Full text of "The temple of Deir el Bahari"

See other formats

a D

llk^klliikl^fcill

D ^

diAaMi

^U U ^

.ii::^.

D D D
I]

ic^

ZT-i

'5.

z
o

I-
<
>
<
o

I
h-

O
u.

UJ
CO

c4^

en
00

q:
<

LU
UJ

THE TEMPLE OF

DEIE EL BAHARI:

ITS PLAN, ITS FOUNDERS, AND ITS FIRST EXPLORERS.

TNTEODUCTORY MEMOIE

EDOUARD NAVILLE, D.Litt., D.Phil.,

COBRESPONDE>-T OF TUE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE ; HONORARY FELLOW OF KINO's COLLEGE; LONDON.

TWELFTH MEMOIR OF

THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND.

PUBLISHED BY OIWEE OF THE COMMITTEE.

L 0 A' D 0 N :

SOLD AT

The offices OF THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND, 37, Great Russell Street, W.C;

AND 15, Blagden Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.;

AND DY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Paternoster House, Cuabing Cross Road ;

B. QUARITCH, 15, Piccadilly; A. ASHER & CO., 13, Bedford Street, Covent Garden.

1«94.

EGYPT EXPLOEATION FUND.

IPreslOcnt.
SIR JOHN FOWLEK, Bart., K.C.M.G.

UlccsiprcalOeiits.

Sir Chaeles Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L.

R. Stuart Poole, Esq.^ LL.D, {Hon. Sec).

E. Maunde TnoMPSON, Esq., C.B., D.C.L., LL.D.

Charles Dudley Waener, Esq., L.H.D., LL.D.
(U.S.A.).

The Rev. W. C. Winslow, D.D., D.C.L.
(IIo7i. Treat, and Hon. Sec, U.S.A.).

The Hon. Edward G. Mason (U.S.A.).

The Hon. John Geo. Bourinot, D.C.L,
(Canada).

Prof. G. Maspero, D.C.L. (France).

JosiAH MxjLLENS, Esq. (Australia).

M. Charles Hentsoh (Switzerland).

•©on. ^ccasuccrs.
H. a. Grueber, Esq., F.S.A. The Rev. W. C. Winslow, D.D., D.C.L. (Boston, U.S.A.).

Clarence H. Clark, Esq. (Penn. U.S.A.).

Iboii. Secretary'.
R. Stuaet Poole, Esq., LL.D,

/IBcnitets of
The Rt. Hon. Loed Amherst ofHackney.F.S.A.
T. H. Batus, Esq., M.A., Q.C.
Miss Biudbuey.
J. S, Cotton, Esq., M.A.
M. J. DB Morgan {Birecteur Geniral des Anti-

quites de VEgypte).
Sir John Evans, K.C.B., D.C.L., LL.D.
W. Fowler, Esq.
Major - General Sir Francis Grenfell,

G.C.M.G., KG.B.
F. L. Griffith, Esq., B.A., F.S.A.
T. Farmer Hall, Esq.
Peof. T. Hattee Lewis, F.S.A.
Mbs. McClure,

Committee.

The Rev. \V. JLioGeegor, M.A.

Prof. J. H. Middleton, M.A., Litt.D., D.C.L.

A. S. MuREAT, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A.

D. Parrish, Esq. (U.S.A.).

Francis Wm. Percival, Esq.

Lieut.-Col. J. C. Ross, R.E., C.M.G.

The Rev, Peof. A. H. Satoe, M.A., LL.D.

H. ViLLiERs Stuaet, Esq.

Mes. Tirard.

The Rev. H. G. Tomkins, M.A.

The Rt. Rev. The Lord Bishop of Truro.

Hermann Weber, Esq., M.D.

Major-General Sir Charles Wilson, K.C.B.,
K.C.M.G., F,R,S.

PKEFACE

This Memoir is not intended to be a full statement of the results hitherto
obtained from the present excavations at Deir el Bahari, but simply as an
introductory volume describing the building, its plan, and the period to
which it belongs, and also giving an account of the work accomplished by
previous excavators on this spot, and especially by Mariette. I have dwelt
at some length on the reign of Hatshepsu, Avhose temple of Deir el Bahari
was at once her own creation and her noblest monument.

Some reference to discoveries made in the course of the last two
winters' excavations Avas unavoidable, and I have more than once alluded
to them, particularly in showing how they have corrected erroneous restora-
tions of the plan of the building. But I have carefully refrained from
drawing from these discoveries any premature inferences which might have
to be modified as the work progresses. As long as the excavations are still
in progress, it is not possible, on many points, to arrive at definite conclusions.

Plates Nos. I. — III. are reproductions of the plans made by the French
expedition, by Lepsius, and by Mariette, and it is interesting to compare
the difierences between them. Lepsius' plan (PI. II.) is evidently conjectural
in places, as, for example, in the restoration of the northern part of the

vi PREFACE.

lower colonnade, which he cannot have seen and must have supposed to
be similar to the southern part.

The phototypes contained in this volume, like those in my preceding
memoirs, have been executed by the firm of MM. Thevoz et Cie, of Geneva.
All the smaller illustrations are from photographs taken by Mr. Howard
Carter, one of the artists attached to our staff at Deir el Bahari.

The original text of this memoir was wi'itten in French, and has been
translated under the direction of the Committee.

EDOUARD NAVILLE.

Malagny,

August, 1894.

CONTENTS.

Chap. I. The Urst explorers, Champolliou, Wilkiusou, Lepsius

II. Mariette

, III. Plan of the Temple

, IV. The family of the Thothmes ....

, V. Hatshepsu .......

, VI. Hatshepsu's naval expedition to the Laud of Punt

, VII. End of Hatshepsu's reign, Thothmes II. and Thothmes III.

PAGE

1
6
9
13
15
21
26

Index .

Contents of Plates

29
32

DEIE EL BAHAEI.

CHAPTER I.

THE FIRST EXPLORERS : CHAMPOLLION, WILKINSON, LEPSIUS.

The tourists avIio annually swarm into Thebes
seldom depart from the ancient city of Amon
without visiting the magnificent natural amphi-
theatre of Deir el Bahari, where the hills of the
Libyan range present their most imposing aspect.
Lea^^ng the plain by a narrow gorge, whose walls
of naked rock are honeycombed with tombs,
the traveller emerges into a wide open space
bounded at its further end by a semi- circular wall
of chfifs. These cliffs of white limestone, which
time and sun have coloured rosy yellow, form an
absolutely vertical barrier. They are accessible
only from the north by a steep and difficult path
leading to the summit of the ridge that divides
Deir el Bahari from the wild and desolate Valley
of the Tombs of the Kings.

Built against these chffs, and even as it were
rooted into their sides by subterranean chambers,
is the temple of which Mariette said that "it is
an exception and an accident in the architectural
life of Egypt."

Our earliest detailed description of the place is
that given by Jollois and DeviUiers, two scholars
attached to the French expedition of 1798. They
made a plan of what they found there, and that plan
is here reproduced (pi. i.). Their description is
interesting'; it gives us a fairly good idea of the

1 Descrii'tiun <le VJtgypte, vol. ii., p. 340, Panckoucke's
edition.

building as seen at the close of the last century.
We can follow in the works of Wilkinson, Lepsius,
and Mariette the subsequent study and explora-
tion of the temple, the various excavations that
have been made there, and also the injuries which
it has sustained since its ancient ruins were in
part laid bare.

The following is a summary of what we learn
from the two French writers. The approach
from the plain was by an avenue of sphinxes.
This avenue was thirteen metres (42 feet)
wide, and four hundred metres (437 yards)
long, without counting a break of fifty metres
(54 yards). On either side were small heaps of
rubbish, symmetrically placed at regular intervals.
Their original forms were not easily to be dis-
covered at a first glance ; but any one accus-
tomed to such ruins, like the authors of this
description, would quickly recognize in these heaps
the remains of pedestals for sphinxes or rams such
as are still to be seen in great numbers at Karnak
and at Luxor. At the western extremity of this
avenue were the debris of two constructions, which
might have formed the towers of a pylon, for the
entrance through the enclosure wall of the temple
was made at this point. Mariette agrees with his
predecessors in placing a pylon here, although
nothing but its site was discernible in his time.

Still keeping to Jollois and DeviUiers, and

DEIR EL BAIIART.

following the continuation of the avenue, we find
on the north traces of a wall more than forty-five
metres (49 yards) long. At each end of it are
the remains of a column, but " they do not rise
above the level of the ground." Here, Mariette's
plan is blank (pi. iii.). These vestiges of a wall
must have belonged to an adjunct of what he calls
" the Eastern Terrace." Farther on we come to
the ruins of two flights of steps which led up to
buildings on a higher level. This description
clearly applies to the avenue which is in a line
with the axis of the temple. At the far end of
that avenue is a rectangular edifice built on still
higher ground, " forty-eight metres (52 yards)
long, by twenty-nine (31 yards) wide. In the
same direction lie some inner rooms whose forms
are easily followed. Pococke, who saw the ruins
which we describe, here found many remains of
mummies. A red granite door-way, in almost
perfect preservation, forms the entrance to this
part of the building, and is covered with hiero-
glyphs in sunk relief of the most careful workman-
ship. It is hidden under plaster, with which it
would seem to have been coated by the Chris-
tians, for images of their saints may yet be seen
upon it."

There can be no doubt that the description
here refers to the central part of the western
platform, the highest part of the temple, and
built against the rock itself. We gather that the
southern chambers of the platform, which were
afterwards cleared by Mariette, were not alto-
gether buried out of sight at the close of the last
century, but probably were filled with rubbish
up to a certain height. Neither do I think that
the floor or pavement of the platform could then
be seen. The platform was reached through the
granite portal, which early Christians had coated
with white plaster and painted with figures of
saints, and the mention of the state of this door-
way and of the sanctuary by Jollois and Devillicrs
is the only indication given by those authors
as to the later use to which the temple was put.
The name of Deir el Bahari — " Convent of the

North" — was apparently unknown to them,
as also the fact that the temple became a
convent ; they never notice the Coptic super-
structures, whose ruins are still standing and
must then have been far more extensive. They
give a long description of what is now thought
to be the sanctuary, the subterranean chamber
opening on to the court, to which the pro-
longed avenue leads. They make the chamber
thirteen and a half metres (44 ft.) long, by
five (IG ft.) Avidc. They also speak of its
rounded ceiling, which is vaulted in appear-
ance only, for we can easily sec that its hori-
zontal courses of stone were laid so as to overlap
each other and finally close the space which was
to be covered in, while its cylindrical form was
subsequently produced by chiselling away the
angles and thus shaping the ceihng into a vault
of the desired curve. The sculptures of the
chamber are covered with a coating of plaster
painted with figures of Christ, " and this would
lead us to infer that it was a place of Christian
worship during the earlier centuries of our
era."

Hence all that was to be seen of the temple
at the close of the last century were the
remains of the dromos at the entrance, and the
pedestals of the sphinxes which lined it on either
side. The two first platforms must have been
completely covered with sand except for the out-
crop of certain lengths of wall on the north side
of the lower, or eastern platform ; but further,
the central part of the upper platform was
visible, and the subterranean chamber was also
accessible. Traces of long-abandoned Christian
worship remained upon all that was then found
standing. The general appearance of the site was
much the same earlier in the century ; for Pococke,
who visited the spot in 1737, and is quoted by
Jollois and Devillicrs, gives a similar account to
theirs. His description is very short, and by no
means clear. After mentioning the mummies —
which abounded — he adds that " here it seemed
as though the mountain had been vertically hewn

THE FIRST EXPLORERS.

out by the hand of man, and the people of the
place said that there had once been a passage
through it into the next valley."

ChampoUion and Wilkinson must have visited
Deir el Bahari within a short interval one of the
other. ChampoUion' scarcely pauses to describe
the building, which seems to have been in much
the same condition as it was in the days of JoUois
and Devilhers. He tells us that his object in going
to study it was "to fix the as yet unknown date
of the edifice, and to ascertain its original pur-
pose." He was chiefly attracted by the upper
part, and the granite portal leading to it, on
which he read the cartouche of Thothmes III.,
"called Moeris by the Greeks." He at once
perceived that the cartouches of Thothmes III,
were usurpations, and that they must have super-
seded two others, which were all the more readily
determined since he found them upon the temple
walls. The second of these cartouches — that of
Queen Ilatshepsu — he read Amenenihe,'^ but
declined to call it a queen's. He persists in re-
garding it as belonging to a king, and hence ofiers
no satisfactory explanation of the employment of
the feminine form in all the inscriptions. "If,"
says he, ' ' I felt somewhat surprised at seeing
here, as elsewhere throughout the temple, the
renowned Moeris, adorned with all the insignia of
royalty, giving place to this Amenenthe, for
whose name we may search the royal lists in
vain, still more astonished was I to find on reading
the inscriptions that wherever they referred to this
bearded king in the usual dress of the Pharaohs,
nouns and verbs were in the feminine, as though
a queen were in question. I found the same
peculiarity everywhere. Not only was there the
prenomen of Amenenthe preceded by the title
of sovereign ruler of the world, with the femi-
nine affix, but also his o-rni name immediately
following on the title of 'daughter of the Sun.'
Finally, in all the bas-reliefs representing the

' Letlrcs ccriies d'ligijpte et de Nuhie, no. 15.
- The cartouche is read Amonemhe iu the Notices.

gods speaking to this king, he is addressed as a
queen, as iu the following formula : ' Behold, thus
saith Amon-Ra, lord of the thrones of the world,
to his daughter whom he loves, sun devoted to
the truth : the building which thou hast made is
like to the divine dwellintj.' "

By way of solving this problem, ChampoUion
propounded the existence of a queen called Amense,
sister of Thothmes II. He thought to have
found her name iu a cartouche attached to that
of an unknown Thothmes, who would have been
her first husband, and who must have reigned in
his wife's name. On his death, Amense must have
taken Amenenthe for her second husband, and he
also ruled in her name. She evidently pre-
deceased him, for Amenenthe afterwards reigned
conjointly with Thothmes III., "the Moeris of
the Greeks," who was under his guardianship.
The ward would not seem to have felt much
gratitude towards his guardian, but did his
utmost to consign him to oblivion, by diUgcutly
hammering out his legends.

ChampoUion proved from the inscriptions that
the temple was dedicated to Amon. According
to several travellers who had preceded him, this
edifice with " vaulted" ceilings could be no other
than the tomb of Moeris ; but its chambers and
accessories show it to be a genuine temple, for
they contain scenes of offerings to the gods
and to the ancestors of the Pharaohs. Cham-
poUion notes signs of restorations by Horus,
Rameses the Great, his son Merenphtah, and
later by Ptolemy Euergetes 11. Remarking on
the inferiority of sculptures of the Greek period
as compared with the magnificent bas-reliefs of
the XVIIIth Dynasty, ChampoUion takes the
opportunity of giving renewed expression to one
of his favourite ideas, viz : that, far from having
profited by Greek influence, Egyptian art had only
suffered through it. It was his conviction that
the origin of Greek art lay in servile imitation of
the Egyptian. Ancient Egypt had taught her
arts to Greece, who developed them to the point
of sublimity; but had it not been for Egypt,

B 2

DEIR EL BAHARI.

Greece would in all probability never have become
the classic land of the fine arts.

In 1827 Wilkinson was in the temple, since he
speaks of excavations which he then made, for the
purpose of clearing part of the walls. ^ He calls
the building by the same name under which it is
known to us : — " Below the cliffs of the Libyan
mountain is an ancient temple, whose modern
name, Dayr el Bahri, or the northern convent,
indicates its having served, like the vicinity and
precincts of most of the temples of Thebes, as a
church and monastery of the early Christians."
He speaks of the long dromos leading, between two
rows of sphinxes whose fragments still remain,
to a square enclosure before which two pedestals
mark the sites of two obelisks. Wilkinson's
description is somewhat confused. He mentions
an inclined plane of masonry leading to the cen-
tral court of the temple, and intersecting at right
angles a covered corridor formed by a peristyle of
eight polygonal columns. " The inner face of
this corridor, which is the front of the first scarp
of a series of terraces," is doubtless what Mariette
called the " Eastern Terrace." Wilkinson gives
ns some interesting details as to the sculptures
adorning its walls. On the southern side
are processions of soldiers carrying boughs or
weapons, the sacrifice of an ox, and the remains
of two boats. All this may still be seen, and
even more than Wilkinson describes. A scene
found by the English traveller, and representing
the dedication of two obelisks to Amon by the
royal founder of the temple, has not altogether
disappeared, though it has considerably suffered.
These obelisks, very different from those of
Diospolis (Karnak), must have been erected on
the pedestals at the end of the dromos. Wil-
kinson translates the accompanying inscription.
After giving the names and titles of the Pharaoh
Amunneitgori,^ the inscription goes on to say :

1 Topography of Thehes, 1835 edition, p. 90.

^ See the description in Murray's Handbook, 18G7 ed., of
wl\i(;h the bulk is derived from Wilkinson. Tiie name of the
Pharaoh is there read Amun voo-het, instead of Amunneitgori.

" she has made (this) her work for her father
Amunre, lord of the regions (and) erected to him

two fine obelisks of granite she did this

(who is) the giver of life like the sun for ever."

This bas-relief supplies evidence in favour of
Wilkinson's theory that there were two obelisks
at the entrance to the temple. It also seems to
furnish an indication that the blocks which were
found built into walls erected on the upper plat-
form carved with scenes referring to the transport
of two obelisks — in one case showing one of the
monuments placed upon a sledge — had been
brought thither from the eastern platform by the
Copts.

Coming to the granite gateway which gives
access to the western platform, Wilkinson, like
Champollion, testifies that its inscription is in
the feminine, and refers to the Pharaoh whose
name he reads as Amunneitgori ; all the same,
he hesitates to call this sovereign a queen. He
describes the sanctuary and its bas-reliefs, and in
this connection confutes ChampolHon's hypothesis
of a queen Amense, wife to an unknown Thoth-
mes. He proves that the unknown Thotlimes
is no other than Thothmes II., and that there
was no queen Amerise. He also mentions the
tradition of the existence of a passage connecting
the temple of Deir el Bahari M'ith the valley of
Biban el Molouk.

Whether any one worked at Deir el Bahari after
Champollion we do not know ; but certainly
Lepsius appears to have seen something more of
the temple than his predecessors, as may be
gathered from his plan of the building (pi. ii.).
He describes the dromos (but without speaking of
any obelisks), the western platform, the granite
gateway, and the sanctuary. Lepsius believes that
the temple was originally connected with that of
Karnak, since the axis of the prolonged dromos
would lead straight to the great temple of Amon.
He was the first to discover the founder of the
temple, which he still calls the temple of the
Assassif. It was a queen, Numt Amen, eldest
sister of Thothmes IIL, who devised this bold

THE FIRST EXPLORERS.

scheme for uniting the two sides of the Nile
valley. She it was who erected before the temple
of Karnak the two largest obelisks left to us.
Numt Amen are the two first words of the car-
touche of Hatshepsu, and Lepsius had in truth
recognised the name of the founder of the temple,
although, as he had at once observed, the
queen is never represented as a woman, but
always in the dress of a man. Her sex is re-
vealed by the inscriptions. " Doubtless it was

contrary to the law of succession for a queen to
occupy the throne, and this was the reason that
her brother, probably still a minor, subsequently
appears as sharing the throne along with her.
After the queen's death her cartouches were re-
placed by those of Thuthmosis III., and her name
was not admitted upon the lists of legitimate

sovereigns.

1 Brie/e, p. 282.

DEIR EL BAHARI.

CHAPTER 11.

MARIETTE.

From the days of Lepsius on-\varcls, hunters
after mummies and antiquities have probably
attacked Deir cl Baliari from time to time. Of
this I had a proof on the 14th February 1893,
when, on reaching the roof of the covered
chamber situate at the N.W. angle of the western
platform — a chamber unknowni to Mariette — I
found a pencilled notice on its walls stating that
it had been opened by Greene in 1855.

Mariette made three excavations at Deir el
Bahari, but regrets having been unable to work
there as uninterruptedly as in other parts of Egypt.
"On three occasions only (1858, 18G2, 180G)
was I able to take small detachments of men
from the excavations at Goornah and make more
or less successful attempts on Deir cl Bahari."
The first proved to be the most important in its
results. Then it was that the plan of the temple
was ascertained (pi. iii.),and discovery made of the
famous bas-reliefs of the naval expedition to the
land of Punt. The subsequent explorations chiefly
sci-ved to form collections of sarcophagi and
mummies, either for the Museum of Boulaq or
for the Paris Universal Exhibition of 18G7.

Deir el Bahari — the Convent of the North,
•which the people of the place also call Deir el
Assassif — the Convent of the Assassif — or Deir es
Sultan — the Convent of the King— bears that
name because ruins of a Coptic convent stand on
part of the temple site even to this day. The
Copts did not take possession of the whole ; they
did not occupy the eastern platform. But it was
from this platform that they took material for
building the wretched walls which divided their
convent into different rooms. These walls are
either of brick, brick and stone, or altogether of

stone. The latter are built of miscellaneous
sculptured blocks, capitals and bases of columns
being used indiscriminately with bas-reliefs turned
upside down. The destruction and the havoc
wrought in this temple by the Copts is incal-
culable. For instance, all the great wall at
the end of the western platform, built against
the rock, and protecting the court on the west,
is made of ancient blocks. Mariette did not see
this wall. In the course of my first winter's work
I cleared a good deal of it, and satisfied myself that
it contains fragments of very important inscrip-
tions which must, if possible, be completed as the
excavation proceeds.

Mariette rightly insisted upon the peculiar
character of the temples on the left bank of the
river at Thebes. Here only do we find a certain
special type of builc]ing, and all the examples
date from the comparatively limited period covered
by the XVIIIth to the XXth Dynasties. The
great temples on the right bank of the Nile —
Karnak, Luxor — are in the first place buildings
erected for the worship of the local deity, and
the work of many generations. From the time
of the Xllth Dynasty, the dynasty of the
Amenemhats and Usertesens, almost every
sovereign or reigning family undertook the duty
of adding to or repairing the structure of Karnak.
Each generation insisted on being represented
there, so that the walls of the great temple of
Amon became as it were the annals of the
Egyptian monarchy. It is altogether otherwise
with the temples on the left bank. There the
king began a temple with the intention of com-
pleting it himself. The plan was his, and he tried
to carry it out from beginning to end ; for, in fact,

MARIETTE.

these temples were monuments raised by the
king to his own glory and to his o^YU memory,
and the inscriptions with which they are covered
often take the form of chapters from his autobio-
graphy. In order to understand the object of
these temples we must compare them with the
Egyptian tomb such as it was even under the Old
Kingdom. An Egyptian tomb consisted of three
parts : the exterior chapel, the shaft, and the
sepulchral chamber. The exterior chapel was
composed of one or more rooms, sometimes
lavishly decorated, adorned with colonnades or
peristyles, and always accessible to the kindred
of the deceased and to his priests, if he had any.
Hither came his family to make libations and
bring oflerings of food and incense to the dead :
they also came at certain times in the year to
celebrate religious rites, whose nature and details
were prescribed by the ceremonial code.

In the chapel, or near to it, was the opening
of the vertical shaft by which the sarcophagus
was introduced into the sepulchral chamber. This
pit was filled up, and the chamber hermetically
closed, so that no one could gain access to the
mummy, which must be secured from sight, and
above all from sacrilege. The funerary chapel,
on the other hand, was open to visitors, and there
the dead man wished to show what his life
had been. As may be seen at Beui Hassan, it
was here that he had caused his praises to be
inscribed, and that it had pleased him to set
forth to posterity the rare qualities by which he
had been distinguished, the high deeds which
had marked his career, the dignities to which the
royal favour had raised him, and the riches that
he had gathered.

Let us now return to Thebes, to the entrance
of the vast necropolis which occupies so large a
space on the left bank of the river, and consider
the tombs destined for the greatest personages
in the realm, that is to say for the kings.
■Here we find the three essential parts of the
Ancient and Middle Kingdom tomb, but instead
of being all together, or at least in close proximity

to each other, they are separated by considerable
distances. In the Valley of the Kings, far from
cultivated land, and in the midst of a solitude
that one is little tempted to disturb, is the
sepulchral chamber, and the equivalent of the
shaft, namely the long subterranean gallery pene-
trating far into the rock, and often excavated at
several different levels. None of this was meant
to be accessible, and all was hermetically closed.
Outside the valley, and nearer to the town, stand-
ing out against the sand of the desert in sight of
all men, and close to a college of priests, was the
chapel to which ofi'erings were brought, and where
rites were celebrated through the pious care of the
family, or of visitors. But the chapel had grown
into a temple ; of such temples there must once
have been several, and four of them are standing
to this day : Goornah, the Ramesseum, Medinet
Haboo and Deir el Bahari.

It is to Mariette that we must give the credit
of having fully recognised the nature and func-
tion of these temples of the left bank. They are
great funerary chapels, closely connected with the
royal tombs whose existence they imply. Their
special character being determined, we may now
proceed to divide these funerary temples into
two categories : those erected for a single sove-
reign, and those which were intended to serve
for several royal tombs. To the first category
belong the Piamesseum and Medinet Haboo.
Rameses II., the vainest and most ostentatious of
Egyptian kings, and after him that one among
his successors who, dazzled by the external mag-
nificence and vainglor}^ of his reign, seems to
have resolved to imitate him in every way —
Rameses III. — built their own funerary chapels,
monuments designed to perpetuate their mighty
deeds, and to carry down to posterity what they
esteemed as their chief titles to fame. Hence
each of these temples was in connection with one
tomb only. It was otherwise with those of Goor-
nah and Deir el Bahari. Seti I. began the build-
ing at Goornah, and there raised a funerary
chapel to his father, Rameses I. The inscriptions

DEIIl EL BAIIAUI.

on the walls show that Rameses was dead, and he
is represented as seated in his sanctuary and
bearing the emblems of Osiris. In his lionour the
temple was built and the ceremonies celebrated.
Seti I. did not complete the building. Rameses II.
continued it, and adhering to its original dedi-
cation consecrated it also to his father, Seti I. ;
for in a large bas-relief we see Seti I. coming forth
from his tomb, and invoking Amon in favour of
his son, who stands before him, offering perfumes
to the sacred bark of the god. The temple of
Goornah is therefore the great chapel of two
tombs, and it is as though in a mastabat of the
Old Kingdom, or in one of the tombs of Beni
Hassan, there were two pits opening from the
same room.

This is also the case at Deir el Baliari. That
temple belonged to several tombs whose sites are
unknown to us, but which may well have been in
its immediate neighbourhood. Mariette thought
that the queen had built it with regard to her own
tomb only ; but had he made further excavations
in the direction of the north-west angle of the
western platform, which I cleared last spring, he
would have seen that the building, although
certainly made for the queen, was in the first
place intended to be the funerary temple of her
father, Thothmes I. The rock-cut chapel of
that king, which I discovered, and the altar
placed before its door, seem to show that the
queen's first thought had been for Thothmes I.
She chose a site which had served as a necro-
polis in times that were ancient even in her
days, for ]\Iarietto states that at the far end
of the amphitheatre, towards the south-west,
there was another edifice, now utterly destroyed,
which dated from King Mentuhotep II., of the

Xlth Dynasty. There may even be traces of
a third building of the same kind.

The temple must also have been intended for
ceremonies connected with the tomb of the queen.
The great vaulted chamber on the south, which
was cleared by Mariette, and where we see long
processions of priests bearing offerings (pi. vi.),
is likewise of a funerary character. It is certain
that the queen must have made her tomb in
Thebes, near to the burial-places of the rest of her
family, and on that side of the river where this
temple stands. But where did she cause that tomb
to be hewn out whose site we have never yet dis-
covered ? Is it in the valley of Biban el Molouk
together with most of the royal tombs ; is it pei'-
adventure in the western valley ; or in some secret
place beneath the walls of the temple that we are
now excavating ? We do not know. Did the ven-
geance of Thothmes III. , the fury with which he
erased the inscriptions of his aunt and guardian,
lead him to destroy her tomb also and to cast her
ashes to the wind ? That is scarcely likely. The
fact remains that we have the bodies of Thoth-
mes II., Thothmes III., and according to M.
Maspero, of Thothmes I., without counting those
of many princes and princesses of the family — but
not the body of the queen. Moreover, we do not
know the tomb of any Thothmes, nor from
what places or caves their mummies were re-
moved to the hiding-place which was so well con-
cealed as to keep the secret of its precious deposit
until our time. One thing at least is certain that
in Deir el Bahari we have a building which was the
funerary chapel of Thothmes I. and of his daughter.
Perhaps it also belonged to Thothmes 11., and
Thothmes III. ; but of this we cannot be sure at
the present stage of our researches.

CHAPTER III.

PLAN OF THE TEMPLE.

The funerary temple built by Queeu Hatshepsu
on the site of an Xlth Dynasty necropolis bore no
resemblance to other Egyptian temples ; it was
sui generis (pi. iii.). We shall proceed to describe
its plan, mainly basing our description upon the
researches of Mariette. His work notwithstanding
our knowledge of the temple is as yet imperfect,
and it is hoped that further and complete infor-
mation on the subject may result from the
present excavations, which will doubtless occupy
several winters. The excavations of 1893 showed

No one can fail to admire the indomitable energy
and perseverance by which he triumphed over all
obstacles — sometimes wantonly placed in his
path — during his search for the Serapeum at the
outset of his Egyptian career. But in many
cases we are constrained to admit that, by his
method of work, Mariette prevented himself from
completing his own excavations, and made the
undertaking exceedingly difficult for his successors.
At Deir el Bahari he carried out on a large scale
his custom of heaping his rubbish close to the place

Torraca

Midilla colonnaJij

Lower colounaJo

MiJdlo platform

,llJ.

Court

•11 ^°'="''

U|ipcr platiorm

Lower platform

Mariette's theoretical reconstruction of the build-
ing to be inaccurate as regards the upper platform ;
and from time to time our own ideas of the temple
will probably be modified as we clear away the
mounds of rubbish still covering parts of it.

Far be it from us to detract from the merit
and value of Mariette's researches, which amended
and restored large portions of Egyptian history.

' The above plan give.s the nomenclature which will be
adopted in this and the subsequent volumes in describing
the various parts of the temple at Deir el Bahari.

from which it came, instead of removing it to a
distance. Probably this practice was forced upon
him by circumstances, but it sometimes resulted
in his covering important sites with earth or
sand, and thus led to his overlooking discoveries
to which he himself would have attached high
value. It has several times fallen to my lot to
deal with these results of Mariette's method,
especially during my excavations at Deir el
Bahari. In clearing the north-west corner of the
upper platform, and trying to find the rock against

DEIR EL BAHART.

which that platform stands, I have not only re-
moved the debris which concealed it from the eyes
of Wilkinson and Lej^sius, but I was in the first
place obliged to carry away beyond the temple
enclosure large accumulations from the south side
of the same platform, cast here by Mariette. He
had never suspected that beneath his rubbish
heaps lay a hall decorated with gigantic sculptures,
although Greene had noticed the top of it. Still
less did he suspect that here too was the roofed
chapel of Thothmes I., and an inner court con-
taining that great altar whose discovery was the
most important result of my first season's work.
All this part of the temple I have completely cleared.

We must not be too severe in our judgment of
Mariette ; probably he would gladly have acted
otherwise ; but the necessity for proceeding
rapidly, and the pecuniary conditions by which
he was hampered all his life, obliged him to work
as economically as possible. The excavator is
almost invariably confronted with the difficulty
of disposing of his rubbish, especially in such a
place as Deir el Bahari, where the temple is shut
in between hill and necropohs. Here the debris
must be carried out to an old clay pit, a sort of
pond which the Arabs call the lake — " birket " —
in order to run no risk of covering either building
or tombs.

The enclosure wall has almost entirely dis-
appeared, but its course can still be traced.
According to Mariette it embraced not only the
XVnith Dynasty building, but also a much older
funerary temple dating from the Xlth Dynasty.
The whole surrounding country is indeed one
vast necropolis, and mummy-pits dug all over
the temple of Hatshepsu show that from the
time of the XXHnd Dynasty the building itself
had served as a receptacle for mummies.

Not one stone is now standing of that entrance
gateway near which AVilkinson found traces of a
pylon. Mariette saw no objection to admitting
that there had been a pylon here, but he was less
willing to admit that two obelisks stood in front
of it ; for obelisks were not usually placed before

temples on the left bank of the river. Still, he
ultimately decided that the bas-relief described
by Wilkinson settled the question, and last
year's excavations seem to me to confirm his
opinion that two great monoliths had once
adorned the entrance to the temple. Following
the avenue which divides the whole length of the
temple, at about 50 metres (55 yards) within the
enclosure wall, Mariette notes two angles of a
rectangular construction whose nature cannot be
determined. Beyond it begins the graduated
inchne leading to that raised colonnade of the
first platform, which Mariette calls the " Eastern
Terrace." We shall return later to the bas-
reliefs on its wall, which were protected by a roof
doubly supported on a row of quadrangular pillars
and another row of columns of a composite style ;
the inner row being of the style sometimes called
proto-Doric and found elsewhere throughout the
temple. The north part of the wall is far more
damaged than the south part, its bas-reliefs
representing religious scenes having been almost
entirely effaced. The damage at the south end
has been chiefly effected by excavations in search
of the many mummies found there, these excava-
tions having also involved the removal of the
pavement.

A high retaining wall, upholding the whole
length of the middle platform above the valley,
starts from the south-east angle of the lower or
eastern platform, and is in good preservation.
Its lower courses are decorated by a series of
carved panellings, surmounted by alternating
hawks and urnei of colossal size (pi. xiv.). This
ornamentation extends the whole length of the
platform, i.e., for about 90 metres (98 yards).
Little remains of the pavement ; on the south it
has almost entirely disappeared, owing to graves
having been dug there and afterwards rifled. No
complete plan of the building is possible until the
great mounds of rubbish on the north side of this
platform have been completely cleared away.

A graduated incline, or flight of steps, led
from the centre of this platform to the upper or

PLAN OP THE TEMPLE.

western platform, which was upheld by the retain-
ing wall terminating the middle platform, just as
the middle platform was upheld above the lower
one. The face of this wall bears very important
inscriptions, and was protected by a portico formed
of two rows of square pillars. The southern half
is covered with the famous pictorial representa-
tion of the expedition to the Land of Punt ; on
the northern half, which I have already partly
cleared, are most interesting texts and scenes
relating to the birth of the queen and her
enthronement by her father, Thothmes I.

On the same level as the portico, and at either
end of it are rock-cut sanctuaries. That on the
north consists of one small central chamber
parallel to the axis of the temple, opening on two
others which are at right angles to each other.
These three chambers are approached through a
twelve-columned portico, whose roof is in perfect
preservation. The scenes painted on the walls
of the Northern Speos are exclusively religious ;
they are only partially effaced, and are full of life
and colour. The Southern or Hathor Speos is
the more important. It is entered through a
covered vestibule whose pillars have Hathor-
headed capitals, and whose walls bear scenes
relating to the rejoicings at Thebes on the suc-
cessful return of the fleet from the Land of Punt.
On an inner wall of the Speos, Hathor is repre-
sented under the form of a cow suckling a boy
bearing the queen's name.

The upper platform was occupied by various
buildings. In the first place there is a terrace,
and, judging by what I found on the north side,
this terrace was roofed in, and the roof rested upon
a single row of columns and abutted against a
thick wall, now more than half ruined, on which
the Copts erected their convent tower. The red
granite gateway, which is exactly opposite to the
entrance to the sanctuary, leads through the wall
into a large inner court. This portal was seen
by Jollois and Devilliers in the last century ; it
consists of red granite monolithic posts and
lintel, and furnishes two instances of that deface-

ment of inscriptions from which the whole temple
has suffered. First the queen's cartouche was
chiselled out and replaced by that of her nephew,
Thothmes III., who left all the rest of the in-
scription in the feminine : Menlclieperra (Thoth-
mes III.), she has raised this monument to her
father, Amon Ba. Subsequently the name of
the god was also struck out, evidently by order
of Khueuaten, who, in his passionate antagonism
to the worship of Amon, erased the name and
figure of that divinity throughout the temple.
Name and figure were afterwards roughly and
imperfectly restored, and the credit of these very
inferior restorations is probably due to Kameses II.,
who thus acquired the right of inscribing his
own name on almost every wall of the temple.
There is no inscription of a few yards long
which does not prove to contain the following :

I Kameses II. j '=' [l

WOOO A«w« _S*SIII
King Bamses II. restored these monuments of his
father, Amon Ba. This formula occurs no less
than five times on the south half of the wall of
the lower colonnade.

Passing through the granite gateway we enter
a rectangular space bounded by thick walls on the
north and south, and terminated on the west by
the vertical cliff which closes in the valley. This
court was all that was seen by Jollois and
Devilliers. Directly opposite the granite gate-
way, and in a line with the avenue of approach,
is the rock-cut sanctuary whose "vaulted" roof,
described by the French savants, is constructed in
true Egyptian fashion as above explained (p. 2).
The west wall of the court is a retaining wall
built against the cliff side, and containing niches
for ofierings or sacred emblems. I cleared almost
the whole of the northern half of this wall last
year, and found that it had been rebuilt by the
Copts, and that the blocks which they had used
for this purpose are carved with fragments of a
great inscription, to whose sculptures they had
paid no regard whatever. The loss of this great
inscription is lamentable.

DEIR EL BAHARI.

Before my excavations were begun in 1893 the
south side only of the upper platform had been
cleared ; high mounds of rubbish covered it on
the north. But although the south side alone
was laid bare by Mariette, and the north side
invisible to him, his plan shows the wall which
bounded the inner court on the north. On
the south he had found several chambers, and
especially one large " vaulted " room, oriented
from east to west like the temple, and containing
at its far end a granite stela whose inscription is
completely effaced. The walls of this chamber
are sculptured with processions of priests bringing
offerings to Queen Hatshepsu, the work being of
remarkable fineness (pi. vi.). None of these have
been hammered out excepting the name of the
queen.

In Mariette's, or rather M. Brune's, conjectural
restoration of the upper or western platform, it
is assumed that the buildings on its north side
exactly correspond with those on its south. My
excavations have proved that this is not the case.
There are two doors in the north wall of the
court. The larger and western door opens on
to a somewhat high and narrow hall, lying
north and south, and decorated with gigantic
representations of the queen making offerings to
Amon. The figure of the god has been con-
sistently effaced — probably by Kliuenaten — and
roughly restored by Rameses II. The second
and eastern door is much smaller, and loads to a
part of the building entirely separate from the
rest of the temple, and which 1 believe to have
been specially dedicated to Thothmes I. It is
entered through a covered vestibule with a single
row of three columns running from north to south.
A doorway in the vestibule leads into an open

court, and in the midst of this court stands a
great altar made of " good white An stone."
The altar is dedicated to Harmakhis, and is so
placed that the priest ascending the flight of steps
leading to its platform would face the rising sun.
Opposite the north side of the altar is a door
leading to the little rock-cut chapel which I
believe to be the funerary chapel of Thothmes I.
Here we found the name of the king's mother —
Senseueb. It is obvious, even from this brief
description, that the north side of the upper plat-
form considerably differs from the side cleared
by Mariette, and that the two sides of the building
are in no wise symmetrical to each other.

No chambers were built over the Northern
Speos, nor yet over the Southern; and no use
seems to have been made of the platforms above
them, which were only intended to protect their
roofs from the talus of the cliffs. I cleared
the platform over the Northern Speos to the level
of the pavement, and there found a panel of the
ebony shrine dedicated by Thothmes II. This
discovery led me to conclude that from the time
of the destruction of the shrine, perhaps from the
time of the reign of Khuenaten, rubbish and
debris were allowed -to accumulate on this spot,
and that no one ever went there.

On the north side of the middle platform are
the first columns of a colonnade starting from the
Northern Speos, running from west to east, and
having in its wall little niches for offerings such
as arc found elsewhere throughout the temple.
In M. Brune's plan this is represented as a
colonnade of thirty-seven columns, and as stretch-
ing the full length of the middle platform. Our
excavations prove it to have been much shorter,
and to have consisted of fifteen columns only.

CHAPTER IV.

THE FAMILY OF THE THOTHMES.

Before considering the reign of the great queen
who built the temple of Deir el Bahari, let us
first investigate her family history. In this
matter the conclusions of earlier Egyptologists
have been successively modified by later dis-
coveries. We will therefore explain the case as it
now stands, though it is liable possibly to further
important modifications from future research.

In the genealogical table of the XVIIIth
Dynasty as drawn up by M. Maspero with the
help of the inscriptions found on the Deir el
Bahari mummies/ the wife of Amenophis I. is
Queen Aahhotep II. ; Thothmes I. being their
son, and the princess Aahmes their daughter.
Brother and sister married, and of that marriage
was born Queen Hatshepsu, the founder of this
temple. But Thothmes I. had two other wives :
Mutnefert, whose son was Thothmes II., and
Isia, evidently of inferior rank, whose son was
Thothmes III. The genealogy which until
quite recently seemed most likely to be correct
ran as follows :

Amenophis I. Aahhotep II.

Aahmes (queen) Thothmes I. jMutnefert Isis

Hatshepsu

Thothmes II. Thothmes III.

Hence Thothmes II. and Thothmes III. were
both sons of Thothmes I., and consequently half

1 Mission archeologique fran(;aise au Caire, vol. i., p. C37.

2 Maspero, Pros, of the Soc. of Bibl. Arch., vol. xiv.,
p. 170.

brothers to Hatshepu, who became the wife of
Thothmes II. and the guardian of Thothmes III.

An important alteration of this genealogical
table was necessitated by M. Boussac's discovery
of the great stela of Anna in a tomb at
Goornah.^ The stela tells us that "when king
Thothmes II. appeared in heaven and rejoined
the gods, his son took his place as king of the
two lands, and he was prince upon the throne of
him who begat him. His sister, the royal wife
Hatshepsu, discharged the office of regent of
the land." Thothmes III. is not here mentioned
by name, but as there was no intermediate king
between him and Thothmes II., Thothmes III.
must needs have been the son of Thothmes II.
This conclusion is confirmed from the dedicatory
inscription of a statue at Karnak.

M. Maspero has therefore altered the second
part of his genealogical table as follows :
Aahmes Thothmes I. Mutnefert

Hatshepsu

Thothmes II.

Isis

Hatshepsu II. Thothmes III.

In concluding his notice of the XVIIIth
Dynasty, M. Maspero indicated one point as still
doubtful. This first table makes Queen Aahhotep
the mother of Thothmes I., and thus the king's
wife Aahmes is his full sister. But M. Maspero
did not consider this as conclusively settled, and
we now find that his doubt is justified. Professor
Erman has recently published an inscription on a
piece of limestone in the Ghizeh Museum, which
gives the text of a letter or circular sent round to his
subordinates by Thothmes I. (in this instance to

DEIR EL RAIIARr.

an officer at Elephantine), announcing his acces-
sion to the throne. In reference to the formula

for oaths he says : a-— a ^ v\ ~wv^ T" ^ Q])

n I) : J) Let them sivcar hy the iiainc of His
Majesty, life, health, and strength, horn of the
royal mother, Senseneh. From this inscription
it would seem that Senseneh, although wife of
Amenophis I., was not of royal hlood, or that at
any rate she had not been raised to the rank of
queen. Now in the funerary chapel of Thoth-
mes I. the king is represented with his well-
known wife, the queen-sister Aahmes, J V '5:&^
^S (^"^ [|i ""•*"] ''^^'^^ ^1*50 with another queen

called the royal mother, irrinccss of the two Innch,
1 ""^x Senseneh, who is evidently the one re-
"^ ferred to in the Ghizeh inscription. This
proves that Thothmes I. was only half-
brother to his wife Aahmes. Senseneh is
here called queen, and her name enclosed
in a cartouche ; but she is unmcntioned
in the royal genealogies, her elevation
being probably due to her husband's
favour. The amended genealogical table
of the Thothmes family stands therefore

^ ^

as follows

Aaliliotep Amrsnophis T. Senseneh

Aalimes

Thothmes I.

Miitnnfort

Hatshepsu

Thothmes II.

Isis

Hatshepsu II. Tlmtlimes III.

We here see that these four kings all married
their half-sisters, a custom which lasted into
Ptolemaic times, and which must have been
founded on very ancient tradition. It is certainly
the remains of what is known as endogamy,
i.e., marriage between the members of the family,
and implies polygamy on the part of the father of

the man and wife, the father having been the
king in the cases now under consideration.

The mother of Thothmes III. was made known
to us from the linen wrappings inscribed with
texts from the Book of the Dead which enfolded
his mummy. Immediately following on the title

of Chapter I. arc these words, i |) Ij ] '^ ^

jj ^ j| c. ,SV/('(/ /;// the king Menhheiterra, son of

theStin, Thothmes, jristified, son of the royal mother
Isis, justified. The name of Isis is not enclosed in
a cartouche, and she has no other title than that of
" royal mother " — i.e., mother of a king. Hence
we may infer that Thothmes II. had not raised
Isis to the rank of queen, and that she was
merely one of the royal harem. This fact may
perhaps furnish us with the key to a problem
which has never been satisfactorily solved, namely,
that presented by the relations which sub-
sisted between Hatshepsu and Thothmes III.
Hatshepsu was the legitimate wife of Thothmes II.,
and seems to have had no son, but only two
daughters, one of whom was her namesake. The
son of Thothmes II.-, Thothmes III., was born of
another wife, who was perhaps a rival or a slave ;
and if Hatshepsu shared her throne with the only
heir of Thothmes II., it was doubtless because
she was constrained to do so either by circum-
stances or by custom, and not from any affection
which she bore to her husband's son who was
also her own nephew. The relations between
aunt and nephew were certainly not character-
ised by attachment and mutual confidence, for
with Thothmes HI. they left no trace of anything
but resentment, which he sought to appease by
doing his utmost to destroy everything recalling
the reign of Hatshepsu. It is the story of Sarah
and Hagar as enacted in a royal family ; but the
queen was less happy than the Sarah of Scripture,
for she was obliged to instal Ishmael in the heri-
tage of Abraham, to associate him with herself,
and to give him her own daughter in marriage.

CHAPTEE V.

HATSHEPSU.

Let us now consider the life of this queen in
greater detail. Judging from her monuments
we conclude that she did not fall below the
standard of the rest of the XVIIIth Dynasty,
certainly one of the greatest and most powerful
of all the Egyptian dynasties. BamaJca,^ Hat-

_£>

shei^su, Numt Amen (pi. xiii.)-was,
O fl '^^^ as we have seen, the daughter of
Thothmes I. (pi. xii.) and of his
half-sister Aahmes (pi. xi.). She
t-J "^jii would seem to have given early evi-
V J dence of her capacity to reign, for her
father, Thothmes I., associated her with himself in
the exercise of the sovereignty. A scene on one of
the pylons at Karnak represents the king holding
baton and mace, standing before a sanctuary con-
taining the Theban triad, and preferring his re-
quest. In the accompanying inscription, and more
especially addi-essing the god Amon, he says : "7
have come unto thee, king of the gods, I prostrate
myself (before thee). In return for what I have
done for thee do thou, bestow Egypt and the Bed
Land (the desert) on my daughter Bamaka,
living eternally, as thoiL hast done for me."
Further on he proceeds to say : " My dauglder
TJsertkau (one of her titles), who loves thee, ivho
is united unto thee, (who is) beloved, thou hast
transmitted the world unto her, {thou hast united
it) in her hands, thou hast chosen her as queen.'^
That Thothmes I. voluntarily associated his
daughter with himself upon the throne is proved
from the fact that this inscription was engraved
during his lifetime; had there been no other

■ 1 The transcription of the name of Amenopliis III. in the
tablets of Tell el Amarua shows that the correct reading of
this cartouche must be Ka ma ra.

record of his action in the matter than that
engraved by order of Hatshepsu, and in her own
temple, there might have been doubt on this
point.

A fuller account of Hatshepsu's accession to
the throne as co-reguant with her father is given
in an inscription Avhich I found last spring in the
northern half of the temple, on the retaining
wall of the middle colonnade, i.e., on a place
corresponding to that occupied in the southern
half of the temple by the record of the Expedi-
tion to Punt. The inscription is somewhat
obscure and requires close study. It can only
be copied with great difficulty, because it has been
chiselled over from end to end, like all inscrip-
tions exclusively commemorating Hatshepsu,
which Thothmes III. could not appropriate to
himself as he appropriated the record of the
Expedition to Punt.

Immediately preceding it are scenes referring to
the birth of Hatshepsu and to her being suckled by
the divine cow. These scenes are almost identical
with those relating to the birth of Amenophis III.
which adorn the walls of a chamber in the temple
of Luxor, and were probably suggested by the
representations at Deir el Bahari. The story
of Hatshepsu's childhood is followed by the
account of her enthronement, and this direct
sequence implies that she was still very young
when that event took place. From childhood,
Hatshepsu is always represented in full male
costume. In the Southern Speos she is depicted
in the hkeness of a boy being suckled by the
Cow Hathor ; she is shown as a youth in the
scene which we are about to consider, and else-
where throughout the temple of Deir el Bahari

nKII! EL BAHART.

she appears as a full-grown man (pi. xiii.). Ex-
cepting as a goddess, she is never once represented
under the form of a woman. She officiates as
priest, and not as priestess ; and when enthroned
within a sanctuary she wears the head-dress of
Osiris or of some other god, — even the beard is
not omitted.

The enthronement inscription is accompanied
by a scene illustrating the text, and finely carved
in rehef, Hke all the sculptures on this wall.
Thothmes is seated within a shrine, his names
and titles being inscribed above his head, and
neither the figure of the king, nor his titles, nor
the opening words of the text have been defaced.
But it is otherwise with the rest of the scene and
record. Thothmes holds by the left arm a yoimg
man, who is standing. This is the queen, whose
names and titles arc also placed above her head ;
and although inscription as well as figure have
been hammered out, it is still possible to decipher
the characters. The long text is hard to read,
and at present I can only give a summary of it.
It is at least evident that the king has summoned
together the nobles of his kingdom, and tells
them that he has conferred the prerogatives and
insignia of royalty upon his daughter, whom they
are henceforward to obey. A curious indication
that this inscription was engraved by order of
the queen, and not by order of Thothmes, is
that he speaks of the queen in the masculine :

0 /ww« ^t^ ^ literally, The Majesty of him

my daughter, or ^s,"^ he, my (laughter.

The inscription also contains a somewhat obscure
allusion to the death of the king, followed by an
account of the rejoicings which celebrated the
accession of the queen. On that occasion her
names and titles are said to be completed, i.e.,
her two cartouches are henceforth preceded and
followed by long formulas of epithets and attri-
butes. At this time also there would seem to
have been a reform of the calendar. The 1st o^
Thoth (which is the first day of the first month
of the vague year) and the ])oginning of the

seasons {i.e., the beginning of the fixed year
which was founded upon the recurrence of certain
natural phenomena — especially the rise of the
Nile) were made to fall upon the same day, so
the inscription tells us. From time to time the
Ancient Egyptians must have felt the incon-
venience noted in the Cauopic inscription, that,
namely, of finding such of their festivals as were
regulated by dates in the vague year gradually
making the round of the seasons. This was ob-
viated by again causing the two yeai's to begin on
the same day. There was a fresh start ; and since
the difference between the two years was but that
of one day in four years, the old inconvenience
was unfelt during the reign of the prince who
made the reform, and his successors were free to
employ the same means as he had done when the
disparity between the vague and fixed years
became so great as to be troublesome.

Although the genealogy of the Thothmes kings
from Amenophis I. to Tliothmes III. can now be
restored with almost absolute certainty, there is
no such certainty with regard to the reigns,
I regencies, and co-regencies of the family. That
j Thothmes I. was the son of Amenophis I., and
that he associated his daughter with himself upon
the throne, are two well established facts. Marietta
concluded from the inscriptions on an unpublished
monument that Thothmes I. and Thothmes II.
were for a time co-regnant. This seems to me
altogether unlikely. Hatshepsu was not married
when she joined her father on the throne, and if
Thothmes I. and Thothmes II. reigned together,'
Thothmes I. must have associated his son as well
as his daughter with himself — a most improbable
proceeding. It would rather seem as though
Hatshepsu had reigned alone in the interval
between her father's death and her marriage with
Thothmes II., and that it was during her sole
reign that she founded the temple of Deir el
Bahari. As a proof tliat the temple was not
founded in the lifetime of Thothmes I., Mariette
states that never once throughout the building is
that king's legend found as the legend of a living

HATSHEPStJ.

Although agreeing with Marie ttc's
conchision, I cannot support this statement. In
a part of the temple which Mariette did not
excavate, Thothmes I. does bear the titles of a
reigning king. On an outer wall of the upper
platform there is a long inscription, of which
unfortunately only a small portion remains, but
it undoubtedly refers to Thothmes I. as living.

1LJ]1

Z3 .

ML^"

Baaakhejjei'Jca, loorshipper of Avion, lord of the
thrones of the tioo lands, beloved, giving life like
the Sun eternally. This is certainly not the legend
of a deceased king ; bat oddly enough the inscrip-
tion is a palimpsest. It is carved with hollowed
out signs, while the rest of the sculptures are
in relief, and traces of the older inscription which
it superseded may still be discerned beneath it.
Moreover, since it is inscribed on the outside of a
wall of the funerary chapel of Thothmes I., I am
inclined to think that it was a later addition
made with the intention of attributing that build-
ing to him and not to his daughter.

Neither are the king's titles in the enthrone-
ment inscription those of a dead sovereign ; but
this text was very likely engraved by the queen's
orders, and may have been intended to settle the
disputed legitimacy of her accession. In inscrib-
ing the walls of her temple with the long text
illustrated by a scene representing Thothmes I.
in the act of placing his hands upon her, she put
herself as it were under his protection, and
appealed to his authority in order to secure from
her subjects the obedience which he himself had
commanded them to give her. She succeeded in
securing it during her Hfe, but after she was
dead her name was not admitted on the lists
of legitimate sovereigns. Therefore, in spite of
appearances, and notwithstanding the two inscrip-
tions which seem to prove the contrary, I do not
think that the temple of Deir el Bahari was con-
secrated in the life-time of Thothmes I.

Nor do I agree with Mariette in ascribing the
erection of the two largest obelisks in Egypt, the

obelisks of Hatshepsu at Karuak, to the joint
reign of father and daughter. Unfortunately only
one obelisk of this pair stands intact, while the
second is in fragments, of which some may bo
seen serving as millstones in the neighbourhood
of Thebes.

These obelisks were erected in the peristyle
which precedes the great Hypostyle Hall. The in-
scriptions engraved on each of the four faces were
intended to be in three lines on each face, and of
the three lines the middle one is the most im-
portant. The side lines contain scenes of offerings
made by diiferent kings ; they are incomplete,
but they represent Hatshepsu, Thothmes I., and
even Thothmes III., a fact which proves that in
part at least they were engraved after the queen's
death. On all four sides the middle inscription
only is complete.

The fourgi'eat central texts are very important,
and contain particulars upon wliieli new light is
thrown by the inscriptions of Doir el Bahari. On
the north face we read: "Her Majesty caused
the name of her father to be established on this
monument, which was placed when the king of
Upper and Lower Egypt, the king Piaaakheperka,
gave praise to the Majesty of this god. Her
Majesty raised the two great obelisks on her first
anniversary, for it was said by the king of the
gods to thy father the king of Upper and Lower
Egypt, Raaakheperka, Give orders that obelisks
may be raised, and thy Majesty will complete
this monument."

At first sight the text seems somewhat con-
fused, and the difficulty of understanding it is
increased by that change of persons from third
to second which is common in Egyptian texts.
According to this inscription it was Thothmes I.
who had originally intended to erect the obelisks,
and at the command of the god Amon ; but since
the obelisks in question are here referred to in
the plural 0 'ww« II 11 11 and not in the dual, the
divine command must have related to more
than two. Thothmes I. obeyed, and began the
work. He erected two obelisks in the vestibule

DE[R EL BAHARI.

preceding that of the queen and immediately
contignons to the Hj-postj-le Hall.' One of these
obelisks is still standing, and its inscriptions
name him as sole king, without any mention of
his daughter as co-rcgnant with him. These
ohehsks must therefore date from before the
joint reign of Thothmes I. and Hatshepsu. The
Idug was afterwards desirous of completing his
undertaking, but he probably died either before
or immediately after beginning to do so, for the
obelisk raised by his daughter bears no other
mention of him except in the scenes of offerings
and in the inscription on the plinth, where he is
qualified as i.e., as deceased. Hence the

completion of the work of Thothmes I. by the
erection of the two above-mentioned obelisks which
bear the queen's name must be attributed to the
sole reign of Hatshepsu. The queen was very
proud of her work, and described it at length in
the inscription on the plinth of the one which is
still standing: — " I who sit in the palace remember
who hath made me ; my heart hath hastened to
make for him two obelisks of smu metal, whose
tops reach iinto the sky in the august hall of
columns which is between the two great pylons
of the king Ea-aa-kheper-ka (Thothmes I.) ...
the words of men now living. When they see
my monument in the course of years, and see
what I have done, beware of saying: I know
not, I know not. This hath been done by cover-
ing the stone with gold all over. It is thus that
it hath been done. I swear it by the love of Ra
and the favour of my father Amon, who in-
vigorateth my nostrils with life and strength."^
In stating the length of time occupied by the
work, this same text supplies data from which a
very interesting fact may be deduced. The text
says: "My Majesty began to work at this in
the 15th year, and the first day of Mechir, till
the IGth year, and the last day of Mesori, making

' Lepsius, Denkm., iii. G.

' Translation by Mr. Lo Page Renouf, in Records of the
Past, vol. .\ii., p. 131.

seven months since the beginning of it in the
mountain." Here is incontrovertible proof that
the regnal years of a sovereign were counted from
the date of accession or coronation, and not from
the 1st of Thoth. For, since Mechir was the
second month of the second season, and Mesori
the fourth month of the third, the seven months
woiild necessarily have fallen in the same regnal
year had that year been reckoned from the 1st of
Thoth.

There is a remarkable agreement, in the
matter of dates, between the obelisk inscription
and the inscriptions at Deir el Bahari. Accord-
ing to these statements the erection of the
obelisks in the temple of Karnak, and of Hat-
shepsu's building on the other side of the river,
alike commemorated an anniversary of the queen's

coronation. On the obelisk we road /vwws

® f yy rn she has celehmtecl in his honour

(that of Amon) (he first anniversary of the Sed

festival. And again Pf|14^ll--'J7P^®!
the tn-o great obelisks were erected bij Her 3fajestij
at the first anniversary. Now one of the most
frequently recurring names of the temple of Deir

el Bahari is that of n ^ ^ o ® )[ the

sacred place of the first anniversary. In one of
the inscriptions which I found, the god Amon
speaks as follows : Enter in peace, my daughter,
within this good, and sacred, and pleasant jdace
which thou liast made for me, aww> wm^ "^K H '^ a.

^* O ^ ® W within the sacred place of the first
anniversary. The pillars of the colonnades re-
peatedly mention the Sed festival. In one of my
former works I have described the celebration of
a Sed festival at some length.^ The general
character of the festival is well known ; there is
no doubt that it commemorated the sovereign's
accession ; but the period of time which must

^ TJie Festival Hall of OsorJcon II. in the Great Temple
of Bubaslis.

HATSHEPSU.

It)

have elapsed between a coronation and accession
and the celebration of the Sed festival, and must
again have elapsed before the sovereign was
entitled to a second celebration of the same is not
as yet determined. On the CAidenco of Ptolemaic
inscriptions this period was first thought to have
been one of thirty years — r/Dta/foi^Taerrjpt? ; but
that conclusion is not borne out by the older
instances, nor is it in accordance with the circum-
stances of the Sed festival with which we are now
concerned. The festival to which reference is made
in the inscriptions of Hatshepsu at Deir el Bahari
must have been held at the laying of the first stone
of the building, or else at its inauguration, when
the obehsks were in place and the whole work com-
pleted ; but even the second hypothesis gives the
sixteenth, and by no means the thirtieth year of
the queen's reign as the date of the celebration.
Moreover, we have as yet no inscriptions of
Hatshepsu later than the sixteenth year of her
reign, which was also probably its limit. Hence
there is here no question of a period of thirty
years, of a TpiaKovTaeT-qpCi; ; it is even improbable
that the festival should not have been celebrated
until towards the end of the reign, and from the
Deir el Bahari inscriptions I should rather con-
clude that it was solemnised in the ninth year.

Besides the name commemorating the date of
its foundation, the temple of Deir el Bahari more

frequently bore that of ^ ctzd, ^ Q J ^ W^ ,

(1 ,^ send, or send Amon, the sacred place,

or the sacred place of Anion. In this name there
is nothing distinctive, the epithet %=^ ser being
commonly apphed either to persons, oflerings,
festivals, or places, i.e., to anything consecrated
to divine use. It may be translated sacred, or
loorthj to he had in reverence.

We know the name of the architect to whose
abilities Hatshepsu had recourse, and who probably
superintended the building of the temple. In the
rauseum of Berlin,* there is a statue of an official

Lepsius, Denhn., iii. 25.

called Senmut, who lived in the queen's reign.
The numerous titles ascribed to him in its
inscription are nearly all connected with build-
ings and the administration of estates. In ac-
cordance with the queen's usual practice, the
inscription mentions her sometimes in the mas-
culine and sometimes in the feminine. Senmut
says : "J ivas a great man tcho loved his lord, and
I gained the favour of my queen. He exalted me
before the face of the land to the rank of overseer of
his house, and purveyor of the land. I was chief
over the chiefs, head of the architects,^ I executed his
orders in the land — 1 lived under the lady of the
land, queen Eamalca, living cterncdhj." His memory
is perpetuated also upon the walls of his temple; in
the Southern Speos his name occurs as worshipping
Hathor.^ The base of a squatting statuette of
this great personage in black granite, and a
broken glass bead inscribed with his name were
found in the course of our recent excavations.

Is it to the queen or to her architect that the
honour of inaugurating a new style of architecture
— that of a temple wholly or in pai't rock-cut, and
known as a speos or hemi-speos — is due ? This
style of temple developed greatly under Kameses 11. ,
and especially in Nubia ; but we have no older
examples of it than such as date from the
XVIIIth Dynasty and the reign of Hatshepsu.
There can be no doubt that the conception of the
rock-cut temple of Deir el Bahari was suggested
by the tombs of Beni Hassan. At Deir el
Bahari as at Beni Hassan we find the square
pillars, and more especially the characteristic
sixteen-sided columns known as Proto-Doric, sup-
porting architraves on square abaci not wider
than the diameter of the columns, and without
the echinus never omitted between the shaft and
abacus of the Doric column. The Speos of
Hathor further recalls the tombs of Beni Hassan

^ Duemicheii, Ilist. Lmch., ii., pi. 34.

c 2

T)ETR EL BAIIAUr.

ill its arranj^oment. I sliould tliinlc that Beni
Hassan was the phice where the queen made her
first experiment in such architecture ; for close
to those tombs, in the valley knomi as Stahl
Antar, she began the excavation of a speos which
she never finished ; but she completed both the
lateral rock-cut sanctuaries of Deir el Bahari —
that of the south or the Speos of Hathor, and
that of the north, which I shall call the Speos
of Anubis. These sanctuaries are symmetrically
placed at either end of the middle colonnade.

The Speos of Hathor was certainly built before
the Northern Speos, and dates from the time
when Hatshepsu had coased to reign alone, had
married her brother Thothmes II., and was reign-
ing together with him for a few years. Strictly
speaking it is a hemi-speos. It is preceded by a
covered colonnade, whose roof of enormous blocks
rests upon Proto-Doric columns and four pillars
with Hathor-hcad capitals. This forms the ap-
proach to a small hypostyle hall, hewn out of the
solid rock and upheld by two Proto-Doric columns
only, which leads into two narrow chambers, of
which the further is the narrower and also the
less lofty, owing to the rise in the floor. Here
we find conformity to the same law which prevails
in the hypccthral temples and M. Perrot has
named " the law of decreasing dimensions": i.e.,
from portico to sanctuary (called the sclcos by M.
Perrot, and by others the cclla) the dimensions
of the building decrease in every sense and the
floor itself rises. The innermost room contained
the sacred emblem of the goddess, probably in the
form of a cow made of gold or some other precious
metal; and as usual in Egyptian temples the figure
would be kept in a tabernacle or shrine. The
sacred bark which bore the tabernacle containing

the emblem was probably kept in the room im-
mediately preceding the samituary. The various
lateral niches were the equivalents of the store
chambers, built round the sanctuary of a temple
to serve as repositories for offerings, precious
things, the divine vestments, and all the sacred
furniture.

It is interesting to compare the Southern Speos
of Deir el Bahari with that of Rameses II.
at Abu Simbel, also dedicated to the goddess
Hathor. At Abu Simbel, as in most of tlie
Nubian temples, the sclcos is not blank, but on
the inner wall is carved the forepart of the
sacred cow represented as emerging from the
mountain : beneath her head is the figure of
the king. A similar group is sculptured on
the side-walls of the speos of Deir el Bahari.
Hathor was pre-eminently the goddess of the
mountain ; she it was who emerged from the Moun-
tain of the West, and to her the deceased made
adoration. Nothing could have been more suitable
to her character as set forth in the inscriptions
than a rock- cut sanctuary hewn out of clifis like
those of Deir el Bahari, especially if that sanctuary
were connected with a tomb. Wo cannot here
pursue the comparison between the Egyptian
rock-cut and hypaithral temples ; but each alike
was intended as the dwelling-place of divinity,
and in all its essential parts presented a close
analogy with the Egyptian tomb destined for the
dwelling of the dead. To judge from remaining
monuments, Hatshepsu was the first to conceive
the idea of applying the subterranean architec-
ture hitherto confined to tombs to the require-
ments of divine worship : with her, or with her
architect, originated the rock -cut temple in
Egypt.

CHAPTER VI.

IIATSIIEPSU S NAVAL EXPEDITION TO THE LAND OF PUNT.

One of the most important events of Hatsliepsu's
reigu was that naval expedition to the Land of
Punt, whose sculptured record covers the southern
half of the wall stretching behind the middle colon-
nade of her temple. The upper courses of the
wall parallel to the colonnade are unfortunately
in great part destroyed, and but Httle remains of
the wall at right angles to it which closes in the
colonnade on the south. A peculiar interest
attaches to this expedition, since it was not one of
conquest, but intended to establish commercial
relations with peoples of the African coasts.

Whatever was the exact situation of the Land of
Punt, it certainly belonged to what were known as

the lujuls of the South L '^ Did it also

-^ ^ 111 i 1 1 I

form part of the region called Khciit Hunncfcr

mn Pf I r^^^ a wide tract of country south

of Egypt, stretching between the Nile and the
Red Sea ? Brugsch holds that it did,^ and bases
his conclusion mainly upon the indubitable fact
that in one of the great lists of Thothmes III.
Punt appears under the general heading of
peoples of the South and of Khent Hunnefer.^
Nevertheless, Punt is generally distinguished from
Khent Hunnefer, and particularly so in the in-
scriptions of Deir el Bahari, from which latter it
would seem that the two countries were con-
tiguous, but of somewhat wide and indefinite
extent, Punt possessing a coast where vessels
could put in, while Khent Hunnefer lay in the
mountainous interior, and included the district

of <2>- ^. 1=3 D£i:^, which has been supposed to

' Vm-ertafel, p. 58.

" Mariette, Karnalc, p. 22.

be that of the Blemmyes. <2>- %\ 1= f^^^ is read

in several ways, of which M. Maspero's Ilini seems
to me the most correct.

If Punt and Khent Hunnefer were not one and
the same country, there was still great resem-
blance between them ; each had a mixed popula-
tion which included negroes, and their produce
was almost identical.' On comparing the sculp-
tures of Deir el Bahari with the somewhat later
scenes from the tomb of Rekhmara, we see that
in both cases incense is represented as the chief
product of Punt, especially the kind called anti.
The giraffe is said to come from Khent Hunnefer,
and not from the coast. The dogs figured in the
tomb of Rekhmara are brought from the interior,
while those at Deir el Bahari come from Punt.
Ivory, panther-skins, live panthers, gold, ebony,
antimony, and various kinds of monkeys, were
common to both countries. All these products
being decidedly African, it is evident that Hat-
sliepsu's expedition had been directed to an
African coast, and that her ships anchored in an
African port.

The arrangement of the Deir el Bahari sculp-
tures, together with that of some of their accom-
panying texts, is obviously intended to convey
the fact that the whole of the cargo and treasure
was brought back by a single expedition, and not
by two, of which one was maritime and the other
overland, as some have supposed. " All these
marvels," as the inscription calls them, were
brought in the queen's ships from the one famous
expedition which was her pride. And if products
of the land of Him were among them, their pre-

^ Hoskius, Travels in Ethiopia, plates pp. 328-330.

DEIR EL LAIIAIU.

sence only serves to show that commercial re-
lations existed even then between the interior
a.nd the coast. The inhabitants of the hilly
districts of Upper Nubia and the Soudan brought
their native produce to Punt, whence it was
passed on into other countries which had dealings
with the people of that land. We should natur-
ally conclude that the inhabitants of the coast
had most frequent intercourse with their nearest
neighbours, that is to say, with those peoples of
Arabia separated from them by the Eed Sea only.
Classic writers, and particularly Herodotus^ and
Strabo,^ speak of Araby the Blest and its wealth
of divers perfumes. There lay the other shore,
along which, as the inscription states, stretched

the Land of Punt, or the Divine Land, |

for the two names seem to be synonymous.
Hatshcpsu's fleet undoubtedly sailed for the
coasts of Africa and not for those of Arabia,
but we arc not justified in limiting the Land of
Punt to the African coast alone. Punt, or To-
neter, the home of perfumes dear to the Egyp-
tians, and the land to which their religious texts
ascribe an almost legendary character, lay upon
both shores of the southern end of the Eed Sea.'
There, from remote antiquity, dwelt a trading
population which exported incense, myrrh, cin-
namon— all those perfumes for which ancient
Orientals seem to have had a taste even more
pronounced than that of their modern represen-
tatives, and which must also have been highly
esteemed by the gods, since such large use was
made of them in Egyptian ritual.

The five ships sent by the queen (pi. vii.)
put in to shore in Africa, perhaps we can even
approximately determine where ; but, as M.
Maspero* has pointed out (and I am of his

' III. 107. ^ p. 778.

° Lielilein, Handel und Schijfahrt avf dem Rothcn Meere,
p. 52, et ff.

* De quelqucs navigations des Eijypiiens sur Ics cotes de
la mer Erythrie, p. 9, et ff.

opinion in the matter), it was not on the
coast. The sculptured scenes represent no
coast scenery ; such native huts, and trees tall
enough to shelter the cattle, would not be found
by the shore, nor do date-palms grow in the
sand and pebbles of the beach. All this must
have been at some distance inland, safe from
the high tides of the Red Sea, and also out
of the reach of ships. In order to anchor near
the dwellings of the natives the Egyptians pro-
bably ascended one of the streams, wadys, or
TTorajMtat noted by Greek geographers as frequent
on this part of the coast, and which formed
small natural harbours, identical in all likelihood
with the " Harbours of Incense,"^ as the inscrip-
tion names the stations whence the perfumes
and spices were brought. M. Maspero considers
that the stream up which the Egj'ptians made
their way was the " Elephant river," near to the
mountain of that name and running between the
Ras el Fil and Cape Guardafui, and his assump-
tion is a plausible one. Still, it hardly seems
necessary for the expedition to have gone so far
south. The aromatifcra regio began much nearer
the Straits of Bab el Maudeb, near to the Gulf
of Tajura ; and according to Greek geographers
the perfume and spice trade had many stations
or ifjimpia all along this coast. We are unfor-
tunately reduced to conjecture in the matter, for
two-thirds of the short wall on which was sculp-
tured the description of the Land of Punt is
destroyed, and there is little hope of finding any
of the scattered fragments which might yield
invaluable geographical and ethnographical par-
ticulars.

The squadron having been made fast ashore,
the queen's envoy, who has disembarked, is seen
followed by an officer in command of eight
soldiers armed with axe, lance, and shield

" ^ "^ c^ ' ? *"* ''^ ° '''"' ''^^° staircases or the
ladders of a7it!, curiously corresponding to tlio French word
vchellc which iu the East is applied to a harbour.

EXPEDITION TO THE LAND OF PUNT.

(pi. viii.). The presents from Egypt, that is
to say such objects as the Egyptians had brought
to offer in exchange for native produce, are
placed upon a small table. The inscription of
this scene says : " All good things " (from
Egypt) "are brought by order of Her Majesty
to Hathor, Lady of Punt." These presents con-
sist of an axe, a poignard in its sheath, two leg
bangles, eleven necklaces, and five large rings,
which must have been wrought if they were
made of precious metal, but, since gold was the
product of the Land of Punt, I should rather
suppose these rings to have been made of glass
or glazed ware. Perhaps they were of bronze,
or some other metal unknown to the natives.
The poverty and meanness of the Egyptian gifts
are in striking contrast to the value of those
which they receive. In looking at this scene
of barter we seem to be present at a transaction
not unlike those which Europeans now make
with negroes. The Egyptians presented their
own manufactured goods, and the study of the
scene has suggested to me that perhaps the
necklaces, which here held the place of the beads
of modern commerce, were made of scaraboids
such as are commonly found at Deir el Bahari,
whose chief beauty hes in the fine blue glaze
which is characteristic of the ware of that
place. The natives offered nothing but raw pro-
ducts ; no manufactured articles were then to be
found among their gifts, any more than they are
now included among their exports. At the
most, the gold and precious metals were made up
into rings.^ The walls of Deir el Bahari pro-
bably show specimens only of what the Egyptians
gave to the people of Punt, for the goods which
the strangers are represented as taking away are
out of all proportion to what they leave behind
with the native chiefs, who, nevertheless, appear
to have been well content with their bargain. It

' See these rings of precious metals being weighed in the
scale after the return of the expedition. The weights are
in the form of bulls.

is true that, as we see in the second row of
scenes, in order to facilitate trade and secure
native favour, a tent was set up and the chiefs
were bidden to a feast of " bread, beer, wine,
meat, fruits, and all the good things of Egypt,
as the queen had commanded."

Distrusting the sight of armed men, the natives
advance somewhat fearfully into the presence of
the envoy, and speak with hands uplifted in
supplication : — " How have you reached this land
unknown to the men of Egypt ? Have you
descended hither by the paths of the sky, or have
you sailed the sea of To-Neter ? " The native
types and costume furnish an interesting subject of
study, and Mariettc concluded that the people
were of two races. This may easily have been
the case, since the trade of the interior came
down to the coast-land of Punt, and we also
know from the inscriptions that people of Him
came with the Puntites to greet the Egyptians.
Individuals of the type to which the Prince
of Punt belonged had aquiline noses, thick
pendulous lips, and a hard expression of coun-
tenance. They grew long beards, curving out-
wards, and several of those distinguished as chiefs
wore a feather in the hair, after the manner of
some Libyan tribes. The group speaking with the
envoy is that of the great chief and his family,
and consists in the first place of the father, who is
armed with nothing more than a boomerang and a
poignard hanging from his belt. His right leg is
protected by rings of yellow metal, forming such
armour as the Bongo negroes wear on their arms,
and to which they give the name of dangahor?
Behind him is his wife, who has dismounted from
her ass. She is repulsively obese, her body being
nothing but rolls and masses of flesh. She wears
a yellow dress, and a necklace. The daughter
is fast following in her mother's footsteps, and

" This is also true of the Niam Niam. Cf. Marno, Reise
in der ^Egypiischen Equatorial Provinx, p. 124, where
there is an illustration showing the figure of a chief wearing
similar rings on leg, arms, and neck.

DEIR EL BAIIAIU.

will in due time attain to the same proportions.^
It was at first supposed that this monstrosity
indicated some such disease as tuberculous
leprosy, or elephantiasis ; but African travellers,
like Speke and Schweinfurth, state that among
certain barbarous tribes of the interior such
obesity is still the ideal of female loveliness.
Speke recounts that in the case of one royal lady
the weight of her arms alone prevented her
standing upright. The Queen of Punt must cer-
tainly have found it difficult to enter her hut,
which was built on piles, like the tuhth of some
Soudanese tribes, and could only be reached by

means of a ladder. 1^ "^^^ fD % VaroJiu, the
name of the King, and (1 ^ ^ n(] Ati, that of his

wife, have no ethnographical significance.

The type of the first group, which is also that
of most of the population, is as well marked as
that of the second is ill-defined ; the latter being
chiefly differentiated from the former by the
absence of a beard and the presence of the round
Egyptian wig. As neither type is represented
with the characteristic colour and features of the
negro, we must regard both types as belonging to
Cushite or Hamitic race, akin to the Egj^tian
and probably of the same common origin.

The products of the Land of Punt carried away
by the Egy^^tian ships were many and various.
The inscription does not enumerate all those
represented ; e.g. it says nothing of the cattle and
whether they came from Punt or the Land of
Ilim. Cattle still constitute the chief wealth of
many tribes on the Upper Nile, and travellers
maintain that the Soudanese beasts are far
superior to the Egyptian, a superiority doubt-
less already recognized in the reign of Hat-
shepsu. The text, however, duly records all
the precious woods of To-Nctcr, and among

' Since the publication of Jrariottc's Deir el BalMri, both
scenes containing tlio figure of the Queen of Punt have been
cut out of tlic wall and stolen. The upper scene wa.s re-
covered and is now in the Ghizeh Museum; the lower, which
also contains the daughter's figure, has never been found.

them the Tashcp, which M. Loret has iden-
tified with the odoriferous cinnamon wood f
and the Klicsi, which is as yet unidentified but
was probably also odoriferous. But of all the
woods which formed the staple timber trade, alike
of Punt and of Khent Ilunnefer on the Upper
Nile, ebony held the chief place.^ Li the tomb
of Ti we find reference to one of his statues as
being of ebony. The wood is mentioned again
and again from tliat time onward to the reign of
Ptolemy Philadelphus, who made a troop of
Ethiopians bearing two thousand trunks of ebony
march in one of his processions. The Egyptians
considered the bark good for the eyes, but the
wood itself was in chief request for the manufacture
of shrines, palettes, furniture and fine cabinet-
making, and works of art in general. Very Ukely
the door and panel which I found in 1893, and
which had formed part of a great shrine made
for Anion during the joint reign of llatshepsu
and Thothmes II., is of Punt ebony.

The vegetable products of Punt in the greatest
demand were spices and perfumes, of which the

chief kinds were called (1 ("D 1\ "^N ^

cassia(?), ] | <=> incense, and above all

I Q O O O

Q \\ o anti, which was collected in lumps,

like gum, and piled in large heaps. The
trees which bore it were also exported ; dug
up while still young, they were set in wooden
boxes of earth to bo placed here and there in
gardens as we put orange-trees (pi. x.), or to be
transplanted into ground where they eventually
grew tall enough for cattle to pass beneath
them (pi. ix.). The anti si/canwres, as these
trees were called, have not yet been identified.
Perhaps the bas-reliefs exaggerate their size, as
is always the case where the possessions of a god
or king are in question. As Anion and Pharaoh
were greater than ordinary mortals, so trees
transplanted into the garden of Amon would

■ La Flore Pltaraonique, p. 21.

^ See M. Loret's reinarkaljle article, " L't'bene chez les
aneiens Eijypliens," in the Itecueil de Travaujc, vi. p. 125.

EXPEDITION TO THE LAND OF PUNT.

attain to unusual size. But their name of syca-
more, and the very shape of the young saphngs,
which seems to imply forest trees with thick
trunks, tell against Mariette's supposition that
they were myrrh trees, specimens of the Balsamo-
dcndron nujrhha. Myrrh is the produce of a shrub
which grows abimdantly on the Somali coast and
in Arabia, but never exceeds nine or ten feet
in height ;^ this slu'ub cannot be the tree repre-
sented at Deir el Bahari. A late inscription^
states that there were fourteen kinds of anti,
eleven of which were derived from the sycamore
and were probably different preparations of the
same thing. Anti was not only used for religious
purposes, but also as a drug.^ The large quantity
imported shows how extensively it was employed.
The sycamores were planted in the garden of
Amon, and the queen evidently thought this a
highly meritorious deed. As kings have been
credited with the invention of industries at which
their hands never laboured, so perhaps Hatshepsu,
by not confining her bounties to the temples, may
claim to have diffused throughout her kingdom the
culture of the incense-bearing sycamore, which pros-
pered in Egyptian soil and was a notable addition
to the material wealth of her subjects. On the
same wall as that which records the Expedition
to Punt is an inscription of the queen's ninth

year.

in which we read : —

^1 rv^ A J^ jk I \> m

n X

U^,

2tp tlie sijcamorcs of To-Ncicr and lAaced them in the
soil of (Egypt). And again (j^K^^^^yj

=ooo?isiis:iQ-k«if^

it.=^ y I /w^AA^ iJ \\ He (Amon) haspidlcd up the trees

of To-Net cr and has plaeed them in his dwelling, in
his orchard, as Her Majcstij hath commanded.

After Hatshepsu, and on a far larger scale,
Rameses III. also despatched an expedition to the
Land of Punt. On its return with similar mer-

' Woenig, Die Pflanzen im Alien Aeyrjyten, p. 355.

* Duemichen, Geog. Insch., ii. 86-88 and p. 66 of the text.

' Ebers Pap., 2'cissim.

chandise the king thus addressed Amon* : "I
plant for thee incense-bearing sycamores witliin
thy courts," adding : — " The like had not been
seen since the time of Ea " — an entirely unvera-
cious statement, for the trade in anti sycamores
had been kept up from the time of Hatshepsu
onwards, as may be seen from the wall-paintings
in the tomb of Rekhmara, which date from the
reign of Thothmes III.

We need not dwell on the other products
depicted on the walls, such as ivory, &c. The
panther-skins were chiefly used to make vestments
for certain orders of priests. Mestemvt-as in great
request for applying as paint round the eyes, to
increase their apparent size. Prof. Wiedemann
has shown that this name was given to different
substances, such as oxide of lead, superoxide
of manganese, and even to antimony. But
it invariably denotes a mineral substance of which
great quantities were imported into Egypt from
remote antiquity. Among the products of Punt
represented as piled beneath the sycamores is
one named [_J "vv r-m Kash, followed by

a curious determinative (pi. ix.). It lies in three
pieces, larger than the lumps of incense, and I
take it to be so many tortoise shells,^ articles
which formed part of the trade of the aromatifera
regio, according to the Periplus of the Erythraean
Sea." The gold quahfied as "^^ — literally green
or fresh, — and which came from the land of Amu,
is probably gold in nuggets, or gold dust, as dis-
tinguished from the gold which has been worked up
into rings. As to the animals brought from Punt
and lUm — panthers, dogs, leopards, giraffes —
we know that wealthy Egyptians alwaj\s took
pleasure in keeping hve specimens of foreign
fauna, and more especially monkeys, of which
they regarded several kinds as sacred.

Such was Hatshepsu's Expedition to the Land
of Punt, and one of the chief events of her reign.

^ Harris Pap., pi. vii., 1. 7.

* )(^e\u>vr]. Turtles are represented as well as fishes in the
water of the Red Sea (pi. viii.).

" Peril/., pp. 264, 265, ed. Miiller.

CHAPTER VII.

END OF HATSIIEPSU S REIGN, THOTHMES II., AND TIIOTIIMES III.

Besides undertaking the enterprise of despatch-
ing a large commercial expedition to the Land
of Punt, Hatshepsu found other work to her
hand. In a long inscription at Stabl Antar
she recounts the mighty deeds of her reign, and
says : "I restored what was in ruins, and I built
up again what had remained (incomplete) when
the Aamu were in the midst of Egypt of the
North, and in the city of Hauar, and when the
Shasu (Shepherds) among them had destroyed
the ancient works. They reigned ignoring Ra,
and disobeying his divine commands until I sat
down on the throne of Pia."' It is difficult not
to consider these words as applying to the ravages
of the Hyksos, whose dominion, though greatly
weakened by the wars waged against them by
the kings of the XVIIth and XVIIIth Dynasties,
was not altogether east off until the time of
Thothmes III. I know that this view, held by
Lcpsius, is not endorsed by M. Maspcro ; yet the
fact remains that hitherto no single monument of
the XVIIIth Dynasty earlier than the reign of
Thothmes III. has been found in the Delta. If
this fact is noted in connection witli the queen's
statement in the inscription of Stabl Antar —
after making all due allowance for the exaggeration
characteristic of such documents — we can hardly
fail to admit that peace cannot have been fully

' Naville, Buhadu, p. 29.

restored to the eastern parts of the Delta, and
Pharaonic rule completely re-established there
before the time of Hatshepsu.

Little more is known of the events of her reign,
but it is evident that the queen displayed both
the energy and the ruling power which her father
must have discerned before associating her with
himself upon the throne. After his death she
probably reigned for some time alone. Unlike
Thothmes I., she was not chiefly concerned with
foreign conquest, but rather in improving the
internal condition of the country and restoring
order to the land ; the Expedition to Punt proves
that she tried to develop Egyptian trade. The
date of her marriage with her brother, Thothmes
II., is unknown ; he played clearly a very subor-
dinate part in the state. On buildings dating
from his reign his name is almost invariably
connected with that of Hatshepsu, both at Karnak
and at Deir el Bahari ; in the latter temple it is
chiefly found in the Southern Speos and in the
niches of the upper platform. He apparently
conducted a successful campaign against the
Shasu, and another in Nubia, as we learn from a
stela at Aswan dating from the second year of his
reign. The second campaign must have been the
more important, and it was during its course that
he erected a fort at Kummoli, above the second
cataract. His reign was short, and it is evident
from his mummy, now in the Ghizeh Museum, that

END OF HATSIIEPSU'S REIGN.

lie cannot have been much more than thirty
years old when he died. His skin was white, and
is marked with the effects of some cutaneous
disease which may have been the cause of his
death.'

Hatshepsu survived him, and was obliged to
take her husband's son and her own nephew,
Thothmes III., as her co-regent. I have already
explained what I take to be the cause of the ill-
feeling existing between aunt and nephew. This
mutual antipathy has sometimes been attributed
to a wrong source. Prof. Brugsch,- interpreting a
mythological inscription as a piece of personal
history, says that Thothmes was originally ex-
cluded from all share in the sovereignty, and that
his aunt banished him to the marshes of Buto,
where Isis was said to have hidden Horus in
safety from Typhou, who had compassed the
death of Osiris. MM. Maspero' and Meyer*
have shown that this story is to be regarded as
pure mythology, invented to create a belief in
divine origin and an education like that re-
ceived by the children of the gods. Here, as
elsewhere, Thothmes has imitated Hatshepsu's
account of herself. In an outer scene of the
Speos of Hathor the divine cow is represented as
licking the queen's hand and addressing her as
follows : "I smell thy hand, I lick thy flesh, I
grant unto thy Majesty hfe and prosperity, as I
did unto Horus in the marshes of Kheb. I my-
self suckle thy Majesty ! " Other Egyptian
sovereigns have referred to their childhood in
similar terms.

It is mainly in the sanctuary, i.e. in the rock-
cut chamber in a line with the axis of the build-
ing, that we find evidence of the joint reign of
Thothmes III. and Hatshepsu. Here the figures
of king and queen may still be discerned, kneel-
ing, and making wine and milk offerings to

' Maspero, Les momies royales de Deir el Bahari, p. 547.

^ Gescli. Aegyplens, p. 365.

' Zeitschrift, 1882, p. 133.

* Gesch., p. 308.

Amou ■/ but these scenes have been much defaced
since the time of Lcpsius. The queen of course
takes precedence ; behind her stands the king,
and behind him the princess Ncferura, who was
probably intended to become his wife. She was
the eldest daughter of Hatshepsu, and in prospect
of the high station to which she was destined her
mother had already provided her with a house-
hold estabhshment. Senmut, the famous archi-
tect who directed the construction of all the
buildings raised by Hatshepsu, was also steward
to Neferura, and when recording upon the rocks
of Aswan how he had been sent to procure the
obelisks according to the queen's command he
does not omit to mention that he was attached to
the service of the young princess." In the
account which an officer named Aahmes, buried
at El Kab, has left of his long life lasting from
the time of King Aahmes to that of Thothmes III.,
he states that he had found favour with the Queen
Hatshepsu, and had brought up her eldest
daughter Neferura.' Neferura never came to the
throne ; it was not she who became the mother
of Amenophis II., but Hatshepsu - meri - Ra,
usually known as Hatshepsu II., who, to judge by
her name alone, must also have been the daughter
of Hatshepsu, though we have no formal proof
that it was so. It is noteworthy that the name
of the wife of Thothmes III. has never been
found in the temple of Deir el Bahari.

Thothmes III. cfiiiced the name of his aunt
and co-regent throughout the place, and also
many of her portraits. Where he did not think
it worth while to destroy the latter he replaced
the accompanying cartouches by his own or those
of Thothmes II., and thus effected an easy trans-
formation, since the queen is always represented
as a man, and in male attire. But when con-
fronted by an inscription which he could not
attribute to himself he ruthlessly effaced the

Lopsius, Denkm., iii. 20.
Lepsius, Denkm., iii., 25 bis.
Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 43.

DEIR EL BAHARI.

whole of it. His antipathy was, however, confined
to Hatshepsu alone and did not extend to her
family. He respected the memory of his grand-
father, Thothmesl., who was the father, and also
that of his great- aunt Aahmes, albeit she was the
mother of Hatshepsu. He even spared the figure
of the princess Neferukheb, a daughter of Aahmes
and Thothmes I., and full sister of Hatshepsu,
but who never came to the throne. These facts
might suggest some doubt as to whether all the
destruction attributed to Thothmes IH. should
really be laid to his charge. Setting aside
Khuenaten and his rage for doing away with
everything recaUiug the name and figure of
Amen, was there only Thothmes HI. among
Hatshepsu's successors whose interest lay in con-
signing her memory to oblivion ? Amenophis III. ,
who plagiarised the whole record of the queen's

miraculous birth on the walls of his own
adjacent temple at Luxor, had he no inducement
to wipe out the marvellous story which showed that
he was not the first sovereign with the right to
glory in having the god himself for father ?
These arc hypotheses whose value excavation
may some day determine.

In conclusion, if we consider such monuments
of this queen as have been spared, and also the
short duration of her reign, we are constrained to
admit that although her rule may not have
equalled in splendour and in power that of her
great Xllth Dynasty predecessors, or that of the
mighty conquerors who succeeded her upon the
throne, Egypt must still have enjoyed years of
wealth and prosperity while the sceptre was
held by her somewhat despotic hand.

INDEX.

Aabhotop II., queon, 13, H.
Aahmes, king, 27.

,, officer, 27.

,, queen, 13, 14, 15, 28.
Aanni, nation, 2G.
Abu Simbel, 20.
Altar, 10, 12.
Amenemliat, king, G.
Amenentlie, king, 3.
Amenophis I., 13, 14, IG.
11., 27.
III., 15, 28.
Amensfi, queen, 3, 4.
Amon, Amon-Ea, 3, 4, 6,- 8, -11, 12, 15, 17, 18, 24,

2.5, 27, 28.
Amonemhe, king, 3 note.
Amu land, 25.
Amunneitgori, king, 4.
Amunnoohet, king, 4 note.
Anna, priest, 13.

Anniversary, festival of the first, 18.
Anti, kind of incense, 21, 24, 25.
.4w<J-sycamores, 24, 25.
Antimony, 21, 25.
Arabia, 22, 25.
Aromatifera rcgio, 22, 25.
Assassif, temple of the, 4.
Aswan, 2G, 27.
Ati, queen of Punt, 24.
Avenue of approach, 2.

Bab el Mandeb, straits of, 22.

Balsamodendivn myrrlia, 25.

Beni Hassan, 7, 8, 19, 20.

Biban ol Molouk, see Tombs of the Kings.

Blemmyes, 21.

Bongo negroes, 23.

Book of the Dead, 14.

Boulaq museum, G.

Boussac, M., 13.

Brugsch, Prof. II., 21, 27.
Brune, M., 12,

Buto, 22,

Cassia (?), 24.
Cella, or sckos, 20.
Champollion, J. F., 3, 4.
Christ, figures of, 2.
Christians, 2, 4.
Cinnamon, 22, 24.
Convent, Coptic, 2, 4, G.
Coptic superstructures, 2.
Copts, 4, 6, 11.
Cow, 11, 15, 20, 27.
Cushitc race, 24.

Bangahor, 23.
Deir el Assassif, G.

„ es Sultan, G.
Delta, the, 2G.
Devilliers, see Jollois.
Diospolis, 4.
Dogs, 21, 25.
Doorway, 2.
Doric columns, 19.

Ebony, 12, 21, 24,
Echinus, 19.
Egyptian Art, 3.
Elephant Kivor, 22.
Elephantine, 14.
El Kab, 27.

Eju.iropia, 22.
Endogamy, 14.
Erman, Prof. A., 13.
Ethiopians, 24.

Gliizeh Museum, 13, 2G.
Giraffe, 21, 25.
Goornah, G, 7, 13.

INDEX.

Greece, 4,

Greeks, 3.

Greek geographers, 22.

Greene, I. B., C, 10.

Guardafui, Cape, 22.

Ilagar, 14.

Hamitic race, 2-1.

Harbours of incense, 22.

Harmakhis, 12.

Hathor, 11, 15, 19, 20, 23.

Hathor-head capitals, 11, 20.

Hatshep.sii, 3, 5, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 13, IG, 17, 18, 19,

20, 21, 24, 25, 2G, 27, 28.
Hatshepsu IL, 13, 14, 27.
Hauar, city of, 2G.
Hawk.<;, sculptured, 10.
Herodotus, 22.
Ilonis, god, 27.
king, 3.
Hyksos, 2G.
Hypostyle hall at Karnak, 17, 18.

Ilim, region, 21, 24, 25.
Incense, 21, 22.
Ishmaelj 14.
Isi.s, queen, 13, 14.

„ goddess, 27.
Ivory, 21, 25.

Jollois and Devillicr.s, 1, 2, 3, 11.

Karnak, 1, 4, 5, C, 1.3, 15, 17, 18, 20.

Kasli, tortoise .shells, 25.

Kheh, marshes of, 27.

Khent Ilunnefer, region, 21, 24.

Khuenaton, 11, 12, 28.

Kummeh, 20.

Leopards, 25.

Lep.sius, R., 1, 4, 5, G, 10, 2G, 27.

Libyan mountains, 1, 4.

,, tribes, 23.
Loret, v., 24.
Luxor, I, G, 15, 28.

Mariette, A., 1, 2, 4, G, 8, 0, 10, 12, IG, 17, 23, 25.

Ma.spero, G., 8, 13, 21, 22, 2G, 27.

Mechir, month of, 18.

Medinet Ilaboo, 7.

ilfenMejJOTa (Thothmos IIT.), 11, 14.

Mentuhotep II., 8

]\Ieronphtah, 3.
Mesori, month of, 18.
Mesfem, 25.
Meyer, Prof. E., 27.
Middle Kingdom, 7.
Moeris, 3.
Monkeys, 21, 25.
Mutnefert, queen, 13.
Myrrh, 22, 25.

Neferuhheh, princess, 28.
Neferura, princess, 27.
Negroes, 21.
Nile, the, G, 21, 24.

,, valley of, 5.
XiiLia, 19, 22, 20.
Nubian tem]iles, 20.
Numt Allien (Hatshepsu), 4, 14.

Obelisks, 4, 10, 17, 18, 19, 27.
Old Kingdom, 7, 8.
O-siris, 8, 10, 27.

Panel, wooden, 12.

Panthers, 21, 25.

Panther skins, 21.

Paris, Exhibition of, 6.

Parohu, king of Punt, 24.

Pcriplus of the Erythrcan Sea, 25.

Perrot, Georges, 20.

Pharaohs, 3.

Pococke, R., 2.

UoTa/J-Ml, 22.

Proto-doric columns, 10, 19, 20.
Ptolemy Euergetes II., 3.
Philadelphus, 24.
Punt, land of, G, 11, 15, 21, 22, 23, 24, 2.5, 20.
Pylon, 1, 10.

Ra, see Sun.

Raaakheperka (ThothTOOs I.), 17, 18.

Ramaka, 15, 10.

Rameses I., 7, 8.

„ II., 3, 7, 8, 11, 12, 19, 20.

„ III., 7, 25.
Ramesseum, 7.
Rams, 1 .
Ras el Fil, 22.
Red Land, the, 15.
Red Sea, the, 21, 22.
Rokhmara, 21, 25.

INDEX.

Schweinfurth, G., 24.

Sed festival, 18, 19.

Sekos, or cella, 20.

Senmut, architect, 18, 27.

Senseneh, queen, 12, 14.

Serapeum, 9.

Serui, serui Amen (temple), 18.

Seti I., 7, 8.

Shasu (Shepherd.?), 2G.

Smu, metal, 18.

Somali coast, 25.

Soudan, 22.

Soudanese, 24.

South, lands of the, 21.

Speke, Capt. H., 24.

Speos, 11, 19.

„ northern (Auubis), 11, 12, 20.

„ southern (Ilathor) 11, 12, 15, 19, 2G, 27.
Sphinxes, 1, 2.

„ avenue of, 1, 4.
Stabl Antar, 20, 26.
Strabo, 22.
Sun, the god, 3, 17, 18, 25, 20.

Tajura, 22.
Tashep, wood, 24.
Tell el Amarna, 15.
Thehan triad, 15.
ThcLes, C, 7, 8, 11, 17.
Thoth, month of, IG, 18.

Thothmes I., 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 1.5, IG, 17, 18, 26, 28.
„ II., 3, 8, 12, 13, 14, IG, 20, 24, 26, 27.

III., 3, 4,5, 8,11,1.3, 14,16,17, 21,25,26, 27,28.
Ti, 24.
Tomb, 7.

Tombs of the Kings, valley of the, 1, 4, 7, 8.
Tuneier, region, 22, 23, 24, 25.
TpiaKoi'Ta£T)jpi;, 19.
Tukuh, hut-s 24.
Typhon, 27.

Uraei, 10.
Usertcsen, king, 6.
Usertkaii, (Hatshepsu), 15.

Wiedemann, Prof. A., 25.
Wilkinson, Sir G., 1, 3, 4, 10.

CONTENTS OF PLATES.

Frontispiece. — General view of Deir el Bahari in 1892, before the commencement of the
excavations.
I. Plan made hy the French Expedition at the end of the last century. {TJcscr. de

VE(jii])te : Antiqiiifes, vol. ii., pi. 38.) Pages 1, 2.
II. Reduced copy of the plan in Lepsius {Dcnhn., Part I., pi. 87).

III. Reduced copy of Mariette's plan (Deir el Bahari, pi. i.).

IV. Southern part of the middle colonnade, showing the wall sculptured with the Expedi-

tion to the Land of Punt, and the entrance to the Hathor-shrine. Pages 11, 21 !<eqq.
V. The excavations in January, 1894. The removal of the debris from the middle

platform.
VI. Part of a wall in the Southern Hall of Offerings ; sculptures representing funerary

offerings brought to Queen Hatshepsu, deceased. Pages 8, 12.
VII. Bg3'ptian ships, from the wall sculptured with the Expedition to the Land of Punt.
Page 22.
VIII. The Egyptian officer and his soldiers, landed on the coast of Punt. Page 22.
IX. Frankincense trees planted in the garden of Amon. Page 24.

X. Scales for weighing the gold brought from Punt. Frankincense trees in pots. Page 23.
XL Queen Aahmes, mother of Hatshepsu ; from the recently excavated wall of the middle

colonnade. Page 14.
XII. Iving Thothmes I., father of Hatshepsu; from a painting in his funerary chapel

discovered in 1893. Page 14.
XIII. Hatshepsu in male attire ; from a niche in the vestibule of the altar- chamber.

Page IG.
XIV. Sculptured hawks from the retaining wall on the southern side of the middle platform.
Page 10.

!■■■ ■ ^Zm,

x**^

- _.,

O 9

^^.^

..■^

miiiiiiim'

Oja»-MK-rTA^Va''A'HU'j---3!CTia^r7yi-

I I I

I I L

o«*«i£ *-%

'^^m^\mm'i^m§s^

'j'i'uiuh&Ammi'si^^

tlilllillllliiliiii

■mmmiiimii''

»S^'

,llllllllil''

Speos de lotest

■n
c
z
[-1

30
>

■n
-n
m

z
o

H
O

H
I
m

c
m
m

>
H
CO

m
-D

Plate V.

'^^;%^r:/-' <^:. /:; .

w:£j:M^u:^^.^j^^^^:i

■ i^'.i •• _^., ,-. 7 '•''■'' vT' ';*• . '^--^ .• "^^ ■'• •" '■""."■^..1

THE EXCAVATIONS IN JANUARY, 1894

'^"^ W'^'^?^Lim^

3" ..'■•..«. ..•■'*,■•*■-.•. * ■T

■ ':x*'>,": . ■ -

.' ■'■'' ."•.', .

■f 'ii■-

' .-. J..)-

■'■, ■'.■'■'

'/>

' - .■! ■ /. .^ ■!-•

Q.
U.

z
z
o

o
o

-I

Q
O

I
\-

\i.

I-

CO
Q

z
<

CO
Q.

X
CO

z
<

H
Q.

:3
a.

z
o

111

liJ

_l
o

I-

>
o
111

Q
ui

Q.
X
UJ

<
CO

UJ
CO

z
u
o
z
!<:
z
<
cc
u.

Plate X.

-4'

»■ c^ >.

"553—

'I^^:'I}^§0'''^ri^

WEIGHING THE PRECIOUS METALS. FRANKINCENSE TREES IN POTS.

Plate XI.

-t^^'"

1 - i

. - 'j^£^:r.

'-■■'■'; 1^- J,.

r ■

QUEEN AAHMES. HATSHEPSU'S MOTHER.

Plate XII.

KING THOTHMES I. HATSHEPSU'S FATHER.

Plate XIII.

QUEEN HATSHEPSU IN MALE ATTIRE.

Plate XIV.

>? ;

?mm^'--'

^.vi:::K:^

■^'^

.1-

.-■, .p - I

. '■* ' I

I .f ■ : j

1^1

fl?i«. ,.f ;^

HAWKS ON THE SUPPORTING WALL OF THE M.ODLE PLATFORM.

EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND PUBLICATIONS,

■■'-I

^'.1

I. T//e Store-City of Pithom and the Routt oj tlic Exoc'iis. Memnir for 1S83-4. ]iy
ICdoI'aru Navii.i.k. With Thirteen Plates and Two Maiw. Third i-,.iiti(in. iSSS. 25J.

11. Tanis. Parti. Memoir for 18S4-5. By W. M. Flinders Petrie. With Six-
1',^ Icen I'lates and rians. .Second KJitiun. iSSS. 25.1.

•'^ in. Naukratis. Part I. Memoir for iSHg-G. By W. M. Klindi^rs Pi-.trii;. With
Cliapleri by Cfxii. .Smith, ICrnest A. (mkdnf.k, and Hakclay V. I.'icaij. Willi Furty-
four I'latcs and Seven Plans. Second Edition. iSSS. z'-^s.

IV. Goshen, and the Shrine of Saft-cl-IIvniu-h. Mctnoir for iSS'i-y By I':uouakd
NAViLLii. With Eleven Plates and I'l.-.ns. .Second lOd. lion. i^SS. ::5j

V. Tanis. Part II., Nehesheh {Am), and Defcnneh {Tahpaniies). Mcmo.r for 1SS7-8.
By W. M. Klindkks Petrie. With Cliaineis by A. S. y. ;;;;av ,ind l'. Li.. (imia'Tiu.
V'ith Fifty-one Plates and i"..-.;,s. 18SS. 25.1.

^. .N^.Na-'kratis. Part II. Memoir for 1888-9. By Erne.st A. G\kI)NKK. With au

•■,,-. ., Appendix by K. Ll GRII-rili:. With Twcaty-toii: Plate;, and Plans. jSS'j i'5j.

""■VII. The City of Otiias, and t/te Mounl of the Jew. Tlie Antiqiiiiir^ of l\ll el i'. hi', I'ych.
Extra Vohiine for it>S8-9. Ky Edouaku Navii.lk and E. 1,1.. GriI'KITH. \\ iili Twenty-six
Plates and Plans. iSgo. 25.1.

VIII. Bubastis. Memoir for 1889-90. By Euouard NAViLLii. With Fifty-fotir Plates

and Plans. 25^.
'}r^ IX. Two Hieroglyphic Papyri from Tanis. An E.xtra Volume. Translated by 1''. i,i,.

U ' t'.KiKi--iTii and W. iM. Ei.iMMCKs Petrie. With Remarks by Professor IlElNuicii liRUOscii.

With Kil'tpen I'lates. 1SS9. y.

X. The Festival Hall of Osorkon //. in the Great Temple of Ihit'ostis. Memoir for
iSno-i. I>y Kdoliar.) Navili.e. With Thirty-nine Plates. iSoi. 25.1.

XI. Alinas El Mcdineh. Memoir for 1S91-2. By Edouard Naviluo; and The 'Tomb
of Pdfieri at El A'ali. !.';• J. J. TvLOR and F. Li.. Ckii-tttii. 1S94. 25^. ,-; ,.

yi'ECiAL Extra Reports.

The Season's Work at Ahnas and Beni Hasan. By Edouard Navili.e, Pi.rcy E.
Newberry, and G. Wili.oughhv Eraser. 1S91. 25. 6,/.

Archieologieal Report, 1802-3. Edited by E. Ll. Griffith. With Seven Illustrations

and Maps. 1S93. 2S. (yd.

Arelucological Report, 1893-4. Edited by E. Ll. GRiFFiiii. With Three Illustrations,
Plan and Maps. 1S94. 2s.(iJ. •-' ■■ -. .

PUBLICATIONS OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF EGYPT.

Edited by E. Ll. Griffith, B.A., E.S.A.

First Memoir (to Subscribers 1890-91). Beni Horan. P.irt I. By P.;RCy E. Newherry.
With Plans and Measurements of the Tombs by G. W. Ekaser. Eo y-nine I'lates. Price
25X. ; to Subscribers, 20i.

Second Memoir {io Subscribers 1891-92). Beni Hasan. Part II. B; I'ercy E. New-
nKKRY. With Appendix, Plans and Mexsurements by L.. W. Fra-er. 1 liirty-nine Plates.
■ Price 25J. ; to Subscribers, 20s. '

7/,!/r./ yJ/(;;w/V (to Subscribers 1892-93). El Bersheh. I'art I. By P' !;cv E. Newiiekry.
With Thirty-four Photo-lithographic Plates, and Two Cohnned Pl.ites. Price 25X. ; to
Subscribers, 20x.

IN PKEPAKATION.

■Fourth Memoir {\.o Subscribers 1893-4). El Bersheh. Part II. By Percy E. Newherrv.

With Twenty-three Pholo-litiioyrapliic Plates, an<l One Coloured PI..;:. Price 25*.; to
.Subscribers, 20.1.

5)011. (BJitf-iiliciSilJfUt fof Slmcrirn :
CHARLES DUDI.EV WARNER, Esq., L.H.IX, L.L.I).

ffitcHDrtiSi'Bcut aiiti 7i)oii. Evtnsiurti- fov IHmtvicn :
Rev. W. C. WINSLOW,. Ph.D., D CL., L.L.I )., &c., Boston, Mass. .

IN COMPLIANCE VflTH CURRENT

OCKER i TRAPP INC.

AND

NYU- INSTITUTE OF FINE ARTS

PRODUCED THIS REPLACEMENT VOLUME

ON WEYERHAEUSER COUGAR OPAQUE NATURAL PAPER ,

THAT MEETS ANSI/NISO STANDARDS Z39. 48-1997

TO REPLACE THE IRREPARABLY

DETERIORATED ORIGINAL. 2002

INSTITUTE OF FINE ARTS LIBRARY

3 1

62 02860 5013

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "The temple of Deir el Bahari"

See other formats