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Full text of "A tale of two conventions; being an account of the Republican and Democratic national conventions of June, 1912, with an outline of the Progressive national convention of August in the same year"

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11 I llil 






(c) Harris 4 Ewine 

Theodore Roos 

Hiram W. Johnson 




















(Printed in the United States of America) 

Published September, xgia 



Some of the most interesting contributions to 
the daily press on political subjects during the 
campaign of 1912 were made by Mr. Bryan, who 
at Chicago and Baltimore represented a number of 
important newspapers as a special correspondent. 
His daily reports were published in the following 
papers : 

The New York World, 
Chicago Tribune, 
Philadelphia Bulletin, 
Boston Globe, 
St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 
Cleveland Leader, 
Baltimore American, 
Baltimore Star, 
Pittsburgh Post, 
Pittsburgh Sun, 
Washington Times, 
Cincinnati Enquirer, 
Toledo Blade, 
Detroit News, 
Chicago Journal, 
Indianapolis Star, 

Denver Times, 

Youngstown Telegram, 

Dayton News, 

Memphis Commercial- 

Louisville Herald, 

Dallas News, 

San Jose Times, 

Kansas City Star, 

Minneapolis Tribune, 

Richmond News-Leader, 

Lincoln Journal, 

Jacksonville (111.) 

Jacksonville Courier^ 

Buffalo Times, 


Los Angeles Tribune, Springfield (111.) 
Spokane Spokesman- State Register, 

Review, Columbia State, 

Seattle Times, Raleigh News and 

San Francisco Observer, 

Chronicle, New Haven Union. 

Omaha News, 

After the conventions, Mr. Bryan was urged to 
collect these letters and thus give his friends an 
opportunity to preserve them in book form. He 
concluded to follow the suggestion, and to include 
in the book important speeches, party platforms, 
and a selection of contemporary cartoons. It was 
my privilege to work with Mr. Bryan at Chicago 
and Baltimore, my task being to distribute his 
articles among the newspapers. When Mr. Bryan 
concluded to bring out the book, he assigned to me 
the work of collecting and arranging the material 
as here presented. 

It is a matter for regret that only a few can 
ever witness a national convention. Mr. Bryan's 
friends all over the country would have been grati- 
fied, had they been present at Chicago, and seen 
the evidences of personal affection which came 
naturally from men and women of every rank as he 
took his place unostentatiously among reporters for 
the press at the Republican convention, or when he 
walked about the streets, or rode in street cars. Of 
the reception accorded him in the unfamiliar en- 


vironment of a Republican National Convention a 
writer in the Chicago Journal has given an ex- 
cellent account : 

Hailed by his friends as the most popular man at the 
Republican Convention in Chicago, and greeted by the 
delegates themselves as the next Democratic nominee for 
the Presidency, William J. Bryan moved among the 
crowds. In search of news for articles which he will 
write, Mr. Bryan met and shook hands with probably 
more delegates than did any leader of the Republican 
party. Leaders and delegates alike halted in a wild 
scramble to shake the hand of the Commoner and whis- 
per a few words in his ear. Scores of them renewed 
old acquaintanceship. Many an anxious delegate took 
him aside for a friendly word on the outcome of the 
struggle between the Taft and Roosevelt camps, but to 
all such inquiries Mr. Bryan had one answer: He was 
in Chicago seeking information from those who make up 
the convention, and not imparting it to them. 

Mr. Bryan went about his task of gathering news like 
any other reporter. He visited the principal headquar- 
ters of the candidates, and took in the headquarters of 
various State delegations. Here and there in the lobbies 
and rooms he met big leaders, with whom he held whis- 
pered conversations, asking questions and making mental 

At the Roosevelt headquarters he was greeted by Sen- 
ator Dixon, nominal director of the Roosevelt campaign. 
William B. McKinley welcomed Mr. Bryan at the Taft 
headquarters, and Senator Kenyon made him feel at 
home in the Cummins headquarters. A dozen of the 
Iowa delegates and their friends surrounded him at 
the Cummins headquarters and joined in a cheer for him, 
while Senator Kenyon introduced them. He and the 
Senator sat on a lounge in a corner of the Cummins 
headquarters and conversed in low tones for several 

"I'm 'covering' the convention, and I want you to 
remember me when you have any big news to give out," 
said Mr. Bryan on parting. "I'm staying at the Uni- 
versity Club, and I want you to call me up any time of 
the night or day." It was just the kind of talk with 
which the everyday convention reporter admonishes his 
friends many times daily. 

Mr. Bryan called on Walter Houser, manager of the 
La Follette boom, at the Grand Pacific Hotel, and later 
went to the Presidential suite in the Congress Hotel, 
where he sent in his name to Theodore Roosevelt. He 
was promptly admitted to the Roosevelt rooms, the ex- 
President meeting him at the door. 

The door was closed on the two while they talked. 
Mr. Bryan did not reveal the subject discust at the 
interview, but it may be taken for granted that he told 
the Colonel to call him up at the University Club if he 
had any news to give out. 

"Do you remember attending the Republican Conven- 
tion at St. Louis in 1896, Col. Bryan?" asked a news- 
paper man later. "You wrote your stuff in the office of 
the St. Louis Chronicle, at a desk right next to mine. The 
Democratic Convention was to be held in Chicago the 
next week, and I can remember very well how Col. 
McMurray walked up and asked you who would be 
nominated by the Democrats. You answered very 
quickly: 'I haven't the slightest idea.' And the next 
week you were nominated yourself." 

"Well," broke in Mr. Bryan, with a broad smile, "we 
must distinguish between ideas and hopes." 

Mr. Bryan said good-by to the group after joking 
with them about the way he was delayed a half hour 
by interviewers and photographers after his arrival in 
the city. 

"They just cornered me and I couldn't do a thing," he 
said: "I don't think it was right, because we fellows 
ought to do all we can to help one another." 


He rode in an elevator to the ground floor of the 

"There's Col. Bryan," said a Texas delegate to a com- 
panion. "He's writing the convention for the Chicago 
Journal. Col. Bryan, I want to shake hands with you. 
This is my neighbor from Texas. We are Roosevelt 
delegates here, and are glad to see you. This is my 
wife, too, Col. Bryan. She always has wanted to meet 

At every step he was stopped by men who knew him, 
mostly men wearing badges of delegates. They shook his 
hand, inquired about his health, and that of his family, 
and asked his opinion of the outcome. 

"Just on the quiet," was the general plea, but Mr. 
Bryan shook his head and answered kindly, "Wait until 
about next Friday, and then I'll give a prognostication 
as to who the next Republican candidate for President 
will be." 

"There's Bill Bryan," or "There goes Bryan," were 
the words of nearly every man or woman who passed 
Mr. Bryan on his walk from the door of the Congress to 
the door of the Auditorium across the street. Arrived 
at the latter hotel, he went to the rooms of the Associated 
Press and asked for old friends, among them Melville E. 
Stone. Mr. Stone was out, but Mr. Bryan was careful 
to have his secretary make a note to the effect that 
W. J. Bryan had called and wished to be remembered 
to him. 

He then sought out the headquarters of the California 
delegation. The room was filled with Roosevelt men, and 
a dozen of them made a dash for Mr. Bryan as soon as 
he was recognized. 

"Isn't this Col. Bryan?" shouted one of the delegates, 
excitedly. "Why, bless me, boy, let me introduce' you all. 
Col. Bryan, we're going to nominate Roosevelt at this 
Republican Convention, and we hope he won't have to 
run against you. I'm not afraid of a single other 


"Very nice of you to say so," said Mr. Bryan. "But 
I'm not a candidate to-day. I'm a reporter. I'd like to 
see Governor Johnson if I may." 

The secretary said that Mr. Johnson was in a very 
important conference, but he felt that the Governor 
would adjourn the conference to be interviewed by such 
a distinguished reporter. While the secretary was gone 
to notify the Governor, Mr. Bryan shook hands with 
Benjamin Ide Wheeler, president of the University of 
California, with whom he discust a number of sub- 
jects. From the corridor a crowd swept into the head- 
quarters and gathered around the two, and soon Mr. 
Bryan was talking loud enough to be heard by a dozen 
or more of those around him. He ended the talk with, 
"Well, I've learned the great lesson of patience." 

Mr. Bryan was thanking the two graciously when Gov- 
ernor Johnson arrived from his conference. He greeted 
Mr. Bryan warmly, and, with President Wheeler and 
others, the two looked over the hotel balcony out onto 
Lake Michigan and discussed generalities. Mr. Bryan 
related how he had used a California flag which Presi- 
dent Wheeler had sent him to decorate his daughter's 
rooms at his Lincoln, Neb., home. 

Finally he put his arm around Governor Johnson's 
shoulder and whispered that he wanted a word with 
him. The two retired to chairs in the corner of the 
rooms and discust the convention situation earnestly for 
more than twenty minutes. Evidently they were old 

While they were talking the group of delegates en- 

"What do you know about the Governor being inter- 
viewed by Bryan?" said one of them. 

"He's the best of the lot," said another. "I'd rather 
see him run than the whole bunch/' not elucidating 
whether he included his idol, Teddy, in the "bunch." 

"Well, there's one thing certain," said a Colorado man 
who had come in. "Roosevelt can carry Colorado if he 


runs on a baggage ticket. Next to him, Bryan is the 
most popular man in Colorado." 

From the California rooms Mr. Bryan hastened to the 
New York headquarters. 

"I want to see Fred Tanner/' he told the doortender. 
Mr. Tanner was found. He evidently appreciated the 
honor of a call. They greeted one another warmly. It 
turned out that Mr. Tanner is Frederick C. } the son of 
Edward A. Tanner, former president of the Illinois 
College at Jacksonville, 111., who married Mr. and Mrs. 
Bryan. The Tanners and the Bryans were next-door 
neighbors. Mr. Bryan had read that the younger Tan- 
ner was a delegate from New York and so looked him up. 

"Fred," he said, "I'm writing some things about this 
convention, and I want you to remember me if you get 
any news that you want printed. Call me up at the 
University Club, and see that I don't get scooped on the 
New York news." 

Mr. Tanner introduced the Colonel to a dozen or more 
Taft delegates who were in the room. 

"Colonel," said one of the men, "is it possible that we 
shall have the pleasure of voting for you in the fall if 
Mr. Taft is not nominated?" 

"I'll tell you," responded Mr. Bryan. "I'm in the 
position of the man who was met in the street by a 
friend who asked him if he could change a $10 bill. 
'No,' replied the man, 'but I appreciate the compliment 
just the same.' " 

"If Roosevelt is nominated and you run in the fall," 
said another Taft delegate, "I have heard many Repub- 
licans say that you will carry New York State by a big 

"I was told that twice before," Mr. Bryan answered, 
with his broadest smile and a pat on the back. 

At Baltimore the circumstances were different. 
Here Mr. Bryan was in the house of political 
friends and a cordial reception was inevitable. Here 


as at Chicago Mr. Bryan acted as a newspaper re- 
porter. He was also a delegate, and not only that, 
but he became the most active and potent personal 
force in the convention. Many experienced political 
observers have declared that the fortunes of the 
day were determined by him. Friends of Mr. Bryan 
would have been thrilled by his eloquence in Balti- 
more. It was put forth in the midst of his news- 
paper activities and in the face of seemingly des- 
perate odds on the floor of the convention. These 
battles day after day were often fought against the 
advice of timid friends. These friends hung their 
heads in trepidation as storms of anger and abuse 
raged about him. It was a wonderful struggle, and 
particularly so because Mr. Bryan won it so de- 
cisively, in spite of the utmost efforts of a hostile 
majority, bent upon defeating a man whose high 
purposes they could not understand. 

The printed page cannot supply the color, the 
action or the din of the encounter ; it merely offers 
so much as can be preserved. While it may lack 
some of the gripping qualities of the actual scenes, 
it at any rate will afford means for a more careful 
analysis of measures and motives than could have 
been made at the time of the convention itself. 


AUGUST 12, 1912. 



Editor's Foreword Mr. Bryan as a News- 
paper Correspondent v 

Introduction xxi 

By Mr. Bryan. 


Chicago, June 18-22, 1912 

I. The Preliminary Skirmishing 3 

Mr. Bryan's first letter, in morn- 
ing newspapers of Monday, June 
II. The Opposing Leaders A Study of 

Types 10 

Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 
newspapers of Monday, June 17. 

III. Just Before the Battle 15 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Tuesday, June 18. 

IV. The Roosevelt Mass Meeting at the 

Auditorium 22 

Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 
newspapers of Tuesday, June 18. 




V. How Elihu Boot Was Chosen Tempo- 
rary Chairman 29 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Wednesday, June 
VI. An Analysis of the Chairmanship 

Contest 37 

Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 
newspapers of Wednesday, June 

VII. The Roosevelt-Hadley Demonstration 44 
Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Thursday, June 

VIII. The Futility of the Demonstration. 53 
Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 
newspapers of Thursday, June 

IX. On the Eve of the Crisis 61 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 

newspapers of Friday, June 21. 
X. The Convention as a Photograph of 

the Nation 66 

Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 
newspapers of Friday, June 21. 

XI. California's Day 72 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Saturday, June 



XII. The Day Before the Last 77 

Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 
newspapers of Saturday, June 

XIII. The End of the Convention 82 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Sunday, June 23. 
Withdrawal of the Roosevelt Dele- 
gates 85 

Speech of Henry J. Allen and 
Statement of Mr. Roosevelt 85 

XIV. The Republican Platform 90 

XV. A Criticism of Mr. Taft's Speech of 

Acceptance 99 

Mr. Bryan's article in morning 
newspapers of August 3. 



Baltimore, June 25-July 2, 1912 

I. The Two Contending Factions 109 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Monday, June 24. 
II. The Fight for a Progressive Chair- 
man 116 



Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 
newspapers of Monday, June 24. 

III. The Steam Roller at Work 121 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Tuesday, June 25. 

IV. Financial Interests at Work 126 

V. Alton B. Parker Made Temporary 

Chairman 127 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 

newspapers of Wednesday, June 

Speech of Mr. Bryan Opposing the 

Election of Alton B. Parker . . 134 
Speech of Senator Kern; a Plea 

for Harmony 142 

VI. An Amazing Spectacle in the Con- 
vention 146 

Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 

newspapers of Wednesday, June 


VII. The Tide Turns 152 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 

newspapers of Thursday, June 


VIII. Bossism Becomes the Issue 158 

Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 

newspapers of Thursday, June 




IX. The Anti - Morgan - Ryan - Belmont 

Resolution 162 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Friday, June 28. 

X. The Adoption of the Resolution 167 

Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 
newspapers of Friday, June 28. 
Mr. Bryan's Speech on the Reso- 
lution 172 

The Candidates Discussed 175 

XI. Awaiting the Nomination 180 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Saturday, June 

XII. The Money Trust's Activities 184 

Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon 
newspapers of Saturday, June 

XIII. How Votes Were Changed 187 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Monday, July 1. 

Mr. Bryan's Speech Explaining 
His Vote 193 

XIV. The Close of the Convention 198 

Mr. Bryan's letter in morning 
newspapers of Wednesday, July 3. 

Mr. Bryan's Valedictory 203 

An Interview with Mr. Bryan... 206 
XV. The Democratic Platform . 208 



XVI. Governor Wilson's Speech of Ac- 
ceptance 228 

Mr. Bryan's comments as pub- 
lished on August 9 228 

XVII. The Influence of Mr. Bryan in the 

Convention 236 

Some of the comments on it by 
leading newspapers 238 



Chicago, August 5-7, 1912 

I. A Summary of Events 247 

II. Mr. Roosevelt's Speech in the Con- 
vention 250 

III. The Platform 279 

IV. Comments on the Progressive Party. 296 

Mr. Bryan's Article published in 
newspapers of Saturday, August 



1. The Education of Willie Bryan 4 

(As a newspaper correspondent at the 
Republican Convention.) 

2. At the Republican Convention Mr. 

Bryan Enjoying the Discussion .... 30 

3. Mr. Bryan's Departure from the Re- 

publican Convention 86 

4. Atlas Ill 

5. Trying to Square it With the Peerless 

Leader 123 

6. Convention Studies 130 

7. William Jennings Bryan Draws a Car- 

toon 149 

8. Mr. Bryan's Cartoon Another Repre- 

sentation 150 

9. Mr. Bryan's Second Cartoon 151 

10. The Baltimore Transformation 155 

11. The Sacrifice Hit 190 

12. The Candidate We All Support 305 



Criticism of men is only useful when it leads 
to reforms, and criticism of conventions is only 
worth uttering or reading when attention is called 
to errors that can be corrected. 

The Chicago Convention gave in an exaggerated 
form an object-lesson that seemed necessary to 
awaken the public to evils that have existed for 
years. The two evils that stood out prominently 
at Chicago were, first, the organization of a new 
convention by an old, outgrown committee; and, 
second, the employment, for the purpose of over- 
riding a majority of committeemen, of delega- 
tions representing mythical constituencies in the 

It has been customary in all parties for the com- 
mittee which conducts a campaign to retain its 
authority until the next convention is permanently 
organized. In ordinary times the power thus con- 
ferred upon an old committee is not misused, but 
in times of upheaval and change the power is sub- 
ject to abuse. It was abused in the Democratic 
convention at Chicago in 1896 when an old com- 
mittee, friendly to the administration, undertook 


to control a new convention antagonistic to the 

Likewise at the Republican convention, held at 
Chicago this year, a considerable number of the 
committeemen had been repudiated in their own 
States and acted contrary to the known wishes of 
their successors on the committee and the delega- 
tions from those States. As the new committee- 
men do not begin to serve until the permanent or- 
ganization is perfected, the old committee is able 
to determine the character of the new conven- 

Something over two hundred and fifty delegates 
were contested before the national committee and 
the Taft men were seated in nearly every case. 
More than two-thirds of these contests were dropt 
and only about seventy-five taken before the con- 
vention, but the seventy-five were enough to de- 
termine the complexion of the convention. If the 
seventy-five Eoosevelt delegates were seated it 
would make it a Eoosevelt convention; if the 
seventy-five Taft delegates were seated it would 
put the Taft forces in control. The old national 
committee, holding over from four years ago, had 
the right according to custom to make up the tem- 
porary roll-call and it gave the seventy-five Taft 
men seats in the convention. These Taft delegates 
voted on the contests that came before the con- 
vention. Of course, each delegate was prohibited 


from voting in his own case, but the contests were 
decided in small groups, and while a delegate could 
not vote in his own case, he could vote in all the 
other cases, and, as the contested delegates under- 
stood that they must stand or fall together, the 
effect was just the same as if each man had voted 
to seat himself. 

The old committee was able to, and in fact did, 
decide the issue between the two contending fac- 
tions. It is not for me to say that the Taft com- 
mittee ignored justice and equity in those deci- 
sions that is a question which I am glad to leave 
the Republicans to decide. Neither is it for me to 
say that a Roosevelt committee would not have 
acted on the same principle adopted by the Taft 
men if Mr. Roosevelt's faction had controlled the 
committee. I would not even say that a Demo- 
cratic committee would have acted differently I 
have known Democratic committeemen to be just 
as willing to use their power to advance their own 
side of a contest. My contention is that frail 
human beings ought not to be subjected to the 
temptations presented at Chicago and in other con- 
ventions. When a presidential nomination is at 
stake and the course of a four years' administra- 
tion is involved in a decision, a great many men 
who are thoroughly honest and, when disinterested, 
very just, yield to the temptation to put the end 
above the means to the extent of employing means 


that they cannot defend to secure an end which 
they regard as of great importance. The members 
of the Tilden-Hayes electoral commission all noted 
men did this in 1877. The question is not 
whether the Taft men were worse than Roosevelt 
men or what Democrats would have been under 
similar circumstances, but whether the system can 
be so reformed as to remove such powerful tempta- 

The Baltimore platform suggests the selection of 
national eommitteemen by popular vote ; this is an 
improvement over the old method of selection by 
the national delegates. But what is more impor- 
tant, the Baltimore platform advocates a revolu- 
tionary change when it suggests that the new eom- 
mitteemen begin to serve as soon as elected. This 
creates a new committee in sympathy with the new 
convention and puts an end to the evils that arise 
from the action of a hold-over committee, made 
up in part of eommitteemen already repudiated in 
their own States. If this rule had been in force in 
the Chicago convention the Roosevelt faction would 
have been much stronger in the national committee. 
This change, however, could not have been made at 
the convention, because the delegates would have 
considered the immediate effects of the change 
rather than the merits of the change itself, but 
now that the matter can be passed upon deliber- 
ately and dispassionately it is quite certain that the 


Baltimore proposal will commend itself to fair- 
minded men of all parties. 

The second difficulty, namely, the imaginary con- 
stituency, is one that is peculiar to the Republican 
situation and has no counterpart in a Democratic? 
convention. While a number of the States are 
generally Republican, still the Democratic party in 
these States is a real force and there is no reason 
why the Democrats of the Eepublican States should 
not enjoy full participation in the writing of plat- 
forms and in the making of nominations. 

In the case of the Republican party, however, it 
is different. In a number of the southern States 
the Republican party is a fiction. It exerts no 
approachable influence in local affairs and is held 
together by prospect of federal patronage. Take 
the State of Mississippi, for instance. It had 
twenty delegates in the Republican convention in 
Chicago and these twenty delegates voted quite con- 
sistently to carry out the Taft program. There 
were at the last presidential election only 4,505 
votes Republican votes in Mississippi, while in 
my district in Nebraska, the first district, there 
were 18,642 votes. The first district of Nebraska 
had two delegates in the Chicago convention, and, 
as one of the six districts of Nebraska, it joined in 
the selection of four at large, its proportionate 
strength being a little less than three delegates, or 
less than one-sixth as many as Mississippi had, and 


yet it cast more than four times as many votes as 
the Republican party cast in the State of Missis- 
sippi. In other words, the average Mississippi Re- 
publican had twenty-four times as much influence 
in the Chicago convention as the average Repub- 
lican in the first district of Nebraska. I only take 
Mississippi as an illustration. The same thing is 
true in Louisiana, in South Carolina, in Alabama, 
and to a less degree in a number of other southern 

This disproportionate representation has existed 
for some time and has more than once scandalized 
the proceedings of Republican conventions. Now 
that public attention has been turned upon the 
situation. I have so much faith in the intelligence 
and patriotism of the rank and file of the Republi- 
can party that I feel sure some remedy will be 
found to the end that the Republican conventions 
hereafter may represent the voters of the Repub- 
lican party. Republicans can decide for themselves 
whether their party's interests would have been 
advanced better by the nomination of Mr. Taft 
or by the nomination of Mr. Roosevelt, but 
when the interests of candidates are put aside 
and the question is viewed upon its merits no con- 
siderable portion of the Republican party will se- 
riously advocate the continuance of a system by 
which a minority' either in the organization or in 
the convention can stifle the voice of a majority of 
the party. 


The unit rule was the main cause of difficulty 
at Baltimore. It ought to be abolished and all 
delegates, except the four at large, ought to be 
selected by districts, as Republican delegates are 

Looking upon convention proceedings from the 
standpoint of one desiring improvement along 
every line I feel that the two great conventions of 
1912, the Republican national convention at Chi- 
cago and the Democratic national convention at 
Baltimore, will prove epoch-making because of the 
reforms that will result from them. 

The chief lesson taught by the Baltimore con- 
vention was quite a different lesson from that 
taught at Chicago. It shows as no former conven- 
tion has done the power of public opinion. The 
pressure brought to bear upon the Baltimore con- 
vention by "the Democrats at home" is a signal il- 
lustration of the fact that representative govern- 
ment is a fact in the United States. No plan of 
misrepresentation, whether intentional or uninten- 
tional, is likely to succeed when it becomes known. 
Governments throughout the world are becoming 
more and more responsive to the will of the peo- 
ple, and our own government is becoming increas- 
ingly sensitive to the wishes of the voters. The se- 
lection of Judge Parker for temporary chairman 
was a challenge to the progressive element of the 
party and the manner in which the challenge was 
accepted shows how sound the party is at heart. 


The anti-Morgan-Byan-Belmont resolution would 
have been voted down by a considerable majority 
but for the fact that the delegates feared the wrath 
that a negative vote would have aroused at home. 
And so, in the concluding hours of the convention, 
an alliance with Mr. Murphy and with the inter- 
ests which he represented in the convention became 
more and more a thing to be feared as the tele- 
grams poured in from forty-eight States. 

This ' ' Tale of Two Conventions ' ' is given in the 
hope that the facts set forth will be helpful to the 
American people in the understanding of public 
questions. Both conventions were turbulent, but 
truth emerges triumphant from every contest. 
There is no real contradiction between the two 
propositions : first, that truth is the cause of revolu- 
tions; and, second, that truth is a peacemaker. 
Truth combats error and does not retire from the 
contest until error is overthrown, but truth is a 
peacemaker in the end, because nothing can be 
permanent that does not rest upon truth. 

The casual observer may be carried away by 
the exciting incidents of a convention, but the 
sober citizen will see in a national convention a 
great human agency for the accomplishment of an 
important end. Our conventions will cease to be 
interesting only when nothing remains to be ac- 


Part One 

CHICAGO, JUNE 18-22, 1912 



Mr. Bryan's first letter, published in morning news- 
papers of Monday, June 17th. 

Chicago, June 16. There is a liberal education 
in a national convention, but much that one learns 
is not useful to him afterwards. Nowhere else 
does one see in full bloom this special phase of 
convention life that politics develops in a free coun- 
try. The headquarters of the various candidates 
are in charge of skilful politicians enlisted under 
the respective banners, and these have their assist- 
ants and understudies who are in training. 

The delegates as they come in are badged, tagged 
and buttonholed. The prophets are revising their 
lists as they learn of additions or defections and the 
corridors of the hotels resound with the cheers of 
partisans. These things are to be found in every 
convention, but they are here in unusual abun- 

The Republican party contains a larger number 
of prominent and experienced politicians than are 

(As a Newspaper Correspondent at the Republican 

Bart, in the Minneapolis "Journal." 


to be found in the Democratic party, for promi- 
nence usually goes hand in hand with official posi- 
tions. For the last half century, the Republican 
party has been in almost uninterrupted control of 
the nation and has been supreme in a major- 
ity of the States. It has had an opportunity, 
therefore to lift its members into conspicuous po- 

As one passes through the increasing throng he 
hears men addressed as "governor," "senator," 
and "secretary," until he becomes bewildered at 
the array of officials now holding offices or with the 
prefix "ex" before their titles a prefix which 
courtesy drops in salutation. 

I am enjoying my first day renewing acquaint- 
ance with the adherents of the various candidates 
and with the numerous representatives of the press. 
I called upon Representative McKinley * at the 
Taft headquarters, upon Senator Dixont at the 
Roosevelt headquarters, upon Senator Kenyon at 
the Cummins headquarters, and upon Mr. Houser 
at Senator La Follette's headquarters. I am now 
trying to reconcile the predictions that they 

At the Taft headquarters the President is as 
good as renominated. He has the necessary votes 
and can read his title clear. There may be a varia- 

* Manager of the Taft forces in the convention. 
f Manager of the Eoosevelt forces. 


tion of a few votes, but the margin is sufficient so 
that a few desertions not anticipated, of course, 
but allowed for out of an abundance of caution 
would not change the result. 

This would seem to settle the question in favor 
of Mr. Taft, but for the fact that a different story 
is told at the Roosevelt headquarters. Here it is all 
over but the shouting, and even that has been 
entered upon. 

With the ex-President 's followers the exact num- 
ber of votes is not so important, because they feel 
that they have on their side a sentiment that will 
compel additions. They are banking on the fact 
that Mr. Eoosevelt has a majority of the votes from 
the northern States, where the Republican vote is 
located, and they are using this argument for all it 
is worth. They will not admit there is any doubt 
as to the final outcome. 

After one has visited these two headquarters he 
feels that while the issue is in doubt between the 
President and the ex-President, the choice must lie 
between the two, but Senator Kenyon and Mr. 
Houser have carefully prepared tables which show 
that neither of the principal candidates can be 
nominated, and that in a long drawn out contest, 
such as they expect, the party must turn to some 
third person, and each thinks his candidate the 
logical man for 'the place. 

I am not prepared to venture a prediction; in 


fact, no one who views the subject impartially 
would care to risk a guess. The predictions that 
are being made by interested parties illustrate the 
old truth that man 's opinion of what is to be is half 
wish and half environment. 

Senator Kenyon wants it distinctly understood 
that Senator Cummins will not consider the vice 
presidency in connection with either President 
Taft, ex-President Roosevelt, or anybody else. 
Those in charge of Mr. La Toilette's candidacy are 
equally emphatic in denying that they have any 
intention of taking sides with either Mr. Roosevelt 
or Mr. Taft. 

I called on Mr. Roosevelt and found him cheerful 
and as buoyant as I have ever seen him. Opinion 
differs as to the effect of his presence here.* His 
opponents think that his personal participation in 
the convention is so unusual a manifestation of in- 
terest as to offset any good that he can do. His 
friends, on the other hand, are cheered by the au- 
dacity of his course. They are counting on his 
strengthening any wavering friends, as well as upon 
his winning over any opponents who are not riveted 
to the Taft candidacy. 

The X, or unknown quantity, in the Republican 
situation is the colored vote from the South. It is 
the weakness of the Taft cause. It is a weakness 

* An avowed leading candidate is believed never before 
to have attended a presidential convention. 


not only because it does not represent a voting 
strength proportionate to its influence in the con- 
vention but a weakness also because it cannot be de- 
pended upon to stand tied. 

There is a break in the Mississippi delegation and 
another in the Georgia delegation. One of the Mis- 
sissippi delegates has returned some money which 
was given to him for traveling expenses for the 
delegates, but there are Taft supporters who are 
uncharitable enough to charge that this money 
would not have been returned had not a larger sum 
been received from "sources unknown." 

In fact, it looks now as if this convention might 
turn on the size of the "honorarium," as the maga- 
zines describe the complimentary compensation 
paid to those who write for them. 

A Western senator used to tell at "Washington a 
story that does not seem as absurd now as it did 
then. He used it to show the honesty of some of 
the Western legislators. One of them arose in the 
State legislature during a senatorial contest and 
thus addressed the speaker : 

"I have received $1,000 from Mr. (we 

will call him Mr. Smith), and I intended to vote 
for him for senator, but since receiving the money 
and promising him my support I have received 
$1,500 from Mr. - (we will call him Mr. 
Brown), and, being an honest man, I desire to re- 
turn Mr. Smith's money." 


It is -unfortunate that the forces are so evenly 
divided as to make it possible for the scale to be 
turned by influences which would deprive the victor 
of the right to claim a real triumph for the prin- 
ciples for which he stands. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of 
Monday, June 17th. 

Chicago, June 17. One notes a difference in the 
manner and bearing of delegates as they come 
pouring into the city and report at their respective 
headquarters. The Taft men, excepting the South- 
ern delegates, are as a rule of the conservative type. 
They speak more deliberately and show less anima- 
tion. Many of them are politicians of long experi- 
ence who have been accustomed to the methods of 
the inner circle. They speak cautiously, act delib- 
erately, and are more inclined to ' ' view with alarm ' ' 
than to enthuse. They feel that things have been 
going along fairly well, and are anxious that such 
changes as are necessary may be made "slowly and 
only after careful investigation." The Roosevelt 
men, on the contrary, are largely of the aggressive 
type. They have already decided matters and have 
no doubts to settle. They are not waiting for in- 
vestigation and are not weighing reforms in apoth- 
ecary scales. 



A great many young men have come into promi- 
nence as Roosevelt champions. Some of them ap- 
pear younger than they really are. Gov. Johnson, 
of California, is the most interesting figure from 
the west. His state, so long a victim of railroad 
rule and servitude to favor-seeking corporations, 
has leapt at one bound into the front rank of re- 
form States. With the zeal of a new convert Cali- 
fornia points with pride to an army of militant 
progressives, and only awaits the signals to fight 
Standpatism on any field. Stubbs, of Kansas ; Had- 
ley, of Missouri, and Aldrich, of Nebraska, are un- 
tiring workers and they don't talk in whispers. 

While the personality of Mr. Roosevelt is a con- 
siderable factor in the contest, it is evident from 
what one hears that the progressive Republicans 
are using Mr. Roosevelt not because they approve 
of all that he stands for, but because they regard 
him as the best means of overthrowing the Taft 
regime. They regard the President as the personi- 
fication of reactionary sentiment in the nation and 
would support almost any one in preference to him. 
Some of them admit that the anti-third term argu- 
ment is a handicap, but feel that it is not a suffi- 
cient objection to deter them from casting in their 
lot with the ex-President. I cannot agree with 
them in putting this objection aside so lightly. It 
has not yet been considered by the public. 

President Taft is not in a position to urge the 


strongest objections to a third term, and the sharp 
line drawn between the administration and its op- 
ponents precludes a fair discussion of the third- 
term issue. If Mr. Eoosevelt should be pitted 
against a progressive Democrat there would be bet- 
ter opportunity to give weight to the objections 
which are honestly and earnestly advanced. 

The unfortunate phase of the controversy is that 
discussion of an issue so fundamental would turn 
attention from the economic questions upon which 
the people seem ready to act. That this would be 
the result of Mr. Roosevelt's nomination is certain. 

Had he espoused the cause of any other progres- 
sive and given to it the time and energy that he 
has devoted to his own candidacy he could have 
controlled the convention and made himself master 
of the organization of his party. The bitterness 
aroused by his candidacy would have been avoided 
and his party would have been committed to the 
reforms for which the progressives stand. The 
Democratic party then would have had a rival that 
would have spurred it on to even greater activity 
in support of remedial measures. 

But there is time enough to philosophize on what 
might have been. The question just now is, how 
many Taft delegates can the Roosevelt leaders, 
aided by the ex-President himself, draw from the 
President's fold? 

The desertions 'claimed at the Roosevelt head- 


quarters are discredited by Mr. McKinley. It is 
conceded that a Mississippi delegate, heretofore 
counted for Mr. Taft, has joined the Roosevelt 
forces, and that one of the Georgia delegates has 
followed his example, but the standpatters expect 
that the effect of these desertions will be reduced 
to a minimum by a discussion of considerations 
which are supposed to have brought about the 

While the charges made in former Republican 
conventions against some of the colored delegates 
have prepared the public mind to accept without 
much evidence the charge that money is being used 
it must be remembered that the patronage argu- 
ment has a powerful influence on whites as well as 
blacks. The most powerful weapon in the Roose- 
velt armory is the argument that Mr. Taft cannot 
possibly be elected and cannot therefore reward 
his delegates in the Southern States. Mr. Roose- 
velt's friends take it for granted that he can win, 
and their confidence in his success enables them to 
play upon the ambitions of delegates, especially in 
the Democratic states where the Republicans can- 
not hope for local offices. 

While a goodly sum in the hand is worth two 
offices in the bush, both inducements must be taken 
into calculation in a contest like that now being 
waged for supremacy in the party. 

The fight over the temporary chairmanship seems 


likely to give the first reliable indication of the 
line-up and it may be left to the followers of La 
Follette and Cummins to decide the question, pro- 
vided they are willing to take the responsibility, 
but they may prefer to withhold their votes rather 
than be counted with either side. 

Neutrality is their strong card and they would 
find it difficult to support the candidate of either 
side without subjecting themselves to misrepresen- 

The Roosevelt meeting to-night will give oppor- 
tunity for an outburst of enthusiasm, and as the 
ex-President is going to speak it is safe to predict 
that he will studiously refrain from praising the 
Republican national committee. In fact, he may 
brush up on the criminal law and make some addi- 
tions to the list of adjectives which he has already 
employed in describing the various forms of lar- 
ceny which he has charged against his opponent. 

The war goes merrily on, and I feel even more 
than a journalistic interest in watching it. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of Tues- 
day, June 18th. 

Chicago, June 17. It is "just before the battle, 
mother." The writer is able to survey the scene 
more calmly than those who "may be numbered 
with the slain. ' ' The feeling, as one meets with it 
in the corridors of hotels, is not as bitter as some 
of the expressions of some of the delegates would 
indicate. The lines are closely drawn and each 
side is putting forth its best efforts, but there is, 
withal, a good deal of cheerfulness, and I am try- 
ing to cultivate it wherever I can. 

I am urging both sides not to take the matter too 
seriously, assuring them that we can correct at Bal- 
timore any mistakes they may be unfortunate 
enough to make four years from now, if not now. 
I find that none of them is disposed to question a 
Democratic victory four years ahead, and many of 
them are willing to admit confidentially that the 
Eepublican party is in such a muddle that the 
Democrats now have the chance of a lifetime. 


The day closed with the Roosevelt meeting at the 
Auditorium, Senator Borah presiding. Both the 
Chairman and the ex-President were greeted with 
great enthusiasm, the applause lasting some min- 
utes when Mr. Roosevelt was upon the platform. 
The Arabs are said to have seven hundred words 
which mean ' ' camel ' ' ; Mr. Roosevelt has nearly as 
many synonyms for theft, and he used them all to- 
night. His denunciation of the National Commit- 
tee was scathing, and he included the President and 
Senator Root in his denunciation. 

The most spontaneous approval of the evening 
greeted his statement that the action of the conven- 
tion would not be binding upon any Republican in 
the convention, or outside of it, if it depended upon 
the votes of the seventy-six delegates whose seats 
are to be contested before the Credentials Com- 
mittee. He demands that the contested delegates 
shall stand aside that is, both contested and con- 
testing delegates and leave the thousand uncon- 
tested delegates to decide the contest. This 
will evidently be the line of battle in the conven- 

The latter part of the speech was an eloquent in- 
dorsement of progressive ideas and sounded so 
much like Senator La Follette's speeches during 
the last eight years and like Democratic speeches 
during the last sixteen years that one could hardly 
believe it was being applauded by a Republican 


audience. Only one thing was lacking to complete 
it; namely, a quotation from the ninth verse of the 
twentieth chapter of Matthew.* 

The fight opens to-morrow with the election of 
Temporary Chairman, and an expectant audience 
will fill the Coliseum before noon, the opening hour. 
Senator Boot is the choice of the Taft forces, while 
Senator Borah will receive the Roosevelt vote. If 
any one attempts to give in advance of the roll call 
the actual number of votes to be cast for each he 
will be walking "by faith rather than by sight." 
It is likely that the La Follette and Cummins dele- 
gates will withhold their votes rather than cast 
them for either candidate. 

As both Cummins and La Follette must receive 
votes from both sides in order to win the Presi- 
dential prize their friends are disposed to avoid 
an alliance actual, or even seeming, with either 
group. As Taft and Roosevelt have nearly equal 
strength and together control more than nine- 
tenths of the convention, the other candidates can 
afford to let them fight out their differences and 
await the result. 

As soon as the temporary organization is com- 
pleted the Committee on Credentials will be an- 
nounced, and the struggle which was begun before 
the National Committee will be renewed. The 

See Mr. Bryan's letter, dated June 18, for this quota- 


Roosevelt forces will have a larger representation 
on the Credentials Committee than they had on the 
National Committee, and about eighty contests will 
be submitted to this committee. The remaining 
contests will be abandoned, and the Taft delegates 
will be, permitted to occupy seats without further 
controversy. This is regarded by the President's 
followers as a vindication of the fairness of the 
committee, but the ex-President's friends reply 
that these delegates were seated by a unanimous 
vote in the committee and that acquiescence on 
the part of the Roosevelt members of the National 
Committee is proof of their desire to see justice 

The eighty contests, however, are sufficient in 
number to decide the Presidential nomination; so 
that interest in the results of committee delibera- 
tions is acute. The California contest, while it in- 
volves only two delegates, has aroused more heat 
than some of the others of greater numerical impor- 
tance. I have taken pains to consult the leaders of 
both parties in order to present the issue accurately. 

The Taft side relies upon the wording of the call 
of the National Committee, which is in conformity 
with the rules which have governed Republican 
National Conventions for thirty years. According 
to this call the several States are permitted to in- 
troduce certain variations in the rules to conform 
to State law, but this permission concludes with 


the words "but, provided, further, that in no State 
shall an election be so held to prevent the dele- 
gates from any Congressional district and their al- 
ternates being selected by the Republican electors 
of that district." 

This provision, taken in connection with the cus- 
tom that has prevailed and the practice of other 
States, would give the Taft side a prima facie case, 
and they would also have the moral support of 
those who oppose the unit rule as unfair. It was 
the injustice made possible under the unit rule that 
led the Republican party to adopt, in 1880, the sys- 
tem of electing all the delegates by districts, except 
the four from the State at large. 

As this same question is likely to come before 
the Baltimore Convention an illustration of what 
is possible under the unit rule may not be out of 
place. Let us use the present contest as an illustra- 
tion. There are something over a thousand dele- 
gates in the Republican Convention. Let us, for 
convenience, fix the number at a thousand. Sup- 
pose, further, that Mr. Taft carried a majority of 
the districts in States electing 500 delegates, and 
that Mr. Roosevelt carried a majority of the dis- 
tricts electing a remainder of 500 delegates. If, 
where Mr. Taft had a majority, his friends invoked 
the unit rule and gave him the entire 500 votes, 
while Mr. Roosevelt's friends did not resort to this 
rule, Mr. Taft would have 500 votes plus nearly 


250, while Mr. Roosevelt would have only a few 
more than 250. 

In the case supposed the use of the unit rule 
would give the one who employed it an unfair ad- 
vantage over the one who did not employ it. The 
unit rule, to be fair, ought to be used in all the 
States, and even then injustice is possible under it. 
In the California case, however, the Roosevelt men 
are not compelled to rely entirely on the general 
arguments advanced in behalf of the unit rule. 
They insist, first, that the primary law of Califor- 
nia substitutes a system of election by the State at 
large for the district system when certain for- 
malities were complied with, and they contend that 
the formalities were complied with in this case. 
The law supersedes the language employed in the 
committee's call. In the second place, they declare 
that the Taft delegates, who now claim election in 
the district, were candidates before the State at 
large and became so with the indorsement of Presi- 
dent Taft, thus being stopped from questioning the 
validity of the election of their opponents. 

In addition to these contentions the Roosevelt 
men argue that there is no possible way of deter- 
mining the exact vote in the Fourth District, the 
district in controversy, because fourteen precincts 
are partly in that district and partly in the Fifth 
District. The vote between Roosevelt and Taft in 
the Fourth District was so close that the votes of 


these fourteen precincts would change the result, 
but no one is able to say how many of those living 
on the Fourth District side of the line running 
through the fourteen precincts voted for Taft and 
how many for Koosevelt. 


Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of 
Tuesday, June 18th. 

Chicago, June 18. As this letter must necessa- 
rily be put upon the wires before the convention 
convenes at noon I shall devote it to the most in- 
teresting and only significant event of yesterday, 
namely, the Koosevelt mass meeting at the Audi- 
torium in the evening. 

The hall was filled with ticket holders, and a 
large crowd outside mourned their lack of influ- 
ence with those who were distributing the pass- 
ports to the meeting. It was a boomers' meeting, 
and none of the accessories usual on such occasions 
was omitted. Flags were distributed to the audi- 
ence, patriotic hymns were sung, and a glee club 
assured the audience that they wanted "Teddy." 

Senator Borah presided and opened the meeting 
with a well-delivered arraignment of the National 
Committee and of standpat Republicanism in gen- 
eral. His splendid voice rang out through the 
large hall, and what he said pleased the audience. 



He is another representative of the younger genera- 
tion and has fairly won the distinction that has 
been accorded him of representing the progressives 
in the fight over the temporary chairmanship. 

He will be remembered as the chairman of the 
committee which succeeded in forcing through the 
Senate the amendment providing for the popular 
election of Senators, an amendment which the Sen- 
ate had six times refused to consider during the 
past twenty years. He is a conspicuous member of 
the group of young men referred to yesterday, 
which includes, besides those heretofore mentioned, 
Gov. Bass, of New Hampshire ; Senator Dixon, ex- 
Secretary Garfield, Gifford Pinchot, Judge Lind- 
sey, ex-Senator Beveridge, the junior Washburn of 
Minnesota, and men like Hale and Hill of Massa- 

It would be interesting to know just how many 
of these progressive Republicans are attending their 
first National Convention. Only one of the Cali- 
fornia delegates has attended a convention before 
and only one of the New Jersey delegates. 

Mr. Roosevelt's speech might be described as a 
characteristic speech, in that he expressed himself 
in emphatic language and accompanied his words 
with gestures equally emphatic. His manner indi- 
cated that he was enjoying the fight, and the more 
vehement his denunciation the more vigorous the 


He condemned the members of the National Com- 
mittee jointly and severally, individually and in 
groups. He described them by naming character- 
istics, discussed them biographically, and singled 
them out by name. He analyzed them in their 
representative character and in their lack of char- 
acter. The words " theft," "crime," "stolen," 
"shame," "treason" and other severities of the 
kind were interwoven with the names of Senators, 
ex-Senators, bosses, ex-bosses leaders, ex-leaders 
and ' ' sure-thing ' ' men. 

The response most frequently made by the audi- 
ence when he asked their opinion of the action of 
the National Committee was the word "rotten." 
His main charge against the committee was that it 
had, as the representative of the special interests, 
deliberately defrauded the rank and file of the 
party of the fruits of victory in nearly forty dis- 
tricts. He divided the committee of fifty into three 
groups. From fifteen to twenty were included hi a 
group to which he ascribed varying degrees of hon- 

Fourteen of the remainder he put into the dis- 
carded class men repudiated by their States at the 
recent primaries or conventions. About fifteen 
were grouped in the third class as representatives 
of States that could not be expected to give Repub- 
lican majorities in the coming election. He men- 
tioned by name and held up to contempt and scorn 


Mr. Barnes of New York, Mr. Crane of Massachu- 
setts, Mr. Penrose of Pennsylvania, Mr. Murphy of 
New Jersey, Mr. Stevenson of Colorado and Mr. 
Guggenheim of the same State. He also referred 
by words of description to Mr. Calhoun of Cali- 
fornia and Mr. Lorimer of Chicago. 

He compared political crimes, such as he charged 
against his opponents, with the crimes for which 
men are imprisoned, to the advantage of the latter, 
and declared that some of the governors among the 
reactionaries have refused pardons to criminals 
whose deeds were infinitely less wicked than the 
political misdemeanors of the governors themselves. 

After arraigning the whole crowd of reaction- 
aries as members of a conspiracy formed for wreck- 
ing the party, a conspiracy which the members 
were bent on carrying out without conscience or 
scruple, he announced his plan of campaign for the 
control of the convention. He demanded that the 
seventy-six delegates, whose seats are to be con- 
tested before the Credentials Committee, stand 
aside and allow their cases to be decided by the 
1,000 uncontested delegates. He declared that it 
would be a fraud upon the party to allow them to 
take part in the convention, and that their partici- 
pation would so vitiate any action of the conven- 
tion which depended upon their votes that it would 
not be binding upon any Republican inside the 
Convention or outside. 


This statement called forth the most spontaneous 
demonstration of the evening. It was apparently 
the statement for which they were waiting. It is 
evident that the Roosevelt leaders will object to 
contested delegates voting in the temporary chair- 
manship fight. What this may lead to no one can 
gay, but only one construction can be placed upon 
Mr. Eoosevelt's language, namely, that the progres- 
sives will not regard themselves as under any obli- 
gation to support the ticket if seventy-six contested 
delegates are seated and, as a result of their par- 
ticipation in the convention, Mr. Taft is nominated. 
The prospect is bright for a lively convention. 

After disposing of the President, Senator Root 
and the National Committee, Mr. Roosevelt pro- 
ceeded to make a plea for progressive Republican- 
ism. He did not refer to any issue, but dealt with 
the broad distinction between the people and those 
who exploit them. He quoted Lincoln and inter- 
preted his definition and distinction in the lan- 
guage of to-day. He described his opponents in 
the present contest as men of restricted vision and 
contracted sympathy; men who lack intensity of 
conviction and care only for the pleasure of the 
day; men who distrust the people, who are filled 
with an angry terror whenever there is an appeal 
to popular conscience and popular intelligence. 
They live on a low plane, and in an atmosphere in 
which impostors flourish. 


His own associates, on the other hand, are men 
of faith and vision ; men in whom love of righteous- 
ness burns like a naming fire ; men who spurn lives 
of selfishness, of slothful indulgence, etc. 

It is a strong contrast that he draws. He car- 
ried me back to the day when I first learned of this 
world-wide, never-ending contest between the bene- 
ficiaries of privilege and the unorganized masses, 
and I can appreciate the amazement which he must 
feel that so many honest and well-meaning people 
seem blind or indifferent to what is going on. 

I passed through the same period of amazement 
when I first began to run for President. My only 
regret is that we have not had the benefit of his 
powerful assistance during the campaigns in which 
we have protested against the domination of poli- 
tics by predatory corporations. He probably feels 
more strongly stirred to action to-day because he 
was so long unconscious of the forces at work 
thwarting the popular will. The fact, too, that he 
has won prestige and position for himself and 
friends through the support of the very influences 
which he now so righteously denounces must still 
further increase the sense of responsibility which 
he feels this time. 

He errs, however, and a very natural error it is, 
in assuming that the defeat of the progressive Re- 
publicans in this convention would be fatal to the 
country. He forgets that the Democrats stand 


ready to rescue the nation, even if the progressive 
Republicans fail, and then there are future cam- 
paigns if the reactionaries win this one. 

He ought to find encouragement in my experi- 
ence. I have seen several campaigns end in a most 
provoking way, and yet I have lived to see a Re- 
publican ex-president cheered by a Eepublican au- 
dience for denouncing men who, only a few years 
ago, were thought to be the custodians of the na- 
tion's honor. 

This contest is an important one, and veteran 
reformers rejoice at the advanced ground taken by 
progressive Republicans, but this country is not 
going to ruin. A convention may delay reforms 
for a short time, but it cannot stay the onward 
march of the people. Democracy is militant the 
world around, and nowhere more so than in our 
own beloved land. 


Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of Wed- 
nesday, June 19th. 

Chicago, June 18. I am enjoying my position 
among the newspaper boys, but being a little new 
at this kind of work I have to confess to the com- 
mission of two blunders so far. First, I overesti- 
mated the acquaintance of the reading public here 
with the Bible. In my letter of this morning I 
referred to the ninth verse of the twentieth chapter 
of Matthew, supposing the Republicans attending 
the convention were as familiar with the text as are 
the Democrats, but I find they laid the reference 
away until they had time to look it up. Possibly 
it will make a deeper impression upon them when 
they find the verse referred to is as follows: "And 
when they came that were hired about the eleventh 
hour, they received every man a penny." 

If the reader could have noted the similarity be- 
tween Mr. Roosevelt's presentation of the issues 
between plutocracy and democracy and the speeches 
which have been made for nearly two decades by 


progressive Democrats and the speeches which have 
been made more recently by Senator La Follette 
and other pioneers among the progressive Repub- 
licans, he would have seen the aptness of the Bible 
My second mistake was in not associating with 



(McCutcJieon in "Collier's Weekly" Reproduced "by Per- 

me a sporting editor, who could give me the tech- 
nical phrases of the prize ring; my vocabulary is 
hardly adequate for a description of the first round 
of the great contest which is being fought out at 
the Coliseum. 

A little after the appointed hour of noon Victor 
Rosewater, of Nebraska, acting chairman of the 
Republican National Committee, called the conven- 
tion to order and directed the secretary to read the 


call. As soon as the reading was completed, and 
before Mr. Rosewater could announce the commit- 
tee's choice for temporary chairman, Gov. Hadley, 
of Missouri, obtained recognition and moved to 
substitute the names of about eighty Eoosevelt 
contesting delegates for the Taft delegates whose 
names had been put upon the temporary roll-call 
by the committee. 

This move on the part of the Progressives was 
evidently anticipated, for former Congressman 
Watson, of Indiana, was on his feet in an instant 
with a point of order. Chairman Eosewater said 
he would hold the point of order well taken, but 
would give both sides an opportunity to present 
the matter to the convention. 

Mr. Hadley made the principal argument, citing 
three precedents the convention of 1864, when the 
temporary roll-call was amended; 1880, when the 
temporary roll-call was again amended; and 1884, 
when the convention adopted the policy of consid- 
ering the committee's recommendation for tempor- 
ary chairman as merely suggestive and not con- 
clusive upon the convention. 

Mr. Watson replied there was no national com- 
mittee in 1864 to prepare the temporary roll-call, 
that in 1880 the temporary chairman had already 
been elected before the motion to amend the tem- 
porary roll was entertained, and that in 1884 the 
amendment of the recommendation made by the 


committee as to temporary chairman was not a 
precedent for the case now before this convention, 
because in the selection of a chairman the matter 
was submitted to the delegates on the temporary 
roll, while in the present case there is no body au- 
thorized to vote on the temporary chairmanship 
until the temporary roll-call has been made up. 

A number of speeches were made on both sides, 
most of them discussing the merits of the case 
rather than the precedents, and some of them re- 
vealing the tension under which the leaders are 
acting. The question was settled by the refusal of 
Chairman Rosewater to entertain an appeal, which 
left the Taft forces in control of enough votes to 
secure for them the temporary chairmanship. 

The fight, however, was interesting enough to 
make the spectators feel that they were getting 
their money 's worth. A national convention is well 
worth attending, especially when one can look on 
without being so deeply concerned in the result as 
to make him blind to the amusing side of the pic- 

A convention is made up of partisans, who are 
there to help each his side, and onlookers who ap- 
plaud things cleverly done, as the occupants of the 
grand stand cheer a baseball player when he makes 
a good hit. Then there is the witty man, who says 
something that catches the audience. They were 
all in evidence to-day. 


The partisans were giving enthusiastic support to 
their representatives, and cheering the points 
made. Groans were not infrequent, the most spon- 
taneous and widespread greeting Mr. Root's open- 
ing sentence when he thanked the convention for 
the confidence expressed in him. This interrup- 
tion lasted some time and plainly embarrassed the 

Another timely suggestion from the audience 
started a cheer when Congressman Payne was ar- 
guing "for an orderly method of procedure," 
meaning that the work of the steam roller should 
not be interfered with. Some one called out, ' ' Tell 
us about the Payne- Aldrich bill." The suggestion 
wakened the echoes in memory's hall and those 
well informed recalled a number of prominent Re- 
publicans who were dragged into involuntary re- 
tirement by that same Payne- Aldrich bill, and they 
also remembered that it has made Mr. Taft round- 
shouldered to carry his part of the burden which 
that bill imposed upon the country. 

Senator Bradley, of Kentucky, also was hectored 
by the audience. He had not proceeded far with 
his argument when some one in the audience re- 
ferred to his vote in the Lorimer case. He prob- 
ably was the most extreme representative of the re- 
actionary type who appeared before the convention, 
and he did not shrink from defending Lorimer. 
He seemed ready for a fight on any phase of the 


contest between the progressives and the reaction- 
aries. Mr. Heney, of California, was the most 
militant of the progressive speakers, and he, like 
Senator Bradley, spent a part of his time pausing 
for order to be restored. 

It is interesting to compare the reasons given by 
the various speakers with the reasons which actu- 
ally controlled them. Upon the surface of the dis- 
cussion it would seem the progressives were bent 
on securing a fair hearing on the contested cases 
before either side was allowed to profit by the 
presence of the delegates. The reactionaries, on the 
other hand, seemed specially concerned in averting 
chaos. They could see nothing but confusion 
if any departure was made from the regular 
procedure. This was the issue presented in the 

A great deal of time could have been saved if 
each side had explained, as each side could have 
explained in a word, that the eighty contested dele- 
gates held the balance of power and might decide 
all the important questions to come before the con- 
vention. It is not certain that the opposite side 
would not have exchanged arguments had the po- 
sitions been changed. 

All of which goes to show that a national con- 
vention is not the best place in the world to decide 
questions of abstract justice. The temptation to 
gain an unfair advantage is so great that it is not 


always resisted. The most effective restraint is the 
fear that palpable injustice may react upon the 
successful party at the polls, and this fear is re- 
duced to a minimum when the fight reaches a point 
where neither side expects the other to win at the 
polls and is not sure about its own success. 

The fight over the chairmanship revealed a little 
piece of strategy which came as a surprise to most 
of the audience. Mr. Root had for some weeks 
been known to be the choice of the Taft forces for 
temporary chairman, but it was generally under- 
stood that Senator Borah would be the Roosevelt 
candidate. Some time in the night, however, ar- 
rangements were made with the Roosevelt leaders 
for the presentation of the name of Gov. McGovern, 
of Wisconsin, by a minority of the Wisconsin dele- 
gation. This was done over the protest of Mr. La 
Follette and his representatives. As late as 11 
o 'clock in the morning the Wisconsin delegation, by 
a vote of 14 to 11, decided not to present a candi- 
date for temporary chairman. 

The governor's name was presented, however, 
by Delegate Cochems, and Wisconsin's executive 
received thirteen of the Wisconsin vote (just one 
half) and nine of the North Dakota La Follette 
delegates, besides the Roosevelt strength. Mr. 
Houser, Senator La Follette 's spokesman, stated 
the facts in order that the senator might not be ac- 
cused of tying up with either side. Mr. Houser 


and several other members of the Wisconsin dele- 
gates voted for Mr. Lander, of North Dakota. 

Senator Root received 558 votes, eighteen more 
than half the convention, but as a number of Mr. 
Root's votes came from men who are instructed 
for Mr. Roosevelt, the presidential situation is still 
in doubt. 

I would want to make three guesses if I were 
compelled to guess at all. First, that Mr. Taft 
may be nominated as the result of the putting of 
the names of the Taft contestants on the temporary 
roll. This gives the Taft men control of the com- 
mittee on credentials, and the Taft contestants can 
be seated if they are allowed to vote for them- 
selves. Second, Mr. Roosevelt may be nominated 
if he can get some of his contestants seated, or can 
make inroads upon the southern delegates. Third, 
Mr. La Follette and Mr. Cummins may hold the 
balance of power and compel the nomination of a 
third candidate, name unknown. Thus endeth the 
first day of the convention. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of 
Wednesday, June 19th. 

Chicago, June 19. The first day's round of the 
wrestling match in which the Republican leaders 
are engaging resulted in a dogfall. Mr. Root re- 
ceived 558 votes for temporary chairman only 
eighteen more than half of the convention which 
indicates that the vote between Mr. Taft and Mr. 
Roosevelt will be so close that no one can count 
with any certainty on the result. 

On the face of the returns it would look like a 
victory for Taft. It is a great advantage to him to 
have a supporter in the chair, especially as able a 
man as Mr. Root. He is probably the most skilful 
corporation lawyer in the country. One of his 
prominent clients has been quoted as saying that 
former attorneys employed by him told him what 
he could not do, but that Root told him how he 
could do things. The New York senator will be 


in a position where he can do things, and from now 
on the Roosevelt forces can expect no parliamen- 
tary advantage. It will keep them busy to avoid 
the traps and pitfalls that will be set for them. In 
fact, it would not be surprising if our old friend, 
Res Adjudicata, appeared on the scene every now 
and then when least expected. 

But while Mr. Taft has won the temporary chair- 
manship, his victory belongs to that class of vic- 
tories of which it can be said that a few more such 
would destroy the victor. In order to win the cov- 
eted prize Mr. Root had to secure seven of Mr. 
Roosevelt 's instructed delegates in Maryland, three 
in Oregon and four in Pennsylvania. These men 
are under instructions given at primaries and will 
have to vote for Roosevelt on roll-call. These 
twenty-two reduce the Taft strength below the 540 
necessary for his nomination, and there are a num- 
ber of other Roosevelt delegates pledged, but not 
instructed, who voted for Mr. Root. It will be 
seen, therefore, that Mr. Taft is still some distance 
from the nomination, even if all of his contested 
delegates are seated. It is barely possible, though 
not probable, that some of Mr. Taft's uninstructed 
delegates may revolt against the seating of some of 
the contested delegates, and then allowance must 
be made for inroads on the susceptible portion of 
Mr. Taft's following. 

Mr. Taft's managers, however, are presenting a 


bold front and are claiming 100 Roosevelt delegates 
on the second ballot. The ex-President doubtless 
feels some chagrin at the result of the fight on the 
temporary chairmanship, but Senator Dixon uses 
the vote cast for Mr. Root as proof that Mr. Taft 
is whipped. This does not, however, mean that Mr. 
Roosevelt will be nominated. It is easier to pre- 
vent Mr. Taft 's nomination than to secure his own. 
Senator La Pollette's thirty-six votes and Senator 
Cummins 's ten votes will contribute to the defeat 
of Mr. Taft, but they will not be of much service 
to Mr. Roosevelt; at least they have, not been 
counted in the Roosevelt column. The alliance 
formed yesterday between the Roosevelt following 
and a minority of the Wisconsin delegation may 
indicate a willingness of some of the La Follette 
men to switch to Roosevelt if La Follette retires 
from the race. 

Nine of the ten North Dakota delegates joined 
the Roosevelt delegates in supporting McG-overn, 
and the ten Cummins men from Iowa also voted 
for McGovern. While this does not commit them 
to Roosevelt it indicates a willingness to side with 
the followers of the ex-President rather than with 
the followers of the President when they are com- 
pelled to choose. 

The pot has been boiling furiously since the first 
session adjourned, and one hears all sorts of ru- 
mors. While it is not safe to venture a prediction, 


still it is only reflecting what one hears in the 
corridors to say that there is more talk of a dark 
horse than heretofore. The two principal contes- 
tants have measured strength and neither feels as 
sure as he did before the roll-call. 

The office-seeker is not idle, and the paramount 
question with him is not who would make an ideal 
candidate, or an ideal president, but 'who can win. 
Mr. Taft and Mr. Roosevelt will find some consola- 
tion in killing each other off, and both may prefer 
to support a third man rather than risk the sup- 
port of one by the other. 

Cummins and Borah are the persons talked of 
most as compromise candidates. It ought to be 
easy for the Roosevelt men to support Borah, and 
the Taft men would probably find it easier to sup- 
port Cummins than any other progressive. 

The reader may think the above review of the 
situation somewhat indefinite if so, he is in the at- 
titude of mind that best befits one who has sur- 
veyed the field as it appears to-day. It is any 
man's race at this time. 

The convention yesterday was full of interesting 
incidents, and no one has complained that the per- 
formance was not up to the promises made in ad- 
vance. Even a Democrat must admit that the dele- 
gates are a fine looking body of men ; they are the 
pick of the Republican party of the nation. There 
are a number of prominent Republicans who did 


not secure commissions as delegates, but most of 
them are here in an advisory capacity. It is inter- 
esting to note how the sifting process eliminates 
the relatively inferior and brings before the foot- 
lights the men who are intellectually prepared for 
the contest. 

Gov. Hadley, of Missouri, led the fight against 
the temporary roll of delegates, and he made a 
splendid impression. His argument was clear and 
well presented. His manner was pleasing and he 
held the attention of the audience. 

Watson, of Indiana, justified the confidence re- 
posed in him by the Taft leaders. His speech was 
well put together, and his argumentative manner 
was suited to the work he had in hand. Job 
Hedges, of New York, acquitted himself most cred- 
itably. His special task was to inform the audi- 
ence of Mr. Eoosevelt's high opinion of Mr. Root, 
and he performed it with dramatic art. 

Then there were speakers who did not catch the 
spirit of the occasion; at least r.ot in time to save 
themselves from the hasty judgment which a con- 
vention audience stands ready to pronounce. This 
judgment is not always accurate, but it is not usu- 
ally subject to reversal. When a convention crowd 
turns against a speaker the sooner he brings his re- 
marks to a close the better. A great deal depends 
on getting off on the right foot. An explanation 
or an apology is sometimes fatal. The tone of voice 


or an awkward gesture may call down the derision 
of the audience, and then it is all over. 

One of the most humorous incidents in conven- 
tion history occurred at Chicago sixteen years ago. 
A Louisiana delegate paused in the course of his 
speech to take a swallow of water. Some inter- 
ruption prevented his resumption at once, and he 
picked up the glass a second and a third time. 
Then some one in the audience suggested that he 
take another drink, and from that time on he was 
on the water wagon. Pages brought him buckets 
of water, and the audience was convulsed for a 
quarter of an hour. One man in yesterday's con- 
vention began in a manner that aroused the relig- 
ious fervor of one delegate to the extent of calling 
forth an amen, while another speaker put his arms 
in a position that made some of the delegates dis- 
cuss aviation. 

The people who gather at a convention, however, 
are good humored, and while they are sometimes 
unmanageable, they are not malicious. The only 
way one can get even is to enjoy the turn of for- 
tune that brings others, for the time being, into the 
position of making fun for the audience. 

A convention is a splendid place to study human 
nature; man in a crowd is quite a different crea- 
ture from man acting alone. Enthusiasm is con- 
tagious, although in this convention the friends of 
the two leading candidates have thus far been able 


to restrain themselves from joining in each others' 
demonstrations, except when a wave of laughter 
sweeps the hall. We are having a great time. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of 
Thursday, June 20th. 

Chicago, June 19. Wednesday's session of the 
convention surpassed Tuesday's in interest, and I 
shall deal with the most spectacular feature of it 
first, viz., the demonstration. We had nothing 
Tuesday that rose to the dignity of a demonstra- 
tion, at least nothing that compared with the out- 
burst of yesterday, and it may be worth while to 
devote a few sentences to this peculiar and fas- 
cinating phase of convention activities. A demon- 
stration is a hard thing to manufacture, but an 
easy thing to enlarge. There must be spontaneity 
about it to make it a genuine success, but given the 
element of unpreparedness as a basis any amount 
of prepared material can be profitably used. 

The day's session was interrupted for about 
forty-five minutes, more or less, and during that 
time the usual number of eccentric persons and 
unique features appeared for the entertainment of 



the convention's guests. Powder is a harmless 
thing so long as its serenity is not disturbed by 
some obtrusive spark, but when the spark comes 
into contact with the powder the powder, as a mat- 
ter of self-respect, must resent the insult and re- 
sent it instantly. There was powder in abundance, 
and the spark, much to its own surprise, got too 
near the powder, and then all was off for a while. 

Ex-Congressman Watson, of Indiana, was pre- 
senting the Taf t cause and was doing it acceptably 
to his side of the house. In fact, he was making a 
plausible argument. To clinch it he said that even 
Gov. Hadley had expressed a willingness to refer 
the contests to the credentials committee under cer- 
tain conditions and with certain qualifications. 

This statement at once raised in the minds of 
those who listened a question as to what the con- 
ditions and qualifications were. The interest at 
once became intense, for any surrender or com- 
promise on Gov. Hadley 's part would have been a 
victory for Mr. Taft's followers, while any mis- 
representation on the part of Mr. Watson would 
demand immediate contradiction. 

Gov. Hadley was quick to size up the situation, 
and when Mr. Watson turned to him for some sign 
of confirmation he arose and stepped to the speak- 
ers' stand. The audience rose at once in anticipa- 
tion of a conflict in statement and the suppressed 
feeling burst forth. It was a Roosevelt demonstra- 


tion and was the most significant expression that 
the audience has thus far given of sympathy with 
the ex-President, or at least opposition to the Presi- 

After there had been enough cheering to get the 
Roosevelt delegates well warmed up the delegations 
began to move about the hall. Some of the stand- 
ards were carried in a parade through the aisles, 
with delegates young and old marching with lock 
step. The audience was on its feet, a considerable 
portion joining in the shouting as best it could. 
The Roosevelt leaders were all in evidence. Gov. 
Stubbs, occupying a position to one side of the 
delegate space, stood upon a chair and waved his 
handkerchief with an enthusiasm that a younger 
man could hardly have exhibited. 

While the tumult was at its height attention was 
attracted to a woman in white, who stood in the 
front row of the gallery and waved a picture of 
Mr. Roosevelt. She was soon the center of attrac- 
tion, and the more enthusiastic of the Roosevelt 
delegates flocked to that side of the hall. Soon a 
California bear, a golden figure that indicates the 
California section of the hall, was seen swaying 
back and forth near the lady with the picture. 
After a few minutes of gesticulation she was es- 
corted down from the gallery and up to the speak- 
ers' stand, where. she led the applause for a while. 
Finally the shouting and the tumult ceased and the 


audience, exhausted by its efforts, subsided and 
quiet was restored. It is only fair to the Taft 
delegates to say that they preserved a proper de- 
corum during the entire performance, their faces 
wearing an expression suited to the occasion. 

While the demonstration lasted there was a good 
deal of discussion as to the meaning of it, and peo- 
ple asked each other, "Is this a Roosevelt stam- 
pede?" "Is this a boom for Hadley, as a com- 
promise candidate?" etc. And what did it mean? 
The result of the vote which followed showed that 
there was no break in the Taft battle line on the 
contrary, he went out of the convention stronger 
than on Tuesday. It helped Hadley. There is no 
doubt that Gov. Hadley has made friends every 
time he has appeared. His personality pleases and 
his manner is conciliating. It is only fair to add 
him to the list of compromise candidates now under 
consideration, although the second victory for Mr. 
Taft naturally decreases the talk of a compromise. 

The demonstration was not so important an hour 
after it was over as it seemed when at its height. 
It illustrates how much noise can be turned loose 
in a convention without materially affecting the 
result. Stampedes are about as much exaggerated 
in effect as what is known as personal popularity is 
in quantity. Nothing is more likely to be overesti- 
mated in politics than that peculiar quality known 
as personal popularity. 


While every one who lives as he should can 
count upon personal friends who will be attached 
to him regardless of his political views, still the 
substantial strength of a public man is due to the 
things he stands for. In politics men are meas- 
ured by the service they can render a fact which 
can be verified by even a casual reading of his- 

Popular idols fall when they turn from a prin- 
ciple or policy to which their friends are wedded. 
And-, so, people magnify the influence exerted upon 
a convention by a demonstration. Many stampedes 
are attempted, but few succeed, and those that do 
succeed owe their success to some material fact 
upon which the demonstration merely turns the 

The delegates who attend a national convention 
are generally there for a purpose, and they are not 
easily swerved from it. A convention feels about 
demonstrations, such as occurred yesterday, some- 
what like the big man felt who had a small wife 
who was in the habit of whipping him. When 
asked why he permitted it, he replied that it 
seemed to please her and did not hurt him. 

But a word in regard to the merits of the discus- 
sion. As on Tuesday the speeches were able and 
gave an opportunity for the audience to take the 
measure of a number of men. Allen, of Kansas, 
made a favorable impression, as did Morrison, of 


Arizona ; Hemenway, of Indiana ; Devine, of Colo- 
rado, and Littleton, of Texas. Gov. Deneen, of 
Illinois, received an ovation when he appeared 
with his amendment to Gov. Hadley's motion. 
And, speaking of favorable impressions, John M. 
Harlan, Jr., won the audience with his voice. If 
there is anything that a convention loves it is a 
voice that can be heard. Harlan is richly endowed 
in this respect, so richly that a megaphone dimin- 
ishes rather than increases the effectiveness of his 

Probably no man has made more capital out of 
his appearance than George L. Record, of New 
Jersey, did. He approached the subject in a judi- 
cial way, and presented his argument with such an 
appearance of fairness that he captivated the audi- 
ence, or would have done so if it had been open to 

But convention audiences are not like juries, 
made up of those who are unprejudiced, nor like 
popular audiences, made up of people who act only 
for themselves and therefore are free to follow 
their inclinations. 

And this brings me to the point in the case. 
Those unfamiliar with conventions doubtless won- 
dered why the arguments advanced made no change 
in the vote. That is easily explained. The dele- 
gates are sent there largely under instructions, ex- 
pressed or implied, and they are there to do any- 


thing within reason and reason's limitations are 
somewhat elastic to accomplish their purpose. 
Every delegate knew what the speakers seemed to 
overlook namely: that the seating of the seventy- 
odd contesting delegates would in all probability 
decide the convention's actions. The Taft men had 
charge of the national committee. By seating the 
Taft delegates they were able to give Mr. Taft's 
friends a majority on the temporary roll-call. This 
majority could organize the convention and give 
Mr. Taft's friends the temporary chairman. 

As the credentials committee is made up from 
the delegates appearing on the temporary roll-call, 
this would give the Tafi; men a majority of the cre- 
dentials committee, and secure them a majority 
report. The delegates on the temporary roll-call 
would then approve the report and seat the Taft 
contestants. Everything, therefore, depended on 
not allowing any break in the program. 

The Roosevelt men, on the other hand, knew that 
if they could seat their own contesting delegates 
before proceeding with the election of temporary 
chairman or even compel Mr. Taft's contesting 
delegates to refrain from voting they could secure 
the temporary organization, a majority of the cre- 
dentials committee, a favorable report from the 
committee, and the approval of the report by the 

The arguments made by the Taft men had in 


view the securing of a Taft convention; the argu- 
ments made by the Roosevelt men had in view the 
securing of a Roosevelt convention, and each side 
knew what the other side was after. 

If the Roosevelt men had had control of the na- 
tional committee there is no doubt that they would 
have seated their men, and it is quite probable that 
they would not have been looking for precedents to 
sustain the position which they are taking. 

But, the reader will ask, is there no standard of 
right and wrong that a convention is bound to re- 
spect? Is all this talk about justice, honesty, and 
a square deal buncombe? No. People want to be 
honest, but they are apt to be unconsciously biased. 
It is fear of this unconscious bias that leads us to 
enact laws forbidding a judge to try his own case 
or a juror to serve in a case in which he has any 
interest. We recognize that no man is good enough 
to decide an important disputed matter in which 
he has a substantial personal interest. And it is no 
reflection on the high character of our citizens. 

Neither is it a reflection upon the bench of our 
country to say that our judges are apt to be in- 
fluenced by political bias in deciding political ques- 
tions. It is not strange, therefore, that the dele- 
gates in this Republican convention should have 
divided upon this vital question according to their 
choice for president. 

I lay no claim to freedom from bias, but I be- 


lieve that the position taken by the Roosevelt men 
makes a nearer approach to justice than the posi- 
tion taken by the Taft men. First, because the 
delegates to the convention have been chosen since 
the national committee was chosen. The national 
committee was selected four years ago, while the 
delegates are fresh from the people; the delegates, 
therefore, are more likely to represent the voters 
than the old committee. In the second place, the 
delegates are more numerous, and it would be more 
difficult to lead the same proportion of them to do 
an act of injustice; and, third, the delegates go 
back to their people, like a discharged jury, and 
are therefore more amenable to public sentiment. 

But whatever change is made in the rules must 
usually be made for conventions in advance; im- 
partiality cannot be expected where great feeling 
exists. The prayer, "Lead us not into tempta- 
tion," is full of meaning. 


Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of 
Thursday, June 20th. 

Chicago, June 20. "Button, button, who has 
the button ? ' ' The question is suggested by the un- 
certainty that prevails here. There are three un- 
certainties to be considered in this report. First, 
what did the demonstration mean? Why did the 
convention leap to its feet in an instant, shout itself 
hoarse, work itself into weariness, and then subside 
exhausted? In describing the convention as hav- 
ing held a demonstration, reference is made, of 
course, only to those who participated, and not all 
participated. The Taft delegates looked upon it 
with ill-disguised disfavor. It was interesting to 
note the difference in the expression upon their 
faces and the smiling countenances of the Roose- 
velt men. 

A few of the Taft men manifested an interest in 
the beginning, when some took advantage of the 
enthusiasm to work up a Hadley boom. Some of 
the New York delegation wickedly harbored the 



thought that they could excite rivalry between the 
governor of Missouri* and the ex-president. They 
seemed to think that a little jealousy would not be 
out of harmony with "the orderly proceedings" 
which they so staunchly contend for. Gov. Had- 
ley started it, or rather Watson started it, by call- 
ing Hadley to the front. It was the psychological 
moment. What happened could not have been ar- 
ranged for by any national committee, and the tu- 
mult could not have been smoothed out by a steam 
roller until the pent-up feeling had a chance to es- 

When in a controversy one man makes a positive 
statement, and the other replies that the gentleman 
has told what he knows to be untrue, the bystand- 
ers generally prick up their ears in expectation. 
So it was at the convention. Mr. Watson, of In- 
diana, in the course of a persuasive speech, sought 
to add weight to his appeal by saying that Gov. 
Hadley had expressed himself as willing to leave 
the whole matter to the credentials committee, with 
certain qualifications and conditions. As Gov. 
Hadley had made the motion to remove the con- 
tested Taft delegates from the temporary roll, this 
was virtually a charge that the governor had 
agreed to a compromise. 

The Roosevelt men were not in a compromising 
mood, and they at once questioned the correctness 

* Hadley. 


of Mr. "Watson's statement. Mr. "Watson turned 
to Gov. Hadley for confirmation, and Gov. Hadley, 
who immediately rose to reply, came forward in a 
way that announced in advance a contradiction of 
Mr. "Watson's statement. At least that was what 
the audience saw in his manner, and the demon- 
stration began. It lasted about forty-five minutes, 
during which time old and young, men and women, 
participated to the limit of their strength. 

It is interesting to watch a crowd when people 
are swept along by a wave of enthusiasm. There 
are certain things to be expected in a convention 
demonstration. People stand on chairs when they 
cannot find anything higher ; they wave their hand- 
kerchiefs and shout. They march around the hall 
in procession, carrying flags and banners. Any- 
thing that will add to the noise is likely to be called 
into use. 

When the delegates begin to carry standards 
heroes begin to develop. The first man to grab the 
standard becomes the leader, and he tells his grand- 
children how he took it away from a man bigger 
than himself. Then there is the fellow who will 
not let the delegation have the standard. The Illi- 
nois standard was guarded against all comers by 
a man whose friends will doubtless present his 
name for a Carnegie medal. 

Some of the women will be tired and worn to-day 
as the result of their part in the great spectacle. 


One lady occupied the center of the stage for ten 
or fifteen minutes, first in the gallery, where she 
appeared dressed in white, vigorously waving a 
picture of Mr. Roosevelt and shouting words of 
praise. It was not long before some of the dele- 
gates made their way to the gallery and escorted 
her to the speakers ' stand, where she led the cheer- 
ing. Then a procession was formed, which she 
conducted through the aisles. At last she found 
her way back to the place whence she started, and 
was about to renew her efforts when the police in- 

It was interesting to note that one of the con- 
spicuous sections of the gallery reserved for a 
striking array of women supporters of President 
Taft attracted attention at this time. The ladies 
had been quite demonstrative when the Taft speak- 
ers made a hit, but they refrained from applause 
when the audience was in eruption over the Wat- 
son-Hadley incident. They cheered vigorously, 
however, when the police quelled the lady in 

Now that the demonstration is over and what 
would a convention be without a demonstration? 
the convention can proceed with its work. The 
Roosevelt enthusiasm has had its vent, Gov. Had- 
ley has had his ovation, and the Taft delegates 
have had their chance to laugh over the futility of 
the attempt at a stampede. All are happy and 


the spectators have seen the sight that, more than 
anything else, makes a convention worth attending 
to the average spectator. 

But what of the issue that has brought forth so 
much discussion? What of the "larceny of dele- 
gates, ' ' the ' ' theft of States, ' ' and ' ' the outrageous 
injustice" on the one side, and the demand for 
"fair play," "even-handed equity" and a "square 
deal ' ' on the other ? Must ' ' right be forever on the 
scaffold and wrong forever on the throne?". You 
would think so to see the machine at work in spite 
of all that is said in protest. It is all an interest- 
ing study, especially to one who can watch it with- 
out feeling that any of his near relatives are in 

One amusing thing about it all is the lack of 
frankness in the speeches. Each side gives reasons 
that do not influence the men who give them. Mr. 
Taft has control of the national committee, and the 
national committee seated the Taft delegates. Did 
not the national committee act in the same way 
four years ago when the friends of Mr. Fairbanks, 
Mr. Cannon and Mr. Hughes were complaining of 
the Roosevelt steam roller? And does any one 
doubt that the committee would have put on the 
Eoosevelt delegates and kept them there if Mr. 
Roosevelt's friends had had control? If the Roose- 
velt men were in control of the committee and 
needed the contested delegates to make up a ma- 


jority would they not have felt that the end justi- 
fied the means, especially if that was the only way 
that "the bosses could be dethroned" and the rank 
and file of the Republican party put in a position 
to dictate the nomination ? I would not attempt to 
answer the question, but the old story that we learn 
in the blue-backed speller about the ownership of 
the ox that was bored comes quite naturally to 
one's mind on such an occasion. 

One cannot be but impressed with the intention 
of the delegates in both of these contending groups. 
There are not many men in the convention who are 
actually bent on ruining the country. The men on 
both sides think they are serving their party and 
their country both. It is a matter of bias; they 
look at questions from a different standpoint. The 
Taft men think the, progressives are dangerously 
radical and the Roosevelt men think the stand-pat- 
ters are dangerously conservative. 

Both of these forces are needed in every country. 
If it were not for the conservatives the radicals 
would go too fast; if it were not for the radicals 
the conservatives would not go at all. Progress 
lies between the two extremes, and good will come 
out of this convention, no matter how it ter- 

National conventions are great educational in- 
stitutions, whether those who get them up intend 
it or not. I began" attending national conventions 


when I was sixteen years old. I have attended six 
Democratic national conventions and am on my 
way to the seventh. I have in fact attended every 
Democratic national convention except the conven- 
tion of 1880, since 1876 (omitting, of course, the 
conventions of 1900 and 1908, when I was a candi- 
date). This is my second Republican convention, 
the first being the convention of 1896, when a part 
of the Republican convention walked out as a pro- 
test against the platform. 

There is not likely to be any serious controversy 
over the platform this year, at least one hears no 
talk of platforms among the delegates. The ele- 
ment that controls the convention will control the 
platform. If the Taft men control the convention 
they will try to make a platform that will please 
as many progressives as possible; if, on the other 
hand, the progressives get control of the conven- 
tion they will be interested in writing a platform 
which will hold as many conservatives as pos- 

When the emphasis is placed upon the candidate, 
as here, the platform is likely to be used to aid the 
candidates, as far as it can be done without the 
absolute surrender of principle. And who is the 
candidate to-day? Echo answers: Who? 

The Taft men feel more confident than they did 
yesterday morning, and yet there is persistent talk 
of a compromise ticket. Hughes and Hadleyform 


one combination; it is alliterative and it would 
surely be all-comprehending. Justice Hughes 
ought to suit the reactionaries, and Gov. Hadley is 
popular with the progressives, but can they get to- 
gether on such a ticket, or on any ticket ? 



Mr. Bryan's letter in the morning newspapers of 
Friday, June 21st. 

Chicago, June 20. Dickens, in his Mudfog pa- 
pers, has a correspondent sending a bulletin to his 
paper to announce that nothing had happened since 
his last bulletin, dispatched fifteen minutes earlier. 
This letter will be somewhat of the same character. 

The third session of the convention was called to 
order at 11 o'clock to-day, and an immediate recess 
was taken until 4. At 4 the convention was called 
to order and adjourned until 11 Friday. This left 
Thursday without convention incidents a lull be- 
tween the demonstration of the day before and the 
storm which seems brewing for to-morrow. 

The credentials committee is engaged in consid- 
ering the contests, and from the progress that is 
being made it seems likely that it will take a good 
while to get through. The first meeting of the com- 
mittee was marked by outbursts of passion which 
threatened the disruption of the party. In fact, 



the Eoosevelt portion of the committee withdrew 
twice, declaring that they would organize a sep- 
arate convention. 

The majority of the members are Taft men and 
they started in to make short work of the contests. 
They proposed to allow five minutes each to dis- 
trict contestants and ten minutes where the con- 
testant was a delegate at large, the cases to be 
submitted without argument. This was so objec- 
tionable to the minority that the Eoosevelt members 
refused to go any further. After consultation with 
the Roosevelt leaders the minority returned to the 
committee room, but were soon rebellious and quit 
a second time. 

Various rumors were afloat in the morning as to 
what the Roosevelt men intended to do. Various 
estimates were placed upon the number of those 
who were willing to burn the bridges behind them 
and embark upon a new party movement, or per- 
haps it should not be called a new party, for the 
proposed bolt is intended as a means of obtaining 
control of the Republican party. 

These conflicting statements continued until late 
in the afternoon, when the ex-president gave out a 
statement that set all doubts at rest. He declared 
that he is willing to accept a nomination either as 
the candidate of the "honestly elected majority," 
meaning a convention made up of the Roosevelt 
delegates now on the temporary roll-call with the 



Koosevelt contestants substituted for the Taft dele- 
gates whose title is contested, or, to cover all pos- 
sible contingencies, he is willing to accept a nomi- 
nation from any part of the progressive element 
that is willing to bolt. 

To use his own language, he says, "if some 
among them fear to take such a stand, and the re- 
mainder choose to inaugurate a movement to nomi- 
nate me for the presidency as a progressive on a 
progressive platform, and if in such an event the 
general feeling among the progressives favors my 
being nominated, I shall accept." He adds: "In 
either case I shall make an appeal to every honest 
citizen in the nation; and I shall fight the cam- 
paign through, win or lose, even if I do not get a 
single electoral vote." 

This statement breathes the spirit of a fighter 
and arouses the enthusiasm of the more radical of 
the followers of Mr. Roosevelt. The only loophole 
in the statement is the phrase, "and if, in such 
event, the general feeling among progressives fa- 
vors my being nominated." That would indicate 
an intention to take a little time after the conven- 
tion to ascertain the "general feeling." And the 
"general feeling among progressives" may depend 
largely upon the action of the regular convention 
after the bolters leave. 

Mr. Eoosevelt generously releases such progres- 
sives as do not choose to follow him. His state- 


merit recalls a dramatic act in the career of Pizarro 
when his followers mutinied after a series of re- 
verses. The Spanish conqueror made a speech to 
them, recounting the hardships through which they 
had passed, and pointed out the dangers which 
were before them. Then, drawing a line on the 
sand with his sword, he invited those to follow him 
who were not afraid to die. 

The story need not be carried farther. The crisis 
of the convention is at hand. The stand-patters re- 
gard his statement as a bluff and many of them 
would be glad to see him carry out the course he has 
outlined. They want him to bolt. They have con- 
fidence in their ability to drive him into retirement. 
They have certainly given him every provocation; 
there has not been a suggestion of compromise 
since the fight began. They have carried out their 
program to the letter, and the steam roller, as their 
machine is called, moves on with regularity and 
precision. They even have chains on the wheels 
to prevent skidding. 

It is no pleasant situation in which the ex-presi- 
dent finds himself, nor is it an ordinary situation. 
Twice chief executive of the nation, the second 
time elected by the largest majority that a presi- 
dent ever received; the recipient of honors in for- 
eign lands and supreme dictator in his own party, 
he now finds the man whom he nominated and 
elected pitted against him in the most bitter con- 


test that our country has ever seen, and he sees 
that opponent operating with the skill of a past 
master the very machinery which the tutor con- 
structed and taught him to use. And then the ex- 
president after failing as he seems to have failed 
to control the convention announces his willing- 
ness to bolt and lead a forlorn hope, the only prob- 
able effect of which will be the defeat of both and 
the election of a Democratic president! Surely 
the ways of Providence are mysterious ! 

There is still a way of escape, however, for the 
present and past occupants of the White House. 
They can withdraw and allow a third man to be 
chosen. This would seem to be the thing most 
likely at present. Mr. Roosevelt has apparently 
lost out, but he has the power to make the victory 
of his opponent a barren one. Mr. Taft has re- 
ceived a "vindication," the value of which will 
depend upon the opinion people have of the char- 
acter of his supporters and of the methods em- 
ployed by them. Does Mr. Taft want to convert 
his convention vindication into a defeat at the 
polls? Or will he content himself with the consol- 
ing thought that by retiring he sacrifices his own 
ambition to his party's welfare. I do not like to 
conclude this report with a series of questions, but 
question marks loom large in Chicago at this time. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of 
Friday, June 21st. 

Chicago, June 21. While we are waiting for the 
situation to clear up let us consider a phase of this 
convention which should not escape notice, namely, 
the evidence that it gives of the capacity of the 
American people for self-government. 

Individuals differ in the amount of self-restraint 
they exercise, and self-restraint is quite an accurate 
measure of capacity for self-government. The in- 
dividual who permits his body to have free rein 
soon destroys himself. The mind must subjugate 
the body and keep it under control before a human 
being is worthy to be called a man. But mental 
control is not sufficient. The mind may control the 
body, but the mind itself may run wild. Without 
a moral balance wheel a brilliant mind may use 
both itself and the body for great harm. 

Solomon tells us "that he that ruleth his own 
spirit is greater' than he that taketh a city." 


Where there is the highest average of intellectual 
and moral power, with the moral in control, there 
is the highest average of citizenship. Our nation 
is making progress because it has a high average 
of citizenship a larger percentage of its people 
than in any other country have the intelligence to 
estimate the problems with which they have to deal 
and the moral strength to grapple with those prob- 

This convention is, in a way, a photograph of the 
nation. All the great forces that exert a potential 
influence in our country are here in person or by 
proxy. Democracy has its champions, aristocracy 
has its representatives, and plutocracy its agents. 
The poor are not without spokesmen ; neither is ac- 
cumulated wealth without its advocates. 

The convention hall is like an arena in which a 
gladiatorial contest is being waged. Strong men 
and fair women look down from the galleries while 
the participants in the great conflict battle over 
policies and principles. It is remarkable that so 
much intensity of speech, so much tenacity of pur- 
pose, so much depth of conviction can be brought 
together on opposite sides with so little display of 
anger and such an absence of rudeness. 

The convention is nearly equally divided, the 
Roosevelt men believing that Mr. Taft represents 
organized greed, legislative pillage and political 
corruption carried to the seventh power, and some 


have expressed themselves on the subject in no un- 
certain terms. The Taft men, on the other hand, 
think that the Roosevelt crowd is largely made up 
of self-seeking politicians who are willing to resort 
to demagogic appeals to secure their ends, men 
who stir up the passions of the multitudes against 
law, order and property. This opinion has also 
been expressed quite freely for some months. 

Now the most distinguished leaders of these two 
elements in the Eepublican party are brought face 
to face in one room and are permitted to speak 
their feelings freely to each other. States are di- 
vided by narrow aisles and these antagonists see 
each other at close range. 

Mr. Barnes, who is not able to produce a certifi- 
cate of character from Mr. Roosevelt less than a 
year old, rubs against Mr. Flinn, whom President 
Taft cannot regard with any degree of allowance, 
and yet there is no physical combat. The Massa- 
chusetts delegation is divided half and half; eight- 
een "demagogues" and a group of eighteen more, 
made of "bosses," "corrupt politicians" and "rep- 
resentatives of predatory wealth," and yet there 
has not been a fight. Several of the delegations 
are divided, some in the middle and some on the 
edges, but the best of decorum prevails. 

Even Senator Bradley, of Kentucky, and Mr. 
Heney, of California, can appear upon the same 
platform without disturbing the peace. They have 


their differences and they are fighting them out, but 
they are doing it in a most creditable way. I am 
not now passing on the merits of the decisions ren- 
dered. Neither am I endorsing the parliamentary 
methods employed, but I congratulate the Republi- 
can party on the splendid proof it has given of the 
ability of a large number of people, intensely in 
earnest, to discuss their differences calmly, and 
settle the questions involved without recourse to 
violence. It not only indicates self-restraint, but 
faith in the incorruptibility of the people, the 
court of last resort in a republic. 

This report must be put on the wires before the 
convention opens at 11 a. m., and it is impossible 
at this time to forecast the action that the conven- 
tion will take. Mr. Roosevelt's statement has not 
changed the attitude of the Taft forces in the least. 
The credentials committee is entirely in the hands 
of the administration and the Taft delegates are 
being seated as rapidly as the cases can be dis- 
posed of. The contest over the length of time to be 
given to each case was really "much ado about 
nothing," because the action of the committee is 
sure to be the same, whether much time or little 
is given in each case. The facts are thoroughly 
understood by both sides and the hearings are 
merely a matter of form. 

Unless something unexpected happens the Taft 
delegates will be seated, and it looks now as if the 


regular convention would renominate the Presi- 

Some of his delegates, it is said, would pre- 
fer a compromise candidate, but the amiable gentle- 
man in the White House is showing that he can 
"sit tight" when necessary. His fighting blood is 
aroused, and if anybody says "enough" the word 
is not likely to come from any one living east of 
the Alleghanies. At present Mr. Taft has the best 
of the situation and it looks as if he had made up 
his mind to run the ex-president out of the Repub- 
lican party, or make him swallow his words. 

Mr. Roosevelt is apparently facing the crisis in 
his political career. Bolting is easy where one is 
not a candidate, but it is a more difficult thing 
where followers are necessary. If Mr. Roosevelt 
could take his delegates with him he could organize 
a convention that would represent a majority of 
the Republican vote of the country, but he cannot 
do so. 

A considerable number of his delegates will not 
bolt and his convention, therefore, would not carry 
with it the moral force that goes with the majority. 
He cannot tell, until the split comes, exactly how 
many will walk out, for some are unwilling to de- 
cide the question until the time arrives for action. 
If the President's followers bolt and nominate him 
he cannot tell whether to accept or not until after 
the regular convention acts, and even then he 


would likely be influenced by the action of the 
Democratic national convention. 

He may be put in the attitude, therefore, of re- 
fusing to lead a bolt after he has encouraged it. 
If the Democrats are guilty of the criminal folly of 
nominating a reactionary, they will supply Mr. 
Roosevelt with the one thing needful in case he 
becomes an independent candidate, namely, an is- 
sue, and with two reactionaries running for presi- 
dent he might win and thus entrench himself in 
power. This convention, therefore, may exert a 
powerful influence on the Baltimore convention. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of 
Saturday, June 22d. 

Chicago, June 21. Friday was California's day. 
That State occupied the center of the stage and 
came nearer breaking through the Taft line than 
any other State has done. Gov. Hadley had charge 
of the case for California, but he yielded to Mr. 
Heney to open and to Gov. Johnson to close. 

Mr. Heney 's speech was a strong, clear, argu- 
mentative appeal and he raised the Eoosevelt fol- 
lowers to their feet when, after describing the Pres- 
ident's participation in the selection of the dele- 
gates in accordance with the letter of the primary 
law, he charged him with treason to popular gov- 
ernment when he attempted to repudiate the law 
for the sake of two delegates. 

Gov. Johnson, however, was the hero of the day. 
His speech was, all things considered, the gem of 
the convention so far. He is a young man, pre- 
possessing in appearance, full of earnestness, and 
his speech has the ring of sincerity. He made a 



plea for the progressive cause that surpassed in ef- 
fectiveness anything heretofore presented to the 
delegates. His prophecy of victory for progres- 
siveness this fall thrilled his hearers. He dealt 
with all phases of the subject, condensing what he 
had to say on each point into a sentence. 

He told how the predatory interests had con- 
trolled his State for a generation; how at last the 
tide of reform had swept them out of office and 
given the progressives control; how the progres- 
sives, instead of using the party machinery to se- 
cure a delegation to the national convention, passed 
a primary law that vested control in the voters; 
how the reactionaries, to escape from the influence 
of the State organization then in the hands of the 
progressives, unitedly supported the primary law; 
how both sides selected a list of delegates in ac- 
cordance with the law; how President Taft him- 
self gave to his list of delegates the written ap- 
proval required by law; how all these steps had 
been taken without objection and without protest; 
and then how these two delegates, after having 
been defeated by 77,000 in the State, sought to re- 
pudiate their own act and the action of the Presi- 
dent and claim election in a district in spite of the 
fact that it was impossible to ascertain the exact 
number of votes cast in their district because four- 
teen precincts were partly in one district and 
partly in another. 


He convinced the audience that he had justice on 
his side, but the audience was not in position to 
follow its convictions. A number of delegates told 
me that they had to vote for the two Taft delegates 
in order to save the Taft forces from the mortifica- 
tion of defeat, but that the contest ought never to 
have been made. 

Gov. Johnson had the satisfaction of seeing the 
Taft majority whittled down to thirteen, and the 
administration will find thirteen an unlucky num- 
ber out in California this fall. 

It is surprising that men as intelligent as the 
leaders of the Taft forces would make the tactical 
mistake that they have in this case. In some of 
the contests they have made such a strong showing 
that even the Roosevelt members of the committee 
have voted with them, but one case like the Cali- 
fornia case imparts its weakness to all the others. 

If it had been purely a question of principle 
there would have been standing ground on both 
sides of the issue. Gov. Johnson emphasized the 
right of a State to regulate its own affairs and in- 
sisted that the State law should take precedence 
over a rule of the national convention. 

Mr. Watson, of Indiana, representing the Taft 
forces, laid great stress on the rules adopted by the 
national convention, recognizing the congressional 
district as the unit. , There is strength in both argu- 


If I were deciding the case I would say that the 
State law ought to be respected but that the State 
made a mistake in substituting a statewide delega- 
tion for the district system. 

The California case really established a unit rule 
by law, whereas the Republican party has come 
near to the people in giving each district a chance 
to name and instruct its delegates. It is no argu- 
ment against the primary system to say that a pri- 
mary law ought to recognize the district system 
rather than a State wide system in the selection of 

While the Taft men were strong in asserting op- 
position to the unit rule they were weak in at- 
tempting to overthrow the primary law after they 
had acquiesced in it and secured the President's 
approval of it, and they were weak also because of 
their inability to show with exactness the number 
of votes cast in the district which they claimed to 
have carried by an extremely small majority. 

The convention was in a good humor. The roll- 
call was demanded only in the case of a few States, 
and the delegates who were being defeated seemed 
to enjoy themselves about as much as those who 
were winning. Sometimes all the delegates would 
join in shouting "aye" on a viva voce vote, and 
then all would join in shouting "no" when the 
negative was put. It was impossible for Chairman 
Root to tell on which side the majority was, but he 


knew what it would be on roll-call and so declared 
"the ayes have it," and then the audience would 
break out into laughter. 

The machine has worked beautifully all day; it 
has not slipped a cog. "When it was running at full 
speed "Toot," "Toot," would occasionally come 
from the audience. Sometimes sounds arose that 
resembled escaping steam, but I am satisfied that 
no steam escaped ; it was all being used, and at high 
pressure, too. 

The platform is said to be ready, but there is 
little discussion of the platform. The fight has 
centered in men rather than in measures. Rumors 
have it that the Taft men, having won out on 
everything else, are inclined to make some conces- 
sions to progressives in the wording of the plat- 

From present indications Mr. Taft will be nomi- 
nated on the first ballot, or upon the second if not 
upon the first. The President discountenances 
compromise and seems prepared to stake his all 
upon the result. It is probable, therefore, that the 
platform will be to his liking and that he will 
have the privilege of trying the realities of an elec- 
tion. Nearly half of the convention will feel like 
concluding his nomination as a judge concludes the 
death sentence of a prisoner: 

"And may the Lord have mercy on your soul." 



Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of 
Saturday, June 22d. 

Chicago, 111., June 22. This convention seems 
likely to make up in quantity what it lacks as a 
producer of harmony. Here it is Saturday, and 
the committee on credentials is still at work trying 
to determine who are rightfully entitled to sit in a 
convention that assembled last Tuesday. Those 
who were honored by a place on the temporary roll- 
call are still there, and those who failed to secure 
recognition at the hands of the national commit- 
tee are still in outer darkness, but the machine 
moves on. 

The Taft forces lack a little more than fifty of the 
number of the "Light Brigade," but they seem as 
little dismayed as the heroic band of which we read 
in our school days: "Cannon to the right of them, 
cannon to the left of them, cannon in front of 
them, volleyed and thundered. Stormed at with 
shot and shell, boldly they rode and well, into the 
jaws of death, into the mouth of hell" but I shall 


stop here, as I do not care to express an opinion 
as to the character of the combatants. 

It looks, however, at this time as if the 550 were 
going to make their escape from the jaws of death, 
so far as the convention is concerned, but we shall 
not know until the election what fate awaits Mr. 
Taft's brigade. 

If we can judge by what happened yesterday 
there has been an inexcusable waste of time. The 
deliberations of the committee on credentials have 
not resulted in throwing any new light on the sub- 
ject. The reports have been stereotyped, and the 
convention has dealt with them without much ref- 
erence to the merits of the case. I spoke of a waste 
of time, but the time was not really wasted. The 
audience had a chance to enjoy itself, several new 
men appeared in the moving picture that crossed 
the stage, and the convention entered upon an era 
of good feeling. 

Man has been described as the animal that laughs, 
and but few of the delegates, if any, have failed to 
manifest this trait. Men who glared at each other 
a few days ago now chat together and joke over the 
situation. Man is a queer creature, and nowhere 
more queer than in a convention. He is like pow- 
der more dangerous when confined than when 

When the credentials committee attempted to 
rush the contests through, giving but a few min- 


utes to each, there were angry protests and threats 
of a bolt. Finally the committee conceded time, as 
much time as the minority wanted, and as a result 
an explosion was averted. Men had a chance to 
testify to the " outrage" that had been perpetrated 
on them, speakers had an opportunity to shout 
their anathema at the committee and to warn those 
responsible of the wrath to come. Some had a 
chance to demand a roll-call, and a few availed 
themselves of the privilege of saying, "Mr. Chair- 
man, Mr. Chairman, I demand to poll the delega- 
tion, ' ' and then the engine gave two toots, the con- 
ductor waved his lantern, and the well-oiled 
machine lunged forward. 

There is nothing like debate to smooth out the 
troubles of a convention. The man who invented 
gag law did not understand the pacifying influence 
of sound as it passes out of the throat. Some sci- 
entist has announced the startling theory that an- 
ger is a poison that is relieved by swearing. I am 
not willing to accept the theory without more proof 
than has yet been presented, but I am firmly con- 
vinced, by long attendance at conventions, that 
there are few sorrows of a political nature that free 
discussion cannot heal. Even where satisfaction 
is not guaranteed a long contest, like a spirited 
campaign, makes the contestants willing to accept 
almost anything if they can only get through. 

It looks now as if the Taft forces were in a po- 


sition to dictate the terms of surrender, and there 
seems little likelihood of the President's withdraw- 
ing in favor of a compromise candidate. I am 
prepared to offer a certain amount of consolation 
to whichever candidate is defeated, but my cau- 
tious and conservative nature makes me hesitate to 
pronounce a eulogy until the corpse is identified. 

Looking back upon the struggle from the stand- 
point of an outsider I have been able to watch the 
contest with impartiality. Having felt the force of 
the united influence of the two principals, I have 
been able to bear with greater fortitude the falling 
out that has converted two bosom friends into bit- 
ter enemies. Not being attached to them as closely 
as they have been to each other, I do not feel as 
keenly as they do what each calls ingratitude in 
the other. I have weighed their public acts, or 
tried to, with fairness, anxious to give each one 
credit for any good that he has accomplished. I 
have tried to be charitable to their faults, recogniz- 
ing that we all have shortcomings and need to have 
charity extended to us. 

"Nothing succeeds like success"; the change of 
a vote may convert a defeat into a victory, and then 
those fawn and flatter who would have turned 
away in the hour of darkness. 

If Mr. Taft wins in this convention there will be 
plenty to bring him bouquets, and he will not no- 
tice it if none of them bears my card. Mr. Roose- 


velt will, in that case, be the one who will be in 
need of kind words, and I shall take pleasure in 
calling attention to some of the substantial benefits 
he has conferred upon the country. He has yet the 
possibility of leadership in a new party, if the 
Democratic party should disappoint the hopes of 
the progressives of the country and surrender it- 
self to the service of Wall Street. 

If, on the other hand, the boiler blows up, or the 
machine breaks down, and Mr. Taft is defeated, 
there are compliments which I can pay him, and 
pay him with pleasure. In that case it would be 
much easier for me to get to him, and he would 
appreciate it more, than it would be to get within 
speaking distance of the ex-president surrounded 
by a "We want Teddy" crowd. My last article 
on this convention will deal, therefore, with the 
platform adopted and with the virtues of the de- 


Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of Sun- 
day, June 23d. 

On the Train from Chicago to Baltimore, June 
22. The break has come, and the progressives 
were happy in their selection of the time. They 
waited until the credentials committee had made 
its last report, until the committee-made majority 
had voted itself the convention, until it was dem- 
onstrated that no amount of fact or argument 
availed to reverse the decisions based upon the 
exigencies of the case rather than upon the merits 
of the contest, and then Delegate Allen, of Kansas, 
read Mr. Roosevelt's statement and enforced its 
pungent paragraphs with pointed remarks of his 

As Mr. Roosevelt's statement is published on a 
later page I need make no reference to it here. It 
will prove a historic document. Never before in 
American politics has a convention witnessed such 
a scene a man, one of the most forceful figures of 
his time, twice a president, once by the accident of 



death and once by the largest majority ever given 
to a president, contending against an administra- 
tion that he created for the honor of a Republican 

In spite of patronage, in spite of the powerful 
organization of a dominant party and in spite of 
great commercial influences, he actually secures an 
undisputed majority of the Republican vote. Con- 
trary to all precedents he goes to the convention 
city and conducts his own fight. He finds himself 
hedged about by forces with which he cannot cope. 
If he may be likened to a caged lion confined in a 
cage constructed of regularity, formality and or- 
derly procedure, it must be admitted that he was 
unable, with all his Samson-like strength, to bend 
a single bar. 

But here the simile ends. Man is more than an 
animal. He laughs at the limitations of the flesh. 
He can appeal to a power greater than the poli- 
tician, and Mr. Roosevelt has made his appeal. He 
brings against the convention such an indictment 
as no party has ever had to meet before. He ap- 
peals from leaders inebriated by prolonged power, 
to the voters who can dispassionately weigh poli- 
cies and measure methods from Philip drunk to 
Philip sober. 

The platform is such a platform as might be ex- 
pected for Mr. Taft. It points with pride to what 
he has done and views with alarm all that Mr. 


Roosevelt stands for and threatens to do. The 
curious may read it, but it will play a very small 
part in the campaign. In the Republican mind 
Mr. Taft has come to stand for stand-patism and 
Mr. Roosevelt for progressivism, and the voters 
will not make any nice calculations in deciding be- 
tween them. 

The Republican party is passing through the 
same convulsions which the Democratic party 
passed through sixteen years ago, when progressive 
Democracy was born. In the case of our party, 
the mother lived. At present both a physician and 
a surgeon are in attendance, and it will be some 
months before the fate of the patient will be known. 

I was compelled to leave just before former 
Vice-President Fairbanks concluded reading the 
platform, but, from what had taken place, the re- 
nomination of the President seemed a foregone con- 

As was to be expected, the Chicago convention 
will exert a marked influence upon the Democratic 
convention about to begin at Baltimore. The fact 
that more than half of the Republican party has 
been shown to be militant in its progressiveness 
would seem to make it even more imperatively 
necessary than before that the Democratic conven- 
tion should, in its platform and with its nomina- 
tions, respond to the demands of the progressives 
of the nation and thus make a third party unneces- 


sary. This is the way it looks from a distance. I 
can make a better forecast after reaching Balti- 


It was Henry J. Allen, of Kansas, who in a speech 
announced the intention of the Eoosevelt delegates to 
take no further active part in the convention. He said 
the first thing he desired permission for was to read a 
statement which had just been placed in his hands from 
Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Allen then read the following 
statement : 

" 'A clear majority of the delegates honestly elected to 
this convention were chosen by the people to nominate 
me. Under the direction, and with the encouragement 
of Mr. Taft, the majority of the national committee, by 
the so-called "steam-roller" methods, and with scandalous 
disregard of every principle of elementary honesty and 
decency, stole eighty or ninety delegates, putting on the 
temporary roll-call a sufficient number of fraudulent 
delegates to defeat the legally expressed will of the peo- 
ple, and to substitute a dishonest for an honest majority. 

" 'The convention has now declined to purge the roll 
of the fraudulent delegates placed thereon by the defunct 
national committee, and the majority which thus in- 
dorsed fraud was made a majority only because it in- 
cluded the fraudulent delegates themselves, who all sat 
as judges on one another's cases. If these fraudulent 
votes had not thus been cast and counted the convention 
would have been purged of their presence. This action 
makes the convention in no proper sense any longer a 
Republican convention representing the real Republican 
party. Therefore I hope the men elected as Roosevelt 
delegates will now decline to vote on any matter before 
the convention. I do not release any delegate from his 


(McCutcheon in 

'Collier's Weekly." 

Eeproduced by 

The standing figure is Former Vice-President Fairbanks, 
who is reading the platform. The Chicago ' ' Tribune, ' ' in 
describing the scene, says that when Mr. Fairbanks had got 
about half through Mr. Bryan got up from his seat in the 
press stand and started for the door. Instantly the galleries 
began to cheer him. The applause was so insistent that Mr. 
Fairbanks finally was compelled to stop. Even Chairman 
Root's gavel could not stop the din, and it continued until 
the Democratic leader had passed out of sight through one 
of the exits. 



honorable obligation to vote for me if he votes at all, but 
under the actual conditions I hope that he will not vote 
at all. 

" 'The convention as now composed has no claim to rep- 
resent the voters of the Republican party. It represents 
nothing but successful fraud in overriding the will of the 
rank and file of the party. Any man nominated by the 
convention as now constituted would be merely the bene- 
ficiary of this successful fraud; it would be deeply dis- 
creditable to any man to accept the convention's nomi- 
nation under these circumstances; and any man thus 
accepting it would have no claim to the support of any 
Republican on party grounds, and would have forfeited 
the right to ask the support of any honest man of any 
party on moral grounds. 


Mr. Allen then proceeded to say: 

"We have reached a point where a majority of the 
Roosevelt delegates feel that they can no longer share 
in the responsibility for the acts of this convention. We 
have contended with you until we have exhausted every 
parliamentary privilege in an effort to have placed upon 
the roll the names of men legally elected. 

"When by using the votes of the delegates whose rights 
to sit in this convention are challenged, you took a posi- 
tion which places the power of a political committee 
above the authority of 77,000 majority, elected in a legal 
primary in California, we decided that your steam roller 
had exceeded the speed limit. Since then we have asked 
for no roll-call. You have now completed the seating of 
all contested delegates, using the votes of the contested 
delegates to accomplish your purpose. * * * 

"We will not put ourselves in a position to be bound 
by any act in which you say to the majority who rejected 
Mr. Taft in New Jersey, to the majority who rejected 
him in Wisconsin, to the majority who rejected him in 
Minnesota, to the majority who rejected him in Maine, 


to the majority who rejected him in Maryland, to the 
majority in South Dakota, to the majority in North Da- 
kota, which gave him only 1,500 votes out of 59,000; to 
the majorities which rejected him in Nebraska, in Ore- 
gon, Minnesota, Kansas, Oklahoma, West Virginia and 
North Carolina, that all these majorities added together 
went down under the mere rulings of a political com- 

"We will not join you in saying to the home State of 
Abraham Lincoln that the 150,000 majority with which 
you defeated Mr. Taft and his managers in Illinois was 
overruled by those very managers with the consent of 
those who have arrogated powers never intended to be 

"When Theodore Roosevelt left the White House four 
years ago he left you an overwhelming majority in both 
branches of Congress; he left you an overwhelming ma- 
jority in all the great Republican States; he left you a 
record upon which you could elect Mr. Taft ; he left you 
a progressive program to carry forward. That program 
was buried beneath an avalanche of words at Winona, 
and eighteen Republican governors were buried beneath 
an avalanche of votes which rebuked recreancy to party 

"We will not participate with you in completing the 
scuttling of the ship. We will not say to the young men 
of the nation, who, reading political history with their 
patriotism, and longing to catch step with the party 
of their fathers, that we have nothing better to offer them 
at this hour than this new declaration of human rights 
that a discarded political committee, as its last act, holds 
greater power than a majority of over 2,000,000 voters. 

"We do not bolt. We merely insist that you, not we, 
are making the record. And we refuse to be bound by it. 
We have pleaded with you for ten days. We have fought 
with you five days for a 'square deal.' We fight no 
more. We plead no' longer. We shall sit in protest and 
the people who sent us here shall judge us. 


"You accuse us of being radical. Gentlemen, let me 
tell you that no radical in the ranks of radicalism ever 
did so radical a thing as to come to a national convention 
of the great Republican party and secure through fraud 
the nomination of a man that they know could not be 


The Republican party, assembled by its repre- 
sentatives in national convention, declares its un- 
changing faith in government of the people, by the 
people, for the people. "We renew our allegiance 
to the principles of the Republican party and our 
devotion to the cause of Republican institutions 
established by the fathers. 

It is appropriate that we should now recall with 
a sense of veneration and gratitude the name of 
our first great leader who was nominated in this 
city, and whose lofty principles and superb devo- 
tion to his country are an inspiration to the party 
he honored Abraham Lincoln. In the present 
state of public affairs we should be inspired by his 
broad statesmanship and by his tolerant spirit to- 
ward men. 

* # * 

The Republican party is opposed to special privi- 
lege and to monopoly. It placed upon the statute 
book the interstate commerce act of 1887, and the 
important amendments thereto, and the antitrust 
act of 1890, and it has consistently and successfully 



enforced the provisions of these laws. It will take 
no backward step to permit the reestablishment in 
any degree of conditions which were intolerable. 

Experience makes it plain that the business of 
the country may be carried on without fear or 
without disturbance, and at the same time without 
resort to practices which are abhorrent to the com- 
mon sense of justice. 

The Republican party favors the enactment of 
legislation supplementary to the existing antitrust 
act which will define as criminal oifenses those spe- 
cific acts that uniformly mark attempts to restrain 
and to monopolize trade to the end that those who 
honestly intend to obey the law may have a guide 
for their action, and that those who aim to violate 
the law may the more surely be punished. 

The same certainty should be given to the law 
prohibiting combinations and monopolies that char- 
acterizes other provisions of commercial law, in 
order that no part of the field of business oppor- 
tunity may be restricted by monopoly or combina- 
tion, that business success honorably achieved may 
not be converted into crime, and that the right of 
every man to acquire commodities, and particularly 
the necessaries of life, in an open market unin- 
fluenced by the manipulation of trust or combina- 
tion may be preserved. 

* * 

We reaffirm our belief in a protective tariff. The 


Republican tariff policy has been of the greatest 
benefit to the country, developing our resources, di- 
versifying our industries, and protecting our work- 
men against competition with cheaper labor abroad, 
thus establishing for our wage earners the Ameri- 
can standard of living. 

The protective tariff is so woven into the fabric 
of our industrial and agricultural life that to sub- 
stitute for it a tariff for revenue only would de- 
stroy many industries and throw millions of our 
people out of employment. The products of the 
farm and of the mine should receive the same 
measure of protection as other products of Ameri- 
can labor. 

We hold that the import duties should be high 
enough while yielding a sufficient revenue to pro- 
tect adequately American industries and wages. 
Some of the existing import duties are too high, 
and should be reduced. Readjustment should be 
made from time to time to conform to changed con- 
ditions and to reduce excessive rates, but without 
injury to any American industry. 

To accomplish this correct information is indis- 
pensable. This information can best be obtained by 
an expert commission, as the large volume of use- 
ful facts contained in the recent reports of the tariff 
board has demonstrated. 

The pronounced - feature of modern industrial 
life is its enormous diversification. To apply tariff 


rates justly to these changing conditions requires 
closer study and more scientific methods than ever 
before. The Republican party has shown by its 
creation of a tariff board its recognition of this sit- 
uation and its determination to be equal to it. 

We condemn the Democratic party for its failure 
to either provide funds for the continuance of this 
board or to make some other provision for secur- 
ing the information requisite for intelligent tariff 
legislation. We protest against the Democratic 
method of legislating on these important subjects 
without careful investigation. 

We condemn the Democratic tariff bills passed 
by the house of representatives of the Sixty-second 
congress as sectional, as injurious to the pub- 
lic credit, and as destructive of business enter- 

The steadily increasing cost of living has be- 
come a matter not only of national but of world- 
wide concern. The fact that it is not due to the 
protective tariff system is evidenced by the exist- 
ence of similar conditions in countries which have 
a tariff policy different from our own, as well as by 
the fact that the cost of living has increased while 
rates of duty have remained stationary or been 

The Republican party will support a prompt 
scientific inquiry into the causes which are opera- 
tive, both in the United States and elsewhere, to 


increase the cost of living. When the exact facts 
are known it will take the necessary steps to re- 
move any abuses that may be found to exist, in 
order that the cost of the food, clothing, and shelter 
of the people may in no way be unduly or arti- 
ficially increased. 

* * 

It is of great importance to the social and econ- 
omic welfare of this country that its farmers have 
facilities for borrowing easily and cheaply the 
money they need to increase the productivity of 
their land. 

It is as important that financial machinery be 
provided to supply the demand of farmers for 
credit as it is that the banking and currency sys- 
tems be reformed in the interest of general busi- 

Therefore, we recommend and urge an authorita- 
tive investigation of agricultural credit societies 
and corporations in other countries, and the pass- 
age of state and federal laws for the establishment 
and capable supervision of organizations having 
for their purpose the loaning of funds to farmers. 

We favor such additional legislation as may be 
necessary more effectively to prohibit corporations 
from contributing funds, directly or indirectly, to 
campaigns for the nomination or election of the 


president, the vice president, senators, and repre- 
sentatives in congress. 

We heartily approve the recent act of congress 
requiring the fullest publicity in regard to all cam- 
paign contributions, whether made in connection 
with primaries, conventions, or elections. 

"We rejoice in the success of the distinctive Re- 
publican policy of the conservation of our national 
resources for their use by the people without waste 
and without monopoly. We pledge ourselves to 
a continuance of such a policy. 

We favor such fair and reasonable rules and reg- 
ulations as will not discourage or interfere with 
actual bona fide homeseekers, prospectors, and 
miners in the acquisition of public lands under ex- 
isting laws. 

In the interest of the general public, and par- 
ticularly of the agricultural or rural communities, 
we favor legislation looking to the establishment, 
under proper regulations, of a parcels post, the 
postal rates to be graduated under a zone similar 
in proportion to the length of carriage. 

We approve the action taken by the president 
and the congress to secure with Russia, as with 
other countries, a treaty that will recognize the ab- 
solute right of expatriation and that will prevent 
all discrimination of whatever kind between Ameri- 
can citizens, whether native born or alien and re- 
gardless of race, religion, or previous political al- 


legiance. The right of asylum is a precious 
possession of the people of the United States, and 
it is to be neither surrendered nor restricted. 

The Mississippi river is the nation's drainage 
ditch. Its flood waters gathered from thirty-one 
states and the Dominion of Canada, constitute an 
overpowering force which breaks the levees and 
pours its torrents over many million acres of the 
richest land in the union, stopping mails, imped- 
ing commerce, and causing great loss of life and 

These floods are national in scope and the dis- 
asters they produce seriously affect the general wel- 
fare. The state unaided cannot cope with this 
giant problem, hence we believe the federal govern- 
ment should assume a fair proportion of the bur- 
den of its control so as to prevent the disasters 
from recurring floods. 

"We favor the continuance of the policy of the 
government with regard to the reclamation of arid 
lands; and for the encouragement of the speedy 
settlement and improvement of such lands we favor 
an amendment to the law that will reasonably 
extend the time within which the cost of any re- 
clamation project may be repaid by the land own- 
ers under it. 

We pledge the Republican party to the enact- 


ment of appropriate laws to give relief from the 
constantly growing evil of induced or undesirable 
immigration which is inimical to the progress and 
welfare of the people of the United States. 

We favor the speedy enactment of laws to pro- 
vide that seamen shall not be compelled to endure 
involuntary servitude, and that life and property 
at sea shall be safeguarded by the ample equip- 
ment of vessels with life saving appliances and with 
full complements of skilled, able bodied seamen to 
operate them. 

The approaching completion of the Panama 
canal, the establishment of a bureau of mines, the 
institution of postal savings banks, the increased 
provision made in 1912 for the aged and infirm 
soldiers and sailors of the republic and for their 
widows, and the vigorous administration of the 
laws relating to pure food and drugs all mark the 
successful progress of Republican administration, 
and are additional evidence of its effectiveness. 

We challenge successful criticism of the sixteen 
years of Republican administration under Presi- 
dents McKinley, Roosevelt, and Taft. We heartily 
reaffirm the indorsement of President McKinley 
contained in the platform of 1900 and of 1904, and 
that of President Roosevelt contained in the plat- 
form of 1904 and 1908. 


We invite the intelligent judgment of the Ameri- 
can people upon the administration of William H. 
Taft. The country has prospered and been at 
peace under his presidency. During the years 
in which he had the cooperation of a Republican 
congress an unexampled amount of constructive 
legislation was framed and passed in the interest 
of the people, and in obedience to their wish. That 
legislation is a record on which any administration 
might appeal with confidence to the favorable judg- 
ment of history. 

We appeal to the American electorate upon the 
record of the Republican party and upon this de- 
claration of its principles and purposes. We are 
confident that under the leadership of the candi- 
dates here to be nominated our appeal will not 
be in vain; that the Republican party will meet 
every just expectation of the people whose servant 
it is ; that under its administration and its laws our 
nation will continue to advance; that peace and 
prosperity will abide with the people, and that 
new glory will be added to the great republic. 



(Mr. Bryan's Article in Morning Newspapers of 
August 3.) 

President Taft's speech of acceptance will for 
several reasons stand out in Presidential history as 
a very remarkable public utterance. To begin 
with, he accepts Senator Root's guarantee of regu- 
larity without a smile, and even adds his indorse- 
ment of the proceedings which resulted in his nomi- 
nation. This occasion he says is appropriate for the 
expression of profound gratitude at the victory for 
the right which was won at Chicago. 

By that victory the Republican party was saved 
for future usefulness. What an astounding indif- 
ference to the intelligence of the public! How 
completely has his conscience been seared not to be 
sensitive in regard to the methods employed at 
Chicago. Both he and Senator Root know that he 
was not the choice of a majority of the Republican 
voters ; they know that the President 's Administra- 
tion was repudiated by those who elected him. 



They know that a holdover committee deliberately 
and contemptuously disregarded the voters of the 
party and changed the character of the conven- 
tion by the seating of Taft delegates. 

Holdover committeemen who had been repudi- 
ated in their States knowingly, even exultingly, 
thwarted the expressed will of the Republican vot- 
ers of their respective States in order to give an 
apparent indorsement to the Administration, and 
President Taft is willing to accept this shadow as 
if it were substantial. 

The President knows that the Republican com- 
mitteemen from a number of Southern States repre- 
sent mythical constituencies, and he accepts with 
expressions of gratitude a nomination that was 
only possible because Southern Republicans had 
many times as much influence in the convention in 
proportion to their number as Northern Republi- 
cans had. And he accepts the nomination without 
any suggestions as to improvement in method. He 
neither indorses the Baltimore plan of having com- 
mitteemen begin to serve as soon as elected, thus 
having a new committee organize a convention, nor 
does he outline any plan for protecting the Repub- 
lican party from the scandal brought upon its 
conventions by its patronage-controlled delegates 
from the Southern States. 

The next thing in the President's speech that at- 
tracts attention is the marked contrast between his 


point of view to-day and his point of view four 
years ago. In 1908 he was condemning the male- 
factors of great wealth and crying out against 
dishonest methods in business. He held himself 
out as a reformer, and appealed to the progressive 
sentiment of the country. 

Now he is horrified at the demagogue, the muck- 
raker and the political disturber. He says that in 
the work of rousing the people to the danger that 
threatened our civilization, from the abuses of 
concentrated wealth and the power it was likely 
to exercise, the public imagination was wrought 
upon and a reign of sensational journalism and 
unjust and unprincipled muckraking has followed 
in which much injustice has been done to honest 

Demagogues have seized the opportunity to fur- 
ther inflame the public mind, and have sought to 
turn the peculiar conditions to their advantage. 
He contends that it is far better to await the 
diminution of this evil by natural causes than to 
attempt what would soon take on the aspect of 
confiscation or to abolish the principle or institu- 
tion of private property and to change to socialism. 

What a difference in the tone of the two 
speeches ! Four years ago he was alarmed for fear 
the country was going to suffer at the hands of the 
predatory interests ; now every exploiter is pleasing 
and only the reformer is vile. His speech of four 


years ago must have been delivered during a mental 
aberration. Surgeons tell us that a man's eccen- 
tricities are sometimes due to a pressure on the 
brain at some point. It is possible that Doctors 
Root, Penrose and Barnes have restored his mind 
to normal action by removing the Roosevelt pres- 

Mr. Taft is so solicitous about the people who 
have failed to devote as much time as is necessary 
to political duties that he is afraid to burden them 
with responsibilities three times greater than the 
people have been willing to assume. He is afraid 
that to concede the reforms demanded will result 
in new duties that will tire them (the people) into 
such an indifference as still further to demand 
control of public affairs by a mere minority. To 
find an argument as absurd as the above one must 
go back several centuries and consult the reasons 
that kings gave for not admitting the people to 
participation in government, and then, to add in- 
sult to injury, he has the audacity to present the 
aristocratic argument that it is bread, not votes, 
that the people need; work, not constitutional 
amendments ; money to pay house rent, not referen- 
dums; clothing, not recalls; employment, not 

Modern literature presents no parallel to this ig- 
norance of or indifference to the growth of popular 
government. In referring to reforms that come 


under his Administration he confines himself to a 
few, and these are not the most important. 

Why does he ignore the popular election of 
United States Senators? It is the greatest reform 
in methods of government that has come since the 
adoption of our Constitution. Why does he over- 
look it ? Is it because it came without his aid ? 

Why does he fail to mention the income tax 
amendment to the Constitution? He urged it in a 
message, but he did it in order to defeat a statutory 
income tax, and he has never said a word since then 
to encourage its ratification by the States. 

He even appointed Gov. Hughes to the Supreme 
Court bench after the latter had sent a message to 
the New York Legislature opposing the ratification 
of the income tax amendment. 

Why is he silent on the publicity law passed in 
the interest of pure politics? Was it because the 
publicity before the election provided for in the 
law which he was compelled to sign rebuked his 
utterances of 1908, when he insisted that contribu- 
tions should not be made public until after 
election ? 

Here are three great reforms that have come 
during his administration, and yet he cannot claim 
credit for any of them, although, but for his reason 
for recommending it, he might claim some credit 
for the income tax amendment. He defends the 
Payne- Aldrich bill; says it has vindicated itself. 


He praises the Supreme Court decision writing the 
word "unreasonable" into the anti-trust law a de- 
cision which made every trust magnate rejoice. 
He eulogizes the dissolution, falsely so-called, of the 
Oil and Tobacco Trusts a dissolution that leaves 
the trusts undisturbed and has already increased 
the value of their stocks and he advocates Federal 
incorporation of big business, the one thing that 
the trusts still need to complete their control of the 
industries of the country. 

"What a program at a time like this when three- 
fourths of the voters of the country are up in arms 
against the plunderbund ! Not content with an in- 
dorsement of everything reactionary that Wall 
Street has had the courage to suggest he threatens 
panic if anything is done to disturb those who 
fatten on Governmental favoritism and legislative 

He even appeals to Democrats to join him in an 
earnest effort to avert the political and economic 
revolution and business paralysis which Republican 
defeat will bring about. 

The President's defense of his refusal to inter- 
vene in Mexico is the best thing in his speech, but 
his reference to China gives weight to the rumor 
that recognition of the Republic of China is be- 
ing withheld as a means of forcing upon China the 
acceptance of an -American loan. He says on this 


' ( We have lent our good offices in the negotiation 
of a loan essential to the continuance of the Re- 
public and which China will accept." If this is 
an admission that his Administration is attempting 
to compel China to borrow from our financiers as a 
condition precedent of the recognition of the Re- 
public he confesses to an inexcusable degradation 
of the Department of State. 

Democrats will resent the President's action in 
associating them with the progressive Republicans. 
In replying to the former Republicans, as he calls 
them in one place, and to those who have left the 
Republican party, as he calls them in another 
place in his speech, he replies to Democrats also and 
accuses both groups of going in a direction they do 
not definitely know; toward an end they cannot 
definitely describe, with but one chief and clear ob- 
ject and that is acquiring power for their parties 
by popular support through a promise of a change 
for the better. 

This is a very unfair statement of the Dem- 
ocratic position in view of the fact that the 
Democratic platform is the only one that is specific 
in pointing out abuses and in proposing remedies, 
and in view of the further fact that the Democratic 
party has shown its fidelity to the people by its 
willingness to suffer defeat in its advocacy of the 
reforms which are now being accepted by the en- 
tire country. 


The President pays himself a high compliment 
when he offers himself to the voters as the only 
exponent of constitutional government. He, as 
well as the Koosevelt party, aver that the Dem- 
ocratic party is not to be trusted to. preserve the 
Constitution, and he declares that this is to him the 
supreme issue. 

The Eepublican party, he declares, is the nucleus 
of that public opinion which favors consistent 
progress and development along safe and sane lines 
and under the Constitution, as we have had it for 
more than one hundred years, &c. 

Here, then, is the paramount issue: Shall the 
Constitution be preserved by President Taft with 
such aid as he can secure from Root, Penrose, 
Barnes, Lorimer, and the other self-appointed 
custodians of constitutional government? Shall 
our organic law be given over into the hands of 
those who favor the election of Senators by the 
people, the income tax amendment, a single term 
for the President, and other changes of this char- 
acter which have for their object the divorcing of 
government from the favor-seeking, privilege-hunt- 
ing classes? 

If this is to be the supreme issue, the Democrats 
are ready to call the battle on. 

Part Two 


BALTIMORE, JUNE 25~JuLY 2, 1912 


Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of Mon- 
day, June 24th. 

Baltimore, June 23. The convention opens here 
with a situation somewhat like that in Chicago 
like it in the fact that there are two elements in 
the party, each represented by its leaders. The 
progressive is here in force, but the reactionary is 
here also. 

There has been no test vote in the national com- 
mittee since the vote in the Guffey case. At that 
time the national committee stood thirty for Guffey 
and eighteen for Palmer. The reactionaries claim 
that fairly represents the lineup between the two 
elements. Since the Guffey case was decided sev- 
eral changes have been made in the national com- 
mittee. Guffey himself has gone out and Congress- 
man Palmer has taken his place. Mr. Johnson 
of Texas has gone out and Caleb Sells has taken 
his place. 

There are other changes, but the new members 
do not begin to act until the permanent organiza- 


tion is completed, and it is not certain that a reac- 
tionary committeeman would give expression to the 
changed sentiment in his state. 

The subcommittee decided by a vote of eight to 
eight to recommend Alton B. Parker for tempor- 
ary chairman. The eight against Judge Parker 
were divided as follows: Three for James, three 
for Henry, one for Kern, and one for O 'Gorman. 
This gave Parker a plurality, but not a majority. 
The recommendation will be taken up to-morrow 
by the full committee, and the committee's recom- 
mendation will be approved or disapproved. The 
action of the full committee will then come before 
the convention for acceptance or rejection. 

The Clark men supported James and the Wilson 
men for the most part supported Henry. If the 
eight could have agreed upon a progressive it would 
have been a tie vote, but the friends of the different 
candidates were anxious, of course, to secure what- 
ever advantage they could for their candidate, and 
hence the muddle. An effort is being made by 
the progressives to secure an agreement upon some 
candidate. I am not prepared to predict what the 
full committee will do, but I think a poll should be 

In fighting for a principle it ought not to make 
any difference whether many or few rally around 
the standard. It is better to make a fight for the 
right and lose than to concede a thing that is 

(C. S. Macauley in the New York "World.") 



wrong. A beginning has to be made some time, and 
the sooner it is made the better. 

Then, too, no one can tell until the vote is 
counted what the result will be. There are many 
who will promise to vote one way in order to pre- 
vent a vote, who will vote the opposite way if they 
have to vote. It is in recognition of this that our 
constitutions require a roll-call and every one ac- 
quainted with parliamentary practice knows that 
motions often carry by a viva voce vote that are 
lost on roll-call. 

If a majority of the national committee votes in 
favor of Judge Parker, the opposition will be car- 
ried to the floor of the convention and the delegates 
will have a chance to go on record and that record 
will mean a great deal both to the delegates and to 
the party. 

The objection to Judge Parker is not personal. 
No one, so far as I know, has any ill-feeling against 
him. The objection made to him is based upon 
the fact that he stands as the most conspicuous rep- 
resentative of the reactionary element of the party. 
He was the man chosen by the so-called conserva- 
tive element of the party to lead the fight in 1904, 
when the party receded from the advanced position 
it had taken in 1896 and 1900. 

The "Wall street influence dominated our organi- 
zation that year and put its brand upon our cam- 
paign. Belmont and Ryan were the financial spon- 


sors of the party. When the compaign was over 
and the vote counted it was found Judge Parker 
had polled about a million and a quarter less votes 
than the party polled in 1896 and 1900, and I may 
add, a million and a quarter votes less than the 
party polled four years afterward. 

It is only fair to Judge Parker to say that his 
failure to poll the party vote was not due to lack of 
personal popularity, but to the influences that dom- 
inated his campaign. It would be impossible to 
separate him at this time from the influences that 
gave character to his campaign then. He is the 
choice now of the men who then spoke for him. He 
is urged upon the committee by Mr. Murphy and 
he is supported by those who are responsive to the 
influence which speak through Mr. Murphy. His 
selection as temporary chairman would be an an- 
nouncement to the public that the convention is a 
reactionary convention. It might make all the pro- 
fessions it liked; it might talk as it would about 
progressiveness, but what it said would not atone 
for what it did. Actions often speak louder than 

This convention is progressive ; at least it is sup- 
posed to be. The two leading candidates are pro- 
gressive. The chief contention of the friends of 
either has been that he has more progressiveness 
than the other. It has been a race to see which 
could progress the more rapidly, but .neither candi- 


date could have any substantial following on any 
other platform. 

These two candidates together have instructed 
delegates to the extent of nearly two-thirds of the 
convention. To put up the chief of reactionaries to 
open a progressive convention with a stand-pat key- 
note is an insult that is not likely to go unre- 
buked unless we are mistaken in the character of 
the members of this convention, and if we are mis- 
taken, the sooner we find it out the better. 

If our convention had been held before the Chi- 
cago convention it would have been necessary to 
adopt a progressive platform and nominate a pro- 
gressive ticket in response to an overwhelming sen- 
timent in the party. But now that the Republican 
party has acted, it has become a matter of expedi- 
ency as well as a matter of principle to leave no 
doubt in the public mind as to our party's attitude 
on the great issues that now divide the country. 

Circumstances have brought victory to our very 
doors ; it would be madness to invite repudiation at 
the polls by compromise with predatory interests. 
I cannot believe that such a result is possible. 
What a pity that harmony should be disturbed at 
the very beginning of this convention by an impu- 
dent attempt upon the part of the special interests 
to get control of the convention and represent the 
party ! What a pity that the lesson recently taught 
at Chicago should have had so little effect on those 


who are seeking to paralyze the party's efforts as a 
reform party! 

When the Republican party adjourned yesterday 
it had by its actions changed the first and second 
lines of "Auld Lang Syne" to read: 

Let old acquaintance be forgot 
And never brought to mind. 

It looks as if the same influences that dominated 
the Chicago convention are attempting to open this 
convention with the familiar lines: "Hail! Hail! 
The gang's all here." 


Mr. Bryan's article in afternoon papers of Monday, 
June 24th. 

Baltimore, June 24. The morning's develop- 
ments have been few. The delegates are arriving 
and opening headquarters. The most prominent 
arrival this morning was Governor Burke, of North 
Dakota. He has the support of his state for the 
presidency, and at once aligned himself with the 
progressive fight against Judge Parker for tempor- 
ary chairman. 

He brought his answer to my telegram and de- 
livered it in person. Governor Burke has been 
elected for a third term in his state, and his popu- 
larity is due to his strength as an executive and to 
the satisfaction which his administrations have 
given. He is one of the strong men in our party, 
and is not only favorably considered for the office 
of president, but will doubtless have a still larger 
support for the vice presidency, if geographical 
conditions do not weigh against him. 



The national committee is in session, having 
under consideration the question of temporary 
chairman. The progressives are still engaged in 
an endeavor to get together on some candidate with 
some prospect of success. The Wall street influence 
is on hand, stiffening the back of Judge Parker's 
supporters, but the tide seems to be turning more 
strongly against Parker as the delegates arrive. 

I do not like to discuss my part in the conven- 
tion, and yet I am compelled to do so or deny this 
information to those who read these reports. I will 
therefore say that I am not attending the meeting 
of the full committee, preferring to leave them to 
agree upon a progressive without suggestion from 
me, if they can do so. 

If they fail to do so and Judge Parker is recom- 
mended by the full committee, I shall from the floor 
of the convention oppose his selection and propose 
the name of some progressive as a substitute for his. 
I do not know who that progressive will be and I 
shall not decide until the last moment, my sole de- 
sire being to bring about harmonious cooperation 
between the friends of the progressive candidate 
and any one upon whom they can agree will have 
my hearty support. 

If they cannot agree I will then take the respon- 
sibility of finding a progressive to present as a 
candidate the best one whose consent is obtain- 
able. If I fail in my effort to find a candidate, I 


shall myself be a candidate, in order that those who 
are attending the convention may have an oppor- 
tunity to vote for a temporary chairman whose 
speech will indorse the party's progressive record, 
and urge an advance along progressive lines. 

The discussion of candidates is for the time being 
suspended. Until we find out what kind of a con- 
vention this is no forecast can be made. If it is 
shown to be a reactionary convention the interest 
in the presidential nomination will probably de- 
cline, for it will not make much difference who 
carries the standard if the party centers into com- 
petition with the Taft party for the support of 
predatory interests. 

(Report of an Interview with Mr. Bryan on Sun- 
day Night, June 23, as Printed in "The Chicago 
Tribune" of June 24.} 

Mr. Bryan, in an interview given nearly 100 news- 
paper men, made it clear that he regarded the fight for 
the temporary chairmanship one where progressivism 
and conservatism were the issues. 

He would not throw any light on what plans he had 
made to oppose the selection of A. B. Parker, \frhom he 
charged with being a reactionary. He flatly asserted 
that to begin a progressive convention with a reaction- 
ary speech would be an offense to the Democratic party. 

Mr. Bryan was asked if he had any particular candi- 
date for temporary chairman of the convention in place 
of Mr. Parker. 

"I do not care to discuss the matter," he said, "except 


to say that any progressive will be satisfactory to me. 
In the first place, I urged the committee to consult with 
the two leading candidates and allow them to determine 
upon a satisfactory temporary chairman." 

"Do you regard Wilson and Clark as the two leading 

"Do you know of anybody else?" he answered. 

"Yes, I meant Wilson and Clark and if they had 
agreed upon a temporary chairman there would have 
been no objection whatsoever. 

"I want to emphasize one fact right here," Mr. Bryan 
continued, "and that is, that I am the original harmony 
man in this whole crowd. I did not ask anything for 
myself ; I did not ask anything for any particular candi- 
date. I do not know of any better way of beginning the 
convention harmoniously than to have the two leading 
candidates agree upon a temporary chairman. 

"If there is any lack of harmony I do not see why 
there should be any excitement about the matter. Eight 
members of the committee have seen fit to ignore the 
opinions of the other eight and to make the recommenda- 

"It takes the full committee to decide whether to ap- 
prove or disapprove the recommendation of the subcom- 
mittee and it is for the convention to decide whether it 
will accept or reject the recommendation. It is not an 
unprecedented thing for a committee's recommendation 
to be rejected. It was rejected in the Chicago conven- 
tion in 1896." 

"Would not such an action here precipitate a fight 
which would be detrimental to the party?" 

"It precipitated a fight then," he answered. "And let 
me add that our party is better for the fight. It saved 
the party from disgrace. When I say 'disgrace/ I mean 
that to begin a progressive convention with a reaction- 
ary speech would be an offense to the party of the na- 

"How are you going to conduct a fight for a pro- 


gressive unless you have some particular candidate in 
view ?" 

"It has been stated that you cannot have a contest be- 
tween two men until you have the men, but I had no 
disposition to select the man at all. I simply urged the 
committee to ascertain, if possible, the man upon whom 
the two leading candidates could agree." 

"Will there be any split in the Democratic party?" 

"I have no knowledge on that subject." 

"Well, can you imagine a progressive program being 
repudiated here as in Chicago?" 

"No," he replied, "for I cannot imagine so large a 
Wall street element in our party as they had in Chicago." 

"They say you are going to bolt if you are defeated 
in this matter, as Roosevelt did in Chicago." 

"I am not responsible for what they are saying. My 
friends are not saying that. 

"I think the outcome of the Chicago convention," con- 
tinued Mr. Bryan, "makes it even more imperative that 
we should in this convention write a progressive plat- 
form and nominate a progressive ticket." 

"Mr. Hall of your State said you would not bolt. 
Could there be any circumstances under which you 
would feel justified in doing so?" 

"My dear sir," answered Mr. Bryan, "I have always 
avoided hypothetical questions since 1896. At that time 
an opponent put a hypothetical question to an expert on 
insanity, describing me as he saw me, and then asked 
whether such a man was insane, and the expert answered 
that he undoubtedly was." 

"There were four names considered by the committee 
for the temporary chairmanship. Would any of the 
others be acceptable to you?" 

"Yes, any progressive would be perfectly acceptable," 
answered Mr. Bryan. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of Tues- 
day, June 25th. 

Baltimore, June 24. Baltimore is to be a little 
Chicago. We have the same steam roller here, only 
of a smaller pattern, but the employees are skilled 
laborers and they have the machine in perfect 
running order. The "toot, toot" will be heard as 
soon as the chairman calls the convention to order 
and it will continue until the convention adjourns 
sine die, unless the delegates rise in their might and 
throw it in the scrap heap. 

I have attended conventions since my youth, but 
I have never known a more brazen attempt upon 
the part of an insignificant few to thwart the will 
of the rank and file of the party than may be seen 
here. It is not burglary, but plain open daylight 
robbery, where the leaders do not even take the 
trouble to wear masks. 

If the plain every day citizen, who earns his 
bread in the sweat of his brow, could understand 
the influences that operate at a convention like 


this; if he could see the misrepresentatives of the 
people slipping around to the rooms of those who 
manipulate the schemes through which the public 
is plundered; if he could number the whispered 
conversations that take place in dark corners ; if he 
could hear the specious arguments made in behalf 
of regularity; if he could be made aware of the 
tremendous pressure that is brought to bear on 
the weak, and of the deceptions practiced upon 
the unsuspecting, he would realize how important 
it is that men should be selected as delegates whose 
hearts are right, whose sympathies are with the peo- 
ple, and who have the moral courage to stand for 
the silent masses. 

It is safe to say that four fifths of the Demo- 
cratic party is progressive. Every Democrat who 
announced himself as a candidate for the presi- 
dency claimed to be a progressive. There is not 
one single piece of literature circulated among 
Democrats that represented as reactionary the can- 
didate in whose interest it was issued. And yet 
all at once we find that quite a number of delegates 
elected as progressives and instructed for pro- 
gressives are reactionary in their sympathies. 

What candidate could have secured the instruc- 
tions of a single state west of New York or south 
of the Potomac if he had announced that Judge 
Parker represented his idea of Democracy and that 
he would ask Judge Parker to open the campaign 

Copyright, 1912, by John T. McCutchcon. 

(McCutcheon in the Chicago "Tribune.") 



with a keynote speech? It is not complimentary 
to the intelligence of a constituency for a delegate 
to suppose that the Democrats who have borne the 
burden in the sixteen year struggle are unacquaint- 
ed with Judge Parker and the kind of Democracy 
he stands for. 

They know how he was nominated at St. Louis. 
They know how he repudiated the party platform 
after the nomination ; they know the collapse of his 
campaign; they know how Wall street at the last 
moment turned against him after having by its 
support of him driven the masses from him; they 
know of the widespread overthrow of Democratic 
strongholds; they know the indignation that was 
felt among Democrats when they fully realized the 
cause of their discomfiture; they know how local 
offices were turned over to the Republicans in a 
multitude of districts; they know what an effort 
it required to wash from the party's banner the 
stain that his candidacy put upon it, and they 
understand the significance of the return of his 
friends to control in the party. 

It is little less than a tragedy to shatter the hopes 
that millions of Democrats have been encouraged 
to cherish. The principles for which progressive 
Democracy has been contending have grown aston- 
ishingly within the last few years. 

Ex-President Roosevelt has been able to marshal 
considerably more than half of the Republican 


voters around his standard because he has scath- 
ingly denounced the plunderbund, the subsidized 
press, the corrupt boss, and the conscienceless mis- 
representation of the voters by those who assumed 
to speak for them. He only waits the capture of 
this convention by the same influences to justify 
the organization of a third party and lead to de- 
feat both divisions of plutocracy's army, if as the 
result of this convention he can show that the 
Democratic party is identical with the Republican 
party in the forces in control. 

The national committee, by the vote of 32 for 
Parker, 20 for James, and 2 for 'Gorman, in- 
dorsed the action of the subcommittee, several of 
the Parker votes coming from committeemen whose 
delegations asked them to vote against Parker, or 
whose delegations are known to be against Parker. 

Will the convention ratify the action of the com- 
mittee and invite the protest of the voters of the 
party? "We shall know a little after noon to- 


(Mr. Bryan's Article in Afternoon Papers of 
Tuesday, June 25th.) 

Baltimore, June 25. The forenoon is being oc- 
cupied with caucuses and canvasses. The lines are 
being drawn. 

Now that the delegates are learning that Murphy 
is but the heavy hand of Ryan, they are thinking 
of what their constituents will say if this conven- 
tion is delivered to the same financial interests that 
controlled the Chicago convention, through Root 
and his machine. 

It is a spectacle never before witnessed in Ameri- 
can politics. Two conventions of opposing parties 
meeting within two weeks, and the same financial 
jugglers of Wall Street attempting to use the con- 
vention like the wooden figures in a Punch and 
Judy show. 

If they can succeed in deceiving the delegates 
who have come here under the impression that the 
Democratic party is expected to make an honest 
fight against the Republican party, it will be the 
miracle of modern times. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of Wed- 
nesday, June 26th. 

Baltimore, June 25. When the subcommittee 
acted on the temporary chairmanship, we were all 
anxious to know how the full committee would 
stand on the question, and when the full commit- 
tee presented Judge Parker we awaited the action 
of the convention. 

Our curiosity is now satisfied. We know what 
kind of a convention we have and henceforth we 
can watch its developments with the assurance that 
nothing will be done that has not the 0. K. of Tam- 
many 's boss, and that he will not give his approval 
to anything until it has been submitted to Thomas 
Fortune Ryan for his consent. 

Unless these delegates hear from home and are 
frightened out of the plans which they now have 
in mind the platform will be disappointing and 
its nominee will be a reactionary or a conservative 
who is satisfactory to the reactionaries. 


There could be no mistake about the vote this 
afternoon. While the majority for Judge Parker 
was not as large as the polls brought in to me in 
the forenoon indicated it would be, it was large 
enough for all practical purposes the vote for 
Judge Parker was 579 to 510 for me. It is safe 
to say that I did not have the vote of a single re- 
actionary, and, unless I have some better evidence 
than has been expressed, I shall not believe that I 
lost the vote of a single progressive. 

Of course there were progressives whose votes 
were cast for Judge Parker under the unit rule, 
and these should not be classed with the reaction- 
aries, but I do not know of any ground upon 
which a progressive could have voted against me, 
unless it were a personal ground, and it would be 
an unfair reflection upon the patriotism of any 
man to say that he would allow hostility to an in- 
dividual to influence his vote on a question where 
a principle was involved. 

Possibly account should be taken of another in- 
fluence, viz. : the interest or the supposed interest 
of candidates. Mr. Underwood asked the Alabama 
delegation to vote for Parker. I do not know whe- 
ther similar requests were sent to Mississippi, Geor- 
gia and Florida or not, but Mississippi and Geor- 
gia voted solidly for Parker, and he also received 
all but one of Florida's vote. 

Mr. Harmon's Ohio vote was east solidly for 


Parker, presumably in his interest, if not at his re- 
quest. Twelve of the fourteen votes of Connecticut 
went to Parker, and it is fair to assume that this 
was agreeable to Gov. Baldwin. North Dakota's 
ten votes were cast for me, with the approval of 
Gov. Burke, who announced in advance his oppo- 
sition to Parker. 

Gov. Wilson came out strong against Parker and 
so far as I know I received all the votes of the Wil- 
son delegates. There may have been exceptions, 
but if so they have not been brought to my atten- 

The Clark vote was divided. A number of the 
western states instructed for Clark cast their votes 
for me. Washington, Idaho, Wyoming, Kansas, 
half of Colorado, and half of Iowa were some of the 
Clark delegations that voted against Parker. In 
the Oklahoma delegation the Wilson half voted for 
me and the Clark half for Parker. Missouri gave 
the largest share of her votes to Parker. 

It was understood that Mr. Clark himself was 
not taking sides, but his managers worked man- 
fully for Parker. Mr. Bell of California, one of 
the leaders in the Clark campaign, took the floor 
in favor of Judge Parker. Senator Stone and ex- 
Senator Du Bois were among the most enthusiastic 
of the Parker supporters. 

Kentucky, a Clark state, went so far as to in- 
struct its committeemen to vote for Parker as 

Bryan with His Fan. 

Hon. Brad. Swivett. 

Boss Murphy 
of New York. 

Ollie James of Kentucky 
Too busy talking to eat. 


'(Rollins Kirby in "Collier's Weekly." Eeproduced by 
. Permission.) 



against James, who was first put forward as Mr. 
Clark's choice, and who received twenty votes in 
the full committee. 

As Mr. Clark expressed his willingness to allow 
each of his supporters to follow his own judgment 
in this contest, it is evident that there are quite a 
number of men instructed for Clark who have no 
sympathy with progressive ideas men who if they 
are ever released from the support of Mr. Clark 
may be expected to take up with a reactionary. 
This is an element that must be taken into account 
in making calculations upon the ticket that is to be 
nominated. The lineup to-day is therefore import- 
ant. It is also important in that it enables the 
folks at home to know what their representatives 
are doing at Baltimore. 

A word as to the fight over temporary chairman. 
I several weeks ago advised the committee to insure 
harmony by selecting a chairman acceptable to 
Clark and Wilson, they together having more than 
half of the convention, if not two-thirds. As both 
have been running as progressives and the chief 
effort on the part of the friends of each being to 
prove him a better progressive than the other, I 
thought there would be no difficulty in securing an 
agreement in regard to a chairman, and this agree- 
ment would have insured the chairman's accept- 
ance without a contest. 

The committee, however, brought out Parker and 


pitted him against Congressman Henry, the choice 
of Mr. Wilson, and Congressman James, the choice 
of Mr. Clark. "When the matter went before the 
full committee the Wilson men, on Gov. Wilson's 
advice, threw their strength to James, but James 
could not hold all of the Clark men. I tried to per- 
suade Mr. James to allow the use of his name in the 
convention contest against Parker, but as Mr. 
Clark's managers were supporting Judge Parker, 
even to the extent of having Kentucky's national 
committeeman vote for Parker the Kentucky dele- 
gation was also largely for Parker Mr. James did 
not feel at liberty to enter the contest. I then 
asked Senator 'Gorman to allow the use of his 
name, but he felt it his duty to decline. 

I then presented the matter to Senator Kern, 
who was loath to undertake the contest, owing to 
conditions in his state. However, he agreed last 
evening to take the matter under consideration. I 
did not see him any more until after the chairman- 
ship fight was over, but I heard late last night that 
he had devised a scheme in the interest of harmony 
which I was glad to approve. 

I think the reader, when he has fully digested 
this scheme, will admit that it is about as good an 
illustration as has been seen in many a day of the 
manner in which tact and patriotism can be com- 
bined. After I had put Senator Kern in nomina- 
tion against Parker, he took the platform and made 


a most forcible and eloquent plea for harmony in 
the convention. 

He called attention to the great issues involved 
and to the importance of presenting a united front. 
He then presented a list of names, including Sena- 
tors 'Gorman, Culberson, Shively and Lea, ex- 
Gov. Campbell of Ohio, ex-Gov. Folk of Missouri 
and Eepresentative Clayton of Alabama. He called 
upon Parker, who sat just in front of him, to join 
him in withdrawing in favor of any one of these 
men in order that the convention might open with- 
out discord. 

It was a dramatic moment. Such an opportunity 
seldom comes to a man. If Parker had accepted it, 
it would have made him the hero of the convention. 
There was a stir in his neighborhood in a moment. 
The bosses flocked around him, and the convention 
looked on in breathless anxiety, but he did not 
withdraw. The opportunity passed unimproved. 

Senator Kern then appealed to Mr. Murphy to 
induce Judge Parker to withdraw, but Mr. Murphy 
was not in a compromising mood. This was the 
only thing that Senator Kern did, the good faith 
of which could be questioned. I am afraid that he 
had no great expectation of melting the stony heart 
of the Tammany boss. 

At any rate, nothing came of the generous offer 
made by Mr. Kern, except that it shifted to the 
shoulders of Judge Parker and his supporters en- 


tire responsibility for any discord that might grow 
out of the contest. 

Judge Parker was escorted to the platform after 
his nomination had been made unanimous and 
began to deliver his address, but it had such a mov- 
ing effect upon the audience that the reading was 
suspended and the convention adjourned until 8 
o'clock this evening. 

Various explanations might be given of the ac- 
tions of the crowd. Probably the most reasonable 
is that it was half past 3 and many were hungry. 
There is another explanation, however, that is 
worth expressing for consideration. 

People will not remain in a large hall unless 
they know what is being said, and Judge Parker's 
speech was written in the language of Wall street. 
Only 200 or 300 of the delegates could understand 
it, and the committee was so busy oiling the ma- 
chine that it had neglected to provide an interpre- 
ter to translate the speech into the every day lan- 
guage of Democrats. 


Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I 
rise to place in nomination for the office of temporary 
chairman of this convention Hon. John W. Kern of In- 
diana. In thus dissenting from the judgment of our na- 


tional committee, as expressed in its recommendation, I 
recognize that the burden of proof is upon me to over- 
throw the presumption that the committee is representing 
the wishes of this convention and of the party of the 

I call your attention to the fact that our rules declare 
that the recommendation of the committee is not final. 
The very fact that this convention has the right to accept 
or reject that recommendation is conclusive proof that 
the presumption in favor of this convention is a higher 
presumption than that in favor of the wisdom of the 

If any of you ask me for my credentials ; if any of you 
inquire why I, a mere delegate to this convention from 
one of the smaller States, should presume to present a 
name, and ask you to accept it in place of the name it 
presented, I beg to tell you, if it needs be told, that in 
three campaigns I have been the champion of the Demo- 
cratic party's principles, and that in three campaigns I 
have received the votes of six millions and a half of 
Democrats. If that is not proof that I have the confi- 
dence of the party of this nation I shall not attempt to 
furnish proof. 

I remind you, also, that confidence reposed in a human 
being carries with it certain responsibilities, and I would 
not be worthy of the confidence and the affection that 
have been showered upon me by the Democrats of this 
nation if I were not willing to risk humiliation in their 

I recognize that a man can not carry on a political 
warfare in defense of the mass of the people for sixteen 
years without making enemies; I knew full well that 
there has been no day since the day I was nominated in 
Chicago when these enemies have not been industrious in 
their efforts to attack me from every standpoint. 

The fact that I have lived is proof that I have not de- 
serted the people. If for a moment I had forgotten them 
they would not have remembered me. 


I take for my text the quotation that someone has been 
kind enough to place upon the walls for my use, "He 
never sold the truth to serve the hour." That is the lan- 
guage of the hero of New Orleans, and I would not de- 
serve the report I have received if I were willing to sell 
the truth to serve the present hour. 

We are told by those who support the committee's rec- 
ommendation that it is disturbing harmony to oppose 
their conclusions. Let me free myself from any criticism 
that any one may have made heretofore or may attempt 
hereafter. Is there any delegate in this body of more 
than ten hundred who tried earlier than I to secure har- 
mony in this convention? 

I began several weeks ago. I announced to the sub- 
committee that I would not be a candidate for temporary 

I might have asked, without presumption, that at the 
end of sixteen years of battle when I find the things I 
have fought for not only triumphant in my own party 
but even in the Republican party under these conditions 
I might have asked, I repeat, the modest honor of stand- 
ing before this convention and voicing the rejoicing of 
my party. But I was more interested in harmony than 1 
was in speaking to the convention. Not only that, but I 
advised this committee to consult the two leading candi- 
dates, the men who together have nearly two-thirds of 
this convention instructed for them I asked the com- 
mittee to consult these two men and get their approval 
of a man for chairman that there might be no contest 
in this convention. 

What suggestion could I have then made more in the 
interest of harmony than to ask this committee to allow 
two-thirds of this convention a voice in the selection of 
its temporary chairman? 

In the discussion before the subcommittee, the friends 
of Mr. Clark and Mr. Wilson were not able to agree; 
one supported Mr. James and the other supported Mr. 
Henry, but in the full committee last night the friends 


of Mr. Wilson joined with the friends of Mr. Clark in 
the support of Mr. James, Mr. Clark's choice, and yet 
the committee turned down the joint request thus made. 

I submit to you that the plan that I presented the 
plan that I followed was a plan for securing harmony; 
and that the plan which the committee followed was not 
designed to secure harmony. 

Let me for a moment present the qualifications of one 
fitted for this position. This is no ordinary occasion. 
This is an epoch-making convention. We have had such 
a struggle as was never seen in politics before. I have 
been in the center of this fight and I know something 
of the courage that it has brought forth, and some- 
thing of the sacrifice that has been required. 

I know men working upon the railroad for small wages 
with but little laid up for their declining years who have 
disobeyed the railroad managers and helped us in this 
progressive fight at the risk of having their bread and 
butter taken from them. 

I know men engaged in business and carrying loans 
at banks who have been threatened with bankruptcy if 
they did not sell their citizenship, and yet I have seen 
these men defy those who threatened them and walk up 
and vote on the side of the struggling masses against 
predatory wealth. 

I have seen lawyers risking their future, by alienating 
men of large business, in order to be the champions of 
the poor. I have seen men who had never made a speech 
before go out and devote weeks of time to public speak- 
ing because their hearts were stirred. 

It is only fair that now, when the hour of triumph 
has come, the song of victory should be sung by one 
whose heart has been in the fight. John W. Kern has 
been faithful every day in these sixteen years. It has 
cost him time, it has cost him money, and it has cost him 
the wear of body and of mind. He has been giving 
freely of all that he had. Four years ago, when the 
foundation was laid for the present victory, it was John 


W. Kern who stood with me and helped to bring into the 
campaign the idea of publicity before the election that 
has now swept the country until even the Republican 
party was compelled by public opinion to give it unani- 
mous indorsement only a few weeks ago. 

It was John W. Kern who stood with me on that Den- 
ver platform that demanded the election of senators by 
direct vote of the people, when a Republican National 
convention had turned it down by a vote of seven to 
one, and now he is in the United States Senate, where 
he is measuring up to the high expectations of a great 

He helped in the fight for the amendment authorizing 
an income tax, and he has lived to see a president who 
was opposed to us take that plank out of our platform 
and put it through the Senate and House and to see 
thirty-four states of the union ratify it. And now he is 
leading the fight in the United States Senate to purge 
that body of Senator Lorimer, who typifies the suprem- 
acy of corruption in politics. 

What better man could we have to open a convention ? 

What better man could we have to represent the spirit 
of progressive democracy? 

Contrast the candidate presented by the committee 
with the candidate whom I present, and it can be done 
without impeaching his character or his good intent. 
Not every one of high character and good intent is a fit 
man to sound the keynote of a progressive campaign. 

There are seven millions of Republicans in this coun- 
try, or were at the last election, and I have never doubted 
that a large majority of them were men of high charac- 
ter and good intent, but we would not invite one of 
them to be temporary chairman of our convention. We 
have a great many Democrats who vote the ticket after 
it is nominated, who are not in full sympathy with the 
purposes of the party. 

They emphasize the -fact that Judge Parker supported 
me in 1908, but, I assume that no friend of Judge Parker 


will contend that he was entirely satisfied with either the 
candidate or the plans and purposes of our party at 
that time. 

I not only voted the ticket in 1904, but I made speeches 
for the candidate when I was not at all satisfied with 
either the candidate or the influences that nominated him 
and directed the campaign, but the reactionaries did not 
ask me to act as temporary chairman of the St. Louis 
convention, altho I had then been twice a candidate for 

This is not a time when personal ambitions or personal 
compliments should be considered. We are writing his- 
tory to-day, and this convention is to announce to the 
country whether it will take up the challenge thrown 
down at Chicago by a convention controlled by preda- 
tory wealth, or put ourselves under the same control and 
give the people no party to represent them. 

We need not deceive ourselves with the thought that 
that which is done in a national convention is done in 

If every member of this convention entered into an 
agreement of secrecy we would still act under the eyes 
of these representatives of the press, who know not only 
what we do, but why we do it. 

The delegates of this convention must not presume 
upon the ignorance of those who did not come, either 
because they had not influence enough to be elected dele- 
gates or money enough to pay the expenses of the trip, 
but who have as much interest in the party's welfare as 
we who speak for them to-day. 

These people will know that the influences that domi- 
nated the convention at Chicago and made its conclu- 
sions a farce are here and more brazenly at work than 
they were at Chicago. 

I appeal to you; let the commencement of this con- 
vention be such that the Democrats of this country may 
raise their heads among their fellows and say: The 
Democratic party is true to the people. You can not 


frighten it with your Ryans, nor buy it with your Bel- 

If the candidate proposed by the committee were an 
unknown man we would judge him by the forces that 
are back of him, and not by you, gentlemen, who may 
try to convince yourselves that you owe it to the com- 
mittee to sustain its action even tho you believe it made 
a mistake. 

But that is not the question. We know who the can- 
didate is, as well as the men behind him. We know 
that he is the man who was selected as the party can- 
didate eight years ago when the Democratic party, beaten 
in two campaigns, decided that it was worth while to 
try to win a campaign under the leadership of those 
who had defeated us in the campaigns before. 

The Democrats of the country have not forgotten that 
that convention was influenced by the promise of large 
campaign funds from Wall street, and they have not 
forgotten the fact that after corporation management 
had alienated the rank and file of the party, Wall street 
threw the party down and elected the Republican candi- 

They have not forgotten that when the vote was 
counted we had a million and a quarter less votes than 
we had in the two campaigns before, and a million and 
a quarter less than we had four years afterward. They 
have not forgotten that it is the same man, backed by 
the same influence, who is to be forced on this conven- 
tion to open a progressive campaign with a paralyzing 
speech that will dishearten the fighting force of the 

You ask me how I know, without reading it, that that 
speech would not be satisfactory. A speech is not so 
many words; it is the man and not the words that make 
a speech. 

We have been passing through a great educational 
age; around the world the Democratic movement has 
been sweeping all obstacles before it. In Russia eman- 


cipated serfs have secured the right to a voice in their 
government. In Persia the people have secured a con- 
stitution. In Turkey the man who was in danger every 
hour of being cast into prison without an indictment, or 
beheaded without a charge against him, now has some 
influence in the molding of the laws. China, the sleeping 
giant of the Orient, has risen from a slumber of two 
thousand years and to-day is a republic waiting for 
recognition. And in Great Britain the people have as- 
serted their independence of the House of Lords. 

And while the outside world has been marching at 
double-quick in the direction of more complete freedom 
our nation has kept step; on no other part of God's 
footstool has popular government grown more rapidly 
than here. In every state the fight has been waged. The 
man whom I present has been the leader of the pro- 
gressive cause in his state, and once joint leader in the 

I challenge you to find in sixteen years where the can- 
didate presented by the committee has, before a nomina- 
tion was made, gone out and rendered effective service 
in behalf of any man who was championing the people's 
cause against plutocracy. 

Judge Parker has not been with us; he is not the one 
to speak to-day. 

The Democratic party has led this fight until it has 
stimulated a host of Republicans to action. I will not 
say they have acted as they have because we acted first; 
I will say that at a later hour than we, they caught the 
spirit of the time and are now willing to trust the people 
with the control of their own government. 

We have been travelling in the wilderness; we now 
come in sight of the promised land. During all the 
weary hours of darkness progressive democracy has been 
the people's pillar of fire by night ; I pray you, delegates, 
now that the dawn has come, do not rob it of its well- 
earned right to be the people's pillar of cloud by day. 



Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention I 
desire a hearing in order that I may state my reason for 
not desiring to enter the contest for Temporary Chair- 
man of this convention. I believe that by forty years 
of service to my party I have earned the right to such a 
hearing at the hands of a Democratic convention. I hail 
from the State of Indiana, which will shortly present to 
this convention for its consideration the name of one of 
the best, truest, and most gallant Democrats on this earth, 
in the person of the Hon. Thomas R. Marshall, the Gov- 
ernor of that State. 

I desire to take no part in this convention that will in 
any wise militate against him or against his interests, 
which all true Indiana Democrats this day loyally sup- 
port. I have been for many years a personal friend of 
the gentleman who has been named by the National Com- 
mittee. Many years ago, when Judge Parker and I were 
much younger than we are now, we met in a hotel in Eu- 
rope and became warm personal friends. That was long 
before his elevation to the Chief Justiceship of the Court 
of Appeals of his State. Since that time I have enjoyed 
his friendship. He has had mine. I have accepted the 
hospitality of his home, and in 1904, when he was a 
candidate for the Presidential nomination, moved largely 
by that personal friendship, I enlisted under his standard 
for the nomination long before the convention, and went 
through that great battle in St. Louis in his behalf. In 
that campaign, in response to a request of Judge Parker 
personally made to me, I, on account of my friendship 
for him, took the standard of a losing cause as candi- 

* After Mr. Bryan had placed Senator Kern in nomination 
for the temporary chairmanship, Mr. Kern secured recog- 
nition and made the speech here printed. 


date for Governor of Indiana, and carried it on to defeat, 
but I hope not an inglorious defeat. In 1908 Judge 
Parker canvassed in my State for the national ticket, on 
which I was a candidate for Vice-President. Last year, 
when I was a candidate for the Senate, in the midst of 
a heated contest, Judge Parker traveled from New York 
to Indianapolis to make a speech in my behalf. 

We have been during all these years, and are now, 
personal friends. The greatest desire of my heart is the 
hope of a Democratic victory. I attended a national 
convention in Baltimore in 1872, before I had cast a 
vote, and my young heart was filled with no more enthu- 
siasm for success that year than my old heart is now. 
I believe Judge Parker is as earnestly in favor, as earn- 
estly desirous of Democratic success this year as I am. 

There are only a little over a thousand delegates in this 
convention; there are seven million Democrats between 
the oceans. There are millions of Democrats scattered 
from one end of this Republic to the other who this hour 
are all looking with aching hearts upon the signs of dis- 
cord that prevail here when there ought to be forerunners 
of victory in the shouts of this convention. Is there a 
man here who does not earnestly desire harmony to the 
end that there may be victory ? 

I am going to appeal now and here for that kind of 
harmony which alone will bring victory. I am going to 
appeal here and now for that kind of harmony which 
will change the sadness that this hour exists in millions 
of Democratic homes into shouts of joy and gladness. 

My friend Judge Parker sits before me in this conven- 
tion, he representing the National Committee, I repre- 
senting, not another faction, thank God, but representing 
perhaps another section, and we two men have it in 
our power to send these words of gladness flashing 
throughout the Republic. If my friend will join with me 
now and here in the selection of a man satisfactory to us 
both ; if he will stand in this presence with me and agree 
that* that distinguished New Yorker who has brought 


more honor to the Empire State in the United States 
Senate than it has had since the days of Frederick Ker- 
nan James A. O'Gorman this discord will cease in a 
moment and the great Democratic party will present a 
united front. Or if he will agree that that splendid rep- 
resentative from the State of Texas in that same body, 
Charles A. Culberson, shall preside, or if he will agree 
upon that splendid parliamentarian, Henry D. Clayton 
of Alabama, or if he will agree upon that young Ten- 
nessean, whose name is known in every home where chiv- 
alry abides Luke Lea this matter can be settled in a 
moment. Or if he will agree on the blue-eyed statesman 
from Ohio, Governor James E. Campbell; or if he will 
agree on the reform Governor of Missouri, ex-Governor 
Folk; or if he will agree on my own colleague, the stal- 
wart Democrat from Indiana, Hon. Benjamin F. Shively, 
all this discord will cease. 

Will someone for Judge Parker, will Judge Parker 
himself, meet me on this ground and aid in the solution 
of this problem, a solution of which means victory to 
the party and relief to the taxpayers of the country? 

My fellow-Democrats, you will not promote harmony, 
you will not point the way to victory, by jeering or derid- 
ing the name of the man who led your fortunes in 1908. 
You may put him to the wheel, you may humiliate him 
here, but in so doing you will bring pain to the hearts of 
six million men in America who would gladly die for 
him. You may kill him, but you do not commit homicide 
when you kill him; you commit suicide. 

My friends, I have submitted a proposition to Judge 
Parker; I submit it to the man, the leader of the New 
York Democracy, who holds that Democracy in the hol- 
low of his hand. What response have I? [A pause.] 
If there is to be no response, then let the responsibility 
rest where it belongs. If Alton B. Parker will come 
here now and join me in this request for harmony, his 
will be the most honored of all the names amongst Amer- 
ican Democrats. 


If there is to be no response, if the responsibility is to 
rest there, if this is to be a contest between the people 
and the powers, if it is to be a contest such as has been 
described, a contest which I pray God may be averted, 
then the cause to which I belong is so great a cause that 
I am not fit to be its leader. If my proposition for har- 
mony is to be ignored, and this deplorable battle is to 
go on, there is only one man fit to lead the hosts of 
progress, and that is the man who has been at the fore- 
front for sixteen years, the great American tribune, 
William Jennings Bryan. If you will have nothing else, 
if that must be the issue, then the leader must be worthy 
of the cause, and that leader must be William Jennings 



Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of 
Wednesday, June 26th. 

Baltimore, June 26. The smoke of battle has 
cleared away, and the country is now able to look 
upon the amazing spectacle of a national conven- 
tion controlled by a national committee, that com- 
mittee controlled by a subcommittee of 16, the sub- 
committee controlled by a group of eight men, these 
men controlled by Boss Murphy and Boss Murphy 
controlled by Thomas Fortune Ryan. Probably 
never before in the history of the country have we 
seen two men attending a national convention and 
pulling the strings in the open view of the public. 
Mr. Ryan, Mr. Belmont and Mr. Morgan have 
municipal work in New York and Brooklyn that 
will involve the letting of contracts amounting to 
more than $250,000,000. This group of financiers 
also have large financial interests in many of the 
great cities, and wherever they work they need a 
political boss. 



Some of their bosses work under the name of 
Democrats and some bear the Republican label, but 
they all work for their masters. These big finan- 
ciers have been using the organization of the two 
leading parties to do their service. They were ex- 
posed last week at Chicago, and because of the ex- 
posure Mr. Taft's election was made impossible 
unless they could control the Democratic party 
and prevent the nomination of a progressive 
around whom both Democrats and progressive Ee- 
publicans could rally. I did not believe until I 
reached Baltimore that it was possible for them to 
control this convention, but I find that the dele- 
gates who know what the interests want and, 
knowing it, are willing to help the interests, are 
more numerous than I had supposed. 

Many of them came masquerading as progres- 
sives and as supporters of progressive candidates. 
Besides these, who know what they want and know 
how to get it, there are those who can be deceived 
with the argument that harmony is more important 
than principle an argument always used when the 
gang gets control of the organization, but never 
heard when the gang loses control. Then there are 
some who regard everything from the standpoint of 
its influence upon the candidate whom they favor. 
Adding these groups together, they constitute a 
majority of this Convention, and they have put the 
party in a false light before the country. The 


Democratic party is progressive. Three-fourths, 
if not nine-tenths of the rank and file have no sym- 
pathy whatever with the effort to use the party or- 
ganization in the interests of a few exploiters, but 
the masses are temporarily helpless when they are 
misrepresented by those whom they have elected 
delegates. The action of the Convention yesterday 
will open the eyes of the voters at home, and pres- 
sure from home may be brought to bear upon the 
Convention to shake it loose from its alliance with 
the plunderbund. 

If I were a cartoonist, I would represent Eyan as 
the dominant power in the Convention, having in 
his hand a cat-o '-nine-tails, the nine tails represent- 
ing Murphy, Taggart, Sullivan & Co., the dominat- 
ing members of the national committee, and I 
would represent the Democratic party as receiving 
the lashes upon its back. After the people had had 
a chance to study the cartoon for a while I would 
draw another representing the party in rebellion 
against Ryan, snatching the cat-o '-nine-tails from 
his hand and driving him from power. 

That is the situation as I see it. The first thing 
for the Democratic party to do is to get rid of those 
members of the national committee who hold the 
people in contempt and to whom the will of the 
Money Trust is law. A campaign at such a time as 
this will be a faree if such men direct it. If the 
Democratic party has not virtue enough to re- 


(Johnson in the Baltimore "American.") 
"If I were a cartoonist I would represent Eyan as the 
dominant power in the convention, having in his hand a cat- 
o'-nine tails, the nine tails representing Murphy, Taggart, 
Sullivan & Co., the dominating members of the National 
Committee, and I would represent the Democratic party as 
receiving the lashes upon its back." William Jennings 
Bryan in his newspaper letter of June 26. 



pudiate this band of buccaneers, now that it has 
been exposed, it cannot hope to appeal to the con- 
fidence of the people. Any candidate for president 
who enters into collusion with them will find them a 
millstone about his neck. 

I do not believe that they can succeed in nomi- 


(From the Washington "Times.") 

nating anybody whom they favor, but the nomina- 
tion will be a mere formality if they do succeed. 
This is no time for protestations of party loyalty or 
for the paying of empty compliments. The Ameri- 
can people are demanding relief from the despotic 



power of organized greed. Unless the Demo- 
cratic party is ready to give them this relief, the 
Convention might as well adjourn and let the dele- 
gates go home by trains that arrive near the middle 



(From the Washington "Times.") 

' ' After the people had had a chance to study that cartoon 
for awhile (the reference is to the cartoon shown on the 
preceding page), I would draw another representing the 
party in rebellion against Ryan, snatching the cat-o'-nine- 
tails from his hand and driving him from power." 
William Jennings Bryan. 

of the night late enough to avoid the reception 
committees that will be ready for some of them if 
they reach home in the daytime. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of 
Thursday, June 27th. 

Baltimore, Md., June 26. To-day has been a 
day of triumph for the progressives. The men 
who voted for Judge Parker for chairman have 
been trying to square themselves. They have been 
hearing from home. The telegraph companies have 
been reaping a rich harvest.* No one has sug- 
gested that Judge Parker was put up by the tele- 
graph companies for the purpose of increasing their 
revenues through the protests his nomination would 
invite, but the money has poured in here just the 

The effect of these telegrams already is being 
seen. The resolutions eommittee wanted a pro- 
gressive for chairman. I declined the position 
although I appreciated the compliment involved 

* These telegrams were so numerous that an effort was 
made to ascertain just how many there were. About 110,000 
messages are known to have been received by delegates. Some 
were signed by many persons. Mr. Bryan himself received 
1,128 telegrams from 31,331 persons in forty-six States. 



in the offer because I did not want to be ham- 
pered by any feeling of obligation to the committee 
in case I desired to present a minority report. 
And then, too, I felt that those who owned the 
ship ought to select the officers to command it. 

The committee on permanent organization se- 
lected Congressman James, of Kentucky, for per- 
manent chairman. This, however, was not a vol- 
untary offering. A portion of the committee less 
than half attempted to rush the matter through 
last night and make the temporary organization 
permanent, but former Gov. Campbell, of Texas, 
got in just in time to demand an adjournment 
until morning in order to give all the members a 
chance to be present. 

When the full committee assembled the progres- 
sives were out in such force that the effort to con- 
tinue Parker was abandoned and the honor was 
given to Mr. James. They then attempted to elect 
Temporary Secretary Woodson permanent secre- 
tary, but this was objected to by the progressives, 
and Mr. Grattan, of North Carolina, was substi- 
tuted for him. Thus the progressives had a series 
of victories. 

Before passing from the subject of officers I may 
add that my refusal of the permanent chairman- 
ship was based partly on the fact that I did not 
regard it as a compliment to have the position ten- 
dered me by those who had defeated me for tern- 


porary chairman, and partly because I did not feel 
disposed to accept any responsibility for the con- 
duct of the convention until it had done something 
to purge itself of its reactionary character. 

As soon as the resolutions committee was or- 
ganized I introduced a resolution declaring it to 
be the sense of the committee that the candidates 
for president should be nominated before the plat- 
form was adopted, giving as my reasons that this 
convention was of unusual importance and that 
our hope of victory depended upon our measuring 
up to the requirements of the occasion; that the 
platform would not amount to much unless our 
candidate stood squarely upon it and was able to 
defend it; that a joint debate between our plat- 
form and our candidate would be fatal to the pros- 
pects of our party, and that by changing the order 
we would be able so to shape our platform utter- 
ances as to give force to his candidacy. 

To the argument that it was unprecedented I 
replied that extraordinary conditions required ex- 
traordinary remedies. To the suggestion that any 
candidate who might be nominated would be willing 
to stand upon a platform prepared by the conven- 
tion I replied that our candidate eight years ago 
amended ! our platform by telegraph, and that 
method of amending a platform did not take well 
with the public. There was considerable discus- 
sion, but the sentiment soon turned so strongly to 

(Bart in the Minneapolis "Journal.") 



the proposition that it was adopted on roll-call by 
a vote of 41 to 11. 

Senator Vardaman, who was one of the active 
supporters of the resolution, moved that a commit- 
tee of three be appointed to notify the committee 
on rules. The committee on rules, after a short 
discussion, indorsed the proposition by a vote of 
22 to 16, and if it is indorsed by the convention 
the convention has not taken action at this hour 
the nominations will proceed while the platform is 
being prepared, and we shall have the benefit of 
the suggestions of our nominee before putting the 
finishing touches on the platform. 

The air is full of rumors in regard to combina- 
tions in behalf of different candidates. One thing 
is certain that Gov. Harmon is no longer a pos- 
sibility. With only nine instructed votes outside 
of his own State and nineteen delegates from his 
own State opposing the unit rule, he cannot be con- 
sidered a factor. The vote yesterday afternoon 
shows that he cannot secure one-third of the con- 
vention under any circumstances. 

Mr. Underwood might do a little better than Gov. 
Harmon, but the triumph of the reactionaries yes- 
terday has so aroused the country that the conven- 
tion is much less likely to nominate either of these 
men than it would have been had the machine 
been willing to allow the convention to begin har- 


However, neither Gov. Harmon nor Mr. Under- 
wood had any chance of nomination before, and 
they probably thought they had nothing to lose by 
making the fight that they did for Judge Parker. 

Gov. Baldwin 's vote is purely complimentary and 
will not stay with him more than a ballot or two. 

Gov. Burke 's vote is complimentary also and will 
go to Gov. Wilson as soon as the former's name is 

Gov. Foss' name is not to be presented except in 
case of a deadlock. Massachusetts' strength, there- 
fore, will be thrown to Clark on the first ballot. 
I do not feel free to discuss the situation as it re- 
lates to Clark and Wilson because I have not ex- 
pressed a preference between them. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of 
Thursday, June 27th. 

Baltimore, June 27. Down with the bosses! 
That is the supreme duty of this convention. A 
nomination secured by the aid of these notorious 
agents of the predatory interests would not be 
worth having unless it was accepted for the pur- 
pose of preventing the Democratic party from de- 
feating Mr. Taft. The object of the Ryan-Murphy- 
Sullivan-Taggart crowd is not to nominate a Demo- 
crat who can win, but to carry out the schemes of 
the exploiters who work along non-partisan lines 
and control all parties for their own advantage. 
The only way in which they can succeed is to pit 
big business with its trained corps of attorneys and 
its disciplined crowd of bosses against an unorgan- 
ized multitude. It is the fight of the wolf against 
the lamb, but such a fight can only be successful 
when the people are uninformed. There is a 
mighty, latent power in the masses which needs 



only to be brought into action to thwart the wicked 
schemes of the privileged few. 

The masses are now awake. It is doubtful 
whether we have ever had in this country a better 
illustration of the moral power of the people than 
we have had since Tuesday. In the Chicago con- 
vention of last week the delegates were outspoken 
in their support of Taft or in their opposition to 
him. They were elected on that platform. There 
were but few changes announced after the delega- 
tions reached Chicago, and those who changed 
were objects of suspicion. When a man deserted 
his side at Chicago the question was, "What was 
the price?" For a while it looked as if market 
quotations might play a part if in the lineup there 
was a difference of but a few votes. Here it is dif- 
ferent. Three-fourths of the delegates to this con- 
vention came as progressives; yes, more than 
three-fourths. There were probably not 150 dele- 
gates in the convention who would state in writing 
that they were not in harmony with the progres- 
sive movement. 

But since reaching here it has become apparent 
that many of these men deliberately deceived their 
constituents. Some protested that they were sus- 
taining the committee in its recommendations out 
of a desire to promote harmony, although the com- 
mittee itself was doing everything possible to pre- 
vent harmony; others explained their votes by say- 


ing that the interests of their candidates demanded 
it, but the telegraph wires have been busy, and 
some of the messages are interesting reading. It 
is noticeable, however, that all the explaining is 
being done by the followers of Ryan and Murphy. 
The progressives are being urged to stand firm and 
make no concessions to the political pirates who 
are trying to capture the good ship Democracy. 
Some of the delegates who wandered from the fold 
and supported the reactionaries are reading tele- 
grams that make their ears burn. One telegram 
from the West signed by a large number of citi- 
zens inquired the name of a delegate who voted for 
Parker for temporary chairman and suggested that 
he prepare himself for a lynching on his arrival 
home. So the war goes merrily on, with the party's 
hope dependent on the convention's ability to put 
itself before the country as a true representative 
of Democracy. 

There is one way in which the foul blot can be 
removed, namely, by a resolution adopted by the 
convention denouncing any alliance between the 
money magnates of the country and the party lead- 
ers and authorizing the nominee of the party to 
remove from the national committee any member 
who has the brand of Wall Street upon him. If the 
convention will pass such a resolution and then de- 
mand of each candidate before voting for him that 
he will put this resolution in force and reorganize 


the national committee on a basis of honesty and 
Democracy, we can win this fight. The country is 
waiting for a party that dares to defend popular 
government and the right of each citizen to equal 
treatment before the law. Mr. Taft can be de- 
feated by 2,000,000 votes if this convention will do 
its duty. If it fails to do its duty it will not only 
disappoint millions of Democrats, but it will lose 
such an opportunity as seldom comes to a party. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of Fri- 
day, June 28th. 

Baltimore, Md., June 27. The day has not been 
a dull one, notwithstanding the fact that there was 
little business to do. The afternoon session was 
devoted to the argument of the South Dakota case. 
The argument was so complicated that men voted 
more according to their opinions of its effect than 
upon the merits of the case. 

The Wilson delegates had a plurality at the pri- 
maries; this was not denied, but the Clark dele- 
gates claimed the right to represent the State on 
the ground that there were two Clark tickets and 
that the combined vote for these tickets exceeded 
the vote for the Wilson ticket. 

The trouble was that one of the Clark tickets 
was headed "Bryan, Wilson, Clark," and it was 
impossible, therefore, to determine how many of 
the votes cast were really cast for Clark and how 



many were influenced by the fact that Wilson's 
name was combined with Clark's. At least this 
was the argument of the Wilson men to the claim 
presented by the Clark men. When the roll was 
called the Wilson delegation had a considerable 
majority in its favor. 

During the progress of the debate there were 
demonstrations first for Clark and then for Wilson. 
At the evening session I introduced the following 
resolution : 

"Resolved, That in this crisis in our party's 
career and in our country's history this conven- 
tion sends greeting to the people of the United 
States and assures them that the party of Jefferson 
and of Jackson is still the champion of popular 
government and equality before the law. As proof 
of our fidelity to the people we hereby declare our- 
selves opposed to the nomination of any candidate 
for president who is the representative of or under 
any obligation to J. Pierpont Morgan, Thomas F. 
Ryan, August Belmont, or any other member 
of the privilege-hunting and favor-seeking 
class. ' ' 

As introduced, the resolution contained another 
paragraph, or rather a second resolution, as fol- 

"Be it further Resolved, that we demand the 
withdrawal from this convention of any delegate or 


delegates constituting or representing the above- 
named interests. ' ' * 

The second resolution was attacked more fiercely 
than the first on the ground that each State had a 
right to send as its delegates whom it pleased and 
that to demand the withdrawal of a delegate would 
be an infringement upon the right of the State. 
Seeing that this second resolution would be made 
an excuse by those who did not want to vote for 
the first resolution I withdrew it before the vote 
was taken. Then, too, the objection was urged by 
some with perfect sincerity, and I did not care to 
put them in a position where their reason for vot- 
ing "no" would become a matter of discussion. 

In a short speech supporting the first or main 
resolution I called attention to the extraordinary 
situation and the menace of these influences to our 
party's success, insisting that we must convince 
the country that our candidate was free from alli- 
ance with the predatory interests. 

To the suggestion that such a resolution dis- 
turbed the harmony of the party and endangered 
our candidate I replied with a Bible quotation, "If 
thy right hand offend thee, cut it off," and con- 

* Just as the manuscript of this work was going to the 
printer the editor ascertained that the introduction of this 
resolution was first suggested to Mr. Bryan by his brother, 
Charles W. Bryan, who has been associated with him for 
several years both in politics and in the publication of ' ' The 
Commoner. ' ' 


tended that the same principle that would lead one 
to cut off his hand to save his body should lead us 
to free the Democratic party from the influences 
of these men and those associated with them in 
schemes of exploitation. 

I first asked unanimous consent for the immedi- 
ate consideration of the resolution. When objec- 
tion was made I moved to suspend the rules and 
proceed to the consideration of the motion. 

The motion to suspend the rules requires a two- 
thirds vote for its adoption, and I was afraid that 
I could not secure a two-thirds vote, but as a ma- 
jority vote would answer the same purpose that 
is, it would become the sense of the convention I 
thought it would make no difference whether it re- 
ceived two-thirds or not, and even if it failed to 
receive a majority it gave a chance to put the dele- 
gates on record on the proposition. 

The adoption of the resolution by a vote of 889 
to 196 eliminates all the reactionaries and narrows 
the contest down to those about whose progressive- 
ness there can be no doubt. 

If the convention puts up a progressive platform 
and our candidate secures such a reorganization of 
the national committee as to make that organiza- 
tion worthy of the confidence of the country we can 
enter upon a winning campaign. 

The nominations are now being made to a 
crowded house and the names of those presented 


are being cheered by their partisans. It is impos- 
sible to make any forecast as to the result. It seems 
unlikely that a nomination can be made on the 
first ballot, and as no one can tell how long in- 
structed delegates will regard their instructions as 
binding or what they will do when they are free to 
vote as they please, a guess upon the situation is 

One thing is certain the convention is more 
entertaining than was expected. The feeling is not 
as tense as it was at Chicago and the delegates and 
visitors seem to be enjoying themselves. I cannot 
say so much for the dominant element in the na- 
tional committee. 



Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of Fri- 
day, June 2Sth. 

Baltimore, June 28. It was a surgical opera- 
tion, and it was possibly a mistake not to have ad- 
ministered chloroform, but I did not expect quite 
so much tumult. Strange what a consternation 
can be brought into a political convention by the 
introduction of a moral issue. If I had offered a 
resolution declaring that all Republicans are ras- 
cals and all Democrats angels, and pledging the 
Democratic party to give the people a perfect gov- 
ernment, Boss Murphy would have seconded the 
motion. Ryan and Belmont would have shouted 
themselves hoarse and Flood would have declared 
that I was as good as a Virginia Democrat. But 
when I called the country's attention to the fact 
that we had in the convention two men who are 
politically sexless, who have no god but money, 
and who do not hesitate to use political power for 
their own enrichment, I at once became "a dis- 


turber of peace" and an "enemy of the Demo- 
cratic party." 

If my conduct was so reprehensible, if my reso- 
lution was so offensive, if I was injuring the 
chances of the Democratic party by introducing it, 
why did Virginia cast 23 1 /2 votes for it and only 
a half vote against it? If ex-Governor McCorkle 
represented West Virginia in the speech that he 
made, why did he not get more than three votes 
against it in his delegation? If I was jeopardiz- 
ing the interests of our party why did Florida give 
three-fourths of her votes to the resolution ? "Why 
did poor Alabama have to get out of the trap by 
changing her vote ? She came first on the roll, and, 
supposing by the speeches made that the resolu- 
tion was going to be opposed, she started out boldly 
against it and after that it snowed. Why did not 
the New York men who hissed and hooted at the 
resolution have the courage to vote against it? 
Shakespeare explains it "It is conscience that 
makes cowards of us all." 

Belmont and Ryan have been plowing with our 
heifer ; they have been employing the methods usu- 
ally resorted to by the predatory interests, and the 
men whom they were leading astray were protest- 
ing that they were just as progressive as anybody. 
They were insisting that their objection to Mr. 
Bryan was a personal objection. They were "tired 
of him, opposed to his dictation," etc. If things 


had run along smoothly these men would have 
helped to nominate a, gold-plated servant of Wall 
Street and then gone home to help elect Taft. 
But things did not run along smoothly, and hence a 
scene that it would be difficult to describe. 

Looking down from the stage I saw a confusion 
that I never witnessed before in a convention. 
The delegate section was like a great, boiling 
spring. Men were shaking their fists at each other, 
some shouting anathemas at any one who would 
dare to uncover them, and others clamoring to be 
counted in favor of the resolution. There is noth- 
ing more timid than a politician, except two poli- 
ticians. The ratio of moral courage in the plain, 
everyday voter as compared with the courage of 
the average delegate to a national convention is 
about 16 to 1. If a national convention could as- 
semble and do its work and then take a recess for 
a month and allow the final action to be taken after 
the delegates had returned from a visit home, our 
conventions would come much nearer representing 
the people. I would not advise that, however, in 
the present case, for fear some of the delegates 
might not be able to get back. 

But the convention has done one thing, if noth- 
ing else. It has committed a great party more 
openly to opposition to the Plunderbund than any 
great party was ever committed before by a na- 
tional convention. 


Political life has both its trials and its rewards. 
The greatest trial, aside from absence from home 
and physical strain, is the alienation of friends 
not personal, but political. Every new issue brings 
a new alignment, and men who have associated 
with others politically find that they must separate. 
Such separations, however, ought not to affect per- 
sonal relations. Men should recognize in each 
other the right to follow conscience and judgment. 
The more unpleasant separations are those that 
do not follow a difference of conviction upon some 
new issue, but are due to a changed environment. 

There are several illustrations of it in this con- 
vention. Take the case of Bell, of California, for 
instance. He was my enthusiastic political sup- 
porter from 1896 until after 1908 just when the 
change took place I do not know. I had such con- 
fidence in him that I secured his appointment as 
temporary chairman of the last Democratic na- 
tional convention. Now I find him so influenced 
by another environment that he prefers a keynote 
from Judge Parker, rather than the kind of a 
speech I am in the habit of making. Has my 
brand of Democracy changed, or has his? Then 
there is Urey "Woodson. I became acquainted with 
him 17 years ago, and for many years I had no 
more loyal supporter. He is now secretary of the 
national committee, or was until day before yes- 
terday, because I permitted him to be. There 


were protests against his reappointment four years 
ago, and I had some misgivings myself, but I gave 
him the benefit of the doubt. I soon learned of my 
mistake, but did not think the position important 
enough to justify a change during the campaign. 
The gulf has widened between our political views 
until now my kind of Democracy is quite repulsive 
to him. Taggart and Sullivan do not owe me any- 
thing, unless it be a grudge. I tried to unseat Mr. 
Sullivan's delegation eight years ago at St. Louis 
and objected to his reelection as national commit- 
teeman four years ago. I was not surprised, there- 
fore, to find him lined up with Wall Street. Tag- 
gart is an organization Democrat. It would be 
hard to get him to bolt a ticket. His loyalty to 
the party was probably never more severely tested 
than when I was nominated four years ago. It 
would not be necessary to recall the fact that he 
was not reelected chairman of the committee four 
years ago. The difference in viewpoint would ac- 
count for his opposition, without recourse to any 
special grievance. 

There are others, but the above illustrate what I 
mean when I say that politics has its sad side, but 
there are compensations, and no one knows this 
better than the writer. The loyalty of friends who 
fight iny battles for me without suggestion from 
me and without hope or thought of reward; these 
are like the morning sun ; they dispel the darkness. 


And what a joy it is to meet these congenial spirits, 
assembled here from every part of this country! 
One never appreciates that man is made in the 
image of his Creator until he comes into contact 
with a heaven-born soul a man who is not afraid 
to die. An ancient proverb says that "no one 
need be a slave who has learned how to die." The 
trouble with so many men is that they do not be- 
lieve in a resurrection. They do not seem to know 
that Truth cannot die; that no grave can confine 
it. I saw a lot of brave men at Chicago, fighting 
for the people. We have a lot of brave men here 
fighting on the same side. May their tribe in- 
crease ! * 


Mr. Chairman : I have here a resolution which should, 
in my judgment, be acted upon before a candidate for 
president is nominated, and I ask unanimous consent for 
its immediate consideration. 

"Resolved, That in this crisis in our party's 
career and in our country's history this conven- 
tion sends greetings to the people and assures 
them that the party of Jefferson and Jackson 
is still the champion of popular government 

* The above letter has by some been thought to be the 
best of those written by Mr. Bryan at Chicago and Balti- 
more. The closing paragraph, written under the stress of 
stirring events, reveals Mr. Bryan's faith and philosophy in 
his individual as in his political life. 


and equality before the law. As proof of our 
fidelity to the people we hereby declare our- 
selves opposed to the nomination of any candi- 
date for President who is a representative of, or 
under any obligation to J. Pierpont Morgan, 
Thomas F. Ryan, August Belmont, or any 
other member of the privilege-hunting and 
favor-seeking class. 

"Be it further resolved, That we demand the 
withdrawal from this convention of any dele- 
gate or delegates constituting or representing 
the above-named interests." 

This is an extraordinary resolution, but extraordinary 
conditions require extraordinary remedies. We are now 
engaged in the conduct of a convention that will place 
before this country the Democratic nominee, and I as- 
sume that every delegate in this convention is here be- 
cause he wants that nominee elected. 

It is that we may advance the cause of our candidate 
that I present this resolution. There are questions of 
which a court takes judicial notice, and there are sub- 
jects upon which we can assume that the American peo- 
ple are informed. There is not a delegate in this con- 
vention who does not know that an effort is being made 
right now to sell the Democratic party into bondage to 
the predatory interests of this country. It is the most 
brazen, the most insolent, the most impudent attempt 
that has been made in the history of American politics 
to dominate a convention, stifle the honest sentiment of a 
party and make the nominee the bond-slave of the men 
who exploit the country. 

I need not tell you that J. Pierpont Morgan, Thomas 
F. Ryan and August Belmont are three of the men who 
are connected with the great money trust now under in- 
vestigation, and are despotic in their rule of the business 
of the country and merciless in their command of their 

Some one has said that we have no right to demand 


the withdrawal of delegates who come here from a sov- 
ereign State. 

I reply that if these men are willing to insult six and 
a half million of Democrats by coming here we ought 
to be willing to speak out against them and let them 
know we resent the insult. 

I, for one, am not willing that Thomas F. Ryan and 
August Belmont shall come here with their paid attor- 
neys and seek secret counsel with the managers of our 
party. No sense of politeness or courtesy to such men 
will keep me from protecting my party from the dis- 
grace that they bring upon it. 

I can not speak for you. You have your own respon- 
sibility, but if this is to be a convention run by these 
men; if our nominee is to be their representative and 
tool, I pray you to give us, who represent constituencies 
that do not want this, a chance to go on record with our 
protest against it. If any of you are willing to nomi- 
nate a candidate who represents these men or who is 
under obligation to these men, do it and take the respon- 
sibility. I refuse to take that responsibility. 

Some have said that we have no right to demand the 
withdrawal of delegates from this convention. I will 
make you a proposition. One of these men sits with 
New York and the other with Virginia. If the State of 
New York will take a poll of its delegates and a ma- 
jority of them not Mr. Murphy, but a majority of the 
delegates I repeat, if New York will on roll-call where 
her delegates can have their names recorded and printed, 
ask for the withdrawal of the name of Mr. Belmont ; and 
if Virginia will on roll-call ask the withdrawal of the 
name of Mr. Ryan, I will then withdraw the latter part 
of the resolution, which demands the withdrawal of these 
men from the convention. I will withdraw the last part 
at the request of the States in which these gentlemen 
sit, but I will not withdraw the first part that demands 
that our candidate- shall be free from alliance with them. 

It is not necessary for the gentleman from Virginia 


to deliver a eulogy upon his State. My father was born 
in Virginia and no one has greater reverence for that 
great commonwealth than I. I know, too, the sentiment 
of the people of Virginia. They have not only sup- 
ported me in three campaigns, but in the last campaign 
they refused to allow their leading men to go to the con- 
vention except under instructions to vote for my nomi- 
nation. Neither is it necessary for me to defend my 
reputation as a Democrat. My reputation would not be 
worth defending if it were necessary to defend it against 
a charge made against me by any friend of Thomas F. 

The resolution is not only sober and serious, but it is 
necessary. Ws plant ourselves upon the Bible doctrine, 
"If thy right hand offend thee, cut it off." The party 
needs to cut off those corrupting influences to save it- 


(A Statement to the Press on Sunday Evening, 
June 30, by Mr. Bryan, and Given Here as It 
Appeared in The Chicago "Tribune.") 

"I see no reason why we should not conclude the 
convention with the nomination of both a President and 

* Before the vote was taken Mr. Bryan withdrew the latter 
part of his resolution in order that honest friends might 
not be embarrassed by the argument that the demand for 
withdrawal of the offending delegates invaded the rights of 
the State, and in order that the second part of the resolu- 
tion might not be used as an excuse by those who desired to 
vote against the main resolution. 

When the latter part was withdrawn, the first resolution, 
pledging the party not to nominate a candidate who was a 
representative of, or under obligation to, Morgan, Eyan, 
Belmont, or any other member of the privilege-hunting and 
favor-seeking class, was adopted by a vote of 889 to 196. 


a Vice-president. The friends of the various candidates 
have fought out their differences, and in their loyalty 
to the men of their choice have consumed more time 
than is usually devoted to balloting. There is every 
reason why the progressives should get together and 
select a ticket." 

Mr. Bryan said he took it for granted there was no 
chance for the nomination of either Harmon of Ohio, or 
Underwood of Alabama, whom he designated as the 
choice of a reactionary element in the party. 

He suggested that if the convention could not agree 
upon either Gov. Wilson of New Jersey or Speaker 
Clark of Missouri, an available man to head the ticket 
might be found in a list which he furnished, comprising 
the names of Senator Kern of Indiana, Senator Elect 
Ollie James of Kentucky, Senator O'Gorman of New 
York, Senator Culberson of Texas, and Senator Rayner 
of Maryland. Continuing, Mr. Bryan said: 

"The antagonisms which have been aroused during the 
preliminary campaign antagonisms which ought not to 
have been aroused should not prevent the coming to- 
gether of delegates upon some common ground. 

"New York is not necessary to a nomination, and 
under the circumstances should not be permitted to dic- 
tate the nomination. I do not mean to say that the vote 
of New York would vitiate the nomination if the candi- 
date had enough votes to nominate him without New 
York, for in that case the party would not be under 
obligation to Mr. Murphy for his nomination ; but if Mr. 
Murphy furnishes the votes necessary to carry the can- 
didate across the line, the candidate who accepts the 
nomination under those circumstances puts himself under 
obligations to Mr. Murphy and to the influences which 
speak through and control him. 

"I contend that a candidate so obligated would not ap- 
peal to the confidence of the public and would not, if 
successful at the election, be free to serve the public with 
singleness of purpose. 


"There is not an aspirant for the nomination who 
would have dared to go out before the people of any 
State and say: 'I have the promise of Charles F. Mur- 
phy that he will deliver to me ninety votes which, under 
the unit rule, are in his control as soon as I have enough 
more to give me the necessary two-thirds.' 

"I believe, therefore, that all progressives are justified 
in refusing support to any candidate who desires the 
New York support and justified in withdrawing support 
if, after giving it, New York should seek to add enough 
votes to give the candidate the nomination. 

"We have any number of available men from whom 
to make the selection; a number of them are participat- 
ing in this convention, and some are candidates be- 
fore it. 

"If either Mr. Clark or Mr. Wilson will announce his 
'willingness to rely entirely upon the progressive vote 
and his determination not to accept the nomination, if 
given under conditions which would obligate him to Mr. 
Murphy, there is no reason why the convention should 
not agree on one of these. 

"If the feeling that has been aroused between the two 
leading candidates is such that the progressive forces 
cannot agree upon either, it ought to be easy to agree 
upon some third person who, not having been a candi- 
date, is not handicapped by animosities engendered or 
by an adverse verdict at the Democratic conventions and 

"I will not discuss the relative merits of the candi- 
dates now before the convention who can be counted as 
progressive, and I take it for granted that there is now 
no possibility of the nomination of the two candidates, 
Gov. Harmon and Mr. Underwood, who were the choice 
of the reactionaries. 

"I do not mean to be understood as saying that all 
who favor them are reactionaries, but where the two 
candidates had strength outside of their own localities 


the support is to be explained, as a rule, by the reac- 
tionary tendencies of the supporters. 

"We have several persons taking part in this conven- 
tion, who have not been placed in nomination, who are 
entirely worthy of consideration. 

"Senator Kern of Indiana already has received the 
support of nearly six millions and a half of Democrats 
for the vice presidency, and since that time he not only 
has been elected to the United States senate, but has dis- 
tinguished himself among his associates by the prominent 
part he has taken. He is the leader in the fight against 
Senator Lorimer. 

"If there can be no agreement upon one of those now 
being balloted for it ought to be easy to compromise on 
a man like Senator Kern. 

"Congressman James, our permanent chairman, is a 
national character, one of the leaders of the house of 
representatives, and a progressive who has been in the 
forefront of the fight since 1896. 

"Senator O'Gorman, New York's member of the com- 
mittee on resolutions, is a progressive who has given to 
his state a distinction of which it has been sadly in 
need he has combined a high order of intelligence and 
courage with a sympathetic devotion to the rights and 
interests of the common people. 

"In addition to those we have Senator Culberson of 
Texas, a man whose public record would commend him 
to the progressives of all parties ; and I would add Sena- 
tor Raynor of Maryland, after hearing his strong plea 
before the resolution in favor of a progressive platform. 
These are only a few of the names that might be sug- 
gested. Surely, with such a wealth of presidential tim- 
ber we should have no difficulty in nominating a winning 

"Just a word in regard to the vice-presidency. This 
office should not be regarded lightly nor should the selec- 
tion be made carelessly. No man is fit to be the vice- 


presidential nominee who is not equally worthy to be 
the nominee for president. 

"The vice-president should be selected from those 
available for the presidency, and he should be in har- 
mony with the presidential candidate on all public ques- 
tions on the fundamental principles which determine the 
bias and tendencies of men. 

"In submitting these views I recognize that I speak 
merely as an individual, but I am not less interested 
than the candidates themselves in the nomination of a 
winning ticket and in the prosecution of a successful 
campaign, and we shall disappoint those who sent us 
here if we fail to measure up to the occasion." 



Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of Sat- 
urday, June 29th. 

Baltimore, June 28. I am writing this report 
before a nomination is made and cannot, there- 
fore, discuss the candidate. The ballots have not 
resulted in as many changes as were expected. 
Eumors have been rife as to what this delegation 
or that delegation was going to do. 

Most attention, of course, is given to New York, 
because of its large vote, controlled under the unit 
rule by Murphy. It was reported that New York 
would vote on the first ballot for Harmon, and on 
the following ballots for different candidates, but 
so far Harmon has been the only one to receive the 
vote. This in itself would ruin Harmon's chances 
if he were otherwise available. The old doctrine 
that a man is known by the company he keeps ap- 
plies in politics as well as elsewhere. 

Murphy is in absolute control of the delegation, 
he is the keeper of New York's conscience God 


save the mark! Now the line has been drawn be- 
tween the sheep and the goats, and New York, in 
spite of its effort to disguise itself, is among the 

When I offered to withdraw the second resolu- 
tion the one demanding that Belmont and Ryan 
leave the convention New York not only refused 
to make the request, but demanded a vote on that 
resolution. I saw that Murphy and his cohorts 
were looking for an excuse to vote against the reso- 
lution and it was partly to deprive them of any 
excuse that I withdrew the resolution, even with- 
out their request. 

In connection with this matter I may add that 
the "sovereign State" argument is sometimes over- 
done. At Denver four years ago Col. Guffey, of 
Pennsylvania, marched down the aisle and inquired 
whether the convention would disregard the action 
of a sovereign State and throw him out, and the 
convention said "Yes!" with an emphasis that 
shook the rafters. 

He went back to Pennsylvania and in stentorian 
tones repeated the question. This time about 400,- 
000 Pennsylvania Democrats trampled on him and 
stamped around until they nearly caved in the 
mines. I have not had a chance to consult Col. 
Guffey, but I am satisfied if he had been a delegate 
he would have been opposed to interfering with 
any "sovereign State" provided it would let Wall 


Street use it to work its representatives into the 

It will be remembered that some of Mr. Lori- 
mer's friends became touchy on the "sovereign 
State" idea, but the Senate is going to send him 
back home in spite of the fact that his credentials 
are regular. 

If a national convention has no right to purge 
itself of such men as Ryan and Belmont, it had 
better change its rules and secure the right. How- 
ever, the chastisement which it gave to these two 
notorious representatives of the interests will prob- 
ably protect future conventions from a repetition 
of what has occurred here. 

In calculating on the nominee, New York should 
be counted as a liability rather than as an asset. 
No Democrat can afford to accept a nomination if 
New York's vote is necessary to give him two- 

There is no disguising the seriousness of the 
situation which confronts the Democratic party. It 
is on trial before the country. It took a long step 
in advance last night when it had the courage to 
mention by name three of the most prominent fin- 
anciers of the country and pledge the nation that 
its nominee will be free from entangling alliances 
with them. This resolution is only the beginning. 
It fixes the standard, but the candidate must 
measure up to it. The New York delegation is so 


closely connected with the predatory interests, con- 
taining, as it does, trust agents, attorneys and offi- 
cials, that it would cost a candidate hundreds of 
thousands of votes to owe his nomination to the 



Mr. Bryan's letter in afternoon newspapers of Sat- 
urday, June 29th. 

Baltimore, June 29. We are approaching the 
climax of this convention. The question that the 
convention has to decide is whether or not it will 
live up to the declaration made in the anti-Morgan- 
Eyan-Belmont resolution. The convention is now 
pledged by that resolution against the nomination 
of any man who is a representative of, or under 
obligation to, Morgan, Eyan, Belmont or any other 
person representing the favor-seeking and priv- 
ilege-hunting class. 

This is a solemn pledge made to the country. If 
it is broken it will be broken in the eyes of the 
public. Before that pledge was made it might 
have been possible to explain that the candidate 
was reasonably progressive, because we had no 
definition of progressiveness to apply to a candi- 
date, but now we have, and if the candidate does 
not measure up to it the eyes of the public will be 
fixed upon the space between the candidate's head 



and the mark that we have drawn on the wall. 
How can we tell whether a proposed candidate 
is the representative of, or obligated to, Morgan, 
Ryan and Belmont, and the interests which they 
represent? There is just one way, namely, to in- 
quire whether he is willing to accept the nomina- 
tion at their hands. 

It is a principle of law that an election is vitiated 
by corrupt votes whenever the candidate could not 
have been elected without these votes, and so a 
nomination is vitiated when it depends upon votes 
which are not acceptable under the rules and upon 
the conditions laid down by this convention in the 
anti-Morgan-Eyan-Belmont resolution. Mr. Lori- 
mer is about to be expelled from the United States 
Senate because he accepted a senatorship which 
depended upon corrupt votes, and the public uni- 
versally approved the Senate's proposed action. 
Would the Democratic party approve a nomina- 
tion made by influences as corrupt as those that 
secured the Lorimer election? 

It is now a matter of public knowledge that the 
money trust, after controlling the Chicago con- 
vention and dictating the Chicago nominee, moved 
its show to this city, set up its tent and organized 
a two-ring circus, with all its accessories, from 
ringmasters down to the red lemonade man. This 
circus had its acrobats, several of them expert at 
somersaulting and contortion; it has held sessions 


in the daytime and at night. Mr. Murphy is gen- 
eral director and resident agent of the concern. 
He controls the New York delegation under the 
unit rule as completely as his hand controls his 
fingers. A candidate who would accept his sup- 
port would be an ingrate not to repay the obliga- 
tion in the only coin which is legal tender in the 
office of the plunderbund, namely, government 

Will the Democratic party be democratic? The 
question is even more fundamental ; will it be hon- 
est? Will it keep the promise it has made to six 
million and a half of Democrats and to millions of 
Republicans? More than 10,000,000 voters are 
watching the bulletins that come from this conven- 
tion. Will this convention give these patriotic 
citizens a leader who will lead? 



Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of Mon- 
day, July 1st. 

Baltimore, June 30. If I may be permitted 
to speak of my own part I shall devote a few sen- 
tences to the explanation which I gave of the 
change of twelve of the Nebraska delegates from 
Clark to Wilson. I was not in the hall Friday 
night when New York cast its ninety votes for 
Clark, but went in later during the demonstration. 

After having a night to reflect over the matter 
I decided upon a course of action in case an at- 
tempt was made to use the New York vote to elect 
Mr. Clark. In acting one must always consider 
the conditions to be met, for conditions are usually 
the measure of exertion. 

At the Chicago convention I saw how unfairly a 
holdover political machine had made up the tem- 
porary roll of the convention and then used the 
votes of those put upon the roll to seat each other, 
thus giving to the committee control of the new 



I was in a good position to watch the roller as 
it moved noisily along, overcoming every obstruc- 
tion, and when its work was completed thwarting 
the will of a large majority of the Eepublican 
party. To add aggravation to the wrong the com- 
mittee was made up of representatives from the 
southern States where there is practically no Re- 
publican vote. 

These committeemen, representing a paper or- 
ganization and held to the Republican party largely 
by the power of patronage, were used to outvote 
the representatives from States that cast a large 
Republican vote. And to add further cause for 
indignation this unfairly proportioned committee 
seated delegates upon the same congressional pro- 
portion as in the north. 

About the time this outrage on popular govern- 
men had had time to soak in I came to Baltimore 
and here I found the Democratic national commit- 
tee acting upon the same plan, using holdover com- 
mitteemen to misrepresent the delegations, and 
intending to open a progressive convention with a 
reactionary keynote. 

I soon learned that the same influences which at 
Chicago defied popular sentiment in the Republi- 
can party were here in force. I found that, having 
defeated the progressive program at Chicago, they 
were bent upon defeating it here. Here cunning 
was substituted for boldness, and the progressive 


brand was being used to mask the real character 
of the work outlined. 

I have already described the first contest in 
which I was defeated for temporary chairman, a 
position which I did not desire, and for which I 
was a candidate only because I felt that some one 
ought to represent the progressive cause. I have 
also chronicled the second contest, which resulted 
in the passage of the Morgan-Eyan-Belmont resolu- 

It was the passage of that resolution and the 
pledge that it gave the public that made it impera- 
tive, according to my judgment, that I refuse to 
enter into partnership with Mr. Murphy in nomi- 
nating a Democratic candidate. 

I felt sure from telegrams received and news re- 
ports read that the people were aroused as they 
had seldom been before to the importance of pre- 
senting a candidate upon whose nomination there 
could be no suspicion of connection with the inter- 
ests which we had denounced. 

It distrest me to have to do anything that 
might result in injury to the political fortunes of 
Mr. Clark. I have known him for eighteen years, 
rejoiced in his selection as minority leader, and 
a year and a half ago regarded him as more likely 
than any one else to fit into the conditions in so 
far as I could then estimate them. 

If he had made good use of the opportunity he 

tfu-: ^:^^wijttfl!|%j 

* ^ 


The Pitcher who has been hit by Mr. Bryan's ball is 
Charles F. Murphy, of Tammany Hall. 

(Bart in the Minneapolis "Journal.") 



had he would have been nominated by acclamation, 
but instead of leading the progressive element of 
the party the element with which he had always 
been identified he became imprest with the idea 
that his special duty was to harmonize the two 
elements of the party and prevent any break in 
the ranks. 

The leader and the harmonizer are two entirely 
different persons, and Mr. Clark chose to be the 
latter. There are times when the harmonizer is 
the most available candidate, but the situation is 
different just now. 

The country is alive with progressive ideas and 
progressivism has not been defeated at Chicago. 
Two or three million Republicans are following the 
proceedings of this convention and waiting to see 
whether they can use the Democratic party for the 
rebuking of stand-pat Republicanism or be forced 
to organize a new party. 

Mr. Clark's first mistake was in attempting to 
overlook the radical difference which exists in the 
Democratic party between the progressives and the 
reactionaries. His second was in selecting man- 
agers who sought to advance his cause by manipula- 
tion rather than by that candid appeal which befits 
the present hour. 

After permitting a considerable number of reac- 
tionaries to come into the convention under instruc- 
tions, these managers endeavored to win votes by 


tying up with the reactionary element of the con- 

While Mr. Clark himself remained neutral in the 
fight between Judge Parker and myself for tem- 
porary chairman, his managers were working like 
beavers for Judge Parker. They were not even 
willing for me to take Mr. James, their own candi- 
date, for temporary chairmanship before the sub- 
committee, and pit him against Parker. 

Mr. Clark aroused much hostile criticism when 
he refused to take sides, and this criticism became 
more emphatic when New York's vote was wel- 
comed with a great demonstration. 

There is too much at stake to risk defeat, as we 
would risk defeat if we had to spend the campaign 
in explaining how a candidate could owe his nomi- 
nation to predatory interests without danger to his 

Mr. Clark's friends spurn the thought of his 
being influenced by such support, but they forget 
that the mass of the people cannot know Mr. Clark 
personally, as his intimate friends do. 

I know him well enough to have confidence in his 
high purpose and in his good intent, as I have in 
the purpose and intent of other candidates. I be- 
lieve that he would try to carry out the people's 
will, but few, if indeed any, can entirely fortify 
themselves against the unscrupulous influence ex- 
erted by favors received. We do not allow judges 


to accept favors from litigants and the President 
continually acts as an arbiter between the organ- 
ized and the unorganized masses. 

But even if we could feel certain that the secur- 
ing of a presidential nomination by the aid of 
those directly connected with the exploiting class 
would have no influence whatever upon Mr. Clark 's 
official conduct, we could not possibly hope to im- 
part this confidence to millions of voters who, not 
enjoying the personal acquaintance of Mr. Clark, 
would have to rely upon newspaper reports, and it 
must be remembered that in the contested States 
the Republicans have five to one, if not ten to one, 
the advantage of us. 

I announced that we would withhold our vote 
from Mr. Clark so long as New York supported 
him, and that we would apply the same rule to 
other candidates; that is, that we would not enter 
into partnership with Wall Street. 


Nebraska is a progressive state. Only twice has she 
given her vote for a Democratic candidate for President 
in 1896 and 1908 and on both occasions her vote was 
cast for a progressive ticket running upon a progres- 
sive platform. Between these two elections, in the elec- 

When Nebraska was called on the fourteenth ballot a 
poll was demanded, and Mr. Bryan in changing his vote 
made this speech. It marked the turning point in the con- 


tion of 1904, she gave a Republican plurality of 85,000 
against a Democratic reactionary. In the recent primary 
the total vote cast for Clark and Wilson was over 34,000 
and the vote cast for Harmon something over 12,000, 
showing that the party is now nearly three-fourths pro- 

The Republican party of Nebraska is progressive in 
about the same proportion, and the situation in Nebraska 
is not materially different from the situation throughout 
the country west of the Alleghanies. In the recent Re- 
publican primaries, fully two-thirds of the Republican 
vote was cast for candidates representing progressive 

In this convention the progressive sentiment is over- 
whelming. Every candidate has proclaimed himself 
a progressive no candidate would have any considerable 
following in this convention if he admitted himself out 
of harmony with progressive ideas. By your resolution, 
adopted night before last, you, by a vote of more than 
four to one, pledged the country that you would nomi- 
nate for the presidency no man who represented, or was 
obligated to Morgan, Ryan, Belmont, or any other mem- 
ber of the privilege-seeking, favor-hunting class. This 
pledge, if kept, will have more influence on the result 
of the election than the platform or the name of the 
candidate. How can that pledge be made effective? 
There is but one way, namely, to nominate a candidate 
who is under no obligation to those whom these influ- 
ences directly or indirectly control. The vote of the 
State of New York in this convention, as cast under the 
unit rule, does not represent the intelligence, the virtue, 
the democracy or the patriotism of the ninety men who 
are here. It represents the will of one man Charles F. 
Murphy and he represents the influences that domi- 
nated the Republican convention at Chicago and are 
trying to, dominate .this convention. If we nominate a 
candidate under conditions that enable these influences 
to say to our candidate, "Remember, now, thy creator," 


we can not hope to appeal to the confidence of the pro- 
gressive Democrats and Republicans of the nation. 

Nebraska, or that portion of the delegation for which 
I am authorized to speak, is not willing to participate 
in the nomination of any man who is willing to violate 
the resolution adopted by this convention and accept the 
high honor of the presidential nomination at the hands 
of Mr. Murphy. When we were instructed for Mr. 
Clark, the Democratic voters who instructed us did so 
with the distinct understanding that Mr. Clark stood for 
progressive democracy. Mr. Clark's representatives ap- 
pealed for support on no other ground. They contended 
that Mr. Clark was more progressive than Mr. Wilson, 
and indignantly denied that there was any cooperation 
between Mr. Clark and the reactionary element of the 
party. Upon no other condition could Mr. Clark have 
received a plurality of the Democratic vote of Nebraska. 

The delegates for whom I speak stand ready to carry 
out the instructions given, in the spirit in which they 
were given and upon the conditions under which they 
were given; but these delegates will not participate in 
the nomination of any man whose nomination depends 
upon the vote of the New York delegation. Speaking for 
myself and those who join me, we, therefore, withhold 
our vote from Mr. Clark as long as New York's vote is 
recorded for him, and I hereby notify the chairman and 
this convention that I desire recognition to withdraw 
these votes from any candidates to whom New York's 
votes are thrown. The position that we take in regard 
to Mr. Clark we will take in regard to any other candi- 
date whose name is now or may be before the conven- 
tion. We shall not be parties to the nomination of any 
man, no matter who he may be or from what section of 
the country he comes, who will not, when elected, be 
absolutely free to carry out the anti-Morgan-Ryan-Bel- 
mont resolution and make his administration reflect the 
wishes and hopes of those who believe in a government 
of the people, by the people, and for the people. 


If we nominate a candidate who is under no obliga- 
tion to these interests, which speak through Mr. Murphy, 
I shall offer a resolution authorizing and directing the 
presidential candidate to select a campaign committee to 
manage the campaign, in order that he may not be com- 
pelled to suffer the humiliation or act under the embar- 
rassment that I have in having men participate in the 
management of his campaign who have no sympathy 
with the party's aims and in whose democracy the gen- 
eral public has no confidence. At the conclusion of Mr. 
Bryan's statement ex-Governor McCorkle, of West Vir- 
ginia, obtained recognition, and, with Mr. Bryan's con- 
sent, submitted the following question: 

"Are we to understand from what you have said that 
you will not support the nominee of this convention if 
he is named by a majority made up in part of the vote 
of New York?" Mr. Bryan: I shall be pleased to an- 
swer the gentleman's question and before answering, will 
add that if any other gentleman in the convention has a 
question to ask I shall remain here and give him a chance 
to ask it. This is a Democratic convention; we have a 
right to ask questions and we should be frank with each 

Answering the gentleman from West Virginia, I would 
reply that nothing that I have said this morning and 
nothing that I have ever said heretofore justifies the con- 
struction which the gentleman would place upon my lan- 
guage. I distinguish between refusing to participate in 
the nomination of a candidate and refusing to support 
a candidate nominated over my protest. I distinguish 
between these two propositions just as the law distin- 
guishes between the act of a lawyer who defends a pris- 
oner after a crime has been committed and the act of a 
lawyer who conspires with the prisoner to commit a 
crime. Governor Brewer of Mississippi then obtained 
recognition, and, with Mr. Bryan's consent, submitted 
the following queston: 

"If Mr. Clark, Mr. Underwood, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Mar- 


shall, Mr. Harmon, Mr. Kern, or Mr. Foss is nominated 
by this convention by a two-thirds majority, with New 
York voting for the man who is nominated, will you sup- 
port the Democratic nominee?" Mr. Bryan: I deny the 
right of any man to put a hypothetical question to me 
unless he is prepared to include in that question every 
essential element that enters into it so that the question 
can be fully understood and intelligently answered. 

Having denied the right of the gentleman to ask the 
question and having called his attention to the fact that 
he is taking advantage of a political assembly to ask a 
question which he would not dare to ask in any court of 
justice I now answer him : 

I expect to support the nominee of this convention. I 
expect the nominee of this convention to be worthy of 
the support of every delegate. I have no reason to be- 
lieve that any man will be nominated who would accept 
a nomination at the hands of Mr. Murphy and the in- 
fluences back of him. I will not give bond to make 
further answer to the hypothetical question put by the 
gentleman from Mississippi until we are in a position 
to supply the necessary facts which his question omits 
facts necessary to an understanding of the situation upon 
which we will be called to act. 

Now, I am prepared to announce my vote, with the 
understanding that I stand ready to withdraw my vote 
from the candidate for whom I now cast it if Mr. Mur- 
phy casts the ninety votes of New York for him. I cast my 
vote for Nebraska's second choice Governor Wilson.* 

* On July 30, the Nebraska Democratic State Convention 
endorsed Mr. Bryan's course at Baltimore by a vote of 
636 to 246. 


Mr. Bryan's letter in morning newspapers of 
Wednesday, July 3d. 

Baltimore, July 2. Although the nomination for 
vice-president has not yet been made, enough has 
been done to enable the public to judge the far- 
reaching effect of this remarkable convention. 

Mr. Wilson's nomination is evidently very ac- 
ceptable to the country. His campaign was a na- 
tional one from the start. In fact, he was the only 
candidate who ran everywhere. This had both its 
advantages and its disadvantages. It was an ad- 
vantage in that it gave him a chance to secure a 
larger number of delegates, but it was a disadvan- 
tage in that it naturally arrayed against him the 
friends of the other candidates. He entered the 
convention, however, with more than 200 votes less 
than half. 

His greatest asset was the fact that he came out 

strongly against Parker for temporary chairman. 

This was the first line drawn in the convention, 

and it was probably fortunate for "Wilson that his 



side was defeated. If I had been selected for tem- 
porary chairman it would have been looked upon 
as a thing to be expected, and a victory at that 
time would not have made any great impression on 
the country. But my defeat startled the Demo- 
crats throughout the land and made them aware 
of the strength of the reactionaries. 

Hearing from home has been one of the promi- 
nent features of this convention. Probably no 
other convention ever brought forth such a flood 
of telegrams, and these telegrams had a great deal 
to do with the final action of the convention. Wil- 
son's name was in nearly all of them. 

The weak point in "Wilson's campaign for the 
nomination was the fact that some of his former 
utterances were used against him by his opponents, 
but these arguments will not avail when addressed 
to the progressive Republicans. I think Wilson 
will poll more of the progressive Republican vote 
than any other man we could have named. 

The platform is progressive, the most progres- 
sive platform that any great party has offered to 
the public. With a vice-president in harmony 
with the platform and the presidential candidate, 
we ought to make a great fight and a successful 
fight. Our party has given the progressives of the 
nation a rallying and a battle line. Never before 
has the issue been so clearly drawn between the 
people on the one side and the predatory interests 


on the other. The resolution naming the leaders 
of the financial world who have stood behind the 
great favor-seeking combination was a stroke of 
policy as well as a triumph of principle. 

The one sad feature is the failure of the defeated 
candidates to realize their ambitions. This fail- 
ure, of course, did not bring any great disappoint- 
ment to the candidates who had a small following ; 
their only hope was in the turning up of something 
unexpected. In the case of Mr. Clark, however, 
there was reasonable ground for hope, and there- 
fore great disappointment. 

There is no boasting of victory among those of 
his opponents who knew him personally. He is 
universally beloved and his defeat was not a re- 
flection upon his official record or upon his general 

The action of the Republican convention made 
it necessary that the party should be even more 
distinctly and outspokenly progressive than it need 
to have been if Mr. Roosevelt had been nominated 
although it could not have retreated from its 
advanced position in any case. 

This convention, too, laid unexpected emphasis 
upon progressive ideas a sort of reaction from its 
first mistake in having the keynote sounded by a 
reactionary. The resolution against Morgan, Ryan 
and Belmont raised the expectations of the country 
and nothing would have satisfied the party but a 


clear-cut declaration in favor of all needed reme- 
dial legislation and a candidate who would be ac- 
cepted as a fulfilment of the pledge given. 

Mr. Clark's managers did not seem to catch the 
spirit of the occasion, and were guilty of one mis- 
take after another, until their candidate was put 
in a position where the convention felt that he did 
not fit into the requirements of the occasion as 
nearly as Gov. Wilson. 

It is too early for me to measure the influence 
of my own part in the convention, as in every 
great contest there has been a realignment, and I 
find some friends alienated and some opponents 
converted into friends. What a pity that one can- 
not have the same set of friends and enemies 
through life. It is so hard to part with those who 
go from you, and it takes time to get acquainted 
with those who come to you. 

When I left Nebraska I expected to play a minor 
part in the convention. I had urged the commit- 
tee to consult Mr. Wilson and Mr. Clark in regard 
to the chairman, and supposed the convention 
would be opened without friction. 

Knowing the managers for the various candi- 
dates would be in charge of the program, I thought 
it might not be necessary for me to appear upon the 
floor until after the candidate was nominated. 
But my plans were overturned and I was forced 
into a fight at the very outset, in an effort to pre- 


vent the opening of the convention on a reactionary 

The presence of a great collection of representa- 
tives of special interests suggested the anti-Mor- 
gan-Ryan-Belmont resolution, and then the de- 
mand for a poll in my delegation compelled me to 
make an explanation of my vote earlier than I had 
expected. There was no program, each act on my 
part being the result of an unexpected exigency. 
I did the best I could, following the line of duty 
as I saw it, and cannot shrink from the conse- 
quences. While I have received a great deal of 
commendation through telegrams, I have received 
some criticism, but I expect the criticism to soften 
when the facts are fully understood. 

One encouraging thing is the denunciation I 
have received at the hands of Mr. Hearst. His at- 
tacks are so much like the attacks which he made 
upon me in 1908, when he lent his assistance to Mr. 
Taft, that I feel that he raises a presumption in 
my favor, for the platform in 1908 laid the foun- 
dation for the victory which has been won in this 
convention and which I believe will be completed 
at the polls in November. 



Mr. Chairman and members of the convention: You 
have been so generous with me in the allowance of time 
that I had not expected to trespass upon your patience 
again, but the compliment that has been paid me by the 
gentleman from the District of Columbia justifies, I 
hope, a word in the form of a valedictory. 

For sixteen years I have been a fighting man. Per- 
forming what I regarded as a public duty I have not 

* The Pittsburgh "Press," describing this incident of the 
convention, said: 

"The voluntary passing of Bryan was the one great dra- 
matic incident of the night. The convention had stopt in 
the middle of the roll-call to spend a couple of hours dis- 
posing of the platform, and the usual resolutions. It was 
long past midnight when it resumed its labors. The roll 
was proceeding slowly. The vast auditorium was still jammed 
with people. The galleries had been listening in amusement 
to the efforts of orators to pay eloquent tributes to the men 
they were placing in nomination for the vice-presidency. 
The heat and the lateness of the hour had had their effect, 
and 50 per cent, of the crowd was lazily lolling back in 
chairs, hoping for something to enliven the monotony. 

"The reading clerk finally reached the District of Colum- 
bia, which was next to the last on the list. He had to call 
twice. Finally the figure of a fat man climbed on a chair 
wet with perspiration. His collar was a -rag and his general 
appearance one of complete physical exhaustion. There had 
been a general laugh from the gallery when this representa- 
tive of the District, in a voice that penetrated to every part 
of the big armory, rose to nominate Mr. Bryan for vice- 
president. The pause which ensued seemed to last ten 
minutes. It actually lasted ten seconds, and then came the 
wildest, most hysterical outburst of cheering that had marked 
the convention. From the delegates themselves, from the 
galleries, and from the dim recesses of the great dust-filled 
building there went up a roar that seemed like the whistle 
of a thousand locomotives merged into one. 

"Down in the very front in the seat set apart for him 


feared to speak out on every public question before the 
people of the nation for settlement, and I have not hesi- 
tated to arouse the hostility of individuals where I felt it 
my duty to do so in behalf of my country. 

I have never advocated a man except with gladness 
and I have never opposed a man except in sadness. If 
I have any enemies in this country, those who are my 
enemies have a monopoly of hatred. There is not one 
single human being for whom I feel ill-will. Nor is there 
one American citizen in my own party or in any other 
whom I would oppose for anything unless I believed 
that in not opposing him I was surrendering the inter- 
ests of my country, which I hold above any person. 

I recognize that a man who fights must carry scars 
and I decided long before this campaign commenced that 
I had been in so many battles and had alienated so many 
persons that my party ought to have the leadership of 

by the Nebraska delegation was sitting Bryan. Motionless 
he remained, his palm-leaf fan clenched in his hand; his 
hair disheveled; his face ashen white. But as the cheering 
continued and increased in volume a red blush mantled the 
Commoner's face and head. 'Bryan! We want Bryan!' 
echoed and re-echoed from one section of the hall to the 
other and reverberated back from the ceilings until it was 
deafening. At last Bryan climbed on his chair. 'Platform! 
Platform ! ' the refrain went up, and in obedience to the cry, 
Bryan slowly mounted to the same spot where, a few days 
ago, he had denounced to their faces Murphy, .Eyan and 

"Bryan did not speak long, but every word he uttered 
will ever be remembered by those who heard it. He spoke, 
in a voice that at times trembled with emotion, of regret 
that the personal enmities he had engendered during the six- 
teen years he had been leading democracy, made it necessary 
for him to relinquish the leadership into their hands. 

"The presentation of Mr. Bryan's name was made by a 
District of Columbia delegate whose identity Mr. Bryan has 
not yet learned. Thus brought before the convention dur- 
ing its closing hours, Mr. Bryan delivered, extemporaneously, 
his speech which he called Ms valedictory." 


someone who had not thus offended and who might, there- 
fore, lead with greater hope of victory. 

To-night I come with joy to surrender into the hands 
of the one chosen by this convention a standard which 
I have carried in three campaigns, and I challenge my 
enemies to say that it has ever been lowered in the face 
of the foe. The same belief that led me to prefer an- 
other for the presidency rather than to be a candidate 
myself, leads me to prefer another for the vice presi- 

It is not because the vice presidency is lower in im- 
portance than the presidency that I decline. There is 
no office in this nation so low that I would not accept 
it if I could serve my country by so doing. But I be- 
lieve that I can render more service when I have not the 
embarrassment of a nomination and the suspicion of a 
selfish interest more service than I could as a candi- 
date, but-your candidate will not be more active in this 
campaign that I shall be. My services are at the com- 
mand of the party. I feel relieved that the burden of 
leadership is transferred to other shoulders. 

All I ask is that, having given us a platform, the 
most progressive that any party has ever adopted in this 
nation, and, having given us a candidate, who, I believe, 
will appeal not only to the Democratic vote but to some 
three or four million of Republicans who have been 
alienated by the policies of their party, there is but one 
thing left, and that is to give us a vice president who 
is also progressive, so that there will be no joint debate 
between our candidates. 

In conclusion, I second the nomination, not of one 
man, but of two : Governor Burke, of North Dakota, and 
Senator Chamberlain, of Oregon. 



Following the nomination of Governor Wilson for 
the presidency, Mr. Bryan gave out the follow- 
ing statement to the newspapers, which was pub- 
lished Wednesday morning, July 3d: 

"I feel sure that the action of the convention thus 
far will appeal to the country. I had no choice among 
the progressive candidates, but from the first included 
Governor Wilson in every list I had occasion to make. 
His action in coming out strongly against Mr. Parker 
for temporary chairman was the turning point in his 
campaign. The country is progressive; nearly all of 
the Democratic party and more than half of the Repub- 
lican party are progressives. 

"The paramount question before this convention was 
whether we would take sides with the reactionaries, thus 
encouraging the organization of a third party and giv- 
ing to this third party the hope of defeating the reac- 
tionaries divided. This on the one side and the nomina- 
tion of a ticket that would so appeal to the people as 
to make a third party impossible were the issues. 

"I am satisfied that with Mr. Wilson running for 
the presidency on such a platform (and I know what 
this is) there will be very few progressive Republicans 
who will not feel justified in supporting the Democratic 
ticket. If I were to make an estimate, I should say that 
not less than 2,000,000 majority of the popular vote and 
enough of the electoral college to constitute an over- 
whelming majority will be found in the Democratic col- 
umn in November. 

"The action of the convention in adopting the anti- 
Morgan-Ryan-Belmont resolution has demonstrated that 
the Democratic party is not only progressive, but bold 
enough to throw down the gauntlet to the predatory in- 


"It is fortunate that Mr. Wilson's nomination was 
made without the aid of Mr. Murphy. It is no reflec- 
tion on the many good Democrats in the delegation to 
say this. From every standpoint the outlook is hopeful. 

"When the Republican convention adjourned it be- 
came even more evident that circumstances required 
some emphatic action on the part of our convention to 
insure a progressive vote under our banner. 

"The incidents of the convention have in a strange 
way emphasized the progressivism of our party far 
more than I thought, and the convention has decided 
with rare unanimity that Governor Wilson fits into the 
conditions which the Republican convention has helped 
in creating. 

"Knowing the contents of the platform, for I helped 
in framing it, and feeling sure that the nominee for 
vice-president will strengthen the ticket, it is needless to 
say that I am gratified to see our party raising the 
banner of progressive Democracy and calling to the 
progressive portions of the nation to join in restoring 
the government to the hands of the people, that it may 
in truth be a 'government of the people, for the people, 
and by the people.' It has been a long convention, but 
the results are well worth the time." 


We, the representatives of the Democratic party 
of the United States, in national convention as- 
sembled, reaffirm our devotion to the principles of 
Democratic government formulated by Thomas 
Jefferson and enforced by a long and illustrious 
line of Democratic presidents. 

We declare it to be a fundamental principle of 
the Democratic party that the federal government, 
under the constitution, has no right or power to 
impose or collect tariff duties, except for the pur- 
pose of revenue, and we demand that the collec- 
tion of such taxes shall be limited to the necessi- 
ties of government, honestly and economically 

The high Republican tariff is the principal cause 
of the unequal distribution of wealth, it is a sys- 
tem of taxation which makes the rich richer and 
the poor poorer; under its operations the Ameri- 
can farmer and laboring man are the chief suffer- 
ers; it raises the cost of the necessaries of life to 
them, but does not protect their product or wages. 

The farmer sells largely in free markets and 
buys almost entirely in the protected markets. 


In the most highly protected industries, such as 
cotton and wool, steel and iron, the wages of the 
laborers are the lowest paid in any of our indus- 

We denounce the Republican pretense on that 
subject and assert that American wages are estab- 
lished by competitive conditions and not by the 

We favor the immediate downward revision of 
the existing high and, in many cases, prohibitive 
tariff duties, insisting that material reductions be 
speedily made upon the necessaries of life. Articles 
entering into competition with trust controlled 
products and articles of American manufacture 
which are sold abroad more cheaply than at home 
should be put upon the free list. 

We recognize that our system of tariff taxation 
is intimately connected with the business of the 
country and we favor the ultimate attainment of 
the principles we advocate by legislation that will 
not injure or destroy legitimate industry. 

We denounce the action of President Taft in 
vetoing the bills to reduce the tariff in the cotton, 
woolen, metals, the chemicals schedules and the 
farmers' free list bill, all of which were designed 
to give immediate relief to the masses from the ex- 
actions of the trusts. 

The Republican party, while promising tariff 
revision, has shown by its tariff legislation that 


such revision is not to be in the people's interest 
and having been faithless to its pledges of 1908 
it should no longer enjoy the confidence of the na- 
tion. We appeal to the American people to sup- 
port us in our demand for a tariff for revenue 

The high cost of living is a serious problem in 
every American home. The Republican party, in 
its platform, attempts to escape from responsibility 
for present conditions by denying that they are 
due to a protective tariff. "We take issue with 
them on this subject and charge that excessive 
prices result in a large measure from the high 
tariff laws enacted and maintained by the Repub- 
lican party and from trusts and commercial con- 
spiracies fostered and encouraged by such laws, 
and we assert that no substantial relief can be se- 
cured for the people until import duties on the 
necessaries of life are materially reduced and these 
criminal conspiracies broken up. 

A private monopoly is indefensible and intoler- 
able. We therefore favor the vigorous enforce- 
ment of the criminal as well as the civil law against 
trust and trust officials, and demand the enactment 
of such additional legislation as may be necessary 
to make it impossible for a private monopoly to 
exist in the United States. 

We favor the .declaration by law of the condi- 
tions upon which corporations shall be permitted 


to engage in interstate trade, including, among 
others, the prevention of holding companies, of 
interlocking directors, of stock watering, of dis- 
crimination in price, and the control by any one 
corporation of so large a proportion of any in- 
dustry as to make it a menace to competitive con- 

We condemn the action of the Republican ad- 
ministration in compromising with the Standard 
Oil Company and the Tobacco Trust and its fail- 
ure to invoke the criminal provisions of the anti- 
trust law against the officers of those corporations 
after the court had declared that from the undis- 
puted facts in the record they had violated the 
criminal provisions of the law. 

We regret that the Sherman antitrust law has 
received a judicial construction depriving it of 
much of its efficacy and we favor the enactment of 
legislation which will restore the statute the 
strength of which it has been deprived by such 

We believe in the preservation and maintenance 
in their full strength and integrity of the three 
coordinate branches of the federal government 
the executive, the legislative and the judicial 
each keeping within its own bounds and not en- 
croaching upon the just powers of either of the 

Believing that the most efficient results under 


our system of government are to be attained by the 
full exercise by the States of their reserved sov- 
reign powers, we denounce as usurpation the efforts 
of our opponents to deprive the States of any of 
the rights reserved to them, and to enlarge and 
magnify by indirection the powers of the federal 

We insist upon the full exercise of all the powers 
of the government, both State and national, to pro- 
tect the people from injustice at the hands of 
those who seek to make the government a private 
asset in business. There is no twilight zone be- 
tween the nation and the State in which exploiting 
interests can take refuge from both. It is as neces- 
sary that the federal government shall exercise the 
powers reserved to it, but we insist that federal 
remedies for the regulation of interstate commerce 
and for the prevention of private monopoly shall 
be added to and not substituted for State remedies. 

We congratulate the country upon the triumph 
of two important reforms demanded in the last 
national platform namely : the amendment of the 
federal constitution authorizing an income tax and 
the amendment providing for the popular election 
of senators, and we call upon the people of all the 
States to rally to the support of the pending prop- 
ositions and secure their ratification. 

We note with gratification the unanimous senti- 
ment in favor of publicity before the election of 


campaign contributions a measure demanded in 
our national platform of 1908 and at that time op- 
posed by the Republican party and we commend 
the Democratic house of representatives for ex- 
tending the doctrine of publicity to recommenda- 
tions, verbal and written, upon which presidential 
appointments are made, to the ownership and con- 
trol of newspapers, and to the expenditures made 
by and in behalf of those who aspire to presiden- 
tial nominations, and we point for additional justi- 
fication for this legislation to the enormous expen- 
ditures of money in behalf of the President and his 
predecessor in the recent presidential contest for 
the Republican nomination for President. 

The movement toward more popular government 
should be promoted through legislation in each 
State which will permit the expression of the pref- 
erence of the electors for national candidates at 
presidential primaries. 

We direct that the national committee incorpo- 
rate in the call for the next nominating convention 
a requirement that all expressions of preference 
for presidential candidates shall be given and the 
selection of delegates and alternates made through 
a primary election conducted by the party organi- 
zation in each State where such expression and 
election are not provided for by State law. 

Committeemen who are hereafter to constitute 
the membership of the Democratic national com- 


mittee and whose election is not provided for by 
law, shall be chosen in each State at such primary 
elections and the service and authority of com- 
mitteemen, however chosen, shall begin immedi- 
ately upon the receipt of their credentials. 

"We pledge the Democratic party to the enact- 
ment of a law prohibiting any corporation from 
contributing to a campaign fund and any indi- 
vidual from contributing any amount above a rea- 
sonable maximum. 

We favor a single presidential term and to that 
end urge the adoption of an amendment to the 
constitution making the President of the United 
States ineligible for reelection, and we pledge the 
candidate of this convention to this principle. 

At this time, when the Eepublican party, after 
a generation of unlimited power in its control of 
the federal government, is rent into factions, it is 
opportune to point to the record of accomplish- 
ments of the Democratic house of representatives 
in the sixty-second congress. We indorse its ac- 
tion and we challenge comparison of its record with 
that of any congress which has been controlled by 
our opponents. 

We call the attention of the patriotic citizens of 
our country to its record of efficiency, economy 
and constructive legislation: 

It has, among other achievements, revised the 
rules of the house of representatives so as to give 


to the representatives of the American people free- 
dom of speech and of action in advocating, propos- 
ing and perfecting remedial legislation. 

It has passed bills for the relief of the people 
and the development of our country; it has en- 
deavored to revise the tariff taxes downward in the 
interest of the consuming masses and thus to re- 
duce the high cost of living. 

It has proposed an amendment to the federal 
constitution providing for the election of United 
States senators by the direct vote of the people. 

It has secured the admission of Arizona and New 
Mexico as two sovereign States. 

It has required the publicity of campaign ex- 
penses both before and after election and fixed a 
limit upon the election expenses of United States 
senators and representatives. 

It has also passed a bill to prevent the abuse of 
the writ of injunction. 

It has passed a law establishing an eight-hour 
day for workmen on all national public work. 

It has passed a resolution which forced the Presi- 
dent to take immediate steps to abrogate the Rus- 
sian treaty. And it has passed the great supply 
bills which lessen waste and extravagance and 
which reduce the annual expenses of the govern- 
ment by many millions of dollars. 

"We approve the measure reported by the Dem- 
ocratic leaders in the house of representatives for 


the creation of a council of national defense which 
will determine a definite naval program with a 
view to increased efficiency and economy. The 
party that proclaimed and has always enforced the 
Monroe doctrine and was sponsor for the new navy, 
will continue faithfully to observe the constitu- 
tional requirements to provide and maintain an 
adequate and well-proportioned navy sufficient to 
defend American policies, protect our citizens, and 
uphold the honor and dignity of the nation. 

We denounce the profligate waste of the money 
wrung from the people by oppressive taxation 
through the lavish appropriations of recent Repub- 
lican congresses, which have kept taxes high, and 
reduced the purchasing power of the people's toil. 
We demand a return to that simplicity and econ- 
omy which befits a Democratic government, and a 
reduction in the number of useless offices, the sal- 
aries of which drain the substance of the people. 

We favor the efficient supervision and rate regu- 
lation of railroads, express companies, telegraph 
and telephone lines engaged in interstate com- 
merce. To this end we recommend the valuation 
of railroads, express companies, and telegraph and 
telephone lines by the interstate commerce com- 
mission, such valuation to take into consideration 
the physical value of the property, the original 
cost, the cost of reproduction, and any element of 
value that will render the valuation fair and just. 


We favor such legislation as will effectually pro- 
hibit the railroads, express, telegraph, and tele- 
phone companies from engaging in. business which 
brings them into competition with their shippers; 
also legislation preventing the overissue of stocks 
and bonds by interstate railroads, express com- 
panies, telegraph and telephone lines and legisla- 
tion which will assure such reduction in transpor- 
tation rates as conditions will permit, care being 
taken to avoid reduction that would compel a re- 
duction of wages, prevent adequate service, or do 
injustice to legitimate investments. 

We oppose the so-called Aldrich monetary bill 
or the establishment of a central bank, and we be- 
lieve the people of this country will be largely 
freed from panics and consequent unemployment 
and business depression by such a systematic re- 
vision of our banking laws as will render tempo- 
rary relief in localities where such relief is needed, 
with protection from control or domination by 
what is known as the "money trust." 

Banks exist for the accommodation of the public 
and not for the control of business. All legisla- 
tion on the subject of banking and currency should 
have for its purpose the securing of these accom- 
modations on terms of absolute security to the 
public and of complete protection from the misuse 
of the power that wealth gives to those who pos- 
sess it. 


We condemn the present methods of depositing 
government funds in a few favored banks, largely 
situated in or controlled by Wall Street, in return 
for political favors, and we pledge our party to 
provide by law for their deposit by competitive 
bidding by the banking institutions of the coun- 
try, national and State, without discrimination as 
to locality, upon approved securities and subject 
to call by the government. 

Of equal importance with the question of cur- 
rency reform is the question of rural credits or 
agricultural finance. Therefore we recommend 
that an investigation of agricultural credit soci- 
eties in foreign countries be made, so that it may 
be ascertained whether a system of rural credits 
may be devised suitable to conditions in the United 
States; and we also favor legislation permitting 
national banks to loan a reasonable proportion of 
their funds on real estate security. 

We recognize the value of vocational education 
and urge federal appropriations for such training 
and extension teaching in agriculture in coopera- 
tion with the several States. 

We renew the declaration in our last platform 
relating to the conservation of our natural re- 
sources and the development of our waterways. 
The present devastation of the lower Mississippi 
Valley accentuates the movement for the regulation 
of river flow by additional bank and levee protec- 


tion below, and the diversion, storage and control 
of the flood waters above and their utilization for 
beneficial purposes in the reclamation of arid and 
swamp lands and the development of water-power, 
instead of permitting the floods to continue, as 
heretofore, agents of destruction 

We hold that the control of the Mississippi Eiver 
is a national problem. The preservation of the 
depth of its water for the purpose of navigation, 
the building of levees to maintain the integrity of 
its channel and the prevention of the overflow of 
the land and its consequent destruction, resulting 
in interruption of interstate commerce, the disor- 
ganization of mail service, and the enormous loss 
of life and property impose an obligation which 
alone can be discharged by the general govern- 

"We favor the cooperation of the United States 
and the respective States in plans for the compre- 
hensive treatment of all waterways with a view 
of coordinating plans for channel improvement 
with plans for drainage of swamp and overflowed 
lands, and to this end we favor the appropriation 
by the federal government of sufficient funds to 
make surveys of such lands, to develop plans for 
draining such lands, and to supervise the work of 

"We favor the adoption of a liberal and compre- 
hensive plan for the development and improve- 


ment of our inland waterways with economy and 
efficiency, so as to permit their navigation by ves- 
sels of standard draft. 

We favor national aid to State and local au- 
thorities in the construction and maintenance of 

"We repeat our declarations of the platform of 
1908 as follows : 

"The courts of justice are the bulwark of our 
liberties and we yield to none in our purpose to 
maintain their dignity. Our party has given to 
the bench a long line of distinguished justices, who 
have added to the respect and confidence in which 
this department must be jealously maintained. We 
resent the attempt of the Republican party to 
raise a false issue respecting the judiciary. It is 
an unjust reflection upon a great body of our citi- 
zens to assume that they lack respect for the 

"It is the function of the court to interpret the 
laws which the people enact, and if the laws ap- 
pear to work economic, social, or political injustice 
it is our duty to change them. The only basis 
upon which the integrity of our courts can stand 
is 'that of unswerving justice and protection of 
life, personal liberty, and property. If judicial 
processes may be abused, we should guard them 
against abuse. 

"Experience has proved the necessity of a modi- 


fication of the present law relating to injunc- 
tion and we reiterate the pledges of our plat- 
forms of 1896 and 1904 in favor of a measure 
which passed the United States Senate in 1896, 
relating to contempt in federal courts and 
providing for trial by jury in cases of indirect 

' ' Questions of judicial practice have arisen, espe- 
cially in connection with industrial disputes. "We 
believe that the parties to all judicial proceedings 
should be treated with rigid impartiality and that 
injunctions should not be issued in any case in 
which an injunction would not issue if no indus- 
trial dispute were involved. 

"The expanding organization of industry makes 
it essential that there should be no abridgment of 
the right of the wage earners and producers to or- 
ganize for the protection of wages and the im- 
provement of labor conditions, to the end that such 
labor organizations and their members should not 
be regarded as illegal combinations in restraint of 

"We pledge the Democratic party to the enact- 
ment of a law creating a department of labor 
represented separately in the President's cabinet, 
in which department shall be included the subject 
of mines and mining." 

We pledge the Democratic party, so far as the 
federal jurisdiction extends, to an employees' com- 


pensation law providing adequate indemnity for 
injury to body or loss of life. 

We believe in encouraging the development of a 
modern system of agriculture and a systematic 
effort to improve the conditions of trade in farm 
products so as to benefit both the consumers and 
producers. And as an efficient means to this end 
we favor the enactment by congress of legislation 
that will suppress the pernicious practice of gam- 
bling in agricultural products by organized ex- 
changes or others. 

We believe in the conservation and the develop- 
ment for the use of all the people, of the natural 
resources of the country. Our forests, our sources 
of water-supply, our arable and our mineral lands, 
our navigable streams, and all other material re- 
sources with which our country has been so lav- 
ishly endowed, constitute the foundation of our 
national wealth. Such additional legislation as 
may be necessary to prevent their being wasted or 
absorbed by special or privileged interests should 
be enacted and the policy of their conservation 
should be rigidly adhered to. 

The public domain should be administered and 
disposed of with due regard to the general wel- 
fare. Reservations should be limited to the pur- 
poses which they purport to serve and not extended 
to include land- wholly unsuited therefor. The 
unnecessary withdrawal from sale and settlement 


of enormous tracts of public land, upon which 
tree growth never existed and cannot be promoted, 
tends only to retard development, create discon- 
tent, and bring reproach upon the policy of con- 

The public land laws should be administered in 
a spirit of the broadest liberality, towards the set- 
tler exhibiting a bona fide purpose to comply there- 
with, to the end that the invitation of this govern- 
ment to the landless should be as attractive as 
possible, and the plain provisions of the forest re- 
serve act permitting homestead entries to be made 
within the national forests should not be nullified 
by administrative regulations which amount to a 
withdrawal of great areas of the same from settle- 

We favor legislation so extending or readjusting 
the payments of water users on the irrigation 
projects in the arid region as to make the burden 
of such payments as reasonable as will be con- 
sistent with justice and sound policy. 

Immediate action should be taken by congress 
to make available the vast and valuable coal de- 
posits of Alaska under conditions that will be a 
perfect guaranty against their falling into the 
hands of monopolizing corporations, associations, 
or interests. 

We believe in fostering by constitutional regula- 
tion of commerce the growth of a merchant marine 


which shall develop and strengthen the commercial 
ties which bind us to our sister republics of the 
south, but without imposing additional burdens 
upon the people and without bounties or subsidies 
from the public treasury. We urge upon congress 
the speedy enactment of laws for the greater se- 
curity of life and property at sea and we favor 
the repeal of all laws and the abrogation of so 
much of our treaties with other nations as provide 
for the arrest and imprisonment of seamen charged 
with desertion or with violation of their contract 
of service. Such laws and treaties are un-Ameri- 
can and violate the spirit if not the letter of the 
constitution of the United States. 

We favor the exemption from tolls of American 
ships engaged in coastwise trade passing through 
the Panama Canal. 

We also favor legislation forbidding the use of 
the Panama Canal by ships owned or controlled 
by railroad carriers engaged in transportation 
competitive with the canal. 

We reaffirm our previous declarations advocat- 
ing the union and strengthening of the various 
governmental agencies relating to pure foods, 
quarantine, vital statistics, and human health. 
Thus united and administered without partiality 
to, or discrimination against, any school of medi- 
cine or system of healing, they would constitute 
a single health service, not subordinated to any 


commercial or financial interests, but devoted ex- 
clusively to the conservation of human life and 
efficiency. Moreover, this health service should 
cooperate with the health agencies of our various 
States and cities without interference with their 
prerogatives or with the freedom of individuals to 
employ such medical or hygienic aid as they may 

see fit. 

* * 

We reaffirm the position thrice announced by 
the Democracy in national convention assembled 
against a policy of imperialism and colonial ex- 
ploitation in the Philippines or elsewhere. We 
condemn the experiment in imperialism as an in- 
excusable blunder which has involved us in enor- 
mous expense, brought us weakness instead of 
strength, and laid our nation open to the charge 
of abandonment of the fundamental doctrine of 
self-government. We favor an immediate declara- 
tion of the nation's purpose to recognize the inde- 
pendence of the Philippine Islands as soon as a 
stable government can be established, such indepen- 
dence to be guaranteed by us until the neutraliza- 
tion of the islands can be secured by treaty with 
other powers. In recognizing the independence of 
the Philippines our government should retain such 
land as may be necessary for coaling stations and 
naval bases. 

We welcome Arizona and New Mexico to the 


sisterhood of States and heartily congratulate them 
upon their auspicious beginning of great and glori- 
ous careers. 

* * 

We commend the patriotism of the Democratic 
members of the senate and house of representatives 
which compelled the termination of the Russian 
treaty of 1832, and we pledge ourselves anew to 
preserve the sacred rights of American citizenship 
at home and abroad. No treaty should receive the 
sanction of our government which does not recog- 
nize the equality of all our citizens, irrespective 
of race or creed, and which does not expressly 
guarantee the fundamental right of expatriation. 

The constitutional rights of American citizens 
should protect them on our borders and go with 
them throughout the world, and every American 
citizen residing or having property in any foreign 
country is entitled to and must be given the full 
protection of the United States government, both 
for himself and his property. 

We favor the establishment of a parcels-post or 
postal express and also the extension of the rural 
delivery system as rapidly as practicable. 

We call attention to the fact that the Democratic 
party's demand for a return to the rule of the 
people expressed in the national platform four 
years ago has now become the accepted doctrine of 
a large majority of the electors. We again remind 


the country that only by a larger exercise of the 
reserved power of the people can they protect 
themselves from the misuse of delegated power and 
the usurpation of governmental instrumentality by 
special interest. For this reason the national con- 
vention insisted on the overthrow of Cannonism 
and the inauguration of a system by which United 
State senators could be elected by direct vote. 
The Democratic party offers itself to the country as 
an agency through which the complete overthrow 
and extirpation of corruption, fraud and machine 
rule in American politics can be effected. 

Our platform is one of principles which we be- 
lieve to be essential to our national welfare. Our 
pledges are made to be kept when in office as well 
as relied upon during the campaign, and we invite 
the cooperation of all citizens, regardless of party, 
who believe in maintaining unimpaired the insti- 
tutions and traditions of our country. 



Mr. Bryan's comments as published on August 9th. 

Governor "Wilson's speech accepting the Demo- 
cratic nomination is original in its method of deal- 
ing with the issues of the campaign. Instead of 
taking up the platform plank by plank, he takes 
the central idea of the Denver platform an idea 
repeated and emphasized in the Baltimore plat- 
form and elaborates it, using the various ques- 
tions under consideration to illustrate the applica- 
tion of the principle. Taking the doctrine that a 
government is an organization formed for the peo- 
ple themselves and to be perfected by them as an 
instrument for the accomplishment of such co- 
operative work as is necessary, he shows how all 
the evils complained of at the present time grow 
out of the appropriation by a few of the instru- 
mentalities of government. His speech gives strik- 
ing evidence of the force of cumulative testimony 
and also illustrates the power of intelligent analy- 
sis. In taking his position so strongly he pre- 


empts the ground that Mr. Boosevelt's new party 
seeks to occupy. 

In the course of his argument he indorses the 
Democratic demand for the popular election of 
senators, presidential primaries, and "Publicity 
as to everything that concerns government, from 
the sources of campaign funds to the intimate de- 
bate of the highest affairs of the State." Instead 
of using epithets and employing denunciation 
against those who have abused existing systems he 
seeks reform along rational lines and would cure 
those defects in governmental forms which have 
been discovered by experience. 

The election of senators by the pople will bring 
that body within the reach of the voters and con- 
vert it from a bulwark of predatory wealth, in 
which seats have been secured by corrupt means 
and by the aid of favor-seeking corporations, into 
a popular body responsive to the people's will. 
This reform has been described in a former Demo- 
cratic platform as "the gateway to other reforms" 
and it would be difficult to overestimate the bene- 
ficial effects of this constitutional change. 

The presidential primaries which the Baltimore 
platform indorses, and which Governor Wilson 
defends, will correct another long-standing and 
grievous abuse, namely, the selection of presidential 
candidates in conventions where trading and swap- 
ping can defeat the wishes of the people. Ingrati- 


tude has been described as a greater sin than re- 
venge, because the former is the repayment of good 
with ill while the latter is the repayment of ill 
with ill. We must, therefore, consider at all times 
the effect of the obligations incurred when so great 
an honor as the presidency is bestowed upon a pub- 
lic man, however well meaning, by those who may 
be in control of the convention. It is impossible 
for a man so nominated and so obligated to give 
to the public the sort of service that the public has 
a right to demand. When the presidential pri- 
mary is adopted in all of the States, as it is quite 
sure to be within the next four years, the people 
will be in position to confer the office of chief 
executive upon the man of their choice and the 
nominee, being obligated to the people and to the 
people alone, will rise to the requirements of his 
high position. 

Governor Wilson properly estimates the value 
of publicity as shown by his sweeping indorse- 
ment of the party's position on that subject. The 
demand for publicity is now so universal that one 
finds it hard to understand how secrecy could 
have been tolerated so long; how an intelligent 
people could have been so slow to recognize that 
elections and all official service are public affairs. 

These three reforms, the popular election of 
senators, the presidential primaries, and publicity 
will, in themselves, revolutionize American poli- 


tics and put the people in control of the federal 

Governor Wilson devotes considerable time to 
the tariff question. After announcing that "There 
should be an immediate revision" and that "it 
should be downward, unhesitatingly and steadily 
downward," he proceeds to point out the lines 
along which reduction should proceed. He says 
that it should begin with the schedules which have 
been most obviously used to kill competition and 
to raise prices in the United States, arbitrarily 
with regard to the prices pertaining elsewhere in 
the markets of the world, and that ' ' before it is fin- 
ished or intermitted it should extend to every item 
in every schedule which affords any opportunity 
for monopoly, for special advantage to limited 
groups of beneficiaries or for subsidized control of 
any kind in the markets of the country until spe- 
cial favor of every source shall have been abso- 
lutely withdrawn and every part of our laws of 
taxation shall have been transformed from a sys- 
tem of governmental patronage into a system of 
just and reasonable charges which shall fall where 
they will create the least burden." When we shall 
have done this, he continues, we can fix questions 
of revenue and business adjustment in a new spirit 
and with clear minds. 

This is a very strong statement of the Demo- 
cratic position and will commend itself to those 


who seek the overthrow of the doctrine that pro- 
tection should be given for protection's sake and 
the establishment of the doctrine that tariff laws 
should be framed for the purpose of raising rev- 
enues and for that purpose only. He recognizes, 
and in his speech declares, that there has been 
no more demoralizing influence in our politics than 
the idea that "the government is the grand dis- 
penser of favors, the maker and unmaker of for- 
tunes," and he tersely presents the axiomatic truth 
that favors are never conceived in the general in- 
terest, but always for the benefit of the few. 

While planting himself firmly upon the prin- 
ciple that tariff laws should be framed for the pur- 
pose of collecting revenue, be so framed as to 
collect revenue with the least hardship and be 
carried no further than the necessity of the gov- 
ernment requires, he approves of the platform 
declaration that reductions should be made gradu- 
ally rather than at one stroke. 

Governor Wilson deals at some length with the 
trust question also. He states the conclusions 
which can now be drawn from experience and as- 
serts an economic truth, namely, that while up to a 
certain point combinations effect economies in ad- 
ministration and increase efficiency by simplify- 
ing and perfecting organization, still that this is 
true only within limits. It is fortunate for the 
discussion of the subject that he points out that 


combination and concentration are not economi- 
cally beneficial when carried too far. The trust 
magnates assume that a billion-dollar corporation 
can produce more economically than a fifty-million- 
dollar corporation, merely because a fifty-million- 
dollar corporation may be able to produce more 
economically than a fifty-thousand-dollar corpora- 
tion. The socialist makes the same mistake. Both 
overlook the fact that there is a leak at each step 
in the descent of authority from the official head of 
the concern down to the hand of the workman and 
that, in time, the total leakage overcomes what- 
ever economic advantage there would otherwise be 
in consolidation. 

He states the Democratic position without equiv- 
ocation or evasion when he declares that he can 
arrest and prevent monopoly, and that competi- 
tion can, in a large measure, be revived by chang- 
ing the laws and forbidding the practises that killed 
it. The real issue presented by the trust question is 
whether we shall attempt to restore competition as 
an effective force or accept the position advanced 
by socialists and trust magnates, namely, that all 
competition is hurtful and that monopoly must be 
accepted as an economic necessity. He takes the 
Democratic position that monopolies are the result 
of unwise laws rather than a natural development 
and that the cure is to be found in the withdrawal 
of the support which legislation or lack of govern- 
mental administrative efficiency has conferred. 


In discussing the labor question Governor Wil- 
son has happily protested against the distinctions 
that have been drawn between the laboring classes 
and classes described in other ways. He insists 
that laws that safeguard the lives of laboring men, 
that improve the physical and moral conditions 
under which they live and make their hours ra- 
tional and tolerable, together with the laws that 
give them freedom to act in their own interest and 
protect them where they cannot protect themselves 
that such laws cannot be properly regarded as 
class legislation or as anything but measures taken 
in the interest of the whole people. 

Without attempting to outline a plan of cur- 
rency reform he declares that no mere banker's 
plan will meet the requirements, no matter how 
honestly conceived; that it must be a merchants' 
and farmers' plan as well. This states in another 
form the doctrine of the Baltimore platform, 
namely, that banks exist not for the control of 
commerce, but for the accommodation of the pub- 
lic, and that legislation on this subject should have 
for its object the securing of these accommodations 
with protection to the public from the abuse of the 
power which wealth brings to those who possess it. 

Governor Wilson 's treatment of the Philippine 
question will be gratifying to those who have in 
four campaigns indorsed the Democratic protest 
against imperialism. He declares that we are not 


the owners of the Philippine Islands; that we are 
not even their partners, but that we hold them in 
trust for the people who live in them. 

While the speech of acceptance is not long, it 
covers a very wide field. The Democratic candi- 
date is in hearty sympathy with the conservation 
of the nation's resources, with the development 
of water transportation, with the completion of 
the canal, with the revival of the merchant marine, 
and with the extension of postal facilities. He 
recognizes the importance of health as a national 
asset and of vocational training for the people. 
His work as an educator naturally predisposes him 
to large views on all subjects connected with the 
separation of the young for the highest usefulness. 
He is a champion of economy in government; in 
a word, he believes that the government should not 
only be conducted by the people but, as would nat- 
urally follow, should be conducted in the interest 
of all the people. Without assuming to formulate 
a detailed plan for dealing with every condition 
which may arise, he lifts into a position of su- 
preme importance the dominating thought of the 
Baltimore platform and appeals to the country for 
its cooperation in making popular government a 
reality throughout the land. 



From an article by Joseph L. Bristow, United 
States Senator from Kansas, published in the 
New York "World" and St. Louis "Post-Dis- 

The nomination of Woodrow Wilson by the 
Democratic convention is the greatest triumph that 
has come to William J. Bryan in his career, far 
greater than his first nomination, which was the 
result of his speech to the Chicago convention. 
Then the delegates were in condition to be moved 
by the spectacular demonstration of his oratorical 
powers. His fight for a progressive platform at St. 
Louis up to this time probably showed his greatest 
strength as a tenacious fighter. His nomination 
for the third time was not opposed seriously, be- 
cause it was not believed that the Democratic party 
had a chance for success. 

But with flattering prospects this year that the 
nominee would be elected the enemies of Mr. Bry- 
an 's theories of government have made every effort 
to guard against control of the convention, so that 


no one in accord with his views and purposes could 
be nominated. Indeed, it appeared that they had 
paved an easy way for the nomination of Speaker 
Clark, but they had not reckoned with the power 
of Bryan's personality as a delegate in the con- 

For a week I watched closely his masterful hand. 
Beaten on the first day for temporary chairman 
by a decisive vote, it clearly appeared that he did 
not control a majority of the delegates to the con- 
vention. His enemies, the reactionaries in the 
Democratic party, were elated, but Bryan was calm 
in defeat and confident of ultimate success. He 
relied on that irresistible influence in American 
politics, which he termed the ' ' folks at home, ' ' but 
which I shall style public opinion. 

No convention or legislative body in this country 
can stand a great while against concentrated pub- 
lic opinion. And while the reactionary Democrats 
gnashed their teeth furiously at Bryan, sent forth 
their prize orators to denounce him, and vented 
their hatred and anger, insulting remarks and 
jeers, yet he, in the midst of all the rancorous tur- 
moil, cool and self-possessed, continued with a 
masterful hand to wield his tremendous power over 
the convention. He relied with supreme confi- 
dence on the force of public opinion to bring the 
convention to his feet, and he succeeded, in my 
judgment, beyond his expectations. 



Governor Wilson is under obligations to many 
friends who have worked for his nomination with 
an ardor that should be exceedingly gratifying to 
him, yet there is one man whose support and domi- 
nating force gave him the nomination, and to-day, 
towering above other party leaders in American 
politics, stands the gigantic figure of William J. 

' 'WORLD." 

Mr. Bryan was the hero of the Baltimore con- 
vention. There can be no doubt of that. 

He might have done more, he might have done 
less and he might have done some things differ- 
ently, but he is the man who made the fight ; he is 
the man who shaped the issues ; he is the man who 
controlled events. 

Whether in all things wisely, whether in all 
things unselfishly, whether in all things loyally 
devoted to Governor Wilson, it was his courage, his 
clearness of vision, his knowledge of the forces 
with which he had to contend and his splendid 
mental and physical endurance that gained the 

We pay this tribute to Mr. Bryan because it is 
deserved, and we find the more pleasure in it be- 
cause for many years past there have been occa- 
sions almost without number on which we were 


compelled to disagree with him and to oppose 


The service done by Mr. Bryan to his party and 
the country will not be forgotten. Nobody has in 
recent years illustrated more wonderfully the truth 
that the United States is a country in which men 
often grow surprisingly after they have reached 
middle life. 

Mr. Bryan at Baltimore had all the honesty, 
courage, and sympathy which have made him leader 
of the Democratic liberal masses, and he had a ma- 
turity, a strength, a distinguished economy of ef- 
fort, a logic, a control, which marked him as a 
more formidable and a more complete figure than 
he has been before in any of his campaigns. We 
liked the "boy orator" of 1896. We admire and 
trust the fighting statesman of 1912. 


Mr. Bryan is being credited with having caused 
all the turmoil that has existed, and still is existing 
at the Baltimore convention. It is being said that 
were it not for Bryan the convention would easily 
have finished its work by Thursday or Friday, and 
the Democratic party would have entered the cam- 
paign united and in perfect harmony. 


All of this is true. Had it not been for Mr. 
Bryan the Democratic party would now be con- 
tent, but corrupt; harmonious but hypocritical; 
united, but with the unity of a boss-driven party 
rather than the unity of a free people acting in 
promotion of the common good. 

When Mr. Bryan appeared on the scene every- 
thing was harmonious. The bosses had agreed. 
There was nothing left for the delegates to do ex- 
cept to serve as a rubber stamp, a phonograph. 
The same old program had been arranged. Irrec- 
oncilable forces were to be placated, apparently. 
A platform that should be written by the radicals 
and promising almost anything the people wanted 
was to be adopted. 

The progressives were to be kept in line by the 
platform promises; the reactionaries were to be 
kept in line by the secret knowledge that the nom- 
inees were perfectly "safe and sane," and could 
be relied upon not to compel the party to live up 
to the platform ; Mr. Bryan and his ilk were to fur- 
nish the oratory and beat the bushes ; Mr. Belmont, 
Ryan, and their ilk were to furnish the money, 
and ultimately dominate the adminstration. The 
people were eventually to hold the sack, as they 
have always done. 

Into this very satisfactory harmony program to 
the bosses and of the bosses, Mr. Bryan threw a 
bomb. The pieces are still in the air. All that Mr. 


Bryan demanded was that cardinal virtue of sin- 
cerity. He demanded that if the Democratic party 
was to make an appeal to the people upon the 
ground that it was progressive and stood for popu- 
lar government, that it be a progressive convention 
from start to finish. He demanded that it be kept 
free from any obligations to the reactionary ele- 
ment or to the forces of Special Privilege or to the 
bosses. He demanded that a progressive sound the 
keynote, a progressive write the platform, and 
what was of the greatest consequence, a progres- 
sive be nominated who would hold the party to its 
promises, in event it won at the polls. 




Bryan's greatest strength in the convention 
came from the assumption that he was looking for 
nothing for himself. For four months prior to the 
convention, he had had under consideration the 
suggestion that he become temporary chairman of 
the convention. He had the assurance of the 
chairman of the national committee that the mem- 
bers of the committee on arrangements would sup- 
port him for the post if he would indicate a 
willingness to serve; in fact, there would have 
been no opposition to Mr. Bryan for temporary 
chairman, either in the national committee or the 


convention itself, if he had desired the place and 
made known his desire prior to the meeting of the 
arrangement committee in Baltimore who decided 
the temporary chairmanship in favor of Judge 
Parker. But Mr. Bryan stated long before that 
meeting his disinclination to serve. About a 
month before the convention he sent a letter to the 
chairman of the national committee, of which the 
following is a copy: 

"Hon. Norman E. Mack, Buffalo, N. Y. : 

"My Dear Mack I wrote you the other day suggesting 
that the committee should ask the two leading candi- 
dates I suppose they will be Clark and Wilson to 
agree upon the temporary chairman. I believe it would 
be conducive to harmony if we could get a man who 
would be agreeable to both of these candidates. I 
neglected to add that I do not desire the position myself. 
I think that under the circumstances it is better for me 
not to take a prominent part in the organization of the 
convention. I suppose I will be a member of the com- 
mittee on resolutions from this state. I have not con- 
ferred with the members of the delegation, but I take it 
for granted from the personnel that the members of the 
delegation will favor me for that position. 
''Very truly yours, 

"W. J. BRYAN." 

Nothing could be more conclusive of Mr. 
Bryan's desire for self-elimination in the bestowal 
of convention and party honors at Baltimore. 
Although differing with him as to the selection of 
the temporary chairman, and the substance of 
some of his speeches in the convention, we believe 


it untrue and unfair to put a personal ambition at 
the base of his fight for a progressive chairman to 
sound the convention keynote, a progressive can- 
didate and a progressive platform. That he was 
not plotting for his own nomination is clearly evi- 
dent. His friends knew that. If there are some 
who do not believe it to be true, the foregoing let- 
ter ought to be a convincing argument. 

Part Three 

CHICAGO, AUGUST 5-7, 1912 

(Nora. It was the original intention of Mr. Bryan to treat in this work 
only the regular Republican and Democratic conventions. Subsequently he 
decided to include in the volume the speech of Ex-President Roosevelt before 
the Progressive convention and the Progressive party platform, with his com- 
ments on both, as published in leading daily newspapers immediately following 
the close of the convention. 

It is interesting to note here, as to Mr. Bryan's letters from the Republican 
convention at Chicago, that, hi asking for a ticket for the press gallery, Mr, 
Bryan promised the Chairman of the National Committee that he would not 
say anything worse about Mr. Taft and Mr. Roosevelt than they had said about 
each other; but that understanding would leave him sufficient to say. 

Mr. Bryan felt that he was in a position to report the Republican con- 
vention with fairness and completeness. He knew both Mr. Taft and Mr. 
Roosevelt well enough to know what they had said about each other, and he 
was willing to give it the widest publicity. Mr. Bryan occupied seat Number 
13 in the press gallery at the Republican convention, and it was not an un- 
lucky seat either.) 



In obedience to the call of the provisional na- 
tional committee, the first national convention of 
the Progressive party assembled in Chicago on 
Monday, August 5, 1912. Albert J. Beveridge, 
former United States Senator from Indiana, was 
made temporary chairman without opposition, and 
O. K. Davis was made secretary. The temporary 
organization was afterward made permanent. Mr. 
Beveridge 's keynote speech was the only feature of 
the first day's session. 

On Tuesday, the second day, ex-President Roose- 
velt appeared before the convention by invitation 
and delivered a speech which was called his "con- 
fession of faith." This speech and the platform 
later adopted agreed almost identically on all im- 
portant points. Mr. Roosevelt's appearance was 
the signal for an enthusiastic demonstration which 
lasted 55 minutes. 

In concluding his speech Mr. Roosevelt departed 
from the original text to explain his attitude to- 
ward the colored race, with particular reference to 


the reasons given for refusing seats as delegates to 
colored men from the South. He said the southern 
negro politician had brought about the split in the 
Republican party, and that the best interests of the 
colored race could be served by keeping this type 
of politician out of the councils of the new party. 

The report of the committee on credentials, sub- 
sequently adopted, barred out colored delegates 
from southern states. 

On "Wednesday permanent organization was ef- 
fected, committees' reports were adopted and the 
platform accepted without opposition. 

Mr. Roosevelt was placed in nomination for the 
presidency by Comptroller William A. Prendergast 
of New York City, and seconding speeches were 
made by a number of persons, including Miss Jane 
Addams, the Chicago social worker. The nomina- 
tion by acclamation \was made unanimous. 

Grov. Hiram Johnson of California was placed 
in nomination for the vice-presidency by John M. 
Parker of New Orleans. Judge Ben Lindsey of 
Denver seconded the nomination and moved that 
it be made by acclamation. After other seconding 
speeches had been made, Judge Lindsey 's motion 
was put and carried unanimously. 

Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Johnson were then sum- 
moned before the convention and notified of their 
respective nominations. Amid enthusiasm both ac- 
cepted in brief but vigorous speeches. 


The convention, which had been made unusual 
by the singing of hymns and patriotic songs, ad- 
journed at 7:24 on Wednesday evening with the 
singing of the doxology, and a benediction. 



To you, men and women who have come here to this 
great city of this great State formally to launch a new 
party, a party of the people of the whole Union, the 
National Progressive Party, I extend my hearty greet- 
ing. You are taking a bold and a greatly needed step 
for the service of our beloved country. The old parties 
are husks, with no real soul within either, divided on ar- 
tificial lines, boss-ridden and privilege-controlled, each 
a jumble of incongruous elements, and neither daring to 
speak out wisely and fearlessly what should be said on 
the vital issues of the day. This new movement is a 
movement of truth, sincerity, and wisdom, a movement 
which proposes to put at the service of all our people 
the collective power of the people, through their govern- 
mental agencies, alike in the nation and in the several 
States. We propose boldly to face the real and great 
questions of the day, and not skilfully to evade them as 
do the old parties. We propose to raise aloft a stand- 
ard to which all honest men can repair, and under which 
all can fight, no matter what their past political differ- 
ences, if they are content to face the future and no longer 
to dwell among the dead issues of the past. We propose 
to put forth a platform which will not be a platform of 
the ordinary and insincere kind, but shall be a contract 
with the people; and, if the people accept this contract 
by putting us in power, we shall- hold ourselves under 
honorable obligation to fulfil every promise it contains 
as loyally as if it were actually enforceable under the 
penalties of the law. 

. 250 


The prime need to-day is to face the fact that we are 
now in the midst of a great economic evolution. There 
is urgent necessity of applying both common sense and 
the highest ethical standard to this movement for bet- 
ter economic conditions among the mass of our people 
if we are to make it one of healthy evolution and not 
one of revolution. It is, from the standpoint of our 
country, wicked as well as foolish longer to refuse to 
face the real issues of the day. Only by so facing them 
can we go forward; and to do this we must break up 
the old party organizations and obliterate the old cleav- 
age lines on the dead issues inherited from fifty years 
ago. Our fight is a fundamental fight against both of 
the old corrupt party machines, for both are under the 
dominion of the plunder league of the professional poli- 
ticians who are controlled and sustained by the great 
beneficiaries of privilege and reaction. How close is the 
alliance between the two machines is shown by the atti- 
tude of that portion of those northeastern newspapers, 
including the majority of the great dailies in all the 
northeastern cities Boston, Buffalo, Springfield, Hart- 
ford, Philadelphia, and, above all, New York which are 
controlled by or representative of the interests which, in 
popular phrase, are conveniently grouped together as 
the Wall Street interests. 

The large majority of these papers supported Judge 
Parker for the presidency in 1904; almost unanimously 
they supported Mr. Taft for the Republican nomination 
this year; the large majority are now supporting Pro- 
fessor Wilson for the election. Some of them still pre- 
fer Mr. Taft to Mr. Wilson, but all make either Mr. 
Taft or Mr. Wilson their first choice; and one of the 
ludicrous features of the campaign is that those papers 
supporting Professor Wilson sow the most jealous par- 
tizanship for Mr. Taft whenever they think his inter- 
ests are jeopardized by the Progressive movement that, 
for instance, any electors will obey the will of the ma- 
jority of the Republican voters at the primaries, and vote 


for me instead of obeying the will of the Messrs. Barnes- 
Penrose-Guggenheim combination by voting with it for 
Mr. Taft. 

No better proof can be given than this of the fact 
that the fundamental concern of the privileged interests 
is to beat the new party. Some of them would rather 
beat it with Mr. Wilson; others would rather beat it 
with Mr. Taft; but the difference between Mr. Wilson 
and Mr. Taft they consider as trivial, as a mere matter 
of personal preference. Their real fight is for either 
as against the Progressives. They represent the allied 
Reactionaries of the country, and they are against the new 
party because to their unerring vision it is evident that 
the real danger to privilege comes from the new party, 
and from the new party alone. The men who presided 
over the Baltimore and the Chicago conventions, and the 
great bosses who controlled the two conventions, Mr. Root 
and Mr. Parker, Mr. Barnes and Mr. Murphy, Mr. Pen- 
rose and Mr. Taggart, Mr. Guggenheim and Mr. Sulli- 
van, differ from one another of course on certain points. 
But these are the differences which one corporation law- 
yer has with another corporation lawyer when acting for 
different corporations. They come together at once as 
against a common enemy when the dominion of both is 
threatened by the supremacy of the people of the United 
States, now aroused to the need of a national align- 
ment on the vital economic issues of this generation. 

Neither the Republican nor the Democratic platform 
contains the slightest promise of approaching the great 
problems of to-day either with understanding or good 
faith; and yet never was there greater need in this na- 
tion than now of understanding, and of action taken in 
good faith, on the part of the men and the organiza- 
tions shaping our governmental policy. Moreover, our 
needs are such that there should be coherent action among 
those responsible for the conduct of State affairs; be- 
cause our aim should be the same in both State and na- 
tion ; that is, to use the Government as an efficient agency 


for the practical betterment of social and economic con- 
ditions throughout this land. There are other impor- 
tant things to be done, but this is the most important 
thing. It is preposterous to leave such a movement in 
the hands of men who have broken their promises as have 
the present heads of the Republican organizations (not 
of the Republican voters, for they in no shape represent 
the rank and file of Republican voters). These men by 
their deeds give the lie to their words. There is no 
health in them, and they cannot be trusted. 

But the Democratic party is just as little to be trusted. 
The Underwood-Fitzgerald combination in the House of 
Representatives has shown that it cannot safely be 
trusted to maintain the interests of this country abroad 
or to represent the interests of the plain people at home. 
The control of the various state bosses in the state or- 
ganizations has been strengthened by the action at Balti- 
more; and scant indeed would be the use of exchanging 
the whips of Messrs. Barnes, Penrose, and Guggenheim 
for the scorpions of Messrs. Murphy, Taggart, and Sulli- 
van. Finally, the Democratic platform not only shows 
an utter failure to understand either present conditions 
or the means of making these conditions better, but also 
a reckless willingness to try to attract various sections 
of the electorate by making mutually incompatible prom- 
ises which there is not the slightest intention of redeem- 
ing, and which, if redeemed, would result in sheer ruin. 
Far-seeing patriots should turn scornfully from men 
who seek power on a platform which with exquisite 
nicety combines silly inability to understand the national 
needs and dishonest insincerity in promising conflicting 
and impossible remedies. 

It seems to me, therefore, that the time is ripe, and 
overripe, for a genuine Progressive movement, nation- 
wide and justice-loving, sprung from and responsible to 
the people themselves, and sundered by a great gulf from 
both of the old party organizations, while representing 
all that is best in the hopes, beliefs, and aspirations of 


the plain people who make up the immense majority of 
the rank and file of both the old parties. 

The first essential in the Progressive program is the 
right of the people to rule. But a few months ago our 
opponents were assuring us with insincere clamor that 
it was absurd for us to talk about desiring that the peo- 
ple should rule, because, as a matter of fact, the people 
actually do rule. Since that time the actions of the Chi- 
cago convention, and to an only less degree of the Bal- 
timore convention, have shown in striking fashion how 
little the people do rule under our present conditions. 
We should provide by national law for Presidential pri- 
maries. We should provide for the election of United 
States Senators by popular vote. We should provide 
for a short ballot; nothing makes it harder for the peo- 
ple to control their public servants than to force them 
to vote for so many officials that they cannot really keep 
track of any one of them, so that each becomes indis- 
tinguishable in the crowd around him. There must be 
stringent and efficient corrupt practises acts, applying 
to the primaries as well as the elections ; and there should 
be publicity of campaign contributions during the cam- 
paign. We should provide throughout this Union for 
giving the people in every State the real right to rule 
themselves, and really and not nominally to control their 
public servants and their agencies for doing the public 
business; an incident of this being giving the people 
the right themselves to do this public business if they 
find it impossible to get what they desire through the 
existing agencies. 

I do not attempt to dogmatize as to the machinery by 
which this end should be achieved. In each community 
it must be shaped so as to correspond not merely with 
the needs but with the customs and ways of thought of 
that community, and no community has a right to dic- 
tate to any other in this matter. But wherever repre- 
sentative government has in actual fact become non- 
representative, there the people should secure to them- 


selves the initiative, the referendum, and the recall, do- 
ing it in such fashion as to make it evident that they do 
not intend to use these instrumentalities wantonly or 
frequently, but to hold them ready for use in order to 
correct the misdeeds or failures of the public servants 
when it has become evident that these misdeeds and 
failures cannot be corrected in ordinary and normal 
fashion. The administrative officer should be given full 
power, for otherwise he cannot do well the people's work ; 
and the people should be given full power over him. 

I do not mean that we shall abandon representative 
government; on the contrary, I mean that we shall de- 
vice methods by which our Government shall become 
really representative. To use such measures as the ini- 
tiative, referendum, and recall indiscriminately and pro- 
miscuously on all kinds of occasions would undoubtedly 
cause disaster; but events have shown that at present 
our institutions are not representative at any rate in 
many States, and sometimes in the nation and that we 
cannot wisely afford to let this condition of things re- 
main longer uncorrected. We have permitted the grow- 
ing up of a breed of politicians who, sometimes for im- 
proper political purposes, sometimes as a means of serv- 
ing the great special interests of privilege which stand 
behind them, twist so-called representative institutions 
into' a means of thwarting instead of expressing the de- 
liberate and well-thought-out judgment of the people as 
a whole. This cannot be permitted. * * * 

In the contest which culminated six weeks ago in this 
city I speedily found that my chance was at a minimum 
in any State where I could not get an expression of the 
people themselves in the primaries. I found that if I 
could appeal to the rank and file of the Republican vot- 
ers, I could generally win, whereas, if I had to appeal to 
the political caste which includes the most noisy de- 
fenders of the old system I generally lost. Moreover, 
I found, as a matter of fact, not as a matter of theory, 
that these politicians habitually and unhesitatingly resort 


to every species of mean swindling and cheating in order 
to carry their point. It is because of the general recog- 
nition of this fact that the words politics and politicians 
have grown to have a sinister meaning throughout this 
country. The bosses and their agents in the National 
Republican convention at Chicago treated political theft 
as a legitimate political weapon. * * * 

The American people, and not the courts, are to de- 
termine their own fundamental policies. The people 
should have power to deal with the effect of the acts of 
all their governmental agencies. This must be extended 
to include the effects of judicial acts as well as the acts 
of the executive and legislative representatives of the 
people. Where the judge merely does justice as between 
man and man, not dealing with constitutional questions, 
then the interest of the public is only to see that he is a 
wise and upright judge. Means should be devised for 
making it easier than at present to get rid of an incom- 
petent judge; means should be devised by the bar and 
the bench acting in conjunction with the various legisla- 
tive bodies to make justice far more expeditious and 
more certain than at present. The stick-in-the bark legal- 
ism, the legalism that subordinates equity to technicali- 
ties, should be recognized as a potent enemy of justice. 
But this is not the matter of most concern at the .mo- 
ment. Our prime concern is that in dealing with the 
fundamental law of the land, in assuming finally to in- 
terpret it, and therefore finally to make it, the acts of the 
courts should be subject to and not above the final con- 
trol of the people as a whole. I deny that the American 
people have surrendered to any set of men, no matter 
what their position or their character, the final right to 
determine those fundamental questions upon which free 
self-government ultimately depends. The people them- 
selves must be the ultimate makers of their own consti- 
tution, and where their agents differ in their interpreta- 
tions of the Constitution the people themselves should 
be given the chance, after full and deliberate judgment, 


authoritatively to settle what interpretation it is that 
their representatives shall therefore adopt as bind- 
ing. * * * 

We in America have peculiar need thus to make the 
acts of the courts subject to the people, because, owing 
to causes which I need not now discuss, the courts have 
here grown to occupy a position unknown in any other 
country, a position of superiority over both the legisla- 
ture and the executive. Just at this time, when we have 
begun in this country to move toward social and indus- 
trial betterment and true industrial democracy, this atti- 
tude on the part of the courts is of grave portent, be- 
cause privilege has intrenched itself in many courts, just 
as it formerly intrenched itself in many legislative bodies 
and in many executive offices. * * * 

I am well aware that every upholder of privilege, 
every hired agent or beneficiary of the special interests, 
including many well-meaning parlor reformers, will de- 
nounce all this as "Socialism" or "anarchy" the same 
terms they used in the past in denouncing the move- 
ments to control the railways and to control public utili- 
ties. As a matter of fact, the propositions I make 
constitute neither anarchy nor Socialism, but, on the con- 
trary, a corrective to Socialism and an antidote to an- 
archy. * * * 

In the last twenty years an increasing percentage of 
our people have come to depend on industry for their 
livelihood, so that to-day the wage-workers in industry 
rank in importance side by side with the tillers of the 
soil. As a people we cannot afford to let any group of 
citizens or any individual citizen live or labor under con- 
ditions which are injurious to the common welfare. In- 
dustry, therefore, must submit to such public regula- 
tion as will make it a means of life and health, not of 
death or inefficiency. We must protect the crushable 
elements at the base of our present industrial structure. 

The first charge on the industrial statesmanship of the 
day is to prevent human waste. The dead weight of 


orphanage and depleted craftsmanship, of crippled 
workers and workers suffering from trade diseases, of 
casual labor, of insecure old age, and of household de- 
pletion due to industrial conditions are, like our depleted 
soils, our gashed mountain-sides and flooded river bot- 
toms, so many strains upon the National structure, drain- 
ing the reserve strength of all industries and showing 
beyond all peradventure the public element and public 
concern in industrial healtk. 

Ultimately we desire to use the Government to aid, as 
far as can safely be done, in helping the industrial tool- 
users to become in part tool-owners, just as our farmers 
now are. Ultimately the Government may have to join 
more efficiently than at present in strengthening the 
hands of the workingmen who already stand at a high 
level, industrially and socially, and who are able by 
joint action to serve themselves. But the most pressing 
and immediate need is to deal with the cases of those 
who are on the level, and who are not only in need 
themselves, but, because of their need, tend to jeopardize 
the welfare of those who are better off. We hold that 
under no industrial order, in no commonwealth, in no 
trade, and in no establishment should industry be car- 
ried on under conditions inimical to the social welfare. 
The abnormal, ruthless, spendthrift industry of estab- 
lishment tends to drag down all to the level of the least 
considerate. * * * 

To the first end, we hold that the constituted authori- 
ties should be empowered to require all employers to file 
with them for public purposes such wage scales and 
other data as the public element in industry demands. 
The movement for honest weights and measures has its 
counterpart in industry. All tallies, scales and check 
systems should be open to public inspection and inspec- 
tion of committees of the workers concerned. All deaths, 
injuries, and diseases due to industrial operation should 
be reported to public authorities. 

To the second end, we hold that minimum wage com- 


missions should be established in the nation and in each 
State to inquire into wages paid in various industries 
and to determine the standard which the public ought to 
sanction as a minimum; and we believe that, as a pres- 
ent instalment of what we hope for in the future, there 
should be at once established in the nation and its several 
States minimum standards for the wages of women, tak- 
ing the present Massachusetts law as a basis from which 
to start and on which to improve. We pledge the Fed- 
eral government to an investigation of industries along 
the lines pursued by the Bureau of Mines with the view 
to establishing standards of sanitation and safety; we 
call for the standardization of mine and factory inspec- 
tion by inter-State agreement or the establishment of a 
Federal standard. We stand for the passage of legis- 
lation in the nation and in all States providing stand- 
ards of compensation for industrial accidents and death, 
and for diseases clearly due to the nature of conditions 
of industry, and we stand for the adoption by law of a 
fair standard of compensation for casualties resulting 
fatally which shall clearly fix the minimum compensation 
in all cases. 

In the third place, certain industrial conditions fall 
clearly below the levels which the public to-day sanction. 

We stand for a living wage. Wages are subnormal if 
they fail to provide a living for those who devote their 
time and energy to industrial occupations. The monetary 
equivalent of a living wage varies according to local con- 
ditions, but must include enough to secure the elements 
of a normal standard of living a standard high enough 
to make morality possible, to provide for education and 
recreation, to care for immature members of the family, 
to maintain the family during periods of sickness, and to 
permit of reasonable saving for old age. 

Hours are excessive if they fail to afford the worker 
sufficient time to recuperate and return to his work thor- 
oughly refreshed. We hold that the night labor of 
women and children is abnormal and should be pro- 


hibited; we hold that the employment of women over 
forty-eight hours per week is abnormal and should be 
prohibited. We hold that the seven-day working week 
is abnormal, and we hold that one day of rest in seven 
should be provided by law. We hold that the continu- 
ous industries, operating twenty-four hours out of twen- 
ty-four, are abnormal, and where, because of public 
necessity or for technical reasons (such as molten 
metal), the twenty-four hours must be divided into two 
shifts of twelve hours or three shifts of eight, they 
should by law be divided into three of eight. 

Safety conditions are abnormal when, through un- 
guarded machinery, poisons, electrical voltage, or other- 
wise, the workers are subjected to unnecessary hazards 
of life and limb; and all such occupations should come 
under governmental regulation and control. 

Home life is abnormal when tenement manufacture is 
carried on in the household. It is a serious menace to 
health, education, and childhood, and should therefore be 
entirely prohibited. Temporary construction camps are 
abnormal homes and should be subjected to governmental 
sanitary regulation. 

The premature employment of children is abnormal 
and should be prohibited; so also the employment of 
women in manufacturing, commerce, or other trades 
where work compels standing constantly; and also any 
employment of women in such trades for a period of at 
least eight weeks at time of childbirth. * * * 

Workingwomen have the same need to combine for 
protection that workingmen have; the ballot is as neces- 
sary for one class as for the other ; we do not believe that 
with the two sexes there is identity of function; but we 
do believe that there should be equality of right; and 
therefore we favor woman suffrage. In those conserva- 
tive States where there is genuine doubt how the women 
stand on this matter I suggest that it be referred to a 
vote of the women, so that they may themselves make 
the decision. Surely if women could vote, they would 


strengthen the hands of those who are endeavoring to 
deal in efficient fashion with evils such as the white slave 
traffic; evils which can in part be dealt with nationally, 
but which in large part can be reached only by deter- 
mined local action; such as insisting on the widespread 
publication of the names of- the owners, the landlords, of 
houses used for immoral purposes. * * * 

There is no body of our people whose interests are 
more inextricably interwoven with the interests of all 
the people than is the case with the farmers. The Coun- 
try Life Commission should be revived with greatly in- 
creased powers; its abandonment was a severe blow to 
the interests of our people. The welfare of the farmer 
is a basic need of this nation. It is the men from the 
farm who in the past have taken the lead in every great 
movement within this nation, whether in time of war or 
in time of peace. It is well to have our cities prosper, 
but it is not well if they prosper at the expense of the 
country. I am glad to say that in many sections of our 
country there has been an extraordinary revival of recent 
years in intelligent interest in and work for those who 
live in the open country. In this movement the lead must 
be taken by the farmers themselves ; but our people as a 
whole, through their governmental agencies, should back 
the farmers. Everything possible should be done to bet- 
ter the economic condition of the farmer, and also to in- 
crease the social value of the life of the farmer, the 
farmer's wife, and their children. The burdens of labor 
and loneliness bear heavily on the women in the country; 
their welfare should be the especial concern of all of us. 
Everything possible should be done to make life in the 
country profitable, so as to be attractive from the eco- 
nomic standpoint, and also to give an outlet among farm- 
ing people for those forms of activity which now tend to 
make life in the cities especially desirable for ambitious 
men and women. There should be just the same chance 
to live as full, as well-rounded, and as highly useful lives 
in the country as in the city. 


The Government must co-operate with the farmer to 
make the farm more productive. There must be no skin- 
ning of the soil. The farm should be left to the farmer's 
son in better, and not worse, condition because of its cul- 
tivation. Moreover, every invention and improvement, 
every discovery and economy, should be at the service of 
the farmer in the work of production; and, in addition, 
he should be helped to co-operate in business fashion with 
his fellows, so that the money paid by the consumer for 
the product of the soil shall to as large a degree as pos- 
sible go into the pockets of the man who raised that 
product from the soil. * * * 

The present conditions of business cannot be accepted 
as satisfactory. There are too many who do not prosper 
enough, and of the few who prosper greatly there are 
certainly some whose prosperity does not mean well for 
the country. Rational Progressives, no matter how rad- 
ical, are well aware that nothing the Government can do 
will make some men prosper, and we heartily approve 
the prosperity, no matter how great, of any man, if it 
comes as an incident to rendering service to the commu- 
nity; but we wish to shape conditions so that a greater 
number of the small men who are decent, industrious and 
energetic shall be able to succeed, and so that the big 
man who is dishonest shall not be allowed to succeed 
at all. 

Our aim is to control business, not to strangle it and, 
above all, not to continue a policy of make-believe stran- 
gle toward big concerns that do evil, and constant menace 
toward both big and little concerns that do well. Our 
aim is to promote prosperity, and then see to its proper 
division. We do not believe that any good comes to any 
one by a policy which means destruction of prosperity; 
for in such cases it is not possible to divide it because 
of the very obvious fact that there is nothing to divide. 
We wish to control big business so as to secure among 
other things good wages for the wage-workers and rea- 
sonable prices for the consumers. Wherever in any busi- 


ness the prosperity of the business man is obtained by 
lowering the wages of his workmen and charging an ex- 
cessive price to the consumers we wish to interfere and 
stop such practises. We will not submit to that kind of 
prosperity any more than we will submit to prosperity 
obtained by swindling investors or getting unfair advan- 
tages over business rivals. But it is obvious that unless 
the business is prosperous the wage-workers employed 
therein will be badly paid and the consumers badly 
served. Therefore not merely as a matter of justice to 
the business man, but from the standpoint of the self- 
interest of the wage-worker and the consumer we desire 
that business shall prosper; but it should be so super- 
vised as to make prosperity also take the shape of good 
wages to the wage-worker and reasonable prices to the 
consumer, while investors and business rivals are insured 
just treatment, and the farmer, the man who tills the 
soil, is protected as sedulously as the wage-worker him- 
self. * * * 

Again and again while I was President, from 1902 to 
1908, I pointed out that under the Anti-Trust Law alone 
it was neither possible to put a stop to business abuses 
nor possible to secure the highest efficiency in the ser- 
vice rendered by business to the general public. The 
Anti-Trust Law must be kept on our statute-books, and, 
as hereafter shown, must be rendered more effective in 
the cases where it is applied. But to treat the Anti- 
Trust Law as an adequate, or as by itself a wise, measure 
of relief and betterment is a sign not of progress, but of 
toryism and reaction. It has been of benefit so far as it 
has implied the recognition of a real and great evil, and 
the at least sporadic application of the principle that 
all men alike must obey the law. But as a sole remedy, 
universally applicable, it has in actual practise com- 
pletely broken down; as now applied it works more mis- 
chief than benefit. It represents the waste of effort 
always damaging to a community which arises from the 
attempt to meet new conditions by the application of 


outworn remedies instead of fearlessly and in common- 
sense fashion facing the new conditions and devising the 
new remedies which alone can work effectively for good. 
The Anti-Trust Law, if interpreted as the Baltimore 
platform demands it shall be interpreted, would apply to 
every agency by which not merely industrial but agri- 
cultural business is carried on in this country ; under such 
an interpretation it ought in theory to be applied univer- 
sally, in which case practically all industries would stop ; 
as a matter of fact, it is utterly out of the question to 
enforce it universally; and, when enforced sporadically, 
it causes continual unrest, puts the country at a disad- 
vantage with its trade competitors in international com- 
merce, hopelessly puzzles honest business men and honest 
farmers as to what their rights are, and yet, as has just 
been shown in the cases of the Standard Oil and the To- 
bacco Trust, it is no real check on the great trusts at 
which it was in theory aimed, and indeed operates to 
their benefit. Moreover, if we are to compete with other 
nations in the markets of the world as well as to de- 
velop our own material civilization at home, we must 
utilize those forms of industrial organization that are in- 
dispensable to the highest industrial productivity and 
efficiency. * * * 

The Democratic platform offers nothing in the way of 
remedy for present industrial conditions except, first, the 
enforcement of the Anti-Trust Law in a fashion which, 
if words mean anything, means bringing business to a 
standstill; and, second, the insistence upon an archaic 
construction of the States' rights doctrine in thus dealing 
with interstate commerce an insistence which, in the 
first place, is the most flagrant possible violation of the 
Constitution to which the members of the Baltimore con- 
vention assert their devotion, and which, in the next 
place, nullifies and makes an empty pretense of their 
first statement. The proposals of the platform are so 
conflicting and so absurd that it is hard to imagine how 
any attempt could be made in good faith to carry them 


out; but, if such attempt were sincerely made, it could 
only produce industrial chaos. Were such an attempt 
made, every man who acts honestly would have some- 
thing to fear, and yet no great adroit criminal able to 
command the advice of the best corporation lawyers 
would have much to fear. 

What is needed is action directly the reverse of that 
thus confusedly indicated. We Progressives stand for 
the rights of the people. When these rights can best be 
secured by insistence upon States' rights, then we are 
for States' rights; when they can best be secured by in- 
sistence upon national rights, then we are for national 
rights. Interstate commerce can be effectively controlled 
only by the nation. The States cannot control it under 
the Constitution, and to amend the Constitution by giv- 
ing them control of it would amount to a dissolution of 
the Government. The worst of the big trusts have al- 
ways endeavored to keep alive the feeling in favor of 
having the States themselves, and not the nation, attempt 
to do this work, because they know that in the long run 
such effort would be ineffective. There is no surer way 
to prevent all successful effort to deal with the trusts 
than to insist that they be dealt with by the States rather 
than by the nation, or to create a conflict between the 
States and the nation on the subject. The well-meaning 
ignorant man who advances such a proposition does as 
much damage as if he were hired by the trusts them- 
selves, for he is playing the game of every big crooked 
corporation in the country. The only effective way in 
which to regulate the trusts is through the exercise of 
the collective power of our people as a whole through 
the governmental agencies established by the Constitu- 
tion for this very purpose. * * * 

It is utterly hopeless to attempt to control the trusts 
merely by the Anti-Trust Law, or by any law the same 
in principle, no matter what the modifications may be in 
detail. In the first place, these great corporations can- 
not possibly be controlled merely by a succession of 


lawsuits. The administrative branch of the Government 
must exercise such control. The preposterous failure of 
the Commerce Court has shown that only damage comes 
from the effort to substitute judicial for administrative 
control of great corporations. In the next place, a 
loosely drawn law which promises to do everything would 
reduce business to complete ruin if it were not also so 
drawn as to accomplish almost nothing. * * * 

What is needed is the application to all industrial 
concerns and all co-operating interests engaged in inter- 
state commerce in which there is either monopoly or 
control of the market of the principles on which we 
have gone in regulating transportation concerns engaged 
in such commerce. The Anti-Trust Law should be kept 
on the statute-books and strengthened so as to make it 
genuinely and thoroughly effective against every big con- 
cern tending to monopoly or guilty of anti-social prac- 
tises. At the same time, a national industrial commission 
should be created which should have complete power to 
regulate and control all the great industrial concerns en- 
gaged in interstate business which practically means all 
of them in this country. This commission should exercise 
over these industrial concerns like powers to those exer- 
cised over the railways by the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission, and over the national banks by the Comptroller 
of the Currency, and additional powers if found neces- 
sary. The establishment of such a commission would 
enable us to punish the individual rather than merely the 
corporation, just as we now do with banks, where the 
aim of the Government is, not to close the bank, but to 
bring to justice personally any bank official who has 
gone wrong. This commission should deal with all the 
abuses of the trusts all the abuses such as those devel- 
oped by the Government suit against the Standard Oil 
and Tobacco Trusts as the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission now deals with rebates. It should have complete 
power to make the' capitalization absolutely honest and 
put a stop to all stock watering. Such supervision over 


the issuance of corporate securities would put a stop to 
exploitation of the people by dishonest capitalists desir- 
ing to declare dividends on watered securities, and would 
open this kind of industrial property to ownership by 
the people at large. It should have free access to the 
books of each corporation and power to find out exactly 
how it treats its employees, its rivals, and the general 
public. * * * 

Any corporation not coming under the commission 
should be exposed to prosecution under the Anti-Trust 
Law, and any corporation violating the orders of the 
commission should also at once become exposed to such 
prosecution; and when such a prosecution is successful, 
it should be the duty of the commission to see that the 
decree of the court is put into effect completely and in 
good faith, so that the combination is absolutely broken 
up, and is not allowed to come together again, nor the 
constituent parts thereof permitted to do business save 
under the conditions laid down by the commission. This 
last provision would prevent the repetition of such gross 
scandals as those attendant upon the present Adminis- 
tration's prosecutions of the Standard Oil and the To- 
bacco Trusts. The Supreme Court of the United States 
in condemning these two trusts to dissolution used lan- 
guage of unsparing severity concerning their actions. 
But the decree was carried out in such a manner as to 
turn into a farce this bitter condemnation of the crim- 
inals by the highest court in the country. Not one par- 
ticle of benefit to the community at large was gained; 
on the contrary, the prices went up to consumers, inde- 
pendent competitors were placed in greater jeopardy 
than ever before, and the possessions of the wrong-doers 
greatly appreciated in value. There never was a more 
flagrant travesty of justice, never an instance in which 
wealthy wrong-doers benefited more conspicuously by a 
law which was supposed to be aimed at them, and which 
undoubtedly would have brought about severe punish- 
ment of less wealthy wrong-doers. 


The Progressive proposal is definite. It is practicable. 
We promise nothing that we cannot carry out. We 
promise nothing which will jeopardize honest business. 
We promise adequate control of all big business and the 
stern suppression of the evils connected with big busi- 
ness, and this promise we can absolutely keep. Our pro- 
posal is to help honest business activity, however exten- 
sive, and to see that it is rewarded with fair returns, so 
that there may be no oppression either of business men 
or of the common people. We propose to make it worth 
while for our business men to develop the most efficient 
business agencies for use in international trade; for it 
is to the interest of our whole people that we should do 
well in international business. But we propose to make 
those business agencies do complete justice to our own 
people. * * * 

I believe in a protective tariff, but I believe in it as a 
principle, approached from the standpoint of the in- 
terests of the whole people, and not as a bundle of pref- 
erences to be given to favored individuals. In my opin- 
ion, the American people favor the principle of a pro- 
tective tariff, but they desire such a tariff to be estab- 
lished primarily in the interests of the wage-worker and 
the consumer. The chief opposition to our tariff at the 
present moment comes from the general conviction that 
certain interests have been improperly favored by over- 
protection. I agree with this view. The commercial and 
industrial experience of this country has demonstrated 
the wisdom of the protective policy, but it has also dem- 
onstrated that in the application of that policy certain 
clearly recognized abuses have developed. It is not 
merely the tariff that should be revised, but the method 
of tariff-making and of tariff administration. Wherever 
nowadays an industry is to be protected it should be on 
the theory that such protection will serve to keep up the 
wages and the standard of living of the wage-worker in 
that industry with full regard for the interest of the con- 
sumer. To accomplish this the tariff to be levied should 


as nearly as is scientifically possible approximate the 
differential between the cost of production at home and 
abroad. This differential is chiefly, if not wholly, in labor 
cost. No duty should be permitted to stand as regards 
any industry unless the workers receive their full share 
of the benefits of that duty. In other words, there is no 
warrant for protection unless a legitimate share of the 
benefits get into the pay envelope of the wage-worker. 

The practise of undertaking a general revision of all 
the schedules at one time and of securing information as 
to conditions in the different industries and as to rates of 
duty desired chiefly from those engaged in the industries, 
who themselves benefit directly from the rates they pro- 
pose, has been demonstrated to be not only iniquitous but 
futile. It has afforded opportunity for practically all 
of the abuses which have crept into our tariff-making 
and our tariff administration. The day of the log-rolling 
tariff must end. The progressive thought of the country 
has recognized this fact for several years, and the time 
has come when all genuine Progressives should insist 
upon a thorough and radical change in the method of 

The first step should be the creation -of a permanent 
commission of non-partizan experts whose business shall 
be to study scientifically all phases of tariff-making and 
of tariff effects. This commission should be large 
enough to cover all the different and widely varying 
branches of American industry. It should have ample 
powers to enable it to secure exact and reliable infor- 
mation. It should have authority to examine closely all 
correlated subjects, such as the effect of any given duty 
on the consumers of the article on which the duty is 
levied ; that is, it should directly consider the question as 
to what any duty costs the people in the price of living. 
It should examine into the wages and conditions of labor 
and life of the workmen in any industry, so as to insure 
our refusing protection to any industry unless the show- 
ing as regards the share labor receives therefrom is satis- 


factory. This commission would be wholly different from 
the present unsatisfactory Tariff Board, which was 
created under a provision of law which failed to give it 
the powers indispensable if it was to do the work it 
should do. * * * 

As a further means of disrupting the old crooked, 
log-rolling method of tariff-making, all future revisions 
of the tariff should be made schedule by schedule as 
changing conditions may require. Thus a great obstacle 
will be thrown in the way of the trading of votes which 
has marked so scandalously the enactment of every tariff 
bill of recent years. The tariff commission should render 
reports at the call of Congress or of either branch of 
Congress and to the President. Under the Constitution, 
Congress is the tariff-making power. It should not be 
the purpose in creating a tariff commission to take any- 
thing away from this power of Congress, but rather to 
afford a wise means of giving to Congress the widest and 
most scientific assurance possible, and of furnishing it 
and the public with the fullest disinterested information. 
Only by this means can the tariff be taken out of politics. 
The creation of such a permanent tariff commission, and 
the adoption of the policy of schedule by schedule revi- 
sion, will do more to accomplish this highly desired object 
than any other means yet devised. 

The cost of living in this country has risen during the 
last few years out of all proportion to the increase in 
the rate of most salaries and wages; the same situation 
confronts alike the majority of wage-workers, small 
business men, small professional men, the clerks, the doc- 
tors, clergymen. Now, grave tho the problem is, there 
is one way to make it graver, and that is to deal with 
it insincerely, to advance false remedies, to promise the 
impossible. Our opponents, Republicans and Democrats 
alike, propose to deal with it in this way. The Republi- 
cans in their platform promise an inquiry into the facts. 
Most certainly there should be such inquiry. But the 
way the present Administration has failed to keep its 


promises in the past, and the rank dishonesty of action 
on the part of the Penrose-Barnes-Guggenheim National 
Convention, makes their every promise worthless. 

The Democratic platform affects to find the entire 
cause of the high cost of living in the tariff, and prom- 
ises to remedy it by free trade, especially free trade in 
the necessaries of life. In the first place, this attitude 
ignores the patent fact that the problem is world-wide, 
that everywhere, in England and France, as in Germany 
and Japan, it appears with greater or less severity; that 
in England, for instance, it has become a very severe 
problem, although neither the tariff nor, save to a small 
degree, the trusts can there have any possible effect upon 
the situation. In the second place, the Democratic plat- 
form, if it is sincere, must mean that all duties will be 
taken off the products of the fanner. Yet most certainly 
we cannot afford to have the farmer struck down. The 
welfare of the tiller of the soil is as important as the 
welfare of the wage-worker himself, and we must sedu- 
lously guard both. The farmer, the producer of the nec- 
essaries of life, can himself live only if he raises these 
necessities for a profit. On the other hand, the consumer 
who must have that farmer's product in order to live 
must be allowed to purchase it at the lowest cost that 
can give the farmer his profit, and everything possible 
must be done to eliminate any middleman whose function 
does not tend to increase the cheapness of distribution of 
the product; and, moreover, everything must be done to 
stop all speculating, all gambling with the bread-basket 
which has even the slightest deleterious effect upon the 
producer and consumer. There must be legislation which 
will bring about a closer business relationship between 
the farmer and the consumer. 

The effect of the tariff on the cost of living is slight; 
any householder can satisfy himself of this fact by con- 
sidering the increase in price of articles, like milk and 
eggs, where the influence of both the tariff and the trusts 
is negligible. No conditions have been shown which war- 


rant us in believing that the abolition of the protective 
tariff as a whole would bring any substantial benefit to 
the consumer, while it would certainly cause unheard of 
immediate disaster to all wage-workers, all business men, 
and all farmers, and in all probability would perma- 
nently lower the standard of living here. In order to 
show the utter futility of the belief that the abolition of 
the tariff and the establishment of free trade would rem- 
edy the condition complained of, all that is necessary is 
to look at the course of industrial events in England and 
in Germany during the last thirty years, the former 
under free trade, the latter under a protective system. 
During these thirty years it is a matter of common 
knowledge that Germany has forged ahead relatively 
to England, and this not only as regards the employers, 
but as regards the wage-earners in short, as regards all 
members of the industrial classes. Doubtless many causes 
have combined to produce this result; it is not to be 
ascribed to the tariff alone, but, on the other hand, it is 
evident that it could not have come about if a protective , 
tariff were even a chief cause among many other causes 
of the high cost of living. 

It is also asserted that the trusts are responsible for 
the high cost of living. I have no question that, as regards 
certain trusts, this is true. I also have no question that 
it will continue to be true just as long as the country con- 
fines itself to acting as the Baltimore platform demands 
that we act. This demand is, in effect, for the States 
and National Government to make the futile attempt to 
exercise forty-nine sovereign and conflicting authorities 
in the effort jointly to suppress the trusts, while at the 
same time the National Government refuses to exercise 
proper control over them. There will be no diminution 
in the cost of trust-made articles so long as our Govern- 
ment attempts the impossible task of restoring the flint- 
lock conditions of business sixty years ago by trusting 
only to a succession of lawsuits under the Anti-Trust 
Law a method which it has been definitely shown 


usually results to the benefit of any big business con- 
cern which really ought to be dissolved, but which cause 
disturbance and distress to multitudes of smaller con- 
cerns. * * * 

By such action we shall certainly be able to remove the 
element of contributory causation on the part of the 
trusts and the tariff toward the high cost of living. There 
will remain many other elements. Wrong taxation, in- 
cluding failure to tax swollen inheritances and unused 
land and other natural resources held for speculative 
purposes, is one of these elements. The modern ten- 
dency to leave the country for the town is another ele- 
ment; and exhaustion of the soil and poor methods of 
raising and marketing the products of the soil make up 
another element, as I have already shown. Another ele- 
ment is that of waste and extravagance, individual and 
national. No laws which the wit of man can devise will 
avail to make the community prosperous if the average 
individual lives in such fashion that his expenditure 
always exceeds his income. * * * 

We believe that there exists an imperative need for 
prompt legislation for the improvement of our national 
currency system. The experience of repeated financial 
crises in the last forty years has proved that the present 
method of issuing, through private agencies, notes se- 
cured by Government bonds is both harmful and unscien- 
tific. This method was adopted as a means of financing 
the Government during the Civil War through furnish- 
ing a domestic market for Government bonds. It was 
largely successful in fulfilling that purpose ; but that need 
is long past, and the system has outlived this feature of 
its usefulness. The issue of currency is fundamentally 
a governmental function. The system to be adopted 
should have as its basic principles soundness and elas- 
ticity. The currency should flow forth readily at the 
demand of commercial activity, and retire as promptly 
when the demand diminishes. It should be automati- 
cally sufficient for all of the legitimate needs of business 


in any section of the country. Only by such means can 
the country be freed from the danger of recurring 
panics. The control should be lodged with the Govern- 
ment, and should be safeguarded against manipulation 
by Wall Street or the large interests. It should be made 
impossible to use the machinery or perquisites of the cur- 
rency system for any speculative purposes. The country 
must be safeguarded against the overexpansion or unjust 
contraction of either credit or circulating medium. 

There can be no greater issue than that of Conserva- 
tion in this country. Just as we must conserve our men, 
women, and children, so we must conserve the resources 
of the land on which they live. We must conserve the 
soil so that our children shall have a land that is more 
and not less fertile than that our fathers dwelt in. We 
must conserve the forests, not by disuse but by use, 
making them more valuable at the same time that we use 
them. We must conserve the mines. Moreover, we must 
insure so far as possible the use of certain types of great 
natural resources for the benefit of the people as a whole. 
The public should not alienate its fee in the water power 
which will be of incalculable consequence as a source of 
power in the immediate future. The nation and the 
States within their several spheres should by immediate 
legislation keep the fee of the water power, leasing its 
use only for a reasonable length of time on terms that 
will secure the interests of the people. Just as the nation 
has gone into the work of irrigation in the West, so it 
should go into the work of helping reclaim the swamp 
lands of the South. We should undertake the complete 
development and control of the Mississippi as a national 
work, just as we have undertaken the work of building 
the Panama Canal. We can use the plant, and we can 
use the human experience, left free by the completion of 
the Panama Canal, in so developing the Mississippi as to 
make it a mighty highroad of commerce, and a source 
of fructification arid not of death to the rich and fertile 
lands lying along its lower length. 


In the West, the forests, the grazing lands, the reserves 
of every kind, should be so handled as to be in the in- 
terests of the actual settler, the actual home-maker. He 
should be encouraged to use them at once, but in such a 
way as to preserve and not exhaust them. ' 

In international affairs this country should behave 
toward other nations exactly as an honorable private 
citizen behaves toward other private citizens. We should 
do no wrong to any nation, weak or strong, and we 
should submit to no wrong. Above all, we should never 
in any treaty make any promise which we do not intend 
in good faith to fulfil. I believe it essential that our 
small army should be kept at a high pitch of perfection, 
and in no way can it be so damaged as by permitting it 
to become the plaything of men in Congress who wish to 
gratify either spite or favoritism, or to secure to local- 
ities advantages to which those localities are not entitled. 
The navy should be steadily built up ; and the process of 
upbuilding must not be stopped until and not before 
it proves possible to secure by international agreement 
a general reduction of armaments. The Panama Canal 
must be fortified. It would have been criminal to build 
it if we were not prepared to fortify it and to keep our 
navy at such a pitch of strength as to render it unsafe 
for any foreign power to attack us and get control of it. 
We have a perfect right to permit our coastwise traffic 
(with which there can be no competition by the mer- 
chant marine of any foreign nation so that there is no 
discrimination against any foreign marine) to pass 
through that Canal on any terms we choose, and I per- 
sonally think that no toll should be charged on such 
traffic. * * * 

The question that has arisen over the right of this 
nation to charge tolls on the Canal vividly illustrates the 
folly and iniquity of making treaties which cannot and 
ought not to be kept. As a people there is no lesson 
we more need to learn than the lesson not in an outburst 
of emotionalism to make a treaty that ought not to be, 


and could not be, kept ; and the further lesson that, when 
we do make a treaty, we must soberly live up to it as 
long as changed conditions do not warrant the serious 
step of denouncing it. If we had been so unwise as to 
adopt the general arbitration treaties a few months ago, 
we would now be bound to arbitrate the question of our 
right to free our own coastwise traffic from Canal tolls; 
and at any future time we might have found ourselves 
obliged to arbitrate the question whether, in the event of 
war, we could keep the Canal open to our own war ves- 
sels and closed to those of our foes. There could be no 
better illustration of the extreme unwisdom of entering 
into international agreements without paying heed to the 
question of keeping them. On the other hand, we delib- 
erately, and with our eyes open, and after ample consid- 
eration and discussion, agreed to treat all merchant ships 
on the same basis; it was partly because of this agree- 
ment that there was no question raised by foreign nations 
as to our digging and fortifying the Canal; and, having 
given our word, we must keep it. When the American 
people make a promise, that promise must and will be 
kept. * * * 

By actual experience in office I have found that, as a 
rule, I could secure the triumph of the causes in which I 
most believed, not from the politicians and the men who 
claim an exceptional right to speak in business and gov- 
ernment, but by going over their heads and appealing 
directly to the people themselves. I am not under the 
slightest delusion as to any power that during my politi- 
cal career I have at any time possessed. Whatever of 
power I at any time had, I obtained from the people. 
I could exercise it only so long as, and to the extent 
that the people not merely believed in me, but heartily 
backed me up. Whatever I did as President I was able 
to do only because I had the backing of the people. 
When on any point I did not have that backing, when 
on any point I differed from the people, it mattered not 
whether I was right or whether I was wrong, my power 


vanished. I tried my best to lead the people, to advise 
them, to tell them what I thought was right ; if necessary, 
I never hesitated to tell them what I thought they ought 
to hear, even though I thought it would be unpleasant 
for them to hear it; but I recognized that my task was 
to try to lead them and not to drive them, to take them 
into my confidence, to try to show them that I was right, 
and then loyally and in good faith to accept their deci- 
sion. I will do anything for the people except what my 
conscience tells me is wrong, and that I can do for HO 
man and no set of men; I hold that a man cannot serve 
the people well unless he serves his conscience ; but I hold 
also that where his conscience bids him refuse to do what 
the people desire, he should not try to continue in office 
against their will. Our Government system should be 
so shaped that the public servant, when he cannot con- 
scientiously carry out the wishes of the people, shall at 
their desire leave his office and not misrepresent them in 
office ; and I hold that the public servant can by so doing, 
better than in any other way, serve both them and his 

Surely there never was a fight better worth making 
than the one in which we are engaged. It little matters 
what befalls any one of us who for the time being stand 
in the forefront of the battle. I hope we shall win, and 
I believe that if we can wake the people to what the 
fight really means we shall win. But, win or lose, we 
shall not falter. Whatever fate may at the moment over- 
take any of us, the movement itself will not stop. Our 
cause is based on the eternal principles of righteousness; 
and even though we who now lead may for the time fail, 
in the end the cause itself shall triumph. Six weeks ago, 
here in Chicago, I spoke to the honest representatives of 
a convention which was not dominated by honest men; a 
convention wherein sat, alas! a majority of men who, 
with sneering indifference to every principle of right, 
so acted as to bring to a shameful end a party which had 
been founded over half a century ago by men in whose 


souls burned the fire of lofty endeavor. Now to you men, 
who, in your turn, have come together to spend and be 
spent in the endless crusade against wrong, to you who 
face the future resolute and confident, to you who strive 
in a spirit of brotherhood for the betterment of our na- 
tion, to you who gird yourselves for this great fight 
in the never-ending warfare for the good of humankind, 
I say in closing what in that speech I said in closing: 
We stand at Armageddon, and we battle for the Lord. 



The conscience of the people, in a time of grave 
national problems, has called into being a new 
party, born of the nation's awakened sense of jus- 

We of the Progressive party here dedicate our- 
selves to the fulfilment of the duty laid upon us 
by our fathers to maintain that government of the 
people, by the people, and for the people whose 
foundations they laid. 

We hold with Thomas Jefferson and Abraham 
Lincoln that the people are the masters of their 
Constitution to fulfil its purposes and to safeguard 
it from those who, by perversion of its intent, 
would convert it into an instrument of injustice. 
In accordance with the needs of each generation 
the people must use their sovereign powers to es- 
tablish and maintain equal opportunity and in- 
dustrial justice, to secure which this government 
was founded and without which no republic can en- 

This country belongs to the people who inhabit 
it. Its resources, its business, its institutions, and 


its laws should be utilized, maintained, or altered 
in whatever manner will best promote the general 
interest. It is time to set the public welfare in 

the first place. 

* # * 

The deliberate betrayal of its trust by the Re- 
publican party and the fatal incapacity of the 
Democratic party to deal with the new issues of the 
new time have compelled the people to forge a new 
instrument of government through which to give 
effect to their will in laws and institutions. Un- 
hampered by tradition, uncorrupted by power, un- 
dismayed by the magnitude of the task, the new 
party offers itself as the instrument of the people 
to sweep away old abuses, to build a new and 
nobler commonwealth. 

This declaration is our covenant with the people, 
and we hereby bind the party and its candidates in 
State and nation to the pledges made herein. 

The National Progressive party, committed to 
the principle of government by a self-controlled 
democracy expressing its will through representa- 
tives of the people, pledges itself to secure such 
alterations in the fundamental law of the several 
States and of the United States as shall insure the 
representative character of the government. 

In particular the party declares for direct pri- 
maries for the nomination of State and national 
officers, for nation-wide preferential primaries for 


candidates for the presidency, for the direct elec- 
tion of United States Senators by the people, and 
we urge on the States the policy of the short ballot 
with responsibility to the people secured by the 
initiative, referendum and recall. 

The Progressive party, believing that a free peo- 
ple should have the power from time to time to 
amend their fundamental law so as to adapt it pro- 
gressively to the changing needs of the people, 
pledges itself to provide a more easy and expedi- 
tious method of amending the Federal Constitution. 

Up to the limit of the Constitution and later by 
amendment of the Constitution if found necessary, 
we advocate bringing under effective national ju- 
risdiction those problems which have expanded be- 
yond reach of the individual States. 

It is as grotesque as it is intolerable that the sev- 
eral States should by unequal laws in matters of 
common concern become competing commercial 
agencies, barter the lives of their children, the 
health of their women, and the safety and well-be- 
ing of their working people for the profit of their 
financial interests. 

The extreme insistence on State's rights by the 
Democratic party in the Baltimore platform dem- 
onstrates anew its inability to understand the 
world into which it has survived or to administer 
the affairs of a union of states which have in all 
essential respects become one people. 


The Progressive party, believing that no people 
can justly claim to be a true democracy which 
denies political rights on account of sex, pledges 
itself to the task of securing equal suffrage to men 
and women alike. 

"We pledge our party to legislation that will com- 
pel strict limitation of all campaign contributions 
and expenditures, and detailed publicity of both 
before as well as after primaries and elections. 

We pledge our party to legislation compelling 
the registration of lobbyists; publicity of commit- 
tee hearings except on foreign affairs and recording 
of all votes in committee; and forbidding federal 
appointees from holding office in State or national 
political organization or taking part as officers or 
delegates in political conventions for the nomina- 
tion of elective State or national officials. 

The Progressive party demands such restriction 
of the power of the courts as shall leave to the peo- 
ple the ultimate authority to determine funda- 
mental questions of social welfare and public 
policy. To secure this end it pledges itself to pro- 

(1) That when an act, passed under the police 
power of the State, "is held unconstitutional under 
the state constitution by the courts the people, after 
an ample interval for deliberation, shall have an 
opportunity to vote on the question whether they 


desire the act to become law notwithstanding such 

(2) That every decision of the highest appellate 
court of a State declaring an act of the legislature 
unconstitutional on the ground of its violation of 
the federal constitution shall be subject to the same 
review by the Supreme Court of the United States 
as is now accorded to decisions sustaining such leg- 

The Progressive party, in order to secure to the 
people a better administration of justice and by 
that means to bring about a more general respect 
for the law and the courts, pledges itself to work 
unceasingly for the reform of legal procedure and 
judicial methods. 

We believe that the issuance of injunctions in 
cases arising out of labor disputes should be prohib- 
ited when such injunctions would not apply when 
no labor disputes existed. 

We also believe that a person cited for contempt 
in labor disputes, except when such contempt was 
committed in the actual presence of the court or so 
near thereto as to interfere with the proper admin- 
istration of justice, should have a right to trial by 

The supreme duty of the nation is the conserva- 
tion of human resources through an enlarged mea- 
sure of social and industrial justice. We pledge 


ourselves to work unceasingly in State and nation 

Effective legislation looking to the prevention of 
industrial accidents, occupational diseases, over- 
work, involuntary unemployment, and other injuri- 
ous effects incident to modern industry. 

The fixing of minimum safety and health stand- 
ards for the various occupations and the exercise 
of the public authority of State and nation, includ- 
ing the federal control over interstate commerce 
and the taxing power, to maintain such standards. 

The prohibition of child labor. 

Minimum wage standards for working women, to 
provide for a ' ' living wage ' ' in all industrial occu- 

The general prohibition of night-work for 
women and the establishment of an eight hour day 
for women and young persons. 

One day's rest in seven for all wage- workers. 

The eight hour day in continuous twenty-four 
hour industries. 

The abolition of the convict contract labor sys- 
tem, substituting a system of prison production for 
governmental consumption only, and the applica- 
tion of prisoners' earnings to the support of their 
dependent families. 

Publicity as to wages, hours, and conditions of 
labor; full reports upon industrial accidents and 
diseases and the opening to public inspection of all 


tallies, weights, measures, and check systems on 
labor products. 

Standards of compensation for death by indus- 
trial accident and injury and trade disease which 
will transfer the burden of lost earnings from the 
families of working people to the industry and 
thus to the community. 

The protection of home life against the hazards 
of sickness, irregular employment, and old age 
through the adoption of a system of social insur- 
ance adapted to American use. 

The development of the creative labor power of 
America by lifting the last load of illiteracy from 
American youth and establishing continuation 
schools for industrial education under public con- 
trol and encouraging agricultural education and 
demonstration in rural schools. 

The establishment of industrial research labora- 
tories to put the methods and discoveries of science 
at the service of American producers. 

We favor the organization of the workers, men 
and women, as a means of protecting their interests 
and of promoting their progress. 

We pledge the party to establish a department of 
labor with a seat in the cabinet and with wide jur- 
isdiction over matters affecting the conditions of 
labor and living. 

The development and prosperity of country life 


are as important to the people who live in the cities 
as they are to the farmers. Increase of prosperity 
on the farm will favorably affect the cost of living 
and promote the interests of all who dwell in the 
country and all who depend upon its products for 
clothing, shelter and food. 

We pledge our party to foster the development 
of agricultural credit and cooperation, the teaching 
of agriculture in schools, agricultural college ex- 
tension, the use of mechanical power on the farm, 
and to reestablish the country life commission, thus 
directly promoting the welfare of the farmers and 
bringing the benefits of better farming, better busi- 
ness, and better living within their reach. 

The high cost of living is due partly to world- 
wide and partly to local causes; partly to natural 
and partly to artificial causes. The measures pro- 
posed in this platform on various subjects, such as 
the tariff, the trusts, and conservation, will of 
themselves remove the artificial causes. There will 
remain other elements, such as the tendency to leave 
the country for the city, waste, extravagance, bad 
system of taxation, poor methods of raising crops, 
and bad business methods in marketing crops. To 
remedy these conditions requires the fullest infor- 
mation and, based on this information, effective 
government supervision and control to remove all 
the artificial causes. We pledge ourselves to such 
full and immediate inquiry and to immediate 


action to deal with every need such inquiry dis- 

* * 

We believe that true popular government, justice 
and prosperity go hand in hand, and, so believing, 
it is our purpose to secure that large measure of 
general prosperity which is the fruit of legitimate 
and honest business, fostered by equal justice and 
by sound progressive laws. 

We demand that the test of true prosperity shall 
be the benefits conferred thereby on all the citizens, 
not confined to individuals or classes, and that the 
test of corporate efficiency shall be tfre ability bet- 
ter to serve the public ; that those who profit by the 
control of business affairs shall justify that profit 
and that control by sharing with the public the 
fruits thereof. 

We therefore demand a strong national regula- 
tion of interstate corporations. The corporation is 
an essential part of modern business. The concen- 
tration of modern business in some degree is both 
inevitable and necessary for national and interna- 
tional business efficiency. But the existing concen- 
tration of vast wealth under a corporate system, 
unguarded and uncontrolled by the nation, has 
placed in the hands of a few men enormous, secret, 
irresponsible power over the daily life of the citi- 
zen a power insufferable in a free government 
and certain of abuse. 


This power has been abused in monopoly of na- 
tional resources, in stock-watering, in unfair com- 
petition and unfair privileges, and finally in sin- 
ister influences on the public agencies of State and 
nation. We do not fear commercial power, but we 
insist that it shall be exercised openly, under pub- 
licity, supervision, and regulation of the most effi- 
cient sort, which will preserve its good while 
eradicating and preventing its evils. 

To that end we urge the establishment of a 
strong federal administrative commission of high 
standing, which shall maintain permanent active 
supervision over industrial corporations engaged 
in interstate commerce, or such of them as are of 
public importance, doing for them what the govern- 
ment now does for the national banks and 'what is 
now done for the railroads by the interstate com- 
merce commission. Such a commission must en- 
force the complete publicity of those corporate 
transactions which are of public interest ; must at- 
tack unfair competition, false capitalization, and 
special privilege, and by continuous trained watch- 
fulness guard and keep open equally to all the 

highways of American commerce. 
# * 

We pledge ourselves to the enactment of a patent 
law which will make it impossible for patents to be 
suppressed or used against the public welfare in 
the interests of injurious monopolies. 


The time has come when the federal government 
should cooperate with manufacturers and pro- 
ducers in extending our foreign commerce. To this 
end we demand adequate appropriations by con- 
gress and the appointment of diplomatic and con- 
sular officers solely with a view to their special 
fitness and worth and not in consideration of polit- 
ical expediency. 

It is imperative to the welfare of our people 
that we enlarge and extend our foreign commerce. 
"We are preeminently fitted to do this because as a 
people we have developed high skill in the art of 
manufacturing. Our business men are strong ex- 
ecutives, strong organizers. In every way possible 
our federal government should cooperate in this 
important matter. 

The natural resources of the nation must be 
promptly developed and generously used to supply 
the people 's needs, but we cannot safely allow them 
to be wasted, exploited, monopolized, or controlled 
against the general good. We heartily favor the 
policy of conservation, and we pledge our party to 
protect the national forests without hindering their 
legitimate use for the benefit of all the people. 
Agricultural lands in the national forests are and 
should remain open to the genuine settler. Con- 
servation will not retard legitimate development. 


The honest settler must receive his patent promptly 
without hindrance rules or delays. 

"We believe that the remaining forests, coal and 
oil lands, water-powers, and other natural resources 
still in State or national control (except agricul- 
tural lands) are more likely to be wisely conserved 
and utilized for the general welfare if held in the 
public hands. In order that consumers and pro- 
ducers, managers and workmen, now and hereafter, 
need not pay toll to private monopolies of power 
and raw material, we demand that such resources 
shall be retained by the State or nation and opened 
to immediate use under laws which will encourage 
development and make to the people a moderate 
return for benefits conferred. 

In particular we pledge our party to require 
reasonable compensation to the public for water- 
power rights hereafter granted by the public. We 
pledge legislation to lease to the public grazing 
lands under equitable provisions now pending 
which will increase the production of food for the 
people and thoroughly safeguard the rights of the 
actual homemaker. 

Natural resources whose conservation is neces- 
sary for the national welfare should be owned or 
controlled by the nation. 

We recognize the vital importance of good roads, 
and we pledge our party to foster their extension 
in every proper way, and we favor the early con- 


struction of national highways. "We also favor the 
extension of the rural free delivery service. 

The coal and other natural resources of Alaska 
should be opened to development at once. They 
are owned by the people of the United States, and 
are safe from monopoly, waste, or destruction only 
while so owned. We demand that they shall neither 
be sold nor given away except under the homestead 
law, but while held in government ownership shall 
be opened to use promptly upon liberal terms re- 
quiring immediate development. 

* * 

The rivers of the United States are the natural 
arteries of this continent. We demand that they 
shall be opened to traffic as indispensable parts of 
a great nation wide system of transportation, in 
which the Panama canal will be the central link, 
thus enabling the whole interior of the United 
States to share with the Atlantic and Pacific sea- 
boards in the benefit derived from the canal. It is 
a national obligation to develop our rivers, and 
especially the Mississippi and its tributaries, with- 
out delay, under a comprehensive general plan 
governing each river system from its source to its 
mouth, designed to secure its highest usefulness 
for navigation, irrigation, domestic supply, water- 
power, and the prevention of floods. 


The equipment, organization, and experience ac- 
quired in constructing the Panama canal soon will 
be available for the lakes to the gulf deep water- 
way and other portions of this great work, and 
should be utilized by the nation in cooperation with 
the various States, at the lowest net cost to the 

The Panama canal, built and paid for by the 
American people, must be used primarily for their 
benefit. We demand that the canal shall be so op- 
erated as to break the transportation monopoly now 
held and misused by the transcontinental railroads 
by maintaining sea competition with them; that 
ships directly or indirectly owned or controlled by 
American railroad corporations shall not be per- 
mitted to use the canal, and that American ships 
engaged in coastwise trade shall pay no tolls. 

The progressive party will favor legislation hav- 
ing for its aim the development of friendship and 
commerce between the United States and Latin 
American nations. 

"We believe in a protective tariff which shall 
equalize conditions of competition between the 
United States and foreign countries, both for the 
farmer and the manufacturer, and which shall 
maintain for labor an adequate standard of living. 
Primarily the benefit of any tariff should be dis- 
closed in the pay envelope of the laborer. We de- 
clare that no industry deserves protection which 


is unfair to labor or which is operating in violation 
of federal law. We believe that the presumption 
is always in favor of the consuming public. 

We demand tariff revision because the present 
tariff is unjust to the people of the United States. 
Fair dealing toward the people requires an imme- 
diate downward revision of those schedules where- 
in duties are shown to be unjust or excessive. 

We pledge ourselves to the establishment of a 
non-partisan scientific tariff commission, reporting 
both to the President and to either branch of 
Congress, which shall report, first, as to the costs of 
production, efficiency of labor, capitalization, in- 
dustrial organization and efficiency, and the general 
competitive position in this country and abroad of 
industries seeking protection from Congress; sec- 
ond, as to the revenue producing power of the 
tariff and its relation to the resources of govern- 
ment ; and, thirdly, as to the effect of the tariff on 
prices, operations of middlemen, and on the pur- 
chasing power of the consumer. 

We condemn the Payne-Aldrich bill as unjust 
to the people. The Eepublican organization is in 
the hands of those who have broken, and cannot 
again be trusted to keep, the promise of necessary 
downward revision. The Democratic party is com- 
mitted to the destruction of the protective system 


through a tariff for revenue only a policy which 
would inevitably produce widespread industrial 
and commercial disaster. We demand the imme- 
diate repeal of the Canadian reciprocity act. 

We believe in a graduated inheritance tax as a 
national means of equalizing the obligations of 
holders of property to government, and we hereby 
pledge our party to enact such a federal law as will 
tax large inheritances, returning to the States an 
equitable percentage of all amounts collected. We 
favor the ratification of the pending amendment 
to the constitution giving the government power 
to levy an income tax. 

We pledge ourselves to a wise and just policy of 
pensioning American soldiers and sailors and their 
widows and children by the federal government. 

And we approve the policy of the southern states 
in granting pensions to the ex-confederate soldiers 
and sailors and their widows and children. 

We pledge our party to the immediate creation 
of a parcels-post, with rates proportionate to dis- 
tance and service. 

We condemn the violations of the civil service 
law under the present administration, including the 
coercion and assessment of subordinate employees 
and the president's refusal to punish such violation 
after a finding of guilty by his own commission; 


his distribution of patronage among subservient 
congressmen, while withholding it from those who 
refuse support of administration measures; his 
withdrawal of nominations from the Senate until 
political support for himself was secured, and hia 
open use of the offices to reward those who voted 
for his renomination. 

On these principles and on the recognized desir- 
ability of uniting the progressive forces of the 
nation into an organization which shall unequivo- 
cally represent the progressive spirit and policy, 
we appeal for the support of all American citizens, 
without regard to previous political affiliations. 



An article by Mr. Bryan, published in newspapers 
of Saturday, August 10th. 

In considering the new party organized at Chi- 
cago under the leadership of ex-President Roosevelt, 
the subject naturally divides itself into three 
heads: First, the reason which called the new 
party into existence; second, its platform of prin- 
ciples; and third, its candidates. 

Time alone can tell whether the new organiza- 
tion created for and led by Mr. Roosevelt, is to 
become a permanent and influential factor in 
American politics, or merely a temporary protest 
against the Republican party and its present 
leadership, and a means of forcing that party to 
accept the leadership of the progressives. 

It may be assumed at the start that to be per- 
manent this must be more than a one-man party. 
However influential a leader may be, he is hardly 
large enough to form the foundation of a great 
party. The mere fact that every man must some 
time die, precludes the idea of permanence unless 



the new party has something more enduring to 
build upon than personality. 

Several questions arise, and the answers to them 
will enable us to form some opinion as to the 
importance of the new party. 

First, would a new party have been organized 
at this time if Mr. Roosevelt were not a candidate 
for president? If not, then his ambition to hold 
the office for a third term is the controlling fac- 
tor, and no man's ambition is important enough to 
the public to lead to the formation of a new party. 
When a real necessity exists for a new party, that 
necessity will of itself bring forth a new party, 
and its sponsors will be sufficiently numerous to 
insure its existence and growth, no matter what 
may happen to any individual factor in its organi- 

Second, would Mr. Roosevelt have favored the 
organization of a new party had any one beside 
himself suffered the mortification of defeat at Chi- 
cago by President Taft ? If he had stayed out of the 
race and left the field to Senator LaFollette and 
Senator Cummins, would the defeat of either at the 
hands of the bosses have furnished him a sufficient 
reason for leaving the Republican party? 

The fact that he refused to take sides between 
Senator LaFollette and President Taft might 
justify a negative answer to the above question. 
The members of the new party may not accept this 


fact as controlling, but has the character of the 
Republican party changed materially within the 
last eight months? 

Third: In view of Mr. Roosevelt's denunciation 
of the Republican party as so boss-ridden as to 
destroy its usefulness, it may be asked with pro- 
priety whether Mr. Roosevelt would have regarded 
the Republican bosses as an insuperable objection 
to the party, if he had succeeded in seating enough 
of his contesting delegates to give him a majority 
in the convention. If he had controlled the na- 
tional committee, and it had seated enough of his 
southern delegates to dominate the convention, 
would he not now regard the Republican party as 
a people's party, and the only organization to be 
trusted ? 

We see how obnoxious those bosses are, how ab- 
solutely destructive the party's usefulness under 
Mr. Taft's leadership. "Would Mr. Roosevelt have 
been able to neutralize entirely their influence and 
render them harmless had he succeeded in securing 
the nomination? Mr. Root's selection as tempo- 
rary chairman was, of course, made in the interest 
of the predatory classes, but even after his eleva- 
tion to that position Mr. Roosevelt continued his 
efforts to obtain control of the convention. 

If he had succeeded, would his success have 
purged the convention of the evil influence that Mr. 
Root carried about with him? And, why, except 


for partisan and personal reasons, does Mr. Roose- 
velt put the Baltimore convention, which routed 
the bosses, in the same class with the Chicago con- 
vention, which was controlled by the bosses? 

These questions are asked because they are per- 
tinent. There is no doubt that the Republican 
party had done enough to merit defeat. The peo- 
ple have been very lenient with it, but has it for- 
feited its right to exist? The Republican party 
cannot hope to continue long upon the stage if 
a majority of its members rally to the standard 
of Mr. Roosevelt, but if a majority of the rank 
and file of the Republican party are reformers, 
could they not have reorganized and rejuvenated 
the Republican party from within ? 

Would not a much larger percentage engage in 
the work of reorganization than will be willing to 
leave the party to cast in their lot with a new 
party? Party ties are strong, and the desertions 
from Mr. Roosevelt, both in the regular conven- 
tion and since, show how much easier it is to lead 
a reform movement within a party than without. 

The platform adopted by the new party may be 
divided into three parts. One part indorses re- 
forms for which the Democratic party has been 
laboring for years, and, until recently, without 
much support from those who now hold themselves 
out as the only ones to be trusted with the secur- 
ing of remedial legislation. 


The labor bureau, for instance, with a seat in the 
cabinet, is a thing for which the Democratic party 
has been contending, also the election of senators 
by direct vote, and direct primaries. 

Our Baltimore platform was the first national 
platform to demand presidential primaries, and it 
went beyond the platform of the new party in de- 
manding the popular election of national com- 
mitteemen and a change in the system whereby a 
national committeeman will begin to serve as soon 
as elected, thus creating a new committee for the 
preliminary work of each convention. 

A considerable part of the labor plank is taken 
from previous Democratic platforms. It is ungrate- 
ful in the new party to accuse our party of "total 
incapacity, ' ' while using our material. 

A part of the platform deals with state issues, 
such planks, for instance, as those favoring the in- 
itiative, the referendum, the recall, and woman 
suffrage. These propositions are before the people 
in a number of States, and the indorsement of them 
will, of course, strengthen them, but it has not been 
customary for national platforms to deal with sub- 
jects which were not before congress, or connected 
with the work of the national administration. 

A part of the new section of the platform is com- 
mendable. For instance, the demand for a consti- 
tutional amendment making easier and more ex- 
peditious the amending of the federal constitution. 


We need such an amendment, and the people will 
welcome any assistance that the new party may be 
able to give this movement. 

The planks in regard to the conservation of 
human resources will appeal to the public, espe- 
cially those prohibiting child labor and excessive 
hours, together with those demanding a day of rest 
each week, a living minimum wage, legislation for 
the prevention of accidents, for the abolition of 
convict contract labor and for publicity in regard 
to labor conditions. 

The inheritance tax plank is also good, and the 
plank calling for greater safeguards for the pre- 
vention of monopoly of our national resources. 

The tariff plank is the same old sham that has 
been used for a generation. The protective system 
is held up as a sacred institution and support is 
given to the tariff commission idea, which is always 
brought forward to delay reduction. 

The plank on the trust question is a restatement 
of Mr. Roosevelt's position which leads directly 
to socialism. The doctrine that the trust is a nat- 
ural development and must be accepted as per- 
manent is the basis of the socialist propaganda. 

The socialist, however, recognizes that a private 
monopoly cannot be successfully controlled, and 
insists that the government shall own and operate 
the trusts. The new party, on the other hand, 
clings to the idea that the trusts can be left in 


private hands and yet be effectively controlled 
through a national bureau. 

All history is against this theory. Municipalities 
are taking over municipal plants because city coun- 
cils are corrupted by municipal corporations. If 
it is impossible for a municipal plant to be success- 
fully controlled when in private hands, how can we 
hope to control billion-dollar trusts through a na- 
tional bureau when the trusts will have so large 
a pecuniary interest in controlling the adminis- 
tration that appoints the members of the bureau ? 

The position of the new party on the trust ques- 
tion is so absolutely untenable as to prevent its in- 
dorsement by any large number of the people. 

The most Rooseveltesque plank of the platform, 
however, is the one demanding an indefinite exten- 
sion of the powers of the federal government and 
the abridgment of the rights of the States. This 
has for years been the dominant note in Mr. 
Roosevelt's political creed. The restraints of the 
constitution are irritating to him. 

He not only desires to enlarge the authority of 
the federal government at the expense of the state, 
but he desires to enlarge the powers of the national 
executive at the expense of the other departments. 
Whatever Democrats may think of Mr. Roosevelt's 
attitude on other questions, and however highly 
they may regard the national work he has done, 
they cannot join him in overturning the constitu- 


tional division of authority between state and 

The Democratic party believes in the full use of 
federal authority for the protection of the public, 
but instead of substituting federal remedies for 
state remedies, it would add federal remedies to 
state remedies, and thus give the people the benefit 
of both. The Roosevelt plan, however honestly ad- 
vanced, is not in the interest of popular govern- 
ment, but in the interest of a more selfish and sor- 
did exploitation of the people. 

Every lawyer knows that the big corporations fly 
to the federal courts to escape state courts. 

And now, as to the candidates: 

Governor Johnson, the nominee for vice-presi- 
dent, is an excellent man, and has made a splendid 
record as a progressive, but the fact that Mr. Roose- 
velt was the only one considered in connection with 
the presidential nomination, shows how completely 
the organization is based upon him and his per- 

Conceding everything that can be said in behalf 
of his great ability, his fighting qualities, and his 
educational work, it must not be forgotten that he 
has his weaknesses, that he is human. 

If it is true, as has been widely circulated, that 
some progressive Hadley or Cummins, for instance 
could have been nominated instead of Mr. Taft, 
but for Mr. Roosevelt's refusal to give way, then 


this must in itself weigh strongly in the minds of 
many earnest and honest progressives. 

If he could have secured the nomination of some 
one in harmony with his views upon a platform 
reasonably progressive, and thus thrown a united 
party behind a Republican progressive and a pro- 
gressive platform if he could have done this 
many Republicans against whose motives he can 
bring no just accusation will feel that he did not 
exhaust all efforts within the party before starting 
out to disrupt the organization to which he is in- 
debted for all of his prominence and influence. 

Mr. Roosevelt will also have to meet the ques- 
tion raised as to his tardiness in espousing the re- 
forms which he now advocates. Democrats, at 
least, will feel that a party which, like the Demo- 
cratic party, has been fighting in behalf of reforms 
for many years ought to receive some consideration 
from one who has violently opposed, as Mr. Roose- 
velt has, many radical reforms when the Demo- 
cratic party was making great sacrifices in their 

"Why, for instance, should a Democrat leave the 
Democrat party, which has labored in behalf of 
the popular election of senators for 20 years, in be- 
half of an income tax for 18 years, for railroad 
regulation for 16 years, for antitrust legislation for 
12 years, for publicity, before the election, as to 
campaign contributions for four years and for 

(J)e Mar in the Philadelphia "Record.") 



tariff reform for a generation ; why should a Demo- 
crat leave such a party to march under the leader- 
ship of a commander who did not begin advocating 
the popular election of senators until two years 
ago, the income tax until about six years ago, rail- 
road regulation until less than eight years ago, has 
remained silent during all these years as to tariff 
extortion and has in every campaign since 1892 
joined Wall Street, the subsidized press, the plun- 
derbund and the bosses in defeating the Demo- 
cratic party? 

Assuming that his conversion is sincere, why does 
he not bring forth works meet for repentance in- 
stead of demanding the chief seat at the feast ? He 
ought not to slander the party that has furnished 
him nearly every reform that he has espoused. 

A third objection that he must prepare to meet 
is that founded upon his position on the trust 
question. He failed for seven years and a half 
while President to check or even control the trusts ; 
he has not only kept silent for 11 years while the 
Steel Trust has exploited the country, but he per- 
mitted the Steel Trust to swallow up its largest 
rival, and he now accepts a Steel Trust director as 
his chief financial backer and advocates federal in- 
corporation, the very thing that the trusts have 
clamored for for a generation. 

A fourth, and the greatest objection, is his de- 
sire for a third term, an honor declined by Wash- 


ington and Jefferson, and withheld from Grant. A 
third term opens the door to any number of terms. 
What emergency requires it? The tendency is to- 
ward a single term, not toward a third term. 

A president wields more power than any king or 
emperor or czar, and his power increases each year. 
Surely the hatred of the progressive Eepublicans 
toward the Democratic party is as implacable as it 
is impossible to explain it, if they are willing to 
risk the dangers of an unlimited succession of presi- 
dential terms rather than use the Democratic party, 
with its progressive platform and progressive 
ticket, to rebuke the Republican party for failing 
to keep step with the progressive spirit of the age. 





Santa Barbara 





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