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The Tariff 

A Review of the Tariff Legislation of the 
United States from 1812 to 1896 



By 
William McKinley 



a^''- 



'■ '^ Z'^ 



G. P. Putnam*8 Sons 

New York and London 

Vbe ftnfcfterbocfiev ptCBB 

1904 



Cr.\'2RAL 



\1-^ 

*'^?^ 






COPYRIGHT, Z896 
FT 

THOMAS E. O'SHEA 



PUBLISHERS' NOTE. 

The essay presented in this volume was written by the 
late William McKinley in the spring of 1896, a few 
weeks before his nomination for the first term of his 
presidency. It was prepared for use in connection with 
a reprint that was then in course of publication of the 
Writings of Henry Clay. The adherents of the protec- 
tive policy have, as a rule, referred to Henry Clay as the 
founder of the protective system in the United States, 
and it is the case that the Tariff of 1824, which was 
framed under Clay's personal direction, was the begin- 
ning of the series of tariffs which had for their purpose 
consideration of protection of American producers as 
well as to some extent the requirements of the national 
treasury. 

The protective system as it exists to-day, having been 
accepted, during the greater number of years since the 
war, by a majority of the voters of the country as the 
national policy best suited in their judgment for the 
nation's industrial requirements, may very properly be 
connected with the name of William McKinley. 

The bill bearing McKinley's name, which was en- 
acted in 1890, is the basis of the tariff that is in force in 
1904. It was the case that Mr. McKinley, as chairman of 
the Committee of Ways and Means in the House, not only 
gave to the act his name, but gave to the preparation of 
the schedules months of arduous toil. He was himself a 
thorough and conscientious believer in the principles of 

iii 



iv PUBLISHERS' NOTE 

protection and in the contention that the needs of our 
country could best be furthered, and could in fact only be 
properly farthered, by a system of high tariff taxation. 

The Dingley Tariff Act, which is the law now in force, 
was enacted under Mr. McKinley's presidency and repre- 
sented the policy of his administration and the personal 
beliefs of its head. The Dingley Tariff Bill stands for 
the high-tide of the protective system. 

If there be value in the theories of the protectionists, 
and if it be possible to add to the wealth of the country 
by creating under the authority of the government ob- 
stacles to foreign commerce and barriers to the introduc- 
tion of foreign productions, the Dingley Tariff Act ought 
to insure for the citizens of the United States, an endur- 
ing measure of prosperity. 

This was the full belief of President McKinley, 
although it is the case that, during both his presidential 
terms, and particularly during the last year of his life, 
he expressed himself as strongly in favor of bringing 
about, by means of reciprocity treaties, some modification 
in the protective system and a lowering of the barriers 
which stood in the way of trade with certain countries, 
provided that these countries would extend reciprocal 
concessions on the productions of the United States. 

The essay presents a comprehensive survey of the 
history of protection in the United States and of the 
grounds on which successive generations of American 
statesmen have been prepared to confirm and to extend 
the system. It constitutes, therefore, a valuable addition 
to the economic history of the country, and also to our 
political history, which has been so largely based upon, 
and interwoven with, economic conditions. 



PUBLISHERS' NOTE y 

This essay, taken in connection with the speech on re- 
ciprocity treaties which was the last utterance of Presi- 
dent McEinley, constitutes also a valuable expression of 
his methods of thought and of his understanding of the 
purposes and the results of the protection creed of the 
Republican Party. 

The volume should, therefore, be found of special in- 
terest during the present year, when the Bepublican 
Party is again presenting for the approval of American 
voters a platform which provides for the maintenance 
of the protective measures of McKinley and Dingley. It 
is on this ground that the publishers have thought it in 
order to make separate publication of the essay in con- 
venient form for ready reference and for general dis- 
tribution. 

New Yobk, April 10, 190i. 




CHAPTER I. 



THE TARIPP IN THE DAYS OF HENRY 
CLAY AND SINCE 

Hbnbt Clay was oonspicuottsly and always a protec- 
tionist As the acquaintance or friend of many of the 
founders of the Gbvemment, and of their immediate sue- 
essors in office, he learned from them his early lessons 
in political economy and statesmanship, and profited by 
thw* illustrious example. Bom in Virginia in 1777, 
he had revered Washington with the ardor of youth; 
had become the clerk and proteg^ of the learned and 
venerable Chancellor Wythe ; and was inspired to his 
first oratorical efforts by the splendid eloquence of 
Patrick Henry. Agreeing with the doctrines of Adams 
and^ Hamilton, he yet espoused the cause of Jefferson 
and entered Congress in 1806, during his second term 
as President Intimately associated with that great 
statesman, he participated with Madison, Monroe, and 
the younger Adams in the administration of the Gov- 
ernment^ and for forty years earnestly advocated the 
great principles for which they in common contended. 
■^As Speaker of the House of Representatives he sup- 
ported the several protective tariff laws — ^five in num- 
ber—enacted from July 1, 1812, to February 5, 1816, 
which enabled the Government to successfully defray 
the extraordinary expenses of our second war with Eng- 
land« These laws increased the entire list of duties one 
hundred per cent. ; doubled the rates, and placed a 



8 THE TABIFF IK THE DATS 

further duty of ten per cent upon the goods imported 
in foreign vessels, besides the large tonnage-tax of $1.50 
per ton to the vessel Under such a policy the Ameri- 
can market was resei*ved for the American manu£eu> 
turer; and, notwithstanding the severe drain and waste 
of the war, our country emerged from it more prosper- 
ous and wealthier than it had been at its beginning. 

It was at this period that Mr. Clay embraced with 
such fervency the advocacy of internal improvements 
and the firm establishment of the protective theory as 
the two great essentials of what he termed ^^ the Ameri- 
can system.^' In a speech in January, 1816, he said : 

'^I would effectually protect our manufactories. I 

would afford them protection not so much for the sake 

of the manufacturers themselves as for the general 

interest" 

Jhis w as the jmimating principle of his whole oaner. 

Despite the caution of Mr. Madison against precipi- 
tancy,* Congress supplanted these measures with the 
act of April 27, 1816, greatly reducing the war duties. 
This bill did not receive the vote or support of Mr- 
Clay. Its effects were foreseen and deprecated by him, 
and were described some years later as ^^ most deplora- 
ble." ** We behold," said he, " general distress pervad- 
ing the whole country; unthreshed crops of grain 
perishing in our barns for want of market ; an alarming 

* In his special message of Febmary 20, 1815, transmittiiig a copy of the 
treaty of peace with Bnglaad, President Madison declared: "There is no 
subject that can enter with greater force and merit into the deliberations of 
Congress than a consideration of the means to preserve and promote the 
manufactures wliich have sprung into existence and attained an unparalleled 
maturity throughout the United States during the period of the European 
wars. This source of National independence and wealth I anxiously recom- 
mend, therefore, to the prompt and constant guardianship of Congress." 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 8 

diminution of the circulating medium ; univerBal com- 
plaint of the want of employment, and consequent 
reduction of the wages of labor. To add to these evils 
there is^ above all, a low and depressed state of the 
value of almost every description of property in the 
Nation, which has, on an aiverage, sunk not less than 
fifty per cent, within a few years." 

Gol. Benton's picture of the deplorable condition was 
no less graphic '^ No medium of exchange exists,^' said 
he, !'but depreciated paper; no change even, but little 
bits of foul paper, marked so many cents, and signed by 
tradesman, barber, or innkeeper ; exchanges deranged to 
the extent of fifty to one hundred per cent Distress 
the universal cry of the people, relief the universal 
demand thundered at the doors of all legislatures. State 
and FeideraJ." 

Mr. Clay made a gallant effort to enact a more 
efficient thriff in 1820, and carried his bill through the 
House, to be indefinitely postponed in the Senate by a 
single vote. It was at this time that he said : 

^The War of the Revolution effected our political 
emancipation. The late war (1812) contributed greatly /-^'^ 
ta our commercial freedom, but our complete independ- 
ence will only be consummated after the policy of 
protection shall be recognized and adopted.'' 

No relief ca^jaeuntilthe paasage of the act of May 
22, 1824> ^whic h was largely the work of Mr. Clay, and 
enacted through his controlling skill and geniua This 
was not a partisan measure, nor was it enacted by 
sectional divisions in either branch of Congresa 

In the House, for example, the bill was supported by 
such prominent Democrats as James Buchanan, of Penn- 



r 



4 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

sylvania; Louis McLane, of Maryland, and Samuel 
Houston, of Te2cas ; in the Senate, by such leaders as 
Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Thomas H. Benton, of 
Missouri, Martin Van Buren, of New York, and Richard 
M. Johnson, of Kentucky. It will be observed that in 
this conspicuous group are three statesmen who each 
subsequently became President of the United States, 
and one, GoL Johnson, Vice-President. All gave ardent 
support to the doctrine of protection as the great essen- 
tial to our industrial and commercial prosperity. 

In the vote on the passage of the bill in the House, 
New England cast fifteen yeas, twenty nays; the Mid* 
die States, sixty yeas, fifteen nays; the South, fourteen 
yeas, sixty-four nays; and the new States of the West, 
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, eighteen yeas, but not a 
solitary negative vote. Kentucky, also, imder the lead- 
ership of Mr. Clay, was a unit in its faror. 

It was in the course of this debate that Mr. Clay 
delivered his celebrated speech. of March 81, 1824, 
which is to this day a strong and effective argument 
for the protective policy. In discussing the relative 
advantages of foreign and domestic trade, he said: 

^The greatest want of civilized society is a market 
for the sale and exchange of the surplus of the pro- 
duce of the labor of its members. This may exist at 
home or abroad, or both, but it must exist somewhere 
if society prospers; and wherever it does exist it should 
be competent to the absorption of the entire surplus of 
production. It is most desirable that there should be 
both a home and a foreign market. But, with respect 
to their relative superiority, I can not entertain a doubt 
^The home market is first in order and paramount in 



OF HENBY GLAT AND BINCE. 



importance. The object of the bill under consideration 
is to create this home market, and to lay the foundations 
of a genuine American policy. The creation of a home 
market is not only necessary to procure for our agricul- 
ture a just reward for its labors; but it is indispensable 
to obtain a supply of our necessary wants^ If we can 
Bot sell, we can not buy. The sole object of the tariff 
is to tax the produce of foreign industry with a view to 
promoting American industry.^' 

The effects of this legislation were inamediate and 
gratifying, realizing tl^ predictions of its friends and 
promoters. Every class felt the revival of business and 
the general pro^enfy y the factory, the farm, our ship- 
ping, mercantile, commercial, and mining interests all 
enjoyed the change. Some years later Mr. Clay him- 
self bore eloquent testimony to the improved conditions 
of the country. In his memorable speech in the Senate 
on February 2, 1882, he said : 

"If I were to select any term of seven years since 
the adoption of our present Constitution which exhibi- 
ted a scene of the most undisputed dismay and desola- 
tion, it would be exactly that term of seven years 
which immediately preceded the establishment of the 

tariff of 1824 .If the term of seven years were 

to be selected of the greatest prosperity which the 
people have enjoyed, it would be exactly that period of 
-seven years which immediately followed the passage 
of the tariff of 1824.'^ 

With the act of 1828, still further increasing the 
duties, Mr. Clay had no immediate part, as he was then 
Secretary of State. In the earlier tariff debates Mr. 
Calhoun had appeared as a protectionist, and Mr. Web- 



6 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

ster as his opponent In 1834 their positions* were 
exactly rerertied, and in 1828 Mr. Webster again 
favored an increase of duties. Most of the distin- 
guished Democrats already mentioned were supporters 
of the law of 1828, and to their aid that great leader 
Silas Wright, of New York, contributed the weight of 
his splendid abilities. Five gentlemen who sub- 
sequently became President were recorded on the pas- 
sage of the act — Van Buren, William Henry Harrison 
and Buchanan for, and Tyler and Polk against it 
Never in any subsequent period of our history have the 
duties been higher, or the protective principle more 
rigidly sustained. 

The condition of the National faanewwas emi- 
nently satisfactory ; the publisjiebt-^as being rapidly 
reduced, and the Treasiu^inAtaiBed a surplus. Under 
these conditions, Mr. Clay, again in the Senate, in May, 
I^^SSOt offered a resolution ^^for the immediate abolition 
of all duties on all articles not coming into competition 
with similar articles made or produced in the United 
States, except those oa wines and silks, which ought to 
be reduced." This was opposed by Mr. Hayne, of 
South Carolina, and others, who proposed instead a re- 
duction of all duties, but after much discussion the 
acts of May 20 and May 29, 1880,— three in all- 
were passed. The first reduced the imports on cocoa^ 
tea and coffee. The other two, passed May 29th, pro- 
vided, respectively, for a decrease in the duty on 
molasses, with a drawback on spirits, and for a reduc- 
tion of the duty on salt. 

No general reduction, however, was made until two 
years later. Then President Jackson recommended a 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 7 

revision of thqLJtarifl^ ftpdrenrfanuary 9, 1832, Mr. Clay 
renewe3TiijMPe8qlut^^ on non- 

competing jirticles. ^ . Thp opposition . demanded the 
change of rates to a revenue standard. This Mr. Clay 
earnestly opposed. In his great speech of February 
2, 1832, he said: 

"The fiQl of the protective policy would be pro- 
ductive of consequences calamitous indeed. When I 
look to the variety of the interests involved, to the 
number of individuals interested, the amount of capital 
invested, the value of buildings erected, and the whole 
arrangement of the business for the prosecution of the 
various branches of the manufacturing arts which have 
sprung up under the fostering care of this Government, 
I can not contemplate any evil equal to the sudden 
overthrow of all these interests. History can produce 
no parallel to the extent of mischief which would be 
produced by such a disaster. The repeal of the edict 
of Nantes itself was nothing in comparison with it. 
That condenmed and brought to ruin a great number 
of persons; the most respectable portion of the popu- 
lation of France were condemned to exile and ruin by 
that measura But^ in my opinion, the sudden repeal 
of the tariff policy would bring ruin and destruction 
on the whole population of this country. There is no 
evil, in my opinion, equal to the consequences which 
would result from such a catastropha" 

Iir the same debate he expressed what was to him 
always a firm conviction when he declared : 

'' Gentlemen deceive themselves ; it is not free trade 
that they are recommending to our acceptance. It is 
in effect the British or colonial system that we are in- 



8 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

vited to adopt, and if this policy prevail, it will lead, 
substantially, to tbe re-colonization of these States, 
under the commercial dominion of Great Britain.'^ 

The result of the contention was the revision of the 
tariff on the lines proposed by Mr. Clay, as provided in 
the act of July 14, 1832. The position of Mr. Clay 
was identical with that of ez-Fresident John Quincy 
Adams, who, on May 22d, submitted a report to the 
House from the Committee on Manufactures, ably sus- 
taining the protective policy. In the course of his 
argument, Mr. Adams said : 

"Under that system of policy (the protective) the 
Nation has risen from a depth of weakness, imbecility, 
and distress to an eminence of prosperity unexampled 
in the annals of the world. It. was by counter legisla- 
tion to the regulations of foreign nations that the first 
operations of the Government of the United States 
were felt by the people ; felt in the encouragement and 
protection given to their commerce ; felt in the fulfill- 
ment of the public engagements to the creditors of the 
Nation; felt in the gradual discharge of the debt of 
gratitude due to the warriors of the Revolution ; felt 
in the rapid increase of our population, in the con- 
stantly and profitably occupied industry of the people, 
in the consideration and respect of foreign nations for 
our character, in the comfort and well-being and happi- 
ness of the community ; felt in every nerve and sinew, 
in every vein and artery of the body politic." • 

South Carolina assumed to be greatly offended that the 
reduction of duties was not much larger, and proceeded 
to place herself in an attitude of hostility to the General 
Government by promptly passing a law, commonly 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 9 

known as tbe ^^ Ordinance of Nullification," declaring 
that the new tariff was unconstitutional and void, and 
should not be collected in that State* Proclamation 
was made, by the authority of the Legislature, that if 
the Government of the United States should in any 
way attempt to enforce the tariff laws by means of its 
Army and Navy, then "South Carolina will no longer 
consider herself a member of the Federal Union." 

The cause of her advocacy of nullification and seces- 
sion, however, as Col. Benton observes in his " Thirty 
Years' View " was really " not the tariff at all, but the 
institution of human , slavery.^' Mr. Calhoun realized 
that the policy of protection to home industry was in- 
imical/to the employment of cheap or enslaved labor. 

President Jackson met the issue boldly, and in Feb- 
rury, 1838, secured the passage of what was designated 
at the time as ^' the Force Bill,'' by which he would have 
undoubtedly secured the collection of the revenues in 
South Carolina, had the nullification movement not been 
promptly abandoned. In his efforts for peace and the 
Union, however, Mr. Clay had meanwhile been active in 
the attempt to secure the passage of a bill, which, while 
it would provide a gradual reduction of duties, would 
still preserve intact the protective system. His ideas 
were embodied in the bill he introduced in the Senate 
on February 12, 1888, (which became a law in two 
weeks, or on February 26th,) that is known as one of 
the three great '^ Compromises " with which his name 
and fame are so inseparably connected. 

The friends of Jackson, Clay and Calhoun were for 
once united in support of the same measure, and it 
passed the Senate by a vote of twenty-nine to sixteen. 



10 THE TARIFF IK THS DATS* 

Still some of the strong men of that body, Webster, 
Benton, the venerable Samuel Smith, of Maryland, and 
Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey, voted against it. A 
bill to reduce the tariff had previously passed the House 
but Mr. Clay's bill was accepted by it as an amendment 
and passed that body immediately by a vote of 119 to 
85. Four of the six New England States, and Dela- 
ware, New Jersey, and Missouri voted solidly against it 
and all the Southern members but two for it. 

Taking the tariff of 1882 as the basis, the '<J\aj Com- 
promise '^ provided for an ultimate reduction of duties 
on all imports to a uniform level of twenty per cent ad 
valorem. One. tenth of the excess above twenty 
per cent was to be taken off on January 1, 1834; 
one tenth on January 1, 1886 ; one tenth on January 
1, 1888 ; one tenth on January 1, 1840 ; three tenths 
on January 1, 1842, and the remaining three tenths 
on July 1, 1842. The "compromise'* consisted in 
the swift reduction of duties after January 1, 1842, as a 
concession to the "Nullifiers, '' and the slow and gradual 
reduction prior thereto as a concession to the protec- 
tionists. 

The new law calmed the excitement in the South, but 

its effects were otherwise unhappy and disastrous. More 

than any other one cause it is generally charged that 

K it occasioned the great financial crisis of 1887, a sad 

A period of gloom and disaster almost equal to that which 
had preceded the enactment of the tariff of 1824. 

Mr. Clay believed that experience would, as it did, 
speedily teach the people a just appreciation of the ad- 
vantages of protection to home industry. He believed 
that " the American system would soon become firmly 



OF HEKBY GLAT AND SINGE. 11 

planted in the bosoms and affections of the people.'* 
He had in no sense forsaken his creed ; he simply sought 
to save the protective principle from disuse and aban- 
donment Never were the policy or opinions of any 
statesman more completely vindicated. 

Within five years a panic swept over the country that 
almost beggars description for its severity and distress. 
Not only were manufactures prostrated, but commerce, 
navigation, mining, and . especially agriculture, shared 
in the general ruiiL The scenes Clay and Benton had 
80 vividly portrayed in 1824 were repeated, only as de- 
velopment had increased, the losses now appeared still 
more frightful. Mortgages were foreclosed and forced 
Bales made in every direction ; thousands of able-bodied 
men were out of work, or toiling at not more than 
twenty-five cents per day ; while other thousands, un- 
able to obtain employment at any price, with their 
wives and children, were obliged to appeal for charity, 
and rely upon the free soup-houses, which were estab- 
lished in every city, for the only food they could procure. 

Sophistry can not withstand the piercing gaze of 
public opinioiL Theories will not avail against facts. 
False leaders appealed in vain, but the people attributed 
their distress in great part to the existing tariff, and 
when opportunity again came, as it did in the National 
election of 1840, they overthrew and drove from power, 
in every branch of the Government, the party they 
held responsible for it^ by most surprising majorities. 

As a result of this great revolution, and in obedience 
to the popular will. President T^ler, although himself a 
free-trader, felt constrained, on August 30, 1842, to 
give^Iisasient 16 anoWe7"great"pr(ftec ti ve tariff law. 



12 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

The IiiM;oTy of its passage is peculiarly interesting* 

The Twenty-seventh (Congress was Whig in both 
branches by a majority of thirty-one on joint ballot — 
the Senate, Whigs 28, Democrats 22 ; and the House, 
Whigs 133, Democrats 108. At the beginning of the 
session, in December, 1841, Millard Fillmore, the Whig 
leader of the House, moved the reference of so much of 
the President's message as related to the tariff to the 
Committee on Manufactures, the customary and proper 
reference, to the Committee which had framed all the 
tariff bills of our earlier Congresses. 

Charles G. Atherton, of New Hampshire, the leader 
of the Democratic side, moved as a substitute to refer it 
to the Committee on Way and Means. His purpose 
thereby, as he fully avowed in debate, was that ^the 
revision of duties should be made with exclusive refer- 
ence to the raising of revenue, and that the pro- 
tection of our industrial interests should not be con* 
sidered at all." Even without the final reduction under 
the Compromise tariff of 1888, which was to occur on 
July 1, 1842, the revenue was not sufficient for the 
support of the Government, and Mr. Clay had insisted in 
the Senate that the duties of necessity must be raised for 
that object alone to at least thirty per cent, ad valorem. 

Mr. Atherton's motion was lost Seventy-one Demo- 
crats and twenty-four Southern Whigs voted in the 
affirmative, but they were overruled by the negative 
votes of ninety Whigs and fourteen Democrats — the 
latter all from Pennsylvania but three. The subject 
was then referred to the Committee on Manufactures^ 
by whom a bill and report were promptly presented. 
Hon. Walter Forward, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the 



OF HENBT CLAT AND BIKGE. 13 

Treasury, also made an elaborate repoit, and submitted 
a bill to Congress, and a third bill and report were sub- 
sequently offered by the Senate Committee on Manu- 
facturea 

The bills were in accord in recognizing the principle 
of protection but differed in details. The best features 
of all three were embodied in a bill that passed the 
House on July 16th, by the vote 116 to 112. William 
Farmenter, of Massachusetts, was the only Democrat 
who voted in the affirmative. Fourteen Whigs and 
ninety-eight Democrats voted in the negative. 

The supporters of the bill included John Quincy 
Adams, William Pitt Fessenden, Francis Oranger, 
William Cost Johnson, William L. Goggin, Kenneth 
Bayner, of North Carolina, Nathaniel G. Pendleton and 
Jeremiah Morrow, of Ohio, Richard W. Thompson and 
Henry S. Lane, of Indiana^ Thomas F. Marshall, of 
Kentucky, Zadoc Casey, of Illinois, and Jacob M. 
Howard of Michigan. It passed the Senate on August 
5th — ^yeas twenty-five, all Whigs; nays twenty-three, 
all Democrats but three. 

To the very general regret and surprise. President 
Tyler vetoed the bill, because " it did not suspend the 
distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public 
lands among the several States of the Union,'^ which 
had been provided by an act passed in September, 
1841, that he himself had signed. Congress received 
his message with great indignation and the House 
attempted to pass the bill over his veto, but this failed 
for want of the required two-thirds vote. 

Another but substantially the same bill was passed 
by both branches of Congress within the next fortnight 



V 



14 THE TARIFF IN THE DAYS 

and this, too, was vetoed by Mr. Tyler. His second 
veto message, on motion of ex-President Adams, was 
referred to a special Committee of Thirteen, of which 
Mr. Adams became Chairman, and in such capacity 
wrote a scathing report against what he characterized 
as the President's arbitrary and inconsistent actions. 
He declared that Mr. Tyler ought to be impeached, and 
this was the general opinion of the Whigs of the 
country, both in and out of Congress, although they 
realized that such a thing was impossible 

This report so irritated the President that he sent a 
protest to the House in which he sought apparently to 
interfere with its legitimate functions and powers. 
John Minor Botts, of Virginia, theraupon offered the 
same resolution* which the Senate had adopted in 
1834 (and for which Mr. Tyler had himself voted), in 
censuring President Jackson for a somewhat similar 
action. This was adopted by a strictly party-vote — 
yeas (Whigs), 87 ; nays (Democrats), 46. 

A provisional tariff bill, to supply revenue until 
something more satisfactory could be agreed upon, was 
next attempted. In the discussion of this bill in the 
House, on August 22d, Hon. Thomas T. McKennan, 
of Pennsylvania, moved to strike out aU after the 
enacting clause, and insert the bill which had been twice 

*The student of history will recall that this was the Senate resolution 
offered by Mr. Clay in his controversy with President Jackson about the 
remoTal of the QoTemment deposits from the United States Bank at 
Philadelphia. It was adopted by the Senate, on liarch 28, 1884, by a vote 
of twenty-six to twenty, and read as follows : 

Beaolved, That the President, in the late executive proceedings in relation 
to the public revenue, has assumed upon himself authority and power not 
conferred by the Constitution and laws, but in derogation of both. 

It was for this resolution that Mr. Tyler, then a Senator from Virginia, 
had voted. 



OF HEKBT CLAY AND BINGE. 16 

▼etoed already, omitting the section regarding the 
distribntion of the proceeds of the sales of land, and 
the clause imposing a duty of twenty per cent, ad 
valorem on tea and coffee. He was a new member, but 
8o great w;as his ability and so persuasive his eloquence, 
that his motion prevailed and the bill passed the House 
by the close vote, yeas 105, nays 108. Of the 
affirmative votes, eighty-five were Whigs, and twenty 
Democrats, ten of the latter from New York, nine from 
Pennsylvania, and one from Massachusetts. Of the 
negative votes, sixty-eight were Democrats, and thirty- 
five Whigs; some of whom, although staunch protection- 
ists, would not surrender their convictions as to the 
land controversy in any emergency. 
* This bill, with some further slight modifications, 
passed the Senate, on August 27th, by the bare majoi^ 
ity of a single vote — ^yeas, twenty-four ; nays, twenty- 
three. Twenty Whigs and four Democrats (Ruel Will- 
iams, of Maine, Silas Wright, of New York, and James 
Buchanan and Daniel Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania) 
voted in the affirmative, and fifteen Democrats and 
eight Southern Whigs in the n^ative. It numbered 
iEunong its supporters George Evans, Richard H. Bayard, 
Rufus Ghoate, John J. Crittenden, William L. Dayton, 
and William A. Graham. The House concurred in the 
Senate amendments, and, to the general surprise, the 
bill was promptly approved by the President 

The framers of the new law were evidently im- 
pressed with the truth of Mr. Clay's wise maxim enun- 
ciated when referring in former years to ad valorem 
duties. " Let me fix the value of foreign merchandise," 
said he, "and I do not care what your duty is."' 



^ 



16 THE TARIFF IN THE DAYS 

Specific duties were substituted for ad valorem as far as 
possible throughout the whole list It proved a wise 
and beneficent measure, even more strongly protective 
than its friends at first had thought it would be. During 
the four years it was in operation it raised the country 
from the depths of financial depression and distress to a 
condition of confidence and prosperity such as it had 
not enjoyed since 1882. 

So widely popular was the new law that in the Pres- 
idential campaign of 1844, the Democrats in the critical 
Northern States were as earnest and outspoken advo- 
cates of it, and the doctrine of protection, as the friends 
of Mr. Clay. Their candidate for the Presidency, Hon. 
James E. Polk, of Tennessee, had uniformly voted 
against protective measures in Congress, but on the 
other hand Hon. George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, 
the Democratic candidate for Vice-President, had as 
a Representative been an active supporter of all such 
bills. It was this fact, more than any other, that led 
to his nomination. 

Indeed, in the exigencies of the campaign, Mr. Polk 
himself felt constrained to write his &iend, Mr. John 
E. Kane, of Philadelphia, on June 19, 1844, the only 
avowal of political principles he made *' for the public 
eye'' after his nomination. In this letter he declared 
that he had "voted for the tariff of 1832," the act of 
all others most offensive to South Carolina, and desired 
to '^ afford reasonable incidental protection to home in- 
dustry " in keeping with " the policy of General Jack- 
son on this subject" " In my judgment," said he, " it 
is the duty of the Government to extend, as far as it 
may be practicable to do so, by its revenue laws, and 



OF HEKBT CLA7 AND 8IKCE. 17 

all other means within its power, fair and just protec- 
tion to all the great interests of the whole Union, em- 
bracing agricoltore, manufactnres, and the mechanic 
arts, commerce and navigation." 

By this and similar assurances the fears of the pro- 
tection wing of the party were put to rest This was 
true in Pennsylvania especially, then ^^ the pivotal State " 
of the Union, for there the efforts of Mr. Dallas and Mr. 
Buchanan were successful in October, and the prestige 
of this triumph practically insured the election of Mr. 
Polk. It was so successful that Mr. Polk not only 
received majorities in the manufacturing centers of New 
Jersey, New York and Pennsylvania, as " a better pro- 
tectionist than Clay," but the planters of Alabama^ 
Greorgia and Mississippi were induced to support him 
with equal unanimity because as the Democratic 
leaders in those States declared, ^^ Polk was, and always 
had been, the consistent and uncompromising enemy of 
the protective policy." 

His election accomplished, Mr. Polk called into his 
Cabinet^ as Secretary of the Treasury, Hon. Robert J. 
Walker, of Mississippi, a zealous free trader, who was 
willing to go to any extreme in support of his theo- 
ries. As Senator he had opposed the law of 1842, and 
was well known to be intent upon its repeal. 

The Twenty-ninth Congress, elected in 1844, was 
Democratic in both branches, so that the Admimstra- 
tion could reasonably expect to direct its fiscal legisla- 
tion« Mr. Walker at once assailed the protective law 
"given to the country by a Whig Congress" in terms 
of great severity. He submitted a report upon the 
tariff in which he arraigned our manufacturers as but 



18 THE TABIFFCK^ THE DATS 

little better than public coospirators, gtiilty of both 
deceit and extortion. His report was hailed with de- 
light in England, but found little favor at home. 

Richard Gobden declared that ^^he had never read a 
better digest of the arguments in favor of free trade 
than that put forth by Mr. Secretary Walker and ad- 
dressed to the Congress of the United States.'^ He 
commended Mr. Polk's annual message of December, 
1845, also, and ^^congratulated his (British) associates 
that both President Polk and Mr. Secretary Walker 
had taken the task out of our hands of lecturing to the 
people of America upon the subject of free trade."' 
Indeed, this was the general opinion of English leaders, 
so freely declared that the House of Lords ordered the 
report of Secretary Walker to be printed and dis- 
tributed throughout the kingdom. 

Encouraged and supported by the President, Mr. 
Walker at length secured not only the repeal of '^ the 
odious Whig law,'' but the enactment of a bill meetr 
ing his own views, then and since commonly known 
/as " the Walker tariff." This was not done, however, 
\ without disagreement m the Cabinet, heated contests 
in Congress, and much dissatisfaction among the rank 
and file of the Northern Democracy. 

The vote in the House, on the passage of the bill, 
July 8, 1846, resulted — ^yeas, 114; nays, 98. Among 
those voting in the n^ative were twenty members from 
the South, including such Whig leaders as Ghurett 
Davis, of Kentucky ; Meredith P. Gentry, of Tennessee ; 
James Graham, of North Carolina; John S. Pendleton, 
of Virginia; and Robert Toombs and Alexander H. 
Stephens, of Georgia. These men joined heartily with 



OF HENBY oBlT AND SINCE. 19 

such prominent leaders of the North as John Quincy 
Adams, Gteorge Ashmun and Robert C. Winthrop, 
of Massachusetts; Charles J. Ingersoll and James Black, 
of Pennsylvania; Jacob CoUamer, of Vermont; Caleb 
B. Smith, of Indiana; Washington Hunt, of New York; 
and Columbus Delano, Robert C. Schenck and Joshua 
R. Giddings, of Ohio, in every effort to retard or 
defeat the bill. 

In the Senate, the contest was still more stubborn 
and uncertain, and is a familiar and memorable inci- 
dent in the annals of American politics. The body 
^waa evenly divided upon it and the Adminstration 
prevailed in the end only through the action of Vice- 
President Dallas, who, contrary to his own oft-ex- 
pressed convictions and life-long affiliations, gave the 
casting vote in favor of the passage of the bill. 

The test vote was taken on July 28th, twenty-seven 
Senators voting for the bill, and twenty-seven against 
it Of those voting in the affirmative, seventeen were 
from the slave-holding States and ten from the free, all 
Democrats. Of those voting against the bill eleven 
were from the South, and sixteen from the North, all 
Whigs but three — John M. Niles, of Connecticut^ and 
Simon Cameron and Daniel Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania. 
Despite the attempts to divide the Whigs on sectional 
lilies^ some of the strongest leaders of the South stood 
side by side with Webster, Corwin, Evans, Niles and 
Cameron in upholding the cause of protection. Crit- 
tenden, of Kentucky, Berrien, of Georgia, the Claytons, 
of Delaware, Mangum, of North Carolina, and Reverdy 
Johnson, of Maryland, eloquently sustained the policy 
of their party and good of the country. President Polk 



90 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

was quick to approve the law, and^ it went into effect 
August 80, 1846. 
,/Cj By tEe^new law the duties were for the first time ex- 
clusively ad valorem. On articles where the protective 
principle had directly applied under the old law the 
duties averaged about twenty-four per cent. It em- 
braced nine schedules, under the headings A to I, respect- 
ively. The first schedule, spirits, bore a duty of one hun- 
dred per cent; the second, tobacco, spices, wines, pre- 
served fruits and meats, forty per cent; the third, rated at 
thirty per cent carpets, cotton, silk, linen, wool, glass, 
leather, sugar, iron, and minor articles ; the next four 
fixed rates at twenty-five, twenty, fifteen, ten, and five 
per cent respectively upon the bulk of the merchandise 
then imported to this country ; the remaining schedule 
was devoted to an enlarged free list The average 
duties under the law, on the importations of 1847, were 
twenty-seven and seven-tenths per cent.; but in 1856 
they fell to twenty-one and sixty-eight-hundreths. 

It was the boast of the author of this law, and it is to 
this day claimed by his adherents, that the so-called 
Walker tariff ** remained unchanged for eleven years, 
during which^me the country enjoyed great prosperity; 
and that it was then voluntarily amended by its friends 
only in the direction of their well established free- 
trade policy." Wl^le-itis'a'fact that the law was not 
amended until 1857, it is a matter of dispute whether it 
brought "prosperity to the country,'' and it is not true 
that the people ever gave it their express approval. 

Indeed, in the Congressional elections of 1846, when 
the country was engaged in a foreign war and the 
patriotic impulses of the people would naturally have 



OF HENBY CLAY AKD SINCE. 21 

led them to sustain the Administration, so great was the 
indignation over the new tariff, that a Democratic 
majority of sixty-two in the House was changed to a 
Whig majority of three — ^a clear Whig gain of sixty-five 
in a total membership of 227. Seldom since has 
the country witnessed so striking a condemnation of 
any measure by public opinion. 

Again, in the Presidential campaign of 1848, it was 
dseu totho toriff^pdli eyuif the Administration that Penn- 
sylvama jpiroa herelectoral vote to Taylor instead of 
Cass, thereby d^eating the ktter. The State had been 
Democratic since the days of Jefferson ; it had sustained 
Jackson ; it had voted for Van Buren, in 1886 ; for Polk, 
in 1844 ; and, in 1848, no divisions were apparent within 
the party on the question of slavery. Yet Taylor carried 
the State over both Cass and Van Buren by about 2,300 
votes, and over Cass alone by 18,500. Had Cass re- 
ceived the electoral vote of Pennsylvania, despite the 
loss of New York, he would have been elected. In that 
State, at least, the people did not endorse, or at all ap* 
prove, of " the noble impulse given to the cause of free 
trade, by the repeal of the tariff of 1842, " commended 
by the Democratic National platform. 

During the National campaigns of 1852 and 1856, and 
in the Congressional elections of 1850, 1854, and 1858, 
the constant and exciting contentions over slavery en- 
grossed public attention. No other political issue was 
discussed, nor was the condition of the business affairs 
of the country from 1847 to 1856 generally such as to 
especially excite partisan differences. Anticipating for 
the moment the passage of the law of 1857, let us con* 
sider the claim of the advocates of free trade that this 






93 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

country enjoyed "unexampled," or "great and excep- 
tional prosperity, from 1847 to 1861," the period when 
the tariff- for -revenue -only policy held sway in the 
country. 

Simultaneous with President Polk's approval of the 
Walker bill came the declaration of war with Mexico. 
This led to the employment of an army of 100,000 
men, and the outlay of more than $160,000,000 among 
the people for its support, above the ordinary expendi- 
tures of the Government, during the next two years. 

Before this stimulus to our manufactures and trade 
began to subside, a terrible famine occurred in Ireland. 
This caused an unprecedented demand for our bread- 
stuff and brought to the United States extraordinary 
shipments of specie. Then followed the European rev- 
olutions of 1848, by which the trade and manufieu^tures 
of the entire continent were disturbed, and in some dis- 
tricts suspended. Importations to the United States 
were stopped, and for the time being our manufacturers 
enjoyed both the home market and a profitable foreign 
trade. 

Next came the discovery of gold in California, carry- 
ing to our Western shores the surplus population of our 
manufacturing and agricultural districts, and sending 
back to the East abundant streams of the precious 
metals. Such a condition was more than accidental — 
it was in the highest degree fortunate and providential. 

During the six years following 1848 it drew to the 
Pacific Slope from the older States a splendid popula- 
tion of enterprising and vigorous citizens, and added to 
the wealth of the world more than $640,000,000, in the 
output of gold alone. With such advantages we 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 



23 



should have become not only immensely wealthy, but 
amply able to meet every demand of the Government 
without borrowing a dollar for years to come had we 
possessed a wise fiscal policy. 

But in 1864 the output of gold showed signs of 
decline and fisdlure, and then, by another of the 
remarkable incidents of the time influencing our busi- 
ness conditions, the Crimean war broke out — a war 
between England, France, and Russia, three of the 
leading powers of Europe and the world. ^'Con- 
fusion worse confounded'' reigned in the industrial 
circles of Europe for the next two-and-a-half years, and 
during this period the United States enjoyed the richest 
harvest she had ever before reaped from foreign lands. 
Our country could hardly have been depressed under 
such remarkable conditions. But when peace came to 
Europe, manufacturing was resumed in England and 
France with greater energy and with more alluring 
prospects for trade in America than had ever before 
been known. 

Then, naturally, and inevitably, with our vastly 
increased importations, and consequent dependence 
upon foreign £EU^ories, our whole business situation was 
swiftly changed from apparent prosperity to actual 
distress. The tariff-for-revenueK)nly policy rested at 
length solely upon its own merits. We were as 
a nation pursuing the hazardous experiment of spend- 
ing abroad the money we should have kept at 
home. The gold of California, the largest product of 
that precious metal so far discovered in any country, 
was speedily drained by Europe. Within a year after 
the close of the Crimean war, this country was dis- 



'^/. . 



84 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

tressed and humiliated by the only financial panic it 
had experienced for twenty years, since the adoption of 
a somewhat similar tariff policy to that it was then 
pursaing. 

After the Democratic victory in the Presidential 
camjmign of 1856, the administration of Mr. Pierce, 
under the influence of Secretaries James Guthrie, of 
Kentucky, and Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, made 
haste to secure the passage of an act to still further 
reduce existing duties. Our importations were already 
unprecedentedly large, but it was claimed that the 
revenues -^ere more than the Government required, or 
could properly apply in its legitimate expenditures, 
including the payment of the_Natioaal-debt. Accord- 
ingly the law of M^h 8, 1857, was enacted. It passed 
the House by a voteof ii8 to 72, and met with but 
little opposition in the Senate. The members from the 
Western States were the most conspicuous of those 
from any section in speaking and voting against it. 
Questions of "popular sovereignity" and "free soil 
for free men" were absorbing the public mind both 
in and out of Congress. Party lines were not 
drawn, nor was any general apprehension manifested 
as to the bad policy of the pending measure. The 
new duties averaged about nineteen per cent ad 
valorem, with abundant loopholes for undervaluation 
and fraud, and afforded probably less protection than 
those of any other tariff law in our history. 

r^ The immediate effect was an increase in importations, 
and a heavy drain upon the specie of the country, 
while there was a marked reduction in the exportation 
of our agricultural products. A financial crash was 



OF HENBY CLAT AND SINCE. 35 

inevitable, and it fell with disastrous force upon the 
country in the fall of 1857 within six months after the 
passage of the new law. The panic soon swept over 
the entire Union, prostrating alike our agricultural, 
commercial, mining, and manufacturing interests. 

The need of relief everywhere was so apparent that 
President Buchanan in his first annual message, on 
December 8, 1857, felt constrained to appeal to Con- 
gress to do all in its power "to increase the confidence 
of the manufacturing interests and give a new impulse 
to business." His description of the condition of the 
times is .so striking that it bears frequent repetition. 

"In the midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the pro- \ 
ductions and elements of National wealth," said he, " we 
find our manufactures suspended, our public works / 
retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds/ 
abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers th^?ewnr 
out of employment and reduced to want." Then came 
the admission, which has always been made wheik. 
ever the free trade policy was adopted, that "the sanie 
causes which have produced pecuniary distress through- / 
out the country have so greatly reduced the amount of 
imports from abroad that the revenue has proved 
inadequate to meet the necessary expenses of the 
Government." 

The stagnation of business and paralysis of trade and 
enterprise continued during the next four years, with 
severe and widespread distress, almost as great and ex- 
hausting as during the previous low-tariff financial de- 
pressions of 1819-24 and 1837-42. It was impossible 
to repeal the new law, even if the Administration had 
attempted it. 



36 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

In this period of fifteen years, from 1847 to 1861, in- 
clusive, during which the economic theories of Mr. 
Walker prevailed, the total receipts from customs were 
$708,107,973, while the outlays of the Oovemment were 
$807^138,078. Consequently the expenditures exceeded 
the receipts by $99,025,105, Thus as strictly revenue 
measures the laws of 1846 and 1867 were both un- 
satisfactory. During the eleven years of the contin- 
uance of the tariff of 1846, the expenditures of the 
Government exceeded its receipts $21,790,909. Of 
this deficit, $8,205,805 occurred during the years 1855, 
1866, and 1857; so that when the act of 1867 was 
passed, it should have been apparent that while the ex- 
penditures were constantly increasing, the revenue was 
steadily diminishing. During the three years named 
our imports of merchandise exceeded our exports by 
nearly $123,000,000, while our exports of specie 
amounted to $182,500,000. During the four years of 
the operation of the tariff of 1857, the total receipts 
from customs were $184,125,000, and the expenditures, 
$261,359,196. Thus the expenditures of the Govern- 
ment exceeded its receipts $77,234,196, and the new law 
was shown to be even more inadequate for revenue 
purposes than that of 1846. 

Unsupported by the fortunate events which had for 
ten years given us the appearance of great prosperity, 
our own vast product of gold, and the benefits accruing 
to our people by reason of a great foreign war, the 
system did not sustain itself for a single year. Instead* 
of our having a large balance of trade always in our 
favor, as should have been conspicuously the case, our 
foreign imports exceeded our exports of home 



OP HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 27 

products by the tremendous sum of $448,854,907, 
while the exports of our specie exceeded the im- 
ports of money from other countries by the startling 
aggr^ate of $406,519,261. Can it be doubted that if 
the protective policy had been steadily maintained 
during this period and the duties had remained as fixed 
by the tariff of 1842, that there would have been not 
only an abundance of revenue, but that the public 
debt, principal and interest, would all have been 
extinguished, and the Treasury able to furnish abund- 
ant means to defend the imperiled life of the 
Ifation at the outbreak of the Civil War? Instead, 
our credit was gpne and it was with great difficulty 
that the Oovemment could borrow money either at 
home or abroad, and then only by selling our bonds 
bearing a high rate of interest at a heavy discount. 
An able financier has stated his confident belief that 
$200,000,000 in specie, which he declares could readily 
have been provided by a protective tariff between 1860 
and 1860, would have kept the National debt $1,000,- 
000,000 below the vast sum it attained during the war. 
Certain it is^ that with a surplus instead of a deficit in 
the Treasury, the Nation would not have been put to 
the shame of ^' having its paper hawked in the money 
markets at the usurious rate of one per cent a month.'^ 
Yet to this condition we were reduced under a revenue 
tariff in the summer of 1860. 

Never was there a period in our history in which the 
free trade policy had so excellent an opportunity to 
demonstrate its usefulness and adequacy to our indus- 
trial «nd governmental conditions. But, instead of in- 

* James G. Blaine. 



28 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

suring prosperity, it produced universal distress aud 
want ; instead of raising money to support the Govern- 
menty even during a time of peace and wonderful 
development, the system pX^lutiecK it provided was 
utterly insufficient and produced results exactly the 
opposite of those olnimed fwit. As soon as the foreign 
wars ceased, the revenue began to diminish and the 
i expenditures to exceed it, thus creating deficiencies and 
enforcing loans and increasing our National debt from 
$15,500,000, in 1846, to $90,580,000, on Maroh 4, 1861. 
. While it may be claimed that in the Presidential 
campaign of 1860, the tariff played no decisive part, 
and that other issues controlled, still at the Republican 
National Convention, next to the resolutions opposing 
the spread of slavery into territory then free, the fol- 
lowing declaration of the platform is reported to have 
elicited the most pronounced* applause : 

"While providing revenue for the support of the 
General Government by duties upon imports, sound 
policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as 
to encourage the development of the industrial interests 
of the whole country. We commend, therefore, that 
policy of National exchanges which secures to the 
workingman liberal wages, to agriculture renumerative y ^ 
prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate 
reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the 
y Nation commercial prosperity and independence."' 

This was accepted then and has always and every- 
where since been accepted as a cardinal doctrine in the 
creed of the Republican parfy. Seldom, if ever, has it 

* Murat Halstead, In the Cincinnati Commercial, an eye-witness of all the 
National Conventions of this year. 




OF KmiiT'^Ji^'>^iia(€ sikce. 29 

been better stated than in these significant sentences. 
Both wings of the discordant Democracy stood ready 
to join issae upon the tariff, bat it was necessarily of 
subordinate interest in most of the States. In Ohio, 
Indiana, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, and 
Connecticut, however. Republican chances were de- 
cidedly benefited by the position of the party on the 
tariff. Pennsylvania had been carried in 1856 
against General Fremont for President, and in 1857 
against Hon. David Wilmot, for Governor, directly 
upon the slavery issue. The majority for Mr. Buch- 
anan had been 82,800; and for Hon. William F. Packer, 
over Mr. Wilmot, 42,750. It will be remembered that 
Mr. Wilmot was personally the very embodiment of the 
anti-slavery issue, and that issue in 1860 was in no re- 
spect more favorable to the Republicans, in any of its 
various phases, than it had been in 1857. Without the 
discussion of the tariff, it was confidently asserted by 
men of all parties, that in all probability Pennsylvania 
would have been lost by the Republicans in October, 

• and that would inevitably have defeated the National 

• ticket in November. 

** The Republican candidate for Governor, Hon. 

• Andrew G. Curtin, was quick to realize this condition 
^ of public opinion. It was very largely due to his effect- 
^.^ive appeals to the workingmen of the State, that Re- 

• publican success was assured. In an increased vote, 
JMr. Cui^tin carried the State in October by a majority 
^f 82,164, and thus insured it for Mr. Lincoln, who 

-triumphed over all opposing candidates by nearly 

• 60,000. Prom beginning to end of the campaign Mr. 
^ Curtin devoted the greater part of his time to the dis- 



30 THE TABIFF IK THE DATS 

cusslon of the tariff, and his brilliant victory not only 
electrified the Republicans of the State and Nation, bnt 
deariy demonstrated the strong hold the protective 
principle had upon the affections of the people. 

During Mr. Buchanan's entire term the receipts of 
the Treasury were insufficient to meet the appropria- 
tions of Congress and the Government steadily incurred 
a large debt. To check this increasing deficit, the 
House, which was controlled by the Republicans, in- 
sisted upon a bill providing a sc ale of duties which 
iiTAnTj^ifi^H f Iftrg^^ roTTOTinnj tinA qu May 10, I860, 
succeeded in passing it. This bill had been prepared 
and reported by Hon. Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont- 
It/ met with but little favor on the 'majority side of the 
Senate, and was postponed until the nejct session. At 
that time, owing to the absence of the Southern mem- 
bers, the whole aspect of affairs was changed. The 
Republicans suddenly found themselves in control of 
the Senate, and the bill was favorably reported, with 
amendments increasing the proposed duties. The Senate 
passed the bill on February 20, 1861, by a strict party 
vote — ^yeas twenty-five, all Republicans ; nays fourteen^ 
aU Democrats. The South was represented by members 
from Arkansas, North Carolina, Tennessee and Vir- 
ginia, and to their negative votes were added those of 
Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, Joseph Lane, of Ore- 
gon, and other Northern Senators. The test vote in 
the House was taken February 27th, and resulted in 
favor of the bill — ^yeas, 102; nays, 43. Of those in 
opposition, twenty-eight were from the South and fif- 
teen from the North. Seven prominent Southern 
leaders, noted for their subsequent devotion to the 



OF HENBT CLAT AND SINCE. 31 

Union, voted for it. The Administration was within 
forty-eight hours of its close, when on March 2, 1861, 
Mr. Buchan^^ajBltproved the law. In his earlier career 
he ha^'c^istently upheld the protective doctrine, and 
now doubtlessly welcomed the opportunity to again 
record himself in its favor. 



CHAPTER II. 

The Thirty-seventh Congress convened in special 
session on July 4, 1861. It was Republican in both 
branches. Perhaps no legislative body ever enacted so 
many important and beneficial laws in a single short 
session^ ending August 6th. It met President Lin- 
coln's demand for $400,000,000 and 400,000 men 
bravely, and all its measures for the prosecution of the 
war were signally successful It initiated many legis- 
lative departures, and its work will remain the admir- 
ation of the student and model of the legislator. 

The "Morrill tariff,'' so called, had gone into effect 
on April Ist, and was amply sustaining the hopes of its 
enactors and friends. It not only provided an in- 
creased rate of duties, but it authorized the payment 
of outstanding Treasury notes, and a loan of $10,000,- 
000. It met the exigencies so well that a general 
revision was not attempted at the extra session. By 
the law of August 5, 1861, however, the dutiable list 
was extended, as Th^ddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, 
Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, 
estimated, so as to add annually about $22,500,000 to 
the revenue. Its scope was again extended at the reg- 
ular session, by the act of December 24, 1861. Under 
this, the duties on tea, coffee and sugar were increased, 
directly as a war measure. General tariff acts increas- 
ing the duties, and rendering more certain their prompt 



OF HENBT CLAY AND SINGE. 83 

aad easy collection were also passed with comparatiyely 
little opposition on Jaly 14, 1862, June 80, 1864, and 
Marcli 3, 1866. 

The law of 1862 was especially effective. Not only 
did it practically shut oat rainous competition by f or> 
eign mannfacturers, bat it provided an internal revenae 
that in 1866 reached the stapendoos aggr^ate of over 
$309,000,000, or a million dollars for each working day 
in the year. The tax on incomes provided by it 
yielded $72,982,000, or more than the entire receipts 
of the United States Government for all parposes in 
any year of oar history prior to the outbreak of the 
Civil War. 

Perhaps the law encoantering greatest resistance was 
that of 1864. This was determinedly opposed by the 
Democratic leaders, but passed the House, on June 4th, 
by a vote of 81 to 26, and the Senate, on June 17th, by 
22 to 5. The returns from these measures were in the 
highest degree satisfactory. The receipts from customs 
from the beginning to the close of hostilities, and for 
the years immediately succeeding the war, were far 
greater than had been expected. In 1862 they ex- 
ceeded $49,000,000; in 1868, $69,000,000; in 1864, 
$102,816,000; and in 1865, about $85,000,000. In 
1866| at the dawn of peace, the customs receipts in- 
creased to $179,000,000, or more than twice as great a 
sum as had ever been raised in any year by any pre- 
vious tariff, revenue or protective, in our entire history. 
In 1867 the receipts were $176,417,000; in 1868, $164,- 
464,000 ; in 1869, $180,048,000 ; and in 1870, $194,538,- 
000. Equally vast or greater sums were collected by 
the Government from internal taxes, under authority 



84 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

of these acts, increasing annually from $87,640,000, in 
1862, to $809,226,000, in 1866. 

As soon as our great armies had been disbanded, 
however, the Republican leaders in Congress b^an at 
once to discuss measures for reducing the volume of 
direct taxation, and, as far as possible, to limit the 
expenditures of the Government to its resources from 
customs dues and a tax on spirits and tobacco. By the 
acts of July 18, 1866, and March 2, 1867, reductions in 
internal taxes were made amounting to $105,000,000. 
Reductions were made in the taxes upon about four 
hundred articles of manufacture, on saving banks, and the 
gross receipts of corporations, the aim being to reduce 
the total internal revenue to an amount not exceeding 
$265,000,000 per annum, making due allowance for the 
increase of business and growth of the countiy. The 
receipts for 1867 exceeded this amount by but $100,000, 
yet Congress, by the act of March 2, 1867, removed 
$40,000,000 in taxes: $19,500,000 from incomes, 
$4,000,000 from clothing, $8,500,000 from woolens, 
$3,250,000 from leather, $1,000,000 from steam engines, 
and various other lesser amounts. 

The Fortieth Congress continued the work of reduc- 
ing the "war taxes ^' with great alacrity. A tax on raw 
cotton had been levied in 1868 and was continued 
until 1868, the Government realizing from it about 
$68,000,000. This was repealed, and a further reduc- 
tion of internal revenue was made by the acts of March 
31, and July 80, 1868. Relief was given to manu- 
facturers by the abolition of what was known as ^ the 
five per. cent tax '' on a variety of products, the revenue 
from which was estimated at $45,000,000. 



OF HENBY OLAT AND SINCE. 86 

The financial legislation of the time was comprehen- 
sive and able. Within four years after the close of 
the Civil War the National debt was reduced nearly 
$300,000,000, and steps were taken looking to its 
speedy payment and extinction, instead of perpetuation, 
as in the case of the great nations of Europe. This 
vrs8 done, too, notwithstanding a steady and enormous 
reduction of the internal revenue, which, in 1869, was 
$151,000,000 less than in 1866. Our protective system 
remidned unimpaired and was fulfilling every expecta* 
tion of its friends although the free traders were 
already beginning to assault it. 

The Republican National Convention of 1868 declared 
that ^'it is due to the labor of the Nation that 
taxation should be equalized and reduced as rapidly 
as the National faith will permit" The Democratic 
National Convention, on the other hand, declared, with 
traditional reverence, in favor of ^' a tariff for revenue 
upon foreign imports ; ^' and then added the anomalous 
provision, ^^and such equal taxation under the internal 
revenue laws as will, without impairing the revenue^ 
impose the least burden upon and best promote and 
encourage the great industrial interests of the country." 
So far as this could be construed into any definite 
policy it was a preference for internal taxation instead 
of customs dues. To this the Bepublicans of the 
country were decidedly opposed. 

At the first session of the Forty-first Congress, on 
March 29, 1869, Hon. George W. Morgan, of Ohio, offered 
a resolution instructing the Ways and Means Committee 
of the House to report a bill **to exempt salt, tea, 
coffee, sugar, matches, and tobacco from every species 



S6 THE TABIEF IN THE DAYS 

of taxation for Federal purposes." Mr. Hooper, of 
Massacliasetts, moved that it be laid on the table, 
which was agreed to— yeas, 104; nays, 40. The 
affirmative vote was exclusively Republican, and the 
negative exclusively Democratic, except one. 

At the second session of this Congress, on January 
31, 1870, Hon. Samuel S. Marshall, of Illinois, offered a 
resolution in the House declaring that ^Hhe Constitution 
does not include or embrace any power to levy duties 
for any purpose other than the collection of revenue, 
and that a tariff levied for any purpose other than 
revenue is unjust to the body of the American people." 
On motion of Mr. Kelsey, of New York, the resolution 
was laid on the table — ^yeas, 90; nays, 77. The affirmative 
vote was entirely by Republicans ; the negative, Demo- 
crats 52, Republicans 25. 

On March 14th, Mr. Marshall again offered a reso- 
lution declaring ^Hhat no duty should be imposed on 
any article above the lowest rate which will yield the 
largest amount of revenue." It was referred to the 
Committee on Ways and Means. 

On June 6th, Hon. Hamilton Ward, of New York, 
submitted a resolution directing the Committee on 
Ways and Means ^^to report a bill abolishing the tariff 
on coaL" This was adopted by a vote of 112 to 78, 
seventy-six Republicans and thirty-six Democrats voting 
in the affirmative, and sixty-one Republicans and 
seventeen Democrats in the negative. 

On June 27th, Hon. Henry A. Reeves, of New York, 
moved that the Committee be instructed to report a 
bill ^^reducing the present duties on all classes of salt 
fifty per cent." His resolution was adopted by a vote 



OF HEKBT CLAT AND 8IKGB. 17 

of 110 to 49 ; fifty-eeven Bepublicans and forty-three 
Democrats in the affirmative, and forty-nine Bepublicans 
in the negative. 

On July 14, 1870, President Grant approved the gen- 
eral tariff act which was passed by Congress at this ses- 
sion. It reduced the revenue from customs about $27,- 
000,000, and from internal revenue some $53,000,000, 
according to the estimate of Hon. Robert G. Schenck, of 
Ohio, then Chairman of the Ways and Means Coounittee 
of the House, and one of the most capable and popular 
leaders in Congress. To his industry, ability and elo- 
quence the country is especially indebted for the main- 
tenance of our pix>tective system. Upon few statesmen 
of the period devolved such weighty responsibilities^ 
cheerfully and creditably borne in every emergency. 
The bill passed the House, on June 6th, by a vote of 
152 to 35, fifteen Democrats voting in the affirmative, 
and two Bepublicans in the negative. It passed the 
Senate, as amended, on July 5th, yeas, 48 ; nays, 6 ; two 
Democrats voted for the bill, and one Republican 
against it The House concurred in the Senate amend- 
ments to abolish idl special taxes (such as the tax on 
passports) and fix the income tax at two-and-a-half per 
cent The bill then went to a Conference Conunittee 
consisting of Senators Sherman, of Ohio, Morrill, of 
Vermont, and Hamilton, of Maryland, and Representa- 
tives Schenck, of Ohio, Kelley, of Pennsylvania, and 
James Brooks, of New York. Their report was sub* 
mitted on July 18th, adopted by the Senate without 
division, and by the House by a vote of 144 to 49. 

The duties on tea, coffee and sugar, and some articles 
of steel and iron were reduced, but neither salt nor coal 



38 THE TABIFF IK THE DATS 

was put on the free list The country did not accept 
the bill without misgivings that Congress, in its haste 
to reduce taxation, had failed to give sufficient regard 
to the prospective needs of the Government. 

President Grant, with the common sense for which 
he was proverbial, promptly announced his opposition 
to all covert attacks upon our protective system. Dis- 
cussing the insidious pleas for *' revenue reform," which 
free traders were making, in his annual message to 
Congress, December 5, 1870, he said : 

'^ If it (revenue reform) implies a collection of all the 
revenue for the support of the Government, for the 
payment of principal and interest of the public debt^ 
pensions, etc., by directly taxing the people, then I am 
against revenue reform, and confidently believe the 
people are with me. If it means failure to provide the 
necessary means to defray all the expenses of the Govem- 
menty and thereby the repudiation of the public debt^ 
and of pensions, then I am still more opposed to any 
such kind of revenue reform. Revenue reform has not 
been defined by any of its advocates, to my knowledge, 
but seems to be accepted as something which is to 
supply every man's wants without any cost or effort on 
his part. A true revenue reform can not be made in a 
day, but it must be the the work of National legislation, 
and of time. As soon as the revenue can be dispensed 
with, all duty should be removed from coffee, tea and 
other articles of universal use not produced by our- 
selves. The necessities of the country compel us to col- 
lect revenue from our imports. An army of assessors 
and collectors is not a pleasant sight to the citizen, but 
that, or a tariff for revenue is necessary. Such a tariff, 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 99 

80 far as it acts as an encouragement to home produc- 
tion, affords employment to labor at living wages^ in 
contrast to the pauper labor of the Old World, and 
also in the development of home resources.'' 

Hon. William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, offered a 
resolution in the House, on December 12, 1870, de- 
claring that ^^the true principle of revenue reform 
points to the abolition of the internal revenue system 
and retention only of taxes on distilled spirits, tobacco, 
and malt liquors, so long as the legitimate expenses of 
the Government require the collection of any sum from 
internal taxes." He moved a suspension of the rules^ 
which was agreed to, and the resolution was adopted 
almost unanimously — ^yeas, 168 ; nays, 6. 

In his third annual message to Congress (December 
4, 1871), President Grant again discussed the propriety 
of a revision of the tariff. In this he said : 

'^The prosperity and greatness of a nation is to be 
found in the elevation and education of its laborers. 

In readjusting the tariff I suggest that a 

careful estimate be made of the amount of surplus 
revenue collected under the present laws, after pro- 
viding for the current expenses of the Government, the 
interest account, and a sinking fund, and this surplus 
be reduced in such a manner as to afford the greatest 
relief to the greatest number. There are many articles 
not produced at home, but which may enter largely 
into general consimiption through articles which are 
manufactured at home, such as medicines compounded, 
etc., from which very little revenue is derived, but 
which enter into general use. All such articles, I rec- 
ommend to be placed on the ^^free list." Should a 



40 THE TARIFF IN THE DAYS 

farther redaction prove advisable, I woald then recom- 
mend that it be made apon those articles which can 
best bear it without disturbing home production or 
reducing the wages of American labor." 

On March 18, 1871, inthe Forty-second Congress, at 
its first session, Hon. Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, 
who was afterwards to figure so prominently in tarilE 
legislation, moved to suspend the rules and put upon its 
passage a bill to comply with the recommendations of 
President Grant by placing tea and coffee on the free 
list This was agreed to, and the bill passed — ^yeas, 
140 ; nays, 48, nine Democrats and thirty-nine Repub- 
licans voting in the n^ative. The Senate did not act 
on this bill until more than a year later, when, on April 
80^ 1872, Mr. Scott, of Pennsylvania, called it up, and 
submitted an amendment to the effect that ^' all tea 
and coffee in public stores or bonded warehouses on 
July Ist should be free of duty, and that a rebate 
should be granted on that which had previously paid 
a duty." This was agreed to, but amendments to 
further extend the free list^ so as to include salt^ and 
other articles, were defeated. The bill was then passed 
— ^yeas, 39 ; nays, 10, four Democrats and six Repub- 
licans voting in the negative. The Senate amendments 
were concurred in by the House, and the act was 
approved by President Grant on May 1st The re- 
duction in revenue by it amounted to $20,000,000 per 
annum. 

The temper of the times suggested many experiments. 
On March 18, 1871, Hon. John R Famsworth, of Illinois, 
moved to suspend the rules of the House and pass a 
bill providing that ^ no tax or duty shall be levied or 



OF HENBT CLAT AND 8IKCR 41 

collected upon foreign coaL'' This was agreed to, and 
the bill was passed — ^yeas, 180; nays, 57. Twelve 
Democrats voted in the negative. The Senate took no 
action on the bill. 

On the following day, Hon. Eugene Hale, of Maine, 
moved to suspend the rules, and pass a bill ^ placing 
Bait on the free list.'^ This was agreed to, and the bill 
was passed — ^yeas, 147; nays, 46. Seven Democrats 
and thiriy-nine Republicans voted in the negative. The 
Senate did not consider the bill 

On March 27th, Hon. Ellery A, Hibbard, of New 
Hampshire, offered a resolution, which was referred to 
the Committee on Ways and Means, vrithout contest, 
declaring that ^ the tariff should be so reformed as to be 
a tax for revenue only, and not for the protection of 
class interests at the general expense.^ On the same day, 
Hon. Hosea W. Parker, of the same State, offered a 
resolution declaring it the sense of the House '^ that the 
tariff should be so reformed as to be a tax for revenue 
only.^ This, too, was referred to the Committee on 
Ways and Means — ^yeas, 98; nays, 18 — ^a strict party 
vote, except seven Democrats voted for the reference, 
and five Republicans against it. 

On April 10, 1871, Hon. William D. Kelley, as in the 
previous Congress, offered a resolution declaring that 
^ the true principle of revenue reform points to the abo- 
lition of the internal revenue system.'' It was adopted 
—yeas, ISO ; nays, 21, eight Republicans voting in the 
native. 

On February 19, 1872, Hon. Eugene Hale moved to 
sospend the rules and pass a bill placing coal and salt 
on the free list, but the motion did not receive the 



4a THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

necessary two-thirds vote — ^yeas^ 102; nays, 86. Six- 
teen Democrats voted against, and thirty-seven Repub- 
licans for suspending the rules. 

On February 26th, Hon. Samuel S. Cox, of New 
York, moved to suspend the rules and pass a bill ^'re- 
ducing the tariff on pig-iron to five dollars per ton, or 
less," but the motion was lost — ^yeas, 74 ; nays, 99. AH 
the affirmative votes but eleven were cast by Democrats 
and all the n^ative but eleven by Republicans. 

At this session, under the act of March 5th, Congress 
repealed all internal taxes on canned meats, fish, fruits, 
and vegetables. By the general tariff act of June 6, 
1872, also passed at this session, many changes were 
made in existing duties. A reduction of ten per cent, was 
made in the duties on all importations of cotton, wool» 
iron, steel, paper, straw, rubber, glass and leather, with 
numerous specific changes, and a large addition to the 
free list This bill passed the House on May 20th — 
yeas, 149 ; nays, 61 — ^and the Senate, as amended, on 
May 81st, with but three dissenting votes, all Repub- 
licans. The report of the Committee of Conference was 
quickly agreed to, and the bill promptly signed by the 
Pi'esident. Under these acts, and that of May 1st, the 
reduction in internal taxes was about $21,131,000, and 
the decrease in customs about $44,000,000. 

The Liberal Republican platform of 1872 subse- 
quently adopted by the Democratic National Conven- 
tion declared : ^^ That recognizing that there are in our 
midst honest but irreconcilable differences of opinion 
vrith regard to the respective systems of protection and 
free trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the 
people in their Congressional districts, and the decisions 



OF HENBT CLAT AND SINGE. 43 

of Congress thereon, wholly free from ezecntive inter- 
ference, or dictation.'^ 

The Republican National Convention met the issue 
more boldly. It declared : ^ That revenue, except so 
much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and 
liquor, should be raised by duties upon importations, 
the details of which should be so adjusted as to aid in 
securing I'emunerative wages to labor, and in promoting 
the industries, prosperity, and growth of the whole coun- 
try. '^ Upon this platform the Republicans won an unpre- 
cedented victory, and carried the Forty-third Congress 
by an overwhelming majority. 

In his fifth annual message to Congress, on December 
1, 1878, President Grant devoted considerable attention 
to the consideration of our National finances. His 
observations, in part, were as follows: 

" The receipts of the Government from all sources for 
the last fiscal year were $833,738,204, and the expendi* 
tares on all accounts $290,845,245, thus showing an 
excess of receipts over expenditures of $48,398,959. 
Bat it is not probable that this favorable exhibit will 
be shown for the present fiscal year. Indeed, it is very 
doubtful whether, except with great economy on the 
part of Congress in making appropriations and the same 
economy in administering the various departments of 
Government, the revenue will not fall short of meet- 
ing actual expenses, including interest on the public 
debt. 

^^The revenues have materially fallen off for the first 
five months of the present fiscal year from what they 
were expected to produce, owing to the general panic 
now prevailing, which commenced about the middle of 



44 THB TABIFF IK THE DATS 

September last The fall effect of this disaster, if it 
should not prove a '^blessing in disguise/' is yet to be 
demonstrated. In either event it is your duty to heed 
the lesson, and to provide by wise and well considered 
legislation, as far as it lies in your power, against its 
recurrence, and to take advantage of all benefits that 
may have accrued. My own judgment is that, however 
much individuals may have suffered, one long step has 
been taken toward specie payment, that we can never 
have permanent prosperity until a spede basis is reached, 
and that a specie basis can not be reached and main- 
tained until our exports, exclusive of gold, pay for our 
imports, interest due abroad, and other specie obliga^ 
tions, or so nearly so as to leave an appreciable accum* 
ulation of the precious metals in the country from the 
products of our mines. ... In further connection with 
the Treasury Department I would recommend a revision 
and codification of the tariff laws, and the opening of 
more mints for coining money, with authority to coin 
for such nations as may apply. " 

In the House of Representatives, on January 12, 1874, 
Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, moved to suspend the 
rules and adopt a resolution declaring ^^ that the taxes 
which now burden the people should not be increased ; 
but the support of the Grovemment during the present 
temporary paralysis in the industries of the country 
should be met by a temporary loan or loans." The 
motion was disagreed to, two-thirds not voting in the 
affirmative — yeas, 154 ; nays, 88. Fifty-six Democrats 
and ninety-eight Republicans voted to suspend the 
rules ; and twenty Democrats and sixty-three Republi* 
cans against it. 



OF HENBT CLAY AND SINGE. 46 

On the same day, Hon. William S. Holman, 6f 
Indiana, offered the following resolution: 

^ Heaohwd, Tliat in the judgment of this House there 
is no necessity for increased taxation or for an increase 
of the public debt by a further loan if there shall be 
severe economy in the public expenditures ; and in view 
of the condition of the National finances this House 
will reduce the appropriations and public expenditures 
to the lowest point consistent with a proper adminis- 
tration of public affairs.^' 

The rules were suspended and it was adopted by 
a vote of two hundred and twenty-two to three. 

Hon* Joseph R Hawley, of Connecticut, offered a 
fitting supplement to this resolution which was also 
adopted. It declared that — 

^The expenditures of the Nation can and should be 
so reduced and regulated that they can be met by the 
existing taxes, and in no event should there be an 
increase of either interest-bearing or non-interest-bear- 
ing obligations of the Government" 

These resolutions had ref erence, of course, to the so- 
called ^ panic of 1873," and the financial depression 
which followed. The causes that produced this 
financial disturbance were not connected with our 
revenue systeuL They were the necessary and 
logical effects of the war, and the long period of 
speculation and inflation attendant upon it. Wise 
financiers foresaw and predicted it, and had the 
contraction policy been adopted by Congress, the crash 
would have been precipitated upon the country at an 
earlier day and with greater severity. The protective 
policy retarded and mitigated our monetary evils, and 



46 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

there were fewer suspensions of factories, lighter re- 
dactions in wages, less distress on the farm, and a 
smaller proportionate shrinkage of values, the country 
over, than had occurred in any of our previous great 
financial depressions. Moreover, the country emerged 
from it more promptly, and in a more prosperous con- 
dition, than in any other panic. Depreciation in values 
and failures in business were unavoidable, but the 
expansion and development which followed the resump- 
tion of specie payment^ and the close of the panic, 
were on a surer and safer basis than ever before had 
been attained in the fiscal history of the United States. 

By the acts of May 9, and June 22, 1874, further 
reductions and modifications in customs duties were 
made, amounting in the aggregate to from $6,000,000 
to $10,000,000. The passage of these laws was un- 
timely and they were evidently not satisfactory, if we 
may judge from President Grant's sixth annual message 
to Congress, on December 7, 1874. In this he said : 

^^ At the last session of Congress a very considerable 
reduction was made in the rates of taxation and in the 
number of articles submitted to taxation. The question 
may well be asked whether or not, in some instances, un- 
wisely. In connection with this subject, too, I venture 
the opinion that the means of collecting the revenue, 
especially from imports, have been so embarrassed by 
legislation, as to make it questionable whether or not 
laige amounts are not lost by failure to collect, to the 
direct loss of the Treasury, and to the prejudice of the 
interests of honest importers and taxpayers. '' 

In compliance with these su^estions, Congress, by 
the acts of February 8, and March 3, 1875, increased the 



OF HENBY CLAY AND BINGE. 47 

taxes on liquors and tobacco, and the duties on sugar 
and molasses. The ten per cent decrease of duties, 
provided by the act of June 6, 1872, was repealed. 

The House of Representatives in the Forty-fourth 
Congress for the first time since the war was strongly 
Democratic, containing 168 Democrats in a total mem- 
bership of 293. It organized by electing Hon. Michael 
G. Kerr, of Indiana, Speaker, who appointed Col. 
William R Morrison, of Illinois^ Chairman of the 
Ways and Means Committee. Mr. Kerr's health was so 
poor, however, that he died a few days after the adjourn- 
ment of the first session, and was succeeded as Speaker 
by Hon. Samuel J. Bandall, of Pennsylvania. The 
Senate remained Republican by forty-two to thirty-two. 
To this Congress, President Grant addressed his 
seventh annual message, December 7, 1876. Speaking 
of the tariff he said : 

^One measure for increasing the revenue — and the 
only one I think of — ^is the restoration of the duty on tea 
and coffee. These duties would add probably $18,000- 
000 to the present amount received from imports and 
would in no way increase the price paid for these 
articles by the consumers. These articles are the pro- 
ducts of countries collecting revenue from exports, and 
as we, their largest consumers, reduce the duties, they 
proportionately increase them. With this addition to 
the revenue, many duties now collected, and which give 
but an insignificant return for the cost of collection, 
might be remitted, and to the direct advantage of con- 
sumers at home.^' 

At the first session of this Congress, on January 81, 
1876, Mr. Morrison, of Illinois, introduced a bill for the 



48 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

revision of the tariff. It reduced the rates on almost 
the entire dutiable list except cigars (on which the duty 
was increased) and reimposed a duty upon tea and cof- 
fee. The bill was referred to the Committee on Ways and 
Means, and on May 25th, the House, in Committee of the 
Whole, began its discussion. Mr. Morrison opened the 
debate, which continued at intervals until June 2d| when 
it was postponed to the next session, but the bill never 
came to a direct vote at any stage of the proceedings. 

On May 29th, Hon. Charles H. Adams, of New York, 
offered a resolution, declaring it the judgment of 
the House 'Hhat legislation affecting the tariff is at 
this time inexpedient'* The main question was ordered, 
but Mr. Morrison secured a reconsideration by a vote 
of 120 to 94, and had the resolution referred to the 
Committee on Ways and Means. Eight Republi- 
cans and Independents voted with the Democrats for 
the reference, and nineteen Democrats and Independ- 
ents with the Republicans against it. No tariff 
legislation was further attempted during the session. 

The tariff was a platform issue of the Presidential 
campaign of 1876, but received comparatively little 
attention from the press or the masses of the voters of 
either party. At the Republican National Convention 
in Cincinnati, on June 14th, it was unanimously resolved: 

^^ That the revenue necessary for current expenditures, 
and the obligations of the public debt^ must be largely 
derived from duties upon importations, which, so far as 
possible, should be adjusted to promote the interests of 
American labor and advance the prosperity of the whole 
country.'' 

At the Democratic National Convention in St Louis, 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINGE. 49 

Jane 27th, the platform was adopted by a vote of 661 
to 83. The eleventh plank of this lengthy ^^ deolaiation 
of principles '' is as follows: 

" We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly 
4,000 articles^ as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, 
and false pretence. It yields a dwindling, not a yearly 
rising, revenua It has impoverished many industries 
to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports that might 
purchase the products of American labor. It has de- 
graded American commerce from the first to an inferior 
rank on the high seas. It has cut down the sales of 
American manufacturers at home and abroad, and 
depleted the returns of American agriculture— an in- 
dustry followed by half our people. It costs the people 
five times more than it produces to the Treasury, 
obstructs the processes of production, and wastes the 
fruits of labor. It promotes fraud, fosters smuggling, 
enriches dishonest officials, and bankrupts honest mer- 
chants. We demand that all custom-house ta2cation 
shall be only for revenua" 

The House of Bepresentatives of the Forty-fifth Con- 
gress, elected in 1876, was again Democratic, the 
majority party electing 158 of the 298 members. The 
Senate was Republican by the narrow margin of two 
votes — ^Republicans, 89 ; Democrats, 86 ; Independents, 
1. Hon. Samuel J. Randall was re-elected Speaker of 
the House, and by his appointment Hon. Fernando 
Wood, of New York, became Chairman of the Ways 
and Means Committee. 

On December 1, 1877, at the very beginning of the 
session, Hon. Roger Q. Mills, of Texas, moved to sus- 
pwd the rules and adopt a resolution ^^ instructing the 



60 THE TARIFF IN THE DATS 

Committee on Ways and Means to so revise the tariff as 
to make it purely and solely a tariff for revenue, and 
not for protecting one class of citizens by plundering 
another." The motion was disagreed to— yeas, 67, all 
. Democrats but six ; nays, 76, all Republicans but ten. 

Nevertheless, the Committee on Ways and Means 
promptly reported a tariff bill materially deducing ex- 
isting duties, and especially crippling the steel and iron, 
glass and pottery industries. On March 28, 1878, Mr. 
Wood moved that his bill be made the special order for 
April 4th, which was objected to, but the motion pre- 
vailed by a vote of 187 to 114 — ^fifteen Republicans 
voting in the affirmative and ten Democrats in the nega- 
tive. The discussions in the Committee of the Whole 
were decidedly adverse to the bilL It was shown that 
there was no popular demand for such le^lation, but 
on the contrary that the workingmen of the country by 
the thousands had not only remonstrated against the 
pending measure, but insisted rather on an increase of 
the dutiea There was no plethora in the revenue nor 
surplus in the Treasury justifying its passaga Indeed, 
the experts of the Treasury estimated that the revenue 
to be derived under the bill, on the basis of the importa^ 
tions of 1877, would be insufficient to support the Gov- 
ernment, and result in a deficiency of at least $9,000,000 
annually. The Committee of the Whole House there- 
fore agreed to recommend the defeat of the bill. The 
question of ^striking out the enacting clause'' came to a 
vote in the House on June 5th and the recommendation 
of the Committee was sustained — ^yeas, 184 ; nays, 120. 
Nineteen Democrats voted in the affirmative and six 
Republicans in the negative, while fourteen Republicans 



OF HENBT CLAY AND SINCE. 51 

and twenty-two Democrats did not vote. Thus ended 
anotlier assault on our protective system, but, as Mr. 
W€K>d declared, in anticipation of an adverse result, '^ the 
fight had only just begun.'^ 

In the election of 1878 the Democrats carried the 

House of Representatives in the Forty-sixth Congress, 

and the Senate was also Democratic, that party having 

succeeded in electing forty-two of the seventy-six meni- 

bera In accordance with the call of President Hayes, 

Congress convened in special session on March 18, 1879. 

Mr. Randall was again elected Speaker and Mr. Wood 

re-appointed Chairman of the Committee on Ways and 

Means, with such prominent free-trade ^^ tariff reformers ^ 

as Messrs.' Tucker, of Virginia, Morrison, of Illinois^ 

Ifills, of Texas, and Carlisle, of Kentucky, as his asso- 

ciate& 

On June 80, 1879, Hon. James W. Covert, of New 
York, moved to suspend the rules of the House and 
pass a bill ^ to put salts of quinine on the free lisf 
There was little opposition to the motion, and the bill 
passed by a vote of 126 to 83. It passed the Senate, on 
July 1st, without division, and was promptly approved 
by the President. 

In tbe House, on January 12, 1880, Hon. William H. 
Hatch, of Missouri, moved to suspend the rules and pass 
a bill providing that ^' no duty shall be levied or col- 
lected, directly or indirectly, on the importation of salt,'' 
but it was disagreed to — ^yeas, 115 ; nays, 116. Sixteen 
Republicans voted in the affirmative, and fifteen Demo- 
crats in the negative. 

On March 1st, Hon. William M. Lowe, of Alabama, 
introduced a bill to provide for refunding the cotton tax. 



62 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

eollected daring the war^ to the States fix>in which it 
was collected. It was referred to the Committee on 
Ways and Means— yeas, 136 (Republicans 103, Demo- 
crats and Nationalists 33) ; nays, 92, (Democrats 89, 
Nationalists 3) — and was never subsequently re- 
ported. 

On March 8th, Hon. William J. Samford, of Alabama, 
introduced two bills affecting the tariff. The first pro- 
posed a reduction of fifty per cent, on merchandise com- 
posed of " hemp, metals, wool, wood and cotton ; " the 
second, the repeal of all duties on ^'printing-type and pa- 
per, and the materials entering into their composition.^' 
He asked their reference to the Committee on Revision of 
Laws, but this was disagreed to, and the bills were sent 
to the Committee on Ways and Means, by the test vote 
of 114 to 87. One hundred and seven Republicans and 
thirty-seven Democrats voted for the latter reference ; 
and seven Republicans and eighty Democrats against it 
On the same day Mi\ Hatch's " free salt bill '* was re- 
ferred to the Ways and Means Committee, the Republi- 
cans generally favoring and the Democrats opposing the 
reference. 

On March 22nd, Hon. Richard W. Townshend, of 
Illinois, introduced a bill to abolish ^^ the duty on salt, 
printing-type, printing-paper, and the chemicals and 
materials used in the manufacture of printing-paper,'' 
and secured its reference to the Committee on Revision 
of Laws. On the next day Genei-al Garfield moved " to 
amend the journal so as to refer it to the Ways and 
Means Committee." A bitter parliamentary fight en- 
sued, lasting several days, in which the opponents of 
the bill were finally successful, the reference to the 



OF HENBY CLAT AND BINGE. 63 

Ways and Means Committee Wng ordered by a vote 
of 142 to 90, All the negative votes were cast by 
Democrats, with the exception of three Nationalists. 

On April Sth, Mr. Townshend moved to suspend the 
roles and discharge the Committee on Ways and Means 
from the further consideration of this bill. This was 
disagreed to by a vote of 112 to 80. 

On May 11th, Mr. Tucker, from the Ways and 
Means Committee, reported a bill '^to regulate the 
duties on hoop, band, and scroll iron/' which, with the 
accompanying report, was referred to the Committee of 
the Whole House. Mr. Garfield, of Ohio, submitted a 
minority report, signed by himself and the other 
Eepublican members of the Committee. No other 
action was taken upon the measure. 

Mr. Tucker reported a second bill " to regulate the 
customs duties on sugar," and it, too, was referred to 
the Committee of the Whole, without any further 
action by the House. He also reported a third bill, 
commonly known as '^the general tariff bill," but 
styled by the Committee as a bill '^ to regulate the cus- 
toms duties on certain articles therein named.'' On 
Hay .24th, Mr. Garfield submitted an exhaustive minor- 
ity report embracing the views of himself and col- 
leagues not only upon ** the Tucker bill," but upon the 
tariff in general It was widely circulated in the 
National campaign of that year as a campaign docu- 
ment — ^peculiar interest attaching to its author, then 
the Republican candidate for the Presidency. 

On June 8th, Mr. Tucker reported a House joint res- 
olution from the Committee on Ways and Means rela- 
tive to the duty on hoop-iron, which after some objec- 



64 THE TABIFF IK THE DATS 

tion was adopted on a viva voce vote. It was reported, 
on June 10th, by the Finance Committee of the Senate, 
and adopted by that body, again without division, aad 
by the approval of President Hayes had the force and 
effect of law. 

Fending the resolution for final adjournment, Mr. 
Mills moved that it be recommended to the Ways and 
Means Committee with instructions to report a bill 
providing for the ^^ free importation of salt and printing- 
paper before they report a resolution for adjournment." 
This was disagreed to — ^yeas, 90, all Democrats but 
eleven; nays 116, all Republicans but thirty-one. 

The discussions of the Senate were principally over 
the bill introduced by Hon. William W. Eaton, of 
Connecticut, '^ to provide for the appointment of a Com- 
mission to investigate the tariff, a final report to be 
made in January, 1881.'^ This was passed on June 8, 
1880, by a vote of thirty-one to fifteen. The affirmatire 
vote was cast by sixteen Democrats and fifteen Repub- 
licans; the n^ative entirely by Democrats. The bill 
was not considered by the House. 

At the third session of this Congress, on December 6, 
1880, Hon. Frank H. Hurd, of Ohio, offered a Hpuse 
joint resolution proposing, to the end that the tariff 
should be for revenue only, the following changes : 

1. ^^ Upon all dutiable articles producing little or no 
revenue to the Government the duty should be returned 
to a revenue basis, or they should be placed on the free 
list'' 

2. " The duty on tea and coffee should be restored." 
The resolution was referred to the Ways and Means 

Committee, but although subsequently supported by 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 66 

Mr. Hard in a speech to the House no vote was taken 
upon it 

On December 21sty Hon. Hiram Price, of Iowa, 
moved to suspend the rules of the House and pass a 
bill repealing the law ^^ requiring stamps on bank 
checks.^ The motion was lost — ^yeas 129, nays 68, not 
the requisite two-thirds in the affirmative. Seven 
Bepublicans voted with the Democrats in the n^ative.* 

Thus after six years' agitation the situation as to the 
tariff was practically unchanged. By the acts of June 
22, 1874, of February 8, and March 8, 1875, of July 1, 

1879, and June 14, 1880, the Income Tax had been 
abolished, the Match Tax repealed, and various changes 
made in the assessment and collection of internal 
revenue, but while this was true the aggregate receipts 
from customs and internal revenue were practically the 
the same— $265,618,000, in 1874, and $810,581,000, in 

1880. Meanwhile the country amid unexampled embar- 
rassments had attained a prosperity greater than it had 
ever before enjoyed. So great was the prosperity that 
the Republican party, at its National Convention at 
Chicago, in June, 1880, could truthfully congratulate 
the people upon the marvelous success of its fiscal 
policy. Never before could any political organization, 
appealing to the record, safely assert that its achieve- 
ments included such great events as the following, 
which were enumerated by the platform, subsequently 
endorsed by the country : 

• Upon tlie'death of Hon. Fernando Wood, Febnuuy 14, 1881, Mr. 
Tucker became Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. Hon. 
James A. Qarfleld, of Ohio, having been elected to the Presidency, and 
resigned from the House, Mr. McEinlej, of the same State, succeeded him 
u a member of this Committee in December, 1880. 



56 



THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 




^ It (the Repablican party) has raised the valae of 
our paper currency from thirty-eight per cent to the 
par of gold. It has restored, upon a solid basis^ pay- 
ment in coin for all the National obligations, and has 
given us a currency absolutely good and equal in every 
part of our extended country. It has lifted the credit 
of the Nation from the point where six per cent bonds 
sold at eighty-six to that where four per cent bonds 
are eagerly sought at a premium. Under its administrar 
tion railways have increased from 81,000 miles in 1860, 
to more than 82,000 miles in 1879. Our foreign trade 
has increased from $700,000,000 to $1,160,000,000 in 
the same time ; and our exports, which were $20,000,- 
000 less than our imports in 1860 were $264,000,000 
more than our imports in 1879. Without resorting 
to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordi- 
nary expenses of the Government, beside the accruing 
interest on the public debt, and disbursed annually 
over $80,000,000 for soldiers' pensions. It has paid 
$888,000,000 of the public debt, and, by refunding the 
balance at lower rates, has reduced the annual interest 
charge from nearly $161,000,000 to less than $89,000,- 
000.'' 

In view of these facts the Republican Convention 
declared ^that the reviving industries should be fur- 
ther promoted, and that the commerce, already so 
great, should be steadily encouraged.'' It also resolved: 
i^We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 1876, that the 
m l^ylghdm the [>iirpose of revenue should so dis- 

nn&^ ^Wivor American labor." 

ic National Convention, at Cincinnati, 
ed in fevor of " a tariff for revenue 



OF HBNBY OLAT AND SINCE. 57 

ODfy ; ^ and then, as if in doubt as to how its position 
would be construed, added this further declaration: 
^The Democratic party is a friend of labor and the 
laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike 
against the cormorants and the communa'* 

The tariff issue was destined to receive much atten- 
tion in the ensuing campaign. After the Republican 
reverse in Maine in September, it was evident that 
Tudess the States of Indiana and Ohio holding elec- 
tions in October could be carried, defeat in the Nation 
in November was certain. The Democratic declaration 
in favor of ^a tariff for revenue only " was turned with 
tremendous force against that party, and proved of the 
greatest advantage in carrying both these States for the 
fiepublican ticket. The visit of G-eneral Grant and 
Senator Conkling to Ohio and Indiana was no more 
effective than the brilliant campaign of Mr. Blaine^ 
who devoted his efforts to a striking and thorough dis- 
cussion of the tariff issue, of which he was so truly 
''prophet and master.'' In the East, the result in New 
York hinged largely upon its consideration and the 
workingmen of the industrial centers were rallied to 
the standard of protection in immense and decisive 
numbers. Indeed, that alone saved the State, and 
secured the election of the Republican National ticket. 

The House of Representatives of the Forty-seventh 
Congress, elected in 1880, was Republican by seven 
majority. It organized by electing Hon. Joseph War- 
^n Keifer, of Ohio, Speaker, who appointed Hon. 
William D. Kelley, Chairman of the Ways and Means 
Committee. Neither party had a majority in the 
Senate, which consisted of thirty-seven Republicans, 



68 THE TARIFF IN THE DATS 

ihirty-sevea Democrats, one Independent and one Bead- 
joBter. Hon. David Davis^ of Illinois, was elected 
President pro tern. 

President Arthur, in his first annual message, Decem- 
ber 6, 1881, devoted a passage to the tari£E. He said: 

^^The tariff laws also need revision, but, that a due 
regard may be paid to the conflicting interests of our 
citizens, important changes should be made with cau- 
tion. If a careful revision can not be made at this 
session, a Gonmiission, such as was lately approved by 
the Senate, and is now recommended by the Secretary 
of the Treasury, would doubtless lighten the labors of 
Congress whenever this subject is brought to its con- 
sideration." 

On March 8, 1882, Hon. John A. Kasson, of Iowa, 
called up the bill, reported by him for the Goiomittee 
on Ways and Mean^ to create a Tariff Commission 
of nine members, to be appointed by the President 
Objections were made, and it was held not to have 
precedence, although on March 20th • Mr. Kelley suc- 
ceeded in having it made a special order, and it was 
thereafter the subject of much debate. On May 6th 
Mr. Mills moved that it be recommitted to the Ways 
and Means Committee ^^ to report within thirty days a 
bill framed in compliance with the following instruc- 
tions: 

^^1. That no more money should be collected than 
is necessary for the wants of the Government, econom- 
ically administered. 2. That no duty be imposed on 
any article above the lowest rate that will yield the 
largest amount of revenue. 3. That below such rate 
discrimination may be made descending in the scale of 



OF HEKBT CLAY AND SINCE. 59 

duties, or for imperative reasons the article may be 
placed on the list of those free from all duty. 4. That 
the mayimnm revenue duty should be imposed on lux- 
uries. 6. That all specific duties should be abolished 
and ad valorem duties substituted in their place, care 
being taken to guard against fraudulent invoices and 
undervaluation, and to assess the duty upon the actual 
market value. 6. That the duty should be so imposed 
as to operate as equally as possible throughout the 
Union, diBcriminating neither for nor against any class 
or section.'' 

This resolution embraced the creed of Mr. Mills and hia 
fellow '^tarifE-reformers,'' both in Congress and through- 
out the country, but it is safe to say no tariff bill ever 
wa^ or could be drawn to meet his conditiona The House 
defeated the motion to reoonmiit by the vote, yeas, 76 — 
all Democrats ; nays^ 162 — all Republicans but twenty- 
nine, six Nationalists and twenty-three Democrats. 

The bill to create the Commission was then passed 
by a similar vote — ^yeas, 161 ; nays, 83. Seven Re- 
publicans voted with the Democrats in the negative, 
and twenty-six Democrats and five Nationalists with 
the Republicans in the affirmative. 

The Senate passed this bill with but little opposition. 
A similar measure, by Mr. Morrill, had, in fact, been 
introduced in the Senate on December 6, 1881, and 
passed on March 28, 1882, by a vote of 88 to 16. The 
House bill was passed on May 9th — yeas, 86, all Re- 
publicans but six; nays 19, all Democrats but two. 
It was approved by President Arthur on May 16th, 
and the following gentlemen were appointed by him 
to constitute the Tariff Commission, all of whom were 



60 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

promptly confirmed by the Senate: John L. Hay^ of 
MassachusettSy Chairman ; Henry W. Oliver, Jr., of Penn- 
sylvania; Austin M. Garland, of Illinois; Jacob A. 
Ambler, of Ohio ; Robert P. Porter, of the District of 
Columbia ; John W, H. Underwood, of Georgia ; Dun- 
can F. Kenner, of Louisiana ; Alexander R. Boteler, of 
West Virginia, and William H. McMahon, of New York. 

At this session, on April Srd, the House, under the 
leadership of Hon« Mark H. Dunnell, of Minnesota, 
passed, without division, a bill to amend the laws relat- 
ing ^^to the entry of spirits in distilleries and ware- 
houses, and their withdrawal therefrom.'^ A substitute 
was reported, by the Committee on Finance, in the 
Senate, but this was indefinitely postponed by a vote of 
thirty-two to twenty. 

On June 6th Hon. Phillip B. Thompson, of Ken- 
tucky, moved to suspend the rules of the House and 
pass a bill ^^to abolish the duty on trace-chains," but 
the motion was lost — ^yeas, 78; nays, 108. On the 
same day Mr. Kelley attempted to secure a suspension 
and the passage of a bill correcting an error in the 
duties on ready-made clothing and knit goods, affecting 
the tariff on wool and sUk. His motion, too, was lost — 
yeas, 185; nays, 70 — ^not two-thirds in the affirmative. 

The most important measure before Congress at this 
session, in the light of subsequent events, however, was 
a bill to reduce internal revenue taxation, which was 
passed in the House on June 27th, by a vote of 127 to 
80. Twenty-two Democrats united with the Repub- 
licans in support of this measure, and fifteen Repub- 
licans voted with the Democrats against it. In the 
Senate the bill was reported, on July 6th, but was 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINGE. 61 

Fecommitted to the Finance Committee, and when 
reported by Mr. Morrill^ on July 12thy contained 
numerous important amendments. Its title was changed 
to ^'an act to reduce taxation/' and the changes included 
a revision of tariff schedules as well as internal taxes. 
It was debated at length, from July 19th to 24th, when 
the Senate voted — ^by 33 to 26 — ^to take up the Naval 
Appropriation Bill, and so it went over until the next 
session. On July 3 1st, pending consideration of the 
Naval Bill, Mr. Vance, of North Carolina, moved to 
strike the words ^ of domestic manufacture '' from the 
clause providing for the construction of ^^two steel 
steam cruising vessels of war'' — ^thereby permitting 
them to be built of foreign steel, if the Government 
should so determine. The motion was defeated — ^yeas 
' 20, all Democrats ; nays 30, all Republicans but five. 

On July 3rd, Mr. Kelley moved to suspend the rules 
of the House and take up the bill introduced January 
20th by Hon. John R. Buck, of Connecticut, to 
correct an error affecting the duty on knit goods. 
This was agreed to and the bill was passed — ^yeas, 
134; nays, 49. Three Republicans voted with the 
Democrats in the negative, while twenty-one Demo- 
crats voted for the bill. It was passed by the Senate, 
on August 5th, — yeas 36, all Republicans but seven ; 
nays 15 all Democrats — ^and was promptly approved 
by the President. 

On July 25th the bill by Mr. Kasson relative to the 
duties " on materials for the construction of vessels, " 
over which there had been much debate, was recom- 
mitted to the Committee on Ways and Means — ^yeas 
(Republicans), 100 ; nays (Democrats), 71. 



62 THE TARIFF IK TKB JXAJm 

In his second annual message, December 4, 
President Arthur made the following recommendations 
on the tariff : ^^ If the tax on domestic spirits is to be 
retained, it is plain, therefore, that large reductions from 
the custom revenue are entirely feasibla While recom- 
mending this reduction, I am far from advising the 
abandonment of the policy of so discriminating in the 
adjustment of details as to afford aid and protection 
to domestic labor.'^ 

At the beginning of the second session of the Forty- 
seventh Congress, the Tariff Commission submitted an 
exhaustive report to the House, with the volume of 
testimony it had taken on the industrial conditions and 
needs of the country. During the recess of Congress 
the Commission had made a thorough investigation of 
our various manufacturing interests, endeavoring to 
ascertain in what manner and how far the tariff could 
be reduced without inflicting damage or distress upon 
any important line of manufactures^ or great interest of 
industry, with a view to preserving intact our protective 
system, and preventing ruinous competition with foreign 
labor. It had visited all our great industrial centers 
and by conscientious, careful and impartial work was 
enabled to submit a most valuable report From it the 
Committee on Ways and Means of the House formu- 
lated and reported a bill reducing existing duties about 
twenty per cent. The Commission's schedules were 
largely followed ; some increases were made, but, in the 
large majority of cases, where any deviation was made^ 
it was in the direction of a reduction of the duties, and 
not of increase. It was estimated that the new bill, on 



OF HENBT CLAY AND SINCE. 63 

the basis of the importations of 1882, would decrease 
the revenue about $22,000,000. 

The bill was reported by Mr. Kelley, on January 
16th, and debated until January 26th, many amend- 
ments being agreed to. On the 26th the House voted 
on the question of giving preference to the consideration 
of the Internal Revenue Bill, and decidied agunst it — 
yeas 100, all Democrats; nays 147, all Republicans, 
except eighteen. On February 19th, Mr. Kelley at- 
tempted to obtain a suspension of the rules and secure 
the consideration of an internal revenue bill as an inde- 
pendent measure. But this was not agreed to by the 
requisite two-thirds majority — ^the vote resulting, yeas 
162, for<y-8iz Democrats voting with the Republicans ; 
nays 97, nineteen Republicans and Nationalists voting 
with the Democrats. 

Meanwhile the Senate passed the Internal Revenue 
Bill (which the House had passed during the first ses- 
sion), but not until after it had made such amendments 
as to virtually revise the entire tariff. The bill had been 
recommitted in December, 1882, to the Committee on 
Finance, and on January 11, 1888, was reported by Mr. 
Morrill, and its consideration continued until February 
20th, when the bill was passed — ^yeas 42, all Repub- 
licans except eleven ; nays 19, all Democrats but one. 

When this bill reached the House, Hon. Thomas B. 
Reed, of Maine, on February 26th, reported a new rule 
in order to secure its consideration. Mr. Carlisle raised 
the question of priority, but the House agreed to con- 
sider the rule by a vote of 184 to 126, and after a 
protracted parliamentary contest the rule was adopted, 
and the bill was taken up. On February 27th a motion 



M THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

by Mr. Kelley to non-concur in the Senate amendments 
and ask for a Committee of Conference was agreed to — 
yeas, 147; nays. 111. The Speaker annoanced as con- 
ferees on part of the House, Messrs. Kelley, McKinley, 
Haskell, Randall and Carlisle. Mr. Randall asked to 
to be excused, and after Mr. Morrison and Mr. Tucker 
had also declined to serve, Mr. Speer, of Georgia, was 
appointed. The Senate appointed as its conferees 
Messrs. Sherman, Aldrich, Beck and Bayard. The two 
latter asked to be excused, and after various appoint- 
ments by the Chair from among the Democratic mem- 
bers, all of whom declined to serve, Messrs. McDill, 
of Iowa, and Mahone, of Virginia, were selected. This 
was on March 1st, so that the session was within two 
days of its close. On March Srd the Committee of Con- 
ference reported, agi*eeing on the passage of the bill, 
and this report was adopted by a vote of 152 to 116. 
Eighteen Democrats voted with the Republicans in the 
affirmative ; fourteen Republicans with the Democrats 
in the negative. The members from the New England 
States voted almost unanimously for it — ^twenty-four to 
one ; those from the Middle States, for it by forty-nine 
to twenty-two; from the West, for it by sixty-one to 
thirty-three; from the South, against it by fifteen to 
fifty-seven ; and from the Pacific States, neither for nor 
against it, by three to three. A great objection to 
the bill, from an agricultural standpoint, was the 
heavy reduction on wool, and this caused a majority of 
the Ohio delegation, although three to one Republican, 
to vote against it. President Arthur gave it his imme- 
diate approval, and it went into effect on July 1, 1883. 
The House of Representatives was strongly Demo- 



OF HENBY GLAY AKD 8IN0E. 66 

cradc in the Forty-eighth Congress^ that party having 
elected 196 of the 825 members. It organized by elect- 
ing Mr. CarliBle, of Eentacky, Speaker, and by his 
appointment Mr. Morrison became Chairman of the 
Ways and Means Committee, although Mr. Randall had 
been the ranking Democratic member in the previous 
Congress. 

On March 11, 1884, Mr. Morrison reported a bill '^to 
reduce import and war tariff taxes," providing a hori- 
zontal reduction of twenty per cent, upon the list of 
dutiable articles, except those embraced in two schedules 
— spirits and silks. It enlarged the free list by exempt- 
ing from duty salt^ timber, and certain products of wooL 
On April 15th, the House, then in Conmiittee of the 
Whole, on revenue measures, voted — ^by 140 to 188 — 
to take up this bill. General debate continued from 
day to day until May 6th, when a motion by Hon. 
George L. Converse, of Ohio, to ^ strike out the enact- 
ing clause" was agreed to— yeas, 156; nays, 151. In 
this action the House concurred by a vote of 159 to 
155. But two Republicans voted with the Democrats 
in the negative, while forty-one Democrats and three 
Nationalists, under the leadership of Mr. Randall, united 
with the Republicans to defeat the bilL 

On April 7th, Mr. Converse moved to suspend the 
niles and pass a bill ^^to restore the rates of duty on 
imported wooL" This had been demanded by the plat- 
forms of both parties in Ohio, and by a joint resolution 
unanimously adopted by the Sixty-sixth Greneral Assem- 
Wy of Ohio, on January 23, 1884. After a brief debate 
the motion was disagreed to— yeas, 119; nays, 126 — 
^^ot the requisite two-thirds in the affirmativa It 



66 THE TABIFF IN THE BAY8 

BQCured the support of seventy-nine Republicans and 
forty Democrats, and was opposed by twelve Repub- 
licans and one hundred and fourteen Democrata Every 
Ohio member voting, except one, gave it his support. 
Mr. Randall favored the motion, but it was strenuously 
opposed by Messrs. Morrison, Mills, Blount, Brecken- 
ridge, Cox, Hurd, and other active "tariff reformers.'* 

On the same day the House adopted a resolution by 
Mr. Thompson, of Kentucky, declaring *^ it unwise and 
inexpedient for the present Congress to abolish or re- 
duce the tax upon spirits distilled from grain " — ^yeas^ 
179; nays, 88. Later in the session, on June 21st, Mr. 
Tucker, of Virginia, moved that the House "go into 
Committee of the Whole to take up revenue biUs," the 
pending measure being a bill " to repeal the tax on fruit 
brandies." This was agreed to — ^yeas, 95 ; nays, 119 — 
and a similar motion was defeated, on July 8rd, by 80 
to 132. 

On May 19th, Mr. Hurd moved to suspend the rules 
and " abolish the discriminating duty on works of art 
— the production of foreign and of American artists." 
This was disagreed to — yeas, 52; nays, 178 — ^but the 
vote was not on party lines. 

The House, on the same day, passed without division 
a bill "to prohibit the importation of contract labor,** 
but it was not considered by the Senate at this session. 
Constitutional amendments were offered in the House 
by Hon. William H. Fiedler, of New Je.rsey, " on prison 
labor,*' and by Hon. Robert T. Davis, of Massachusetts, 
" on the hours of labor in textile-fabric manufactories.** 
but neither was adopted. 

At the Republican National Convention of 1884 the 



OF HENBY CLAY AND BINGfi. 67 

platform reported by the Committee on Resolutions was 
unanimously adopted* Four of its planks were devoted 
to the tariff, as follows : 

4. It is the first duty of a good government to pro- 
tect, the rights and promote the interests of its own 
people. The largest diversity of industry is the most^ 
productive of general prosperity, and of the comfort and 
independence of the people. We therefore demand that 
the imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be 
made, not for revenue only, but that in raising the 
requisite revenues for the Government^ such duty shall 
be so levied as to afford security to our diversified 
industries and protection to the rights and wages of the 
laborer; to the end that active and intelligent labor, as 
well as capital, may have its just reward, and the labor- 
ing man his full share in the National prosperity. 

5. Against the so-called economic system of the Demo- 
cratic party, which would degrade our labor to the 
foreign standard, we enter our most earnest protest. 
The Democratic party has failed completely to relieve 
the people of the burden of unnecessary taxation by a 
wise reduction of the surplu& 

6. The Republican party pledges itself to correct the 
irregularities of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not 
by the vicious and indiscriminating process of horizon* 
tal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the 
taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great pro- 
ductive interests of the eountry. 

7. We recognize the importance of sheep-husbandry 
in the United States, the serious depression which it is 
now experiencing, and the danger threatening its future 
prosperity; and we therefore respect the demands of 



68 THE TARIFF IN THE DATS 

the representatives of this important agricultural inter- 
est for a readjustment of duties upon foreign wool, in 
order that such industry shall have full and adequate 
protection. 

Hon. James Gr. Blaine, of Maine, in his letter of 
acceptance of the Kepublican nomination for the Presi- 
dency, dated at Augusta, July 15, 1884, discussed the 
tariff question with .his accustomed vigor and brilliancy. 
He said: 

^'Revenue laws are in their very nature subject to 
frequent revision, in order that they may be adapted to 
changes and modifications of trade. The Kepublican 
party is not contending for the permanency of any par- 
ticular statute. The issue between the two parties does 
not have reference to a specific law. It is far broader 
and far deepen It involves a principle of wide appli- 
cation and beneficent influence against a theory which 
we believe to be unsound in conception and inevitably 
hurtful in practice. In the many tariff revisions which 
have been necessary for the past twenty-three years, or 
which may hereafter become necessary, the Republican 
party has maintained and will maintain the policy of 
protection to American industry, while our opponents 
insist upon a revision which practically destroys that 
policy. The issue is thus distinct, well-defined, and 
unavoidable. The pending election may determine the 
fate of protection for a generation. The overthrow of 
the policy means a large and permanent reduction in 
the wages of the American laborer besides involving 
the loss of vast amounts of American capital invested 
in manufacturing enterprises. The value of the pres- 
ent revenue system to the people of the United States 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 69 

is not a matter of theory, and I shall submit no argu- 
ment to sustain it. I only invite attention to certain 
facts of official record which seem to constitute a 
demonstration. 

^^ In the Census of 1850 an effort was made, for the 
first time in our history, to obtain a valuation of all the 
property in the United States. The attempt was in a 
large degree unsuccessful. Partly from lack of time, 
partly from prejudice from many who thought the 
inquiries foreshadowed a new scheme of taxation, the 
returns were incomplete and unsatisfactory. Little 
more was done than to consolidate the local valuation 
used in the States for purposes of assessment, and that, 
as everybody knows, differs widely from a complete 
exhibit of all the property. 

"In the Census of 1860, however, the work was done 
with great thoroughness — the distinction between 
^assessed' value and *true' value being carefully 
observed. The grand result was that the * true value ' 
of all the property in the States and Territories (exclud- 
ing slaves) amounted to $14,000,000,000. This aggre- 
gate was the net result of the labor and savings of all 
the people within the area of the United States from 
the time the first British colonist landed in 1607 down 
to the year 1860. It represented the fruit of the toil 
of two hundred and fifty years. 

"After 1860 the business of the country was encour- 
aged and developed by a protective tariff. At the end 
of twenty years the total property of the United States, 
as returned by the Census of 1880, amounted to the 
enormous aggregate of $44,000,000,000. This great 
result was attained notwithstanding the fact that 



70 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

countless millions had in the interval been wasted in 
the progress of a bloody war. It thus appears that 
while our population between 1860 and 1880 increased 
sixty per cent, the aggregate property of the country 
increased two hundred and fourteen per cent., showing 
a vastly enhanced wealth per capita among the people* 
Thirty thousand millions of dollars had been added 
during these twenty years to the present wealth of the 
Nation. 

^^ These results are regarded by the older nations of 
the world as phenomenal. That our country should 
surmount the peril and the cost of a gigantic war, and 
for an entire period of twenty years make an average 
gain to its wealth of $135,000,000 per month, surpasses 
the experience of all other nations, ancient or modem. 
Even the opponents of the present revenue system do 
not pretend that in the whole history of civilization 
any parallel can be found to the National progress of 
the United States since the accession, of the Repub- 
lican party to power. 

^^ The period between 1860 and to-day has not been 
one of material prosperity only. At no time in the 
history of the United States has there been such 
progress in the moral and philanthropic field. Reli- 
gious and charitable institutions, schools, seminaries 
and colleges, have been founded and endowed far 
more generously than at any previous time in our 
history. Greater and more varied relief has been 
extended to human suffering, and the entire progress 
of the country in wealth has been accompanied and 
dignified by a broadening and elevation of our National 
character as a people.^' 



OF HEKBY CLAY AKB SINGE. 71 

" Our opponents find fault that our revenue system 
produces a surplus. But they should not forget that 
the law has given a specific purpose to which all of the 
surplus is profitably and honorably applied — the 
reduction of the public debt, and the consequent relief 
of the burden of taxation. No dollar has been wasted, 
and the only extravagance with which the party stands 
charged is the generous pensioning of soldiers, sailors, 
and their families — an extravagtmce which embodies 
the highest form of justice in the recc^ition and 
payment of a sacred debt. When reduction of taxation 
18 to be made, the Republican party can be trusted 
to accomplish it in such form as will most effectively 
aid the industries of the Nation.'^ 

At the Democratic National Convention of 1884 the 
platform was adopted without division, after the rejec* 
tion of a minority report offered by General Benjamin 
F. Butler, of Massachusetts, by the test vote 714 to 97. 
The planks relating to the tariff were as follows : 

S. The Democracy pledges itself to purify the 
Administration from corruption, to restore economy, 
to revive respect for law, and to reduce taxation to the 
lowest limit consistent with due regard to the preserva- 
tion of the faith of the Nation to its creditors and 
pensioners. Knowing full well, however, that legislation 
affecting the operations of the people should be cautious 
and conservative in method, not in advance of public 
opinion, but responsive to its demands, the Democratic 
party is pledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of fairness 
to all interests. But, in making reduction in taxes, it is 
^ot proposed to injure any domestic industries, but 
father to promote their healthy growth. From the 



72 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

foundation of this Government taxes collected at the 
Castom Hoases have been the chief source of Federal 
revenue. Such they must continue to be. Moreover, 
many industries have come to rely upon legislation for 
successful continuance, so that any change of law must 
be at every step regardful of the labor and capital thus 
involved. The process of the reform must be subject 
in the execution to this plain dictate of justice — all 
taxation shall be limited to the requirements of 
economical government The necessaiy reduction in 
taxation can and must be effected without depriving 
American labor of the ability to compete successfully 
with foreign labor, and without imposing lower rates of 
duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of 
production which may exist in consequence of the 
higher rate of wages prevailing in this country. 
Sufficient revenue to pay all the expenses of the Federal 
government economically administered, including pen- 
sions, interest, and principal of the public debt, can be 
had under our present system of taxation from Custom 
House taxes upon fewer imported articles, bearing 
heaviest on articles of luxury, and bearing lightest 
on articles of necessity. We therefore denounce the 
abuses of the existing tariff; and subject to the 
preceding limitations, we demand that Federal taxation 
shall be exclusively for public purposes, and shall not 
exceed the needs of the Government economically 
administered. 

4. The system of direct taxation known as the ^in- 
ternal revenue " is a war tax, and so long as the law 
continues the money derived therefrom should be 
sacredly devoted to the relief of the people from the 



OF HENBT CLAY AND SINGE. 73 

remaining burdens of the war, and be made a fnnd to 
defray the expense of the care and comfort of worthy 
soldiers in line of duty in the wars of the Republic, and 
for the payment of such pensions as Congress may from 
time to time grant to such soldiers, a like fund for the 
sailors having been already provided ; and any surplus 
should be paid into the Treasury. 

Hon. Grovei*Cleveland, of New York, the Democralac 
candidate for President, in his letter of acceptance, dated 
at Albany, August 18, 1884, made no reply to the ar- 
gument of Mr. Blaine that our unparalleled progress as 
a Nation was in great measure due to the protective sys- 
tem He merely recited the fact that ^'true American 
sentiment recognizes the dignity of labor, and that 
honor lies in honest toil/' There was a marked absence 
of all reference to the economic policy which at that 
time was becoming so direct an issue between the two 
great parties. 

Both parties entered upon the campaign with earnest- 
ness and enthusiasm, but while the Republicans car- 
ried most of the great States of the North by decisive 
pluralities, they failed in the pivotal States of Indiana 
and New York, and Mr. Cleveland was elected. Had 
any one of a number of misfortunes been averted in the 
State of New York, where the result hinged upon 1,047 
votes in a total of 1,171,812, its electoral vote would 
have been cast for Mr. Blaine, thereby securing his 
election. It is not our purpose to inquire into the 
causes of Mr. Blaine's defeat^ but it was in no sense due 
to his masterly advocacy of the doctrine of protection, 
for in New Jersey, New York, Connecticut^ and other 
States, the leading orators of the Democratic party 



74 TH£ TABIFF IK THE DATS 

aimed constantly to show that their party and candi- 
dates were as firmly committed to its support as the 
Republicans. 

The House of Representatives in the Forty-ninth 
Congress, elected in 1884, was strongly Democratic — 
that party electing one hundred and eighty-four of the 
three hundred and twenty-five members. Mr. Car- 
lisle was elected Speaker, and Mr. Morrison appointed 
Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. The 
Senate was Republican, by forty-two of the seventy-six 
members. Hon. John Sherman, of Ohio, was elected 
President pro tem.y and Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, ap- 
pointed Chairman of the Finance Committee. 



CHAPTER in. 

In hiB last annaal message to Congress, on December 
1, 1884, President Arthur again recommended ^' the ab- 
olition of all excise taxes except those relating to dis- 
tilled spirits/' On Febroary 18, 1886, the Senate 
passed the bill, as amended, which had passed the 
House at the first session, '^ to prohibit the importation 
of foreign contract labor.'' The amendments were con- 
curred in by the House^ without division, on February 
SSid, and the law was approved by the President on 
the 26th. This ended a long and somewhat acrimonious 
contest in favor of the position assumed by the friends 
of protection. 

In his inaugural address of March 4, 1886, Mr. Cleve- 
land demanded that our finances should be ^' established 
upon such a sound and sensible basis as shall secure the 
safety and confidence of business interests and make 
the wages of labor sure and steady ; and that our system 
of revenue shall be so adjusted as to relieve the people 
from unnecessary taxation, having a due regard to the 



76 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

interests of capital invested and workingmen employed 
in American industries, and preventing the accumula- 
tion of a surplus ia the Treasury to tempt extravagance 
and waste." 

There was nothing in this to indicate a departure from 
the position of any of his Republican predecessors. 

Again, in his first annual message to Congress, on 
December 8, 1885, he said : 

^^ The fact that our revenues are in excess of the act- 
ual needs of an economical administration of the Gov- 
ernment, justifies a reduction ia the amount exacted 
from the people for its support Our Grovemment is 
but the means established by the will of a free people,, 
by which certain principles are applied which they 
have adopted for their benefit and protection; and it 
is never better administrated, and its true spirit is never 
better observed, than when the people's taxation for its 
support is scrupulously limited to the actual necessity 
of expenditure, and distributed accoi'ding to a just and 
equitable plan. The proposition with which we 
have to deal is the reduction of the revenue received by 
the Government, and indirectly paid by the people 
from customs dues. The question of free trade is not 
involved, nor is there now any occasion for the general 
discussion of the wisdom or expediency of a protective 
system. Justice and fairness dictate that in any modi- 
fication of our present laws relating to revenne, the in- 
dustries and interests which have been encouraged by 
such laws, and in which our citizens have large invest-^ 
ments, should not be ruthlessly injured or destroyed. 

^' We should also deal with the subject in such manner 
as to protect the interests of American labor, which is* 



OF HENBT GLAT AKD SINGE. 77 

the capital of our workingmen ; its stability and proper 
remimeration famish the most justifiable pretext for a 
protective policy. Within these limitations a certain 
reduction should be made in our customs revenue. The 
amount of such reduction having been determined, the 
inquiry follows, where can it best be remitted and what 
articles can best be released from duty, in the interest 
of our citizens. I think the reduction should be made 
in the revenue derived from a tax upon the imported 
necessaries of life. We thus directly lessen the cost of 
living in every family of the land, and release to the 
people in every humble home a larger measure of the 
rewards of frugal industry." 

On February 15, 1886, Mr. Morrison introduced a 
bill " to reduce tariff taxes " which was referred to the 
Committee on Ways and Means, and by it favorably 
recommended, as amended, on April 12th. By this 
measure, timber, sawed boards, hubs, staves, lath, 
shingles, clapboards, logs, salt, fish, wool, flax, tow, 
hemp, jute and sisal-grass were placed upon the free 
list, subject to the condition that no export duty should 
be charged upon them by the country from whence 
imported. The duties on cotton cloth, thread, cord, 
stockings, laces, embroideries, flax, hemp, and jute- 
yams, linens, cables or cordage, woolen cloth, shawls, 
flannels, blankets, yarns, clothing of all sorts, carpets, 
and a great variety of similar domestic products, were 
largely reduced, and the duty on sugar decreased ten 
per cent. The bill also included certain modifications 
of the administrative features of the law of 1883, which 
had originally been offered as a separate measure by 
Hon. Abram S. Hewitt, of New York. 



78 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

Oq June 17tli, Mr. Morrison moved that the House 
resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole for the 
consideration of this, the general tariff bill, but his 
motion was lost — ^yeas, 140 ; nays, 157. The affirma- 
tive vote was cast entirely by Democrats except four. 
The n^ative vote included thirty-five Democrats, while 
thirteen Democrats and fourteen Republicans were 
either paired or did not vota The opposition forces 
in the Democratic ranks were led by Mr. Randall to 
whose influence the summary defeat of the bill was 
largely attributed. 

On June 28th, Mr» Randall introduced a bill in- 
tended as a compromise between the existing law and 
the reduction of duties already attempted. It was 
estimated by its author that this bill would reduce 
internal revenue taxes $26,407,088 ; customs duties on 
articles still left dutiable, $7,044,462 ; and add to the 
free list articles which paid a duty of $1,526,124 an- 
nually, or a total reduction of $34,977,666. The Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means reported this bill adversely, 
on July 10th, and this ended all attempts at tariff 
changes for the session. 

The Labor Arbitration Bill which had passed the 
House on April 3, 1886, was passed by the Senate on 
February 28, 1887, without amendment, or division, 
but failed to become a law because it was not acted 
upon by the President. On the same day the Senate 
passed, without opposition, the bill to prohibit the 
employment of convict labor in the erection or con- 
struction of public buildings, or other public works, 
or in the preparation of materials to be used in such 
buildings or works, which had passed the House on 



OF HENBY CLAY AND 8IKCE. 79 

March 9, 1886. This also failed by reason of Presi- 
dent Cleveland not acting upon it 

An amendment was offered, and adopted by the 
Senate, to an appropriation of $94,000 for the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, on June lOth^ which required the 
purchase and use of American-made machinery in the 
manufacture of sugar from sorghum and sugar-cane, so 
far as authorized by that Department To this the 
House at first non-concurred; but, subsequently, on 
Jane 29th, the report of the Committee of Conference 
was agreed to* providing that such machinery should 
be wholly of domestic material^ except so much of it as 
was then under contract, not exceeding $10,000 in 
valu^ or such of it as could not be built in the 
United States within the period in which it was needed. 
The amendment was important as establishing a princi- 
ple which ought never to have been seriously contro- 
verted. 

At the second session, Mr. Morrison again attempted 
to have his bill considered by the House in Committee 
of the Whole. His motion to that effect, on December 
18, 1886, was defeated — ^yeas, 148; nays, 167. Six 
Bepublicans voted in the negative; twenty-six Demo- 
crats in the affirmative ; and five Bepublicans and four- 
teen Democrats did not vote. 

Hon. Frank Hiscock, of New York, on December 
20th, moved to suspend the rules and pass a bill regu- 
lating the duties on leaf tobacco. The motion was lost 
— ^yeas, 90; nays, 164 ; not voting, 67. 

Hon. John S. Henderson, of North Carolina, on 
March 8, 1887, the closing day of the session, attempted 
to secure a suspension of the rules and the passage of a 



ao THE TABIFF IN THE BATO 

bill modifying the internal revenue laws, relating to 
the sale of leaf tobacco, and for other purposes. The 
motion failed to receive the necessary two-thirds vote- 
yeas 189, all Democrats but nine ; nays, 112, all Repub- 
licans but five, while sixty-eight members did not vote. 

The Democratic majority in the House of Represen- 
tatives in the Fiftieth Congress, elected in 1886, was 
materially reduced, that party electing but 169 of the 
325 members. Mr. Carlisle was reelected Speaker, and 
Mr. Mills became Chairman of the Ways and Means 
Committee. The Senate remained Republican by two 
votes, with Hon. John J. Ingalls, of Kansas, as Presi- 
dent j>ro tem.y and Mr. Morrill, Chairman of the Finance 
Committee. 

The attention not only of this Congress, but of the 
whole country, was sharply arrested by Mr. Cleveland's 
third annual message, of December 6, 1887. It was an 
extraordinary document and in direct contrast to his 
two preceding annual messages. It was laigely devoted 
to a consideration of the tariff, upon which he was 
thought to have previously held a conservative posi« 
tion. In the course of his recommendations, Mr. Cleve- 
land observed : 

^ But our present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable, 
and illogical source of unnecessary taication, ought to 
be at once revised and amended. These laws, as their 
primary and plain effect, raise the price to consumers of 
all articles imported and subject to duty, by precisely the 
sum paid for such duties. Thus the amount of the duty 
measures the tax paid by those who purchase for use 
these imported articles. Many of these things, however, 
are raised or manufactured in our own country, and the 



OF HENBY CLAY AND 8IN01L 81 

duties now levied upon foreign goods and products are 
called protection to these home manufactures, because 
the J render it possible for those of our people who are 
Tnannfacturera to make these taxed articles and sell 
them i^or a price equal to that demanded for the impor- 
ted goods that have paid customs duty. So it happens 
that whilm comparatively a few use the imported articles, 
millions of our people, who never used and never saw 
any of the foreign products, purchase and use things of the 
same kind made in this country, and pay therefor nearly 
or quite the same enhanced price which the duty adds 
to the imported articles. Those who buy imports pay 
the duty charged thereon into the public Treasury ; but 
the great majority of our citizens, who buy domestic ar- 
ticles of the same class, pay a sum at least approximately 
equal to this duty to the home manufacturer. This ref- 
erence to the operation of our tariff laws is not made 
by way of instruction, but in order that we may be 
constantly reminded of the manner in which they im- 
pose a burden upon those who consume domestic pro- 
ducts as weU as those who consume imported articles, 
and thus create a tax upon all our people.'' 

And again : ^ It is a condition which confronts us 
— not a theory. Relief from this condition may in- 
volve a slight reduction of the advantages which we 
award our home productions, but the entire withdrawal 
of such advantages should not be contemplated. The 
question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant ; and the 
persistent claim, made in certain quarters, that all ef- 
forts to relieve the people from unjust and unnecessary 
taxation are schemes of so-called ' free-traders ' is mis- 
chievous and far removed from any consideration for 



81 THE TAKIFF IN THE DAYS 

the pablic good. The simple and plain duty which 
we owe to the people is to reduce taxation to the neoes* 
saiy expenses of an economical operation of the Govern- 
ment, and to restore to the business of the country the 
money which we hold in the Treasury through the per- 
version of governmental powers. These things can and 
should be done with safety to all our industries, with- 
out danger to the opportunity for remunerative labor 
which our workingmen have, and with benefit to them 
and all our people, by cheapening their means of sub- 
sistence and increasing the measure of their comforts.^ 
But however much the country was startled at Mr. 
Cleveland's position, his views were not at once contro- 
verted by any of the great leaders of Congress, nor did 
the press challenge the fairness or accuracy of his state- 
ments in such a way as to command the attention of the 
public* Indeed, it was reserved for Mr. Blaine, then 
traveling in Europe, to do this in a manner that dis- 
played all that marvelous brilliancy and sagacity in 
leadership for which he had so long been distinguished. 
In a letter to Hon. R F. Jones, of Pittsburg, then 
Chairman of the Republican National Committee, dated 
at Florence, Italy, January 25, 1888, he declined to allow 
his name to be again presented as a candidate for 
the Presidency, then hastily but clearly pointed out 
the vastly improved prospects for party success, and 
strongly asserted the impregnable position of the Re- 
publican party upon the tariff question, in the combat 
to which the President had so boldly challenged them. 
He recited but plain historical facts^ which were after 
ward abundantly proven by the testimony of the most 
prominent Democrats in Congress, when he said : 



OF HENBT CLAY AXB 8IKGZL 83 

''Another feature of the political situation should 
inspire Republicans with irresistible strength. The 
present National administration was elected with, if not 
upon, the repeated assertions of its leading supporters 
in every protectipn State that no issue on the tariff was 
involved. However earnestly Republicans urged that 
question as the one of controlling importance in the 
campaign, they were met by the Democratic leaders and 
journals with persistent evasion, concealment^ and de- 
niaL This resource the President has fortunately re- 
moved. The issue which the Republicans maintained 
and the Democrats avoided in 1884 has been prom- 
inently and specifically brought forward by the Demo- 
cratic President, and can not be hidden out of sight 
in 1888. The country is now in the enjoyment of an 
industrial system which, in a quarter of a century, has 
assured a larger National growth, a more rapid accumu- 
lation, and a broader distribution of wealth than were 
ever before known to history. The American people 
will now be openly and formally asked to decide 
whether this system shall be recklessly abandoned and 
a new trial be made of an old experiment which has 
uniformly led to National embarrassment and wide- 
spread individual distress. On the result of such an 
issue, fairly presented to the popular judgment, there is 
no room for doubt. 

'^ A closer observation of the conditions of life among 
the older nations gives one a more intense desire that 
the American people shall make no mistake in choos- 
ing the policy which inspires with hope and crowns it 
with dignity, which gives safety to capital and protects 
its increase, which secures political power to every citi* 



84 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

sen, comfort and cnltore to every home. To this end, 
not less earnestly and more directly as a private citizen 
than as a public candidate, I shall devote myself, with 
the confident belief that the administration of ^the Gov- 
ernment will be restored to the party which has demon- 
strated the purpose and power to wield it for the unity 
and the honor of the Republic ; for the prosperity and 
progress of the people.^ 

Both parties were now aroused to the most intense 
earnestness, and, almost as a natural and inevitable con- 
sequence, what is probably the most remarkable Con- 
gressional tariff debate in our history was at once begun. 
A bill entitled ^ A bill to reduce taxation and simplify 
the laws in relation to the collection of revenue" was 
reported to the House by Mr. Mills, Chairman of the 
Ways and Means Committee, on April 2, 1888. It was 
accompanied by both majority and minority reports; 
the former signed by the Democratic members of the 
Committee and submitted by Mr. Mills, and the latter 
by the Republican members and submitted by Mr. 
McKinley. The general debate was opened on April 
17th by Mr. Mills in support of the bill and he was an- 
swered by the veteran economist, William D. Kelley, who 
opposed it. This continued uninteruptedly until May 
19th, when it was closed by arguments in favor of the bill 
by Speaker Carlisle and against it by Mr. Reed, of Maina 
Then came the debate under the five-minute rule, which 
proceeded, under the inspiration and encouragement of 
the Presidential campaign then pending, with great 
vigor and earnestness from May 81st to July 19th. 
Congress had never before known anything like it. 
Hon. William M. Springer, of Illinois, stated at its 



OF HBNBY CLAY AND SINCE. 85 

dose that '^twenty-tliree day and eight eyening seasioiui 
had been consamed in the debate, during which the 
bill received the exclusive consideration of the House 
for one hundred and eleven hours and fifty-four min- 
utes.^ The time, it appeared, had been about evenly 
divided between the speakers of the two great parties — 
'^ fifty-eix hours and eighteen minutes were allotted to 
the Democrats and fifty-five hours and thirty-six min- 
utes to the Republicans.'' In all some ^^one hundred 
and fifty-one speeches were made in the general debate,'^ 
and in that upon the paragraphs separately, '^twenty 
days, or one hundred and twenty-eight hours and ten 
minutes'' were consumed in fully as many speeches 
more* In other words, fifty-one days were devoted to 
the bill from b^inning to end of the remarkable de- 
bate, two hundred and forty hours of actual talk in- 
dulged in by the members of the House alone. If to 
this be added the particulars of the debate in the Sen- 
ate, some fiEunt idea can be formed of the patient, dose 
and searching attention Congress has given to the de- 
tails of tariff legislation during recent years, and of the 
immense amount of work involved in their intelligent 
consideration. No one seems to have calculated the 
exact volume of the speeches on ^Hhe Mills bill," so 
called, but it is safe to say that were all printed in full 
they would easily fill twenty to thirty volumes the size 
of a quarto or unabridged dictionary. 

It would be impossible to attempt a synopsis of 
even the principal speeches in this protracted debate. 
One or two points in a few of the vast number will 
alone be mentioned. Mr. Mills, in his opening speech, 
observed that he had ^^gone through with a number of 



86 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

artides taken from the reports made by manuiacturers 
themselves, and had shown that the tariff (the protec- 
tive tariff of 1888) was not framed for the benefit of 
the laborer, or that if it was so intended by those who 
framed it, the benefit never reaches the laborer — not a 
dollar of it. The working-people are hired in the mar- 
ket at the lowest rates at which their services can be 
had, and all the boodle that has been granted by these 
tariff bills goes into the pockets of the manu&ctarers. 
It builds up palaces; it concentrates wealth; it 
makes great and powerful magnates; but it distri- 
butes none of its benificence in the homes of our labor- 
ing poor." 

In reply to this, the testimony of the workingmen 
themselves was presented, especially the testimony of 
those who had worked in the same branches of in- 
dustry on both sides of the Atlantic, and whose oppor- 
tunity for information from experience in both 
countries made their evidence not only interesting and 
important, but absolutely incontrovertible. The bur- 
den of such testimony was that the American working- 
man was from two to four times better paid for the 
same labor than his European competitor, while 
as against his Asiatic or Australasian competitor there 
was scarcely any comparison possible, so great were 
the advantages in favor of the laborers of the United 
States. Turning then to the testimony of our manu- 
facturers, it was shown by a letter from William 
Barbour, the great thread manufacturer of Paterson, 
New Jersey, that while he was running factories 
in both countries, so great was the difference in wages 
that his 1,400 American laborers were paid, in 1888| 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 87 

nearly the exact sum which his 3,900 laborers 
were paid for the same work iu Ireland. The Singer 
Se^ng Machine Company maintained a factory in 
Glasgoi^ as well as in 'New Jersey, and though it em- 
ployed in Scotland one-third more hands than it 
did in America, yet its pay-roll in Europe was only 
half as great as in the United States — ^the actual 
figures being in Scotland $18,000 and in New Jersey 
$85,000. The Boston Thread aud Twine Company 
also certified that ^Hhey were in the United States 
paying three times the average wages paid for similar 
labor throughout Europe." But the most conclusive 
testimony was a voluntary statement, in a petition to 
Congress, from the representatives of at least half a mill- 
ion workmen of the United States, in the Amalgamated 
Aaaociation of Iron and Steel and Glass Workers of 
America. They said, impressively : ^ We know that we 
receive our share of the benefits of protection on 
the industries we represent. We therefore emphatically 
protest against any redaction of the duties that will 
bring us on a level with the low price paid for labor in 
Europe. We insist upon the maintenance of a strong 
protective tariff, in order to maintain an American 
standard of wages for American workingmen.'' 

Hon. Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, in an argument, 
unique, original and effective, gave a new version of a 
story from ^sop, with which the country was soon 
familiar. ''Where," he asked, ''is the best market in 
ihe world ? Where the people have the most money 
to spend. Where have the people the most money to 
spend? Right here in the United States of America 
after twenty-seven years of protectionist rule. And 



88 THE TARIFF IN THE DAYS 

yon are asked to give up sacli a market for the markets 
of the world. Why, the history of such a transaction 
was told twenty-four hundred years ago. It is a 
classic. You will find it in the words of .£sopi the 
fabulist: 

*^ Once there was a dog. He was a nice little dog. 
Nothing the matter with him except a few foolish free- 
trade ideas in his head. He was trotting along happy 
as the day, for he had in his mouth a nice shoulder of 
succulent mutton. By and by he came to a stream 
bridged by a plank. He trotted along, and, looking 
over the side of the plank, he saw the markets of the 
world, and dived for them. A minute after he was 
crawling up the bank the wettest, the sickest, the nasti- 
est, and the most muttonless dog that ever swam 
ashore.'* 

Mr. Carlisle spoke on the same subject, but in a quite 
different vein. He addressed himself to the matter of 
the '^ home market '* as follows : 

«In 1880 there were $215,000,000 invested in cotton 
manufactures, and there were employed in that industry 
172,554 handa To work up our present production of 
raw cotton would require an investment in the manu- 
facture of (660,000,000, tod the employment of 617,662 
hands. If we have been more than one hundred years, 
part of the time under very high taiiffs, in so developing 
our cotton manufactures as to enable them to take one- 
third of our product at European prices, how 
many more centuries will be required to enable them to 
consume the whole product at prices fixed by competi- 
tion here at home ? When gentlem^ have solved this 
problem to the satisfaction of the . American cotton- 



OF HENBT CLAT AND SINGE. 89 

grower, he may be able to listen with patience to the 
argument by which they attempt to convince him of 
the immense advantages of a home market that will 
never exist." 

Mr. Randall, although in failing health, felt con- 
strained to speak upon and criticise the pending bill 
very sbarply. It was in the course of these remarks 
that Mr. Randall made his much quoted and unanswer- 
able argument in favor of sustaining our home markets. 
" If,'' he reasoned, " the farmer ceases to buy the pro- 
duct of the manufacturers, he will certainly cease to sell 
to them, but must sell his products in the market where 
he bays what he consumes himself. Suppose last year 
we had manufactured a thousand millions' worth less 
than we did and had gone abroad for these products, ex- 
pecting to pay for them with agricultural products, could 
a thousand millions more of agricultural products have 
been sold abroad at the price which products brought 
here ? We sold all the wheat and com and meat pro- 
ducts that Europe could take at the price that pre- 
vailed. Who can tell at what prices Europe would have 
taken five hundred millions or even one hundred 
millions more of our agricultural products than she did 
take? The mere statement of the proposition is 
enough to disclose the error on which it is founded, and 
shows the importance of uniting manufactures with 
agriculture, or, as Jefferson states it, ^putting the manu- 
facturer by the side of the farmer.' In fact, both must 
in our country depend almost exclusively on the home 
market It is folly, if not a crime, to attempt to change 
it in these respects. It would bring ruin and bank- 
ruptcy without the possibility of having such a result 



90 THE TABIFF IN THE DAT8 

accomplished. The greater the diversity of industries 
in any country, the greater the wealth-producing power 
of the people, and the more there is for labor and 
capital to divide, and the more independent that 
country becomea" 

The House came to a vote on July 21sty and the bill 
was passed — ^yeas 162, all Democrats but three; nays 
149, all Republicans but four. Fourteen members did 
not vote. Among these was Mr. Randall, who was 
paired with a Democrat who favored the bilL The 
sectional character of the proposed legislation is ap- 
parent from the vote on its passage. New England 
cast seven yeas^ seventeen nays; the Middle States, 
yeas twenty-eight, nays forty-six; the Western, yeas 
forty-two, nays sixty-eight; the Southern, yeas eighty- 
three, nays twelve; and the Pacific, yeas two, nays 
six. 

The bill was referred in the Senate to the Committee 
on Finance, which prepared a substitute which was re- 
ported on October 8th, but no attempt was made to 
push it to a vote before adjournment. The Senate 
substitute followed the lines indicated by the Chicago 
platform very closely. It sought a reduction of the 
revenue of from $60,000,000 to $70,000,000, but in do- 
ing this maintained the protective features of the law 
of 1888. Tobacco was made free ; the tax on alcohol 
used in the arts greatly reduced, and the tariff on sugar 
cut in two. It has been said that the text of '^the 
Mills bill " formed the main issue in the Presidential 
canvass of 1888, and its provisions were certainly very 
fully discussed both in Congress and throughout the 
country. Congress adjourned on October 20th, after 



OF HENBT CLAY AND SIKGE. 91 

having been continuously in session for nearly eleven 
months. 

It was at this session that Congress passed the act of 
October 1, 1888, to prohibit Chinese immigration — a 
law of direct and great importance to all American 
laborers. Hon. William L. Scott, of Pennsylvania, in- 
troduced the bill on September 8rd, and it was at once 
passed by the House without a division. The Senate 
acted with similar promptness. On September 7th, 
Hon. Arthur P. Gk>rman, of Maryland; moved that it be 
referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, but 
his motion was lost — ^yeas nineteen, Democrats sixteen, 
Bepnblicans three; nays twenty. Republicans sixteen. 
Democrats four. The bill was then passed — ^yeas thirty 
seven, Republicans nineteen. Democrats eighteen ; nays 
three, two Republicans and one Democrat. The meas- 
ure was probably presented as a matter of party ex- 
igency in the effort to place the Administration right 
with the laborers of the country, but if such was its 
purpose, it failed entirely to injure the Republican 
minority, or place the party in a false position before 
the country. 

One of the minor measures affecting labor, passed at 
this session, was an amendment to the Urgent De- 
ficiency Bill offered on February 17, 1888, by Hon 
John J. O'Neill of Missouri, and providing that the 
Public Printer should rigidly enforce the provisions of 
the eight-hour law in the department under his charge. 
This was of importance on account of the value of the 
example, and as establishing a precedent which would 
in time be generally respected. The amendment was 
ordered by the vote, yeas 182, nays 58, all voting in the 



92 THE TAUFF IN THE DATS 

negative being without exception Democrata On 
March 7th the Senate voted to strike oat the clause — 
yeas 82, nays 20, all of the latter Republicans except 
ona The House, on March 15th, refused to concur in 
this action, and in conference the Senate receded from 
its position and agreed to the amendment \ 

In the Senate, on February 17th, pending considera- 
tion of a bill to incorporate the Washington Electric 
Railway, in the District of Columbia, an amendment 
was offei-ed by the Committee requiring that the rails 
to be used should be ^^ of American manufacture." It 
was agreed to — ^yeas twenty-five, all Republicans but 
two ; nays seventeen. The House did not consider the 
bill. 

In the meanwhile the National conventions of the 
two great parties had been held. The Democrats con- 
vened at St. Louis on June Sth, and promptly and 
unanimously renominated President Cleveland, by accla- 
mation. The ticket was completed with great enthus- 
iasm and practical unanimity by the nomination of the 
venerable Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, for Vice-Presi- 
dent, by 690 votes to 105 for Isaac P. Gray, of Indiana, 
and twenty-five for John C. Black, of Illinois. On the 
second day the platform was adopted, with but little 
opposition. It declared : 

'^ All unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. It is 
repugnant to the creed of Democracy that by such tax- 
ation the cost of the necessaries of life should be un- 
justly increased to all our people. Judged by Demo- 
cratic principles, the interests of the people are betrayed 
when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and combinations 
are permitted to exist, which, while unduly enriching 



OP HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 93 

the few that combine, rob the body of our citizens by 
depriving them of the benefits of natural competition. 
Every Democratic rule of governmental action is vio- 
lated when, through unnecessary taxation, a vast sum 
of money, far beyond the needs of an economical ad- 
ministratioj^, is drawn from the people and the chan- 
nels of trade, and accumulated as a demoralizing sur- 
plus in the National treasury. 

"The money now lying in the Federal Treasury, re- 
sulting from superfluous taxation, amounts to more than 
$125,000,000, and the surplus collected is reaching the 
sum of more than $60,00,000 annually. Debauched by 
this immense temptation, the remedy of the Republican 
party is to meet and exhaust by extravagant appropria- 
tions and expenses, whether constitutional or not, the 
accumulation of extravagant taxation. The Democratic 
policy is to enforce frugality in public expense and 
abolish unnecessary taxation. Our established domestic 
industries and enterprises should not and need not be 
endangered by a reduction and correction of the burdens 
of taxation. On the contrary, a fair and careful re- 
vision of our tax laws, with due allowance for the dif- 
ference between the wages of American and foreign 
labor, must promote and encourage every branch of such 
industries by giving them assurances of an extended 
market and steady and continuous operation. In the 
interests of American labor, which should in no event 
be neglected, revision of our tax laws, contemplated by 
the Democratic party, should promote the advantage of 
sack labor by cheapening the cost of the necessaries of 
life in the home of every workingman, and at the same 
time secure to him steady and remunerative employ- 



H THE TARIFF IN THE DATS 

ment '^ Upon this phase of tariff reform, so closely con* 
cerning every phase of our National life, and upon every 
question involved in the problem of good government^ 
the Democratic party submits its principles and profes- 
sions to the intelligent suffrage of the American peo* 
pie." 

Hon. William L. Scott, of Pennsylvania, offered and 
secured the adoption of the following additional resolu- 
tion : 

^' Resolved, That this Convention hereby endorses and 
recommends the early passage of the bill for the reduc-^ 
tion of the revenue now pending in the House of Repre* 
sentatives." 

The Republican National Convention convened in 
Chicago on June 19th. Its platform, reported on June 
21st, was unanimously adopted. The planks relating 
to the tariff were as follows : 

^ We are uncompromisingly in favor of the American 
system of protection ; we protest against its destruction 
as proposed by the President and his party. They serve 
the interests of Europe ; we will support the interests 
of America. We accept the issue and confidently appeal 
to the people for their judgment The protective sys> 
tem must be maintained. Its abandonment has always 
been followed by general disaster to all interests ex- 
cept those of the usurer and sheriff We denounce the 
Mills bill as destructive to the general business, the 
labor, and the farming interests of the country, and we 
heartily endorse the consistent and patriotic action of 
the Republican Representatives in Congress in oppos- 
ing its passage. We condemn the proposition of the 
Democratic party to place wool on the free list. 



OF HENBT CLAT AND SINCE. 95 

and we insist that the duties thereon shall be ad- 
JQsted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate 
protection to that industry throughout the United 
States. 

^ The Republican party would effect all needed re» 
duction of the National revenue by repealing the taxes 
upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden to 
agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts and 
for mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the 
tariff laws as will tend to check imports of such articles 
as are produced by our people, the production of which 
^ves employment to our labor, and release from import 
duties those articles of foreign production except lux- 
uries, the like of which cannot be produced at home. If 
there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite 
for the wants of the Government, we favor the repeal of 
the internal taxes entirely rather than the surrender of 
any part of our protective system at the joint behest of 
the Whisky Bing and the agents of foreign manufac- 
turers. 

'^We declare our hostility to the introduction into 
this country of foreign contract labor, and of Chinese 
labor, alien to our civilization and Constitution, and we 
demand the rigid enforcement of the existing laws 
against it^ and favor such immediate legislation as will 
exclude such labor from our shores. 

'^We declare our opposition to all combinations of 
capital organized in trusts or otherwise to control arbi- 
trarily the condition of trade among our citizens ; and 
we recommend to Congress and the State legislatures, in 
their respective jurisdictions, such legislation as will 
prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the 



M THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust 
rates for the transportation of their products to market 
We approve the legislation by Congress to prevent 
alike unjust burdens and unfair discriminations between 
the States/' 

The Convention completed its work on June 26th by 
the nomination, on the eighth ballot, of General Ben- 
jamin Harrison, of Indiana, for President, and Hon. Levi 
P. Morton, of New York, on the first ballot, for Vice- 
President. 

Mr. Cleveland gave his formal letter of acceptance to 
the public on September 8th. In this he adhered to his 
offc-repeated declaration that ^Hhe consumer pays the 
tax,'' ignoring entirely the well-known fact that not a 
few articles of common use and American manufacture 
were then selling in the markets at a less price than the 
amount of the duty levied upon similar articles made in 
foreign countries. He said : 

"The cost of the Grovemment must continue to be 
met by tariff duties collected at our custom houses upon 
imported goods, and by internal revenue taxes assessed 
upon spirituous and malt liquors, tobacco, and oleo- 
margarine. I suppose it is needless to explain that all 
these duties and assessments are added to the price of 
the articles upon which they are levied, and thus 
become a tax upon all those who buy these articles for 
use and consumption. I suppose, too, it is well under- 
stood that the effect of this tariff taxation is not limited 
to the consumers of imported articles, but that the duties 
imposed upon such articles permit a corresponding 
increase in prices to be laid upon domestic productions 
of the same kind, which increase, paid by all our people 



OF HENBT CLAT AND SINGE. 97 

as consumeTB of home productions, and entering every 
American home, constitutes a form of taxation as certain 
and as inevitable as though the amount was annually 
paid into the hand of the tax-gatherer.^ 

General Harrison's letter of acceptance was dated at 
Indianapolis, September 11th, and was a model in style, 
force and propriety. In discussing the tariff he classed 
thoee who held to the theory that ^^the import duty 
upon foreign goods sold in our markets is paid by the 
consomer" as ^* students of maxims, and not of the 
markets" — a phrase that was soon immensely popular 
with the country. 

^The Bepublican party, said he, ^' holds that a pro- 
tective tariff is constitutional, wholesome and necessary. 
We do not offer a fixed schedule, but a principle. We 
will revise the schedule, modify the rates, but always 
with an intelligent provision as to the effect upon 
domestic production and the wages of our working 
people. We believe it to be one of the worthy objects 
of tariff legislation to preserve the American market for 
American producers and to maintain the American scale 
of wages by adequate discriminating duties upon foreign 
competing products. The effect of lower rates and 
larger importations upon the public revenue is con- 
tingent and doubtful, but not so the effect upon 
American production and American wages.'' 

The campaign resulted in a decisive Republican 
victory. General Harrison received 283 electoral votes 
to 168 for Mr. Cleveland. Congress also was Bepublican 
in both branches — the Senate, Republicans 47, Demo- 
crats 37; the House, Republicans 173, Democrats 167. 
In his annual message of December 8, 1888, at the 



SB THE TABIFF IK THE DATS 

opening of the second session of the B^eth Congress, 
Mr. Cleveland observed that with its expiration *^ the first 
centory of our oonstitntional existence as a Nation will 
have been completed.^ Nor could he view the fdtore 
without fear and dismay, for while we could ^'view 
with pride and satisfaction the bright picture of our 
country's growth and prosperity, yet a closer scrutiny 
develops a sombre shading. Upon more careful in- 
spection we find the wealth and luxury of our cities 
mingled with poverty and wretchedness and unremun* 

native toil.'' '^The people must still be 

taxed for the support of the Government under the 

operation of tariff laws The farmers were 

forced by the action of the Government to pay for the 
benefit of others such enhanced ^prices for the things 
they need that the scanty returns of their labor fail to 
furnish their support, or leave margin for accumulation." 

^'Our workingmen, too," continued Mr. Cleveland, 
^ enfranchised from all delusions, and no longer fright- 
ened by the cry that their wages are endangered by a 
just revision of our tariff laws, will reasonably demand 
through such revision steadier employment, cheaper 
meaps of living in their homes, freedom for themselves 
and their children from the doom of perpetual servi- 
tude, and an open door to their advancement beyond 
the limits of a laboring class. Others of our citizens 
whose comforts and expenditures are measured by 
moderate salaries and fixed incomes will insist upon 
the fairness and justice of cheapening the cost of neces- 
saries for themselves and their families." 

Such was the fair promise of " tariff reform " — good 
wages, steady employment, cheaper living, and Indus* 



OF HEKBT CLAY AND SINGE. 




tria^ onnimercialy and social advancement. We shall 
see how it iwi^kept in later years after only a partial 
triomph of the theecies and policy it involved. 

The Senate immediate resumed consideration of 
^the Mills bill«'^ /the pending question being on the 
adoption of the substitute offered bjr the Finance Com- 
mitee. The bill was debated from December 6th until 
January 22nd, when the substitute, as amended in 
Committee of the Whole, was concurred in and the 
bill passed by a strictly party vote — ^yeas, Republicans, 
thirty-two; nays. Democrats, thirty. When the bill 
reached the House it was referred to the Committee on 
Ways and Means. On February 16th Mr. Mills re- 
ported it back as originally passed by the House, with 
the Senate substitutef and a resolution to the effect 
that the substitute being in effect ^' another and differ- 
ent bill," it was in direct ^^ conflict with the true intent 
and purpose of Section seven, Article I, of the Con- 
stitution (which vests in the House the sole power to 
originate revenue measures) and should be returned to 
the Senate." No vote was then taken, but on February 
23rd, Mr. Randall raised the question of consideration. 
The motion was lost — ^yeas 89, all Democrats, but two 
Independents ; nays 144, all Republicans, except thirty, 
while eighty-nine members did not vote at all. 

Hon. Richard P. Bland, of, Missouri, moved to recon- 
sider this vote, but Mr. Randall moved to lay that 
motion on the table, and this was agreed to — ^yeas 166, 
«11 Republicans but forty-two ; nays 88, all Democrats. 
This ended the fight No further action or vote was 
taken, and so the Senate substitute was not considered 
in the House at alL 



100 THS TAEIFF IN THE DATS 

Hon. Henry H. Gowles, of North Garolinay introdaced 
a bill in the House on January 14, 1889, to amend the 
internal revenue laws, being the same as the provisions 
of that part of the Mills bill. He moved that it be re- 
ferred to the Committee on Appropriations instead of 
Ways and Means, and it was agreed to — ^yeas 126, all 
Republicans but twenty-four ; nays 91, all Democrats ; 
not voting 106. Mr. Randall reported the bill favorably 
on February 16th, and it was referred to the Committee 
of the Whola On the 22nd he reported a rule pro- 
viding for its consideration, from the Committee on 
Rules, but neither the bill nor rule ever secured further 
attention. 

On the same day, Hon. John M. Brower, of North 
Carolina, introduced a bill to repeal the tobacco tax 
in all its forms, and moved that it be referred to the 
Committee on War Claims. It was lost — ^yeas 101, all 
Republicans but five ; nays 117, all Democrats but five ; 
and 106 not voting. The bill was then referred to the 
Conmiittee on Ways and Means, and despite another 
effort at consideration on January 21st, it was never 
reported to the House. 

President Harrison made but brief reference to the 
tariff in his inaugural address of March 4, 1889. ^ It will 
be the duty of Congress,'^ said he, ^ wisely to forecast any 
extraordinary demands^ and, having added them to our 
ordinary expenditures, to so adjust our revenue laws 
that no considerable annual surplus will remain. We 
will fortunately be able to apply to the redemption of 
the public debt any small and unforeseen excess of rev- 
enue. This is better than to reduce our income below 
pur necessary expenditures, with the resulting choice 



OF HENBT GLAY AND SINGE. 101 

between another change of our revenue laws and an In- 
crease of the public debt It is quite possible^ I am 
sure, to effect the necessary reduction in our revenues 
without breaking down our protective tai-iff or seriously 
injoring any domestic industry.*' 

The House of Representatives in the Fifty-first Con- 
gress organized by electing Hon. Thomas B. Beed, of 
Maine, Speaker, who appointed the following mem- 
bers as the Committee on Ways and Means : William 
McKinley, of Ohio, Chairman, Julius C. Burrows, of 
Michigan, Thomas M. Bayne, of Pennsylvania, Nelson 
Dingley, Jr., of Maine, Joseph McKenna, of California, 
Sereno E. Payne, of New York, Robert M. LaFoUette, 
of Wisconsin, John H. Gear, of Iowa, Republicans; 
Roger Q. Mills, of Texas, Benton McMillan, of Ten- 
nessee^ Roswell P. Flower, of New York, Henry G. 
Turner, of Georgia, Democrat& 

Mr. Harrison gave direct, intelligent, and effective 
consideration to the tariff in his first annual message to 
Congress, December 8, 1889. He said : 

'^ I recommend a revision of our tariff law, both in 
the administrative features and in the schedules. The 
need of the former is generally conceded, and an agree- 
ment upon the evils and inconveniences to be remedied 
and the best methods for their correction will probably 
not be difficult Uniformity of valuation at all our 
ports is essential, and effective measures should be 
taken to secure it. It it equally desirable that ques- 
tions affecting rates and classifications should be 
promptly decided. The preparation of a new schedule 
of customs duties is a matter of gi*eat delicacy because 
of its direct <^ect upon the business of the country, and 



lOa THE TARIFF IN T9B DATS 

of great difficulty by reason of the wide divergence of 
opinion as to the objects that may properly be pro- 
moted by such l^islation. Some disturbance of busi- 
ness may, perhaps, result from the consideration of this 
subject by Congress, but this temporary ill-effect will 
be reduced to the minimum by prompt action and by 
the assurance which the country already enjoys that 
any necessary changes will be so made as not to impair 
the just and reasonable protection of our home indus- 
tries. The inequalities of the law should be adjusted, 
but the protective principle should be maintained and 
fEurly applied to the products of our farms as well as 
our shops. These duties necessarily have relation to 
other things beside the public revenues. We can not 
limit their effects by fixing our eyes on the public Treas- 
ury alona They have a direct relation to home pro- 
duction, to work, to wages, and to the commercial inde- 
pendence of our country, and the wise and patriotic 
legislator should enlarge the field of his vision to in- 
clude all of thesa The necessary reduction in our 
public revenues can, I am sure, be made without mak- 
ing the smaller burden more onerous than the larger, 
by reason of the disabilities and limitations which the 
process of reduction puts upon both capital and labor. 
The free list can very safely be extended by placing 
thereon articles that do not offer injurious competition 
to such domestic products as our home labor can supply. 
The removal of the internal tax upon tobacco would 
relieve an important agricultural product from a burden 
which was imposed only because our revenue from cus- 
toms duties was insufficient for the public needs. If safe 
provision against fraud can be devised, the removal of 



OF HENBY CliAT AND BINGE. 103 

the tax upon spirits used in the arts and in manufac- 
tures would also offer an unobjectionable method of 
reducing the surplus.*^ 

On December ITth^ Mr. McKinley introduced the 
first important tariff measure of the session — ^a bill ^^to 
simplify the laws in relation to the collection of the 
revenue.'' Its object was to protect the honest im- 
porter in the United States against the unscrupulous 
and dishonest importer; to protect American pro- 
ducers and dealers from the undervaluations and 
frauds that had long been practiced upon them; to 
take the business of importing out of the hands of 
dishonest men and place it, as it once was^ in the 
hands of honest agents^ factors, and merchants. It 
looked strictly to the faithful collection of the im- 
port duties justly due this country ; for it was notori- 
ous that for years past, by an iniquitous system of 
consignments and undervaluations, and the establish- 
ment of foreign agencies on this side the Atlantic, 
we had not collected by from one-fourth to one-half 
the daty properly due the United States on the true 
valuation of the goods and products imported. The 
bill encountered strong opposition, but passed the House 
on March 5th by a party vote — ^yeas (Republicans) 188, 
nays (Democrats) 121. It was reported in the Senate, 
on March 20th, and passed that body, as amended, on 
May 8rd — ^yeas 85, all Republicans; nays 18, all 
B^nocrats. The House refused to concur in the 
Senate amendments, and the bill went to a Gonunittee 
of Conference consisting of Senators Allison, Aldrich, 
and McPherson, and Representatives McKinley, 
Burrows, and Carlisle, who agreed upon a report that 



104 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

was adopted by both houses, and the bill became a 
law by the approval of the President on June 10, 
1890. It was similar in its provisions to a bill in- 
troduced in the Fiftieth Congress^ as the outgrowth 
of a careful, non-partisan investigation by the Senate 
Committee on Finance, and proved a wise and sal- 
utary measure. 

True to the demand of the Chicago platform, Mr. 
Sherman introduced, as Senate Bill No. 1 of this Con- 
gress, on January 14, 1890, a bill declaring the creation 
of trusts and combinations in restraint of trade and pro- 
duction was against public policy, and therefore unlaw- 
ful and void. It was referred to the Committee on Fi- 
nance, who, on March 18th, reported a substitute, which 
in turn was much debated and amended, and then re- 
ferred to the Committee on Judiciary with instructions 
to report within thirty days — ^yeas thirty-one, nine Re- 
publicans and twenty-two Democrats; nays twenty- 
eight, six Democrats and twenty-two Republicans. This 
substitute was entitled, ^^A bill to protect trade and 
commerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies.^' 
It was reported to the Senate on April 8th, and passed 
that body by a vote of fifty-two yeas to one nay — ^Mr. 
Blodgett, a Democrat, of New Jersey. The House con- 
sidered the measure on May 1st, and after adding a sec- 
tion, proposed by Mr. Bland, of Missouri, relative to 
agreements to prevent competition, passed it without 
division. The Senate amended Mr. Bland's amendment, 
but the House refused to concur in its change, and Mr. 
Ezra B. Taylor, of Ohio, Mr. Stewart, of Vermont, and 
Mr. Bland were ap}K>inted a committee of conference on 
the part of the House, and Mr. Edmunds, of Vermonty 



OF HENBY CLAT AND SINGE. 105 

Mr. Hoar, of Massachasetts, and Mr. Vest, of Missouri, 
on part of the Senate. They reported an amendment 
on Jane llth, Messrs. Bland and Vest not concurring, 
but the report was rejected by the House — ^yeas twelve, 
nays 115. Mr. Stewart moved that the House insist on 
its disagreement and ask for a second committee of con- 
ference, which was agreed to— yeas 106, all Republicans, 
nays 98, all Democrats but one. The new committee 
was the same as the old, except that Mr. Bland was 
relieved by Hon. David B. Gulbertson, of Texas. They 
recommended that both houses recede from their respec- 
tive amendments (Senator Vest not signing the report), 
and the report was adopted by the Senate without a 
division, and by the House by a vote of yeas 242, nays 
none, and eighty-five not voting. It was approved by 
the President on July 2, 1890, and is important for the 
precedent it established, as the initial legislation by 
Congress in this field. 

On April 29th, a bill was reported from the Ways 
and Means Committee, by Mr. Dingley, to provide for 
the classification of all worsteds as woolen cloths. It 
met with but little open opposition and was passed by 
the I^ouse on the day following. In the Senate the bill 
was taken up on May 8th, and, after several futile at- 
tempts at amendment, was passed — ^yeas thirty, all Be- 
publicans except one; nay twenty, all Democrats. 

On April 16th, Mr. McKinley, Chairman of the 
Committee on Ways and Means, introduced the general 
tariff bill, entitled, ^ A bill to reduce the revenue and 
equalize the duty on imports, and for other purposes.'^ 
He offered the bill with the majority report^ while 
Mr. Mills presented the views of himself and the other 



106 THE TABIFF IN THE DAT8 

Democratic members of the Committee, aad Mr. 
McKenna submitted Ids own views upon the bounty 
on sugar, upon which alone he dissented from his 
Republican colleagues. 

The bill had been for nearly four months under con- 
stant consideration by the Ways and Means Committee, 
duriag which period every interest in the country that 
had asked for it had been given a hearing* Manu- 
facturers, merchants, farmers. Grangers, members of 
the Farmers' Alliance, agents, factors, wool-growers, — 
freetraders and protectionists — all who presented them- 
selves to the Committee were freely, fully, and patiently 
heard. The minority party, equally with the majority 
party, was given every facility to present its views, and 
both those who opposed aad those who advocated the 
bill were urged to present any testimony they could in 
support of their respective positions. The measure 
was brought up for discussion on May 7th, when it 
was determined to limit general debate to four days, in 
the Commiatee of the Whole, and then allow eight 
days for consideration, section by section, under the 
five-minutes rule. 

It is impossible to attempt to follow this debate, or 
even to intelligently summarize the numerous speeches 
made during its progress. Perhaps, however, a fairly 
good idea of the views of its friends may be gathered 
from the following extracts from the report of the 
Committee, namely : 

^ The Committee on Ways and Means, to whom was 
referred that part of the message of the President of 
the United States relating to public revenues, have 
carefully considered the subject, and report back the 



OF HENBT CLAT AND 8IN0E. 107 

acoompanying bill with a favorable recommendatioiL 
We are adviBed from the annual report of the Secretary 
of the Treasury that the ordinary revenues of the 
Government, actual and estimated, for the fiscal year 
ending June 80, 1890, will be $386,000,000, and that 
the expenditures for the same period, actual and esti- 
mated, will be $298,000,000, leaving a surplus of 
492,000,000. The estimated amount required for the 
linking fund will be $48,321,116, leaving an esti- 
mated net surplus of $48,678,888. The excess of 
revenues over expenses estimated for the fiscal year 
ending June 80, 1891, we are advised from the same 
source, will amount to $48,569,522.80, which, with the 
amount of cash now on hand and available, reaching 
nearly $90,000,000, the Committee believe, will justify a 
reduction of the revenue in the sum contemplated by 
this bilL 

^^It ih framed in the interest of the people of the 
United States. It is for the better defense of American 
homes and American industries. While securing the 
needed revenue, its provisions look to the occupations 
of our own people, their comfort and their welfare ; to 
the successful prosecution of industrial enterprises 
-already started, and to the opening of new lines of 
production where our conditions and resources will 
^^Imit. Ample revenues for the wants of the Govern- 
inent are provided by this bill, and every reasonable 
encouragement is given to productive enterprises and to 
the labor employed therein. The aim has been to 
^pose duties upon such foreign products as compete 
with our own, whether of the soil or the shop, and to 
'^K^laige the free list wherever this can be done without 



108 THS TABIFF IN THE DATO 

injury to any American industry, or wherever an 
existing home industry can be helped without det- 
riment to another industry which is equally worthy of 
the protecting care of the Government 

^^The Committee believe that, inasmuch as nearly 
$300,000,000 are annually required to meet the ex- 
penses of the Government, it is wiser to tax those 
foreign products which seek a market here in competi* 
tion with our own than to tax our domestic products 
or the non-competing foreign products. The Committee, 
responding as it believes to the sentiment of the country 
and the recommendations of the President, submit what 
they consider to be a just and equitable revision of the 
tariff, which, while preserving that measure of protec- 
tion which is required for our industrial independence, 
will secure a reduction of the revenue both from customs 
and internal revenue sources. We have not looked 
alone to a reduction of the revenue, but have kept 
steadily in view the interests of our producing classes, 
and have been ever mindful of that which is due to our 
political conditions, our labor and the character of our 
citizenship. We have realized that a reduction of 
duties below the difference between the cost of labor 
and production in competing countries and our own 
would result either in the abandonment of much of our 
manufacturing here or in the depression of our labor. 
Either result would bring disaster the extent of which 
no one can measure. We have recommended no duty 
above the point of difference between the normal cost 
of production here, including labor, and the cost of 
like production in the countries which seek our mar- 
kets, nor have we hesitated to give this measuro of 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SIKOE. 109 

duty even though it involved an increase over present 
rates and showed an advance of percentages and ad 
valorem equivalents. We have not sought to make a 
uniform rate of duty upon all imported articles. This 
would have been manifestly unjust and inequitable. 
We possess advantages in some branches of production 
which offset the necessity for the highest duties, and 
these have been fully recognized in the arrangement 
and adjustment of rates. The labor cost of any two 
manufactured products which may be mentioned is not 
the same^ one being largely the product of machinery 
and the other largely the product of hand labor, and 
therefore, while one product requires one rate of duty 
for protection, another product may require another 
and different one to afford equal protection. We have 
sought to look at the conditions of each industry at 
home and its relations to foreign competition, and pro- 
vide for that duty which would be adequate in each 
case. 

*^ The Committee have already reported and the 
House passed a bill for the revision of the administra- 
tive features of the customs law, which will remedy 
many of the evils and inconveniences now existing. 
For the purpose' of convenient reference each distinct 
paragraph in the schedules of the bill is numbered. 
This has been done heretofore in the editions of the 
tariff issued by the Treasury Department, but has not 
had legislative sanction. 

*^ The present provision in the free list for * articles 
imported for the use of the United States, provided 
that the price of the same did not include the duty/ is 
omitted in the proposed revision. It has been produc- 



no THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

tive of fraud and has resulted in other serious abuses. 
Persons having contracts with the United States, under 
color of the law, have fraudulently imported lai^e 
quantities of material for sale with a resulting loss to 
the revenue. The provision also works injury to our 
own people by inviting foreign competition in the mat- 
ter of Government contracts. The remission of duty 
in such cases is in effect a premium offered the foreigner 
to compete with the honest importer who pays duty^ 
as also with the domestic producer. It is unwise to 
remit duties when the money goes neither into the 
public treasury nor the pockets of our own people, but 
to enrich their foreign competitors. The Government 
ought not to buy abroad what it can buy at home. 
Nor should it be exempted from the laws it imposes 
upon its citizens. The United States gains nothing 
while the citizen loses by this provision. These con* 
siderations, it is believed, warrant the proposed change. 

^^ Section five forbids entry to merchandise not 
plainly marked, stamped, branded, or labeled in l^ble 
English words, with the name of the country in which 
it is manufactured, with the purpose of protecting both 
our own people from the imposition of inferior goods 
and the revenue from possible loss through undervalua- 
tion. 

^^ Section 17 is a modification of section 2496, Revised 
Statutes. The present section provides that articles in 
violation of r^stered trademark shall not be admitted 
to entry. It does not prohibit their importation or pre- 
scribe their forfeiture, and the result is that such goods 
can only be taken possession of by the collector as un- 
claimed, retained the required length of time, and sold. 



OF HENBY CLkY AST) SINCE. Ill 

which course -seoores their distribution in this country 
in direct contravention of the intent of the statute. 
The domestic interests sought to be protected are thus 
compelled to buy them up in order to protect them- 
selves. It is proposed by this amendment to admit 
such articles to entry for exportation only within three 
months of their importation ; otherwise that they be for- 
feited. The admitted superiority of certain lines of 
American goods has induced the importation of foreign 
imitations of inferior quality, with American brands^ 
to be put on our market as the superior goods of Amer- 
ican manufacture. Inferior goods, the manufacture of 
one coimtry, have also been imported and sold bearing 
the marks of the superior manufacturers of established 
reputation of another country. A practice has also 
grown up of importing goods imder invoices authenti- 
cated in a country other, and in a currency of less 
value, than of the country of manufacture. 

^ Section 22 provides for a uniform rate of drawback 
on manufactured articles exported or articles on which 
duty has been paid, of the amount paid less one per 
cent, for expenses. Heretofore the rate has varied on 
different articles In some cases the entire duty has 
been refunded and in others the duty less ten per cent. 
The Government ought to be re-imbursed the expenses 
involved in the transaction, and it is believed this will 
be done by the retention of one per cent 

'^Section 24 contains an important provision never 
before enacted in any American tariff law. It declares 
that all goods, wares, articles and merchandise manu- 
ffustured wholly or in part in any foreign country by 
convict labor shall not be entitled to entry at any 



lia THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

of the ports of the United States, and the importation 
theieof is hereby prohibited, and the Secretary of the 
Treasury is authorized to prescribe such regulations as 
may be necessary for the enforcement of this pro- 
vision. 

^^Many drugs and chemicals which are not pro- 
duced in the United States have been placed on the 
free list. These chemicals are chiefly used in manu- 
facturing industries. The recommendation that they 
be made free will reduce the cost in the manufactures 
of which they form a part, and it is believed by 
the CSommittee will result in a benefit to the consumer. 
The amount of duty remitted by placing these articles 
on the free list is the sum of $876,804. 

*' The rates of duty upon earthen and China ware have 
not been materially changed. The existing duties have 
resulted in the establishment of large manufacturing 
plants with great benefit to the consumer. This ware 
has been cheapened to the people under the advance of 
duty in 1888, and a continuance of the duty is believed 
to be essential to the maintenance of this industry and 
will secure still greater benefits to the consumer. An 
increase of duty has been recommended upon glass- 
ware. This is believed to be necessary to compensate 
for the difference in the cost of labor here and in 
competing countries, and to protect our industries from 
destructive foreign competition. 

'^ By the proposed bill the duties on first and second 
class wools are made eleven and twelve cents a pound, 
as against ten and twelve under existing law. On 
third-class wool, costing twelve cents or less, the duty 
is raised from 2^ cents a pound to 8^ cents, and 



OF HIBKBT OLAT AKD SINCE. 113 

upon wools of the third class costing above twelve 
cents, the duty recommended is an advance from five to 
eight cents per poimd. The bill which passed the 
Senate in 1888 made the dividing line on third-class 
wools at twelve cents with the same rates of duty upon 
all classes of wool except third-class costing less 
than twelve cents, as herein recommended The Senate 
fixed the duty upon that grade at four cents, while the 
Committee recommended 3^ cents. It is believed, 
however, that with the restrictions, definitions, and 
classifications, and the addition of port charges to the 
foreign cost recommended in the proposed bill, this dif- 
ference will be fully compensated. The United States 
ought to produce all of the wool it consumes, and will 
with adequate encouragement and defensive legislation. 
The amount of wool consumed in all forms and for all 
purposes, is nearly, if not quite, 600,000,000 pounds an- 
nually. In January, 1889, there were in the country 
42,599,079 sheep, producing about 245,000,000 pounds 
of unwashed wool, while the imports for the last fiscal 
year in all forms, wool, clothing, and carpet, is estimated 
ftt about 950,000,000 pounds. There were imported of 
clothing wools 29,224,522 pounds ; of combed wools 
6,871,666 pounds, and of carpet wools, so-called, 90,391,- 
541 pounds; of waste, 8,662,209 pounds — ^practically 
scoured wools ; and the value of woolen aind worsted 
goods imported was $52,564,942, representing about 
160,000,000 pounds of wool. A considerable amount 
of wool was imported as carpet wool, at a duty of 
only 2^ cents a pound, which was used in the manu- 
facture of clothing, and should have paid the clothing 
Vid higher wool duty. There seems to be ho doubt 



lU THE TABIFV IN THE DATO 

that with the protection afforded by the increased 
duties recommended in the biU, the farmers of the 
United States will be able at an early day to supply 
substantially all of the home demand, and the great 
benefit such production will be to the agricultural 
interests of the country can not be estimated. The 
production of 600,000,000 pounds of wool- would 
require about 100,000,000 sheep, or an addition of more 
than 100 per cent, to the present number. It will be 
noticed that in 1860, after foufteen years of revenue 
tariff the total production of domestic wool was 
60,264:,913 pounds, or 1.7 pounds per capita, while in 
1884:, after twenty-four years of protection, the total 
production had increased to 308,000,000 pounds, or 5.4 
pounds per capita. This increase justifies the policy of 
affording this important agricultural product adequate 
protection. The bill seeks to stop the frauds which 
have been so shamelessly practiced in the past in 
violation not only of the spirit but the letter of the 
law. The preparation of wools under new names and 
forms, to avoid legal duties, has been very generally 
practiced. Noils, ring waste, gameted waste, slubbing 
waste, carbonated waste, roping and roving, have been 
imported into this country at the duty on unwashed 
wool, when they were in fact washed and scoured, 
partly oianufactured and ready to go into our looms. 
It is believed that if . the provisions of this bill be 
adopted these violations will be prevented and this 
gross injustice to the wool growers of our country 
remedied. 

^The increase of the duty on clothing wool and sub- 
stitutes for wool to protect the wool growers of this 



OF HEITBT CULY AND BINGE. 115 

countiy, and the well tmdarstood fact that the tariff of 
1863y and the constmction given to the worsted dause, 
Tednced the duties on many grades of woolen goods to 
a point that invited increasing importations, to the 
serious injury of our. woolen manufacturers and wool 
growers, neces^tates raising the duties on woolen jam, 
cloth, and dress goods to a point which will insure l^e 
holding of our home market for these manufactures to a 
mach greater extent than is now possible. The necessity 
of this increase is apparent in view of ihe fact already 
stated that during the last fiscal year there were imports 
of manufactures of wool of the foreign value of 
$52,681,482, as shown by the under-vidued invoices, 
and the real value in our market of nearly $90,000,000 
— ^fuUy one-fourth of our entire home consumption-^ 
equivalent to an import of at least 160,000,000 pounds 
of wool in the form of manufactured goods. In revising 
the woolen gobds schedule so as to afford adequate pro- 
tection to our woolen manu&cturers and wool growers, 
we have continued the system of compound duties 
which have proved to be so essential in any tariff which 
protects wool, providing first for a specific compensatory 
pound or square yard duty, equivalent to the duty 
which would be paid on the wool if imported, for the 
benefit of the wool grower, and an ad valorem duty of 
from 30 to 50 per cent, according to the proportion of 
labor required in the manufacture of the several classes 
of goods, as a protection to the manufacturer again^^t 
foreign competition and ten per cent, additional upon 
ready-made clothing for the protection o^ the clothing 
manufacturers. The existing tariff gives an ad valorem 
duty of from thirty-five to forty-five per cent for tiie 



U6 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

protection of the woolen manufacturer, and the bill 
which passed the House at the first session of the 
Fiftieth Congress which abolished all duties on wool 
and consequently the equivalent specific compensatory 
duties on manufactures of wool, gave a uniform duty of 
forty per cent, on all woolen goods without regard to 
their character. This duty is more than is required for 
unfinished goods like cheap blankets and flannels^ and 
less than is requisite for fine finished manufactures of 
wool, which are being imported in so large quantities. 
For this reason, and to adapt the duties to the compara- 
tive cost of manufacturing different woolen fabrics, we 
have given thirty per cent, to the lowest grade of 
blankets and flannels, thirty-five per cent, to the medium 
{grades, forty per cent, to the highest grades of blankets 
(fliannels valued about fifty cents per pound being 
classed as ^' dress goods,'' which they practically are), 
carpets and the lower grades of finished doth and 
cotton* warp dress goods, and fifty per cent, to the finer 
grades of finished cloth and to all-wool dress goods, 
requiring the highest skill and greatest amount of labor. 
These advanced rates on the better grades of goods for 
the protection of the manu£EM3turers, with specific duties 
fully compensatory for the duties on wool, wiU, it is 
believed, have the effect to largely diminish importa- 
tions of manufactures of wool, and consequently to 
reduce the revenue instead of increasing the revenue as 
would be the case if the importation should continue 
the same. From the best information we can obtain, it 
is probable that the increased rates of* duty given to 
manufactures of woolens will reduce, certainly not 
increase^ the revenue from this source, and transfer to 



OF H£NBT CLAT AND 8IN0JB. 117 

this country the manufacture of from $16,000,000 to 
$20,000,000 of woolen goods now made abroad. 

^ In the metal schedule no change of duty has been 
recommended upon iron ore or iron in pigs. These 
dutiea, it is believed, can not be lowered without detri- 
ment to existing industries, and we have not felt justi- 
fied in interfering with the further development of our 
iron ore resources^ now so promising, in the Southern 
States. With regard to pig iron, it may be said that it 
is in no sense a raw. material It is a product of the 
highest skill, requiring for its manufacture large and 
expensive plants, the capital invested in which in our 
country to-day more than equals that which is invested 
in any other branch of our iron and steel industries. 
Pig-iron is made in twenty-five. States of the Union. 
Its manufacture is increasing rapidly in many States, 
largely as the result of the protective. duty which has 
long given encouragement to its production. It has 
had a marvelously rapid growth in the Southern and 
Western States in the last ten years, and it is to-day the 
leading mauu&cturing industry south of the Potomac 
and Ohio rivers. It has been the most potent of all 
influences in the industrinl rehabilitation of the South. 
To reduce the duty on pig-iron, and on scrap-iron and 
scrap-steel, which are substitutes for pig-iron, would an- 
nually bring into our ports many shiploads of these pro- 
ducts to take the. place of pig-iron which could be pro- 
duced at home, and it would correspondingly reduce the 
demand for coal and iron ore. This is a result which is 
surely not to be desired. 

^' There has been an increase of duties upon cutlery, 
believed by the Committee to be absolutely necessary 



118 THE TARIFF IS THE DATS 

to the maintenance of this industry in the United States. 
The competition from Germany and other countries has 
been so ruinous as to have already destroyed some of 
the manufactures, and threatens without this increased 
duty to wipe out the remaining ones. 

^ It has been demonstrated that we can manufacture 
tin plate in the United States as successfully as it can 
be done in England. Its production here suitable for 
all uses is no longer experimental We make sheet 
iron and sheet steel, and it is confidently believed that 
we have in the Dakotas pig tin in sufficient quantities 
for use in making all of the tin required for this market; 
and if this were not so, pig tin is on the free list, accessi- 
ble to our people for manufacturing purposes. There 
is no reason except inadequate protection why we are 
not to-day manufacturing the more than $21,000,000 
worth of tin now imported into the United States and 
upon which we pay an annual duty of over $7,000,000. 
It is estimated that the establishment of an industry 
which would supply otu* own market in this particular 
would furnish steady employment to at least twenty 
four thousand men. The bill provides that the in- 
creased duties shall not go into effect until July 1, 
1891, and it Is believed that manufacturers, encouraged 
by this proposed legislation in the meantime, will adapt 
their plants to the new production, and that in the end 
the advanced duty will not enhance the cost to the con- 
sumer, but eventuate in lower and steadierprices to the 
American consumer. To the end that there may be no 
interruption of our export trade of canned products by 
reason of the proposed change, the Committee recom- 
piend that upon tin imported and exported, made up. 



OF Hia^BY CLAY AND 8IN0X. 119 

the Oovemment shall retain but one per cent, of the 
duty instead of ten per cent., as provided by existing 
jaw. If the recommendation of the Committee is 
adopted, it is believed a new and important industry 
will be secured to the United States, with large result- 
ant benefits to the people. 

^ The Committee recommend that sugar up to and in- 
cluding No. 16 Dutch standard in color, and molasses, 
be placed on the free list, with a duty of four-tenths of 
one cent per pound on refined sugar above No. 16 ; and 
that a bounty of two cents per pound be paid from the 
Treasury for a period of fifteen years for all sugar 
pcdarizing at least 85 d^rees, made in this country from 
cane, beets, or soighum produced in the United States. 
In 1888 the consumption of sugar in the United States 
was 1,469,997 tons, or 58.1 pounds per inhabitant. Of 
this only 189,814 tons (375,004,197 pounds) were pro- 
duced in the United States, and 1,:280,188 tons, or 
seven-eighths of our consumption, were imported. We 
have not at hand the statistics of sugar consumption and 
production for 1889, but the relative proportion of 
domestic to foreign production was substantially the 
aame. So laige a pix>portion of our sugar is imported 
that the home production of sugar does not materially 
affect the price, and the duty is therefore a tax, which 
is added to the price not only of the imported but of 
the domestic product, which is not true of duties im- 
posed on articles produced or made here, substantially 
to the extent of our wants. In 1889 the duties collected 
on imported sugar and molasses amounted to $55,975,- 
610* Add to this the increase of price of domestic 
sugar arising from the duty, and it is clear that the 



IM THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

duty on sugar and molasses made the cost of the sugar 
and molasses consumed by the people of this country at 
least $64,000,000, or about one dollar for each man, 
woman and child in the United States, more than it 
would have been if no such duties had been levied and 
the domestic product had remained the same. Even on 
the assumption that, with proper encouragement, we 
shall eventually be able to produce all, or nearly all, 
the sugar required for the consumption of our people — 
an assumption which your Committee believes to be 
sustained by many facts» notwithstanding the slow prog- 
ress thus far made in sugar culture in this country. 
This encouragement can be given much more economi- 
cally and effectively by a bounty of two cents per pound^ 
involving the expenditure of but a little more than 
$7,000,000 per annum with the present production of 
sugar in this country, than by the imposition of a duty 
involving the collection of $55,975,610 in duties in the 
last fiscal year, not to mention the amount directly iur 
volved. When it is considered that this increase in cost 
due to the duty on sugar falls on an article of prime 
necessity as food, your Committee are persuaded that 
justice as well as good policy requires that such an un- 
necessary burden in the way of a direct tax should be 
removed from sugar, and that the encouragement 
required to induce the production of sugar in the 
United States should be given through a bounty rather 
than by an import duty. In providing that not only raw 
sugar, but also sugar up to and including No. 16 
shall be admitted free of duty, an opportunity is given 
for the free introduction of yellow sugar suited for 
family use, an arrangement which will secure to our 



OF HXNBY CLAT AND SINGE. 191 

people sugar at the lowest price existing in the markets 
of the worldy^ while even imported white refined sugars 
will be subject to a dnty of only four-tenths of one cent 
per pound, 

*^ The free list has been enlarged by the addition of 
the following articles: Books and pamphlets printed 
exclusively in languages other than English ; books and 
music in raised letters printed exclusively for the blind; 
braids, plaits, laces, flats; bristles, raw ; chicory root, raw, 
dried, or undried, but unground ; coal tar, crude, and 
pitch of coal tar ; dandelion roots, raw, dried or unground, 
acorns, bees wax ; floor matting manufactured from round 
or split straw, including what is commonly known as 
Chinese matting; currants, Zante and other; dates; 
grass and fibers; jute; jute butts; maniUa; sisal-grass; 
Sunn and all other textile grasses of fibrous vegetable 
substance, unmanufSactured ; degras and other grease; 
hair, human, raw, uncleaned, and not drawn; molasses; 
needles, hand, sewing, and darning; nut oil or oil of 
nuts ; olive-oil for manufacturing and mechancial pur- 
poses, unfit for eating; opium, unmanufactured; ore, 
nickel ; potash, crude or black salts, chlorate of, nitrate 
of crude, sulphate of crude ; red earth or raddle, used 
for polishing lenses; seeds; hemp, rope, bulbs, bulbous 
roots, not edible ; shotguns, barrel or barrels, rough or 
bored; sponges; sugar up to and including No. 16 
Dutch standard in color ; tar and pitch of wood ; tinsel 
wire, lame or lahn; tobacco stems; sulphur ore, as 
pyrites or sulphuret of iron containing an excess of 
sulphur; turpentine, spirits of; and briar- wood, manu- 
factured. 

'^The Committee have given months of investigation 



laa THE TABIFF IN THS DATB 

to tfaa existing conditions of agricultnre and matters 
connected therewith. This great industry is foremost 
in magnitude and importance in our country. Its suc- 
cess and prosperity are vital to the Nation. No pros- 
perity is possible to other industries if agriculture 
languishes. In so far as the fostering care of the 
Government can be helpful, it must be faithfully and 
forcefully exerted to build up and strengthen agri- 
cultura That there is wide spread depression in this 
industry to-day can not be doubted. Every remedy 
within the scope of practical legislation known to your 
Goomiittee has been recommended in the proposed 
measure to meet the urgent requirements of the situa- 
tion. The enemies of the protective system have no 
word of criticism for the real causes of agricultural de- 
pression, no suggestion of relief from the real burdens 
which are weighing it down to-day; but, seizing the 
present as a favorable time, they solemnly charge that 
the decline in our market is solely due to the tariff. 
They are pleased to ignore the fact that one of the 
purposes of a protective tariff is to hinder a still larger 
importation of foreign produce, and thus save the 
market from still greater depression. The friends of 
larger foreign importations • feel no apprehension or 
alarm at the rapidly increasing volume of foreign agri- 
cultural produce pouring into our markets. These and 
all other actual perils they pass by. They are silent to 
this danger which offers real harm to American agri- 
culture and clamor against its only safeguard and pro- 
tection. But your Committee, sensible to the importance 
of this industry, prompted by the single motive to lift 
it to the highest level of profitable employment, believe 



OF HSKBY GLAT AND SINGE. 183 

that they offer in the bill presented, all the relief 
which tariff legislation can give to it. A critical ex- 
amination of the subject will show that agriculture is 
suffering chiefly from a most damaging foreign competi- 
tion in our home market. The increase in importations 
of agricultural products since 1850 has been enormous, 
amounting from $40,000,000 to more than $866,000,000, 
in 1889. This is an increase of nearly 900 per cent, 
while the population increased for the same period less 
than 800 per cent. During the past ten years this 
growth in importation has been most rapid, and has 
been marked by a. significant and corresponding decline 
in prices of the home*grown product Upon the prod- 
ucts of chief reliance to our farmers, competition, not 
only abroad but at home, with the poorly-paid labor of 
Europe and cheap labor of Egypt and India, is depriv- 
ing our produce markets and sweeping the margins of 
profits from the farmers of the country. The ^^ world's 
market,*^ to which the advocates of tariff for revenue 
only invite the farmers of this country, is to-day 
crowded with the products of the cheapest human labor 
the earth affords. All over the Old World thero is a 
rush of their surplus to that market, and it is to such a 
contest as this that free trade would allure American 
agriculture. With the foreign grain market under the 
sway of such oppressive competition, with the foreign 
cattle and pork market depressed and obstructed by 
various ruinous measures of restriction, with foreign 
^^cultural products crowding our home market, your 
C!ommittee have recommended an increase of rates upon 
agricultural products. The establishment of agricul- 
tural experiment stations under Federal supervision, 



lU THE TARIFF IK THE DAYS 

the energetic research into the resources of the different 
sections of the countryi the application of scientific 
principles to agricnltnre under the efficient administrar 
tion of the Department of Agriculture, make this a 
most opportune time to encourage and foster, by the 
application of the protective principle, the development 
of new industries on the farm. 

^ We advance the rates upon the products of the 
soil which either do supply or can be brought to sup- 
ply the home consumption. Horses, cattle, hogs, sheep, 
bacon, barley, beans, peas, beef, mutton, pork, buck- 
wheat, butter, cheese, eggs, hay, hops, milk, poultry, 
flax-seedy v^tables, potatoes, flax, hemp, hides, wool, 
tobacco, and many other products are advanced with a 
view to save this entire market to the American fanner. 
As indicating the general line of policy pursued in 
changing rates in this schedule your Committee can 
only, in the scope of this report, note a few articles 
illustrative of alL In the last ten years not less than 
$60,000,000 worth of horses, cattle and sheep, ordinary 
marketable stock, has been imported. A portion of 
these have paid twenty per cent ad valorem on a 
fraudulent undervaluation. A very large proportion 
have come in free, professedly for breeding purposes, 
actually for the common markets. The duty has been 
changed to a specific rate and advanced to a point 
where it will protect the market, while the paragraph 
in the free list on animals for breeding purposes is so 
framed as to only admit animals which are pure bred 
and properly registered. Ten years ago the cultivation 
of tobacco suitable for cigars promised one of the most 
certain and profitable investments for agriculture in 



OF HSNBY CLAY AND SINGE. 185 

many of the Northern States. To^ay the industry is 
crowded from its own market by foreign importations 
produced by labor costing less than ten cents per day. 
The value of the tobacco imported from The Nether- 
lauds alone for the six months ending December 81st 
last was nearly $5,000,000. The duty has been in- 
creased with a view of protecting the American market 
for the American grower. Flax and hemp have been 
advanced upon the positive evidence that the time has 
come to encourage these two industries from an agricul* 
toral standpoint. The farmers themselves are ready 
to enter largely upon the cultivation of flax and hemp 
fiber under adequate protection. The diversity of our 
soil and climate beyond question invites us to the 
establishment of these industries. Samples of every 
grade of American grown flax, from the coarsest to the 
finest, have been examined by your Committee, and 
they are convinced that if the production of the fiber 
and the weaving of the fabric be given a fair measure 
of protection against the low wages paid in the several 
flax-growing countries of Europe, a few years will build 
up an immense industry in the United States of in- 
estimable beneflt to agriculture. 

'* The Committee have recommended changes in the 
internal revenue laws as follows : Abolishing the tax 
on dealers in leaf tobacco, which will relieve 4,872 tax- 
payers and reduce the revenues $48,570.88; abolishing 
the tax on dealers in manufactured tobacco, which will 
relieve 590,013 tax-payers from the payment of a small 
but vexatious tax, and will reduce the revenue $1,280,- 
015.98 ; abolishing the tax on manufacturers of tobacco, 
which will relieve 902 tax-payers and reduce the rev- 



1S6 THE TABIFF IK THE DATS 

ehue $6^128.25 ; aboluhing the tax on manofacturera of 
cigars, which will relieve 20,684 tax-payers and reduoe 
the revenue $120,195.58 ; abolishing the tax on ped* 
dlers of tobacco, which will relieve 16,060 tax-payers 
and reduce the revenue $127,010.88. The Committee 
recommend a reduction of the tax on smoking and man* 
ufactured tobacco from eight cents to four cents per 
pound, which will effect a reduction of the revenue of 
$8,588,449.97 ; snuff from eight cents to four cents per 
pound, which will effect a reduction of the revenue of 
$822,544.78 ; and the abolition of the tax on retail 
dealers in leaf tobacco, effecting a reduction of the rev*^ 
enue of $270.84. They have recommended that all 
provisions of the statutes imposing restrictions of an7 
kind whatsoever upon farmers and growers of tobacco, 
in regard to the sale thereof, be repealed. This will 
enable the fiGoaners and planters to sell their tobacco 
wherever and to whomsoever they please with the same 
freedom they now dispose of other agricultural prod- 
ucts. They have been advised by the Commissioner 
of Internal Revenue that the abolition of the special 
taxes herein proposed can be made with safety and will 
in no way interfere with the administration of the law» 
which are to remain. 

<<The advance of duties on agricultural products, in* 
eluding tobacco and wool and manufactures of wool 
and sundries, on the supposition that the imports of the 
next fiscal year would be as lai^ as in the year ending 
June 80, 1889, would increase the revenue. But the 
articles on which duties have been increased are for the 
most part such as we can produce to the extent of our 
wants, and the increase of duties will have the effect to^ 



OF HSNBY CLAY AND BINGE. 187 

dimiiuBh the importations to each an extent that the 
revenne will not be increased. No other result can f ol« 
low. The effect of the advance of duties on agricult* 
ural products^ for example, will be to hold our own 
markets in larger measure than at present for our own 
farmers without any increase in the revenue. The same 
result will follow in other cases of increase, and where 
the revenue ia in special cases increased this increase 
will be far less than is indicated by a computation 
based on the theory that importations of such articles 
will continue as large as under lower duties. In the 
case of manufactures of wool, where the importations 
liave been enormous because of inadequate duties, there 
can be no reasonable doubt that the rates of duty pro- 
posed will diminish rather than increase the revenue. 
Your Committee conelude, therefore, that ike proposed 
bill, if enacted into law, will certainly reduce the rev^ 
enue from imports at least $60,986,536, and probably 
more, and from the internal revenue $10,827,878, or in 
the aggregate $71,264,41^*'' 

In reply to this report, Mr. Mills offered the views of 
the minority, which were in part as follows : 

^ At a time when it is confessed by all parties that 
the Government does not need additional revenue, but 
that there ought to be a reduction of its receipts, the 
bill reported hy the majority proposes to levy upon a 
great many articles of absolute necessity higher rates of 
duty than were ever heretofore proposed in any meas- 
ure reported to Congress. These increases of rates are 
made in every instance for the purpose of restricting 
trade and thereby affording what is called protection to 
the producers of similar articles in this country. The 



US THE TARIFF IK THE DA18 

original argument in favor of protective duties was that 
they were necessary to foster infant industries by pre- 
venting ruinous competition from abroad until they 
could secure a hold on the home market and thus be- 
come self-sustaining, and it was again and again pre- 
dicted by the earlier advocates of the system that a few 
years of public support would enable them to do this. 
But the present bill is based upon precisely the oppo- 
site view. It is framed upon the assumption that as 
our industries grow older they grow weaker and more 
dependent upon the bounty of the Government and the 
forced contributions of the people who purchase and 
consume their products ; and accordingly we find that, 
as a general rule, the important increases in the rates of 
duty are made with a view of still further protecting^ 
the products of our oldest industries, such as manufac- 
tures of iron and steel, woolen goods, cotton goods, 
manufactures of flax, hemp, etc. If it be true that these 
old industries need more protection now than they 
needed a hundred years ago, it must be because they 
have been existing undel* an unnatural and unhealthy 
system and have lost that spirit of self-reliance and in- 
dependence which is essential to the permanent growth 
and prosperity of every business enterprise. Thirty 
years ago, after a considerable period of low taxes upon 
imported goods, when it was proposed to increase rates 
in order to secure revenue, it was not suggested by the 
most extreme advocates of the protective system that 
our industries required anything like such high rates of 
duty as are imposed by this bill. 

'^ For instance, there are a few persons in this country 
trho believe that they could manufacture tin or teme 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 129 

plate if those who use that necessary article were com- 
pelled by law to pay a higher tax upon it, and accord* 
ingly the bill now reported proposes to more than 
double the duties. This will injuriously affect the 
interests of thousands of laborers now engaged in the 
manufacture of tin cans and other vessels used in 
canning fruit, rotables, meats, and fish, in nearly 
every part of the country^ and it will constitute a direct 
charge upon the producers and consumers of those 
various kmds of food ; but the theory upon which this 
bill is based takes no account of the welfare of this 
great mass of American citizens so long as two or 
three firms or corporations insist that the tax will be 
beneficial to them. 

'^ At the same time the bill proposes to make enor- 
mous increases in the rates on woolen goods, which all 
our people are compelled to purchase and use, and very 
laige increases in the rates on some kinds of cotton and 
linen goods which are absolutely necessary for the 
health and comfort of all classes. The increase of 
taxes on wool and woolen and worsted goods, including 
carpets, amounts to about |il5,500,000 per annum, esti- 
mated upon the importations of the last fiscal year ; but 
in fact it will be many times that amount by reason 
of the enhanced prices which consumers will be com- 
pelled to pay for the domestic product. While the bill 
proposes to make this large addition to the tax on woolen 
clothing and carpets, it also proposes to abolish the 
internal revenue taxes to the amount of $8,860,994.75 
on manufactured chewing and smoking tobacco and 
snuff, articles which certainly can not be classed among 
the necessaries of life. While we would be willing 



180 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

to repeal the internal revenue taxes on tobacco in con- 
nection with the reductions upon other articles which 
the people are obliged to use, as was proposed in the 
bill which passed the last House, we can not agree to a 
measure which provides for the abolition of any part of 
such taxes and at; the same time increases the rates of 
duty of cotton, woolen, and linen clothing, and on 
earthenware, glassware, table cutlery, and many forms 
of iron and steel which can not be dispensed with. 
^ We can not undertake here to point out in detail the 
numerous increases in the rates of duty on imported 
goods which this bill proposes to make, but a few will 
suffice to show the general character of the measure 
and the purpose of its authors and supporters. The 
lowest grades of woolen yarn, worth not over 80 cents 
per pound, are to be subjected to a duty of 112 per 
cent, while the most costly yarn will pay 72 per cent. 
One grade of coarse, cheap blankets will be required to 
pay 106 per cent but the finest blankets will pay 72 
per cent. The coarsest and cheapest woolen hats will 
be subject to a duty of 111 per cent, and the finest 
to 66 per cent. Women^s and children's cheapest dress 
goods with cotton warp are to be taxed 106 per cent, 
and the finest 73 per cent The lowest grade of woolen 
cloths will pay 125 per cent, and the highest grade 
86 per cent The cheapest qualities of knit goods for 
undei*wear range from 112 to 138 per cent but the 
finest and most expensive will pay 78 percent Woolen 
shawls of the coarest and lowest grade used by the 
poorest people, will pay 185 per cent duty, and worsted 
goods of the lowest grade will pay 180 per cent while 
the highest grade will pay 90 per cent. 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 131 

'^ There are many increases of the rates on iron and 
steel and scarcely any reduction on articles which can 
be imported at all under the existing rates. The re- 
dactions in this schedule^ .as a .general rule, will not 
diminish taxation to any appreciable extent, while all 
the increases are so arranged as to obstruct importations 
and enhance the prices of the domestic articles of the 
same kind. On common table cutlery the new rates of 
duty imposed by this bill are very largely in excess of 
the old ones under which our manufacturing establisht 
ments have been successfully earned on for many years, 
and on the cheaper grades of pocket knives, and razors 
especially, the rates are greatly increased. 

^When the existing tariff was enacted in 1888, 
large increases were made in the rates of duty on earth- 
enware and glassware, and this was justified upon the 
groxmd that the law then passed abolished the duty 
upon the packages in which these articles were shipped 
into this country ; and it was contended that in view of 
this fact the actual net increase of duty would be com- 
paratively small. Experience has shown, however, that 
notwithstanding the abolition of the duty on packages 
there was a large increase of taxation in this schedule 
under that act, and therefore there ought now to be a 
reduction even if the packages remain free. But at the 
present session of Congress a bill has passed the House, 
and is now pending in the Senate, reimposing the du- 
ties on the packages, and the bill reported by the major- 
ity proposes to make still further increases in the rates 
of duty upon the goods, especially upon glass and glass- 
ware. Common window glass, not exceeding 16 by 24 
inches square, is increased to 128 per cent; not exceed- 



139 THE TABIFF IK THE DATS 

ing 34 by 80 inches square is raised to over 185 per 
cent and all sizes above that are raised to over 188 per 
cent, while there are very large increases upon bottles 
and various other manufactures of glasa 

^'Gamers hair, a raw material extensively used in this 
country in the manufacture of certain kinds of goods, 
and which has been admitted free of duty for a great 
many years, is by this bill taken from the free list and 
subjected to a tax of twelve cents per pound, which is 
equivalent to 77 per cent ad valorem. During the last 
fiscal year we imported, free of duty,* 6,648,097 pounds 
of this material, which is absolutely necessary to enable 
some of our manufacturing establishments to carry on 
their business and supply the goods they are now mak- 
ing for their customers ; but if this bill passes and the 
same quantity is imported next year it will cost thf^ 
people $797,771.64 in addition to the value of the hair 
itseli 

^^The bill proposes to make large increases in the 
duties on carpels wools, and take silver ores containing 
lead from the free list and subject the lead contained in 
the silver ore to a duty of 1^ cents per pound, not 
because we need the revenue, but for the sole purpose 
of preventing these articles from being imported into 
this country. Last year we imported direct from the 
States and Republics of Central and South America 
and the Republic of Meidco many million pounds of 
this wool, and still more by way of London and other 
European ports, and from Mexico silver ores bearing 
lead of the value of $6,779,160, Our total importations 
of carpet wools from all countries amounted to 96,556,- 
466 pounds, and our total importation of this kind of ore 



OF HSNBY CLAY AND 8IN0K ^ 188 

was $6,951y719. All this wool has been converted into 
carpets and other fabrieSy and all these ores have been 
smelted in the United States by American workmen, 
and their importation has been of great benefit to onr 
people, in addition to the profit realized from the trade 
between the different countries. The free admission of 
fluxing ores from Mexico has enabled our citizens to 
establish and maintain large smelting works at El Paso, 
Texas, Argentine, Kansas, Newark, N. J., Kansas City, 
Mo., and a great many other places. If this bill passes 
the tax upon 66,000 tons of silver ore, the amount im- 
ported last year, will be over $672,000, which the Gov- 
ernment does not need and which will benefit nobody 
in this country. The bill in fact increases the rates of 
duty on all classes of wool imported into this country. 
"For the further purpose of inducing the far- 
mers of the countiy to believe that they can and 
will derive some benefit from the protective policy, 
this bill imposes various rates of duty upon certain 
important agricultural products, which it is well 
known could not be imported to any material extent 
with or without duty. For instance, com is subjected 
to a duty of 15 cents a bushel ; com meal, 20 cents per 
bushel; oats, 15 cents per bushel; rye, 10 cents per 
bushel; wheat, 25 cents per bushel; wheat flour, 25 
per cent ad valorem ; apples, green or ripe, 25 cents 
per bushel; apples, dried, 2 cents per pound; bacon 
and hams, 5 cents per pound ; bee^ mutton, and pork, 
2 cents per pound ; lard, 2 cents per pound, and tallow, 
1 cent per pound. We produce a great surplus of all 
these articles and many others every year, which we are 
compelled to send abroad and sell in the free markets 



IS4 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

of the world in competition with similar products of 
other countries. It is impossible to protect the farmer 
against foreign competition in his home market, for he 
has no such competition, and the insertion or retention 
of these articles in a tariff bill is a device which will de- 
ceive no one who gives a moment^s thought to the 
subject. 

'^ Under the existing law animals for breeding pur- 
poses are admitted free of duty and all others are sub- 
ject to a tax of 20 per cent, ad valorem ; but the bill re- 
ported proposes lai^ely to increase this tax and make it 
specific. It is proposed to levy an import duty of $30 
per head on all horses and mules; $10 per head on all 
cattle over one year old, and $2 per head on all under 
that age, and $1.50 per head on hogs and sheep. 
Horses^ valued at $150 and over, will pay a duty of 30 
per cent, and all animals imported especially for breed* 
ing purposes will still be admitted free, but they must 
be of pure blood, of a recognized breed, and mtist have 
been duly registered abroad in the book of records es- 
tablished for that breed. All these increases of duties 
are claimed to be in the interest of farmers, but in fact 
they will be vastly more injurious to them and to dairy- 
men than to any other class of our people. Last year 
we imported dutiable horses to the number of 52,454, 
of the average value of $42.81 ; cattle, 62,880, of the 
average value of $9.68; hogs, 2,396, of the average 
value of $3.28; and sheep, 454,010, of the avera^^e 
value of $2.98. These animals were brought here 
mainly, if not entirely, by the farmers themselves, or on 
their account, to replenish their stock of work beasts, 
milch cows, and sheep herds. This is evident, we 



OF H£NBY OLAJ AND SINOfi. 186 

thinky from the low prices of the animals and the 
localities from which they were imported. For in- 
stance, nearly all the horses imported came from Mex- 
ico and from Qaebec, Ontario, Manitoba, and the 
Northwest Territory, and the average valne of the 
29,590 brought from Mexico was $8.80, while the aver- 
age value of the 17,470 brought from the Dominion was 
only a little over $100. These were not expensive ani- 
mals imported for racing purposes, or for use in 
pleasure carriages, but ordinary stock such as is used 
upon our farms ; and it is evident that the importations 
from Mexico were ponies for use on the sheep and cat- 
tle ranches of the West The duty on these Mexican 
horses last year amounted to $52,869, but if this bill 
passes, and the same number is imported next year, the 
duty will amount to $887,700, or nearly three and a 
half times their value. The farmer or dairyman who 
hereafter imports common cattle for his own use will 
be required to pay a duty of over 100 per cent., ac- 
cording to the average value of the importations of last 
year, and he can not import an ordinary animal of any 
kind for breeding purposes free of duty, as fine stock 
may be imported, because such an animal is not pure 
bred, and is therefore not registered abroad. How the 
farmers are to be helped by the increased duties on live 
auimals we are whoUy unable to see, and, in our opin- 
ion, if this bill passes, they will be the first to demand 
a restoration of the old rates, or that these importations 
Daay be free. 

^' The bill proposes to admit, free of duty, all sugar 
up to and including No. 16 Dutch standard in color, 
*ttd pay to the sugar producers in this country a bounty 



186 THE TABIFP IN THE DAYS 

of two cents per pound each year until July 1^ 1905, on 
their product. Last year these grades of sugar which 
are now made free, yielded to the Government $54,- 
894,181, all of which is now to be surrendered, and the 
sugar industry is to become an annual charge upon all 
the people who are engaged in other occupations, some 
of which are far more important and all of which are 
fully as meritorious as this one. In 1888, which is the 
last year for which we have complete returns, the sugar 
product in this country was 375,855,877 pounds, so 
that even should there be no increased production 
under the bounty system the sum which the people are 
to be compelled to donate each year for the support of 
this favorite industry will be $7,520,000, or $118,000,- 
000 during the fifteen years. But the very object of 
the bounty is to encourage the production of this ar- 
ticle, and its advocates claim that in a few years it will 
result in a domestic supply equal to the whole demand 
for home consumption, In addition to ilie home prod- 
uct we imported and consumed during the last fiscal 
year 2,700,421,302 pounds of sugar not above No. 16 in 
color, making a total annual consumption, including 
domestic and imported, of 8,076,277,079 pounds, and 
therefore, if the system results as its advocates predict, 
the annual payment out of the Treasury will be $61,- 
528,426, even without any increase in the amount now 
consumed. We protest against the gross favoritism 
and injustice of such a policy, and we deny the moral 
or constitutional right of the Government to tax the 
people who grow com, wheat, cotton, rye, oats^ and 
other agricultural products for the purpose of raising 
money to be given to those who produce sugar or any 
other article. 



OF HENBY OLAT AND SINGE. 137 

'^ It is impossible to state with eatire accuracy how 
much the bill increases taxes upon, imported goods, for 
the reason that there are many lai^e increases of taxa- 
tion made by it which are not exhibited in the table 
submitted by the Committee. This table shows that, 
omitting the sugar schedule, there has been added to 
the duties on the articles still remaining on the dutia- 
ble list the sum of $40,055,162.88; but in addition to 
this, after January 1, 1804, the duties on brown and 
bleached linens, ducks, canvas, handkerchiefs, or other 
woven fabrics, composed of flax, hemp, jute, or of 
which flax, hemp, or jute, or either of them, shall be 
the component material of cheap value, containing one 
hundred or more threads to the square inch, counting 
either the warp or filling, will be increased to the 
amount of $1,574,954.57 more than is shown by the 
tables; and after July 1, 1891, the duty on tin or teme 
plate will be $8,871,878.67 greater than it was last year 
upon the same importation, and the increase in the 
tobacco schedule is^ as nearly as we can calculate it, 
$6,551,855.41 more than the tables show. In our opin- 
ion the increase in the tobacco schedule, resulting 
mainly from the imposition of a duty of $2 per pound 
on unstemmed leaf for cigar wrappers, will be $16,305,- 
925 instead of $9,754,069.59, as shown by the tables, 
and we are confident that an analysis of our importa- 
tions of that article for a series of years past Mrill sus- 
tain our position. Even the comparatively brief exami- 
nation we have been able to make has disclosed other 
increases not shown by the calculations contained in 
the tables, amounting to the sum of over $8,000,000, 
and there are many others which can not be accurately 



138 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

ascertained for the want of sufficient data as to prices 
and quantities of importations of last year. Addii^ 
these amounts to the $409055,152.88, shows a total in- 
crease of duties on articles still dutiable, outside of the 
sugar schedule, of about $65,000,000, and we are satis- 
fied it is more than that. We do not mean to assert 
that the bill actually increases the customs revenue 
$65,000,000 over what it is under existing law, but 
that it proposes to impose upon the articles it leaves 
upon the dutiable list, except sugar and molasses, that 
sum in excess of the amount collected on the same 
schedules last year. It places upon the free list articles 
which yielded a revenue of $6,089,969 during the last 
fiscal year, and it makes a reduction of $34,922,110.56 
on sugar and molasses, and these two sums^ amounting 
to $60,962,079.68, being deducted from the $65,000,000 
leave a net increase of more than $4,000,000 in tariff 
taxation under this bill. While the bill proposes to 
transfer from the dutiable schedules to the free list artv 
des which last year yielded a revenue of $6,089,969.07, 
it proposes also to transfer from the free list to the 
dutiable list certain articles, principally raw materials 
used in manufactures, which, according to the importa- 
tions during the last fiscal year, will yield a i-evenue of 
nearly $8,500,000. 

The bill came to a vote, on the question of passage, 
on May 21st, its opponents making a fiual effort at 
its defeat on the following motion : Mr. Carlisle moved 
that ^^the pending bill be recommitted to the 
Committee on Ways and Means, with instructions to 
report the same back to the Hou^e at the earliest 
possible day so amended by substitute or otherwise as 



OF H£NBY CLAY AND SINOS. 139 

to reduce the revenues of the Government by reducing 
the burdens of taxation upon the people, instead of 
reducing the revenues by imposing prohibitory rates 
of taxation upon imported goods,'' — which was 
disagreed to, yeas 140, all Democrats; nays 164, 
all Republicans. The bill was then passed — ^yeas 164, 
all Republicans ; nays 142, all Democrats but two, one 
Republican and one Independent, while twenty-one 
members, six Republicans and fifteen Democrats did 
not vote. New England cast twenty-one votes for the 
bill and three against it; the Middle States, yeas 
forty-eight, nays twenty-eight ; the Western and North- 
western States, yeas seventy-five, nays thirty-one; the 
Southern and Southwestern, yeas eleven, nays seventy- 
eight, and the Pacific, yeas nine, nays two. 

The bill was reported by Mr. Morrill from the 
Senate Finance Committee on June 18 th, and was 
constantly considered, with various intervals, in Com- 
mittee of the Whole, until September 8th. An interest- 
ing colloquy occurred between Senators McPherson and 
Sherman on July S5th, occasioned by the motion 
of the former to recommit the bill to the Finance 
Committee with instructions to prepare a bill which 
would '^ reduce the average ad valorem rate of duty on 
dutiable articles, based upon the importations of 1889, 
80 as not to exceed the average ad valorem war tariff 
rate of 1864,'' which he stated to be 89.69 per cent. 
To this Mr. Sherman replied, ^' that while the rate of 
duty on dutiable articles is a little less than 52 per 
cent, under the pending bill, yet on the whole list of 
articles taken together the avei'age rate of duty is only 
about 27 per cent. Nearly fifty per cent, or half our 



140 THE TARIFF IN THE DATS 

importations under the proposed act, are entirely free 
of duty, while under the act of 1864 only fifteen 
to eighteen per cent, of the articles were free 
of duty. The value of the goods that have heretofore 
paid duty that are made free by this bill is $108,919,- 
907 ; which added to the value of those free now makes 
the grand aggregate of $365,494,573 as the value of all 
of the articles that will be admitted free of duty under 
the new law. This is much the largest free list ever 
known in the history of the country, and almost equals 
the value of the articles on which duties will be levied 
by this bill, for while $865,494,537 of imported goods 
are admitted free of duty, according to the figures of 
last year, $390,437,117 are subjec*^ to duty.'' 

^'Now, the striking difference between the tariff 
policy of 1864 and 1890," said Mr. Sherman, "is this : 
In 1864 we were involved in war; we levied tariff 
duties on almost every article of necessity, as well as 
those articles that we manufacture in this country, and 
therefore we levied duties not only on sugar, but on 
tea, coffee, and almost everything else, and when at 
that time the duties amounted to 46 per cent, on the 
average, they were upon all articles imported practi- 
cally. The free list was then only 10, or 12, or 15 per 
cent, but now on account of the change of con- 
ditions, from the fact that we wish to admit duty free 
all articles that we can not produce in this country, we 
admit substantially one-half of all imported goods 
into this country free of duty, and we propose an 
average duty of 52 per cent upon those articles that 
we think we ought to make and can make in this 
country, and for which we seek by these duties not 



OF HENBT CLAT AND SINGE. Ul 

only to get sufficient revenue to carry on the Govern- 
menty but also to protect and foster and build up 
American industry at the same time/' 

The motion to recommit was lost — ^yeas nineteen, all 
Democrats ; nays twenty-nine, all Republicans. 

On September 8th, what was known as ^ the Reci- 
procity Amendment/' by Mr. Aldrich, of Rhode Island, 
was agreed to— yeas 87, all Republicans ; nays 28, all 
Democrats but two. This policy had been recom- 
mended by the International American Conference then 
in session in this country, and was in keeping with the 
long cherished policy of Mr. Blaine and the recommen- 
dations of President Harrison in his special message to 
Congress of June 19, 1890, in which he said: 

^' It has been so often and so persistently stated that 
our tariff laws offer an insurmountable barrier to a 
large exchange of products with the Latin-American 
nations that I deem it proper to call especial attention 
to the fact that more than 87 per cent, of the products 
of these nations sent to our ports are now admitted 
free. If sugar is placed upon the free list, practically 
every important article exported from those states will 
be given untaxed access to our markets, except wool 
The real difficulty in the way of negotiating profitable 
reciprocity treaties is that we have given freely so much 
that would have had value in the mutual concessions 
which such treaties imply. I cannot doubt, however, 
that the present advantages which the products of these 
near and friendly states enjoy in our markets — though 
they are not by law exclusive — will, with other consid- 
erations, favorably dispose them to adopt such meas- 
ures, by treaty, or otherwise, as will tend to equalize 
and greatly enlarge our mutual exchanges." 



142 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

The Aldrich amendment was also agreed to in open 
Senate — ^yeas 88, nays 29 ; and the bUl was passed, as 
amended, on September 11th — ^yeas 40, all Republicans, 
nays, 29, all Democrats. On September 15th the 
House declined to agree to the Senate amendments and 
a Committee of Conference was appointed — ^Messrs. 
Aldrich, Sherman, Allison, Hiscock, Vorhees, Vance, 
and Carlisle, for the Senate, and Messrs. McKinley, 
Burrows, Bayne, Dingley, McMillan, Flower, and 
Turner, of Georgia, for the House. The bill as it 
passed the House contained nearly 4,000 items and was 
amended by the Senate in 445 particulars^ more than a 
hundred of which were purely verbal, and most of the 
others so slight and unimportant that an agreement 
was quickly reached. The changes by the Senate in 
the metal schedule were important, and for the most 
part acceded to by the House conferees, while in 
woolens^ silks, flax, wood, and paper the Senate con- 
ferees conceded the demands of the House. Sugar 
evoked the most serious contention, and in this sched- 
ule a compromise was effected ; sugar up to No. 16 
Dutch standard was made free, and that above this 
grade dutiable at a half cent per pound, with an addi- 
tional rate of one-tenth of a cent upon all sugars coming 
from countries where an export bounty is paid to the 
domestic producers. Binding twine, after much dispu- 
tation, was finally made dutiable at seven-tenths of a 
cent a pound, and sulphuric acid, for agricultural pur- 
poses, was made free. The Aldrich reciprocity amend- 
ment was accepted by the House conferees ; while the 
internal revenue sections were in the main accepted by 
the Senate Conmuttee as the House had passed them. 



OF HENBT CLAY AND SINGE. 143 

The bill, bb finally agreed upon, was protective in 
every paragraph, and American in every line and word. 
It recognized and fully enforced the economic principle 
of protection, which the Republican party from its birth 
had steadfastly advocated, and that had always secured 
to the country the greatest prosperity. 

The Democratic members of the Conference Com- 
mittee declined to unite in the report, but it was 
nevertheless accepted by both branches of Congress. 
The House concurred in it on September 27th — ^yeas 
152, all Republicans ; nays 81, all Democrats but two. 
Thirty-eight members were paired and fifty-five Demo- 
crats did not vote. In the Senate the report was 
adopted on September 80th — ^yeas 88, all Republicans ; 
nays 27, all Democrats, except three ; and twenty-two 
Senators were paired and did not vote. The law was 
approved by President Harrison on the following day, 
and, except where otherwise especially provided, went 
into effect on October 6, 1890. 

But its passage was hardly effected before the general 
election occurred, and at this the Republicans were 
badly defeated. The House of Representatives of the 
Fifty-second Congress, elected in 1890, was overwhelm- 
ingly Democratic, that party electing 285 of the 882 
members. 

President Harrison gave the tariff due and careful 
consideration in his second annual message at the begin- 
ning of the second session of the Fifty-first Congress, 
December 1, 1890. In the course of his suggestions he 
said: 

^ The general trade and industrial conditions through- 
out the country during the year have shown a marked 



144 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

improvement For many years prior to 1888 the mer- 
chandise balances of foreign trade have been largely in 
oar favor, but daring that year and the year following 
they turned against us. It is very gratifying to know 
that the last fiscal year again shows a balance in our 
favor of over $68,000,000* There were three hundred 
less failures reported in October, 1890, than in the 
same month of the preceding year, with liabilities dimin- 
ished by about $5,000,000. The value of our exports 
of domestic merchandise during the last year was over 
$116,000,000 greater than the preceding year, and was 
only exceeded once in our history. About $100,000,000 
of this excess was in agricultural products. The pro- 
duction of pig iron — always a good gauge of general 
prosperity— is shown by a recent census bulletin to have 
been 158 per cent greater in 1890 than in 1880, and the 
production of steel 290 per cent greater. Mining in 
coal has had no limitation except that resulting from 
deficient transportation. The general testimony is that 
labor is everywhere fully employed, and the reports for 
the last year show a smaller number of employes 
affected by strikes and lockouts than in any year since 
1884. The depression in the prices of agricultural 
products has been greatly relieved, and a buoyant and 
hopeful time was beginning to be felt by all our people. 
'^The general tariff act has only partially gone into 
operation, some of its important provisions being limited 
to take effect at dates yet in the future. The general 
provisions of the law have been in force less than sixty 
days. Its permanent effect upon trade and prices still 
largely stands in conjecture. It is curious to know that 
the advance in the prices of articles wholly unaffected 



OF HBHBT GUkT AHD 801011 146 

by the tariff act waa by many hastily ascribed to that 
act There is neither wisdom nor justice in the sogges- 
tion that the subject of tariff revision shall be again, 
opened before this law has had a fair triaL It is quite 
true that every tariff schedule is subject to objections. 
No bill was ever framed, I sii^>ose, that in all of its 
rates and classifications had the full approval even of a 
party caucus. Such legislation is always and neces- 
sarily the product of compromise as to details, and the 
present law is no exception. But in its general scope 
and effect I think it will justify the support of those 
who believe that American legislation should conserve 
and defend American trade and the wages of American 
workmen. 

'^ The criticisms of the bill that have come to us from 
foreign sources may well be rejected for repugnancy. 
If these critics really believe that the adoption by us of 
a free trade policy, or of tariff rates having reference 
solely to revenue, would diminish the participation of 
their own countries in the commerce of the world, their 
advocacy and promotion by speech and other forms of 
organized effort of this movement among our people is a 
rare exhibition of unselfishness in trade. And on the 
other hand, if they sincerely believe that the adoption 
of a protective-tariff policy by this country inures to 
their profit and our hurt, it is noticeably strange that 
they should lead the outcry against the authors of a 
policy so helpful to their countrymen, and crown with 
their favor those who would snatch from them a sub 
stantial share of a trade with other lands already in- 
adequate to their necessities. There is no disposition 
among any of our people to promote prohibitory or 



lie l-HE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

retalktbiy l^iBlation. Our policies are adopted not to 
tlie hurt of others, but to secure for ourselves those 
advantages that fairly grow out of our favored position 
as a nation. Our form of government, with its incident 
of universal suffrage, makes it imperative that we shall 
save our working people from the agitations and dis- 
tresses which scant work and wages that have no 
margin for comfort always beget But after all this is 
done it will be found that our markets are open to 
friendly commercial exchanges of enormous value to 
the other great powers. From the time of my induc- 
tion into office the duty of using every power and 
influence given by law to the Executive Department 
for the development of larger markets for our products^ 
especially our farm products, has been kept constantly 
in mind, and no effort has been or will be spared to 
promote that end. We are under no disadvantage in 
.any foreign market, except that we pay our workmen 
and workwomen better wages than are paid elsewhere 
— ^better abstractly, better relatively to the cost of the 
necessaries of life. I do not doubt that a very largely 
increased foreign trade is accessible to us without 
bartering for it either our home market for such pro- 
ducts of the farm and shop as our own people can 
supply, or the wages of our working people." 

Several labor bills were considered by the Fifty-first 
Congress. On August 29, 1890, Hon. W. J. Gonnell, 
of Nebraska, reported a bill to the effect that eight 
hours should constitute a day's work for all employes 
of the Government, reference being especially had to 
the District of Columbia, and providing severe penal- 
ties for all violations of the law. The House rejected 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINGE. 147 

a motion (by Hon. William J. Mutchler, Dem., of 
Pennsylvania) to strike out the section relating to 
penalties by the vote yeas 38, nays 107 and passed 
the bill without a division. It was favorably reported 
by the Committee on Labor in the Senate, but failed 
because a vote upon it was not reached. 

On August 80th, Hon. William H. Wade, of Mis- 
souri, reported an important bill providing for the 
adjustment of the accounts of laborers, workmen and 
mechanics arising under the eight-hour law. An 
amendment by the Hon. Mark S. Brewer, of Michigan, 
was agreed to — yeas 57, nays 63 — and the bill was 
passed by the House without a division. 

In the Senate, on September 27th, the proviso by Mr. 
Brewer was stricken from the bill by the vote, yeas 87, 
nays 12, but the bill was not further considered at the 
first session. On February 7, 1891, however, it was 
again taken up and several amendments agreed to 
when, on motion of Mr. Wolcott, of Colorado, it was 
reconunitted to the Committee on Labor. On February 
28th, Mr. Blair, of New Hampshire, reported a substi- 
tute for the House bill, but in the hurry and rush of 
the close of the session no vote was had upon it. 

On August 30, 1890, Mr. Wade reported a bill from 
the Committee on Labor '^ to prohibit the importation 
and migration of foreigners and aliens under contract or 
agreement to perform labor ^^ in this country. There 
was but little opposition to the measure and after the 
rejection of an amendment (offered by Hon. John Dal- 
zell, of Pennsylvania) to the fifth section providing for 
the importation of skilled laborors in certain cases on the 
approval of the Secretary of the Treasury and Attorney 



148 THE TARIFF IN THE DAYS 

General, it waa passed by the House without a division. 
The bill was considered by the Senate on September 
27th, and various amendments were agreed to, but no 
decisive action was ever taken upon it 

On the same day, August 80th, Mr. Wade reported 
a second bill, from the Committee on Labor, to prevent 
the employment of convicts on Government work, and 
it, too, was passed by the House without amendment or 
division. It was reported favorably in the Senate, but 
a vote was not taken upon it. 

A third bill was reported to the House the same day 
by Mr. Wade, which made it unlawful for any agent ot 
officer of the Government to purchase, or permit to be 
purchased for the Government, any supplies of any des- 
cription whatever, which were in whole or in part the 
product of convict labor. It was passed by the House 
without change or dissent but met with the same fate 
as its predecessors in the Senate. 

We have seen that in 1862 Congress levied a direct 
tax upon the realty of the country, apportioned among 
the several States according to popidation. The States 
themselves were authorized to assume the collection 
and payment of this ta2c, less fifteen per cent for the 
expense and trouble of collecting it. Nearly all the 
Northern States assumed the tax and paid it over to the 
Treasury of the United States, but in all of the eleven 
seceding States no assumption of it was made. The 
collectors, however, proceeded as far as practicable to 
levy and enforce the tax, and in this way they gathered 
in about $2,250,000 in round numbers, from individual 
citizens of the seceding States. The balance assessed 
against these States, amounting to about $2,600,000, 



OF HENBY CLAY AND BINGE. U9 

was never recovered, and np to this time (1891) still 
stood against them. In the Fiftieth Congress a bill 
was passed restoring to all the States which had paid this 
tax the amoont they had paid the Government and re- 
lieving the States from which the tax was still due the 
amount charged against them. It was vetoed by Presi- 
dent Cleveland, and the Senate, on March 2, 1889, 
passed the bill over his veto. But the bill was not 
reached in the House and therefore failed. In the 
Fifty-first Congress, the Senate again passed a bill at 
the first session, but the House did not reach it until 
the next session. On February 24, 1891, however, the 
House agreed to an amendment by Hon. Lucian B. 
Caswell, of Wisconsin, and passed the bill by a vote of 
172 to 101. The Senate agreed to the amendment by 
the House, and President Harrison approved the law on 
March 2d. Under its provisions $15,227,682 were dis- 
tributed among the several States and Territories, of 
which stun three States received over five million dol- 
lars; New York $2,213,880, Pennsylvania $1,684,711, 
and Ohio $1,882,025. 

One of the most important acts passed at the second 
session of the Fifty-first Congress — affecting as it did 
every laborer in the country — ^was familiarly known as 
^ the Owen Immigration Law," from its author, Hon. 
William D. Owen, of Indiana. It was an amendment to 
the various acts relating to immigration, and to the 
importation of aliens under contract or agreement to 
perform labor. It provided a new method for the 
inspection of emigrant ships, agencies, offices, and 
stations, and fixed more definitely the responsibility of 
steamship or transportation companies, and the owners 



ISO THE TARIFF IK THE DAYS 

of vessels^ or their agents, witli heavier penalties for 
the violation of the law. Mr. Owen reported the bill 
from the Select Committee to which it had been 
referred at the first session, on February 24, 1891, and 
Hon. William C. Oates, of Alabama, offered a sub* 
stitute amending existing statutes but making leas 
radical changes. This substitute was rejected — ^yeas 
41, Republicans 24, Democrats 17; nays 209, Be* 
publicans 114, Democrats 95; while 89 Republicans 
and 45 Democrats were absent or did not vote. The 
bill was then passed without division and went to the 
Senate. Here it was passed unanimously on February 
27.th, and became a law by the approval of President 
Harrison on March Srd. 

What was known as " the Hawaiian Treaty Bill,'' 
was reported from the Ways and Means Committee on 
February 28, 1891, and passed by the House without 
division. It was considered in the Senate on March 
2nd and passed without opposition and on the day 
following was approved by President Harrison. A 
treaty of reciprocity had been entered into between the 
United States and Hawaii on January IS, 1875, and ex- 
tended by the convention proclaimed November 9, 
1887, and this law simply provided that nothing in the 
act of October 6, 1890, should be held to repeal .or 
impair the provisions of the foregoing agreement. 

The House in the Fifty-second Congress organized 
by electing Hon. Charles F. Crisp, of Georgia, Speaker, 
and Hon. William M. Springer, of Dlinois, was 
appointed by him Chairman of the Ways and Means 
Committee. The Senate remained Bepublican by forty- 
seven of the eighty-eight members. Hon. Charles F. 



OF HENBT CLAY AKD SINGE. 161 

Manderson, of Nebraska, was elected President pro 
tem.y and Mr. Morrill continued as Chairman of the 
Finance Committee. 

In his third annual message at the beginning of the 
first session of the Fifty-second Congress, December 9, 
1891, President Harrison wrote at some length of the 
operations of the new tariff law. He was gratified at 
the prospect, and observed, with force and clearness: 

"Rarely, if ever before in the history of the country, 
has there been a time when the proceeds of one day^s 
labor or the product of one farmed acre would purchase 
so large an amount of those things that enter into the 
living of the masses of the people. I believe that a full 
test will develop the fact that the tariff act of the Fifty- 
first Congress is very favorable in its average effect 
upon the prices of articles entering into common use. 
During the twelve months from October 1, 1890, to 
September 80, 1891, the total value of our foreign 
commerce (imports and exports combined) was $1,747,- 
806,406, which was the largest of any year in the his- 
tory of the United States. The largest in any previous 
year was in 1890, when our commerce amounted to 
$1,647,189,098, and the last year exceeds this enormous 
aggregate by over one hundred millions. It is interest- 
ing, and to some will be surprising, to know that during 
the year ending September SO, 1891, our imports of 
merchandise amounted to $824,715,270, which was an 
increase of more than eleven million dollars over the 
value of the imports of the corresponding months of the 
preceding year, when the imports of merchandise were 
unusually large in anticipation of the tariff legislation 
then pending. The average annual value of the imports 



163 THE TAKIPF IN THE DAYS 

of merehandise for the ten years from 1881 to 1890 was 
$692,186,522, and during the year ending September 30, 
1891, this annual average was exceeded by |132,628,469. 
The value of free imports during the twelve months 
ending September 80, 1891, was $118,092,887 more 
than the value of free imports during the corresponding 
twelve months of the preceding year, and there was 
during the same period a decrease of $106,846,608 in 
the value of imports of dutiable merchandise. The per- 
centage of merchandise admitted free of duty during the 
year to which I have referred, the first under the new 
tariff, was 48.18, while during the preceding twelve 
months, under the old tariff, the percentage was 34.27, 
an increase of 13.91 per cent If we take the six months 
ending September 80th last, which covers the time 
during which sugars have been admitted free of duty, 
the per cent, of value of merchandise imported free of 
duty is found to be 55.37, which is a larger percentage 
of free imports than during any prior fiscal year in the 
history of the Government. If we turn to exports of 
merchandise, the statistics are full of gratification. The 
value of such exports of merchandise for the twelve 
months ending September 30, 1891, was $923,091,136, 
while for the corresponding previous twelve months it 
was $860,177,115, an increase of $62,914,021, which is 
nearly three times the average annual increase of ex- 
ports of merchandise for the preceding twenty years; 
this exceeds in amount and value the exports of mer- 
chandise during any year in the history of the Govern- 
ment. The increase in the value of exports of agri- 
cultural products during the year referred to over the 
corresponding twelve months of the prior year was 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINGE. 168 

$45,846^197, while the increase in the valae of expoi*ts 
of manufactured products was $16,888,240. There is 
certainly nothing in the condition of trade, foreign or 
domestic, there is certainly nothing in the condition of 
our people of any class, to suggest that the existing 
tariff and revenue legislation bears oppressively upon 
the people or retards the commercial development of 
the Nation. It may be argued that our condition Would 
be better if tariff legislation were on a free-trade basis ; 
but it can not be denied that all the conditions of 
prosperity and of general contentment are present in a 
larger degree than ever before in our history, and that, 
too, just when it was prophesied they would be in the 
worst state. Agitation for radical changes in tariff and 
financial legislation can not help, but may seriously 
impede, business, to the prosperity of which some degree 
of stability in legislation is essential I think there are 
conclusive evidences that the new tariff has created 
several great industries which will, within a few years, 
give employment to several hundred thousand American 
working men and women. In view of the somewhat 
overcrowded condition of the labor market of the 
United States every patriotic citizen should rejoice at 
such a result The report of the Secretary of the 
Treasury shows that the total receipts of the Grovem- 
ment, from all sources, for the fiscal year ending June 80, 
1891, were $458,644,233.08, while the expenditures for 
the same period were $421 804,470.46, leaving a surplus 
of $37,239,762,67.'' 

During the recess of Congress treaties of reciprocity 
had been entered into between the United States and 
the following countries, and were duly proclaimed by 



154 . THE TARIFF IN THE DATS 

President Harrison on the dates given: Brazil, Feb- 
ruary 5y 1891 ; Spain, July 81, 1891 ; and San Domingo, 
August 7, 1891. Other treaties are as follows: Sal- 
vador, December 31, 1891 ; Germany, February 1, 1892, 
Great Britain, February 1, 1892, applicable to British 
Guiana, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, the Leeward 
Islands, and the Windward Islands, except Grenada ; 
Nicaragua, March 12, 1892 ; Honduras, April 80, 1892; 
Guatemala, May 18, 1892; Austria-Hungary, May 26, 
1892. A proclamation was also issued by President 
Harrison, on March 15, 1892, suspending the free ad- 
mission in the United States of the sugar, molasses, 
coffee and tea produced in Hayti. The articles which 
were benefited by these treaties were about 292 in num- 
ber and consisted in part of agricultural implements, live 
stock, clocks and watches, cotton yarns and goods^ meat 
extracts, condensed milk, iron and steel manu&ctures, 
tools, leather, resin, tar, paraffine, cheese, pianos, car- 
riages, fiour, ojIa, barks and extracts, and brass and its 
manufactures. 

On February 9, 1892, the House passed a bill to 
amend the internal revenue laws, as to violations, 
penalties, and other particulars. Mr. Bynum^ of 
Indiana, moved the previous question and the bill was 
passed — ^yeas 173, nays 39. In the Senate it was re- 
ferred to the Committee on Judiciary. 

On April 4th, Hon. Thomas J. Geary, of Califor- 
nia, secured the consideration in the House of his bill 
to absolutely prohibit the coming of Chinese into the 
United States. The rules were suspended and it was 
passed — ^yeas 179, nays 43. In the Senate, a substitute 
was reported by the Committee on Foreign Relations^ 



OF HENBT GLAT AND SINGE. 166 

on April 25th, and accepted by a vote of 48 to 14. 
The bill was then passed bat the Honse refused to con- 
cur, and a Committee of Conference was appointed con- 
sisting of Senators Dolph, Sherman, and Morgan, and 
Bepresentatives Geary, Chipman, and Hitt They re- 
ported an amended bill (Messrs. Sherman and Hitt not 
signing the report) which was accepted and passed by 
the Senate on May 8rd — ^yeas 30, nays 15, and by the 
House on May 4th — ^yeas 186, nays 27 — and approved 
by the President on May 5, 1892. 

The House at this session passed a series of^tariff bills, 
which were derisively styled by the press as ''pop gun 
bills^" probably because it was well known in advance 
that they would avail nothing, neither pass the Senate 
nor be approved by the President On April 4th a bill 
was reported "to place wool on the free list and reduce 
the duties on woolen goods." It passed the House, on 
April 7th, by a vote of 194 to 60 — ^two Democrat^ vot- 
ing with the Republicans in the negative. The Senate 
referred this bill to the Committee on Finance. 

On April 9th, a bill " to admit free of duty bagging 
for cotton, machinery for manufacturing bagging, cotton- 
ties, and cotton-gins,'' was passed by the House by the 
vote — ^yeas (Democrats) 167 ; nays (Republicans) 46. 
In the Senate it was referred to the Committee on 
Finance. 

On May 2nd, Hon. William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, 
moved to suspend the rules and pass his bill to place 
binding twine on the free list. This was agreed to — 
yeas 188, nays 47, two Republicans voting in the affir- 
mative and three Democrats in the negative. The Senate 
referred it to the Committee on Finance. 



tR4 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

Hon. Samuel Fowler, of New Jersey, on May 2nd, 
moved to suspend the rules of the House and pass his 
bill to encourage American shipping — ^that is, grant 
registers as vessels of the United States to the steam- 
ships "City of New York,'' "City of Paris,'' and such 
other foreign-built steamships as were then or might 
thereafter be engaged in the freight and passenger 
business in any established line from a port in the 
United State& The motion was agreed to and the bill 
passed without division. In the Senate the bill was 
favorably reported and passed on May 9th — ^yeas forty- 
one, Republicans twenty-four, Democrats seventeen; 
nays ten. Republicans four, Democrats six. It was ap- 
proved by President Harrison, May 11, 1892. A similar 
bill by Mr. Fowler to grant a register to the steamship 
'^ China" was defeated by the House on July 20th. 
It was laid on the table, by a vote of 107 to 84. 

On July 1st, the House Committee on Labor 
reported a bill " to enforce the eight-hour law," which 
was passed under suspension — ^yeas 166, nays, all 
Democrats, 31. In the Senate, it was passed on July 
28th, without division, and was approved by the 
President on July 30th. 

On July 8th, Hon. Benjamin F. Shively, of Indiana, 
moved to suspend the rules and pass a bill to reduce 
the duty on tin and tin-plate to one cent per pound. 
This was agreed to and the bill passed — ^yeas 207, nays 
61, a strict party vote. No action was taken on the bill 
in the Senate. ^ 

Hon. Justin R. Whiting, of Michigan, on July 8th, 
moved to suspend the rules and pass his bill reducing 
the duty on lead ores to one and a half or one and a 



OF HENBT GLAT AND SINGE. 167 

tbiid cents per pound, which was agreed to — ^yeas 196, 
nays 63, including three Democrats. The Senate took 
no action upon it 

On the same day the same gentleman secured a 
suspension and the passage of a bill to reduce the duty 
on the wearing apparel of tourists from the United 
States to Europe ; also on other personal effects. The 
Senate, however, did not consider it. 

On July 28th, pending consideration of the Senate 
amendments to the Sundry Civil Bill, the House 
adopted an amendment against the employment of 
Pinkerton detectives in any Government service or by 
any officer of the District of Columbia — ^yeas 159, nays 
d4. In the Senate, this and other House amendments 
were not concurred in, and the matter was referred to a 
Committee of Conference — Senators Allison, Cullom, 
and Gorman, and Representatives Holman, Sayres^ and 
Bingham. On April 5th this Committee reported by 
&vor of retaining the clause, and it was agreed to by 
the House — ^yeas 169, nays 4 — ^and by the Senate with- 
out a division. 

The tenth Republican National Convention as- 
sembled in Minneapolis, Minn., June 7, 1892. The 
platform was unanimously adopted on June 10th, and 
in its treatment of the tariff it declared: 

"We reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. 
We call attention to its growth abroad. We maintain 
that the prosperous condition of our country is largely 
due to the wise revenue legislation of the Republican 
Congress. We believe that all articles which can not 
be produced in the United States, except luxuries, 
should be admitted free of duty, and that on all im- 



158 THE TARIFF IK THE DATCT 

ports coming into competition with the products of 
American labor there should be levied duties equal to 
the difference between wages abroad and at home. 
We assert that the prices of manufactured articles of 
general consumption have been reduced under the 
operations of the tariff act of 1890. We denounce the 
efforts of the Democratic majority of the House of 
Representatives to destroy our tariff laws by piecemeal, 
as manifested by their attacks upon wool, lead and lead 
ores, the chief products of a number of States, and we 
ask the people for their judgment thereon* We point 
to' the success of the Republican policy of reciprocity, 
under which our export ti*ade has vastly increased, and 
new and enlarged markets have been opened for the 
products of our farms and workshops. We remind the 
people of the bitter opposition of the Democratic party 
to this practical business measure, and claim that, ex- 
ecuted by a Republican Administration, our present 
laws will eventually give us control of the trade of the 
world. We reaffirm our opposition, declared in the 
Republican platform of 1888, to all combinations of 
capital organized in trusts, or otherwise, to control 
arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens. 
We heartily indorse the action already taken upon this 
subject, and ask for such further legislation as may be 
required to remedy any defects in existing laws and to 
render their enforcement more complete and effective.^ 

Mr. Harrison was renominated on the first ballot for 
President, and Hon. Whitelaw Reid, of New York, on 
the first ballot for Vice-President. 

The Democratic National Convention met in Chicago 
on June 21st. The platform as reported the next day 



OF HENBT CLAT AKD 8IN0K 159 

contained the following declaration on the subject of 
^ revenue tariffs,'^ as its second plank, namely : 

^' We reiterate the oft-repeated doctrines of the Dem- 
ocratic party that the necessities of the (royemment is 
the only justification for taxation, and whenever a tax 
is unnecessary it is unjustifiable ; that when custom- 
house taxation is levied upon articles of any kind pro- 
duced in this country, the difference between the cost 
of labor here and labor abroad, when such a difference 
exists, fully measures any possible benefits to labor, and 
thA enormous additional impositions of the existing tariff 
fall with crushing force upon our farmers and working- 
men, and for the mere advantage of the few whom it 
enriches, exact from labor a grossly unjust share of the 
expenses of the Government, and we demand such a 
revision of the tariff laws as will remove their iniquitous 
inequalities, lighten their oppressions, and put them on 
a constitutional and equitable basis. But in making 
reduction in taxes it is not proposed to injure any domes^ 
tic industries, but rather to promote their healthy 
growth. From the foundation of this Government taxes 
collected at the custom-house have been the chief source 
of Federal revenue. Such they must continue to be. 
Moreover, many industries have come to rely upon legis- 
lation for successful continuance, so that any change of 
law must be at every step regardful of the labor and 
capital thus involved. The process of reform must be 
subject in its execution to the plain dictates of justice.'^ 

Although this breathed the spirit of the Democratic 
tariff resolutions of 1884, on which Mr. Cleveland had 
been elected to the Presidency, it encountered most 
determined opposition. Hon. Lawrence T. Neal, of 



160 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

Ohio, oa behalf of himself and other members of the 
Ciommittee on Resolutions, moved that this paragraph 
be stricken from the platform, and the following sub- 
stitute be adopted : 

'^ We denounce Republican protection as a fraud; a 
robbery of the great majority of the American people 
for the benefit of the few. We declare it to be a fun- 
damental principle of the Democratic party that the 
Federal Government has no constitutional power to im- 
pose and collect tariff duties, except for the purpose 
of revenue only, and we demand that the collection of 
such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Gov- 
ernment when honestly and economically administered. 
We denounce the McKinley tariff law, enacted by the 
Fifty-first Congress, as the culminating atrocity of class 
l^slation ; we indorse the efforts made by the Dem- 
ocrats of the present Congress to modify its most op- 
pressive feature in the direction of free raw* materials 
and cheaper manufactured goods that enter into general 
consumption, and we promise its repeal as one of the 
beneficent results that will follow the action of the 
people in entrusting power to the Democratic party. 
Since the McKinley tariff went into operation there have 
been ten reductions of the wages of the laboring man to 
one increase. We deny that there has been any increase 
of prosperity to the country since the tariff went into 
operation, and we point to the dullness and distress, the 
wage reductions and strikes in the iron trade, as the best 
possible evidence that no such prosperity has resulted 
from the McKinley act We call the attention of 
thoughtful Americans to the fact that after thirty years 
of restrictive taxes against the importation of foreign 



OF HENBT CLAY AND 8IHGEL 161 

wealthy in exchange for our agricultural surplus, the 
homes and farms of the country have become bardened 
with a real estate mortgage debt of over $2,500,000,000, 
exclusive of all other forms of indebtedness ; that in one 
of the chief agricultural States of the West there ap- 
pears a real estate mortgage debt averaging $165 per 
capita of the total population, and that similar condi- 
tions and tendencies are shown to exist in other agri- 
cultural exporting State& We denounce a policy which 
fosters no industry so much as it does that of the sheiiS.'* 

After a brief but spirited debate the motion by Mr. 
D^eal was agreed to— yeas 564, nays 342. Eighteen 
States (Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky, Mich- 
igan, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New York, 
North Dakota, Ohio, South Carolina, Texas, Washing- 
ton, West Virginia, and Wyoming) voted unanimously 
in &vor of the substitute, and thirteen (Arkansas, Cali- 
iomia, Connecticut, Delaware, Kansas, Maine, Minnesota, 
New Hampshire, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Rhode 
Island, Vermont, and Wisconsin) solidly against it. 
Fifteen del^ates in lUinois opposing the substitute, 
five in Minnesota favoring it, and fifteen in Pennsylvania 
opposing ity were deprived of the expression of their 
individual views, since, under the unit rule, their votes 
were counted with the majority of their respective del- 
egations. The following additional planks on *' reci- 
procity ^ and " trusts " were agreed to, and the platform 
as amended was unanimously adopted : 

^ Trade interchange on the basis of reciprocal advant- 
ages to the countries participating is a time-honored 
doctrine of the Democratic faith, but we denounce the 
aham reciprocity which juggles with the people's desiie 



162 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

for enlarged foreign markets and freer exchanges by 
pretending to establisli closer trade relations for a 
country whose articles of export are almost exclusively 
agricultural products with other countries that are also 
agricultural, while erecting a custom-house barrier of 
prohibitive tariff taxes against the rich and the coun- 
tries of the world that stand ready to to take our entire 
surplus of products and to exchange therefor conunodi- 
ties which are necessaries and comforts of life among 
our people. 

^ We recognize in the trusts and combinations which 
are designed to enable capital to secure more than its 
just share of the joint product of capital and labor, a 
natural consequence of the prohibitive taxes which 
prevent the free competition which is the life of honest 
trade; but we believe their worst evils can be abated 
by law, and we demand the rigid enforcement of the 
laws made to prevent and control them, together with 
such further legislation in restraint of their abuses as 
experience may show to be necessary." 

The Convention completed its labors by nominating 
Grover Cleveland, of New York, for President, for a 
third time in succession, despite the united opposition of 
the delegation from his own State, by 617 votes out of 
a total of 909. A ballot was taken for Vice-President 
resulting : Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, 402 votes, 
Isaac P. Gray, of Indiana, 843, and 164 for some five or 
six other favorites — ^and upon its conclusion Mr. Ste- 
venson was nominated by acclamation. 

President Harrison devoted about half of his masterly 
letter of acceptance — dated at Washington, September 
Srd — to an able and compreheDsive discussion of the 



OF HENBT GLAT AND SINGE. 163 

tariff law of 1890. Speaking of the substitute of the 
minority of the Committee on Resolutions adopted by 
the Democracy at Chicago, he said : 

'^ The substitute declares that protective duties are un* 
constitutional — ^high protection, low protection — all 
unconstitutional A Democratic Congress holding this 
view can not enact, nor a Democratic President ap 
prove, any tariff schedule the purpose or effect of which 
is to limit importations, or to give any advantage to an 
American workman or producer. A bounty might, I 
judge, be given to the importer under this view of the 
constitution, in order to increase importations, and so 
revenue for ''revenue only" is the limitation. Reci- 
procity, of course, falls under this denunciation, for its 
object and effect are not revenue but the promotion of 
commercial exchanges, the profits of which go wholly to 
our producers. This destructive un-American doctrine 
was not held or taught by the historic Democratic 
statesmen, whose fame as patriots has reached this gen- 
eration — certainly not by Jefferson or Jackson. This 
mad crusade against American shops, the bitter epithets 
applied to American manufacturers, the persistent dis- 
belief of every report of the opening of a tin-plate mill, 
or of an increase in our foreign trade by reciprocity, are 
as surprising as they are discreditable. There is not a 
thoughtful business man in the country who does not 
know that the enactment into law of the declaration of 
the Chicago convention upon the subject of the tariff 
would at once plunge the country into a business con- 
vulsion such as it has never seen ; and there is not a 
thoughtful workingman who does not know that it 
would at once enormously affect the amount of work to 



164 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

be done in this country, by the increase of importations 
that would follow, and necessitate a reduction of his 
wages to the European standard. If any one suggests 
that this radical policy will not be executed if the 
Democratic party attains power, what shall be thought 
of a party that is capable of thus trifling with great in- 
terests ? The threat of such legislation would be only 
less hurtful than the fact. A distinguished Democrat 
rightly described this movement as a challenge to the 
protected industries to a fight of extermination, and an- 
other such rightly expressed the logic of the situation 
when he interpreted the Chicago platform to be an invi- 
tation to all Democrats holding then the most moderate 
protection views to go into the Bepublican party. 

''And now a few words in regard to the existing 
tariff law. We are fortunately able to judge of its 
influence upon production and prices by the market re- 
ports. The day of the prophet of calamity has been 
succeeded by that of the trade reporter. An examina- 
tion into the effects of the law upon the prices of pro- 
tected products, and of the cost of such articles as enter 
into the living of people of small means^ has been made 
by a Senate Committee, composed of leading Senators 
of both parties, with the aid of the best statisticians, and 
the report, signed by all the members of the Committee, 
has been given to the public. No such wide and care- 
ful inquiry has ever before been made. These facts 
appear from the report : 

"FiBST. — ^The cost of articles entering into the use of 
those earning less than $1,000 per annum has decreased, 
up to May, 1892, 8.4 per cent., while in farm products 
there has been an increase in prices, owing, in part, to 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINGE. 166 

an increased foreign demand and opening of new mar- 
kets. In England, during the same period, the cost of 
living increased 1.9 per cent. Tested by their power to 
purchase articles of necessity, the earnings of our work- 
ing people have never been as great as they are now. 

•* Second. — ^There has been an average advance in the 
rates of wages of .75 of 1 per cent. 

"Thied. —There has been an advance in the price of 
all farm products of 18.67 per cent, and of all cereals 
88.59 per cent. 

''The act of 1890 gives to the miners protection 
against foreign silver-bearing lead ores, the free intro- 
duction of which threatened the great mining industries 
of the Rocky Mountain States, and to the wool-growers 
protection for their fleeces and flocks, which has saved 
them from a further and disastrous decline. The House 
of Representatives, at its last session, passed bills plac- 
ing these ores and wool upon the free list. The people 
of the West well know how destructive to their pros- 
perity these measures will be. The tariff law has ^ven 
employment to many thousands of American men and 
women, and will each year give employment to increas- 
ing thousands. Its repeal would throw thousands out 
of employment, and give work to others only at reduced 
wages. The appeals of the freetraders to the working- 
man are largely addressed to his prejudices or to his 
passions, and not infrequently are pronouncedly com- 
munistic. The new Democratic leadership rages at the 
employer, and seeks to communicate this rage to the 
employe. I r^ret that all employers of labor are not 
just and considerate, and that capital sometimes takes 
too large a share of the profits, but I do not see that 



166 THE TABIFF IK THE DAT8 

these evils will be ameliorated by a tariff policy 
the first necessary effect of which is a severe wage 
cut, and the second a large diminution of the aggre- 
gate amount of work to be done in this country. 
If the injustice of the employer tempts the work- 
man to strike back, he should be very sure that 
his blow does not fall upon his own head or upon 
his wife and children. The workmen in our great 
cities are, as a body, remarkably intelligent, and 
are lovers of home and country. They may be roused 
by injustice, or what seems to them to be such, or be 
led for the moment by others into acts of passion, but 
they will settle the tariff contest in the calm light of 
their November firesides, and with sole reference to the 
prosperity of the country of which they are citizens^ 
and of the homes they have founded for their wives 
and children. No intelligent advocate of a protective 
tariff claims that it is able of itself to maintain a uni- 
form rate of wages without regard to fluctuation in the 
supply of, and demand for, the products of labor. But 
it is confidently claimed that protective duties strongly 
tend to hold up wages, and are the only barrier against 
reduction to the European scale. The Southern States 
have had a liberal participation in the benefits of the 
tariff law, and, though their representatives have gen- 
erally opposed the protective policy, I rejoice that their 
sugar, rice, coal, ores, iron, fruits, cotton cloths and 
other products have not been left to the fate which the 
votes of their representatives would have brought upon 
them. In the construction of the Nicaragua Canal, in 
the new trade with South and Central America, in the 
establishment of American steamship lines, these States 



OF HENBY CLAT AND SINGE. 167 

have also special interests, and all these interests will 
not always consent to be without representation at 
Washington. 

" Shrewdly, but not quite fairly, our adversaries speak 
only of the increased duties imposed on linen, pearl 
buttons, and other articles by the McKinley bill, and 
omit altogether any reference to the great and bene- 
ficial enlargement of the free list During the last fiscal 
year $466,000,772 worth of merchandise, or 59.86 per 
cent, of our total imports came in free (the largest per- 
centage in our history), while in 1889 the percentage 
of importations was only 84.42 per cent. The placing of 
sugar on the free list has saved the consumer in duties in 
thirteen months, after paying the bounties provided for, 
$87,000,000. This relief has been substantially felt in 
every household, upon every Saturday's purchase of the 
workingman. One of the favorite arguments against a 
protective tariff is that it shuts us out from a participa- 
tion in what is called with swelling emphasis ^the 
markets of the world.' If this view is not a false one, 
how doth it happen that our commercial competitors 
are not able to bear with more serenity our supposed 
surrender to them of the ^markets of the world?' 
And how does it happen that the partial loss of our 
market closes foreign tin plate mills and plush factories 
that still have all other markets? Our natural ad- 
vantages, our protective tariff, and the reciprocity 
policy, make it possible for us to have a large partici- 
pation in the ^ markets of the world,' without opening 
our own to a competition that would destroy the com- 
fort and independence of our peopla" 

Mr. Reid responded in a letter of great strength ^nd 



X68 THE TARIFF IK THS DATS 

force, dated at Ophir Farm, N. Y., October IStk In 
speaking of the magnificent results which had accraed 
to the American people nnder a protective tariff he 
observed : 

'' The expediency of a protective tariff has been vin- 
dicated by the experience of the past thirty years — ^the 
most wonderful period of financial success over un- 
heard-of difficulties in the record of modem civilization. 
Under it^ and by its aid^ the Republican management 
of our finances has resulted in the largest payment of a 
National debt in the shortest time known to history, 
and in the simultaneous development of the industries of 
the country and the prosperity of the people on a scale 
without a parallel Eight years ago, in a masterly pub- 
lic paper, James G. Blaine called attention to the revela- 
tions of the United States census as to the net results 
of the labor and savings of the American people imder 
the system of a protective tariff. The Hme value' of 
all the property in the United States^ excluding slaves, 
was set down in the census of 1860 at fourteen thou- 
sand millions of dollars — that being what there was to 
show for the toil of 260 years. With the success of 
the Bepublican party that year, the Republican pro- 
tective policy which has since prevailed was introduced. 
In the census of 1880, the true value of the property in 
the United States was set down at forty-four thousand 
millions of dollars — making an increase in those twenty 
years of Republican protection of thirty thousand mil- 
lions, or over double the entire growth in the previous' 
260 years. We are now able to carry the comparison 
ten years further, through the disclosures of another 
decennial census. It appears that the property of the 



OF HEHBY CLAY AND BIHOE. 108 

United States has been still further increased in the last 
ten years by fourteen thousand millions of dollars — 
making a total increase in the thirty years of Repub- 
lican rule and a Republican protective tariff of forty- 
four thousand millions of dollars, against the fourteen 
thousand millions earned in the prei^ious 250 years.'' 

Mr. Cleveland, writing from Gray Gables, Mass., Sep- 
tember 26th, devoted a third of his letter to a disserta- 
tion upon what he termed ^^ the exploded theories of 
protection,'' and the advantages of ^' tariff reform as a 
Ifational necessity." He said : 

^^ Tariff legislation presents a familiar form of Federal 
taxation. Such legislation results as surely in a tax 
upon the daily life of our people as the tribute paid 
directly into the hand of the tax-gatherer. We feel the 
burden of these tariff taxes too palpably to be per^ 
suaded by any sophistry that they do not exist, or are 
paid by foreigners. Such taxes, representing a diminu- 
tion of the property rights of the people, are only justi- 
fiable when laid and collected for the purpose of main- 
taining our Government, and furnishing the means for 
the accomplishment of its Intimate purposes and func- 
tions. This is taxation under the o|)eration of a tariff 
for revenue. It accords with the professions of Ameri- 
can free institutions, and its justice and honesty answer 
the test supplied by a correct appreciation of the prin- 
ciples upon which these institutions rest. This theory 
of tariff legislation manifestly enjoins strict economy in 
public expenditures and their limitation to legitimate 
public uses, inasmuch as it exhibits as absolute extor- 
tion any exaction, by way of taxation, from the sub- 
stance of the people, beyond the necessities of a careful 
and proper administration of Government 



170 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

^^ Opposed to this theory, the dogma is now boldly 
presented that tariff taxation is justifiable for the ex- 
press purpose and intent of thereby promoting special 
interests and enterprises. Such a proposition is so 
clearly contrary to the spirit of our Constitution, and so 
directly encourages the disturbance by selfishness and 
greed of patriotic sentiment, that its statement would 
rudely shock our people if they had not already been 
insidiously allured from the safe landmarks of prin- 
ciple. Never have honest desire for National growth, 
patriotic devotion to country, and sincere regard for 
those who toil, been so betrayed to the support of a per- 
nicious doctrine. In its behalf the plea that our infant 
industries should be fostered did service until discred- 
ited by our stalwart growth ; then followed the exigen- 
cies of a terrible war, which made our people heedless 
of the opportunities for ulterior schemes afforded by 
their willing and patriotic payment of unprecedented 
tribute ; and now, after a long period of peace, when 
Qur overburdened countrymen ask for relief and a 
restoration to a fuller enjoyment of their incomes and 
earnings, they are met by the claim that tariff taxation 
for the sake of protection is an American system, the 
continuance of vvliich is necessary in oi'der that high 
wages may be paid to our workingmen and a home 
market be provided for our farm products. These pre- 
tenses should no longer deceive. The truth is that 
such a system is directly antagonized by every senti- 
ment of justness and fairness of which Americans are 
pre-eminently proud. It is also true that while our 
workingmen and farmers can, the least of all our peo- 
ple, defend themselves against the harder home life 



OF HEKBY CLAY ASD BINOE. 171 

which such tariff taxation decrees, the workingman suf- 
fering from the importation and employment of pauper 
labor, instigated by his professed friends, and seeking 
security for his interests in organized co-operation, still 
waits for a division of the advantages secured to his em- 
ployer under cover of a generous solicitude for his 
virages, while the £&rmer is learning that the prices of 
his products are fixed in foreign markets, where he 
suffers from a competition invited and built up by the 
system he is asked to support. The struggle for un- 
earned advantage at the doors of the Government 
tramples on the rights of those who patiently rely upon 
assurances of American equality. Every governmental 
concession to clamorous favorites invites corruption in 
political affairs by encouraging the expenditure of 
money to debauch suffrage in support of a policy 
directly favorable to private and selfish gain. This in 
the end must strangle patriotism and weaken popular 
confidence in the rectitude of republican institutions. 
Though the subject of tariff legislation involves a 
question of markets, it also involves a question of 
morals. We can not with impunity permit injustice to 
taint the spirit of right and equity which is the life of 
our Republic ; and we shall fail to reach our National 
destiny if greed and selfishness lead the way. 

*^ Recognizing these truths, the National Democracy 
will seek to equalize to our people the blessings due 
them from the Government they support, to promote 
among our countrymen a closer community of interests 
cemented by patriotism and National pride, and to point 
out a fair field where prosperous and diversified Ameri- 
iJan enterprise may grow and thrive in the wholesome 



172 THE TAKIFF IN THE BAYS 

atmosphere of American industry^ ingenuity, and in- 
telligence. Tariff reform is still our purpose. Though 
we oppose the theory that tariff laws may be passed 
having for their object the granting of discriminating 
and unfair governmental aid to private ventures, we 
wage no exterminating war against any American 
interests. We believe a readjustment can be accom- 
plished, in accordance with the principles we pro- 
fess, without disaster or demolition. We believe 
that the advantages of freer raw material should be 
accorded to our manufacturers, and we contemplate 
a fair and careful distribution of necessary tariff 
burdens rather than the precipitation of free trade. 
We anticipate with calmness the misrepresentation 
of our motives and purposes, instigated by a sel- 
fishness which seeks to hold in unrelenting grasp its 
unfair advantage under present tariff laws. We will 
rely upon the intelligence of our fellow-countrymen to 
reject the charge that a party comprising a majority of 
our people is planning the destruction or injury of 
American interests; and we know they can not be 
frightened by the spectre of impossible free trade.'* 

Mr. Stevenson, writing from Bloomington, Illinois, 
October 29th, gave his ^^ unqualified approval '' to the 
views of his associate on the Democratic National 
ticket, and added : 

^^The greatest power conferred upon human govern- 
ment is that of taxation. All the great struggles of the 
past for a broader political liberty have looked towards 
the limitation of this power by right to tax — ^a right 
which should always be limited by the necessities of 
the Government, and the benefits of which may be 



OF HEKBY CLAT AND SIKOE. 173 

fihared by alL Whenever this power is used to draw 
tribute ft'om the many for the benefit of the tew, or 
when part of the people are oppressed in order that the 
remainder may prosper unduly, equality is lost sight of. 
It is plain that our present inequitable system of tariff 
taxation has promoted the growth of such conditions in 
our land, favored though it has l>een by an industrious 
and enterprising people, a productive soil, and the 
highest development of political liberty. If the benefi- 
ciaries of this system shall be able to add a new tenure 
of power to those they have already enjoyed, the de- 
velopment of these unfavorable conditions must continue 
until the power to tax will be lodged in those who are 
willing and able to pay for the perpetuation of privi- 
leges originally conferred by a confiding people for the 
preservation inviolate of their own Government. There 
is no longer pretext or excuse for the maintenance of a 
war tariff in times of peace, and more than a quarter of 
a century after armed conflict has ceased. The platform 
of the National Democracy demands the reform of this 
system and the adoption in its place of one which will 
insure equality to all our people. I am in full and 
hearty accord with these purposes.'' 

Still the serious discussion or sober consideration of 
the issues raised by the platforms of the two parties 
was not the determining cause of the campaign. For 
great as was the prosperity of the country and excellent 
as was the administration of President Harrison, other 
and extraneous matters contributed to, if they did not 
directly cause, the Republican defeat. Cleveland and 
Stevenson received 277 electoral votes, to 145 for Har- 
rison and Reid, and 22 for Weaver and Field, the 



198 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

original Argument in favor of protective dnties was that 
they were necessary to foster infant industries by pre- 
venting ruinous competition from abroad until they 
could secure a hold on the home market and thus be- 
come self-sustaining, and it was again and again pre- 
dicted by the earlier advocates of the system that a few 
years of public support would enable them to do this. 
But the present bill is based upon precisely the oppo- 
site view. It is framed upon the assumption that as 
our industries grow older they grow weaker and more 
dependent upon the bounty of the Government and the 
forced contributions of the people who purchase and 
consume their products ; and accordingly we find that, 
as a general rule, the important increases in the rat^ of 
duty are made with a view of still further protecting^ 
the products of our oldest industries, such as manufac- 
tures of iron and steel, woolen goods, cotton goods, 
manufactures of flax, hemp, etc. If it be true that these 
old industries need more protection now than they 
needed a hundred years ago, it must be because they 
have been existing undei* an unnatural and unhealthy 
system and have lost that spirit of self-reliance and in- 
dependence which is essential to the permanent growth 
and prosperity of every business enterprise. Thirty 
years ago, after a considerable period of low taxes upon 
imported goods, when it was proposed to increase rates 
in order to secure revenue, it was not suggested by the 
most extreme advocates of the protective system that 
our industries required anything like such high rates of 
duty as are imposed by this biU. 

'^ For instance, there are a few persons in this countrj 
who believe that they could manufacture tin or tema 



OF HEHBT GLAT AND SINGE. 129 

plate if those who use that necessary article were com- 
pelled by law to pay a higher tax upon it, and accord- 
ingly the bill now reported proposes to more than 
double the duties. This will injuriously affect the 
interests of thousands of laborers now engaged in the 
manufacture of tin cans and other vessels used in 
canning fruit, vegetables, meats, and fisK in nearly 
«very part of the country, and it will constitute a direct 
charge upon the producers and consumers of those 
various kinds of food ; but the theory upon which this 
bill is based takes no account of the welfare of this 
great mass of American citizens so long as two or 
three firms or corporations insist that the tax will be 
beneficial to them. 

'' At the same time the bill proposes to make enor- 
mous increases in the rates on woolen goods, which all 
our people are compelled to purchase and use, and very 
lai^ increases in the rates on some kinds of cotton and 
linen goods which are absolutely necessary for the 
health and comfort of all classes. The increase of 
taxes on wool and woolen and worsted goods, including 
carpets, amounts to about $15,500,000 per annum, esti- 
mated upon the importations of the last fiscal year ; but 
in fact it will be many times that amount by reason 
of the enhanced prices which consumers will be com- 
pelled to pay for the domestic product. While the bill 
proposes to make this large addition to the tax on woolen 
clothing and carpets, it also proposes to abolish the 
internal revenue taxes to the amount of $8,860,994.75 
on manufactured chewing and smoking tobacco and 
snuff, articles which certainly can not be classed among 
the necessaries of life. While we would be willing 



laO THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

to repeal the internal revenue taxes on tobacco in con- 
nection with the reductions upon other articles which 
the people are obliged to use, as was proposed in the 
bill which passed the last House, we can not agree to a 
measui^e which provides for the abolition of any part of 
such taxes and at the same time increases the rates of 
duty of cotton, woolen, and linen clothing, and on 
earthenware, glassware, table cutlery, and many forms 
of iron and steel which can not be dispensed with. 
^^ We can not undertake here to point out in detail the 
numerous increases in the rates of duty on imported 
goods which this bill proposes to make, but a few will 
suffice to show the general character of the measure 
and the purpose of its authors and supporters. The 
lowest grades of woolen yarn, worth not over 30 cents 
per pound, are to be subjected to a duty of 112 per 
cent, while the most costly yam will pay 72 per cent. 
One grade of coarse, cheap blankets will be required to 
pay 106 per cent, but the finest blankets will pay 72 
per cent. The coarsest and cheapest woolen hats will 
be subject to a duty of 111 per cent, and the finest 
to 66 per cent. Women's and children's cheapest dress 
goods with cotton warp are to be taxed 106 per cent, 
and the finest 73 per cent The lowest grade of woolen 
cloths will pay 125 per cent, and the highest grade 
86 per cent. The cheapest qualities of knit goods for 
underwear range from 112 to 138 per cent, but the 
finest and most expensive will pay 78 percent Woolen 
shawls of the coarest and lowest grade used by the 
poorest people, will pay 185 per cent, duty, and worsted 
goods of the lowest grade will pay 180 per cent while 
the highest grade will pay 90 per cent. 



OF HENBT CLAT AND SINCE. 131 

'^ There are many increases of the rates on iron and 
steel and scarcely any reduction on articles which can 
be imported at all under the existing rates. The re- 
ductions in this sdiedole, .as £l ..general rule, will not 
diminish taxation to any appreciable extent, while all 
the increases are so arranged as to obstruct importations 
and enhance the prices of the domestic articles of the 
same kind. On common table cutlery the new rates of 
duty imposed by this bill are very largely in excess of 
the old ones under which our manufacturing establishi 
ments have been successfully carried on for many years, 
and on the cheaper grades of pocket knives, and razors 
especially, the rates are greatly increased. 

^When the existing tariff was enacted in 1888, 
large increases were made in the rates of duty on earth* 
enware and glassware, and this was justified upon the 
ground that the law then passed abolished the duty 
upon the packages in which these articles were shipped 
into this country ; and it was contended that in view of 
this fact the actual net increase of duty would be com- 
paratively small. Experience has shown, however, that 
notwithstanding the abolition of the duty on packages 
there was a large increase of taxation in this schedule 
under that act, and therefore there ought now to be a 
reduction even if the packages remain free. But at the 
present session of CJongress a bill has passed the House, 
and is now pending in the Senate, reimposing the du- 
ties on the packages, and the bill reported by the major- 
ity proposes to make still further increases in the rates 
of duty upon the goods, especially upon glass and glass- 
ware. Common window glass, not exceeding 16 by 24 
inches square, is increased to 128 per cent; not exceed- 



139 THE TABIFF IN THE BAYS 

log 24 by 80 inches sqoare is raised to over 185 per 
cent and all sizes above that are raised to over 188 per 
cent while there are very large increases upon bottles 
and various other manufactores of glass. 

'^ Camel's hair, a raw material extensively used in this 
country in the manufacture of certain kinds of goods, 
and which has been admitted free of duty for a great 
many years, is by this bill taken from the free list and 
subjected to a tax of twelve cents per pound, which is 
equivalent to 77 per cent ad valorenu During the last 
fiscal year we imported, free of duty/ 6,648,097 pounds 
of this material, which is absolutely necessary to enable 
some of our manufacturing establishments to carry on 
their business and supply the goods they are now mak- 
ing for their customers ; but if this bill passes and the 
same quantity is imported next year it will cost tha 
people $797,771.64 in addition to the value of the hair 
itsell 

^'The bill proposes to make large increases in the 
duties on carpels wools, and take silver ores containing 
lead from the free list and subject the lead contained in 
the silver ore to a duty of 1^ cents per pound, not 
because we need the revenue, but for the sole purpose 
of preventing these articles from being imported into 
this country. Last year we imported direct from the 
States and Republics of Central and South America 
and the Republic of Mexico many million pounds of 
this wool, and still more by way of London and other 
European ports, and from Mexico silver ores bearing 
lead of the value of $6,779,160. Our total importations 
of carpet wools from all countries amounted to 96,556,- 
466 pounds, and our total importation of this kind of ore 



OF HEKBT CLAT AND BINGE. ^ 133 

was $6,951,719. All this wool has been converted into 
carpets and other fabrics, and all these ores have been 
smelted in the United States by American workmen, 
and their importation has been of great benefit to our 
people, in addition to the profit realized from the trade 
between the different countries. The free admission of 
fluxing ores from Mexico has enabled our citizens to 
establish and maintain large smelting works at El Paso, 
Texas, Argentine, Kansas, Newark, N. J«, Kansas City, 
Mo., and a great many other places. If this bill passes 
the tax upon 66,000 tons of silver ore, the amount im- 
ported last year, will be over $672,000, which the Gov- 
ernment does not need and which will benefit nobody 
in this country. The bill in fact increases the rates of 
duty on all classes of wool imported into this country. 
"For the further purpose of inducing the far- 
mers of the country to believe that they can and 
will derive some benefit from the protective policy, 
this bill imposes various rates of duty upon certain 
important agricultural products, which it is well 
known could not be imported to any material extent 
with or without duty. For instance, corn is subjected 
to a duty of 15 cents a bushel ; corn meal, 20 cents per 
bushel; oats, 15 cents per bushel; rye, 10 cents per 
bushel; wheat, 25 cents per bushel; wheat fiour, 25 
per cent ad valorem ; apples, green or ripe, 25 cents 
per bushel; apples, dried, 2 cents per pound; bacon 
and hams, 5 cents per pound ; beef, mutton, and pork, 
2 cents per pound ; lard, 2 cents per pound, and tallow, 
1 cent per pound. We produce a great surplus of all 
these articles and many others every year, which we are 
compelled to send abroad and sell in the free markets 



184 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

of the world in competition with similar products of 
other coantries. It is impossible to protect the farmer 
against foreign competition in his home market^ for he 
has no such competition^ and the insertion or retention 
of these articles in a tariff bill is a device which will de* 
ceive no one who gives a moment^s thought to the 
subject. 

^^ Under the existing law animals for breeding pur- 
poses are admitted free of duty and all others are sub- 
ject to a tax of 20 per cent, ad valorem ; but the bill re- 
ported proposes largely to increase this tax and make it 
specific. It is proposed to levy an import duty of $30 
per head on all horses and mules; $10 per head on all 
cattle over one year old, and $2 per head on all under 
that age, and $1.50 per head on hogs and sheep. 
HorseSy valued at $150 and over, will pay a duty of 80 
per cent, and all animals imported especially for breed- 
ing purposes will still be admitted free, but they must 
be of pure blood, of a recognized breed, and must have 
been duly registered abroad in the book of records es- 
tablished for that breed. All these increases of duties 
are claimed to be in the interest of fanners, but in fact 
they will be vastly more injurious to them and to dairy- 
men than to any other class of our people. Last year 
we imported dutiable horses to the number of 52,454, 
of the average value of $42.81; cattle, 62,880, of the 
average value of $9.68; hogs, 2,896, of the average 
value of $3.28; and sheep, 454,010, of the average 
value of $2.98. These animals were brought here 
mainly, if not entirely, by the farmers themselves, or on 
their account, to replenish their stock of work beasts, 
milch cows, and sheep herds. This is evident, we 



OF HENBT GLAT AND SINGE. 135 

think, from the low prices of the animals and the 
localities from which they were imported. For in- 
stance, nearly all the horses imported came from Mex- 
ico and from Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba, and the 
Northwest Territory, and the average value of the 
29,590 brought from Mexico was $8.80, while the aver- 
age value of the 17,470 brought from the Dominion was 
only a little over $100. These were not expensive ani- 
mals imported for racing purposes, or for use in 
pleasure carriages, but ordinary stock such as is used 
upon our farms ; and it is evident that the importations 
from Mexico were ponies for use on the sheep and cat- 
tle ranches of the West. The duty on these Mexican 
horses last year amounted to $52,869, but if this bill 
passes, and the same number is imported next year, the 
duty will amount to $887,700, or nearly three and a 
half times their value. The farmer or dairyman who 
hereafter imports common cattle for his own use will 
be required to pay a duty of over 100 per cent., ac- 
cording to the average value of the importations of last 
year;, and he can not import an ordinary animal of any 
kind for breeding purposes free of duty, as fine stock 
may be imported, because such an animal is not pure 
bred, and is therefore not registered abroad. How the 
fanners are to be helped by the increased duties on live 
animals we are wholly unable to see, and, in our opin- 
ion, if this bill passes, they will be the first to demand 
a restoration of the old rates, or that these importations 
may be free. 

*^ The bill proposes to admit, free of duty, all sugar 
up to and including No. 16 Dutch standard in color, 
and pay to the sugar producers in this country a bounty 



136 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

of two cents per pound each year until July 1, 1905, on 
their product Last year these grades of sugar which 
are now made free, yielded to the Gk)vemment $54,- 
894,181, all of which is now to be surrendered, and the 
sugar industry is to become an annual charge upon all 
the people who are engaged in other occupations, some 
of which are &r more important and all of which are 
fully as meritorious as this one. In 1888, which is the 
last year for which we have complete returns, the sugar 
product in this country was 875,855,877 pounds, so 
that even should there be no increased production 
under the bounty system the sum which the people are 
to be compelled to donate each year for the support of 
this favorite industry will be $7,520,000, or $118,000,- 
000 during the fifteen years. But the very object of 
the bounty is to encourage the production of this ar- 
ticle, and its advocates claim that in a few years it will 
result in a domestic supply equal to the whole demand 
for home consumption. In addition to the home prod- 
uct we imported and consumed during the last fiscal 
year 2,700,421,802 pounds of sugar not above No. 16 in 
color, making a total annual consumption, including 
domestic and imported, of 8,076,277,079 pounds, and 
therefore, if the system results as its advocates predict^ 
the annual payment out of the Treasury will be $61,- 
528,426, even without any increase in the amount now 
consumed. We protest against the gross favoritism 
and injustice of such a policy, and we deny the moral 
or constitutional right of the Oovemment to tax the 
people who grow com, wheat, cotton, rye, oats^ and 
other agricultural products for the purpose of raising 
money to be given to those who produce sugar or any 
other article. 



OF HENBT CLAY AND SINCE. 137 

^' It is impossible to state with entire accuracy how 
much the bill increa/ses taxes upoa imported goods, for 
the reason that there are many large increases of taxa- 
tion made by it which are not exhibited in the table 
submitted by the Committee. This table shows that, 
omitting the sugar schedule, there has been added to 
the duties on the articles still remaining on the dutia- 
ble list the sum of $40,055,152.88; but in addition to 
this, after January 1, 1894, the duties on brown and 
bleached linens, ducks, canvas, handkerchiefs, or other 
woven fabrics, composed of flax, hemp, jute, or of 
which flax, hemp, or jute, or either of them, shall be 
the component material of cheap value, containing one 
hundred or more threads to the square inch, counting 
either the warp or filling, will be increased to the 
amount of $1,574,954.57 more than is shown by the 
tables ; and after July 1, 1891, the duty on tin or teme 
plate will be $8,871,878.67 greater than it was last year 
upon the same importation, and the increase in the 
tobacco schedule i% as nearly as we can calculate it, 
$6,551,855.41 more than the tables show. In our opin- 
ion the increase in the tobacco schedule, resulting 
mainly from the imposition of a duty of $2 per pound 
on unstemmed leaf for cigar wrappers, will be $16,305,- 
925 instead of $9,754,069.59, as shown by the tables, 
and we are confident that an analysis of our importar 
tions of that article for a series of years past will sus- 
tain our position. Even the comparatively brief exami- 
nation we have been able to make has disclosed other 
increases not shown by the calculations contained in 
the tables, amounting to the sum of over $8,000,000, 
and there are many others which can not be accurately 



238 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

ascertained for the want of sufficient data as to prices 
and quantities of importations of last year. Adding 
these amounts to the $40,055,162.88, shows a total in- 
crease of duties on articles still dutiable, outside of the 
sugar schedule, of about $65,000,000, and we are satis- 
fied it is more than that We do not mean to assert 
that the bill actually increases the customs revenue 
$65,000,000 over what it is under existing law, but 
that it proposes to impose upon the articles it leaves 
upon the dutiable list, except sugar and molasses, that 
sum in excess of the amount collected on the same 
schedules last year. It places upon the free list articles 
which yielded a revenue of $6,089,969 during the last 
fiscal year, and it makes a reduction of $54,922,110.56 
on sugar and molasses, and these two sums, amounting 
to $60,962,079.68, being deducted from the $65,000,000 
leave a net increase of more than $4,000,000 in tariff 
taxation under this bill. While the bill proposes to 
transfer from the dutiable schedules to the free list arti- 
cles which last year yielded a revenue of $6,039,969.07, 
it proposes also to transfer from the free list to the 
dutiable list certain articles, principally raw materials 
used in manufactures, which, according to the importa- 
tions during the last fiscal year, will yield a revenue of 
nearly $8,500,000. 

The bill, came to a vote, on the question of passage, 
on May 2l8t, its opponents making a fiual effort at 
its defeat on the following motion : Mr. Carlisle moved 
that ^^the pending bill be recommitted to the 
Committee on Ways and Means, with instructions to 
report the same back to the House at the earliest 
possible day so amended by substitute or otherwise as 



OF HENBY GLAT AND SINGS. 189 

to reduce the revenueA of the Government by reducing 
the burdens of taxation upon the people, instead of 
reducing the revenues by imposing prohibitory rates 
of taxation upon imported goods,'' — which was 
disagreed to, yeas 140, all Democrats; nays 164, 
all Bepublicans. The bill was then passed — yeas 164, 
all Bepublicans ; nays 142, all Democrats but two, one 
Republican and one Independent, while twenty-one 
members, six Bepublicans and fifteen Democrats did 
not vote. New England cast twenty-one votes for the 
bill and three against it; the Middle States, yeas 
forty-eight, nays twenty-eight ; the Western and North- 
western States, yeas seventy-five, nays thirty-one; the 
Southern and Southwestern, yeas eleven, nays seventy- 
eight, and the Pacific, yeas nine, nays two. 

The biU was reported by Mr. Morrill from the 
Senate Finance Committee on June 18th, and was 
constantly considered, with various intervals, in Com- 
mittee of the Whole, until September 8th. An interest- 
ing colloquy occurred between Senators McPherson and 
Sherman on July S6th, occasioned by the motion 
of the former to recommit the bill to the Finance 
Committee with instructions to prepare a bill which 
would ^ reduce the average ad valorem rate of duty on 
dutiable articles, based upon the importations of 1889, 
so as not to exceed the average ad valorem war tariff 
rate of 1864," which he stated to be 89.69 per cent. 
To this Mr. Sherman replied, ^* that while the rate of 
duty on dutiable articles is a little less than 62 per 
cent, under the pending bill, yet on the whole list of 
articles taken together the avei*age rate of duty is only 
about 27 per cent Nearly fifty per cent, or half our 



140 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

importatdons under the proposed act, are entirely free 
of duty, while under the act of 1864 only fifteen 
to eighteen per cent of the articles were free 
of duty. The value of the goods that have heretofore 
paid duty that are made free by this bill is $108,919, 
907 ; which added to the value of those free now makes 
the grand aggregate of $365,494,573 as the value of all 
of the articles that will be admitted free of duty under 
the new law. This is much the largest free list ever 
known in the history of the country, and almost equals 
the value of the articles on which duties will be levied 
by this bill, for while $865,494,587 of imported goods 
are admitted free of duty, according to the figures of 
last year, $390,437,117 are subjec*: to duty."" 

^'Now, the striking difference between the tariff 
policy of 1864 and 1890," said Mr. Sherman, "is this : 
In 1864 we were involved in war; we levied tariff 
duties on almost every article of necessity, as well as 
those articles that we manufacture in this country, and 
therefore we levied duties not only on sugar, but on 
tea, coffee, and almost everything else, and when at 
that time the duties amounted to 46 per cent, on the 
average, they were upon all articles imported practi- 
cally. The free list was then only 10, or 12, or 15 per 
cent, but now on account of the change of con- 
ditions, from the fact that we wish to admit duty free 
all articles that we can not produce in this country, we 
admit substantially one-half of all imported goods 
into this country free of duty, and we propose an 
average duty of 52 per cent, upon those articles that 
we think we ought to make and can make in this 
country, and for which we seek by these duties not 



OF HENBY CJJlY AND SIKGE. Ul 

only to get sufficient revenue to carry on the Govem- 
menty but also to protect and foster and build up 
American industry at the same time/' 

The motion to recommit was lost — ^yeas nineteen, all 
Democrats ; nays twenty-nine, all Republicans. 

On September 8th, what was known as ^^ the Reci- 
procity Amendment," by Mr. Aldrich, of Rhode Island, 
was agreed to — ^yeas 87, all Republicans ; najrs 28, all 
Democrats but two. This policy had been recom- 
mended by the International American Conference then 
in session in this country, and was in keeping with the 
long cherished policy of Mr. Blaine and the recommen- 
dations of President Harrison in his special message to 
Congress of June 19, 1890, in which he said : 

^^ It has been so often and so persistently stated that 
our tariff laws offer an insurmountable barrier to a 
lai^ exchange of products with the Latin-American 
nations that I deem it proper to call especial attention 
to the fact that more than 87 per cent, of the products 
of these nations sent to our ports are now admitted 
free. If sugar is placed upon the free list, practically 
every important article exported from those states will 
be given untaxed access to our markets, except wool 
The real difficulty in the way of negotiating profitable 
reciprocity treaties is that we have given freely so much 
that would have had value in the mutual concessions 
which such treaties imply. I cannot doubt, however, 
that the present advantages which the products of these 
near and friendly states enjoy in our markets — though 
they are not by law exclusive — will, with other consid- 
erations, favorably dispose them to adopt such meas- 
ures, by treaty, or otherwise, as will tend to equalize 
and greatly enlarge our mutual exchanges." 



142 THE TABIFF IN THE DAY8 

The Aldricli amendment was also agreed to in open 
Senate — jeaA 88, nays 29 ; and the bill was passed, as 
amended, on September 11th — yeas 40, all Republicans, 
nays, 29, all Democrats. On September 15th the 
House declined to agree to the Senate amendments and 
a Committee of Conference was appointed — ^Messrs. 
Aldrich, Sherman, Allison, Hiscock, Vorhees, Vance, 
and Carlisle, for the Senate, and Messrs. McKinley, 
Burrows, Bayne, Dingley, McMillan, Flower, and 
Turner, of Georgia, for the House. The bill as it 
passed the House contained nearly 4,000 items and was 
amended by the Senate in 445 particulars, more than a 
hundred of which were purely verbal, and most of the 
others so slight and unimportant that an agreement 
was quickly reached. The changes by the Senate in 
the metal schedule were important, and for the most 
part acceded to by the House conferees, while in 
woolens, silks, flax, wood, and paper the Senate con- 
ferees conceded the demands of the House. Sugar 
evoked the most serious contention, and in this sched- 
ule a compromise was effected ; sugar up to No. 16 
Butch standard was made free, and that above this 
grade dutiable at a half cent per pound, with an addi- 
tional rate of one-tenth of a cent upon all sugars coming 
from countries where an export bounty is paid to the 
domestic producers. Binding twine, after much dispu- 
tation, was finally made dutiable at seven-tenths of a 
cent a pound, and sulphuric acid, for agricultural pur- 
poses, was made free. The Aldrich reciprocity amend- 
ment was accepted by the House conferees ; while the 
internal revenue sections were in the main accepted by 
tile Senate Committee as the House had passed them. 



OF HENBT CLAY AHD SINCE. 143 

The bill, as finally agreed upon, was protective in 
every paragraph, and American in every line and word. 
It recognized and fully enforced the economic principle 
of protection, which the Republican party from its birth 
had steadfastly advocated, and that had always secured 
to the country the greatest prosperity. 

The Democratic members of the Conference Com- 
mittee declined to unite in the report, but it was 
nevertheless accepted by both branches of Congress. 
The House concurred in it on September 27th — ^yeas 
152, all Republicans ; nays 81, all Democrats but two. 
Thirty-eight members were paired and fifty-five Demo- 
crats did not vote. In the Senate the report was 
adopted on September 80th — ^yeas 38, all Republicans; 
nays 27, all Democrats, except three ; and twenty-two 
Senators were paired and did not vote. The law was 
approved by President Harrison on the following day, 
and, except where otherwise especially provided, went 
into effect on October 6, 1890. 

But its passage was hardly effected before the general 
election occurred, and at this the Republicans were 
badly defeated. The House of Representatives of the 
Mfty-second Congress, elected in 1890, was overwhelm- 
ingly Democratic, that party electing 2S5 of the 832 
members. 

President Harrison gave the tariff due and careful 
consideration in his second annual message at the begin- 
ning of the second session of the Fifty-first Congress, 
December 1, 1890. In the course of his suggestions he 
said : 

^ The general trade and industrial conditions through- 
out the country during the year have shown a marked 



144 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

improvement For many years prior to 1888 the mer- 
chandise balances of foreign trade have been largely in 
our favor, but daring that year and the year following 
they turned against us. It is very gratifying to know 
that the last fiscal year again shows a balance in our 
favor of over $68,000,000. There were three hundred 
less fSsdlures reported in October, 1890, than in the 
same month of the preceding year, with liabilities dimin- 
ished by about $5,000,000. The value of our exports 
of domestic merchandise during the last year was over 
$116,000,000 greater than the preceding year, and was 
only exceeded once in our history. About $100,000,000 
of this excess was in agricultural products. The pro- 
duction of pig iron — always a good gauge of general 
prosperity — is shown by a recent census bulletin to have 
been 168 per cent greater in 1890 than in 1880, and the 
production of steel 290 per cent, greater. Mining in 
coal has had no limitation except that resulting from 
deficient transportation. The general testimony is that 
labor is eveiy where fully employed, and the reports for 
the last year show a smaller number of employes 
affected by strikes and lockouts than in any year since 
1884. The depression in the prices of agricultural 
products has been greatly relieved, and a buoyant and 
hopeful time was beginning to be felt by all our people. 
^^The general tariff act has only partially gone into 
operation, some of its important provisions being limited 
to take effect at dates yet in the future. The general 
provisions of the law have been in force less than sixty 
days. Its permanent effect upon trade and prices still 
largely stands in conjecture. It is curious to know that 
the advance in the prices of articles wholly unaffected 



OF HSNBY OLkY AKD 8IK0& 145 

by the tariff act was by many hastily ascribed to that 
act There is neither wisdom nor justice in the sugges- 
tion that the subject of tariff revision shall be again 
opened before this law has had a fair trial It is quite 
true that every tariff schedule is subject to objections. 
No bill was ever framed, I suppose, that in all of its 
rates and classifications had the full approval even of a 
party caucus. Such legislation is always and neces- 
sarily the product of compromise as to details, and the 
present law is no exception. But in its general scope 
and effect I think it will justify the support of those 
who believe that American legislation should conserve 
and defend American trade and the wages of American 
workmen. 

^^The critidsms of the bill that have come to us from 
foreign sources may well be rejected for repugnancy. 
If these critics really believe that the adoption by us of 
a free trade policy, or of tariff rates having reference 
solely to revenue, would diminish the participation of 
their own countries in the commerce of the world, their 
advocacy and promotion by speech and other forms of 
organized effort of this movement among our people is a 
rare exhibition of unselfishness in trade. And on the 
other hand, if they sincerely believe that the adoption 
of a protective-tariff policy by this country inures to 
their profit and our hurt, it is noticeably strange that 
they should lead the outcry against the authors of a 
policy so helpful to their countrymen, and crown with 
their favor those who would snatch from them a sub- 
stantial share of a trade with other lands already in- 
i^equate to their necessities. There is no disposition 
among any of our people to promote prohibitory or 



14e THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

retalialibiy legislation. Our policies are adopted not to 
the hurt of others, but to secure for ourselves those 
advantages that fairly grow out of our favored position 
as a nation. Our form of government, with its incident 
of universal suffrage, makes it imperative that we shall 
save our working people from the agitations and dis- 
tresses which scant work and wages that have no 
margin for comfort always beget But after all this is 
done it will be found that our markets are open to 
friendly commercial exchanges of enormous value to 
the other great powers. From the time of my induc- 
tion into office the duty of using every power and 
influence given by law to the Executive Department 
for the development of larger markets for our products, 
especially our farm products, has been kept constantly 
in mind, and no effort has been or will be spared to 
promote that endL We are under no disadvantage in 
.any foreign market, except that we pay our workmen 
and workwomen better wages than are paid elsewhere 
— better abstractly, better relatively to the cost of the 
necessaries of life. I do not doubt that a very largely 
increased foreign trade is accessible to us without 
bartering for it either our home market for such pro- 
ducts of the farm and shop as our own people can 
supply, or the wages of our working people.'' 

Several labor bills were considered by the Fifty-first 
Congress. On August 29, 1890, Hon. W. J. Gonnell, 
of Nebraska, reported a bill to the effect that eight 
hours should constitute a day's work for all employes 
of the Grovemment, reference being especially had to 
the District of Columbia, and providing severe penal- 
ties for all violations of the law. The House rejected 



OF HENBY ChAY AND SINCE. 193 

of duty amotintied to $444,544,211, a decrease from the 
preceding year of $13,455,447. Internal revenue re- 
ceipts exceeded those of the preceding year by $7,147,- 
445.82." 

His recommendations upon the tari£E are especially 
noteworthy because of the endorsement he gave in ad- 
vance to a bill which had not yet been introduced in 
Congress; perhaps the first instance of the kind in the 
history of the Government. It had been prepared by 
the Democratic majority of the Ways and Means Com- 
mittee of the House during its vacation, after the ad- 
journment of the special session on October 6th. The 
bill as a whole had not yet been given to the press, 
nor had any comprehensive analjrsis of it been pre- 
sented, but still the President heartily endorsed it in 
the following confident strains : 

^^ After a hard struggle tariff reform is directly be- 
fore us. Nothing so important claims our attention 
and nothing so clearly presents itself as both an op- 
portunity and a duty — ^an opportunity to deserve the 
gratitude of our fellow-citizens and a duty imposed 
upon us by our oft-repeated professions and by the 
emphatic mandate of the peopla After full discus- 
sion, our countrymen have spoken in favor of this re- 
form, and they have confided the work of its accom- 
plishment to the hands of those who are solemnly 
pledged to it If there is anything in the theory of 
a representation in public places of the people and 
their desires, if public officers are really the servants 
of the people, and if political promises and professions 
have any binding force, our failure to give the relief 
so long awaited will be sheer recreancy. Nothing 



IM THE TAEIFF IN THE DATS 

should interrene to distnot our attenlfion or disturb 
our effort until this refonn is accomplished by wise 
and careful legislation. While we should staunchly ad- 
here to the principle that only the necessity of revenue 
justifies the imposition of tariff duties and other Federal 
taxation, and that they should be limited by strict 
economy, we can not close our eyes to the fact that con- 
ditions have grown up among us which in justice and 
fairness call for discriminating care in the distribution 
of such duties and taxation as the emergencies of our 
Government actually demand. Manifestly, if we are to 
aid the people directly through tariff reform, one of its 
most obvious features should be a reduction in present 
tariff charges upon the necessaries of life. The benefits 
of such a ]*eduction would be palpable and substantial, 
seen and felt by thousands who would be better fed 
and better clothed and better sheltered. These gifts 
should be the willing benefactions of a Government 
whose highest function is the promotion of the welfare 
of the peopla Not less closely related to our people's 
prosperity and well-being is the removal of restrictions 
upon the importation of the raw materials necessary to 
our manufactures. The world should be open to our 
National ingenuity and enterprise. This can not be 
while Federal legislation, through the imposition of a 
high tariff, forbids to American manufacturers as cheap 
materials as those used by their competitors. It is 
quite obvious that the enhancement of the price of our 
manufactured products resulting from this policy not 
only confines the market for these products within our 
own borders, to the direct disadvantage of our manu- 
facturers, but also increases their cost to our citizens. 



OF HENBT CLAY AND BINGE. ^' 1*6 

The interests of labor are certamly, though indirectly, 
involved in this feature of our tariff system. The sharp 
competition and active stru^le among our manufiu^ 
tarers to supply the limited demand for their goods 
soon fill the narrow market to which they are confined. ^ 
Then follows a suspension of work in mill and factories, 
a discharge of employes, and distress in the homes of 
our workingmen. Even if the often-disproved assertion 
could be made good that a lower rate of wages would 
result from free raw materials and low tariff duties, the 
intelligence of our workingmen leads them quickly to 
discover that their steady employment, permitted by 
free raw materials, is the most important factor in their 
relation to tariff legislation. A measure has been pre- 
pared by the appropriate Congressional Committee em- 
bodying tariff reform on the lines herein suggested, 
which will be promptly submitted for legislative action. 
It is the result of much patriotic and unselfish work, 
and I believe it deals with its subject consistently and 
as thoroughly as existing conditions permit I am satis- 
fied that the reduced tariff duties provided for in the 
proposed legislation, added to existing internal-revenue 
taxation, will, in the near future, though perhaps not 
immediately, produce sufficient revenue to meet the 
needs of the Government. The Committee, after full 
consideration, and to provide against a temporary de- 
ficiency which may exist before the business of the 
country adjusts itself to the new tariff schedules, have 
wisely embraced in their plan a few additional in- 
ternal-revenue taxes, including a small tax upon in- 
comes derived from certain corporate investments. 
These new assessments are not only absolutely just 



Id6 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

and easily borne, but they have the farther merit of 
being such as can be remitted without unfavorable 
bilsiness disturbance whenever the necessity of their 
imposition no longer exists. In my great desire for 
^the success of this measure, I can not restrain the sug- 
gestion that its success can only be attained by means 
of unselfish counsel on the part of the friends of tariff 
reform, and as a result of their willingness to sub- 
ordinate personal desires and ambitions to the general 
good. The local interests affected by the proposed re- 
form are so numerous and so varied that if all are 
insisted upon the legislation embodying the reform 
must inevitably &iL In conclusion, my intense feeling 
of responsibility impels me to invoke for the manifold 
interests of a generous and confiding people the most 
scrupulous care, and to pledge my willing support to 
every legislative effort for the advancement of the 
greatness and prosperity of our beloved country." 

On December 19, 1898, Mr. Wilson, Chairman of the 
Committee on Ways and Means, introduced the general 
tariff bill of the session — entitled ^^a bill to reduce 
taxation, to provide revenue for the Government, and 
for other purposes." He submitted with it an explana- 
tory statement of the purposes of the majority, from 
which the following clauses are taken : 

'^ This bill, on which the Committee has expended 
much patient and anxious labor, is not offered as a com- 
plete response to the mandate of the American people. 
It no more professes to be purged of all protection than 
to be free of all error in its complex and manifold de- 
tails. However we may deny the existence of any 
legislative pledge or the right of any Congress to make 



OP HENRY CLAT AND SINCE. 197 

such pledge for the contintiance of duties that cany 
with them more or less acknowledged protection, we are 
forced to consider that great interests do exist whose 
existence and prosperity it is no part of our reform 
either to imperil or to curtail We believe, and we have 
the warrant of our own past experience for believing^ 
that reduction of duties will not injure, but give more 
abundant life to all oiir great manufacturing industries, 
however much they may dread the change. But in 
dealing with the tariff, as with every other long-standing 
abuse that has interwoven itself with our social or in- 
dustrial system, the legislator must always remember 
that in the beginning temperate reform is safest, having 
in itself ^ the principle of growth.' 

^ When Congress began to repeal war burdens and to 
relieve manufacturers of the internal taxes, which they 
had used to secure compensating duties on like foreign 
products, there arose a demand throughout the country, 
without respect to party, for a reduction of the war 
tariff. Unable to resist this demand, the protected in- 
dustries baffled and thwarted any reduction of con- 
sequence until 1872, when they defeated a House bill 
that did make a substantial reduction by substituting a 
Senate bill which carried a horizontal cut of ten per 
cent As soon, however, as the elections of 1874 gave 
the next House to the Democratic party, that reduction 
was repealed by the outgoing RepablicanSy and rates re- 
stored to what they were before 1872. 

^ The history of American industry shows that during 
no other period has there been a more healthy and 
rapid development of our manufacturing industry than 
during the fifteen years of low tariff from 1846 to 1861^ 



198 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

nor a more healthy and harmonious growth of agricul- 
ture and all the other great industries of the country. 
No chapter in our political experience carries with it a 
more salutary lesson than this^ and none could appeal 
more strongly to law makers to establish a just and 
rational system of public revenues^ neither exhausting 
agriculture by constant blood-letting nor keeping manu- 
facturers alternating between chills and fevers by arti- 
ficial pampering. In this direction alone lies stability, 
concord of sections, and of great industries. We have 
already said that public discussion may disclose errors 
of minor detail in the schedules of our bilL To escape 
such errors would require so thorough and minute a 
knowledge of all the divisions^ sub-divisions, complex 
and manifold masses and involutions of our chemical, 
textile, metal, and other industries that no committee of 
Congress, no matter how extended the range of their 
personal knowledge or how laborious and painstaking 
their efforts, could ever hope to possess. We have not 
forgotten that we represent the people, who are* the 
many, as well as the protected interests, who are the 
few, and while we have dealt with the latter in no spirit 
of unfriendliness, we have felt that it was our duty, and 
not their privilege, to make the tariff schedules. Those 
who concede the right of beneficiaries to fix their own 
bounties must necessarily commit to them the framing 
and verbiage of the laws by which those bounties are 
secured for them. A committee of Congress thus be- 
comes merely the amanuensis of the protected interests. 
*^ We have believed that the first step toward a reform 
of the tariff should be a release of taxes on the materi- 
als of industry. There can be no substantial and bene- 



OF HENRY CLAY AND SINGE. 199 

ficial reduction upon the necessary clothing and other 
comforts of the American people, nor any substantial 
and beneficial enlargement of the field of American la- 
bor as long as we tax the materials and processes of pro- 
duction. Every tax upon the producer falls with in- 
creased force upon the consumer. Every tax on the 
producer in this country is a protection to his competit- 
ors in all other countries, and so narrows his markets as 
to limit the number and lessen the wages of those to 
whom he can give employment. Every cheapening in 
the cost or enlargement of the supply of his raw materi- 
als, while primaiily inuring to the benefit of the manu- 
facturer himself, passes under free competition immedi- 
ately and passes entirely to the consumer, who very soon 
gets even mcKre benefit out of it than such reductions 
seem to carry, because with the rapid widening of his 
market the manufacturer is able to sell at a smaller pro- 
fit It is therefore a very narrow and shortsighted view 
which supposes that we release the duties on iron ore, 
coa^ wool^ and other like articles, solely for the benefit 
of those who manufacture our iron, steel, woolen, and 
other fabrics. 

^^ This House in two Congresses in recent years hav- 
ing, after full debate, passed laws putting wool upon the 
free list^ it is not deemed necessary in this report to at- 
tempt a re«ti^tement of the reasons for doing so. It is 
enough to say that the tariff upon wool, while bringing 
no real benefit to the American wool-grower, least of all 
to the American fanner, who, in any balancing of ac- 
counts, must see that he yearly pays out a good dollar 
for every doubtful dime he may receive under its opera- 
tion, has disastrously hampered our manufacturing in- 



200 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

dustry and made crael and relentless war upon the 
health, the comfort, and the productive energy of the 
American people. Logs are already on the free list 
We have gone a step further and put undressed lumber 
generally on that list This may serve to cheapen and 
improve the dwelling houses of some of our people, but 
it is justified if it shall accomplish nothing more than ix> 
delay the rapid destruction of American forests. We have 
also placed flax and hemp, unshackled, on the free list, for 
the reasons stated above, that we may give to the Amer- 
ican worldngman untaxed material to work with, and 
that we may give the finished product as far as possible 
to the consumer with but a single tax, and that a moder- 
ate one, instead of a medley and cumulation of taxes 
gathered during the process of production. In addition 
to these so-K^led raw materials, we have released from 
tariff duties certain important articles and manufactures 
which we have shown our capacity to produce more 
cheaply than any other country, such as pig copper and 
the important agricultural implements. Any article of 
manufacture which can sustain the competition of like 
foreign articles in other markets can defy such competi- 
tion in the home market, and is not protected by the 
duty, but by its own intrinsic superior cheapness or 
quality. In the earthenware schedule we have made 
substantial reductions, still leaving rates as high as were 
deemed necessary in the war tariff. In common window 
glass, where close combinations have kept up the prices 
to consumers under a scale of duties averaging more than 
one hundred per cent, we have made a reduction of 
about one-half. Upon the larger sizes of plate glass, 
where the duties were even higher, we have made a re- 



OF HENBY GLAY AND SINGE. 201 

duction of about one-third. In the iron and steel sched* 
vley beginning with free ore, and a duty of 22^ per cent, 
on pig iron, we have reported a scale of duties consider^ 
ably below those of the existing law, graduated accord- 
ing to the degree of manufacture which should bring 
benefit to the consumer without calling for any halt in 
the imperial progress of that great industry in our coun- 
try. The duty upon steel rails has been put at twenty- 
five per cent which, according to the reports of our De- 
partment of Labor, quite compensates for all difference in 
the cost of production in this country and abroad. There 
seems to be an authentic repoi-t that the pool of Amer- 
ican rail-makers which, under the shelter of the present 
duty of $13.44 per ton, has kept up prices to the 
American consumer far beyond the cost of production 
and legitimate profits, bas been reorganized to continue 
the regulation of their prices above the proper market 
ratea As all shippers, and especially American farm- 
ers, are vitally interested in cheapening the cost of 
transportation, rates of duty upon steel rails should be 
adjusted so as to protect them from monopoly prices 
and monopoly combinations. Upon tin plate the duty 
has been gauged with reference to the revenue it will 
bring into the Treasury, and the difference between this 
duty and that upon the black plate has been lessened 
with a view to discourage what may not unjustly 
be called the bogus industry of making American tin 
plate by.thB mere dipping in this country of the im- 
ported black plate. In the sugar schedule we should 
have preferred to wipe out at a single legislative stroke 
the existing bounty system. We believe it to be con- 
trary to the spirit of our institutions, and can conceive 



9M THE TABIFF IN THB DAIS 

of no cirownatances under which we should have 
advocated or approved its introduction into our laws. 
We have found it existing there, as we find it virtually 
existing in every other schedule of the tarifE, and deal- 
ing with it in its more open and offensive form, in the 
same spirit we have dealt with other schedules where 
large property interests are at stake, we have reported 
a provision for its repeal by such stages as shall 
gradually obliterate it from our laws, while permitting 
those who have invested large means, under the ex- 
pectation of its continuance, reasonable time in which 
they may prepare to take their stand with the other 
industries of the country. 

^' Duties upon imported tobacco leaf suitable for cigar 
wrappers, which were so advanced by the act of 1890, 
have been placed at such figures, as, after careful in- 
vestigation, were deemed likely to produce most 
revenue to the Treasury, but while revenue alone has 
been the object sought, their amount is so high that no 
domestic producer need, claim that there is not abun- 
dant protection and to spare for his product m theuL 
Of the staple agricultural products, including meats 
and provisions, we are such large exporters and must 
continue to be such large exporters that any duties 
upon them are useless for protection and fruitless 
for revenue, and generally can only be imposed for the 
purpose of deluding the less intelligent of our farmers 
into the belief that they are receiving some considera- 
tion and benefit under the tariff, although the prices of 
their products are fixed in the world's market in com- 
petition with like products produced by the cheapest 
labor of the world. To the farmers of the country 



OF HENRT OLAT AND SINC£. 203 

we liave given untaxed agricnltaral implements^ bind- 
ing twine, free salt and untaxed cotton ties, for the 
additional reason in this last case that cotton is the 
largest export crop of the country, sold abroad in com- 
petition with the cheap labor of India and of Egypt, 
and we believe that it is enough for the private tax- 
gatherer to follow it in the markets of his own country 
without pursuing it to all the markets of the world. 
As cotton bagging can be used but once, we have 
thought it but just to extend the draw-back system to 
such bagging made of jute butts when used upon 
exported cotton, a privilege which the exporter of 
wheat can already enjoy, coupled with the further ad- 
vantage in his case that the same bags may be used for 
successive exportations of grain. 

^ The placing of wool upon the free list has Justified 
a very substantial reduction of the duties on woolen 
goods. Of the woolen tariff it may be truly said, as 
was said of the woolen tariff of 1882, ^that it is the 
masterpiece of the ultra restrictionists and exhibits all 
the worse features of the system.' Although the im- 
ports of 1892 show an average duty of 95.82 per cent, 
in the woolen schedule, it can not be said that woolen 
manufacture has been a flourishing industry in this 
country, or that the American wool-grower has secured 
remunerative prices for his wool. With free wool we 
anticipate great benefits to consumers of woolen goods, 
a revival of the woolen industry, such as that which 
foUowed the tariff of 1857, and a steadier and better 
market for the American wool-grower. We have 
placed the duties upon woolen fabrics at forty per cent., 
but with a proviso for a uniform cut of five per cent, 



204 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

with a lapse of five years, beginning on the first day of 
July, 1896. 

*^ A most important change in the bill proposed from 
the present law will be found in the general substitution 
of ad valorem for specific duties. This must always be 
the characteristic of a revenue tistriff levied upon a large 
range of articles, especially when they include the plain 
necessaries of life. 

^' It is the purpose of the present bill to repeal in toto 
section three of the tariff act of October 1, 1890, com* 
monly but erronneously called its reciprocity pro- 
vision. That act placed sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and 
hides on the free list, but authorized the President^ 
should he be satisfied that the government of any 
other country producing such articles imposed duties 
upon the agricultural or other products of the United 
States which he might deem reciprocally unequal and 
imreasonable, to suspend the provision under which these 
articles were admitted into this country frea This sec- 
tion has brought no appreciable advantage to Amer- 
ican exporters ; it is not in intention or effect a pro- 
vision for reciprocity, but for retaliation. It inflicts 
penalties upon the American people by making them 
pay higher prices for these articles if the fiscal neces- 
sities of other nations compel them to levy duties upon 
the products of the United States which, in the opinion 
of the President, are reciprocally unequal and unreason- 
able. Under the provisions of this section Presidential 
proclamations have been issued imposing retaliatory 
duties upon the five above-mentioned articles when 
coming from certain countries. These proclamations 
have natually led to ill-feeling in the countries thus 



OF HENRT CLAY AND SINCE. 206 

discriminated against^ and to diplomatic correspondence 
in which it has been claimed with apparent justice, that 
such discriminations were in violation of our solemn 
treaty obligations. Moreover, we do not believe that 
Congress can rightly vest in the President of the 
United States any authority or power to impose or re- 
lease taxes on our people by proclamation or otherwise, 
or to suspend or dispense with the operation of a law 
of Congress." 

The minority of the Ways and Means Committee 
(Messrs, Beed, Burrows, Payne, Dalzell, Hopkins and 
Gear, the Republican members), presented the follow- 
ing views in opposition to the proposed law : 

'' The most surprising thing about the bill is the fact 
that this proposition to raise revenue will lower the 
revenue of this country $74,000,000 below the revenue 
of 1893, which was only $2,000,000 above our expenses. 
This fact and the other fact that by this bill the larger 
part of the burden of taxation is transferred from 
foreigners, and borne by our own citizens, should always 
be kept in mind during the discussion. 

^ It imfortunately happens that ' free raw material " 
is an elastic term, and what is one man^s free raw ma- 
terial is another man^s finished product. The manufac- 
turer in Massachusetts is told that he is to be encouraged 
by having free lumber to build his factory and to pack 
his goods, but inasmuch as that very lumber thus made 
free is the Maine manufactarer's finished product, no 
wonder the Democrats of Bangor, the mills on the 
Penobscot being unable to move a saw, denounced 
' class legislation ^ with a new appreciation of what class 
legislation really means. And with the dwellers on the 



906 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

Penobscot sympathize the lumbermen in Wisconsin and 
Michigan, the Pacific slope^ Alabama, Georgia and 
Florida. So also the miners in Michigan, straggling this 
very moment with etarvation, realize th,at the most 
odious class legislation there can possibly be is the l^is- 
lation which protects labor in the mill and leaves it in 
the mines to the charity of the great cities. These so- 
called * free raw materials,' free wool, free coal, and free 
iron are not put on the free list with any reference, di- 
rect or indirect, to raising revenue. They are placed 
there to encourage manufacturers who are to be com- 
pensated for any loss in this market by the markets of 
the world where they will have the chance to struggle 
with the cheaper labor of the Old World with whatever 
energy they may have left after the struggle at home 
with that same cheaper labor let into our markets by a 
lower tariff which does not give us the compensation 
even of a larger revenue. 

'^ The doctrine of the Democratic platform that pro- 
tection is robbery and should be abolished is compre- 
hensible and sturdy. The new movement on behalf of 
mitigated and sporadic robbery is contrary alike to good 
morals and public faith. All false pretenses are unwise, 
contrary to sound policy and sound statesmanship. 
Hence many of us who are sure that the Democratic 
platform is utterly untrue admitted its straightforward- 
ness and directness. This bill, framed by those who 
represent the platform, can not receive that kind of 
praise. It pretends to be a revenue tariff, and does not 
raise revenue. It pretends to give protection, but de- 
stroys it in every indirect way. 

'^ But while this bill in its principle, if it has any, is 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. a07 

not tinprotectiye, it will be absolutely so in practice not 
only in its direct redactions but also in its indirect 
redactions sure to come from the change from specific 
daties to ad valorem, which is a marked feature of the 
bill An ad valorem duty, as the name implies, is one 
which varies according to the prica If prices could be 
exactly determined nothing would seem to be fairer 
than an ad valorem duty. But, unfortunately, prices 
are very much matters of opinion, on which honest men 
may differ much and rogues much more. Inasmuch as 
the duty depends on the price, a cheat on the price is a 
cheat on the duty. If a piece of goods is worth $6 a 
yard and the duty is twenty-five per cent, the correct 
duly is $1.60. If the price be invoiced at $5 a yard 
and the fraud not detected, the duly collected becomes 
$1.25, and the ad valorem, which seems to be twenty- 
five per cent, becomes about twenty per cent., and not 
only is the Government cheated out of its quarter of a 
dollar, but the manufacturer is cheated out of one-fifth 
of the protection his Government has promised him. 
So great have been the objections in actual American 
practice to the ad valorem duties that among the names 
which can be cited against it are some of the most 
illustrious in American history: Hamilton, Gallatin, 
Crawford, Webster, and Van Buren, with Buchanan and 
Daniel Manning. Such, too, has been the experience of 
all other nations, and their tariff bills show such an 
exclusion of ad valorem duties as makes even the act of 
1890 seem objectionable on that very account That 
the example given above of a piece of goods lowered 
from $6 to $5 is reasonable is evident from this very 
bill, where an undervaluation has to reach forty per 



a08 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

cent, which in this case would be from $6 to $3.60, in 
order to create presumption of fraud. This, therefore, 
is not theory. It is within the experience of every 
merchant that goods which can not be purchased at all 
in Europe can be purchased, duty paid, in New York, at 
lower prices than like goods can be purchased by the 
honest merchant who values them at their true market 
value and pays the duty demanded by the Government, 
and yet these ad valorem duties thus objectionable have 
been increased in number everywhere, being substituted 
in nearly all the schedules for specific duties. 

^A serious general objection to the bill is that it 
decreases the revenue according to the calculations 
usually made by the Treasury Department as compared 
with 1893 about $74,000,000. This large deficit, coming 
as it does upon a depleted Treasury, is rather appalling 
in a bill for revenue only. How this great hole in our 
resources, as a Nation, is to be filled, no one knows. At 
this date not even the Committee knows itself, unless 
the President, anticipating in his message to Congress 
the report of the Committee on Ways and Means, shall 
afford to the Committee itself its wished-for due. 
Against the consideration of such a bill creating such a 
deficit and leaving it unaccounted for, the minority 
vainly protested when the bill was laid before the Com- 
mittee. Who would dare, if of sound and statesmanlike 
mind, to create a deficit of $74,000,000, and blindly vote 
it with no plan in sight whereby the Grovemment could 
meet its expenditures ? Hiat same protest we make to 
the House and to the country.*' 

The minority then proceeded to a consideration of the 
bill as to particular items. It will be impossible to do 



OF HENBY CLAT AND SINGE. 209 

more than notice as briefly as may be, their objections, 
to a few of the more important schedules : 

^' That which lies at the base of our iron and steel 
industry is iron ore. The existing duty thereon is 
seventy-five cents per ton. The revenues fix)m its im- 
portation aggregated in the last fiscal year over half a 
million of dollars. It is proposed under a ^ tariff bill 
for revenue only/ to throw away absolutely every cent 
of this large revenue by putting iron ore on the free 
list. That^ however, may be said to be a comparatively 
small matter in comparison with the effect that the pro- 
posed measure will have upon our home industry by 
the substitution for native of foreign ores, the product 
of cheap foreign labor. Our ore industry, from what- 
ever point viewed, is among the most important Ac- 
cording to the Census figures of 1890, the production of 
iron ore for the year ending December 31, 1889, was in 
excess of fourteen and a half million tons. Its value 
was more than thirty-three and a third millions of dol- 
lars. Twentyrsix States and two Territories, North, 
South, East and West, contributed to it. In the amount 
and value of production Michigan stands first, and 
whether Pennsylvania, a Middle State, or Alabama, a 
Southern State, stands second is a question of doubt 
The amount of capital invested is nearly a hundred and 
ten millions of dollars, and the number of men directly 
employed over thirty-eight thousand. The average 
annual earning capacity for each person so employed at 
current wages is $409.95. Of course in taking account 
of the value of this industry to American labor there 
must be added all the various labor processes, including 
the transportation, necessary to get the ore from the 



210 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

hills into the furnace stack. The theorist who talks 
about ^raw materials' never permits himself to realize 
that, as has been well said, * Nature rarely dispenses 
with transportation. She never separates, assorts, 
cleanses, and feeds into the hopper or the stack' The 
bill proposes to put into competition with American 
ores foreign ores, some of which are produced at a labor 
cost one-tenth and none of them at a labor cost greater 
than one-fourth of ours. It proposes to bring our labor- 
ers who get from $1.60 to $2 per day, and who work 
from fifty-five to sixty hours a week, into competition 
with laborers who work seventy-two hours a week and 
get thirty-six to sixty cents per day ; our miners who get 
from $2.25 to $2.75 per day into competition with those 
who get from sixty to seventy-two cents per day. It 
proposes to condemn to t^emporary idleness and ulti- 
mately to divert into new channels, after an immense 
loss, if not the whole at least a large part of an invested 
capital of over thirty-three and one-third millions of 
dollars ; to deprive our transportation lines of a lai^ 
proportion of their profits from the carriage of the ore 
product, and to leave undeveloped treasures hidden 
under the soil of twenty-six States and two Territories. 
Foreign ore will take the place of our domestic product 
to a great extent, and this will cripple if it does not 
entirely destroy our home industry. Ocean freights are 
so low as to afford no protection. Ore is frequently car- 
ried across the ocean as ballast, and when freight is paid 
at all it averages not to exceed five shillings per ton on 
iron ore from Bilboa and other points in Spain. Under 
these circumstances there is no question but that foreign 
ores will take the place of domestic in all furnaces along 



OF HENBY CLAT AND SINCE. 211 

and within easy reach of the coast^ and its low price be- 
caase of cheap labor cost will enable it to bear freight 
charges for long distances even into the interior. In the 
last analysis the placing of iron ore on the free list 
means either the abandonment of that industry with 
us, or the mining of ore to be sold in competition with 
the cheap labor of Cuba^ Africa, and Spain. 

'^Having sacrificed over half a million dollars per 
annum of revenue to the vagary of free trade, this 
tariff bill Vfor revenue only' proposes to affect another 
large source of revenue by the serious reduction of the 
duties on pig iron. That duty is now $6.72 per ton. 
The duty proposed is 22^ per cent, ad valorem, or 
about $1.60 to $1.90 per ton, a lower tariff than was 
ever before proposed on this article. That suggested 
by the Mills bill was $6.00 per ton; imder the 
tariff of 1846 the duty was thirty per cent, ad valorem. 
The revenue from pig iron during the last fiscal year 
amounted to over one-third of a million dollars. While 
decreased duties will add to importation, it is to be 
noticed that the difference between present and pro- 
posed duties is in the neighborhood of $5.00 per ton, 
and that a large loss of the product and a large loss 
of revenue are both inevitable. Pig iron, so far as both 
capital and labor are concerned, is one of our leading 
industries, and is followed in twenty-three States of the 
Union. In the year 1892 our product was 9,157,000 
tons, of a value of $131,161,089, and the prices at which 
it was sold to the consumer were the lowest that it ever 
commanded. The proposed duty will close all New 
England furnaces and all east of the Alleghanies, 
as well as those of the SoutL The market for South- 



81S THB TABIFF IN THE DATS 

em pig iron is necessarily found in the North, owing to 
the lack of demand at the place of production. The 
consequence is, that the competition of Southern pig 
iron, which of all pig irons is made at the cheapest cost 
in this country, fixes the prices in Northern markets. 
That price is controlled to a large extent by freight 
rates. Interior freight rates are very heavy as com- 
pared with ocean rates. In many cases pig iron comes 
from England and Belgium as ballast, subject to no 
freight charges at all. In other cases it bears a burden 
not to exceed five shillings per ton. At this figure 
it can be carried to the Athmtic and Gulf ports, and 
even to those of the Pacific. Assuming that our pig 
iron, made at the least cost, is made as cheaply as that 
made abroad, which is not true, it amounts to a 
demonstration that all of our blast furnaces, save those 
in the interior, must succumb to foreign competition. 
Even the latter, if able to exist at all, must do so with- 
out a margin of profit 

^'During the year ending June 30, 1893, there was 
imported into the United States 628,425,902 pounds of 
tin plate which paid a duty at the rate of 2.2 cents per 
pound, and thus produced a total revenue to the Gov- 
ernment of $13,825,369.84. It is clear that the present 
duty admirably serves the two-fold purpose of produc- 
ing revenue for the Government and of affording reason- 
able protection to an American industry. No sufficient 
reason has been advanced for the destruction of an in- 
dustry which in such a short period of time has gained 
80 firm a foothold, and which promises such a brilliant 
future. Side by side with the advance in the American 
tinning of sheets, the manufacture of black sheets to be 



OF HENBT CLAY AND BINGE. 213 

tinned lias progreseed. According to the most reliable 

evidence, the time is not far distant when, if proper 

protection be continued, all the black sheets necessary 

to make all the tin plate required in this country, 

and all the tin plates so required, will be made 

here. One of the provisions of the existing law 

is that the duty of 2.2 cents per pound on 

tin plates shall cease unless in some one of 

the six years next preceding June 80, 1897, 

the aggregate quantity of tin plate produced shall 

have equalled one-third of the amount of such plates 

imported and entered for consumption during any fiscal 

year after the passage of the existing law and prior to 

October 1, 1897. There can be no doubt that our cap 

italists have invested their money in the manufacture 

of tin plates upon the faith that this provision operated 

as a Governmental pledge that the tin plate duty 

under existing law should continue for a period of six 

years. Had the language of the act been embodied in 

an instrument to which individuals were parties of the 

first and second part, it could hardly successfully be 

contended that there was not a contract that this duty 

would continue for six years. Of course, no claim of 

legal contract can be made against the United States as 

sovereign, but at the same time it is difficult to resist 

the conclusion that in morals the contract exists, caUing 

for recognition on the part of Congress. Nothing 

seems more clear than that the proposed change of 

duty upon tin plates is against the interests of the 

Government as a revenue measure, that it threatens the 

destruction of one of our most prosperous and growing 

industries, narrows the sphere of labor, works no good 



%U THE TARIFF IN THE DATS 

to the consumer, and approaches dangerously near to 
bad faith upon the part of the Government 

^^The tari£E law of 1890 placed sugar, up to and in- 
cluding No. 16 Dutch Standard, on the free list, to take 
effect April 1, 1891. The duties which had been col- 
lected from the people on sugar prior to 1890 had 
amounted to the enormous sum of $1,460,412,227, these 
duties being levied on an article of prime necessity of 
which up to 1890, we had only been able to produce 
about one-tenth of the amount needed for our con- 
sumption. These duties were, therefore, levied under 
the theory of a tariff for revenue only. The Fifty-first 
Congress was a protective Congress, and, not believing 
in a tariff for revenue only, wisely repealed the old 
law, and for the first time in the history of the 
country sugar came free to the people. This has 
resulted in a direct saving to the American people 
of over $200,000,000, less $16,717,726 paid for bounty 
and $11,000,000 estimated to be due to the pro- 
ducers for this year, which would aggregate $27,- 
717,000, being a direct saving of over $1.25 per year 
for each person in the United States. In harmony 
with the doctrine of protection, the Fifty-first Con- 
gress deemed it their duty to give protection to the 
growers of cane, beet, and sorghum sugar by way of 
a bounty. In view of the fiact that we have a vast 
area of country, especially adapted to the growth of 
sugar, and believing that it was a sound policy to 
make the American people self-sustaining in an arti- 
cle the annual consumption of which was constantly in- 
creasing, and which requires an annual expenditure of 
about $115,000,000, nearly all of which is paid to 



OF HENEY CLAY AND SINCE. 215 

foreign labor. Congress wisely provided, in the opinion 
of the minority, that the grower of cane, beets, and sor- 
ghum sugar should be paid a small bounty, to run until 
1905, and to carry out the provisions of this law a con- 
tinuing appropriation was made to pay the bounty. 
The bill of the majority proposes to reduce the amount 
of bounty allowed by existing law, beginning July 1, 
1895, at the rate of one-eighth of a cent per pound per 
year, and that on July 1, 1902, said bounty shall 
* cease and determine.' The policy of paying bounties, 
directly or indirectly, for the purpose of encouraging 
certain industries, is as old as the Government itself, 
and has been recognized in the statutes of both State 
and Nation since 1789. This policy has been vali- 
dated by the highest courts of our country. 

^' The majority have made a general reduction on 
agricultural products ai^d have made use in many in- 
stances of the vicious ad valorem rate. This gives 
peculiar satisfaction to the Canadian farmers and Ber- 
muda members of Parliament, because it enables them 
to come into our markets on more than equal terms. A 
recent investigation develops the fact that our farms 
and farm labor cost one-third more than the correspond- 
ing farms and farm labor in Canada. So, lest the Cana- 
dian farmer should be outstripped in the race for our 
market, this bill fixes the duties on his farm products at 
a rate less than 20 per cent., and gives him an advantage 
of 13-^ per cent over our own citizens. In addition to 
this, with all kinds of manufactured lumber on the free 
list, it is no wonder that Canadian statesmen are boast- 
ing that they get more by this bill than they could 
hope to get by the most favorable reciprocity treaty, 



8ie THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

EDd this without the snrrender of a single advantage on 
their part The competition which necessarily exists 
between our millions of farmers will always regulate 
the price of farm products in this coimtry so that they 
will bring no more than a fair return. Why, then, open 
our markets to Canada and deprive our own citizens of 
them without forcing the Canadians to pay at least the 
difference in cost of production into the Treasury ? One 
of the proofs of unselfishness on the part of the Com- 
mittee is illustrated in a duty equal to seventy-one per 
cent on rice, a Southern product, as against an average 
of less than twenty per cent on the products of North- 
em farms. In exchange for this and for free wool the 
farmer's machinery and binding twine are put on the 
free list. Under the competition encouraged by protec- 
tion the farmer's machinery has been cheapened to a 
third of its former cost To give the Canadian manu- 
facturer an equal footing may possibly produce a slight 
reduction in the cost, but would only result in driving 
out the small manufacturers; the survivors would be 
compelled to form combines and trusts to continue in 
business. In binding twine the result would send the >^ 
business to Calcutta, Hong Kong and Dundee; the pro-"*^*^^ 
duct would be cheaper for a time^ but in the end the 
importer would get the profits and the farmer will have 
to pay the same, or more, after domestic competition 
is destroyed. Salt is a finished product Nearly the 
total cost of its production is human labor. In the 
Wyoming district, in New York, it furnishes employ- 
ment to five thousand people; in Syracuse and in 
Michigan to many more. The freight on salt from 
Liverpool to New York for two years past has ranged 



OF HENRY GLAT AND BINGE. 217 

between tbirty-fiix <^ent8 and one dollar per long ton, the 
averafi^e not being more than 60 cents. From the Wyo- 
ming district the rate is $2.24 per long ton to New 
York. Under the present duty of eight cents per 
hundred pounds the importation in 1898 was 140,000 
tons and paid a revenue of $801,972.60. To get this 
trade the English merchant made a discount on salt for 
America nearly equal to one-half the duty. He sells for 
shipment here at a less price than to any English 
province. Salt is produced in such quantities and in 
such universal competition here that the cost to the 
consumer has declined at the factory from $4 per bar- 
rel to 40 cents for the same article. To find a market 
here the English producer and the English ocean carrier 
must and do pay the entire tariff. Free salt means the 
surrender to England of our Eastern markets, to Canada 
of our Northern trade. With free salt the Liverpool 
merchant will supply the retail merchant at a price just 
below the cost to the Wyoming manufacturer. The 
consumer will doubtless pay about the same as now^ and 
the difference between the cost abroad and the cost here 
will be divided between the foreign producer, the ocean 
carrier, the single distributing agent in New York (who 
now gets a profit on every pound of salt shipped from 
Liverpool to the United States or Canada) and the 
American retailer, while the Government loses the 
revenue. The American workman must seek some other 
employment or accept a large reduction in his wages. 
There is no excuse for putting this finished product on 
the free list. It is unjust to the American workman, 
the consumer, and the Government." 

^The wool schedule as proposed in the Committee's 



918 THE TASIFF IN THE DATS 

bill is in some respects most reprehensible. It proposes 
to destroy at a blow the great industry of wool-growing, 
which now ranks as seventh in the value of its products 
among the several branches of American agriculture, 
and which has heretofore been recognized as an agri- 
cultural product deserving and requiring protection, 
under every Administration and by eveiy tariff act since 
that of May 22, 1824. Nothing short of the total 
destruction of this important industry can be counted 
upon, as the consequence of placing both wool and 
mutton on the free list 

^^The bill deals with the wool manufacture in terms 
scarcely less radical than those accorded the wool- 
growing industry, upon which it so laigely dependa 
It proposes to revolutionize the manu&cture of woolen 
goods by transferring it from the basis of dutiable 
materials to free wool, a change more radical than any 
textile industry in any country was ever forced to make, 
without the most careful provision for a safe and gradual 
readjustment. Ignoring this feature of the situation, 
the majority would compel our wool manufacturers to 
make this leap in the dark, divested of the safeguard of 
specific duties and subjected to lower ad valorems than 
will o&et the difference in cost of production. We 
have secured in the United States a magnificent wool 
manufacturing industry, in which over $800,000,000 are 
invested, making every variety of woolen goods and 
employing more than a quarter of a million operatives. 
This industry the majority offers up as a sacrifice on the 
altar of tariff reform. 

"Contemplated legislation, which imperils over $800,* 
000,000 of capital invested in a particular industry, and 



OF HENEY CLAY AND 8INCK 219 

involves the fortunes or the occupations of hundreds of 
thousands of its citizens, demands special provisions to 
render such a transition as safe, gradual, and easy as 
possible. This bill proposes to compel our wool manu- 
facturers to accomplish the transformation in one month 
— ^that being the brief interval allowed — after wool 
becomes free, before the duties compensatory for the 
wool duties are removed from woolen goods. These 
manufacturers are expected to accomplish in one month 
what their foreign competitors have been generations in 
learning. Many of our best manufacturers will not 
attempt the feat thus forced upon them. Realizing the 
animus that underlies such legislation, so suggestive of 
the Middle Ages, they will close their mills, pocket their 
losses, and retire. They may truly say that the property 
they invested, which gave employment to thousands 
of our people at generous wages, which built up 
prosperous towns on every water power in the Eastern 
and Middle States, which added to the Nation's 
wealth by increasing the earning and the consuming 
capacity of its people, has been wantonly confiscated by 
act of the Fifty-third Congress. The terms of the bill 
are equivalent to an edict from the committee command- 
ing every woolen manufacturer to shut down and keep 
shut down until the bill becomes a law, and turning 
thousands of operatives into the street The bill has 
been carefully devised, apparently, for the purpose of 
crippling the domestic manufacturer in advance of a 
new tariff so that he will be left bruised and broken 
when the time arrives for him to begin competition for 
this market under duties from sixty to seventy-five per 
cent* less than at present. The punishment meted out 



220 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

to our woolen nmnufacturers for daring to invest their 
capital in this useful and important industiy is severe 
and condign. In order that there shall be no mistake 
about the purpose to destroy the industry, the majority 
further provides that the punishment shall be extended 
over the next five years, during which the meagre pro- 
tection allowed them is to further melt away at the rate 
of one per cent a year. No such provision is found in 
any other schedule ; no other class of duties has been 
reduced so sharply as these ; no other industry subjected 
to a complete reversal of economic conditions. The pur- 
pose of the framers of this schedule is a purpose to 
destroy. 

^ One of the most amazing propositions of the bill is 
that bituminous coal shall be put upon the free list, and 
the million of dollars per annum that we receive from 
its importation by way of revenue absolutely thrown 
away. Goal has little value save as it gets it from labor. 
It is worth almost nothing in the hill ; would be worth 
absolutely nothing were it not for the prospect of being 
mined. It is not a raw material, for it is not worked 
into any further shape, but is consumed and done for at 
once. Call it raw material in the hill, if you please ; it 
then cuts no figure in a tariff bill. Except for a short 
period, it has always borne a duty. Under the revenue 
tariff of 1846 it bore a duty of thirty per cent, ad 
valorem. No change has been made in the duty on it 
since 1872. The Mills bill provided the same rate as 
the present law — seventy-five cents per ton. Now it is 
proposed to make it free. It is difficult to imagine why. 
It is the most universally prevalent of all the subjects of 
American industry. There are few States or Territories 



OF HENRY CLAT AND SINCE. 221 

that an inference with it will not affect. It appears that 
on every side peculiar facilities are afforded to foreigners 
to seize our coal trade if the duty on coal he stricken 
down. And this simply hy reason of the difference he- 
tween foreign wage rates and our own. The difference 
in cost to the consumer from the removal of the duty 
would he slight in the first instance ; the loss to Ameri- 
can lahor and American capital would he incalculahle, 
and the loss to the whole people in the last analysis he- 
yond measure. To put coal on the free list is without 
reason and against reason, and finds no semhlance of 
defence save in the unjustifiahle desire to exploit a 
theory at the expense of the American people.^' 

It will be observed that the hill as originally in- 
troduced provided for free raw sugar, free wool, free 
coal, free lumber and free iron ore, and reduced the 
duties very materially on a great many articles. Its 
discussion was begun in Committee of the Whole, 
on January 15, 1894, and on January 24th, a 
measure providing an income tax was presented to 
the House, and this, with certain internal revenue 
features, were incorporated in the pending bill hy a vote 
of 182 to 48. The bill was passed by the House on 
February 1st, yeas 204, nays 140, not voting eight, four 
Democrats and four Republicans. Of those voting in 
the affirmative all were Democrats, but ten Populists; 
of those in the negative all were Republicans, hut four- 
teen Democrats. The members from New England cast 
six votes for the bill and nineteen against it ; those from 
the Middle States, yeas, 32, nays 34; from the Western 
and Northwestern States, yeas 68, nays 59 ; from the 
Southern and Southwestern, yeas 92, nays 8 ; and from 
the Pacific States, yeas 6, nays 10. 



222 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

The bill as amended was reported from the Com- 
mittee on Finance on March 20th, and occupied the 
attention of the Senate almost constantly until its final 
adjournment on August l7th. A multitude of amend- 
ments — some 634 in all — ^were proposed by the Com- 
mittee and ultimately adopted by the Senate, the chief 
of which were the duties on sugar, coal and iron ore, 
and the substitution of specific for ad valorem duties, so 
completely changing the character of the measure as to 
render it practically a new bill. 

The sugar schedule was the most important revenue 
feature of the measure. It carried with it the abroga- 
tion of the reciprocity treaties of the Harrison adminis- 
tration, and the abolition of the sugar bounty of the 
tarijff act of 1890, but the treaty with Hawaii was \e& 
in full force. Next to it the income tax provoked the 
greatest opposition ; Senator HiU of New York did all 
in his power to stril^e this provision from the bill, but 
his motion to that ejffect, on June 28th, failed by a vote 
of 24 to 40. An amendment offered by Senator Man- 
derson, of Nebraska, on July 2nd, continuing the sugar 
bounty in force was defeated by a vote of 88 to 37, and 
an amendment by Senator Peffer, of Kansas, making 
sugar free was also lost — ^yeas 83, nays 39. Both pro- 
positions were in the main supported by the Republicans 
and opposed by the Democrats. The amended bill, or 
substitute was passed by the Senate, on July 3rd, yeas^ 
89, all Democrats, but two Populists ; nays 84, all Re- 
publicans except three, one Democrat and two Populists. 

A conference with the House on its amendments was 
asked by the Senate, and Messrs. Voorhees, Harris^Vest, 
Jones^ of Arkansas, Sherman, Allison and Aldrich were 



OF HENIIT CULT AND SINCE. 823 

luimed as its conferees. The House, on July 7th, per- 
emptorily refused to accept the Senate amendments, by 
a unanimous vote, and appointed as its conferees, Messrs. 
Wilson, of West Virginia, McMillin, Turner, of Georgia, 
Montgomery, Beed, Burrows and Payne. A long and 
bitter contest was expected, and to add to the perplex- 
ities of the situation, Mr. Wilson, Chairman of the Ways 
and Means Committee, in a speech to the House, on 
July 7th, gave to Congress and the country the follow- 
ing personal letter from President Cleveland, strongly 
opposing the passage of the Senate bill : 

^ The certainty that a conference will be ordered be- 
tween the two houses of Congress for the purpose** of 
adjusting differences on the subject of tariff legislation,'^ 
said Mr. Cleveland, ^^ makes it also certain that you will 
be again called on to do hard service in the cause of 
tariff reform* My public life has been so closely related 
to the subject, I have so longed for its accomplishment, 
and I have so often promised its realization to my 
fellow-countrymen as a result of their trust and con- 
fidence in the Democratic party, that I hope no excuse 
is necessary for my earnest appeal to you that in this crisis 
you strenuously insist upon party honesty and good 
faith and a steady adherence to Democratic principles. 
I believe these are absolutely necessary conditions to 
the continuation of Democratic existence. I can not rid 
myself of the feeling that this conference will present 
the best, if not the only hope of true Democracy. In- 
dications point to its action as the reliance of those who 
desire the genuine fruition of Democratic effort, the 
fulfillment of Democratic pledges, and the redemption 
of Democratic promises to the people. To reconcile 



284 THE TARIFF IK THE DAYS 

differences in the details comprised within the fixed and 
well-defined lines of principle will not be the sole task 
of the conference ; but, as it seems to me, its members 
will also have in charge the question whether Democratic 
principles themselves are to be saved or abandoned. 
There is no excuse for mistaking or misapprehending 
the feeling and temper of the rank and file of the De- 
mocracy. They are downcast under the assertion that 
their {Mtrty fails in ability to manage the Government, 
and they are apprehensive that efforts to bring about 
tariff reform may fail ; but they are much more down- 
cast and apprehensive in their fear that Democratic 
principles may be surrendered. In these circumstances 
they can not do otherwise than to look with confidence 
to you and those who with you have patriotically and 
sincerely championed the cause of tariff reform within 
Democratic lines and guided by Democratic principles. 
This confidence is vastly augmented by the action under 
your leadership of the House of Representatives upon 
the bill now pending. Every true Democrat and every 
sincere tariff reformer knows that this bill in its present 
form, and as it will be submitted to the conference, falls 
far short of the consummation for which we have long 
labored ; for which we have suffered defeat without dis- 
couragement; which in its anticipation gave us a rally- 
ing cry in our day of triumph ; and which, in its promise 
of accomplishment, is so interwoven with Democratic 
pledges and Democratic success, that our abandonment 
of the cause, or the principles upon which it rests, means 
party perfidy and party dishonor. One topic vdll be 
submitted to the conference which embodies Democratic 
principles so directly that it can not be compromised. 



OF HENIIT CLAT AND SINCE. 225 

^We have in our platform in every way possible de- 
clared in favor of the free importation of raw materials. 
We have again and again promised that this should be 
accorded to our people and our manufacturers as soon 
as the Democratic party was invested with the power to 
determine the tariff policy of the country. The party 
now has that power. We are as certain to-day as we 
have ever been of the great benefit that would accrue 
to the country from the inauguration of this policy, and 
nothing has occurred to release ns from our obligations 
to secure this advantage to our people. It must be ad- 
mitted that no tariff measure can accord with Demo- 
cratic principles and promises, or bear a genuine Demo- 
cratic badge, that does not provide for free raw materials. 
In these circumstances it may well excite our wonder 
that Democrats are willing to depart from this, the most 
Democratic of all tariff principles, and that the incon- 
aistent absurdity of such a proposed departure should 
be emphasized by the suggestion that the wool of the 
farmer be put on the free list, and the protection of tariff 
taxation be placed around the iron ore and coal of cor- 
porations and capitalists. How can we face the people 
after indulging in such outrageous discriminations and 
violations of principle? It is quite apparent that this 
question of free raw materials does not admit of adjust- 
ment on any middle ground, since their subjection to 
any rate of tariff taxation, great or small, is alike viola- 
tive of Democratic principle and Democratic good faith. 
I hope you will not consider it intrusive if I say some- 
thing in relation to another subject which can hardly 
ful to be troublesome to the conference. I refer to the 
adjustment of tariff taxation on sugar. Under our party 



326 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

platfonn and in accordance with our declared pariy 
purposes sugar is a Intimate and logical article of rev- 
enue taxation. Unfortunately, however, incidents have 
accompanied certain stages of the legislation which will 
be submitted to the conference that have aroused in 
connection with this subject a natural Democratic ani- 
mosity to the methods and manipulations of trusts and 
combinations. I confess to sharing in this feeling ; and 
yet it seems to me we ought, if possible, to sufficiently 
free ourselves from prejudice to enable us coolly to 
weigh the considerations which, in formulating tariff 
legislation, ought to guide our treatment of sugar as a 
taxable article. While no tenderness should be enter- 
tained for trusts, and while I am decidedly opposed to 
granting them, under the guise of tariff taxation, any^ 
opportunity to further their peculiar methods, I surest 
that we ought not to be driven away from the Demo- 
cratic principle and policy which lead to the taxation of 
sugar by the fear, quite likely exaggerated, that in car- 
rying out this principle and policy we may indirectly 
and inordinately encourage a combination of sugar- 
refining interests. I know that in present conditions 
this is a delicate subject, and I appreciate the depth and 
strength of the feeling which its treatment has aroused. 
I do not believe that we should do evil that good may 
come, but it seems to me that we should not forget that 
our aim is the completion of a tariff bill, and that in 
taxing sugar for proper purposes and within reasona- 
ble bounds, whatever else may be said of our action, 
we are in no danger of running counter to Democratic 
principla With all there is at stake there must be in 
the treatment of this article some ground upon which 



OF HENBY CLAT AND SINGE. 227 

\re are willing to stand, where toleration and conciliai- 
tion may be allowed to solve the problem without 
demanding the entire surrender of fixed and conscien- 
tious convictiona I ought not to prolong this letter. 
If what I have written is unwelcome, I beg you to 
believe in my good intentions. In the conclusions of 
the conference touching the numerous items which will 
be considered, the people are not afraid that their 
interests will be neglected. They know that the 
general result, so far as these are concerned, will be to 
place home necessaries and comforts easier within their 
reach, and to insure better and surer compensation to 
those who toil. We all know that a tariff covering all 
the varied interests and conditions of a country as vast 
as ours must of necessity be largely the result of 
honorable adjustment and compromise. I expect very 
few of us can sav, when our measure is perfected, that 
all the features are entirely as we would prefer. You 
know how much I deprecated the incorporation in the 
proposed bill of the income tax feature. In matters of 
this kind, however, which do not violate a fixed and 
recognized Democratic doctrine, we are willing to defer 
to the judgment of a majority of our Democratic 
brethren. I think there is a general agreement that 
this is party duty. This is more palpably apparent 
when we realize that the business of our country 
timidly stands and watches for the result of our efforts 
to perfect tariff legislation, that a quick and cei*tain re- 
turn of prosperity waits upon a wise adjustment, ^^nd 
that a confiding people still trust in our hands their 
prosperity and well-being. The Democracy of the land 
plead most earnestly for the speedy completion of the 



828 THE TARIFF IN THE DAYS 

tariff legislation which their representatives have under- 
taken, but they demand not less earnestly that no 
stress of necessity shall tempt those they trust to the 
abandonment of Democratic principles.'^ 

Astonishing and unprecedented in the annals of legis- 
lation though it may have seemed to many of its hear- 
ersy the President's letter was nevertheless received 
with great applause by the Democrats of the House, 
and with cheers and laughter by the Republicans, and 
such may be said generally of its reception by the two 
parties throughout the country* It served, however, to 
intensify the feeling in the Senate against the original 
House bill, and every effort in that body to recede from 
its amendments proved unavailing. Caucuses were held 
by the Democratic members of the two houses on Au- 
gust 7th and 18th, at the first of which no definite 
action was taken, but at the latter it was agreed by a 
vote of 180 to 21 to concur in the Senate amendments 
without change or exception, thus passing the Senate 
tariff bill, and then to pass for the Senate's considera- 
tion four separate bills placing sugar, coal, iron, and 
barbed wire on the free list These were derisively 
styled by the press as ^^ poj^un bills,'' and their pas- 
sage was never expected, even by their authors. 
Still the programme was faithfully followed. The 
House agreed to recede from its disagreement to 
the Senate amendments, on August 18th, by a vote 
of 182 to 106. Seven Populists united with the ma- 
jority party in the affirmative, and twelve Demo- 
crats voted with the Republicans in the n^^tive. 
The four separate bills providing for free coal, 
free iron ore, free barbed wire fencing, and free 



OF HENRY CLAY AND SINCE. ,229 

sugar, were then introduced by Mr. Wilson in the 
order named, and all passed by the House, that for free 
sugar practically without opposition, and the others by 
the requisite vote. In the Senate all were referred to 
the Committee on Finance on August 17th, by a test 
vote of 82 to 17, eleven Democrats and three Populists 
voting with the Republicans for such referenca Dur- 
ing the debate on this motion a letter was read from 
the Secretary of the Treasury stating that if sugar was 
placed on the free list the expenditures for the next 
fiscal year would exceed the revenues by $27,478,058, 
and if all four bills were passed the deficiency would be 
$29,478,058. We shall see that although none of them 
were enacted the deficit was nevertheless still greater 
than here estimated. 

As was naturally to be expected under circumstances 
so extraordinary, President Cleveland did not sign the 
Senate substitute for the so-caUed Wilson bilL He did 
not, as might be supposed, veto the bill outright, but 
p^mitted it to become a law by lapse of tim^ on Au- 
gust 27th, the day before Congress adjourned, content- 
ing himself with the following explanation of his 
course, in a letter from the Executive Mansion, of that 
date, to Representative Catchings^ of Mississippi : 

^ Since the conversation I had with you and Mr. 
Glai^ of Alabama, a few days ago, in regard to my ac- 
tion upon the tariff bill now before me, I have given the 
subject further and more serious consideration. The 
result is, I am more settled than ever in the determina- 
tion to allow the bill to become a law without my 
signature. When the formulation of legislation which 
it was hoped would embody Democratic ideas of tariff 



230 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

reform was lately entered upon by Congress, nothing 
was f aither fix>m my anticipation than a result which I 
could not promptly and enthusiastically endorse. It is 
therefore with a feeling of the utmost disappointment 
that I submit to a denial of this privilege. I do not 
claim to be better than the masses of my party, nor do I 
wish to avoid any responsibility which, on account of 
the passage of this law, I ought to bear as a member of 
the Democratic organization. Neither will I permit my- 
self to be separated from my party to such an extent as 
might be implied by a veto of the tariff l^islation, 
which, though disappointing, is still chargeable to 
Democratic efforts. But there are provisions in the bill 
which are not in line with honest tariff reform, and it 
contains inconsistencies and crudities which ought not 
to appear in tariff laws or laws of any kind. Besides, 
there were, as you and I well know, incidents accom- 
panying the passage of the bill through Congress which 
made every sincere tariff reformer unhappy while in- 
fluences surrounded it in its later stages, and interfered 
with its final construction, which ought not to be recog- 
nized or tolerated in Democratic tariff reform. And yet, 
notwithstanding all its vicissitudes and all the bad treat- 
ment it received at the hands of pretended friends, it 
presents a vast improvement to existing conditions. It 
will certainly lighten many tariff burdens that now rest 
heavily upon the people. It is not only a barrier against 
the return of mad protection, but it furnishes a vantage 
ground from which must be waged further aggressive 
operations against protected monopolies and govern- 
mental favoritism. I take my place with the rank and 
file of the Democratic party who believe in tariff reform 



OF HENKY CLAY AND SINCE. 831 

and who know what it is^ who refuse to accept the re- 
sult embodied in this bill as the close of the war, who 
are not blinded to the fact that the livery of Democratic 
reform has been stolen and worn in the service of Re* 
publican protection, and who have marked the places 
where the deadly blight of treason has blasted the 
counsels of the brave in their hour of might. The 
trusts and combinations, the commimism of pel^ whose 
machinations have prevented us from reaching the suc- 
cess we deserved, should not be forgotten nor forgiven.- 
We shall recover from our astonishment at their ex- 
hibition of power, and if then the question is forced 
upon us whether they shall submit to the free legisla- 
tive will of the peoples' representatives, or shall dic- 
tate the laws which the people must obey, we wiU 
accept and settle that issue as one involving the in- 
tegrity and safety of American institutions. 

The millions of our countrymen who have 
fought bravely and well for tariff reform should be 
exhorted to continue the struggle, boldly challenging 
to open warfare and constantly guarding against 
treachery and half-heartedness in their camp. Tariff 
reform will not be settled until it is honestly and fairly 
settled in the interests and to the benefit of a patient 
and long-suffering people.'^ 

But the people were no longer to be deceived; their 
patience was in truth exhausted with pleas for a ^^ re- 
form" that brought only distress to the business 
interests of the country, that deranged our finances, and 
instead of abimdant revenue, brought nothing but 
deficiencies to the Oovemment. The result of the 
November elections proved this conclusively, for never 



232 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

in the history of the United States^ in any Con- 
gressional election, was the party and doctrine of pro- 
tection BO overwhelmingly endorsed. The Democratic 
majority of ninety-fonr in the House of Bepresentatives 
in the Fifty-third Congress was changed to a Be- 
publican majority of one hundred and forty in the 
Fifty-fourth Congresa Not only was the victory 
sweeping and decisive in the North, or in States 
usually BepublicaUy but for the first time in many 
years, more Bepublicans were elected i&om the South 
than Democratic members were returned from the 
North, including even the strongholds of that party in 
the great cities. The Senate, too, was partly recovered, 
the Republican membership having been increased by 
gains in legislative elections from thirty-six to forty- 
three in a total of eighty-eight. The Republican major- 
ities were everywhere phenomenal, and nowhere larger 
than in the great States of New York, IHinois and 
Indiana, which in 1892 had given their electoral votes 
for the Democratic ticket 

The income tax feature of the new law was at once 
attacked by eminent lawyers on the ground of un- 
constitutionality* It provided that ^Hhere shall be 
assessed, levied, collected, and paid annually upon the 
gains, profits and incomes received in the preceding 
calendar year by every citizen of the United States, 
whether residing at home or abroad, and every person 
residing therein, whether said gains, profits or income 
be derived from any kind of property, rente, interest, 
dividends, or salaries, or from any profession, trade, em- 
ployment or vocation carried on in the United States or 
elsewhere, or from any source whatever, a tax of two 



OF HEKBT CLAT AND SINGE. 283 

per cent on the amount so derived, over and above 
$4,000, and a like tax shall be levied, collected and 
paid annually upon the gains, profits, and increase from 
all property owned, and of every business, trade or 
profession carried on in the United States by persons 
residing without the United States." It was to go 
into effect on January 1, 1895, and to continue in force 
until January 1, 1900. On February 18, 1895, Con- 
gress extended the time of making the returns, in that 
year only^ until April 15th, and fixed certain new 
exemptions or deductions in computing incomes. But on 
March ISih, a suit was begun in the United States 
Supreme Court to test the constitutionality of the 
income tax, and arguments for and against it were 
made by Messrs. George F. Edmunds, Joseph H. 
Choate, James C. Carter, and Attorney Greneral Olney. 
On April 7th the Court handed down its decision, 
unanimously concurring that direct taxes ought not to 
be levied by the General Gt>vemment except under the 
pressure of extraordinary exigency; that such had 
always been the practice down to August 15, 1894 ; 
that so much of the new act as attempted to impose a 
tax upon the rent or income of real estate without 
apportionment was invalid ; that the tax Upon the in- 
come derived from municipal bonds was invalid — and 
that upon other questions raised by counsel the Court 
was equally divided, and therefore expressed no opinion. 
On the question of taxing rents the Court was said to 
stand : Affirming the law. Justices Harlan and White ; 
opposed. Chief Justice Fuller, and Justices Brewer, 
Brown, Field, Gray, and Shiras. On the general ques- 
tion of its constitutionality, the Court divided equally : 



23i THE TARIFF IN THE DAYS 

For the law, Justices Brewer, Brown, Harlan and 
White; against it, Chief Jostice Fuller and Justices 
Field, Gray and Shiias. Justice Jackson was sick and 
did not hear the case. Mr. W. D. Guthrie, one of those 
actively engaged in the case, was impressed with the 
idea that upon a further hearing the Court would 
declare the whole law invalid, and an application for a 
rehearing was accordingly made and granted, the Court 
convening for such purpose on May Tth. Arguments 
were made against the law by Messrs. Choate and 
Guthrie and for it by Attorney General Olney, and the 
Assistant Attorney General, Mr. Whitney, and on May 
27th the Court handed down its decision declaring 
every provision contained in sections 27 to 37 of 
the Wilson act to be unconstitutional, null and void. 
The vote of the Court was as follows: Against 
the law, Chief Justice Fuller (Dem.), Justices 
Field (Dem.), Gray (Rep.), Brewer (Rep.), and 
Shiras (Rep.); sustaining the law. Justices Har- 
lan (Rep.), Brown (Rep.), Jackson (Dem.), and 
White (Dem.). In concluding his opinion Judge Harlan 
asked this pertinent question: ^^The judgment just 
rendered defeats the purpose of Congress by taking out 
of the revenue not less than $30,000,000, and possibly 
$50,000,000, expected to be raised of incomes. We 
know from the official journals of both houses of Con- 
gress that taxation would not have been reduced to the 
extent it was by the Wilson act but for the belief that 
if the country had the benefit of revenue derived from a 
tax on incomes it could be safely done. We know from 
official sources that each house of Congress distinctly 
refused to strike out the provisions imposing a tax on 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINGE. 235 

incomes. * * * * If, therefore, all the income-tax 
sections of the Wilson act must fall hecause some of 
them are invalid, does not the judgment this day 
rendered famish ground for the contention that the 
entire act falls when the Court strikes from it all of the 
income-tax provisions, without which the act would 
never have been passed ? " 

Another point of great contention may be mentioned 
in this connection. The tariff act of 1890 provided for 
an annual appropriation by Congress for the amount of 
the bounty guaranteed the domestic producers of sugar, 
and the sum estimated as necessary for this purpose by 
the Secretary of the Treasury for 1895 was $11,000,000. 
This sum had been honorably earned by the sugar- 
producers of the country and its payment was naturally 
expected. On September 6, 1895, however, Hon. 
Robert B. Bowler, of Ohio, Comptroller of the Treasury, 
rendered a decision on the constitutionality of the sugar 
bounty appropriated in the Sundry Civil Bill by the 
Fifty-third Congress (Democratic in both branches), the 
case being that of the Oxnard Beet Sugar Company, of 
Nebraska, for $11,782.50. Until this hour it had not 
been generally supposed that the Comptroller had any 
jurisdiction by which he could pass upon the right of 
payment, but Mr. Bowler asserted his jurisdiction and 
right to refuse payment of these bounties on the 
ground of the unconstitutionality of the appropriation 
— ^although made in obedience to existing law. He 
quoted the decision of the Court of Appeals of the 
District of Columbia, in a suit brought for a mandamus 
to compel the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Com- 
missioner of Internal Revenue to pay the sugar bounty 



836 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

provided in the act of 1890, and held that the Court 
havli^ decided all such bounties to be unconstitutional, 
its decision was one of which he was bound to take 
cognizance. He therefore ordered the papers to be 
returned to the Auditor for transmission to the C!ourt 
of Claims, ^4n order that there may be furnished a 
precedent for the future action of the Executive Depart- 
ment in the adjustment of the class of cases involved in 
these sugar bounties." 

The tariff received but little attention at the third 
session of the Fifty-third Congress, which b^an Decem- 
ber 8, 1894, and ended by the constitutional limitation, 
March S, 1895. President Cleveland discussed some of 
its features in his annual message, but his recommendar 
tions were not adopted, nor was any determined effort 
made to amend the act of the preceding August in any 
essential particular. He said : 

*^ The German Government has protested against that 
provision of the customs tariff act which imposes a dis* 
criminating duty of one-tenth of one cent a pound on 
sugars coming from countries paying an export bounty 
thereon, claiming that the exaction of such a duty is in 
contravention of Articles V and IX of the treaty of 
1828 with Prussia. In the interest of the commerce of 
both countries, and to avoid even the accusation of 
treaty violation, I recommend the repeal of so much of 
the statute as imposes that duty, and I invite attention 
to the accompanying report of the Secretary of State 
containing a discussion of the questions raised by the 
Geiman protests. .... The Secretary of the Treas 
ury reports that the receipts of the Government from 
all sources of revenue during the fiscal year ending 



OP HENRY CLAY AND SINCE, 337 

June 80, 1894, amounted to $382,802,498.39, and its 
expenditures to $442,605,758.87, leaving a deficit of 
$69,808,260.58. There was a decrease of $15,952,- 
674.66 in the ordinary expenses of the Government as 
compared with the fiscal year 1898. There was col- 
lected from customs $1^1,818,580.62, and from internal 
revenue $147,168,449.70. The balance of the income 
for the year, amounting to $98,815,517.97, was derived 
from sales of lands and other sources. The value of 
our total dutiable imports amounted to $275,199,086, 
being $146,657,625 less than during the preceding year; 
and the importations free of duty amounted to $879,- 
795,586, being $64,748,675 less than during the pre- 
ceding year. The receipts from customs were $78,586,- 
486.11 less» and from internal revenue $18,886,589.97 
less, than in 1898. The total tax collected from dis- 
tilled spirits was $85,259,250.25; on manufactured 
tobacco, $28,617,898.62; and on fermented liquors, 
$81,414,788.04. Our exports of merchandise, domestic 
and foreign, amounted during the year to $892,140,572, 
being an increase over the preceding year of $44,495,- 

878 The tariff act passed at the last session 

of the Congress needs important amendments if it is to 
be executed effectively and with certainty. In addition 
to such necessary amendments as will not change rates 
of duty, I am still very decidedly in favor of putting 
coal and iron upon the free list. So far as the sugar 
schedule is concerned, I would be glad, under existing 
aggravations, to see every particle of differential duty 
in favor of refined sugar stricken out of our tariff laws. 
K with all the favor now accorded the sugar-refining 
interest in our tariff laws it still languishes to the ex- 



238 THE TABIFF IK THE DAYS 

tent of closed refiDeries and thousands of discharged 
workmen, it would seem to present a hopeless case for 
reasonable legislative aid. Whatever else is done or 
omitted, I earnestly repeat here the recommendation I 
have made in another portion of this communication, 
that the additional duty of one-tenth of a cent per 
pound laid upon sugar imported from foreign countries 
paying a bounty on its export be abrogated. It seems 
to me that exceedingly important considerations point 
to the propriety of this amendment With the advent 
of a new tariff policy not only calculated to 
relieve the consumers of our land in the cost of 
their daily life, but to invite a better de- 
velopment of American thrift and create for 
us closer and more profitable commercial relations with 
the rest of the world, it follows as a logical and im« 
perative necessity that we should at once remove the 
chie^ if not the only, obstacle which has so long pre- 
vented our participation in the foreign carrying trade 
of the sea. A tariff built upon the theory that it is 
well to check imports and that a home market should 
bound the industry and effort of American producers 
was fitly supplemented by a refusal to allow American 
registry to vessels built abroad though owned and navi- 
gated by our people, thus exhibiting a willingness to 
abandon all contest for the advantages of American 
transoceanic carriage. Our new tariff policy, built 
upon the theory that it is well to encourage such im- 
portations as our people need, and that our products 
and manufactures should find markets in every part of 
the habitable globe, is consistently supplemented by 
the greatest possible liberty to our citizens in the 



OF HENEY CLAY AND SINCE. 239 

ownership and navigation of ships in which our prod- 
ucts and manufactures may be transported. The 
millions now paid to foreigners for carrying American 
passengers and products across the sea should be turned 
into American hands. Ship-building, which has been 
protected to strangulation, should be revived by the 
prospect of pi-ofitable employment for ships when built, 
and the American sailor should be resurrected and again 
take his place — a sturdy and industrious citizen in time 
of peace and a patriotic and safe defender of American 
interests in the day of conflict. The ancient provision 
of our law denying American registry to ships built 
abroad and owned by Americans appears in the light of 
present conditions not only to be a failure for good at 
every point, but to be nearer a relic of barbarism than 
anything that exists under the permission of a statute 
of the United States. I earnestly recommend its 
prompt repeal." 



CHAPTER V. 

To provide for the steadily increasing deficiency in 
the Treasury occasioned by a change in our tariff laws, 
the Administration had resorted to the policy of issuing 
bonds, an expedient that should have been adopted 
only after all reasonable efforts to secure an adequate 
revenue to meet the needs of the Government had been 
fully exhausted. This, however, was not the reason 
given for their issue by the Secretary and the President 
The excuse offered was that it was necessary to issue 
the bonds in order to maintain the gold reserve of 
$100,000,000 in the Treasury for the redemption of 
greenbacks. Such a necessity had not before arisen 
since the resumption of specie payments, and for the 
first time the gold reserve of $100,000,000 was en- 



OP HENEY CLAY AND SINCE. 341 

croached upoD. Under the demands imposed upon it 
by its tariff reform policy, however, the Administration 
felt constrained to apply it to meet the daily necessities 
of the Oovemment,and even this did not suffice to meet 
the demands for the gold which was being so largely 
used in the payment of the trade balances against us. 
In January, 1894, $50,000,000 in bonds were issued, 
and a second issue of $50,000,000 was again deemed 
necessary on November 26, 1894. The sum of $116,- 
000,000 was realized by the sale of these bonds, yet the 
gold reserve in the Treasury was steadily depleted until 
it had fallen to $58,468,178. On that day, November 
36th, the President sent a special message to Congress 
and urged the issue of bonds, payable in gold, instead 
of in coin, as had heretofore been the practice, to re- 
plenish the gold reserve and redeem the l^al-tender 
notes of the Government. The amount of such notes 
was stated by him to be about $500,000,000. ''More 
than $172,000,000," said he, ''have been drawn out of 
the Treasury during the year for the purpose of ship- 
ment abroad or hoarding at home. While nearly $108,- 
000,000 was drawn out during the first ten months of 
the year a sum aggregating more than two thirds of 
that amount, being about $69,000,000, was drawn out 
during the following two months, thus indicating a 
marked acceleration of the depleting process with the 
lapse of time.'' In other words, while about $20,600,000 
had been drawn out before the passage of the new tariff 
law, about $151,400,000 "of the depleting process " had 
followed its enactment. Still the President saw no 
relief in the adoption of a policy that would at once 
both provide abundant revenue and protect our home 



942 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

industries, by adjusting the tariff on protective lines. 
" It will hardly do," he observed, ^*to say that a simple 
increase of revenue will cure our troubles. The appre- 
hension now existing and constantly increasing as to 
our financial ability does not rest upon a calculation of 
our revenue. The time has passed when the eyes of in- 
vestors abroad and our people at home were fixed upon 
the revenues of the Government Changed conditions 
have attracted attention to the gold of the Government. 
There need be no fear that we can not pay our current 
expenses with such money as we have. There is now 
in the Treasury a comfortable surplus of more than 
$68,000,000, but it is not in gold, and therefore does not 
meet our difficulty.^ 

The ^ changed conditions ^ had indeed ^ accelerated ^ 
the process of ^ investors abroad ^ getting possession of 
the gold of our people. But it is not hard to see 
why, under the protective policy, when we were 
both making our goods and keeping our gold at 
home, no similar ^'difficulty'' as that which now 
alarmed the President had ever occurred. 

A bill designed to carry out the President's recom- 
mendations was introduced in the House of Repre- 
sentatives on November 26th, by Hon. William M. 
Springer, of Illinois. For this bill Mr. Reed, of Maine, 
offered a substitute, entitled '^ a bill to provide for a 
temporary deficiency of revenue." By this the Secretary 
of the Treasury was authorized to issue bonds, bearing 
not more than three per cent, interest, and payable in 
coin, '^ to an amount sufficient to provide for and main- 
tain the redemption of United States notes," as provided 
in the specie resumption act of 1876, and ''to pay the 



OF HENBY CLAT AND SINCE. 243 

current expenses of the Government as long as the cur- 
rent revenues shall be deficient." An elaborate substi- 
tute was also offered by Hon. I^ichblas N. Cox, of Ten- 
nessee, to meet the views of the Democratic members 
who were, with him, opposed to gold alone being re- 
quired in payment of the bonds. The substitute by 
Mr. Reed was rejected by the House, on February 7th, 
by a vote of 107 yeas to 189 nays, and that by Mr. Cox 
by 55 yeas to 184 nays. The bill by Mr. Springer was 
also defeated — ^yeas 185, Eepublicans 42, Democrats 93 ; 
nays 162, Republicans 55, Democrats 107. Four Demo- 
crats answered "present," and forty-eight members^ 
twenty-two Republicans and twenty-six Democrats, did 
not vote. Mr. Springer moved to reconsider this vote, 
and Mr. Hatch to table his motion, which prevailed by 
135 yeas to 124 nays. 

On the next day, February 8, 1895, President Cleve- 
land sent another special message to Congress annoim- 
dug the third sale of bonds under the present Adminis- 
tration ^^to parties abundantly able to fulfill their un- 
dertaking, whereby bonds of the United States author- 
ized under the act of January 14, 1875, payable in coin 
thirty years after their date, with interest at the rate of 
four per cent per annum, to the amount of a little less 
than $62,400,000, are to be issued for the purchase of 
gold coin^ amounting to a sum slightly in excess of 
$65,000,000, to be delivered to the Treasury of the 
United States, which sum, added to the gold now held 
in our reserve, will so restore such reserve as to make it 
amount to more than $100,000,000." The bonds were 
purchased by Messrs. August Belmont & Co., of New 
York, on behalf of Messrs. N. M. Rothschild & Sons, of 



M4 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

London, England, and Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co., of 
New Yoiic, on behalf of Messrs. J. S. Moi^an & Co., 
of London, as stated in a report of the Ways and Means 
Committee of the House, on February 18th, and was 
made without public notice or competitive bidding as 
had previously been the practice in all such transac- 
tions. This report reconunended the adoption of a 
joint resolution authorizing the issue of $66,116,275 of 
gold three per cent bonds. This also was disagreed to 
by the House, on February 14th, by a vote of 130 yeas to 
167 nays. Of those voting in the affirmative thirty 
< were Republicans and ninety Democrats ; of those in the 
negative, fifty-five were Republicans and 112 Demo- 
crats, while two Democrats answered '^present '^ and 
sixty members did not vote— twenty-three Republicans 
And thirty-seven Democrats. 

The first session of the Fifty-fourth Congress con- 
vened on Monday, December 2, 1895. Hon. Thomas 
B. Reed, of Maine, was the unanimous choice of the 
Republican caucus for Speaker, and was elected by the 
House over Hon. Charles F. Crisp, of Georgia, the retir- 
ing Speaker, by a vote of 244 to 106. On December 17th, 
the Speaker announced the appointment of the Ways and 
Means Committee, as follows : Messrs. Nelson Dingley, 
Jr., of Maine, Chairman, Sereno £. Payne, of New 
York, John Dalzell, of Pennsylvania, Albert J. Hopkins, 
of Illinois, Charles H. Grosvenor, of Ohio, Charles 
A. Russell, of Connecticut^ Jonathan P. Doliver, 
of Iowa, George W. Steele, of Indiana, Martin N. 
Johnson, of North Dakota, and Walter Evans, of Ken- 
tucky. Republicans ; and Charles F. Crisp, of Geoigia, 
Benton F. McMillin, of Tennessee, Heniy G. Turner, 



OF HENBT GLAT AND BINGE. 945 

of Georgia, John G. Tarsney, of Missouri, Joseph 
'Wheeler, of Alabama, and John McLaurin, of South 
Carolina, Democrats. The Committees of the Senate 
were reorganized on December 80th, by a vote of 80 
to 28, to meet the change in the political complexion 
of that body, by a special committee appointed for the 
purpose. The Finance Committee agreed upon was as 
follows : Messrs. Justin S. Morril, of Vermont, Chair- 
man; John Sherman, of Ohio; John P. Jones, of 
Nevada ; William B. Allison, of Iowa ; Nelson W. Aid- 
rich, of Rhode Island; OrviUe H. Piatt, of Con- 
necticut ; Edward O. Wolcott, of Colorado ; Daniel W. 
Voorhees, of Indiana ; Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee ; 
George G. Vest, of Missouri; James K. Jones, of 
Arkansas; Stephen M. White, of California; and Ed- 
ward C. Walthall, of Mississippi Hon. William P. 
Frye, of Maine, was agreed upon for President pro tem. 
of the Senate, and was elected to that office on Feb- 
ruary 7, 1896. 

President Cleveland recommended no changes what- 
ever in our revenue laws, in his annual message to Con- 
gress, December 8, 1895. The tariff question, indee 
was treated very briefly, and in but a single short 
paragraph, reading as follows : 

^ By command of the people a customs-revenue sys- 
tem, designed for the protection and benefit of favored 
classes at the expense of the great mass of our country- 
men, and which, while inefficient for the purpose 
of revenue, curtailed our trade relations and impeded 
our entrance to the markets of the world, has been 
superseded by a tariff policy which in principle is 
based upon the denial of the right of the Government 



246 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

to obstruct the avenues to our. people's cheap living or 
lessen their comfort and contentment, for the sake of 
according especial advantages to favorites, and which, 
while encouraging our intercourse and trade with other 
nations, recognizes the fact that American self-reliance, 
thrift, and ingenuity can build up our country's in- 
dustries and develop its resources more surely than 
enervating paternalism. " 

The President did not attempt to show the progress 
made in ^'building up our country's industries and de- 
veloping its resources" under the tariff act of 1894, 
nor did he offer any comparison of the gain by its 
operations in contrast with the laM' of 1890 and 
the previous protective legislation of the Republican 
party. Neither did he show wherein the act of 1890 
was " inefficient for the purpose of revenue," nor the im* 
provement made under the new law in this or any re- 
spect, as an example of the great advantages he 
predicted would certainly follow the adoption of his 
" tariff reform " policy. Such a review could not ha^ve 
but impressed the country, and added to the enlighten- 
ment of the people. 

This message was quickly followed by a special mes- 
sage to Congress, on December 17th, treating exclu* 
sively of the Venezuelan boundary controversy, a dis- 
pute that to some degree threatened serious complica- 
tions and possibly a war with Great Britian, with the 
enormous outlays that such a step would necessarily in* 
volve. On December 20th the President sent a cPecond 
special message to Congress devoted entirely to the public 
credit and the condition of our National finances. So 
serious had the situation now become, in the opinion of 



OF H£KBY CLAT AND SINCE. 247 

the President, that Congress was asked to forego its 
customary holiday vacation. They must devote them- 
selves exclusively to the public business to meet the 
overshadowing emergency. 

^ After all the efforts that have been made by the 
Executive branch of the Government/' said Mr. Cleve- 
land/^ to protect our gold reserve by the issuance of 
bonds amounting to more than $1 62,000, 000, such reserve 
now amounts to but little more than $79,000,000, and 
about $16,000,000 were withdrawn from such reserve 
during the month next previous to the date of my last 
annual message, and quite large withdrawals for ship- 
ment in the immediate future are predicted." The 
remedy for this condition, suggested by the President, 
was not to increase the revenues of the Government 
until they were adequate to meet its expenditures. 
The ^' sudden and unusual apprehension and timidity in 
business circles " described by him was, apparently, to 
be met only by issuing more bonds. 

The President did not state, as might frankly have 
been done, that the new tariff law had not begun to 
meet the necessities of the Government, from the stand- 
point simply of providing adequate revenues to meet its 
expenditures. Up to the meeting of the Fifty-fourth 
Congress the so-called Wilson act had been in force 
fifteen months, and the official statements of the Treasury 
Department . of the receipts and expenditures of the 
Government under its operations up to September 80, 
1895, had disclosed the following facts: The expendi- 
tures exceeded the receipts in the month of September, 
1894, $7,701,789.73. For the quarter ending December 
31, 1894, the receipts were $61,211,058.11 and the ex- 



a*8 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

penditures $88,824,246.70 — Bhowing a deficiency of 
$274189188.59. For the quarter ending March 81, 1895, 
receipts $77,091,042.75, expenditures $85,951,016.48; 
deficiency $7,959,973.68. For the quarter ending Jiine 
80th, receipts $75,215,297.83, expenditures, $88,291,- 
801.76— deficiency $8,076,508.93. For the quarter 
ending September 80th, receipts $87,390,864.90, ex- 
penditures $95,445,734.09— deficiency $8,054,869.19. 
A total for the period of $824,429,492.47 in receipts 
and $888,885,817.59 in expenditures, or a deficiency of 
$58,906,825.12. The revenues of the Government from 
all sources for the fiscal year ending June 80, 1895, were 
$390,873,203.80, and the expenditures for that period 
$433,178,426.48, showing a deficit of $42,805,228.18. 
Nor has this -condition since been improved. The 
receipts of the Government for the quarter ending 
December 31, 1895, were $81,880,927.46, and its ex- 
penditures $87,360,517.12, a deficiency of $5,479,589.66. 
For the quarter ending lliitarch 31, 1896, the receipts 
were $81,338,047.69, the expenditures $86,554,291.05, 
and the deficiency $5,216,243.36. This record is also 
being maintained during the current month, for up to 
April 17th the receipts of the Government were 
$14,225,688.12, and the expenditures $20,956,888.00, 
showing a deficiency of $6,780,699.88, or nearly 
$400,000 per day. The aggregate receipts under the 
new tariff law from September 1, 1894, to April 17, 
1896, have been $501,874,155.74, and the expenditures 
$578,207,013.76— showing a deficit of $76,332,858.02, 
or an average per month of $3,452,745. 

Obedient to the President's request^ Congress, despite 
its custom, continued in session, and on December 26th| 



OF HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 249 

Mr. Drngley, <}iiiiirmaa of tbe Ways and Means Com^ 
mittee of the House of Representatives, introduced a 
bill to '' temporarily increase revenue to meet the ex- 
penses of government and to provide against a de- 
ficiency,^ and in connection with the matter submitted 
an able and interesting report, from which the following 
passages are taken. He said : 

^Tour Committee regard the chronic deficiency of 
revenue for the past two years and a half as a most 
potent cause of the difficulties which the Treasury has 
encountered^ and an important factor in the creation and 
promotion of that serious distrust which has paralyzed 
business and dangerously shaken confidence even in the 
financial operations of the Government It is as inn 
possible for a government to have a continuous de- 
ficiency of revenue for two years and a half without 
affecting its financial standing, as it is for an individual. 
It is impossible also for a government to continue in 
this condition without casting a shadow of doubt and 
discouragement over all business operations within its 
borders. The serious fact which we are called upon to 
confront is that in the two and a half years that have 
elapsed since July 1, 1898, this Government has had an 
insufficiency of revenue to meet current expenditures 
amounting in the aggregate to about $188,000,000. 
Even in the first half of the present fiscal year the 
deficiency will reach about $20,000,000 and about 
$8,000,000 during the present month. And up to the 
present time there is no sufficient ground for concluding 
that this insufficiency of revenue will not continue 
during the remainder of the fiscal year, and how much 
longer no one can safely predict. If the consequences 



950 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

of such a chronic deficiency were only the necessity of 
borrowing money to meet current expenses in time of 
peace, even this would afford abundant reilSon for in- 
creasing the revenue. But the consequences are more 
wide reaching than that. Insufficiency of revenue has 
made it necessary to use the redeemed United States 
legal-tender notes to pay current expenditures, and 
thus to supply additional means to draw gold from the 
greenback redemption fund — ^in short, to create the 
'endless chain ' of which the Secretary of the Treasury 
complains, and which has made it necessary to sell issue 
after issue of bonds to replenish the reserve. In 
response to the urgent call of the President, your 
Committee have felt impelled to act with all possible 
dispatch. Two facts have led your Committee to look 
to an increase of customs duties as the most appro- 
priate source of additional revenue. They are, first, the 
fact that we are already raising a disproportionate 
amount from internal revenue, which has always been 
r^arded as a war resort. Indeed, Jefferson took the 
ground that excise taxes should not be resorted to by 
the Federal Government as sources of revenue in time 
of peace, and the Democratic National Convention 
maintained the same doctrine in 1884 ; and^ secondly, 
the fact that by increasing customs duties on im- 
ported articles which we can and ought to produce 
or make at home, for revenue purposes, we can at the 
same time incidentally encourage stricken industries 
and materially aid in turning in our favor the balance 
of trade which has been so heavily against us all 
through this calendar year, and which has caused a 
demand for gold for export that our Treasury has been 



OF HENBY CULT AND SINGE. 251 

called upon to supply. For so long as the balance of 
trade is against us on account of excessive imports of 
articles which we ought to produce or make for our- 
selves, we must export gold or (what is the same 
thing) promise to pay gold to pay for the excess of 
imports over the exports. 

''Your Committee have not undertaken a general 
revision of the tariff on protection lines, as a majority 
hope can be done in 1897, not only because they know 
that such tariff legislation would stand no chance of be- 
coming a law, but also because general titriff revision 
would require many months; and the need is more 
revenue at once. We believe, however, that this need 
of more revenue is so great that a simple measure 
increasing all duties of the dutiable list, and taking from 
the free list of the present tariff a few articles that were 
always on the dutiable list until August 27, 1894, and 
which have always been important revenue producers, 
and limiting the operation of such l^islation to about 
two years and a half — ^until the present deficiency of 
of revenue is overcome— ought to receive the approval 
even of those who do not favor protective duties on 
patriotic grounds ; and that the fact that it may inci- 
dentally encourage the production of many articles that 
we require at home instead of abroad will not be 
r^arded as a ground of opposition under present cir- 
cumstances. In framing the bill submitted for your 
consideration it has been necessary, if action was to be 
taken promptly, to resort to a considerable extent to a 
horizontal raise of duties, for the reason that it would 
have required months to deal with each article separ- 
ately. Horizontal dealing with tariffs can not be justi- 



852 THE TASIFF IN THE DATS 

fied in ordinary time?, but in such an exigency as exists 
now — so serious that the President felt it his duty to 
send us a special message of extreme urgency — and 
especially for a limited time, it is not only defensible, 
but it is the only alternative. But while we have pre- 
sented in the bill reported a horizontal increse of fifteen 
per cent of existing duties on all the schedules but two, 
which is an addition of less than eight per cent to the 
average ad valorem rate giving about $15,000,000 
revenue from that source, yet more than $25,000,000 of 
of the $40,000,000 which it is estimated this bill would 
add to our annual revenue will come mainly from wool, 
which is taken from the free list and given a moderate 
duty, and from manufactures of wool, which are given a 
compensatory duty equivalent to the duty on wool, 
which is always necessary when a duty is placed on 
wool, in order to give the wool-grower the benefit and 
make it possible to manufacture woolens at home. The 
bill reported by your Committee proposes to make the 
duty on imported clothing wool sixty per cent of the 
duty imposed by the act of 1890, which would giye an 
equivalent of six and six*tenths of a cent per pound on 
unwashed wool, or about forty per cent ad valorem. 
This reduction from the duty of the act of 1890 has 
been made because the restoration of the full duty in 
that act might seem to be too great a change from the 
present law to those whose co-operation it is necessary 
to secure in order to have any legislation, and not as a 
measure of what might be done when aU branches of 
the Government are in harmony with the majority of 
the House on protection lines. The duty on manu- 
factures of wool is increased by a specific duty equi« 



OF HENBT OLAT AND 8INGK 253 

▼alent to the duty on wooL The daty on carpet wools 
is left at the thirty-two per cent ad valorem, where it 
was placed in 1890. This is a purely revenue duty, as 
we raise very few carpet wools. 

^ Such lumber as was placed on the free list by the 
act of 1890, without the slightest justification, is restored 
to the dutiable list, but with a duty of only sixty per 
cent, of the duties provided by the act of 1890 — giving 
an equivalent of only about fifteen per cent. Such a 
reduction from the low rates of 1890 is justified only on 
the ground that the object of your Committee has been 
to frame a bill mainly on revenue grounds, in the hope 
that it would secure the approval of those in official 
place whose co-operation is essential to legislation, and 
who may be supposed to feel that in such an exigency 
as now exists the public necessity must control" 

The rules were suspended and the bill immediately 
passed by the House, on December 26th, by a vote 
of 205 yeas to 81 nays, the Republicans in the affirm- 
ative, and the Democrats and Populists in the negative. 
Thus the House acted with signal promptness and a 
fairness and conservatism rarely equalled in a body 
80 completely controlled by the party in opposition 
to the existing Administration. 

In the Senate^ on December 81st, Mr. Sherman offered 
a resolution, declaring that it was owing '^ to injurious 
legislation by the Fifty-third Congress, that the reve- 
nues of the Government had been reduced below its 
necessary expenditures, and the fund created by law for 
the redemption of United States notes had been in- 
vaded to supply deficiencies of reserve, and that such a 
misapplication of the resumption fund is of doubtful 



254 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

legality and greatly injurious to the public credit," and 
should be prevented by restoring the sum that had been 
taken from it to the gold resenre of $100,000,000 that 
ought to be kept In the Treasury for the purpose of re- 
deeming Llnited States notes, and to hereafter s^regate 
it from the ordinary current receipts of the Govern- 
ment In support of this resolution Mr. Sherman made 
a notable speech on January 3, 1896, in which he de- 
clared deficiency of revenue to be the sole or controlling 
cause of our financial difficulties. ''The President haa 
mistaken the cause of our present financial situation,'^ 
said he, ^ in attributing it to the demand for gold for 
United States notes instead of to the deficiency of 
revenue caused by the legislation of the last Congress. 
He places the effect before the cause. He proposes as 
a remedy the conversion of the United States notes and 
the Treasury notes into interest-bearing bonds, thua 
increasing the interest-bearing debt nearly $500,000,000. 
He proposes a line of public policy that will produce a 
sharp contraction in our currency, add greatly to the 
burden of existing debts, and arrest the progress of 
almost every American industry which now competes 
with foreign productions." 

On the same day, Hon. Stephen B. Elkins, of West 
Virginia, offered a resolution directing that no bonds of 
the United States be sold hereafter at private sale or 
under private contract. The effect of its discussion 
apparently proved infiuential in causing a change in 
the policy of the Administration, to such an extent that 
the next sale of bonds was made after due advertise- 
ment and to the general public. 

On January 8th a caucus of the Republican Senatois 



OF HEKBY CLJLY AND SINCE. 365 

was held at which it was agreed to have the House 
tariff bill reported to the Senate favorably, and with- 
out amendment. But, on February 4th, the Committee 
on Finance reported a substitute, striking out the 
whole of the House bill and inserting in lieu thereof a 
bill providing for the free coinage of silver. Mr. Mor- 
rill, of Vermont^ Chairman of the Finance Committee, 
attempted to have this bill considered, on February 
18th, but his motion to take it up was defeated by a 
vote of 21 to 29, All of the affirmative votes were 
cast by Republicans, and all of the negative^ except five, 
by Democrats— Mr. Jones, of Nevada, and Messra 
Carter and Mantle, of Montana, Mr. Dubois, of Idaho, 
and Mr. Teller, of Colorado, Republicans. On February 
25th a motion to take up the bill was again defeated, 
yeas 22, all Republicans, nays 83, Democrats 28, Re- 
publicans 6, and Independents and Populists 6. The 
Republicans voting in the negative were Messrs. Can- 
non, of Utah, Carter and Mantle, of Montana, Dubois, 
of Idaho, and Teller, of Colorado, and the Inde}>endents 
and Populists, Messra Allen, of Nebraska, Peffer^ of 
Kansas, Jones and Stewart, of Nevada, and Kyle, of 
South Dakota* 

A new loan of $100,000,000 in four per cent, bonds, 
payable in coin, was advertised by the Government^ 
ostensibly to maintain the gold reserve in the Treasury, 
which had fallen in January, 1896, to about $49,000,- 
000. This swelled the aggregate of bonds authorized 
by the present Administration, in a time of peace, in 
less than three years, to $262,602,245.27. Bids were 
opened in the Treasury Department at Washington, on 
February 6th. It will be remembered that the Presi- 



256 THE TABIFF IN THE DAYS 

dent in November, 1894, had sanctioned the sale of 
bonds to the amount of $62,400,000, to ran thirty years 
and bear four per cent, interest, to a syndicate of 
bankers at a premium of four and a half percent Four 
per cent, bonds, due in 1907, were then selling in the 
open market at 110. The new sale was, therefore^ 
watched with much interest, and it demonstrated the 
credit of our GK)vemment among our own people^ to 
the amassement of foreign observers. To quote from 
Public Opinion, a non-partisan and independent news- 
paper, the new bond sale disclosed the following facts : 
^ There were 4,640 apparently genuine bids, aggre- 
gating $568,269,850. The prices offered ranged from 
par to 120, the great mass of bids being from 110 to 
112. The New York World's bid for $1,000,000 at 114 
was the highest for any considerable amount J. Pier- 
pont Morgan, for himself and associates (the National 
City Bank, Harvey Fish & Sons, and the Deutsche 
Bank of Berlin), bid 110.6877 for the whole issue or 
any part thereof. John A. Stewart^ President of the 
United States Trust Company, for himself and about 
180 banks and financial institutions, bid 110.075 for 
$76,000,000. On February 7th, it was announced at 
the Treasury Department that bids a^regating $66,- 
788,650 above 110.6877 had been received, and that the 
780 persons making these bids would receive the bonds. 
The Morgan syndicate to have the remaining $83,211,- 
850. The sale will net the Government about $111,- 
000,000. The New York Tribune says that, excluding 
the Morgan syndicate, of the successful bids nearly 
$46,000,000 was from New York, nearly $9,000,000 
from New England, about $5,500,000 from other 



OF HENRY CLAY AND SINCE. 257 

Eastern States, $8,000,000 from Central States and 
Canada, $8,200,000 from Western States, and $1,400,- 
000 from Southern States. It is understood that one- 
fourth of the Morgan bonds will go to Berlin, but the 
Tribune estimates that not more than one-tenth of the 
successful bids were on European account. Two days 
after the opening of the bids, the Morgan syndicate was 
selling bonds of the new issue on the New York Stock 
Exchange for 116^ ^gold' Government four per cents 
of the same class as those just issued were selling at 
116 J ^cash.' The Treasury gold reserve stood, on 
Februaiy 17th, at $44,483,186." 

The New York Chamber of Conunerce adopted a 
resolution recognizing "with grateful pride the confi- 
dence of the people in the financial strength of the 
country, as expressed by the large subscriptions to the 
Government loan," and declaring its belief '^ that the 
extraordinary success of this loan should dispel every 
doubt as to the ability and intention of the United 
States Government to redeem all its obligations in the 
best money of the world." 

The sale proves conclusively that the financial strength 
and stability of the United States Government is w^ith- 
out parallel throughout the world. It also demonstrates 
that the people are not deceived by deficiencies in the 
revenue to meet the expenditures of the Government. 
Granted a competent tariff policy, there would be 
neither deficits nor bond sales, but a return to an in- 
crease of the debt-paying power of the Government. 
Business would be revived and increased and prosperity 
again smile upon every section of the country. 

In concluding this lengthy but hastily prepared re- 



258 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

view of our tarifif legislation, covering a period of more 
than fifty years in our National history, it would be im- 
possible for me to enumerate all the sources and authori- 
ties from which my data have been drawn. The 
Congressional Record has been constantly consulted, 
Benton^s ** Thirty Years View'' referred to, and Blaine's 
masterly ''Twenty Years in Congress" liberally drawn 
upon, for of all authorities on tariff legislation it is at 
once the most comprehensive, graphic, and entertain- 
ing. No student could dispense with that standard 
work, McPherson's " Handbook of Politics," and from 
it has been taken the record of many details of measures 
pending in or passed by Congress since the outbreak of 
the Civil War. Hon. Richard W. Thompson's '^ His- 
tory of the Tariff" has been consulted, and Henry V. 
Poor's pamphlet, issued during the campaign of 1892, 
has also been of service. Special acknowledgment of 
indebtedness to Hon. Ellis H. Roberts' excellent 
work on " Revenue and Taxation " . should be made, 
while no source of authority has been more frequently 
consulted than the several excellent political almanacs 
of the time, notably the American Almanac, edited by 
Mr. Spofford, Librarian of Congress, the New York 
Tribune Almanac, from Mr. Greeley's first publication 
of it to the present time, the encyclopsedic New York 
World Almanac, and many others. The American 
Economist, Public Opinion, and Review of Reviews 
have also been frequently consulted. The language of 
many writers has been freely adopted, perhaps too 
literally in some cases, but the attempt has been made 
in every instance to acknowledge the source and author. 
The aim of the review is to be full, accurate and prac- 



OP HENBY CLAY AND SINCE. 259 

tical, to quote always the views and words of others 
rather than elaborate my own opinions. No source of 
authority to the student of to-day, the annals of Con- 
gress alone excepted, is so valuable in such work as 
this as the comprehensive, studious, and careful re- 
views of Congressional proceedings made each year for 
" Appleton's Annual Cyclopsedia.'' 

It has been my aim to present, as completely as pos- 
sible, a review of proposed tariff legislation since the 
close of the Civil War to the present time, as well as a 
sketch of the measures actually enacted, to the end that 
the student may observe the trend and purpose of the 
leading political parties in respect to this economic 
question. It is perhaps impossible to write of these 
events without displaying to some extent partisan bias 
or preference, but it has been my honest endeavor 
to do justice to all who directly participated in them, 
or have written or spoken as "those who speak by 
authority '^ about them. Some subjects have been in* 
troduced that may at first appear foreign to a review of 
tariff l^slation, but this has seemed necessary because 
a true presentation of the position of the several 
political parties upon kindred subjects, notably those 
relating to labor, immigration, and finance, often dis- 
closes more clearly than anything else could the real 
views of the opposing sides upon the main issue. But 
I have not undertaken to treat any of these subjects at 
length, or philosophically, simply to group together for 
the busy man, as a ready reference, what has been done, 
or proposed, by the two great political parties of the 
country. The matter is not, and could not be, strictly 
original ; much herein contained has already been used 



2fi0 THE TABIFF IN THE DATS 

by myself, as well as presented more ably by others. 
The tariff question is just now commanding (and will 
always continue to command) the serious attention of 
the American people, until it is rightly settled. If I 
have, from contemporaneous history, or otherwise^ aided 
in the slightest d^ree the honest inquirer who cares to 
contrast the past with the present, to compare history 
with actual daily experience— to the end that he 
may know the truth about the two great contending 
systems, and thereby reach right conclusions ior his 
guidance in promoting the progress and prosperity of 
our country, I shall be glad. Ascertaining the truth, 
and dismissing from our minds all prejudice and pre- 
conceived opinions, let us have the wisdom and courage 
to be guided by it. 





Gantok, Ohio, May 26, 1896. 



INDEX, 



NAMES. 



Adams, John, 1. 

Adams, John Qoincy, 1 ; on advant- 
ages ofprotective system, 8, 18, 14, 10. 

Adams. Chas. H., resolution relating to 
tariff, 47. 

.^Bsop, reference to fable, 86. 

Aldrich, Nelson W.,68. 101 ; reciproci- 
ty amendment, 188, 140, 219 ; finance 
committee, 1896, 241. 

Allen, of Nebraska, 251. 

Allison, W. B., 101, 140, 156, 219; 
finance com., 241. 

Ambler, J. A., tariff commission, 69. 

Arthur, President C. A., Ist annual 
message. 1881, 67; approves tariff 
com. bill, 1881, 58 ; recojmmends re- 
ductions, 1882, 61 ; approves internal 
rev. bill, 1888, 68 ; last annual mes- 
sage, 1884, 78 

Ashmun, (George, 19. 

Atherton, Chas. G , 12. 

Ayer, Ira, Special Treasury Agent, 
report, 1892, on tin plate, 174. 

Bank, Nat City, N. Y., bid for loan, 
252. 

Bank, Deutsche, Berlin, bid for loan, 
25;). 

Barbour, William, letter relating to 
thrtad. 84 

Bayard, Senator, 68. 

Bayard, Richard H.. 15. 

Bayne, T. M., 99, 140. 

Beck. Senator, 68. 

Bemen, — , 19. 

Benton, Col., 3, 4, 9, 10. 

Bingham, Representative, 155. 

Belmont, A. & Co., 289. 

Black, James, 19. 

Black, John C, 90. 

Bhdne, James G., 27; letter of accep- 
tance. 1884. 67, 72 ; declination, 1888, 
80, 189, 166. 184. 

Blair. H. W., 145. 

Pland, R. P., 97. 102, 108. 



Blodgett, Senator, 102. 

Blount, — , 65. 

Boston Thread & Twine Co., 85. 

Bi^teler, A. R„ tariff com., 59. 

Botts, John M.. 14. 

Bowler, R. B, Comptroller, dedaion 

on sugar bounty, 282. 
Brewer, M. S., 146. 
Brewer, Justice, 280, 281. 
Breckenridge, — , 65. 
Brower, J. IL, bill to repeal tobacco 

tax 88. 
Btown, Justice, 280, 281. 
Brooks, James. 86. 
Bryan. William J., binding twine on 

free list, 158. 
Buchanan, James. 8, 6, 15, 25, 29, 80, 

81,204. 
Buck, John R., error affecting knit 

goods, 60. 
Burrows, J. C. 99, 101, 140, 202. 22a 
Butler, B. F., at Dem. Nat. Convention, 

1884, 70. 
Bynum, of Ind., 152. 

Calhoun, John C, as a protectionist, 5, 

9. 
Cameron, Simon, 19. 
Cannon, of Utah, 251. 
Carlisle, John G., 50, 62, 68 ; Speaker, 

1884. 64, 78 ; Speaker, 1886. 78, 82 ; 

speech on home market, 1888, 86w 

101, 186, 140. 
Carter, J. C. 280. 
Carter, — , of Montana, 861. 
Casey, Zadoc, 18. 
Cass. Lewis. 21. 
Caswell, L. B., 147. 
Catchhigs, — , of Miss., letter from 

Pres. Cleveland. 226. 
Chiproan. — , 158. 
Choate, J H., 280. 281. 
Choate, Rufus, 15. 
Ciark, — , Alabama. 226. 
Claytons, The, of Delaware, 19. 



INDEX. 



Cleveland, Groveri 72; inaugural, 1885, < 
78, 77 ; annual message, 1887, revision 
of tariff, 78, 80 ; letter of acceptance, 
1887, 04, 95 ; annual message, 1888. 
06, 147, 167; nomination, iSb ; letter 
relating to tariff reform, 167, 171 ; 
inaugural address, 1898. 185; calls 
extra session of Congress. 187, 188 ; 
message, Dec., 1898, 169; letter to 
Mr. Wilson on conference. 220 ; letter 
to Mr. Catchings on substitute tariff 
law, 826 ; annual message, 1894. 288 ; 
special message relating to bonds, 
1896, 2Sif ; annual message. 1895, 241 ; 
special measage. Dec. 20, 1805, relat- 
tme to finances, 248. 

Cobden, Richard 18. 

CoUamer, Jacob. 19. 

Conklin<r, Senator. 56. 

ConnelCW. J., eight-hour bill. 1890, 
144. 

Converse, Geo. L., defeating Morrison 
bUl, 1884, 64. 

Corwin. — , 19. 

Covert. J. W., quinine bill, 1879. 50. 

Cowles, H. H. . amendment of int. rev. 
laws, 1889. 98. 

Cox, 8. S.. reduction on pig iron, 41, 
66. 

Cox, N. N., relating to bond issue, 289. 

Crawford, — , 204. 

Crisp, C. F., elected Speaker, 52d Con- 
gress, 148 ; same, 68d Congress, 187 ; 
candidate, 54tli Congress, 840. 

Crittenden, John J., 15. 19. 

Culbertson, D. B., 108. 

CoUom. Senator, 155. 

Ourtin, Andrew O., 29. 

Dallas, George M., 16, 19. 

Dahcell, John, 145, 202. 840. 

Davis, David, elected President of Sen- 
ate. 1881, 57. 

Davis. Garrett. 18. 

Davis, Robert T., constitutional amend- 
ment, 1884. 65. 

Dayton, William L., 15. 

Delano, Columbus, 19. 

Dickerson, Mahlon, 10. 

Dingley, N. J., Jr., 99 ; bill relaUng to 
worsted, 1890, 103, 140, 240 ; bUl to 
increase revenue. 245. 

DoMver, J. P.,240. 

Dolph, Senator, 158. 

Douglas, 8. A. 80. 

Dubois, Senator, 251. 

Dunnell, M. H., 59. 

Eaton. W. W., bill for investigating 
tariff, 1880, 58. 



Edmunds, Senator. 102. 

Elkins, 8. B., resolution relatifig to 

bonds, 1096, 250. 
Evans, Walter. 240. 
Evans, George, 15, 19. 

Famsworth, J. F., abolishing tax on 
coal, 1871, 89. 

Fessenden. William Pitt, 18. 

Fiedler. W. H.. constitulional ^end- 
mem, 1884. Go. 

Field, — . 171. 

Field. Justice. 280, 281. 

Fillmore, Millard. 12. 

Fisk, Harvey & Sons, 259. 

Flower, R. P., 99. 140. 

Fowler, Samuel, bill to encourage ship- 
ping, 154. 

Fremont, Gen. 20. 

Frye, W. P.. 241. 

Fuller, Chief Justice, 280. 281. 

Garfield, J. A . 51 ; minority report on 
iron, 1880. 52. 54. 

Gallatin, », 204. 

Garland, A. M.. 59. 

Gear, J. H., 00. 202. 

Geary, T. J., Chinese bill, 1892, 152, 
15o 

GentiT, Meredith P., 18. 

Giddings, J. R., 19. 

Gogcin, W. L., 18. 

Gorman, A. P., 89, 165. 

Graham, James, 18. 

Graham, W. A.. 16. 

Granger. Francis, 18. 

Grant, U. S., approves tariff, 1870, 86; 
message, Dec.. 1870, 87; message, 
Dec.. 1871. 88, 89; message. 1878, 
42 ; message, Dec. , 1874, 45 ; message, 
Dec..l876, 46. r6. 

Gray, I. P., 90. 160. 

Gray. Justice. 280. 281. 

Greeley, Horace, 254. 

Qrosvenor. C. H., 240. 

Guthrie W. D., 281. 

Hale, Eugene, free salt bill, 1871, 40. 

Halstead, Murat. 28. 

Hamilton, Alexander. 1^^ 204. 

Hamilton, Senate r, R6. 

Harlan, Justice, 230. 281. 

Harris. Senator, 219, 241. 

Harrison, Benjamin, 94, 95 ; inaugural, 
1889, 98; message, Dec.. 1889. 09; 
special message, 1890, 189 ; message, 
Dec. . 1890. 141 ; approves restoration 
of State taxes, 1891, 147, 148 ; mes- 
sage. Dec., 1891, 149: proclamation 
suspending free products of Hayti 



INDEX. 



1892. 152, 154. 156 ; letter of accep- 
tance, Sep., 1891. 160, 171 ; message, 
Dec., 1892. 172, 185. 

Harrison. William HeniT. 6. 

Hatch. W. H., free salt bill, 50, 51. 

Haakell, — , 68. 

Hayes, John L., 59. 

Hayes, Rutherford B., 50, 68» 

Hawley, J. R.,44. 

Henderson, J. S., 77. 

Hewitt, A. 8., 75. 

Hibhard, Ellerr A., 40. 

HHI, D. B., 219. 

Hilt, — .158. 

Hoar, Senator, 108. 

Hiacock, Frank, 77, 140. 

Holman, W. S., 44, 165. 

Hooper, — , 85. 

Hopfdna, — , 202, 240. 

Howard, Jacob M., 18. 

Houston, Samuel, 4. 

Hcyne, — , 6. 

Hunt. Washington, 19. 

Hurd, F. H., tarilf for rerenue, 58, 54, 
65. 

Ingalls, J. J., 78. 
IngersoU, Charles J., 19. 

Jackson, Andrew, reconunends tariff 
revision, 6 ; resists nullification, 9, 16, 
161, 281. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 1, 87, 161 ; opposing 
excise taxes. 246. 

Johnson, M. N,, 240. 

Jones, B. F., 80. 

Jones, J. K., 219, 241. 

Jones, John P., 241, 251. 

Johnson, Richard M.. 4. 

Johnson, William Cost, 18. 

Johnson, Reverdy, 19. 

Kane, John E., 16. 

Easson, J. A., bill for tariff commis- 
sion. 57. 60. 

Eeifer, J. W., elected speaker, 56. 

Kelley, William D., 86 ; abolishing int 
rev. system 1870, 88 ; same 1871, 40 ; 
advocating temporary loans 1874, 48, 
56. 57, 59, 60, 62, 68, 82. 

Eelseyof K.T., 85. 

Eenner, D. F., 69. 

Eerr, M. C, elected speaker, 46. 

Eyle, Senator, 251. 

Lane, Henry 8.. 18. 
Lane. Joseph, 80. 
LaFollette, R. M., 99. 
Lincoln. Abraham, 29. 81. 
Lowe, WiUiam M., 50. 



Madison, James, 1, 2. 

Mahone, Senator, 63. 

Mangan, — , 19. 

Manderson, C. F., 149, 219. 

Manning, Daniel, 204. 

Mantle, of Montana, 251. 

Marshall. Samuel S., 85. 

Marshall, Thomas F., 18. 

McDill, Senator, 68. 

McEerma, Joseph, 99, 104. 

McEennan, Thomas I'., 14. 

McEinl^, William, Jr., 54, 68, 82, 99, 

101 ; introduces tariff bill, April 16, 

1890, 108, 140. 
McLaurin, John, 241. 
McMahon, William H., 59. 
McMillan. B., 99, 140, 220, 240. 
McLane, Louis, 4. 
McPherson, Senator, 101, 187. 
Mills. Roger Q., resolution to revise 

tariff, 1877, 48. 50, 58, 57, 58, 65. 78 ; 

reports bill to reduce taxation, etc., 

April, 1888, 82 ; opening speech, 88, 

97, 99, 108; minority report on 

McEmleybiU.125. 
Monroe, James, 1. 
Montgomery, — , 220. 
Morgan, Geo. W., 84. 
Morgan. Senator, 168. 
Morgan, J. P. & Co., 240, 252. 
Morgan, J. S. & Co., 240. 
Morrill, Justin S., reports tariff bill, 

1860, 80, 86, 58, 60, 62, 73, 78. 187, 

149, 187, 241, 251. 
Morrison, W. R., 46, 47. 50. 63. 64. 65, 

78 ; introduce bill to reduce tariff, 

1886, 76, 76, 77. 
Morrow, Jeremiah, 18. 
Morton, Levi P., 94. 
Mutchler, W. J., 145. 

Neal, Lawrence T., 157, 159. 
Niles, John M., 19. 
New York World, 252. 

Gates, W.C., 148. 

OUver, H.W., Jr., 59. 

Olne^r, Attorney Qeneral, 280, 281. 

O'Neill, J. J., an eight-hour amend- 
ment, 1888, 89. 

Owen. W. D., Owen Immigration Law, 
147, 148. 

Oxnard Beet Sugar Co., 282. 

Parker, Hosea W., 40, 
Parker, William F., 29. 
Parmenter. William, 18. 
Payne, S. £., 99, 202. 220. 240. 
Peck, Labor Commissioner, N. T., 
report 1891, 174. 



INDEX. 



Peffer, Senator, 919, 261. 
Pendleton, John 6., 18. 
Pendleton, Nathaniel O., 18. 
Piatt, O. H., 841. 
Polk, James K., 6, 16, 17, 18, ». 
Poor, H. v., 354. 
Porter, R P., 69. 
PHce, Hinun, 64. 

Randall, Samuel J., bOl to oat tea and 
coffee on free list, 1871, & ; speaker, 
46; speaker, 48 ; speaker, 1879, 60, 
68, 64, 66 ; compromise tariff bill, 76 ; 
argues for home market, 87, 88, 97, 98. 

Rayner, Kenneth, 18. 

Reed, T. B., 63, 83 ; aigument on tariff, 
86 ; speaker 51st Congress, 99, 309, 
330; bill to authorise bonds, 388, 
389 ; speaker, 340. 

Reid, Whitelaw, 166 ; letter of accept- 
ance, 166, 171, 

Reeves, Henry A. , reducing salt duties, 
86. 

Roberts, B. H., 354. 

Rothschild, N. M. & Sons, 889. 

Russell, C. A., 340. 

Samford, W* J., introduces tariff biUs, 
1880, 51. 

Savres,— , 166. 

Schenck, Robert C, 19, 86. 

Scott, W. L., 89, 89. 93. 

Sherman, John. 86. 68. 78 ; introduces 
bm against trusts, Jan., 1890, 103, 
187, 188, 140, 168, 189. 219, 341 ; res- 
olution relating to gold reserve, 349, 
360. 

Shepperson, A. B.. 174, 

Shiras, Justice, 280. 281. 

Shively. B. F., bill reducing duty on 
tin, 164. 

Singer SewingMachine Co., 86. 

Smith. Caleb B., 19. 

Smith. Samuel. 10. 

Speer, of Georgia. 68. 

Spofford, — . 364. 

Springer. W. M., 82, 148, 288. 889. 

Steele, Georse W., 340. 

Stephens. Alexander H., 18. 

Stevens. Thaddeus, 81. 

Stevenson, A.B.. 160, 170, 171. 

Stewart, of Vermont. 102, 108, 

Stewart, of Nevada. 261. 

Stewart. John A., 262. 

Sturgeon, Daniel, 16. 19. 



Taylor, E. B., 102. 

Taylor, Zachaiy. 81. 

Taraney, J. C..841. 

Teller, Senator, 261, 

Thompson, P. B.. 69. 65. 

Thompson, Richard W., 18, 864. 

Thurman, Allen O., 90. 

Toombs, Robert, la 

Townsend, R. W., bin to abolish duty 

on salt, 61, 68. 
Tucker, of Virgittia, 60, 68, 64. 68, 65. 
Turner, H. G., 99, 140. 880, 840. 
T^ler, John, % 11, 18; censured by 

House, li. 

Underwood, J. W. H., 69. 
United States Trust Co., 868. 

Van Burcn, Martin, 4, 6, 801 
y anceu Senator, 60, 140. 
YestTSenator, 108, 819. 34t 
Yoorhees, Daniel W.. 140. 187, 219, 241. 

Wade, W. H., bill relating to eight-hour 
law, and bill relatine to contract Ui- 
bor. 146 ; bill forbidding purchase of 

W products of cx>nvict labor. 146w 
alker, Robert J., report, 17 ; tariff, 
18. 26. 

Walthall, £. C, 241. 

Ward, Hamilton, wants free coal, 86. 

Washington, George, 1. 

Weaver, — . 171, 

Webster, Daniel, 6, 6, 10, 19, 204. 

White. H. M., 841. 

White, Justice. 880, 38L 

Wheeler. Joseph, 341. 

Whiting, J. K., bill reducing duty on 
lead. 164. 

Whitney, Ass't Att'y Gen., 381. 

Williams, Ruel. 16. 

Wilmot, David, 39. 

Wilson. William L., 187 ; bill repealing 
Sherman Silver Act of 1890. 189 ; In- 
troduces tariff bill Dec.. 1898, 193 ; 
speech July 7, 1894, 220, 226. 

Winthrop. Robert C, 19. 

Wolcoit, B. O., 146, 341. 

Wood, Fernando. 48; bill reducing 
duties March, 1878, 49, 60; death 
1881. 64. 

Wright, bilas. 6. 16. 

Wytiie, Chanodlor, 1. 



INDEX. 

8XJBJII1CTS. 



▲rbitration, bill, 1867, tt. 
Auitrift Hungaiy, treftty^ 160. 

Barbados, treaty, 160. 

BindiDg twine, W. J. Biyan's bill, 168, 
218. 

Bond lame, 286, 288 ; CleTeland's mea- 
•a^ 289; same. 248: Bhennan't 
speech, 260 ; Elkins bfll, 260 ; new 
loan, 261 ; bids received, 262, 268. 

Books, etc., lit. 

Brasfl. treaty, 160. 

British Ooiana, trea^, 160. 

Batter, cheese, etc., 122. 

Canned meats, etc., repeal of tax, 41. 
Ghfaiese inunlgntion, bill, 1888, 89; 

bOl, 1892, 162. 
Clothing, tax, 88. 

Coal, to abolish duty, 86; same, 40, 217. 
Convention. Democratic National, 1808, 

84; 1872,41; 1876,47; 1880,66; 

1884, 70 ; 1888, 90 ; 1892, 166. 
Conrention, Bepablican National, 1860, 

28 ; 1868, 84 ; 1872, 42 ; 1876, 47 ; 

1880,64; 1884,66; 1888,90; 1892| 

166. 
Contract labor, bOl, 66 ; bill passed, 78, 

to prohibit immigration of, 146. 
Corporations, tax on, 88. 
Cotton, tax on raw, 88 ; duty reduced, 

41 ; free bagging, ties, etc., 168. 
Customs, receipts, 1847 to 1861, 26; 

during foor years of tariff of 1867, 

26; 1862 to 1870. 82 ; decrease, 86; 

decrease, 41 ; duties reduced, 46 ; 

1874 to 1880, 64 ; decrease, 264. 

Debt, reduction, 84. 

Exports, increased, 1411, 149, 160, 178. 

Financial crisis, 1887, It 
Force UU, 1888, 9. 

Germanv, treaty, 160. 

Oold. discoyerj in California, 22; 

drain to Europe, 28, 26. 
Great Britain, treaty, 160. 
Grenada, treaty, 160. 



Guatemala, treaty, 1601 

Hawaiian, treaty, 148. 
Hayti^ treaty, 160. 
Honduras, treaty, 160. 
Horses, etc., lUi, 182, 188. 

Immigration, Owen law, 147, 148; 
contract labor, 146. 

Imports, exceeded exports, 26, 27. 

Income tax, 82, 88 ; fixed at 2}^ per 
cent., 86; to abolish, 64 ; attacked, 
229 ; Supreme Court decision, 280. 

Internal revenue, W. D. Eellev on, 88 r 
same, 40 ; reduction, 69 ; bill passed, 
62: amended, 1892, 162; decrease. 

Internal taxes, 1862 to 1866, 88; 

reduced, 88; reduced, 1870, 86; 

reduced, 41. 
Iron and steel, to reduce duty, 86; 

same, 41, 116; productlcm, 142; 

production, 176 ; ndls, 198 ; ore, 206, 

Labor, arUtration bDl, 76 ; convict bill, 
76 ; eight-hour law, 89 ; sundry bOls, 
144 ; to adjust accounts, 146 ; con- 
tract labor immigration, 146 ; pro- 
ducts of convict labor, 146; to 
enforce eight-hour law, 164. 

Labor commissioner. Peck's report, N. 
T., 174 ; Mass. report, 174 

Lead, 164 : Harrison's letter relathig to, 
168. 

Leather, taxes, 88 ; duty reduced, 41. 

Leeward Islands, treaty, 160. 

Loans, recommended, 48 ; opposed, 44. 

Hatch tax repealed, 64. 
Mexico, war with, 22. 

National debt, increase, 28. 

Naval construction bill allowing foreign 

steel, 60. 
Nicaragua, treaty, 160. 
Nullification ordinance, 19. 

Panic, 1887, 11 ; 1867, 24, 26 ; 1878, 44. 
Pinkerton detectives, 169. 



IKDXZ. 



Protection, inimfcal to enslaved labor, 
l>. (See Tariff.) 

Quinine, on free list, 60. 

Pcvenue measures of 1846 and 1861, 26. 
Revenue reform. Grant's messase, 87. 

(See Tariff.) 
Reciprocity, Aldrich's amendment, 189; 

Harrison recommends, 189, 140; 

treaties, 160,152. 

Bait, etc, bill to exempt. 84; reduction, 

85 ; to exempt, 40, 218. 
Salvaiior, treaty. 160. 
San Dominffo, treaty, 160. 
SaviccB bai&s, tax, 83 ; deposits, 177. 
Shipping, to grant registers to foreign. 

Silver, 180, 181 ; ores, 180. 181 ; repeal 
of act of 1890, 187, 189 ; free coinage, 
251, 

Slavery agitation, 21. 

Spain, treaty, 160. 

Specie, exports, 1655-6-7, 26. 

Spirits. Dunnell*B bill, 69, 66. 

Stamps, to repeal law, 64. 

Steam engines, taxes, 88. 

Suintr. etc., bill to exempt, 84; to 
reduce, 86 ; use of machinery, T7, 
117, 119, 188, 184, 186 ; reciprocity, 
140, 160, 166; repeal of reciprocity, 
201, 211, 219, 222; bounty, 282; 
German protest, 288, 284. 

Tariff, laws 1812 to 1816, 1 ; duties 
never higher, 1828^ 6 ; 1888, 9, 10 ; 
1842, 11 ; popularity of, 1842, 16 ; 
1846, 18; provisions of, 1846, 20; 
condemnation of, 1844, 21 ; 1867, 21 ; 
1857, 24 ; bill of 1860, 80, 81, 82 ; no 
constitutional power, 86; law of 1870, 
86 ; Grant advises revision, 88 ; for 
revenue only, 40 ; Grant's menage, 
1876,46; Morrison's bill, 47 ; Mills' 
resolution, 48; Wood's bUl, 49; 
Samford's bill, 61 ; to Hbolish duty on 
salt, etc., 61; to regulate duty on 
hoop iron, etc., 62; on su^r, 62 ; 
commission. 68; Hurd's bill, 1880, 68; 
Arthur's message, 1881, 67 ; Mills on, 
67 ; Arthur's message, 1882, 61 ; bill, 
1882, 62 ; revised by passage of in- 
ternal revenue bill, 63 ; Morrison's 
horizontal bill, 64 ; Cleveland advises 
reduction, 74 ; Morrison's bill, 1886. 
76 ; same, 76 ; Randall's bill. 1886, 
76; Clevelsnd's message, 78; Blaine's 
letter, 1888, 80 ; Mills bill, 82 ; Mills' 
speech, 88; Reed's speech, 86 ; Car- 



lisle's speech, 86 ; Randall's speech, 
87; Senate bill, 88; Cleveland's 
message, 96 ; Mills bill, 97 ; Cowles 
bill, 98 ; Harrison's inaugural, 1889, 
98; message. 1889. 99; McEinley 
bill, relating to revenue collection. 
1889, 101 ; McEinley tariff bill, 189Cf 
108; reciprocity amendment, 189; 
Harrisons message, 142 ; " pop-gun " 
bills, 1892, 168; Harrison's message. 



1891. 149; Harrison's letter, 160; 
Reid's letter, 166 ; Cleveland's letter, 
167 ; Stevenson's letter, 170 ; Harri- 
son's message. 1892, 172 ; Cleveland's 
message, 1898, 186; Cleveland's 
message, 188 ; same, 1898, 190 ; Wil- 
son bill, 198; minorityreport, 202; 
Cleveland's letter to Wilson, 220 ; 
"popgun" bills, 226; Wilson bill 
not siflped, 226 ; Cleveland's letter to 
Catchlngs, 226 ; Cleveland's message, 
1896,241; Dingley's biU and report. 
246. 

Tariff Commission, 68 ; Easson's bill, 
1882, 67; appointed, 69; report, 1882, 
61* 

Tax, bill to abolish special, 86; re- 
funded to states, 146. 

Tea and coffee, 20 per cent, duty, 16 ; 
bill to exempt 84 ; to reduce, 86 ; to 

* put on free list, 89 ; dutv, 46 ; to be 
restored, 68, 160 ; repeal of recipro- 
city, 201. 

Tin, 116, 126, 186; to reduce, 164; 
companies manufacturing, 174; plate, 
198. 

Tobacco, to exempt, 84 ; leaf, 77 ; to 
repeal tax, 98, 122, 128. 124. 186, 199. 

Tobago, treaty, 16a 

Tonnage, Detroit River, 176; R. R., 177. 

Treasury, receipts, 80 ; receipts, 1878, 
42; receipts, 1891, 161; receipts, 1893, 
189 ; minority claim Wilson bill will 
reduce, 206; receipts, 1894, 248; 
receipts, 1896, 244. 

Trinidad, treaty, 150. 

Trusts. Sherman's bill. 1890, 102. 

Venezuelan question, 242. 

Washington Electric R. R. bill requir- 
ing American rails, 90. 

Windward Islands, trea^, 150. 

Wool and Woolens, tax, 88 ; reduced, 
41 ; bill, 59 ; to correct error on knit 
goods, 60 ; classification of worsteds, 
108 ; amount, 1889, and imports, 111, 
112, 118, 124, 127, 180 ; reciprocity, 
140 ; to make free, 168 ; Harrison's 
letter, 168 ; on free list, 200, 214, 24B. 




r 



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