cerembny
the. potency of the woman will exorcise the evil influence possessing the man, but
since contact with her is dangerous it must not be allowed to affect his prowess
as a hunter. The Ba-51a of Northern Rhodesia believe that tsetse flies can be
driven away if menstruating women will go where the flies are, sit down, and
allow themselves to be bitten. Thus their mysterious radiation, ordinarily so
baneful, may be turned to a beneficent use (Smith and Dale, The Ila-speakiny
Peoples of Northern Rhodesia, II, 27). Among the Bavenda of the Transvaal,
before a wife is restored to normal life after her confinement, she is visited
ceremonially by her husband, who proceeds to rub on the palms of his hands and
the soles of his feet a powder made from the blood of a menstruous woman. The
wife then presents him with a bracelet. It must be given to him before he may
accept food from her or sit anywhere in the hut where she has sat during the
birth of the child. If this purificatory rite is not performed, the husband will be
attacked by a shivering disease from which he will not recover (Stayt, The
Bavenda, p. 88).
260 Rasmussen, Netsilik Eskimos, p. 262.
28i W. Bogoras, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History,
XI, 492.
262 J. G. Georgi, Les nations Samoytdes et Mandshoures (Description des
toutes les nations de I'empire de Russie t Part III) (St. Petersburg, 1777), p. 15.
268 R. H. Mathews, Ethnological Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of New
South Wales and Victoria (Sydney, 1905), pp. 132 ff.
264 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 460 f.
265 George Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), pp. 107 f.,
quoting the Rev. R. H. Rickard.
288 A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders (Cambridge, 1933), p. 93.
267 C. G. Seligman and Brenda Z. Seligman, The Veddas (Cambridge,
1911), p. 94 f.
288 James Macdonald, Religion and Myth (London, 1893), pp. 196 ff.
28 Hollis, The Nandi, pp. 59 f., 90 f. The "circumcision" of Nandi girls is
confined to excision of the clitoris ; for this purpose a special knife is used.
270 Roscoe, The Baganda, p. 80. Jumping over a wife or stepping over her
legs is regarded by the Baganda as equivalent to, or as a substitute for, co-
habitation with her (p. 357, note 1). It seems to be clear from the account above
that, while the Baganda display the usual attitude toward a menstruating woman,
they also regard her condition as entirely natural and consequently manifest
some fear of a woman who does not menstruate. The catamenial flow has for
them beneficent as well as malefic qualities. The Warundi, another East African
tribe, instead of secluding a girl at puberty, lead her all over the house and have
her touch everything, so that she may bless the objects with which she comes into
THE REPRODUCTIVE LIFE 109
contact. See Oscar Baumann, Durch Massailand zur NUquelle (Berlin, 1894),
p. 221.
271 Wallace, Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, p. 496.
272 Adair, History of the American Indians, pp. 123 f.
273 Jonathan Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America
(3d ed., London, 1781), pp. 236 f.
274 Paul Radin, in Thirty-seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, p. 137, quoting an Indian informant.
276 A. L. Kroeber, in University of California Publications in American
Archaeology and Ethnology, IV, 324.
276 Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed., II, 319) ; cf . p. 357.
Among the Latuka of the Upper Nile the earth on which lochial blood has
fallen must be scraped up with a shovel and buried, together with the water
used to wash the child and the knife with which its navel string was cut (Emin
Pasha, in Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Hers von Afrika, p. 795).
277 See Count Goblet d'Alviella, "Initiation (Introductory and Primitive),"
Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, VII, 314-19; Sir P. J. Hamil-
ton-Grierson, "Puberty," ibid., X, 440-46; R. Thurnwald, "Junglingsweihe,"
Ebert's Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, VI, 172-87; H. Webster, Primitive
Secret Societies (2d ed., New York, 1932), pp. 20-73; A. van Gennep, Les rites
de passage (Paris, 1909), pp. 93-164; A. E. Jensen, Beschneidung und Reifezere-
monien bei Naturvolkern (Stuttgart, 1933). On the ritual of death and resur-
rection see Sir J. G. Frazer, Balder the Beautiful (The Golden Bough, Part VII)
(London, 1913), II, 225-78.
278 George Taplin, in J. D. Woods (editor), The Native Tribes of South
Australia (Adelaide, 1879), pp. 17 f., 69.
279 Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 402. Novices are
also forbidden to eat of a female animal (p. 633).
280 P. Beveridge, in Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New
South Wales, XVII (1883), 27.
281 J. [H.] Holmes, "Initiation Ceremonies of Natives of the Papuan Gulf,"
Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXII (1902), 420 f.
282 R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), p. 87.
288 K. Endemann, in Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, VI (1874), 38.
28 * Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 77.
CHAPTER III
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES
THE supposed uncleanness of women at certain periods of their
reproductive life would seem to be chiefly responsible for the wide-
spread notion of their permanent uncleanness, and that notion, in
turn, accounts for the imposition of various tabops designed to
prevent the contact of the sexes or to minimize the danger believed
to be involved in such contact. These taboos weigh heavily on
women in primitive society and restrict their activity in many
ways, both secular and religious. It is significant in this connec-
tion that cases are known where old women, who have therefore
passed the age of menstruation and childbearing, are considered
more or less as men and so are no longer subject to the usual re-
strictions on their sex.
The natives of Central Australia refer to an old woman by
a term which, translated literally, means "woman father." 1 Among
the Zulu old women "are called men" and are allowed to go near
the army when it starts out on a campaign. 2 Among the South
American Indians old women are "no more real women," and
may, therefore, take part in certain tribal ceremonies and indulge
in habits which are considered unwomanly for their younger
sisters. 8 At a feast of the Winnebago "all the young girls near-
ing the age of puberty will be absent, but the old women, who
have passed their climacteric, sit right next to the men, because
they are considered the same as men as they have no menstrual
flow any more." 4
It is a common idea that eating and drinking are acts attended
with special peril, for what is consumed might be blasted by the
evil glance of a stranger or an enemy, or some malicious spirit
might enter one's body along with the food and drink. There is
also the widespread fear that the remnants of a person's food may
be used magically to injure him. For these and similar reasons
people will avoid eating in a strange village or in public ; sometimes
they take their meals behind closed doors or in strict seclusion.
Still more usual is the custom of men and women eating apart,
110
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 111
the former almost always before the latter. This sexual separation
in eating may sometimes be simply an outcome of the inferior
status of the female sex; the men satisfy their hunger first and
with the best of the food. In other cases, the custom has been
dictated by dread of woman's uncleanness. The custom, whatever
its origin, is widespread. 5
Among some of the Queensland aborigines men, boys, and
girls (up to four or five years of age) eat together; all the other
women, without distinction of any sort, eat apart. 6 It was for-
merly the rule among the Torres Straits Islanders for the father
and his sons to take their meals before the mother and her daugh-
ters. This rule did not prevail in the Murray Islands, but even
there the husband reserved to himself the right of choosing certain
tidbits. 7 On the island of Meli, one of the New Hebrides, the men
prepare all their food in their own clubhouse, access to which is
forbidden to women. Anything that a woman cooks is considered
unclean for a man. 8 In New Caledonia husband and wife eat
together, but otherwise the sexes keep apart at meals. 9
Some Samoan chiefs of inferior rank permitted their wives
to eat with them, but, generally speaking, women and children
did not eat with men. 10 In the Marquesas Islands the rule pre-
vailed that a wife must not eat in the same place as her husband
or prepare her food at his fire. Those who violated the prohibition
might be killed or severely chastised; sometimes, however, their
punishment was left to the angered spirits, who made them ill. 11
According to an early visitor to the Hawaiian Islands, the
women were forbidden "when in their houses, to eat in company
with men, and even to enter the eating-room during meals. The
men, on the contrary, may enter the rooms in which women dine,
but must not partake of anything." When in the fields or at sea,
the two sexes ate together and used the same vessels, "the cala-
bash excepted, in which each sex has its own dainty/' 12 In the
Society Islands women never ate with the men. The fires at which
the men's food was cooked, the baskets in which it was kept, and
the house where the men ate all were "sacred" and prohibited to
women under pain of death. "Hence the inferior food, both for
wives, daughters, etc., was cooked at separate fires, deposited in
distinct baskets, and eaten in lonely solitude by the females, in
little huts erected for the purpose." 18 Among the Maori men
would not eat with their wives nor would male children eat with
their mothers, "lest their tapu or sanctity should kill them." 14
Among the Bantu-speaking peoples of South Africa the men
112 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
eat by themselves and are waited upon by their wives and chil-
dren. The latter, as a rule, eat after the men have finished. 15 Men
of the Warua tribe (Central Africa), who will not allow anyone
to see them eating and drinking, are doubly careful that no
woman's gaze shall fall upon them when doing so. 16 Among the
Suk of Kenya Colony "women and men feed apart for fear that
one of the former be menstruous. But even a barren woman may
not eat with men. Nor can women and men drink out of the same
calabash. Men may not even touch a woman's calabash, and the
woman may only touch the men's for the purpose of cleansing
when empty." 17 An Ovimbundu wife carries the food which she
has cooked to the village council house, where the men meet each
evening. Then she returns to her own home, to eat alone or with
her young children. 18 Among the Kpelle of Liberia, while meal-
times may coincide, meals are not taken together. The husband
eats with his grown-up sons and his wife with the other children. 1 *
For the American Indians there is abundant evidence that
women did not eat with the men but separately and only after
their husbands and male relatives had been satisfied. 20
Contact between men and women is often avoided by arrange-
ments for their separate living and sleeping quarters. The men's
clubhouses, which are a common feature of primitive society
throughout the world, further emphasize the separation of the
sexes in daily life. Access to these resorts is ordinarily forbidden
to women, sometimes under pain of death for disobedience. 21
The division of occupations between the sexes, while in gen-
eral determined by economic considerations and the special re-
quirements of primitive life, has also been affected by notions
of the uncleanness of women. Even when we are not expressly
informed by our authorities that such is the case, we may surmise
with much probability that these notions often account for the
very common practice of carefully separating what is men's work
from what is women's. 22
In the Hawaiian Islands women might not engage in agricul-
tural work or in fishing. Since the men did the cooking, not only
for themselves but for the women also, there was little left for the
latter to do but to make dress materials and mats. 28 In New Zea-
land, on the other hand, the natural sanctity of a man was too
great to permit him to engage in menial tasks. Consequently
slaves and women who were not tapu did all the culinary work.
Since it was also forbidden for men to carry burdens on their
shoulders, because their backbones were so especially sacred, this
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 113
duty likewise fell on the women, boys, and slaves. 24 Maori women
did not have anything to do with carving, the building of houses,
and the manufacture of canoes. Tattooing was always a mascu-
line occupation. "Strong elements of tapu entered into the de-
limitation of all these occupations." The same was true of the
cultivation of the kumara (sweet potato), and in those districts
where it was raised most extensively women were debarred from
planting and harvesting it, "lest they should exert a destructive
influence" on the crop. 25
The Toda of southern India are a pastoral people, and their
interests, both economic and religious, center about their buffaloes.
The daily life of the men is largely devoted to the care of these
animals and to labor in the dairies. The buffalo is a sacred animal ;
the dairy itself is almost a temple; and the dairyman is only one
remove from a priest. The idea of ceremonial purity runs through
the whole of the Toda dairy rites, so much so that a man who
has acquired any specific uncleanness cannot hold office in the
dairy, tend the sacred buffaloes, or even approach the members
of the higher grades of the dairyman-priesthood. As for women,
they take no part in the dairy ritual nor in the operations of milk-
ing and churning, and they are regularly excluded from the dairies
themselves. They may approach a dairy only at appointed times
when they receive buttermilk given out by the dairyman, and then
they must keep to a particular path. They must also avoid the
paths by which the buffaloes travel when leaving or approaching
a village. One of the dairymen is so sacred that when he goes
to a dwelling care is taken to remove from it the emblems of
womanhood pounder, sieve, and broom though the women
themselves remain. During certain dairy ceremonies the women
must leave the village altogether. 26
Among the Bantu-speaking tribes of South Africa "the care
of the cattle and dairy is the highest post of honour amongst them,
and this is always allotted to the men. They milk the cows ; herd
the oxen; and keep the kraals, or cattle yards. The women are
never (under the pain of heavy chastisement) permitted to touch
a beast: even the young calves and heifers are tended by the lads
or boys, and should a woman or girl be found in or near the cattle,
she is severely beaten. A curious custom prevails amongst them
in connection with this usage. If a woman has necessity to enter
a cattle kraal, she is obliged, if married, to bring her husband
with her, or nearest male relative, if not, to the gate of the en-
closure. He then lays his assegai on the ground, the point being
114 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
inside the entrance, and the woman walks in on the handle of the
weapon. This is considered as a passport of entrance, and saves
her from punishment; but, even in this case, strict inquiry is
made as to the necessity for such an entrance, nor are the men
very willing to grant, too frequently, such an indulgence to
them." 27 Bechuana men, besides tending the herds, must do all
the heavy work of plowing, because plows cannot be used except
with oxen to draw them. 28 Amaxosa women are not supposed to
go into the cattle kraal, for they would defile it and make the bones
of the cattle weak. Nowadays "enlightened" women do so, in
order to get cow dung, but if they are menstruating they remain
outside. 29 The Barotse think that a woman who entered a cattle
kraal would have an immediate and untimely menstrual dis-
charge. 80
The Kgatla of the Bechuanaland Protectorate now allow
women, when ritually clean, to herd and milk the cattle. Under
certain circumstances, however, the old taboo is still enforced.
Women who are still newcomers from the village, whose bodies
are "hot" with the scent of the village and of sexual life, will cause
the cattle to abort; such people must wait for a week or so before
they help with the herding and milking. Menstruating girls and
girls who live loosely are not allowed to drink milk. Their bodies
are said to be "dirty," and by drinking the milk they will injure
the cows from which it comes. Pregnant women must not walk
through a flock of goats or sheep, for they would cause the
animals to sicken or to abort, while they themselves would have
miscarriages. While women may ordinarily enter a kraal in order
to gather the dung, which is used as fuel and for smearing the
floor of the hut, they may not do so after the kraal has been
"doctored" and the animals are inside it; to do so would nullify
the effects of the doctoring. The Kgatla also forbid husband and
wife to cohabit near the kraal. Should this prohibition be disre-
garded, the cattle would make a hole in the fence and run away ;
one of the animals would never return. 81
Among the Banyoro of Central Africa the milking of cows
falls entirely to men "women are strictly forbidden to touch a
cow's udder." 82 The Baganda forbid girls and women to herd
the cows or milk them. 88 The Dinka of the White Nile think it
very desirable for their cows to be milked by boys and girls who
have not reached puberty. Women must never do the milking
and men, even old men incapable of sexual relations, ought not
to do so except in case of necessity. 84 Many other cattle-breeding
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 115
tribes of Africa similarly debar women from contact with their
herds, but the custom is not universal. Thus, among the Masai
milking is done by the women; among the Suk the women are
assisted in this task by children (under puberty) and by boys who
have reached puberty but have not yet been circumcised. 35
In Morocco the general jincleanness of women subjects them
to many taboos. They may not enter oh tfieThresTinTg floor or go
into the granary lest they spoil the baraka (virtue) of the grain.
In one place it is said that if an unmarried woman goes into a
subterranean granary, she will never marry; that a married
woman who does so will be childless ; and that a pregnant woman
will have a miscarriage. Some tribes do not allow women to
work in a vegetable garden or gather vegetables from it. Women
are also supposed to be injurious to bees ; consequently the honey
is always gathered by men. There are people who do not allow
a woman to ride on their beasts of burden, for fear of injury to
the animal. In some places she is forbidden to enter a shop, even
though she be the shopkeeper's wife; if she did so the shop would
lose its baraka and there would no sale. 36
Fear of women's uncleanness and, in particular, of their men-
strual flow, doubtless accounts for certain other restrictions often
imposed upon them. Among some Queensland tribes "a woman
must not on any account step over anything belonging to a man."
Should she step over his fishing line, for example, he would throw
it away. 37 The natives of Duke of York Island do not allow
a woman to go into a new canoe, for if she did no shark would
ever be caught by the fishermen who used it. 38 In Mala, one of
the Solomon Islands, ordinary fishing nets are avoided by women
lest their touch should cause the nets to become ceremonially de-
filed and fail to catch fish. The turtle net enjoys a particular
sanctity, and while being made may not be seen by women. 39 No
New Caledonian woman is allowed to travel in a canoe before it
has been taken on a long voyage. 40
In Tikopia bonito fishing is exclusively a masculine pursuit,
for the presence of a woman in a canoe at this time is taboo.* 1
Marquesan women might not enter canoes and consequently could
neither engage in fishing nor travel from island to island. 42 They
were also forbidden to wear red and dark clothes, to engage in
the games of stilt-walking and javelin-throwing, or to blow conch
shells. 43
In the Hawaiian Islands canoes were taboo to women except
under exceptional circumstances when women had to be carried
116 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
as passengers. The canoe was associated in the native mind with
fishing (men's work), with the transportation of food and goods
(men's work), and with the disposal of the skeletal remains (of
men only) after death. 44 Maori women were not allowed to go
near the site chosen for a house or where it was in process of erec-
tion. The men working on it were also tapu to women. A viola-
tion of these rules meant that the house could never be completed. 45
Among the Sema Naga of Assam it is strictlyjfgwfjo^op taboo,
for men to put on or use in any way a woman's petticoat ; to do
so would destroy all chance of success in war or hunting. It is
also genna to beat a house with a petticoat, an action which has
the same disastrous outcome for the inmates. "One case the
writer knew of in which a chief had a somewhat serious family
quarrel because his wife in a passion took her petticoat and beat
his gun with it, and exposed her nakedness to the gun. He has
never been able to hit anything with that gun since a fact." 46
A rule of general observance among the Bantu-speaking peoples
of South Africa forbids a woman from sitting in certain parts of
the hut, for these are appropriated to the men. However, old
women, who are well past childbearing and who are often called
men, may do so; "there is no longer any need to restrict them." 47
Another rule found among these same peoples requires a husband,
in bed with his wife, not to touch her with his right hand ; "if he did
so, he would have no strength in war, and would surely be slain." 48
Konde women must not touch or go near the hunting weapons,
which are kept in the roof of the house. 49 Among the Suk a woman
is not allowed to see a smith at work. Should she do so, "his
weapon would become heavy in his hand and he would go mad
and die." 50 Among the Barea man and wife seldom share the same
bed because, as the natives explain, the wife's breath might make
her husband weak. 51 Yoruba women might not ply a canoe on
the lagoon. The penalty for doing so was death. 52
Chippewa women never go before a man. 58 Among the
Thompson Indians of British Columbia should a woman, espe-
cially one who was menstruating, "cross in front of a gun, the
latter was useless for war or for the chase. The owner of the gun
washed it at once in 'medicine/ or struck the woman with it once
on each principal part of the body, thereby breaking the spell."
Other weapons of the chase or of war, if exposed to the same del-
eterious influence, were treated in a similar fashion. 54 A Lapp
woman observed many taboos. The rear door by which game was
taken into the hut might not be used by her, nor might she touch
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 117
any game animal that had been caught. A menstruating woman
was not allowed to step over her husband's feet or gun, or to go
where fishermen usually exposed their catch, or to milk cows. 65
A Samoyed woman may not tread in any part of the hut except
her own corner, nor may she pass in front of the fire for fear of
profaning it. When traveling, she does not follow in the track
of the men or the reindeer, but must walk at one side. 56
Food restrictions observed by men are occasionally more nu-
merous or more burdensome than those imposed upon women. As
a rule, however, it is the women who must abstain from certain
articles of food, especially delicacies. No doubt masculine selfish-
ness largely accounts for their dietary disabilities, but these are
sometimes to be explained by fear of feminine uncleanness. As
we have seen, pregnant, puerperant, and menstruating women
may be required to avoid certain foods of general consumption,
such as fish and game, because eating them would spoil the luck
of the fisher or hunter ; the impurity of the women would be trans-
mitted in some way, mysterious to us but obvious to the savage,
to the animals forming the chief source of his food supply. The
ill effects of certain foods on the female sex, considered as the
weaker vessel, are also sometimes alleged to be the reason for
forbidding them to women. The prohibitions, however they orig-
inate, often take the form of taboos.
In the Encounter Bay tribe of South Australia old men ap-
propriated to themselves the roe of fishes; if women, young men,
or children ate of that dainty they were believed to grow prema-
turely old. 67 Some Queensland aborigines in the neighborhood of
Cape York did not allow women to eat many kinds of fish, includ-
ing some of the best, "on the pretence of their causing disease in
women, although not injurious to the men." 58 In North Queens-
land, though a food taboo is generally declared by men, it can
sometimes be declared by women, but then only in the interest of
the male sex. 59 Among the natives of Arnhem Land the more
savory kinds of food are often reserved for men, particularly for
the older men. 60
Concerning some of the tribes of what was formerly German
New Guinea we are told that the "menu" is so arranged that the
good things, the dainties, are reserved for the men. 61 In New
Britain women are not allowed to eat pork, which is greatly
esteemed ; "the men are very angry when women eat it. 1 ' 62 Some
articles of food, "mostly dainties," including turtle, dugong, and
human flesh, were tabooed to New Caledonian women. 88
118 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
In the Society Islands women might not eat hogs, fowls, sev-
eral kinds of fish, coconuts, and plantains. 64 In the Marquesas
Islands the foods prohibited to them included the chicken at all
times, the pig at certain times, and the octopus in some places,
together with bananas, coconuts, and coconut milk. 65 Turtles and
certain kinds of fish were tabooed to commoners, both men and
women, and were reserved as dainties for chiefs and priests. 66
In New Zealand the women seem to have eaten whatever the men
ate, with the exception of human flesh. 67 Everywhere in Poly-
nesia that the kava drink was used women were strictly forbid-
den to partake of it, and in certain island groups it was reserved
for chiefs alone. 68 In all the Naga tribes women are subjected to
a much stricter series of food taboos than are men. 69 The Am-
axosa believe that women who eat eggs become incontinent and
also incapable of conception. 70 The Temba and Fingo think that
eggs contain powerful aphrodisiac qualities and when eaten by
women will drive them to seek men from other kraals. A rec-
ognized sexual advance by a woman is to say, "I shall cook eggs
for you/' 71
The Bahima of Uganda allow men to eat beef and the meat
of certain antelopes and buffalo, but women are generally re-
stricted to beef. 72 The flesh of goats and sheep, fowls and eggs,
and milk are tabooed to women of the Lugwari tribe of Uganda.
It is believed that those who do not comply with the restrictions
will not bear children. 78
In former days the Ovimbundu of Angola did not allow their
women to eat eggs. 74 The Bayaka, a Bantu-speaking tribe of the
Belgian Congo, forbid both fowls and eggs to women ; if a woman
eats an egg she is supposed to become mad, tear off her clothes,
and run away into the bush. The men eat "almost any flesh (ex-
cept that of dogs)." 75 The Bangongo, a subtribe of the Bushongo,
prohibit women from eating domestic animals and even those
birds which are most often hunted. Among wild animals the
leopard and crocodile are also forbidden to women, these being
reserved to the old men. 76 Among the Coroado of Brazil the
women, "to the evident advantage of their selfish law-giving
halves, are prohibited from the eating of many animals/ 177
The Polar Eskimo allow women to eat certain animals and
certain parts of animals only after having given birth to five chil-
dren. The forbidden articles of diet include young seals, nar-
whals, all small animals such as hares and ptarmigans, the entrails,
heart, lungs, and liver of all animals, and eggs. 78
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 119
Religious disabilities often rest on women, who must not defile
sacred things by coming into contact with them. Sometimes the
idea appears that the women themselves would be injured by such
contact, for, as compared with the men, they have little power of
resistance against spiritual influences which may be harmful as
well as helpful, which may kill as well as cure. 78
In Australia it is a rule without exception that women may not
witness the solemn ceremonies initiating lads into manhood. Re-
ferring particularly to the Murngin of Arnhem Land, Northern
Territory, a competent authority declares that with them a woman
makes little "sacred progress" during her lifetime because she
has nothing to do with the secret rites, symbols, and totemic myths
of the tribe. All initiated men, as the result of their initiation,
possess a sacredness which never belongs to women. 80
Among the Keraki of southwestern New Guinea there are no
female practitioners of the accredited branches of magic such as
rain-making, divination, doctoring, and sorcery. Women have
only an insignificant part in public religious ceremonies and no
part at all in the esoteric rites. Nor have they any knowledge of
the sacred myths of the tribe. 81 In the Melanesian Islands women
and children are generally excluded from religious rites. 82 Fijian
women might not enter any temple. 88
In Tikopia sex distinctions in religion are carefully preserved.
Little girls are constantly warned to keep away from the temples
and from ritual performances debarred to older women. As they
grow up, the admonitions of parents and relatives emphasize still
more strongly the exclusion of women from much of the religious
life of the community. However, it is to be noticed that there are
certain ceremonials in which only women take part, so that they
have some place, albeit a minor one, in Tikopia religion. 84 In
the Marquesas Islands any woman who entered the hula<-hula
ground set apart for religious exercises, or even so much as pressed
with her feet the shadows cast by the trees within it, suffered
death. 85 In the Hapai group of the Tonga Islands women were
never allowed to enter the temples and sacred precincts, "and
even the presence of pigs in the enclosure was not considered so
dreadful a desecration as that of women." 88 Tahitian women were
excluded from all religious festivals. 87 Hawaiian women took no
part in public worship, as it was supposed that their touch would
"pollute" anything offered to the gods in sacrifice. 88 In the Gilbert
Islands and the Marshall Islands women are excluded from the
more important festivals of the inhabitants. 89
120 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Among the Ainu of Japan, though a woman may prepare a
divine offering, she may not present it. "Accordingly, women
are never allowed to pray, or to take any part in any religious
exercise/' 90 Among the Toda women do not participate in the
dairy ritual ; they are also debarred from such occupations as di-
vining and the practice of sorcery. 91 The Santal of Bengal do not
allow women to take part in a sacrifice except when it is a purely
domestic performance honoring the ancestors and family gods.
Even in this case they may not serve in any way unless there are
no men at hand to help the officiating priest. When a sacrifice is
made at a holy grove or elsewhere outside the house, not only
are women debarred from attendance at the rite but they are also
forbidden to eat the flesh of the sacrificed animal. What the men
do not eat of it is burned. Nor may a woman climb trees in a
holy grove, for evil spirits would punish such a desecration with
sickness and death. 92
Among the Wanguru of Tanganyika Territory "as a rule" the
men prepare and administer the various medicines, interpret
omens, and perform religious ceremonies. 93 The Galla forbid
women from approaching the sacred tree where worship is cele-
brated. 94 An Ibo wife, it is said, lives in fear of her husband's
gods ; she may not serve them or handle their images. 95
Women have a very subordinate role in the religious feasts
and ceremonies of the South American Indians, and in certain
dances they are not allowed to take part at all. "The mask-dances,
for instance, are generally considered to be so dangerous for
women as also for children that by merely looking at the masks
they might die on the spot. Likewise, they are strictly forbidden
to see some other religious instruments, such as the flutes and
bull-roarers used by many Brazilian tribes. They may never enter
the 'men-houses' or 'flute-houses' where the religious instruments
are kept and the secret ceremonies are performed; any infringe-
ment of these rules would prove fatal to them." 98
Mexican women burned incense before the idols, tended the
sacred fire, swept the temple area, prepared the daily offerings of
food, and presented these to the gods, "but they were entirely ex-
cluded from the office of sacrificer and the higher dignities of the
priesthood." 97 By the Pima Indians of Arizona myths are not usu-
ally told in the presence of the women, who, consequently, know
only imperfect fragments of them. 98 The Takelma Indians of
southwestern Oregon do not permit women to engage in the cere-
monies performed on the first appearance in spring of salmon and
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 121
acorns." Nootka women are never invited to the great feasts
which take place in winter. 100
The Aleuts jealously guard their religious ceremonies from
women, "the greatest disaster" being threatened in case of an
infraction of the rule. For instance, a whale hunter who had
broken the taboo would be seized with a violent nose-bleeding and
swelling of his entire body, often followed by insanity or death.
The sea-otter hunter would meet with no success, even though
surrounded by sea otters. He could not kill one of them. The
animals would laugh in his face. 101 Lapp women were excluded
from sacred localities because of the Belief in their uncleanness at
certain times ; they were also under disabilities as to touching a
drum or making an offering. 102 Similarly, among the Samoyeds
women had no part in the cult of the gods. 103
The fear of women at special periods of their reproductive life
or of women at all times has thus brought about and maintained
a far stricter separation of the sexes than would naturally result
from their differing capacities, attitudes, and interests and from
their unlike responsibilities in the food quest and the perpetuation
of the species. Besides emphasizing sex differentiation and in-
tensifying sex antagonism, this fear has limited the field of wom-
en's activity, restricted their opportunities, and laid upon them
many onerous and unnecessary restrictions. In so far as such an
attitude prevails, it must affect adversely the status of women in
primitive society. Ideas which, from our more enlightened point
of view, can only be described as superstitions, have thus combined
with male selfishness to put a handicap on women over and above
that imposed by their physical inferiority to men.
NOTES TO CHAPTER III
1 G. Roheim, "Women and Their Life in Central Australia," Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute, LXIII (1933), 258.
2 Henry Callaway, The Religious System of the Amasulu (London, 1870),
p. 440, note 23.
8 Rafael Karsten, The Civilisation of the South American Indians (London,
1926), p. 15, note 1.
4 Paul Radin, in Thirty-seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, p. 137, quoting an Indian informant. The same belief is found among
the Fox Indians (T. Michelson, in Fortieth Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, p. 231).
6 See Ernest Crawley, "Taboos of Commensality," Folk-Lore, VI (1895),
130-44; idem, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), pp. 148-78.
8 W. E. Roth, North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin, No. 3, p. 7.
122 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
7 A. C. Haddon, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to
Torres Straits, IV, 130.
Arthur Baessler, Siidsee-Bilder (Berlin, 1895), p. 203.
J. J. Atkinson, in Folk-Lore, XIV (1903), 254.
10 J. B. Stair, Old Samoa (London, 1897), p. 122. Another authority de-
clares, however, that men, women, and children all ate together at the evening
meal (George Turner, Samoa [London, 1884], p. 115).
11 Charles Gavel, Les Marquisiens (Paris, 1885), p. 66.
"Urey Lisiansky, A Voyage Round the World (London, 1814), p. 127.
Archibald Campbell states, however, that when at sea men and women ate to-
gether, but not out of the same dish (A Voyage Round the World [3d ed., New
York, 1819], p. 133).
" William Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed., London, 1831), I, 129.
i* Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui (2d ed., London, 1870), p. 168. This
seems to be perhaps a unique case of the transmission of masculine properties to
women and not vice versa. In New Zealand every superior person or gentleman
(rangatird) was more or less taboo. Judge Maning calls this the ordinary per-
sonal tapu, or tapu rangatira t to distinguish it from the more dangerous kinds
of tapu connected with religious ceremonies, war customs, and the handling of
the dead. The personal tapu, "though latent in young folks of rangatira rank,
was not supposed to develop itself fully until they had arrived at mature age and
set up house on their own account. The lads and boys 'knocked about* amongst
the slaves and lower orders, carried fuel or provisions on their backs, and did
all those duties which this personal tapu prevented the elders from doing, and
which restraint was sometimes very troublesome and inconvenient" (Old New
Zealand, by a Pakeka Maori [London, 1884], p, 97).
15 James Macdonald, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIX
(1890), 279.
16 V. L. Cameron, Across Africa (London, 1877), II, 71.
17 M. W. H. Beech, The Suk (Oxford, 1911), p. 11.
18 W. D. Hambly, The Ovimbundu of Angola (Chicago, 1934), p. 148.
10 Diedrich Westermann, Die Kpelle (Gottingen and Leipzig, 1921), p. 67.
20 Sir R. Schomburgh, in Journal of the Ethnological Society, I (1848),
270 f. (Guiana Indians); Nicolas de la Rosa, in American Anthropologist (n s
1901), III, 617, 638 f. (Indians of Colombia) ; A. de Herrera, The General His-
tory of the Vast Continent and Islands of America (London, 1725-1726), IV,
175 (Indians of Yucatan) ; B. de Sahagun, A History of Ancient Mexico (Nash-
ville, Tenn., 1932), I, 244 (Aztecs); James Adair, History of the American
Indians (London, 1775), p. 140 (Creek, Chickasaw, Cherokee, and other tribes) ;
L. H. Morgan, "Houses and House-Life of the American Aborigines," Contri-
butions to North American Ethnology, IV, 99 f. (Iroquois) ; H. R. Schoolcraft,
Personal Memoirs of a Residence of Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes on the
American Frontiers (Philadelphia, 1851), p. 603 (Chippewa) ; George Catlin,
Illustrations of the Manners, Customs and Condition of the North American
Indians (London, 1876), I, 123 (Mandan) ; Sir John Richardson, Arctic Search-
ing Expedition (London, 1851), I, 383 (Kutchin).
21 See H. Schurtz, Altersklassen und Mdnnerbiinde (Berlin, 1902), espe-
cially pp. 202-13 ; H. Webster, Primitive Secret Societies (2d ed., New York
1932), pp. 1-19; Robert Briffault, The Mothers (New York, 1927), I, 508-13. '
22 Instances are known they seem to be rare of taboos forbidding men
from having anything to do with women's work, such as the manufacture of pots.
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 123
Among the Sema and Chang of Assam a man may not come near a woman so
engaged ; otherwise, the pots would crack in the firing (J. H. Hutton, The An-
garni Nagas [London, 1921], p. 64, note 1). Similarly among the Nandi of
Kenya no man may approach the place where the women are making pots or
watch the women at work. A thief who took a pot would die the next time the
owner began heating her wares (A. C. Hollis, The Nandi [Oxford, 1909], pp.
35 f.). The Suk (neighbors of the Nandi) believe that if a man should look at
an unfinished pot this would be broken within a month, and that death within a
year would be the fate of a man who stepped over a pot (Beech, op. cit., p. 17).
As Dr. Briffault has shown, pot-making is almost everywhere in the hands of
women and is often attended with all manner of precautions (The Mothers. I,
466 ff.).
28 Adolf Bastian, Inselgruppen in Oceanien (Berlin, 1883), p. 248.
24 J. M. Brown, Maori and Polynesian, Their History and Culture (London,
1907), p. 68; Old New Zealand, by a Pakeka Maori, pp. 101 f.; Edward Short-
land, The Southern Districts of New Zealand (London, 1851), p. 296. Boys
could shoulder burdens because their personal tapu was not supposed to be fully
developed. Slaves could do so safely because, having been captured in war and
taken away to another tribe, they ceased to be under the protection of any
spirits (atua). The atua of their own tribe did not care to follow them into a
hostile tribe and amid hostile spirits. "They are therefore independent of the
law of tapu, as far as they are individually concerned a fortunate circumstance
for the comfort of the female portion of the community ; for it is owing to this
belief that male slaves are able to assist them in a variety of menial offices con-
nected with carrying and cooking food" (Edward Shortland, Traditions and
Superstitions of the New Zealanders [2d ed., London, 1856], pp. 82 f.). A
Maori slave who served faithfully and industriously was sure to become a per-
son of some consequence in his new community. On the other hand, if by any
chance he returned to his old tribe he could never recover his former social
position there. As a slave, he lost the natural sanctity which every free-born
man possessed, and it could not be restored to him by the tribesmen without
their incurring the anger of the spirits who had punished the man by allowing
him to be captured and enslaved. See W. Colenso, in Transactions and Proceed-
ings of the New Zealand Institute, 1868, I, 22 (separate pagination).
25 Raymond Firth, Primitive Economics of the New Zealand Maori (Lon-
don, 1929), pp. 196 f.
28 W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas (London, 1906), pp. 27 f., 72 f., 245 f., 566 f.
According to Captain H. Harkness the boys of a family freely enter the dairy
and do much of the work there (Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race.
Inhabiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills [London, 1832], p. 24). The ex-
ception in favor of boys, presumably under puberty, is doubtless due to their
sexual immaturity.
27 Francis Fleming, Southern Africa (London, 1856), pp. 214 f.
28 E. Holub, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, X (1881), 11;
H. E. Rouquette, ibid., XVI (1887), 134. According to John Campbell, while
cows are always milked by men, goats are always milked by women (Travels
in South Africa .... Second Journey [London, 1822], II, 213).
29 J. H. Soga, The Ama-Xosa: Life and Customs (Lovedale, South Africa,
[1931]), p. 300. The entrance to the cattle kraal is also forbidden to women, but
this taboo is less imperative for old women who are no longer menstruating
(p. 354). See further Gustav Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen Sud-Afrika's (Breslau,
1872), p. 115.
80 D. W. Stirke, Barotseland (London [1922]), p. 72.
124 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
81 1. Schapera, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1934), XXXVI, 578 f.
82 R. W. Felkin, in Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, XIX,
148.
88 John Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 416.
84 C. G. Seligman, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLIII
(1913), 656.
8 A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), p. 290; Beech, The Suk, p. 9.
The Namaqua, a Hottentot tribe, so far from fearing the deleterious influence
of women, take pains to lead a girl, when menstruating for the first time, round
the village. She touches all the rams in the folds and the milk vessels in the
houses (Sir J. E. Alexander, Expedition of Discovery into the Interior of Afrfca
[London, 1838], 1, 169).
36 Edward Westermarck, Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco (London, 1914),
pp. 339 ff .
87 A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London,
1904), p. 402. In the Turrbal or Turribul tribe a woman who stepped over a
man would be instantly killed (Tom Petrie's Reminiscences of Early Queens-
land [Brisbane, 1904], p. 14). The natives of New Caledonia think that a canoe
would be endangered did a woman step over the cable (Lambert, Moeurs et
superstitions des Neo-Caledoniens [Noumea, 1900], p. 192). The Rengma Naga
forbid a woman to step over a hunting dog as it lies asleep on the ground (J. P.
Mills, The Rengma Nagas [London, 1937], p. 94). Malagasy porters believe
that if a woman should stride over their poles the skin of the bearers' shoulders
would certainly peel off the next time they took up their loads (James Sibree,
The Great African Island [London, 1880], p. 288). In South Africa a woman
must not step over her husband's stick; should she do so, he could not hit any-
one with it in a village brawl. If she steps over his assegai it will never kill or
even strike an enemy, and it is at once discarded and given to the boys to play
and practice with (James Macdonald, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute,
XX [1891], 130). The Baganda believe that should a woman step over a man's
weapons they will not aim straight and will not kill unless they have been first
purified (John Roscoe, ibid., XXXII [1902], 59). Among the Bakene, when a
man is making a new line or net, his father's wives must keep away from him,
lest they should accidentally step over the materials of his work. No net over
which a woman has stepped would retain fish ; they would merely pass through
its meshes. This misfortune can be avoided, however, if the net-maker provides
an offering of food to the spirit of the net (John Roscoe, The Northern Bantu
[Cambridge, 1915], p. 155). A Banyoro potter is careful to place his pots when
drying where they will not be stepped over by a woman ; did this happen, the
pots would break when being baked (ibid. t p. 79). By the Chippewa articles
which have been stepped over by a woman "are considered unclean and are
condemned by the men" (Schoolcraft, Personal Memoirs, p. 603). Among the
Labrador Eskimo a woman during her catamenial period must never step over
a kayak; if she did so, "the evil influence believed to emanate from her condi-
tion would cause the game to avoid the kayak." See E. W. Hawkes, The Labra-
dor Eskimo (Geological Survey Memoir, No. 91) (Ottawa, 1916), p. 134. Every-
thing which a Samoyed woman steps over becomes unclean and requires purifica-
tion (P. von Stenin, in Globus f LX [1891], 173). For additional illustrations of
the widespread reluctance to step over persons and things see Sir J. G. Frazer,
Taboo and the Perils of the Soul (The Golden Bough, 3d ed., Part II) (London,
1911), pp. 423 ff.
8 * George Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), p. 241.
89 W. G. Ivens, The Island Builders of the Pacific (London, 1931), p. 117.
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 125
At Mala and Ulawa going under trees up which a woman has climbed, lying
on mats over which women have stepped, or passing in any way under women
are acts that involve ceremonial defilement for men (idem, Melanesians of the
South-East Solomon Islands [London, 1927], pp. 251 f.).
40 Lambert, op. cit tf p. 192. The men will not touch anything upon which
women have been sitting or lying. Whalers on a cruise went without food sooner
than touch some rice in the hold of their boat where women had been resting
(J. J. Atkinson, in Folk-Lore, XIV [1903], 255).
41 Raymond Firth, We, the Tikopia (London, 1936), p. 471.
42 Herman Melville, Typee (new ed., Boston, 1892), pp. 17, 192 ff., 328. Cf.
C. S. Stewart, A Visit to the South Seas (New York, 1831), I, 240.
48 E. S. C. Handy, "The Native Culture in the Marquesas," Bernice P.
Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 9, p. 37. According to Simeon Delmas, only a
"husband might touch his wife's clothes." If another man touched them or the
materials for making them he would become leprous (La religion ou le paga-
nisme des Marquisiens [Paris, 1927], p. 66). "Tapu," wrote Robert Louis Ste-
venson of the Marquesans, "encircled women upon all hands. Many things were
forbidden to men; to women one may say that few were permitted. They must
not sit on the paepae (dwelling platform) ; they must not go up to it by the stair ;
they must not cat pork ; they must not approach a boat ; they must not cook at
a fire which any male has kindled It will be noticed that these prohibi-
tions tend, most of them, to an increased reserve between the sexes. Regard for
female chastity is the usual excuse for these disabilities that men delight to lay
upon their wives and mothers. Here the regard is absent ; and behold the women
still bound hand and foot with meaningless proprieties!" (In the South Seas,
Part I. chap. vi).
44 E. S. C. Handy, "Dreaming in Relation to Spirit Kindred and Sickness
in Hawaii," in Essays in Anthropology Presented to A. L. Kroeber (Berkeley,
1936), p. 127.
46 The Old Time Maori, by Makereti (London. 1938), p. 294. Cf. T. E.
Donne, The Maori Past and Present (London, 1927), pp. 72 f. "One day,"
writes Mr. Donne, "1 visited a tribe that was engaged in the construction of a
large and carved meeting-house (ivhare ivhakairo). One man only was at work
inside the building, and he was engaged in carving an important slab for the
front of the house. This man had only a slight knowledge of English .... As
I watched the carver deftly using his mallet and chisel in transforming a huge
log of totara timber into a work of art on conventional Maori lines, I saw a
middle-aged woman approaching the house with the apparent intention of enter-
ing it. 1 therefore said, 'Here comes a white woman.' The carver looked up,
realized her intention, dropped his carving implements, jumped to his feet and
rushed to the pae pac (threshold) just as the stranger raised a foot to step over
it. When she was in this unbalanced position the Maori reached her and placing
his hands on her chest he gave her a vigorous push which was almost a blow;
she disappeared backwards down an embankment, tumbling head over heels
more quickly than she had done anything else in her life. The Maori stood
rigid, with livid face and a wild light in his eye. He had avoided the pollution
of the house by fractions of a second and only those who know the Maori mind
can realize the trend of his frightened thoughts at that moment .... I acted
as peacemaker, explained the position, and informed her that in event of her
having crossed the threshold the house would have become useless and the
Maoris would have had to destroy it."
46 J. H. Hutton, The Sema Nagas (London, 1921), p. 18.
47 Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (2d ed., London, 1925), p. 239.
126 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
48 James Macdonald, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XX (1891),
140.
D. R. MacKenzie, The Spirit-ridden Konde (London, 1925), p. 133.
oo Beech, The Suk, p. 18.
81 Werner Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien (2d ed., Basel, 1883), p. 526.
52 A. K. Ajisafe, The Laws and Customs of the Yoruba People, London,
1924, p. 31.
58 Schoolcraft, op. cit., p. 603.
84 J. Teit, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, II, 327.
65 R. H. Lowie, "Religious Ideas and Practices of the Eurasiatic and North
American Areas," in Essays Presented to C. G. Seligman (London, 1934), p. 186,
citing authorities.
66 J. G. Georgi, Les nations Samoyedes et Mandshoures (Description de
toutes les nations de V empire de Russie, Part III) (St. Petersburg, 1777), pp. 14 f.
8T H. E. Meyer, in J. D. Woods (editor), The Native Tribes of South Aus-
tralia (Adelaide, 1879), p. 187.
68 John Macgillivray, Narrative of the Voyage of H.M.S. Rattlesnake (Lon-
don, 1852), II, 10.
59 For instance, the women may be quarreling, perhaps over some inequality
in sharing food, when one will suddenly pronounce it all taboo in favor of her
husband, or of her son, or of any male belonging to the same exogamous group
as herself. The food cannot then be eaten or touched by anyone else. See W. E.
Roth, in North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin, No. 11 (Records of the Aus-
tralian Museum, Vol. VII, No. 2, p. 76).
60 Knut Dahl, In Savage Australia (London, 1926), p. 22.
61 Bernhard Hagen, Unter den Papua's (Wiesbaden, 1899), p. 234.
62 Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians, p. 126.
68 J. J. Atkinson, in Folk-Lore, XIV (1903), 235. The prohibition of human
flesh to women seems to have been usual, if not universal, in the South Seas. It
was found at Tanna in the New Hebrides (W. Gray, in Report of the Fourth
Meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, 1892,
p. 663) ; in the Fiji Islands (Charles Wilkes, Narrative of the United States
Exploring Expedition [Philadelphia, 1845], III, 97); and in the Marquesas
Islands (Eyriaud des Vergnes, in Revue maritime et coloniale, LII [1877], 729).
Among the Maori human flesh was kai tapu, or sacred food, and might be eaten
only by warriors who were themselves tapu (Edward Shortland, The Southern
Districts of New Zealand [London, 1851], p. 69). This prohibition is also found
in West Africa. Among the Fan it is taboo (eki) for a woman to eat, or even
to prepare for eating, the flesh of slain warriors (L. Martrou, in Anthropos, I
[1906], 752). Among the Baya tribes the men still eat human flesh with great
gusto, but anthropophagy has always been forbidden to women. The Baya think
that men could not eat the flesh of a fellow villager without being poisoned ; only
slain enemies may be safely consumed. Women, not being warriors, would be
obliged to feast on their own people and wholesale poisonings would be the
outcome. Hence the taboo laid upon them (A. Poupon, in L'Anthropologie,
XXVI [1915], 105). In some parts of the Ibo territory women were not allowed
to partake of human flesh; in other parts men and women shared alike (G. T.
Basden, Niger Ibos [London, 1938], p. 127).
64 Ellis, Polynesian Researches (26. ed.), I, 129.
68 E. S. C. Handy, in Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 9, p. 262.
66 Louis Rollin, Les lies Marquises (Paris, 1929), p. 171. In Fotuna (one
of the Home Islands) the king has the right to all the turtles caught of! the
SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 127
coast. They are kept near the royal residence. Before one can be eaten at a
ceremonial feast it is necessary for the king to remove the prohibition of use.
He puts on his insignia of rank and then with a small strip of bamboo solemnly
strikes each morsel of turtle that is presented to him (S. P. Smith, in Journal
of the Polynesian Society, I [1892], 41).
67 Edward Tregear, The Maori Race (Wanganui, New Zealand, 1904), pp.
85, 358.
68 E. S. C. Handy, in Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 34, p. 46.
Similarly, in the New Hebrides, only men brew and drink kava (Baessler, Sud-
see-Bilder, p. 203). At Tanna the mixing of the chewed root in water is done
by a virgin boy. This is necessary because the hands of a married man are
regarded as perpetually unclean. No woman may be present when kava is
prepared and drunk (W. Gray and S. H. Ray, in Internationales Archiv fur
Ethnographic, VII [1894], 231). No woman is allowed in the vicinity of the
kava house at any time (C. B. Humphreys, The Southern New Hebrides [Cam-
bridge, 1926], p. 83).
60 Hutton, The Angami Nagas, p. 396.
70 Soga, The Ama-Xosa: Life and Customs, p. 354.
71 B. J. F. Laubscher, Sex, Custom and Psychopathology (London, 1937),
p. 83.
72 J. Roscoe, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XXXVII
(1907), 101.
73 R. E. McConnell, ibid., LV (1925), 453.
74 Hambly, The Ovimbundu of Angola, p. 285.
75 E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute,
XXXVI (1906), 41, 51.
76 lidcm, Notes ethnoyraphiqucs sur Ics peuplcs communtment appelcs
Bakuba, ainsi sur les pcupladcs apparcntccs. Lcs Bushongo (Brussels, 1910),
p. 119.
77 Franz Keller, The Amason and Madeira Rivers (London, 1874), p. 84.
78 Knud Rasmussen, The People of the Polar North (London, 1908), pp.
121 f.
79 See R. H. Lowie, Primitive Religion (New York, 1924), pp. 205-20.
80 W. L. Warner, A Black Civilization (New York and London, 1937),
pp. 6, 394. It is true, nevertheless, as Miss Kaberry points out, that among neigh-
boring tribes in the Kimberly division of Western Australia the women have
certain ceremonies to which the men have no access and that there are taboos in
regard to women's business which the men must respect. In other words, women
are not entirely excluded from contact with the supernatural world ; they are not
completely identified with the realm of the profane. See Phyllis M. Kaberry,
Aboriginal Woman, Sacred and Profane (London, 1939), pp. 187 ff.
81 F. E. Williams, Papuans of the Trans-Fly (Oxford, 1936), p. 149.
82 R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), p. 127.
83 Thomas Williams, Fiji and the Fijians (3d ed., London, 1870), p. 145.
** Firth, op. cit. t pp. 145, 471 f.
85 Melville, Typee (new ed.), p. 133.
86 John Williams, A Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Sea
Islands (London, 1838), p. 274, note.
87 J. A. Moerenhout, Voyages aux lies du Grand Ocean (Paris, 1837), II, 70.
88 Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed.), I, 129.
128 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
89 C. E. Meinicke, Die Inseln des Stillen Oceans (Leipzig, 1875-1876), II,
338.
90 B. D. Howard, Life with Trans-Siberian Savages (London, 1893), p. 195.
It seems that among the Ainu the men are afraid of the prayers of the women.
An old man said to Mr. Batchelor, "The women as well as the men used to be
allowed to worship the gods and take part in all religious exercises; but our
wise and honoured ancestors forbade them to do so, because it was thought they
might use their prayers against the men, and more particularly against their
husbands. We therefore think with our ancestors that it is wiser to keep them
from praying" (John Batchelor, The Ainu and Their Folk-Lore [London, 1901],
pp. 550 f.).
91 J. H. Shortt, in Transactions of the Ethnological Society (n.s., 1869), VII,
251 ; Rivers, The Todas t pp. 245 f., 566 f.
92 P. O. Bodding, "On Taboo and Customs Connected Therewith amongst
the Santals," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVII (1898), Part
III, No. 1, pp. 15 f.
9 'T. McVickar, in Primitive Man, VII (1934), 22.
9 * W. C. Harris, The Highlands of Aethiopia (2d ed., London, 1844), III, 56.
95 Basden, Niger Ibos, p. 208.
96 Karsten, Civilization of the South American Indians, p. 14.
9 *F. S. Clavigero, The History of Mexico (2d ed., London, 1807), I, 274 f.
98 Frank Russell, in Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology, p. 206.
99 E. Sapir, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, XX (1907), 33.
100 G. M. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life (London, 1868), p. 53.
101 Ivan Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of
Alaska (Washington, B.C., 1884), (Department of the Interior, Tenth Census,
Vol. VIII), p. 155. According to W. H. Dall, however, women have dances
from which men are excluded (Alaska and Its Resources [Boston, 1897], p. 389).
102 Lowie, in Essays Presented to C. G. Seligman, p. 186.
10 Georgi, Les nations Samoyedes et Mandshoures, p. 137.
CHAPTER IV
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE
M.ANY primitive peoples display a lively fear of the consequences
of sexual intercourse either for themselves or for others. Mystic
dangerousness invests the organs of generation: they are a seat
of occult power. Because a woman is so often regarded as tem-
porarily or permanently unclean, contact with her in the intimacy
of the sexual embrace would naturally be considered to involve pol-
lution, sometimes for the man alone, sometimes for the woman as
well. Such an idea combines readily with the further notion that
the physical uncleanness resulting from the discharge of fluid by
both parties, at the completion o ^cohabitation, becomes a source of
ritual uncleanness. This is especially true of the seminal fluid,
which may sometimes be believed to pollute a man who has had no
connection with a woman. 1 It follows, therefore, that even as be-
tween married couples sexual intercourse may be held to produce
pollution and to require their ceremonial purification. 2
The people of Kiwai, an island off the southern coast of New
Guinea, never allow a woman who has frequent sexual intercourse
with her husband to treat a sick person, for her "mere presence"
might endanger the patient's life. If a man wishes to visit regu-
larly a sick person (for instance, his brother), he must cease to
cohabit with his wife during the time. 3
The natives of New Britain are very careful that no one who
has just engaged in sexual intercourse shall come into the presence
of a wounded man undergoing treatment, for the patient would
be certain to die in consequence. Such a visit can be made with
safety only when one day at least has elapsed since the carnal con-
nection. This regulation does not apply to cases of ordinary
sickness, but it does apply to the case of a parturient woman.
Her child would surely die were it violated. 4
At Malekula (one of the New Hebrides) a man who has
cohabited with his wife on the previous night does not enter a
new garden, where the yams are still young and growing, though
he does enter gardens in which the yams areialmost ready to be
129
130 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
harvested. 5 At Erromanga a man may on no account touch his
own food with his hands after he has had connection with a
woman. He must wait twenty-four hours and first wash himself
before doing so. Until then he holds his food in a leaf and eats
from the leaf. Nor may he go into his gardens until the same
period has elapsed, lest his yams be injured. This prohibition
does not affect women. 6
The Bechuana of South Africa consider that for the recovery
of a sick man it is of the utmost importance that his nurses ab-
stain from all sexual intercourse, licit or illicit. "The mere pres-
ence of an adulterer or adulteress in a sick room is dangerous to
an invalid; and if a woman were to visit her paramour in his
sickness, or even permit him to hear her voice in the distance, he
would suffer a relapse, and probably die. A man who has lent
his wife to a friend is tabooed from visiting that friend in sick-
ness, or speaking within earshot of the invalid, or attending his
funeral." 7 Among the Thonga married people constitute a danger
for those members of the community who are in a weak state of
health. They must not come into contact with boys recently cir-
cumcised, because in that case the wounds would not heal prop-
erly. Nor must they enter the hut of a person dangerously ill ; this
would hasten his death. People who are just recovering from a
disease must tie around their ankles a particular kind of root. It
will protect them from the perspiration or emanation left by mar-
ried people in their footprints, "because, as one of my informants
said, .... 'married people are hot'." 8
Among the Kgatla of the Bechuanaland Protectorate "the re-
strictions on sexual intercourse are associated with the idea that
at certain times a person's blood becomes 'hot* and until he has
'cooled down* he is in a condition harmful to others with whom
he comes into very close contact. Both men and women still ca-
pable of bearing children are 'hot' immediately after intercourse,
and, since they presumably lead active sexual lives, they are ac-
cordingly debarred from taking part in certain forms of ritual."
It is believed that if a "hot" person indulges in coitus before "cool-
ing down" his or her partner in the act will meet with misfortune.
A man who had intercourse with a "hot" woman might be stricken
with disease or be crippled or become impotent ; he might even die.
To avoid such consequences he must be successfully doctored.
When a "hot" man sleeps with a woman, she will have irregulari-
ties of menstruation and may ultimately become sterile, unless,
again, she is successfully doctored. Because of these dangers
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 131
arising from "hot blood" all people thus affected are expected to
refrain from sexual intercourse until they have cooled down. In
the teaching given children the need for doing so is stressed very
strongly. A proverb is often quoted in this connection : "A suicide
is not mourned/' meaning, that if you deliberately sleep with an
unclean woman and are injuriously affected thereby, no one will
sympathize with you ; it was your own fault. Our authority con-
siders that the symptoms in both men and women are almost cer-
tainly those of gonorrhea, a disease fairly common among the
Kgatla but not specifically identified by them because it is re-
garded as one of the complaints arising from infection by "hot
blood/' 9
The Zulu have a saying, "The lap of that woman is unlucky,"
referring to a man, just married, whom the foe stabs at the first
onset of battle. 10 Among the northern Ngoni of Nyasaland mar-
ried men did not go to war, as a rule, because their comrades
considered them unreliable. 11 At the erection of a new Ngoni
village, when two people are chosen to make a ritual "beating of
the bounds" and to cut the first tree, the choice falls on a young
girl either immature or just past puberty, "who is not always
thinking things" and on a man "who is not always snatching
things." The satisfaction of the sexual instinct is thus referred
to. 12
The Nandi regard the sexual act as producing ceremonial un-
cleanness. People after cohabitation are said to be "dirty" (sim-
wek). They must purify themselves by bathing or by taking a
purge. The term simwek is likewise applied to women at men-
struation, to a man who has had an involuntary seminal emission,
to the warrior who has killed an enemy, to one who has eaten the
flesh of an animal killed by a poisoned arrow or by lightning, or
of an animal that has died of a disease, and to a person who has
touched a corpse. It further applies to those who have prepared
poison or have eaten locusts, and to the whole tribe when it has
been defeated in war. 18 Some East African tribes think that if
people cohabit while the cattle are out grazing the animals will
die. 14 Presumably, the pollution produced by sexual congress is
believed to affect the food of the cattle and, through the food, the
animals themselves.
Among the Loango Negroes the father and other men may
see a newly born child only after its navel string has been cut
and burnt, and then only if on the preceding night they have not
indulged in sexual intercourse. 15 An Ijaw woman, on the morning
132 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
after cohabitation with her husband, must always wash before
cooking. 16
Among the Creek Indians a wounded man was isolated in a
hut at some distance from the village and was carefully protected
from dangerous visitors. "But what is yet more surprising in their
physical, or rather theological regimen, is, that the physician is so
religiously cautious of not admitting polluted persons to visit any
of his patients, lest the defilement should retard the cure, or spoil
the warriors, that before he introduces any man, even any of their
priests, who are married according to the law, he obliges him to
assert either by a double affirmative, or by two negatives, that he
has not known even his own wife, in the space of the last natural
day." 17 The same taboo is still observed by the Kwakiutl of Brit-
ish Columbia. They do not allow a young couple, just married,
to see a sick person, because, as the Indian informant declared,
they believe that the man and his wife are "always in bed together,
and that is the same as menstruation." The exhalation from the
couple is bad for the sick person, who may die from its effects. 18
Taboos of sexual intercourse are commonly imposed on cer-
tain critical occasions. They form a feature of the intichiuma
ceremonies performed by the rude aborigines of Central Australia
to bring about the breeding of the animals and the flowering of
the plants upon which the natives depend for food. In the Kaitish
tribe, for example, a headman must have no intercourse with his
wife all the time he is performing the rites to make the grass
grow, for if he did so the grass seed would not sprout properly
and his body would swell up when he tasted any of it. In the rain-
making intichiuma of the same tribe the men concerned with the
rites must similarly abstain from women. 19 At Yam, one of the
Torres Straits Islands, warriors might not sleep with their wives
before battle, else "bow and arrow belong other fellow he smell
you, he smell what you do night, he shoot you, you no got luck." 20
Among the natives in the neighborhood of Port Moresby,
New Guinea, the rule prevails that the leader of a trading voyage
to procure arrowroot must observe strict continence until the re-
turn from the expedition. "They say if this is not done the canoe
of the chief will be sunk on the return voyage, all the arrowroot
lost in the sea, and he himself covered with shame. He who observes
the rule of self-denial, returns laden with arrowroot, has not a
drop of salt water to injure his cargo, and so is praised by his
companions and crew." 21 The Kiwai Papuans think that a man
who cohabits with his wife before going on the warpath will
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 133
probably be killed. "During the days preceding a fighting expedi-
tion the warriors eat in the men's house, and at least in the no-
tions of certain people must avoid having their food cooked by
women who are used to sexual intercourse. The young warriors
abstain from playing with the girls and do not even speak to
them/' 22 The Koita, another Papuan tribe, insist on continence
when a new garden is being made, otherwise the yams will grow
but poorly. 28
In Rossel Island, which belongs to the Louisiade Archipelago,
a taboo on sexual intercourse is imposed for two or three months
while a large net is being fabricated. It must be abandoned if
one of the fabricators breaks the taboo. 24 In the Trobriand Islands
the men weeding and clearing the plantations must not approach
women. 25 A similar prohibition is observed by these islanders in
time of war. Not only must a man abstain from sexual intercourse,
he must also avoid sleeping on the same mat or on the same bed-
stead with a woman. "Any amorous dalliance at such a time
would be regarded as dangerous to the community's chances for
winning the war, and therefore as shameful and unseemly." 26
The inhabitants of Wogeo, one of the Schouten Islands off
the northern coast of New Guinea, are afraid of possible con-
tamination by sexual intercourse unless both parties are in the
proper condition to engage in it. Women, it seems, are auto-
matically and easily cleansed by the process of menstruation, but
men, in order to protect themselves from disease, must period-
ically incise the male member and allow a quantity of blood to
flow. This operation is often called "men's menstruation." A
man who performs it on himself avoids sexual intercourse until
his wounds have healed, about two months later. Should he have
intercourse before the expiration of the allotted time, both parties
are likely to die, though they may save themselves by confessing
their guilt and by carrying out a magical rite. These savages,
who believe that the penalty for touching a woman in her courses
is a wasting disease certain to be fatal, are also careful to avoid
contact with a "menstruating man." He himself takes various
precautions: he does not touch his skin with his fingernails and
when he eats he uses a fork. The operation of incision is also
carried out after the performance of certain tasks which involve
great danger to those who take part in them. They include the
erection of a new men's house, the burial of a corpse, participa-
tion in an expedition with intent to commit murder, and initiation
of a youth into manhood, All such undertakings are polluting to
134 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
men, and the flow of blood, which follows the operation, is con-
sidered to be necessary for their purification. There are other
undertakings, not regarded as so dangerous, for which incision is
necessary but to a lesser extent. Thus, the owner of a trading
canoe must perform the operation on himself, but the members
of his crew are satisfied with avoiding their wives. Similarly,
when a net for snaring wild pigs is first made, the workers oper-
ate on themselves, but when the net is subsequently used all they
need to do is to leave women alone. A person who has performed
the incision rite is said to be bwaruka, a word whose meaning
corresponds in some respects to that of the Polynesian mana. 27
The Manus of the Admiralty Islands observe continence for
two or three days before going to war and for five days before
fishing with large nets. 28 The natives of New Britain "were very
particular in preserving chastity during or before a fight, and
they believed that if a man slept with his wife he would be killed
or wounded." Sexual intercourse was also forbidden while the
ceremonies of the secret societies were being performed and when
some new song-dances were being learned. A man who violated
the last-mentioned taboo could not sing correctly. 29 The New
Caledonians require women to remain continent for some time
before they plant the gardens and for some time after their work
has been completed. 30 Marquesan women, when making coconut
oil, must be continent for five days, otherwise they would be un-
able to extract any oil from the nuts. 81
In the Caroline Islands a strict rule requires a man about to
go fishing to abstain from sexual intercourse for eight or nine
days before he sets out. This period he spends in the clubhouse
where unmarried men live. A man who violates the taboo and
persists in joining the party of fishers will get some dangerous
malady, particularly a swelling of the legs. So great is the fear
of sexual contagion among these islanders that men are not al-
lowed to touch fishing gear for twenty-four hours "after they
have fulfilled their conjugal duty." 32 The natives of the Mortlock
Islands, a part of the Caroline group, proscribe any sexual inter-
course in time of war; a man who violated the rule would die a
sudden death. 88 During the fishing season, which lasts for six to
eight weeks, every Yap fisherman is subject to many restrictions.
He keeps away from the village, even when resting, and lives in
the men's clubhouse. Women are very strictly tabooed to him ; he
may not even look at a woman. "If the heedless fisherman steal
but a glance, flying fish will infallibly bore out his eyes at night." 84
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 135
On the island of Halmahera warriors keep continent in order
to preserve their strength. 85 Among the Malays of the Malay
Peninsula the strictest chastity is observed in a stockade, lest the
bullets of the garrison lose their power. 86 Among the Kachin
(Chingpaw) of Burma the brewing of beer is regarded as a very
important undertaking; the women, while engaged in it, have to
live in "almost vestal seclusion." 87 Some of the tribes of Assam
believe that until the crops are harvested "the slightest inconti-
nence might ruin all." Assamese headhunters, both before and
after a raid, may not cohabit with their wives or eat food cooked
by a woman. "Indeed, so strong is the genna [taboo] against
any intercourse with women, that on one occasion a woman, the
wife of the headman, who was quite ignorant of the fact that
her husband was returning with a party of warriors to lay the
heads before the war stone, spoke to him .... When she learnt
the awful thing she had done, she sickened and died." 38 The
Lhota Naga require women engaged in the making of pots to
refrain from sexual intercourse. The women must also avoid any
strong-smelling food, such as beef, goat's flesh, dog's flesh, or fish,
for eating these would cause the pots to "ring" badly. No outsider
may look on while the pots are being fired, and only those women
who help the potters in carrying the pots or in collecting fuel may
be present when these are fired. Were a man to see the pots at this
critical stage of their manufacture they would all crack. 89
The necessity of continence upon certain occasions is strongly
emphasized by some South African peoples. The Zulu, when about
to go to war, must not associate with their wives ; otherwise they
would lose all power of discrimination in battle and would soon
be killed. 40 The Thonga prohibit sexual relations in warfare, dur-
ing the whole period that hunting parties are absent, and in time
of an epidemic. This prohibition does not apply so severely to
unmarried boys and girls "amusing themselves" as it does to reg-
ularly married people, for it is chiefly the bad conduct of the
latter which endangers the community at a critical epoch. 41
Among the Ba-ila of Northern Rhodesia the occasions when
sexual intercourse is interdicted are very numerous. A woman
making beer must abstain, or the beer would not ferment. She
must abstain just before sowing her fields, lest the seed should
fail to sprout. The people who thresh out the grain and those who
store the grain are also required to be continent. A man starting
on a journey keeps away from all women the night before, or he
would have bad luck on the road and fail to accomplish his busi-
136 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
ness. Some men will not visit women before going on a hunt,
for fear lest they should be hurt on the way or be mauled by a
wild beast. Other men, on the contrary, regard intercourse as
giving them good luck in hunting. The smelters of iron do not
engage in sexual intercourse. Above all, warriors must be strictly
continent as soon as preparations for fighting have begun. A
breach of this rule would mean certain death in the fight and
would very likely involve the entire army in disaster. 42 The Bam-
bala impose a strict taboo for the smelters of iron while away
from the village. If a workman wishes to visit the village, he
must on no account have connection with his wife. The women
staying in the village must not wash, or anoint themselves, or put
on any ornaments that might attract masculine glances. They are
regarded as being in the same condition as recently bereaved wid-
ows. Should a workman transgress the rule of continence by
having intercourse with his wife or with any other woman, the
smelting would be a failure. 48
The Bechuana assert that during the performance of the boys'
puberty rites, which last for nearly three months and are soon fol-
lowed by the puberty rites for girls, cohabitation was tabooed to
the entire community. "This prohibition has long fallen into dis-
use ; and those of us who know something of the incontinence of
these people find it difficult to believe that it was ever observed.
Sexual intercourse is, however, still taboo for those who are tak-
ing any part in the puberty rites ; and it is believed that violation
of the taboo would be followed by great fatality among the neo-
phytes." 44
The Konde of the Lake Nyasa region impose continence upon
married couples during wartime. A warrior who is guilty of illicit
^intercourse will be killed at the first spear throw before he has
a chance to hurl his own weapon, while a chief will be defeated
and his men slain. 45 The Wagiriama think that if men have inter-
course with their wives during wartime "they will be unable to
kill any of their enemies, and that if they themselves receive a
trifling wound it will prove fatal." 48 The Wasania, a neighbor-
ing tribe, say that if a man has intercourse with his wife during
a hunt he will meet with bad luck and find no game. 47
A Masai man preparing poison must be continent during the
eight days that he is so engaged, and the man and woman chosen
to make honey wine must be continent for two days before they
begin to brew and for the six days that the brewing lasts. The
Masai think that if the couple were to have intercourse at this
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 137
time the wine would be undrinkable and the bees which made the
honey would fly away. 48 The Akikuyu do not allow sexual inter-
course to take place during an eight days' festival held to secure
divine blessing on their flocks and herds. Any breach of the rule
would be followed by a mortality among the animals. 49 The Ban-
yoro of Uganda require men engaged in making charcoal, dig-
ging the iron ore, and smelting it, to observe strict chastity. 50
The Bakongo require a woman to remain continent while
planting pumpkin and calabash seeds. If she fails to observe the
rule during this delicate operation, the crop will be a failure. How-
ever, she may make the holes for the reception of the seeds, but
her girl child or another woman who has remained continent must
drop them into the ground and cover them over. 51
Among the Azande (Niam-Niam), another tribe of the Bel-
gian Congo, a red powder derived from a poison creeper finds
use in divination. It is mixed with water and then is squeezed
into the beaks of domestic fowls, which are compelled to swallow
the paste. From the behavior of the fowls thereafter, especially
by their death or survival, the Azande believe themselves able to
divine the future and discover hidden things. The poison creeper
does not grow in their country, and a long and dangerous jour-
ney must be made to procure it. Those who take part in such an
expedition observe taboos on sexual intercourse, on oiling their
bodies, and on eating certain animal and vegetable foods. Were
the taboos broken, the expedition might end in disaster and the
poison lose its potency. 52
In the old kingdom of Congo (Loango), when the sacred
pontiff made a circuit about the country, all the people observed
strict continence, and those who did not do so suffered death. They
thought that this precaution was necessary to preserve the pontiff's
life. Warning of his presence abroad was given by the public crier,
so that no one could plead ignorance as an excuse for a breach of
the law. 58
The Fan of French Equatorial Africa subject smiths to many
burdensome taboos, especially of a sexual nature. These must be
observed for two months before the working of iron begins and
as long as it continues. The smith's craft, in consequence, is
highly unpopular. 54
A Baya hunter must have no intercourse with his wife for
three days before he starts out on an expedition. 55 Some Nigerian
tribes (the Mbolli and Abuan) do not allow any sexual relations
during the making and planting of farms. "Till every 'seed of
138 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Proserpine' has been laid in the dark ground .... neither wife
nor maid may yield to the prayer of husband or lover; for should
the strictest chastity fail to be practiced during this period, the
farm of the frail one would yield but scanty increase." 56 Ibibio
men, while on the warpath, are forbidden to sleep in or even near
a house where women may be found. 57 Among the Kwotto con-
scientious hunters abstain from sexual intercourse for a consid-
erable time before starting out on the chase, lest the efficacy of
their weapons be impaired. Should a woman touch them, not only
would they become useless, but she herself would get a skin dis-
ease and be obliged to scratch herself continually. After returning
from a hunt the men commonly have no relations with women for
a month or two, in order to avoid illness. The idea seems to be
that by contact with spiritual influences in this case the souls of
the slain animals a hunter becomes saturated with a dangerous
potency, so that it is prudent to allow some of it to "wear off/' as
it were, before resuming the normal sex life. Serious-minded
fishers often observe the same restriction. 58
The Jivaro of eastern Ecuador require the maker of a blow-
gun or of a shield to remain continent during its manufacture, as
well as to observe various dietary restrictions. If he does not
keep these taboos, the blowgun or shield will prove defective and
not fulfill its purpose. 69 The Huichol Indians (in the Mexican
state of Jalisco) ascribe divine powers to a little species of cactus,
the hikuliy eating of which throws them into a state of ecstasy.
The plant does not grow in their country, but has to be gathered
every year by men who undertake a long journey for the purpose.
The cactus gatherers must remain continent. Anyone who broke
the rule would fall ill and, moreover, would jeopardize the success
of the expedition. 60 Among the Zuni sexual relations are taboo
(teckwi) during the ten days of the winter solstice, for four days
following the planting of prayer sticks, and while dances and
other religious performances are held. In many ceremonies the
taboo is extended to include touching, addressing, or even seeing
a person of the opposite sex. 61 According to the testimony of an
old authority, the Indian tribes in what is now the southeastern
part of the United States practiced continence while on the war-
path. They also abstained from sexual intercourse "even with
their own wives" for three days and nights before going to war. 82
Karok hunters, before setting forth, abstained for three days
from touching any woman ; failure to do so meant that they would
miss their quarry. 68
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 139
Among the Nootka (Aht) of Vancouver Island the men who
are to take part in whale fishing must prepare themselves for this
work by abstaining for several months from their usual food and
from intercourse with their wives. They must also wash them-
selves morning, noon, and night and rub their bodies with twigs
or a rough stone. Should there be any accident during the expe-
dition, such as the damaging or capsizing of a canoe by a whale,
it is assumed that some of the crew have failed in the preparatory
offices, and a strict inquiry is instituted by the chief men of the
tribe. Delinquents are severely dealt with. 64
The pollution resulting from sexual intercourse would natu-
rally be intensified when it takes place outside the bonds of matri-
mony. The belief is widespread that adultery, fornication, and
incest contaminate the guilty parties and, in addition, may bring
disaster to those with whom they come into contact or to the en-
tire social group. Such ideas cannot have been without influence
in evoking an incipient ethical attitude toward illicit sexual rela-
tions. 05
Conjugal fidelity, in primitive society, is much more commonly
required of the wife than of the husband. Nevertheless, there are
both monogamous and polygamous peoples who condemn and pun-
ish severely the commission of adultery by either party to a mar-
riage. Other peoples consider adulterous relations so abominable
that these are supposed to carry with them some automatic pen-
alty which is visited on the offenders or on the social group. To
commit adultery is, then, to break a stringent taboo, with ill luck
or disaster as the consequence.
Among some of the Queensland tribes blindness is supposed
to afflict men who persistently rape married women when alone
and unprotected out in the bush. This punishment is not auto-
matic, however ; it is necessary for the man whose honor has been
sullied to work nefarious magic on the visual organs of the cul-
prit without the latter's knowledge. The culprit becomes incurably
blind and can see no more women to assault. 68 The natives of
Duke of York Island believe that if the wife of a fisherman com-
mits adultery while he and his associates are away on an expedi-
tion, it will be impossible for them to catch a shark. 67
In some of the Solomon Islands cases of difficult parturition
are explained as due to the uncleanness of the mother, who had
committed adultery. The people of Mala resort to divination to
discover the name of the man responsible for her condition. If
he is found, he confesses and pays a money fine. The birth there-
140 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
upon takes place without further difficulty. 68 Fijian women are
taught that concealment of illicit love "will inevitably engender a
long train of ailments and bad luck, which may be avoided by
open confession. When childbirth is difficult the sufferer is ex-
horted to make a clean breast of all her affairs. When she does
not do so, the midwives mention the names of those they suspect,
and when at last they utter that of the real father the babe comes
forth without further difficulty." Illicit love is as bad for the
man as the woman. Youths who have had amours are enjoined. to
confess before marriage, for otherwise they will suffer from a sort
of general debility or anemia and will probably die. 89
In Ontong Java, a group of coral islands which lie to the
northeast of the Solomons and whose inhabitants speak a Poly-
nesian dialect, "a case of flagrant adultery will disturb a village.
The women gather around the well and discuss the matter for
hours. Their general conclusion is that the woman is unworthy
of her sex. At the same time the men talk about the incident as
they sit on their platforms above the beach. They abuse the two
culprits and as a rule suggest appropriate punishments." The
natives say that even if the husband does not take summary venge-
ance on the adulterer the kipua (ancestral spirits) will do so by
making him mortally ill. "When, for the sake of a discussion, I
ventured to doubt the efficacy of punishment by the kipua, I was
always overwhelmed by dozens of examples which seemed to the
natives conclusively to prove that it did take place." 70
In the Marquesas Islands an unmarried girl enjoyed sexual
freedom; once married, she was strictly reserved to her husband. 71
Similarly, a Maori girl was noa, or common, until her marriage.
She could select as many companions as she liked, without being
thought guilty of any impropriety. When, however, she was
given away by her friends to someone as her future master she
then became tapu to other men and might be put to death for un-
faithfulness. 72 A difficult parturition was explained by some breach
of the taboo rules by the woman, and a seer endeavored to dis-
cover what she had done or failed to do. 78
The Sea Dayak of Sarawak believe that if a wife is unfaith-
ful while her husband is away on the warpath he will surely lose
his life in the enemy's country. 74 The Kayan, another Bornean
people, believe that the spirits will surely punish adultery by visit-
ing the whole community with failure of the crop and other mis-
fortunes. 75
Karen children are told that adultery and fornication are dis-
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 141
pleasing to the god of heaven and earth. In consequence, the rains
do not come or do not come at the proper time, the dry season
is irregular, and the crops are bad. When such has been the
case for a year or two, the villagers are persuaded that the calam-
ity is due to the secret sins of some of their members. The trans-
gressors, when discovered, must make a propitiatory sacrifice of
a hog. The woman takes one foot of the hog and the man takes
another, and with the feet they scrape out furrows in the ground.
These are filled with the hog's blood. Then they scratch the
ground with their hands and pray to the god of heaven and earth,
humbly confessing that by their act the productiveness of the
country has been destroyed. 78 The aboriginal inhabitants of the
Rajmahal Hills in Bengal imagine that adultery, undetected and
unexpiated, brings disaster to the village, which will be plague-
smitten or ravaged by tigers or other animals. 77
Every year in January, on a day fixed by the chief, the adult
males of a Bechuana tribe go through a purificatory rite which
consists in anointing the body with the juice of the leaves of the
lerotse, a kind of gourd. The rite is performed in the great kraal
of the tribe. Then every man goes to his own kraal, assembles
the members of his family, and repeats the anointing process on
them. Only after this has been done is it allowable to eat of the
new crops. That night every man sleeps ritually with his chief
wife. If the wife has committed adultery during the preceding
year, she must confess the deed before her husband comes to her
and must be purified the next morning. The husband's father
presides at the ceremony. It is performed by a witch doctor, who
fumigates the woman and her husband with the smoke of a bean-
plant placed in a pot between the woman's knees as she sits on the
ground. Her husband sits opposite her, with her knees between
his own. He makes a slight cut with a razor under her navel and
she does the same thing to him. To the blood which follows this
operation each one adds a little medicine and then rubs the mix-
ture into the cut in the other's abdomen. The purification is now
completed and may be followed by the ritual coitus. 78
Among the Bavenda of the Transvaal a woman who has given
birth is visited soon after by a medicine man, who questions her
as to the legitimacy of her child. If she does not answer truth-
fully, the child will be dead by sundown. If she confesses adultery,
her husband will claim two head of cattle from her seducer. There
the matter ends, for the child is regarded as the husband's prop-
erty. It often happens that the mother suffers intense pain before
142 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
she is given her child to suckle. In that case the mid wives refuse
to summon the doctor to rub her breasts, so that she may give
milk, until she has divulged the name of her lover. "Sometimes
the agony is so great that the mother will say any name that she
thinks will satisfy her persecutors, in order to escape from her
sufferings, although she may be innocent of the indiscretion to
which she confesses." If she owns to a lover, her breasts must be
purified with a lotion. 79
Adultery, for the Thonga, includes only sexual relations with
a married woman by anyone not her husband. A man, whether
married or unmarried, is permitted such relations with a girl. In
this South African tribe adultery is considered to be a very great
sin, partly because it is a theft, the married woman being owned by
a master, and partly because it is the violation of a taboo and in-
volves contamination. For the adulteress it means that she will
have a protracted and difficult labor. This conviction is so strong
that when a woman knows that the child she is about to bear is
not her husband's she will admit the fact secretly to the midwife,
in order to spare herself untold suffering at confinement. But the
adulterer gets off by paying a fine to the aggrieved husband as
much money as is necessary to buy a wife. 80
The Mashona of Southern Rhodesia explain a difficult birth
by the adultery of either the husband or the wife. The child can-
not be delivered until the adultery has been confessed and the
paramour's name revealed. 81 The Mashona are firmly persuaded
that an elephant can detect an adulterous man when it meets him
and that it immediately starts in pursuit of him. However, if the
adulterer makes a full confession, the animal will spare his life.
A man whose wife is unfaithful will also be chased. Women are
therefore urged to remain virtuous, lest they expose their hus-
bands to the danger of being charged by elephants. 82 The Ba-ila
of Northern Rhodesia regard a miscarriage with horror and be-
lieve it to be the penalty for adultery. 88
An Awemba woman, even in extremis, must name her lover.
The man whom she mentions is called a murderer, he is held guilty
without further investigation, and is obliged to pay a heavy fine to
the injured husband. When both mother and child die in child-
birth, people think that she must have committed adultery with
many men. 84 In the Nyasaland Protectorate "Isolde is expected to
make, without delay, full confession of her fault to her husband,
who otherwise would die if he partook of food in company with
Tristan .... A somewhat similar idea is the universal belief
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 143
that a woman whose husband has been unfaithful will grow ill
and die of her next child ; or that a child at the breast will die if
its father is unfaithful to the mother. All the deaths of women
with child, or of a child at the breast, are attributed to this cause.
Nothing, however, appears to happen nowadays to the guilty
father, except that he is excluded from the family mourning
ceremonies." 85
When Ngoni men were away fighting, the people at home, and
especially the wives of the warriors, feared to commit adultery
lest harm should happen to the absent ones. A man who had com-
mitted adultery before going to war was "afraid in his heart"
that he might act the coward. If a man whose wife he had seduced
saw him when he was wounded, his wounds suppurated and he
collapsed. A Ngoni woman guilty of adultery was said to be
"bound" or "tight," and because of this condition she might ex-
pect a difficult confinement. As the birth took place in the hus-
band's village, the woman was at the mercy of her female rela-
tives-in-law, who, if delivery was delayed, tried to force her to
confess her guilt. If, however, they were convinced of her inno-
cence, they turned on the husband and accused him of unfaith-
fulness. Until he confessed, they believed that the child could not
be born. 86 The Konde require a wife to be faithful to her husband
while he is out hunting, for if she committed adultery he would
meet his death in the chase. 87
The Washamba of Tanganyika Colony think that protracted
labor pains are a proof that the woman has had sexual relations
with several men. 88 The Wagogo, in the same part of Africa,
ascribe a man's failure in hunting to his wife's infidelity during
his absence. They also think that her unfaithfulness exposes him
to the danger of being wounded or killed by wild animals. 89
The Akamba of Kenya consider it highly dangerous for a
woman who has been confined to indulge in sexual relations with
anyone except her husband before she menstruates for the first
time after giving birth. Her adultery would most probably result
in the death of her child. 90 We are also informed that in this
tribe cohabitation with a married woman, while the cattle are out
grazing, taboos them and causes them to die. However, the wom-
an is generally afraid of bringing evil on the precious cattle, so
she confesses what has been done. The animals are taken out of
the kraal, purificatory medicine is placed on the ground before
the gate, and they are then driven over the medicine. The woman
also has to be ceremonially purified by an elder. 91
144 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Among the Akikuyu, if a man's son commits adultery with
one of his father's wives, and the father is still alive, the father
becomes thahu, or ceremonially unclean. The father takes the un-
cleanness because he begot the son. The latter must make peace
with his sire by the formal present of a big male goat. TMs
thahu is a very serious matter, and if it is not quickly removed by
the council of elders the father will die. 92
The Baganda punished an adulterer with death unless he was
related to the person wronged, in which case the latter might be
willing to accept a money compensation. "The worst consequence
to the injured husband was the anger of his fetiches and gods,
whose custodian was his wife. By her action the wife had involved
her husband in their displeasure ; he was thus left exposed to the
malice of any enemy and his danger was increased in time of
war, because the gods had withdrawn their protection from him.
Adultery was also regarded as a danger to children ; it was thought
that women who were guilty of it during pregnancy caused the
child to die, either prior to birth, or at the time of birth. Some-
times the guilty woman would herself die in childbed ; or, if she
was safely delivered, she would have a tendency to devour her
child, and would have to be guarded, lest she should kill it. It was
also supposed that a man who had sexual intercourse with any
woman not his wife, during the time that any one of his wives
was nursing a child, would cause the child to fall ill, and that un-
less he confessed his guilt, and obtained from the medicine man
the necessary remedies to cancel the evil results, the child would
die." 98
The Ovimbundu of Angola believe that an adulterous woman
will die in childbed, unless a medicine man is called in to cure
her. 94 The Warega of the Belgian Congo allow a man to cohabit
with his wife until her delivery draws near; they think, how-
ever, that if he has sexual relations with another woman during
this time, the child will die. 95 Among the Bushongo it is taboo
(ikina) for a husband whose wife is pregnant to "carry on" with
another woman or even to meet one of his former sweethearts; if
he did so, the expected child would die. 96 The Bahuana believe
that adultery by a pregnant wife will be fatal to her child. 97 A
Bakongo hunter must not commit adultery. "The test of a man's
faithfulness in this is whether he hits or misses when he shoots.
Should he habitually miss, he is unquestionably guilty." 98
The Ga people of the Gold Coast are certain that an adulterous
woman will die in childbed. Such a one enters her confinement in
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 145
secret terror. It is said that friendly relatives often gag a par-
turient woman, in order to prevent disgraceful disclosures by her.
To call out the father's name when in labor gives vigor to the
child, wakens its spirit, and causes it to move a "step" toward
birth. Sometimes the child does not respond until the woman has
called out several names besides that of her husband." The Ale
Nsaw Ibo of Nigeria believe that their sex regulations were im-
posed by the direct command of the Earth Goddess. "All our
women," declared a native informant, "were sacred to Ale, there-
fore in olden days no man might reach out a hand to touch a
woman's leg or foot. Should a man meet a woman going to [the]
bush, he must at once hide his eyes or pass by another way. In those
days it was a very terrible sin to commit adultery. Should he fall
into this crime, he was not only heavily fined but at once made
outcaste. Never again was he permitted to join any 'company.'
Never again might he drink or eat with others. As regarded his
own family, because he was of their kin they would help to col-
lect the fine, but after this was paid off they would have nothing
further to do with him." 100 Among the Ibibio adultery at any
rate with a father's wife was taboo and was also forbidden by
law. The adulterer had to sacrifice to the ancestors or to the
Earth Goddess in order to purify his house from pollution; he
also paid a fine or damages for his transgression. 101 Nearly all
the Southern Nigerian tribes hold it a very grave sin for a woman
to prepare food for her husband when she has just returned from
committing adultery. The sin is especially heinous if the sexual
act takes place while the food is being cooked, for in that case her
husband will probably die. A woman who does not confess to such
adultery before giving birth will endanger both her own life and
that of her offspring. 102 In Sierra Leone it is believed that a mar-
ried woman who commits adultery during pregnancy will have a
miscarriage or bear her child prematurely. 108
When Huichol men are far away in search of the sacred cac-
tus, the women whom they have left at home must be faithful to
them. Infidelity on the part of a wife would cause her to fall sick
and at the same time would probably result in the failure of the
expedition. 104 The Tarahumara think that a woman who falls
sick because of an illicit relationship can be cured provided she
received no payment from her lover. But if she accepted money
or goods of any kind her fate is sealed. 105 Among the Quinault
Indians of Washington the wives of the whalers must observe
strict continence during the absence of their husbands. "Should
146 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
a woman be unfaithful while the hunt was on, the whales would
be wary and 'wild/ and the men would be unable to kill any." 108
Among the Haida of Queen Charlotte Islands, while the men were
engaged in warfare, their wives "all slept in one house to keep
watch over each other; for, if a woman were unfaithful to her
husband while he was with a war-party, he would probably be
killed." 107 The Aleuts believe that sea-otter hunters whose wives
are unfaithful during their absence, or whose sisters are unchaste,
lose all power to kill the animals and return home with empty
hands. 108 It is said of the Greenland Eskimo that a man avoids
another man's wife more because he shrinks from quarreling with
the husband than because he regards adultery as morally wrong.
Yet among them there is current a saying which suggests at least
a vague moral condemnation of the act. "The whale, the musk-ox,
and the reindeer left the country because men had too much to do
with other men's wives." 109
In primitive society post-pubertal and prenuptial intercourse
between the sexes may be tolerated and even approved, especially
if it is regarded as a method of courtship or as a form of "trial
marriage." When, however, cohabitation results in pregnancy for
the girl, she often becomes an object of reprobation as a taboo-
breaker and, with her partner, requires a ceremonial purification.
Unless this takes place, the guilty couple will suffer for their mis-
deed; more commonly, the evil anticipated will descend upon the
entire social group. The fear of a possible pregnancy may also
lead to the imposition of a taboo of all sexual intercourse before
marriage.
The Sulka of New Britain believe that unmarried people who
have carnal knowledge of each other contract a pollution (sle),
which is fatal unless they confess their fault at once and undergo
a purificatory ceremony. Until this has been done, they are dan-
gerous to others as well as to themselves. They are shunned by
everybody; no one will take anything from them; and children
are warned not to approach them. A guilty man is publicly puri-
fied, in the following manner. First, he drinks a mixture of sea
water and ginger, to which some shredded coconut has been added.
Next, he is thrown into the sea. The leaves out of which he drank
the nauseating potion are taken by him into the water and placed
under stones at the bottom. Then the man bathes, strips off the
clothing which he had worn when polluted, and throws it away.
Meanwhile, the men are watching him from the beach and singing
a song. He finally emerges from the water, puts on a new loin
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 147
cloth, and rejoins his fellows. A ceremony of purification (of a
simpler kind) is also necessary for persons who have come upon
a couple engaged in sexual intercourse. 110
The Lubu of central Sumatra believe that an unmarried girl
who becomes pregnant incurs the pollution called looi; it is so
dangerous that she spreads misfortune wherever she goes. 111 In
Nias it is also the general opinion that an unwedded girl who be-
comes enceinte brings misfortune to the entire community. Hence
when the rain fails for a while, all the maids in the village are
carefully scrutinized to discover whether one of them may not
show the sign of pregnancy vomiting. 312
The Sea Dayak of Borneo ascribe an excessive rainfall to the
immorality of two young people. The higher powers are invoked
to pardon the sin, the offenders are banished from their homes,
and the bad weather is then said to cease. 113 The Sibuyau, a sub-
division of the Sea Dayak, attach an idea of great indecency to
irregular connections. If an unmarried girl becomes pregnant,
they fine the lovers and sacrifice a pig to appease the higher pow-
ers. Were this not done, sickness or some other great calamity
would descend on the entire tribe. 114 The Blu-u Kayan suppose
that sexual intercourse between unmarried persons is punished
by the spirits. The relatives of the guilty pair will meet with no
success in farming, fishing, or hunting. 115 Among the natives of
the Rajmahal Hills in Bengal sexual intercourse between unmar-
ried peoples is strongly reprobated. A hog and a goat must be sac-
rificed, and the blood of those animals is then sprinkled on the
guilty couple "to wash out the stain" from the land. 110
A custom which once prevailed among the Basuto indicates
that with them the chastity of unmarried youths was regarded
as essential for ritual correctness. The Basuto always lighted a
new fire in a house where a birth had taken place. "For this pur-
pose it was necessary that a young man of chaste habits should
rub two pieces of wood quickly one against another, until a flame
sprung up, pure as himself. It was firmly believed that a prema-
ture death awaited him who should dare to take upon himself this
office after having lost his innocence. As soon, therefore, as a
birth was proclaimed in the village, the fathers took their sons to
undergo the ordeal. Those who felt themselves guilty confessed
their crime, and submitted to be scourged rather than expose
themselves to the consequences of a fatal temerity. The same re-
sult was obtained by offering them some milk to drink, in which
certain drugs had previously been mixed. The imprudent youth,
148 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
who might be led from motives of shame to accept this challenge,
did not go unpunished ; malignant blotches broke out all over his
body, the hair fell from his head, and if he escaped death, he
could not avoid the infamy of his double fault." 117
A Nandi girl who gives birth to a child before she marries
is regarded with contempt for the rest of her life. She is never
allowed to look inside a granary, "for fear of spoiling the
grain." 118 The Dorobo, a hunting tribe of Kenya, allow only the
children of the village (or perhaps very old women) to eat the
first crop of honey out of a new hive. "The reason of this is said
to be that if a young woman were to eat any and then misconduct
herself with a man, the honey crop would be spoilt and the bees
would not enter any of the hives hung up on that day." 119 By the
Akamba illicit relations between a woman past the age of child-
bearing and a youth were thought to result in his becoming im-
potent. Both parties had to be ceremonially purified. 120
Should a Lango girl be found in illicit intercourse with a man
out of doors, or should she complain of such intercourse, all
passers-by throw grass on the spot, for the evil influence of the
high god Jok is immanent there. 'The man is said to have
'brought god' on the girl." 121
The Ovakumbi of Angola believe that the incontinence of
young people under the age of puberty, if it were not severely
punished, would cause their king to die within the year. Death
was formerly the penalty imposed for this offense. 122 When the
country of Loango is suffering from drought and a famine results,
the natives attribute it to the commerce of men with immature
girls. Every effort is made to discover and punish the guilty
parties. If found, they are heavily fined and made to dance naked
before all the people, who throw heated gravel and bits of glass
at them as they run the gantlet. 123 Among the Baduma of Lake
Chad "a child born out of wedlock is looked on as a disgrace and
must be drowned. If this is not done, great misfortunes will
happen to the tribe. All the men will fall sick, and the women,
SOF.s, and goats will become barren." 124
The reprobation of incest is probably universal in primitive
society, for there are no communities known to be without prohi-
bitions applying to sexual intercourse within certain degrees of
real or artificial relationship. Nearly all savages condemn the
union of parent and child and of brother and sister, but outside
of these forbidden degrees the restrictions on mating vary greatly
from tribe to tribe and from people to people. However incest
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 149
may be defined, the abhorrence which it excites is profound. Death
is the usual penalty for its commission. The dread power of the
taboo may. also be invoked to uphold the incest rule. 125
Some Queensland tribes have a belief in a supernatural being
called Kohin. His home is in the Milky Way, but at night he
roams about the earth in the guise of a gigantic warrior and kills
whomever he meets. "It is said that Kohin is offended by anyone
taking a wife from the prohibited sub-class or not wearing the
mourning necklace for the prescribed period, or eating forbidden
food. Such offences bring on the offenders Kohin' s anger, and
sooner or later the person dies in consequence/' 126 In the Omeo
tribe of Victoria dosely related people who had carnal connection
were supposed to be bitten by supernatural snakes, and the punish-
ment was the more dreaded because it might hang over the culprit
for years. 127
The Trobriands form an island group lying off the east end
of New Guinea and inhabited by Papuo-Melanesians. The natives
are divided into four totemic clans and these clans are exogamous.
A man calls all the females of the clan to which he belongs his
"sisters," and he may not marry one of them. Professor Mali-
nowski found, however, that the breach of exogamy, when it
concerns temporary cohabitation and not marriage, is by no means
a rare occurrence among the natives and that their attitude toward
it is usually lenient. "If the affair is carried on sub rosa with a
certain amount of decorum, and if no one in particular stirs up
trouble 'public opinion* will gossip, but not demand any harsh
punishment. If, on the contrary, scandal breaks out everyone
turns against the guilty pair and by ostracism and insults one or
the other may be driven to suicide." Clan incest is also supposed to
be punished automatically, the offenders being visited by disease
or death. Nevertheless, even these penalties can be avoided, for the
natives know certain magical spells and rites to nullify the evil
consequences of the breach of the taboo. "It is no doubt better
not to run the risk the counter-magic may have been imperfectly
learned or faultily performed but the risk is not great." 128
In Ontong Java marriage is forbidden between persons who
apply relationship terms to one another. But here, as in the
Trobriands, clan incest is regarded rather leniently by the social
group. Sexual relations and even marriages do take place within
the prohibited degrees. "Nothing is done to the culprits, not-
withstanding the disapproval which everyone feels. They are not
punished by the community in any definite manner, for instance
150 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
by mutilation or death. Yet if one or other of the pair is taken
ill it is almost certain that people will say that the kipua are pun-
ishing him." These ancestral spirits are also believed to punish,
not only incestuous persons, but also their descendants. 129
We are told that in Tikopia, whose essentially Polynesian
inhabitants have been little affected by European civilization,
unions of close kin and even those of half-brothers with half-
sisters do not excite more than an expression of community dis-
approval. Such unions are allowable, but the children which re-
sult from them will be diseased or weakly and likely to die young.
The parents of the guilty pair, while living, took no steps to pre-
vent the commission of incest, but after death they vent their
accumulated spleen upon the offspring. 130 The Samoans "say that,
of old, custom and the gods frowned upon the union of those in
whom consanguinity could be closely traced. Few had the hardi-
hood to run in the face of superstition ; but if they did, and their
children died at a premature age, it was sure to be traced to the
anger of the household god on account of the forbidden mar-
riage. 181 The Gilbert Islanders believed that if people guilty of
incest went unpunished the sun would hide his face from the place
where the sin had been committed. The offenders were killed in
some manner. The lightest punishment was to put the couple
aboard a small canoe, with a few coconuts and a paddle (but not
a sail), and thus abandon them to their fate. 132
Many Bornean peoples, who suppose that adultery and forni-
cation imperil not only the culprits but the community as well,
entertain similar ideas about the evil effects of incest. In Sarawak,
while almost all offenses are punishable by fines only, this is not
true of incest. The Kayan think that incestuous relations gravely
endanger the whole household and may result in starvation
through failure of the rice crop. Accordingly, they put the
culprits to death, either by driving a bamboo stake through their
bodies or by enclosing them in a wicker cage which is then thrown
into the river. Sexual relations between a man and his adopted
daughter are most strongly reprobated. "The punishment of the
incestuous couple does not suffice to ward off the danger brought
by them upon the community. The household must be purified
with the blood of pigs and fowls ; the animals used are the property
of the offenders or of their family ; and in this way a fine is im-
posed. When any calamity threatens or falls upon a house, espe-
cially a great rising of the river which threatens to sweep away
the house or the tombs of the household, the Kayans are led to
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 151
suspect that incestuous intercourse in their own or in neighbour-
ing houses has taken place; and they look around for evidences of
it, and sometimes detect a case which otherwise would have re-
mained hidden/' 183 By the Murut and Dusun of British North
Borneo such calamities as plagues, floods, drought, and famine
are ascribed to some undetected act of incest. The participants, if
found, will be taken upstream from the village and killed in the
river, so that their blood may flow past the village and wash away
the effects of their act. Sometimes their blood is sprinkled about
the village. 184
In Celebes incestuous relations are supposed to produce a fail-
ure of the crops and in Halmahera to be followed by torrential
rains, earthquakes, or volcanic eruptions. 135 The Bagobo of Min-
danao think that incestuous relations "cause the sea to rise and
cover the land/' 138 The Khasi of Assam, who are divided into
strictly exogamous clans, regard sexual intercourse between a man
and a woman of the same clan as the greatest sin which can be
committed. The offenders would be made outcasts and would be
refused any funeral ceremonies after death. The Khasi think that
clan incest results in all sorts of disasters: people will be struck
by lightning or killed by tigers, the women will die in childbed,
and so forth. These consequences can be avoided, however, if the
priest sacrifices a pig and a goat to the higher powers. 137
The idea that incest has injurious effects, not on the guilty
parties, but on innocent persons is found among many African
peoples. Some of the Bantu-speaking tribes of South Africa think
that the failure of a newly born child to take the breast is caused
by the mother's or the father's unfaithfulness "in heart at least." 138
Some other South African tribes think that the offspring of unions
within the prohibited degrees of relationship are monsters. 189
The Washamba believe that the result of incestuous unions is
the woman's sterility or the premature birth of her child. When
one of their women, after being married, lost three children in
succession, the calamity was attributed to incest which she had
accidentally committed with her father before her marriage. 140
The Akikuyu forbid the marriage of the children and grand-
children of brothers and sisters. Breach of this rule is considered
a very great sin. The offspring of such marriages will surely die,
for their thahu or ceremonial uncleanness cannot be purged by
any ceremonial. The parents are unaffected. It sometimes hap-
pens that a young man unwittingly marries a girl who turns out
to be his first or second cousin, and in that case the elders can
152 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
perform a rite to sever the bond of blood relationship existing
between the couple. 141 The Akamba think that a woman who has
had incestuous relations with her brother cannot give birth to the
child she has conceived by him ; she is sure to have a miscarriage
unless purified by the elders. 142
A Bakyiga girl who went wrong with some man of her own
clan and got a child by him was driven away from her home and
clan and had to live elsewhere. This harsh treatment "was due
to the fear of ghosts, for her deed would anger the dead of the
clan, who might cause illness among the living if the crime was
not thus severely punished." However, if she did not conceive,
she was not punished for intercourse with a fellow clansman. 148
Among the Banyoro a girl guilty of incest was taken out of the
kraal and sent away to friends, "for her presence would bring
ill-luck to her home ; the children would die or the cows cast their
calves." 144 The Dinka of the White Nile think that incest angers
the ancestral spirits. A girl who has committed it will have no
children when she marries and she will then be forced to confess
her act. An atoning sacrifice is made. Should the girl or one of
her relatives die before this has taken place, her lover is held re-
sponsible and incurs bloodguiltiness. He must supply a bull for
sacrifice. The father of the girl smears some of its stomach,
contents over the bodies of the couple, thus removing the blood-
guiltiness of the man and rendering the woman capable of bearing
children. 145 The Bavili (Fjort) of Gabon are persuaded that if
a man marries a woman of his mother's clan, the rains will not
come in their due season. 146
The Caribs of British Guiana believe that almost any kind of
ill luck or sickness may result from the commission of incest.
However, if a man is willing to take the chance of disaster, his
fellows only laugh at him or regard him as singularly foolhardy. 147
The Navaho do not marry within their own clan; if they did,
declared an Indian informant, "their bones would dry up and
they would die." 148 It is said of the Kenayern, an Alaskan tribe of
Cook's Inlet, that in former times men did not marry within their
own totemic group. In later times this custom was not rigidly
observed, and to the resulting promiscuity the old people attributed
the great mortality which decimated the tribe. 149 Some of the
Alaskan tribes agree with South African natives that the offspring
of incestuous unions are monsters. These are born with walrus
tusks, beards, and other disfigurations. 150
' Primitive society affords numberless instances of restrictions
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 153
affecting relatives by blood or marriage, particularly father and
daughter, mother and son, parents-in-law and children-in-law,
brother and sister, uncle and niece, aunt and nephew, and certain
cousins. The restrictions take various forms ; for instance, a per-
son may not be allowed to mention the name of another, or speak
to him, or eat in his presence, or take anything at his hand, or
live under the same roof with him. Avoidance rules are socially
enforced, for failure to observe them is at the least a serious breach
of etiquette, and in some cases their infraction is punished se-
verely, even by death or banishment from the community. In
other cases avoidance rules rank as trueJaJboos^H-i
In the Jajaurung tribe of Victoria "whenever a female child
was promised in marriage to any man, from that very hour neither
he nor the child's mother [was] permitted to look upon or hear
each other speak, nor hear their names mentioned by others ; for
if they did, they would immediately grow prematurely old and
die." 152 The Wurunjerri, another Victorian tribe, believed that if
a woman spoke to her son-in-law or to his brother her hair would
turn white. 153 Among the Arunta a man may not eat the flesh of
any animal which has been caught and killed, or even handled or
seen, by certain persons. These include his father-in-law, the chil-
dren of his sisters, the father of his mother-in-law, and other
relatives. One who violated the taboo would become severely ill. 154
The Kai of New Guinea forbid parents-in-law and children-
in-law to mention each other's names. A person who does so is
likely to die of consumption. 155 Among the Dusun of British
North Borneo you must not mention by name your father, your
mother, your father-in-law, and your mother-in-law. The Dusun
say that if a man uttered the name of his mother his knees would
swell. 150 Among the Dravidian-speaking tribes of the Central
Indian Hills one of the most important taboos forbids a man from
Doming in contact with the wife of his younger brother. The
Dharkar believe that a man would acquire a stain if her shadow
even crossed his path. 157 By the Birhor, a jungle tribe of Chota
Nagpur, the names of certain relatives are tabooed. To utter them
will surely bring sickness or some other misfortune to the person
who does so or to a member of that person's family. 158
The Ba-ila of Northern Rhodesia are persuaded that the ut-
terance of certain personal names, such as those of one's father
and mother and those of one's parents-in-law, brings misfortunes
upon the person named or upon oneself. 159 The Bakaonde, another
Rhodesian tribe, consider that for a man to enter his mother-in-
154 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
law's hut or to look at her is only a shameful act without disas-
trous consequences, but for him to have sexual relations with her
means that his wife will die. 160 A Mashona couple, two or three
months after their marriage, pay a formal visit to the wife's
parents and observe certain rites, among which is the presentation
of a few goats by the husband to his father-in-law. Until this
public recognition of the marriage has taken place the son-in-law
dares not meet his wife's parents, who think that their backs
would be injured if he did so. 181
By the Konde of the Lake Nyasa region it is considered one
of the greatest of misfortunes for a man to see his daughter-in-
law even by accident. He will fall into one sickness after another
and finally will die a weak and miserable old man. Some people
believe that he will no longer be able to stand upright, but will
have to crawl on his buttocks for the rest of his life. On the other
hand, a daughter-in-law who sees him has merely committed a
breach of good manners and suffers no ill effects from her ac-
tion. 162 Among the Baganda, if a son-in-law accidentally saw
his mother-in-law's breasts, he sent to her in compensation a bark-
cloth with which to cover them, "lest some illness, such as tremor,
should come upon him." A man might not hold any communi-
cation with his father's sisters' daughters or his mother's brothers'
daughters; these cousins were even forbidden to approach each
other or hand each other anything. Failure to observe such avoid-
ance meant that they would fall ill, their hands would tremble, and
they could do no work. 163 The Batamba, another tribe of Uganda,
permit neither the parents nor the brothers and sisters of married
children to sleep under the same roof. They say that otherwise
sickness is caused. "The sickness is called bujugumiro, 'trem-
bling/ from the verb kujugumira, 'to shiver or tremble.' This
cannot be got out of their heads, and no amount of talking or
arguing will convince them of the opposite. I have attended,"
continues our missionary informant, "many cases of this disease
and I have not known one to recover .... The disease follow-
ing does not come as a punishment from the gods, but as they
say .... 'the illness comes by itself.' " lfl *
The Indians of Yucatan believed that if a betrothed man were
to encounter his future father-in-law or mother-in-law he could
never beget children. 186 The Navaho Indians think that a man
who looks his mother-in-law in the face will grow blind. The shouts
warning men and mothers-in-law against an accidental meeting
are said to be the commonest sounds in a Navaho camp. 166
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 155
Rules of avoidance affect chiefly persons of opposite sex who
are forbidden to mate. That such rules originated in the desire
to prevent, at all costs, the commission of incest, is a matter of
opinion ; that they have this result is a matter of fact.
Birth and puberty are great natural crises in human life, times
of high solemnity and significance, when every precaution must be
taken against the mystic dangers which invest them. A mysterious
and dangerous character also attaches to marriage as a critical
event which brings the parties into a new phase of existence, and
the supposed peril confronting them is increased because of the
ideas so often entertained as to the defilement which results from
sexual intercourse.
The strictest continence may be required of newly married
people on the first night following their marriage and often for
a much longer period. A violation of the rule is sometimes be-/
lieved to be fraught with disaster for the couple. Among the
Canelos Indians of Ecuador husband and wife do not sleep to-
gether the first night after their marriage; if they did so, the
husband would die. The reason which the natives give for this
taboo is that a most dangerous demon (supai) claims the right to
spend the wedding night with the bride. This right is voluntarily
ceded to him by the bridegroom, although there is danger that the
woman, having had intercourse with the demon, will either fall
ill or become pregnant with a monstrous child. Even on the fol-
lowing night intercourse between husband and wife is dangerous,
because the demon still wants the woman for himself, and some-
times the danger is not supposed to be quite over until two or
three children have been born of the marriage. 167 A newly mar-
ried couple, among the ancient Mexicans, passed four days in
prayer and fasting, "without proceeding to any act of less de-
cency, fearing that otherwise the punishment of heaven would
fall upon them Until the fourth night the marriage was
not consummated; they believed it would have proved unlucky,
if they had anticipated the period of consummation." 168
Even where continence is not observed, a ritual purification
may be necessary after the first connection between husband and
wife. For the Mountain Arapesh of British New Guinea this is
exceedingly dangerous, and both parties have to perform a cere-
mony to rid themselves of the great heat of sexual intercourse.
Were the ceremony omitted, the man would be unable to hunt game
and grow yams ; the woman could not bear children. 169 Among the
Yahgan of Tierra del Fuego the husband, upon rising in the
156 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
morning, takes a sea bath; if he did not do so his dogs would
die. 170 The Thompson Indians of British Columbia require a
newly married couple, though sleeping under the same robe, to
refrain from sexual intercourse for a time, generally for four nights.
After the wife has had connection with her husband she arises
before daybreak, repairs to a stream, and washes herself. She
spends the whole day in seclusion. 171 With the Eskimo of Kodiak,
an island off the coast of Alaska, it is customary for both bride-
groom and bride to bathe in hot water after the wedding night
''for the purification both of himself and his partner." 172
Continence is only one of many restrictions often imposed
upon a newly married couple. It may be thought necessary for
the brida^pair to keep awake during the wedding night. Some
of the tribes of Dutch Borneo believe that if the couple slept at
this time evil spirits would make them ill or they would have
unlucky dreams. 178 In one district of Morocco "if the bride re-
mains long alone before the bridegroom enters the room so that
she dozes and is then awakened and frightened by the noise he
makes, she may be struck by jnun [evil spirits] and get a dis-
torted face or lose her senses." 174 The silence which a bride must
observe on the wedding night and the prohibition imposed on
her of speaking to anyone but her husband for some time after
the marriage, often until she has given birth to a child, are other
regulations. Newly married people may also be obliged to go
without food for a time or to abstain from eating certain kinds of
food or to avoid eating and drinking in public. The Masai, an
East African tribe, believe that if either bride or bridegroom eats
anything at the wedding feast she or he will suffer from eruptions
around the mouth. 176
Inactivity, or at least a cessation of the normal activities, may
be imposed upon the bridal pair, or particularly on the bride.
Among the Nandi, another East African tribe, the bridal pair
for a whole month are waited upon by the bridegroom's mother,
"as it is unlawful for the bride during this period to work." 176
Wataveta brides, for the first year of married life, "are screened
from vulgar sight, exempted from all household duties, and pro-
hibited from all social intercourse with all of the other sex except
their husbands. They are never left alone, are accompanied by
someone wherever they wish to go, and are not permitted to exert
themselves in the least ; even in their short walks they creep at a
snail's pace, lest they should overstrain their muscles." 177
It is not improbable that many of the precautions and absti-
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 157
nences imposed upon newly married couples, while now matters
of nuptial etiquette, with a purely social sanction for their ob-
servance, were at one time genuine taboos. In some instances, as
in those just cited, bride and bridegroom, like boys and girls at
puberty and women during pregnancy and parturition, are re-
garded as being especially susceptible to evil influences or to the
assaults of evil spirits. The restrictions which the couple observe
under such circumstances are intended to avert or neutralize an
anticipated danger or to remove a supposed uncleanness.
NOTES TO CHAPTER IV
1 Among the Bechuana of South Africa a man who has a seminal emission
in his sleep becomes ceremonially unclean and must bathe his whole body, "by
no means a daily habit," before association with his fellows (W. C. Willoughby,
Nature Worship and Taboo [Hartford, Conn., 1932], p. 127). Similarly, the
Nandi of East Africa apply the term "dirty," equivalent to taboo, to a man who
has had an involuntary seminal emission (A. C. Hollis, The Nandi [Oxford,
1909], p. 92). The Berbers and Moors of Morocco do not allow a holy place,
a mosque, or a shrine to be entered by a man defiled by a pollution until he has
washed himself. "Should he do so he would suffer some misfortune; he would
get blind, or lame, or mad, or he or some member of his family would become
ill or die, or he would lose some of his animals, or his corn-crop would be bad"
(Edward Westermarck, Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco [London, 1914], pp.
334 f.).
2 Taboos sometimes relate to the performance of the sexual act. The Ainu
think that a woman should not move, ever so slightly, during coitus. If she
does so, her husband will meet with misfortune and will die a poor man (B. H.
Chamberlain, Ainu Folk-Tales [London, 1888], p. 55). Some Semang of Malaya
forbid a man to have intercourse with his wife in the daytime ; to do so would
be displeasing to Tapern, who seems to be a deified tribal ancestor (I. H. N.
Evans, The Negritos of Malaya [Cambridge, 1937], pp. 141, 173 f.). The Akamba
believe that if a man has connection with a woman from behind she will not con-
ceive unless he smears himself with the contents of a goat's stomach as a puri-
ficatory rite (C. W. Hob ley, Ethnology of A-Kamba and Other East African
Tribes [Cambridge, 1910], p. 103). Among the neighboring Akikuyu this method
of cohabitation entails a very serious pollution for both parties (idem, Bantu
Beliefs and Magic [London, 1922], p. 110). Among the Lango, a Nilotic tribe
of Uganda, coitus is only permitted within a house and at night (J. H. Driberg,
The Lango [London, 1923], p. 161). It is taboo (tschina) for couples in Loango
to have intercourse outside the house; this may take place only behind closed
doors, not on the earth but on a couch, not during the day, and not if other
people are in the room (E. Pechuel-Loesche, "Indiscretes aus Loango," Zeit-
schrift fur Ethnologie, X [1878], 26). The Edo forbid copulation on the ground.
One who does so must sacrifice a goat to the Earth Mother (P. A. Talbot, The
Peoples of Southern Nigeria [Oxford, 1926], III, 713). The same rule prevails
among the Ibo and, indeed, throughout almost the entire Niger Delta (idem,
Some Nigerian Fertility Cults [Oxford, 1927], pp. 32 f., 124). At Fez in Morocco
sexual intercourse is avoided in moonlight, for a child conceived in such circum-
stances would have ringworm (Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in Morocco
[London, 1926], I, 128).
158 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
8 G. Landtman, The Kiwai Papuans of British New Guinea (London, 1927),
p. 224.
* George Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), p. 274.
5 A. B. Deacon, Malekula, a Vanishing People in the New Hebrides (Lon-
don, 1934), p. 170.
6 C. B. Humphreys, 'The Southern New Hebrides (Cambridge, 1926), p. 174.
7 Willoughby, op. cit., p. 126.
8 H. A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed., London, 1927),
I, 188 f.
9 I. Schapera, Married Life in an African Tribe (London, 1940), pp. 194- ff.
The condition of "hotness" here described would seem to be equivalent to the
state of taboo.
10 Henry Callaway, The Religious System of the Amasulu (London, 1870),
p. 441.
11 Margaret Read, "The Moral Code of the Ngoni and Their Former Mili-
tary State," Africa, XI (1938), 13.
12 Ibid., p. 21 and note 5.
18 Hollis, op. cit. f p. 92.
14 C. Dundas, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute t XLV
(1915), 274, with special reference to the Akamba, Akikuyu, and Atheraka.
15 E. Pecheiil-Loesche, "Indiscretes aus Loango," Zeitschrift fur Ethnologic,
X (1878), 30 f.
16 Talbot, Peoples of Southern Nigeria, III, 739.
1T James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), p. 125.
18 F. Boas, in Thirty-fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology, p. 719.
19 Sir Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central
Australia (London, 1904), pp. 293, 295.
20 C. G. Seligman, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition
to Torres Straits, V, 271.
21 George Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), pp. 349 f., from information sup-
plied by a native pastor.
22 K. Landtman, "The Magic of the Kiwai Papuans in Warfare," Journal
of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLVI (1916), 323.
28 C. G. Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea (Cambridge,
1910), p. 140.
24 W. E. Armstrong, Rossel Island (Cambridge, 1928), p. 20.
25 Bronislaw Malinowski, Coral Gardens and Their Magic (London, 1935),
I, 119. Sexual intercourse in or close to the plantations is also prohibited (he.
cit.).
28 Idem, The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western Melanesia (New
York, 1929), p. 492. An individual transgressor of the war taboos is also pun-
ished. "Should he indulge in intercourse, a hostile spear would pierce his penis
or his testicles. Should he sleep nose to nose with his sweetheart, he would be
hit on the nose or thereabouts. Were he to sit even on the same mat with a
girl, his buttocks would not be safe from attack" (foe. cit.).
H. I. Hogbin, in Oceania, V (1934-1935), 330 f. The ritual incision of
the penis, to let "bad blood" out, is also practiced by the Mountain Arapesh
of British New Guinea, who, in addition, insert small sharp twigs in the urethra.
The practice is begun before adolescence by small boys imitating older boys and
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 159
is continued at set periods throughout life. As in Wogeo, it is essentially a puri-
ficatory rite in pidgin English, "washwash." See Margaret Mead, in Anthro-
pological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, XXXVII, 346 ff .
28 R. Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre in der Siidsee (Stuttgart, 1907), p. 395.
29 Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians f pp. 154, 274.
o J. J. Atkinson, in Folk-Lore, XIV (1903), 256.
81 G. H. von Langsdorff, Bemerkungen auf einer Reise um die Welt (Frank-
furt a. Main, 1812), I, 132.
32 Frederic Lutke, Voyage autour du monde (Paris, 1835-1836), III, 168 f.
88 M. Girschner, in Baessler-Archiv, II (1912), 185. The offender is sup-
posed to be speared by the war-god Rasim, who has a particular aversion toward
women.
3 * W. H. Furness, The Island of Stone Money (Philadelphia, 1910), pp. 38 f.
88 J. G. Riedel, in Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, XVII (1885), 68.
86 W. W. Skeat, Malay Magic (London, 1900), p. 524. On the coast of
Selangor fishermen observe continence for seven days (p. 315).
87 John Anderson, Mandalay to Momien (London, 1876), p. 138.
88 T. C. Hodson, "The 'Genna' amongst the Tribes of Assam," Journal of
the Anthropological Institute, XXXVI (1906), 94, 100. See also idem, "Head-
Hunting among the Hill Tribes of Assam," Folk-Lore, XX (1909), 142.
8 J. P. Mills, The Lhota Nagas (London, 1922), p. 41.
40 Callaway, Religious System of the Amasulu, pp. 437 f.
Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 189; II, 357 ff.
42 E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern
Rhodesia (London, 1921), II, 44.
48 Ibid., I, 206 f.
44 Willoughby, Nature-Worship and Taboo, pp. 126 f.
48 D. R. MacKenzie, The Spirit-ridden Konde (London, 1925), p. 103.
40 W. E. H. Barrett, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute ,
XLI (1911), 22.
47 Ibid. f p. 31.
48 A. C. Hollis, ibid., XLIV (1910), 481.
4 H. R. Tate, ibid., XXXIV (1904), 261.
80 John Roscoe, The Northern Bantu (Cambridge, 1915), p. 75.
81 J. H. Weeks, Among the Primitive Bakongo (London, 1914), p. 252.
82 E. E. Evans-Pritchard, IVitchcraft, Oracles, and Magic among the Asande
(Oxford, 1937), pp. 260, 271 f.
88 J. B. Labat, Relation historique de I'Ethiopie occidental (Paris, 1732),
I, 259 f. Cf. W. Winwood Reade, In Savage Africa (New York, 1864), p. 288.
84 Gunter Tessmann, Die Pangwe (Berlin, 1913), I, 225. The fear of bring-
ing anything of a sexual character into connection with the pure fire of the
smithy is so extreme that those workmen whose wives menstruate while the
smelting is going on must purify themselves (I, 226).
88 A. Poupon, in L'Anthropologie, XXVI (1915), 133.
86 Talbot; Some Nigerian Fertility Cults, pp. 121 ff. The taboo in question
is said to have been imposed by the direct command of the Earth Mother. It
prevails while the people are living on their plantations, but not when they are
in the towns. Throughout this part of Nigeria it is regarded as a grave sin
against the Earth Mother for the women to yield to the embraces of any man,
160 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
whether lover or husband, while lying on the ground. The sin is of yet deeper
dye if committed on farm land than in the depth of the bush, and in the old days
a couple convicted of such an offense would have been promptly put to death by
their outraged townsfolk. There is a special procedure for converting a "bush"
place, where cohabitation is not allowed, into a village where it can take place
with impunity (Talbot, loc. cit.).
67 Idem, Life in Southern Nigeria (London, 1923), p. 223.
88 J. R. Wilson-Heffenden, The Red Men of Nigeria (London, 1930), pp.
176, 179 f.
59 M. W. Sterling, in Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, l^o.
117, pp. 83, 87.
60 Carl Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (London, 1903), II. 129.
61 Ruth L. Bunzel, "Introduction to Zufii Ceremonialism," Forty-seventh
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 503 and note 32.
62 Adair, History of the American Indians, p. 163.
68 Stephen Powers, Tribes of California (Contributions to North American
Ethnology, Vol. Ill), (Washington, D.C., 1877), p. 31.
6 * G. M. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life (London, 1868), p. 227.
See Sir J. G. Frazer, Psyche's Task (2d ed., London, 1913), pp. 44-110.
This work was reissued in 1927 under the title of The Devil's Advocate.
68 W. E. Roth, Ethnological Studies among the North-We >st-Central Queens-
land Aborigines (Brisbane, 1897), p. 160 ; idem, North Queensland Ethnography,
Bulletin, No. 5, p. 22.
67 Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians, p. 241.
68 W. G. Ivens, Melanesians of the South-East Solomon Islands (London,
1927), p. 251; idem, The Island Builders of the Pacific (London, 1930), p. 110.
6 A. B. Brewster, The Hill Tribes of Fiji (London, 1922), p. 198. In the
Lau Archipelago a difficult birth or subsequent complications are believed to be
the result of broken taboos on the part of the mother or the father. It is usually
assumed by the men of the husband's clan that his wife has committed adultery.
Instead of consolation, therefore, she receives nothing but reproaches from her
husband's male relatives. The women, on the other hand, sympathize with her,
for they all agree that adultery does not influence the process of birth (Laura
Thompson, Fijian Frontier [New York, 1940], p. 31).
70 H. I. Hogbin, Law and Order in Polynesia (London, 1934), pp. 153f.;
see also 164 f . In one case Dr. Hogbin found that the death of a man whose wife
had been unfaithful to him was attributed to the kipua. They had killed him "to
spare him the disgrace of becoming a laughing-stock on account of the conduct
of his wife" (p. 158).
71 Von Langsdorff, Bemerkungen auf einer Reise um die Welt, I, 132.
7 * Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui (2d ed., London, 1870), p. 167. Cf.
William Brown, New Zealand and Its Aborigines (London, 1845), p. 35. We
are told by an excellent authority that cohabitation before marriage seldom
occurred. If it did and the girl became pregnant, the man married her. A man
never deserted a girl who had a child by him, even if he was married. Either
he or his people would take the child or she could bring it up herself. But in
any case the father generally claimed it. Rarely did a woman of high birth
commit adultery. When this happened, she was usually put to death and in many
instances her partner suffered the same fate. Moreover, her husband's people
would hold a raiding party at the woman's home and could be bought off only
by large gifts (The Old Time Maori, by Makereti [London, 1938], pp. 100,
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 161
104 ff., 117). See also E. Best, "Maori Marriage Customs," in Transactions
and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute, XXXVI (1903), pp. 51 f.
73 Edward Shortland, Maori Religion and Mythology (London, 1882), p. 30.
7 * Mrs. F. E. Hewitt, "Some Sea-Dayak Tabus," Man, VIII (1908), 187.
"A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo (Leiden, 1904-1907), I, 367.
76 F. Mason, in Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, XXXVII (1868),
Part II, pp. 141, 147 f. Cf. A. R. McMahon, The Karens of the Golden Cherso-
nese (London, 1876), pp. 334 f.
77 Thomas Shaw, in Asiatic Researches (Calcutta, 1795), IV, 73.
78 W. C. Willoughby, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXV
(1905), 311 ff. If the husband should be away from home and unable to return
for this ceremony, the Wife is entitled to proceed to the ritual coitus with some
other man. The husband cannot complain of her doing so, for it is he, not she,
who suffers from not having had this intercourse with his wife. His plight
is a sad one, and his chances of surviving the year are very slight. When he re-
turns home he dares not enter his premises, for he would pollute them by his
presence ; his very shadow, falling on one of his children, would be fatal to the
child. It is necessary for him to undergo the same rite of purification indicated
for a faithless wife. While this averts the worst consequences of his condition,
there must be no sexual connection between him and his wife until the next
tribal purification. A breach of the rule would be punished by his own death
or by that of his wife or child. But if the wife has not completed the sexual
part of the ceremony with another man during her husband's absence, they can
perform it together, for in that case neither of the parties is in a state of taboo
(Willoughby, loc. cit.).
79 H. A. Stayt, The Bavenda (Oxford, 1931), p. 87.
so Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 40 f., 196 ff. The
Pedi, on the other hand, taboo any sexual relations before marriage, while after
marriage a woman who has had children may have intercourse with a man not
her husband. The precautions taken by the Pedi to preserve the virginity of
their girls do not seem to be due to any great elevation of the moral standard
in this tribe. They have their source, apparently, in the belief "that the lochia,
the secretion which flows after the birth of a child, and even more after a mis-
carriage, is highly poisonous and greatly injures the man who has relations with
a woman during the days following on it." It is understandable, therefore, that a
young husband should be particularly anxious to be sure that his young wife is
physically pure. See Junod, op. cit., I, 98 f ., 297 f .
, 81 Charles Bullock, The Mashona (Cape Town and Johannesburg, [1928]),
pp. 199 f.
82 Idem, Mashona Laws and Customs (Salisbury, Rhodesia, 1913), p. 85.
83 Smith and Dale, Ila-spcaking Peoples, II, 6.
84 Cullen Gouldsbury and Hubert Sheane, The Great Plateau of Northern
Rhodesia (London, 1911), pp. 178, 57.
85 H. Coudenhove, "Feminism in Nyasaland," Atlantic Monthly, CXXXII
(1923), 194. Among the Anyanja, when a man's wife dies in childbirth, he is
often accused of having killed her by his infidelity during her pregnancy (H. S.
Stannus, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XL [1910], 305).|
According to another account of the Anyanja, a man caught in adultery must
get another man to cohabit with his wife before he can return to her. He must
pay the substitute for this service four yards of cloth or something of equal
value ; otherwise the substitute can claim the wife and carry her off (Sir H. H.
Johnston, British Central Africa [London, 1897], p. 415). The Achewa (Ajawa)
162 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
believe that a husband will fall ill if he eats food into which his wife has put
salt, either during her courses or after she has committed adultery (A. G. O.
Hodgson, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LXIII [1933], 129).
86 Margaret Read, "The Moral Code of the Ngoni and Their Former Mili-
tary State," Africa, XI (1938), 4, 17 f.
87 MacKenzie, Spirit-ridden Konde, p. 134.
ss A. Karasek and A. Eichhorn, in Baessler-Archiv, I (1910-1911), 188.
8 H. Cole, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXII (1902), 318 f.
o Gerhard Lindblom, The Akamba (Uppsala, 1920), p. 35.
01 C. W. Hobley, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLI
(1911), 412.
2 Idem, Bantu Beliefs and Magic (London, 1922), pp. Ill f.
s John Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 262; cf. pp. 55, 72.
94 W. D. Hambly, The Ovimbundu of Angola (Chicago, 1934), p. 187.
5C Delhaise, Les Warega (Congo Beige), (Brussels, 1909), p. 147.
96 E. Torday, On the Trail of the Bushongo (London, 1925), p. 195.
97 E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute,
XXXVI (1906), 288.
9 8G. C. Garidge, Wild Bush Tribes of Tropical Africa (London, 1922),
p. 88.
99 M. J. Field, Religion and Medicine of the Ga People (Oxford, 1937),
p. 168.
100 Talbot, Some Nigerian Fertility Cults, p. 123.
101 Idem, Life in Southern Nigeria, p. 220.
102 Idem, Peoples of Southern Nigeria, III, 712. The Abadja believe that if
a woman, while cooking, commits adultery and does not at once confess her fault
to her husband, she will fall sick; if she continues to be obstinately silent, she will
die (III, 716).
108 E. D. Vergette, Certain Marriage Customs of Some of the Tribes in the
Protectorate of Sierra Leone (Sierra Leone, 1917), p. 8.
104 Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico, II, 129.
105 W. C. Bennett and R. M. Zingg, The Tarahumara (Chicago, 1935),
p. 230.
i R. L. Olson, The Quinault Indians (Seattle, Wash., 1936), p. 46.
107 J. R. S wanton, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History,
VIII, 56.
108 Ivan Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of
Alaska (Washington, D.C., 1884) (Department of the Interior, Tenth Census,
Vol. VIII), p. 155.
i 9 Fridtjof Nansen, Eskimo Life (2d ed., London, 1894), pp. 172 f.
no M. Rascher, in Archiv fur Anthropologie, XXIX (1904), 211. The same
pollution results from legitimate intercourse between married people, but they
can themselves cleanse it away. They learn how to do so at the time of their
marriage (Rascher, loc. cit.; cf. Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre in der Siidsee, p. 179.
in J. Kreemer, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde van Neder-
landsch-Indie, LXVI (1912), 323.
112 G. A. Wilken, Verspreide Geschriften ('s Gravenhage, 1912), I, 591.
113 J. Perham, in H. L. Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 163
Borneo (London, 1896), I, 180. See also Charles Brooke, Ten Years in Sarawak
(London, 1886), 1,69 f.
ll Sir Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East (2d ed., Lon-
don, 1863), I, 63.
115 Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, II, 99.
lie Thomas Shaw, in Asiatic Researches (Calcutta, 1795), IV, 70.
117 E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), p. 267. The Basuto never per-
mitted defiled persons to have anything to do with harvesting the grain (p. 252).
"8 Hollis, The Nandi, pp. 17, 76.
119 Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic, p. 253.
o Lindblom, The Akamba, p. 149.
121 Driberg, The Lango, p. 161.
122 C. Wunenberger, in Les missions Catholiques, XX (1888), 262.
"a R. E. Dennett, At the Back of the Black Man's Mind (London, 1906),
pp. 53, 67 ff. According to an earlier authority, if an epidemic sickness prevailed
in the land, if the rain did not come at the appointed season, or if there was a crop
failure, the sinning couple were likely to be sacrificed by the enraged people
(E. Pechuel-Loesche, "Indiscretes aus Loango," Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, X
[1878], 26).
12 * P. A. Talbot, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLI,
1911, 247.
125 Cases are known of incest being deliberately committed for some ulterior
end. Among the Thonga a hippopotamus hunter will sometimes have sexual
relations with his own daughter, in order to acquire magical power over the
game. "This incestuous act, which is strongly taboo in ordinary life, has made
him into a 'murderer' : he has killed something at home ; he has acquired the
courage necessary for doing great deeds on the river !" (Junod, The Life of a
South African Tribe [2d ed.], II, 68). The Mashona think that the commission
of incest is a cure for the bite of certain deadly snakes (Bullock, Mashona, p. 316,
note 1). The Lamba, while abominating incest, consider that its commission
may bring good luck to an elephant hunter about to go in quest of ivory (C. M.
Doke, "Social Control among the Lambas," Bantu Studies, II [1923-1926], 41).
Among the Ba-ila, if a man wants very special luck, he will procure from a
witch doctor a charm called musamba and "under the doctor's instructions he
commits incest with his sister or daughter before starting on his undertaking.
That is a very powerful stimulus to the talisman" (Smith and Dale, I la-speaking
Peoples, I, 261). The Anyanja, a tribe of Nyasaland, believe that a man who
has intercourse with his sister or his mother is thereby rendered bulletproof
(H. S. Stannus, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XL [1910],
307). Among the Antambahoaka of Madagascar hunters, fishers, and warriors,
before setting out on an expedition, have sexual relations with their sisters or
nearest female relatives. Here, again, the act of incest is supposed to make for
success in the business at hand (A. van Gennep, Tabou et totemisme d Mada-
gascar [Paris, 1904], pp. 342 f., on the authority of G. Ferrand. The same
magical potency acquired by a violation of the stringent incest taboo may also
be acquired by cannibalism. Among the Queensland tribes of Cape York Penin-
sula the eating of human flesh is regarded as a terrible thing ; it is kunta-kunta>
which means hard, strong, dangerous, sacred, that is, taboo. "But, by means
of the appropriate ritual the danger may not only be averted, but it may even
become a source of power, making a man specially brave, and giving special
prowess in hunting" (D. F. Thomson, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute, LXIII [1933], 511; cf. ibid. t LXIV [1934], 252). Similarly in Lepers'
164 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Island, one of the New Hebrides, the natives think that to eat human flesh is a
dreadful thing. One who does so is one afraid of nothing. "On this ground
men will buy flesh when someone has been killed, that they may get the name
of valiant men by eating it" (R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians [Oxford, 1891],
p. 344).
126 A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London,
1904), p. 498. According to Mr. Hewitt's informant, Kohin seems to be a "glori-
fied and deified blackfellow" (p. 499).
127 R. Helms, in Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales
(2d ser., 1895), X, 392.
128 Bronislaw Malinowski, Crime and Custom in Savage Society (London,
1926), pp. 78 ft.
129 Hogbin, Law and Order in Polynesia, pp. 155, 158.
180 Raymond Firth, We, the Tikopia (London, 1936), pp. 333 ff.
181 Turner, Samoa, p. 92.
182 Arthur Grimble, "From Birth to Death in the Gilbert Islands," Journal
of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LI (1921), 26.
188 Charles Hose and William McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
(London, 1912), II, 196 ff. The Sea Dayak require a man who wishes to marry
his first cousin to perform a special ceremony of purification "to avert evil con-
sequences to the land" from such a union (H. L. Roth, "Low's Natives of Bor-
neo," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXI [1892], 133). Hugh Low
tells of a Hill Dayak chief who married his granddaughter, although his wife
and the girl's mother, his own child, were still alive. People complained that
since this incest had been committed "no bright day had blessed their territory ;
but that rain and darkness alone prevailed, and that unless the plague-spot were
removed, the tribe would soon be ruined" (Sarawak [London, 1848], pp. 300 f.).
is* Owen Rutter, The Pagans of North Borneo (London, 1929), p. 141.
i 85 G. A. Wilken, in Globus, LIX (1891), 22; M. J. van Baarda, in Bijdra-
gen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie, XLV (1895),
514.
IBS Fay-Cooper Cole, The Wild Tribes of the Davao District, Mindanao
(Chicago, 1913), p. 98.
i" P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (2d ed., London, 1914), pp. 77, 94, 122 f.
188 A. Kropf, A Kaffir-English Dictionary (Lovedale, South Africa, 1899),
p. 46.
189 Joseph Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country (London,
1857), p. 45.
1*0 A. Karasek and A. Eichhorn, in Baessler-Archiv, I (1910-1911), 186.
1*1 Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic, pp. 118f.
i* 2 Idem, Ethnology of A-Kamba and Other East African Tribes, p. 103.
148 John Roscoe, The Bagesu and Other Tribes of the Uganda Protectorate
(Cambridge, 1924), p. 176.
midem, The Bakitara or Banyoro (Cambridge, 1923), p. 67.
i* 5 C. G. Seligman and Brenda Z. Seligman, Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic
Sudan (London, 1932), p. 157.
i* Dennett, At the Back of the Black Man's Mind, pp. 53, 67 ff.
i* 7 John Gillen, The Barama River Caribs of British Guiana (Papers of
the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vbl. XIV, No.
2) (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), p. 74.
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE 165
148 J. G. Bourke, The Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona (New York,
1884), p. 279.
149 F. P. von Wrangell, Statistische und ethnographische Nachrichten iiber
die russischen Besitzungen an der Nordwestkuste von Amerika (Beitrdge zur
Kenntniss des russischen Reiches und angrdnzenden Lander Asiens, Vol. I) (St.
Petersburg, 1839), pp. 104 f.
150 Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of Alaska,
p. 155.
151 On avoidance, in general, see Frazer, Psyche's Task (2d ed.), pp. 75-96;
Westermarck, History of Human Marriage (5th ed.), I, 439-54; W. G. Sumner
and A. G. Keller, The Science of Society (New Haven, 1927), III, 2015-23 and
IV, 1149-55 ; Richard Thurnwald, "Meidung," in Ebert's Reallexikon der Vorge-
schichte, VIII, 121-31.
182 Joseph Parker, in R. B. Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria (Melbourne,
1878), II, 156. Cf. George Taplin, in J. D. Woods (ed.), The Native Tribes of
South Australia (Adelaide, 1879), pp. 32 ff.
15S Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 199, 256 f. Among
the Wurunjerri, when a woman's son-in-law sent a present of game to her hus-
band, she would rub charcoal over her face, especially over her mouth, and then
she could safely eat this food (p. 257).
1B * Sir Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Aus-
tralia (London, 1899), p. 469.
188 C. Keysser, in R. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu-Guinea (Berlin, 1911), III, 46.
150 I. H. N. Evans, Among the Primitive Peoples in Borneo (London, 1921),
p. 168.
157 W. Crooke, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXVIII (1899),
238.
188 S. C. Roy, The Birhors (Ranchi, 1925), p. 137.
159 Smith and Dale, Ila-speaking Peoples, I, 368.
16 F. H. Melland, In Witch-bound Africa (London, 1923), p. 83.
161 Bullock, Mashona Laws and Customs, p. 21 ; idem, The Mashona, p. 261.
162 MacKenzie, The Spirit-ridden Konde, pp. 107 f.
163 Roscoe, The Baganda, 128 f.
16 * M. A. Condon, in Anthropos, VI (1911), 377 f.
168 Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des nations civilisees du Mexique et de
I'Awerique-Centrale (Paris, 1857-1859), II, 52 f.
166 Bourke, Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona, p. 247. We are told,
however, that a Navaho may marry his (prospective) mother-in-law first and
then her daughter, thus making both women his wives and avoiding the taboo
(L. Ostermann, in Anthropos, III [1908], 862).
167 R. Karsten, Contributions to the Sociology of the Indian Tribes of Ecua-
dor (Acta Academic Aboensis, Humaniora, I, No. 3) (Abo, 1920), pp. 69, 72 f.
168 F. S. Clavigero, The History of Mexico (2d ed., London, 1807), I, 320 f.
169 Margaret Mead, in Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History, XXXVII, 344. For a description of the ceremony see p. 348.
170 J. M. Cooper, in Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, No. 63,
p. 157.
171 J. Teit, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, II,
326.
172 Urey Lisiansky, A Voyage Round the World (London, 1814), p. 199.
166 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
178 M. T. H. Perelaer, Ethnographische beschrijving der Dajaks (Zalt-Bom-
mel, 1870), p. 53. In Java the couple about to be married must not sleep during
the night preceding the wedding lest some grave misfortune befall them
(R. Schmidt, Liebe und Ehe im alien und modernen Indien [Berlin, 1904],
p. 422).
17 * Westermarck, Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco, p. 237.
M. Merker, Die Masai (Berlin, 1904), p. 48.
Hollis, The Nandi, p. 64.
177 Charles New, Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa (London,
1873), p. 360.
CHAPTER V
DEATH AND THE DEAD
SOME very rude peoples, for instance, the Central Australians, do
not recognize the possibility of natural death, while other rude
peoples, for instance, the Andaman Islanders, account for all sud-
den deaths by demonic agency. In the lower culture, generally,
death is very seldom considered to be necessary and inevitable,
except perhaps when a man dies in battle, by the open violence of
a fellow tribesman, or as the result of a quite obvious accident.
Sickness and death following sickness are almost always ascribed
to non-natural causes, especially sorcery practiced by some human
enemy. It is sometimes thought that a man's death is due to the
escape of his soul, which has a propensity for wandering away
from the body, with disastrous results to its owner. And as we
have seen, death is often believed to be the irremediable, ineluc-
table consequence of a broken taboo.
Nor are these the only explanations offered. It is a common
idea that the ghost of one who has died, particularly one who
came to his end in an untimely manner, is malignant and is likely
to avenge himself upon the survivors by making them die too.
Often, again, a man's death is attributed to an evil spirit which
entered his body and, having killed him, is supposed to lurk about
him^or in the neighborhood, seeking other victims as well. It is
impossible sharply to distinguish animistic conceptions of this na-
ture from the vaguer conception of death as a sort of miasma, or
atmospheric poison, spreading a fatal influence far and wide.
The belief in the pollution of death seems to be, essentially, a
simple conclusion drawn from the experience (as in pestilences)
that when one person has died other persons are likely to die also.
Such beliefs have been confirmed and strengthened as the result
of the emotional reactions produced by the phenomena of death :
dread of the corpse as a strange, uncanny object; disgust at the
corruption of the flesh ; and fright, or at least uneasiness, at the
sudden, unwelcome reminder of our common mortality. 1
In order to safeguard the living against the dangerous ghost
167
168 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
or the pollution of death, persons dangerously ill are often iso-
lated, or left untended, or removed from the dwelling and taken
out of doors to breathe their last. Sometimes they are buried or
otherwise disposed of while the spark of life still glows fitfully
within them.
The Yerkla-mining of South Australia, who never bury their
dead or dispose of them in any way, leave a dying person alone,
but as comfortable as possible and . near a fire. Then the entire
tribe quits the neighborhood and does not return to it for a con-
siderable length of time. 2 In the New Hebrides persons so ill as
to be delirious were buried alive. 8
When a Maori became ill he was not allowed to remain in a
dwelling house but was taken outside the village and placed in a
temporary shed erected in the bush. If anyone died in a house
it became tapu and could not be used again. Great inconvenience
would have been the result, for some houses were the common
abode of perhaps thirty or forty persons. 4 The Mangyan of
Mindoro abandon a sick person as soon as his condition becomes
serious. After a time they steal back to learn whether he is still
alive or dead; if by any chance recovery has begun, they do what
they can to help the patient 5 Among the Serrano of Luzon, when
a sick person does not show signs of recovery, he is taken from his
bed and laid upon a hide on the ground outside the house. A
child stays by to fan him and keep off the flies. Only water is
given him until death takes place. 8
The Singhalese, fearful lest a person dangerously ill may die
and thus pollute the house where he lies, remove him to an ad-
joining temporary building. 7 Among the Tanala of Madagascar
people who fall sick and become unconscious are placed in that
part of the forest where the dead are thrown. Should they revive
and return to the village, the people stone them to death. 8 Among
the Basuto a sick person, obviously approaching his end, is taken
out of the hut if it is possible to remove him without causing his
instant death. 9 The Masai, an East African tribe, take every care
to prevent a death from occurring in a village. As soon as a young
or middle-aged person shows signs of approaching demise, the
sufferer is hastily carried out into the bush and left to die there. 10
The Ho of Togoland abandon a dying man, for they fear lest
his eyes fasten on them and his ghost molest or even kill them. 11
The Lengua Indians of Paraguay remove a dying person from
the village and leave him alone to breathe his last. "No kindly
word is spoken to him, no friendly hand holds his, though he is still
DEATH AND THE DEAD 169
living, still conscious. Oftentimes he suffers the agonies of thirst,
but no one attends to his needs. And yet these Indians are not
unfriendly; they grieve for their dying friend; they will miss him
and mourn his loss; but their cruel belief overcomes all natural
feelings." 12 Among the Itonama of Bolivia, when the relatives
of a sick man believe that his end is near, they try to close as
tightly as possible his nose, mouth, and eyes, so that the death
contagion will not be communicated to someone else. As a result
of this precaution, very sick people are suffocated. 18 The Nica-
ragua Indians abandon a sick man whom they consider certain
to die. Since they leave with him neither food nor drink, he does
soon die. 14 It is customary among the Navaho Indians for a
dead man's hut to be burned and its site abandoned. When, for
any reason, this is not done, a person dangerously sick and likely
to die will be taken out to some lonely spot, brush will be piled
about him as a protection against wild animals, and there he will
be left unattended until death puts an end to his suffering. Some-
times, however, food is brought to him. 15
Among the Northern Maidu of California a person who had
been long sick was sometimes tied up, in a squatting position,
in a bearskin and was buried before death. 18 If the Makah, a
Washington tribe, are convinced that a patient cannot recover,
it is customary to turn him out of doors to die. Particularly will
this be done when he is suffering from an ailment which they do
not understand. If he were to die in the house, all the other
inmates would perish of the same disease. 17 Among the Central
Eskimo, if a person dies in a dwelling among its inmates, every-
thing in the hut must be destroyed or thrown away. To avoid
doing so, they build a small snow house or hut, according to the
season, and carry into it a man believed to be fatally ill. Some
food is left with him, but he has no attendants. As long as there
is no fear of his sudden demise, his relatives and friends may visit
him, but when death impends the house or hut is shut up and he
is left alone. 18
While some primitive peoples manifest little or no repugnance
in the presence of the dead and while others eat their dead, either
to satisfy the claims of hunger or to acquire the qualities of the
deceased, the usual attitude toward a corpse is one of loathing and
terror comparable to that exhibited toward a parturient or a men-
struous woman.
The aborigines of Victoria think that a corpse should not be
brought into contact with human hands or with the earth. 19 The
170 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Koita, a Papuan tribe, have a special term (aina) to indicate the
contagious and highly dangerous quality of a corpse. 20
In the Trobriand Islands the maternal kinsmen of the de-
ceased must keep away from the corpse. Were they to touch it
or even to come near it, they would themselves fall ill and die.
The pernicious influence of a corpse is conceived materially as
something which pollutes the air. The name of this exhalation
or essence is bwaulo, a word which also describes the cloud of
smoke surrounding a village, especially on calm, hot days. 21 "A
Fijian, having defiled himself by contact with the corpse of a per-
son who died a natural death, is not allowed to touch food with
his hands for several days. 22 The natives of the Lau Archipelago
believe that the odor of a dead body may cause three kinds of
ailments, these being leprosy, external sores with a bad smell, and
internal sores. To protect mourners from becoming thus affected
a corpse is usually buried within three hours of death. 28
In Samoa, while a dead body is in the house, no food may be
eaten there; hence the family take their meals outside or in an-
other house. Those who attended the deceased are most careful
not to handle their food, but are fed for several days "as if they
were helpless infants." Baldness and loss of teeth are the pen-
alties anticipated for violation of this rule. 24 In the Tonga Islands,
when a corpse was being taken to the burying ground, all persons
in the roadway or the adjacent fields were obliged to keep out of
sight under pain of becoming tabooed. Those who showed them-
selves at such a time were killed on the spot. 25 To the Maori "the
remains of the dead and of all connected therewith were (and are)
highly tapu; and such places as wahi-tapu (burial grounds) ....
are not lightly to be approached. The association of food, par-
ticularly cooked food, with anything tapu is most objectionable
in Maori eyes." 26
With reference to the Manobo of Mindanao, we are told that
the utter fear of the person of a dead man and of his soul is one
of the most marked features of their culture. "In the death-
chamber and hovering around the resting-place of the dead there
is a certain noxious influence by the infection of which one is
liable to become an object of attraction to the dark-visaged, hun-
gry, soul-ghouls that, lured by the odor, stalk to the death-house
and await an opportunity to secure a victim." 27
In Madagascar the taboos connected with death and funeral
ceremonies are very numerous. Death is so polluting that all
persons in contact with the corpse, even those who merely assist
DEATH AND THE DEAD 171
at the obsequies, become contaminated. The pot in which water was
heated to bathe the corpse, the mattress on which the corpse was
placed, the litter used to convey the corpse to the grave all are
objects not to be touched. A person cannot even pass near them
without absorbing the evil influences which emanate from them.
They must be destroyed. Rice taken into a house where a dead
man lies will not fructify. To go to a rice field after returning
from a funeral will result in the rice becoming sterile. To enter a
house where there are silkworms, after seeing a dead man, will
cause the worms to die. If one meets a brooding hen, before being
purified from the death pollution, the eggs will not hatch. To
build a house upon the site of an ancient tomb is to bring disaster
upon the occupants of the house and their offspring. 28
Of the Basuto the missionary Casalis remarks that "death,
with all that immediately precedes or follows it, is in the eyes of
these people the greatest of all defilements. Thus the sick, per-
sons who have touched or buried a corpse, or who have dug the
grave, individuals who inadvertently walk over or sit upon a grave,
the near relatives of a person deceased, murderers, warriors who
have killed their enemies in battle, are considered impure." The
extreme haste with which interments take place frequently results
in persons being buried alive. "Ignorant old women, overcome
by superstitious fears, run away at the sight of convulsions or a
fainting fit, crying, 'It is all over, he is dead !' and without further
examination the patient is smothered up in skins, and soon dies
of suffocation. 1 ' 29 The Bechuana entertain very pronounced ideas
as to the uncleanness of a corpse or of anything connected with
death ; hence those who have touched a dead body or dug a grave
wash themselves or expose themselves to the smoke of a purifica-
tory fire. 80 The Rwala Bedouin carefully avoid a dead body. 81
The Bribri Indians of Costa Rica denote by the word nya,
"filthy," the ceremonial uncleanness connected with death. All
objects that have been in contact with a corpse must either be
thrown away, or destroyed, or purified by a medicine man. 82 The
Makah Indians of Washington believe that it is very bad luck to
look on the dead. Hence a corpse must be covered from sight at
once. No sooner has a person breathed his last than he is se-
curely rolled up in blankets, firmly bound with ropes, and boxed.
The practice probably leads to murder, since if a person is not
really dead they take good care to insure that he will be shortly. 88
The Quinault Indians believe that were a person to eat any-
thing while passing by a grave his mouth would grow awry and
172 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
remain henceforth in this uncomfortable position. 84 The Clallam
and Twana do not like to have their children go near the dead,
for children are more susceptible to evil influences than are adults. 35
The Labrador Eskimo "have little fear of death itself, which
the hunter braves many times a day on the shifting ice, nor do
they express any particular emotion in putting an animal to death,
or killing a man, for that matter. But they do have a superstitious
fear of a corpse, owing to the malignant influence which it is sup-
posed to exert, and are very much afraid of ghosts. They will
never pass by one of their burying places at night .... It is a
great misfortune to have any one die unexpectedly in the house,
as it contaminates everything in it. When an inmate is near his
end, you will see his housemates removing all the household furni-
ture and weapons." 86 The Greenlanders throw out of the house
all the belongings of a dead man, lest these should pollute the sur-
vivors and bring them misfortune. All the movables in the house
are likewise taken outside until evening, when the smell of the
corpse has passed away. 87 The Central Eskimo allow only the rela-
tives of the deceased to touch his body. 88 The Bering Strait Eskimo
are very averse to having a dead body in the house. This repug-
nance is so strong that the relatives of a dying man frequently dress
him in his grave clothes, in order that he may be placed in the
grave box and removed immediately after death has occurred. 89
The Chukchi of northeastern Siberia will not touch a dead
body with bare hands. 40 Among the Yakut the remains of a de-
ceased person, wherever buried, inspire great fear. They cause
major interferences with nature, "arousing winds, blizzards, and
bad weather. The remains of a shaman produce all these phe-
nomena in a very extraordinary degree." 41
There are many primitive peoples who abandon, either tem-
porarily or permanently, a place where a death has occurred. The
custom seems to be common, if not universal, among the Aus-
tralian aborigines. The Arunta burn the man's camp or the wom-
an's camp, according to the sex of the deceased, and then seek a
new site for the local group. 42 In the Mara tribe of northern
Australia "as soon as anyone dies, the camps are immediately
shifted, because the spirit, of whom they are frightened, haunts
its old camping ground." 48 The natives of Queensland, who have
the same custom, nick the trees where one of their number died
to show that a death occurred on the spot. 44
The Kenakagara, a Papuan tribe near Port Moresby, always
remove to a new village when a number of deaths have taken
DEATH AND THE DEAD 173
place in their midst. 45 The inhabitants of a Keraki village also
migrate but only temporarily after a death. 46 When a Maori
chief was buried in a village it became tapu, and no one, on pain
of death, was permitted to go near it. 47
Among the Dusun of British North Borneo the death of a
person in a newly built village, within six months of its completion,
will result in its abandonment. 48 The Sakai of Perak in the Malay
Peninsula invariably burn down the house where a death has
occurred and forsake their settlement, even though they must
sacrifice a crop of tapioca or sugar cane. 49 Among the Mantra of
Malacca, should a death occur in a clearing, nothing more is
planted there. After the crop on the ground has been gathered,
they abandon the clearing. 60
The Andaman Islanders think that the spirit of a dead man
haunts not only his burial place but also the encampment where
he died. They abandon it after the return of the funeral party
and move to a new camping ground. 61 The Nicobar Islanders
desert a settlement where a death has occurred and return to it
only for the purpose of gathering the ripened produce of the plan-
tations. 62
The wilder Vedda of Ceylon leave the corpse of a man or
woman in the cave or rock shelter where death occurred. The
site is then quickly abandoned by the community and will be
avoided for a long time. "When an attempt is made to discover
the nature of the noxious influence felt in the place of death, the
usual answer given is to the effect that 'if we stayed where the
death had occurred we should be pelted with stones'." In many
instances there seems to be no definite idea that the dead man is
the active agent in the stone-throwing, although some natives be-
lieve that his ghost is responsible for such disturbances. 68
The Sakalava of Madagascar always break up their settlement
after a death in it and remove to a distance. "This perpetual flee-
ing before death of course prevents the population from becom-
ing settled in its habits, and produces a most unsubstantial style
of house-building/' 54
After the headman of a Thonga kraal dies it will be abandoned,
but only when the whole year of mourning for him has elapsed.
After a commoner's death his hut is thrown into the bush, though
the village is not abandoned. "But should these deaths increase,
then the divinatory bones may order the place to be deserted, as it is
defiled and dangerous." 65
The Masai take every precaution to prevent a young or a
174 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
middle-aged person from dying in the village. As soon as signs
of approaching dissolution are shown, such a person is hastily
carried into the bush and left there to breathe his last. If by
some mischance he dies in the village, it is moved as soon as
possible. Very old men and women are allowed to die peacefully
in the village, but the hut where the death occurred must be left
to fall into ruin and the village must be moved about a month after
the funeral ceremony. 08 The Akamba do not shift their village to
a new site after a death has occurred in it, but the villagers must
be purified. This is done by an old man specially versed in such
matters. He slaughters a goat, removes the contents of its small
stomach, and mixes these in a calabash with certain plants. The
villagers sit in a circle about the celebrant, who sprinkles them with
the mixture. The walls of the house where the death occurred
and the bed on which the dead person lay are also sprinkled. Un-
til this ceremony has been performed there must be no sexual
intercourse in the village. 57
The Bahima, a pastoral people of Uganda, bury commoners
in the dung heap of the kraal. They then abandon the place and
build a new kraal some distance away. 58 The Banyankole of
Uganda also remove to a new kraal after the mourning period is
over. With them mourning lasts for three or four years. 59 The
Wawamba bury a dead man in his house, which is thereupon aban-
doned. When a chief dies, the village is generally deserted. 60 The
Ogowe desert a settlement after the death in it of a prominent
man, especially a chief. The houses are left to fall into ruins or
are burned. 61
The Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco shift their camps after
a death. 62 With the Anabali and other Orinoco tribes it was for-
merly the custom, when anyone died, to bury him in the place
where he had his hearth. They would then forsake the village
and all their fields, and build anew at a distance of a dozen leagues
or more. They said that after death had once entered their village
they could no longer live in security. When these tribes subse-
quently advanced to a more settled life, they contented themselves
with breaking up the house of a deceased person and burning
everything which he possessed. 63 The Sumu Indians of the Mos-
quito Coast carried the moribund into the bush and let them die
there. If they died in the settlement, this had to be abandoned. 6 *
The Cree Indians of Canada, when a death has occurred, shift
their camp for several miles. 65
Abandonment or destruction of the dwelling in which a death
DEATH AND THE DEAD 175
has occurred is a widespread custom. Some aborigines of Vic-
toria pulled down the rude hut of the deceased and frequently
burned it, because no one would inhabit the spot where a death
had taken place. 66 Among the Southern Massim of British
New Guinea the house in which a married man or woman had
died is often allowed to decay or is destroyed, either immediately
after the person's death or upon the decease of the surviving part-
ner. 67 The Keraki do not abandon a house where someone has
died if it is a new house and in good order. But an old house
will be left empty for perhaps a year after the occupant's death
and then will be ceremonially destroyed. 68 The Kai, another Pap-
uan tribe, desert the house in which anybody has died. If the
deceased was a chief or a man of importance, the whole village is
abandoned and a new one built elsewhere. 69
In New Zealand in almost every pa, or fortified settlement,
"nearly half the houses belonged to the dead." When the owner
died, he was buried in his house, which was then deserted with all
it contained. No one ever entered it again, for the red paint on
the door showed that it was tapu. 'These abandoned houses,
being in every stage of decay, gave a very unsightly appearance
to the />a." 70 In the Marshall Islands the hut of a deceased chief
is abandoned and allowed to fall into decay. 71
Among the Land Dayak of Borneo, who build large com-
munal houses, the apartment of a family in which a death occurs
is tabooed for seven days and nights. 72 When a death occurs
among the Mangy an of Mindoro they flee at once, leaving every-
thing in the house undisturbed and closing all paths to it with
brush. The relatives of the deceased then hide in the jungle and
change their names. 78 The Ainu assert that in former times it
was their custom to burn down the family hut when the oldest
woman of a family died, for they feared the ghost would return
and bring evil upon them. Nowadays the woman, when getting
very old and likely to die soon, has a tiny hut to herself. This is
burnt after her demise. 74
The Hottentots abandon the hut in which a death has oc-
curred and leave its contents untouched. 76 Among the Basuto no
one may occupy a hut in which a death has taken place. 76 Among
the Mashona a widower abandons the hut in which his wife died.
A widow continues to live in the hut where her husband died,
but it must first be purified by the doctor. 77 The Chinyai bury a
corpse under the floor of the house, which is then closed up and
abandoned. When a chief dies, the whole village will be deserted. 78
176 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
The Barotse, a people akin to the Zulu, almost always abandon the
hut of a deceased person. 79
Among the Ngoni (Angoni) of Northern Rhodesia the hut
where a death occurred is never used again and is allowed to fall
into decay. The natives say that they observe this custom so that
the man's ghost may return to his former haunts. 80 Among the
Akikuyu, when a stranger comes to a village and dies in a hut
there, the hut, with all it contains, is completely abandoned, if the
owner belongs to the Kikuyu section of the tribe. If he belongs
to the Masai section, the hut is abandoned only until the death
pollution has been ceremonially removed. The Akikuyu also
require a new hut to be immediately demolished should the own-
er's wife find herself menstruating on the day she lights the first
fire in it. This custom applies to both sections of the tribe. 81 The
Basoga of Uganda never occupy a hut where a death has oc-
curred. 82 The Bavuma, a people allied to the Basoga, destroy the
hut where a death has occurred. 83
The Bangala of the Upper Congo bury a man in his house.
It is then deserted. If he owned several houses (one for each wife
he possessed) all of them would be destroyed. 84 It is customary
with the Yoruba of the Slave Coast to close the apartment in
which a corpse is interred. Rich families even abandon the house
altogether. In former days the house was burned. 85
Among the Fuegians the hut where a native has died is usually
burned and the place where it stood is abandoned for a long time
by the friends of the deceased. 88 The Guiana Indians who live in
the forest and build flimsy houses abandon the dwelling of a de-
ceased person and never return to it. The Indians of the savannah
build in a more substantial fashion and sometimes continue to
occupy such a dwelling. 87 The Tarahumare Indians of Mexico,
besides destroying the house where someone has died, break up
the household utensils which it contained. 88
The Cahuilla Indians of southern California burn the house
of a deceased man, together with all his possessions. However,
on some of the reservations many Indians have built frame houses.
One of these would not be destroyed unless three deaths had oc-
curred in it. 89 The Navaho burn a house where a death has oc-
curred. No one will approach the site, even for years afterward,
because it is believed to be haunted by the spirit of the deceased. 90
Among the Chippewa it is usual to burn the wigwam after the
decease of an inmate. The clothes and other personal possessions
of the dead are often included in the holocaust. 91
DEATH AND THE DEAD 177
Among the Blackfeet, when a great chief or noted warrior
died and was buried in his lodge, this would be moved some dis-
tance from the camp and his weapons, war clothes, pipe, and med-
icine would be placed in it. The lodge would never again be en-
tered. 92 The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, who burned
the summer lodge in which an adult person died, spared the more
solid and elaborate winter house. They took care, however, to
purify the latter with water in which tobacco and juniper had
been soaked, before occupying it again. If two or more persons
died in the winter house at the same time or in close succession,
then it was invariably destroyed. 98
Among the Eskimo of Bering Strait, if a person dies sud-
denly of a strange or unusual disease, the occupants of the dwell-
ing immediately desert it. 94 Yakut people who can afford the sacri-
fice will abandon a house where a death has occurred, though they
may come back after a time. In one part of the Yakut territory
it was formerly the practice, when anyone had died in a house, for
the occupants to depart hastily, leaving there the dead man with
all the goods which had been his when alive. 95 The Kamchadal
of Kamchatka always desert a house in which a person has died
and remove to another dwelling some distance away. The corpse
is cast out, to be eaten by dogs, and with it the clothes of the de-
ceased. Anyone who wore these was believed to be in danger of
an early death. 96
The custom of destroying the goods and chattels of a dead
man or of putting them into the grave with him may often be
interpreted as a simple form of funeral sacrifice designed to sup-
ply the ghost with all things needful for his life in the other world.
Where ghost fear is strong, an explanation may sometimes be
found in the desire to prevent the dead man from returning to his
former haunts in search of what belongs to him. There can be little
doubt, however, that dread of the death pollution is the leading
motive here as elsewhere. In primitive thought a man's posses-
sions are saturated with his personality. They form a part of him,
almost as much as his hair, his saliva, his footprints, and his name,
which are so generally employed in magical arts. To destroy a
man's weapons, tools, ornaments, and clothing after his demise
seems to the survivors an elementary precaution, and to make as-
surance doubly sure not only his personal property but all objects
even remotely associated with him are sometimes destroyed also.
The custom, whatever its origin, will tend to be kept up as an
expression of grief on the part of the survivors or as their tribute
178 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
to the deceased, thus holding a place among the formal mourning
ceremonies perhaps long after the ideas on which it was based
have passed away. 97
The aborigines of southeastern Australia very generally buried
the scanty possessions of a deceased person with him. In the Wol-
gal tribe, for instance, all his belongings were "put out of sight."
Similarly in the Geawe-gal tribe "all the implements, the prop-
erty of a warrior, were interred with his body, and indeed every
piece of inanimate property he possessed." 98 The tribes of Vic-
toria buried with the dead man all his property except his stone
axes. These were considered too valuable to be thus disposed of
and were inherited by the next of kin. 99 By the Wonkonguru of
the Lake Eyre district all the personal belongings of a dead man
are broken at his grave, "so that his spirit will not come back
and use them" ; those of a woman, however, are not broken. 100
This practice seems to be uncommon among the more economical
natives of the Northern Territory of Australia, who regularly
assign all the belongings of a dead person to some special indi-
vidual, such as a mother's brother. The Kakadu, however, break
up and burn a dead man's weapons and do the same with all the
possessions of a dead woman. 101
Among the Eastern Islanders of Torres Straits, if a man died
childless his widow handed over all his effects to his male rela-
tions, who broke them up and burnt them. Even his stone-headed
clubs were chipped into small pieces and thrown upon the fire.
If an only son died all his goods, and his father's likewise, were
broken up and destroyed in the same manner ; sometimes the par-
ents collected them inside the house and burned it down with its
contents. Then they would ask their friends to destroy the prod-
uce of their gardens and make a clean sweep of every growing
thing. 102 In Mabuiag, one of the Western Islands of Torres
Straits, the mourners went to the dead man's gardens and slashed
at the taro, knocked down the coconuts, pulled up the sweet po-
tatoes, and destroyed the bananas. 108
Among the Roro-speaking tribes of British New Guinea many
of a dead man's effects, though not his jewelry, are broken or
damaged and hung beneath the eaves of his house, which is then
deserted and allowed to decay. 104 Similarly among the Kiwai
Papuans the most valuable ornaments of the deceased are usually
kept by the heir. The remaining ornaments are destroyed or are
given to people outside his or her group, sometimes to those in
other villages. "The near relatives do not want to keep the things
DEATH AND THE DEAD 179
of everyday use which have belonged to the dead person, lest
they should themselves die." 105 The Tamo of Bogadjim signalize
the death of a prominent man by cutting down his coconut palms,
killing his pigs, and breaking up his pots, bows, and other per-
sonal possessions. 106 In the D'Entrecasteaux Archipelago the
kinsfolk of the deceased blacken their bodies, shave their heads,
and put on white cane armlets; "then, if their grief should over-
whelm them, they break the dead man's pots and his canoe, per-
haps even cut down his yam vines and banana trees and such of
his coconut palms as chance to be in bearing .... A few years
since, a Wagifa man was carried off to gaol. His relatives, think-
ing he was gone forever, cut down his yam vines and bananas
and several of his coconut trees as though he were already
dead." 107
The Sulka of New Britain destroyed all of a man's property
after his death; if he had been wealthy or distinguished, his wives
were killed as well. 108 In Bougainville Island most of a man's
possessions are sacrificed during the funeral ceremonies. Not only
are his provisions consumed, but his taro plantation and coconut
palms will also be destroyed. The natives are said to fear the
anger of his ghost were they to take what had been his prop-
erty. 109 In New Georgia, one of the Solomon Islands, all the
property of a dead man is "sacred" during the hundred days
of mourning for him. No one touches his coconuts, canoe, or
house; even his dog, if he had one, is allowed to starve, for no
one will care for it. 110 Upon the death of a native of San Cristo-
val, another of the Solomons, his trees are cut down, his nuts
and yams are strewn about the ground, and his bowl is broken. A
favorite dog or pig is also buried in a grave; in the case of a dog
the bowl from which it fed will be broken, and in the case of a
pig its owner's pig-hunting spear will be stuck up at the grave
and never used again. 111
In the island of Tanna, one of the New Hebrides, a man's
coconut trees are chopped down after his death, but all other trees,
together with his personal possessions, are transmitted to his
heirs. 112 In Erromanga, on the other hand, the coconut trees are
not sacrificed. For some years before his death the owner of the
trees will speak of them as belonging to one of his sons, so that,
when he dies, everyone says that the trees are the son's and not
the father's. The natives appreciate the desirability of preserving
the trees and have devised a legal fiction to make this possible. 118
The New Caledonians make a clean sweep of the dead man's pos-
180 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
sessions. His houses and nets are burned ; his plantations are rav-
aged ; and his coconut trees are cut down. 114
The natives of Niue, or Savage Island, uprooted all the plan-
tations of a person who had died. His fruit trees were also felled
and cast into the sea. 115 In the Marquesas Islands it was only
when a chief had no children that his personal possessions were
buried with him, but in all cases the things associated with the
corpse, such as blankets and bier, were destroyed. 116 By the Maori
the "personal apparel" of a deceased person was never used
again. 117
In the Nicobar Islands all the bulk of the portable property
of the deceased such as (in the case of a man) his spears, pots,
baskets, paddles, plates, and other articles are broken or other-
wise made unserviceable. They are then taken to the cemetery
to be deposited on the grave or at the headpost. 118 The Saora,
or Savara, an aboriginal hill tribe of the Madras Presidency, burn
with the dead man everything he possessed his bows and ar-
rows, daggers, necklaces, clothes, ax, and reaping hook for cut-
ting paddy. Even his money, or at least some of it, is cast into the
fire. 119 Most of the Vedda groups, it is said, do not exhibit any
avoidance of a dead man's property, but among the Henebedda
the betel bag, unless it were a very good one, would be left with
the corpse, and in many cases its contents would not be eaten,
but deposited near the dead man. The areca-nut cutter and lime-
box, which during his life had always been carried in the bag,
were preserved. Before these precious objects could be safely
used they had to be made harmless; thus the old headman of
the Henebedda exposed his father's lime box and areca cutters
under a bush for ten days and more. "It was necessary to do
this, since if these objects had been used immediately, the in-
dividuals using them would probably have contracted the same
illness as that from which the dead man suffered." 120
The custom under consideration is or has been very general
among the native tribes of South Africa. We are told there was
"an idea that something connected with death attached to the per-
sonal effects of the deceased, on which account whatever had be-
longed to him that could not be placed in the grave, his clothing,
mats, head-rest, etc., was destroyed by fire. The hut in which he
had lived was also burned, and no other was allowed to be built
on the spot. If he had been the chief, the whole kraal was re-
moved to another site. Those who touched the corpse or any of
the dead man's effects were obliged to go through certain cere-
DEATH AND THE DEAD 181
monies, and then to bathe in running water before associating
again with their companions." 121 The Bushmen, who dislike to
touch a corpse, "owing to the fear of bad luck/' usually bury the
ornaments of a dead man with him. 122 Among the Bogo of East
Africa it is a common practice, when the head of a family dies,
to burn everything in the house, even the store of food. The dead
man's possessions are first packed in boxes before being thrown
into the fire. His family, impoverished by their sacrificial act,
are supported until the next harvest by the other villagers. 123
The Bangala of the Upper Congo build a shelter over a grave,
with a rough table under it. On this are placed bottles, saucepans,
plates, mugs, and other articles, while stools and chairs are put
under it and at its side. These objects are "killed," that is, broken.
"All the natives told me that the articles were killed to keep people
from stealing them, yet they had an idea that the things thus
displayed not only served as a memento of the deceased but helped
him, in his present state, in some indefinable way. Undoubtedly
they had forgotten the reason for 'killing* the articles. The steal-
ing reason was not sufficient to meet the case, as no one would be
found with so much hardihood as to rob a grave, they had too
wholesome a fear of spirits to do that; besides detection would
have been easy and dire punishment follow the theft." 124 The
Balolo, upon the death of a freeman, cut down all his banana trees
and leave the fruit of his plantation to rot on a platform. No one
dares to touch the fruit. 125 The Bana of the Cameroons heap
upon a grave the shattered hut of the deceased, together with all
its furnishings, even the smallest object which he had ever used
in life. 126 The Yoruba of the Slave Coast, on the day after a fu-
neral, burn everything which the deceased had in daily use, such as
his pipe, mat, and calabashes, and other things of small value.
Formerly, the destruction of property was much more extensive. 127
It is a general rule among the Fuegians to destroy everything
which a dead man owned. The Selk'nam (Ona) burn his prop-
erty, and his faithful wife also casts into the flames many of her
own treasured possessions. An exception is made of the valuable
hunting dogs, for the natives say that their former owner would
not like to have the people slay animals which had been his com-
panions and useful servants. The Yamana (Yahgan) burn a
man's possessions or cast them into the sea. Some of them may
be placed in the grave, not as a funeral sacrifice, but because the
survivors want to get rid of all things which belonged to the de-
ceased. 128 A Patagonian who has amassed a little property by
182 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
stealing from the whites or by trading with his neighbors can
leave nothing to his children. Everything that he has is destroyed
at his death ; even cattle, horses, and hunting dogs are killed. This
practice helps to account for the natural indolence of the natives
and forms an obstacle to their progress in the arts of life. "Why
should they occupy themselves with the future when they have
nothing to hope from it?" 129 The Lengua Indians of the Para-
guayan Chaco, who burn the village where a death has occurred
and go elsewhere, likewise burn the personal property of the de-
ceased. If he possessed any domestic animals, these are generally
killed. They say that unless these precautions were taken the ghost
would haunt them. 130 The Abipones bury with a dead man his
entire property or burn it in a bonfire. When a chief or notable
warrior dies, the horses which he most prized are killed and fixed
on stakes around his grave. 181 By the Bororo of Brazil everything
which a dead man possessed is burned or thrown into the river, so
that (as the natives say) he will not have any excuse for coming
back to get them. 182
Many of the Orinoco tribes, the Tamanac for instance, ravage
the fields of a dead man and cut down the trees which he planted. 188
The Itonoma of Bolivia abandon the fields of a deceased person
(an adult) and do not harvest their growing crops. The land will
never be used again ; it belongs to the dead. These Indians do not
meddle with clay utensils and other objects found in old houses
where people have died and in tombs ; such things, also, belong to
the dead. 134 Of the purificatory ceremonies of the Toba Dr. Kar-
sten writes : "When the natives burn such things as have belonged
to the departed or been in some contact with him, this practice is
solely due to their fear of the infection or pollution of death at-
taching to such things. They are therefore given over to the fire,
the strongest means of purification they know. But it ought to
be added that this infection of death is always personified, that
is, it is the death-demon with which the Indians fear to come into
contact. If anybody, especially any one of the relatives, keeps
these things and, for instance, eats from a vessel which had been
used by the deceased, the evil demon may enter into him or her
and cause disease and death." 185 Among the Miskito Indians of
Honduras and Nicaragua it was frequently the custom to deposit
all the personal property of a deceased person in his grave. Even
his livestock had to be killed and his plantations and fruit de-
stroyed. 186
The Indians in the southwestern part of the United States
DEATH AND THE DEAD 183
still observe to some extent the custom of abandoning or destroy-
ing the house in which an adult person died, and also his clothing
and other possessions. "Many of the tribes recognize clearly
that the burning of everything with which the deceased came
into contact hinders contagion." Among the Zufii an adult's
blankets are buried with him, his extra clothing and bedding are
thrown away, the door of the house is left wide open for four
days and nights, and then the house, before reoccupancy, is white-
washed and the floor newly plastered with mud. 137 When a Pima
householder died it was formerly the custom to burn down his
dwelling "an excellent hygienic precaution, but detrimental to
the development of architecture. The other structures about the
premises were either burned or piled on the grave. Personal
property was similarly destroyed, and if there was any livestock
it was killed and eaten by anyone who chanced to be on hand,
though the immediate relatives never partook of such food." 188
Some Apache Indians, besides burning the house where a man
died and burying with him or destroying everything which he
owned or which he had used while sick, shoot his horses and cat-
tle. 139 The Havasupai burn the dead man's house and choicest
possessions, kill two or three of his good horses, and allow his
land to lie idle and weed-covered for one or two years. If a man
or woman died while a crop was standing, half of it would be
used by the heirs and the other half cut down to dry until it could
be burned. It is customary to give death-bed instructions to this
effect and sometimes, also, for the destruction of any fruit trees
on a person's land. 140
The Porno Indians of California stripped themselves of their
possessions after a death in the family, after the death of even a
small child. "They not only burn up everything that the baby
ever touched, but everything that they possess, so that they ab-
solutely begin life over again naked as they were born, with-
out an article of property left." 141 In former days the Quinault
of Washington not only tore down the house in which a man
died, but they also buried with him or put on his grave all his per-
sonal property. They believed that the use of any clothing which
had belonged to a man no longer living "would be speedy death." 142
The Talkotin (Tautin) of British Columbia deposited with the
dead man all his worldly goods, and his friends purchased other
articles to be placed with them in or on the grave. 148 No Thomp-
son Indian could with impunity take possession of the bow and
arrows, the long leggings and moccasins of a departed tribesman,
184 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
nor was it safe for anyone who did not possess a strong guardian
spirit to smoke his pipe. His clothing, before being used, was
washed and hung out for several days. It was also necessary to
disinfect his traps and snares by suspending them for a long time
in a tree far from any human habitation or graveyard. 144
Among the Eskimo of Greenland the son inherits the father's
tent and umiak (open boat) ; pots and soapstone lamps may also
be inherited. But weapons and implements which a man made
himself, even a sealer's kaiak (decked canoe) will be buried. in
his grave. "Thus the personal right of possession of these things
is so strongly developed that it has a religious character." 145
Among the Point Barrow Eskimo, "all the personal property of
the deceased is supposed to become unclean and must be exposed
with him." 14a Similar practices are found among various Siber-
ian tribes. 147
The waste of both consumable and capital goods entailed by
such a wholesale destruction of private property is obvious. It
keeps many a primitive community sunk in direst poverty. It
must also account, to no slight extent, for the indolence and lack
of ambition displayed by the savage. Unable to transmit his be-
longings to his descendants, he is thus deprived of one of the
strongest motives which prompt men to the accumulation of
wealth. That it has occasionally a beneficial outcome by prevent-
ing the spread of infectious diseases is also obvious. While some
American Indians are said now to recognize the sanitary value of
the practice, the fact that it is not usually observed after the death
of a child indicates that other considerations than those of sani-
tation account for its origin. And the destruction of a man's do-
mestic animals and growing crops points to the same conclusion.
Whatever is good in this taboo, as in most other taboos, has been
a by-product, something undesigned and unforeseen. So curiously,
oftentimes, do human ways work out.
For primitive thought a man's name is a part of himself, as
much so as his bodily members. One who knows it can perform
evil magic against him or exert malefic influence over him. A
man's name is also frequently identified with his soul, which can
be injured by its utterance. Accordingly, real names are often
kept secret and substitutes for them are employed in ordinary life ;
still more commonly names are surrounded with a variety of
prohibitions intended to prevent their unauthorized use. Name
avoidance seems to be in most cases a regulation whose infringe-
ment is socially punished, occasionally by a heavy fine, expulsion
DEATH AND THE DEAD 185
from the community, and even by death. In some cases, however,
the regulation ranks as a genuine taboo. 148
If the names of the living are not to be pronounced, all the
more will a similar prohibition be extended to those of the dead.
While the name endures, the owner still endures; to use it is to
summon him from the world of shades. Moreover, since the
name of the dead man bears the contagion of death (name and
thing named being one), the survivors who utter it will be pol-
luted no less certainly than by handling his corpse or making use
of his personal possessions. The prohibition may be perpetual,
but it is sometimes limited either to the duration of the funeral
ceremonies or to that of the mourning period. Coupled with the
suppression of the dead man's name, either temporarily or per-
manently, is the practice on the part of the survivors of changing
their own names, so as to baffle a returning ghost or the evil spirit
believed to be responsible for the death, or, again, as a disguise to
escape the death pollution. 149
We are told of the Tasmanians that to introduce, for any
purpose whatever, the name of one of their deceased relatives,
"called up at once a frown of horror and indignation, from a fear
that it would be followed by some dire calamity." 150 Among the
Maraura-speaking tribes of the Lower Darling River the names
of the departed were never mentioned, "not out of respect but out
of fear." 151 Queensland aborigines never utter the names of the
dead lest their spirits should hear the voices of the living and
thus discover the whereabouts of those whom they have left be-
hind. 152 Should a native wilfully mention the name of a deceased
person, he will have to submit to any mischief which the spirit of
that person thus called upon may inflict. 158
The tribes of Central Australia will not utter the name of a
deceased person during the period of mourning, unless it is ab-
solutely necessary to do so, and then it is only done in a whisper
for fear of disturbing his ghost. If he heard it mentioned, he
would conclude that his kinsfolk were not mourning for him
properly and would come and trouble them in their dreams. 154
Some tribes of northwestern Australia never mention a dead man's
name after his burial; to do so would allow him to return and
frighten them at night in the camp. He is spoken of only as "that
one/' the speaker at the same time pointing in the direction of his
grave. 155 The Tiwi of Melville and Bathurst Islands not only for-
bid the use of a dead man's name but also of any word resembling
it. "Spirits are not only malignant, they are also unreasonable,
186 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
and whereas a live man would not quarrel with you for using an
ordinary word resembling his name, his ghost is quite likely not
to appreciate the difference. Hence the prohibition against similar
words." 166
In New Guinea a man's name "always dies with him." 157 The
Dobuan believe* that an infringement of the name taboo entails
disastrous consequences except on two occasions. When a person
of importance is ill and apparently dying, a sorcerer who pos-
sesses beneficent powers may call by name upon the spirit of^an
ancestor to save the patient. It is also permitted to invoke an
ancestral spirit in confirmation of a very solemn oath. 158 The
Yabim avoid mentioning the names of the dead lest their ghosts,
who pass the time in the forest eating unpalatable fruits, should
suspend this occupation, return to the living, and vex them. 159 In
the D'Entrecasteaux Islands the names of the dead must not be
mentioned, "at least not before their memory has begun to fade."
A person whose name happens to be the same as that of any one
who has died is obliged to drop it at once and take another. 160 In
Buin, a district of Bougainville Island, not the names of the living
but those of the dead are changed. The latter receive "names of
the other world," which were usually chosen by their bearers while
alive. 161
The Sea Dayak of Borneo often change the names of their
children because of the great dislike of mentioning one who is
dead. 162 No Toda likes to speak of the dead by name. It is strictly
forbidden to mention the name of a dead elder relative. 163 In the
funeral lamentations each mourner mentions the deceased by the
name which indicates the bond of kinship between himself and
the dead person, but does not utter the personal name. 184
The Bushmen of South Africa "are very unwilling to speak
of death, or of those who have died, and avoid the subject as much
as possible." 165 The Basuto manifest a strong disinclination to
mention the dead by their names. 166 Among the Nandi a dead
person may not be named, except at the ceremonial naming of a
child or the curing of someone who has fallen ill. If a dead person
must be mentioned, he is referred to as "the deceased" or as
"rubbish." 167 When a Masai child or woman dies, the body is
thrown away and the person's name is "buried," that is, never
again mentioned by the family. The same procedure is followed
with warriors, who are unmarried. However, if an elder dies and
leaves children, his descendants are named after him. 168
Among most of the Indian tribes of South America the names
DEATH AND THE DEAD 187
of the dead are tabooed. 189 The prohibition of the use of such
names seems to have prevailed widely among the Indians of North
America, where, however, it did not always assume the character
of a taboo. Thus, we are told that the California Indians disliked
to mention a dead man's name because doing so would cause his
relatives and their friends great grief. Among some tribes the
worst insult which a person could inflict upon another was to speak
of the latter's dead relatives and especially to mention them by
name. 170
Various observers have pointed out how these avoidances and
precautions are an insuperable bar to the development of tribal
history. Thus Mr. Beveridge, referring to some of the tribes of
New South Wales, declares that their custom of endeavoring per-
sistently to forget everything which had been connected with the
dead "entirely precludes the possibility of anything of a historical
nature having existence amongst them; in fact the most vital
occurrence, if only dating a single generation back, is quite for-
gotten, that is to say, if the recounting thereof should necessitate
the mention of a defunct aboriginal's name." 171 To the same effect
Mr. Gatschet declares that the Klamath Indians of Oregon
possess no historic traditions going back more than a century "for
the simple reason that there was a strict law prohibiting the men-
tion of the person or acts of a deceased individual by using his
name. This law was rigidly observed among the Calif ornians,
no less than among the Oregonians, and on its transgression the
death penalty could be inflicted. This is certainly enough to sup-
press all historical knowledge within a people. How can history
be written without names ?" 172
The observance of rest days is by no means unknown to
peoples in the lower stages of culture, and with them one occasion
for suspending the ordinary occupations is after a death. The
prohibition of work at this time usually forms only one of a
number of regulations, which also prohibit sexual intercourse,
impose partial or complete abstinence from food, and place a ban
on loud talking, singing, dancing, and the wearing of ornaments
and gay apparel. All these taboos are often confined to the family
or at most to the relatives of the deceased ; in other cases, where
the sense of social solidarity is strong, they affect the entire com-
munity. They may sometimes be explained along animistic lines.
The ghost of a dead man is supposed to remain for a time with
the body in the grave or near the scenes of its earthly life. Until
the funeral ceremonies are over, prudence requires the survivors
188 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
to avoid all conspicuous activity, lest they attract the unwelcome
attentions of the ghost. A similar period of quiescence is some-
times considered to be necessary when the death has been attrib-
uted to an evil spirit, which may be on the lookout for other
victims. But the belief in the polluting power of death itself
affords a more general explanation of the practices under dis-
cussion.
Communal taboos, requiring the cessation of work after a
death, are not found among the Australian aborigines and are
found only occasionally among the Melanesians, who occupy the
great island group extending from New Guinea to the Fiji Archi-
pelago. Such taboos are observed, however, by many other
peoples, notably by the natives of Borneo, the hill tribes of Assam,
the Malagasy, and the Bantu-speaking tribes of South Africa and
East Africa. In the New World they are found well developed
among the Eskimo of Greenland, Baffin Land, and Alaska. They
also prevail among the Asiatic Eskimo, a fact which reinforces
the argument for the transmission of cultural elements between
northwestern America and northeastern Asia. 173
Among the Sea Dayak of Borneo, when a death occurs in a
village, "it is tabooed to work on the farm : at busy times for three
days ; at other times for seven days." 174 When a chief dies, the
natives refrain from work for a longer period than is usual upon
the death of a commoner. 176 With the Naga of Manipur it is not
necessary or usual for the entire community to observe genna in
cases of non-mysterious death. But all cases of death by sudden
illness, by accident, by the hand of an enemy, and by wild animals
or snakes require the imposition of these periods of abstinence and
quiescence. 176
Upon the decease of a Malagasy king or queen many practices
are tabooed (fady) to the common people, such prohibitions ex-
tending to various periods according to the will of the new ruler.
Thus, to sing, to play music, to clap hands, to laugh boisterously,
to dance, to wear ornaments or brightly colored garments, to dress
or anoint the hair, to wear a hat, to cut the nails, to clean the teeth,
to bathe, to gaze in a mirror, and to carry the arms akimbo are
all fady. Such tasks as pottery-making, spinning, and metal-
working are often suspended. Furthermore, no one is allowed to
lie on a bedstead or to ride in a palanquin or on horseback, and
everyone is expected to shave the head and uncover the shoulders.
Many of these regulations are also enforced after the death of a
near relative. 177
DEATH AND THE DEAD 189
It is, or used to be, the rule among the Zulu tribes that no one
labors in the fields on the day following a death. 178 After the
death of a chief, work of every sort was suspended for six
months. 179 The Akikuyu of Kenya Colony, who observe many
taboos connected with the corpse, regard the day after a death
as unlucky. "People will not travel, and goats and sheep will not
bear, and all the inhabitants of the village shave their heads. The
women will not go out for four days. On the next day the sons
who have taken part in the burial do not work." 180 The Nilotic
Kavirondo do not cultivate the fields for three days after the death
of a person of importance, and for ten days after the death of a
chief. 181 Their neighbors, the Basoga, sometimes extended the
days of mourning for a deceased chief to two months. It is said
that the crops not infrequently suffered because of the strict pro-
hibition of work in the fields. 182 Certain Abyssinian tribes re-
frain from plowing, sowing, and grinding grain until a corpse is
buried. 188
The restrictions after a death are prominent among the Es-
kimo, who possess an extensive system of taboos. Thus, with the
Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Strait, it is forbidden "to
scrape the frost from the window, to shake the beds or to disturb
the shrubs under the bed, to remove oil-drippings from under the
lamp, to scrape hair from skins, to cut snow for the purpose of
melting it, to work on iron, wood, stone, or ivory. Furthermore,
women are forbidden to comb their hair, to wash their faces, and
to dry their boots and stockings/' 184 Some Alaskan villagers ab-
stain from work on the day when a death occurred and, in many
instances, on the day after such an event. After the death of a
shaman no work will be done in a village for three days. 185
The Reindeer Chukchi of northeastern Siberia forbid any
kind of woman's work with needle and scraper during the period
of the funeral ceremonies. This rule applies to all the houses in
the camp or village, and even to other settlements in the vicinity. 186
The Koryak stopped all work in the settlement before the last
rites to the dead. No one went hunting or sealing, no one went
to fetch wood, and the women did no sewing. At the present time
the regulation is so far abrogated as to apply only to those in the
house where the body lies. 187
All persons who have anything to do with a dead body, in-
cluding undertakers and gravediggers, the relatives of the de-
ceased, and mourners, are often in a state of taboo which continues
until their ceremonial purification. 188
190 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Some Australian tribes on the Lower Murray River forbade
mourners to speak for ten days, while the corpse was being re-
duced to a mummy over a slow fire. 189 Among the Dieri of South
Australia those who handled a corpse were unclean for several
days. 190 In the Kakadu tribe of Northern Territory the men and
women of a camp in which a death has occurred must purify
themselves. Often those in other camps will do the same, "when
they hear of the death of any special person." The men light a
fire of grass stalks and, while the smoke curls around them, pour
water over one another's heads and then rub themselves with a
special kind of charcoal. The women daub themselves all over
with yellow ochre or mud and put on mourning bracelets. At this
ceremony the spears, throwing-sticks, and tomahawks of the
men, and the mats, baskets, dilly bags, and digging sticks of the
women in fact, all the possessions of the camp are purified by
smoke from the fired grass. 191
Among some of the Massim of southeastern New Guinea the
relatives who have taken part in a funeral go down to the sea
and bathe, and so do the widow and children, "because they have
supported the dying man." After this purification in the salt water
the widow and children also shave their heads. 192 The Elema
people of the Papuan Gulf require a grave to be dug by old women,
because gravedigging is "an unwholesome business for which
they are fitted." A funeral procession is made up almost entirely
of women. 193 Keraki gravediggers, after finishing their work,
must wash carefully and remove any dirt from their fingernails,
so as to rid themselves of any taint from the corpse. Upon their
return to the village they are enveloped in a cloud of ashes thrown
at them in handfuls by the people. 194
In Aurora, one of the New Hebrides, the female mourners
may not go into the open for a hundred days after a burial, nor
may they so much as show their faces to anyone. They stay in-
doors during this time and cover themselves with a large mat
reaching to the ground. 195 In Malekula the two men who buried
a body remained secluded in the clubhouse for thirty days. They
did not stand upright but crawled on all fours, with their hands
and knees inserted into coconut shells to avoid contact with the
ground. They did not touch any food except their own. On the
thirtieth day of the confinement they discarded the coconut shells,
once more stood erect, came out of the clubhouse, and received a
new name. Fifteen days later they emerged finally from retire-
ment and returned to normal life. 198 Gravediggers in New Cale-
DEATH AND THE DEAD 191
donia have to remain near the grave for four or five days. They
neither shave nor cut their hair, they abstain from certain viands,
and do not touch with their hands the food brought to them. This
is placed on leaves, and they take it up with their mouths or with
a stick. They also wear a peculiar headdress. In spite of the cere-
monial pollution which gravediggers must constantly acquire, they
are treated with great respect; common people never pass near
them without stooping. 197 In Fiji the office of gravedigger for
chiefs was hereditary in a certain clan. After the funeral the
digger, having first been painted black from head to foot, went
into seclusion. He never ventured forth, except for short excur-
sions, and then only after he had covered himself with a long
mantle supposed to render him invisible. His food was brought
to him at night, by silent bearers who placed it just within the
doorway. His seclusion might last a long time, for several months,
apparently. 198
In Samoa, "those who attended the deceased were most care-
ful not to handle food, and for days were fed by others as if they
were helpless infants. Baldness and loss of teeth were supposed
to be the punishment inflicted by the household god if they violated
the rule." On the fifth day after the funeral they purified them-
selves by bathing the face and hands with hot water, and then they
were "clean." 199 In Tahiti all persons employed in embalming
were, during the process, carefully avoided by everyone. 'They
did not feed themselves, lest the food, defiled by the touch of their
polluted hands, should cause their own death, but were fed by
others." 200
The tapu of those who handled a corpse or conveyed it to its
last resting place was among the Maori "a most serious affair.
The person who came under this form of the tapu was cut off from
all contact, and almost all communication, with the human race.
He could not enter any house, or come in contact with any person
or thing, without utterly bedeviling them. He could not even
touch food with his hands, which had become so frightfully tapu
or unclean as to be quite useless. Food would be placed for him
on the ground, and he would then sit or kneel down, and, with his
hands carefully held behind his back, would gnaw it in the best
way he could. In some cases he would be fed by another person,
who, with outstretched arm, would manage to do it without touch-
ing the tapu'd individual ; but this feeder was subjected to many
and severe restrictions, not much less onerous than those to which
the other was subject. In almost every populous native village
192 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
there was a person, who, probably for the sake of immunity from
labour, or from being good for nothing else, took up the under-
taking business as a regular profession, and, in consequence, was
never for a moment, for years together, clear of the horrid in-
conveniences of the tapu, as well as its dangers/' 201
In Yap, one of the Caroline Islands, the nearest relatives of
the deceased are secluded in a solitary place for twenty-seven days
after the funeral, because, say the natives, their persons are in-
fected with the smell of death (liu). After their return to the
village they must not do any work or eat certain kinds of food
for another period of thrice nine days. Their liberty to walk about
continues to be restricted for a still longer period, until they are
supposed to be quite rid of the death pollution. 202
Some of the Dayak tribes of Borneo regard all the kindred
of a deceased person as "unclean" for a period of from three to
seven days. For the immediate relatives husband, wife, and
children the uncleanness lasts much longer and ends only when
the final feast of the dead is held. 203 The Bontoc Igorot of Luzon
are said to manifest little sign of fear or awe in the presence of
the dead. Nevertheless, when a man is buried they make the great-
est haste to fill up the grave, lest, while engaged in their labors,
cawing crows fly over it, dogs bark in its neighborhood, and
snakes or rats cross the trail. Great evil would follow any such
untoward happening. When all is finished, those who have taken
part in the burial hurry away at a dogtrot to wash themselves in
the river. 204 A Karen gravedigger must wash his clothes after a
funeral. A failure to do so would involve him in misfortune. 205
In the Nicobar Islands all who have had any part in a funeral go
down into the water and wash their feet; only after they have
thus cleansed themselves may they enter any "good" house, that is,
any house which is ceremonially clean. The next day is one of
solemn rest for the mourners. They may not sing, dance, laugh,
or eat certain kinds of food for several days after the funeral.
Those who have become impure by actual contact with the corpse
are subject to still other restrictions lasting for a month or more. 206
The pastoral Toda take the utmost precautions on the occasion
of a death, because of the susceptibility of the cattle and the 'milk
to ceremonial defilement. All who go near the corpse become
impure or ichchil, a term which likewise designates the impurity
of childbirth. The whole family in which the death has occurred
is spoken of as being ichchil. Anyone who goes to a village where
the relics of the deceased are being kept in the period between the
DEATH AND THE DEAD 193
first and second funerals becomes ichchil. Those who wish to
attend a funeral and yet would avoid pollution must sit at a dis-
tance and take no part in the proceedings. A person who has
incurred the pollution of death remains in this dangerous state
until the next new moon. 207 To purify the places where funeral
rites took place the Toda perform a ceremony which includes the
killing of a buffalo. Blood is drawn from the dead animal and
mixed with earth in a basket; bark may also be added. The
mixture is then scattered over the spots where the buffalo was
caught and killed and where the dead man or his relics had been
deposited at the two funerals. The ceremony is not performed
for women. No use is made of the flesh of the buffalo, and its
body is left where it falls. 208
In Madagascar "no corpse is allowed to be buried in the capital
city, or to remain in it beyond a very short time. The rough bier
on which the body is carried is thrown away in the neighbourhood
of the grave as polluted; no one would dare to use it even for
firewood, but it is left to decay with the weather. Besides this,
after a funeral the mourners all wash their dress, or at least dip a
portion of it in running water, a ceremony which is called afana,
'freed from/ and is supposed to carry away the uncleanness con-
tracted from contact with or proximity to a corpse." 209
Among the Thonga the contamination of death necessitates
purification, most rigorous for the widows and, in a descending
scale of severity, for the gravediggers, the inhabitants of the
bereaved village, the relatives residing in other villages, and the
relatives of the wives of the deceased. Moreover, all the villagers
must refrain from sexual intercourse throughout the mourning
period and even during the last days of the deceased when his
death is imminent. After the death of a headman or some other
great personage all the married couples of the village have "sexual
relations in the ritual fashion." Each woman then washes her
hands and thus cleanses them from their "impurity." Finally both
men and women bathe in a stream. This sexual rite of purification
takes place several weeks after the funeral, and until it has been
performed a husband must not have intercourse with his wife. 210
Among the Nandi of Kenya three adult relatives of a dead
person take away the corpse at nightfall and leave it in the bush,
there to be eaten by hyenas. While doing so, they must be very
careful not to stumble, lest misfortune come to the whole family.
Upon their return to the village, they bathe in a river, anoint their
bodies with fat, partially shave their heads, and live in the hut of
194 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
the deceased for four days, during which time they may not be
seen by a boy or a female. They may not touch food with their
hands, but must eat with the help of a potsherd or a chip of gourd,
and they may not drink milk. 211 The Akamba allow only old men
to touch a dead body, to be present at a burial, to dig a grave,
or to perform the ritualistic sweeping of a hut where a death
occurred. For others these actions are under a taboo, whose
violation brings on a disease. The old men do not require puri-
fication. 212
Among the Twi of the Gold Coast "persons who have touched
the corpse are considered unclean ; and, after the interment, they
proceed in procession to the nearest well or brook, and sprinkle
themselves with water, which is the ordinary native mode of puri-
fication." Among the Ewe of the Slave Coast "contact with a
corpse renders a person unclean, and he must purify himself by
washing in water from head to foot." Among the Yoruba after a
death the priest sprinkles corpse, room, and spectators with water
of purification. 213 To touch a dead body or to have anything to do
with a grave is considered by the Lower Niger tribes a pollution.
It is unlucky for a man to come into a house with the earth of the
grave upon his person. All who perform the office of washing and
dressing a corpse must purify themselves. 214
The aborigines of South America subject mourners to many
taboos. Thus the Lengua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco re-
quire the near relatives of the deceased to be closely muffled up
and to live apart from other people for the space of a month,
"taking their food alone, and never sharing in the common pot."
They are regarded as unclean and must be purified with hot water
at the expiration of the mourning period. 215 The restrictions
which the Taulipang and other Guiana tribes impose upon the
nearest relatives of a deceased person are almost identical with
those which a girl observes at her first menstruation. The mourn-
ers may not speak in loud tones. They may not eat big game.
Everything eaten or drunk by them must first be made harmless
by an appropriate incantation. They do no work for a month.
They do not visit the manioc plantations while the corpse is moul-
dering, lest the crop fail. As a native declared, "The manioc would
sense the corruption of the corpse and would also become cor-
rupt." 216
The Creek Indians believed that certain malefic influences
emanated from a corpse even after it was laid in the ground.
Persons in its vicinity were subject to aches and pains about the
DEATH AND THE DEAD 195
joints of the legs and in other places. Even the dirt that fell upon
a gravedigger's clothing, or dirt from a grave over which a person
had stepped, was likely to bring on rheumatic pains. A person
who dug a grave could communicate his ailment to others. 217
After contact with a corpse an Iroquois Indian bruised leaves of
the common plantain, put them in water, and washed his face and
eyes with the decoction. It "would not be well" for a sick person
or a child to be seen by one who had neglected this purificatory
rite. 218
The funeral ceremonies formerly observed by the Hupa In-
dians of California were followed by a ceremonial purification
of the relatives and the gravedigger. After the burial they retired
to the sweat house, where a priest proceeded to compound a potent
medicine of boiled herbs. This he applied to the heads, arms, and
legs of the persons to be purified, saying, "This will make your
body new, you will have good luck again when you hunt or fish
or gamble." The gravedigger rubbed the palms of his hands and
the soles of his feet because his hands had handled the corpse and
his feet had trodden the grave. Then they all went to the river-
side, washed again with the medicine, and finally bathed in the
river. These proceedings were repeated several times on different
days. The gravedigger had to observe still other ceremonies be-
fore becoming rid of the pollution which made him so dangerous
to his fellows. 219 The fear which the Indians of Washington ex-
hibit toward a corpse and their horror of touching it "oftentimes
gives rise to a difficulty as to who shall perform the funeral cere-
monies, for any person who handles a dead body must not eat of
salmon or sturgeon for thirty days." 220
The Seechelt of British Columbia, who believe that a dead
body is inimical to the salmon, require the relatives of a deceased
person to refrain from eating salmon or from entering a creek
where salmon are found. The prohibition is not observed, how-
ever, after the fish have arrived in such numbers that there is no
danger of their being frightened away. A similar rule prevails
among the neighboring Lillooet. 221 Among the Kutchin or Lou-
cheux Indians those who perform the last offices for the dead are
required to observe various restrictions. They must not eat fresh
meat, unless no other food is available ; they must tear meat with
their teeth, the use of a knife being forbidden to them; and they
must drink out of a gourd carried on their person and not out of
any drinking or cooking vessel. They wear peeled willow wands
round their arms and necks and carry them in their hands. "These
196 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
are supposed to keep off infection and to prevent any evil which
might follow the handling of a deceased body." 222 Among the
Eskimo of Bering Strait the housemates of the deceased must
remain in their accustomed places in the house for four days
following the death, while the shade is believed to be still about.
They wear fur hoods, "to prevent the influence of the shade from
entering their heads and killing them." The dead man's former
bedfellows must not on any account leave their places at this
time. "If they were to do so the shade might return and, by
occupying a vacant place, bring sickness or death to its original
owner or to the inmates of the house." 223
Widows and widowers, because of their intimate relationship
with the deceased, must observe innumerable precautions, avoid-
ances, and purificatory rites, and widows, in particular, are some-
times treated as if they were lepers. 224 In the Euahlayi tribe of
New South Wales a widow has to cover herself with mud and
sleep beside a smouldering fire all the night following her hus-
band's death. Three days later she goes down to a creek, to be
laved in the water and well smoked at a fire the men have built
on the bank. After these purificatory measures have been taken,
the ban of silence which had rested upon her is lifted, but for
several months she must wear a widow's cap and keep her face
daubed with pipe-clay. 225 A Central Australian widow is required
to smear her hair, face, and breasts with pipe-clay. In some cases
she may not speak for as long as twelve months after her hus-
band's death but must communicate by means of the gesture lan-
guage. 226
The Roro-speaking tribes of British New Guinea require a
widow or a widower to remain at home as much as possible for
from four to ten months. During this time the bereaved spouse
must go out only by the back of the house and must be so well
wrapped up as to be unrecognizable by any person of the opposite
sex. For the first few weeks after her husband's death the widow
should be careful, when quitting her abode, "to let herself down
heavily so as to simulate falling or rolling from the house," and
whenever she goes abroad, her friends, realizing her weakness,
should support her on their arms. Among these tribes both
widows and widowers shave the head as a sign of mourning. 227
Among the tribes inhabiting the Hood Peninsula a widow or
a widower lives in seclusion for two or three months, shaves the
head, blackens the body, and wears a special costume appropriate
to her (or his) grief -stricken condition. 228 A Kai widow erects
DEATH AND THE DEAD 197
V
a little hut over the grave, and there she eats and sleeps for several
weeks. She goes about as little as possible, and she does not
bathe. A widower is subject to the same restrictions. 229
In the Trobriand Islands a widow is secluded in a small cage
within her home. "She must not leave the place; she may speak
only in whispers ; she must not touch food or drink with her own
hands, but wait till they are put into her mouth ; she remains closed
up in the dark, without fresh air or light; her body is thickly
smeared over with soot and grease, which will not be washed off
for a long time." This purgatorial confinement continues for a
period which varies from about six months to two years, accord-
ing to the status of her husband. 230 In Eddystone Island, one of
the Solomons, a widow discards all ornaments and wears nothing
but dark cloth. She neither cuts her hair nor whitens it with
lime. A small enclosure, just large enough for her to lie in, is
made for her inside the house. If her husband had been a chief,
she must remain quite invisible, with her knees drawn up like
those of the dead man. When the widow of either a chief or a
commoner goes out to satisfy nature, she must crouch under a
mat. A widow, after her purification has been accomplished, is
never called by her own name but is always addressed as nam-
boko. 2 * 1 A Maori widow remained in a state of taboo until the
bones of her husband had been scraped and brought to their final
resting place. The same custom was observed by a widower. 232
The Agutaino of Palawan, one of the Philippines, do not allow
a widow to quit her abode for seven or eight days after her be-
reavement ; even then she must avoid meeting anybody, for who-
ever looks upon her dies at once. As she goes along she hits on
the trees with a wooden peg to give warning of her approach ; the
trees themselves soon die. 238 A Tenguian widow, during the three
days that her late husband's body is kept in the house, sleeps
under a fish net. This is a most necessary precaution, for near
the place of death lurks a spirit only awaiting a favorable oppor-
tunity to cohabit with the spouse of the deceased. Once she felt
his cold embrace she would die. The meshes of the net entangle
the long fingers of the spirit and prevent his close approach. The
widow takes off her beads, puts on old garments and a bark head-
band, and places over her head a large white blanket, which she
wears until after the burial. AH relatives of the dead man likewise
don blankets and abstain from work. The members of the imme-
diate family observe still stricter precautions. They eat only corn,
touch nothing bloody, do not swing their arms when walking, and
198 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
do not mount a horse. Under no circumstances may they leave
the village or join in festivities. A failure to keep these taboos
is followed by swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit
of the dead person. 284
Many tribes of South Africa and ast Africa require coitus
by a widow or a widower as the final feature of the ceremony of
purification. Among the Bechuana men and women who had lost
their partners during the preceding twelve months spent a night
in a temporary booth and engaged in "miscellaneous cohabita-
tion." 285 Before a Thonga widow can remarry she must have
sexual intercourse with another man whom she deceives. If the
act keeps its ritual character, the man will take on the malediction
of death and she will be purified. If, on the contrary, the man
accomplishes the whole act, the widow returns home in despair.
She has failed, and special medicines are needed to cope with her
dangerous condition. The man who has unconsciously purified
a widow and who becomes aware of the fact will likewise have
recourse to the doctor's medicines to get rid of the pollution of
death. 288 A Ba-ila widower is in a state of taboo. "There is hang-
ing about him something contagious: something left over from
his marital relationship with his deceased wife We have
heard this explained as being the spirit (muzhimo) of the deceased
which attaches itself to him and his clothes; but it would appear
to be physical rather than psychical, for it can be got rid of by
transferring it to somebody else." A female friend of his deceased
wife comes to his hut; he has intercourse with her; the act frees
him from impurity ; he is ready to marry again. A widow is like-
wise in a state of taboo, which prevents her from carrying on her
usual occupation or from remarrying until she has been purified.
A relation of her deceased husband has intercourse with her, but
if he does not put in an appearance she seeks some other man to
remove the defilement from her. 287
The Bakaonde of Northern Rhodesia, neighbors of the Ba-ila,
have reduced the purification of widows and widowers to what
may be described as a business basis. A fee is paid by the widow
(or by her relatives) to her husband's heir for sleeping with her
for a night or so. However, should she be old or ill-favored, it is
enough for him to take her before the people and rub a little white
flour on her body or put some white beads on her. By the one
means or the other he releases the spirit of her deceased husband.
For the same purpose a widower buys the services of his deceased
wife's sister, or, failing her, of some other woman with whom
DEATH AND THE DEAD 199
he may pass the night. If the widower is old and unattractive,
the woman chosen may content herself with entering a hut with
him and cutting her abdominal string, a simple procedure, indeed,
but sufficient to release the unwanted spirit of his deceased wife.
The only objection to these arrangements (from the native point
of view) is that many men refuse to clear a widow of her spiritual
encumbrance unless they are paid an exorbitant fee. Until it is
paid, the widow is not free to marry or even to leave the village
of her late spouse. Widowers can usually look out for themselves,
but the same excessive demands on them are often made before
the necessary woman is produced. Should the man remarry or
cohabit elsewhere, he is then liable to pay compensation to his new
wife's relatives for having married before being cleared. This is
because of the belief that the spirit of the deceased wife will be
inimical to the new wife if the proper formalities have not been
observed. The relatives of the deceased wife will also expect com-
pensation from him "for not doing as he should." 288
In one of the two social divisions of the Akikuyu the death
of an elder is followed by a ceremony to cleanse the village from
the "stain of death." Then the elders select one of their number
who is very poor and of the same clan as the deceased to sleep
in the hut of the senior widow of the deceased and have connection
with her. He generally continues to live in the village and is
looked upon as a stepfather to the children. 239 Among the Ather-
aka of southeastern Kenya after the death of the head of a family
the sons may take the younger widows as their wives, "but not
until the brother of the deceased has ceremonially cohabited with
the principal wife of the deceased." If this rite is not observed
before a son marries one of his father's widows, he will become
taboo (makiva), and only the medicine man can remove his im-
purity. 240 An Akamba widow, after the purification of the vil-
lagers, must sleep with the dead man's brother as her husband,
or, if he had no brother, then with another elderly man. Similarly
a widower purifies himself by having intercourse with one of his
other wives. A man with only one wife must find another woman
whose husband had recently died and cohabit with her. 241 Among
some of the tribes of Ruanda, a district to the west of Lake Vic-
toria, ritual coitus is prescribed for the purification of a widow.
One or two months after the death of her husband she must co-
habit with a stranger at cockcrow in the morning. Cohabitation
is not complete, however; if it were so the man would die. 242
A Nandi widow is "unclean." As long as she is in mourning,
200 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
no warrior may enter her house; she may not go near warriors or
stand up while they are sitting down; and she must speak in a
whisper. In this tribe widows are not allowed to remarry or again
wear married women's earrings. 248
The Lower Congo tribes prescribe rather elaborate purificatory
rites for a widow, but only after the death of her first husband.
"She must take his bed, and one or two articles he commonly used,
to a running stream. The bed is put in the middle of the stream
and the articles placed upon it. The woman washes herself in the
stream, and afterwards sits on the bed. The medicine man goes
to her and dips her three times in the water, and dresses her. Then
the bed and articles are broken, and the pieces thrown downstream
to float away. She is now led out of the stream, and a raw egg is
broken and given to her to swallow. A toad is killed and some
of its blood is rubbed on her lips, and a fowl is killed and hung
by the roadside. After these sacrifices have been made to the spirit
of the departed one, she is free to return to her town. On arriving
there, she sits on the ground and stretches her legs before her and
her deceased husband's brother steps over them. She is now puri-
fied, and will be free to marry when the time of her widowhood is
completed." These proceedings must be carried out in all their
detail, as otherwise no other man will seek her in marriage. A
widower who has lost his first wife must also observe somewhat
similar ceremonies to "wash away the death/' as the natives say. 244
Widows in West Africa are confined to their huts, where they
sit on the ground, eat little food, and remain in a state of filth
and abasement until the ghost of their husband has finally quitted
this world. In Calabar they have to keep watch, two at a time,
in the hut when the body is buried, and they have to pay out of
their separate estate for the entertainment of all friends of the
deceased who do him the honor of a visit. "If he has been an
important man, a big man, the whole district will come, not in a
squadron, but just when it suits them, exactly as if they were
calling on a live friend. Thus it often happens that even a big
woman is bankrupt by the expense." 245 Among some tribes of
Togoland a widow must remain completely secluded for five or six
weeks. During this time she carries a good stout stick with which
to ward off possible attacks from her husband's ghost. Even after
she comes out of the hut, she must be safeguarded for the next
six months, since the ghost, until the expiration of this period, is
likely to revisit the neighborhood. Then, after certain ceremonies,
she may remarry. 246 At Agweh, on the Slave Coast, a widow
DEATH AND THE DEAD 201
had to stay shut up for six months in the room where her husband
was buried. At the end of her seclusion a fire was lighted and
red peppers were cast into it. After she had been almost stifled
by the pungent fumes, she might safely mix again with the out-
side world. 247
The Twi of the Gold Coast require a widow, some months
after her bereavement, to offer a sacrifice to the tutelary deity of
the family. To have intercourse with a man before the perform-
ance of this rite would expose her to some grave misfortune, while
her partner would fall a victim to the wrath of the deceased hus-
band's ghost. 248 Among the Ibo of Nigeria the widow must stay
at home during the day. When she goes out at night she does so
by the back of the house, where the wall has been broken down to
permit her egress. She does not cook for anyone and no one cooks
for her, except a small girl who has not yet put on neck ornaments.
She may not touch any male person except a small boy who has
not yet begun to wear a loincloth. Only her son may visit her,
and then only at night. No one may enter the water where she is
washing or step over her legs. These restrictions continue in force
for twenty-eight days after the burial of her husband. 249
The Patagonian Indians required widows and widowers to
remain secluded in a tent. They held no communication with the
outside world, fasted, abstained from certain articles of diet, did
not wash, and blackened themselves with soot. After mourning
in this way for a year they were allowed to remarry. 250 A Zuni
widow or widower "must not approach the fire, must not touch
or be touched by any one, must not receive anything directly from
the hand of another person, must not talk, and must sleep very
little, if at all." These restrictions are in force for four days. 251
A Lillooet widow may not eat fresh food for a year. She may
not sleep on the customary bed or sleeping mat, but on a special
bed of red fir branches. A young widow requires ceremonial
cleansings to insure that she will live long and be innocuous to her
second husband. Should a widow marry shortly after the death
of her former husband, without having been thus purified, her
second husband's life would be very short. A Lillooet widower
abstains from fresh meat for some time the younger the man the
longer his abstention. A young widower has also to refrain from
sexual intercourse for a year, the more particularly if he possesses
esoteric or mystery powers. 252
The impurity of widows and widowers was very pronounced
among the Thompson Indians. Immediately after the death of the
202 TABOO : A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
husband or wife, the survivor went out and passed four times
through a patch of rosebushes. For four days she or he had to
wander about, either in the evening or at daybreak, wiping the
eyes with fir twigs, which were then hung in the branches of
trees. It was also necessary, as a precaution against blindness, to
rub four times across the eyes a small smooth stone taken from
running water. The stone was then thrown away. For the first
four days the survivor might not touch food, but used sharp-
pointed sticks instead of fingers. For an entire year a widow or a
widower slept on a bed of fir branches and washed every morning
and evening in the creek. Failure to perform these ceremonies
carried the penalty of sore throat, loss of voice, or blindness. No
flesh of any kind and no fresh fish might be eaten for an entire
year. Certain fruits were also forbidden during this period. Any
grass or branches upon which a widow or a widower sat or lay
down withered up. A widow might not pick berries for a year, or
else the whole crop would fall from the bushes or wither up. A
widower might not hunt or fish because of the resulting bad luck
for himself and for other hunters and fishers. 263
Homicide within the peace group, whether a joint family, a
village, a clan, or even a tribe, is a rare occurrence among primi-
tive peoples, who, because of its rarity, are often at a loss how
to deal with it. Frequently no definite penalty is prescribed for
its commission. In some cases, however, the manslayer is under
taboo, as being a source of danger not only to himself but also to
his fellows. A deadly pollution surrounds him ; the ghost of his
victim, wrathful at being so hurriedly and so unpleasantly dis-
patched to the other world, pursues him, even as the Furies
pursued Orestes. All the mystic perils with which the savage
invests death are accentuated when it has been due to violence.
Hence homicide, even when justifiable or accidental, sometimes
calls for elaborate rites of purification. 254
These rites have not been found in Australia, but they are
known in various parts of New Guinea. When a Koita had killed
a fellow tribesman, whether man or woman, the blood was not
washed off the spear or club, but was allowed to dry on it.. The
killer bathed in salt or fresh water on his way to the village and
then went to his house, where he remained secluded for about a
week. "He was aina, and might not approach women, and though
there apparently were no food taboos, he lifted his food to his
mouth with a single-pronged fork made of pig or kangaroo bone.
His women folk did not necessarily leave the house, though they
DEATH AND THE DEAD 203
took care not to approach him. At the end of a week, he built
a rough shelter in the bush, in which he lived for a few days,
often in the company of other men of about his own tribal status."
During this time he made a new waistband, which he wore on his
return to the village. After a ceremonial dance had been held,
he went home and ceased to be aina. "A man who had killed an-
other was stated to get thin and to lose condition. This was be-
cause he had been splashed with the blood of his victim, and as
the corpse rotted, so he too wasted. So firmly was this believed,
that in the old days a man who got thin without losing his health,
and for no obvious reason, would have been suspected of having
killed somebody." 255
Among the natives of the Andaman Islands a man who has
killed another in a private quarrel or in a fight between two vil-
lages retires to the jungle and lives there for several weeks, or
even months. Only his wife and one or two of his friends may
visit him and feed him, for he is not allowed to touch any food with
his hands, nor may he handle a bow or an arrow. If he breaks either
of these rules, it is thought that the spirit of his victim will make
him ill. This period of seclusion is followed by a ceremony of
purification. 258
Both the murderer and the accidental killer are under a taboo
in many parts of Africa. Among the Amaxosa "if anyone kills
a man he is considered unclean." He must then roast his meat
upon a fire of a particular kind of wood which gives the meat a
bitter taste. Having eaten it, he must rub his face with the
cooled fragments of the burnt wood until his face is quite black.
After a certain time he may wash himself, rinse his mouth with
milk, and dye himself brown again. "From this time he is
clean." 257 The uncomfortable feelings which affect a murderer,
feelings which we should call remorse and ascribe to conscience,
the Ba-ila ascribe to the ghost of his victim. The ghost is sup-
posed to lodge itself in the region of the epigastrium, whence it
can be expelled by means of an emetic or by cupping. "The phys-
ical basis for such a belief is, of course, that the solar plexus be-
comes disturbed by excitement of the higher centers." The Ba-ila
have another idea of the murderer's condition seemingly more like
obsession than possession. They think that a killer is haunted by
the ghost of the slain man or that the ghost is in him the idea is
very vague. A native went to stay at a village and fell sick there.
The diviner declared that he had committed murder and that a
ghost haunted him. The man was therefore driven away, for had
204 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
he been allowed to remain many of the villagers would have
died. 258
The Nandi treat the killer of a fellow clansman as "bitter or
unclean" (ngwonin) for the rest of his life. He may never again
enter a cattle kraal except his own, and whenever he wishes to
go into a hut he must strike the earth twice with a rhinoceros-
horn club before crossing the threshold. However, this state of
permanent bitterness or uncleanness can be removed if he suc-
ceeds in killing two other Nandi of a different clan and himself
pays the blood money to the relatives of the murdered men. 269
The Akikuyu believe that if a man who has killed another man of
his own clan goes to a village and eats with a family in their hut,
those who entertained him will become polluted (thahu). In this
case a medicine man must be called in to purify both the hut and
its occupants. 260 The Atheraka require a murderer to be purified
by a tribal elder, who smears the blood of a goat over small inci-
sions made on the culprit's body. Were this rite omitted, the mur-
derer would continue on his bloody course, slaying friends and
foes alike. 261 Among the Kavirondo a murderer lives in a hut
apart from the village. An old woman attends to his wants and
cooks for him. She also feeds him, because he may not touch
food with his hands. The period of separation lasts for three
days. On the fourth day a man who has himself committed mur-
der, or has at some time killed a foe in battle, takes him to a stream
and washes him all over. Next, the murderer is fed a ceremonial
meal consisting of goat's flesh and porridge. Then the skin of
the goat is cut into strips, which are wound around his neck and
wrists. It is said that until these purificatory rites have been per-
formed the ghost of the slain man cannot depart for the place of
the dead but hovers about the murderer. 282
Negroes of the Cameroons, in a case of accidental homicide,
carry out a ceremony to remove the bloodguiltiness which would
otherwise attach to the manslayer. The relatives of the slayer and
the slain having assembled, an animal is killed and everyone pres-
ent is smeared with its blood. 283 The Builsa and other tribes of
the northern Gold Coast require certain purificatory ceremonies
to be performed over a murderer on the third day after the com-
mission of his deed. Until these take place, he may not enter his
wife's hut. He may not speak to her or to his children. Rela-
tives and strangers alike communicate with him only by signs.
Food is brought to him by a man who has himself committed
murder. He sleeps in company with other former murderers on
DEATH AND THE DEAD 205
the mound of his ancestors. A murderer is known because he
must wear upon his neck a little piece of wood. One who has
killed another by accident is not subjected to purification. 28 * We
are told that among the Kru of Liberia blood revenge usually
takes place only during wartime. In the thick of battle a man
may shoot some member of his own clan against whom he bears
a grudge. If this happens, the murderer must immediately search
out an intimate friend and confess what he has done. Then they
proceed to the nearest stream. The murderer fills his gun barrel
with water and drinks the water. He is now absolved from the
crime he has committed. Were the purificatory rite not performed
the taboo power (kid) inherent in the crime would suffice to cause
his death. 265
Throughout Morocco private manslayers are regarded as un-
clean. Poison oozes from underneath their nails ; hence anybody
who drinks water in which a manslayer has washed his hands will
fall dangerously ill. Those who eat with him from the* same dish
are careful to avoid any portion of the food which his fingers
have touched. Indeed, people often refuse to eat in company with
a homicide. In one part of Morocco he is not allowed to butcher
an animal, to skin one, or to cut up its meat, and at a market he
must keep at a little distance from the meat offered for sale by
the butchers. "When the governor wants to squeeze money out
of the butchers he sends to them a homicide, who can punish any
obstinacy on their part simply by touching the meat to make it
unsalable/* One who has taken human life is not allowed to go
into a vegetable garden or an orchard, to tread on a threshing
floor, to enter a granary, or to go among the sheep. He is also
forbidden to visit a mosque. 266
Similar ideas of the uncleanness attaching to those who have
committed homicide in private quarrels are found in North Amer-
ica. The Omaha Indians subjected a murderer, whose life had
been spared, to various pains and penalties. He must walk bare-
foot. He might not eat warm food, raise his voice, or look around.
Even in warm weather he had to keep his robe drawn tightly
about him and tied at the neck. He was obliged to hold his hands
close to his body. He was not allowed to comb his hair. When
the tribesmen were going on a hunt, he must pitch his tent about
a quarter of a mile from the encampment, "lest the ghost of his
victim should raise a high wind which might cause damage." No
one wished to eat with him. At the end of this period of ostra-
cism the kindred of the murdered man said, "It is enough. Be-
206 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
gone, and walk among the crowd. Put on moccasins and wear a
good robe." 28T The Ponka believe that ghosts surround a mur-
derer and keep up a constant whistling. He can never satisfy his
hunger, though he gorge himself. He must not be allowed to
roam at large lest high winds arise. 268
Among the Cheyenne Indians a murderer who had succeeded
in escaping the vengeance of the murdered man's relatives camped
by himself for a long time. The tribal court considered his case
and the chief summoned the relatives to learn from them what
compensation would satisfy them for their loss. When the blood
fine had been paid by the murderer's kinsmen, he might return to
the camp. But henceforth he was a marked man. He might not
eat in the same lodge with his fellows, use their dishes, or drink
out of their cups. If by any chance he drank from a cup not his
own, it would often be thrown away; if not, it would be purified.
He carried his own pipe and tobacco, for no one would smoke
with him or take a pipe from him as it was passed from hand to
hand. If unmarried, he probably never secured a wife, for no
woman would consent to live with him. Even the bison avoided
him because he had a bad smell. Indeed, he was supposed to decay
inwardly and to be destined to die and blow away. Among these
Indians deliberate homicide was most unusual, "only five or six
cases in more than fifty years." 269
Among the Chinook of Oregon an old man who has a guard-
ian spirit (and hence is protected against evil influences) takes
the manslayer in charge and subjects him to various purificatory
rites. Even after these have been completed people never eat in
company with a murderer, nor is he ever allowed to see them
eating. And he may never look at a helpless child. 270
Where there is no recognized public authority to deal with
cases of homicide, taboos of the rigorous character that has been
described doubtless act as a restraining influence upon a would-be
murderer. No doubt, also, the physical cleansings and purgations
to which a murderer is subjected have their value when they come
to be regarded as in some measure an expiation for moral guilt,
a cleansing from the taint of sin committed. This is certainly true
of the Moroccan tribes, among whom, as Professor Westermarck
observes, "the uncleanness of a manslayer is not merely due to
the blood pollution but also to his sin." Among the Omaha In-
dians the restrictions laid upon a manslayer had also assumed
something of an ethical character, because his deed was consid-
ered offensive to Wakanda. No one would eat with such a per-
DEATH AND THE DEAD 207
son, for they said, "If we eat with whom Wakanda hates, for his
crime, Wakanda will hate us."
The fear of the wrathful ghost of a slain man or of the con-
tamination which his death involves for all who have had a hand
in it is further illustrated by the precautions sometimes taken by
executioners. Among the Shans of Burma "it was the curious
custom of executioners to taste the blood of their victims, as they
believed if this were not done illness and death would follow in
a short time." 271 Among the Bakongo of the Lower Congo a con-
victed murderer is taken to the crowded market place and made
drunk with palm wine ; "then the chief man of the district dances
round him with a sword, and flashing and waving it about the
culprit's head he makes a cut in the forehead, and on touching
the prisoner for the third time, someone rushes out of the crowd,
and cuts off the murderer's head, and his body is burned to ashes.
By reducing the body to ashes they believe that they thereby de-
stroy his spirit, and thus prevent the spirit from seeking revenge
by bewitching his executioners." 272 By the Ibo and other Delta
tribes of Southern Nigeria war captives are beheaded on a spe-
cial slaughter ground some distance from the town. The perform-
ance of this office is a high honor conferred by the king on
notables and important personages only. It is necessary for the
executioner to lick the blood left on the sword blade after the
decapitation and also to remain in his house for three days. "Dur-
ing this period he sleeps on the bare floor, eats off broken plat-
ters, and drinks out of calabashes which are also damaged. On
the fourth day, dressed in his best clothes and ornamented with a
number of eagles' feathers and any fineries he may possess, he
sallies forth and walks around the town, paying visits to all his
most intimate friends." 278
Among the Tupi, a Brazilian tribe, a warrior who had put his
war captive to death, gave himself one more name, painted and
scarified his body, fasted, and for an entire day lay in his ham-
mock, where he passed the time shooting into wax with a small
bow and arrows. The shooting was done in order that his aim
might not become uncertain because of the shock of the death-
blow which he had administered. 274 The Guanches of the Canary
Islands went so far as to taboo a butcher. This functionary was
always an outcast and generally a criminal, who expiated his crime
by having to imbue his hands in the blood of innocent animals.
He could make his wants known only by pointing to the objects
which he required, for his least touch carried pollution. 275
208 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Homicide in warfare, though not generally reckoned as mur-
der according to the more refined ideas of civilized man, by the
savage is often considered to involve the same dangerous conse-
quences that attend the taking of human life by private manslay-
ers. The man who has slain an enemy in fair fight or foul must
therefore submit to various taboos and undergo a ceremonial
cleansing from the pollution which invests him, precisely as the
murderer of a fellow clansman. 276
The natives of Central Australia do not engage in anything
which can be described as organized warfare, but there are fre-
quent brawls between local groups and totem classes, resulting,
occasionally, in loss of life. The Arunta think that the ghost of a
man killed openly in a fight or secretly by an avenging party fol-
lows the manslayers in the shape of a little bird (chichurkna) and
watches for an opportunity to injure them. If any member of
the party fails to hear its cry, he will become paralyzed in the
right arm and shoulder. So at night, when it flies over the camp,
they have to be wakeful and keep the right arm and shoulder
carefully concealed from the bird's dangerous glance. When they
hear its cry their minds are relieved, for now they know that the
ghost is powerless to do them any harm. 277
Warriors newly returned from the field of their exploits
are taboo (ngove) among the Mekeo tribes of British New Guinea.
They retire to a clubhouse where they pass most of the time
squatting around the fire. What little food they are allowed to
eat must not be touched with their hands but must be carefully
conveyed to their mouths by means of a fork. At the end of their
seclusion they wash themselves in water in which have been in-
fused the leaves of certain plants. They may now leave the club-
house during the day, but must return to it at night. They do
not engage in any work, or wear their ornaments, or approach
their wives for several months thereafter. Finally a big feast,
with the slaughter of many pigs, is held, and the warriors are
then released from the restrictions laid upon them. 278 Among
some of the Southern Massim the killer or captor of a man who
is to be eaten at a cannibal feast goes straight to his house and
stays there for about a month. He is said to be afraid of the
"blood" of the dead man, and it is for this reason that he takes
no part in the feast; if he did, his belly would become "full of
blood" and he would die. "But there is something more subtle
than the actual blood, though connected with it, of which he goes
in terror .... It seemed rather as if certain imperceptible qual-
DEATH AND THE DEAD 209
ities emanating from the blood lingered about the scene of the
cannibal feast, and adhered to a certain extent to those who had
taken part in it long after all physical traces had been removed,
and that these influences were specially injurious to the provider
of the feast." 279 The Orokaiva imposed various restrictions on a
man who had slain another in a raid. He might not eat any por-
tion of his victim's body, a prohibition also applying to the slay-
er's father, mother, and nearest relatives. He might not drink
pure water out of the river, but only water which had been stirred
up and made muddy by the feet of a non-slayer. He might
not eat taro cooked in the pot, but only that which had been
roasted in an open fire. He might not indulge in sexual inter-
course. These restrictions lasted for a few days, and then the
slayer brought them to an end by eating the same kind of stew
given to initiates at the end of their seclusion. In one instance,
observed by our authority, the man had to allow himself to be
thoroughly bitten by ants before consuming the purificatory
stew. 280 The tribes at the mouth of the Wanigela River require a
warrior to cleanse himself and his weapons. He is secluded for
three days. On the fourth day he dons all his best ornaments and
badges for taking life, sallies forth fully armed, and parades in all
his finery through the village. On the fifth day a hunt is organized
and a kangaroo is selected from the game killed. The animal is cut
open and its liver and spleen are rubbed over the warrior's back.
He then goes to the nearest water and bathes, while all the young,
untried warriors swim between his straddled legs in order to gain
some of his strength and courage. 281
The Fijians, who enjoyed a well-deserved reputation for
bloodthirstiness, held in high honor the person who had slain a
member of a hostile tribe, whether old or young, whether man,
woman, or child, whether in open fight or by treachery. Never-
theless, the slayer had to submit to a variety of restrictions. After
a formal anointing or consecration with red oil, he retired to a
special hut where he passed the next three nights. During this
time the hero might not lie down but had to sleep as he sat, nor
might he change his bark-cloth garment, nor remove the red paint
from his body, nor enter a house in which there was a woman.
During the three days he was on an incessant march, followed by
half a score of young men reddened like himself. 282
In the Marquesas Islands the warrior's gun or spear with
which he had killed a man became tapu as well as himself, and
such a weapon was given the name of its victim. 288
210 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
All members of a Maori war party were tapu to women until
the fighting was over. They cooked for themselves during this
time and took particular pains that their food should not be put
near a weapon or touched by the right hand. It had to be car-
ried to the mouth with the left hand. 284 We may surmise that
the precaution was intended to prevent the right hand, which
grasped the spear, from being made useless by infected food. The
warriors, upon their return, were released from the tapu which had
invested them. Two fires were kindled, and at each of these the
priestly expert roasted a single sweet potato. The priest ate the
tuber cooked at one of the fires, and the other was eaten by a
woman chosen to take part in the ceremony. The performance
was accompanied by the recital of incantations. The warriors
were now free to mingle with their fellows and resume their
normal lives. 285
The natives of the Pelew Islands used to indulge in constant
head-hunting, because a human head was deemed by them to be
indispensable for various ceremonials. The successful hunters, if
young men who never before had been out on an expedition,
came under a taboo (meay) and remained secluded in the village
clubhouse for three days. During this time they might not bathe
or touch a woman; their diet was rigorously limited; and they
were required to rub themselves with the leaves of a certain plant
and to chew betel for purification from pollution. Old head-
hunters, who had been on many expeditions and had cut off many
heads, did not observe these restrictions, unless, indeed, their
hands had actually touched the dead body of the victim. 286
Among the Basuto, who form the eastern branch of the wide-
spread Bechuana people, "ablution is especially performed on
return from battle. It is absolutely necessary that the warriors
should rid themselves, as soon as possible, of the blood they have
shed, or the shades of their victims would pursue them incessantly,
and disturb their slumbers. They go in a procession, and in full
armour, to the nearest stream. At the moment they enter the
water a diviner, placed higher up, throws some purifying sub-
stances into the current. This is, however, not strictly necessary.
The javelins and battleaxes also undergo the process of wash-
ing.- 287
Among the Thonga the slaying of enemies in battle entails
great glory for the slayers, but also great danger to them. 'They
have killed. So they are exposed to the mysterious and deadly
influence of the nuru and must consequently undergo a medical
DEATH AND THE DEAD 211
treatment. What is the nuru? Nuru is the spirit of the slain
which tries to take its revenge on the slayer. It haunts him and
may drive him to insanity : his eyes swell, protrude, and become
inflamed." He will go out of his mind, be attacked by giddiness,
and the thirst for blood may even lead him to fall with murderous
intent upon members of his own family. To avoid such terrible
consequences the slayers are placed under many taboos. They
put on old clothes, eat with special spoons, and from special plates
and broken pots. They are not allowed to drink water. Their
food must be cold; if it was hot, it would make them swell in-
ternally, because, say the natives, "they are hot themselves, they
are defiled." Sexual relations are absolutely forbidden them.
After some days a medicine man comes to purify them and "re-
move their black." When this has been accomplished, all the im-
plements used by the slayers during their seclusion and all their
old garments are tied together, hung upon a tree, and left there to
decay. 288
A warrior of the Lumbwa tribe, Kenya, who has killed a man,
returns home screaming the name of the tribe to which his foe
belonged. The villagers come out to meet him and throw grass
upon him. He then goes to the river, bathes ceremonially, and
plasters red and white earth on his head and body. His shield and
spear are similarly daubed with mud. For the next month he lives
more or less in seclusion. During this time women and children
may not eat of the leavings of his food, and they shun his pres-
ence. When the month is up the killer seeks a strange woman,
preferably a woman thought to be barren, and has connection
with her; the husband, should he be cognizant of the act, shows
no resentment. The warrior's purification is now completed. 289
The Kavirondo warrior is rubbed with medicine (generally
the dung of goats) "to prevent the spirit of the deceased from
worrying the man by whom he has been slain." 290 The Ja-Luo
require a successful warrior to shave his head and hang a fowl's
head from his neck. This must be done before he enters his vil-
lage. He now returns home and gives a big feast to propitiate the
ghost of the slain man. 291
The Jivaro of eastern Ecuador and Peru are at the present
time the most warlike of all the Indian tribes in South America.
So assiduously do they devote themselves to the military art that
they are in some danger of wiping themselves out. With the
Jivaro, however, the successful warrior is subjected to many re-
strictions. In the evening of the day their enemies have been
212 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
killed all the men who have taken part in the massacre slightly
prick themselves over the whole body, using for this purpose a
painted arrow. This is done to protect them against the spirits
of the slain enemies. That night the slayer will dream, and in
the dream he meets the spirit, who says to him, "Come, let us
dance together." The warrior's own soul or spirit then answers,
"No, I cannot dance, for I have my body full of sores/' If he
has not pricked himself as described, he will in the dream accept
the invitation of the enemy spirit and then he will soon die. As
soon as the Jivaro has dispatched his foe he is allowed to eat only
boiled and mashed manioc, and this food he must cook himself,
for no other man and still less a woman would be allowed to pre-
pare it. When the warriors eat they never touch the manioc with
their fingers, but use small wooden pins to pick up the food. Since
their hands had been polluted with the blood of their enemies,
the food would share the pollution if they touched it, and they
would expose themselves to death. Moreover, the warriors are
not allowed to bathe or wash themselves in any way until they
reach home. Until a certain feast is celebrated, several months
later, they may not have sexual intercourse or even sleep in the
same room with a woman. 202
The Pima Indians of Arizona observed no custom with greater
strictness than that which required purification of the warrior
who had slain his foe in battle. "Attended by an old man, the
warrior who had to expiate the crime of blood-guilt retired to the
groves along the river bottom at some distance from the villages or
wandered about the adjoining hills. During the period of sixteen
days he was not allowed to touch his head with his fingers, or his
hair would turn white. If he touched his face it would become
wrinkled. He kept a stick to scratch his head with .... He then
bathed in the river, no matter how cold the temperature. The
feast of victory, which his friends were observing in the meantime
at the villages, lasted eight days. At the end of that time', or when
his period of retirement was half cpmpleted, the warrior might
go to his home to get a fetish made from the hair of the Apache
whom he had killed. The hair was wrapped in eagle down and
tied with a cotton string and kept in a long medicine basket. He
drank no water for the first two days and fasted for the first four.
After that time he was supplied with pinole by his attendant, who
also instructed him as to his future conduct, telling him that he
must henceforth stand back until all others were served when
partaking of food and drink .... The explanation offered for
DEATH AND THE DEAD 213
the observance of this law of lustration is that if it is not obeyed
the warrior's limbs will become stiffened or paralyzed/' 293
The Maricopa of southern Arizona exhibited great fear of
their slain enemies, and all persons who had had contact with them
submitted to a stringent purification for sixteen days. Purifica-
tion was also required of those who had taken women and chil-
dren as captives. 294 Chickasaw warriors became unclean by the
shedding of blood and had to observe a three days' fast. 295 A
Natchez warrior, who for the first time had taken a prisoner or
cut off a scalp, was required to refrain for a month from seeing
his wife or eating meat. Unless these taboos were observed, the
soul of the man whom he had killed in battle or of the prisoner
whom he had burnt would occasion his death. Failing such an out-
come, he would probably die from the first wound received in an-
other fight, or at least would gain no further advantage over the
enemy. 296 A Thompson Indian who had killed an enemy blackened
his face with charcoal. If this were not done, the spirit of his
victim would cause him to become blind. 297
The Kwakiutl of British Columbia, with whom cannibalism
was a ceremonial rite, subjected the eaters of human flesh to many
restrictions. They were not allowed to work, gamble, or approach
their wives for the space of a year, and for four months of this
time they had to live alone in the bedrooms. When they quitted
the house for a necessary purpose, they used a secret door in the
rear, instead of the ordinary exit. During the four months of se-
clusion each man in eating had a spoon, dish, and kettle of his
own, these utensils being thrown away at the end of the period.
Each man kept a copper nail to scratch his head with; were his
own fingernails to touch his skin they would drop off. He could
drink not more than four mouthfuls of water at a time. For the
first sixteen days after eating human flesh he was forbidden to
eat any hot food, and for the whole of the four months to cool
hot food by blowing on it with his breath. When his period of
seclusion was over, he pretended to have forgotten the ordinary
ways of men and had to learn everything anew. 208
The fear of the volitional activity of ghosts and evil spirits
and the fear of death itself as a dangerous contaminating influ-
ence thus account for innumerable mortuary taboos observed by
primitive peoples. Such taboos and the beliefs upon which they
rest are widespread throughout the aboriginal world. They have
sometimes been useful by imposing a sort of quarantine upon the
persons of the sick and upon human bodies in process of dissolu-
214 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
tion. They have also helped to inculcate a respect for human
life, as the result of the restrictions laid upon manslayers. On the
other side, and greatly weighing down the scales against them,
must be set the economic waste which they have needlessly sanc-
tioned and the pains, penalties, and sacrifices which they have
needlessly involved.
NOTES TO CHAPTER V
1 See Robert Hertz, "Contribution a une etude sur la representation collec-
tive de la morte," L'annee sociologique, X, 48-137 (reprinted in Melanges de
sociology religieuse et folklore [Paris, 1928]); E. S. Hartland, "Death and
Disposal of the Dead (Introductory)," Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and
Ethics, IV, 411-44; Edward Westermarck, The Origin and Development of the
Moral Ideas (London, 1906-1908), II, 515-52; A. van Gennep, Les rites de pas-
sage (Paris, 1909), pp. 209-36; L. L6vy-Bruhl, How Natives Think (London,
1926), pp. 276-S4, 301-22; idem, The "Soul" of the Primitive (London, 1928),
pp. 220-61 ; idem, Primitives and the Supernatural (London, 1936), pp. 248-64;
Sir J. G. Frazer, "On Certain Burial Customs as Illustrative of the Primitive
Theory of the Soul," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XV (1886), 64-
104 (reprinted in Garnered Sheaves [London, 1931], pp. 3-50); idem, The Be-
lief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead (London, 1913), I, 31-58;
idem, The Fear of the Dead in Primitive Religion (3 vols., London, 1933-1936).
2 A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London,
1904), p. 450.
8 George Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), pp. 336 f.
* Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui (2d ed., London, 1870), p. 170.
5 D. C. Worcester, The Philippine Islands and Their People (New York,
1898), p. 427.
F. H. Sawyer, The Inhabitants of the Philippines (London, 1900), p. 277.
7 John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon and of Its Inhabitants
(London, 1821), p. 289.
J. Sibree, in Folk-Lore Record, II (1879), 42.
9 Minnie C. Cartwright, "Folk-Lore of the Basuto," F oik-Lore, XV (1904),
255 f.
10 L. S. B. Leakey, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LX
(1930), 204 f. A similar custom prevails among the Akikuyu. With them, how-
ever, the removal of the sufferer to the wilderness is said to be done with his
full consent. If he recovers, he is restored to his home (W. S. Routledge and
Katherine Routledge, With a Prehistoric People [London, 1910], p. 170). Ac-
cording to Father C. Cagnolo, it often happens that sick persons are thrown
out into the bush and left to die when they are not really mortally ill (The
Akikuyu [Nyeri, Kenya, 1933], p. 142).
11 Jakob Spieth, Die Ewe-Stdmme (Berlin, 1906), p. 632.
12 W. B. Grubb, An Unknown People in an Unknown Land (London, 1911),
pp. 161 f. The "cruel belief referred to is that terrible misfortunes will result
if a dead man remains unburied when the sun goes down (p. 160). It sometimes
happens that a person is buried before he is quite dead (G. Kiirze, "Sitten und
Gebrauche der Lengua-Indianer," Mitteilungen der geographischen Gesellschaft
[fur Thuringen] zu Jena, XXIII [1905], 20).
DEATH AND THE DEAD 215
18 Alcide d'Orbigny, L'homme americain (de I'AmMque meridional*)
(Paris, 1839), II, 241.
" K. Sapper, in Globus, LXXVIII (1900), 273.
10 H. C. Yarrow, "A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary
Customs of the North American Indians," First Annual Report of the Bureau
of Ethnology, p. 123, quoting Dr. John Menard.
16 R. B. Dixon, in Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History,
XVII, 245.
17 J. G. Swan, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. XVI, No.
220, p. 82.
18 F. Boas, in Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 612.
18 R. B. Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria (Melbourne, 1878), I, 104.
20 C. G. Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea (Cambridge,
1910), p. 161. Aina also conveys the idea of "sacred," "set apart," "charged with
virtue" (p. 101, note 2) ; it means, therefore, "taboo."
21 Bronislaw Malinowski, The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western
Melanesia (New York, 1929), pp. 150, 450.
22Lorimer Fison, Tales from Old Fiji (London, 1904), p. 163.
23 Laura Thompson, Fijian Frontier (New York, 1940), p. 130.
24 Turner, Samoa, p. 145.
25 John Martin, An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands .... from
the Extensive Communications of Mr. William Mariner (3d ed., Edinburgh,
1827), I, 318, and II, 187.
26 James Cowan, The Maoris of New Zealand (Christchurch, New Zealand,
1910), p. 115. According to an early authority, the Maori might not eat on or
near any place where a corpse had been buried, nor might they take a meal in a
canoe while passing such a place (J. S. Polack, Manners and Customs of the
New Zealanders [London, 1840], I, 239). When the Maori practiced crema-
tion, a corpse would be burned in some rocky or sterile spot where there was
no likelihood of the ground ever being cultivated (E. Best, "Cremation amongst
the Maori Tribes of New Zealand," Man, XIV [1914], 111).
27 J. M. Garvan, The Manobos of Mindanao (Memoirs of the National
Academy of Sciences, Vol. XXIII) (Washington, D.C., 1931), pp. 121 f.
28 A. Grandidier, "La mort et les funerailles a Madagascar," L'Anthro-
pologie, XXIII (1912), 322 if. Young people are not allowed to look at a
corpse. In former days no one under forty years of age might enter a tomb at
a funeral (H. F. Standing, "Malagasy 'Fady,' " Antananarivo Annual and
Madagascar Magazine, No. 7 [1883], p. 73).
20 E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), pp. 203 f. f 256 f. The feet of a
man who had stepped over a grave were singed in a purificatory flame (D. F.
Ellenberger, History of the Basuto f Ancient and Modern [London, 1912],
p. 261).
80 Gustav Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen Sud-Afrika's (Breslau, 1872), p. 201.
81 Alois Musil, The Manners and Customs of the Rwala Bedouins (New
York, 1928), p. 670.
82 W. M. Gabb, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society,
XIV (1874-1875), 504 f.
33 J. G. Swan, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. XVI, No.
220, pp. 84 f.
8 * C. Willoughby, in Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1886,
Part I, p. 277.
216 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
85 M. Eells, in First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 176.
86 E. W. Hawkes, The Labrador Eskimo (Geological Survey Memoir, No.
91) (Ottawa, 1916), pp. 118 f.
87 David Cranz, Historie von Gronland (Barby and Leipzig, 1765), I, 300.
88 F. Boas, in Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 612 f.
39 E. W. Nelson, in Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, Part I, p. 314.
40 W. Bogoras, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1901), III, 95 f.
41 W. G. Sumner, "The Yakuts. Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshev-
ski," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXI (1900), 100.
42 Sir Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central
Australia (London, 1899), p. 498.
48 Sir Baldwin Spencer, Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Aus-
tralia (London, 1914), p. 254.
44 Tom Petrie's Reminiscences of Early Queensland (Brisbane, 1904), p. 36.
45 James Chalmers and W. W. Gill, Work and Adventure in New Guinea
(London, 1885), p. 102.
46 F. E. AVilliams, Papuans of the Trans-Fly (Oxford, 1936), p. 366.
47 G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand
(London, 1847), I, 279.
48 1. H. N. Evans, Among the Primitive Peoples of Borneo (London, 1922),
p. 163.
49 A. Hale, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XV (1886), 291.
so w. W. Skeat and C. D. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula
(London, 1906), II, 111. The house of a deceased person is also abandoned and,
as a rule, the villagers decamp in a body (loc. at.).
i E. H. Man, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XII (1883), 145.
According to A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, the natives may return to the deserted
spot after the period of mourning is over (The Andaman Islanders [Cambridge,
1933], p. 108).
82 E. H. Man, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XV (1886), 450.
58 C. G. Seligman and Brenda J. Seligman, The Veddas (Cambridge, 1911),
pp. 123, 125. Cf. J. Bailey, in Transactions of the Ethnological Society (n.s.,
1863), II, 296.
54 James Sibree, "Malagasy Folk- Lore and Popular Superstitions," Folk-
Lore Record, II (1879), 41; idem, The Great African Island (London, 1880),
pp. 290 f.
88 H. A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed., London, 1927),
I, 319.
56 L. S. B. Leakey, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LX
(1930), 204 f.
"Gerhard Lindblom, The Akamba (Uppsala, 1920), pp. 100 f.
88 John Roscoe, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XXVII
(1907), 102.
89 Idem, The Northern Bantu (Cambridge, 1915), p. 129.
60 Franz Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika (Berlin, 1894) >
pp. 309 f.
01 Oskar Lenz, Skiszen aus Westafrika (Berlin, 1878), pp. 208 f.
62 Grubb, op. cit., p. 58.
DEATH AND THE DEAD 217
68 W. E. Roth, "An Inquiry into the Animism and Folk-Lore of the Guiana
Indians," Thirtieth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 159,
citing J. Gumilla, Historia natural del Rio Orinoco (Barcelona, 1791), I, 206 f.
64 E. Conzemius, in Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. No. 106,
p. 153.
C. Leden, in Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, XLIV (1912), 816.
60 Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, Vol. I, p. xxx.
67 Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, pp. 525, 631 f. Pro-
fessor Seligman thinks it probable that the house is destroyed, not on account
of any fear of death as such, but because of the feeling that "any intimate asso-
ciation with objects connected with the dead of foreign clans is to be avoided at
almost any cost. It may be suggested that the house of a married individual
has been so intimately associated with the deceased man or woman, a member of
a strange clan, that it may be regarded as having in some measure become
identified with the dead stranger so that after his death it becomes unfit to
continue in existence among the folk of the hamlet" (p. 13, note 2).
8 Williams, Papuans of the Trans-Fly, p. 376.
60 C. Keysser, in R. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu-Guinta (Berlin, 1911), III, 83.
TO Taylor, Te Ika A Maui (2d ed.), p. 221. Cf. Polack, Manners and Cus-
toms of the New Zealanders, I, HOf.
71 August Erdland, Die Mar -shall- Insulaner (Munster in Westfalen, 1914),
p. 325.
72 Sir Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East (2d ed., Lon-
don, 1863), I, 175. The village itself is tabooed for a day following the death
(I, 173).
73 Worcester, The Philippine Islands and Their People, p. 427. The Tag-
banua of Palawan tear down a house in which a death has occurred, while those
of Busuanga always abandon such a house (pp. 108 f., 496).
7 *John Batchelor, The Ainu and Their Folk-Lore (London, 1901), pp.
130 f. According to another account, the house where a man dies is deserted.
His nets, cooking pot, implements, and household articles, though of great value
to his neighbors, would never be touched by them (S. C. Holland, in Journal
of the Anthropological Institute, III [1874], 238).
75 Peter Kolben, The Present State of the Cape of Good Hope (London,
1731), I, 138.
76 Minnie C. Cartwright, "Folk-Lore of the Basuto," Folk-Lore, XV
(1904), 258.
77 Charles Bullock, The Mashona (Cape Town and Johannesburg, [1928]),
p. 269.
78 Lionel Decle, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXIII (1894),
420.
"Idem, Three Years in Savage Africa (London, 1898), p. 79.
so W. A. Elmslie, Among the Wild Ngoni (London, 1899), p. 71.
81 C. W. Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic (London, 1922), pp. 122 f. Else-
where Mr. Hobley suggests that these practices may in some measure account
for the low type of domestic architecture among the Akikuyu and Akamba.
There is little incentive for the people to build large permanent structures which
may have to be deserted or destroyed a^t any moment (Journal of the Royal
thropological Institute, XLI [1911], 406).
82 Roscoe, The Northern Bantu, p. 227.
83 J. F. Cunningham, Uganda and Its Peoples (London, 1905), p. 130.
218 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
84 J. H. Weeks, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XXXIX
(1909), 109.
85 A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West
Africa (London, 1894), pp. 159 f.
86 P. Hyades and J. Deniker, in Mission scientifique du Cap Horn, VII,
379.
87 Sir E. F. Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana (London, 1883), p. 225.
88 Carl Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (New York, 1903), I, 384.
89 Lucile Hooper, in University of California Publications in American
Archaeology and Ethnology, XVI, 344.
90 C Mindeleff, "Navaho Houses," Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bu-
reau of American Ethnology, p. 475.
91 H. Gillman, in Proceedings of the American Association for the Ad-
vancement of Science, XXXIV (1885), 416.
9 * G. B. Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales (New York, 1892), p. 193.
98 J. Teit, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, II,
331.
9 * E. W. Nelson, in Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, Part I, p. 440.
98 W. G. Sumner, "The Yakuts. Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshev-
ski," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXI (1900), 100.
98 Marie A. Czaplicka, Aboriginal Siberia (Oxford, 1914), p. 144, citing
S. P. Krasheninnikoff.
97 See Frazer, Fear of the Dead in Primitive Religion, II, 119-38; Levy-
Bruhl, How Natives Think, pp. 323-37.
98 Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 461 f., 464. Cf.
Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, I, 104. Some tribes of New South Wales
hang up the weapons, rugs, nets, and other belongings of a dead person on
trees for about two months, then wash them and distribute them among the
relatives (F. Bonney, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIII [1884],
135). The purificatory intent of this procedure is obvious.
99 James Dawson, Australian Aborigines (Melbourne, 1881), p. 63.
100 G. Home and G. Aiston, Savage Life in Central Australia (London,
1924), p. 152.
101 Spencer, Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia, p. 243.
102 C. S. Myers and A. C. Haddon, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthro-
pological Expedition to Torres Straits, VI, 159.
103 A. C. Haddon, ibid., V, 250. Our informant adds that "the food was
destroyed for the sake of the dead man ; as the natives said, it was 'like goodbye 1 . 1 '
104 Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, p. 274.
105 G. Landtman, The Kvwai Papuans of British New Guinea (London,
1927), p. 263.
^B. Hagen, Unter den Papua's (Wiesbaden, 1899), pp. 258 f.
107 D. Jenness and A. Ballantyne, The Northern LfEntrecasteaux (Oxford,
1920), p. 114.
!os R. Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre in der Sudsee (Stuttgart, 1907), p. 185.
109 R. Thurnwald, in Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft,
XXIII (1910), 346.
"OB. T. Somerville, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXVI
(1897), 403.
DEATH AND THE DEAD 219
111 C. E. Fox, The Threshold of the Pacific (London, 1924), p. 211. The
custom of cutting down a dead man's fruit trees is found elsewhere in the
Solomon Islands, as in Florida and Mala. This is not done with any notion
that such things follow a man in any ghostly form, but, according to the na-
tives, as a mark of respect and affection (R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians
[Oxford, 1891], pp. 255, 263). It would seem that here, as in Mabuiag, Torres
Straits, the original significance of the custom has been forgotten.
112 C. B. Humphreys, The Southern New Hebrides (Cambridge, 1926),
p. 61.
113 Ibid., pp. 152 f. There is some doubt whether this custom is observed
by commoners as well as by chiefs.
114 Lambert, Mceurs et superstitions des Neo-Caledoniens (Noumea, 1900),
p. 235.
115 Turner, Samoa, p. 306.
118 E. S. C. Handy, "The Native Culture in the Marquesas,' 1 Bernice P.
Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 9, pp. 76, 261 f.
117 Polack, Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders t II, llOf., 230.
118 E. H. Man, The Nicobar Islands and Their People (London, [1932]),
pp. 131 f., 138. In Car Nicobar some of the palms which a rich man possesses
will be destroyed at his death, while others "will be made taboo for a number
of years, and so they will be 'unclean* and may not be used for food or drink
by any of the inhabitants" (George Whitehead, In the Nicobar Islands [London,
1924], p. 194).
119 F. Fawcett, in Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, I
(1886), 249.
120 Seligman and Seligman, The Veddas, p. 123.
121 G. ( McCa.ll Theal, Ethnography and Condition of Africa before A.D. 1505
(London, 1919), I, 221 f. Cf. James Macdonald, in Journal of the Anthropologi-
cal Institute, XIX (1890), 276; Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (2d ed., Lon-
don, 1925), pp. 81 f., 248.
122 S. S. Dornan, Pygmies and Bushmen of the Kalahari (London, 1925),
p. 145.
123 Rene Caillie, Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo (London,
1830), I, 164 f.
124 J. H. Weeks, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XXXIX
(1909), 453.
125 Sir H. H. Johnston, George Grenfell and the Congo (London, 1908),
II, 652.
126 G. von Hagen, in Baesslcr-Archiv, II (1911), 108.
127 Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa,
p. 159.
128 Martin Gusinde, Die Selk'nam (Modling bei Wien, 1931), p. 552; idem,
Die Yamana (1937), p. 1109. Cf. George Catlin, Last Rambles among the Indians
of the Rocky Mountains and the Andes (London, 1868), p. 292.
129 Alcide d'Orbigny, Voyage dans I'Amtrique meridionale (Paris and
Strasbourg, 1843), II, 99 f., 183.
isoGrubb, op. cit., pp. 122 f., 169.
131 Theodor Koch, Zum Animismus der siidamerikanischen Indianer (In-
ternationales Archiv fur Ethnographie, Vol. XIII, Supplement) (Leiden, 1900),
p. 61. Cf. Martin Dobrizhoffer, An Account of the Abipones (London, 1822),
II, 273.
220 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
182 Karl von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvb'lkern Zentral-Brasiliens
(Berlin, 1894), p. 502.
188 Alexander von Humboldt, Reise in die Aequinoctial-Gegenden des
neuen Continents (Stuttgart, 1860), IV, 156.
184 E. Nordenskiold, "Die religiosen Vorstellungen der Itonoma Indianer
in Bolivia," Zeitschrijt fur Ethnologie, XLVII (1915), 106 f. The Itonoma have
been Christianized for two centuries.
185 Rafael Karsten, The Toba Indians of the Bolivian Gran Chaco (Acta
Academics Aboensis, Humaniora, IV) (Abo, 1923), pp. 95 f.
186 E. Conzemius, in Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, No.
106, pp. 155 f.
187 A. Hrdlicka, "Physiological and Medical Observations among the In-
dians of Southwestern United States and Northern Mexico," ibid. f No. 34, p. 230.
188 Frank Russell, in Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology, pp. 194 f.
189 A. B. Reagan, in Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History, XXXI, 317.
* 4 <> Leslie Spier, ibid., XXIX, pp. 233, 292 f.
141 Stephen Powers, Tribes of California (Contributions to North American
Ethnology, Vol. Ill) (Washington, D.C., 1877), p. 206. Among the Northern
Maidu, "owing to the general custom of burning most, if not all, of the property
of a man at his death, there was little that could be inherited." Such things as
were not destroyed passed by inheritance to his surviving kinsfolk, especially to
his oldest son (R. B. Dixon, in Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural His-
tory, XVII, 226). By far the most important of the Maidu mortuary ceremonies
is the annual "burning" by mourners of various articles skins, hides, dresses,
caps, beads, necklaces, baskets in honor of and for the use of the dead. The
offerings are often so numerous that the fire is nearly smothered by the great
amount of things thrown into it. Each family sacrifices to its own relatives.
After doing so for three or four years the members of the family seem to feel
that the welfare of their dead has been sufficiently assured, and, as a rule, the
sacrifice will be discontinued (pp. 245 ff.).
142 C. Willoughby, in Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for
1886, Part I, pp. 276 f.
148 Ross Cox, Adventures on the Columbia River (London, 1831), II, 388.
144 J. Teit, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, II,
331.
148 W. Thalbitzer, "Ethnographical Collections from East Greenland," Med-
delelser om Grpnland, XXXIX (1914), 524. With reference to the Central Es-
kimo, F. Boas declares that since a great part of a man's personal property is
destroyed at his death or placed in his grave, "the objects which may be acquired
by inheritance are few" (Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,
p. 580).
146 John Murdock, in Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,
p. 425. It is probable, thinks our authority, that the man's friends manage to
remove the more valuable articles from his house before his death takes place
(loc. cit.).
147 Czaplicka, Aboriginal Siberia, p. 147.
148 In the D'Entrecasteaux Islands engaged couples do not use their real
names when speaking to each other, and invent fancy names instead. "There
are some who believe that the seed taro will wither and die if this name taboo
be broken" (Jenness and Ballantyne, The Northern D'Entrecasteaux, p. 98).
DEATH AND THE DEAD 221
Among the Naga tribes of Manipur each person has a private name, which he
must keep strictly secret. If it becomes known, the whole village is tabooed, or
genna, for two days, and a feast must be provided at the expense of the offender
(T. C. Hodson, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXVI [1906], 97).
149 See Sir J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul (The Golden
Bough, 3d ed., Part II) (London, 1911), pp. 349-74.
150 J. Barnard, in Report of the Second Meeting of the Australasian Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Science (1890), p. 605; cf. James Bonwick, Daily
Life and Origin of the Tasmanians (London, 1870), p. 183.
151 R. H. Holden, in George Taplin (ed.), The Folklore, Manners, and
Customs of the South Australian Aborigines (Adelaide, 1879), p. 27.
152 Carl Lumholtz, Among Cannibals (New York, 1889), p. 279.
153 W. E. Roth, in North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin, No. 5, pp. 20,
37. At Cape Bedford, when an aboriginal unintentionally makes use of a for-
bidden name (such as that of a dead person), he will immediately correct himself,
saying "my mouth is foul," and then expectorate (ibid., No. 11, Records of the
Australian Museum, Vol. VII, No. 2, p. 78).
164 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 498.
186 E. Clement, in Internationales Archiv fur Ethnographie, XVI (1904), 9.
156 C. W. M. Hart, "Personal Names among the Tiwi," Oceania, I (1930-
1931), 288.
157 C. W. Abel, Savage Life in New Guinea (London, [1901]), p. 89. There
are certainly exceptions to this rule. The tribes at the mouth of the Wanigela
River take every opportunity to report a dead man's name. It is also customary
for his relations to adopt his name, prefixed by a title denoting their relation-
ship to him (R. E. Guise, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXVIII
[1899], 211 ff.).
188 W. E. Bromilow, Twenty Years among Primitive Papuans (London,
1929), pp. 89 f .
189 K. Vetter, in Nachrichten uber Kaiser IVilhelms-Land und den Bis-
marck- Arc hipel, XIII (1897), 92.
160 Jenness and Ballantyne, op. cit., pp. 91 f .
161 R. Thurnwald, in Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, XLII (1910), 129.
362 E. H. Gomes, Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo (Lon-
don, 1911), pp. 320 f.
^3 w. H. R. Rivers, The Todas (London, 1906), pp. 462 f.
* Ibid., p. 406.
168 S. S. Dornan, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLVII
(1917), 52.
166 Minnie C. Cartwright, "Folk-Lore of the Basuto," Folk-Lore, XV
(1904), 258.
i 7 A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 71.
"*Idem, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), pp. 304 f.
160 Rafael Karsten, The Civilisation of the South American Indians (Lon-
don, 1926), p. 205. The Lengua Indians refer to a dead man as "he who was"
(Grubb, op. cit., p. 170).
170 A. L. Kroeber, "Notes on California Folk-Lore," Journal of American
Folk-Lore, XIX (1906), 143. The Hupa tell of a time when so many names
were tied up by wholesale deaths that it was necessary to abrogate for a while
the rule forbidding their use and allow them to become again current (P. E.
222 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Goddard, in University of California Publications in American Archaeology
and Ethnology, I, 74).
171 P. Beveridge, in Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New
South Wales, XVII (1883), 65.
178 A. S. Gatschet, The Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon (Contri-
butions to North American Ethnology, Vol. II, Part I) (Washington, D.C., 1890),
p. xli.
" See H. Webster, Rest Days (New York, 1916), pp. 62-74. On fasting
and restrictions in diet after a death see Westermarck, Origin and Development
of the Moral Ideas, II, 298-309. Nearly all the instances cited by Professor
Westermarck refer to the obligatory fasting of a widow or a widower and of
the near relatives of the deceased. There seem to be few cases where the cus-
tom is socialized. Among the Abipones, when a chief died, all members of the
tribe abstain for a month from eating fish, their principal dainty (P. F. X. de
Charlevoix, Histoire du Paraguay [Paris, 1756], I, 468. Among the Upper
Thompson Indians of British Columbia "nobody was allowed to eat, drink, or
smoke in the open air after sunset (others say after dusk) before the burial,
else the ghost would harm them" (J. Teit, in Memoirs of the American Museum
of Natural History, II, 328).
174 L. Nyuak, in Anthropos, I (1906), 413.
175 Gomes, op. dt., p. 139.
176 T. C. Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur (London, 1911), pp. 100,
152, 166, 174; cf. idem, "Mortuary Ritual and Eschatological Beliefs among
the Hill Tribes of Assam," Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft, XII (1909), 449.
177 H. F. Standing, "Malagasy 'Fady/ " Antananarivo Annual and Mada-
gascar Magazine, No. 7 (1883), p. 74. Some necessary occupations could not be
entirely abandoned during the mourning period, but they were not called by the
usual names; they were referred to by such expressions as "going into the
country" or "settling down in the fields" (J. Sibree, "Curious Words and Cus-
toms Connected with Chieftainship and Royalty among the Malagasy," Journal
of the Anthropological Institute, XXI [1891], 219).
i 78 Kidd, The Essential Kafir (2d ed.), p. 253.
179 Lieutenant Farewell, in W. F. W. Owen, Narrative of Voyages to Ex-
plore the Shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar (London, 1833), II, 397.
180 Routledge and Routledge, With a Prehistoric People, p. 172.
181 C. W. Hobley, Eastern Uganda (Occasional Papers of the Royal An-
thropological Institute, No. 1), (London, 1902), p. 28.
182 Sir H. H. Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate (London, 1902), II,
176 ff.
183 Werner Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien (2d ed., Basel, 1883), p.
528 (Barea and Kunama).
184 F. Boas, in Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, XV,
121 f .
186 E. W. Nelson, in Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, Part I, pp. 312 ff., 319. The Bering Strait Eskimo observe various
precautions after killing food animals such as salmon and whales, so that their
shades may not be offended and bring bad luck upon the killer and his people.
A hunter who has taken part in the capture of a white whale must not do any
work for the next four days, that being the time during which the ghost of the
whale is supposed to stay with its body. Moreover, the use of all iron instru-
ments is forbidden in the village during these four days. Anyone so impious
as to cut a whale's body with an iron ax will die. These Eskimo have a special
DEATH AND THE DEAD 223
name "for a spot of ground when certain things are tabooed, or where there is
to be feared any evil influence caused by the presence of offended shades of
men or animals, or through the influence of other supernatural means. This
ground is sometimes considered unclean, and to go upon it would bring misfor-
tune to the offender, producing sickness, death, or lack of success in hunting or
fishing. The same term is also applied to ground where certain animals have
been killed or have died." In the latter case the ground is thought dangerous
only to the person who performs there some forbidden act, such as chopping
wood with an iron ax on the shore where a dead white whale has been beached.
Death is also the consequence of cutting wood with an iron ax where salmon
are being dressed (pp. 438, 440).
188 W. Bogoras, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History,
XI, 521.
" 7 W. Jochelson, ibid., X, 104 f .
188 See Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 138-45. The mourning
costume has been explained as originally a disguise adopted to protect the sur-
vivors from the ghost of the recently deceased (idem, "On Certain Burial Cus-
toms as Illustrative of the Primitive Theory of the Soul," in Garnered Sheaves,
pp. 13, 42 ff.). According to E. S. Hartland, the primary purpose of mourning
costume (or absence of costume) is to distinguish those who are under taboo
from their fellows ; "it is the sign of the plague" ("The Philosophy of Mourn-
ing Clothes," in Ritual and Belief [London, 1914], p. 235). Westermarck sug-
gests that since a mourner is more or less polluted for a certain period clothes
worn by him then would also become polluted and could not be used afterward ;
hence old clothes will be worn or none at all (Origin and Development of the
Moral Ideas, II, 545).
189 Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand, I, 95.
180 S. Gason, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXIV (1895),
171.
191 Spencer, Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia, pp.
242 f.
192 Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, p. 611.
198 F. E. Williams, Drama of Orokolo (Oxford, 1940), p. 114.
194 Idem, Papuans of the Trans-Fly, p. 366.
198 Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 281.
196 A. B. Deacon, Malekula, a yanishing People of the New Hebrides
(London, 1934), p. 572.
197 Lambert, M&urs et superstitions des Neo-Caledoniens, pp. 236 ff .
198 Fison, Tales from Old Fiji, p. 167; cf. idem, in Journal of the Anthro-
pological Institute, X (1881), 139.
190 Turner, Samoa, p. 145. Cf . George Brown (Melanesians and Poly-
nesians [London, 1910], p. 402), who describes the undertakers as being paia,
or "sacred."
200 William Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed., London, 1831), I, 403. At
the funeral rites observed by the Tahitians for chiefs and persons of rank the
corpse was placed on a platform and underneath this a hole was dug in the
earth. The priest then prayed to the god, "by whom it was supposed the spirit
of the deceased had been required," that his "sins" might be deposited in the
hole and not be attached to the survivors. As soon as the ceremony was over,
those who had touched the body or the garments of the dead man fled pre-
cipitately into the sea to cleanse themselves from pollution. They also cast
into the sea the clothes worn by them when performing the funeral offices.
224 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Having finished their ablutions, they gathered a few pieces of coral from the
bottom of the sea and returned to the platform. They addressed the corpse,
saying, "With you may the pollution be." Then they threw down the coral on
the top of the hole that had been dug to receive all defilement connected with
the dead (I, 401 ff.).
201 Old New Zealand, by a Pakeka Maori (London, 1884), p. 105; cf. Ed-
ward Tregear, The Maori Race (Wanganui, New Zealand, 1904), p. 200.
202 S. Walleser, "Religiose Anschauungen und Gebrauche von Jap (Deutsche
Sudsee)," Anthropos, VIII (1913), 1052.
203 F. Grabowsky, in Internationales Archiv fur Ethnographic, II (1889),
182.
204 A. E. Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot (Department of the Interior, Ethno-
logical Survey Publications, Vol. I) (Manila, 1905), pp. 78 f.
205 F. Mason, in Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXV
(1866), Part II, p. 29.
2oe Whitehead, In the Nicobar Islands, pp. 190 ff. ; cf . Man, Nicobar Islands
and Their People, p. 141.
Rivers, The Todas, p. 368.
*Ibid., p. 390.
209 Sibree, Great African Island, p. 290 ; cf . H. F. Standing, "Malagasy
'Fady'," Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine, No. 7 (1883), p. 73.
210 Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 152 ff. By "sex-
ual relations in the ritual fashion" is to be understood semine non immisso (I>
516). Thonga gravediggers must be married, because married people alone can
get rid of the defilement caused by contact with a corpse (I, 137).
2ll Hollis, The Nandi, p. 70. The Akikuyu, who also deposit corpses in
the bush, likewise impose stringent taboos upon the relative who has dis-
charged this final duty to the dead. See J. M. Hillebrandt, in Zeitschrijt fur
Ethnologie, X (1878), 404 f.
212 Lindblom, Akamba, pp. 95 ff. The old men receive no purification
doubtless because, being so near death themselves, they can take risks which
younger people ought to avoid.
213 A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West
Africa (London, 1887), p. 241; idem, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave
Coast of West Africa (London, 1890), p. 160; idem, The Y oruba-speaking
Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa (London, 1894), p. 155.
21 *A. G. Leonard, The Lower Niger and Its Tribes (London, 1906), pp.
174 f.
215 Grubb, An Unknown People in an Unknown Land, p. 169.
216 Theodor Koch-Grtinberg, Von Roroima sum Orinoco (Stuttgart, 1923),
III, 168.
217 J. R. Swanton, "Creek Religion and Medicine," Forty-second Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 615 f .
2 *a J. B. N. Hewitt, in American Anthropologist, III (1890), 389.
219 P. E. Gpddard, "Life and Culture of the Hupa," University of Cali-
fornia Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, I, 71 ff. Else-
where we learn that all persons who had touched a corpse were obliged to
keep their heads covered until after the purificatory ceremony, "lest the world
be spoiled" ("Hupa Texts," ibid., I, 224, note).
220 J. G. Swan, The Northwest Coast (New York, 1857), pp. 212 f.
DEATH AND THE DEAD 225
221 C. Hill-Tout, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXIV
<1904), 33; ibid., XXXV (1905), 139.
222 W. L. Hardisty, in Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for
1866, p. 317.
228 E. W. Nelson, in Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, Part I, p. 313. A five days 1 festival of the dead, held by these
Eskimo, included much singing, drumming, and dancing in honor of the de-
parted. Upon the conclusion of these ceremonies, the performers drew their
hands over their bodies, as if wiping something away, stamped on the floor,
and slapped their thighs. By these actions they cast off all uncleanness that
might be offensive to the shades (p. 371).
224 See Sir J. G. Frazer, Psyche's Task (2d ed., London, 1913), pp. 142-48;
idem, Folk-Lore in the Old Testament (London, 1919), III, 71-81. E. S.
Hartland has assembled much evidence for a widespread belief that widows
are haunted by their deceased husbands, who seek a renewal of sexual inter-
course with them. See his essay, "The Haunted Widow," in Ritual and Belief,
pp. 194-234.
228 Mrs. K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe (London, 1905), p. 93.
226 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 500. In the
Warramunga tribe the custom of compulsory silence after a death is ob-
served, not only by the widow, but by the greater number of women in any
camp. Some of them become so proficient in the use of the gesture language
and so accustomed to it that they never resume the use of their tongue, pre-
ferring to converse by means of gestures for the rest of their days (iidem, North-
ern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 525 f.).
227 Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, p. 276. For the
Koita observances see pp. 162, 164.
228 R. E. Guise, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXVIII (1899),
210 f.
229 C. Keysser, in Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu-Guinea, III, 83.
230 Malinowski, The Sexual Life of Sawges in North-Western Melanesia,
pp. 157 f .
231 A. M. Hocart, "The Cult of the Dead in Eddystone of the Solomons,"
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LII (1922), 84.
282 Ernest Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand (London, 1843), II, 40.
233 F. Blumentritt, in Globus, LIX (1891), 182.
284 Fay-Cooper Cole, The Tenguian (Chicago, 1922), pp. 285 f.
235 W. C. Willoughby, Nature-Worship and Taboo (Hartford, Conn.,
1932), p. 208.
23fl junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 204 f.
237 E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern
Rhodesia (London, 1920), II, 61 f.
288 F. H. Melland, In Witch-bound Africa (London, 1923), pp. 103 f.
239 Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic, p. 98.
Ibid., $. 132.
241 Lindblom, The Akamba, p. 101. As among the Atheraka, a man must not
succeed to one of his father's wives before the principal widow has cohabited
with her late husband's brother. If he breaks this rule, he becomes taboo. To
remove the impurity thus produced it is necessary to make a ceremonial pay-
ment to the brother, who represents the angered spirit of the deceased. Then
a piece of wood, about fifteen inches long, is inserted in the woman's vagina
226 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
and with it the man's penis is touched twice or thrice. Next, one of the eiders
takes the stick and hurls it across a river, saying, "I throw this evil away."
Finally, the brother cohabits with the widow in the evening. The man's im-
purity is now removed. He must never have anything to do with that woman
again, though he may marry another of his father's wives (C. W. Hobley, in
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLI [1911], 412).
242 P. S. Schumacher, in Anthropos, X-XI (1915-1916), 797.
248 Hollis, The Nandi, p. 72. Masai widows are also not allowed to re-
marry; they become concubines (Max Weiss, Die Volkerst'dmme im Norden
Deutsch-Ostafrikas [Berlin, 1910], p. 385).
244 J. H. Weeks, Among the Primitive Bakongo (London, 1914), pp. 272 ff.
245 Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (London, 1897), pp. 483 f .
24 Ibid., pp. 487 f .
247 Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa,
p. 160.
248 /<tew, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West Africa,
pp. 241 f .
249 N. W. Thomas, "Some Ibo Burial Customs," Journal of the Royal An-
thropological Institute, XLVII (1917), 175.
250 Thomas Falkner, A Description of Patagonia (Hereford, 1774), p. 119.
251 Ruth L. Bunzel, "Introduction to Zuni Ceremonialism," Forty-seventh
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 503 f .
262 C. Hill-Tout, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXV
(1905), 138 f.
258 J. Teit, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, II,
332 f.
204 See Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 165 ff . ; idem, Psyche's
Task (2d ed.), pp. Ill ff.; idem, Folk-Lore in the Old Testament, I, 78 ff.
255 Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, pp. 129 f .
2B Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders, p. 133.
257 H. Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa (London, 1812-1815), I,
257.
208 Smith and Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia, II,
136 f. The killing of a clansman is not a crime, but is an offense against his
clan, against the communal god, against the person's ghost, and against the
hidden powers of nature. "The clan is injured in that it loses a member, and
anything that injures a member injures the clan. The communal god, the
guardian of the community, is injured in the killing of one of his people ....
There is the man's own ghost to be reckoned with also, who resents being
ushered violently into the cold, dreary ghost-world, and may retaliate by
haunting the slayer and, moreover, there is something uncanny about spilling
blood .... something which sets the mysterious world- forces against you.
These, it must be conceded, are considerable checks upon the man-slaying
propensities of the Ba-ila" (I, 414).
2 ' Hollis, The Nandi, pp. 74, 91.
260 Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic, p. 108. The spearhead or sword with
which the murder was committed is blunted and is then thrown into a deep pool
in the nearest river. "They say that if this were not done the weapon would
continue to be the cause of murder" (p. 233). Among the Akamba the weapon
used to inflict death is nearly always an arrow. This is carried away and
placed on a path where a passer-by is likely to see it, pick it up, and thus
DEATH AND THE DEAD 227
acquire its mysterious and baneful essence. "If this is not done the evil is
said to remain with the family of the deceased" (p. 237). Among the Konde
of Nyasaland the spear with which a murder has been committed is cut off
short at the haft and the blade bent over with a stone. The weapon is then
hung up in the roof of a relative of the murderer (D. R. Mackenzie, The
Spirit-ridden Konde [London, 1925], p. 89).
2W C. Dundas, "The Organization and Laws of Some Bantu Tribes in
East Africa," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLV (1915), 270.
262 Roscoe, The Northern Bantu, pp. 279 f . Among the Bagesu a murderer
kills a goat, smears his chest with the contents of its stomach, and throws the
remainder upon the roof of the murdered man's house to appease his ghost
(p. 171).
2s Autenrieth, "Zur Religion der Kamerun-Neger," Mitteilungen der
geographischen Gesellschaft (fur Thuringen) zu Jena, XII (1893), 93 f.
264 A. W. Cardinall, The Natives of the Northern Territories of the Gold
Coast (London, [1920]), p. 93.
2 H. S. Mekeel, "Social Administration of the Kru," Africa, X (1937),
79 and note 1.
266 Edward Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in Morocco (London, 1926),
II, 10 f . In some instances murderers act as doctors. The curative powers
attributed to them are obviously due to an association between the idea of
killing a man and that of killing an illness (loc. cit.).
2 7 J. O. Dorsey, "Omaha Sociology," Third Annual Report of the Bureau
of Ethnology, p. 369. According to a later account, deliberate murder was
regularly punished by banishment of the culprit for four years, unless he was
sooner forgiven by the relatives of the murdered man. During this time the
murderer had to keep outside the village and might hold no communication
with anyone except his nearest kindred (Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La
Flesche, in Twenty-seventh Annual Report, p. 215).
268 J. O. Dorsey, "A Study of Siouan Cults," Eleventh Annual Report of
the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 420.
269 G. B. Grinnell, The Cheyenne Indians (New Haven, 1923), I, 353 ff.
270 F. Boas, "Chinook Texts," Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnol-
ogy, No. 20, p. 258.
271 Mrs. Leslie Milne, Shans at Home (London, 1910), p. 192.
272 Weeks, Among the Primitive Bakongo, pp. 62 f .
278 Leonard, The Lower Niger and Its Tribes, pp. 178 ff.
274 The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse (Hakluyt Society, Vol. LI)
(London, 1874), p. 159. See further G. Friederici, "Uber eine als Couvade
gedeutete Wiedergeburtszeremonie bei den Tupi," Globus, LXXXIX (1906),
59-63.
275 J. W. Gambier, in Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for
1894, p. 548; Alice C. Cook, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1900), II, 483 ff.
The cleaners and embalmers of corpses were likewise subject to taboos (Cook,
loc. cit.).
276 See Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 157-65 ; idem, After-
math (London, 1936), pp. 234-46; see also L. Levy-Bruhl, Primitives and the
Supernatural (London, 1936), pp. 279-87. There are some very logical savages,
who, not content with imposing all sorts of avoidances and abstinences upon
hunters and fishers while away on their expeditions, also subject them to vari-
ous purificatory rites upon their return, after the animals have been killed and
the fish have been caught. For instances among the Eskimo, the Kayan of Borneo,
228 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
and some South African tribes see Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul,
pp. 204-9, 219-23. For further instances relating to "animalicide" see Levy-
Bruhl, op. cit., pp. 287-91.
277 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 494 f .
218 Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, p. 333.
*"Ibid., pp. 557 f.; cf. pp. 562 ff.
280 p. E. Williams, Orokaiva Society (Oxford, 1930), pp. 173 ff. The au-
thor thinks that these observances are not only purificatory but also defensive
in character. They seem to be meant to drive away the spirit of the slain
man, as well as to remove the uncleanness of his slayer (p. 175).
281 R. E. Guise, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XXXVIII
(1908), 213 f.
282 Thomas Williams, Fiji and the Fijians (3d ed., London, 1870), pp. 44 ff.
The elaborate ritual which Williams described was observed for a chiefs son
who had slain his first man. Presumably, warriors of lower rank or of no
rank whatever were subjected to less onerous restrictions.
283 E. S. C. Handy, in Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 9, p. 135, on
the manuscript authority of I. R. Dordillon.
284 Tregear, Maori Race, pp. 332 f . The members of a war party, before
starting out, went to the bank of a stream, where they were sprinkled, one
after another, by a priest (idem, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute,
XIX [1890], llOf.). This, no doubt, was a rite of consecration, which en-
dowed them with strength and grace for their undertaking.
285 t Best, "Maori Religion and Mythology," Dominion Museum Bulletin,
No. 10, pp. 241 f . A woman, the wahine ariki, played the leading role in an-
other Maori rite for the desacralization of warriors. She was the elder female
of the elder branch of the family from which the members of the tribe traced
their descent. It was her business, upon the return of the war party, to swallow
an ear of the first enemy killed in battle. Only she could taste human flesh;
if another woman did so, the men would meet with a great reverse when next
they went to war (Edward Shortland, The Southern Districts of New Zealand
[London, 1851], pp. 68 ff.).
286 J. [S.] Kubary, Ethnographische Beitrdge sur Kenntniss der Karoli-
nischen Inselgruppe und Nachbarschaft, Heft I, Die socialen Einrichtungen der
Pelauer (Berlin, 1885), p. 130.
287 Casalis, The Basutos, p. 258. The Basuto say, "Human blood is heavy,
it prevents him who has shed it from running away" (p. 309). The warrior
taboo seems to be general among the Bechuana tribes. A man who has slain
an enemy in battle must on no account enter his own courtyard, for it would be
a serious thing if even his shadow were to fall on his children. He studiously
avoids his family and friends until after purification (W. C. Willoughby, in
Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXV [1905], 305).
28 8Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 477 ff. The
Awemba, a tribe of Northern Rhodesia, believe that unless slayers are purified
from bloodguiltiness, they will go mad (J. H. W. Sheane, "Wemba Warpaths,"
Journal of the African Society, No. 41, pp. 31 f.). A Nandi warrior, who has
slain an enemy, carefully washes off the blood on the spear or sword into a
grass cup and then drinks the blood. "If this were not done it is thought that
the man will become frenzied" (Hollis, The Nandi, p. 27).
289 J. Barton, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LIII
(1923), 47.
29 Johnston, Uganda Protectorate, II, 743 f .
DEATH AND THE DEAD 229
2 " Ibid., II, 794.
292 Rafael Karsten, "Blood Revenge, War, and Victory Feasts among the
Jibaro Indians of Eastern Ecuador," Bulletin of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology, No. 79, p. 34. For the purification procedure, "the washing of the blood,"
see pp. 35 ff.
293 Frank Russell, in Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology, pp. 204 f . This long period of retirement, immediately after a
battle, greatly diminished the value of the Pima when serving with the United
States troops against the Apache. The bravery of the Pima was praised by all
army officers having any experience with them, but their rigid observance of the
custom described made them very unreliable as scouts and allies (loc. cit.).
294 Leslie Spier, Yuman Tribes of the Gila River (Chicago, 1933), pp. 179 ff.
295 James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), p. 388.
296 P. F. X. de Charlevoix, Journal of a Voyage to North America (edited
by L. P. Kellogg) (Chicago, 1923), II, 252.
297 J. Teit, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, II,
357.
298 F. Boas, "The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the
Kwakiutl Indians," Report of the US. National Museum for 1895, pp. 433 f.
CHAPTER VI
STRANGERS AND STRANGE
PHENOMENA
FOR primitive peoples strangers are enemies; their hostile inten-
tions are suspected and dreaded, often with good reason. The
distrust and even hatred felt toward them seems also to be based
on the very fact of their strangeness. Being unknown, they are
jnvested with mysterious and dangerous qualities which make
ithem carriers of evil, potent in cursing, and proficient in all man-
ner of nefarious magic. As such, taboos regularly attach to them. 1
The aborigines of Victoria, who were almost if not quite om-
nivorous, nevertheless would not touch any food which had been
partaken of by a stranger. Nor did they like to handle the weap-
ons of strangers, fearing that these might "communicate sick-
ness and might cause death." 2 With reference to the tribes of
central and northern Australia, Messrs. Spencer and Gillen ob-
serve that nothing could be further from the truth than the con-
ception of them as being in a state of constant hostility. In al-
most every camp of considerable size there are to be found
members of strange tribes paying visits and often taking part in
the ceremonies. "At the same time it is quite true that, if a
member of an unknown tribe made his appearance, except of
course he came accredited as a sacred messenger, he would most
probably be promptly speared. Anything strange is uncanny to
the native, who has a peculiar dread of magic from a distance." 8
The Mailu, a Papuan tribe, do not like to have a stranger enter
one of their villages unbidden or unconducted. They fear lest
his shadow may fasten itself upon them. Nor do they like to eat
before strangers.* For the Mountain Arapesh sexual relations
with a stranger are dangerous. Even intercourse with one's wife,
if she comes from a distance, contains an element of danger until
several months have elapsed and the partners have become habit-
uated to each other. A man who goes abroad should keep away
from all women except those who are related to him and in
whose houses he can therefore sleep without fear of sorcery. 6
230
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 231
The inhabitants of Niue, or Savage Island, invariably put to
death natives of other islands who drifted to their shores, as
well as any of their own people who had gone away in a ship and
returned home. "This was occasioned by a dread of disease. For
years after they began to venture out to ships they would not im-
mediately use anything obtained, but hung it up in quarantine for
weeks in the bush/' 6 The natives of the Tenimber or Timorlaut
Archipelago will not bury a stranger who happens to die while
among them. They fear that if they did so some calamity would
descend upon the land. 1
The Kayan of Borneo are very careful that no stranger shall
handle a young child or gaze upon it too closely. The more influ-
ential the stranger, the more his contact is feared, for any such
contact or notice may attract to the infant the unwelcome and
probably injurious attentions of the spirits. 8 Three deaths which
occurred while an American explorer was leading an expedition
up the Baram River in Sarawak were ascribed by the natives to
the presence of the strangers, who were thereupon requested to
return. 9 An Italian traveler in New Guinea was asked by some
Alfuru to leave their village as soon as possible, because his pres-
ence brought bad luck. "Our sons began to die," they said to him,
"so soon as you came and looked at them. Five died in three
days. It is you who have killed them with your eyes. Depart, or
all the rest will perish." 10 Similarly, the natives of Ta-tsien-lu,
on the eastern borders of Tibet, associated unusually cold weather
in June with the presence of a foreign naturalist among them and
compelled him to quit the country. 11
Among the Tangkhul of Manipur no stranger may enter a
house where a birth has occurred for six days in the case of a
boy and for five days in the case of a girl. They fear lest the pres-
ence of a stranger might harm the child at the time when it is
most susceptible to evil influences. 12 The Western Rengma, after
a birth, do not allow the parents to speak to strangers for ten
days. 13 The Lhota forbid speech between parents and strangers
for six days after the birth of a boy and for five days in the case
of a girl. 14
A stranger who dies in an Andamanese community is buried
without ceremony or is cast into the sea. Among some of the
tribes it was formerly the custom to cut his body into pieces and
burn them. They said that his blood and fat, which were potent
for evil, would then be driven up to the sky in the smoke of the
fire and thus rendered harmless to the living. The blood of stran-
232 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
gers disposed of in this manner is seen in the glow of the sky at
sunset. 15
The four tribes of the Nilgiri Hills the Toda, Badaga, Kota,
and Korumba have long lived close to each other, yet culturally
they possess little in common and still avoid much social inter-
course. When Korumba magicians have occasion to call on their
Kota clients, the women and children of a Kota village run for
the safety of their homes and cower inside them until the visitors
have gone. All transactions between the Kota and Korumba
take place outside the village limits of each tribe. In like manner,
while Kota musicians have to be present at all major ceremonials
of the Toda, "if the band comes too close to a dairy, the place is
polluted and can only be resanctified by elaborate purificatory
rituals." In short, any intimate contact between members of the
different tribes is stringently forbidden. 16
When a stranger dies in a Thonga village, and no one knows
him, "he does not matter." The grown-up men attach a rope to
his body and dump it into a hole. There is no contagion from a
dead stranger, and therefore no ceremony of purification is re-
quired. 17 The Akamba and other East African tribes think that
a man who has sexual intercourse on a journey into foreign parts
will bring bad luck on his village. 18 The Akikuyu, after building
a new hut, are afraid to procure fire for it direct from another
village, lest some unknown contamination be brought with the
fire or with the firewood. To do so is a very risky proceeding,
particularly for young children, who might get thin and fall ill. 19
A missionary in the Lower Congo region refers to the anxiety
which the natives felt at the arrival of himself in the country.
Wise men shook their heads and declared that "the San Salvador
people would die very fast; that there would be no rain; pesti-
lence and disasters of all kinds would surely follow." 20 A stran-
ger dying in Loango may not be buried there. His body is tied up
in mats and hung between two posts. Sometimes his people will
redeem it and take it away. 21 When an Ashanti man (or woman)
gets up from a chair or a stool and does not intend the reseat
himself almost at once, he reverses it and places it on its side.
Sometimes he tilts it against the wall. This is a precaution against
any stranger sitting in the chair or on the stool and leaving there
an evil influence. 22
The Jivaro Indians of eastern Ecuador ascribe all diseases,
whether endemic or imported from the whites, to disease-spirits,
but they know no other way of protecting themselves against a
STRANGERS, AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 233
visitation by these demonic powers than by running away from
them. Thus, when smallpox breaks out in a village, the inhabi-
tants abandon the place, at least for some time. "Under such
circumstances," declares Dr. Karsten, "it is easy to understand
the anxiety with which the Indians, when a strange white man
arrives, always ask whether he 'brings disease/ Both in his own
person and in his clothes, and the other mysterious things which
he brings with himself, the strange guest is supposed to carry
germs of dangerous disease. My eating and drinking plates and
cups were especially regarded as taboo, and at the first time
of my staying among the Jibaros at least no one of the women
would on any account have eaten from my plates or drunk from
a cup. Disease and death was believed to be the probable conse-
quence of such carelessness." 28 The Bakairi of Brazil attribute
sickness, death, and other evils to the sorcery practiced by stran-
gers from beyond their borders. 24 It is a common notion among
the Plains Indians that "strangers, particularly white strangers,
are ofttimes accompanied by evil spirits." 25
The Siberian Chukchi whose fire has gone out on the cold and
timberless tundra cannot borrow fire from his neighbor, for the
fire of a strange family is regarded as infectious and as harboring
evil spirits. Fear of pollution extends also to all objects belonging
to a strange hearth, to the skins of the tent, and to the sleeping
room. "The Chukchee from far inland, who travel but little,
when they come to a strange territory fear to sleep in tents or
to eat meat cooked on a strange fire, preferring to sleep in the
open air and to subsist on their own scant food supply. On the
other hand, an unknown traveler, coming unexpectedly to a Chuk-
chee camp, can hardly gain admittance to a tent." 26 The Orotchi
of the Amur region think that misfortunes such as forest fires,
winters with excessively deep snow, and the silting up of rivers,
have multiplied for them with the coming of Europeans; "they
even go so far as to lay the appearance of nezv phenomena like
thunder at the door of the Russians." 27
It is not uncommon for purificatory ceremonies to be per-
formed over strangers before they are allowed to enter a com-
munity and mingle with its inhabitants. Sometimes the strangers
themselves take such precautions. Those who return to their own
land from a sojourn abroad may also be required to undergo a cere-
monial cleansing. In some parts of Victoria, when a strange tribe
has been invited into a district and is approaching the encampment
of the tribe which owns the land, "the strangers carry lighted bark
234 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
or burning sticks in their hands, for the purpose, they say, of
clearing and purifying the air." 28 Among some of the southeast-
ern tribes of Australia a stranger must first bite off a mouthful of
cooked meat handed to him on a skewer by his host. Then the
host mixes a little earth with water and gives the stranger a
drink. He may now freely eat the food and drink the water of
the tribe which he has visited, but were he to do so without hav-
ing performed the prescribed ceremonial he would become ill and
sores would break out on his body. 29 In Nanumea, an island of
the Ellice group, strangers from ships or from other islands were
not allowed to hold any communication with the people until they
had been taken to the temples, where prayers were offered "that
the god would exert his power and drive away any disease or
treachery which these strangers might have brought with them/' 30
A Maori, journeying in a strange region, was in a state of
tapu. Upon his return he might not go home before the tapu had
been removed by a priest. 81 The Kayan of Dutch Borneo are
said to fear the evil spirits which dog the footsteps of travelers
even more than their own local demons. There is justification for
this attitude, since returning travelers bring with them infectious
diseases, especially influenza. Some of the tribes require a man
who has come back from a long journey to remain secluded for
four days in a special hut before he is allowed to go to his own
house. 82
It is customary among the Lao of northern Siam for the
master of the house to offer sacrifice to his ancestral spirits before
receiving and entertaining a stranger. The spirits would punish
any neglect of this rite by sending disease on the inmates. 88 A
Naga, when entering or quitting a strange village, strikes his ears,
forehead, and stomach with a sprig of wild indigo, which he then
places in his kilt. This is intended to prevent any ill consequences
to him from his visit. 34 The Western Rengma think that strangers
bring evil magic with them. If a stranger comes to a village and
settles there, the inhabitants observe a genna, or season of taboo,
for an entire day. The Eastern Rengma do the same, but only if
the stranger brings his cooking pots and other utensils with him. 85
When Bechuana travelers returned from foreign parts, "they
were not permitted to rejoin the family circle till they had been
lustrated with 'holy water/ or, sometimes, cleansed with that
still more potent purifier, the gall of a sacrificed ox, so as to free
them from any occult influence that may have touched them while
abroad." Few natives now observe this custom, though in every
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 235
tribe there are still some people who walk punctiliously in the old
ways. 86 The Basuto even fumigated cattle captured in war before
the animals were allowed to mix with their own herds. 87 Before
a stranger may be received by a Thonga village he must submit
to a purificatory ceremony similar to that which follows the death
of an important member of the community, and all the inhabitants
of the village are purified with him. 38 In Angola a man who had
returned home after a long absence from his family might not
engage in sexual intercourse until he had washed his genitals with
medicine. It was also necessary for a magician to make certain
chalk marks on his forehead. This purification prevented the
transmission to his wife of any evil influence which he might have
contracted from his relations with foreign women. 39 In Benin a
stranger must wash his feet before entering the country. 40 Among
the nomadic Arabs of Morocco, as soon as a stranger appears in
a village, some water or, if he be a person of distinction, some
milk is presented to him. If he refuses to partake of it, he is not
allowed to go about freely, but has to stay in the village mosque.
"On asking for an explanation of this custom I was told that it
is a precautionary measure against the stranger; should he steal
or otherwise misbehave himself, the drink would cause his knees
to swell so that he could not escape." 41
Navaho Indians, who return from captivity in another tribe,
are washed from head to foot, "in order that all alien substances
and influences may be removed from them." 42
A traveler in foreign parts, in addition to human enemies,
faces all the mysterious terrors of the unknown. Some of the
clans of the Kurnai, a tribe of Victoria, had a belief in the exist-
ence of a being called Lohan, who watched over them and caused
their country to be deadly to strangers. "It was therefore to him
that they attributed the taboo which protected them against the
visits of other tribes." 48 With the Maori the dread of trespassing
was so strong that on going to a strange land rites were carried
out to make it noa, or common, "lest, perchance, it might have
been previously tapu." 4 * The Thonga think that certain torment-
ing spirits frequently attack those who go to another district and
follow them in their further migrations. 45
The general effect of these taboos affecting strangers and
strange lands is obviously to confirm the ethnocentrism of the
savage. It has been said of the Australian natives that "sorcery
makes them fear and hate every man not of their own coterie,
suspicious of every man not of their own tribe ; it tends to keep
236 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
them in small communities, and is the great bar to social prog-
ress/' 46 The statement is evidently of general application. It
should be added, however, that this attitude often coexists with a
rigid observance of the law of hospitality, so that a stranger may
sometimes enjoy extraordinary privileges as a guest. The taboo
on the stranger and the practice of hospitality toward him, in
order to secure his blessing or to avoid his curse, can ultimately
be traced to the same root his strangeness.
All things out of the ordinary, all things strange and unfa-
miliar, are mysterious to the savage. Whatever has this character
may sometimes be treated with special consideration and even
reverence; it becomes a talisman bringing good fortune, or an
amulet averting misfortune, or a fetish object supposed to be
possessed by a helpful spirit. It may also be avoided as harmful,
and in some cases the avoidance takes the form of a taboo.
The missionary, James Chalmers, once noticed that the natives
in the neighborhood of Port Moresby, New Guinea, were much
astonished at the contents of his traveling bag. They had never
before seen pins and needles, thread and scissors. The most
astonishing thing to them was a small case which contained a
thermometer, barometer, and compass. When Chalmers tried to
show them the uses of these instruments, they begged him to shut
up the case and put it away as soon as possible, for otherwise, they
said, "we shall all be sick." 47 A British administrator in New
Guinea, referring to the Gosisi tribe, tells us that if anyone tried
to do some writing in their presence they promptly took to their
heels. So great was their fear of paper and pencil that no native
would remain near a government office for more than a few min-
utes at a time. 48 Some Maori were once shown a watch. "The
ticking was so wonderful to their conceptions, that they believed
it to be nothing less than the language of a god; and the watch
itself, being looked upon as the Etw, was regarded by the whole
of them with profound reverence." 49 The Dusun "attribute any-
thing whether good or bad, lucky or unlucky that happens to
them to something novel which has arrived in their country." 50
Among the wilder tribes of Ceylon soap is under a ban, the
prohibition applying particularly to the scented variety. Soap, it
seems, serves as an attraction to "devils," who afflict the users of
it for the rest of their days. Consequently villagers in the remote
jungle areas never use soap and try to be always as dirty as pos-
sible. 51 The people of Oudh, British India, "regard a tiled roof as
tabu" probably, thinks our informant, because at some not remote
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 237
period they lived like gypsies under a rude shelter of reeds. 52 When
bananas were first introduced among the Ba-ila of Northern Rho-
desia one of the natives, to whom some of the fruit was offered,
turned from it with the utmost consternation. "No! No! I
have never seen that before! It is tonda" [taboo]. It is also tonda
for anyone to see the mole out of its burrow. This creature rarely
appears on the surface during the daytime. "If you saw it, it
would grin and one of your friends would die in consequence."
To see it in the burrow is, however, quite harmless. 53
It is a very common belief among the Akamba of Kenya that
iron is antagonistic to rain; hence in the district of Kitui iron
implements are not used for work in the fields. Our authority
thinks that probably the same belief explains their objection to
the railway. "I talked once to an old man on the subject, but got
very little out of him excepting a look which plainly said that if I
did not know that to lay an iron band all across the country was
enough to drive all rain away, what did I know !" 5 * By the Pata-
gonians "any unfamiliar object that they do not comprehend, as,
for instance, a compass or a watch, is regarded with suspicion as
being tenanted by an evil spirit/ 185 Medicine men among the
Guiana Indians avoid all articles of food not indigenous to their
country; these are said to be "tabooed" to them. 66
The Bribri Indians of Costa Rica distinguish two kinds of
ceremonial uncleanness, namely nya and bukuru. Anything that
has been connected with a death is nya. The worst sort of bukuru
emanates from a young woman in her first pregnancy. It also
attaches to weapons and utensils after long disuse, and these
before being used again must be purified. In the case of portable
objects left undisturbed for a lengthy period, it is customary to
beat them with a stick before touching them. "I have seen a wom-
an take a long walking-stick and beat a basket hanging from the
roof of a house by a cord. On asking what that was for, I was
told that the basket contained her treasures, that she would prob-
ably want to take something out the next day, and that she was
driving off the bukuru. A house long unused must be swept, and
then the person who is purifying it must take a stick and beat not
only the movable objects, but the beds, posts, and in short every
accessible part of the interior. The next day it is fit for occupa-
tion." 57 By some of the Aleuts any articles of Russian manu-
facture found on the beach were considered "unclean" and were
at once thrown away. 58
This lively fear of the strange and unfamiliar accounts in
238 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
large measure for the conservatism of savages and their repug-
nance toward innovation of any sort. A missionary, after twenty-
five years of teaching the Congo natives (his remarks apply par-
ticularly to the Bangala), declares that though they have a won-
derful power of imitation they lack inventiveness. Their inventive
capacity has been socially suppressed. For generations it has been
customary to accuse of witchcraft anyone who has started a new
industry or begun a new art. 'To know more than others, to be
more skillful than others, energetic, more acute in business, more
smart in dress, has always caused a charge of witchcraft, and
death." 59 Or, to take another case, how slowly must the Wanika
move forward, among whom, "if a man dares to improve the
style of his hut, to make a larger doorway than is customary, if
he should wear a finer or different style of dress to that of his
fellows he is instantly fined; and he becomes, too, the object
of such scathing ridicule, that he were a bold man indeed who
would venture to excite it against himself." 60 The persecuting
tendency of savages is an outcome of the idea of collective re-
sponsibility, the idea that all may suffer for the guilt of one.
Hatred of the non-conformist thus becomes an expression of the
sense of group welfare. The lot of the innovator, in consequence,
is still harder among primitive folk than among ourselves; if
lowly born, he is promptly clubbed; if a chief and something hap-
pens to him, either by disease or accident, men see in his fate the
righteous punishment for impiety and a warning against any de-
parture from the good old ancestral ways. What Walter Bagehot
called the "cake of custom" is more deeply hardened, more firmly
fixed, than ever.
Various aspects of nature, strange or terrifying, give rise to
taboos. The Bukaua of northern New Guinea believe that a per-
son who points a finger at a rainbow will get ulcers in the armpits.
The punishment is sent by the angered spirits of murdered men,
whose blood forms the rainbow. 61 In Mindanao, one of the Phil-
ippine Islands, there is a tribe, living in a crater-like valley, whose
members have heard of, but have never seen, the sea. To behold
it, they believe, would be certain death for anyone who did so. 62
Upon returning from an attempt to ascend Mount Kilimanjaro,
believed by neighboring tribes to be tenanted by demons, some
Englishmen were sprinkled with "a professionally prepared liquor,
supposed to possess the potency of neutralizing evil influences
and removing the spell of wicked spirits." 68 The Ona of Tierra
del Fuego, who respect and fear such natural objects as moun-
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 239
tains, the sun, moon, stars, lakes, and woods, do not speak loudly
of them or stare at them too long. They say that if you speak ill
of a mountain in its presence it will send rains and winds. 64 The
Jivaro of eastern Ecuador believe that their rain god lives in the
solitudes of the cloud-capped mountain peaks. "If offended by
disrespectful invasion of his dwelling place, he causes heavy rains
to fall upon the traveler, produces floods in the streams, and makes
the way difficult and dangerous." No native will speak while
crossing the summit of the mountain particularly associated with
him. The Jivaro river god haunts a great cataract of the Maranon,
and accordingly the same rule of silence is observed by the In-
dians when passing through the gorge of this river. 65
Among the Guiana Indians certain words, mostly of Spanish
origin, must not be spoken during a voyage. To utter them is the
surest way of offending the water spirits, who will cause the boat
to capsize or to be wrecked. Paraphrases of the tabooed words
are accordingly employed. 66 These Indians, before attempting to
shoot a cataract for the first time, or on the first sight of any new
place, and every time a striking rock or mountain is seen, avert
the ill will of the spirits of such places by rubbing red peppers in
their eyes. Lime juice may be used as a substitute. On one occa-
sion, when neither peppers nor limes were available, the Indians
carefully soaked a piece of indigo-dyed cloth and then rubbed the
dye into their eyes. 67 This temporary occlusion of vision has been
mentioned by other travelers. Some Carib Indians, on first gain-
ing sight of a range of mountains never seen before, had tobacco
juice squeezed into their eyes. 68 The Arawak, when visiting any
new place for the first time, put creek or river water in their eyes.
Were this not done, the evil spirits lurking in the vicinity would
make their eyes sore and perhaps inflict on them other sickness^
as well. "One woman maintained that, independently of any evil
spirits, the very novelty of the scene might give her sore eyes, in
the absence of the usual precaution." 69
The Bribri Indians of Costa Rica think that any place such
as a mountain peak not previously visited, or not visited for a
long time, is especially bukuru (ceremonially unclean). 70 The
Greenlanders will not pronounce the name of a glacier as they
row past it, fearing lest it should be offended and throw off an
iceberg. 71 The Aleuts considered it "a punishable offense" to talk
unnecessarily and unfavorably of stars and clouds. 72
Thunder and lightning account for many taboos. Some
Queensland tribes, among whom the lack of pigmentation of hands
240 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
and feet is by no means rare, explain the abnormality by assuming
that the afflicted person must have picked up some splinters from
a tree which had been struck by lightning. 73 The Maori thought
that a man struck by lightning had violated some taboo : the god
Tupai (one of the lightning deities) punished him for his act. 74
The Semang, the very primitive Negritos of Malaya, believe
that certain actions are most displeasing to the higher powers,
who punish the performance of them by sending a great storm,
with thunder and lightning. Then the water will well forth from
under the earth, and the offenders will be struck by lightning or
swallowed up in the liquescent earth. Such terrible consequences
can be avoided only by a blood sacrifice. The blood must be drawn
from the leg or some other part of the body and then be thrown
upward into the air. People will do this when a bad thunderstorm is
approaching. 75 The Sema Naga treat a man killed by lightning as
accursed and bury him in some out-of-the-way place. 76 The Ao
Naga will not eat an animal killed by lightning. If any part of a
lightning-struck tree should be used as firewood, the heads of all the
children in the house would be covered with sores. 77
The Bantu-speaking peoples of South Africa display much
fear of thunderstorms, which are very impressive in that part of
the world. 78 The Amaxosa "conceive that thunder proceeds from
the direct action of a deity ; and if a person is killed by lightning,
they say that God (Uhlanga) has been amongst them. On such
occasions they sometimes remove their residence from the spot,
and offer a heifer or an ox in sacrifice. If cattle are struck by
lightning, they are carefully buried." 79 By the Zulu a house or an
animal struck by lightning is tabooed. However, the Zulu believe
that such an object contains the "power" of the lightning: conse-
quently, to protect the people against it, the doctors sometimes
order an ox killed by lightning to be eaten. The people do so, but
while eating they take emetics continually, and, when the repast
is finished, they wash themselves and are given medicines. The
doctors will also scarify their own bodies and rub in medicines
mixed with the flesh of a lightning-struck animal. Thus the doc-
tors get into sympathy with the heaven where storms appear; they
know now when it is going to thunder and lighten ; and they can
take appropriate measures to preserve the people from harm. 80
When lightning strikes the central square of a Thonga village,
the event is portentous of great evil to come. If the medicine man
is able to exhume the mysterious bird which causes lightning, or
at least the coagulated urine (called Heaven) which the bird has
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 241
deposited, the people are not obliged to destroy their village and
move away. But if he fails in his efforts, they must do so, "as the
presence of the mysterious power of Heaven inside the circle of
huts would bring disaster." It is taboo to warm oneself at a fire
made of the wood of a tree that has been struck by lightning, or to
use it as fuel. 81
The Nandi include among people ceremonially unclean, or
taboo, those who have eaten the flesh of an animal killed by light-
ning. When a hut has been struck by lightning a member of the
Toyoi clan (whose totems are the soldier ant and rain) is called
upon to burn the hut down. If an ox has been lightning-struck,
it is the duty of some men of this clan to turn the animal over on
its side ; this done, adult persons may safely cut off a piece of the
meat and eat it. They may not converse while eating, and after
the meal the bones must be put in a heap for burning. Before re-
turning home they must proceed to the nearest river and bathe
themselves. The spot where the bones are burned is covered with
thorns and stones, so that it cannot be trodden on by man or
beast. When cattle have been killed by lightning, the herd must
be purified in the nearest river. Here the warriors stand in two
lines along the banks, and the unmarried girls, who are stripped,
stand in front of them in the water. The herd is driven between
the girls and each cow is sprinkled with water as it passes. Then
the girls drive the cattle home, while the men sit down near the
river and recite a prayer to the sun god. A tree that has been
struck by lightning may not be used for building purposes or fuel. 82
The Ja-Luo of Kavirondo desert a house which has been struck
by lightning if anyone in it is killed. However, they do not scruple
to use the wood for other purposes. 83 The Wawanga of Mount
Elgon require all the inhabitants of a village to be purified by the
medicine man if lightning strikes a hut or kills a man or an ani-
mal. 84 The Bahima (Bahuma) of Uganda and the Banyoro have
a "strange belief" that when lightning kills any cows the rest of
the herd must not be removed from the place until the medicine
man has released them by making an offering to the thunder god. 85
The Fan of French Equatorial Africa always try to find out
what particular eki, or taboo, has been broken by a man whom
lightning killed, and a fetish priest is called upon to make an
investigation. Funeral rites are never performed for the victim.
His body is carried without ceremony into the bush and buried
beneath an anthill, so that it may be quickly destroyed. Some-
times it is placed along a line of marching ants for still more
242 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
prompt disposal. Nor will his skull be preserved with the skulls
his ancestors; he has died a "bad death," and all memory of him
must be blotted out as soon as possible. 86 The Yoruba think that
people who have been nearly killed by lightning or whose houses
have been lightning-struck must have broken some taboo or done
some act which withdrew from them the protection of the gods
or of the ancestors. Hence such wicked people are not assisted
in any manner. 87
Khebioso (So) is the lightning god of the Ewe of the Slave
Coast. His name means, literally, "the bird" or "bird-like c^ea-
ture that throws out fire." Some people believe that the crash of
thunder is really the flapping of his enormous wings. When a
house is struck by lightning and set afire, the blaze must not be ex-
tinguished. To do so would bring down the vengeance of the god
upon the entire community for acting contrary to the manifest
wishes of the god. A house which has been lightning-struck and
not set afire is at once invaded by a mob of priests and "wives"
of the god, who, while pretending to search for the holy thunder-
bolt, strip the house of everything portable. A heavy fine is levied
on the owner of the house, often so heavy that he cannot pay it.
He will then be made a slave, and his whole family may be en-
slaved as well. The fact that the house was struck is conclusive
evidence that its inmates must have been guilty of some sin of
commission or omission that aroused the anger of the god. The
body of a man killed by lightning is dragged by the priests and
"wives" of Khebioso to some open space and exposed on a plat-
form. It is not supposed to be buried, but, if the victim was a
freeman, the priests usually allow it to be ransomed for burial.
In the case of a slave, the consorts of Khebioso cut pieces of the
corpse as it lies on the platform and chew them without swallow-
ing them, while they cry out to the passers-by, "We sell you meat
good meat." It is said that in former days the priests and their
female companions used to eat the bodies of all persons killed by
lightning. 88
The White Mountain Apache of Arizona, in common with
other Indian tribes, recognize the existence of occult power in cer-
tain natural phenomena, plants, animals, and some human beings.
This power, for which they have a name, can be acquired by pray-
ers and also by the performance of certain ritual acts. When so
acquired, it becomes a means of combating the very sources from
which it emanates. Lightning is a very great source of occult
power. People with guilty consciences live in dread of the ap-
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 243
preaching lightning season, because sinners are so often struck
down by a bolt from the blue. However, there are very "holy"
men, invested with occult power to a great degree, who know how
to perform a ceremony for protection against lightning. 89 The
Omaha Indians, when a man had been killed by lightning, slit the
soles of his feet and buried him face downward. If these precau-
tions were taken, his ghost went at once to the spirit-land and gave
no further trouble to the living. The house where he had lived
was deserted. 90
The moon, because of its brilliant light, periodical transforma-
tions, and regular movement through the sky, seems to have
aroused the interest and excited the imagination of primitive man
to a far greater degree than did the sun, the planets, or any of the
constellations. The fears aroused by eclipses of the moon, by its
disappearance at the end of the lunation, and by its phases have
given rise to innumerable taboos. Their existence in Polynesia,
Indonesia, and Africa, to say nothing of the survivals of them in
Asiatic and European lands, throws light on the origin of the
Hebrew Sabbath and of its assumed Babylonian original. 91
Eclipses of the moon are sometimes considered unfavorable
for work and may also be accompanied by fasting and other forms
of abstinence. Lunar and solar eclipses require a Naga commu-
nity to declare a genna and suspend, for a time, the ordinary occu-
pations. 92 When the Toda know that an eclipse is about to occur,
they abstain from meat and drink; when it is over, they have a
feast and eat a special food prepared on all ceremonial occasions. 98
In southern India the people retire into their houses during an
eclipse and remain behind closed doors. "The time is in all re-
spects inauspicious, and no work begun or completed during this
period can meet with success; indeed, so great is the dread, that
no one would think of initiating any important work at this
time." 04 The natives of northern India are said to consider it a
great crime to partake of food, drink water, or answer the calls
of nature during an eclipse. 05 Among the Wasania, a tribe of
Kenya, no cohabitation takes place during an eclipse. 98
The obscuration of the moon at the end of the month has
been sometimes explained as due to its descent to the underworld ;
hence the intcrlunium may be considered a dangerous and inauspi-
cious period. This attitude seems to be prevalent among the Dra-
vidian-speaking peoples of India. The Kanarese of Hyderabad
and Mysore do not work in the fields on the last day of the month.
If a child is born at this time, they believe that someone in the
244 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
family will die. If a cow or a buffalo has a calf at this time, it
must be sold. On the evening before new moon no one may eat
cooked food. The new moon is consecrated to the dead, 97
The Maler or Sauria Paharia of the Rajmahal Hills in Ben-
gal, who regard Sunday as unlucky and do not work in the fields,
pay visits, or get married on this day, observe much the same
restrictions during the period of the moon's invisibility. Mar-
riages will not be fruitful if consummated during the dark of the
moon and, in general, the time is associated with sickness and bad
luck. 98 Similar notions are entertained by various African geo-
ples. The Zulu would not engage in battle on the "dark day" of
the moon. 99 The Akikuyu of Kenya, who regard the moon as
the sun's wife, suppose that when the moon comes to maturity the
sun fights with her and kills her. While she is "dead," as the
natives say, no journeys are undertaken, no sacrifices are offered,
and no sheep are killed. It is further considered that goats and
sheep will not bear on the day after the disappearance of the
moon. 100 The Akamba, a tribe related to the Akikuyu, believe
that on the day which completes the month no child is born and
no domestic animal gives birth. One of the Akamba clans is called
mu-mwei (mwei signifying "moon"), and by the members of this
clan no house may be swept on the last day of the month. 101
The time of new moon and full moon, much less commonly of
each half -moon, may be a season when taboos are imposed and
placatory rites observed. The very newness of the moon, rising
apparently from the dead, is an element of interest; its contrasts,
in shape, size, and position in the heavens, to the old moon, further
deepen the impression of its significance; and its function of in-
augurating the month not only gives to it a special place in calen-
dar systems but also invests it with the emotional importance be-
longing to the commencement of any new period. These ideas of
lunar influence are naturally extended to the full moon, which is
often regarded as marking the division of the lunar month, and
in some instances to the half-moons, as indicating the other prom-
inent stages in a lunation.
The Hawaiians observed four taboo periods, of two nights and
one day each, in a lunation. These were dedicated, respectively,
to the four great gods of the native pantheon. The first was that
of Ku, from the third to the sixth night ; the second, that of Hua,
at full moon, including the fourteenth and fifteenth nights; the
third, that of Kaloa, on the twenty- fourth and twenty-fifth nights ;
and the fourth, that of Kane, on the twenty-seventh and twenty-
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 245
eighth nights. During these taboo periods a devout ruler generally
remained in the temple, engaged in prayer and sacrifice. Women
at such times were forbidden to enter canoes. Sexual intercourse
was also prohibited. 102
Various Bornean peoples observe lunar taboos. Among the
Land Dayak at full moon and on the third day thereafter, "no
farm work may be done, unless it is wished that the paddy should
be devoured by blight and mildew. In some tribes the unlucky
days are those of the new and full moon and its first and third
quarters." 108 "At certain seasons of the moon, just before and
just after the full," the Sea Dayak tribes "do not work at their
farms ; and what with bad omens, sounds, signs, adverse dreams
and deaths, two-thirds of their time is not spent in farm labour/' 104
The Kayan call the full moon the "evil moon" and at this time
suspend all important business, such as house-building and boat-
building. 105
The Sakai, an aboriginal people occupying the center of the
Malay Peninsula, observe a three days' taboo of work on the
plantations when the moon "falls" at the rising of the sun; when
the moon is at the full and looks "swelled" ; and when the moon
has begun to decline and is "notched like a reaping knife." A
similar taboo, lasting two days, is in force when the old moon
is about to die. Were the taboo broken, someone in the house
would die. Moreover, no work may be done for two days when the
new moon appears, lest wild pigs come and ravage the crops. Thus
among the Sakai thirteen days out of every lunar month are not
available for agricultural operations. 108
Many African peoples entertain pronounced ideas regarding
the unfavorable influence of the moon's changes on human activ-
ities. The Zulu welcome the appearance of the new moon with
demonstrations of joy, but on the following day they abstain from
all labor, "thinking that if anything is sown on those days they
can never reap the benefits thereof." 107 The Bapiri, a tribe of the
Bechuana stock, stay at home at new moon and do not go out to
the fields. "They believe that if they should set about their labor
at such a season, the millet would remain in the ground without
sprouting, or that the ear would fail to fill, or that it would be
destroyed by rust." 108 Of another Bechuana tribe, the missionary
Livingstone remarks, "There is no stated day of rest in any part
of this country except the day after the appearance of the new
moon, and the people then refrain only from going to their gar-
dens." 109
246 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
The Baziba, who dwell to the west and southwest of Lake
Victoria, are said to be one of the few tribes in this part of Africa
having "a recognized day of rest, independently of the Chris-
tians' Sabbath. The two first days of every moon are universal
holidays." 110 The Akamba consider it very unlucky to move cat-
tle or livestock of any kind from one place to another, or even
to give presents of any stock, during the first four days of the
new moon. 111 The Mendi of Sierra Leone hold a new-moon festi-
val, when they abstain from all work, "alleging that if they in-
fringed this rule corn and rice would grow red, the new moon
being a 'day of blood'." 112
The mystic dangerousness of strange persons, strange regions,
strange objects, and strange natural phenomena likewise attaches
to occasions when the normal current of the community life is in-
terrupted and when what may be called a crisis presents itself.
In general, any time of special significance inaugurating a new
era or marking the transition from one state to another, any time
of storm and stress, any time when untoward events have oc-
curred or are expected to occur may be invested with taboos de-
signed to meet the emergency and to ward off the threatened dan-
ger or disaster. Taboos are also commonly imposed in connection
with important undertakings, such as a military expedition, the
commencement of the fishing season, the first planting, harvest-
ing, and house-building.
On all these occasions a period of abstinence and quiescence
is rigidly enforced. The ordinary occupations may be suspended,
fasting and continence required, public assemblage discontinued,
fires and lights extinguished, songs, dances, and loud noises for-
bidden, and the settlement closed or quarantined against out-
siders. Such negative regulations closely resemble some of the
observances which mark the great crises in human life at birth,
puberty, marriage, and death. It is reasonable to conclude that,
with the deepening sense of social solidarity, observances once
confined to the individual or to his immediate connections would
often pass over into those performed by the community at large
or would, at any rate, provide a model for them. We cannot al-
ways discover the particular reasons which account for them, but
they would seem to be expressions of an ancient doctrine "In
quietness shall be your strength/' 113
Periods of communal abstinence are not known in Australia,
and only faint indications of them have been found in New Guinea
and the Melanesian Islands. They are, or have been, numerous
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 247
among the Polynesians, the Indonesian inhabitants of Borneo
and other islands of the East Indies, and also am6ng the Tibeto-
Burman peoples of southeastern Asia, particularly of Assam and
Burma. The many resemblances which the custom under con-
sideration exhibits throughout this wide area may perhaps be
explained as the outcome of an extensive and long-continued dif-
fusion of cultural elements from the Asiatic mainland over the
island world of the Pacific. Similar taboo periods are observed in
Africa. 114
In the Society Islands and the Marquesas Islands the bonito
fishing in November or December opened with a ceremony re-
moving the prohibition which had previously rested on the cap-
ture of that fish. A strict taboo of all activity marked the first
day of the proceedings: no one could approach the seashore, or
make a fire, or cook food, or even eat before the going-down of
the sun. The customary employments of the men in canoe-building
and house-building and of the women in the preparation of cloths,
mats, and thread were abandoned; "in a word, all work was for-
bidden; it was a day of silence and devotion." Meanwhile the
priests remained in the temple, engaged in prayer, and their as-
sistants prepared an altar to receive the first fish caught. At night-
fall the single canoe which had gone forth to the fishing returned
with the catch of bonito. Several of the largest fish were placed
on the altar, and the others were entirely consumed in a blazing
fire before the altar. The fish caught on this day belonged to the
gods and those caught on the following day to the high priest,
but on the third day fishing was opened to all. 115
Among the Maori the preparations for mackerel fishing in-
cluded the observances of various taboos. All persons engaged in
making or mending nets, the ground where the nets were made,
and the river, on the banks of which the work went on, were in a
state of taboo. Nobody might walk over the ground, no canoe .
might pass up or down the river, no fire might be made within a
prescribed distance, and no food might be prepared until the taboo
season came to an end. 118
The Maori also observed communal taboos in connection with
the planting of the kumara, or sweet potato, a very important
article of food. When the time to plant came, "everything was
tapu. The people fasted and did no cooking. The waters of the
lake were tapu; no canoes were allowed to put out and no fishing
was done." The skull of a tribal chief of high rank was disin-
terred and placed in the garden, in order that its occult power
248 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
(mana) might guard the plantation and assist in securing a boun-
tiful harvest. 117
On the island of Yap, one of the Carolines, two old "wizards,"
before whom all important questions come for decision, have the
power of laying taboos on an entire village. The periods of se-
clusion and abstinence have been known to last for six months.
The critical occasions giving rise to their imposition are a time
of drought, famine, or sickness; after the death of a chief or
famous man; and before a fishing expedition. "In short, any great
public event is thus celebrated, and, in fact, there is always a tabu
in full swing somewhere or other, to the great disgust of the
traders, who only see in these enforced holidays an excuse for
idling, drunkenness, and debauchery." 118
The periods of enforced idleness, abstention from sexual inter-
course, and other restrictions, observed by the inhabitants of the
Mentawei Islands, are known as punan. The "great" punan arises
from any circumstance which vitally affects the welfare of the
community: when a chief erects a house for himself, when a new
chief is inaugurated or a new priest is chosen, when a village is
visited by an epidemic, or when a villager has been killed by a
crocodile. The "little" punan relates rather to individuals and to
families. Many are the occasions when it is imposed at house-
building, at the setting out of a garden, at boat-making, and when
a native leaves his village to settle elsewhere. It is especially
obligatory for women during pregnancy, at childbirth, and for
eight months thereafter. It occurs also as an accompaniment of
marriage, when there is sickness in a family, and when some mem-
ber of the household has died. All crises in the communal and
individual life of the people are thus kept as periods of restriction ;
in some cases, however, these have become festivals and holi-
days. 119
When the people of Bali are confronted by some real or imag-
inary danger, such as an epidemic, an earthquake, or a lunar eclipse,
they at once take measures to drive away the evil spirits which
have caused the ominous event. This object is supposed to be
accomplished partly by verbal commands. "Go away ! go away !"
addressed to the demons, and partly by means of an unearthly up-
roar of shouting and knocking. Then follow two days of absolute
silence, the stillness of the grave. During this period, known as
sept, no one ventures out of doors and no strangers are admitted
to the village. Even the usual domestic work, including cooking,
is discontinued. The interdict against all activity is lifted on the
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 249
third day, but even then work in the rice field and buying and
selling in the markets are forbidden. The evil spirits, it is be-
lieved, would like to return at once to their old haunts; hence
they must be led to think that Bali is not Bali but some uninhab-
ited island. 120
Among the Kayan of Dutch Borneo the whole period of rice
cultivation, from the initial task of selecting a site to the final
storing of the rice in the granaries, is supposed to be subject to
supernatural influences. Without the consent of the spirits no
farm work may be undertaken ; without a strict regimen of sacri-
fices and taboos their aid cannot be secured for the growth and
maturing of the crops. An observer, who has described in detail
the agricultural rites of the Kayan, tells us that the sowing festi-
val lasts several weeks and that during this period certain com-
munal regulations are enforced. On the first day of the festival
everyone, except the very old and the very young, must refrain
from bathing ; then for eight successive days no work may be done
and no intercourse may be held with neighboring communities.
The presence of strangers, so the people believe, would frighten
or annoy the spirits and consequently endanger the welfare of the
crops. After the rites at sowing come those which inaugurate
the hoeing of the fields, and finally the harvest festival, eight days
in duration, when the rice has been safely garnered and the long
period of labor and anxiety is at an end. 121
With the Naga tribes of Manipur, as with the Kayan of Dutch
Borneo, the regular communal taboos are for the most part con-
nected with the crops. "Among all these tribes from the day of
the first crop genna to the final harvest home all other forms of
industry and activity are forbidden. All hunting, fishing, tree-
and grass-cutting, all weaving, pot-making, salt-working, games
of all kinds, bugling, dancing, all trades are strictly forbidden
are genna lest the grain in the ear be lost/' 122 Similar taboos
are imposed on many other occasions. A rain-compelling cere-
mony, when the headman works magic for the benefit of the entire
village, is accompanied by a genna. Communal genna are also
proclaimed after the occurrence of unusual phenomena, such as
earthquakes, eclipses of the sun or moon, and the appearance of
comets. The destruction of a village by fire makes necessary, a
genna before any steps are taken to rebuild the houses. Such an
event indicates that spirits inimical to the people are about and
active ; consequently the mere sight of a neighboring village afire
is enough to require the imposition of a genna. The outbreak of
250 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
an epidemic sickness, the occurrence of mysterious cases of death,
the return to the village of a party of warriors with heads taken
in a foray, the deliberations of the village council, and the annual
festival of the dead are likewise followed by genna. 123 An early
writer, commenting on these practices among the Angami Naga,
remarks that there is "no end to the reasons on which a kennie
must or may be declared, and as it consists of a general holiday
when no work is done, this Angami Sabbath appears to be rather
a popular institution." 124
Periods of communal abstinence and quiescence are observed*
by various African peoples. Among the Basuto "certain solemn
and important circumstances demand the consecration of certain
days of repose. They abstain from all public labor on the day
when an influential man dies. At the approach of clouds which
give promise of rain they abstain from going to their fields, or
they hasten to leave them, in order quietly to await the desired
benediction, fearing to disturb Nature in her operations. This
idea is carried to such an extent that most of the natives believe
that, if they obstinately persist in their labor at such a moment,
the clouds are irritated and retire, or send hail instead of rain.
Days of sacrifice, or great purification, are also holidays. Hence
it is that the law relative to the repose of the seventh day, so far
from finding any objection in the minds of the natives, appears
to them very natural, and perhaps even more fundamental than
it seems to certain Christians." 126
With the northern clans of the Thonga the establishment of
a new kraal is a most momentous business, giving rise to a great
number of positive regulations, abstinences, and prohibitions ob-
served by the inhabitants. The period, about a month in length,
during which the moving takes place, is dominated by two great
taboos. First, sexual relations are absolutely forbidden. Any vio-
lation of this rule will cause the headman to become ill, perhaps
paralyzed, while the guilty woman will never be able to bear chil-
dren again. Second, no one may wash his body during the month,
for doing so might cause the rain to fall and thus interfere with
the building operations. When the new huts and the fence around
them have been completed, the men and the women assemble in
two separate groups and ask each other if they have observed
their vows of continence. If one of them confesses to having
sinned, the whole work is spoiled and must be begun elsewhere. If
all have managed to remain continent for the month, they pro-
ceed to a purifying ceremony similar to that which takes place
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 251
during the mourning rites. Each couple has sexual relations ac-
cording to a fixed order of precedence, one couple every night,
and then they all go and trample on the spot where the women
wash their hands. Very similar ceremonies of removal are ob-
served by the Ronga clans of the same tribe. With these clans
still other taboos are enforced. No one may light any fire in a
village until it has been quite finished, and crushing mealies in
mortars and dancing are also forbidden. Whistling is likewise
under the ban, as it might result in the village becoming bewitched
before the medicine man had protected it with his charms. Our
informant points out that among these ceremonies for the removal
of a village there are many features also met in the boys' initia-
tion rites and the mourning for the dead, and that this resemblance
finds an explanation in the common need of removing ritual im-
purity. All the adult members take part in the cleansing process,
and so the new village begins a new and purified life. 128
The Nandi, probably in former times a hunting tribe, have
now taken to agriculture and raise large crops of millet and
eleusine grain. The process of farming is invested by them with
many restrictions : no one while in a plantation may carry a spear
or rest a spear on the earth ; thigh-belts must not be worn ; a hide
must not be dragged along the ground; and whistling is strictly
forbidden. Work is prohibited for an entire day following an
earthquake, a phenomenon which Nandi speculation, in common
with other savage philosophies, attributes to the movements of
underground spirits. "After an earthquake or a hailstorm, when
a death has occurred in the family, if a hoe breaks, or a beast of
prey seizes a goat, no work may be performed in the fields for the
rest of the day and for twenty-four hours afterwards, as it is
believed that any sick person who eats the grain when harvested, or
who drinks beer made from the grain, will die, and that pregnant
women will abort." 127
Among the Bakongo and other tribes of the Lower Congo
region when there is much sickness in a town, or on account of
drought, or because many pigs or goats have died, or because the
animals and fowls will not breed properly in short if much
bad luck has been experienced "the whole town is placed under
certain restrictions, such as 'that nothing tied up is to be carried
into or through the town/ and consequently all bundles and par-
cels must be undone outside the town and carried loosely into it ;
or the restriction may be that no water is to be carried into the
town on the head of any person, and thus every woman as she
252 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
draws near to the town takes her water-bottle from its well-
poised position on her head and carries it in her arms. These
restrictions are removed when they are supposed to have served
their purpose." 128
The Guinea Negroes perform annual rites for the expulsion
of evil spirits. The ceremony of demon-riddance, formerly held
at Cape Coast Castle, on the Gold Coast, was intended to drive
the devil Abonsam out of the town by means of a great uproar
of shouts, screams, beating of sticks, rattling of pans, and firing
of guns, in which proceedings all the inhabitants joined. "The
custom is preceded by four weeks* dead silence ; no gun is allowed
to be fired, no drum to be beaten, no palaver to be made between
man and man. If, during these weeks, two natives should disagree
and make a noise in the town, they are immediately taken before
the king and fined heavily. If a dog or pig, sheep or goat be found
at large in the street, it may be killed, or taken by anyone, the
former owner not being allowed to demand any compensation.
This silence is designed to deceive Abonsam, that, being off his
guard, he may be taken by surprise and frightened out of the
place." 129
Some of the Nigerian peoples celebrate a festival called obaza
for fifteen days after they have cleared the ground for their new
crops. At this time many kinds of work are prohibited, no woman
may make cloth, nor may anyone labor on his farm under penalty
of a fine for doing so. If a man did any planting while the festival
continued, a leopard might carry off his wife or child to the farm
on which he worked. The festival is said to be celebrated in order
that the crops may be abundant. 130
The economic maladjustment often resulting from these taboos
observed upon critical occasions is real ; the taboos slow up the
pace of work, diminish production, and, in extreme cases, when
they are very frequently imposed, the result is the impoverish-
ment of the community. Too many compulsory holidays, espe-
cially when not periodic in character, result in fitful, intermittent
labor rather than in a steady and continuous occupation. On the
other hand, the negative regulations have often a definite psycho-
logical value. They represent a kind of folk technique for the
avoidance of possible pollution or the unwelcome attentions of the
spirits. The consciousness that all precautions have been taken is
itself invigorating: the social group goes forward, henceforth,
with renewed strength and confidence to the tasks which lie be-
fore it.
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 253
NOTES TO CHAPTER VI
1 See Sir P. J. Hamilton-Grierson, "Strangers," Hastings' Encyclopedia
of Religion and Ethics, XI, 883-%; Sir J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of
the Soul (London, 1911), pp. 101-16 (The Golden Bough, 3d ed., Part II) ;
A. van Gennep, Les rites de passage (Paris, 1909), pp. 35-56.
2 James Dawson, Australian Aborigines (Melbourne, 1881), pp. 18, 53.
3 Sir Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central
Australia (London, 1904), pp. 31 f. Of the Australian aborigines, generally,
E. M. Curr remarks that they believe all strangers are in league to take their
lives by sorcery. Hence they hate strangers and regularly massacre those of
the male sex who fall into their power (7 'he Australian Race [Melbourne, 1886-
1887], I, 85).
* M. J. V. Saville, In Unknown New Guinea (London, 1926), p. 281.
5 Margaret Mead, in Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History, XXXVII, 355 f.
6 George Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), pp. 305 f. Cf. A. W. Murray,
Missions in Western Polynesia (London, 1863), pp. 360, 368.
7 J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik-en-kroesharige rassen tusschen Celebes en Papua
('s Gravenhage, 1886), p. 306.
8 Charles Hose and William McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
(London, 1912), I, 158. Cf. A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo (Leiden,
1904-1907), I, 74, 163.
9 W. H. Furness, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society,
XXXV (1896), 313.
10 L. M. d'Albertis, New Guinea (London, 1880), I, 53.
11 A. E. Pratt, in Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society (n.s.,
1891), XIII, 341.
12 T. C. Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Afanipur (London, 1911), p. 177.
13 J. P. Mills, The Rcngma Nagas (London, 1937), p. 201.
^Idern, The Lhota Nagas (London, 1922), p. 146.
18 A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders, (Cambridge, 1933), pp.
109 f ., 287.
16 D. G. Mandelbaum, "Cultural Change among the Nilgiri Tribes," Ameri-
can Anthropologist (n.s., 1941), XLIII, 19 f.
17 H. A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed., London, 1927),
I, 165.
18 C. Dundas, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLV
(1915), 274.
C. W. Hobley, ibid., XLI (1911), 409.
20 W. H. Bentley, Pioneering on the Congo (London, 1900), I, 137; cf.
p. 166.
21 E. Pecheul-Loesche, Volkskunde von Loango (Stuttgart, 1907), p. 210.
22 A. W. Cardinall, In Ashanti and Beyond (London, 1927), p. 216.
23 Rafael Karsten, The Civilisation of the South American Indians (London,
1926), p. 470.
24 Karl von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvolkcrn Zentral-Brasiliens (Ber-
lin, 1894), pp. 232 f.
25 R. I. Dodge, Our Wild Indians (Hartford, Conn., 1886), p. 119.
26 W. Bogoras, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1901), III, 97.
254 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
27 E. H. Eraser, in Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic So-
ciety (n.s., 1891-1892), XXVI, 15.
28 R. B. Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria (Melbourne, 1878), I, 134.
29 R. H. Mathews, Ethnological Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of New
South Wales and Victoria (Sydney, 1905), p. 59. According to A. W. Howitt
a stranger has to drink muddy water, three mouthfuls on each occasion of the
ceremony. These he must let trickle slowly down his throat; if he did other-
wise, his throat would close up (The Native Tribes of South-East Australia
[London, 1904], p. 403, referring to the Jajaurung, a tribe of Victoria).
80 Turner, Samoa, pp. 291 f.
81 E. Best, "Maori Religion and Mythology," Dominion Museum Bulletin.,
No. 10, p. 238.
82 Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, II, 102 ; idem, In Centraal Borneo
(Leiden, 1900), I, 165.
83 fi. Aymonier, Notes sur le Laos (Saigon, 1885), p. 196.
84 Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur, p. 135.
35 Mills, The Rengma Nagas, p. 225.
86 W. C. Willoughby, Nature-Worship and Taboo (Hartford, Conn., 1932),
p. 222 and note. According to an early authority, the Bechuana purified them-
selves after a journey by shaving their heads, "lest they should have contracted
from strangers some evil by witchcraft or sorcery" (John Campbell, Travels
in South Africa .... Second Journey [London, 1822], II, 205).
87 D. F. Ellenberger, History of the Basuto, Ancient and Modern (London,
1913), p. 260.
88 Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 153, 313 f.
89 Ladislaus Magyar, Reisen in Siid-Afrika (Pest and Leipzig, 1859), p. 203.
4 H. L. Roth, Great Benin (Halifax, England, 1903), p. 123.
41 Edward Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in Morocco (London, 1926), I,
540.
42 W. Matthews, in Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 410.
48 Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 485 ; cf. p. 403. The
Bloomfield tribes of Queensland recognize the existence of a nature spirit named
Yirru, who lives in the ground. "The older men, to whom the country origi-
nally belonged, will give out that certain tracts of it are 'yirru,' with the result
that if any females or males (other than themselves) eat or camp there, or
disturb the soil in any way whatever, this spirit will punish them with grievous
sores, etc." (W. E. Roth, North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin, No. 5,
p. 291).
44 Edward Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders
(2d ed., London, 1856), p. 103.
Junod, op. cit. (2d ed.), II, 480.
46 Curr, The Australian Race, I, 58.
47 James Chalmers and W. W. Gill, Work and Adventure in New Guinea
(London, 1885), p. 159.
48 Sir William MacGregor, in Annual Report on British New Guinea, 1896-
1897 (Brisbane, 1898), p. 12.
49 J. L. Nicholas, Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand (London, 1817),
p. 254.
o Frank Hatton, North Borneo (London, 1886), p. 233.
i B. Josef, in Man, XXXV (1935), 101.
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 255
w W. Crooke, in Folk-Lore, XIV (1903), 103.
88 E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern
Rhodesia, II (London, 1920), 89.
84 C. Dundas, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLIII
(1913), 525. By the Bakongo the forge of a blacksmith is considered sacred,
and they never steal from it. If anyone did so he would contract a severe form
of hernia; if anyone was bold enough to sit on the anvil, his legs would be-
come swollen (J. H. Weeks, Among the Primitive Bakongo [London, 1914],
p. 249). On superstitions connected with iron see Frazer, Taboo and the Perils
of the Soul, pp. 224-39, who suggests that they reach back to "that early time
in the history of society when iron was still a novelty, and as such was viewed
by many with suspicion and dislike" (p. 230).
85 G. C. Musters, At Home with the Patagonians (2d ed., London, 1873),
p. 192.
8 W. H. Brett, The Indian Tribes of Guiana (London, 1868), p. 363.
87 W. M. Gabb, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society,
XIV (1874-1875), 504.
68 Ivan Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of
Alaska (Department of the Interior, (Tenth Census, Vol. VIII) (Washington,
D.C, 1884), pp. 159 f.
89 J. H. Weeks, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XXXIX
(1909), 135.
60 Charles New, Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa (London,
1874), p. 110.
l S. Lehner, in R. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu-Guinea (Berlin, 1911), III, 466.
This superstition is widespread. In the Loyalty Islands, if a rainbow appeared
frequently, it was regarded as a harbinger of a famine or a hurricane. Children
were strictly forbidden to point at one, for doing so would cause their mothers
to die (Emma Hadfield, Among the Natives of the Loyalty Group [London,
1920], p. 113). The Marshall Islanders think that if anyone points at a rainbow,
the finger with which he points will become crooked (August Erdland, Die
Marshall-Insulaner [Miinster in Westfalen, 1914], p. 340. The Dusun of
Borneo believe that the finger will rot (I. H. N. Evans, Studies in Religion,
Folk-Lore, and Custom in British North Borneo and the Malay Peninsula
[Cambridge, 1923], p. 15). When the Karen see a rainbow in the west early in
the morning, they say that the king of Hades has again appeared to set up a
funeral post for his children. Such a post is intended to remind them that many
of their number have died without receiving the proper funeral rites and that
some sort of calamity will follow in consequence of the neglect. So the people
are terrorized when the rainbow appears, especially if it is accompanied by
thunder or an earthquake. If a native ever pointed to it, he would at once
thrust his finger into his navel, in order to avoid the loss of the offending mem-
ber (H. M. Marshall, The Karen People of Burma [Columbus, Ohio, 1922],
p. 228). The Ao Naga say that it is very unlucky to point a finger at a rain-
bow; the finger will become crooked if you do so (J. P. Mills, The Ao Nagas
[London, 1926], p. 305). The Western Rengma believe that if you point at a
rainbow you will become ill. The Eastern Rengma believe that you will have a
child born to you with two fingers growing together. This calamity can be
averted, however, by biting a whetstone at once (Mills, The Rengma Nagas,
p. 245). The Cherokee will not point at the rainbow, fearing lest the finger
swell at the lower joint and become permanently misshapen. A similar belief
is found among many other Indian tribes. See James Mooney, "Myths of the
Cherokee," Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
256 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Part I, pp. 257, 442. The Fan of French Equatorial Africa believe that twins
should never look at a rainbow, but the reason assigned by the natives for this
belief is not stated by our authority. See fi. Allegret, "Les idees religieuses des
Fan (Afrique Occidental), " Revue de I'histoire des religions, L (1904), 217.
62 Fay-Cooper Cole, The Wild Tribes of the Davao District, Mindanao
(Chicago, 1913), p. 183.
68 New, op. cit., p. 432.
64 J. M. Cooper, in Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, No. 60,
p. 154, citing C. R. Gallardo, Los Onas (Buenos Aires, 1910), pp. 339 ff.
65 M. W. Sterling, ibid., No. 117, p. 116. All the principal nature gods and
culture heroes of the Jivaro are endowed with tsarutama, the "impersonal magi-
cal force" which gives supernatural properties to certain classes of animals,
plants, and natural phenomena (idem, "Jivaro Shamanism," Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society, LXII [1933], 137).
68 W. E. Roth, "An Inquiry into the Animism and Folk-Lore of the Guiana
Indians," Thirtieth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp.
252 f.
67 E. F. Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana (London, 1883), pp. 368 f.
"The extreme pain of this operation, when performed thoroughly by the Indians,
I can faintly realize from my own feelings when I have occasionally rubbed my
eyes with fingers which had recently handled red peppers; and from the fact
that, though the older practitioners inflict this self-torture with the utmost
stoicism, I have again and again seen that otherwise rare sight of Indian chil-
dren, and even young men, sobbing under the infliction" (loc. cit,).
68 R. H. Schomburgk, in Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, VI
(1836), 229.
69 W. E. Roth, in Thirtieth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology, p. 299.
70 W. M. Gabb, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society,
XIV (1874-1875), 504 f .
71 Fridtjof Nansen, Eskimo Life (London, 1894), p. 233.
72 Petroff, op. cit., p. 153.
73 W. E. Roth, North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin, No. 5, pp. 6, 21.
74 Edward Tregear, The Maori Race (Wanganui, New Zealand, 1904),
p. 201.
75 I. H. N. Evans, The Negritos of Malaya (Cambridge, 1937), pp. 170 ff.
The tabooed actions are very miscellaneous in character. Among the Jehai
they include the killing of a millipede, shooting a certain species of owl with
the blowpipe, flashing a mirror in the open air, and having intercourse with
one's wife in the daytime. The Lanoh consider that laughing at a cat or a dog
is extremely displeasing to the higher powers. Other acts which may bring on
punishment in the shape of a storm are marriages among near relatives, dis-
respectful methods of address between relatives, and too great intimacy among
boys and girls (pp. 172 ff.). Similar notions are found among the Sakai of
the Malay Peninsula, the peninsular Malays, and the Orang Dusun of British
North Borneo (pp. 81 f., 87 f., 199 ff., 271 f.).
76 J. H. Hutton, The Sema Nagas (London, 1921), p. 262.
77 Mills, The Ao Nagas, p. 305.
78 John Maclean, A Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs (Mount Coke,
South Africa, 1858), pp. 85 f., 122; Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (2d ed.,
London, 1925), pp. 124 f.
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 257
79 George Thompson, Travels and Adventures in Southern Africa (Lon-
don, 1827), p. 352. The missionary, Joseph Shooter, repeats this statement al-
most verbatim (The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country [London, 1857],
p. 217).
180 Henry Callaway, The Religious System of the Amajsulu (London, 1870),
p. 380 and note 30, pp. 402 f. This Zulu "inoculation," by the infusion of some
matter from a tabooed object into a person, who thereby becomes immune
against the evil resident in the object, may be compared with a practice found
among the Konde of Nyasaland. After the grave of a chief has been filled up,
the members of the burial party partake of a medicine made from the clippings
of the dead man's nails and hair. This is done, we are informed, to prevent the
disease which killed him from spreading to the survivors (D. R. MacKenzie,
The Spirit-ridden Konde [London, 1925], pp. 301 f.).
sijunod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 319; II, 313 ff.
Thonga magicians know how to make a powerful charm from the flesh, feathers,
and urine of the marvelous lightning bird. The charm is put in a place where a
theft has been committed, then the clouds begin to appear, and toward evening
a storm breaks. Lightning strikes the thief in his hut and causes the stolen
article to appear. "I saw this happen," declared a native. To a Thonga charm
used to protect gardens against thieves there is added a little powder obtained
by burning a branch from a tree which has been struck by lightning (that is,
by Heaven). Sometimes the magician will burn branches of the tree in the
garden and bring them near to the growing plants in order that these may be
surrounded by the smoke. If a thief enters a garden, "Heaven will kill him,"
say the natives (II, 442 ff.). Among the Bakwena, when a hut is to be purified
after the owner's death, the medicine man in charge of the proceedings carries
a splinter from a tree that had been blasted by a stroke of lightning, a tree so
"terribly taboo" that he would never dare touch it until he had first fortified
himself with very potent charms (Willoughby, Nature Worship and Taboo,
pp. 205 f.). Thus what is in the highest degree sacred can be used to counter-
act the baleful influence emanating from what is in the highest degree polluted.
82 A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), pp. 9, 45, 86 and note 5, pp. 92,
99.
83 Sir H. H. Johnston, The Luanda Protectorate (2d ed., London, 1904),
II, 794.
84 K. R. Dundas, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLIII
(1913), 49.
fl John Roscoe, The Soul of Central Africa (London, 1922), p. 158.
86 R. P. H. Trilles, Le tottmisme ches les Pan (Minister in Westfalen,
1912), pp. 338 IT.
8 7 P. A. Talbot, The Peoples of Southern Nigeria (Oxford, 1926), III, 708 f.
88 A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa
(London, 1890), pp. 37 ff.
89 G. Goodwin, "White Mountain Apache Religion," American Anthro-
pologist (n.s., 1938), XL, 26 ff. Apache men and women wear amulets made of
lightning-riven wood, generally pine, cedar, or fir from the mountain tops.
These objects are cut in the semblance of the human form and decorated with
incised lines representing the lightning. Captain Bourke once saw a sacred bundle
which he was allowed to feel but not to open. It contained some of the lightning-
riven twigs "upon which they place such dependence" (J. G. Bourke, in Ninth
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 465, 587). By the Maricopa
lightning-struck trees are avoided for fear of contracting some sickness (Leslie
Spier, Yuman Tribes of the Gila River [Chicago, 1933], p. 295).
258 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
90 J. O. Dorsey, "A Study of Siouan Cults," Eleventh Annual Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, p. 420; idem, "Omaha Folk-Lore Notes," Journal of
American Folk-Lore, II (1889), 90. The Creek Indians believed that one who
had been struck by lightning and "lived to tell the tale" could cure diseases of
all kinds (J. R. Swanton, "Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek
Indians," Forty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
p. 638).
9 * See H. Webster, Rest Days (New York, 1916), pp. 14 f., 20, 32 and note
2, p. 34 and note 1, pp. 37, 131-38, 144-49. See also Robert Briffault, The
Mothers (New York, 1927), II, 422 if.
92 Hodson, The Naga Tribes, pp. 166 f.
w W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas (London, 1906), pp. 580, 592.
94 Edgar Thurston, Omens and Superstitions of Southern India (London
and Leipzig, 1912), p. 44.
98 R. G. Chaube, "Some of the Most Popular Beliefs and Superstitions of
the Hindus of Northern India," Journal of the Anthropological Society of
Bombay, V, 326.
96 W. E. H. Barrett, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,
XLI (1911), 35.
97 L. Gengnagel, "Volksglaube und Wahrsagerei an der Westkiiste In-
diens," Ausland, LXIV (1891), 871 f. If a cow calves on the new-moon day,
her milk, it is believed, will kill the owner (P. Kershasp, "Some Superstitions
Prevailing among the Canarese-speaking Peoples of Southern India," Journal
of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, VII, 84).
98 R. B. Bainbridge, in Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, II (1907-
1910), 50.
99 J. Y. Gibson, The Story of the Zulus (London, 1911), p. 175.
100 W. S. Routledge and Katherine Routledge, With a Prehistoric People
(London, 1910), p. 284.
101 C. W. Hobley, Ethnology of A-Kamba and Other East African Tribes
(Cambridge, 1910), p. 53.
102 w. D. Alexander, A Brief History of the Hawaiian People (New York,
1899), pp. 50 ff.; David Malo, Hawaiian Antiquities (Honolulu, 1903), p. 56.
Malo, a native writer, versed in Hawaiian antiquities, declares that the seasons
of taboo were not observed during the four makahiki months of the year, when
the regular religious services were suspended for games and ceremonies in honor
of the god Lono. The same statement is made by A. Fornander (An Account of
the Polynesian Race [London, 1878], I, 123, note 2).
IDS William Chalmers, in H. L. Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British -
North Borneo (London, 1896), I, 401.
10 * Charles Brooke, Ten Years in Sarawak (London, 1866), I, 149.
105 Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, I, 415.
106 1. H. N. Evans, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,
XLVIII (1918), 183.
107 Lieutenant Farewell, in W. F. W. Owen, Narrative of Voyages to Ex-
plore the Shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar (London, 1833), II, 397.
108 G. W. Stow, The Native Races of South Africa (London, 1905), p. 414.
109 David Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa
(London, 1857), p. 235. An earlier writer, referring to the Bechuana in
general, says that when the new moon appears, "all must cease from work, and
STRANGERS AND STRANGE PHENOMENA 259
keep what is called in England a holiday" (Campbell, Travels in South Africa
.... Second Journey, II, 205).
110 J. F. Cunningham, Uganda and Its Peoples (London, 1905), p. 294.
111 Hobley, Ethnology of A-Kamba and Other East African Tribes, p. 104.
112 Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa,
p. 146.
118 Evans- Pritchard points out that when taboos are put on the routine
activities of a community, in connection with important undertakings, the at-
tention of its members is focused on the importance of the business in hand.
Thus prohibitions of sexual intercourse, the eating of certain foods, dancing, and
the like put a drive behind the labor to be accomplished. He compares taboos
forbidding a man to do what he is normally accustomed to do with the ritual
obscenity permitted or even prescribed on certain occasions. "A common func-
tion of both the taboo and of the special acts of obscenity is to make a break
in the ordinary routine of an individual's life and so give emphasis to the social
value of the activity with which the taboo and the obscenity are associated"
(E. E. Evans- Pritchard, "Some Collective Expressions of Obscenity in Africa,"
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LIX [1929], 325, 328 f.).
114 See Webster, Rest Days, pp. 8-61.
115 J. A. Moerenhout, Voyages aux lies du grand ocean (Paris, 1837), I,
516f. See also Mathias G [Garcia], Lettres sur les ties Marquises (Paris,
1843), p. 210.
116 William Yate, An Account of New Zealand (London, 1835), p. 85.
117 James Cowan, The Maoris of New Zealand (Melbourne, 1910), pp. 116 f.
118 F. W. Christian, The Caroline Islands (London, 1899), p. 290.
i" A. Maass, "Ta-ka-kai-kai Tabu," Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, XXXVII
(1905), 155f. The greater part of this article is concerned with the analogies
between the taboo system in the Mentawei Islands and related systems in Indo-
nesia and Polynesia. For a later account of these seasons of restrictions see
E. M. Loeb, "Mentawei Social Organization," American Anthropologist (n.s.,
1928), XXX, 415 ff. The author calls them punen and cites a Dutch authority
(J. F. K. Hansen, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde van Neder-
landsch-Indie, LII [1915], 174), who declares that the natives are in a state of
punen, with its attendant taboos, for about ten months in the year. "The punen
system brings enforced idleness, prolonged abstention from sexual intercourse
for longer periods than are known perhaps to any other people on earth, inter-
mittent periods of feast and famine, and an utter inability of the people to ab-
sorb foreign elements of culture, such as the rearing of non-sacrificial animals
(as cattle), or the cultivation of rice, which requires steady labor. On the other
hand, it has lasted because of the insistence of the seers, who play upon the
credulity of the people. Likewise, it appeals to the group feelings of the people,
keeping them united in a brotherhood of faith, a common ownership of material
possessions, and an equality of rank and prestige" (p. 419).
120 R. van Eck, in Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indie (n.s., 1879), VIII,
58 ff.
121 Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, I, 166 ff.
122 Hodson, The Naga Tribes, pp. 167 f.
*Ibid., pp. 109, 144, 151 ff., 166 f., 173 ff.
124 John Butler, in Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (n.s., 1875),
Vol. XLV, Part I, p. 316. This observer describes the kennie as a system of
taboo, "strikingly similar to that in vogue among the savages inhabiting the
Pacific islands."
260 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
8 E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), pp. 260 f.
126 Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 318 ff.
12 * Hollis, The Nandi, p. 20.
128 Weeks, Among the Primitive Bakongo, pp. 247 f.
129 "Extracts from Diary of the late Rev. John Martin, Wesleyan Mission-
ary in West Africa, 1843-1848," Man, XII (1912), 138 f. Cf. A. J. N. Tre-
mearne, The Tailed Head-Hunters of Nigeria (London, 1912), pp. 202 f.
13 N. W. Thomas, in Man, XVIII (1918), 141.
CHAPTER VII
SACRED PERSONS
M.ANY persons, it has been shown, are in a state of temporary
taboo by reason of their ritual uncleanness or pollution. The regu-
lations imposed upon them are intended to prevent their occult
power, their "virus" or "electric force/' from being discharged
with unhappy results upon outsiders. There is also the intention
to conserve and strengthen the vital energy of those who have be-
come dangerous to themselves as well as to others and who, in
consequence, require all possible aid to carry them safely through
a critical period.
Precisely the same attitude is exhibited toward a class of per-
sons in a state of permanent taboo those chiefs, kings, magicians,
and priests so commonly regarded as "sacred." On the one hand,
they are feared and avoided, since they are not of common clay ;
on the other hand, every precaution must be taken to prevent the
dispersion of their sacredness. When taboos investing them are
broken by an ordinary man, the sacred person may be defiled and
deprived of his sanctity. The same result may follow when the
culprit is the sacred person himself, who purposely or unwittingly
disregards the customary rules and restraints under which he
lives. Sometimes the ordinary man alone pays the penalty for
sacrilege ; sometimes the sacred man alone suffers from the sacri-
legious act; and sometimes, again, both parties are involved in a
common disaster.
If it seems strange that sacred persons should be treated in
much the same fashion as polluted persons, the explanation lies in
the ambivalence of the conception of taboo. Primitive thought
does not clearly distinguish sacredness from uncleanness, what
possesses the odor of sanctity from what reeks with impurity. For
primitive thought the all-important distinction is between any-
thing taboo and therefore untouchable, unusable, and anything
which may be safely touched and used by all. The common char-
acteristic of sacred persons and polluted persons is their mystic
dangerousness.
261
262 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
To set forth all the ways in which men have gained authority
by force or fraud, by their own talents or by the weakness or fool-
ishness of others would be almost equivalent to writing a treatise
on political science. In whatever way the leader emerges from
the common herd the fact of his emergence is proof that he is in
some degree a superior being. Among the Melanesians, if a man
gains renown as a fighter, "it has not been his natural strength of
arm, quickness of eye, or readiness of resource that has won suc-
cess ; he has certainly got the mana of a spirit or of some deceased-
warrior to empower him, conveyed in an amulet of stone round his
neck, or a tuft of leaves in his belt, in a tooth hung upon a finger
of his bow hand, or in the form of words with which he brings
supernatural assistance to his side." 1 Similarly among the Maori
the mana of a priest was evidenced by the truth of his predictions
and the efficacy of his incantations, the mana of a doctor by the
recovery of his patients, and the mana of a warrior by his unin-
terrupted success in battle. 2 Thus the leader leads, not simply be-
cause of his exceptional gifts, but also because he is thought to be
endowed with occult power which his fellows lack or do not pos-
sess to the same extent as he. Furthermore, the man who believes
in himself, as we say, or who believes in his mana, as the savage
would say, for that reason will be more likely to rise to the top
than a man who feels less confidence in his possession of this
wonder-working power. It is not difficult to understand how, with
the growth of religion and social life, the ruler is regarded with
increasing veneration, how he becomes ever more sacred, more
taboo, until at length the divinity "that doth hedge a king" attains
a complete development. And it may also be readily understood
that many a ruler would consciously and of set purpose strive to
widen the gulf between himself and his subjects, the better to
secure their respect and command their obedience. The more
sacred they hold him, the more caution will they exercise in their
intercourse with him and the more inclined will they be to accept
him as one who reigns, not by their consent, but by the "grace
of God."
Sacred persons are subjected to restrictions not imposed on
ordinary people or to more severe restrictions than those observed
by ordinary people ; from them a greater orthodoxy, so to speak,
is demanded than from laymen. Being especially sensitive to ma-
lign influences, they must be protected against all manner of evil,
while their followers require special protection against their occult
power. Danger for themselves and for others attaches to their
SACRED PERSONS 263
bodies (especially head, hair, nails, and blood), their names, their
food, their clothing, their habitations, and their personal posses-
sions. What they may do or may not do, their going and coming,
their eating and drinking, and, indeed, all their activities are care-
fully regulated. The taboos and other prohibitions investing them
will be redoubled where the idea prevails that the sacred person,
particularly the chief or the king, controls the order of nature and
is held responsible, therefore, for the growth of the crops, the
increase of animals hunted or domesticated, rainfall, and the gen-
eral well-being of his people. 8
Chieftainship in Australia is nonexistent; in New Guinea
and the adjacent Melanesian Islands it is incipient; but throughout
Polynesia there formerly existed a class of chiefs, with gradations
of rank and sometimes with a supreme potentate who may be
called a king. They were credited with the possession of occult
power and were regarded with the utmost veneration. "Consider-
ing the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands as but slightly re-
moved from barbarism," writes the missionary Ellis, "we are
almost surprised at the homage and respect they paid to their
rulers. The difference between them and the common people was,
in many respects, far greater than that which prevails between
the rulers and the ruled in most civilized countries. Whether like
the sovereigns of the Sandwich Islands, they were supposed to
derive their origin by lineal descent from the gods, or not, their
persons were regarded as scarcely less sacred than the personifica-
tions of their deities." 4
Captain Cook, as we have learned, first came upon the taboo
system at Tongatabu, where the king of the Tonga Islands re-
sided. Cook tells us that if the king happened to go into a house
belonging to one of his subjects, it could never again be occu-
pied by the owner; consequently, wherever he traveled, particu-
lar houses were prepared for his reception. 5 According to William
Mariner anyone who touched the body or the possessions of a
superior chief tabooed himself, but this was not supposed to
produce any ill effects unless he fed himself with his own hands
before performing a ceremony for the removal of the taboo infec-
tion. There was also a ceremony to remove the state of taboo that
resulted from having accidentally eaten food which a superior
chief had touched or from having eaten food in his presence. 6
Today, after a century of missionary work among the natives,
the chief still possesses for them an aura of sanctity. His head and
back are the most sacred parts of his body. No one touches the
264 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
head of a superior or passes close behind his back without an apol-
ogy ; in the case of a great chief he would not pass there at all. No
one may consume any food or drink left by a superior. 'The pen-
alty for the violation of this rule is a sore throat, which can, how-
ever, be cured by being stroked by the superior whose victuals have
caused the trouble, or by one of still higher rank. A person suf-
fering from a sore throat, which he suspects to have been caused
in this way, will take a short cut to cure by resorting at once to
the highest chief available. In earlier days the cure used to be
effected by an application of the chief's foot to the sore spot, but
the hand has been found equally efficacious and is now usually
employed. Should anyone desire to help himself from the platter
of a superior the unseen powers may be cheated by a little simple
collusion. After the inferior has helped himself to the tabued
viands, an immediate application of the superior's hand will ward
off all unpleasant consequences." Eating and drinking in the
presence of a chief of much higher rank than oneself are also
taboo; the prohibition may be overcome, however, by retiring to
a short distance and turning the back to the superior person. 7
In Samoa chiefs of high rank always partook of their meals
separately, since whatever they touched was supposed to acquire
their sacredness. All food left by them at the close of a meal was
taken to the bush and thrown away, "as it was believed that if a
person not belonging to this sacred class ate of it, his stomach
would immediately swell from disease, and death speedily ensue."
Anything used by one of these chiefs was sprinkled with a par-
ticular kind of coconut water to remove its sanctity and make it
usable by others. Thus the spot where he had sat or slept received
a sprinkling as soon as he had quitted it. Since anyone who
touched the chief or any objects which he had touched was in im-
minent danger of death, visitors who sat on either side of him,
together with the attendants who waited on him, were likewise
sprinkled. The ceremony was also observed on the occasion of
deposing a chief and depriving him of his titles. Newly tattooed
persons and those who had contaminated themselves by contact
with a dead body were purified in the same manner. 8
In Tahiti "everything in the least degree connected with the
king or queen the cloth they wore, the houses in which they
dwelt, the canoes in which they voyaged, the men by whom they
were borne when they journeyed by land, became sacred and
even the sounds in the language, comprising their names, could
no longer be appropriated to ordinary significations. Hence, the
SACRED PERSONS 265
original names of most of the objects with which they were famil-
iar, have from time to time undergone considerable alterations.
The ground on which they even accidentally trod, became sacred ;
and the dwelling under which they might enter, must for ever
after be vacated by its proprietors, and could be appropriated only
to the use of these sacred personages. No individual was allowed
to touch the body of the king or queen ; and everyone who should
stand over them, or pass the hand over their heads, would be liable
to pay for the sacrilegious act with the forfeiture of his life. It
was on account of this supposed sacredness of person that they
could never enter any dwellings, excepting those that were spe-
cifically dedicated to their use, and prohibited to all others; nor
might they tread on the ground in any part of the island but their
own hereditary districts." The sovereign and his consort always
appeared in public on men's shoulders and, if they journeyed on
land, they went in this manner from place to place. When it was
necessary to change bearers their Majesties, to avoid touching
the ground with their feet, vaulted upon the shoulders of the new
bearers, "with much greater dispatch than the horses of a mail
coach are changed, or an equestrian could alight and remount
.... It is said that Pomare II once remarked, that he thought
himself a greater man than King George, who only rode a horse,
while he rode a man." 9
In the Hawaiian Islands many regulations preserved the sanc-
tity and consequently the privileged position of an important
chief. A taboo staff warned commoners of his neighborhood, he
wore the royal feather coat, he had the high seat in the double
canoe, and he took the headship of the feast. To him belonged
the choicest food, the richest clothing, and the most splendid orna-
ments. Furthermore, he was able to feed and thus keep dependent
upon himself a large body of retainers, all in duty bound to carry
out his will. Thus the taboo system "constituted as powerful an
instrument for the control of the labor and wealth of a commu-
nity and the consequent enjoyment of personal ease and luxury as
was ever put into the hands of an organized upper class. It pro-
foundly influenced class distinctions, encouraged exclusiveness
and the separation of the upper ranks of society from the lower." 10
The commoner who did not prostrate himself when a chief
came forth, who did not sit when his bathing water was carried
past, who walked about while his name was being chanted, or
who stood or sat at the entrance of his house was put to death. 11
The same fate visited the luckless wight whose shadow fell upon
266 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
a chief's house, his back, his robe, or anything that belonged to
him. 12
The sacredness of a Hawaiian king extended to everything
he touched ; hence even his food had to be put into his mouth by
another person. The predecessor of Kamehameha I (died 1819)
"was taboo to such a degree that he was not allowed to be seen
by day. He only showed himself in the night ; if any person had
but accidentally seen him by daylight he was immediately put to
death; a sacred law, the fulfillment of which nothing could pre-
vent." 18
Among the Maori the ariki, or chief of a tribe, was the de-
scendant of the elder son of the elder son of each generation back
to the original ancestor of the tribe. Because of his origin he
seemed to be more than human ; he embodied all there was of the
tribal sacredness ; and at any time he could communicate with the
tribal gods. Perhaps no other people more fully recognized than
did the Maori the "mysterious mana of primogeniture," the occult
power that belonged to the chief by virtue of his divine lineage. 14
An ariki made everything he touched so sacred that it might not
be used by anyone else. An early missionary to New Zealand tells
of a chief who threw down a precipice a very good mat because
it was too heavy to carry ; when asked why he did not leave it sus-
pended on a tree so that another traveler passing by might take
it, he replied that his tapu would kill the wearer. A chief's blood
partook of his sanctity, and anything on which it flowed, though
it were but a single drop, became consecrated to him and his prop-
erty. 15 "A party of natives came to see Te Heuheu, the great
chief of Taupo, in a fine large new canoe. Te Heuheu got into it
to go a short distance ; in doing so he struck a splinter into his
foot, the blood flowed from the wound into the canoe, which at
once tapued it to him. The owner immediately jumped out, and
dragged it on shore, opposite the chief's house, and there left it."
The chief's house was sacred; no one might eat in it except the
chief, who had his meals by himself, generally on his veranda.
He might not carry food ; to do so would destroy his sacred char-
acter and cause his death, or a slave might eat the food and per-
ish. The head of a chief was the most sacred part of his body. If
he only touched it with his fingers, "he was obliged immediately
to apply them to his nose, and snuff up the sanctity which they
had acquired by the touch, and thus restore it to the part from
whence it was taken." 16 For the same reason a chief could not
blow on the common fire with his mouth, for his sacred breath
SACRED PERSONS 267
would communicate its sanctity to the flame and make it unfit
for cooking food. 17
By the Maori the atua, or spirits, were not supposed always to
punish the person who had broken a taboo affecting a chief. More
generally it was the chief himself who suffered from the disregard
of his sacredness. "For this reason, chiefs and other sacred per-
sons are always ready to resent any infractions of the law of their
tapu, whether caused by the ignorance or by the design of others ;
and many an unfortunate slave has been killed because he had been
careless enough to carry his master's hair-comb, or some other
part of his dress, within the limits of the family kitchen." 18
The high estimate which the great chiefs placed on their per-
sonal sacredness involved them in constant fighting with one an-
other. Any disregard of the respect due them, whether intentional
or not, was brooded over and sooner or later was avenged by some
act of violence or insult to the offender. Bloodshed and even the
extermination of a tribe might thus follow a breach of etiquette. 1 *
In the Fiji Islands "the person of a high-rank king (for the
title is often given to the head of a village) is sacred. In some
instances these Fijian monarchs claim a divine origin, and, with
a pride worthy of more classical examples, assert the rights of
deity, and demand from their subjects respect for those claims.
This is readily yielded; for the pride of descent which runs so
high among the chiefs is equalled by the admiration in which
their lofty lineage is held by the people, who are its sincere and
servile worshippers. Republicanism is held in contempt by the
Fijians, and even the United States have a king when American
citizens speak of their president to a native of the islands. The
king is supposed to impart a degree of sacredness to whatever he
may wear or touch." 20
Essentially similar ideas and customs are found in other parts
of the world. Among the Malays, "not only is the king's person
considered sacred, but the sanctity of his body is believed to com-
municate itself to his regalia, and to slay those who break the
royal taboos. Thus it is firmly believed that anyone who seri-
ously offends the royal person, who touches (even for a moment),
or who imitates (even with the king's permission) the chief ob-
jects of the regalia, or who wrongfully makes use of any of the
insignia or privileges of royalty, will be kena daulat, i.e. struck
dead by a quasi-electric discharge of that Divine Power which
the Malays suppose to reside in the king's person, and which is
called Daulat or 'Royal Sanctity'." 21
268 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Among the Thonga of South Africa the prestige of a chief is
maintained, "not by a great display of riches and of power, but by
the mystical idea that, as the body lives by nourishment taken
through its head, so the life of the nation is sustained through its
chief/' The chief is the nourishing earth; he is the bull without
whom the cows cannot bring forth ; he is the husband, and the land
without him is like a woman who has no spouse ; he is a forest in
which his people hide themselves from danger. Conscious of this
exalted position, a chief is careful not to mix too familiarly with his
subjects. He eats alone in his hut or with only certain favorites;
sometimes he will disappear for a time "just like a big caterpillar
when it enters the ground and becomes a chrysalis," so the natives
say; he does not permit his name to be lightly pronounced; he
must be addressed by the royal salutation. In the old heathen
days no one would shake hands with a chief because he was a
dangerous being, his whole body was sacred. 22 The king of the
Banyoro, an East African tribe, was regarded by his people as
almost a deity. His person, his food, his clothing, his actions,
and everything connected with him bore a sacred character. He
passed his days engaged in ceremonies for the good of his faithful
subjects, especially for the increase of the herds of cattle consti-
tuting their wealth. 23
The precautions so often taken by ordinary men in eating
and drinking are naturally redoubled in the case of royal person-
ages, whose food and drink might be polluted by the glance of
commoners or, consumed by them, might become a deadly poison.
Not only in Polynesia, but also widely in Africa, it is the practice
for rulers to observe seclusion at their meals. The king of the
Monbuttu in the Belgian Congo eats by himself and in privacy.
No one may see the contents of his dish, and every particle of
food which he leaves is carefully deposited in a special pit. What-
ever he handles is sacred and may not be touched. A guest, even
though of the highest rank, may not even light his pipe with em-
bers from the king's fire that burns before the throne. 2 *
When the supreme ruler of the Cazembe (Balonda) of An-
gola is about to drink, all who are present prostrate themselves
and avert their faces. 25 In Loango the king's sacredness is so
great that anyone seeing him eat or drink is put to death. A few
privileged courtiers may be present at the royal repast, but they
must conceal their faces or else the king hides his head under a
robe. 26 In Dahomey the king's person was sacred. His subjects
affected to believe that he never ate or slept. It was criminal to
SACRED PERSONS 269
say the contrary. He always ate in secret, and any man who saw
him doing so suffered death. When he drank in public, as he did
on certain occasions, his subjects all turned aside their heads, and
women held up curtains to screen the monarch from polluting
glances. 27
Many other taboos invest the dusky potentates of Africa. In
Uganda, as in Tahiti, the king and queen were carried about in
public on the shoulders of special bearers. These dignitaries be-
longed to the Buffalo clan. When a bearer became tired, he shot
the king on to the shoulders of a second man, without allowing
the royal feet to touch the ground. The bark cloths upon which the
king sat while thus being transported were carefully guarded,
"lest they should be contaminated by the touch of people from
other clans." 28 Anyone who touched the sacred person of a Ca-
zembe ruler, without his permission, invariably died from the
shock. Even when permission had been granted, the penalty could
be evaded only by touching the royal hands in a special manner. 2 *
For the king of the Bateke, a Lower Congo tribe, to look upon
that river is to imperil his life. 80 The king of Loango may not
look on the sea and often, also, on any river. Accordingly, he is
obliged to make many long detours when he goes traveling. 31 The
king of Dahomey was not allowed to behold the sea. 82
Among the Kilba, a tribe of Northern Nigeria, the divine
chief never visited the village where he had formerly resided lest
disaster fall on the inhabitants. He might not pick up anything
from the ground lest his sacredness "the dynamism of his per-
son" should blast the crops. If he shook his fist in a man's face
that man would go mad. Except for the purpose of swearing an
oath, no one might touch the mat on which he sat. He ate and
drank in private, attended by a single official who sat with head
averted while the meal continued. His food was cooked by an
old woman past the age of menstruation. 83
Some of the Nigerian kings are never allowed outside their
own premises. This rule is occasionally much more rigid, "the
incarcerated puppets being visible only to their families and per-
sonal attendants, and of course to the priests, while in certain
cases Benin city for example the outside public and strangers
are permitted to see their feet alone, which are pushed out from
behind a screen/' 34
That ideas of the sacredness of rulers have served as a prop
of despotism needs no labored argumentation. As William Mari-
ner declared of the Tonga Islanders, the respect that was uni-
270 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
versally paid to chiefs formed "the stable basis of their govern-
ment." Without that respect, nourished though it was upon
ideas of taboo, how much more difficult must have been the prob-
lem of governing a wild and turbulent people. Yet ideas of this
sort, when carried to their logical conclusion, provide a natural
check upon tyranny. The almighty divine king is hedged about
with so many taboos that he loses all freedom of action and ends,
not infrequently, by becoming a helpless puppet, a roi faineant,
who reigns but does not rule, while the real power lies in the hands
of his mayor of the palace or with some priestly coterie.
Magicians and priests, those specialists in the mysterious and
the uncanny, acquire by initiation or a novitiate their own store
of occult power; they, too, are often looked upon as sacred per-
sons and hence are affected by all the conditions pertaining to the
notion of sacredness. Taboos and other negative regulations pro-
tect them from contamination by intercourse with what is unclean
and likewise safeguard the laity against dangerous contact with
their occult power.
Among the Orokaiva, a Papuan tribe, there has developed in
quite recent years a taro cult. This is a placation of ancestral
spirits believed to control the growth of the taro plant, the staple
food of the natives. The taro "experts," who have charge of the
cult, must undergo a kind of probation and observe certain ta-
boos, particularly a taboo against washing themselves. Running
water, it seems, will not only cleanse away impurity but will also
carry off and dissipate the mana of the expert, thus rendering
his operations futile. Novices in training are allowed, however,
to wash themselves in still, swampy water. 35 In the D'Entre-
casteaux Islands, off southeastern New Guinea, nearly every ham-
let has its professional "singer," who knows the proper incanta-
tion to make the yams grow. At the time of planting and for six
months thereafter he and his wife must sleep apart. Not until
the seventh month comes round and the yams have ripened is the
restriction removed; if he failed to observe it the yams would be
sure to wither. Certain prized foods are also tabooed to the singer
during this period. 80
In Efate, one of the New Hebrides, if a sacred man (a magi-
cian and rain maker) passed through a village where a death had
occurred or even by a house where a child had been born, he would
immediately purify himself. One method of doing so was to break
off a forked branch from a particular plant and, after the neces-
sary incantation, to draw the branch down his body and limbs,
SACRED PERSONS 271
thus "sweeping away the defilement." The sacred man might also
preserve his sacredness unimpaired if he was sprinkled with the
milk of a coconut. 87
In Samoa the high priest and prophet, Tupai, "was greatly
dreaded. His very look was poison. If he looked at a cocoanut
tree it died, and if he glanced at a breadfruit tree it also withered
away." 38 Maori priests, as well as Maori chiefs, were highly dan-
gerous to commoners. We are told that once when an epidemic
broke out and two hundred warriors perished, the misfortune
was explained by the fact that someone had taken palm leaves
from the sleeping mat of a priest engaged in an important reli-
gious ceremony. 39 In Yap, one of the Carolines, the belief in
magic is very prevalent, and magicians are correspondingly nu-
merous and influential. They observe certain taboos. Thus, the
magician who pronounces incantations over the people must ab-
stain from eating fish for three, five, or nine days, according to
the importance of the incantation. Sometimes he is not allowed
to go near his wife. He may not eat food cooked by a woman or
a child. However, an old woman, past the age of childbearing, is
free to cultivate his garden for him and to take his produce to his
house. The war magician must never eat anything that grows in
a hostile district. This taboo is still maintained, although wars
have long been things of the past. 40
Among the Naga tribes the khullakpa, or priest-chief, acts
in a representative capacity for his village, whenever a rite is to
be performed which requires the whole force of the community
behind it, a force which operates through him. Many elaborate
taboos invest him, in order to prevent any accident which might
impair the efficacy of his sacred office. He must submit to various
food restrictions, must content himself with only one wife, and
must even separate himself from her on the eve of a ceremony.
In one group he is not allowed to eat in a strange village, nor,
whatever the provocation, to utter a word of abuse. The violation
of any one of these taboos is thought to bring down misfortune
on the entire village. The village rites "seem in many cases to be
inspired by the belief that man, the man, the khullakpa, when
fortified by the whole strength and will of the village, is able to
control and constrain forces which are beyond his control if un-
aided. He relies on cooperative magic." 41
Among the Toda of the Nilgiri Hills the sacred milkman
(palol), who has charge of the sacred dairy, submits to many
burdensome restrictions during his priesthood, which may extend
272 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
over a long period of years. He must live in the dairy, never
visiting his home. He must be celibate; if married, he must leave
his wife. He must never cut his hair or pare his nails. He must
never cross a river by a bridge but must use a ford, and only cer-
tain fords. He may not attend the funeral of a fellow clansman
unless he resigns office. An ordinary man may approach him on
two days of the week only; on other days any conversation with
him must be carried on from a considerable distance. No ordinary
man is allowed to touch his hallowed body, for if that happened
he would be defiled and hence incapable of holding office. The
eating and drinking of this holy personage are also subject to
certain regulations, though the only food forbidden to him is
chillies. The palol loses all sanctity upon giving up his position,
nor does he derive any marked social importance from having
held it. 42 In a village of the Kota (neighbors of the Toda) the
priest is carefully kept from contaminating contacts. He does
not eat from vessels used by laymen ; when he visits a fellow vil-
lager he must occupy a certain reserved part of the house ; and he
may no more join in the ordinary social dances "than a bishop
may publicly demonstrate the tango." Contact with women is
in the highest degree dangerous to him. He has only one wife,
therefore, and avoids sexual intercourse with all other women.
The priest's wife also bears a sacred character and she in turn,
must have no relations with any man except her husband. The
Kota practice fraternal polyandry, but in this case the preserva-
tion of a sacrosanct priesthood is regarded as more important
than of enforcement of the rights of brothers. 43
The principal magician holds a high position among the Nandi
of Kenya. He tells the people when to plant their crops, obtains
rain in time of drought, and makes women and cattle fruitful.
No war party can be successful unless he has sanctioned it in ad-
vance. His person is regarded as sacred. No one may approach
him with weapons in the hand or speak in his presence unless
first addressed. It is most important that no one should touch
his head, for doing so might result in the loss of his magical
powers. 44 Among the Masai the head chief and magician lives
on milk, honey, and goat livers ; if he ate any other food he could
no longer divine the future and devise potent charms. 45
The Ga of the Gold Coast impose numerous taboos upon a
priest. He must not see a dead body, and when about to die he must
be taken from the place of his god. He must refrain from sexual
intercourse on certain days of the week and before performing
SACRED PERSONS 273
certain ceremonies. He must not eat fermented food. He must
not be spoken to while eating. He must not eat on any day until
the sun has shone. Observance of this prohibition during the
rainy season might seem to result in his starvation, but "some kind
friend always goes outside, gazes at the streaming clouds, and shouts
cheerily that the sun is shining." A priest who deliberately breaks
his taboo is put to death. But if he does so by accident and real-
izes his mistake in time, he makes an offering of rum, accompanied
by due apologies to the god, and escapes punishment. 46
In West Africa the heads of the secret societies, whether or
not representing the guardian gods of the societies, are generally
considered sacred persons. They are hedged about by ceremony
and kept sacrosanct by a circle of taboos that even the leading
officials dare not pass. In some cases their seclusion is quite real.
A few of them are never seen at all. The head of the Egbo society
is indicated only by a pillar, carved with phallic signs and a tor-
toise. The head of the Oro society is indicated only by a mask,
sometimes carried on the shoulders of a deputy. The head of the
Ayaka society allows only an arm to be seen, and that merely
when he stretches it round the corner of his hut to receive the gifts
of the faithful. "The Grand Tasso goes into a privacy hardly
ever broken, living and dying alone. When he realizes that the
hand of death is upon him he goes into the bush, builds there a
palm-frond thatch, and lying within its shade, awaits calmly his
dissolution. After a period of time the council meets for the elec-
tion of his successor, whose first duty must be the finding of that
lonely, ant-cleaned skeleton to add its skull to the others that form
the official mitre. The Mama Koome of Bundu is a solitary old
woman who allows no one to visit her for any longer time than
that occupied by a consultation, who denies herself the solace of
relative and friend when ill, and who may not be buried by any
other than the Grand Tasso, whose duty and privilege it is." Even
when the head of a society is merely a promoted member of the
council, the secret of his identity may be known only to a few
members. 47
Perpetual celibacy is sometimes required of priests and priest-
esses. 48 Priestesses among the Ewe of the Slave Coast are for-
bidden to marry, as being already spouses of a god, and the same
rule prevails among the Twi of the Gold Coast. But they are not
debarred from sexual intercourse with priests. 49 Among the Ba-
chama of Northern Nigeria the medium of the god held most in
honor is a woman. She conveys to the god the wishes of the people
274 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
and reports his responses. The woman is regarded as being mar-
ried to the god, who is believed to leave his shrine in the bush
every evening and come to her house in the town. 50
Some of the aborigines of the New World imposed celibacy
upon sacred men and women. In Patagonia the male "wizards"
had to be celibates. 61 In Mexico the women who served in the
temples might not engage in sexual intercourse. Those who were
known to have broken their vows suffered death. If their sin re-
mained secret, they tried to appease the anger of the gods by
fasting and austerity of life, fearing lest as punishment their
flesh would rot. 62 The Huichol, an Indian tribe of Mexico, be-
lieve that a man who wishes to become a shaman must be faithful
to his wife for five years and that, if he violates this rule, he will
be taken ill and lose the power of curing. 53
The holy men of Zuni do not abstain from marriage, for celi-
bacy as a way of life does not commend itself to the community.
They are expected to observe, however, long periods of continence
in connection with the performance of their elaborate ceremonies.
The various priesthoods also have their "retreats," usually lasting
for four or six days, when the members sleep and eat together in
some house where their sacred possessions are kept and hold fre-
quent sessions for song, prayer, and meditation, especially at
night. Those who approach the gods with a request ought to
avoid all disturbing activities, to withdraw from the world, and
to concentrate their thoughts upon securing from the supernatural
powers the desired blessings. 64 In Isleta continence is required for
four days before engaging in a religious ceremony. A daily emetic
is taken by the participants. Abstinence of this sort may be prac-
ticed, not only by the priests, but also by laymen who want "to
help," that is, to increase the efficacy of the ceremonial. Were
one to break the taboo of sexual intercourse one might turn into
a rock or a log or an animal. When people go into a "retreat"
they must totally abstain from food and drink for the usual four
days. It is also necessary for them to observe the prohibition of
killing anything, not "even a spider or a fly." 55 A Blackfoot priest
had to be not only virtuous but also "serious and clean-minded." 66
Magicians and priests are thus subject to essentially the same
taboos as those which invest chiefs and kings. They are all more
or less sacred beings. Hence there may be no clear differentiation
between the royal and the sacerdotal offices: the chief or king
sometimes has magical or priestly functions, and the magician or
priest sometimes assumes political authority. King-priests and
SACRED PERSONS 275
priest-kings are still found in primitive society, while the Pharaohs
of ancient Egypt, the Inca rulers of Peru, and the Mikados of
Japan illustrate the survival into historic times and among rela-
tively civilized peoples of the combination in a single man of civil
ruler and vicar of God on earth.
Laymen, as well as civil and spiritual rulers, may be made sac-
rosanct. Among the Wiradjuri of New South Wales messengers
"are regarded as sacred, and may safely travel anywhere, so long
as they possess the proper sign or emblem of their office." Mes-
sengers enjoyed the same immunity, even among hostile tribes,
elsewhere in New South Wales and Victoria. 57 Among the Samo-
ans heralds were held inviolate in time of war and were never
molested. 58 The tribes of Nukuhiva, one of the Marquesas Islands,
had little intercourse because of their mutual hostility. It was
possible, however, for a man who had established friendly rela-
tions with someone in another tribe to venture with impunity into
its country, as his person was then taboo. 59
Members of male secret societies possess a certain measure of
sanctity, marking them off from women, children, and uninitiated
men and increasing with their passage from the lower to the higher
degrees. Stringent taboos invest their persons and preserve them
from contact with outsiders during the performance of the secret
rites. The initiates, wearing masks and special costumes, often
personate animals and present songs, dances, and tableaux vivants
which form a dramatization of the native myths and legends.
Ancestor worship and the cult of the dead sometimes loom large
in the rituals of the societies; the chief masquerader may be a
personification of the spirits of the dead ; and the performers may
wear skull-masks and represent ancestral individuals whose mem-
ory is to be recalled. Ceremonies for the production of rain, the
ripening of the crops, the multiplication of food animals, and the
healing of the sick are associated with many secret societies. 60
Chiefs, kings, magicians, and priests often undergo purifica-
tion before assuming office, and further purification is sometimes
required of them from time to time during the performance of
their duties. They may also receive a formal initiation or conse-
cration, something always necessary for membership in secret so-
cieties. The idea back of initiatory or consecrative rites seems to
be that freedom from possible pollution (as secured by a purifica-
tory ceremony) does not suffice to remove the mystic dangerous-
ness involved in contact with anything sacred ; it is further neces-
sary that those who are to perform sacred acts should themselves
276 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
acquire sanctity. The incompatibility between things sacred and
things polluted exists as well, though to a less degree, between
things sacred and things common, profane, or noa, to use the
Polynesian designation.
NOTES TO CHAPTER VII
1 R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), p. 120.
2 Old New Zealand, by a Pakeka Maori (London, 1884), pp. 175 ff.
8 See Sir J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul (London, 1911)
(The Golden Bough, 3d ed., Part II), pp. 1-17, 131-37; idem, Psyche's Task
(2d ed., London, 1913), pp. 6-19.
* William Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed., London, 1831), p. 101.
5 James Cook and James King, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean (London,
1784), I, 410.
6 John Martin, An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands .... from
the Extensive Communications of Mr. William Mariner (3d ed., Edinburgh,
1827), II, 186 ff.
7 E. E. V. Collocott, "The Supernatural in Tonga," American Anthropolo-
gist (n.s., 1921), XXIII, 421 f.
J. B. Stair, Old Samoa (London, 1897), pp. 121 f., 127 f. Cf. George
Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), p. 231.
9 Ellis, op. cit. (2d ed.), Ill, 101 ff. According to another early account, any
land touched by the feet of Tahitian rulers became their property (Captain James
Wilson, A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean [London, 1799],
p. 329). The contact of persons in a state of taboo with the ground is often
held to involve a dissipation of their occult power. The ground acts as a good
conductor of "spiritual electricity." See Sir J. G. Frazer, Adonis t Attis, Osiris
(London, 1913), (The Golden Bough, 3d ed., Part VII), I, 1-18. Mr. Migeod
cites instances of this belief (chiefly from Africa) in connection with boys at
initiation into manhood, brides, initiates into secret societies, chiefs, dancers,
and sacred inanimate objects. See F. W. H. Migeod, "Mystical and Ceremonial
Avoidance of Contact with Inanimate Objects," Folk-Lore, XXXII (1921),
24S-61.
10 Martha W. Beckwith, "The Hawaiian Romance of Laieikawai," Thirty-
third Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 310.
11 Idem., "Kepelino's Traditions of Hawaii," Bernice P. Bishop Museum
Bulletin, No. 95, pp. 112, 136.
12 David Malo, Hawaiian Antiquities (Honolulu, 1903), p. 83. Cf. Jules
Remy, Ka Mooolelo Hawaii, Histoire de I'Archipel Havaiien (Paris and Leipzig,
1862), pp. 159, 161.
18 Otto von Kotzebue, A Voyage of Discovery into the South Sea and
Beering's Straits (London, 1821), III, 247.
14 W. E. Gudgeon, in Journal of the Polynesian Society, X.IV (1905), 130;
XV (1906), 38.
15 When a chief was being tattooed a bloody operation the inhabitants of
his village lived under a temporary taboo and might not feed themselves with
their hands (H. L. Roth, "Maori Tatu and Moko," Journal of the Anthropo-
logical Institute, XXXI [1901], 44). The Naga of eastern Assam, who regard
SACRED PERSONS 277
tattooing as a sacred operation, taboo the house where it is being done, in order
to keep out strangers. When women are tattooed, not even men or boys of their
own family are allowed to remain in the house (W. H. Furness, ibid., XXXII
[1902], 455).
16 In Fiji the chiefs took great pride in their hair and required it to be most
carefully cut and arranged. Each chief maintained a number of barbers, who,
being in a permanent state of taboo, might not touch food and had to be fed by
attendants (J. E. Erskine, Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western
Pacific [London, 1853], p. 254).
"Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Mam (2d ed., London, 1870), pp. 164 f. A
Maori girl once borrowed a chiefs robe as a sleeping garment. During the night
the insects on it annoyed her so much that, according to the native practice, she
caught and ate them. The next day her infant child became ill, the consequence,
as she supposed, of her having eaten the sacred insects. The spirits were angry
with her and punished her by afflicting the child. When it grew worse, she
strangled it (G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zea-
land [London, 1847], II, 143). On one occasion all the inhabitants of a village
became taboo from eating the wild cabbage which had grown on a site formerly
occupied by a chiefs dwelling (Edward Tregear, The Maori Race [Wanganui,
New Zealand], 1904, p. 197). The story is told of a chief of high rank who had
swallowed a codfish bone. It stuck in his throat and threatened to suffocate
him. None of the bystanders dared to offer any help, for a man who touched
the chiefs head would have forfeited his life. A missionary finally succeeded in
extracting the bone. When the chief had sufficiently recovered to be able to
speak, he gave orders to take from the missionary the instruments with which
the operation had been performed, "as a payment for having drawn blood from
him and for touching his head when he was sacred" (William Yate, An Account
of New Zealand [2d ed., London, 1835], p. 104, note).
18 Edward Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders
(2d ed., London, 1856), pp. 115f. According to another early account, to men-
tion food in connection with anything "sacred" or tapu, such as the head or the
hair of a chief, was "considered as an insult, and revenged as such" (G. F. Angas,
Polynesia, London [1866], p. 149).
19 W. E. Gudgeon, in Journal of the Polynesian Society, XIV (1905), 65.
20 Thomas Williams, Fiji and the Fijians (3d ed., London, 1870), p. 19. As
this missionary authority points out, the influence of the chiefs was also "greatly
increased by that peculiar institution found so generally among the Polynesian
tribes the tabu" (p. 20).
21 W. W. Skeat, Malay Magic (London, 1900), pp. 23 f. In Malacca the
regalia include a book of genealogy, a code of laws, a vest, and a few weapons ;
in Perak they are drums, pipes, flutes, a betel box, a sword, a scepter, and an
umbrella. In Selangor the regalia consist of the royal instruments of music,
together with a betel box, a tobacco box, a spittoon, an umbrella, and several
swords and tufted lances. On state occasions these are carried in procession
(pp. 24 ff.).
22 H. A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed., London, 1927),
I, 381 ff.
28 John Roscoe, The Bakitara or Banyoro (Cambridge, 1923), p. 90.
24 Georg Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa (3d ed., London, 1878), II, 45.
25 F. T. Valdez, Six Years of a Traveller's Life in Western Africa (London,
1861), II, 256.
26 Adolf Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Kiiste (Jena,
1874-1875), I, 262 f. An instance is recorded of a king's son who accidentally
278 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
saw his father drinking palm wine. He was executed on the spot (W. Winwood
Reade, Savage Africa [London, 1863], p. 286).
27 A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa
(London, 1890), p. 162. Cf. Sir R. F. Burton, A Mission to Gelele, King of
Dahonte (London, 1864), I, 244 f.
28 John Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 155.
20 Valdez, op. cit. f II, 251 f.
80 A. Cureau, Les sodetes primitives de I'Afrique equatoriale (Paris, 1912),
p. 379.
81 Bastian, op. cit. f I, 263 ff. An old writer pointed out that the heir to the
Loango throne inherits also various abstinences and obligatory ceremonies and
that these increase as he grows older until, when he ascends the throne, he is
well-nigh "lost in the ocean" of them (O. Dapper, Description de I'Afrique
[Amsterdam, 1686], p. 336).
82 BeVaud, in Bulletin de la Socitte de Gtographie (5th series, 1866), XII,
377.
88 C. K. Meek, Tribal Studies in Northern Nigeria (London, 1931), I, 185 f.
For the taboos observed by the divine chief among the Kam, another tribe of
Northern Nigeria, see ibid., II, 539 f.
84 A. G. Leonard, The Lower Niger and Its Tribes (London, 1906),
pp. 371 f.
8 F. E. Williams, Orokaiva Magic (Oxford, 1928), pp. 9f., 32 f.
86 D. Jenness and A. Ballantyne, The Northern D'Entrecasteaux (Oxford,
1920), pp. 123 f.
87 Duff Macdonald, Oceania (Melbourne and London, 1889), p. 181.
88 George Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), ,p. 23.
89 Tregear, The Maori Race, p. 200.
4 S. Walleser, in Anthropos, VIII (1913), 627, 1061.
41 T. C. Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur (London, 1911), pp. 102,
141 f.
W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas (London, 1906), pp. 98 ff.
48 D. C. Mandelbaum, "Polyandry in Kota Society," American Anthro-
pologist (n.s., 1938), XL, 577.
44 A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1906), pp. 49 f.
M. Merker, Die Masai (Berlin, 1904), p. 21.
46 M. J. Field, Religion and Medicine of the Ga People (Oxford, 1937),
pp. 8, 119.
47 F. W. Butt-Thompson, West African Secret Societies (London, 1929),
pp. 74 ff.
48 See Gunnar Landtman (The Origin or Priesthood [Ekenaes, Finland,
1905], pp. 156 ff.), who also gives instances of extraordinary sexual liberties
accorded to priests and priestesses.
4 A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa
(London, 1890), p. 142; idem, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of
West Africa (London, 1887), p. 121.
50 C. K. Meek, "A Religious Festival in Northern Nigeria," Africa, III
(1930), 327 f.
61 Thomas Falconer, A Description of Patagonia (Hereford, 1774), p. 117.
62 F. S. Clavigero, The History of Mexico (2d ed., London, 1807), I, 276.
SACRED PERSONS 279
s Carl Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (New York, 1903), II, 236.
54 Ruth L. Bunzel, "Introduction to Zuni Ceremonialism," Forty-seventh
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 504 f .
65 Mrs. Elsie C. Parsons, ibid., p. 286.
66 G. B. Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales, New York, 1892, p. 268.
57 A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London,
1904), p. 687; cf. 689 f.
68 Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians, p. 281.
59 Herman Melville, Typee (new ed., Boston, 1892), p. 204.
60 See H. Webster, Primitive Secret Societies (2d ed., New York, 1932),
pp. 160-90. See also Camilla H. Wedgwood, "The Nature and Functions of
Secret Societies," Oceania, I (1930-1931), 129-45.
CHAPTER VIII
SACRED THINGS
SINCE sanctity is both contagious and infectious, places associated'
with a sacred person, or with his ghost, or with a spiritual being,
or with some extraordinary and therefore mysterious occurrence
may become loca religiosa, as the Romans called them, and be in-
vested with taboos. Caves, grottoes, and clefts in the rocks;
springs, rivers, and lakes ; hills and mountain tops ; burial grounds
and sepulchers have been such sanctuaries. With these may be
included all sacred precincts and temples where the symbols and
images of spiritual beings are preserved and where magical or
religious ceremonies are performed.
In Australia the site of the initiation rites is strictly tabooed
to women and uninitiated boys. The prohibition may be extended
to an initiate of a lower degree. Among the natives of South
Australia a circumcised youth might not go where the additional
rite of subincision had been performed. The sanctity of a place
of initiation is further secured by the general belief that the ma-
gicians have scattered over the ground magical articles which
would be fatal to a trespasser who trod on them. 1 The Yir-
Yorunt of Cape York Peninsula possess at least twenty-five sacred
grounds. Of these, ten are "little sacred grounds," and no taboos
or special rites are associated with them. But the remaining fif-
teen are "big sacred grounds/' tabooed to women and children
and to all men not properly "introduced" to them. The stones on
these sites are accounted dangerous in themselves. Some of the
myths reciting the origin of the holy places are secret. The clans
in whose territory they are found keep them up, enforce the taboos
relating to them, and, with the help of all qualified tribesmen,
"introduce" the uninitiated to them. 2
Each local group of the Mountain Arapesh, a tribe of British
New Guinea, has a supernatural guardian, a marsalai. Under the
guise of a monstrous two-headed snake or lizard, it lives in quick-
sands, bogs, or deep water holes and on sharp declivities, places
especially inhospitable to man, "where the hunter's foot is likely
280
SACRED THINGS 281
to slip and the quarry disappear mysteriously." The spirits of
the dead gather near the places inhabited by marsalai and aid them
in protecting the land of the community from intrusion by stran-
gers. A menstruating or pregnant woman who approaches such
a place, or, in the case of a pregnant woman, eats food which
comes from it, risks the vengeance of the marsalai. There is dan-
ger that the creature may enter her body under the form of a
snake and copulate with her until she dies. Perhaps her child
may be so injured that it will be born prematurely or a monster.
A marsalai is also hostile to people who have recently had sexual
relations. 8
In Kiriwina, one of the Trobriand Islands, clumps of old
primeval forest still remaining near the villages of the natives are
considered sacred. "If a person entered into one without uttering
the proper incantations he would be struck dead According to [the]
tabu placed on it by their ancestors ; only old men went there to
hatch their plots in secret when they wished to kill anyone by sor-
cery or to make war." 4
In New Britain the Dukduk secret society had a piece of land,
called the tareu, in which the lodge of the society was placed.
"No woman nor any uninitiated man or boy dared go near this
sacred enclosure/ >B
In the Solomon Islands a place associated with a tindalo, or
ghost of power, is sacred. The man who has become a tindalo may
be buried there or his relics may be kept there. Should a tree
growing in the enclosure fall across a path, no one would step
over the tree ; no one would pass by when the sun was so low as to
cast his shadow into the enclosure, for the ghost would draw his
shadow from him. In the Banks Islands and the New Hebrides
the sacred places are associated, not with ghosts, but with spirits
that never were embodied in men. 6
The mausoleum of a Marquesan chief seems never to have
been violated by a rash intruder. A roll of white tapa, swinging
from a pole set up in the enclosure, warned passers-by of the "in-
scrutable taboo." 7 The Marquesans also had sacred groves where
religious rites were held and where the priests harangued their
devotees. Such a place "was defended from profanation by the
strictest edicts of the all-prevailing 'taboo/ which condemned to
instant death the sacrilegious female who should enter or touch
its -sacred precincts, or even so much as press with her feet the
ground made holy by the shadows that it cast/' 8 By the Christian-
ized natives of the Tonga Islands the sanctity formerly possessed
282 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
by their temples has now been transferred to their church build-
ings. These are considered so sacred that rain water falling on
them is not stored or used. A child is said to have died "through
drinking water which had dripped from a church roof into an
empty tin placed under the eaves." 9 Among the Maori "a slave or
other person not sacred would not enter a 'wahi tapu/ or sacred
place, without having first stripped off his clothes ; for the clothes,
having become sacred the instant they entered the precincts of the
'wahi tapu/ would ever after be useless to him in the ordinary
business of his life." 10
The spirits presiding over the clans of Yap Island are wor-
shiped in sacred groves. No wood may be cut in them, for the
spirit whose sanctity is thus profaned would punish the trespasser
severely. One of the groves is so holy that, were it cut down, all
Yap would be destroyed by a typhoon. 11
The men's house (uma-luli) among the natives of Timor al-
most invariably stands in a cleared space surrounded by a thick
fence. "Within this fence no twig or branch may be broken or
cut, no blade of grass plucked, and no stone overturned under the
fear of the vengeance of the luli; no tobacco is permitted to be
taken within the sacred boundaries, and no horse or buffalo may
stray within it." 12 Similar regulations protect other places which
have been made taboo (pomali) against intrusion: in a sacred
grove no tree may be felled; in a sacred stream no one may go
fishing or bathing; a sacred tract of land may not be cultivated.
The places thus reserved from secular use are so numerous that
they oppose a real obstacle to the economic development of the
country. 18
Every Ba-ila community has a grove consecrated to a demigod.
No one meddles with the trees and with the brushwood which
springs up around them, so that in time an impenetrable thicket
is formed. Only the "priest" ever enters it and he but once a year,
when he has to cut his way in. 14 In Yabe (on the Loango coast)
a certain deity's hut is so sacred that anyone entering it, except
for religious purposes, becomes the slave of the officiating priest. 15
On the Slave Coast the temples of the chief gods are usually
placed in groves. From the tops of the trees long streamers flutter
in the wind and testify to the sanctity of the locality. 16 Europeans
are not allowed to enter a temple in Togoland; if a clothed for-
eigner did so, all the people would die overnight. 17
In Nigeria nearly every Ibo town has a sacred tree in which
the souls of the departed are supposed to dwell while awaiting
SACRED THINGS 283
reincarnation. "So long as the least fragment of the tree lasts,
the faithful shades cling to its ancient trunk or branches or even
retire into the furthermost rootlets." When such a tree falls at
last and decays, the family to which it belonged marks the spot
where it formerly stood. No farm may be made on that spot.
Were the ground cultivated, the ghosts would be unable to break
through the earth to return to the light of day; they would be
imprisoned there forever. 18
Primitive peoples rely, as a rule, upon the principle of retali-
ation "life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth" when a homi-
cide has been committed or a bodily injury inflicted by one person
upon another. The satisfaction of vengeful feelings often results
in blood- feuds between two groups, and their petty warfare may
rage for years, unless sooner ended by payment of a blood-fine.
Moreover, there is the failure to distinguish between an intentional
and an unintentional wrong, the failure, in short, to recognize
any extenuating circumstances. Justice thus becomes identified
with revenge. The most important modifier of the rule of vio-
lence among savage and barbarous peoples has been the recogni-
tion of the right of sanctuary, giving time for angry passions to
cool, permitting an investigation of the charges against an al-
leged offender, and making it possible to introduce the grand dis-
tinction between design and accident. Recognition of the right
seems to find a fundamental explanation in the fear of committing
any act which would disturb the peace of a sanctuary ; to shed the
blood of a fugitive in it would be to encroach upon its holiness. 19
Among the Arunta of Central Australia the spot where sacred
objects (churinga) are stored serves as a rudimentary asylum.
Plants growing there are never touched; animals running there
are never caught or killed ; and a man who fled there would not
be interfered with so long as he remained in its immediate neigh-
borhood. 20 Among the Motu and Koita tribes near Port Moresby,
British New Guinea, the men's house (dtibu) offers safety to a
person fleeing from an enemy. "Anyone smiting another inside
the dubu would have his arms and legs shrivelled up, and he could
do nothing but wish to die." 21 Such is the sacredness of the Elema
men's house (eravo) that any impropriety there would be visited
with supernatural punishment. It is "no place for quarrelling;
not even for heavy tread on the floor-planks ; and least of all for
horseplay." 22 The men's house in San Cristoval, one of the Solo-
mon Islands, serves as a sanctuary ; bloodshed rarely occurs in it. 28
In Samoa the tombs of chiefs, being considered sacred and
284 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
inviolable, were places of refuge. 24 In the Tonga Islands it was
thought to be highly sacrilegious to quarrel or fight within any
place which had been dedicated to a god or made sacred by the
burial there of a great chief. A like taboo was frequently placed
on a canoe, when a long voyage had to be made. 26 There were
several "cities of refuge" on the island of Hawaii: manslayers,
thieves, and those who had broken taboos were safe if they
reached the sanctuary, the gates of which were always open. After
a short stay there they might return home unharmed, for the pro-
tection of Keave, the tutelary deity of the sanctuary, was sup-
posed still to abide with them. 26 The Maori also had sanctuaries
or "cities of refuge." 27
The Ovambo of southwest Africa abandon the village of a
great chief after his death, but members of a certain family remain
there to prevent it from falling into utter decay. A condemned
criminal who escapes to such a deserted village is safe, at least for
a time; not even the chief himself would venture to pursue a
fugitive into the sacred place. 28 Among the Barotse and related
tribes of the Zambesi the miscreant who throws himself upon the
king's drums huge wooden cylinders with skins stretched across
their top ends claims sanctuary and escapes punishment. 29 Trees
and rivers are Nandi sanctuaries, and a man who takes refuge in
them may not be killed. He exchanges his garment with his
enemy, thus becoming a prisoner or slave, and remains as such
until ransomed. To prevent his escape, the captor shaves the pris-
oner's hair and keeps it as 'a means of magical control over him. 80
In the Calabar district of West Africa there is a sanctuary where
people accused of practicing witchcraft are safe if they reach it.
"But an attempt at flight is a confession of guilt ; no one is quite
certain the accusation will fall on him, or her, and hopes for the
best until it is generally too late. Moreover, flying anywhere, be-
yond a day's march, is difficult work in West Africa. 1 ' 31
Among the Ibani of Nigeria there are certain places of refuge,
invariably the ju-ju houses of specific deities, which are set apart
for the use of all those who have offended against the laws of
their own country or have fled from it of their own free will.
Thus Ekiba, the war god, has his temple containing a mud altar
with his image and, in addition, a pair of elephant's tusks. "And
just as with the Jews, so with these natives, the escaped criminal
or refugee has but to lay hold of them, or in other cases, where
there are no horns, merely on the altars, and his person, defiled
though it is considered to be, at once becomes inviolate." While,
SACRED THINGS 285
however, the culprits or runaways are still under the protection of
the sanctuary, and, until their case has been investigated and de-
cided by the council of elders, "they are regarded by the people
with horror and loathing, as objects which are impure and full
of evil. So much so, in fact, that a chance or casual meeting with
one of them, on the part of some stray passer-by, ends in the igno-
minious flight of the latter. For while contact is not even to be
thought of as being a downright misfortune, the forerunner of
some hideous calamity, the mere fact of setting eyes on them
is in itself sufficiently unfortunate/' Not until they have under-
gone a ceremony of purification are they allowed to enter a house
or approach any members of the community except the priests. 82
An Ibo man (or woman) who flees to a sanctuary and claims
its protection becomes a slave of the deity, until redeemed by the
exchange of a cow or of some other valuable possession. If, how-
ever, such a fugitive demands safety for life, no redemption is
possible. All dedicated persons are held sacred and inviolate, and
anyone injuring them gets into serious trouble. 88 Similarly, among
the Ga people of the Gold Coast fugitives who take sanctuary are
regarded as the slaves of the fetish priest and of the king of the
town. The priest employs them to cultivate his gardens and en-
gage in menial tasks ; the king uses them as messengers and drum-
mers, and in other capacities. They need not always live in the
immediate neighborhood of the fetish house. 84
In the rural districts of Morocco the shrines of saints serve
as asylums. 85 Among the Rwala Bedouin of northern Arabia the
camps of certain tribes are universally recognized as places of
refuge for murderers. They may pitch their tents in the tribal
territory and pasture there their herds. If the blood price is paid,
the murderers may then return unharmed to their own people. 8 *
The Apache Indians extended the right of sanctuary to fugi-
tives who took refuge in the medicine lodge or in the council
lodge. 87 The Cherokee, Creeks, and probably other Indian tribes
of the southeastern United States had places of refuge where a
murderer was safe as long as he remained in one of them. Unless
the murder was compounded, however, the friends of the slain
man would seldom allow him to reach home alive. Echota, the
old Cherokee capital, near the mouth of the Little Tennessee
River, was the Cherokee asylum, commonly designated as the
"white town' 1 or the "peace town/' The Creek asylum was the
town of Coosa, on the Coosa River in Alabama. Though almost
deserted when first visited by white men in the eighteenth cen-
286 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
tury, it was still a place of refuge for those who had taken life
without design. 88
Among the Osage, the houses of the two hereditary chiefs
were used as sanctuaries, not only by members of the tribe, but
also by those of other tribes, even enemies, who sought refuge
in them. 89 Among the Carrier Indians, a branch of the Tinne, a
man who has killed another finds the chief's tent a refuge as long
as he is allowed to remain there. If he quits it, the chief is power-
less to afford him further protection unless he wears one of the
chief's garments. He is then secure from molestation, "for nd per-
son will attack him while clothed with this safeguard, sooner than
he would attack the chief himself/' 40
In former days there was an Indian sanctuary in Paradise
Valley far up on the slopes of Mount Rainier. "On gaining this
mountain haven the pursued was safe from his pursuer, the slayer
might not be touched by his victim's kindred. When he crossed its
border, the warrior laid down his arms. Criminals and cowards,
too, were often sent here by the chiefs to do penance." 41
Most primitive peoples possess cultic objects so sacred that
they must be approached with due caution and treated with be-
coming reverence. Such are the bull-roarers so often used in
tribal initiation rites and those of secret societies, masks, musical
instruments, fetishes, relics, altars, and images of the gods. Strin-
gent taboos protect the sacra from being seen or touched by unini-
tiated or unclean persons; conversely, their revelation to those
entitled to enter within the holy of holies often forms the cul-
minating and most solemn feature of a religious or magico-reli-
gious ceremony.
In Australia, just as women and children might not intrude
upon the sacred mysteries of the men, so they might never be
shown the bull-roarer. Its peculiar humming or whirring sound,
when rapidly swung, is supposed by them to be the voice of the
spirit or god who founded and still supervises the initiation rites.
Thus in the Urabunna tribe of Central Australia a boy at initia-
tion is told that on no account may he allow a woman or a child
to see the sacred stick, "or else he and his mother and sisters will
tumble down as dead as stones." 48
The Arunta sacred objects (churinga) include, besides wooden
bull-roarers, bits of polished stone in a great variety of forms.
Many of the churinga are associated with the mythical ancestors
of the tribe, who wandered over the tribal territory and finally
went down into the earth at the places where their churinga are
SACRED THINGS 287
now deposited for safekeeping. Each one of these objects is
supposed to be endowed with the attributes of its spirit owner
and to impart to a man carrying it on his person courage and ac-
curacy of aim as a fighter. Young men not yet initiated may not
touch or even see the churinga** The Nyul-Nyul of Dampier
Land in Western Australia had a meeting ground which only
initiated men might visit. Here stood a tree in which the churinga
were kept, wrapped in a bundle and covered with an old sailcloth.
Not even the keepers of this precious store visited the place with-
out first consulting the tribal council, for each man owned at
least one of the sacred objects. These rudely scored sticks, pre-
served with so much secrecy and care, symbolized the ancient spir-
itual life of the aborigines "all that they possessed of myth and
legend, all their social inheritance. "* 4
By the Koko, a Papuan tribe, extreme care is taken to prevent
the bull-roarers from being broken while in use. Should a bull-
roarer break and a chip strike anyone, that person, when next he
goes hunting or fighting, will be wounded by a boar's tusk or by
an enemy's spear, as the case may be, and in the very place where
the chip struck him. 48 To the Keraki, who live in southwestern
New Guinea, a bull-roarer is far more than a mere slat of wood.
Even to the man who handles it with skill gained from long prac-
tice, it is fraught with some hidden and dangerous power, which
may be transmitted through him to his wife. Before and after
using it he must abstain from sexual relations with her. She would
become ill as the result of such intercourse while the influence of
the bull-roarer still affected her husband.* 6
The Elema people of the Papuan Gulf make use of certain
masks (hevehe), representing spirits, in the spectacular initiation
ceremonies. When the masks are taken into the men's house, that
building acquires additional sanctity; it has become mystically
dangerous, a "hot house." Previously, all males had access to it,
but now it may be entered only by men who know that the masks
are really things made by human hands. This profound secret is
revealed to boys at a special ceremony of initiation. Yet the boys,
though qualified to frequent the men's house, do not do so. "They
are afraid of the place. Youth is very nervous of the supernat-
ural." The elders, moreover, would not tolerate them in the men's
house. There are times when it is taboo to all except old men. "It
would seem that increasing age confers some immunity against
the supernatural, as against measles." Elema women are told "and
affect to believe" that the masks are daughters of the sea-monsters
288 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
and that they have been brought up from the deep for a sojourn
in the men's house. 47
The Papuans of the Purari Delta apply the term imunu to
many religious and ceremonial objects, such as bull-roarers and
masks. Hunting charms, old relics, grotesque carvings, freaks of
nature, are also said to be imunu. "Such objects are queer or mys-
terious or secret; they are holy in the sense that they are unap-
proachable or untouchable; they have some kind of potency for
good or evil ; they are treasured with the utmost care ; age seems
to add to the mana of them .... Anything which a native dreads
for the harm it may do him, and fears because of its strangeness,
and cajoles for its favours, and fondly treasures for its old associ-
ations, he will tell you is imunu" 4 *
In New Britain, images of certain animals, made of stone or
wood and roughly carved or painted, are kept in the lodge of the
Ingiet secret society. Many of them have a human form, and all
of them are looked upon with dread as being the abode of "de-
structive spirits/' 49 Similarly in Florida, one of the Solomons,
images of birds and fish, crocodiles and sharks, the sun, the moon,
and men, are preserved in the sanctuary of the Matambala secret
society. 50
In Malekula, one of the New Hebrides, the tall tapering hats
or masks worn by members of a secret society possess extreme
sanctity. The methods of making and decorating them are secrets
revealed only to initiates. It is a terrible accident for a mask to
fall to the ground. In former days the luckless man who had such
an accident while dancing was put to death. A man who stepped
across part of a mask suffered the same fate. A dog, pig, or other
animal which touches one is killed. 51 The ivory teeth of the sperm
whale are the objects most revered by some of the Fijian tribes.
A subtle aura seems to emanate from them, "breathing of mystery
and religion." Even their name (tambua) derived from the Mel-
anesian tambu (tabu), indicates that they are sacred objects.
Those most sacred are kept in special baskets and are seldom seen
except by the few who know of their existence. No worship is
paid to them, but they serve as venerated mascots and embody
the "luck" of the tribe. 52
In New Zealand, the term atua was used in a wide sense. It
included all supernatural beings, or manifestations of such beings,
from the majestic Supreme Deity to low-class malignant spirits.
Even inanimate objects were viewed as atua. Anything uncanny
or strange, such as certain rocks and trees, would be so regarded.
SACRED THINGS 289
Any impious interference with such objects always brought pun-
ishment to the offender. 88
The Samoans paid reverence to sacred stones. In one island
the shrine of the god Turia was a very smooth stone, which was
kept in a sacred grove. The priest carefully weeded the ground
about it and covered it with branches, so that the god might keep
warm. "No one dared to touch this stone, lest a poisonous and
deadly influence of some kind should at once radiate from it to
the transgressor." 54
The peoples of the Netherlands Indies say that, while plants
and animals die, mortality does not pertain to stones. Hence these
ought to be treated most respectfully. When in Dutch New Guinea
some rocks had to be removed for the building of a road, the
natives were convinced that this impious deed would be followed
by an outbreak of pestilence among their pigs. 55
The Karen of Burma, especially the wilder tribes, hold some
stones in great reverence as possessing superhuman powers. They
are generally private property, though in some villages there are
stones "so sacred and powerful that none but certain of the wisest
elders dare look on them." Such objects are generally pieces of
rock-crystal or curiously stratified rock. "Anything that strikes
the poor ignorant Karen as uncommon is regarded as necessarily
possessing occult powers." 56 Among the Angami Naga stones
of peculiar shape or appearance or of large size "readily become
objects of awe." In one Angami village there is a stone which
lies, white and shining, in the bed of a stream. To raise it or
roll it to the bank would result in a fierce storm of wind or hail.
The Sema Naga venerate any queerly shaped stone, but they most
prize a water-worn black stone approximately spherical in shape
and with a thin white stratum dividing it into two parts. Such
an object gives success in war to the village fortunate to possess it.
To remove it might injure the crops. 57 The Ao Naga, who wor-
ship sacred boulders, do not disturb them ; to do so would be very
likely to bring on a bad storm. 58
Among the Ainu the cult of the inau plays a prominent part.
These objects are of varied shapes, the most common type being a
small stick of yellow wood whittled at the top into a mass of curled
shavings. The inau are not gods or offerings, but living mediators
between man and the gods. Without the fwow, think the Ainu,
"not a prayer would be heard, not a want would be satisfied, and
life itself would be impossible." 59
Certain bells, namely those which seem never to have had
290 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
tongues, are the most sacred of the Toda sacred objects. Nearly
all receive offerings of milk, curds, or buttermilk during the dairy
ceremonial. There is much reason to believe that their present
sanctity has come about gradually, by a process of transference
from the sanctity of the bell-cows or buffaloes to the bells which
they carried. 60 Ceremonial arrows are important in the religious
rites of the Vedda. The "more sophisticated" natives, who be-
lieve in the periodical uncleanness of women (a belief borrowed
from the Singhalese), are careful to avoid contamination of these
sacred objects. This is generally accomplished by keeping them in
some remote spot such as a cave or in the roof thatch. 61
The Wanika of Kenya possess a great drum made out of the
hollowed section of a tree trunk. This drum is so sacred in char-
acter that when it is brought out all the uninitiated must hide, for
should they see it they would surely die. 62 One of the Baganda
clans had the care of a drum which was brought to court and
beaten when the king wished to announce to his people the end-
ing of a period of mourning. "The drum was sacrosanct; for
example, if a slave disliked his master, and escaped to the drum-
shrine, he became the servant of the drum, and could not be re-
moved. So, too, if any person had been condemned to death and
was able to escape to the shrine, he might remain there in safety,
he was the slave of the drum. Should any cow, goat, or sheep
stray there, it became the property of the drum, and could not be
taken away or killed ; it might roam about as it liked, in the future
it was a sacred animal." 68
The Yoruba of the Slave Coast express the idea of "super-
natural and supersensuous power" by the term ogan. Wooden
masks worn in the rites of the Oro secret society, the Oro stick,
or bullroarer, and the magician's staff all possess ogan.**
The sacred trumpets, used by the Uaupes of Brazil to produce
the jurupari (forest-spirit) music, are never shown to women;
when their music is heard the women must retire to the woods.
Death would be the penalty for even an accidental sight of these
objects, "and it is said that fathers have been the executioners
of their own daughters, and husbands of their wives, when such
has been the case." 65 The Yahuna, another Brazilian tribe, say
that if women and small children saw the sacred flutes, the for-
mer would die at once and the latter would eat earth, become
sick, and then die. 66
The people of San Miguel Acatan, a village of northwestern
Guatemala, have long been nominal Christians, but their religious
SACRED THINGS 291
beliefs and practices represent a fusion of elements drawn from
ancient Mayan and Catholic sources. In the house of the chief
priest reposes an old wooden cask, embodying such powerful
supernatural forces as to be the most sacred object of the villagers.
Prayers are offered to it ; lighted candles illuminate it ; and clouds
of incense vapor continually bathe its sides. In the presence of
the cask hats are always doffed, whether in the house or during
those solemn processions when it is transferred from the home
of the departing chief to that of his successor. No sorcery can
harm the cask; indeed, by virtue of its protection the chief priest
and his assistants are immune to black magic. Prayers for rain
and other rites are performed before it. No one but the chief
priest has access to the interior of this mysterious object, and he
dares not reveal the contents. Gossip declares, however, that it
holds two saints' images, a gold crown, some prayer books, and
the land titles of the village. 67
Among the Zuni of New Mexico all sacred objects are taboo
to people who do not "belong" to them. No one would dare to
touch certain fetishes except the head of the priesthood which
has them in charge, and no one but he and his female counterpart
would enter the room where these are kept. The same is true, also,
of the masks and the altars of the secret societies. Prayer sticks
and ceremonial garments are handled with great respect, and no
more than necessary. Recently a youth was found guilty of sell-
ing a mask. He managed to escape and so avoided a flogging by
masked priests. They then whipped all the men in the kivas
(assembly places) "for purification." 88
The Cherokee, the Creeks, and some of the Plains Indians had
sacred objects of tribal veneration; for example, the "flat pipe"
of the Arapaho, and the great shell of the Omaha. Such an object
formed a true palladium, upon whose continued safe possession
the prosperity of the tribe depended. It was guarded by a priest
and was seldom or never shown except on certain great occasions.
Like the Hebrew Ark of the Covenant it was sometimes carried
into battle to insure victory. 69 According to a common belief, the
presence of so powerful an object would be enervating or pos-
itively dangerous to people in its vicinity unless they were fortified
by a ceremonial tonic. "For this reason every great 'medicine'
is usually kept apart in a hut or tipi built for the purpose, very
much as we are accustomed to store explosives at some distance
from the dwelling or business house." 70
The sacred pole of the Omaha had to be greased every year
292 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
when the people were about to return home from the summer
hunt. Were this ceremony neglected, a deep snow would fall when
they started out on the next hunt. 71 The Omaha sacred pipes, or
pipes of peace, were not shown to common people. They were
feared by all except persons about to be made chiefs. If a pipe
fell to the ground at the installation of a head chief, the cere-
mony could not be continued. 72 The sacred hat of the Cheyenne,
made of a buffalo-cow's head, was kept in a special lodge under
the guardianship of a man whose office was hereditary. "In old
times a person was not permitted to stand up in the hat l6dge;
he who entered must walk to his place and sit down without delay.
No one must speak in a loud voice. Low tones must always be
used. A child brought into this lodge for the first time must be
prayed over and warned to speak in a low voice. Some proper
person must place his hands on the bundle containing the hat and
then rub them down over both sides of the child's body. If by
a mischance anyone should throw against the lodge a little stick
or stone, he must be taken into the lodge and prayed over, and
hands that had been placed on the earth should be passed over his
body on both sides. An enemy who entered this lodge might not
be harmed. He was safe as safe as in his own home. In this
lodge certain things were forbidden. No moisture must fall on
the floor. No one might throw water on the floor nor spit on it,
nor blow his nose with his finger there. Any of these things
would cause a heavy rain-storm/' 78
The notion of sacredness, involving the imposition of pro-
tective taboos, is sometimes extended to non-cultic objects such
as talismans and amulets. Among the Kenyah of Borneo each
household has a bundle of charms hanging over the principal
hearth beside the human heads and constituting the most precious
possession of the household. No one, not even the chief, willingly
touches or handles the bundle. When transferring it to a new
house, some old man is specially told off for the duty, since he who
touches it is in danger of death. "Its function seems to be to
bring luck or prosperity of all kinds to the house; without it
nothing would prosper, especially in warfare." 74
The Ga people of the Gold Coast make much use of the "med-
icines" prepared and distributed by the medicine men. Each one
is the abode, at least intermittently, of a spiritual being. In fact,
the object itself is often spoken of loosely as a spiritual being and
its owner as its father or controller. It is "something that can
act but not be seen." Usually it has no name. Such a medicine
SACRED THINGS 293
will act for anyone provided the owner has observed the proper
ceremonies in becoming its possessor and also provided that he is
careful about not violating any taboos attached to its use. There
is an automatic quality about such a spirit or the object which it
occupies "press the right button and the machine works for you
whoever you are." Its activities are specialized and limited. If its
job is to cure lockjaw, there is no use in asking it to beget children.
Various forms of uncleanness can spoil it. For instance, no medi-
cine, good or bad, can retain its power if taken to a latrine. A
man who has a protective medicine to make him proof against
murder can be murdered in such a place. For that reason medicine
men, chiefs, and other people likely to have enemies, who usually
have protective medicines, carefully avoid public latrines. The
most dangerous taboos for an ordinary person to break are those
attached to his medicines, whether a healing one owned by a phy-
sician, a hunting one to bring success in the chase, or a trading
one to safeguard against thieves. Usually the more valuable the
services performed by a medicine the more exacting are the con-
ditions attached to it. The breaking of the taboos not only spoils
its efficacy but usually results in the illness and death of the owner.
Not only are the taboos exacting, but they also involve a stern
ethical code. "The holder of the medicine must refrain from
adultery, stealing, trying to harm others, abusing others, or quar-
relling. If others try to pick a quarrel he must turn the other
cheek, but if unjustly attacked he may fight heartily, knowing that
his medicine will fight with him. Medicines of this kind, with
their great rewards and great demands, are naturally avoided by
people who have not courage and character." 75
Sacredness is frequently attributed to certain animals. These,
when wild, are sometimes kept in captivity, and are protected by
taboos. In the Solomon Islands the sacred animals include snakes,
alligators, and sharks. Snakes which haunt a sacred place partake
of its sanctity. Sharks are often thought to be the abode of ghosts,
because a man sometimes announces that after dying he will ap-
pear in this fishy form. Any shark remarkable for size or color,
which is observed to haunt a certain shore or rock, is believed to
contain the ghost of such a man, and his name is given to it.
Certain men, of whom it is known that after death they will be
in sharks, are allowed to eat the sacred food reserved for these
creatures. In both Saa and Ulawa, if a sacred shark had tried to
seize a man and he had escaped, the people were so fearful of the
shark's anger that they threw the unlucky fellow back into the
294 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
sea to be either devoured or drowned. Te The natives of the Pelew
Islands have sacred animals corresponding to the totems of the
clans. One of the animals, the puffin, is often fed and tamed ; it is
never harmed. 71 In Formosa each tribe or village has a sacred
animal, under whose protection the inhabitants believe themselves
to be. This animal, for instance a serpent or a leopard, is kept in a
cage and provided with food. 78
On the Slave Coast of West Africa any person accidentally
touched by the sacred python is thereby consecrated to the god
and is required to serve it for the remainder of his days. At Why-
dah the people may not look upon this holy serpent, when it is
led forth in procession, because, if they did so, "their bodies
would at once become the prey of loathsome maggots. 117 * The
python is sacred in most parts of the Ibo country; it is never
molested. The tortoise enjoys the same sanctity. 80
Sanctity, being transmissible, can affect with its dangerous
qualities whatever is done at a particular time; hence ordinary
pursuits will be suspended during a period devoted to religious
observances. Moreover, the success of the ceremonies would be
jeopardized by the contact of what is sacred with what is cer-
tainly secular and possibly is polluting. When holy days come to
be consecrated to divinities or to semi-divine beings, the notion
easily arises that a god is pleased and flattered by the enforced
idleness of his devotees. Abstinence from work thus takes its
place among other rites as a recognized means of expressing
reverence for the god ; while, conversely, to labor on a holy day
implies a disrespectful attitude toward him. These are sentiments
reasonably certain of continued development, as priestly influence
becomes predominant in any community. "The Lord thy God is
a jealous God." 81
The old Hawaiians celebrated a New Year's festival in honor
of the god Lono. On the twenty-third of Welehu, which nearly
corresponded to November, Lono's image was decorated and,
when night came on, all the people went to bathe in the sea. This
rite of purification having been accomplished, men and women
donned new clothing in preparation for the festival to begin at
sunrise on the morrow. During its continuance no fishing, no
bathing, no pounding of bark cloth, and no beating of drums or
blowing of conch shells was permitted. Land and sky and sea
were taboo to Lono, and only feasting and games were allowed.
The high priest was blindfolded and remained in seclusion. On
the fifth day the bandage was removed from his eyes, and canoes
SACRED THINGS 295
were allowed to put to sea. On the sixth day the taboo season began
again and continued for about twenty days longer. The cere-
monies at length drew to a close, the ornaments of Lono's image
were packed up and deposited in the temple for another year,
and all restrictions on fishing and farming were removed. 82
The natives of Samoa possessed a complex pantheon of house-
hold and village gods, the recipients of prayer and sacrifice and,
in the case of the village gods, provided with temples, served by
priests, and honored with annual festivals. The Samoans had also
war gods, who, like the other deities, were supposed to be incar-
nate in animals or embodied in inanimate objects. One of these
militant divinities was the cuttlefish (fe'e). In one place Fe'e was
a general village god whose province was not confined to war.
"The month of May was sacred to his worship. No traveller was
then allowed to pass through the village by the public road; nor
was any canoe allowed in the lagoon off that part of the settle-
ment. There was great feasting, too, on these occasions, and
also games, club exercise, spear-throwing, wrestling, etc
In another district three months were sacred to the worship of
Fe'e. During that time anyone passing along the road, or in the
lagoon, would be beaten, if not killed, for insulting the god. For
the first month torches and all other lights were forbidden, as
the god was about and did not wish to be seen. White turbans
were also forbidden during the festivities, and confined to war.
At this time, also, all unsightly projecting burdens such as a log
of firewood on the shoulder were forbidden, lest it should be
considered by the god as a mockery of his tentacula."** Another
village god, who rejoiced in the name of Titi Usi, or Glittering
Leaf Girdle, received worship at the new moon. "At that time
all work was suspended for a day or two. The cocoanut-leaf
blinds were kept down, and the people sat still in their houses.
Anyone walking in front of the house risked a beating. After
prayer and feasting a man went about and blew a shell-trumpet
as a sign to all that the ceremonies were over, and that the usual
routine of village and family life might be resumed." 84
When the god Ratu-mai-Mbulu (Lord from Hades) visited
the Fiji Islands in December, the inhabitants lived very quietly
for an entire month. During this time it was taboo to beat the
drum, to sound the conch shell, to dance, to plant, to fight, or to
sing at sea, "lest Ratu-mai-Mbulu be disturbed at his work of
pouring sap into the fruit-trees and of pushing the young yam
shoots through the soil." 88 A similar festival, if such it may be
296 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
called, was formerly observed by the Mboumbutho, a purely Mel-
anesian tribe of Fiji. It lasted for ten days, and during this time
the plantations might not be visited. From dawn to noon on the
first day of the festival, no one was allowed to appear in public.
The people shut the doors of their dwellings and remained recum-
bent on their mats. An absolute silence was maintained "for fear
of disturbing the gods." The second day was also holy. The
people kept within their villages and refrained from bathing.
Those who bathed went mad; hence arose the expression, "Why
are you such a fool ; perhaps you bathed during the rwfeu?" It was
believed, also, that children born at this time would grow up
stupid and die prematurely. 86
The religious ceremonies of the Dravidian-speaking peoples of
India are marked by taboos, especially those imposing a cessation
of labor. The Kota, an aboriginal tribe of Nilgiri Hills, hold an
annual festival, called kambata or kamata, in honor of Kama-
taraya. It lasts about a fortnight. On the second day of the cere-
mony no work may be done except digging clay and making pots. 87
The Uraon keep three great feasts during the year. The first,
known as sarhtd, occurs in May. Its object is said to be the mys-
tical marriage of the sun-god with the earth-goddess, in order
that they may become fruitful and consequently bestow good
crops. At the same time, the Uraon take care to propitiate all the
village spirits, lest the latter frustrate the efforts of Sun and Earth
to increase and multiply. On the eve of the appointed day no one
is allowed to plow his fields. 88 A festival, called ucharcd, is cele-
brated on the Malabar coast at the end of January, when Mother
Earth has her annual menstruation. For three days at this time
the people stop all work, except hunting: the house may not be
cleaned; the daily smearing of the floor with cow-dung is discon-
tinued ; and even gardens may not be watered. 89
Many African peoples have market weeks, beginning (or
ending) with a market day. On the Lower Congo this sometimes
bears an unfavorable character, and a distinct tendency exists to
attach various restrictions to it. In the Guinea region the market
day often, though not always, coincides with the general day of
rest observed by an entire community. As such it may be dedi-
cated to a god. 90
The consecration of a particular day to a divinity is a com-
mon feature of polytheistic cults. Had we definite information
concerning the origin and development of the great deities of the
higher religions, it would probably appear that in most instances
SACRED THINGS 297
their association with particular days is a secondary rather than a
primary phenomenon. In other words, a period dedicated to a
god, observed by his worshipers with abstinence from labor, and
sometimes marked by complete quiescence may once have been a
season of taboo devoid of any connection with a divinity. This
conclusion is borne out by the fact that in some of the lower reli-
gions tabooed days have actually developed into holy days. Thus
the four taboo periods in the Hawaiian lunar month, which were
dedicated to the great gods of the native pantheon, must be con-
sidered to have had no original connection with any divinity, for
among the Dayak of Borneo and other primitive peoples there
are numerous taboos attaching to the phases of the moon and im-
posing communal abstinence. The Bontoc Igorot, a non-Chris-
tian people of northern Luzon, keep a sacred rest day, called
tengao, which occurs, on an average, about every ten days during
the year. It is dedicated to Lumawig, the only god throughout
the Bontoc cultural area. These Igorot observe, however, various
other festivals which are intended to propitiate, not Lumawig, but
evil-minded spirits and are also marked by a compulsory cessation
of labor. 91 The association of the tengao with Lumawig can
scarcely be earlier than the emergence of this supreme being from
the crowd of spirits, good and bad, in whose existence the Igorot
so firmly believe. On the Slave Coast of West Africa an annual
All Souls' festival is observed as a period of abstinence. It honors
Egungun, a god who rose from the dead and after whom a pow-
erful secret society has been named. A similar ceremony, imposing
a cessation of labor for eight days, is found among the Gold Coast
tribes, who, however, have not dedicated it to any divinity. 92
Many peoples of the lower culture ascribe a peculiar sacred-
ness to certain numbers, which, like names, are regarded as vir-
tual entities and are endowed with occult power. It is seldom
possible to account satisfactorily for the sacrosanct character of a
given number ; the original reasons for giving to it a special sig-
nificance are usually veiled in that obscurity which hides the origin
of most primitive beliefs. 98
Among sacred numbers seven, in particular, has enjoyed a
marked importance. With a symbolic and mystic significance, it
occurs among the Babylonians, Greeks, and Hindus at the very
dawn of their history, and it still plays a prominent role in the
popular lore of India, China, and southeastern Asia. Cultural
influences, emanating from the Asiatic mainland, may have in-
troduced the cult of seven into Borneo and the Melanesian Islands.
298 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Among the Dusun of British North Borneo that number bears a
distinctly evil character. They consider twelve days of the month,
beginning with the seventh and including also the fourteenth and
twenty-first, as bad for agricultural labor. At such times they
refrain from going to their rice fields, under penalty of failure of
the crop, but other work than that on the farms may sometimes be
performed. 94 When the first missionaries visited the New He-
brides and introduced the European week, with Sunday as a day
of rest, the natives were much astonished to learn that the for-
eigners knew about their bugi kai bituki, or evil day. These Mela-
nesians had never recognized any time divisions shorter than the
lunar month, but it had long been a custom among them to mark
the seventh day by certain taboos. The natives would not engage
in warfare on the seventh day after the declaration of hostilities,
nor would they attempt to execute vengeance on the seventh day
after the receipt of an insult. 95 In certain parts of Fiji some de-
gree of unluckiness attaches to the seventh day. 96 The Akikuyu
of East Africa also ascribe a very special ill luck to the seventh
day. A herdsman will not herd his flocks for more than six days,
and on the seventh day he must be relieved by another man. One
who has been away on a journey for six days will not return to his
village on the seventh day ; rather than do so he will go and sleep
at the house of a neighbor a short distance away. Were this rule
broken, he would certainly be struck down by some serious illness,
and a medicine man would have to be called in to remove it. "This
belief," we are told, "makes it easy for the missionaries to explain
to the Akikuyu the meaning of the Christian observance of the
Sabbath." 97
Sacred rites must be carried out with the greatest exactitude,
the most becoming reverence, and woe betide their practitioner
who fails in these respects. In the Qat, the great dancing society
of the Banks Islands, neophytes learned a very difficult dance, re-
quiring several months of practice before a performance could be
given. An error in the dance was considered so serious that the
old men, "past their dancing days," would shoot their arrows
into the group of performers, and if anyone was hit the blame
was laid on the faulty dancer. 98 When the Areoi, a secret society
widespread throughout the Polynesian area, gave a dramatic rep-
resentation, an error of a single word or verse in the recitation
would suspend the performance. Hence arose the necessity of a
most rigorous apprenticeship before candidates were admitted to
the society.**
SACRED THINGS 299
Among the Sema Naga of Assam there is a personage'called
the amthao ("First Reaper"), whose business it is to start the
cutting of each crop. The office may be held by either a man or a
woman. It is unpopular, however, for the amthao is likely to die
if he or she makes any mistake in the conduct of a ceremony, in
particular one performed when the harvest promises to be excep-
tionally good. 100 In Ashanti "the custodians of the tribal lore,
each of whom has his or her understudy, have to be absolutely
'word perfect/ Their memory is constantly exercised in the nu-
merous rites they attend, at which they have to repeat correctly
long lists of names and events in their proper order." Our author-
ity, who attended a ceremony at which two old women recited the
titles of the great ancestral spirits as far back as any record
existed, was informed that in the old days two executioners
would have been stationed behind the women and that if they
made a mistake they were "taken away." 101
Among the Zuni of New Mexico whipping is a purificatory
rite performed after any ceremonial misadventure, for instance,
a fall by one of the sacred personators. Not only will the culprit
himself be whipped, but other people as well, lest some disaster
overtake the community. 102 In the dances performed by secret
societies among the Kwakiutl of British Columbia no greater mis-
fortune could occur than an error in the recitation or an unlucky
slip in the dance. Such a mischance meant that the ill will of the
spirits had been directed against the members concerned. 103
Ritual formulas, whether employed as spells or prayers, are
sacred. Occult power resides in them ; hence they must be prop-
erly pronounced and only by magicians or priests qualified to use
them. It may be assumed with some confidence that the magical
and liturgical texts now collected in sacred books, the Bibles of
mankind, were often preserved by memory and transmitted orally
long before their fixation by writing. If this were not so, we
should be at a loss to explain their ancient and sometimes very
incomprehensible wording.
The myths and traditions of a primitive community possess a
sacred character; they must not be spoken of lightly, or be told on
ordinary occasions, or be represented in any unbecoming way. 104
A taboo, found ,in many parts of the world, forbids their recita-
tion in the daytime. In Dobu, an island in the D'Entrecasteaux
group, legends might be told only by night; otherwise both nar-
rators and listeners would become fixed to one another and to the
place where they were sitting (not standing, for that was also
300 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
taboo.) 105 The Sulka of New Britain believe that an evil-minded
spirit, named Kot, objects to their recital of the tribal legends in the
daytime. These must be told only after nightfall ; otherwise Kot
will send a thunderstorm and the people will be struck by light-
ning. 108 The natives of the Solomon Islands think that an impious
person who dared to recite a myth during the daytime would be-
come bald. 107 The Bechuana of South Africa say that were they
to tell their stories before sunset the clouds would descend from
the sky upon their heads. 108 The Baluba of the Belgian Congo
observe the same restriction, though we are not informed as to
the penalty for its violation. 109
The Berbers of North Africa are persuaded that tale-telling
by day sometimes has disastrous consequences for the narrator,
but more often for children and other members of the family. In
one group the narrator's uncle will acquire horns on his head ; in
another group the narrator will become ill and his children "will be
killed by the horns of savage animals; and in another group a
female narrator will bear tiny children destined to be always little
and weak or children that are monsters. Most commonly it is be-
lieved that the children of a male or female narrator will get
scurvy. 110
Taboos of tale-telling, not only during the daytime but also
in summer, are numerous among the North American Indians.
In many cases the taboos are supported by the belief that their
nonobsefvance will cause snakes to appear. The Navaho cele-
brate their Mountain Chant, a nine-days' ceremony, only in the
winter season when thunder is not heard and rattlesnakes are hi-
bernating. "Were they to tell of their chief gods or relate their
myths of the ancient days at any other time, death from lightning
or snake-bite would, they believe, be their early fate." 111 When
the buds had opened on the trees, the Iroquois stopped telling
myths and for these substituted historical traditions. But when
the leaves began to fall, the recital of myths again furnished the
chief amusement of the people during their hours of leisure. 112
The sacredness which attaches to chiefs, kings, magicians, and
priests is naturally extended to their names. Great precautions
are often taken to keep these secret or, if generally known, 4o pro-
hibit their use by commoners, under severe penalties for a viola-
tion of the rule. Recourse must therefore be had to synonyms
or to circumlocutions, when reference is made to such sacred per-
sons, a fact which accounts for many dialectical differences in the
speech of related tribes or peoples. 118
SACRED THINGS 301
In the Marquesas Islands and the Society Islands a high chief
would select for his name or for that of his son (the heir ap-
parent) the name of a familiar article, quality, or action. In such
a case the common word would be used no longer and would be
replaced by another coined for the occasion. Thus the king of
Tahiti, being much troubled by a cough, assumed the name Po-
mare (night-cough). Immediately po ("night") was dropped
from common use and rui used in its place, while mare was
changed to kare. One of the early missionaries mentions upwards
of forty words so changed in his time. 11 * In Samoa an animal's
name, if the same as that of a sacred chief, was at once changed,
and the old name might never again be used in that chief's dis-
trict. 115 In New Zealand any common word which happened to
be that of a head chief was dropped from use and a substitute
found for it, a practice which naturally produced a great many
synonyms in the Maori language. Thus were a chief called Wai
(water), a new name for water would have to be found, since
the use of the chief's name in common parlance formed a viola-
tion of his sanctity. 116
Among the Malagasy the circumstances which bring about the
changed meaning of words and sometimes their temporary or
total disuse are almost invariably associated with the king or
head of a tribe. 117
A Zulu chief usually changes his name upon arriving at man-
hood. Should he take the name of a common object, its old desig-
nation falls out of use and must be replaced by another in ordinary
speech. "One chief was called Langa the sun and in that tribe
the name of the sun was changed to gala, and so remains to this
day, though Langa died more than one hundred years ago." 118 In
Dahomey the king's name is always kept secret, lest some evil-
minded person who learned it should do him harm. He is known
simply by a mere title, or "strong name," which, unlike his birth-
name, does not form part of his personality and hence can be
safely uttered. 119
The names of spirits and gods are frequently tabooed on cer-
tain occasions. Sometimes such names must never be pronounced.
Utterance of the name of a supernatural being in ordinary con-
versation may be considered to pollute his sanctity or to give mag-
ical control over him ; hence he is supposed to resent and punish
such conduct. On the other hand, there may be a natural reluc-
tance on the part of worshipers to attract the attention of a spir-
itual being by mentioning his name, especially if he is thought of
302 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
as irritable or perhaps malevolent. These ideas of the uncanny
and fearsome blend gradually with those of growing reverence
toward spirits and gods, until at length blasphemy comes to be
regarded as a sin, one of the greatest of sins.
The tribes of southeastern Australia have a belief in an an-
thropomorphic being called Daramulun, Biamban, or Baiame,
and also by other names. At one time he lived on the earth, when
he gave men their customs, assigned them their hunting grounds,
and established their initiatory rites. Afterward this tribal All-
Father went to a land in or beyond the sky, where he still remains
and keeps jealous watch over the morals of his people. Women
know of his existence, but not by his real name, which is only
revealed to the youth at their initiation into manhood. The men
never use his name lightly or with levity. Among the Ngarigo
and Wolgal tribes of New South Wales there is such a disinclina-
tion to pronounce his name that in speaking of him they generally
use elliptical expressions such as "He," "the man," or "the name
I told you of." 120
On Murray Island, in Torres Straits, the culture hero in the
myth which relates the origin of the initiation ceremonies is Malu,
and by this name he is known to women and children. His real
name, revealed only to the initiated and never to to be uttered by
them, is Bomai. 121 The Barotse of South Africa shrink from pro-
nouncing the name of their chief god, Nyambe. For it they sub-
stitute the word molemo, which, besides meaning God, also de-
notes good and evil spirits, talismans, and amulets. 122 By the
Plains Indians "the name of the Great Spirit is seldom mentioned
above a whisper and then only on rare and solemn occasions and
never in ordinary conversation." Their language contains no word
equivalent to even the smallest oath. 123 By the Makah of Cape
Flattery, Washington, the name of their "Supreme Being" is
never pronounced except by those initiated into their secret rites. 124
Since sacred persons and spiritual beings cannot well remain
nameless, the avoidance of one set of names for them compels
the adoption of euphemisms. These are also used for the names
of the dead, of animals to be propitiated or killed, of diseases, and,
indeed, of anything and everything which needs to be approached
with due caution. 125 Thus among the Malagasy, when the sov-
ereign is ill he must not be called "ill," but "warmish." When-
dead, he must be said to have "turned his back." His corpse is
not called by the usual name for a corpse ; it is termed "the sacred
thing." And he is not buried, but "hidden." 126
SACRED THINGS 303
The same motive which accounts for the use of euphemisms
leads to the employment of so-called taboo languages as means of
approaching and dealing with superior powers, whether human,
natural, or supernatural in character. Both euphemisms and taboo
languages are devices to separate things polluted or sacred from
things which may be treated freely and without precautions. 127
For instance, the Samoans have a language of courtesy called
"chief's language," which is always employed in speaking to, or
of, a chief. In some cases it varies in accordance with the rank
of the person addressed or to whom reference is made. 128
These special forms of speech are well developed among the
Malays of the Malay Peninsula. An example is the "camphor
language*' of the Jakun of Johor, who use it while absent in the
forests searching for camphor, in order to propitiate the camphor-
tree spirit. The use of the language forms only one part of the
necessary ritual, which includes abstinence from certain kinds of
food and from washing and bathing, as well as a sacrifice of a
portion of each meal to the spirit. Furthermore, it is essential
that the men and women left behind in the settlement should
likewise speak this jargon while the camphor seekers are absent.
Besides the "camphor language" the Malays have lists of words
which must be used in speaking to royalty and under no other
circumstances. There are also many euphemisms applicable to
fishing, fowling, mining, warfare, and other occupations, as well
as a "spirit language" used by magicians. 129
The Vedda of Ceylon, together with some of the Singhalese,
make use of a "jungle language" when hunting. It consists of a
separate series of expressions for many animals, to the exclusion
of the usual names for them. The natives believe that "unless a
special dialect be employed while they are in the forest, they can-
not expect to meet with any success in seeking honey, or hunting,
or in avoiding dangerous animals." 180 The Toda of the Nilgiri
Hills have a "sacred language" which is used only in the dairy
ceremonial. 181
The various taboos of sanctity which have now been passed
in review those affecting chiefs, kings, magicians, and priests,
sacred places, sacred objects, sacred times, sacred numbers, sacred
rites and formulas, and sacred names have no such wide diffu-
sion among primitive peoples as the taboos of pollution, particu-
larly those in connection with the great crises of human life.
Many taboos of sanctity must also be greatly surpassed in an-
tiquity by those of pollution, for the regulations dealing with
304 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
sacred persons and all that affects them could have arisen only in
a state of society relatively advanced. In short, the conception of
taboo as "sacredness" represents a rather late development of hu-
man thought.
NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII
1 R. H. Mathews, in Proceedings of the American' Philosophical Society,
XXXIX (1900), 630; A. W. Howitt, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute,
XIII (1884), 452, note 1.
2 L. Sharp, "Ritual Life and Economics of the Yir-Yorunt of Cape York
Peninsula, Oceania, V (1934-1935), pp. 26 f.
8 Margaret Mead, in Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History, XXXVII, 341 f ., 344, 392.
4 George Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), p. 239.
Ibid., p. 60.
8 R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), pp. 175 ff. According
to a later account, the people of the Solomon Islands have family shrines, which
may be huts erected on poles or niches hewn out of the face of a cliff. In these
receptacles they store the skulls of the deceased. The head, which is the only
part of a corpse to be preserved, is cleaned very carefully, and in the case of an
important chief the features are restored by molding a kind of putty made from
a nut. The eyes and tattoo marks are formed of pearl shell, and for the hair
the genuine article or a native fiber is used. A family shrine is strictly taboo
to women. Countless spirits haunt the place (S. G. C. Knibbs, The Savage Solo-
mons as They Were and Are [London, 1929], pp. 32 f.).
7 Herman Melville, Typee (new ed., Boston, 1892), p. 252.
Ibid., pp. 132-33.
9 E. E. V. Collocott, "The Supernatural in Tonga," American Anthropolo-
gist (n.s., 1921), XXIII, 417.
10 Edward Shortland, The Southern Districts of New Zealand (London,
1851), p. 293. Another reason for this precaution may have been the fear lest
the clothes, pertaining as they did to the non-sacred world and possibly having
been in contact with things unclean, would pollute the sanctity of the holy place.
Maori scholars who entered the sacred school of learning had first to divest
themselves of their garments and enter completely nude. They then put on
special garments kept in the house for such occasions (E. Best, "Maori Religion
and Mythology," Dominion Museum Bulletin, No. 10, p. 169).
11 S. Walleser, "Religiose Anschauungen und Gebrauche der Bewohner von
Jap (Deutsche Siidsee)," Anthropos, VIII (1913), 625.
12 H. O. Forbes, A Naturalist's Wanderings in the Eastern Archipelago
(London, 1885), p. 443.
18 H. Zondervan, in Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig
Genootschap (2d series, 1888), V, 398.
i* E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, Th* lla-speaking Peoples of Northern
Rhodesia (London, 1920), II, 183 ff.
15 Adolf Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Lotmgo-Kiiste (Jena,
1874-1875), I, 219.
16 A. B. Ellis, The Yorubo-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West
Africa (London, 1894), p. 98.
SACRED THINGS 305
" H. Seidel, "System der Fetischverbote in Togo," Globus, LXXIII (1898),
342.
18 P. A. Talbot, Some Nigerian Fertility Cults (Oxford, 1927), p. 130.
19 See Albert Hellwig, Das Asylrecht der Naturvolker (Berlin, 1903) ; idem,
Beitrage zur Asylrecht von Oseanien (Stuttgart, 1906) ; Edward Westermarck,
"Asylum," Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, II, 161-64; idem,
The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas (London, 1906-1908), II,
628-38.
20 Sir Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Aus-
tralia (London, 1899), pp. 134 f. A similar sanctuary is found in the Kaitish
tribe (iidem t The Northern Tribes of Central Australia [London, 1904], p. 270).
21 James Chalmers and W. W. Gill, Work and Adventure in New Guinea
(London, 1885), p. 186.
22 F. E. Williams, Drama of Orokolo (Oxford, 1940), pp. 226 f.
28 H. B. Guppy, The Solomon Islands and Their Natives (London, 1887),
p. 67.
24 Charles Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition
(Philadelphia, 1845), II, 150. In Upolu, one of the Samoan group, the god Vave
had his special residence in an old tree, which served as an asylum for mur-
derers and others who had committed a capital offense. "If that tree was
reached by the criminal he was safe, and the avenger of blood could pursue no
further, but wait investigation and trial" (George Turner, Samoa [London,
1884], pp. 64 f.).
25 John Martin, An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands from
the Extensive Communications of Mr. William Mariner, 3d ed., Edinburgh,
1827, I, 189, II, 186.
26 J. J. Jarves, History of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands (2d ed.,
Boston, 1843), pp. 58 f. For a fuller account of the Hawaiian pohonua see
William Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed., London, 1831), IV, 166 ff.
2T Edward Tregear, The Maori Race (Wanganui, New Zealand, 1904),
pp. 202 f .
28 Hans Schinz, Deutsch-Sudwest-Afrika (Oldenburg and Leipzig [1891]),
p. 312.
29 A. St. Hill Gibbons, Exploration and Hunting in Central Africa (Lon-
don, 1898), p. 129.
so A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), pp. 74 f.
81 Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (London, 1897), p. 466.
82 A. G. Leonard, The Lower Niger and Its Tribes (London, 1906), pp.
465 ff. Ju-ju, in West African jargon, refers to anything sacred such as idols,
temples, and fetishes.
88 G. T. Basden, Niger Ibos (London, [1938]), p. 247.
* B. Struck, in Globus, XCIII (1908), 31.
38 Arthur Leared, Morocco and the Moors (2d ed., London, 1891), p. 248.
88 Alois Musil, The Manners and Customs of the Rwala Bedouins (New
York, 1928), pp. 491 ff.
87 J. G. Bourke, "The Medicine-Men of the Apache," Ninth Annual Report
of the Bureau of Ethnology t p. 453.
88 James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), pp. 158 f. ;
J. Mooney, "Myths of the Cherokee," Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, Part I, 207.
306 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
89 Francis La Flesche, in Thirty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology , p. 54.
40 D. W. Harmon, A Journal of Voyages and Travels in the Interiour of
North America (Andover, Mass., 1820), p. 297. A Maori prisoner taken in war
was made tapu if his captor threw his garment over him ; "he who then touched
the prisoner with a hostile intention touched also his preserver" (Richard Tay-
lor, Te Ika A Maui [2d ed., London, 1870], p. 167).
J. H. Williams, The Mountain That Was "God" (New York, 1911), p. 31.
42 Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 498.
* lidem, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 130 ff.
44 S. D. Porteus, The Psychology of a Primitive People (New York and
London, 1931), pp. 35 f.
45 E. W. P. Chinnery and W. N. Beaver, "Notes on the Initiation Cere-
monies of the Koko, Papua," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,
XLV (1915), 71.
46 F. E. Williams, Papuans of the Trans-Fly (Oxford, 1936), p. 183.
47 Idem, Drama of Orokolo, pp. 224 ff.
**Idem, "The 'Pairama' Ceremony in the Purari Delta, Papua," Journal
of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LIII (1923), 362 f. On the concept of
imunu see also J. H. Holmes, In Primitive New Guinea (London, 1914), pp.
150 ff.
49 Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians, p. 76, quoting H. Fellmann.
50 Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 94.
81 A. B. Deacon, Malekula, a Vanishing People in the New Hebrides (Lon-
don, 1934), p. 440.
82 A. B. Brewster, The Hill Tribes of Fiji (London, 1922), pp. 22 ff.
58 Elsdon Best, The Maori as He Was (Wellington, New Zealand), pp. 53,
67.
64 Turner, Samoa, p. 62.
55 A. C. Kruijt, Het animisme in den Indischen Archipel ('s Gravenhage,
1906), pp. 205 f .
68 C. J. F. S. Forbes, British Burma and Its People (London, 1878), p. 295.
67 J. H. Hutton, The Angami Nagas (London, 1921), p. 407; idem, The
Sema Nagas (London, 1921), pp. 174 f.
w J. P. Mills, The Ao Nagas (London, 1926), p. 217 and note 1.
89 Leo Sternberg, "The Inau Cult of the Ainu," Anthropological Papers
Written in Honor of Franz Boas (New York, 1906), pp. 427, 434. One name for
the inau is iwai-gi, iwai meaning "taboo" and gi (ki) meaning "wood" or "stick"
(W. G. Aston, "The Japanese Gohei and the Ainu Inao," Journal of the Anthro-
pological Institute, XXXI (1901), 134.
<> W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas (London, 1906), pp. 424 ff.
61 C. G. Seligman and Brenda Z. Seligman, The Veddas (Cambridge, 1911),
pp. 137 ff.
62 Charles New, Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa (Lon-
don, 1873), pp. 112 f. According to Burton, only the elders of both sexes may
look on this drum (Sir R. F. Burton, Zanzibar [London, 1872], II, 91.
68 John Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 167.
64 S. S. Farrow, Faith, Fancies, and Fetich, or Yoruba Paganism (London,
1926), pp. 117 ff.
68 A. R. Wallace, A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro
SACRED THINGS 307
(London, 1853), pp. 348 .; cf. p. 501. According to Dr. Karsten it is a com-
mon Indian idea that an evil spirit takes possession of a taboo-breaker and will
kill such a person. Dying, the woman would become herself a demon and a
source of grave danger to the community. She is put to death to anticipate such
a contingency. "In this way we have, no doubt, to explain the custom, prevailing
among many tribes, of killing women who have happened to see the masks, bull-
roarers, or flutes used at the religious ceremonies." (Rafael Karsten, The Civ-
ilization of the South American Indians [London, 1926], pp. 311 and note 3;
cf. p. 429 and note 2).
68 Theodor Koch-Griinberg, Zwei Jahre unter den Indianer (Berlin, 1910),
II, 293.
67 Morris Siegel, "Religion in Western Guatemala : a Product of Accul-
turation," American Anthropologist (n.s., 1941), XLIII, 68, 75.
68 Ruth L. Bunzel, "Introduction to Zuni Ceremonialism," Forty-seventh
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 479, 502.
69 James Mooney, "Palladium," Handbook of American Indians (Part II),
193 f . In 1868 the Kiowa had a disastrous encounter with the Ute. Among the
spoils of victory were two of the three Kiowa taime, these being sacred images
which were never exposed to view except at the annual Sun Dance. The Ute
took the taime home, but soon regretted having done so. The son of their cap-
turer lost his life in a fight with another tribe, and shortly afterward their
custodian was killed by a stroke of lightning. So the Ute turned over these
potent and dangerous objects to an American, who was not afraid to put them
on view in his trading post (idem, "Calendar History of the Kiowa," Seven-
teenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part I, pp. 322 ff.
70 Idem, "Myths of the Cherokee," Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bu-
reau of American Ethnology, Part I, p. 462.
71 J. O. Dorsey, in Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 235.
72 Ibid., pp. 217, 224, 359. We are also told that the keeper who prepared
the sacred pipes for the chiefs when deliberating had to be very careful not to
drop either pipe. "Should this happen that meeting of the council would be at
an end, and the life of the keeper would be in danger from the supernatural
powers" (Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche, in Twenty-seventh Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 209.
78 G. B. Grinnell, "Great Mysteries of the Cheyenne," American Anthro-
pologist (n.s., 1910), XII, 562 f. The "great mysteries" are the medicine arrows
and the sacred hat.
74 Charles Hose and William McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
(London, 1912), II, 124 f.
75 M. J. Field, Religion and Medicine of the Ga People (Oxford, 1937),
pp. Ill f., 118f. The author tells of one woman, a trader, who had a medicine
to protect her from cheats and thieves. The attached conditions demanded per-
fect honesty on her part. On her death she left the medicine to her daughter,
who was ignorant of the taboo attaching to it. One day, while trading in the
market, the daughter stole a banana leaf to protect her head from the rain.
Immediately one of her fingers became paralyzed and remained so. A medicine
man diagnosed the case and said that the affliction was sent as a warning by the
spirit, who would punish further offenses by death (p. 119).
76 Codrington, Melanesians, pp. 178 f .
77 J. [S.] Kubary, "Die Religion der Pelauer," in A. Bastian's Allerlei aus
Volks-und Menschenkunde (Berlin, 1888), I, 38 f.
78 W. Joest, in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologie,
308 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Ethnologic, und Urgeschichte (1882), p. (62), (bound with Zeitschrift fur Eth-
nologie, Vol. XIV).
79 A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West
Africa (London, 1890), pp. 57 ft.
80 Basden, Niger Ibos, pp. 41, 158.
81 See H. Webster, Rest Days (New York, 1916), pp. 85-100; idem, "Sab-
bath (Primitive)," Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, X, 885-89;
idem, "Holidays," Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, VII, 412-15.
82 W. D. Alexander, A Brief History of the Hawaiian People (New York,
1899), pp. 59 if.; David Malo, Hawaiian Antiquities (Honolulu, 1903), pp. 186-
210.
88 Turner, Samoa, pp. 29 f .
8 */Wrf v p. 60.
88 Sir Basil H. Thomson, The Fijians (London, 1908), p. 114. For an early
account of this Lenten season see J. E. Erskine, Journal of a Cruise among the
Islands of the Western Pacific (London, 1853), pp. 245 f .
86 Brewster, Hill Tribes of Fiji, pp. 91 ff., from information supplied by a
native chief.
87 J. W. Breeks, An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of
the Nilagiris (London, 1873), p. 44.
88 F. Dehon, in Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1906), I, 144.
89 C. K. Menon, "Some Agricultural Ceremonies in Malabar," Madras
Government Museum Bulletin, V, 104 f.
90 See Webster, Rest Days, pp. 106-18. Thomas states that "in the greater
part of West Africa the rest day is a tabu period, entailing abstinence from
the regular work, especially that of cultivating the fields, and devoted to the
worship of the local gods, or some of them" (N. W. Thomas, "The Week
in West Africa," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LIV [1924],
192).
91 A. E. Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1905) (Department of the In-
terior, Ethnological Survey Publications, Vol. I), pp. 205 ff. "It is safe to say
that at least one feast is held daily in Bontoc by some family to appease or win
the good will of some anito" [ancestral spirit] (p. 198).
92 Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa,
pp. 107 f . ; idem, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West Africa,
pp. 227 f.
98 See, in general, L. Levy-Bruhl, How Natives Think (London, 1926),
pp. 181-223.
94 I. H. N. Evans, "Notes on the Religious Beliefs, Superstitions, Cere-
monies, and Tabus of the Dusuns," Journal of the Royal Anthropological In-
stitute, XLII (1912), 394 f.
95 J. S. Suas, "Le septieme jour aux Nouvelles Hebrides, Oceanic," An-
thropos, VII (1912), 1057; cf. ibid., p. 50, note 1.
9 A. M. Hocart, "The Seventh Day in Fiji/' Anthropos, IX (1914), 330.
97 C. W. Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic (London, 1922), pp. 125 f .
96 Codrington, Melanesians, p. 86.
99 J. A. Moerenhout, Voyages aux lies du Grand Ocean (Paris, 1837), I, 501.
100 Hutton, Sema Nagas, pp. 216 f .
101 R. S. Rattray, Ashanti (Oxford, 1923), p. 219.
SACRED THINGS 309
102 Mrs. Elsie C. Parsons, in Memoirs of the American Anthropological
Association, IV, 285 f .
108 F. Boas, "The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the
Kwakiutl Indians," Report of the US. National Museum for 1895, pp. 537 f .
104 The Navaho Indians supply an instructive example of desacralization
as applied to the representation of a ritual. "As is well known, the Navaho
Indians have of late years taken to the weaving of sand painting blankets, that
is to say, blankets in which the usual geometrical designs are replaced by more
or less faithful copies of sand paintings belonging to the great curing cere-
monies known as 'chants/ such as the Night Chant, the Mountain Chant, and
the Shooting Chant. As the actual sand paintings of the rituals must be de-
stroyed before nightfall of the day on which they are laid down in the cere-
monial hogan and as, further, it is forbidden for the 'chanter' to keep a perma-
nent record of the sand paintings which are part of his curing ritual, these sand
painting blankets are, by definition, blasphemous doubly so, indeed, for to the
wrong of preserving what should be a transitory moment of holiness is added
that of an illegitimate transfer of the picturing of an episode in a ritualistic
origin legend from a sacred context to a mundane article of sale. The older
Navaho are said to be very much opposed to these blankets, but the demand of
the white man appears to be more powerful than religious sentiment.
"The weaver has a simple expedient for warding off the curse which fol-
lows tampering with sacred things. By deliberately changing the sand painting
design here and there she feels that she absolves herself from the charge of
blasphemy. The blanket decoration looks like a genuine sand painting to the
white man, but to the gods and instructed Navaho the departures from ritualistic
accuracy put the woven blanket into the class of profane objects. No curse need
follow the weaving at least, so it is hoped" (Edward Sapir, "A Navaho Sand
Painting Blanket," American Anthropologist [n.s., 1935], XXXVII, 609).
105 \Y E Bromilow, Twenty Years among Primitive Papuans (London,
1929), pp. 85 f .
106 M. Rascher, in Archiv fur Anthropologie (1904), XXIX, 216.
107 Richard Thurnwald, Forschungen auf den Salomo-Inseln und dem Bis-
marck-Archipel (Berlin, 1912), I, 430. Cf. W. G. Ivens, Melanesians of the
South-East Solomon Islands (London, 1927), p. 10 (Mala and Ulawa).
108 John Campbell, Travels in South Africa Second Journey (London,
1822), II, 205.
109 E. Torday, On the Trait of the Bushongo (London, 1925), p. 41.
110 Henri Basset, Essai sur la literature des Berberes (Alger, 1920),
pp. 104 f .
111 W. Matthews, "The Mountain Chant ; a Navaho Ceremony," Fifth An-
nual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 386.
112 L. H. Morgan, League of the Ho-D6-No-Sau-Nee or Iroquois (edited
by H. M. Lloyd) (New York, 1904), I, 162. According to the editor's note
(II, 255), the Iroquois believed that in summer the spirits of nature were awake
and listening ; in winter they hibernated like so many bears. For further illus-
trations see Frank Russell, in Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, p. 206 (Pima) ; J. O. Dorsey, in Journal of American
Folk-Lore, II (1889), 190 (Omaha) ; Fanny D. Bergen, ibid., IX (1896), 54
(Winnebago) ; A. F. Chamberlain, ibid., IV (1891), 195 (Ottawa and Chippewa
of Michigan) ; G. A. Dorsey, Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee (Boston, 1904),
p. xxii; R. H. Lowie, The Crow Indians (New York, 1935), p. 107. The Taos
Indians have a taboo or quasi taboo against telling tales in summer lest there
be an untimely snowstorm. "But," added the native informant, "I do not believe
it" (Mrs. Elsie C Parsons, Taos Tales [New York, 1940], p. 1).
310 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
118 See Sir J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul (London, 1911)
(The Golden Bough, 3d cd., Part II), pp. 374-86.
114 S. Ella, "Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Languages/' Journal of the
Anthropological Institute, XXIX (1899), 154 f.
115 Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians, p. 280.
118 J. S. Polack, Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders (London,
1840), II, 126 f.
117 J. T. Last, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXV (1896),
66. See, further, J. Sibree, "Curious Words and Customs Connected with Chief-
tainship and Royalty among the Malagasy," ibid., XXI (1891), 226 ff.
118 James Macdonald, ibid., XX (1891), 131. See also Miss Alice Werner,
"The Custom of 'Hlonipa' in Its Influence on Language," Journal of the African
Society, No. 15, pp. 346-56.
119 Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Sleeve Coast of West Africa,
pp.98f.
o A. W. Howitt, "On Some Australian Beliefs," Journal of the Anthro-
pological Institute, XIII (1884), 192 f.; idem, The Native Tribes of South-East
Australia (London, 1904), p. 495.
121 A. C. Haddon, Head-Hunters, Black, White, and Brown (London,
1901), p. 46.
2 Emil Holub, Seven Years in South Africa (London, 1881), II, 301.
128 H. M. Chittenden and A. T. Richardson, Life, Letters, and Travels of
Father Pierre-Jean De Smet, SJ. (New York, 1905), III, 1074. According to
J. O. Dorsey the Omaha "are very careful not to use names which they regard
as sacred on ordinary occasions; and no one dares to sing sacred songs except
the chiefs and old men at the proper times" (Third Annual Report of the Bu-
reau of Ethnology, p. 370).
124 C. G. Swan, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. XVI,
No. 220, p. 61.
125 See J. A. MacCulloch, "Euphemism," Hastings' Encyclopedia of Re-
ligion and Ethics, V, 585-88; Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 392 ff.
128 H. F. Standing, "Malagasy 'Fady/ " Antananarivo Annual and Mada-
gascar Magazine, No. 7 (1883), pp. 73 f.
127 See Frazer, op. cit., pp. 405 ff.
128 S. Ella, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXIX (1899), 155.
According to Robert Louis Stevenson "special words are set apart for [a chief's]
leg, his face, his hair, his belly, his eyelids, his son, his daughter, his wife, his
wife's pregnancy, his wife's adultery, adultery with his wife, his dwelling, his
spear, his comb, his sleep, his dreams, his anger, the mutual anger of several
chiefs, his food, his pleasure in eating, the food and eating of his pigeons, his
ulcers, his cough, his sickness, his recovery, his death, his being carried on a
bier, the exhumation of his bones, and his skull after death" (A Foot-Note to
History, chap. i).
120 w. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula
(London, 1906), II, 414-25.
180 Seligman and Seligman, The Veddas, pp. 274 f ., quoting Mr. Henry
Parker.
181 Rivers, The Todas, pp. 615 f.
CHAPTER IX
SIN AND RITUAL DEFILEMENT
PUBLIC confession, the "speaking out" of sins committed, is a
rite found in Melanesia, Polynesia, Indonesia, many parts of
Africa, America (South, Central, and North), and in the Arctic
area among the Eskimo and Siberian tribes. The rite has a reg-
ular association with other ceremonies whereby sins are removed
and their effects neutralized or destroyed. It is practiced especially
in cases of sickness, for to the savage sickness is sin or the result
of sin. The majority of the sins confessed are sexual, adultery
most of all. There can be no doubt that for primitive thought
confession acts as a real purgation, an elimination of evil matter
in the patient's body. As such it is comparable to the cathartics,
emetics, and other purges so often employed for the same purpose.
Confession has further efficacy because of the power attributed to
the spoken word: naming the sin is to recall it, to give it form
and substance, so that the officiating medicine man can deal with
it in the prescribed manner. No vague announcement of sinful-
ness suffices ; each sin that has been committed must be specified.
Sometimes when the patient can think of nothing serious done by
him he will confess imaginary sins. If the sin is taboo-breaking,
an act which may endanger the community as well as the sinner,
public confession of it serves as a notice to others to avoid him
until his purification has been accomplished. Like the leper he has
uttered the warning cry, "Unclean, unclean I" 1
The Manus of the Admiralty Islands, north of New Guinea,
require confession after any violation of their sex code. Adultery
and fornication, in particular, are regarded as more or less dan-
gerous to the participants or to their relatives. However, confes-
sion of a sexual sin wipes it out. It is the concealed sin only which
excites the ire of the spirits. If you confess what you have done
and then pay a fine to the mortal representatives of the avenging
spirits, you or your relatives will escape all evil consequences. It is
said that a man will describe an amour in the most matter-of-fact
language, giving the name of the woman, the place, and the time,
311
312 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
and stating that later his brother became ill. But, he will add, he
confessed the sin and paid for it, so his brother promptly recovered.
"To the sinner who steadfastly refuses confession the community
turns a cold, distrustful face. To make an alliance with such a
one is courting death." 2
In Samoa the priest might require the members of the family
of a sick person to assemble about his bed and confess their sins.
Each one confessed everything that he or she had ever done at
any time and however long concealed whether theft, adultery,
seduction, lying, or invoking a curse upon the sick person. 3 A
Maori, when lying ill, was called upon by the attendant priest to
confess all his peccadilloes, as well as more serious offenses against
the moral and religious laws. Having confessed and received ab-
solution from the priest, he was considered to be in a condition
of "moral and spiritual purity" which fitted him to undergo fur-
ther ritual performances designed to bring about his recovery. 4
At Fakaafo, one of the Union Islands, the friends of a man who
had died tried to learn the cause of his death. They went to a
priest, who summoned the spirit of the departed and asked him
to confess all the offenses which had brought him to an untimely
end. The spirit, speaking through the priest, would acknowledge
that he had stolen coconuts from such and such a place, or had
fished in some forbidden spot, or had eaten the fish in which his
family god was incarnated. 5
In the Mentawei Islands, when the head of a family falls sick,
the doctor urges him to make a clean breast of all the wrongful
acts he has done. "Tell everything to me, be sure to conceal
nothing." The father then proceeds to confess any violation of
taboos by himself or a member of his household, after which the
cure of the sick man is undertaken. From time to time the doctors
impose new taboos upon their patients. A doctor frankly ac-
knowledged that this practice accounted for the innumerable re-
strictions observed by the Mentawei people. 6
Among the Mkulwe of Tanganyika Colony, when a man is
severely ill, all the adult members of his kinship group assemble
and proceed to confess, fully and sincerely, whatever sins (such as
adultery, falsehood, or theft) each one may have committed. Then
the person confessing casts toward the west splinters of wood and
bits of straw, to be carried away by the wind even as his sins
are now gotten rid of, never to return. If the sick man gets bet-
ter, his recovery is attributed to the efficacy of the confession;
otherwise, a doctor must consult the spirits in order to discover
SIN AND RITUAL DEFILEMENT 313
who is concealing some of his sins and thus is hindering the re-
covery of the patient. 7
The state of taboo which the Akikuyu of Kenya describe as
thahu is called thabu or makwa by their neighbors, the Akamba.
A person in this condition gets sores all over his body. Before the
elders can cure the disease they must first diagnose its cause by
questioning the sufferer about all that he has done ; open confes-
sion is thus essential. "This fact gives a great value to the belief
in makiva, for however secretly a breach of custom may have been
committed, it will not fail to require an open confession." The
disease is invariably venereal and is now often cured by medical
missionaries, to whom even the Akikuyu flock for treatment. "The
practical result of this may be good, but indirectly it is bad, be-
cause the public confession is evaded, and the moral restraint of
the belief is in consequence destroyed." 8
Among the Baganda a child would contract a sickness, char-
acterized by nausea and general debility, if the mother had com-
mitted adultery either before its birth or while she nursed it. No
cure was possible unless the guilty parties confessed their guilt
and underwent, at the hands of the medicine man, a special cere-
mony of cleansing. 9 No Baganda woman might visit a well while
she was menstruating; if she did so, the water would dry up. She
herself would fall sick and die, unless she confessed her fault and
the medicine man made atonement for her. 10
Certain tribes of Togoland on the Slave Coast, who regard
marriage within the same totemic group as incestuous, believe
that it will cause a drought. A woman guilty of it is led first to
the market and then to some of the temples and is there required
publicly to confess the wrong which she has committed. 11
Some Indian tribes of western South America are familiar
with the practice of confession. The Aurohuaca of Colombia ob-
ject to taking medicine, for they believe that all sickness is a pun-
ishment for sin. When a man falls ill, he sends for a mama, the
village priest, governor, and doctor. To him the patient makes
a secret and full confession. After hearing it, the mama must de-
cide whether the sins confessed are mortal or whether they can be
forgiven and the patient restored to health. This is a somewhat
ticklish matter, since the sick man, if told that he must die because
of his sins, usually proceeds to do so without delay. However, if
the mama makes a favorable diagnosis, he proceeds to transfer
the patient's sins to some bits of stone or shell, which are taken up
in the mountains and laid where the first beams of the morning
314 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
sun will strike down on them and drive out the evil in them. 12
Similarly, among the Ijca, another Colombian tribe, the medicine
man insists on confession by a sufferer, in order to find out why
the spirits are angry with him and have made him ill. 18 In these
instances the sins confessed are probably violations of taboos,
though we are not expressly informed that such is the case.
It was customary among the Indians of Guatemala for a
woman in labor to be ordered by the midwife to confess her sins,
in order to expedite delivery of the child. In a case of difficult
birth, the husband was required to confess his sins as well. 14
The Huichol Indians require the strictest continence on the
part of the men engaged in gathering the sacred cactus, the hikuli,
which brings health and good luck to the tribe. While away from
home, they must commit no transgressions and they must also
purge themselves from past sins which they have committed. For
every sin they tie a knot in a string, and then each one delivers
this "rosary" to the leader of the expedition, who burns it. Mean-
while, the women left behind have confessed to Grandfather Fire
with what men they have ever been in love. Not one must be
omitted from the catalogue of lovers, for such an omission would
mean that those away on the expedition would be unable to find
even a single cactus plant. Each woman, in order to refresh her
memory, prepares a string, made out of strips of palm leaves,
and on this she ties as many knots as she has had lovers. The
knotted string she brings to the temple, and, standing before
the fire, she names all the men for whom there are knots on the
string. This done, she throws it into the fire, and when the god
has consumed it in his pure flame, all her sins are forgotten and
she becomes clean. 15
Carrier Indians, when seriously ill, believe that they will not
recover unless they divulge to a medicine man every wrongful
deed which they may have ever committed and have hitherto kept
secret. This done, "they expect that their lives will be spared for
a time longer." 16
The Central Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay possess
an elaborate system of taboos associated with their lives as hunt-
ers of seals, ground seals, and whales. Violations of the taboos
are punished by the goddess Sedna, their chief deity. When one
of the sea animals has been killed, its soul remains with the body
for three days before going back to Sedna's underworld abode,
to be sent forth again by her. If during the three days any taboo
or prescribed custom is broken, the resulting uncleanness attaches
SIN AND RITUAL DEFILEMENT 315
itself to the animal's soul and is conveyed to Sedna. It makes her
hands sore, and she punishes the people who have caused her pains
by sending to them sickness, bad weather, and starvation. The
souls of the sea animals possess greater percipience than those
of ordinary human beings. They can see how contact with a corpse
causes objects touched by it to appear black in color; they can
also see how flowing human blood produces a vapor which sur-
rounds the bleeding person and everyone and everything that
comes into contact with such a person. The dark color of death
and the vapor of blood are exceedingly distasteful to the souls of
the sea animals. No hunter thus affected would have any luck,
for the animals could not come near him. He will therefore avoid
having anything to do with a person who has touched a dead body
or with one who is bleeding, particularly a menstruous woman or
a woman who has recently given birth or has had a miscarriage.
To prevent an accident of this sort, persons in such a state of un-
cleanness must make public announcement of the fact; if they do
not do so, all the hunters will have ill luck. These ideas have given
rise to the belief that the transgression of any taboo must be so
announced, or otherwise the community will suffer for the acts of
the evildoer. There are innumerable tales of starvation brought
about by taboo-breaking which was not confessed and thus atoned
for. In vain the hunters try to supply their families with food;
gales and drifting snow make their efforts useless. Finally the
help of the shaman is invoked, and he discovers that the misfor-
tune of the people is the fault of one of their number. The guilty
party is searched out; "if he confesses, all is well; the weather
moderates, and the seals allow themselves to be caught; but if he
obstinately maintains his innocence, his death alone will soothe
the wrath of the offended deity." 17
In the lower stages of culture the idea of sin does not imply
a breach of the divine order or call for true repentance and re-
generation of the inner man. It is a violation of a tribal custom,
in particular, of a taboo. That the sin was one of omission rather
than of commission, that it was nonintentional instead of inten-
tional, is quite irrelevant: evil of some sort has been done and
must be dealt with by some means or other. 18
The people of Dobu, an island of the D'Entrecasteaux group,
have no word for sin ; they have not needed one. The only acts
which the natives consider wrongful are removing a neighbor's
landmark and stealing from the garden of a member of one's own
tribe or of a friendly tribe. For either of these actions an offender
316 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
might be speared by the aggrieved party. His friends would make
no attempt to avenge his death, because he had made himself an
outcast from the community. But, for the rest, "the good people
are the healthy, the wealthy in property and food, the wise in sor-
cery ; the bad people are the poor, the weak, the aged, the sickly." 19
"Sin to the Maori/' says an excellent authority, "was invariably
connected with some infringement of tapu." 20 To much the same
effect a missionary among the Battak of Sumatra declares that
.for them "sin is simply what offends the customs which all ob-
serve." 21
An anthropologist, working among the Andamanese, did not
meet a single native who believed that such actions as the murder
of one man by another or adultery, aroused the anger of Puluga.
The only actions at which Puluga is angry are purely ritual of-
fenses, such as burning or melting wax, killing a cicada, and dig-
ging up yams. 22
For the Malagasy the distinction of "pure" and "impure" is
fundamental ; it underlies all the religious life of the people. But
the purity necessary for entering into relations with the higher
powers and for retaining their good will is "wholly exterior" in
character, "wholly material" in content. 28
Among the Basuto the words "happiness" and "purity" are
synonymous. When a native says that his heart is "black" or
"dirty," he may equally mean that his heart is "impure" or "un-
happy," and when he says that his heart is "white" or "clean," it
is only from his explanation that we know whether he means that
he is "pure" or "joyous." "As in their worship the creature has
taken the place of the Creator, so unhappiness, the effect of sin,
has caused them to lose sight of sin itself, and now suffering and
accidents of all kinds to which humanity is liable are considered
a defilement, and are called by that name." 24 Among the Zulu,
the word applied to a dirty person "means that you have done
or said something or somebody else has done so, which has be-
spattered you with metaphorical dirt in the Scriptural sense, has
defiled you. It is nearly the same as our expression 'his hands are
not clean/ but only it is stronger." 25 The Bechuana refer to the
ritual defilement which results from contact with anything taboo
as leshwe, this being their common word for "dirt." To remove
the defilement is "to wash the body." They also employ a number
of special terms descriptive of particular methods of purification
such as anointing, lustration, and fumigation. After ceremonial
rehabilitation the patient is described as being "clean," "clear,"
SIN AND RITUAL DEFILEMENT 317
or "pure." He is now freed from "all the terrors of contagion,
ostracism, penance, and occult retribution" which oppress the mind
of a taboo-breaker. 26
To appreciate the position occupied by taboo in the life of the
Ba-ila is not easy for "one trained in the Christian morality." The
things summed up in their word tonda "include not only prohibi-
tions due to a vague instinctive repulsion from deeds which the
highest ethical consciousness recognizes as wrong, but also others
which to advanced thought have no moral significance. To our
minds there is a world of difference between theft and, say, eating
a quail ; but it is a sign of the weakness of their ethical discrimi-
nation that a breach of what we should call the 'ceremonial law*
is rated a greater offence than a breach of the 'moral law/ We
have constantly had proof of their inability to recognise the dis-
tinctive nature of morality, i.e., as recognised by ourselves." The
authors tell of an unusually intelligent native who complained
that a woman had entered his house and stolen some of his things.
The woman, previously, had aborted and hence was in a state of
uncleanness when she committed the theft. The native might have
forgiven the theft, but her ritual offense could be expiated only
by the payment of a heavy fine. 27
The Akikuyu have a moral code, but impurity is incurred, not
by its transgression, but as the result of certain acts or accidents,
some of them inevitable in the ordinary course of nature. When
defilement has taken place, purification is necessary. For grave
cases the services of a medicine man are required. The sufferer
is subjected to an elaborate ceremony of cleansing, after which he
is told to "vomit the sin," that is, to expectorate. This is done for
all ritual disabilities which incur defilement. 28 With reference to
the Wachagga, we are told that "a sin, wrongdoing, or breach of
custom is not merely a matter demanding punishment or redress,
but it imparts a bane or evil influence which remains unless the
necessary purification follows. The point to be emphasized is
that this mysterious force affects, not the evil-doer, but the person
injured, so that it is he who must be purified. For instance, a
man who is wounded is purified by the one who wounded him." 29
The Ovimbundu of Angola have many high standards of
conduct, but no idea of sin as being a violation of a command laid
down by some authority which is more than human. The idea
of crime is well developed among them, and there are many actions
which are punishable as being in contravention to the laws of the
tribe. Thus, adultery is a crime on a par with theft, but it is not
318 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
a sin. Suku, the Supreme Being, issues no commands, while an-
cestral spirits are concerned only with sacrifices and homage paid
to them. 80 For the Bushongo the breaking of a taboo "is not a
sin against God ; it is a foolhardy act against the laws of nature,
like overeating, or taking poison, and the punishment is generally
sterility." 81 Among the Fan of French Equatorial Africa he who
violates a taboo (eki) contracts a "stain" called nsem. This term
is now used by the missionaries to explain the theological con-
ception of "sin." 32 The taboos observed by the tribes of Southern
Nigeria embrace "everything" which can be considered as sins.
With them the consciousness of having sinned "is not an abstract
sentiment but a feeling that they have personally offended the
gods and ancestors who have shown them the right way and who
send all their blessings and good fortune." 83
According to Miss Kingsley the West African peoples make a
clear distinction between a sin and a crime between "god pa-
laver" and "man palaver." The first is an offense against a spirit ;
the second is an offense against society. The group punishes a
crime without the assistance of spirits, though one of them may
be called on to aid in its detection or prevention. If the offense is
against a great spirit, who would retaliate on the whole com-
munity, the offender is killed by the tribe or family on whom
vengeance would otherwise fall; if only a minor spirit has been
offended, the culprit is left to settle with it on his own account. 84
With reference to the Siouan tribes of North America, a mis-
sionary who knew them well declares that "the Scriptural idea of
sin" seemed to be wanting among them. They believed, however,
that to break the taboo of any gens or subgens, or to violate any
other ancient custom, was to commit a dangerous act. 85
When an Atka of the Aleutian Islands had been guilty of
sodomy or of too early cohabitation with a betrothed or intended
wife, he could rid himself of the taint which he had acquired by
a simple act of purification. Having selected a time when the
sun shone brightly, he picked up certain weeds, carried them about
for a while, in order that they might absorb the sin, and then laid
them down. Next he called upon the sun to witness that he had
thus cast away all wickedness from his person. Finally, he threw
the grass into a fire, and after doing so he considered himself
"cleansed of his sins." 86
It is a great moment in the development of humanity when
the meaning of cleanliness has passed from the external and phys-
ical to the internal and spiritual, when, instead of a bodily purga-
SIN AND RITUAL DEFILEMENT 319
tion, the conscience is cleansed from the sense of guilt. But this
moment has arrived only in the higher stages of culture ; sin, as
we conceive it, is a "late intruder" into the domain of religion
and ethics. It remained for the Nazarene to summarize in a single
sentence the whole religious and ethical development : "That which
prSceedeth out of the man, that defileth the man."
NOTES TO CHAPTER IX
1 See, in general, Raffaele Pettazzoni, La confession* dei peccati (3 vols.,
Bologna, 1929-1936).
2 Margaret Mead, Growing Up in New Guinea (New York, 1930), pp. 167 f.
A high infant mortality, coupled with numerous deaths in middle age, serves to
focus the attention of the Manus on their sins. Even a slight indisposition re-
quires confession and a propitiatory payment to the spirits. "Hardly a night
passes that the medium's whistle is not heard in some house where there is ill-
ness" (p. 326). Elsewhere Miss Mead mentions the fact that as between the
Roman Catholic and Methodist missions the Manus prefer the former, which
exact no tithes. They have heard, also, of the Catholic auricular confession and
welcome it as a relief from their present custom; whereby one's sins are loudly
proclaimed to one's neighbors (pp. 317 f.).
8 W. T. Pritchard, Polynesian Reminiscences (London, 1866), p. 147. We
are told that if a canoe was overtaken by a storm or driven out of its course by
adverse winds, the crew, "like that of the Phoenician vessel in which Jonah
was escaping/' would demand that each one should confess any misdeeds which
might have brought them into their present danger. Some "startling revela-
tions" were made on these occasions (S. Ella, in Report of the Fourth Meeting
of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science [1892], p. 639).
4 Elsdon Best, "Maori Religion and Mythology," Dominion Museum Bul-
letin, No. 10, pp. 198 f .
5 George Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), p. 272.
6 E. M. Loeb, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1929), XXXI, 72.
* A. Hamberger, in Anthropos f IV (1909), 309 ff.
8 C. Dundas, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLV
(1915), 242 f.
John Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 102. The medicine man
added some of the woman's urine to other medicines and then rubbed the mix-
ture on the woman's chest and on the chests of her children ; "this was supposed
to neutralize an evil that had attached itself to her or to them" (p. 72).
Ibid., p. 459.
" F. Wolf, in Anthropos, VI (1911), 456.
12 F. C. Nicholas, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1901), III, 639 f.
18 G. Bolinder, Die Indianer der tropischen Schneegebirge (Stuttgart, 1925),
pp. 139 f .
14 A. de Herrera, The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands
of America (London, 1725-1726), IV, 148 (Decade III, Bk. VI, chap. ii).
"Carl Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (New York, 1903), II, 129 f.
16 D. W. Harmon, A Journal of Voyages and Travels in the Interiour of
North America (Andover, Mass., 1820), p. 300.
320 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
17 F. Boas, in Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, XV,
119 ff. Among these Eskimo the shaman does his best to discover the reason
why sickness or any other misfortune has come to the natives. He questions
the sufferer persistently, and the latter believes that he must return true answers.
The shaman asks, "Did you work when it was forbidden?" "Did you eat when
you were not allowed to eat?" If the poor fellow happens to remember any
such transgression, he replies, "Yes, I have worked." "I have eaten." The
shaman replies, "I thought so," and issues his commands as to the manner
whereby atonement shall be made (idem, in Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau
of Ethnology, pp. 592 f .).
18 See L. H. Gray, "Expiation and Atonement (Introductory and Primi-
tive)," Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, V, 635 f.; "Nathan
Soderblom, "Holiness (General and Primitive)," ibid., VI, 731-44.
19 W. E. Bromilow, Twenty Years among Primitive Papuans (London,
1929), p. 298.
20 E. Best, "Maori Eschatology," Transactions and Proceedings of the New
Zealand Institute, 1905, XXXVIII, 156.
21 Johannes Warneck, The Living Forces of the Gospel (Edinburgh, 1909),
p. 127.
22 A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders (Cambridge, 1933),
p. 160. Puluga or Biliku is a mythical being commonly regarded as female but
also spoken of sometimes as male, and especially associated with the northeast
monsoon. The only punishment which Puluga or Biliku ever inflicts on human
beings, when she (or he) is angry with them for any reason, is to send violent
storms (pp. 147, 156). See also E. H. Man, in Journal of the Anthropological
Institute, XII (1883), 112.
23 A. and G. Grandidier, "De la religion des Malgaches," L'Anthropologie,
XXXVIII (1917), 248.
2 * E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), p. 255.
25 David Leslie, Among the Zulus and Amatongas (2d ed., Edinburgh, 1875),
pp. 169 f.
26 W. C. Willoughby, Nature-Worship and Taboo (Hartford, Conn., 1932),
pp. 197, 200.
27 E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern
Rhodesia (London, 1920), I, 348.
2 W. S. Routledge and Katherine Routledge, With a Prehistoric People
(London, 1910), pp. 256 ff. The name of this feigned vomiting is potahikio, de-
rived from tahika, "to vomit" (F. P. Cayzac, in Anthropos, V [1910], 311). A
Kikuyu falls ill. He tries the usual empirical methods of treatment. They fail,
and he then summons a doctor to take charge of the case. The doctor declares
that some enemy has induced evil spirits to enter the patient's body. These
must be expelled. A small hole is dug and into it water is poured and certain
powders are emptied. The doctor dips in two small horns, two goat's feet, and
finally the bowels of a slaughtered goat. The mess is given to the patient to
suck. The whole operation is carried on to the accompaniment of much cursing
of the evil spirits and of commands to the sick man to vomit them forth. He
makes every effort to do so. Our authority in one place calls this the ceremony
of "sin- vomiting" ; in another place he describes it as the "vomiting of evil
spirits" (C. Cagnolo, The Akikuyu [Nyeri, Kenya, 1933], pp. 134, 189). After
a performance of the Snake Dance by the Hopi Indians of Arizona the partici-
pants drink a decoction made from herbs. It acts as an emetic, and the vomiting
is supposed to cleanse the body spiritually as well as physically (A. Hrdlicka, in
Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, No. 34, pp. 240 f.). In this case
SIN AND RITUAL DEFILEMENT 321,
it is not pollution which is got rid of, but the dangerous sanctity acquired by the
dancers through the performance of the rite. Among the Haida of British
Columbia a man could increase his physical strength or obtain property, success
in hunting, fishing, and fighting, and other good things by a rigid restraint in his
diet, by continence, by sea-bathing, and by taking sweat-baths. Another excel-
lent device was to drink warmed sea-water followed by a draught of fresh
water ; the emetic ejected all the contents of his stomach, "leaving him so much
the 'cleaner' " (J. R. Swanton, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural
History, VIII, 40). A pioneer missionary in the South Seas describes the cere-
mony by which the sons of a Samoan chief (who had accepted Christianity)
themselves formally threw off their old heathen ways. This was done by the
public eating of the species of fish tabooed to them. But it was done with fear
and trembling, for the young men believed that the spirit residing in the fish
might gnaw their vitals and cause their death. They immediately retired from
the feast and swallowed a copious draught of coconut oil and sea- water, "which
was certainly a most effectual method of preventing such an evil" (John Wil-
liams, A Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Sea Islands, London,
.1838, p. 373).
29 Charles Dundas, Kilimanjaro and Its People (London, 1924), p. 155.
8 W. D. Hambly, The Ovimbundu of Angola (Chicago, 1934), pp. 264 f .
81 E. Torday, On the Trail of the Bushongo (London, 1925), p. 195. "Bad
actions were not punished by God ; their opposition to the laws of nature caused
automatically, without divine interference, some unpleasant reaction. Thus, if
the firstfruits were not presented to the ancestors it was the soil, deprived of
the strength that had its source in this pious action, which would not bring
forth the crops ; it would remain barren as if no seeds had been sown. If a man
broke the laws forbidding the marrying within his own clan, it was the blood
of the clan in him that suffered from the pollution and made him suffer in his
turn" (pp. 236 f.).
82 L. Martrou, "Les 4 Eki' des Fang," Anthropos t I (1906), 759.
88 P. A. Talbot, The Peoples of Southern Nigeria (Oxford, 1926), III, 709.
84 Mary H. Kingsley, West African Studies (2d ed., London, 1901),
pp. 413 f. Elsewhere Miss Kingsley declares that to a native sin "is not what it
is to us, a vile treason against a loving Father, but a very ill-advised act against
powerful, nasty-tempered spirits" (p. 135).
85 J. O. Dorsey, "A Study of Siouan Cults," Eleventh Annual Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, p. 521.
36 Ivan Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of
Alaska (Washington, D.C., 1884) (Department of the Interior, Tenth Census,
Vol. VIII), p. 158. Petroff is quoting from the Russian priest Innocentius Venia-
minoff, who worked among the natives of the Aleutian Islands and at Sitka
during the early years of the nineteenth century.
CHAPTER X
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO
THE savage, who invests his sexual life with a multitude of nega-
tive regulations, likewise observes innumerable restrictions in the
food quest, in the preparation and eating of food, and in the
choice of what should and should not be consumed as food. Some
restrictions have a general application; some affect the male or
the female sex; some are confined to the younger members of the
community; some refer to a particular group such as a totemic
clan or a secret society ; and some attach to chiefs, magicians, and
priests, or to private persons. It is scarcely surprising that the
savage should pay so much attention to his diet, for alimentation
is even more essential than reproduction, hunger more urgent
than sex-love, self -maintenance more necessary than self -per-
petuation. 1
Some food restrictions are based on a simple association of
ideas by similarity or contiguity, such as the avoidance of the
timi3 deer and hare, or the avoidance (by men) of all female
animals, or the avoidance (by unmarried women) of the flesh
of a male animal. Other restrictions rank as true taboos and
depend on the pollution or sanctity ascribed to certain animals or
plants. The apparent irrationality of the taboos is due to our
ignorance of their history. No doubt dreams, visions, mishaps,
and coincidental experiences give rise to many of them, or con-
firm them when once originated, as is the case with other primitive
beliefs and customs. 2
We have seen that among primitive peoples the world over
boys and girls at puberty or while undergoing a formal initiation
into manhood and womanhood are subjected to numberless re-
strictions, which include those of certain articles of food. Among
the Australian aborigines the food taboos imposed on novices
usually form part of a wider scheme of similar regulations affect-
ing both young men and young women and only gradually re-
laxed as they grow older. 8
In the Euahlayi tribe of New South Wales the taboos on dif-
322
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 323
ferent kinds of food, which were imposed on boys, were removed*
one taboo at a time, by their attendance at successive initiation
ceremonies, until, finally, they could eat what they pleased. 4 In
the Warramunga tribe of Central Australia men are usually well
on in middle age before being allowed to eat such things as wild
turkey, rabbit-bandicoot, and emu. Only men who are really very
old and whose "hair is turning white" may eat everything. Not
only are the young men debarred from eating various dainties, but
they are also required to bring in supplies of these for their elders. 5
In the Kaitish tribe the restrictions laid on young women are more
numerous than those laid on young men, and for an infraction of
each one a definite punishment is indicated. 6
Some of our best authorities on the Australian aborigines are
persuaded that the primary object of these prohibitions is to secure
an abundant and superior supply of food for the elders, with the
inculcation of discipline and habits of strict obedience on the part
of the young men and women as a secondary though not unim-
portant object. 7 It may well be true, however, that in many cases
the food restrictions affecting younger members of a tribe were
not at first primarily designed to contribute to the material wel-
fare of the elders. Nevertheless, this motive would tend to be-
come uppermost in a community where the old men rule and the
young people have such implicit belief in the terrible consequences
of any infraction of their regulations. An acute and original
thinker, the late Ernest Crawley, suggested that just as food was
doubtless the first form of property so the first human laws were
these food restrictions imposed and maintained by the tribal
authorities.
A general but by no means universal rule requires the mem-
bers of a totemic clan to abstain from eating the particular plant
or animal associated with them. This may be freely eaten, how-
ever, by members of other clans. If the totem is a plant, it will
not be gathered by the clansmen; if it is an animal, it will not be
killed by them. Sometimes they may not touch it, or look at it,
or speak of it by its proper name, but must use descriptive epi-
thets instead. These prohibitions are taboos, and the penalties
for their violation are such as characterize other taboos.
Where totemic taboos are found among hunting and fishing
tribes, for instance, the Australian aborigines, their practical effect
is to preserve the supply of a particular kind of food by diminish-
ing the number of persons in search of it. "Supposing for ex-
ample, that ten men go out into the bush in quest of food. Every
324 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
pian of the party will take care that he does not injure his own
totem during the day's rambles. If one assumes that each hunter
has a different totem, then each man will allow a certain object
to go free ; or in other words, ten different animals or plants will
not be molested. But in such an expedition there would generally
be groups of men belonging to the same totem. For example,
there might be three kangaroo men, two iguana men, one porcu-
pine man, and four yam men. Then three of the party would not
harm a kangaroo under any circumstances, two would allow
iguanas to escape, one would not interfere with a porcupine, and
four would not gather yams. Let us suppose that a mob of kan-
garoos be encountered, then our hunting party, instead of number-
ing ten men, really consists of only seven. If iguanas are met
with, the hunters comprise but eight men. And if they come to a
fertile patch of ground, only six yam-diggers are available." Thus
some specific animal or plant is left unharmed by each member
of the tribe, whether male or female. 8
An elaborate system of food taboos has been discovered among
some Queensland tribes. The social groups observing these re-
strictions are not totemic clans; they are the four exogamous
subclasses (moieties) into which the tribe is divided. While the
ordinary totemic clan has only one tabooed food, whether plant or
animal, each subclass has several or even many articles of diet
from which its members must abstain. The taboos are imposed
on boys and girls at the arrival of puberty, that is, when they have
passed through the first initiation ceremony. Apparently, only
animal food is prohibited; no plants, trees, shrubs, or grasses
come under an interdict. The prohibition of eating certain animals
by members of the group is not necessarily extended to killing
such animals. Mr. W. E. Roth, to whom we owe this informa-
tion, believed that the exogamous classes were devised "to regu-
late the proper distribution of the total quantity of food available."
The taboos in question certainly operate to bring this about. The
husband, according to his subclass, lives on articles of food not
those of his wife (or wives) ; both live on articles of food not
those permissible to their offspring, who belong to a third sub-
class. "Hence, to put it shortly, whereas in a European community
with a common dietary, the more children there are to feed, the
less will become the share for the parents, in this North- West-
Central Queensland aboriginal system the appearance of children
will make no appreciable difference in minimizing the quantity
of food available for those who give them birth. Any scarcity
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 325
in the total quantity of all the food is met by a change of camping
ground." 9
Food taboos often have an association with the cult of guard-
ian spirits. In most cases these are animals. The tutelary animal
may be provided by a magician, as in Africa and sometimes in
Australia ; it may appear to the individual in a dream or a vision,
as in America ; or it may be arbitrarily selected for a child by his
parents. There are also cases of guardian spirits hereditary in
the male line. The animal thus brought into an intimate relation
with a person is usually sacrosanct to him.
In the Euahlayi tribe of New South Wales some members,
principally magicians or men intended to be such, receive from
their brothers in the magical art an animal familiar, the yunbeai.
It is of great assistance to a man because he has the power to
assume its shape; for example, if a magician who had a bird as
his yunbeai was in danger of being wounded or killed, he could
change himself into that bird and fly away. Sometimes a man
(or a woman) who is very ill receives a yunbeai, and its strength
goes into the patient and restores him to health. A man must
never eat his animal familiar or he will die, and any injury to it
hurts him too. 10
In the Banks Islands there is also a definite identification of
personality between a man and his tamaniu, or animal familiar.
The injury or death of the one necessarily involves the illness or
death of the other. A man who has obtained a tamaniu from
some expert in magic keeps its abode very secret, for were this
known, someone might kill it and thus kill the owner. The tama-
niu is useful in two ways. It can be made to harm an enemy in
the manner peculiar to itself; if it is an eel or centipede, it will
bite him; if a shark, it will swallow him. The tamaniu also serves
as a kind of life-token and, upon being interrogated, will tell a
sick owner whether he is going to live or to die. One who has a
tamaniu never eats an animal of the species to which it belongs. 11
Among the Samoans every person from birth was supposed
to be under the care of some "god," whose name happened to be
invoked just as the child was born. Such a god appeared in the
shape of some species of animal, and a man was careful never
to injure or treat with contempt any member of the species. He
would eat freely another man's incarnate deity, but on no account
would he eat his own. If he did so, the god would avenge the
insult by taking up an abode in the culprit's body and there gener-
ating an animal of the same kind until it caused his death. 12
326 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
The vganrong of the Sea Dayak or Iban of Borneo is usually
the spirit of a man's ancestor or deceased relative. To the man
the spirit manifests itself in a dream, taking human form and
announcing that it will be his "secret helper." On the day after
such a dream a native will wander through the jungle and look
for signs by which he may recognize the ngarong; "and if an ani-
mal behaves in a manner at all unusual, if a startled deer stops a
moment to gaze at him before bounding away, if a gibbon gam-
bols about persistently in the trees near him, if he comes upon a
bright quartz-crystal or a strangely contorted root or creeper, that
animal or object is for him full of a mysterious significance and
is the abode of his ngarong." When, as is most often the case,
it takes the form of some animal, all individuals of that species
become objects of special regard to him; he will not kill or eat
the animal and he will try to restrain others from doing so. A
ngarong may after a time manifest itself in some new form, but
the man continues, nevertheless, to respect the animal form in
which it first appeared. In some cases this cult spreads through
an entire family or household, and a man's children and grand-
children will be under an obligation to respect the secret helper
although they themselves are not aided by it. 18
The cult of guardian spirits was widely developed among the
American Indians, examples being the nagual of the Central
American tribes and the manitou of the tribes of Algonquian stock.
When the guardian spirit appears in animal form, the votary is
sometimes careful not to injure animals of that species and to
abstain from eating them. This is true, for instance, of the Hi-
datsa, the Arapaho, the Maidu of northern California, the Tinne,
and the Copper Eskimo. More commonly, no such taboos are
observed. By the Lillooet of British Columbia the most successful
hunters of a particular species of animal are believed to be the
men who have that species as their patron. The Eskimo of the
Yukon district in Alaska freely eat the flesh of their patron
animal ; they also wear a piece of its skin or one of its bones as a
talisman. Among the Thompson Indians, the Shuswap, and some
other tribes, the guardian spirits are not whole animals but parts of
animals, for instance, the head of a bird or a deer's nose; in such
cases the votary abstains from eating only that part of the crea-
ture, while he freely partakes of all the rest. 14
Special food taboos may pertain to individuals, to families,
or to social ranks and classes. Among the natives of the Trobriand
Islands a complex system of taboos, including those on food and
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 327
binding on both sexes, serve to indicate the different gradations
of rank recognized by the people. For instance, a woman who
marries a man of lower rank than herself must keep her food,
cooking utensils, dishes, and drinking vessels apart from those
of her husband. More commonly, it is the latter who is subject to
restriction : he must forego such articles of diet as are forbidden
to his wife. While the food prohibitions are true taboos, since
illness results from even their accidental violation, the real force
upholding them is the strong conviction that the tabooed food is
disgusting and defiling in itself. "A citizen of Omarkana will
speak of the stingaree eaters of the lagoon villages with the same
disgusted contempt as the right-minded Briton uses towards the
frog-and-snail-eaters of France, or the European towards the
puppy-and-rotten-egg-eaters of China/' 15
Among the natives of Murua (Woodlark Island), to the east
of the Trobriands, the observance of a special food taboo by par-
ents and child establishes a strong bond between them. The taboo
is imposed by the husband's father, but only after the birth of a
first child begotten in lawful wedlock. It relates to certain fish and
continues for the lifetime of those subject to it. 16
Members of the Iniat (Ingiet), a secret society in New Brit-
ain, do not eat hogs, sharks, turtles, dogs, cuttlefish, and one or
two kinds of fish. They believe that their souls reside permanently
or temporarily in these animals. A man who is being initiated
into any society is sometimes forbidden to eat certain articles of
food for a long time, and often he voluntarily abstains from them
after the restriction is lifted. 17
In Mota, one of the Banks Islands, many people, perhaps as
many as half the population, are not permitted to eat the flesh of
certain animals or to eat certain fruits. The reason for the pro-
hibition in most cases is that a person subject to the taboo is
believed to be the animal or the fruit in question, because his
mother received an influence from the one or the other before his
birth. Thus should a woman sitting down in her garden or in the
bush or on the shore find an animal in or near her loincloth, she
carefully tends it, if a land animal, on the land; if a water animal,
in a pool or stream. After a time it disappears, but its spiritual
form enters the woman's body. When she gives birth, the child
is regarded as being in some sense the animal (or fruit) which
has been found and cared for by the mother. The child may not
eat the animal during the whole of its life; serious illness or death
would be the consequence of a violation of the taboo. If it is a
328 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
fruit that has been found, the child may not eat it or touch the
tree on which it grows, the latter restriction applying when the
fruit is inedible. Our authority mentions the case of a girl, an
eel-child, who had unwittingly broken the prohibition. One day
she went fishing with some companions. They caught some fish,
including an eel. All were cooked in one pot and were then eaten.
A few hours later the girl began to rave and became quite mad.
"The people inquired into the doings of the child and found that
she had not eaten any part of the eel, but only the fish cooked in
the same pot, and this was held to be sufficient to have produced
her condition." The idea underlying the prohibition of the plant
or animal as food is that a person eating it would be feasting in
cannibal fashion upon himself. 18
Among the Bantu-speaking peoples of South Africa it is diffi-
cult to find a native who does not have at least one taboo (often
on a particular kind of food), which he regards as all-important
for his life and well-being. A "man of no principles" is a "man
who eats anything" a man without taboos. He who breaks a
taboo is despised, is called all sorts of vile names, and, if his
offense becomes publicly known, is branded as a social outcast. 19
In the Wabena tribe of Tanganyika Colony every man has an
inherited food taboo. It is attributed to some unfortunate expe-
rience of an ancestor. "He ate something which disagreed with
him, or his eating it 'caused* his children to die." That particular
article of diet henceforth becomes forbidden to him and his de-
scendants. It may be an animal or part of one; less often it is a
plant or a plant product. The people believe that dire consequences
follow the violation of the food taboo. The alleged increase of
leprosy at the present time is so explained. The Wabena now get
about more than in former days, so that it is hard for a man to
be sure of avoiding an unintentional transgression of the taboo.
"Who knows, for instance, what may have been cooked in the pot
borrowed from a friendly stranger?" To meet this difficulty there
is a rite of recent origin whereby a man is absolved from the con-
sequences of eating his mwicko, whether he does so by accident
or of set purpose. He ceremonially eats it, when cooked by a
medicine man, along with certain medicines. Neither he nor his
descendants will suffer harm if this rite is carried out. It is most
often practiced when the ban has been placed on a common article
of food, thus producing great inconvenience. Sometimes a na-
tive will give up his old food taboo and take on another, "and
this may account for the fact that some of the most notorious
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 329
gourmands possess the most uncommon and least inconvenient
mwcko!" 2 '
Among the Bangala of the Upper Congo everyone observes a
taboo (ngili) of some kind of food. It is not uncommon to hear
a person, as he goes through a town, crying out, "Exchange for
a piece of antelope." Though he may kill that animal, it may not
be eaten by him; he tries, therefore, to barter it for something
eatable. 21 In the Lower Congo region there is scarcely an article
of food which is not prohibited to this or that member of a tribe.
Some taboos are inherited and so are always permanent, while
others are imposed by a medicine man and so are often temporary.
The inherited taboo passes from father to son, being about the
only thing that is inherited among these tribes. As long as a
daughter continues in her father's household or remains unmar-
ried, she also must keep the taboo, but upon marriage she takes
over that of her husband. A father will sometimes tell his child
of the taboo in question; in most cases the announcement is left
to the medicine man. To fail in the strict observance of a food
restriction means dire consequences to the child either some
unknown but great misfortune or illness and disease sure to end
in death. In one family the inherited taboo may be not to eat any
wild animal with spots on it, such as a striped antelope. One who
breaks this taboo gets a very bad skin disease. Or the taboo may
be on hippopotamus flesh, which, when eaten, causes elephantiasis ;
or on a fish with opal eyes, whose consumption gives you ophthal-
mia; or on the great bullfrog, which, if you eat it, will make your
eyes bulge out like the frog's. In all these instances the penalties are
more or less in keeping with the broken prohibitions. On the other
hand, the penalties of imposed taboos are quite arbitrary, being
set forth according to the whimsical fancies of whatever "doctor"
is called in to treat the patient. Thus, a woman troubled with fits
might be ordered never to look in a mirror or gaze at her reflec-
tion in a stream, while a man might be told never to eat any form
of cassava, a taboo equivalent to prohibiting a European from
eating flour in any form. A food taboo may often be lifted after
a brief period by the doctor who imposed it, provided he receives
the proper fee for his services. 22
There is good reason to believe that many of the taboos ob-
served by the Lower Congo tribes are really beneficial, in spite of
all the "fetish buffoonery" accompanying them. "A native doctor
says, 'don't do this, don't go there, don't eat such and such/ the
taboo including the very thing which is at the root of the disease.
330 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
The patient recovers because, unknowingly maybe, the taboo has
hit upon the only remedy for the ailment. Again, the doctor for-
bids a patient to pass over a 'cross-road/ that includes the door-
step. Now rest is one of the principal items in the treatment of
any disease, therefore the very fact that the patient stays in the
house in obedience to a simple, sensible taboo, in many cases means
recovery, which, after all, is the main thing. If the taboo is on
food, the patient is probably cured of indigestion, scurvy, or some
other disagreeable ailment, by a very wise and necessary abstention
from meats or herbs which have caused the trouble." 28
Personal food taboos are observed by the Bakalai or Bakele,
a tribe of Gabon. Du Chaillu, who lived with them for some time,
found that there was scarcely a man to whom some article of food
was not tabooed. "Some dare not taste crocodile, some hippo-
potamus, some monkey, some boa, some wild pig, and all from
this belief. They will literally suffer the pangs of starvation rather
than break through this prejudice; and they very firmly believe
that if one of a family should eat of such forbidden food, the
women of the same family would surely miscarry and give birth
to monstrosities in the shape of the animal which is roondah, or
else die of an awful disease." In addition to such inherited taboos,
which are observed by all the members of a man's family, the
fetish doctor sometimes forbids a person to touch certain kinds
of food. In this case the prohibition extends only to the man, and
not to his family. 24 According to Dr. Nassau, long a missionary
among the tribes of this region, it is difficult to ascertain the
reason for imposing an orunda. The prohibited article or act
would seem to be, however, a sacrifice, ordained for the child by
its parents and the fetish doctor, as a gift to the governing spirit
of its life. What is thus prohibited becomes removed from the
child's common use, becomes sacred to the spirit. "Any use of it
by the child will thenceforth be a sacrilege which would draw
down the spirit's wrath in the form of sickness or other evils, and
which can be atoned for only through expensive ceremonies and
by gifts to the magician interceding for the offender." Dr. Nas-
sau confesses to a "strong suspicion" that where the orunda laid
on women relates to meat, "superstition has played into the hands
of masculine selfishness, and denies to women the choice meat in
order that men may have the greater share." 28
In Calabar every person is subject to a taboo, which relates
to a particular food or to the method of eating. "When, in con-
sequence of the influence of white culture, a man gives up his Ibet.
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 331
he is regarded by good sound ju-juists as leading an irregular
and dissipated life, and even the unintentional breaking of the
Ibet is regarded as very dangerous. For example, in buying a
slave the purchaser always inquires what is the slave's Ibet, be-
cause if the slave were given his Ibet to eat, he would get ill."
According to one account, the elderly female relatives of a child
meet together soon after its birth and find out, by their magic,
what its taboo is to be. 2e
Three days after the birth of a Yoruba child the priest of the
god I fa, the most important deity, makes known what gods are
always to be worshiped and what taboos (ewo) are always to be
observed by the newcomer into the world. The taboos number
four, the first being a prohibition of marrying a woman whose
gods are the same as his own and the second a prohibition of
eating one's omen animal (a rat, a bird, or a snake). The other
two taboos apply, respectively, to a certain animal and a certain
plant, which must never be eaten. These, then, are a man's per-
sonal ezvo, distinguishing him from other men. 27
Among the Kpelle and other Liberian tribes all men who have
the same personal food taboos form brotherhoods. The members
of such an organization must give one another unlimited help,
must not go to law against one another, and when danger threat-
ens, each one must support his fellows. A member, when going
into a strange region, will look up his comrades there. They treat
him as a near relative, protect him, and support him. The taboo
descends from the father to his children ; children frequently take
the mother's also. A married woman retains her taboo and often
adds to it that of her husband. 2 *
The observance of personal food taboos seems to have been
carried by West African slaves to Surinam. Among the Negroes
of this Dutch colony every child at birth inherits from its father
certain kina or trefu. These are prohibitions "against performing
an act that is hateful to some supernatural agent with which the
destiny of the individual is associated." Most trefu impose absti-
nence from certain foods throughout the entire course of a per-
son's life. In addition to such dominant taboos, each person adds
others as he grows older. Some come to him when he becomes
the votary of a god or gods for each deity likewise has its
trefu and the worshiper of any deity takes over its tabooed
foods. Other taboos are acquired when he obtains or uses certain
charms. The trefu, whether inherited or acquired, may prohibit
the eating of a certain kind of fish, a special kind of meat, or
332 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
some vegetable. Milk, mutton, beef, and shellfish are most often
tabooed. A child learns his trefu from his mother. She knows
what things her husband must not eat and takes care that her
child avoids them also. The penalty for failure to observe the
inherited trefu is skin disease, at first a mild form of eczema,
which develops into leprosy should the prohibitions be persistently
disregarded. When a woman bears a child who later has skin
eruptions, in spite of his observance of the trefu, his affliction
is regarded as prima facie evidence that the woman had the child
by a man other than her husband. The belief, we are told, serves
as a social check on a wife's unfaithfulness. 29
Among the North American Indians food taboos are some-
times imposed by a medicine man upon a patient whom he has
cured. These are either temporary or permanent. Among the
Tinne of central Alaska a man may be required to abstain from
eating or drinking anything hot or from a certain kind of fish
or meat. Such regulations are scrupulously observed. Their
imposition enables the medicine man to keep a strong hold on
the people, who are thus trained in the habit of obeying him and
of following his directions. 80 Similarly, among the Central Es-
kimo a medicine man who has treated a sick person may impose
upon him some dietary prohibition, for instance, of eating venison.
A taboo of this sort is not permanent. 81
The savage, though almost omnivorous, nevertheless avoids
many foods which are not harmhtf but healthful and whose con-
sumption would raise his standard of living. He fails to utilize
all the means of subsistence available to him. Fish, swine, poultry,
eggs, and milk are most commonly forbidden, but other useful
foods also come under prohibition.
It is said that, while the Tasmanians ate shellfish, a scaled fish
of any kind was an abomination to them and that they would
rather starve than eat it. 82 As a rule, the aborigines of Victoria
will not eat pork "or any kind of fat the nature and origin of
which are not known to them." 88 The same repugnance to the
flesh of swine is found in Queensland. 84 The Arunta and other
Central Australian tribes will not eat mushrooms and toadstools.
These are believed to be fallen stars and to be endowed with arung-
quiltha, noxious power or "evil magic." 85
At Bartle Bay, British New Guinea, unmarried people of both
sexes do not eat the wallaby, "lest this food should cause the
members of the opposite sex to dislike them." 86 The natives of
New Britain do not use milk or any of its preparations, although
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 333
blood is eaten when cooked with certain leaves and pieces of
pork. 87 In the Torres Islands the shark is not eaten because one
who did so would be caught by a shark when in the sea, and the
sea-eel is not eaten because it is believed to be poisonous. The
octopus is also avoided. 88 The people of Ulawa, one of the Solo-
mon Islands, do not eat bananas or plant banana trees. "It was
found that the origin of this restraint was recent and well re-
membered ; a man of much influence had at his death not long ago
prohibited the eating of bananas after his decease, saying that he
would be in the bananas. The elder natives would still give his
name and say, 'We cannot eat So-and-So.' When a few years
had passed, if the restriction had held its ground, they would have
said, 'We must not eat our ancestor.' " 89
Among the Sow and some other tribes of Sarawak, goats,
fowls, and a fine kind of fern, forming an excellent vegetable
food, are forbidden to men, though women and children may par-
take of them. 40 The Dayak of Malintam and Njawan allow women
and children to eat the flesh of apes, deer, and crocodiles, but cir-
cumcised men must not do so, under penalty of becoming mad. 41
The Ainu are said never to eat eggs. 42 Some of the coast tribes
of Formosa do not eat fish. 43 Some tribes of Kafiristan "detest
fish, though their rivers abound in them." 44 The flesh of hogs is
never eaten by the Tangkhul of Manipur. Some people say that
the pork eater would become prematurely gray, develop insanity,
and die. Others predict his horrible death from boils. 45
The Vedda avoid the flesh of elephants, leopards, jackals,
bears, wild buffaloes, domestic buffaloes, and, in most cases, both
wild and domestic fowl. Vedda shamans also abstain from eating
the pig. 48 The natives of the Nicobar Islands do not use milk. 4T
Among the Toda, while the milk of the non-sacred buffaloes may
be drunk by anyone, that of the sacred buffaloes may not be used,
except in the form of butter and buttermilk, by ordinary people. 48
Milk is not used by many other aboriginal tribes scattered over a
wide area in India, and the aversion to using it prevails through-
out eastern Asia and the East Indies. 49
The Bantu-speaking peoples of South Africa very generally
abstain from eating fish; they call fish water snakes, and avoid
even touching them. Many natives will not eat pork, but this
abstinence is neither so universal nor so stringent as is the rejection
of fish. 50 OBservance of the fish taboo is regarded as a mark of
distinction ; thus a Zulu boy, living with the Thonga, refused to
eat fish as they did and boasted of his social superiority to them
334 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
on that account. 51 Almost everything in the way of meat is
welcome to the Thonga, and caterpillars, coleoptera, larvae, and
locusts are universally appreciated. Nevertheless, some people re-
fuse to eat pork, "probably because pigs are modern," while
snails are despised by everyone. 52 By the Zulu, fish and the harte-
beest are never eaten. Formerly there was also a taboo of the
gnu and of the eland, but these valuable food animals are now
avoided only by girls and young unmarried women. It was be-
lieved that one who ate the inner fat of the eland would lose all
power of procreation. Ducks, domestic fowls, and birds' eggs
are consumed only by very young and very old people. 58
The Wanyamwezi formerly never ate poultry and still avoid
eating eggs. 54 The coastal Somali do not eat hens, eggs, birds,
rodents, or game animals. The avoidances seem to be true taboos,
for the natives would not use again a pan in which a fowl had
been cooked by a European traveler among them. 55 Among the
Atheraka of Kenya wild birds and fowls are not eaten except by
uncircumcised children; eggs and fish are not eaten by anyone. 58
Nothing but dire starvation will induce the Akikuyu to eat wild
meat. As regards fish, it is specifically laid down "by custom and
tradition" that to eat them makes a person ceremonially unclean.
Eggs, also, are not used as food. 57 By the Banyoro of Uganda
goats, sheep, fowls, and all kinds of fish are "absolutely forbid-
den" to be eaten. 58 The Galla scorn to eat eggs. 59
Milk is not used by the Bayaka of the Belgian Congo, although
blood is eaten cooked. 60 While the Bahuana allow women to eat
frogs, men must not do so, "under penalty of becoming ill." 61 The
Bangala (Boloki) of the Upper Congo, who eat nearly every-
thing that is eatable, including palm maggots, certain kinds of
caterpillars, and large bats, regard milk with abhorrence. Any-
one drinking milk is considered unclean for several days and is
not allowed to take his meals with his family. They may milk
the goats and sheep of the missionary without suffering defile-
ment, but the fluid must not touch their lips. Raw eggs are also
tabooed by the Bangala, although they will eat well-cooked eggs,
no matter how unsavory these may be. 62
The natives of the Loango coast abstain from the flesh of
goats lest their skin scale off; from poultry lest their hair drop
out ; and from wild birds lest their children be born with crooked
feet. 68 The Bakwiri of the Cameroons forbid the eating of fowls
and eggs by women. The Bakundu extend this prohibition to
men. 64 The Ashanti do not eat eggs and "cannot be persuaded to
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 335
taste milk." 66 An Ibo "revels in tinned milk," whereas he shud-
ders at the thought of drinking milk fresh from the cow. 86 In
Northern Nigeria, among the still heathen tribes, a man never
milks his cattle. 67
The aborigines of the Canary Islands never ate fish and did
not know how to catch them. 68 Milk, whether of cow or goat or
sheep or mare, is never drunk by the Lengua Indians of the Para-
guayan Chaco. Old people consider it unfit for them. Young peo-
ple are forbidden to drink it because of the idea that it will affect
them not only physically but also mentally, and the Indians have
no desire that their offspring should have animal characteristics. 69
The Bororo of Brazil think that every tapir, every wild pig,
and every alligator shelters the soul of a deceased tribesman;
hence they never kill one of these animals unless a magician is
within reach to exorcise its soul. "They believe if they should
eat it they would surely die." 70
Another Brazilian tribe, the Coroado, "will not taste the meat
of the deer, lest they should lose their rich black hair ; or the pro-
tuberance on the neck of the tapir, which is the best morsel, lest
they should lose the love of their wives. In the same way they
avoid the meat of the duck and of the cutia, a very savoury rodent,
lest their children should acquire big, ugly-shaped feet and ears." 71
Certain food animals, notably the deer and the tapir, are not uti-
lized by the Jivaro on account of taboos. While there is no hesi-
tation in killing deer and furnishing them to white people to use
as food, the natives themselves will not partake of deer meat. 72
Swine are tabooed as food by the Wapisiana of British Guiana. 78
The Guiana Indians, it is said, refuse to eat the flesh of such ani-
mals as are not indigenous to their country but were introduced
from abroad, such as oxen, sheep, goats, and fowls. If there is
an utter lack of other food, these will be sometimes eaten, but
only after the medicine man or an old woman (who may take his
place) has blown on them a number of times, "apparently on the
principle that the spirit of the animal about to be eaten is thus
expelled." 74
By the Seri Indians of Mexico the smaller rodents, especially
squirrels, are "excluded from the menu by a rigidly observed tabu
of undiscovered meaning." As a result, the animals have multi-
plied so abundantly that their burrows honeycomb the land for
hundreds of square miles and make much of it impassable for
horses and nearly so for pedestrians. Thus invaders are kept out
and the country is protected against aliens. 75
336 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Swine are never eaten by the Zuni, who reserve them as food
for their captive eagles. There is no taboo against swine, only
disgust at the thought of eating the village scavengers. "They
cannot comprehend why white people eat pork, and yet they eat
food that would disgust us." Ta The Zuni, also, will not eat fish
or any other creature living in water. They say that in a desert
land water is scarce and hence sacred. All things really or appar-
rently belonging to water, and all creatures living in it, partake of
this sacredness. Fish, which eat water, chew it, and breathe it,
are therefore especially sacred. 77
The Navaho "must never touch fish, and nothing will induce
them to taste one ; their forests abound with wild turkey, but they
are strictly forbidden to eat them ; bears are quite numerous, but
as they are also taboo they will not even touch a bearskin ....
and the flesh of swine they abominate as if they were the devout-
est of Hebrews." 78 Although the streams in the land of the Apache
teem with fish, these are never eaten. Pork is also avoided by the
Apache. 70 According to an old account, when swine were first
brought among the Chickasaw Indians, "they deemed it such a
horrid abomination in any of their people to eat that filthy and
impure food, that they excluded the criminal from all religious
communion in their circular town-house, or in their quadrangular
holy ground at the annual expiation of sins, equally as if he had
eaten unsanctified fruits. After the yearly atonement was made
at the temple, he was indeed readmitted to his usual privileges." 80
The Pawnee Indians tabooed swine. 81
It is said that some California Indians (near San Diego)
would not eat the flesh of "large animals." When, however, a
Franciscan mission was established in their territory the taboo
had to be removed, for they were now fed largely on beef. 82 By
the Twana and other Indians of Washington the mallard duck
was not eaten until after the whites came into the country. They
explained the prohibition by the fact that the bird fed on snails. 88
Sometimes there are prohibitions regarding the preparation
of food in certain ways and other rules which forbid the eating
of it under certain circumstances. Evil spirits punish an Anda-
man Islander who offends them by baking or roasting pig's flesh,
the smell of which they detest. Since it is also obnoxious to Pu-
luga, a mythical being, he often assists them in discovering the
delinquent. The same risk does not attend the boiling of pork, for
the olfactory nerves of the fastidious spirits are not keen enough
to detect the smell of pork prepared in this manner. 84 The An-
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 337
damanese, furthermore, dare not use for fuel in cooking turtle
the wood of a certain tree whose bark supplies the fiber for mak-
ing harpoon lines and turtle nets. Such an action is so abhorrent
to "Mr. Moon" that he visits offenders with summary punishment.
Men would have their throats cut and women would be deprived
of their breasts. However, this particular wood may be safely
burned when other animals, pigs for instance, are being prepared
for food. 85
For the Masai, milk is a sacred fluid. They never sell or give it
to strangers. The most heinous act which a stranger can commit
when among them is to boil milk. Doing this so enrages the cows
that they will at once run dry. An offender against the rule must
pay a heavy fine, or, failing that, "the insult to the holy cattle
will be wiped out in his blood." 86 The Bahima of Uganda even
say that "if a European puts his milk into tea it will kill the cow
which gave the milk." 87 This aversion to boiling milk for fear of
injury to the cattle is shared by many other pastoral tribes in
Africa. 88
Among the Pomeroon Arawak "when an animal is killed with
an arrow-trap or a gun-trap, its flesh has to be cooked in a pot
without a cover, over a fire that is not too large, so as to avoid
any water boiling over. Were either of these matters not at-
tended to, there would be no further use either for the arrow or
for the gun, as all the game of the same kind as that recently
trapped would take its departure to another region." 89 The Nav-
aho taboo the wood of the corral in which antelopes are trapped
and never cook food over a fire of wood from such an enclosure.
They even keep at a distance from such a fire, dreading to feel its
warmth or to inhale its smoke. 90
A taboo of universal application among the Copper Eskimo
of Coronation Gulf forbids the products of the land and of the
sea from being cooked in the same pot at the same time. Accord-
ingly, when the natives are living on the land and have stocks of
both deer meat and seal meat, the one is cooked in the morning and
the other at night. Nevertheless, both kinds of food may be eaten
by them at the same time. 91 In many places on the coast driftwood
would supply the natives with a fair amount of fuel if it were
not deliberately avoided, as a rule, because of the taboo against
mingling products of the sea with those of the land. Driftwood
comes from the sea, consequently, caribou and fish that are caught
in rivers and lakes, must not be cooked over a fire of that kind of
wood. 92 By the Labrador Eskimo, sea foods and land foods are
338 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
not eaten together. 98 The Central Eskimo may not eat venison on
the same day with whale, seal, or walrus flesh, nor may two such
kinds of food lie together on the floor of the hut, or behind the
lamps. They wash themselves before changing from the one food
to the other. 94
Among rude hunters, fishers, and food-gatherers much more
is possessed collectively than individually. Most economic goods
belong to the group as a whole ; the individual has only a right of
user which has not as yet passed into a recognized right of own-
ership. Camping places, hunting grounds, and fishing streams,
together with objects employed for religious or magical purposes,
such as sacred stones, masks, and bull-roarers, are looked upon as
community property sometimes that of a single family, but more
often that of a clan or a tribe. In the light of these conceptions,
it is scarcely surprising to learn that even the untutored savage
realizes that there must be a closed season when certain plants
are not to be gathered and certain animals are not to be killed,
lest the supply of food, enjoyed by all members of the group, be
seriously diminished if not entirely destroyed. To secure the ob-
servance of the food restrictions by everybody, they often take
the form of taboos.
The intichiuma ceremonies of the Central Australian tribes
are performed by men of the different totemic groups for the
purpose of magically increasing the food supply of the entire
tribe. Each group, the kangaroo men or the witchetty grub men
for example, is believed to have immediate control over the num-
bers of the animal or plant whose name it bears. Each group is
bound, therefore, to contribute to the general stock of food by
working magic for the propagation of its totem. On no account
may this be eaten until it is abundant and fully grown. Any in-
fringement of the rule is thought to nullify the result of the magic
and so to reduce the available supply of food. When the totem
becomes plentiful, the nonmembers bring to the camp a large
supply of the animal or plant. They do not eat it, however, until
the men of the totemic group have eaten sparingly of it or have
performed some simple rite, such as rubbing themselves with the
animal's fat, and have given verbal permission. The season for
kangaroos or witchetty grubs is now open. All may indulge in
them freely, except those for whom the animal or plant in question
is their totem. 95
In the Mekeo district of British New Guinea the Fuluaari
secret society has the responsibility of enforcing taboos on areca
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 339
nuts and coconuts, when the supply on the trees is running short,
but these prohibitions are imposed by a special official, the afu (ta-
boo) chief. When there is a good show of nuts, the chief proclaims
that on a certain day the prohibition will be lifted. It has been
known to endure as long as thirty-two weeks. 98 In the delta of
the Purari River occupied by the Namau group of tribes large
tracts of land, bearing coconuts, and long waterways were an-
nually put under a taboo. A number of young men, wearing the
masks of a secret society, patrolled the river banks and warned
passers-by against taking the coconuts or catching the fish in that
part of the river that had been marked off. The young men,
whose persons were regarded as "sacred," carried bows and ar-
rows and shot anyone who dared to ignore the taboo. It was "a
primitive but effective way of preserving food which was the
common right of all their people." 97
Among the Massim tribes of southeastern New Guinea the
reefs and fishing grounds in the immediate neighborhood of a
hamlet are considered the property of that hamlet, and its old men
have the power of protecting them by a taboo which is valid
against all comers. Usually men of hamlets other than the one
having the property right over a particular reef join in the first
fishing after the removal of the taboo. The fish caught are di-
vided equally among the fishermen. 98 Among the Mailu of Oran-
gerie Bay, if fish become scarce in any particular place on the
reef or near it, the old men or the headman of the clan owning
rights over the reef erect a taboo sign on the spot. It stands for
three or four lunar months. When, upon investigation, the fish
are found to be plentiful again, the sign is removed and fishing is
resumed. 99
The natives of the Trobriand Islands put a taboo (kaytubu-
tabu) on both coconut palms and betel-nut palms. It is imposed
by a magician, who at the same time recites various spells designed
to make the fruit plentiful. During its continuance the people are
not allowed to eat or in any way use coconut in the village, though
they may do so outside the village precincts. They must also re-
frain from making a noise, especially by chopping or hammering,
and they must be careful not to allow any firelight to be seen in
the village. If the coconuts were shocked by either sound or
light, they would fall down unripe. The taboo period lasts for
two months. As our authority observes, the real incentive for
keeping the prohibitions is the belief that nonobservance of them
would nullify the magician's spells. 100
340 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
In New Britain there are no particular periods during which
certain foods may not be eaten except when a taboo is placed
upon them by a chief or by the Dukduk or some similar secret
society. "This is generally done either to increase the quantity by
making as it were a close season, or for monetary reasons." 101
Throughout the New Hebrides coconuts are under a taboo till
all the other crops are planted, "and death is the penalty of eating
the forbidden f ruit." 102 In the Loyalty Islands a "big chief" would
occasionally taboo all the coconut trees in his district. When the
restriction was removed, the nuts were gathered into a huge pile
and divided among the people. Nowadays the nuts are still ta-
booed, in order to provide a supply of copra. 103 In the Fiji Islands
it was customary for a chief to put coconut groves under an inter-
dict until the nuts ripened. Fishing grounds were also subject to
the same restriction. While "fear of the gods" helped to support
the taboo, an intending transgressor knew that he might be robbed
of his possessions, have his gardens despoiled, or even be killed. 104
Closed seasons seem to have been observed throughout the
Polynesian area. In Tikopia, which lies to the northeast of the
Banks Islands, the people are arranged in four divisions, each one
with a chief and its own district. The chief has the power to taboo
any particular place in order that the coconut trees on it may
reach a proper size before being gathered. 105 At Tongatabu, ac-
cording to the testimony of Captain Cook, the special officer "who
presided over the taboo" inspected all the produce of the island,
taking care that every man should plant and cultivate his quota
and ordering what should be eaten and what not. "By this wise
regulation they effectually guard against a famine; a sufficient
quantity of ground is employed in raising provisions ; and every
article thus raised is secured from unnecessary waste." 106
In the Society Islands certain foods were tabooed in times of
dearth. 107 In the Marquesas Islands, should the quantity of bread-
fruit in a district be seriously diminished, the chief could taboo
the trees for as long as twenty months so that they might recover
their vigor. If fish were beginning to get scarce, a taboo might
be laid on one part of the bay in order to allow the fish to
spawn without being disturbed. 108 In the Hawaiian Islands, as
elsewhere in the Polynesian area, fishing formed one of the chief
means of livelihood and ranked next to agriculture in importance.
Communal regulations relating to fishing were imposed twice a
year in connection with two sacred fish, the aku, or bonito, and
the opelu. Each was tabooed by turns for six months "not to be
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 341
eaten on pain of death." 109 It was customary for the Maori to
place a tapu upon farms and their productions while ripening;
rivers, also might be tabooed. 110
The men's clubs (kaldebekel) in the Pelew Islands proclaim
and enforce a taboo (blul) laid by the chiefs on coconuts, pigs,
the betel tree, or anything else of which there is or may be a
shortage. Formerly death was the penalty for a breach of such a
prohibition ; now the culprit is confined in the clubhouse until ran-
somed by the head chief. 111 In the Mortlock Islands, when the
breadfruit becomes ready for eating, the chief taboos coconuts
for three or four months so that there may be a sufficient supply
of the old nuts. Fishing may also be placed under a general inter-
diction or be allowed to certain persons only, in order to conserve
the supply of fish. 112
Among the Naga tribes of Manipur numerous communal ta-
boos forbid various activities, including hunting and fishing, at
a time when the people are engaged in agricultural labor. Their
effect is to provide a much-needed closed season for wild animals,
"for these sportsmen spare not the does." 118
The Purrah or Poro, a secret society of the Mendi of Sierra
Leone, places its interdict "upon trees, streams, fishing-pots, fruit
trees, oil palms, bamboo palms, growing crops, and in fact upon
all and everything that is required to be reserved for any par-
ticular use." 11 * A piece of rag, a stone, or a few sticks may be the
only indication that a taboo has been imposed, but it is effective.
"Water is kept uncontaminated ; trees laden with fruit are not
touched, except by the owner; the entrances of villages and spe-
cial bush-paths are kept clean ; fish are preserved when necessary ;
and a man's property is absolutely safe." 115 The imposition of
such taboos seems to be a common function of the West African
secret societies, for we are told that boys undergoing initiation
into them learn from their instructors "why there should be close
seasons for certain oil-bearing and fruiting trees, and for certain
beasts, birds, and fish." 116
It is said that the Fuegians abstained from shooting young
birds before these were able to fly. When the surgeon on board
the "Beagle" shot some ducklings as specimens, a native said to
him, "Oh, Mr. Bynoe, very bad to shoot little duck come wind
come rain blow very much blow." 117 The Guiana Indians
believe that if they kill too many of one kind of game the "bush
spirit" of that particular animal may come and do them harm. 118
Among the Seri Indians the pelican is the bird held most in
342 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
regard, for it forms one of the chief articles in the native dietary.
The principal haunt and only known breeding-place is an island
in the Gulf of California. The pelican, a fleshy, sluggish creature,
is almost defenseless when attacked on its sleeping grounds. If
hunted indiscriminately, it would soon become extinct. "Yet it
survives in literal thousands to patrol the waters of all Seriland
in far-stretching files and veers seldom out of sight in suitable
weather." Taboos among the Seri protect the bird during the
breeding season. 119 The Hopi Indians of Arizona, who greatly
prize eagle feathers as decorations in religious rites, regard these
birds and their nests as the common property of the clans. They
think it wrong to take all the young from the nest at any one
time. "It is evidently due to this taboo that the perpetuation of the
species in Tusayan is effected." 120
These taboos thus have the practical effect of preserving the
plants and animals most important in the group economy. Crops
are allowed to mature, fruits to ripen, and beasts of field and fish
in the sea to increase and multiply. By imposing a restraint on
individual selfishness for the benefit of the group as a whole,
such prohibitions have operated, unquestionably, to deepen the
sense of community obligation.
Where closed seasons for plants and animals are observed,
it is customary to present a portion of the earliest ripened crop,
or of the game first killed, or of the fish first caught to the gods,
the ancestral spirits, or chiefs and kings for their consumption
before the people may partake of the new food. The gods, the
ancestors, or earthly rulers as intermediaries between men and
supernatural beings claim a share of the new produce, for to them
it is due and without their blessing it may not be safely devoted to
general use. What was originally a secular economic arrangement
to safeguard the food supply of the community is thus taken into
the sphere of religion. 121
In certain districts of Viti Levu, the largest of the Fiji Islands,
the first-fruits of the yam harvest were presented to the ancestors.
The ceremony took place in the stone enclosure known as the
nanga. No one might eat the new yams until this ceremony had
been performed. The yams thus offered were piled up in the sacred
place and left to rot there. An impious person who appropriated
them would be smitten with madness. 122
The. sacrifice of first-fruits seems to have formed a regular
part of the religious system of the Polynesians, for we possess
accounts of it among the Hawaiians, the Samoans, the Maori,
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 343
the natives of the Society Islands, and those of the Tonga Islands.
In the latter group the ceremony, called inachi, generally took
place about October. It was observed with scrupulous care, since
the people believed that to neglect it would bring upon them the
vengeance of the gods. According to William Mariner, the inachi
was the allotment of a portion of the fruits of the earth to the
gods in the person of the divine chief, the Tui Tonga, an allot-
ment made once a year, just before the yam crop had arrived at
maturity. 128 Similarly the Hawaiians sacrificed the first-fruits of
their orchards and gardens, together with a portion of their live-
stock, "as it was supposed death would be inflicted on the owner
or the occupant of the land, from which the god should not re-
ceive such acknowledgment." 12 * In Samoa it was usual to honor
the village chief with the first-fruits. Calamities of all sorts were
supposed to descend upon the family of anyone who failed to ob-
serve the custom. 125 Among the Maori the kumara, or sweet po-
tato, was a sacred plant; all persons engaged in its cultivation
were temporarily in a state of taboo; and the offering of its first-
fruits formed a solemn religious ceremony. 126
Ceremonies of first-fruits are common in Africa. With the
Thonga there is a prohibition to partake of the new harvest before
the gods, the chief, the sub-chiefs, the counselors, the headmen,
and the older brothers in order of age have had their share. For
others to precede them in its use would be a sin and would bring
on them misfortune. 127 Among the Akamba the elders of the vil-
lage, having gathered the first-fruits of the harvest, assemble at
the village meeting place, where they sacrifice a goat. Then they
cook samples of the various crops in a big pot, together with the
stomach contents of the goat. When the food is ready, the women
from the neighboring villages come around and receive some of
it. Were this ceremony omitted the people would become taboo
and be afflicted with diarrhoea. But, once performed, they may
reap and eat of the crop in perfect safety. 128 On the Gold Coast
the first-fruits festival, or yam "custom," generally occurs at the
end of August, when the new yams are ripe. People must not eat
them before the conclusion of the ceremonies by which the taboo
on them is lifted. The "custom" has a double purpose: it is a
thanksgiving to the gods for having protected the crops; and it
also serves to prevent the people from eating the green and un-
wholesome yams. The fetish men determine when the yams are in
a fit state for consumption and then fix the date for the cere-
monies. 12 *
344 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Private property is frequently protected by the imposition of
taboos. These include prohibitions of passage intended to pre-
serve a tract of territory from intrusion; prohibitions affecting
landed property, together with the crops and fruits upon it ; and
prohibitions affecting personal chattels and animals. They may
be imposed directly by the owner or else a chief, a magician, or
a secret society may be called upon to establish them. Their exist-
ence is usually indicated by some simple sign which is readily
understood by the passer-by. Like all taboos they operate auto-
matically; sooner or later the threatened evil descends on the hap-
less offender; he and his suffer sharp and condign punishment. 180
Taboos of private property seem to be almost unknown among
the wandering savages of Australia, who lead so literally a hand-
to-mouth existence and whose possessions are confined to what a
man wears or carries about with him, the things he finds or makes
with his own hands, Some of the Queensland aborigines hang up
a bull-roarer over anything which they wish to protect from mo-
lestation. A baby's navel-string can also be used to place a taboo
on yams and other objects, because the natives think that anything
brought to the spot where a newly born child is lying or which it
is allowed to touch becomes affected with its occult power. A man
who is going away from the camp, leaving there his arms and
food, will sometimes first urinate near these possessions. They
then become tami (equivalent to taboo), and he may be sure of
finding them intact on his return. 181
By the Eastern Islanders of Torres Straits a reddish powder
called kamer, found in rotten driftwood, was believed to be very
potent in magic, especially as a means of protecting gardens
from thieves. When bananas or other foodstuffs were ripe, the
owner of a garden would secretly prepare kamer and doctor one
of his trees. "As the thief was not certain which tree had been
poisoned, he was afraid to risk it and so left the food alone." 182
The Massim tribes of southeastern New Guinea protect prop-
erty by "no-trespass" signs. They make a distinction, however,
between taboos automatically enforced and prohibitions having
behind them only the force of custom and public opinion. At
Wagawaga, on Milne Bay, the former class is indicated by the
giriba sign, which has been smeared with a certain medicine and
applied by an old man who knows the correct formulas to recite at
the time. The latter class is indicated by the hato sign, which has
been set up without this ceremony. A person who stole any object
marked by the giriba sign would become sick. The owner himself
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 345
would suffer as severely as a stranger ; in fact, he would not think
of taking any fruit from a coconut tree thus protected until the
taboo had been lifted by the man who imposed it. On the other
hand, stealing anything marked by the liato sign, if undiscovered,
involves no inevitably unpleasant consequences. If the thief were
known, he would have to reckon with the owner or with the vil-
lage authorities for his conduct. 188 At Bartle Bay taboos for the
protection of private property can be imposed and removed only
by specialists who own the incantations which go with them and
make them efficacious. The incantations were bought from for-
mer owners, since deceased, and are sold to those who will pre-
serve them in the future. "It must be noticed that there is no
mystery in any part of the tabu, except the incantation. There
must, one may suppose, be some unseen power at the back of it,
but no one can explain what that power is. I asked the chief,
Magaia, of Wamira: but his only answer was, 'Who knows?'
i.e., no one knows." 184 Among the Mailu, when an owner of a
coconut tree suspects that his nuts will be stolen, he utters a spell
and binds the nuts together with some of their own fiber. A man
who steals them or intends to do so gets boils and swellings all
over his body and eventually dies. Banana trees and taro patches
are similarly protected. 185 Among the Orokaiva, while a native
may be inclined to respect the taboo signs on private property out
of consideration for the man neighbor, relative, or friend who
has set them up, there is always in his consciousness a fear of the
crippled leg or the crop of boils which he may get from interfer-
ing with objects possessing occult and evil power. 18 "
In the Northern D'Entrecasteaux Islands groves and gardens
are protected by taboos, each one with a definite penalty, such as
an eruption of sores, for its infringement. Emaciation is another
penalty, "and the whole hamlet will point the finger of reproach
at the delinquent; his only cure is to bathe frequently in salt
water." Despite all their taboos, the natives often rob the gardens
and groves, although those of a man famed for his skill in magic
would be respected. 187 In Dobu Island, which belongs to the
D'Entrecasteaux group, all diseases are supposed to be caused by
the violation of taboos with which incantations, "expressing black
hatred in an extremely ugly form," are associated. There is a
special incantation for each disease. Every man and woman
knows at least one of these spells; sometimes as many as five
will be known by a single person. The natives evince great fear
of them. When Mr. Fortune obtained the incantation for gangosa,
346 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
his informant insisted that no word of it should be uttered near
a human habitation; it must be uttered on a far and desolate
shore. Both Mr. Fortune and his informant had to cleanse them-
selves in the sea after repeating the dreadful words and had to
refrain from going near the village for several hours afterward.
Taboos, reinforced in this manner, are commonly used to protect
fruit trees situated away from the village. It would be quite out
of the question to taboo a tree in the village, for everyone would
contract a disease by mere propinquity to the tabooed object. Be-
fore a man can take the fruit from his own private tree he must
first nullify the effect of the incantation, thus removing the
taboo. 138
Throughout the Melanesian area taboos safeguard private
property. Among the Manus of the Admiralty Islands these are
called sorosol. In some cases people breaking such prohibitions
apparently do not suffer any evil consequences. The penalty is
paid by their children, who are born blind or deaf or with some
malformation, clubfeet, for instance. Other sorosol carry the pen-
alty of causing a miscarriage or a stillbirth. 139 In New Britain
people who do not respect the taboos protecting plantations and
coconut groves will fall ill or suffer some other misfortune. 140 In
the Solomon Islands a wife sometimes puts a taboo on her little
possessions to prevent a greedy husband from seizing them. 1 * 1
Taboos are chiefly used, however, to protect coconut groves and
taro patches. Hunting privileges over another man's land will be
similarly safeguarded. 142
In New Georgia the preventive against all trespass and rob-
bery is the erection of hope. These property marks are fashioned
in accordance with well-known "sympathetic" principles. At the
entrance to his coconut plantation the owner will set up a single
stick, three or four feet in length, with its top cleft for a short
distance. In the opening are placed a bunch of dead leaves, a piece
of fern root, and a wisp of grass. Sometimes the stick will be
crowned with a skull, part of an ant's nest, or a large shell. The
would-be thief, gazing on this complicated structure, has a picture
of the fate in store for him : according to the emblem of sanctity
exhibited will he wither away like the grass, become as hopelessly
moribund as the original owner of the skull, or perish like the
ants which once lived in the nest or the fish which once occupied
the shell. 148 In Eddystone Island nearly every disease "is ascribed
to the infraction of a taboo on the fruit of certain trees, especially
the coconut and betel-vine, the taboo, as well as the sign by which
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 347
it is known, being called kenjo." There are many varieties of
kenjo, each one with special rites for its imposition and removal.
The rites, as a rule, can be performed only by the man or small
group of men owning the variety of kenjo in question. He and
his fellows are consequently the only people who are able to treat
the disease produced by the infraction of that particular kenjo.
Thus, if a native violates the taboo called kirengge and in conse-
quence suffers from epilepsy or some other convulsive seizure,
he will consult as a doctor the man who is known to have the
power of imposing and removing this kind of a taboo. 144
In the Banks Islands a man, by virtue of his association with a
spirit, will put a taboo on a path, part of the beach, a canoe, a
fishing net, or fruit trees, "and no one would be surprised if sick-
ness fell at once upon anyone who should break the tapu." A
minor prohibition, soloi, is also found, in which probably there
is no direct reference to a supernatural sanction. "A person of no
particular distinction would set his soloi before the trees or gar-
den, the fruit and produce of which he wished to reserve for some
feast, and intruders would know at any rate that he carried his
bow and arrows." Stronger than any individual sanction for the
protection of private property is that of the secret societies called
Tamate. Each one has its leaf, and any member of a society can
set such a leaf as a mark. To disregard it would bring down upon
him the vengeance of all the members of the society. 145 At Tanna,
one of the New Hebrides, the rule is, steal whatever you can with-
out being found out. But a tubaJian (taboo) "is a more effective
barrier to petty thieving than the penalties of any police courts/ 1146
It was customary in the Fiji Islands to pick out good trees which
could be used for making kava bowls and other special articles
and reserve them by means of taboos, until they were wanted.
Such trees were considered very valuable, because of their scarcity
and the length of time required for their growth. 147
Taboos to protect private property in coconut trees and other
fruit trees find extensive use among the natives of Tikopia, who
remain little influenced by European civilization. On the whole, the
taboos operate effectively. People steal mainly from unguarded
orchards or from those in which the owner has merely set up
a no-trespassing sign. Sometimes a taboo is disregarded, how-
ever, either by a man so skeptical of its potency that he is ready
to take the risk of breaking it, or by a man who is not afraid of
doing so because he has previously dealt with its spirit guard-
ians. 148 At Niue, 'also, the natives continue to impose property
348 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
taboos. A man who takes anything from a tabooed place and later
discovers that it has been tabooed is likely to die from simple fear
of the consequences of his action. If a theft from a taro patch
has occurred, and the owner sees the hole where the taro stood,
he puts a curse on the thief. This is done by inserting in the
hole a stone wrapped in the leaves of a certain kind of fern ; as
a result, the thief has a stomach tumor. 149 In the Tonga Islands
a person who wants to protect his coconuts, for instance, will go
to a man who enjoys a reputation for curing a certain kind of
disease and get him to taboo them. A thief would acquire the
disease and for a cure would have to consult the man who imposed
the interdict, paying him well for his services. 150 In Tahiti a sign
indicating a property taboo continued to be respected long after
the beliefs on which its sanctity was founded had ceased to pre-
vail. 161
The Samoans made extensive use of taboo signs to prevent
stealing from plantations and fruit trees. Any sort of stick sus-
pended horizontally from a tree expressed the owner's wish that
a thief who touched the tree might have a disease running right
across his body and remaining there until he died. A few pieces
of clam shell buried in the ground and surmounted by some reeds
tied together at the top warned a prospective thief that he would
be afflicted with ulcerous sores. Another object of terror was the
white shark sign, made by plaiting a coconut leaf in the form of a
shark. When suspended from a tree, this was tantamount to an
expressed imprecation that the culprit might be devoured by a
white shark the next time he went fishing. Thus, declares our
missionary authority, the Samoans offered no exception to "the
remarkably widespread system of superstitious taboo; and the
extent to which it preserved honesty and order among a heathen
people will be readily imagined." 152
At Vaitupu, one of the Ellice Islands, it was the special busi-
ness of one of the four gods who ruled the earth "to watch and kill
the thieves." 158 Many taboo signs, employed by the natives of
Funafuti to protect their trees, are indistinct and easily over-
looked by foreigners. The natives, even the children, readily de-
tect them. 154 The people of Rotuma are said to be "honest to a
degree." They believe that should a person touch or eat the food
of another the owner, if he knows what has been done, can kill
the thief by means of magic wrought on the food. 156
During his residence among the Marquesans of Nukuhiva,
Herman Melville noticed how frequently breadfruit trees and
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 349
coconut trees had a wreath of leaves twined in a peculiar fashion
about their trunks. "This was the mark of the taboo. The trees
themselves, their fruit, and even the shadows they cast upon the
ground, were consecrated by its presence." 156 "The sanction of
the tapu," writes Robert Louis Stevenson, "is superstitious; and
the punishment of infraction either a wasting or a deadly sickness.
A slow disease follows on the eating of tapu fish, and can only be
cured with the bones of the same fish burned with the due mys-
teries. The cocoanut and breadfruit tapu works more swiftly. Sup-
pose you have eaten tapu fruit at the evening meal, at night your
sleep will be uneasy ; in the morning, swelling and a dark discolora-
tion will have attacked your neck, whence they spread upward to
the face ; and in two days, unless the cure be interjected, you must
die. This cure is prepared from the rubbed leaves of the tree
from which the patient stole ; so that he cannot be saved without
confessing to the kahuku the person whom he has wronged." It
is not unusual among the Marquesans for people to taboo their
trees secretly, so that they may detect a depredator by his sick-
ness. 167
The Maori, like some of the Melanesian peoples, distinguished
between property taboos and prohibitions whose efficacy depended
on the social position and influence of the person imposing them.
To impose a taboo the first step was to set up a post on the edge of
the forest or the bank of the stream to be safeguarded. A lock
of hair or a bunch of grass was attached to the post. The officiat-
ing priest then recited an incantation "to sharpen the teeth" of
the sign (rahui), "that it might destroy man." Anyone who vio-
lated the taboo thus imposed was believed to acquire, automatically,
a wasting disease. A prohibition without an incantation could be
imposed by a chief only, and its observance was a tribute to his
prestige. A chief would set up a post and hang an old garment
on it as a sign of the prohibition ; sometimes this was proclaimed
simply by word of mouth. Many kinds of economic resources
were thus temporarily preserved : the streams to prevent fish be-
ing taken out of their due season; the forests for their products;
cultivated food plants, flax, fern root, and places where red ochre
was obtained. 168
Taboos of private property are found widely in the East
Indies. 169 The people of Flores believe that many diseases which
afflict them come from eating some plant or fruit that has been
tabooed. Even merely going into a plantation thus protected will
have this result. The taboo is laid by a professional magician. 160
350 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
In the island of Timor a "prevalent custom is that of the pomali,
exactly equivalent to the 'taboo' of the Pacific islanders, and
equally respected. It is used on the commonest occasions, and a
few palm leaves stuck outside a garden as a sign of the pomali
will preserve its produce from thieves as effectually as the threat-
ening notice of man-traps, spring-guns, or a savage dog would
do with us." 161 When one of the Kubu, a small tribe of southern
Sumatra, finds a bee-infested tree in the forest, he clears away
the brush around it, makes one or two hacks on the bark, and re-
cites a spell. The tree is now his, and no one will dispute its pos-
session with him. 162 Some of the Land Dayak of Borneo make
rude figures of a naked man and woman. These are then placed
opposite each other on the path to the farms. The spirit which
inhabits each manikin will prevent inimical influences from af-
fecting the farms, "and evil betide the profane wretch who lifts
his hand against them violent fever and sickness would be sure
to follow." 168 In the Baram district an entire river is sometimes
tabooed by the camphor collectors. 184
The natives of the Nicobar Islands protect coconut trees by
tying leaves around the trunks. "The vast majority accept the
token as a warrant of ownership/' 165 In Ceylon, "to prevent fruit
being stolen, the people hang up certain grotesque figures around
the orchard and dedicate it to the devils, after which none of the
native Ceylonese will dare even to touch the fruit on any account.
Even the owner will not venture to use it till it be first liberated
from the dedication." This is done by a priest, who receives some
of the fruit for his services. 168
The Malagasy made use of various taboo signs to indicate
ownership or possession. One of the commonest of these was a
tall stick set upright in the ground and with a bunch of grass
fastened at the top. A road or a path might be tabooed by putting
a stick across it. 18T
The Cazembe, an Angola tribe, who keep their beehives on high
trees in the forest, protect them by fastening a "piece of medicine"
around the tree trunks. "The natives seldom rob each other, for
all believe that certain medicines can inflict disease and death;
and though they consider that these are only known to a few, they
act on the principle that it is best to let them all alone." 168 The
Wanika hang painted calabashes before the door of a hut to keep
thieves away. Shells, dolls, and other objects, placed about plan-
tations and in fruit trees, serve the same purpose. Death would
overtake the thief disregarding such signs. "A charm bound to
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 351
the leg of a fowl, is ample protection for the village." 169 The
Baganda put fetishes in the roof over the door to protect their
dwellings from thieves. Fetishes were also placed in the gardens,
"so that the food became taboo." Anyone stealing it would either
be caught by the owner or killed by the food. 170 In Kavirondo
people suspend a ball of clay by a string which is fastened to a
stick and set up the object in a field as a safeguard against thiev-
ing. 171
The Bakongo of the Lower Congo employ various protective
devices to keep away trespassers. A hoe handle stuck in the ground
with some manioc cores tied to it will make a thief very thin and ill.
A stick daubed with paint will cause a man who steals from a farm
to have a goiter; if the thief is a woman and is enceinte at the
time, her child will be badly formed. An old basket hung in a
fruit tree or against a door will give a backache to the thief or
result in his (or her) sterility. A stone in a basket suspended from
a fruit tree will afflict with a severe form of hernia anyone who
steals from the tree or even attempts to climb it. According to
our authority, such a sign is not a charm in itself but a warning
to show that a curse has been placed on the object by the owner
and also to show what kind of complaint a trespasser will ac-
quire. The natives "consider it unfair to put a curse on the steal-
ing of an article and not indicate it in some way." 172
In Gabon a fetish is hung on the plantation fence or from the
branches of plants in the garden to frighten away marauders. 178
"Your human policeman can be evaded or outrun if you steal a
few potatoes from a field, but the spirit policeman cannot be so
circumvented when he hangs done up in a bit of rag or put inside
a little horn, on guard over an African farm. He will most cer-
tainly have you, and you will swell up and 'bust'." The efficacy
of such prohibitions will be better understood when we consider
that the plantations are not fenced-in gardens, but open clearings
a mile or more from any settlement. For weeks at a time no owner
comes near them ; there is nothing to guard them against robbers
but the ban. 174 Similar prohibitions make possible the "silent
trade" in this part of West Africa. You may be in the depths of
the forest far from human haunts; you notice by the pathside a
little cleared space neatly laid with plantain leaves ; on it are vari-
ous articles disposed for sale leaf tobacco, a few yams, and so
forth. Beside each article are so many stones, beans, or cowries
to indicate its price. Hanging from a branch above is an image
of the market god, "who will visit with death any theft from that
352 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
shop, or any cheating in price given, or any taking away of sums
left by previous customers." 175
Among the Ewe of the Slave Coast the priests of a particular
god know how to manufacture talismans consecrated to that god.
These they sell at high prices to people who use them to protect
both their persons and their property. Growing crops, thus safe-
guarded, are secure from pillage. Talismans are also of service in
the* "silent trade," for no native would dare to take anything thus
offered for sale without depositing its stipulated value. 176 In New
Calabar there used to be a fetish, or ju-ju, king who ranked above
the civil king in all native matters. The bad characters of the
town were not afraid to steal when they got a chance, even from
the civil king, who was purely human as they were. ''But," said
the fetish king Quakery, in conversation with the Count de Cardi,
"if I sent round a notice that, if the thieves did not immediately
bring me the stolen articles my Ju-ju would cause them (the
thieves) to swell up and burst, you would see how quickly they
would come to me and deliver up the stolen goods." 177
The Ekoi of Southern Nigeria set up a bundle of palm leaves
on a farm as a protection against stealing. A thief who violates
the taboo will fall sick and die unless a certain dance is per-
formed as a prophylactic. 178 The natives of the Northern Terri-
tories of Gold Coast Colony protect their plantations by stones
marked with crosses and also by feathers, horns, and other objects
suspended from sticks. "What particular power they are supposed
to have I know not, and it is likewise, I presume, the ignorance
of the native on this point which makes for the greater efficacy
of the 'medicine'." 179
Slaves from West Africa seem to have carried the property
taboo to the New World, where it is still found among the
Negroes of Surinam. 180 It was also known to some of the abor-
igines. An old writer tells us that the Caribs enclosed their plots
of land, "onely with a little cotton line drawn out in length, to
the height of a man's girdle, and they account it a matter of sacri-
lege, if any passe over the corde, and treade on the possessions of
his neighbour, and hold it for certaine that whoso violateth this
sacred thing, shall shortly perish." 181 In former days the people
of Cumana, Venezuela, protected their plantations by drawing
round them a single cotton thread. Any one who tampered with
it was believed to be doomed to a speedy death. 182 The Juris of
Brazil stretch cotton threads across gaps in the fences surrounding
their fields to protect the crops from trespassers. 188
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 353
It is clear that beliefs and practices which we can only describe
as "superstitions" have often been employed to buttress a system,
previously existing, of individual ownership. While taboos of
private property seem to be almost unknown among the Austral-
ian aborigines and to be very rare among the American Indians,
they have a wide prevalence in New Guinea, Melanesia, Polynesia,
and the Indonesian area and they are found in much of Negro
Africa. To the operation of such taboos we may confidently as-
sign no slight influence in developing a sense of the sacredness of
private property among primitive peoples over a large part of the
world.
NOTES TO CHAPTER X
1 See Richard Andree, Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche (Stutt-
gart, 1878), pp. 114-27; Heinrich Schurtz, Die Speiseverbote (Hamburg, 1893)
(Sammlung gemeinverstdndlicher wissenschaftlicher Vortrdge, Heft 184);
Ernest Crawley, "Drinks, Drinking," Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and
Ethics, V, 72-82 ; idem, "Food," VI, 59-63 ; Edward Westermarck, The Origin
and Development of the Moral Ideas (London, 1906-1908), II, 290-345 (espe-
cially 319 ff.).
2 Sir Baldwin Spencer has pointed out how among the Australian tribes a
food restriction may become socialized. "A woman, while bearing a child, may
once have eaten some special food and have, afterwards, been seriously ill. That,
in itself, would be quite enough reason for a restriction to be placed on that
particular food in regard to all women in the same condition" (Native Tribes
of the Northern Territory of Australia [London, 1914], p. 342). With reference
to the Sema Naga, Mr. Hutton remarks that certain of their food taboos might
easily have originated in the fact that a given article of diet was believed to
have been injurious to some member of the group. If his descendants were
prolific, the avoidance in question might in time be accepted by an entire kindred
or larger social unit. "One is reminded of the reason given by some Semas for
reaping by hand only, because one man once slashed his stomach and killed him-
self when reaping with a dao" (J. H. Hutton, The Angami Nagas [London,
1921], pp. 396 f.).
8 See Sir J. G. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy (London, 1910), IV, 217 ff ;
H. Webster, Primitive Secret Societies (2d ed., New York, 1932), pp. 65 ff.
* Mrs. K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe (London, 1905), p. 23. For the
removal of a particular taboo it was necessary to bring a boy and the food into
forcible contact. Thus he was made free to eat the emu only after his father
and the medicine man had rubbed some of the animal's fat on his joints and
had put a piece of its flesh in his mouth. "The boy chewed it, making a noise
as he did so of fright and disgust ; finally he dropped the meat from his mouth,
making a blowing noise through his lips of 'Ooh! Ooh! Ooh!' After that he
could eat the flesh" (p. 24). Among the Kurnai a youth was allowed to eat the
flesh of an animal previously forbidden to him after one of the old men sud-
denly and unexpectedly smeared some of its cooked fat over his face. This was
done at the Jeraeil f the tribal initiation ceremony (A. W. Howitt, The Native
Tribes of South-East Australia [London, 1904], p. 633).
354 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
5 Sir Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central
Australia (London, 1904), pp. 167 f., 612.
6 /&*., pp. 611 f.
7 Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia (London,
1899), pp. 470 f. ; Spencer, Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia,
pp. 612 f. ; Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 640. Per contra
R. Brough Smyth: "Some suppose that cunning old men established the laws
for the purpose of reserving to themselves those kinds of food which it was
most difficult to procure, and that one effect of their prohibitions was to make
the young men expert in hunting ; and it has been suggested that the eating of
some animals was interdicted in order that the natural increase might not be
prevented. In looking over the list of animals prohibited to young men, to
women, and to children, one fails to see, however, any good reasons for the
selection unless we regard nearly the whole of the prohibitions as having their
source in superstitious beliefs" (The Aborigines of Victoria [Melbourne, 1878],
I, 234).
8 R. H. Mathews, Ethnological Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of New
South Wales and Victoria (Sydney, 1905), pp. 59 f. The author points out that
among these tribes animals and plants which are prolific or numerous are the
totems of a greater number of men than those which are more or less scarce;
thus the wallaby, duck, and yam men exceed in number the porcupine and
pelican men (p. 60).
9 W. E. Roth, Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central Queens-
land Aborigines (Brisbane, 1897), pp. 57, 69 f.; cf. idem, in Records of the Aus-
tralian Museum, Vol. Ill, No. 3, pp. 168 f.
" Mrs. K. L. Parker, op. cit., pp. 20 f ., 23 f ., 29 f .. "One old fellow told me
once that when he was going to a public house he took a miniature form of his
yunbeai, which was the Kurrea crocodile out of himself and put it safely in
a bottle of water, in case by any chance he got drunk, and an enemy, knowing
his yunbeai, coaxed it away. I wanted to see that yunbeai in a bottle, but never
succeeded" (p. 21).
11 W. H. R. Rivers, The History of Melanesian Society (Cambridge, 1914),
I, 154 ff.
12 George Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), pp. 17 f. See also W. T. Pritch-
ard, Polynesian Reminiscences (London, 1866), pp. 106 ff.
13 Charles Hose and William McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
(London, 1912), II, 90 ff.
14 On guardian spirits among the American Indians see Frazer, Totemism
and Exogamy, III, 370-456. See also Ruth F. Benedict, "The Concept of the
Guardian Spirit in North America," Memoirs of the American Anthropological
Association, No. 29.
16 Bronislaw Malinowski, The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western
Melanesia (New York, 1929), pp. 31 f. The noun bomala, meaning taboo," takes
the pronominal suffixes of nearest possession, a fact which signifies that a man's
taboos are linguistically classed with those objects most intimately bound up
with his person: parts of his body, his personal qualities (as mind and will),
and his kindred (p. 461).
16 A. P. Lyons, "The Significance of the Parental State amongst Muruans,"
Man, XXV (1925), 131 f. Cf. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, "Father, Mother, and
Child," ibid., XXVI (1926), 159 f. With the Muruan custom may be com-
pared that of the Tallensi of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast, West
Africa. These natives impose various prohibitions on the first-born son of a
man with the idea of emphasizing the relationship between them. The son may
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 355
not have any contact with his father's clothes, grain-store, bow, or quiver
symbols of a man's personality until his father dies and he succeeds to the
status which accompanies possession of them. Nor may son and father eat to-
gether, lest the fingernail of one scratch the hand of the other. If this hap-
pened, the son would pine away and probably die. The same penalty would fol-
low his infringement of the other taboos. See M. Fortes, "Kinship, Incest, and
Exogamy of the Northern Tribes of the Gold Coast," in L. H. Dudley Buxton
(editor), Custom Is King. Essays Presented to R. R. Marett (London, 1936),
p. 247.
17 George Brown, Melanestans and Polynesians (London, 1910), pp. 72, 126.
According to A. Hahl, each degree of Iniat has its particular food restrictions
(Nachrichten iiber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den Bismarck- Archipel, XIII,
[1897], 76). According to B. Danks, a person who ate pork or the forbidden
kinds of fish would suffer from an inflated stomach and other physical ills, these
ending in death (Report of the Fourth Meeting of the Australasian Association
for the Advancement of Science [1892], p. 618).
18 Rivers, The History of Melanesia^ Society, I, 151 f. A similar belief is
found in the island of Motlav, not far, from Mota (p. 153).
19 Dugald Campbell, In the Heart of Bantuland (London, 1922), pp. 92, 95.
20 A. T. Culwick and G. M. Culwick, Ubena of the Rivers (London, 1935),
pp. 182 ff.
21 J. H. Weeks, Among Congo Cannibals (London, 1913), p. 2%.
22 Idem, Among the Primitive Bakongo (London, 1914), pp. 245 ff. Accord-
ing to R. E. Dennett, many families observe the inherited taboos relating to
animal food because their ancestors owed a debt of gratitude to the animals
which are not now eaten. Various stories are told to account for the abstinence
thus practiced (Notes on the Folk-Lore of the Fjort [London, 1898], p. 10).
On these taboos, which are called xina or tschina on the Loango coast, see
further, Adolf Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Ktiste (Jena,
1874-1875), I, 183 f.; E. Pechiiel-Loesche, Volkskunde von Loango (Stuttgart,
1907), pp. 455-66.
28 G. C Claridge, Wild Bush Tribes of Tropical Africa (London, 1922),
pp. 130 f. The author lived for twelve years among these tribes.
24 P. B. Du Chaillu, Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa
(London, 1861), pp. 308 f.
28 R. H. Nassau, Fetichism in West Africa (New York, 1904), pp. 78 f.
2 Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (London, 1897), pp. 455 f .
27 S. S. Farrow, Faith, Fancies, and Fetich, or Yoruba Paganism (London,
1926), p. 95.
28 Diedrich Westermann, Die Kpelle (Gottingen and Leipzig, 1921), pp. 56 f.
The author points out that similar brotherhoods exist among the Mandingo of
Senegambia.
29 M. J. Herskovits and Frances S. Herskovits, Suriname Folk-Lore (New
York, 1936), pp. 36 f. Of the two names for these food taboos kina comes from
the Bantu (Loango) word tschina, and trefu is of Hebrew origin.
oj. Jett6, "On the Medicine-Men of the Ten'a," Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute, XXXVII (1907), 172.
31 F. Boas, in Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 593.
82 J. E. Calder, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, III (1874), 16.
Cf. H. Ling Roth, The Aborigines of Tasmania (2d ed., Halifax, England,
1899), pp. 63, 88. According to another account, the Tasmanians avoided fresh-
water fish, but did eat marine fish, which were speared in shallow water and
356 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
were also caught in nets (James Bonwick, Daily Life and Origin of the Tas-
mamans [London, 1870], pp. 14 f.).
88 Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, I, 237.
84 Carl Lumholtz, Among Cannibals (New York, 1889), p. 225. The Won-
konguru of the Lake Eyre district cannot eat fresh pork even when they do not
know what it is; their stomachs reject it. They can eat bacon, if not too greasy
(G. Home and G. Alston, Savage Life in Central Australia [London, 1924],
p. 144).
38 Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 566.
36 C. G. Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea (Cambridge,
1910), p. 580.
87 Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians, pp. 125 f.
88 Rivers, The History of Melanesian Society, I, 177. The shark is also
avoided by the natives of Uripiv, an islet of Malekula in the New Hebrides
(B. T. Somerville, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXIII [1894],
381).
39 R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), pp. 32 f.
40 Hugh Low, Sarawak (London, 1848), p. 266.
41 J. M. van Barckel, in Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-Land-en Volken-
kunde, XXVI (1881), 431 f.
42 A. S. Bickmore, in Transactions of the Ethnological Society (n.s., 1869),
VII, 20.
48 A. Wirth, in American Anthropologist, X (1897), 364.
44 Fosberry, in Journal of the Ethnological Society (n.s., 1869), I, 192.
45 T. C. Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur (London, 1911), p. 182.
46 C. G. Seligman and Brenda Z. Seligman, The Veddas (Cambridge, 1911),
pp. 178 ff. The authors think that the avoidance of elephants, leopards, jackals,
bears, and wild buffaloes is due to the fact that these animals are, and always
have been, dangerous to hunt by a people so poorly armed as the Vedda ; it was
safer to hunt deer and venison was more palatable. But this explanation will
not apply to the avoidance of domestic buffaloes and of both wild and domestic
fowl.
47 E. H. Man, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XVIII (1889),
367.
48 W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas (London, 1906), pp. 239 f . "The restrictions
on the use of the milk of the sacred animals have the general characters asso-
ciated with taboos, and the whole daily ritual of the dairy would seem to be de-
signed to remove the taboo. It is possible that at one time the milk of the sacred
buffaloes was not used at all, and that these animals only suckled their calves.
If the Todas had begun to milk the sacred buffaloes, it is natural that the milk-
ing and churning should have been accompanied by ritual designed to counteract
the evils to be expected from the profanation of the sacred substance and the
breaking of the taboo. In certain circumstances even now the Todas do not
milk their sacred buffaloes, but allow them to suckle their calves only" (p. 241).
49 See W. Crooke, "The Veneration of the Cow in India," Folk-Lore,
XXIII (1912), 286 ff.; B. Laufer, "Some Fundamental Ideas of Chinese Cul-
ture," Journal of Race Development, V (1914), 167 f .
50 Gustav Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen Sud-Afrika's (Breslau, 1872), pp. 106 f.
According to another account, women are forbidden to eat fish, whereas fish,
swine, hares, and poultry (but not wild fowl) are all "unclean" for men (J.
Macdonald, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIX [1890], 279).
Menstruating women must not drink milk; if they did so, the cattle would die
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 357
(ibid., XX [1891], 138). Evil consequences are also looked for if people who
are living the sexual life should drink beestings. Among the Basoga the milk
of a cow that has calved is taboo, except to boys (presumably not arrived at
puberty) ; the prohibition continues until the umbilical cord has dropped from
the calf. (John Roscoe, The Bagesu and Other Tribes of the Uganda Protec*
torate [Cambridge/ 1924], p. 110). The Baganda do not allow a cow to be milked
for the first four days after it has calved, but leave the milk for the calf. The
rule might seem to be dictated by consideration for the calf ; if so, how shall
we account for the fact that during these four days the owner's wife is not
allowed to cultivate the garden? (idem, The Baganda [London, 1911], p. 418).
Among the Bahima of Uganda the milk from a cow that has calved may not be
drunk by a married person for two or three days. A young boy may do so,
however. Were the prohibition disregarded, the cow would cease to give milk
and the calf would die (idem, The Soul of Central Africa [London, 1922], p. 92).
81 H. A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed., London, 1912),
II, 83 f.
82 Ibid. f II, 80 ff . The Thonga clearly differentiate between their rejection
of certain foods because of "disgust" (nyena), as in the case of pigs and snails,
and of other foods because these are taboo (yila). In the latter class are four
kinds of birds, the toad, and a species of beetle (II, 82 f.).
88 Mrs. Eileen J. Krige, The Social System of the Zulu (London, 1936),
p. 388.
84 Sir R. F. Burton, The Lake Regions of Central Africa (London, 1860),
II, 281.
88 G. A. Haggenmacher, in Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ergdnzungsband,
Vol. X, No. 47, p. 30.
86 A. M. Champion, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,
XLII (1912), 81.
87 W. S. Routledge and Katherine Routledge, With a Prehistoric People
(London, 1910), pp. 49 f.
58 John Roscoe, The Northern Bantu (Cambridge, 1915), p. 137.
89 Philip Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas (Berlin, 1893-1896),
I, 157.
60 E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute,
XXXVI (1906), 42.
61 Torday and Joyce, ibid., p. 279.
62 Weeks, Among Congo Cannibals f pp. 296 f.
63 Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Kuste, I, 185.
84 Bernhard Schwarz, Kamerun (Leipzig, 1886), pp. 177, 257.
88 T. E. Bowdich, Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee (London,
1819), p. 319. According to Miss Kingsley, West Africans "have all a perfect
horror of drinking milk, holding this custom to be a filthy habit, and saying
so in unmitigated language" (Travels in West Africa, p. 451).
86 G. T. Basden, Niger Ibos (London [1938]), p. 230. At Awka in the Ibo
country men are not allowed to eat snails, though women and children may do
so (p. 158).
87 A. J. N. Tremearne, The Tailed Head-Hunters of Nigeria (London,
1912), p. 78.
* Alice C. Cook, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1900), II, 454.
89 W. B. Grubb, An Unknown People in an Unknown Land (London,
1911), p. 137.
358 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
70 W. A. Cook, Through the Wildernesses of Brazil (New York, 1909),
p. 408. According to Karl von den Steinen, the flesh of deer cannot be eaten
before it has been "blessed" by a medicine man. Some people will not eat it even
when this ceremony has been held. The animal is therefore seldom killed.
Certain kinds of fish, all particularly large and tasty, must also be "blessed"
before they can be safely eaten. The souls supposed to be incarnated in all the
tabooed animals are those of deceased medicine men; hence living medicine
men seem to be specially qualified to remove the taboo (Unter den Naturvolkern
Zentral-Brasiliens [Berlin, 1894], pp. 491 ff., 511 f.).
71 Franz Keller, The Amazon and Madeira Rivers (London, 1874), p. 84.
72 M. W. Stirling, in Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
No. 117, p. 107.
78 R. H. Schomburgh, in Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, XV
(1845), 28 f.
74 E. F. Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana (London, 1883), p. 368.
75 W J McGee, in Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, Part I, p. 203.
76 W. Matthews, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, XII (1899), 5.
77 F. H. Gushing, quoted by W. Matthews, "Ichthyophobia," ibid., XI
(1898), 110. A violation of the fish taboo is followed by madness (Matthews,
loc. tit.).
78 A. M. Stephen, in American Anthropologist, VI (1893), 357. Linguistic-
ally, the Navaho belong to the widespread Athapascan stock of the far north.
The Athapascan tribes, who dwell in well- watered regions, have no fish taboo;
indeed, they almost subsist on fish for a considerable part of the year. Hence
it is probable that the Navaho adopted this taboo from the sedentary tribes of
the Southwest, after their entrance into New Mexico and Arizona (W. Mat-
thews, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, XI [1898], 111).
79 J. G. Bourke, On the Border with Crook (New York, 1891), p. 125.
80 James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), p. 133.
81 J. H. Dunbar, in Magasine of American History, V (1880), 323.
82 H. R. Schoolcraf t, Information Respecting . . . . the Indian Tribes of the
United States (Philadelphia, 1865), V, 215.
88 M. Eels, in Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1887,
Part I, p. 622.
8 * E. H. Man, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XII (1883), 159.
Puluga also dislikes very much the smell of burning beeswax and manifests his
displeasure by sending a storm. "Owing to this belief it is a common practice
secretly to burn wax when a person against whom they bear ill-will is engaged
in fishing, hunting, or the like, the object being to spoil his sport and cause him
as much discomfort as possible ; hence arises the saying among them, when sud-
denly overtaken by a storm, that some one must be burning wax" (p. 154).
88 E. H. Man, ibid., pp. 153, 172 f . On these Andamanese taboos see also
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders (Cambridge, 1933), pp. 116,
152 ff., 160 f ., 273.
86 Sir H. H. Johnston, The Kilima-njaro Expedition (London, 1886), p. 425.
Cf. Joseph Thomson, Through Masai Land (4th ed., London, 1885), p. 445. Ac-
cording to another account, boiled milk is regularly drunk by sick persons (M.
Merker, Die Masai [Berlin, 1904], p. 32).
87 J. A. Meldon, in Journal of the African Society, No. 22, p. 142.
88 See M. J. Herskovits, "The Cattle Complex in East Africa," American
Anthropologist (n.s., 1926), XXVIII, 516 ff. According to Sir J. G. Frazer, the
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 359
reluctance to subject milk to the heat of fire is due to the belief in a sympathetic
relation between a cow and the milk drawn from her ; the cow would dry up or
actually perish. See Folk-lore in the Old Testament (London, 1919), III, 118 if.
The rule which forbids meat and milk to be consumed at the same time or on
the same day (a rule observed by the Masai, Suk, Nandi, and other East African
tribes) may likewise be explained by the fear that the contact of the two sub-
stances in the stomach of the consumer would be injurious, if not fatal, to the
cows (ibid., Ill, 151 ff.)-
89 W. E. Roth, "An Inquiry into the Animism and Folk-Lore of the Guiana
Indians," Thirtieth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
p. 295. Among the Arawak no food may be eaten after nightfall. Anyone guilty
of this offense is "invariably" changed into an animal (pp. 184 f., 295). These
Indians, when at sea or on a big river, are very careful as to what they do with
the pot-spoon. After being used, it may be washed in the boat, but never is it
washed in the sea or the river; to do so would cause squalls and storms (p. 267).
00 A. M. Stephen, in American Anthropologist, VI (1893), 357 f.
91 D. Jenness, "The Life of the Copper Eskimo," Report of the Canadian
Arctic Expedition, 1913-18, XII, 182 f. "Nature has ordained that certain ani-
mals shall live in the sea and others on the land. The Eskimo therefore must
follow the same distinction, and keep the products of the two regions separate.
He is a little vague as to who enforces the taboo. Sometimes he says that the
animals themselves would be offended and avenge themselves on the trans-
gressors, who would then die of starvation; sometimes that the shades of the
Eskimo dead would take offense and wreak their vengeance by sending terrible
storms or a plague of sickness and death, especially when the natives are living
on the sea ice; at other times, again, it is a deity who dwells at the bottom of
the sea and controls the supply of seals, or another living in the sky, or one of
the many spirits that dwell in cliffs and tide-cracks and similar places, in so far
as they have any fixed abode. But whatever the manner in which he thinks the
taboo will be enforced and the same Eskimo will believe in every one of them
there is no doubt whatever in his mind that punishment will inevitably follow
disobedience. Woe betide the Eskimos if they fail to observe the due restric-
tions ; sooner or later misfortune will overtake them in some form or another,
and then the sin, however secret, is sure to come to light. Even if the wrong-
doer does not confess immediately, as often happens, yet the shamans will soon
discover his transgression when they invoke their familiar spirits and inquire
into the cause of the misfortunes" (p. 182).
92 D. Jenness, ibid., p. 98.
93 E. W. Hawkes, The Labrador Eskimo (Ottawa, 1916) (Geological Survey
Memoir, No. 91), p. 133.
94 F. Boas, in Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 595.
These Eskimo also apply such "alternating prohibitions" to their occupations.
They may not go out to capture walrus until they have finished working on gar-
ments of reindeer skin, and after the beginning of the walrus hunt no one may
make such garments. When two natives were asked to make a sleeping bag of
reindeer skin, they refused to do so, for it was then the walrus season. They
"would both die, and no more walrus could be caught" (C. F. Hall, Life with
the Esquimaux [London, 1864], II, 321). A distinction between products of the
sea and those of the land is also drawn by some Queensland tribes, among whom,
however, it relates to the nature of the punishment provided for young people
violating the food taboos imposed upon them before their arrival at puberty.
To eat the forbidden sea foods makes the culprit's hair turn gray. To eat the
forbidden comestibles of terrestrial origin makes him sick, because the par-
ticular animal, whose flesh he so recklessly consumed, will build its nest or lay
360 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
its eggs inside the back of his neck. See W. E. Roth, North Queensland
Ethnography Bulletin, No. 11 (Records of the Australian Museum, Vol. VII,
No. 2, p. 76).
95 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 167-211;
iidem f Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 283-327.
A. C. Haddon, Head-Hunters, Black, White, and Brown (London, 1901),
pp. 270 ff. The Fuluaari men are required to remain strictly continent while
they guard the growing crops. They may not even look at a woman; if they
happen to pass one, it behooves them to cast down their eyes modestly (loc. cit.).
9i J. H. Holmes, In Primitive New Guinea (London, 1924), pp. 235 f .
98 Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, pp. 576 f .
99 B. Malinowski, in Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia,
XXXIX (1915), 586.
100 /(few, Coral Gardens and Their Magic (London, 1935), I, 301 if. Among
these natives there is also a protective taboo to prevent the theft of ripening
fruits or nuts so far from the village that they cannot be watched. A small
parcel of medicated substance is placed on a stick, near or on the tree, and
a spell is recited by the magician. The spell may be regarded as a "condi-
tional curse," which would fall upon anyone who touched the fruit and bring
upon him a disease. Sometimes a wood spirit is invited to reside on the stick
and substance and to guard the fruit (idem, Argonauts of the Western Pacific
[London, 1922], pp. 425 f.).
101 Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians, p. 126.
102 John Inglis, in Journal of the Ethnological Society, III (1854), 62.
108 Emma Hadfield, Among the Natives of the Loyalty Group (London,
1920), pp. 65 f.
104 Thomas Williams, Fiji and the Fijians (3d ed., London, 1870), pp. 198 f .
105 Rivers, The History of Melanesian Society, I, 388 f .
106 James Cook and James King, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean (London,
1784), I, 410 f. William Mariner describes the ceremonial feasting and kava
drinking by which a taboo, laid on hogs, fowls, and coconuts, was lifted. Such
a restriction might last as long as eight months. A few plantations were not
subject to it, in order that these foods might be available for occasional rites
and also for the consumption of the upper classes (John Martin, An Account
of the Natives of the Tonga Islands .... from the Extensive Communications
of Mr. William Mariner [3d ed., Edinburgh, 1827], III, 117 ff., 173 f.).
107 J. A. Moerenhout, Voyages aux isles du grand octan (Paris, 1837), I, 531.
108 Eyriaud des Vergnes, in Revue maritime et coloniale, LII (1877), 730.
The Marquesans had a regular closed season for the bonito ( Moerenhout, op. cit.,
I, 516 f.). Robert Louis Stevenson comments on the "thoroughly sensible ends"
for which devilfish, when growing scarce upon the reef, and coconut palms,
when suffering by the plucking of green nuts, might be made taboo for a time.
While many Marquesan taboos appear absurd enough, more often they were
"wise and needful restrictions" (In the South Seas, Part I, chap. vi).
109 w. D. Alexander, A Brief History of the Hawaiian People (New York,
1899), 52 f.
110 J. S. Polack, Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders (London,
1840), I, 275 f. The seaside was often tabooed by certain tribes which pos-
sessed the sole right of procuring shellfish on the beach (loc. cit.).
111 J. [S.] Kubary, Ethnographische Beitrage zur Kenntniss der Karolin-
ischen Inselgruppe und Nachbarschaft, Heft I, Die social en Einrichtungen der
Pelauer (Berlin, 1885), pp. 85 f .
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 361
112 Otto Finsch, Ethnologische Erfahrungen und Belegstucke aus der
Siidsee (Wien, 1893) (Separat Abgedrukt aus den Annalen des K. K. Natur-
historischen Hofmuseums in Wien, Band III), pp. 305 f.
113 Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur, pp. 167 f . ; cf . idem, "The 'Genna'
amongst the Tribes of Assam/' Journal of the Anthropological Institute,
XXXVI (1906), 94.
* T. J. Alldridge, The Sherbro and Its Hinterland (London, 1901), p. 133.
115 Dorothy Cator, Everyday Life among the Head-Hunters and Other
Experiences from East to West (London, 1905), p. 192. See also B. Wallis,
"The 'Poro' Society of the Mendi," Journal of the African Society, No. 14,
p. 188.
116 F. W. Butt-Thompson, West African Secret Societies (London, 1929),
p. 141.
117 Robert Fitz-Roy (editor), Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His
Majesty's Ships "Adventure" and "Beagle" (London, 1839), II, 180.
118 W. E. Roth, in Thirtieth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, p. 292. The belief referred to is illustrated by the Warrau story
of a party of Indians who did nothing but hunt baboons until the grandfather
of all baboons killed every one of them with his sharp claws. He and his spirit
descendants were killed in turn, but before dying they choked and coughed a
great deal and the grandfather swore that this choking and coughing should
afflict the people forever. "We Warrau Indians have known the sickness for a
long time as the 'baboon cough/ but you white people are ignorant of this, and
persist in calling it whooping cough" (pp. 292 f.).
119 W J McGee, in Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, Part I, p. 191.
120 J. W. Fewkes, "Property-Right in Eagles among the Hopi," American
Anthropologist (n.s., 1900), II, 702. The Maricopa Indians consider eagle feath-
ers, which are worn as ornaments in men's hair, to be exceedingly dangerous
until treated by a shaman. He first puffed the smoke of four cigarettes over
them and then sucked each one, in order to remove their "poison." After puri-
fying a feather in this manner, the shaman tied it to a young man's hair. Even
then its proud possessor would not dare to touch a drinking utensil after having
touched the feather he wore. If he did so, people who used the utensil would
get sick. See Leslie Spier, Yuman Tribes of the Gila River (Chicago, 1933),
pp. 291 f.
121 See J. A. MacCulloch, "First fruits (Introductory and Primitive)/'
Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, VI, 41-45; E. N. Fallaize,
"Harvest," ibid., VI, 520-25; Andrew Lang, Magic and Religion (London, 1901),
pp. 257-69. For an extensive collection of the evidence see Sir J. G. Frazer,
Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild (London, 1912), (The Golden Bough, 3d ed.,
Part V), II, 48-86, 109-37; idem, Aftermath (London, 1936), pp. 402-7. See,
further, Max Gluckmann, "Social Aspects of First-Fruits Ceremonies among
the South-Eastern Bantu," Africa, XI (1938), 25-41, with a full bibliography.
122 Lorimer Fison, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIV (1885),
27. "The nanga was the 'bed' of the ancestors, that is, the spot where their de-
scendants might hold communion with them ; the wbaki were the rites celebrated
in the nanga, whether of initiating the youths, or of presenting the first-fruits,
or of recovering the sick, or of winning charms against wounds in battle" (Sir
Basil H. Thomson, The Fijians [London, 1908], p. 147).
12 See Martin-Mariner, op. cit. (3d ed.), II, 168-73, for a description of
the ceremony.
* William Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed., London, 1831), I, 350.
362 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
125 George Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia (London, 1861), p. 327.
126 Edward Tregear, The Maori Race (Wanganui, New Zealand, 1904),
pp. 87 ff. Cf. Old New Zealand, by a Pakeka Maori (London, 1884), pp. 103 f.
In the autumn, when the kumara was gathered, all paths leading to a village
and its cultivated fields were closed off by being made tapu. The blockade pre-
vented the report of an unusually fine crop of kumara from reaching outsiders,
who might break in and try to carry it off by main force. Sometimes this hap-
pened and the cultivators lost their lives (ibid., pp. 133 f .).
* Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed.), I, 394, 404; II, 28,
403 f.
128 C. W. Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic (London, 1922), p. 74.
129 Mary H. Kingsley, West African Studies (1st ed., London, 1899),
pp. 174 f., 450.
180 See Sir J. G. Frazer, Psyche's Task (2d ed., London, 1913), pp. 20-43;
Westermarck, Moral Ideas, II, 59-69; idem, "Die religiose Sanktionierung des
Eigentums auf tieferen Kulturstufen," Zeitschrift fur Socialwissenschaft, X
(1907), 81-92.
131 W. E. Roth, North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin, No. 11 (Records
of the Australian Museum, Vol. VII, No. 2, pp. 75 ff.). Spittle, being also an
intimate part of a man's personality, is sometimes used to protect his possessions.
In the D'Entrecasteaux Islands a man expectorates on his fruit trees, making
his saliva red by chewing betel nut; then bloody pustules will form on the head
and body of a thief and he may even die (D. Jenness and A. Ballantyne, The
Northern D'Entrecasteaux [Oxford, 1920], p. 74). When the Barotse, a South
African tribe, "do not want a thing touched they spit on straws and stick them
all about the object" (Lionel Decle, Three Years in Savage Africa [London,
1900], p. 77). Among the Bakongo, "if a person is called away from his meal,
he will pretend to spit on it, and no one will dare to touch the food while he
is away" (Weeks, Among the Primitive Bakongo, p. 239).
182 A. C. Haddon, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition
to Torres Straits, VI, 226.
188 Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, pp. 574 ff. ; cf .
pp. 136 ff. (Koita).
134 Seligman, op. cit. f pp. 643 f ., quoting the Rev. Copland King.
135 B. Malinowski, in Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia,
XXXIX (1915), 586 f.
186 F. E. Williams, Orokaiva Society (Oxford, 1930), pp. 328 f. The author
saw an eight-of-diamonds wedged in a split stick and set up in a village to
forbid playing cards. It had been erected by a man of influence who had "some-
how acquired conscientious scruples regarding the forbidden game" (p. 324).
187 Jenness and Ballantyne, op. cit. f pp. 74 ff.
188 R. F. Fortune, Sorcerers of Dobu (London, 1932), pp. 138 ff. The pro-
tection accorded by these taboos is not always adequate. Sometimes a daring
thief will recite his own incantation over a tree from which he has stolen, trust-
ing that the result will be to "infect" the owner if the owner's "infection"
catches him (p. 83).
189 Margaret Mead, Growing Up in New Guinea (New York, 1930), p. 320.
140 R. Parkinson, Im Bismarck- Archipel (Leipzig, 1887), p. 144.
141 A. I. Hopkins, In the Isles of King Solomon (London, 1928), p. 128.
142 B. T. Somerville, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXVI
(1897), 404 f.
148 Ibid., p. 387. At Rubiana, while any owner of a coconut grove can raise
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 363
a hope, the effects of violating it may be frustrated by paying twenty shell rings,
no more and no less, to the proprietor. We are told of a certain native, with
decidedly capitalistic tendencies, who once took advantage of the owner's absence
to enter a coconut grove and, with the aid of his numerous wives, to rob it of
several thousand nuts. All he paid to the proprietor was the twenty rings, which
did not begin to cover the cost of the depredation (ibid., p. 388).
144 W. H. R. Rivers, Medicine, Magic, and Religion (London, 1924),
pp. 32 ff. Rivers and A. M. Hocart found in Eddy stone Island about a hundred
examples of such conjoined processes of taboo and medicine.
145 Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 216. The soloi signs of the Banks
Islands protect a man's property only from persons who do not belong to the
society of which it is the badge. Consequently, a man who belongs to one large
society would find its badge of little service, since his property would still be at
the mercy of all the members of his society. However, a man usually belongs to
several societies, and by combining their badges he may be able to protect his
property against everybody (Rivers, The History of Metanesian Society, I,
92).
146 W. Gray, in Report of the Fourth Meeting of the Australasian Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Science (1892), p. 652.
M A. Liversidge, in Man, XXI (1921), 133.
148 Raymond Firth, Primitive Polynesian Economy (London, 1939), pp. 204-
12, 271.
149 E. M. Loeb, "History and Traditions of Niue," Bemice P. Bishop Mu-
seum Bulletin, No. 32, p. 172.
180 E. W. Gifford, "Tongan Society," ibid., No. 61, p. 343.
151 Charles Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition
(Philadelphia, 1845), II, 33. Cf. Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed.), Ill, 201.
The early missionaries, Tyerman and Bennet, saw coconut trees with patches of
leaves tied about the stems and prohibited to all except their owners. They
were told that such a prohibition was seldom violated. When that happened, the
delinquent was banished to a desolate island "as unworthy of honest society"
(James Montgomery, Voyages and Travels Round the World by the Rev. Daniel
Tyerman and George Bennet [2d ed., London, 1841], p. 23). In this case the
punishment involved seems to have been only at human hands, but doubtless the
trees were, or had been, also protected by the fear of a non-human punishment
for interfering with them.
152 Turner, Samoa, pp. 185 ff. At the time of Turner's writing belief in the
power of these taboos had not been eradicated, and the sickness and dying hours
of more than one hardened thief still brought out a confession of his guilt
(p. 188).
184 Mrs. T. W. Edgeworth David, Funafuti; or Three Months on a Coral
Island (London, 1899), p. 197.
185 J. S. Gardiner, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXVII
(1898), 409.
186 Herman Melville, Typee (new ed., Boston, 1892), p. 325.
187 In the South Seas, Part I, chap. vi. According to Ellis, a man who
places a taboo on his own property has himself to observe the restriction, "so
that, during its continuance, he dare not appropriate to his own use the smallest
portion of the article thus prohibited" (Polynesian Researches [2d ed.], Ill, 314).
188 Elsdon Best, "Notes on the Custom of 'Rahui'," Journal of the Poly-
nesian Society, XIII (1904), 83-88. See also Firth, Primitive Economics of the
364 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
New Zealand Maori, pp. 247-52. An early authority on the Maori enumerates
among the things which might be made tapu, property left in a house not occu-
pied by its owner, a house containing seeds, a canoe lying on the beach, a tree
selected for future working up into a canoe, and a sweet potato (kumara) plan-
tation (Ernest Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand [London, 1843], II, 100 f.).
159 J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en
Papua ('s Gravenhage, 1886), pp. 61 f. (Amboina), 114 f. (Ceram), 317 (Luang-
Sermata Islands).
160 Paul Arndt, Mythologie, Religion und Magie in Sikagebiet (ostl. M.it-
telflores) (Emde, Flores, [1932]), p. 95. On the a ta busung f or magician, see
ibid ., pp. 290 ff.
i A. R. Wallace, The Malay Archipelago (10th ed., London, 1890), I,
149f.;cf. 11,451.
162 H. O. Forbes, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIV (1885),
125.
168 Sir Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East (2d ed., Lon-
don, 1863), I, 199.
**W. H. Furness, The Home-Life of the Borneo Head-Hunters (Phila-
delphia, 1902), p. 115.
166 E. H. Man, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute , XV (1886), 449.
1M Robert Percival, An Account of the Island of Ceylon (London, 1803),
p. 198.
167 James Sibree, Madagascar before the Conquest (London, 18%), p. 172.
See, further, Arnold van Gennep, Tabou et tottmisme d Madagascar (Paris,
1904), pp. 183-93.
ics David Livingston, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa
(London, 1857), p. 285.
169 Charles New, Life, Wanderings and Labours in Eastern Africa (Lon-
don, 1873), p. 106.
170 Roscoe, The Baganda, p. 15.
"i C W. Hobley, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXIII
(1903), 343.
172 Weeks, Among the Primitive Bakongo, p. 239. See also J. Merolla da
Sorrento, "A Voyage to Congo," in John Pinkerton, A General Collection of
Voyages and Travels (London, 1814), XVI, 238.
ITS Nassau, Fetichism in West Africa, p. 85.
"* Mary H. Kingsley, West African Studies (2d ed., London, 1901), p. 397.
The fetishes placed about a farm or a house "are said to blow to pieces and
utterly destroy the thief ; but the owner of the farm or house will walk upon
them without a qualm, whilst the thief will walk long miles to avoid them.
Moreover, should the owner make a mistake and set his fetish against one who
is not guilty, or if he attempts to use it spitefully, the fetish force invoked will
not only not attack the innocent, but will turn and smite the owner with the
evils he has sought unjustly to induce in the guiltless" (Butt- Thompson, West
African Secret Societies, p. 143).
176 Miss Kingsley, op. cit. f p. 408.
176 A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West
Africa (London, 1890), pp. 91 f.
177 Le Comte C. N. de Cardi, "Ju-ju Laws and Customs in the Niger Delta/'
Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXIX (1899), 51 f.
" P. A. Talbot, In the Shadow of the Bush (London, 1912), p. 296.
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF TABOO 365
9 A. W. Cardinall, The Natives of the Northern Territories of the Gold
Coast (London [1920]), p. 86.
180 K. Martin, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde van Neder-
landsch-Indie, XXXV (1886), 30.
18 * Peter Martyr, De Nouo Orbe, or the Historie of the West Indies (Lon-
don, 1612), p. 296. (Decade VIII, chap. vi).
182 C. F. Ph. von Martins, Von dem Rechtszustande unter den Urein-
wohnern Brasiliens (Munich, 1832), pp. 37 f .
188 Idem, Beitrage zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerika's, zumal
Brasiliens (Leipzig, 1867), I, 86. In Dutch Guiana a wisp of straw or a piece
of cloth, if laid close to an article, will protect it from interference during the
owner's absence (W. E. Roth, in Thirty-eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of\
American Ethnology, p. 565).
CHAPTER XI
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO
THE TABOO system, which reached the acme of development in
Polynesia, did not long survive the opening up of the islands to
European settlement. Its innumerable restrictions had by this time
become almost unbearable for the common people and scarcely
less so for the chiefs and priests who were its beneficiaries. In
several of the island groups, instead of being slowly and silently
abrogated, it was ended by a revolution.
The first missionaries to the South Seas were sent out in the
ship "DufF ' by the (London) Missionary Society. They landed
in 1797 at Tahiti. Pomare I, the king of the island, received them
cordially, but years passed before their work of proselytization
met any success. The first convert was Pomare II in 1812; he
was then an exile on the neighboring island of Moorea. The king
exhibited the sincerity of his conversion in a striking manner.
One day when a turtle had been presented to him he ordered that
this sacred animal, which had always been cooked over a sacred
fire within the precincts of a temple and a part of whose flesh had
been invariably offered to the idol, should be baked in the royal
kitchen and served without the sacrificial act. "The king cut up
the turtle and began to eat it, inviting some that sat at meat with
him to do the same ; but no one could be induced to touch it, as
they expected every moment to see him either expire or writhe
in strong convulsions. The king endeavoured to convince his
companions that their idea of the power of the gods was altogether
imaginary and that they had been the subjects of complete delu-
sion ; but the people could not believe him." The spread of the new
religion was accelerated by the bold act of the priest of the temple
in the district where the missionaries resided. Of his own free
will and without any prompting by them, he publicly burned the
idols in his charge. "The varied emotions of hope and fear, of
dread and expectation, with a strange air of mysterious fore-
boding, agitating the bosoms of the multitude, were strongly
marked in the countenances of the spectators ; resembling, perhaps
366
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO 367
in no small degree, the feeling depicted in the visages of the
assembled Israelites, when the prophet Elijah summoned them to
prove the power of Baal ; or to acknowledge the omnipotence of
the Lord God of Israel." This sacrilege, which the gods failed to
punish in any way, shook the faith of the people in them, and it
was not long before idols, temples, and altars were overthrown
and used as firewood throughout Moorea. In 1815 Pomare II
returned to Tahiti and reascended the throne of the island. The
decisive defeat of a rebel army, whose leaders were opposed to
the new religion, was followed by the speedy extirpation of the
heathen cults. 1
In the Hawaiian Islands the abolition of the taboo system
late in 1819 was the work of the youthful Kamehameha II
(Liholiho), who had succeeded his father only a few months
previously. His action was influenced by knowledge of what
Pomare II had done in Tahiti. Still more influential was the
realization, on the part of both the king and his advisers, that the
foreigners who visited the Islands after Cook's discovery of them
constantly violated the taboos without suffering any evil effects.
The leading chiefs, together with the high priest and the late king's
two queens, had lost all faith in the power of their ancient deities
and secretly resolved to make away with the taboo system. Kame-
hameha I had rigidly enforced it as a means of political control,
but once its supernatural basis was undermined it could not long
survive his death.
Immediately after his accession, Kamehameha II sounded out
several of his principal chiefs, who announced their purpose not to
observe any more taboos. Though several priests declared that
the gods would punish any neglect of the time-honored ordinances,
the high priest denied that evil results would follow. Soon after-
ward the king made a great feast, to which many chiefs, male and
female, were invited from the different islands. The guests as-
sembled, the men in one place and the women in another. When
the meal was about to begin, the king ordered that some fowls
and other dainties which women might not eat should be taken to
them ; he then entered their eating place, sat down among them,
began to partake of the food, and directed them to do the same.
"A shout of surprise burst from the multitude around; several
other chiefs followed his example. The men and women sat
promiscuously and ate the same food, which they called ai noa,
general or common eating, in opposition to the former ai tabu,
restricted or sacred eating." This public violation by the king
368 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
himself of one of the most stringent of the old taboos produced
an effect like the fall of the keystone of an arch ; the whole fabric
of heathenism collapsed. The temples were destroyed, the high
priest setting fire to the principal marae and its contents ; the idols
were overthrown ; and the priesthood was abolished. Some of the
"straighter sect" rose in revolt against these proceedings, but the
civil war soon ended in a complete triumph for the king and his
liberal-minded followers. All public worship and sacrifices now
ceased. When the first missionaries arrived from the* United
States, early in 1820, the Hawaiians presented to them the strange
spectacle of a people without a religion and ripe for conversion to
Christianity. 2
The first missionaries (Methodists) arrived in the Tonga
Islands in 1822. They encountered strong opposition for many
years, but George I (Taufaahau), who became king in 1845,
gave them his support, and Christianity was at length firmly es-
tablished in Tongatabu and the neighboring islands. We are
told that the king, who seems to have been a man of independent
mind, experimented with some of the taboo signs protecting gar-
dens to assure himself of the impotence of the old gods. 3
The first missionaries reached New Zealand as early as 1814,
but a full quarter-century elapsed before Christianity was in the
ascendant there. The missionaries did not observe any taboos,
nor did the Maori expect them to do so, being foreigners of a
race, and votaries of a religion, unlike their own. Converts were
required to give up the observance of all taboos, with the result
that as the number of natives professing Christianity increased
the number of natives observing them as steadily declined, until
at length the whole taboo system disappeared. 4
While the abrogation of the taboo system by the Polynesians
was thus the consequence of their intercourse with foreigners,
especially with the missionaries, the old beliefs persist to some
extent among those islanders least affected by European influence.
At Niue taboos are still imposed, but for the most part on those
things or actions which are forbidden by the missionaries. The
Bible itself is considered by the natives as a book of instructions
concerning the taboo and is called Tohi Tapu, while Sunday, a
taboo day, is known as Aho Tapu. 6 In the Tonga Islands white,
formerly the sacred color, seems still to possess a certain degree
of sanctity. Quite recently one of the native ministers was en-
gaged in "the lucrative sideline of tapuing coconut trees against
rats, banana patches against horses, and yam plantations against
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO 369
pigs. White calico, consecrated by contact with the Bible, was
the tapu emblem employed/' 6
In Samoa certain high chiefs are still invested with taboos, but
the observances relating to chiefs of lower rank, which were for-
merly motivated by fear of their contagious sanctity, have now
become mere rules of etiquette. 7 Where European influence is
more extensive, the term taboo may be retained but with an en-
tirely secular significance. In Fiji a planter translates "Tres-
passers will be prosecuted" by "It is taboo to enter," while in
Hawaii (Honolulu) signs reading Kapu are used for "No Tres-
passing/' "No Passing Through," "Keep Off."
The decline and obsolescence of taboos in Polynesia throws
light on the process which led to their elimination by civilized
peoples in past ages. History records, indeed, no sudden and
wholesale shaking off of burdens, as in Tahiti and Hawaii. With
the progress of mankind prohibitions which had outlived their
usefulness were gradually dropped, while those with some sense
behind them were retained as religious interdictions, as moral pre-
cepts, or as legal enactments.
It is probable, moreover, that various taboos developed into
rules of etiquette whose violation involved only vague public dis-
approval or, at the most, some degree of social ostracism. Every
society has its standards of "good form," and these standards,
could they be traced back far enough, might often be found to
rest on primitive notions of pollution and sanctity. Rules of
politeness, the ceremonial observances of courts, the euphemisms
of our speech, even our sanitary regulations may have been in-
fluenced by such notions.
It is further probable that some of our popular superstitions
in regard to "unlucky" objects, actions, words, and times are
transformed taboos, these being still upheld by a vague fear of
the evils which may follow from their violation, but without the
importance, as regulators of conduct, which the original taboos
assumed in the lower culture. It should be noticed, however, that
primitive peoples themselves sometimes draw a distinction be-
tween prohibitions whose infraction results automatically in a
state of ritual disability (pollution or sanctity), requiring a ritual
purification, and prohibitions whose infraction does not taboo a
person but only results in some misfortune for him if steps are
not taken to avoid it. The Lushei Kuki of Assam, whose words
hrilh and sherh carry the sense of "taboo," employ the term thian-
glo to refer to anything "unlucky," such as certain acts, dreams,
370 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
sights, and sounds. For instance, the sight of an atlas moth, an
insect rare in the Lushei Hills, portends disaster. A native, thus
duly warned, usually consults a priest or medicine man as to the
best means of averting the threatened evil. 8
A former missionary among the Bechuana points out that in
some cases one cannot foresee whether a native will use the term
"taboo" or the term "unlucky" with reference to certain situations
or happenings. The master of a herd who has an animal which
drinks its own urine, sucks its own teats, bleeds at the nose, ejects
its cud, has its horns bored by carpenter-beetles, or beats the
ground with its tail usually describes such an animal as "unlucky"
and tries to get rid of it as soon as possible. But sometimes it is
referred to as "taboo." In other cases "ill luck" is clearly dis-
tinguished from "taboo." For example, there are two trees in
Bechuanaland whose branches are so numerous and so closely
interwoven that it is difficult to climb into them and hard to fall
out of them. A boy who falls from one of these trees is said to
be "unlucky," and his ear must be cut so that the blood drops on
the ground and the ill luck with it. On the other hand, an un-
timely or abnormal birth is always described by the stronger word
"taboo." 9 Among the Akikuyu of Kenya, whose thahu, or taboos,
are exceedingly numerous, these are not the same as precautions
depending on the idea of unluckiness. It is unlucky for a Kikuyu
woman to sleep with her leather garment inside out, but she is
not tabooed if she does so. Any evil results may be averted if she
simply spits on the garment and turns it the right way. 10
There is nothing specifically religious or ethical in the conception
of taboo; it seems to lie just as much outside religion and outside
morality as notions of "unluckiness" among ourselves. But taboo
cannot be considered in vacuo. On the one hand, the negative rules
which it prescribes, after acceptance as binding by the group, gain
inviolability and the sacredness which attaches to all customs
long established and of unknown origin. On the other hand, these
same rules come to be regarded as expedient for the welfare of the
group and so acquire the moral character of all coercive social
regulations. Taboo thus enters the spheres of both religion and
morality. 11
Taboos are self -en forcing thou-shalt-nots. This is largely true
even when their infraction is held to be punished by spirits, for
such punitive "agents" possess little or no personality and punish
a transgressor almost if not quite automatically. The rationaliza-
tion of a taboo system becomes possible when its rules are trans-
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO 371
formed into religious interdictions. A personal, anthropomorphic
god is a creature of reason, who requires of his followers only a
reasonable obedience and whose wrath, if kindled against a trans-
gressor, may be turned aside by prayer and offering. It now
becomes possible to clear the ground of fettering prohibitions, as
being unworthy of the god, and at the same time to invoke his
authority for regulations of real usefulness. Thus the arbitrary
rules of a taboo system are converted into divine ordinances the
commandments of a deity who would have his worshipers like
himself. "Ye shall be holy, for I am holy/' The actual process
of rationalization escapes us. Among peoples rising into civiliza-
tion it must have been chiefly the work of reformers whose names
and whose activities remain unknown. Nor was it ever perfectly
accomplished. The codes attributed to a semi-mythical Moses and
Zoroaster and to a mythical Manu, along with regulations for
which a utilitarian reason can be perceived, contain many a ritual
prohibition which descends straight from savagery.
Once taboos are firmly established and socially recognized, a
condition of mind (the conscience or the sense of duty) impels to
prompt and unquestioning acceptance of them by everyone. Their
character as "categorical imperatives" applies equally to actions
and states of being devoid of ethical significance and to customs
and institutions which the experience of mankind has proved to
possess such significance. On the one hand, menstruous and par-
turient women, the dead and mourners for the dead, and sacred
persons are subject to a multitude of prohibitions having no ap-
parent utility; on the other hand, the marriage bond is safe-
guarded, communal and private property is protected, and respect
for constituted authority is fostered by taboos. A progressive
society will slough off prohibitions of the former class as mean-
ingless or at least will subject them to a process of "sublimation,"
'Awhile preserving the unconditional, imperative character of pro-
hibitions whose utility is manifest. This movement must have
gone on in many parts of the world as man advanced from sav-
agery to civilization. It may be observed at the present time in
primitive communities where the influence of Christianity is be-
coming dominant.
A missionary among the Thonga of South Africa points out
that while their taboos are motivated by strange, unscientific ideas
regarding defilement and contagion, these will disappear when
scientific knowledge has spread among them. "Let these ideas be
somewhat amended, let the natives understand that what is taboo
372 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
is not physical uncleanness but moral evil, and their strong aver-
sion to the act tabooed may become a powerful moral impulse for
good." 12 A missionary among the Bulu, a West African tribe,
looks forward to the moralization of their taboo system. This
must be a gradual process, however, since the natives tend at first
to confuse the moral rules introduced by Christian teachers with
their old taboos, or "tyings." "The ten commandments, as appre-
hended by the white man in their ethical splendor, are not so
apprehended by the black man when God 'ties him with ten tyings'
in the 'early morning' of his Christian day. They are not'then to
him the expressions of ideals; they are facts, definite laws of
abstainings, of omission and commission. They are the Eldorado
of taboo." Nevertheless they are emancipating, for they offer a
way of escape from a man-made yoke of superstitions. "The
practice of the law promises at first to be an exact science the
perfect taboo for which our Bulu has blindly searched and which
is here given him with the marks of divine authority." 18
Those customs of a primitive community whose infraction is
punished by its members constitute its civil laws. The long arm
of the group reaches out to the offender, who may be ostracized,
or expelled from the group, or subjected to corporal punishment,
bodily mutilation, or even execution. While by no means all civil
laws have originated as taboos, we may confidently assume that
some have done so ; in other words, that old taboos, with the prog-
ress of knowledge and growing refinement of life, became pro-
hibitions to which a purely social sanction was attached. 14
The consequences of taboo-breaking, in so far as they bring
misfortune to the individual concerned or to the community, may
be identical with those which result from the violation of any
other customary regulation accepted by the group or by its domi-
nant members as right and proper. In both cases a transgressor
is thought to incur some punishment, often at the hands of the
spirit guardians of the group. 15 Of the Australian aborigines
Mr. Curr observes that they are taught from infancy to believe
that any departure from the customs of the tribe will be followed
inevitably by such evils as becoming prematurely gray, being
afflicted with ophthalmia, and death from some form of evil
magic. 18 A stern role as upholders of the social order is played
by the ancestral spirits (kipua) in Ontong Java. Among the
actions which the community views in an unfavorable light and
which the kipua punish with sickness or death are failure to carry
out obligations to relatives, neglect of poorer relatives, acts of
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO 373
violence within the joint family, incest, non-observance of cere-
monies, and violation of taboos. 17 The Toradja of Middle Celebes,
an agricultural people, believe that every transgression of their
customs is visited by the gods on their crops. 18
Among the Kayan and other heathen tribes of Borneo the
minor spirits, or toh, have a considerable part in the regulation of
conduct. They are the powers that bring misfortunes upon an
entire house or village when any member of it ignores taboos or
otherwise violates tribal customs, without performing the propitia-
tory rites required by the occasion. "Thus on them, rather than on
the gods, are founded the effective sanctions of prohibitive rules of
conduct." 19 A Ga native was once asked, "What is the difference
between a law and a custom?" The native answered, "Anyone
will break a law if he can do so without being found out. But
nobody wants to break a custom. If you break it wilfully you
die." 20
Many things believed to bring bad fortune were forbidden to
a Cheyenne Indian. "The list of the proscribed acts is a long one.
They had to do with the most ordinary operations of life : with
his eating, drinking, and sleeping; with the members of his fam-
ily; his life in the lodge; his hunting and his war journey. In all
that he did at home and abroad he was closely bound by custom
which had become law." 21 By the Tlingit of Alaska every abro-
gation of the customary procedure, every departure from the
time-worn ways of the people, is called chlakass and is considered
the cause of whatever misfortune may happen to them bad
weather, sickness, or lack of success in hunting and fighting. 22
Students of primitive society have long recognized the fact
that a taboo system must be included among the most important
of socializing forces. Even if a man's taboos relate only to him-
self, their observance imposes a restraint on human passions and
requires the mastery of self -regarding impulses which otherwise
would be irresistible. If taboos are communally observed, their
disciplinary function is still more manifest. The violation of them
by anyone is believed to entail misfortune for everyone; as the
Congo natives say, "One man becomes the curse of a hundred."
Hence a duty devolves on each member of the group to see that
his neighbor obeys the law. The general effect of rules of taboo
is, therefore, to provide a powerful sanction for all those altru-
istic sentiments which bring about the co-operation of a man with
his fellows. That such rules tend to establish and maintain social
solidarity is attested by many of our authorities.
374 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
With reference to the Marquesans, an early missionary in
the South Seas points out that the observance of their "arbitrary
superstitions," or taboos, constitutes "the principal rule of right
and wrong" among them, regulating their consciences and pro-
viding them with their laws. 28 Another early missionary, who
labored among the Maori, declares that "the tapu in many in-
stances was beneficial ; considering the state of society, absence of
law, and fierce character of the people, it formed no bad substitute
for a dictatorial form of government, and made the nearest ap-
proach to an organized state of society/' 24 Similarly, we a're told
that the Maori "could not have been governed without some code
of laws analogous to the tapu. Warriors submitted to the sup-
posed decrees of the gods who would have spurned with contempt
the orders of men, and it was better the people should be ruled
by superstition than by brute force." 25 The tapu system is de-
scribed by Lieutenant Colonel Gudgeon as a valuable restraining
principle in the native life. "I do not contend that every imposi-
tion of the tapu conferred a benefit on the tribes, but I do hold
that this ceremony had the effect of a mental discipline, teaching
the Maoris the greatest of all lessons that of self-denial and
subordination." 26
The genna customs of the Naga tribes of Manipur are "the
foundation of all communal life, for the primary lesson they
teach, whether directly or indirectly, is that harm to one is harm
to all, and that the strength of all is greater than the strength of
one." 27 The Ashanti peoples have many fettering taboos. One
generally finds out, however, that "all these rules are beneficial
in the long run to the family or community." 28
A taboo system, however firmly established among a primi-
tive people, will share in the disintegration of the native culture
which results when traders, travelers, officials, and missionaries
introduce the customs and beliefs of a superior civilization. Thus,
concerning the Bibbulmun of southwestern Australia, a people
once the largest homogeneous group in the entire continent but
now practically extinct, we are told by one who knew them inti-
mately and sympathetically that until the white man appeared they
kept their customs unimpaired. Then the "apparent promiscuity"
of the white man, who lived in the same hut with his mother,
mother-in-law, and grown-up sisters, without suffering any evil
consequences, was a spectacle which deeply impressed the natives
and led them to question the validity of their old taboos. Then,
too, their medicine men, those pillars of orthodoxy and upholders
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO 375
of tribal custom, took to the white man's drink and, as a result,
lost their magic power and influence in the community. The old
restraints of the social system disappeared, and nothing replaced
them. The result was disaster. 29
Among the Babemba of Northern Rhodesia Christian con-
verts, having been taught that no "supernatural" punishment will
follow infraction of some of the old taboos, feel themselves freed
from the usual moral restraints and indulge in many things pre-
viously forbidden. An irate father was once heard haranguing
a son-in-law who had left his pregnant wife to consort with
another woman: "I suppose you think that because you are a
Christian it doesn't matter how badly you behave !" Even natives
fairly well educated have difficulty in distinguishing between those
features of their codes which we approve and those by which we
are repelled. Not unnaturally they "drop the lot" when told that
their taboos may be disregarded with impunity. 30
The Akikuyu of Kenya attribute the lessening rainfall in their
country to the decay of the religious rites and moral ordinances
once observed by them. The natives are no more what they used
to be, it is said. In place of unified tribal customs, "there is now
a welter of disturbing influences, rules, and sanctions, whose net
result is only that a Kikuyu does not know what he may or may
not, ought or ought not, to do or believe, but which leave him in
no doubt at all about having broken the morality of his people." 81
A missionary who labored long among the Tinne Indians de-
clares that their "superstitions," meaning particularly their taboos,
fairly control the unruly passions of the people and maintain a
standard of morality, which, if not high, is certainly better than
none at all. When the people are brought into relations with the
white man and begin to rid themselves of superstitious notions,
grave danger exists that, lacking all moral restraint, the worst
tendencies of human nature will have full sway among them. If
the white man's religion and moral code cannot be substituted in
good time for the discarded heathenism, contact with our civil-
ization proves fatal to the Indians. 82
Sometimes new taboos are introduced into a primitive com-
munity as the result of European influence. The Swazi, a South
African tribe, learn from the missionaries that to eat the flesh of
an animal dying a natural death is a sin, and that anyone who does
so will be denied access to the kingdom of heaven. 88 The Konde
have developed some taboos relating to Europeans, for example,
a prohibition against entrance into a white man's house. The
376 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
pictures on his walls are the spirits of his ancestors. These are
especially to be feared at night, when they may cast an unseen
spear at anyone who ventures into so dangerous a place. The fear
of the white man is passing, but there are still old men and women
who will not approach him. They insist that he is God, and it is
mwiko (taboo) to see God. One of the native teachers at a mis-
sion declared that his own mother would not go near him when
he wore a white garment, for that was a sign that he was about
to speak to God. "Even a native is dangerous at such a time, for
the power of God will break through to destruction." 34 '
With reference, particularly, to the Eskimo of northern
Alaska, Mr. Stefansson remarks that their religion "consists
mainly in a series of prohibitions or taboos/ 1 and the prohibitions
of Christianity are, therefore, of all the new teachings, the things
they most readily understand. "Under the old religion it used to
be believed that sickness, famine, and death were caused by such
trivial things as the breaking of a marrow bone with the wrong
kind of hammer, or the sewing of deerskin clothing before enough
days had elapsed from the killing of the last whale or walrus. To
avoid breaking these taboos meant prosperity and good health,
and the gaining of all the rewards (or rather the escape from all
the penalties) provided for by that system of religion. Similarly,
now that they know about salvation and damnation, it seems but
logical to them that one may be gained and the other avoided by
the mere observance of such simple prohibitions as that against
working on Sunday." 86
Instances are known of deliberate taboo-breaking, even in
communities which have had little intercourse with Europeans
and where the native culture has been but slightly affected by con-
tact with the white man's civilization. Among some tribes in the
Kimberly division of Western Australia it may happen that a
woman wishes to avenge herself on a man who has tired of her
or on another man who has rejected her advances. During her
'courses she will walk across the camp, enter that part of it reserved
to the men, and touch the belongings of the person against whom
she holds a grudge. He gets sick, as a result, but nothing is done
to punish the woman. 86 At Ulawa, one of the Solomon Islands,
it is customary for the owner of an areca nut grove to taboo it by
putting it under the protection of a ghost or a sea spirit. An evil-
minded person can cause a man to die by stealthily giving him
one of the nuts from the tabooed trees. There is no need to inform
his victim of what he has done, for the ghosts or spirits can be
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO 377
trusted to do their appointed work. If the man is actually in-
formed, as may well happen, he is certain to die of fear. The
tabooed nuts are so dangerous that a single one placed in the bow
of an ocean-going canoe would kill the person who ate it. The
Ulawa people tell a story of a woman whose husband gave her no
help in the work of the house and garden but was always fishing.
So she plucked "the areca nut which causes death," ate it, and
died. 87 In the Marquesas Islands a woman could commit suicide
by means of a special rite involving the violation of a stringent
taboo. 38 The Andamanese have several legends referring to de-
liberate violations of taboos by their ancestors and to the disasters
which followed. 89
The Azande (Niam-Niam) of the Belgian Congo, when con-
sulting a poison oracle or when using very potent medicines, such
as those for vengeance and theft, normally observe stringent
taboos, particularly taboos proscribing sexual intercourse and the
eating of certain articles of food. Nevertheless, there are many
"stupid and greedy people" who dare to disregard these prohibi-
tions. 40 We are told that among the Wabena of Tanganyika Ter-
ritory there is a fair degree of conformity in the observance of
taboos which do not greatly inconvenience the people. When
powerful desires and instincts are affected, the disregard of taboos
is not uncommon. An old medicine man admitted that much of
his time was taken up in assisting people who had broken some
taboo or who wished by appropriate ceremonies to placate their
offended ancestors and thus escape the consequences of their ac-
tions. 41 The Jukun peoples of Nigeria, who seem to have been
once organized along totemic lines, continue to respect a large
number of plants and animals, but only in a half-hearted fashion.
Many young people are quite ignorant of the family taboos, and
others do not hesitate to break them when they feel so inclined.
Thus a man who belonged to the group to whose members the
python and a number of other animals were sacred, declared that
he had no longer any respect for them. For he had once met a
python, had killed it, and, being hungry, had eaten it. No evil
results followed, so that henceforth he had not hesitated to break
other taboos as opportunity offered. Men will even violate the
prohibition against eating the flesh of crocodiles, the most sacred
of Jukun animals. Before eating it, however, they think to safe-
guard themselves by making some fictitious statement, such as
"This is cow's (or goat's) flesh." 42 Such instances of the delib-
erate violation of taboos seem to be exceptional. The primitive
378 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
attitude is rather that of the Konde (an East African tribe),
among whom "to break a tabu in order to see what would happen
is an act of folly so extreme that only a few men can afford to
risk it." 48
The role of inhibition in primitive societies has always been
extensive, and of the thou-shalt-nots the most imperative have
been taboos. Primitive societies differ, of course, as to the degree
to which these are relied on as a means of control. While the con-
ception of taboo has been widely held, only among comparatively
small groups has it developed into an all-pervading system of
negative regulations. Some peoples find in the assumed conse-
quences of taboo-breaking a sufficient or nearly sufficient explana-
tion of the accidents and other misfortunes to which human flesh
is heir; other peoples assign much greater importance to witch-
craft or to demonic agency as an explanation. All these "super-
stitions" reflect man's ignorance of his surroundings, whether
natural or what we call supernatural. They are rooted in the fear
of the unknown and the unknowable. 44
NOTES TO CHAPTER XI
1 William Ellis, Polynesian Researches (2d ed., London, 1831), II, 93 f.,
110 f. See also John Williams, A Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the
South Sea Islands (London, 1838), pp. 60 f.
2 Ellis, op. cit., IV, 30 f., 126 f. See also Sheldon Dibble, History of the
Sandwich Islands (Lahainaluna, 1843), pp. 143-57; Hiram Bingham, A Resi-
dence of Twenty-one Years in the Sandwich Islands (Hartford, Conn., 1849),
pp. 73-79.
8 E. E. V. Collocott, "The Supernatural in Tonga," American Anthropolo-
gist (n.s., 1921), XXIII, 431. Taufaahau had earlier been the principal chief
of the Hapai Islands, which form a part of the Tongan group. He heard of the
progress of Christianity at Tongatabu, visited the island to form his own judg-
ment of the new religion, and, being favorably impressed, took back with him
a native convert. Most of the Hapai people soon became Christian, following
the example of their ruler, but in several islands the minor chiefs and the priests
clung to their old ways. They determined to celebrate a great feast in honor
of the gods whom they had been bidden to desert, and accordingly sent out
fishermen to catch turtles and fish for an imposing sacrifice. But Taufaahau,
becoming cognizant of their plans, caused a large herd of pigs to be driven into
the sacred precincts and also turned a little temple which stood there into a
sleeping place for his female servants. Not content with these acts of sacrilege,
he proceeded to hang the images of the gods to the rafters of their temple.
When the people drew near for the solemn sacrifice they found polluting pigs
ready to devour the offerings and saw their gods, undecked and disrobed, hang-
ing like so many condemned criminals from the roof of the sanctuary. It was a
crushing blow, the death-blow of heathenism in the Hapai Islands. See Wil-
liams, op. cit., pp. 273 f .
* Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui (2d ed., London, 1870), p. 166.
E. M. Loeb, "History and Traditions of Niue." Bernice P. Bishofi Museum
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO 379
Bulletin, No. 32, p. 173. In Samoa Sunday is called Aso Sa ("forbidden day"),
but Monday is known as Gafua ("made free"), the latter term being equivalent
to Maori noa, or "common" (Margaret Mead, ibid., No. 76, p. 120). In the
Tonga Islands Sunday, called in Tongan by the Jewish name Sabbath (Sabate),
is the taboo day. "The prohibitions against labor in the Fourth Commandment
are naturally and properly rendered in the Tongan version of the Bible (which
by the way is called the Tabu Book) as labor being tabu on the seventh day,
and this idea of the tabu day is more easily assimiliated and more strictly en-
forced than many of the more positive precepts of Christian teaching. A Tongan
will not so much as pluck a flower or break a branch from a shrub on that
day" (E. E. V. Collocott, in American Anthropologist (n.s., 1921), XXIII, 417).
Similarly, "it is in Fiji that one can enjoy the Sabbath, for on that day scarce
a sail is seen on the blue green water, nor does a spade touch soil; the sound
of the axe is not heard in the deep woods. If the native Christian is Pharisaical
to the point of refusing to pull a fruit from the tree, or eat a fish caught on
Sunday, he does not, on the other hand, make the sacred season hideous with
carousal, or secularize it until it loses altogether its religious significance. It is
taboo" (W. Deane, Fijian Society [London, 1921], p. 129). An early missionary
tells of a native crew, converts to Christianity in Raiatea, who were storm-tossed
at sea for six weeks and suffered greatly from hunger and thirst. They passed
the time reading the Scriptures, singing hymns, and praying. "So great was the
regard paid to the Sabbath, that the individual who had charge of the boat in-
formed me, that on one occasion a large fish continued near them for a con-
siderable time, which they could easily have caught; but although nearly
famished, they held a consultation whether it was right for them to take it,
and determined that they would not catch fish on a Sabbath day" (Williams
op. tit., 80 f.).
6 E. W. Gifford, "Tongan Society," Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin,
No. 61, p. 343. The Tonga people believe that one who swears falsely on the
Bible will die. Some years ago a house was burned down by an incendiary.
Before the local court could interfere in the case, all the villagers met for a
trial by ordeal. A Bible was brought, and each person took a solemn oath
affirming innocence. A judicial inquiry followed, but the natives took no interest
in it ; they felt sure that the culprit would die within a week. Not long after-
ward an elderly woman fell ill. Her condition soon became serious and at last
she confessed that in a fit of jealousy she had set fire to the house of her rival.
Her relatives warned her that since she had committed perjury there was no
hope for her. Die she did, being "fairly frightened to death." See Sir Basil H.
Thomson, The Diversions of a Prime Minister (Edinburgh and London, 1894),
p. 309 and note.
7 Margaret Mead, "Social Organization of Manua," Bernice P. Bishop
Museum Bulletin, No. 76, p. 122.
8 J, Shakespear, The Litshei Kuki Clans (London, 1912), pp. 69 f., 101 f.
W. C. Willoughby, Nature-Worship and Taboo (Hartford, Conn., 1932),
pp. 183 f.
10 C. W. Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic (London, 1922), p. 117.
11 See Mrs. Elsie C. Parsons, "Links between Religion and Morality in
Early Culture," American Anthropologist (n.s., 1915), XVII, 41-57; C. H. Toy,
"Taboo and Morality," Journal of the American Oriental Society, XX (1899),
151-56; L. Marillier, "Notes sur la coutume, le tabou, et 1'obligation morale,"
Entre Camarades (Paris, 1901), pp. 391-424.
12 H. A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (2d ed., London, 1927),
380 TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
18 Jean K. Mackenzie, "The Black Commandments," Atlantic Monthly,
CXVIII (1916), 794.
14 The passage of taboos into civil laws is clearly seen among: the Tswana
and related tribes of the Bechuanaland Protectorate. Many Tswana taboos are
trifling in character and are not taken very seriously by the people them-
selves. The consequences of breaking them affect only the persons concerned;
the interests of the tribe at large remain unaffected by their transgression. Other
taboos are of general concern, for the well-being of the society is jeopardized.
An offender must often undergo, therefore, a special purificatory ceremony to
nullify the evil effects believed to result from his action. The violation of still
other taboos is made a penal offense. Among the Tswana and their neighbors
it is taboo to cut certain trees, castrate young bulls, and do various other things
during the first part of the agricultural year. The imposition of such prohibi-
tions must be proclaimed anew every year by the chief, who must also announce
when they are lifted. Their violation, it is thought, will cause the rain to turn
into hail and destroy the growing crops. The prohibitions have also a social
sanction. A violator, if discovered, will be tried and punished by the chief. See
I. Schapera, A Handbook of Tswana Law and Custom (Oxford, 1938), p. 39.
15 Speaking of the Melanesians, an experienced missionary declares that it
is "somewhat difficult to ascertain whether the breach of certain customs can
properly be described as a violation of a tabu imposed in days gone by or whether
it was simply a breach of a custom which had virtually become law. There is no
difficulty whatever in deciding this where outward symbols, such as a circlet of
cocoanut leaves round the trees or any other symbols, are used, whether they are
affixed by a secret society, by a chief, or by any ordinary person, but in other
cases it is difficult to say whether the natives believe that the same powers of
magic as would be exercised in any breach of the tabu would also be exercised
where any recognized custom is violated or not" (George Brown, Melanesians
and Polynesians [London, 1910], p. 273).
16 E. M. Curr, The Australian Race (Melbourne, 1886-1887), I, 54 f.
17 H. I. Hogbin, Law and Order in Polynesia (London, 1934), pp. 160 f.
On the similar role of the Manus spirits as upholders of the social order see
Margaret Mead, Growing Up in New Guinea (New York, 1930), p. 101.
18 N. Adriani and A. C. Kruijt, De Bare'e-sprekende Toradja's van Midden-
Celebes (Batavia, 1912), II, 229.
19 Charles Hose and William McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
(London, 1912), II, 26; cf. p. 125, note 1.
20 M. J. Field, Religion and Magic of the Ga People (Oxford, 1937), p. 197.
21 G. B. Grinnell, The Cheyenne Indians (New Haven, 1923), II, 193.
22 Aurel Krause, Die Tlinkit-lndianer (Jena, 1885), p. 300.
23 C. S. Stewart, A Visit to the South Seas (New York, 1831), I, 243.
2* Taylor, Te Ika A Maui (2d ed.) f pp. 172 f.
25 A. S. Thomson, The Story of New Zealand (London, 1859), I, 105.
2 W. E. Gudgeon, "The 'Tipua-Kura' and Other Manifestations of the
Spirit-World," Journal of the Polynesian Society, XV (1906), 51. See also
J. L. Nicholas, Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand, Performed in the Years
1814 and 1815 (London, 1817), II, 309 f.; Ernest Dieffenbach, Travels in New
Zealand (London, 1843), II, 100.
27 T. C. Hodson, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXXVI
(1906), 103.
28 A. W. Cardinall, In Ashanti and Beyond (London, 1927), p. 229.
29 Mrs. Daisy Bates, The Passing of the Aborigines (London, 1938), pp. 75 f.
80 Audrey I. Richards, "Anthropological Problems in North-eastern Rho-
desia," Africa, V (1932), 131.
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF TABOO 381
81 J. Kenyatta, "Kikuyu Religion, Ancestor- Worship, and Sacrificial Prac-
tices," ibid., X (1937), 318.
82 J. Jett6, "On the Superstitions of the Ten'a Indians," Anthropos, VI
(1911), 704.
88 B. A. Marwick, The Swazi (Cambridge, 1940), p. 284.
84 D. R. MacKenzie, The Spirit-ridden Konde (London, 1925), pp. 101 f.
86 Vilhjalmur Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo (New York, 1913),
p. 89. "An Eskimo, who is a great admirer of the white people (and some Es-
kimo are not), said to me once that some Eskimo foolishly maintained that white
men were less intelligent than Eskimo are. But he said that he had a crushing
reply to those who made this statement. He would say to them : 'Our wise men
have taboos on food and drink, they have taboos on clothing and methods of
travel, on words and thoughts ; but until the white men came, did we ever hear
of Sunday? Did the wisest of us ever think of the fact that a day might be
taboo?'" (p. 412).
36 Phyllis M. Kaberry, Aboriginal Woman, Sacred and Profane (London,
1939), p. 240.
87 W. G. Ivens, Melanesians of the South-East Solomon Islands (London,
1927), pp. 121, 178, 258, 289.
88 The woman took a coconut to a sacred place, broke it into two parts, and
said, "This part is for (naming a god), that part is for my pudendum."
Her death would result from having brought into intimate contact what was
most sacred and what was most polluting. See E. S. C. Handy, "The Native
Culture in the Marquesas," Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 9, p. 279,
on the manuscript authority of Father Pierre Chaulet. It should be observed
that by the Marquesans mats, girdles, men's loin-cloths, and the private parts of
women were regarded as insulting or distasteful to the gods (p. 271).
89 A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders (Cambridge, 1933), p. 51.
40 E. E. Evans- Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic among the
Asande (Oxford, 1937), pp. 286, 459.
41 A. T. Culwick and G. M. Culwick, Ubena of the Rivers (London, 1935),
pp. 215, 219.
42 C. F. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom (London, 1931), pp. 74 f.
48 MacKenzie, op. cit. t p. 96. With reference to the Hehe, Bena, and Sangu
peoples of Tanganyika, we are told that "no one in his right mind would break
a taboo" (W. B. Mumford, in American Anthropologist [n.s., 1934], XXXVI,
222).
44 On taboo in Polynesia see Albert Reville, Les religions des peuples non-
civilises (Paris, 1883), II, 55-67; Waitz-Gerland, Anthropologie der Naturvolker
(Leipzig, 1872), VI, 343-63; F. R. Lehmann, Die polynesischen Tabusitten
(Leipzig, 1930), an exhaustive monograph. Sir J. G. Frazer (The Belief in
Immortality and the Worship of the Dead (London, 1922), II, 37-50, 345-47,
387-90) provides a convenient summary of the tabu system among the Maori
of New Zealand, the Marquesans, and the Hawaiian Islanders. See, further,
R. W. Williamson, The Social and Political Systems of Central Polynesia (Cam-
bridge, 1924), 3 vols. (index) ; idem, Religion and Social Organization in Central
Polynesia (Cambridge, 1937), pp. 130-47. On taboo in other parts of the world
see Leon Marillier, "Sur le caractere religieux du tabou melandsien," in Etudes
de critique et d'histoire (2d series, Paris, 1896), pp. 35-74; C. Mensch, Taboe, een
primitieve vreesreactie. Studie over de taboebepalingen, bij de Indonesische
Volken, Amsterdam, 1937; Arnold van Gennep, Tabou et totemisme a Mada-
gascar, Paris, 1904; W. C. Willoughby, Nature- Worship and Taboo. Further
Studies in the "Soul of the Bantu," Hartford, Conn., 1932.
INDEX
Abadja of Nigeria, 162
Abandonment of a place where a death
has occurred, 172-77, 216, 217
Abipones of Paraguay and Argentina,
182, 222
Abongo (Ishogo) of Gabon, French
Equatorial Africa, 64
Abonsam, a Gold Coast devil, 252
Abuan of Nigeria, 45, 137
Abyssinia, 189
Accidents and mishaps, influence of, in
taboo-making, 9, 10
Achewa (Ajawa) of Mozambique, 161,
162
Adivi of Mysore, 73, 103
Admiralty Islands, 18, 134, 311, 346
Adultery tabooed, 139-46, 160, 161,
162
Afungwe of Rhodesia, 63
Agutaino of Palawan, 197
Aht, see Nootka Indians
Ainu of Japan, 79, 108, 120, 128, 157,
175, 217, 289, 306, 333
Ajawa, see Achewa
Akamba of Kenya, 22, 63, 85, 105, 106,
143, 148, 152, 157, 174, 194, 217, 224,
225, 226, 227, 232, 237, 244, 246, 313,
343
Akikuyu of Kenya, 21, 22, 37, 43, 60,
74, 85, 103, 137, 144, 151, 152, 157,
176, 189, 199, 204, 214, 217, 224, 226,
232, 244, 298, 313, 317, 320, 334, 370,
375
Aleuts of the Aleutian Islands, 121, 128.
146, 239, 318
Amaxosa of South Africa, 57, 58, 76,
114, 118, 203, 240
Amazulu, see Zulu
Amboina, island of, 95
Anabali Indians of Guiana, 174
Andaman Islanders, 16, 88, 89, 173, 203,
216, 231, 232, 316, 320, 336, 337, 377
Angola, 235
Angoni, see Ngoni
"Animalicide," 222, 223, 227, 228
Animals, sacred, 293, 294
Antambahoaka of Madagascar, 163
Anyanja of Nyasaland, 82, 161, 163
Apache Indians of Arizona, 242, 243,
257, 285, 336
Arabs, 235, 285
Arapaho Indians, 291, 326
Araucanian Indians of Chile, 56, 74, 75
Arawak Indians of Guiana, 81, 239,
337, 359
Areoi, a Polynesian secret society, 298
ariki, Maori chief, 266, 267
Arunta of the Northern Territory of
Australia, 20, 40, 41, 54, 83, 88, 153,
172, 208, 283, 286, 287, 332
Asceticism not primitive, 48
Ashanti of the Gold Coast, 232, 299, 334,
335, 374
Assam and Manipur, the natives of,
135; see also Garo, Khasi, Kuki,
Meithei, Naga
Asylums or sanctuaries, 283-86, 290,
292 305 306
Atheraka of Kenya, 199, 204, 225, 334
Atka of the Aleutian Islands, 318
atua, Polynesian conception of the, 21,
40,288
Aurohuaca of Colombia, 313, 314
Austin, John, 1
Australia, the natives of: New South
Wales, 70, 94, 102, 178, 196, 218, 275,
302, 322, 325, 353 ; Northern Terri-
tory, 53, 61, 83, 88, 105, 110, 117, 178,
190, 196, 225, 230, 305, 323, 332, 338,
353; Queensland, 30, 83, 97, 105, 111,
115, 117, 124, 126, 139, 149, 163, 172,
185, 221, 239, 240, 254, 280, 324. 325,
332, 344, 359, 360; South Australia,
54, 82, 94, 105, 117, 168, 178, 185, 190,
280, 356; Victoria, 20, 26, 56, 83, 94,
109, 149, 153, 165, 170, 175, 178, 230,
233, 234, 235, 254, 275, 332, 353;
Western Australia, 105, 106, 127, 287,
374, 375, 376
Avesta, the, 7, 371
Avoidance, rules of, 153-55
Awemba of Rhodesia, 100, 142, 228
Azande (Niam-Niam) of the Belgian
Congo and the Anglo-Egyptian Su-
dan, 53, 137, 377
Azimba of Central Africa, 106
383
384
TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Babemba of Rhodesia, 375
Baca of South Africa, 85
Bachama of Nigeria, 273, 274
Badaga of the Nilgiri Hills, southern
India, 232
"Bad deaths," 26-28, 240, 241, 242, 243
Baduma of Chad, French Equatorial
Africa, 148
Baganda of Uganda, 37, 48, 66, 74, 90,
108, 114, 124, 144, 154, 269, 290, 313,
319, 351, 357
Bagehot, Walter, 238
Bagesu of Uganda, 227
Bagobo of Mindanao, 151
Bahima (Bahuma) of Uganda, 40, 118,
174, 241, 337, 357
Bahuana of the Belgian Congo, 144, 334
Bahuma, see Bahima
Ba-ila of Rhodesia, 15, 51, 55, 58, 85,
108, 135, 136, 142, 153, 163, 198, 203,
204, 226, 237, 282, 317
Bakairi of Brazil, 233
Bakalai (Bakele), of Gabon, French
Equatorial Africa, 330
Bakaonde of Rhodesia, 58, 60, 153, 154,
198, 199
Bakele, see Bakalai
Bakene of Uganda, 124
Bakongo of the Belgian Congo, 85, 86,
102, 137, 144, 207, 251, 252, 255, 351,
362
Bakundu of the Cameroons, 334
Bakwena of South Africa, 257
Bakwiri of the Cameroons, 334
Bakyiga of Uganda, 152
Bali, 61, 99, 248, 249
Balonda, see Cazembe
Baluba of the Belgian Congo, 300
Bambala of the Belgian Congo, 69, 136
Bambwela of Rhodesia, 59, 60
Bana of the Cameroons, 181
Bangala (Boloki) of the Belgian Con-
go, 40, 69, 176, 181, 238, 334
Bangongo of the Belgian Congo, 118
Banks Islands, 30, 31, 45, 281, 298, 325,
327, 328, 347, 355, 363
Bantu-speaking peoples of South
Africa, 38, 57, 62, 111, 112, 113, 114,
116, 135, 151, 180, 181, 198, 328, 333
Banyankole of Uganda, 174
Banyoro of Uganda, 32, 66, 77, 101, 114,
124, 152, 241, 268, 334
Bapiri of South Africa, 245
Barea of Abyssinia, 116
Barotse of South Africa, 58, 73, 114,
176, 284, 302, 362
Basoga of Uganda, 176, 189, 357
Bassari of Togoland, 64
Basuto of South Africa, 50, 59, 68, 94,
147, 148, 163, 168, 171, 175, 186, 210,
215, 228, 235, 250, 316
Batamba of Uganda, 154
Bateke of the Lower Congo, French
Equatorial Africa, 269
Bathurst Island, 185
Battak (Batta) of Sumatra, 50, 61, 316
Bavenda of South Africa, 58, 59, 62, 73,
108, 141, 142
Bavuma of Uganda, 176
Baya of French Equatorial Africa, 69,
126, 137
Bayaka of the Belgian Congo, 118, 334
Baziba of Uganda, 246
Bechuana of South Africa, 51, 52, 81,
114, 130, 136, 141, 157, 161, 171, 198,
228, 234, 235, 245, 254, 258, 300, 316,
317, 370
Benin, 66, 235, 269
Berbers of North Africa, 157, 300
Bibbulmun of Western Australia, 374,
375
Birhor of Chota Nagpur, 153
Bismarck Archipelago, 30, 61
Blackfeet Indians, 177, 274
Blood or red paint to mark tabooed ob-
jects, 47
Bogo of Abyssinia, 181
Boloki, see Bangala
Bomvana of South Africa, 66
Bontoc Igorot of Luzon, 62, 192, 297, 308
Borneo, the natives of, 79, 150, 156, 373 ;
see also Dayak, Dusun, Kayan, Ken-
yah, Murut, Sibuyau, Sow
Bororo Indians of Brazil, 182, 335, 358
Bougainville Island, 26, 44, 71, 102, 179,
186
Bribri Indians of Costa Rica, 59, 98, 99,
171, 237, 239
Buandik of South Australia, 54
Builsa of the Northern Territories of
the Gold Coast, 204, 205
Buin, Bougainville Island, 26, 71, 102,
186
Buka, island of 78, 79, 83, 84
Bukaua of New Guinea, 50, 238
Bull-roarer, the, sacredness of, 120,
286, 287, 288, 307, 339, 344
Bulu of the Cameroons, 372
Bushmen of South Africa, 181, 186
Bushongo of the Belgian Congo, 118,
144, 318, 321
Busuanga, island of, 217
INDEX
385
Cahuilla Indians of southern California,
176
Calabar, West Africa, 64, 200, 284,
330, 331
California, Indians of, 86, 92, 169, 176,
183, 187, 195, 220, 221, 224, 326, 336
Cameroons, the, 204
Canary Islands, the, 207, 227, 335
Canelos Indians of Ecuador, 23, 155
Cannibalism, a masculine privilege, 118,
126, 228; as a means of acquiring
magical potency, 163, 164, 213
Carib Indians, in Guiana, 81, 86, 152,
239; in the West Indies, 352
Caroline Islands, 53, 54, 134, 192, 248,
271, 282
Carrier Indians, 286, 314
Cattle, women debarred from contact
with, 113-15, 123, 124
Cayenne Indians of Guiana, 60
Cazembe (Balonda) of Angola, 268, 269,
350
Celebes, 84, 85, 151, 373
Celibacy sometimes required of priests
and priestesses, 273, 274, 278
Ceram, 57
Ceylon, Singhalese of, 89, 168, 236, 290,
303, 350; see also Vedda
Chams of Indo-China, 9
Cherokee Indians, 77, 104, 107, 255, 285,
291
Cheyenne Indians, 86, 206, 292, 307, 373
Chickasaw Indians, 91, 213, 336
Chiefs and kings, sanctity of, 263-70,
276, 277, 278
Childbirth, restrictions relating to, 54-
57 ; uncleanness of, requires purifica-
tion of mother and child, 70-78
Children, taboos relating to, 59-61, 76-
78
Chingpaw, see Kachin
Chinook Indians of Oregon, 206
Chinyai of Mozambique, 175
Chippewa Indians, 116, 124, 176
Christian missionaries, influence of, on
taboo systems, 375, 376
Chukchi of Siberia, 56, 82, 87, 172, 189,
233
churinga, sacred sticks and stones of
the Central Australian aborigines,
286,287
Clallam Indians of Washington, 172
Closed seasons for plants and animals,
taboos enforcing, 338-42, 360, 361
Coincidental experiences, influence of,
in confirming taboos, 10-13
Coitus, taboos relating to methods of,
157, 159, 160; ritual, 141, 161, 193,
198, 199, 224, 225, 226, 251
Colorado Indians of Ecuador, 23
Commensal taboos, 110-12, 122
Confession of sins, 44, 311-15, 319, 320
Congo, tribes of the Lower, 25, 26, 54,
200, 232, 251, 296, 329, 330
Consecration, rites of, 273, 274
Conservatism of the savage, 237, 238
Continence, required on critical occa-
sions, 132-39; observed by newly
married couples, 155, 156
Cook, Captain James, 3, 4, 263
Coroado of Brazil, 56, 118, 335
Corpses, fear of, as unclean, 169-72,
215
Crawley, Ernest, 323
Cree Indians, 174
Creek Indians, 132, 194, 195, 258, 285,
286, 291
Critical occasions, taboos observed in
connection with, 246-52, 259
Cumana, Venezuela, 352
Curses distinguished from taboos, 28
Dahomey, 66, 67, 70, 101, 268, 269, 301
Dakota (Sioux) Indians, 15, 75, 91
Daramulun, Australian All-Father, 302
Dayak (Dyak) of Borneo, 18, 19, 52,
96, 140, 147, 164, 175, 186, 192, 245,
297, 326, 333, 350
Death, often the penalty for taboo-
breaking, 24-26; primitive concep-
tion of, 167
D'Entrecasteaux Islands, 34, 179, 186,
220, 270, 299, 315, 345, 362
Desacralization, rites of, 34, 35, 309
Dharkar of Central India, 153
Dieri of South Australia, 190
Dinka of the White Nile, Anglo-Egyp-
tian Sudan, 114, 152
Dobu, island of, 34, 186, 299, 315, 316,
345, 346, 362
Dorobo of Kenya, 148
Dravidian-speaking peoples of India,
rest days observed by, 296
Dreams and visions, influence of, in ta-
boo-making, 9, 40
Duk-duk, a secret society in the Bis-
marck Archipelago, 30, 281, 340
Duke of York Island, 115, 139
Dusun of Borneo, 151, 153, 173, 236,
255, 256, 298
Dyak, see Dayak
Dying persons, disposal of, 167-69, 214
386
TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Eating and drinking, separation of the
sexes in, 110-12
Eclipses of the moon regarded as in-
auspicious, 243
Edo of Nigeria, 64, 157
Ekoi of Nigeria, 53, 352
Elema tribes of New Guinea, 15, 16, 30,
43, 94, 190, 283, 287, 288
Ellice Islands, 234, 348
Ellis, William, 4 .
Erekula (Yerukula) of southern India,
79,80
Eskimo: Alaska, 56, 98, 156, 172, 177,
184, 189, 1%, 220, 222, 223, 225, 326,
376, 381; Baffin Land and Hudson
Bay, 23, 24, 44, 56, 59, 99, 169, 172,
189, 220, 332, 338, 359; Greenland,
44, 146, 172, 184, 239; Labrador, 124,
172, 337, 338; Polar, 59, 75, 76, 87,
118, 326, 337, 359
Ethnocentrism of the savage, 235, 236
Etiquette, rules of, and taboo, 369
Euahlayi of New South Wales, 70, 190,
322, 323, 325, 353, 354
Euphemisms, 222, 239, 302
Ewe of the Slave Coast, 194, 242, 273,
352
Executioners tabooed, 207
fady, Malagasy term for taboo, 188
Fakaaofo, island of, 312
Fan (Pangwe) of Gabon, French
Equatorial Africa, 56, 126, 137, 159,
241, 242, 256, 318
Fasting after a death, 222
Fiji Islands, 32, 34, 35, 69, 70, 71, 102,
119, 126, 140, 170, 191, 209, 228, 267,
277, 288, 295, 2%, 298, 340, 342, 347,
379
Finau, chief of Vavau, Tonga Islands,
10
Fingo of South Africa, 118
First-fruits ceremonies, 342, 343
Fish not eaten, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336,
356, 358
Fjort, see Bavili
Flores, 349
Food restrictions and taboos, 117, 118,
322-65
Formosa, 294, 333
Fornication tabooed, 146-48, 161, 163
Fotuna, island of, 126, 127
Fox Indians, 75, 121
Frazer, Sir James George, 8, 48
Fuegians, the, 176, 341 ; see also Ona,
Yahgan
Fuluaari, a secret society of the Mekeo
tribes of New Guinea, 338, 339, 360
Funafuti, island of, 348
Ga of the Gold Coast, 26, 50, 86, 144,
145, 273, 274, 285, 292, 293, 307, 373
Gabon, 14, 351
Galla of Abyssinia, 120, 334
Garo of Assam, 27, 44, 57
Geawe-gal of New South Wales, 178
George I (Taufaahau), king of the
Tonga Islands, 368, 378
Gilbert Islands, 50, 84, 119, 150
Gilyak of Siberia, 56
Goods and chattels of a dead man de-
stroyed or abandoned, 177-84, 217,
218, 219, 220
Gosisi of New Guinea, 236
Ground, the, a good conductor of
"spiritual electricity," 265, 269, 276
Guanches of the Canary Islands, 207,
227
Guardian spirits, cult of, 325, 326
Guatemala, 314
Guiana, Indians of, 176, 194, 237, 239,
256, 335, 365 ; see also Anabali, Ara-
wak, Carib, Cayenne, Makusi, Tam-
anac, Taulipang, Wapisiana, Warrau
Guinea Negroes, annual rites of de-
mon-riddance, 252
Gulla Negroes, 45
Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Is-
lands, 146, 321
Halmahera, island of, 135, 151
Hapai Islands, 119, 378
Harihu, a secret society of the Elema
tribes of New Guinea, 30
Havasupai Indians of Arizona, 183
Hawaiian Islands, 3, 4, 5, 21, 33, 36, 40,
72, 103, 111, 112, 115, 116, 119, 122,
244, 245, 258, 263, 265, 266, 284, 294,
295, 297, 305, 340, 342, 343, 367, 368-
Hehe, Bena, and Sangu of Tanganyika
Territory, 381
Herero of South Africa, 63, 73, 76,
100, 103
Ho of Togoland, 168
Holy days, 294-97, 308
Homicide, within the peace group, 202-
7, 226, 227; in warfare, 208-13, 228,
229
Hopi Indians, 77, 320, 321, 342
Home Islands, 126
Hottentots of South Africa, 55, 65, 66,,
124, 175
INDEX
387
Huichol Indians of Mexico, 138, 145,
274, 314
Hupa Indians of California, 195, 221,
224
Huron Indians, 75
Husband, restrictions imposed on, dur-
ing pregnancy and after confinement
of a wife, 52, 78-81
Ibani of Nigeria, 284, 285
Ibibio of Nigeria, 27, 28, 138, 145
Ibo of Nigeria, 45, 60, 70, 120, 126,
145, 157, 201, 207, 282, 283, 285, 294,
335
Ijaw of Nigeria, 131, 132
Ijca of Colombia, 314
Illicit sexual relations, 139-52
111 luck and taboo, 369, 370
Ilpirra of the Northern Territory of
Australia, 88
Immorality, sexual, disastrous effects
attributed to, 139-52
inau, cult of the Ainu, 289, 306
Inca rulers of Peru, 275
Incest, tabooed, 148-52; sometimes
committed to bring success in an
undertaking, 163
Iniat, a secret society in New Britain,
327, 355
Initiation rites, of boys at puberty,
93-95; into secret societies, 275; of
chiefs, kings, magicians, and priests,
275, 276
"Inoculation," magical, 240, 257
Insanity a penalty for taboo-breaking,
118, 121, 228, 296, 333
interlunium, the, regarded as inaus-
picious, 243, 244, 258
intichiuma ceremonies of the Central
Australians, 132, 338
Iron, superstitions connected with, 237,
255
Iroquois Indians, 75, 195, 300, 309
Ishogo, see Abongo
Isleta pueblo, New Mexico, 274
Itonoma Indians of Bolivia, 169, 220
Jajaurung of Victoria, 153, 254
Jakun of Johor, Malay Peninsula, 303
Ja-Luo of Kenya, 241
Java, 166
Jivaro (Jibaro) Indians of Ecuador,
138, 211, 212, 232, 233, 239, 256, 335
/W-/M, meaning of the term, 305
Jukun of Nigeria, 377
Juris of Brazil, 352
Kabi (Kaiabara) of Queensland, 83
Kachin (Chingpaw) of Burma, 135
Kafiristan, 333
Kai of New Guinea, 153, 175, 196, 197
Kaiabara, see Kabi
Kaitish of the Northern Territory of
Australia, 132, 305, 323
Kaivakuku, a secret society of the
Roro-speaking tribes of New Guinea,
30
Kakadu of the Northern Territory of
Australia, 83, 178, 190
Kalahari of Nigeria, 28
Kam of Nigeria, 278
Kamchadal of Kamchatka, 44, 45, 177
Kamehameha II (Liholiho), king of
Hawaii, 5, 367, 368
Kanarese of Hyderabad and Mysore,
243, 244
Karen of Burma, 79, 140, 141, 192, 255,
289
Karok Indians of California, 86, 138
kava, forbidden to women, 118, 127
Kavirondo of Kenya, 189, 204, 211
Kayan of Borneo, 23, 26, 27, 45, 61,
140, 147, 150, 151, 231, 234, 245, 249,
373
Kenakagara of New Guinea, 172
Kenayern Indians of Alaska, 152
Kenyan of Borneo, 292
Keraki of New Guinea, 101, 119, 173,
175, 190, 287
Kgatla of South Africa, 53, 70, 114,
130, 131, 158
Khasi of Assam, 62, 151
Khebioso (So), lightning god of the
Ewe, 242
Kilba of Nigeria, 269
King, Captain James, 4
Kiowa Indians, 12, 307
Kisar, island of, 95
Kiwai of New Guinea, 52, 71, 129, 132,
133, 178, 179
Klamath Indians of Oregon, 187
Kobeua of Brazil, 65
Kohin, a supernatural being of the
Queensland aborigines, 149, 164
Koita of New Guinea, 67, 68, 133, 170,
203, 215, 283
Koko of New Guinea, 287
Konde of Nyasaland, 52, 116, 136, 143,
154, 227, 257, 375, 376, 378
Korama of Mysore, 80
Korumba of the Nilgiri Hills, south-
ern India, 232
388
TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Koryak of Siberia, 76, 189
Kota of the Nilgiri Hills, southern In-
dia, 232, 272, 296
Kpelle of Liberia, 112, 331
Kru of Liberia, 205
Kubu of Sumatra, 350
Kuki of Assam, Thado, 40; Lushei,
369, 370
Kuravar of Malabar, 80
Kurnai of Victoria, 24, 94, 109, 235,
353
Kutchin (Loucheux) Indians of Alaska
and British North America, 195
Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia,
132, 213, 299
Kwotto of Nigeria, 138
Lamba of South Africa, 163
Lango of Uganda, 66, 148, 157
Lao of Siam, 234
Lapps, 116, 117, 121
Latuka of the Upper Nile, Anglo-
Egyptian Sudan, 74, 109
Lau Archipelago, 160, 170
Law, primitive, 1, 372, 373, 380
Lengua Indians of Paraguay, 168, 169,
174, 182, 194, 214, 221, 335
Lesu, New Ireland, 96
Lillooet Indians of British Columbia,
195, 201, 326
Loango, 131, 137, 148, 157, 163, 268,
269, 277, 278, 282, 334, 355
Lochial fluid, the, 54, 55, 68, 92, 109,
161
Lolo of Yunnan, 27
Loucheux, see Kutchin Indians
Louisiade Archipelago, 133
Loyalty Islands, 25, 255, 340
Lubu of Sumatra, 147
Lugwari of Uganda, 118
Lumawig, supreme god of the Bontoc
Igorot, 297
Lunar taboos, 243-46, 258
Luritja of the Northern Territory of
Australia, 82
Luzon, 168, 192, 197, 198, 297, 308
Madagascar, Malagasy of, 2, 16, 62,
73, 124, 170, 171, 188, 193, 215, 222,
301, 302, 316, 350; see also Antam-
bahoaka, Sakalava, Tanala
Magicians and priests, sanctity of, 270-
74
Majdu Indians of California, 169, 220,
326
Mailu of New Guinea, 40, 230, 339, 345
Makah Indians of Washington, 169,
171, 302
Makusi Indians of Guiana, 81
mokutu, Maori witchcraft, 21, 43
Malabar, 296
Malay Archipelago, 50, 95
Malay Peninsula, Malays of, 11, 16,
72, 135, 256, 267, 277, 303, 304; see
also Jakun, Mantra
Maler (Sauria Paharia) of Bengal, 244
niana, Melanesian and Polynesian con-
ception of, 16, 17, 47, 262, 266
Manahiki, island of, 72
Mandingo of Senegambia, 104, 107, 355
Mangaia, island of, 106
Mangareva, island of, 84
Mangyan of Mindoro, 168, 175
Manja of French Equatorial Africa,
66,69
Manobo of Mindanao, 170
Manslayers tabooed, 202-7
Mantra (Mentira) of Malacca, Malay
Peninsula, 103, 173, 216
Manu, Laws of, 7, 371
Manus of the Admiralty Islands, 134,
311, 312, 319, 346, 380
Maori of New Zealand, 14, 17, 18, 21,
24, 25, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 40, 42, 43,
44, 46, 47, 48, 51, 55, 72, 76, 84, 111,
112, 113, 115, 118, 122, 123, 125, 126,
140, 160, 161, 168, 170, 173, 175, 180,
191, 192, 197, 210, 215, 228, 234, 235,
236, 240, 247, 248, 262, 266, 267, 271,
276, 277, 282, 284, 288, 289, 301, 304,
306, 312, 316, 341, 342, 343, 349, 360,
362, 364, 368, 374
Mara of the Northern Territory of
Australia, 105, 172
Maraura of South Australia, 185
Maricopa Indians of Arizona, 67, 213,
257, 361
Mariner, William, 10
Market weeks and market days in
Africa, 296, 308
Marquesas Islands, 33, 39, 46, 53, 55,
84, 111, 115, 118, 119, 125, 126, 134,
140, 180, 209, 247, 275, 301, 340, 34K,
349, 360, 363, 374, 377, 381
Marriage as a critical undertaking,
155-57, 166
Marshall Islands, 84, 119, 175, 255
Masai of Tanganyika Territory, 66,
115, 136, 137, 156, 168, 173, 174, 186,
226, 337, 358
INDEX
389
Mashona of Rhodesia, 142, 154, 163,
175
Masks, sacredness of, 287, 288, 290,
291, 307, 338
Massim tribes of New Guinea, 175,
190, 208, 209, 217, 339, 344, 345
Mawatta, see Mowat
Mbolli of Nigeria, 137
Meithei of Manipur, 10
Mekeo tribes of New Guinea, 208, 338,
339
Melanesian Islands, 119, 188, 246, 262,
380
Melville Island, 185
Menangkabau of Sumatra, 84
Mendi of Sierra Leone, 246, 341
Men's house, the, 112, 120, 282, 283,
287, 288
Menstrual fluid, the, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87,
106, 107, 108
Menstruation, uncleanness of, 82-93,
105, 106, 107
Mentawei Islands, 61, 248, 259, 312
Mentira, see Mantra
Messengers and heralds held inviolate,
275
Mexicans, ancient, 120, 155
Mikados of Japan, 275
Milk, not drunk, 332, 333, 334, 335, 356,
357; aversion to boiling, 337, 358,
359
Mindanao, 151, 170, 238
Mindoro, island of, 168, 175
Miskito Indians of Honduras and Ni-
caragua, 182
Mkulwe of Tanganyika Territory, 312,
313
Mohave Indians, 10
Monbuttu of the Belgian Congo, 268
Monumbo of New Guinea, 52
Moon, the, superstitions connected with,
243-46, 258, 259
Morality and 'taboo, 317, 370, 371, 372,
375
Morocco, 115, 156, 157, 205, 206, 227,
235, 285
Mortlock Islands, 134, 159, 341
Mosaic code, the, 7, 371
Mossi of western (French) Sudan, 28
Mothers of aborted or stillborn chil-
dren, impurity of, 57-59
Motu of New Guinea, 78, 283
Mountain Arapesh of New Guinea, 53,
54, 67, 68, 108, 155, 158, 159, 230, 280,
281
Mourners tabooed, 190, 192, 193, 194,
195, 196
Mourning costume, origin of, 223
Mowat (Mawatta) of New Guinea, 18
Mpongwe of Gabon, 14
Murderers tabooed, 202-7, 226, 227
Murngin of the Northern Territory of
Australia, 83, 105, 119
muru or "stripping," Maori custom of,
46
Murua (Woodlark Island), 71, 327
Murut of Borneo, 151
Muskogee Indians, 75
Myths and traditions, sanctity of, 299,
300
Naga of Assam and Manipur, 27, 57,
79, 82, 98, 100, 104, 116, 118, 123,
124, 135, 188, 221, 231, 234, 240, 243,
249, 250, 255, 259, 271, 276, 277, 289,
299, 333, 341, 353, 374
Namaqua of South Africa, 124
Namau tribes of New Guinea, 339
Names tabooed, 153, 184-87, 220, 221,
300, 301, 302, 310
Nandi of Kenya, 63, 74, 89, 90, 108,
123, 131, 148, 156, 157, 186, 193, 194,
199, 200, 204, 228, 241, 251, 272, 284
Nanga, a Fijian secret society, 34, 361
Nanumea, island of, 234
Narrinyeri of South Australia, 94
Nasioi of Bougainville Island, 44
Nassau, R. H., 14, 330
Natchez Indians, 213
Navaho Indians of Arizona, 19, 22, 23,
43, 152, 154, 165, 169, 176, 300, 309,
336, 337, 358
New Britain, 26, 57, 117, 129, 134, 146,
147, 162, 179, 281, 288, 300, 327, 332,
333, 340, 346
New Caledonia, 46, 71, 111, 115, 117,
124, 125, 134, 179, 180, 190, 191
New Guinea, the natives of, 33, 50, 71,
117, 132, 186, 196, 221, 236, 288, 289,
332; see also Bukaua, Elema, Gosisi,
Kai, Keraki, Kenakagera, Kiwai,
Koita, Koko, Mailu, Massim, Mekeo,
Monumbo, Motu, Mountain Ara-
pesh, Mowat, Namau, Orokaiva,
Roro, Sinaugolo, Tamo, Yabim
New Hebrides, the, 37, 45, 57, 84, 94,
111, 126, 127, 129, 130, 163, 164, 168,
179, 190, 219, 270, 271, 281, 288, 298,
340, 347, 356
New Ireland, 52, 68, 88, 96
390
TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Ngarigo of New South Wales, 302
Ngoni (Angoni) of Rhodesia, 131, 143,
176
Ngumba of the Cameroons, 58, 59
Niam-Niam, see Azande
Nias, island of, 61, 147
Nicaragua, 169
Nicobar Islanders, 55, 79, 96, 173, 180,
192, 219, 333, 350
Nigeria, peoples of, 45, 53, 86, 107, 194,
252, 269, 278, 318; see also A bad j a,
Abuan, Bachama, Edo, Ekoi, Ibani,
Ibibio, Ibo, I jaw, Jukun, Kalahari,
Kam, Kilba, Kwotto, Mbolli, Yoruba
Niue (Savage Island), 180, 231, 347,
348
Nootka (Aht) Indians of Vancouver
Island, 121, 139
Numbers, sacred, 297, 298
Nyul-Nyul of Western Australia, 287
Oaths and vows distinguished from
taboos, 28
Obscenity, ritual, 259
Occlusion of vision, 239, 256
Occupations, division of, between the
sexes, 112-15
Ogowe of Gabon, French Equatorial
Africa, 174
Omaha Indians, 12, 13, 22, 205, 206,
227, 243, 291, 292, 307, 310
Omeo of Victoria, 149
Ona (Selk'nam) Indians of Tierra del
Fuego, 181, 238, 239
Ontong Java, island of, 17, 18, 20, 140,
149, 150, 160, 372, 373
Oro, a secret society of the Yoruba of
the Slave Coast, 290
Orokaiva of New Guinea, 209, 228, 270,
345, 362
Orotchi of Siberia, 233
orunda, the term for taboo among the
tribes of Gabon, 14, 230
Osage Indians, 286
Oudh, 236, 237
Ovakumbi of Angola, 148
Ovambo of South Africa, 284
Ovimbundu of Angola, 112, 115, 144,
317, 318
Palawan, island of, 197, 217
Pangwe, see Fan
Paraiyan caste of Travancore, 80
Parenthood, taboos signalizing, 81,
82
Patagonia, Indians of, 181, 182, 201,
237, 274
Pawnee Indians, 10, 336
Pedi of South Africa, 57, 161
Pelew Islands, 210, 294, 341
Pharaohs of Egypt, 275
Philippine Islands, Filipinos of, 11,
238 ; see also Agutaino, Bagobo, Bon-
toe Igorot, Mangyan, Manobo, Ser-
rano, Tagbanua, Tenguian, Visayan
Pima Indians of Arizona, 60, 61, 77,
120, 183, 212, 213, 229
Polynesia, taboo system of, described,
2-7 ; abolished, 366-69
Pomare II, king of Tahiti, 265, 366,
367
Porno Indians of California, 183
Ponka Indians, 206
Pot-making as woman's work, 122, 123,
135
Poultry and eggs not eaten, 333, 334,
335, 336, 356
Pregnancy, restrictions relating to, 49-
54
Prenuptial sexual freedom, 146
Preparation and eating of food, the,
prohibitions in regard to, 336-38, 359,
360
Private property, taboos safeguarding,
344-53, 362, 363, 364, 365
Prohibitions, animistic, 1, 7; sympa-
thetic, 1, 2, 7, 8; taboos, 2, 7
Property marks, 33, 47, 344-52
Puberty, seclusion of girls at, 8&-92;
initiation of boys at, 93-95
Puluga (Biliku), mythical being of the
Andamanese, 316, 320, 336, 358
Purification, ritual of, 35-39
Purrah (Poro), a secret society of the
Mendi of Sierra Leone, 341
Qat, a secret society in the Banks Is-
lands, 298
Queen Charlotte Islands, 146
Quinault Indians of Washington, 100,
101, 145, 146, 171, 172, 183
Quissama of Angola, 55, 56
Rainbow, the, not to point at, 238, 255,
256
Rajmahal in Bengal, 141, 147, 244
Regalia of Malay kings, sanctity of,
11,267,277
Religion and taboo, 370, 371
Religious disabilities of women, 119-21
INDEX
391
Rest days, communal, after a death,
187-89, 222 ; in connection with lunar
phenomena, 243-46, 258, 259; conse-
crated to divinities, 294-97
Ritual formulas, sanctity of, 299
Rivers, W. H. R., 11, 12
Roro-speaking tribes of New Guinea,
30, 178, 196
Rossel Island, 133
Rotuma, island of, 348
Ruanda, Belgian Congo, 199
Rwala Bedouin of Arabia, 285
Sabbath, Hebrew, 243
Sacred objects, cultic, 286-92, 305, 306,
307; non-cultic, 292, 293, 307
Sacred persons, 261-63, 275, 276
Sacred places, 280-83
Sacred times, 294-97, 308
Safwa of Tanganyika Territory, 51, 52
Sakai of the Malay Peninsula, 173, 245,
256
Sakalava of Madagascar, 173
Saliva Indians of Colombia, 65
Samoan Islands, 99, 111, 122, 150, 170,
191, 264, 271, 283, 284, 289, 295, 301,
303, 305, 310, 312, 319, 321, 325, 342,
343, 348, 363, 379
Samoyeds of Siberia, 87, 88, 117, 121,
124
Sanctuary, right of, 283-86, 290, 292,
305, 306
San Miguel Acatan, Guatemala, 290,
291
Santal of Bengal, 120
Saora (Savara) of the Madras Presi-
dency, 180
Sauria Paharia, sec Maler
Savara, sec Saora
Scapegoats, animal and human, 36, 37
Schouten Islands, 54, 55, 133, 134
Secret societies, in New Guinea and the
Melanesian Islands, 30, 31, 34, 45,
231, 298, 327, 338, 339, 340, 347, 355,
360, 361, 363; in West Africa, 273,
290, 341 ; Kwakiutl, 299
Sedna, chief deity of the Central Es-
kimo, 314, 315
Seechelt Indians of British Columbia,
195
Sekani Indians of British Columbia,
86, 87
Selk'nam, sec Ona Indians
Semang of the Malay Peninsula, 157,
240, 256
Seri Indians of Mexico, 335, 341, 342
Serrano of Luzon, 168
Seven, a symbolic and mystic number,
297; the seventh day, 298
Sexes, separation of the, 110-28
Sexual intercourse, generally avoided
but sometimes required during a
wife's pregnancy, 52-53; prohibited
after a wife's confinement, 67-70;
as a purificatory rite, 74, 198, 199,
211, 225; productive of ceremonial
uncleanness, 129-32, 155, 156, 162;
tabooed upon critical occasions, 132-
39 ; adultery, fornication, and incest,
139-52; dangerous with strangers,
230, 235
Shans of Burma, 72, 207
Shuswap Indians of British Columbia,
326
Siam, 103
Siberia, the natives of, 184; see also
Chukchi, Kamchadel, Koryak, Orot-
chi, Samoyeds, Yakut
Sibuyau of Borneo, 147
Sickness a penalty for taboo-breaking,
22-24
"Silent trade," the, in West Africa,
351, 352
Sin, primitive conception of, 315-19
Sinaugolo of New Guinea, 70, 71
Sioux, see Dakota Indians
Skeat, W. W., 11
Slaves, Maori, independent of the law
of tapu, 123
Social solidarity fostered by a taboo
system, 375, 376
Society Islands, 3, 72, 118, 247, 301,
340, 343
Solomon Islands, 18, 26, 31, 42, 44, 45,
46, 55, 61, 68, 71, 102, 115, 124, 139,
179, 186, 197, 219, 281, 283, 288, 292,
293, 300, 305, 333, 346, 347, 362, 363,
376, 377
Somali of Somaliland, 334
Sow of Sarawak, Borneo, 333
Special (taboo) languages, 303
"Spirits" often regarded as impersonal,
11,40, 370
Spittle, use of, to protect one's posses-
sions, 362
Stepping over men or men's things for-
bidden to women, If5, 117, 124, 125
Stones, sacred, 289
Strange natural phenomena give rise to
taboos, 23&-46, 248, 249, 251
392
TABOO: A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
Strange objects tabooed, 236, 237
Strange regions tabooed, 235, 254
Strangers tabooed, 230-33, 253, 254;
purified, 233-35, 254
Sudan, Western (French), 106
Suk of Keftya, 85, 112, 115, 116, 123
Sulka of New Britain, 57, 146, 147,
162, 179, 300
Sumu Indians of the Mosquito Coast,
Nicaragua, 174
Sunday observed as a taboo day by
the Polynesians, 6, 368, 379
Surinam, 331, 332, 352, 355
Swahili of Zanzibar and Tanganyika
Territory, 76, 77
Swazi of South Africa, 375
Swine not eaten, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336,
356, 357
Taboo, derivation of the word, 2, 3, 39 ;
cognate expressions among the Baby-
lonians, Hebrews, Greeks, and Ro-
mans, 41
Tagbanua of Palawan and Busuanga,
217
Tahiti, 3, 72, 119, 191, 223, 224, 264,
265, 269, 276, 301, 348, 363, 366, 367
taime, sacred images of the Kiowa In-
dians, 12, 307
Takelma Indians of Oregon, 77, 78,
120
Talkotin (Tautin) Indians of British
Columbia, 183
Tallensi of the Northern Territories
of the Gold Coast, 354, 355
Tamanac Indians of Guiana, 182
Tamate associations of the Banks Is-
lands, 30, 31, 45, 347
Tamo of New Guinea, 179
Tanala of Madagascar, 39, 168
Taos Indians, 309
Tarahumara Indians of Mexico, 145,
176
Tasmania, 185, 332, 355, 356
Tattooing sometimes a sacred opera-
tion, 276, 277
Taulipang Indians of Guiana, 194
Tautin, see Talkotin Indians
Temba of South Africa, 118
Ten Commandments, the, 7, 372
Tenguian of Luzon, 72, 197, 198
Tenimber (Timorlaut) Archipelago,
231
thahu, the term for taboo among the
Akikuyu, 21, 43
Thompson Indians of British Colum-
bia, 67, 116, 156, 177, 183, 184, 201,
202, 213, 222, 326
Thonga of South Africa, 13, 57, 62, 63,
68, 94, 103, 130, 135, 142, 163, 173,
193, 198, 210, 211, 224, 232, 235, 240,
241, 250, 251, 257, 268, 333, 334, 343,
357, 371, 372
Thunder and lightning, superstitions
in connection with, 239-43, 257, 258
Tikopia, island of, 18, 115, 119, 150,
340, 347
Timmani, see Timme
Timme (Timmani) of Sierra Leone,
28
Timor, 282, 350
Tinne Indians, 87, 107, 286, 326, 332,
375
Tiwi of Melville and Bathurst Islands,
185, 186
Tlingit Indians of Alaska, 87, 373
Toba Indians of Bolivia, 86, 107, 182
Toda of the Nilgiri Hills, southern In-
dia, 11, 12, 54, 97, 113, 120, 123, 186,
192, 193, 232, 243, 271, 272, 289, 290,
303, 333, 356
Togoland, 200, 282, 313
tonda, the term for taboo among the
Ba-ila of Rhodesia, 15
Tonga Islands, 3, 10, 14, 17, 21, 35, 36,
42, 43, 70, 119, 170, 263, 264, 269, 270,
281, 282, 284, 340, 343, 348, 360, 368,
379
Tongatabu, 3, 263, 340, 378
Toradja of Celebes, 84, 85, 373
Torres Islands, 333
Torres Straits, islands of, 83, 111, 132,
178, 218, 219, 302, 344
Totemic food taboos, 323, 324, 338,
354
Travelers, purification of returning,
234, 235, 254
Trobriand Islands, 34, 68, 133, 149, 158,
170, 197, 281, 326, 327, 339, 354, 360
Tswana of South Africa, 39, 53, 82,
380
Tui Tonga, the, of the Tonga Islands,
36, 343
Tumleo, island of, 55
Tungus of Manchuria, 65
Tupi Indians of Brazil, 207
Turrbal (Turribul) of Queensland, 124
Turribul, see Turrbal
Twana Indians of Washington, 172,
336
INDEX
393
Twi of the Gold Coast, 27, 74, 86, 194,
201, 273
Twins and mothers of twins, regarded
as inauspicious, 61-65; regarded as
auspicious, 65-67, 101
Uaupes of Brazil, 52, 56, 90, 91, 290
Undertakers and gravediggers tabooed,
190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 224, 227
Union Islands, 312
Urabunna of the Northern Territory
of Australia, 286
Uraon of Bengal, 296
Ute Indians, 307
Vaitupu, island of, 348
Vedda of Ceylon, 89, 173, 180, 303, 333,
356
Violation of taboos, deliberate, 376-78,
381
Visayan of the Visayan Islands and
Mindanao, 55
Vomiting as a purificatory rite, 320,
321
Wabena of Tanganyika Territory, 51,
69, 85, 328, 329, 377
Wachagga, of Tanganyika Territory,
95, 317
Wagiriama of Kenya, 136
Wagogo of Tanganyika Territory, 143
ivakan, the term for taboo among the
Dakota Indians, 15
Wakelbura of Queensland, 83
Wakka of Queensland, 83
Wanguru of Tanganyika Territory, 120
Wanika of Kenya, 238, 290, 306, 350,
351
Wanyamwezi of Tanganyika Territory,
334
Wapisiana Indians of Guiana, 81, 335
Warega of the Belgian Congo, 144
Warramunga of the Northern Terri-
tory of Australia, 19, 225, 323
Warrau Indians of Guiana, 81, 361
Warriors tabooed, 208-13, 228, 229
Warua of the Belgian Congo, 112
Warundi of the Belgian Congo, 108,
109
Wasania of Kenya, 136, 243
Washamba of Tanganyika Territory,
143, 151
Wataveta of Kenya, 50, 156
Watubela Islands, 95
Wawamba of the Belgian Congo, 174
Wawanga of Kenya, 63, 64, 241
Westermarck, Edward, 12, 206
Widows and widowers tabooed, 196-
202, 225, 226.
Wik Monkan of the Northern Terri-
tory of Australia, 53
Winnebago Indians of Wisconsin, 86,
91, 92, 110
Wiradjuri of New South Wales, 275
Wogeo, island of, 133, 134
Wolgal of New South Wales, 178, 302
Women, restrictions on, during preg-
nancy, 49-54; at childbirth, 54-57;
purification of, after confinement, 70-
76; tabooed during menstruation,
82-88; young, secluded at puberty,
S&-92; old, considered as men, 110,
116; not allowed to eat with men,
110-12; debarred from certain occu-
pations, 112-15; subject to various
social restrictions, 115-17; food re-
strictions imposed on, 117, 118; reli-
gious disabilities of, 119-21
Wonkonguru of South Australia, 178,
356
Wurunjerri of Victoria, 153, 165
Yabim of New Guinea,' 52, 56, 57, 186
Yahgan (Yamana) Indians of Tierra
del Fuego, 81, 155, 156, 181
Yahuna Indians of Brazil, 290
Yakut of Siberia, 52, 172, 177
Yam, island of, 132
Yamana, see Yahgan Indians
Yap, island of, 134, 135, 192, 248, 271,
282
Yerkla-mining of South Australia, 168
Yerukula, see Erekula
Yir Yorunt of Queensland, 97, 280
Yoruba of the Slave Coast, Nigeria, 45,
66, 77, 101, 116, 176, 181, 194, 290,
331
Yucatan, 154
Zulu (Amazulu) of South Africa, 37,
40, 57, 62, 73, 89, 96, 110, 131, 135, 189,
240, 244, 245, 257, 301, 316, 333, 334
Zufii Indians of New Mexico, 138, 183,
201, 274, 291, 299, 336