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Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2012 with funding from 

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 









Mrs. B. D. BELL 

Recording Secretary and Treasurer, 

Assistant Recording Secretary, 

Corresponding Secretary, 


"I give and bequeath to The Tennessee Historical Society 
the s urn of dollars . ' ' 



John A. Murrell and Daniel Crenshaw 3 

Hon, Park Marshall. 

Marriage Records of Knox County, Tennessee 10 

Miss Kate White. 

Journal of Governor John Sevier (Concluded) 18 

John H. DeWitt. 

Historical News and Notes 69 

Items From the Minutes of the Tennessee Historical Society 71 


John H. DeWitt, Business Manager, 
Stahlman, Building, Nashville, Tenn. 

Dr. William A. Provine, Editor, 
Presbyterian Building, Nashville, Tenn. 

J. Tyree Fain, Treasurer, 
Watkins Hall, Nashville, Tenn. 


Vol. 6 APRIL, 1920 No. 1 


Some Facts with Regard to These Criminals — The Plea of 
"Benefit of Clergy." 

John A. Murrell and Daniel Crenshaw when young men, 
in the year 1827 and before that date, both lived in William- 
son County. Tennessee. Whether or not they were born in the 
county the writer does not know, but supposes that they were. 
Murrell's home was near the present Lewisburg pike about 
ten miles from Franklin and not far from Bethesda. Cren- 
shaw's home was about the same distance from Franklin and 
near Lieper's Fork or Hillsboro. Crenshaw appears to have 
lived on land belonging to the Benton estate, for after Mrs. 
Benton (mother of Thomas H. Benton, the Senator) died, her 
estate was divided. Still later Thomas H. Benton conveyed 
226 acres of this land to Mary Benton, his brother's widow, 
and in the deed refers to a large spring near one of its cor- 
ners as being known as Crenshaw's spring. In this deed and 
in other papers relating to this land it is curious to note that 
the name Crenshaw is mentioned three times and is spelled 
three different ways. Besides the above spelling, it is also 
spelled Grenshaw and Grainshaw. 

For some time previously to 1827 Murrell lived in Frank- 
lin, and possibly Crenshaw also lived there for a time, but 
about that time they both appear to have left Williamson 
County for other fields of activity. 


There are two points upon which the traditions which have 
come down in Williamson County from those days agree: (1) 
That the father of Murrell was a Methodist preacher having 
a good moral character; (2) that as between John A. Murrell 
and Daniel Crenshaw, the latter was the leader. The tradi- 
tion is also uniform and undisputed that neither of these men 
ever practiced murder as a means of carrying out his designs, 
and that no definite charge of murder was ever brought against 


them. The reference here made is to the tradition that has 
come down from their days, but naturally there have been 
some persons of later generations who supposed that they 
were murderers and "great land pirates," but this idea they 
received from reading faked stories, just as persons in other 
parts of the country have done. 


After leaving Williamson County Murrell lived for some 
time in what is now Chester County, where his character was 
precisely the same as it was in Williamson County. 

Again, Murrell always positively denied that he or his 
"gang" ever committed a murder. No charge of murder in 
any definite form was ever brought to his door. 

And again, he was convicted of negro stealing in court at 
Jackson, and was sent to the penitentiary where he remained 
six years, at the end of which time he was pardoned because 
of his failing health. He went to Pikeville and died not long 
afterward in that part of the state. During all of this time 
he could have been tried for murder if the state had had a 
case against him. 

Yet the prevailing belief in the minds of the people in many 
parts of the country, and to a great extent locally at the pres- 
ent time, is that Murrell and Crenshaw — particularly Murrell 
— were the leaders of the greatest band of highwaymen the 
country has ever known, and could with justice be described 
as "tr t land pirates of the Southwest." 


This mistaken notion had its origin in a highly fictional 
and long since discredited story contained in a small book 
published by one Vergil A. Stewart, which owing to its sensa- 
tional character had a large sale and of course a very large 
number of readers. It is not at all an uncommon thing to 
hear this book referred to at this day, and it is still less un- 
common to hear blood-curdling stories told which had their 
origin in the same book. Only a year or two ago some one 
in the North published another book of fiction about Murrell, 
its "facts," no doubt, having been pirated, from Stewart's book 
of Murrell fiction of eighty or ninety years ago. The writer 
has never seen this last-mentioned book, but has seen it ad- 
vertised in magazines that charge high rates for ads. As it 
is certain that no facts can be found and no records resur- 
rected upon which to found a story containing anything very 
sensational about Murrell, it is naturally left to inference that 
the basis of any such story must be found in the former story, 


so that two books are no greater authority than the first of 
them alone. 

In his story Stewart pretended that Murrell was the head 
and front of an organized band of outlaws spread all over 
large parts of Tennessee, Mississippi, and Arkansas; that a 
large number of very prominent men were members of the 
band, bound under secret oaths to obey the orders of its chief 
and to protect its members under all conditions and situa- 
tions. The story went on to show that the whole country, 
in the area of the operations of these outlaws, was in a state 
of terror, so that no one dared to give any information or 
evidence in court. 

Stories were told of bloody murders and robberies, and of 
negroes being stolen, then sold for cash, and restolen from the 
last purchasers, and finally murdered, filled with stones and 
sunk in creeks or rivers. 

It is enough to know the fact that none of these stories 
was believed at the time and in the sections of the country 
named in the book, or in those sections where Murrell or 
Crenshaw had lived or performed any of their thievery. The 
fact is, they had the reputation of being merely common 
thieves, secretly stealing horses or negroes in one neighbor- 
hood and conveying them for sale to another. Neither of the 
two men was of any great consequence even in his character 
as stealer of horses or of negroes, and it is well that this fact 
should be recorded. The writer many years ago conversed on 
this subject with a great many old citizens of different parts 
of Tennessee and Mississippi with a view to finding out what 
the prevailing opinion was, and found it in all cases as above 
given. Maj. J. G. Cisco also made an investigation to the same 
end in Chester County, where Murrell lived for a time, and 
has informed the writer that he reached exactly the same con- 
clusion, there not being a single reason for reaching any other 


The comparatively unimportant character of Murrell and 
Crenshaw, and of their acts and doings, would not call for 
any extended notice in this publication, were it not for the 
fact that by fictions they have been "boosted" into a position 
of notoriety in many places where the facts of their humble 
and unimportant lives and acts are not so well known. 

Vergil A. Stewart, the author of the first-mentioned book, 
was in person brought before the grand jury in Jackson and 
was questioned for hours by the state's attorney, and was 
unable to give the name of any prominent man connected with 


the outlaws, or any fact bearing on their having an organi- 
zation, or any fact on which to base charges of murder. 

It was believed that Stewart was at one time associated 
with Murrell in his peculiar line of business, and for some 
cause fell out of Murrell's favor, and so wrote against Murrell 
for the gratification of a desire for revenge. 

The records of Williamson County relating to Murrell and 
Crenshaw will now be given, together with the disposition of 
several indictments there against them which were disposed 
of elsewhere. 

murrell's first offense. 

Murrell's first known offense does not appear to be shown 
on the records, but is handed down by tradition. It occurred 
when as a boy or very young man he robbed a poor peddler. 
He must have gotten out of that scrape some way or other, 
or possibly it is hidden in the records of the Quarterly Court, 
if it occurred at all. Next we find him tried in the Circuit 
Court for -"Riot" and fined fifty cents. This was in 1823. Not 
long after that he was arrested along with a brother and two 
other men and put under bond to keep the peace. In 1825 
he was tried for gaining, a very common offense of those days, 
however. He was afterwards indicted for horse stealing, and 
by making oath that the people of Williamson County were 
prejudiced against him so that he could not get justice in a 
trial in that county, obtained a change of venue to Ruther- 
ford County. As the records of Rutherford County covering 
the date of this case were lost during the Civil War, the re- 
sult of this case is unknown. In another case he obtained a 
change of venue to Davidson County. This was in 1826. In 
a small book called "The Historic Blue Grass Line," pub- 
lished by Mr. Douglas Anderson in 1913, Mr. Anderson gives 
an account, from a note of C. W. Nance, an eye-witness, of 
Murrell's punishment at Nashville, though the date given (May 
25, 1825) would seem to be wrong unless it was a different 

Mr. Anderson says, "The verdict and judgment was that 
Murrell should serve twelve months' imprisonment; be given 
thirty lashes on the bare back at the public whipping post; 
that he sit two hours in the pillory on each of three successive 
days; be branded on the thumb with the letters 'H. T.' in the 
presence of the court; be rendered infamous" (and, he might 
have added, adjudged to pay the costs of the case). 

"At the direction of the sheriff Murrell placed his hand on the 
railing (which extended) around the judge's bench. With a piece 
of rope Horton then bound Murrell's hand to the railing. A negro 
brought a tinner's stove and placed it beside the sheriff. Horton 


took from the stove the branding iron, glanced at it, found it red- 
hot, and put it on Murrell's thumb. 'The skin fried like meat.' Hor- 
ton held the iron on Murrell's hand until the smoke rose two feet. 
Murrell stood the ordeal without flinching. When his hand was re- 
leased he calmly tied a handkerchief around it and went back to the 
jail. Here he was to receive the lashes and go into the pillory, but 
the whipping was too much for his powers of endurance. Several 
times in compliance with Murrell's request sheriff Horton held his 
whip to give Murrell time to get his breath and collect his nerve for 
the blood-fetching blows to follow." 

For this punishment Murrell had appeared handsomely 
dressed and seemed to be the most unconcerned man present. 
The branding "on the thumb" is sometimes expressed as on 
the "brawn of the thumb." In the Scotch and English law 
it was called "the brawn of the left hand," which probably 
means the muscular part next to the thumb. 


Crenshaw was guilty of various offenses, but three cases 
for which he was indicted arose within a period of only four 
months, and there are interesting points connected with the 
cases. In January, 1826 (so the indictment reads), he forged 
a note on the Bank of Tennessee for $200; in February he 
stole a horse worth $75 from Kessiah Wooldridge; and in 
April a horse worth $110 from the lawyer K. C. Foster. He 
was indicted for all three offenses in separate indictments, and 
was tried for the stealing of R. C. Foster's horse, which oc- 
curred in April. 

It will be noticed that this was the last of the three of- 
fenses, the Wooldridge and the bank offenses having both oc- 
curred before. In this case Crenshaw was convicted and a 
sentence given similar to the Murrell sentence at Nashville, 
except that the imprisonment was six months. At that time 
the courthouse in Franklin was in the middle of the public 
square, and adjacent to its easterly side there was a market 
house sixty feet long. In the space between the market house 
and courthouse there was an auction block for public vendue; 
it was there that criminals were branded in sight of the judge 
and not within the courthouse. When Crenshaw was branded 
(and this also is traditional), he was more or less defiant, and 
as soon as his hand was released after the branding and while 
still standing on the block, he bit the letters from his hand. 
This was told to the writer by several men who said that they 
had heard it from reliable men who saw the act done. When 
two stories that look much alike are told of two different 
persons, it could be argued that it might be that there had 
been only one act that had become attributed to two or more 
persons, and it is true that a similar story to this had been 


told of Bean in East Tennessee. The Crenshaw case, however, 
is pretty well authenticated, and may even gain strength upon 
the idea that he had heard of the Bean case, and so played 
the part of imitation. 


This leaves the two other cases against Crenshaw that are 
mentioned above. The afterwards distinguished statesman, 
John Bell, was Crenshaw's attorney, and as soon as Crenshaw 
had been branded and sent down the street to the jail to be 
pilloried, whipped and imprisoned, Mr. Bell asked that he be 
permitted to withdraw the plea of "Not Guilty" in the two 
remaining cases — which was granted. He then filed in each 
case a plea of "Benefit of Clergy," in which he claimed that 
Crenshaw, having been punished in part for one offense and 
been duly branded, could, under the law of Benefit of Clergy, 
demand the right to be exempted from punishment for all 
offenses, short of capital, that may have been previously com- 
mitted. Judge Stuart overruled this plea and condemned 
Crenshaw to somewhat lighter penalties to be inflicted after 
the close of tbe jail sentence inflicted in the first case. Upon 
this an appeal was taken to the Superior Court, or as we now 
say, the Supreme Court. In the Supreme Court the opinion 
was rendered by Judge Catron, who later was for many years 
a justice of the U. S. Supreme Court. 

It is an interesting case, as it explains to a certain ex- 
tent this queer form of judicature that had prevailed in Eng- 
land and this country for many hundreds of years, but was 
at the date of the Crenshaw trial little understood here. The 
case is reported in Martin & Yerger's Tennessee Reports and 
is entitled Crenshaw vs. State. 

The opinion cannot be said to be a complete exposition of 
the history of Benefit of Clergy, but deals only with the stat- 
utes passed in the times of King Henry VII and Elizabeth 
which made certain changes in the law. In fact, the Church, 
as far back as the eleventh century, endeavored to wrest the 
jurisdiction over its favorites and officers and servants from 
the civil courts and to manage all such cases to suit itself. 
The clergy were the only people who could read, so that the 
very word "olergv," meaning practically the art of reading, or 
one who understands the art of reading, came to mean the 
priests. After a time they compromised by agreeing that the 
law court could first try the man and brand him so as to 
show the case had been before the law court; but then the 
man was required to be turned over to the ordinary, or ec- 
clesiastical judge, who. it was well understood, would nearly 


always turn him loose. In time again it became the law that 
the Benefit of Clergy innurecl not only to priests and other 
church officers, but to any one who could read, which was 
tested by letting him try to read a verse from the Psalter. 
It was so customary to excuse former crimes that it came to 
be the law that when a defendant demanded by plea the 
benefit of his clergy, he was, after branding, excused for past 
offenses short of those calling for the death sentence. This 
is, of course, not intended to be an exposition of this more 
or less difficult subject, but it is a fact that with various 
modifications this curious law came down to us in this state 
even to the year 1826, and upon the strength of it Crenshaw 
got immunity from the penalties in the forgery case and in 
one of the horse-stealing cases. 


From what Judge Catron says, it is plain that these two 
cases were brought, up by Mr. Bell at the wish of the bar in 
order to have an authoritative ruling on the law, as the opin- 
ion says that the bar was in great uncertainty about it, and 
it was, as he gathered, desired to have the law more clearly 

It is very manifest that the law was in fact not under- 
stood, for every lawyer uniformly put in the plea "Not guilty, 
and the defendant demands the benefit of his clergy." Yet, 
after so pleading, they did nothing whatever about it, so that 
it was merely form and verbiage. The courts also acted in a 
manner that showed plainly that the words had no particu- 
lar meaning, for in hundreds of cases they, as in the Murrell 
and first Crenshaw cases, they not only branded the criminal, 
but forthwith proceeded to inflict divers other severe penalties, 
though the plea was formally entered, and this the courts 
could not have done consistently with any form into which 
the laws of Benefit of Clergy had gotten themselves. 

As soon as it became known that these laws, though large- 
ly archaic, were still in the unrepealed written laws they 
were repealed. The repealing act is brought forward in the 
Tennessee Code, where it now shows under Section 5274 of the 
Code numbers. 

Both Murrell and Crenshaw, as to their imprisonment for 
costs, after serving their sentences, "swore themselves out of 
jail" — that is, they pauperized by making oath that they pos- 
sessed no property out which to pay. 

"What will it profit a man if he gain the whole world and 
lose his soul?" What, also, will it profit him if he lose his 
soul, yet fail to gain any of the goods of the world? 

Park Marshall, 



NOTE. — The following valuable data of marriage license register 
of Knox County, Tennessee, is the fruitage of the indefatigable 
labors of Miss Kate White, of Knoxvihe, Tenn. The list here corn- 
piled by years and alphabetically, hast been culled from enumerable 
loose papers and records in the archives of the county courthouse. 
Much patience was required in the attempt to decipher much of the 
damaged manuscript sources hence many question marks appear in- 
dicating uncertainty. It is probable that these records as here printed 
may be corrected by data in the hands of many of the families whose 
names appear in the list, the Magazine will be glad to publish such 
corrections in future issues. — EDITOR. 


Anderson, John to Rachel Roberts — 28 Dec 1792. 
Hamilton, Robert to Jean Hannah — 30 Aug 1792. C. McClung. 
Johnson (or Johnston?), Craven to Patty Lowe — 21 Dec 1792. 
McClung, Charles to Margaret White— 8 Oct 1792. (?) 
McNutt, George to Catherine McKean — 5 Nov 1792. 
Ritchie, Joseph to Nancy Rhea — 6 Nov 1792. 
Stockton, James to Lidetha Pruitt— 1792. (?) 

Vaughn, Reuben to Mary Warren— 4 Oct 1792 (or 1793?). Attest: 


Boyd, Robert to Margaret Meek — 3 Apr 1793. 

Caldwell, Samuel to Rachel Ewing— 28 Jan 1793. 

Callum, John to Cathrine Low — 1 Nov 1793. 

Cunningham, Isaac to Margaret Hannah — 23 Apr 1793. 

Cusick, Joseph to Jean Blackburn — 31 Jan 1793. 

Douglass, William to Elizabeth Martin— 23 Dec 1793. 

Finley, John to Margaret Kerr — 13 Nov 1793. 

Goulston, John to Margaret Low — 5 Feb 1793 (W. Blount, Gov.). 

Gum, Norton to Sallie Clampit— 23 Mar 1793. 

Fermault, John to Margaret Kerr— 1793. ( ?) 

Kennedy, Sampson to Sarah Edwards — Jan 1793. (?) 

Kerr, William to Anne Brooke (or Brooks?) — 8 Sept 1793 

McCullough, James to Susanna Henderson — 20 Jan 1793. 

McMullen, William to Mary Doak— 25 July 1793. (?) 

Mansfield, Nicholas to Eliza Looney— 30 Oct 1793. 

Maybory, John to Eliza Brock— 23 Sept 1793. (?) 

Miller, Hugh to Mary Good— 27 Aug 1793. 

Miller, Peter to Peggy Simpson — 20 May 1793. 

Montgomery, Humphrey to Mary Walker — 1 Apr 1793. 

Richey, Abel to Ann Dixon— 11 Oct 1793. Or Ritchie, Able to Ann 

Dickson. (?) 
Ritchie, Thomas to Rosannah Fermault — 9 Oct 1793. 
Robertson, Willoughby to Polly Brock— 3 Sept 1793. 
Sears, John to Nancy Brock— 1 Mch 1793. (?) 
Stephenson, William to Gene Hamilton — 17 Apr 1793. 
Sloan, William to Margaret McKee— 20 May 1793. (?) 
Sloan, William to Margaret McTeer— 6 May 1793. (?) 
Stockton, Davis to Agnes Miller — 27 Aug 1793. 
Stone, Henry to Patrenis Southerlain. 
Tedford, Joseph to Mary McNutt— 11 Feb 1793. 
Telfour, George to Jean Hannah — 3 Apr 1793. 
Tiner, Lewis to Tabby Cook— 7 Sept 1793. (x) 
Vance, Samuel to Mary Blackburn — 30 Jan 1793. 



Birden, Wm. to Eleanor Hutson — 27 Jan 1794. 

Bryan, John to Esther Anderson — 10 Sept 1794. 

Bryan, William to Jenny Gillespie — 9 May 1794. 

Byrd, Amos to Anne Gillespie — 21 Jan 1794. (Chas. McClung.) (W: 

Blount, Gov. Ty. of the U. S. south of the Ohio, Knox co. 
Byrd, Stephen to Polly Gillespie— 1 Apr 1794. 
Caldwell, David to Elizabeth Kelley — 5 May 1794. 
Callison, James to Annie Gillespie — 21 Jan 1794. 
Carrick, Samuel to Annie McClelland — 27 Jan 1794. 
Clark, Isaac to Nancy Bounds — 6 Aug 1794. 
Cowan, John to Polly Kirkum (?)— 24 Mch 1794. 
Cunningham, Moses to Mary Simpson — 3 June 1794. 
Cunningham, James to Susan Craig — 24 Apr 1794. 
Evans, David to Margaret Blackburn — 6 June 1794. 
Furgason, James to Mary Cheesman — 8 July 1794. 
Ferguson, James to Nancy Churchman — 8 July 1794. (?) 

(Which is correct?) 
Hale, Luke to Mary Key — 4 Aug 1794. 
Hayes, Theophlus to Polly Morgan— 16 Sept 1794. (?) 
Heslit, William, jr. to Elizabeth Jack— 28 Jan 1794. 
Henderson, William to Susannah Gillespie — 29 May 1794. 
Houston, Robert to Margaret Davis — 24 (or 20) Mch 1794. 
Huges, Theoples to Peggy Morgan — 16 Sept 1794. (?) 
McClelland, John to Polly Wallace— 13 May 1794. 
McNutt, James to Eliza Gillespie — 15 Jan 1794. (?) 
McNutt, James to Eliza Gillespie— 16 Feb 1794. (?) 
Milikan, Thomas to Priscilla Brock— 7 Jan 1794. (?) 
Moore, David to Mary McNair — 10 June 1794. (?) 
Mynatt, John to Libell Linville— 28 Jan 1794, 
Raulston, George to Elizabeth Gilliam — 1 May 1794. 
Somerville, John to Elizabeth Chisholm — 20 May 1794. 
Stephenson, William to Jean Hamilton — 17 Apr 1794. 
Swan, Samuel to Jean Gambell — 5 June 1794. 

Davis, Samuel to Peggy Page— 30 Dec. 1795 (or 98?). Attest: A. 


Alexander, Nicholas to Annie Smith — 31 Dec 1796. 
Alexander, William to Martha Haslet— 20 Oct 1796. 
Bates, John to Didamy (?) Bohannon— 20 Dec 1796. 
Bower, John to Jane Crawford — 28 Dec 1796. 
Brassfield, Thomas to Mary Davis — 25 Dec 1796. 
Childers, James (x) to Susannah Thompson — 15 Nov 1796. 
Conway, Charles to Elizabeth Robertson — 19 Oct 1796. Attest: Hu 

Lawson White, Chas. Conway, David Robertson. 
Eldridge, John to Sarah Gilliland— 2 Dec 1796. 
Gallaher, John to Sally Hardin— 1796. 
McDonald, Edward to Nancy Smith— 22 Nov 1796. 
Mclntire, James to Margaret Henderson — 17 Oct 1796. 
McNutt, George to Gene Anderson — 1797. (?) 
Mason, Dan to Mary Gilliland — May 1796. 
Matthews, William to Mary Taylor — 10 Nov 1796. 
Pickel, William to Rachel Haslet— 21 Oct 1796. 
Wilson, Isaac to Sarah Shook— 28 Nov 1796. 

Adams, William to Nancy Frazier— 28 Feb 1797. 


Anderson, Andrew to Margaret Roberts — 11 Dec 1797. 

Anderson, David to Ruth Kew — 10 Apr 1797. 

Armstrong, Robert to Polly Crane. 

Baker, Henry to India Alt— 13 Feb 1797. 

Beales, William to Rachel Pierce— 12 Mch 1797. 

Bishop, Jacob to Anne Gammon. 

Bray, James to Rachel Smith — 20 Apr 1797. 

Brumit, William to Rebecca Simpson — 16 Sept 1797. (?) 

Cooper, John to Lucy Graves — 1 Nov 1797. 

Dale, Alex to Sue Harris— 30 Dec 1797. 

Davidson, Nathaniel to Sallie Hanna — 27 Apr 1797. 

Davis, Francis to Eleanor Lyons — 20 Apr 1797. 

Dawdy, John to Polly Moss— 28 S 1797. 

Fisher, Archibald to Elizabeth Sharp — 11 Dec 1797. 

Flynn, Hezekiah to Elizabeth Capps — 25 July 1797. 

Forest, Robert to Polly Bishop — 7 Dec 1797. 

Frost, John to Polly Sartain— 29 May 1797. 

Fox, Enoch to Peggy Dale — 9 Jan 1797. 

Lowery, Andrew to Cathrine Conn — 20 Dec 1797. 

Gibbs, John to Ann Howard — 4 Aug 1797. 

Gallaher, John to Sallie Hardin — 11 Dec 1797. 

Gragg, Harmon to Susanna Smelless — 20 June 1797. 

Halfacre, Jacob to Pegg Bodkin — 4 Feb 1797. 

Harlason, Paul to Mary Fuller — 8 Dec 1797. 

Harman, Joseph to Margaret Hess — 5 Oct 1797. 

Harp, Willie (x) to Sarah Rice. 

Harrison, Joseph to Margaret Hess — 5 Oct 1797. 

Human, Basel to Winifred Gillum — 28 Jan 1797. 

Ingram, George to Nancy Crane — 5 Mch 1797. 

Jackson, John to Martha White — 31 Jan 1797. 

Julien, Hohn to Sarah Altradge — 4 Mch 1797. 

Keen, John to Rosanna Brady — 29 Sept 1797. 

Kimberlin, Jacob to Sarah Hines — 6 Mch 1797. 

Lanskuin (?) to Hannah McCoy— 12 Oct 1797. (?) 

Lowry, Andrew to Catharine Conn — 20 Dec 1797. 

Lyons, Thomas to Frances Irwin — 9 Aug 1797. On outside has 

Margaret Irwin. 
McCloud, Andrew to Malinda Golliway — 23 Aug 1797. 
McNanee, William to Polly Witt— 28 Nov 1797. 
Mason, David to Mary Gilliland — 5 Mch 1797. 
Miller, Samuel to Rebeccah Givins — 21 Feb 1797. 
Montgomery, Samuel to Magdalena Shook — 19 July 1797. 
Moore, Joseph to Anne Home (or Howell?) — 29 July 1797. 
Morgan, Goan to Mallinda Nevilles — 27 Dec 1797. 
Morrow, William to Nancy Mebane — 6 Aug 1797. 
Neilly, Robert to Nancy Overdtreet— 29 Dec 1797. 
Osburn, Charles to Sarah Newman — 28 Dec 1797. 
Pate, John to Fannie Hubbs — 8 Dec 1797. 
Richmond, Alexander to Prudence Stockton — 18 Dec 1797. 
Robertson, David to Nancy Guthrie — 21 Jan 1797. 
Roberson, James to Sarah Black — 1 July 1797. 
Robertson, Stephen to Sally Curtain — 4 Oct 1797. 
Robinson, John to Peggy Owens — 13 Sept 1797. 
Ross, Samuel to Catherine Hill — 9 Jan 1797. 
Russell, William to Elizabeth Weatherton — 11 Aug 1797. 

Sander, Isaac (x) to Frances Frosts— 26 Dec 1797. H. L. White. 

Sartain (?), David to Henrietta Stanley — 15 Sept 1797. 
Sartain, David (x) to Henrietta Harley — 18 Sept 1797. 
Scaggs, Charles to Patsy Bashurs — 4 Jan 1797. 
Sharkey, Patrick to Polly Rhodes— 17 Aug 1797. 


Shields, John to Hannah Evans— 10 July 1797. Attest: H. L. White. 

Snodgrass, William to Rachel White— 1 Mch 1797. 

Standiford, Israel to Phoebe Frost— 30 Dec 1797. 

Stanton, John to Dicie Oliver — 20 Aug 1797. 

Stout, Ephraim to Jean Smith— 29 Nov 1797. 

Sutherland, David to Margaret Gregg— 25 Apr 1797. (?) 

Terry, Tip to Hannah McNain (?)— 31 Mch 1797. (?) 

Trout, John to Polly Sartain— 29 May 1797. 

Wear, John to Elizabeth McClellan— 14 Feb 1797. 

Barnes, Thomas to Alice Buchanan — 21 June 1798. 
Bray, Hugh to Elizabeth Ha wry— 23 May 1798. 
Casteel— David to Sarah Mitchell— 3 May 1798. 
Cunningham, David to Jane Cunningham — 30 May 1798. 
Davis, James to Nancy Golding — 7 Oct 1798. 
DeArmond, John to Nellie Moore — 26 Sept 1798. 
Dunlap, Moses to Mary Robertson (Robinson?) — 8 Aug 1798. 
Eldridge, Nath to Rebecca Davis— 12 May 1798. 
Fermault, Thomas to Polly Matlock— 28 May 1798. 
Galbraith, Thomas to Sophia Mowry — 20 Aug 1798. 
Grayson, Joseph to Pattie Braizealle — 10 Dec 1798. 
Hare, David to Hannah Fisher— 27 Sept 1798. 

Harris, John to Elizabeth 5 July 1798 (1790?). 

Henderson, Robert to Jean Hackett — 20 Nov 1798. 
Henderson, Squire to Polly Hackworth — 24 Nov 1798. 
Hitchcock, William to Nancy Rhea — 5 Mch 1798. 
Hogshead, William to A. Kirkpatrick — 9 Jan 1798. 
Irwin, John to Nancy Adamson — 15 June 1798. 
Jenkins, Anson to Catherine Davis — 11 May 1798. 
Latham, Lewis to Laviney Chainey — 5 Feb 1798. 
Latin ( ?) , Patrick to Mary Neil— 13 Feb 1798. 
Lowe, John to Lydia Reid — 23 May 1798. 
Loyd, William to Mary Anna Stearns — 29 June 1798. 
McKinley, James to Margot Baraett — 7 Aug 1798. 
Mitchell, Alexander to Nancy Casteel — 5 June 1798. 
Price, Martin to Barbara Tillman— 16 Nov 1798. 
Rainey, John to E. Stuart— 21 Dec 1798. 
Rawlings, James to Sarah Ritchey — 4 July 1798. 
Riley, Samuel to Sarah Smith— 11 Dec 1798. 
Ritchie, Alexander to E. McMullen— 12 Sept 1798. 
Scott, James to Sarah Johnson — 7 June 1798. 
Searcey, Richard to Elizabeth Carlisle — 24 Sept 1798. 
Sidwell, Isaac to Elizabeth Conn — 27 Jan 1798. 
Sidwell, Joseph to Margaret Hutchison — 15 Sept 1798. 
Strickler, Joseph to Mary Carpenter — 7 Jan 1798. 
Sutler, Abraham to Sarah Rhea — 1 May 1798. 

Barclay, Felix to Price Brock — 17 Jan 1799. 
Bounds, Francis to Anny White — 18 Jan 1799. 
Bowman, Jonah to Betsy Cavett — 15 Jan 1799. 
Brown, Jeremiah to Mollie Menceley — 26 Nov 1799. 
Bukinstaff, Henry to Peggie Hannah — 8 June 1799. 
Chapman, Arch to Mattie Hart — 19 Sept 1799. 
Crawford, Joseph to Betsy Brock — 10 Apr 1799. 
Crozier, John to Hannah Barton — 2 Jan 1799. 
Davis, John to Elizabeth Johnson — 1 Feb 1799. 
Farmer, John to Sarah Farmer — 12 Nov 1799. 


Ferell, Enoch to Nancy Nevill— 5 Feb 1799. 
Fleming, Samuel to Peggy Taylor — 2 Dec 1799. 
Foster, Alexander to Patsy Plumbly — 29 Nov 1799. 
Frost, Thomas to Martha Naville— 18 Oct 1799. 
Hardin, Joseph to Fanny Douglass — 6 Jan 1799. 
Hany (?), Monday to Kittie Carpenter— 29 Nov 1799. 
Heavner, James to Mary Blizzard — 26 Nov 1799. 
How, Stephen to Juanita Menifee — 23 Dec 1799. 
Huges, John to Polly Nelson— 15 Sept 1799. 
Hutson, John to Polly Keith— 29 Sept 1799. 
Jent (?), Josiah to Polly Sullins— 31 Aug 1799._ 
Johnson, August to Mary Scarborough — 16 Oct 1799. 
Johnson, Elijah to Betsy Collier— 18 Feb 1799. 
Johnson, James to Ann Ballway — 18 June 1799. 
Kath, Micajah to Millie Hickey— 14 Feb 1799. 
Kennedy, Martin to Eliza Ebler— 16 Dec 1799. 

McNutt, to Jean Anderson— 10 Oct 1799. (?) 

Mansfield, James to Peggy Parker — 1 July 1799. 
Miller, Martin to Liveney Mansfield — 30 July 1799. 
Mills, Hugh to Polly Moffitt— 26 Feb 1799. 
Morrow, Robert to Nancy Dobson — 22 Jan 1799. 
Nicayah, Kath to Millie Hickey— 14 Feb 1799. 
Nosidikely, Daniel to Mary Higgins — 8 Jan 1799. 
Price, Martin to Barbara Tillman — 16 Nov 1799. 
Redmond, Martin to Sarah Clark — 2 May 1799. 
Reid, James to Malinda Fuannulart — 19 June 1799. 
Roberts, Nathan to Abigale Bishop — 10 Nov 1799. 
Roach, Jesse to Sally Cobb — 6 May 1799. 
Ruth, James to Rebecca Gower — 6 July 1799. 
Scott, Edward to Sarah C. Harris — 17 Jan 1799. 
Scott, Samuel to Betsy Lowe — 3 Dec 1799. 
Sharp, Daniel to Jean Howard — 3 Apr 1799. 
Smith, Alexander to Catherine Lowe — 20 June 1799. 
Stogar, John to Polly Sheafor— 25 May 1799. 
Sullens, Richard to Agnes Farmer — 8 July 1799. 
Thompson, William to Nancy Miller— 28 Mch 1799. 
Vance, John to Martha Davidson — 4 Mch 1799. 
Vanhoosir, Isaac to Polly Poor — 1 Feb 1799. 
Young, John to Polly Smith— 5 Mch 1799. 

Adams, Alexander to Barbara Foust — 8 Dec 1800. 
Bales, Kaleb to Anne Smith— 19 Mch 1800. 
Basher, Bazil to Peggy Horton— 31 July 1800. 
Bowman, John to Peggy Jack — 21 Apr 1800. 
Boomer, Peter to Rebeccah Farmer — 7 Mch 1800. 
Branon, John to Donah Scott — 17 Sept 1800. 
Brent, William to Patty Chisolm— 4 Nov 1800. 

Brooks, Sam (?) to Catherine Doyle— 13 1800. 

Butler, Valentine to Polly Gideon (Gedion?), 26 Sept 1800. 
Campbell, David to Mary Hamilton Campbell — 14 May 1800. 
Davis, John to Matty Minecly (?)— 25 Nov 1800. 
Hackworth, Nichodemus to Mary England — 5 Nov 1800. 
Lester, John to Polly Crozer (?)— 30 Dec 1800. 
McAlister, Joseph to Margaret Stirling — 17 June 1800. 
Maxwell, John to Lucy Smith— 18 Apr 1800. 
Perkins, John to Mary Thomas — 14 June 1800. 
Pew, George to Margaret Anderson — 29 Mch 1800. 
Terry, John to Elizabeth Crain— 3 Dec 1800. 
Thornhill, Armstead to Rachel Johnson — 1 Oct 1800. 


Tunnell, John to Ann Weatherington — 8 Dec 1800. 
White, Charles to Jenny Rhea— 2 May 1800. 

Anderson, Samuel to Benthing Lowe — 3 Apr 1800. 
Botkin, Hugh to Rachel Keener— 17 Mch 1801. 
Bowmer, Peter to Mary Beman — 10 June 1801. 
Brown, Thomas to Jane McElwee — 16 Feb 1801. 
Carpenter, Thomas to Mary Ann Shook — 13 June 1801 (or 7?). 
Carter, William to Charity Baker— 25 Mch 1801. 
Craven, Benjamin to Jenny Shelton — 12 Jan 1801. 
Crawford, William to Sally Terry— 7 Dec 1801. 
Harless, George to Margaret McGruff — 6 Mch 1801. 
Hobbs, Sammy to Nancy Holt— 3 Mch 1801. 
McFarlan, George to Nancy Golden— 20 Apr 1801 (or 7?). 
McNair, David to Delilah Vann— 30 Dec 1801. 
Mason, Nathaniel to Phoebe Brashears — 9 July 1801. 
Matthews, Britton to Patsy Browder— 26 Sept 1801. (Signed, 

Meek, Thomas to Nancy Bowen— 23 Mch 1801. 
Terry, Stephen to Isbel Netherlin (?)— 5 Nov 1801. 
Whitechurch, William to Elizabeth Howel — 20 June 1801. 
Whiteman, William to Jean Simms — 2 Mch 1801. 


Taylor, Thomas to El Ferrill— 23 Mch 1802. 

Tharp, Daniel to Catharine Henson — 20 Dec 1802. 

Christian, George to Eliza McCormack — 1 June 1803. 
Craighead, Thomas to Polly Gillespie— 23 Dec 1803. 
George, Solomon to Peggy Crawford — 12 Sept 1803. 
Lee, Abraham to Jane Burrows — 16 Nov 1803. 
Tenor, Jacob to Esther Gibson — 22 June 1803. 
Treadway, John to Polly Haynes — 6 June 1803. 

Brewer, Oliver to Polly Henderson — 10 Jan 1804. 
Buckley, William to Polly Henneman — 25 Jan 1804. 
Cox, George to Rachel Moffet — 4 July 1804. 

Cunningham, Samuel N. to Jean Flannagan — 15 Jan 1804 (or 6?). 
England, Aaron to Nancy McCampbell — 27 Aug 1804. 
Wilson, James to Ann Cozby — 2 Mch 1804. 

Bell, Thomas to Elener Tillery— 22 Jan 1805. 
BoWen, Abner to Jenny Thompson — 27 Nov 1805. 
Carter, Peter to Sally Medly— 12 Oct 1805. 
Casedy, Reuben to Rachel McCoy— 14 Oct 1805. 
Childers, Robert to Polly Lucas. 
Conner, William to Sally Case— 30 Dec 1805. 
Courtney, Jonathan to Marv Goan (Goadns?) — 15 Oct 1805. 
Coxe, John to Peggy Hamilton — 30 Oct 1805. 
Turpin, Martin to Elizabeth Russell— 28 Oct 1805. 

Barnett, William to Rosannah Kirkum — 3 Nov 1806. 
Cameron, Alexander to Margaret Cameron — 5 Feb 1806. 
Cowan, William Wallace to Polly Flennikin — 1 Mch 1806. 
Currier, James to Anne Stockton — 9 Mch 1806. 


Simms, Eli to Rachel Townsend — 1806. 

Smith, Elias B. to Jenny Malloon (Malone?)— 4 Sept 1806. 

White, Jesse to Mary Manifer — 28 June 1806. 

Wright, John to Crissy Smith— 6 Sept 1806. 


Carmichael, Pumrey to Nancy Bell — 6 Nov 1807. 

Carthy, Andrew to Suky Mitchell— 13 July 1807. 

Cleveland, John to Mary Martin — 3 May 1807. 

Close, William to Elizabeth Herron— 19 Nov 1807. Signed by William 

Close and Abner Witt. 
Cochran, Absolom to Mary Stringfield — 10 Mar 1807. 
Coker, Joel to Susan McCampbell — 9 June 1807. 
Cox, Samuel to Margaret Crippen — 9 Dec 1807. 
Cruise, Hardeman to Esther Maney — 11 Apr 1807. 
Palmer, Robert to Jane Rorick — 11 Mch 1807. 
Scarborough, Elijah to Molly Adams — 27 Dec 1807. 
Senton, Matthew to Nancy Ellis — 4 Nov 1807. 
Shell, George to Patsy Haynes— 27 Nov 1807. 
Stamper, David to Kazie Keick — 23 June 1807. 
Tarwater, Jacob to Peggy Dozier — 25 May 1807. 
Taylor, Henry to Molly Nosier— 11 July 1807. 
Thornton, John to Nancy Alexander — 24 Mch 1807. 
Trout, John to Mary Kerr— 24 Aug 1807. 
Witt, Thomas to Polly Wright— 19 Dec 1807. 
Wood, Isaac to Nelly Holt— 6 Aug 1807. 


, Reuben to Barbara Barger — 12 Dec 1808. 

Casteel, Abednego to Agnes Hensly — 26 Apr 1808. 

Childress, James to Polly Ayres — 7 Nov 1808. 

Coker, Warren to Polly Cunningham— 28 Sept 1808. 

Cozby, John to Abigal McBee— 10 Aug 1808. 

Crippen, James to Patsey Hall— 28 Mch 1808. 

May, William to Elizabeth Murray (or Luttrell?)— 22 Feb 1808. 

Sargent, John to Rebecca Crane — 13 1808. 

Shook, Harmon to Margaret McMillan — 16 Feb 1808. 
Skidmore, John to Polly, dau. of William Bell— 7 Nov 1808. 
Smith, Moses to Jemima Hunter — 28 May 1808. 
Smith, Reuben to Barbara Bargar — 12 Dec 1808. 
Smith, William to Suky White— 28 Jan 1808. 
Spain, Thomas B. to Jane Maves — 15 Apr 1808. 
Stephenson, Robert to Hettie Sterling— 18 Nov 1808. 
Tillery, Samuel to Annie Paul — 9 May 1808. 
Toomv, Ambrose to Lucy Walker — 13 Jan 1808. 
Williams, John to Margaret Caldwell— 26 May 1808. 
Williams, John to Artimessa Millikan — 16 July 1808. 

Ashlev, Thomas M. to Elizabeth Shelton— 2 Nov 1809. 
Ault. John to Peggy Hastings— 22 Nov 1809. 
Baldwin, William to Betsy Luttrell— 25 Mch 1809. 
Bell, James S. to Jenny Bell— 21 Nov 1809. 
Bond, William to Elizabeth Keller— 1809. 
Campbell, James to Peggy Ramsey — 20 Sept 1809. 
Carter, Joel to Hannah Stockton— 6 Nov 1809. 
Chapman, Thomas to Patsey Jones — 1809. 
Childress, Mitchell to Francps Dowell— 28 Sept 1809. 
Claibourne, Ephram to Pollv Brown — 20 Dec 1809. 
Cox, Lewis to Emily Holt— 9 Nov 1809. 


Crippen, John to Elizabeth Allen (?)— 28 Dec 1809. 

Cruze, Elison to Sally Gillespie— 3 Aug 1809. 

Davis, Levey to Cynthia Hurdle — 23 Mch 1809. 

Galloway, Charles to Nelly Hinds— July 12 1809. 

Garner, John to Polly Conk— 28 Mch 1809. 

Levey, Davis to Cynthia Hurdle— 23 Mch 1809. 

McAuley, Edward to Esther Martin— 30 May 1809. 

McDonnell, John to Sallie Whitson— 12 Jan 1809. 

McMillan, William to Elizabeth Reed — 4 Jan 1809. 

Meek, Henry (?) to Betsy McCloud— 22 Aug 1809. 

Moffett, Hamilton to Nancy Smith— 8 Mch 1809. 

Morrow, Alexander to Rosannah Spence — 2 Dec 1809. 

Park, William to Jane Crozier Armstrong — 22 Nov 1809. 

Sanburg, Reason (or Sambury?) to Rodey Dunnedee — 31 Aug 1809. 

Sawyers, John to Nancy Shell— 27 June 1809. 

Skinner, William to Elizabeth Aidman — 15 Aug 1809. 

Tarwater, Frederick to Sally Reid— 12 Oct 1809. 

Tarwater, Tewalt (or Tenalt?) to Polly Eddington— 22 June 1809. 

Taylor, John to Amelia A. King— 29 May 1809. 

Tipton, Isaac to Fanny White— 12 Oct 1809. 

Wells, Stephen to Hannah Eddington— 28 Dec 1809. 

Willis, Daniel to Volley Haley (?)— 21 Jan 1809. 

Wright, Thomas to Susannah Pickle — 11 Aug 1809. 

Abel, Francis to Barbara Harner — 25 May 1810. 
Alexander, John to Frances Ross (or Koss?) — 23 Oct 1810. 
Ault, Thomas to Peggy Baker — 9 July 1810. 
Barr, John to Elizabeth Cronk — 11 Jan 1810. 
Bilderbach, Jacob to Polly Probst^-26 Mch 1810. 
Carithers, John to Elizabeth Clark — 18 Apr 1810. 
Carrell, Simon M. to Sarah Dougherty— 26 Dec 1810. 
Chapman, Miles to Nancy Burk — 24 Jan 1810. 
Childress, Stephen to Sally Hall— 10 June 1810. 
Coalman, Daniel to Mary Chumbley — 2 Nov 1810. 
Coats, David to Jency Lee — 2 Dec 1810. 
Cox, James to Betsy Gammon — 8 Oct 1810. 
Cullen, John to Rachel Craighead — 30 May 1810. 
Cunningham, John to Rosannah Shinpoch — 16 Nov 1810. 
Givens, James to Easter Hutchason — 19 Mch 1810. 
Howard, Thomas to Peggy Price (or Pines) ? — 9 July 1810. 
Howard, John to Nancy Howard — 21 Jan 1810. 
Murphy, John to Patsy Gillam— 31 Dec 1810. 
Taylor, William to Stacy West— 15 Oct 1810. 
Tindell, Robert to Peggy McLain— 18 Jan 1810. 
Wear, George to Ann Mynatt — 27 Mch 1810. 
York, Aron to Nancy Rogers — 13 Apr 1810. 

Ault, Jacob to Sally Griffin— 3 Feb 1811. 
Barnett, Robert to Elizabeth Porter— 16 Apr 1811. 
Campbell, Isaac to Mary Ann Fristoe — 8 June 1811. 
Campbell, Robert to Betsy Gamble— 26 Aug 1811. 
Carter, Richard to Elizabeth Lonas — 17 Jan 1811. 
Cobb, James to Sallie Harper — 7 May 1811. 
Day, John to Polly Ford— 20 Aug 1811. 
Dearmond, John to Annie Burnett — 4 June 1811. 
Dunnington, Gustine to Priscilla Linn — 15 June 1811. 
Franklin, William to Sallie McMillan— 11 Mch 1811. 
(To be continued.) 


(Continued from Vol. V, page 264.) 

Sat 31. Sit out & lodged at Mr. McDonalds on Wolf River 16 


Sun. 1 day of Sept. \7t. 6 miles to Stocktons in the valley of same 
name, lodged there all night. 

Mon. 2 returned to Mr. McDonalds. Rained heavily in the night. 
Staid there the next day being tuesday. 

Wed. 4 Set out & travelled to obias uo River, Lodged on the bank. 

Thur. 5 went down to the river to the salt lick — 12 miles, lodged 
near the same. 

Fry. 6 went to Casey, Sprowles, & Irons. Lodged at the latter 

Sat. 7 went through my lands & returned near obias river through 
the barrens. 

Sun. 8 returned to McDonalds. 

Mon. 9 set out for home. Lodged near Wolf river. 

Tues. 10 travell 35 miles & lodged 12 miles from Emmery 141 . 

Wed. 11 travelled 35 miles & lodged near bigg poplar creek. 

Thur. 12 arrived at Knoxville in the eveng. Found all well. 

Fry. 13 Went to farm 142 with Mrs. Sevier. 

Sat. 14 Staid at the farm Rained. 

Sun. 15 returned to Knoxville. 

Mon. 16 the Assembly 113 met (rained). 

Tues. 17 rained. 

Wed. 18 A committee from both Houses, notified that they had 
convened & of my re-election (very cloudy day) . 

Thurs. 19 Dry & hot. 

Fry. 20 ditto. 

Sat. 21 ditto. 

Sun. 22 ditto. 

Mon. 23 ditto. 

Tues. 24 very hot day. 

Wed. 25 ditto. 

Thur. 26 ditto. 

140 Obey River. 

141 Emory River. Formed in Morgan County by the confluence of several creeks 
and flows southeastwardly into the Clinch River near Kingston. 

142 Sevier was now living in Knox county, but the exact date of his removal 
thither is not clear from this journal. 

113 Third General Assembly. Alexander Outlaw, speaker of the Senate; William 
Dickson, speaker of the House. Dickson represented the Mero District in Congress, 


Fry. 27 ditto (a ball at Loves). 
Sat. 28 very warm & dry. 
Sun. 29 ditto. 
Mon. 30 ditto. 

OCTOBER, 1799. 

Tues. 1 day of October, very dry. 

Wed. 2 ditto. 

Thur. 3 ditto. 

Fry. 4 clear & warm. 

Sat. 5 ditto. 

Sun. 6 ditto. 

Mon. 7 rained. 

Tues. 8 rained, pd. Butcher Miller 7 dol. 

Wed. 9 rained, sold unto Jos. Anderson & made conveyance 1-2 
of 500 tract at the Hackberry bottom for 1000 dollars. He has paid 
in cash 51 dollars, accepted a draft in favour of Thos. Humes for 
300, to pay David Deaderick 36, which I owed Carson of Washing- 
ton for plows. He has given two notes, one of 80 dollars & one of 
33 payable one Jany. next, and one of 500 payable first of Novem- 
ber (in all 1000 D.). 

Thurs. 10 day rained & cool. 

Fry. 11 rained. 

Sat. 12 clear & warm. 

Sun. 13 myself Mrs. Sevier Mrs. Donaldson & Campble & Colo'ls 
Lewis, 144 Weakly, Scott, Rutledge, Mr. Kenedy, Dickson & some oth- 
ers went to the Farm, (it rained in the evening. Myself & Mrs. 
Sevier tarried all night). 

Mon. 14 rained all day & night. 

Tues. 15 rained in morng. Myself very sick all day & night. 

Wed. 16 cleared up & we came home to Knoxville, John Sherrill 
& wife came on visit. 

Thur. 17 frost at night (white). 

Fry. 18 light frost. 

Sat. 19 warm for the season. 

Sun. 20 ditto. 

Mon. 21 ditto. 

Tues. 22 ditto. 

Wed. 23 dry & warm. 

Thur. 24 ditto, pd. Tho. Cummins 5 Dols. 

144 Joel Lewis and Robert Weakley, senators from Davidson; George Rutledge, 
senator from Sullivan; William Dickson, of Davidson, speaker of the House. There 
were two representatives named Scott— James Scott, of Blount, and John Scott, of 
Sullivan. The governor was entertaining some of his legislative friends. For a 
description of this country home, six miles south of Knoxville, see Heiskell's An- 
drew Jackson and Early Tennessee History, ist Ed., page 198. 


Fry. 25 ditto pd. Tho. Cummins 2 1-2 dollars in Humes store, 15. 
Sat. 26 doctor Fronier died. & the assembly adjourned, 12 o'clock 
at night. 

Sun. 27 Burried Doctor Fronier. 

Mon. 28 dry & warm for season. Give John Miller order on 
Humes store for 10 dollars, his mother Eleven dollars. 

Tues. 29 let John Livingstone have 1 dollar. 

Wed. 30 dry & pleasant. Let John Andersons Jim have 1 dollar 
to purchase salt. Pd. Childers one dollar for shoe mending. Reed, 
of Asael Rawlings 5 dollars, I lent him some time ago. lent to old 
Mrs. Stout 7-6. Give Mrs. Nelson order on Humes store for Linen 
for shirt & overhauls. Give Hindman 1 dollar towards repairing 
schoolhouse. Put into the hands of W. C. C. Claiborne for collec- 
tion a note on Joseph Anderson for 33 dollars dated October 9 pay- 
able in three months. 

Thurs. 31 clear & warm. 

NOVEMBER, 1799. 

Fry. 1 day of November dry day. 

Sat. 2 Cloudy, Phillip Delaney (butcher) 6 Cart loads of brick 
batts 6 dollars. 3 loads more since. 

Sun. 3 Large white frost at night. 

Mon. 4 very cool, some frost at night. 

Tues. 5 cloudy . 

Wed. 6 rained in evening. 

Thurs. 7 rained in the night. 

Fry. 8 rainy day, spent the evening at Mr. Campbles. 

Sat. 9 cool. 

Sun. 10 ditto. 

Mon. 11 ditto. 

Tues. 12 more moderate. 

Wed. 13 warm & pleasant. 

Thur. 14 ditto. 

Fry. 15 ditto. 

Sat. 16 ditto. 

Sun. 17 rained & turned cooler. 

Monday 18 Lodged at Widow Whites, a cold night & hard frost. 

Tues. 19 cold day took Brakt. at Maburys. & returned to Knoxville. 

Wed. 20 cold day & frost at night. 

Thur. 21 more moderate. 

Fry. 22 went to the farm (warm). 

Sat. 23 very pleasant day. 

Sun. 24 ditto & rained at night. 


Mon. 25 cool & clear day — let John Livingstone 3 quarts of salt. 
Bought of Charles Whitson 2 pr. of fore Gears 1 Collar a stretcher 
2 Bridles & 2 fore swingle trees at 2 dollars. Eecd. them on 21 Inst. 

Tues. 26 clear & pleasant. 

Wed. 27 cold & snowed at night. 

Thur. 28 snowed in morning Genl. muster. 

Fry. 29 cold & hard frost. 

Sat. 30 clear & cold, turned cloudy in the night took tea at Mrs. 
Campbles. Richd. Campble 2 Fine B. Door locks 48/. 1 pr. polished 
candle snuffers 6/. 

DECEMBER, 1799. 

Sunday 1 day rained & freezed all day & excessively cold for the 

Mon. 2 very cold day, till toward evng. then turned warm. 

Tues. 3 a fine day. 

Wed. 4 ditto — ditto, but rained in the night. 

Thurs. 5 fine drizling rainy day Let Tho. Robbins have two orders 
on Mr. Humes. 1 for 15/ & the other for 5/. Let Bennett Banges 
pr. order have one brick trowel at 6/. 

Fry. 6 self & Mrs. Sevier & Betsy went to Plantation. Cloudy. 

Sat. 7 Fair day & cold night. 

Sun. 8 very clear retuned home. 

Mon. 9 very beautiful day. let Wm. Medlock have at sundry times 
6 1-2 bushls. of corn & leather for two prs. shoes. Memo, let Doctor 
Claiborne have a warrant on the treasurer for 50 dollars. James 
Anderson three & half bushels of corn at sundry times. 

Tues. 10 very Beautiful day rained at night. Memo, let John 
Miller have an order on Wm. Nelson for 20 Bis. Corn. Rec. of John 
Irons some time ago in part pay for land 1 sorrel horse at 100 dollars 
2 oxen at 60 3 steers at 30. 

Wed. 11 rained all day & very cold. 

Thur. 12 ditto. Mrs. R. Campble Pater Campble, Liut. Wad- 
dlington & Major Grant spent the eveng. also Mrs. Campble. 

Fry. 13 fine day. 

Sat. 14 fine day. 

Sat. 14 ditto the river very full. 

Sun. 15 pleasant day. 

Mon. 16 cloudy & some little rain pd. Mr. Dougless in Humes store 
per James Anderson order 15/. Sent to Mrs. Jesse Bounds pr. negro 
Jim 1 stock lock (?) 

Tues. 17 rained — give Jno. Robins brother an order to Mr. Humes 
for 3 dolls. 

Wed. 18 rained. Went to farm. 

Thurs. 19 rained. 

Fry. 20 cloudy day. 


Sat. 21 rained at intervals. 

Sun. 22 Fair day returned home from the plantation. 

Mon. 23 clear & fine day. 

Tues. 24 ditto. 

Wed. 25 (Christmas) Fine day went to a ball at R. Campbles. 

Th. 26 a fine day. Memo. Paid John Dearmond in cash 10 dollars 
& an order on Humes store for 5 dollars more. 

Fry. 27 fine day . . . spent the evening at Mr. Loves. Fun. 
with several T. M. brothers. 

Sat. 28 rainy morning & cloudy day. 

Sun. 29 dined at Mr. Campbles rained & snowed all day. 

Mon. 30 snow was 6 inches deep & snowed in the morning, very 
cold, cleared up in the evening. 

Tues. 31 clear & windy, snowed. Sent Mr. Thomas Humes Judge 
Andersons note for 80 dollars, dated 9th October 1799 payable in 3 
months. The printer Mr. Willson 145 married to the Widow Johnson. 

JANUARY, 1800. 

January Wed. 1 day 1800 cold. 

Thur, 2 clear & cold. 

Fry. 3 ditto. 

Sat. 4 ditto. 

Sun. 5 ditto. 

Mon. 6 ditto Federal court began. 

Tues. 7 ditto. 

Wed. 8 ditto. 

Thur. 9 ditto. 

Fry. 10 ditto paid Roddy 3 dollars. 

Sat. 11 ditto a little moderate. 

Sun. 12 warm & pleasant. 

Mon. 13 ditto County court began in Knox. 

Tues. 14 ditto pleasant for the season. 

Wed. 15 warm & cloudy. 

Memo. Reed, from Geo. Gordon some time ago 1 small stud, at 
150 dolls. 1 sorrel mair 120 dollars 1 roan 2 yearling colts 60, the same 
being for land sold by Gordon on obias river. 

Thur. 16 warm & cloudy — rained in night. Let James Craton 
have a Warrant on the treasurer for 37 & 1/3 dollars for which owed 

" 5 George Wilson, married December 31, 1799, to Margery Johnson (nee Greer) 
of Watauga. She died in 1812 and he then married her niece, Matilda George Greer. 
Wilson was born in the District of Columbia in 1778 and died in Nashville in 1848. 
In 1804 he succeeded George Roulstone as editor of the Knoxville Gazette. He 
moved to Nashville in 181 8 and established the Nashville Gazette. He was an ardent 
friend of Jackson. He was Grand Master of Tennessee Masons in 1840. See 
biographical sketch by Dr. J. T. McGill, Tennessee Historical Magazine, Vol. 4, 
P- 157- 


him for corn & bacon & had given orders on Colo. Weir & the sheriff 
of Sevier, which order Craton is to return, Win. Madin a witness. — 
(Returned since). 

Memo, let James Sevier have an order on the Treasurer for 64 
dollars, which went to the Cr. of sheriff Blairs of Washington acct. 
paid Thos. Cummins 4 1-2 dollars. Due him yet 5 1-2 dollars. 

Fry. 17 rainy & stormy day & snowed 4 inches deep by evening. 
Settled up with Colo. Hanly in full of all amounts to this day. Mr. 
Kinnor (Bricklayer) DR. To 1 brick trowel 6/. 

Sat. 18 cleared & pretty cold. 

Sun. 19 moderate. 

Mon. 20 clear & windy. 

Tues. 21 clear cold & windy. 

Wed. 22 ditto. 

Thur. 23 ditto. 

Fry. 24 ditto. 

Sat. 25 ditto some little rain in evening. 

Sun. 26 very cold. 

Mon. 27 cloudy & cold. Nelson set out with Jim for P. Grove, 
give him 5 dollars to bare expenses in bringing down the hoggs & beef. 

Tues. 28 cloudy morning & cold. 

Wed. 29 cloudy, pd. Tho. Robbins 6/. Snowed in the night. 

Thur. 30 snowed in the morning. Memo, swaped horses with Colo. 
Hanly who is to give 30 dollars boot, has pd. me ten by Washington 
& is to pay John Kain the other 20. James Anderson had 2 baggs of 
corn from plantation had here 1 bushel some time ago. 

Fry. 31 warm & pleasant. 

FEBRUARY, 1800. 

Sat. 1 day of February Snowed. 

Sun. 2 snowed & very cold. 

Mon. 3 cloudy & cold. Hawkins Windle Dr. To 1 gray horse 95 

To an order on Walter King for half a ton castings. 

Tues. 4 cold day. 

Wed. 5 snowed part of the day. 

Thur. 6 Pleasant day. 

Fry. 7 pleasant day. 

Sat. 8 snowed & very cold. 

Sun. 9 very cold, snowed, & some rain. Went to Mr. Bonners in 
Co. with R. King Tarried all night & returned on Monday — Nelson 
arrived this night with hoggs &c. 

Mon. 10th Some snow & very cold. 

Tues. 11 very cold & some snow. 


Wed. 12 a fine day. Salted our beef & pork Snowed in the night. 

Thurs. 13 snowed in the morning & most of the day (not very cold) 
Memo. I give a warrant on the Treasury for 60 dollars unto Mr. 
Gordon for the purpose of paying Joseph Rogers at Hawkins at C. 
house, a note of mine of 51 dollars some Cents. Also an account of 
5 dollars & 8 cents for Liquor furnished my friends at the last elec- 
tion. Gordon give me in 2 dollars which the warrant over balanced 
the 2 debts. 

Fry. 14 cold rain & some snow & hail. Went to the farm over the 
river. Tarried all night. 

Sat. 15 cloudy & very cold snowed cleared up in the night. 

Sun. 16 clear day & pleasant Killed a fine Turkey. (Came horn) 
Capt. Sparks came to town yesterday & returned to day. 

Mon. 17 very fine day. 

Tues. 18 very fine day. 

Wed. 19 ditto S. 

Thur. 20 ditto Set out for So. W. Point. 146 Lodged at Major Mc- 

Fry. 21 set out for the point. Brakt at Maj. Campbles, arrived at 
the point in the evening Fine day. The cannon was fired at our 

Sat. 22 early in the morning 16 rounds of cannon fired — at 12 the 
army & Citizens in great numbers moved in procession in condolence 
of the death of Genl. Washington. 147 Gov. Sevier & Wm. Blount. 2 
monuments (?) Genl. White Maj. McClung, Capt. Sparks, Maj. Roan 
Pall bearers guns fired all day &c. The day very fine. 

Sun. 23 fine day. Set out for Knoxville Lodged at Major Campbles. 

Mon. 24 Set out took brakt. at Maj. McClungs, arrived in the ev- 
ening, very fine day. 

Tues. 25 Sold unto Mr. Tho. Haines, Washingtons gray horse, 
price 110 dollars. 

Wed. 26 put fire into the brickkill. 

Thur. 27 A ball at Campbells. Memo. Lodged 2 — 25 dollar warrant 
in the hands of Genl. (?) 

MARCH, 1800. 

Sun. 2 Finished at night burning brickkiln. 

[Mon. 3—.] 

Tues. 4 Paid Thomas Robbins 2 dollars Bought 1 doz. chairs 30/. 
pd. cash 14/ & Give order to Humes for 16/ in favour of a Mr. Aues- 
ton (?). Let Vol Sevier have money for plow mould 9/. 

[Wed. 5—.] 

Thur. 6 Hauled plank and posts with the waggon for Mr. R. 

[Fri. 7—. Sat. 8—.] 


147 George Washington had died in December, 1799. 


Sun. 9 Mrs. Granger died about midnight. Memo. Trainer the 
waggoner Hauled 10 loads of wood 4/ pr. load. Reed. Cash 15/ & (?) 
while burning brick. Sent 1 dollar in cash. 

[Mon. 10—.] 

Tues. 11 Mrs. Granger buryed. 

Wed. 12 Set off for a load Flour, had from me 3 1-2 bushels of 
corn & 3 dollars in cash, order on John Kein for 3 bushels of corn. 
Brot a load of hay from Rhodes for R. Campbell. 

Thur. 13 went to the plantation. 

Fry. 14 stayed there. 

Sat. 15 stayed there. 

Sun. 16 returned home. Mr. Blount taken ill on yesterday. 

Mon. 17 went to see Mr. Blount. 

[Tues. 18—. Wed. 19—. Thur. 20—.] 

Fry. 21 Went to Medlocks. William Blount died about 5 o'clock 
a.m. 118 

Sat. 22 Went with the family to the burial of Mr. Blount. 

[Sun. 23—.] 

Mon. 24 Supr. Court 149 begun. Memo. Reed, of Fran (?) Maybury 
50 dols. One note for 50. 1 for 70 and 1 for 100. and an order on 
Parks for 30, being in part pay of 250 acres of Land I sold Hudleson. 
Sold unto Mr. Willis (miller) a pan 9/. Mr. Reece near my farm a 
pan 9/. Mr. Morde — (?) near ditto one Dutch over 12/. one 6 gallon 
pot 14/. Mrs. Tho. Stockdon of Stockdon Bailey two Iron skillits. 
let Edward Teele have a pot in full for what I was in his debt. 

Tues. 25. William Nelson to goods from Mr. Humes 2/ 7/ 2d. 

[Wed. 26—.] 

Thur. 27 a ball at Campbells. 

[Fri. 28—.] 

Sat. 29 March 1800 clear & warm. 

Sun. 30 ditto. 

Mon. 31 cooler. 


Memo. On the 19th October '98 a Mr. Lacky (a tailor) told me that 
a Mr. Walker caught John Carson and a man named Bell of Mary- 
ville stealing grass and corn to feed Carsons horse out of a Mr. 
Berrys field near Maryville. Carson tarried all night at Bells. 

Memo. Same day Mr. Richd. King informed me that about 8 miles 
So. West Point towards Knoxville, he was in Co. with Dougherty 
Lawyer of Mero district, that L. Doherty attempted to ride (?) two 
year old colt that they met with in the road as they traveled up toward 
Knoxville, the colt was difficult and hard to ride and Doherty made 

118 The last illness of William Blount was thus very brief. His grave is in the 
church yard of First Presbyterian Church, in the City of Knoxville. 

149 The District, or Superior, Court. The judges at this time were Archibald 
Roane, Andrew Jackson and David Campbell. 


great efforts to ride it — at length the colt and Doherty got out of 
sight under a bank when Doherty came back and appeared very bloody 
and said that he had mastered the colt at last — Mr. King wt then and 
looked at the colt and see that it was standing and bleeding very fast 
and observed that it was stabbed in the side and some other places 
with a knife. 

Memo. That George Gillespie in presence of Mr. Casson and Henry 
Massingale, Jur. demanded of Gibsons negroes, sold by Talbott, 8th 
of March, 1798 at Washington Superior court. 

Memo. William applied to Colo. Avery to bring suit vs. me for the 
above negroes and told Avery he had purchased the right of them 
from Gibson — this is Colo. Averys own statement and will be proper 
witness in case Gillespie brings suit. 

Terms proposed by Walter King to the founder for blowing the 

All Hollow ware 20/ pr. ton. 

Open sand layed castings 40/ pr. ton. 

Open sand from running 20/ pr. ton. 

Piggs and scraps 5/ pr. ton. 150 

The above payable one-half in cash the other in castings at 4d 
per lb French. 

Est il terns de diner? It is dinner time? 

II est pres de midi. it is near upon 12 o'clock. 

II est terns de aller diner. It is time to go to dinner. 

Parlez Haut. — speak aloud, etc., etc. 

April 12 1800 Let Thomas Robbins father have an order on tras. 
Mabury for Six dollars, which is to be settle out of Thos. acct. 

APRIL, 1800. 
Tues. 1 day of April fine day. 
Wed. 2 ditto. 
Thur. 3 ditto. 
Fry. 4 ditto. 

Sat. 5 some rain & frost at night. 
Sun. 6 turned warmer (clear) . 
Mon. 7 pleasant day. 

150 It is interesting to compare these prices of iron with the high prices prevail- 
ing at the present day. The first iron-works in Tennessee was erected at the mouth 
of Steele's Creek, in Sullivan County, and was operated by Col. James King, about 
1784, who later associated with him Gov. William Blount. Iron from this furnace 
was shipped in twenty-five-ton boats down to the lower settlements, and even to 
New Orleans. At one time there were twenty-nine furnaces in that section of East 
Tennessee. So important was iron that it became a medium of exchange. Of 
course, each furnace was small, producing not over three or four tons a day. The 
fuel used was charcoal. See "Historic Sullivan" (Oliver Taylor), pages 152-155. 

The first furnace in Middle Tennessee was Cumberland Furnace, in Dickson 
County, established by Gen'l. James Robertson in 1794. 


Tues. 8 ditto. 

Wed. 9 ditto. Went to Nelsons. 

Thurs. 10 returned fine day. 

Fry. 11 cloudy & rained in the night. 

Sat. 12 rained in the morning & thundered about 12 o'clock. 

Sun. 13 cloudy & cool day. 

I set out for the Iron works late in the evng. lodged that night at 
Maburys mill. 

Mon. 14 set out early fed and dined at Capt. Bunches. Lodged 
that night at Gordons on J. (?) creek. 

Tues. 15th set out early fed and dined at Rogersville, and lodged 
all night at Mrs. Amos, paid Expenses 3/. 

Wed. 16 Brakfirsted at Clines 4/6. dined at Venisons No. Fork on 
Till (?) and arrived at Mr. Kings the Iron Works in the evening. 

Thur. 17 stayed at the works. 151 

Fry. 18 ditto — ditto. Bob horse run away. 

Sat. 19 sent Tobe after the horse. The forge 152 began to work. 

Sun. 20 myself and Mrs. King went to meeting at Combs Ferry. 

Mon. 21 the forge began to work. Memo, to inquire after Aaron 
Ryley his mother lives near this place. 

Tues. 22 Tobe returned with the horse. 

Sun. 27 Mrs. Cuningham and Mrs. Combs dined with Mrs. King. 

Mon. 28 Reuben and James Payne came to the works. Cash on 
hand 34 & Bat fish for brakfast. 


Boil one quart of N. Milch half away, with a half pound old bacon 
therein (good to cure the botts on a horse) . 

Turn eggs with the small end down in good wood ashes. Change 
them onst a week and they will keep several months. 

may, 1800. 

[Thur. 1 — . Fri. 2—.] 

Sat. 3 went with Mr. McCrain to Colo. Anderson Retd. in evng. to 
Iron works. 

Sun. 4 set out from the works at Jonesboro, lodged that night at 
Ben Browns. 

Mon. 5 Stayed at Mr. Browns. 

Tues. 6 Went to Jonesboro Court — tarryed at Doctor Chesters. 153 

151 John Sevier junior and senior formed a partnership with Walter King for the 
purpose of manufacturing iron. County records, "Historic Sullivan," page 153. 

"'The prevailing type of furnace was the bloomary. The Forge was like the 
ordinary blacksmith forge. Many of these forges were operated with water power. 

153 At Jonesboro there was a Chester tavern from early days down to 1897. As 
late as 1850 it was kept by a Dr. Chester. ,, 


Wed. 7 Stayed at Jonesbro. 

Sun. 11 Left Jonesbro and went to my fathers. Pd. expenses to 
Chester 32/. Arrived in the eveng at my father and tarried with 
him all night. 

Mon. 12 went to Chester Court Tarried all night with Genl. Carter. 

Tues. 13 was at a ball at Carters. 

Wed. 14 went from Carters to my fathers and lodged with him 
that night. 

Thur. 15 Set out for John Keewoods and lodged there that night. 

Fry. 16 stayed at Mr. Keywoods. 

Sat. 17 set out and arrived at Mays in the eveng and stayed all 

Sun. 18 Stayed at Mr. Mays but lodged myself that night at Mr. 

Mon. 19 Went to Sullivan court, put up at Snaps. 1 " Lodged my- 
self that night Delany. 

Tues. 20 Lodged that night with Capt. John Tipton. 

Wed. 21 Slept at Snaps. 

Thur. 22 Set out from Sullivans and lodged at John Yances, 


Fry. 23 Set out and came to the iron works at Pactolus. 1135 Lodged 
there all night. 

Sat. 24 still stayed at the works. 

Wed. 28 sent to Knoxville by Mr. Charles 1 crow bar and ham- 
mer weight 54 Is. 94 Is. Iron including two shovel moulds. 

[Thur. 29, Fri. 30, Sat. 81. ] 


Senaca snake root powdered very good for worms in children. 

Salt and pepper good for the Thumps in horses Dissolve it in water. 
The inside Barke of B. Gum good. 

JUNE, 1800. 
[Sun. 1. ] 

Mon. 2 set out for Jonesboro in Co. with A. Sherrill and wife 
from Pactolus. 

Stayed all night at Jonesboro. 

Tues. 3 went to Mr. Sherrills and stayed all night. 

Wed. 4. Went to J. Seviers and stayed all night. 

Thur. 5 Retd. to Mr. Sherrills Dined at Maj. Seviers. 

Fry. 6 went to Jonesboro stayed that night. 

15 *Snapps and Delaneys were Sullivan County people, 1850 to i860. Dr Delaney 
was surgeon in C. S. A. service and Capt. Snapp commanded a company." U. 
Also in Greene County. Some of them still live in both counties. A. 
155 Pactolus is a village in the western part of Sullivan County. 



Sun. 8. Returned in Co. with Dr. Chester to Mr. Shemlls. 
Memo. Bt. of Colo. Harrison 3 pr. Moroco shoes 3 stuff ditto 1 hand 
6/. One whip 26/3. 4 yds. Calico at 6/6. Stayed all night at Mr. 

Mon. 9 went to Plum Grove. 

Tues. 10 set out in Co. with Coll. Harrison for Knoxville — Mr. 
Sherrill continued very ill. 


Reuben Paine let a person living on old Kennedys place have 6 
bushels of wheat to sow last fall. 

I left enclosed in a letter with Wm. Sherrill a bond on Charles 
Robertson, deceased, directed to Maj. Sevier to bring suit for the re- 
covery of the debt date 6 Sept. 1782. The sum 50 pounds payable 
6 July, 1783 John Garny security and William Murphy deceased a 
witness. The bond taken in the name of John Sevier administrator 
of Robert Sevier. 1 ' 6 Colo. Harrison and myself dined at Waddle, 
lodged all night at Mr. Henry Ernests. 

Wed. 11 Set out dined at Mr. Penys. Lodged all night at Col. 

Thurs. 12 set out early from Crows Brakd. at Maj. Tines pad. 6/6. 
Lodged that night at Mr. Aliens. 

Fry. 13 set out early. Dined at Capt. Sehorn (?) and lodged that 
night in Dandridge pd. 2 1/6. 

Sat. 14 set out early Fed our horses at Maj. Hugh Beards. Crossed 
Holison at Gillums Ferry pd. 2/. Arrived at Knoxville in the even- 

Wed. 18 went Self and Mrs. Sevier with Daughter Betsy to the 
farm Stayed all night at farm. 

[Thurs. 19, Fri. 20, Sat. 21.] 

Sun. 22 Sam Sherrill sr. departed this life in the night. Mrs. 
Sevier and Washington set out for plum Grove. 

Tues. 24 the anniversary day of St. Johns Lodge F. M. Met and 
dined at R. Campbells. 

Butcher Reed reed, a black steer which wey'd 380 lbs. at 20/ per 

Memo. Settle with Tho. Humes on Mon. 23 inst., and let him have 
a note on Joseph Anderson for the sum of 500 dollars which has 
over paid Mr. Humes all his demands including Edward Irons for 12 
6/3 and one of John Bird for 4 pounds which I was security to Mr. 
Humes for and they are indebted to me for the same. 

Mr. Humes now stands indebted to me as per receipt 112.63 Cents 
which the bond over paj?s him. 

JULY, 1800. 

Fry. 4 Public dinner at Mr. Mansfields and a ball in the evening 
at Mr. Campbells old house. 

15G Capt. Robert Sevier, brother of John Sevier, was killed at King's Mountain. 
He married Kezia Robertson, daughter of Major Charles Robertson, of the Wa- 
tauga settlement. He left two sons, Charles and Valentine. Charles was a major 
under Jackson at New Orleans. Valentine was clerk of the court at Greeneville for 
fifty-two years. Many of their descendants are living. Heiskell, p. 208. 


Sat. 12 Indian George was executed for murd. Johnson. 

Wed. 30 a little hop at R. Campbells. This day Hiram Miller 
hired my waggon. 

Thur. 31 began to make bricks. 

august, 1800. 

Sat. 2 Bought of a Mr. Richards 10 bushels of corn and give him 
an order on John Hill for 24 shillings. 

Fry. 8 Give a warrant on the treasurer in favour of Ralston and 
Wilson for printing the laws and journals of last assembly and Land 
law of No. Carolina for 735 dollars 43 1/2 cents. 

Wed. 21 give an order on John Newman sheriff of Green, in favour 
of Mr. Thornton collector for 8 1/3 dollars being the amt. of mt 
taxes due in the district of Washington. 

Thur. 28 Sent an order to John Newman Sheriff to pay John Gass 
esqr. about 70 dollars. 


Fry. 26 Indorsed a note of hand on John McDonald for 65 dol- 
lars and one of 15 on John Fulton to John Sherrill in payment of a 
debt dues from Wm. Sherrill of 100 dolls dues for a negro boy. 
Elisha Walling vs. James Berry a verdict by a Jury in the Superior 
court in Hamilton district in favour of the plaintiff for lands in 
Powels vally. both parties had entered in Carters office in the year 
1779 late — Berry had his land run off by Walter Evans the surveyor 
and the patent issued signed by Gov. Davie all in the year 1799. This 
observation is to show, that all the different governors and secretaries 
have paid the same respect to the Carter warrant as they have to 
other wheresoever they were made. 


Sat. 11 Memo. Put into the hands of Felix Walker sundry cer- 
tificate of members of the assembly as pr receipt, to the amount of 
190pds. to be laid out in entering and securing in the County of Bun- 
comb in No. Carolina on a branch of Tennessee. If not the money to 
be returned if obtained from the No. Carolina assembly, otherwise the 
certificate to be returned. 

NOVEMBER, 1800. 

Tues. 4 Self, Crougton and others set out to survey land for 
Croughton on Mill creek, lodged that night near a Cabin built by N. 
Evans as a mill seat Good land on the west side of the creek. 

Wed. 5 sit early in the morning travelled most of the day in search 
of my line and found it in the evening. Followed the same about 
three miles and lodged that night at a fine spring, where some trees 
were girdled and marked with E. and A. Said to be done by one 
Anderson — This place is about one mile south of the place where we 
crossed the wt. fork of Mill creek, where the is the letters J. S. on 
a beach and a hand pointing easterdly with other letters on same tree. 
Tolerable good land here and at spring rich. 

Tlurs 6 We followed the line to the southwest Corner where we 
began & run on the east line — 1 mile, thence No. 1 mile & half & 
cornered on a r-d oak. The supposed by running wt. it wd. include 


the spring laid at last night, making a survey of nine hundred and 
sixty acres. We discovered an Excellent spring lying east of this 
survey, near the No. Corner and a large body of good land. With 
fine springs and branches on the headwaters of mile creek. We then 
retd. towards Iron proceeded to the path leading from Mayfields to 
J (?) by way of Lancaster cabbin, before we came to which by four 
miles the land is tolerably good timbered with black oak and hicory 
& is level — at the bottom of a glade at our left as we traveled a good 
spring — from the cabbin to Irons Creek good high land & water on 
our right hand, arrived at Irons at dark, & stayed all night. Still 
find dry weather. 

Fry. 7 G. Gordon Craighton, Strother & Medlock, went surveying 
the Holly bottom on the east side of obias river. 

Sat. 8 Gordon returned at night. Craighton & Medlock returned 
to finish the survey — all retd to Irons at night. 

Mon. 10 Executed deeds to Charles Croughton and Patrick Home 
for 6 tracts of land, two on obias one for 840 and one for 461 acres; 
one on the west End of my large survey, on the head of Mill creek 
for 2488 acres to Courghton, and the other two to Home — one for 200 
acres and one for 171 acres on Obias river and one on the wt in the 
original survey for 878 acres making 1250 in the whole (these tracts 
are included in one deed — and Croughtons in one. 

Made deeds to Cornelius Doherty and Robert Hill deeds for 100 
acres each. 

Memo. Charles Croughton agreed in behalf of himself & Co. in 
presence of Wm. Medlock, Stephen T. Conn near Abingdon, Virginia, 
Geo. Strother, Geo. Gordon, and Philip Love, that he would pay the 
balance of the money remaining due from him & the Company in six 
months from the date of his deeds this day by me to him and Patrick 
Home & that the articles entered into this day should not be any barr 
in the way of the ballance due which is 347 £ W. Va. money. 

Tues. 11 Croughton and Conn left this place Irons, Sprewles, and 
Phil Love sit out to survey and view the land on So. wt corner of the 
original survey, and have since determined that I shall give a farther 
quantity of sixty acres of land including the mill seat at Evans 
cabbin on Mill creek, in order to make up all deficiencies agreeably 
to my original contract with Croughton Encver & Co. 

Wed. 12 Myself & Cap. Strother to Separate Cases — stayed all 

Sat. 15 Irons, Sproules and Love made their report on the land 
they had went to view & survey on which I made the deed for the 
60 acres which compleates my engagement to Encver, Croughton, 
Home, Drummond & Co. respecting the five thousand acres I sold 

Memo. Some fine springs on head of Irons creek. . . . 

Sunday 16 ... A fine spring or two near the path leading 
from Irons to John Sprowles on Irons creek near to where Strother 
is clearing ground. . . . 

(Note — There is a break in the diary at this point.) 

JULY, 1801. 

July Friday 3 . . . Gave to Robert Murray (Bricklayer) a 
draft on Joseph Nichol Mercht for $100 as part pay for building my 


brick house which he is engaged to do at three dollars per thousand 
bricks & 3 Quarters for each Arch, to be finished by first day of Oc- 
tober next. 

Sat. 4. A Public diner at Mr. Campbells in celebration of the 
day. Great harmony and order prevailed. . . . 

Memo. Won on Saturday night last from Dr. May 4 dollars — 
from Maj. Arthur Crozier 6 dollars. . . . 

AUGUST, 1301. 

August Sunday 2 Very warm and dry. 

Monday 3 Ditto & called court on negro Jack the property of 
Stephen Pate for the murder of Sarah Crawford was held & the negro 
found guilty & sentenced to be burnt on the morrow between the 
hours of 12 & 4 o'clock. 

Tues. 4 Negro Jack was agreeably to the sentence of yesterday ex- 
ecuted in the presence of a great number of spectators. . . . 

APRIL, 1802. 1 " 

Mon. 3 Sit out for Capt Thompsons in Virginia to meet commis- 
sioners of that State to run and extend a line. lss Lodged that night 
at Jno Keewoods. . . . 

Tues. 4 Went to Capt. Thompsons met the Commissioners from 
Tennessee, those from Virginia did not attend. Retd to Greenaways 
& lodged there all night. . . . 

Thurs. 6 Retd. home. . . . 


Thur. 30 . . . Self & Mr. Fisk 159 started for Abingdon, Va., to 
meet the Commissioners to extend the division lines between the 
States Virginia and Tennessee. . . . 

OCTOBER, 1802. 

Fry. 1 day of October We arrived at Abingdon — Gen. Martin 160 
one of the Virginia Commissioners arrived. . . . 

Sat. 2 Mr. Taylor & Mr Johnson, arrived in eveng F. day. 

Sun. 3 Still stayed at Mr. Carmacks. 

Mon. 4. We all met at Cap Craigs & agreed to meet Tuesday 
morning on the line near Cap. Duncans on Holston. 

157 In this portion the journal is very fragmentary. Sevier retired from the 
governorship in September, 1801, being succeeded by .Archibald Roane. He be- 
came governor again two years later, defeating Roane, who had the backing of 

]5S See Appendix 1. See page 6i. 

159 Moses Fisk (1759-1843), born in Massachusetts; came to Tennessee in 1796, 
living first in Knoxville; resided successively in Davidson, Sumner and Smith 
counties. About the year 1805 he laid off the town of Hilham, in Overton County, 
where he established by legislative authority Fisk Female Academy. He was 
scholarly and he carried on an extensive correspondence with historical and an- 
tiquarian societies. 

lf,(, General Joseph Martin (1740- 1808), a native of Albemarle County, Virginia; 
was associated with Dr. Thomas Walker in his explorations; settled in Powell's 
Valley about 1769; a leader of scouts in the Indian wars; agent of the Transyl- 
vania Company in Powell's Valley; from 1777 to 1789, lived at Long Island as Indian 
agent appointed by Gov. Patrick Henry; aided in formulating treaty at Long Island, 
in 1783, and at Hopewell in 1785; was a brave and almost reckless Indian fighter; 
returned to Virginia in 1789 and thereafter resided in Henry County, where he 
was elected to the legislature and became a strong supporter of James Madison. 


Tues 5 We met, made a Tryal to find the latitude on Hendersons 
line. It was thought the observation was imperfect. It being some 
miles so. of 36 d 30 m the true latitude — We then agreed to meet next 
day on Walker (?)(?) 

We met on Walkers line made observations — Mr. Fisk on the part 
of Tennessee & Mr. Laws oh the part of Virginia. By M. Fisk we 
appeared to be in Latitude 36 d 16 m. By Mr. Laws 36 d 12 m. . . . 

Thurs. 7. We proceeded to Hendersons line Made observations — 
by Mr. Fisk we found it to be in latitude 36 14 by Mr. Law 36 1 . . . 

Fry. 8 We made observations on our side at same place. Mr. 
Fisk the Lat to be 36 21 . . . Mr. Law who took it about one 
mile from us made it to be in Lat. 36 47, . . . 

Sat. 9 we sent Mr. Markland off as express to Gov. Roane . . . 

Memo. Paid expenses since I sit out from Home 13 1/4 dollars 
to this day. . . . 

Mon. 18 Set out for Mr. Keewoods to meet the Commissioners — 
left with Mr. Keewood 10 dollars for him to give unto my brother 
Jos. Sevier & for him to give the same unto Mr. David Deadrick. . . . 

Tues. 19 set out from Mr. Kings and met the Virginia commis- 
sioners at Cap. Craigs Tarried all night. . . . 

Thurs. 21 We repaired to William Kings Tarried all night after 
taking some observations . . . 

Sat. 23 After some notes passing between the Virginia & Tennessee 
Commissioners we mutually agreed to run an intermediate line be- 
tween Walkers and Hendersons — & sent the surveyors to measure the 
distance between the two lines — Rutledge 161 & Martin attend the 
riming . . . 

Sun. 24 . . . Gen. Martin retd & the surveyors 162 who reported 
that the true distance between the two lines was found to be two miles 
1/2 & 25 poles; which was begun on Walkers line & run 2 1/2 degrees 
wt. of due north. 

Tues. 26 Set out from Cap. Craigs after break. Arrived at Cap. 
Kees at one o'clock, Rainy day . . . 

Wed. 27 . . . Took up camp near McQueens 10 miles from 
Cap Shees 

Pd. expenses at Cap. Craigs 36/. Stayed all night at Cap. Kees. 
Rained and thundered in the night cleared up and Frosted in the 

Thur. 28 Set out the surveyors to run the line to white topp. . . . 

Sun. 31 The surveyors retd, in evng. . 

NOVEMBER, 1802. 

Tues. 2 Left Camp near McQueens . . . Arrived at Mr. Wil 
liam Kings on Holston The Surveyors set out to run the line from 

161 General George Rutledge. one of the early settlera in Sullivan County; com- 
manded a company at King's Mountain. 

'"The surveyors were Nat. B. Markland and Brice Martin, son of Gen. Martin. 

— 3 — 


(?) fork to the main Holston near Cap. Duncans Tarried all night 
with Mr. King. 

Thur. 4 Left Mr. Kings — dined at Mr. Crockets Tarried all night 
at Mr John Keewoods . . . 

Fry. 5 . . . Went to Majr. Shelbys and stayed all night. . . . 

Sat. 6 Retd. to Mr Keewoods and taryed all night . . . 

Sun. 7 . . . Retd. to Mr. Kings. 

Mon 8 Surveyors began and run the line to Holston a little below 
Cap. Duncans. Dined with the Virgn. Commissrs. . . . 

Tues. 9 Still at Mr. Kings. . . . 

Wed 10 The surveyors retd from rectifying the line which was 
run from the level fork too much north and set out again to extend 
west in the due course — Genl. Rutledge went with them. . . „ 

Thurs. 11 We all left William Kings esq. and went on after the 
surveyors. Arrived at Gen. Shelby's old place 103 in the evening. Found 
the line to pass through the plantation to the No. of the building. 

. . . Campt. at this place. 

Fryday 12 . . . My self and Majr. Taylor dined at Colo. 
James Kings continued camp at Shelby old place. 

Sat. 13 We left the Camp and proceeded on with the line. I lodged 
this night with Genl. Rutledge . . . 

Sun. 14 . . . Retd. to the surveyors. Lodged all night at 
William Willsons on Reedy creek where there is an emitting spring 
of every two hours. . . . 

Mon. 15 I went to Walter Kings Met Mrs. Sevier and Sammy 
there. Lodged all night. . . . 

Thurs. 18 I retd to the surveyors and found them at Gronebargers 
near 4 miles below no. fork. Camped all night. . . . 

Fry. 19 the surveyors went on myself Rutledge and Fisk contd in 

Sat. 20 stayed at same place. . . . 

Sun. 21 Our commissers. set out, lay that night at Maj'r Loony's 
14 miles. . . . 

Mon. 22 . . . Mr. Fisk went to Hawkins C. H. Self and Genl. 
Rutledge crossed Clinch mountain at Lonys Gap, traveled down lower 
creek to Abs. Loonys came up with the surveyors at Daws Rogers 
plantation. The line crossing at Waddels ford on Clinch river near 
mouth of Shelbys creek one mile above — lay all night at this place. 

Tues. 23 we set out overtook the surveyors at Lafaveurs place, 
past on to Wm. Roberts on main Clinch — lay here all night. Mr. 
Fisk retd. brought with him $50 Reed from Nelson sheriff of Hawkins 
out of which I received 18 dollars. . . . 

Wed. 24 Lay here this day & night Genl. Martin & Majr. Taylor 

10s Evan Shelby, father of General Isaac Shelby, settled at Sapling Grove, now 
Bristol, Tennessee, in 1771. Here he built a fort, called "Shelby's Station." His 
home was later called "Travelers' Rest." He died in 1794. 


Thurs 25 Rained Lay at Roberts. 

Fry. 26 Clear day. We all sit out from Robert's crossed New- 
mans Ridge & lodged all night on black water creek at Gibsons. . . . 
Messrs. Fisk and Taylor left us. 

Sat. 27 We set & Crossed Powells mountain and lodged at Sanders 
mill 7 miles . . . Left the surveyors coming on from Black 
water. On our route today passed Daniel Flanarys on No. side of 
mulbery Gap. Mulbery creek runs down into Powels river between 
Poweis mountain and Waldens Ridge. 

Sun. 28 We measured the Cross line and found our course one 
quarter too far to the So — Lodged at same place. 

Mon. 29 We rectified our course & still remained at Sanders. . . . 

DECEMBER, 1802. 

Thurs. 2 Cleared up — We all sit out Crossed Waldens Ridge and 
powells river 3 miles above Martins Creek — Lodged my self and Genl. 
Rutledge at James Overton near James's salt lick. 

Fry. 3. We measured the cross line at James salt lick. Found 
ourselves with the line five poles too far So. 

Sat. 4 rectified the line, and sit out run through the lick leaving 
the pitt a few poles in Virginia . . . Myself and Genl. Rutledge 
retd. to Overton Tarried all night, as we had on Fryday night. . . . 

Sun. 5 . . . We sit out from Mr. Overtons after brakfirst. 
Lodged all night at Shadwilly (?) ... 

Mon. 6 We sit out for Cumberland Gap. Arrived about 8 o'clock 
at Colo. Charles Cocks. Stayed all night. . . . 

Tues. 7 Sit out again found the commissioners and surveyors at 
William Robertsons near the gap. We took up Camp here and lodged 
all night. . . . 

Wed. 8 Finished the line, which struck the Caintucky line about 
one quarter So of the Gap — This day we made out our reports & ex- 
changed on each side — Snowy day and very cold Lodged at same pake. 

Thirs. 9. Myself & our Commissrs. and surveyors sit out for 
home. Ver cold. Lodged all night at Claibornes Court House. 

Fry. 10 V/e traveled on to Gordon Beens old station. 164 . . . 

Sat. 11 We again sit out early in the morning — lodged all night 
at Crosses (Bull Gap). . . . 

Sun. 12 Set out early 18 miles to Babbs mill— 9 to Tho. Gillespy— 
2 to Mr. Mcallisters & 4 home which we arrived at in the evening. 

JANUARY, 1803. 

Wed. 5 . . . Memo. I settled my account for running the 
state line &c to the amount of 375 dollars — have received from Mark- 
land 50 from Fisk 18 & received from Mr. Maddin 30 & have directed 
Tho. McCarry to apply to Mr. Martin for 28 & a half dollars making 
in the whole 126 & 1-2 dollars. . . . 


To cure the pluricy & fluenzy when the pain and fever Begins you 

ll!! "Gordon Beene's old station," at foot of Clinch Mountain — now Tate Springs. 


must take three spoonfuls of honey and as much alloycospane (?) as 
will lie on the point of case knife twice, and half that quantity 
of Indian turnips and as much allum as the size of a large pea & 
half as much fresh Butter as honey, Stew them on hot embers then 
every night take one table spoonful, very warm keep takeing that 
until the abscess breaks Make a small cake of Ry meal then split the 
Cake and put tar on it and lay it on the pain & follow the pain with 
a new Cake every four hours, take Garlic & pound it put it on hoga 
lard and keep that to the soals of the feet & blead moderately every 
three day & regularly & sweat every three Days with Sinicar snake 
root & keep the body open with castor oil. . . . 

Cure for gravel half pint of common plantain seeds, boiled in one 
Quart of new milk down to one pint — take a spoonful morning & 
evening of the decoction. 

Cuckceld bur leaves boiled in new milk good for a snake bite. The 
gaul of the earth bruised and infused in new milk good. 

Blue Vitriol with half its Quantity of allum burnt into a powder 
put to a Cancer wart is good to eat it out, must be changed every six 

APRIL, 1803. 

Sat. 9 Fine day. Sold unto John Southgate per his agent Tho. 
Emmerson 185 5000 acres of land on Crane creek at 50 Cents per acre, 
2115 on Duck River at 1 dollar, 1000 on Buffaloe River at 1 dollar, 
and 4000 on obias River for 3334 dollars the whole went to discharge 
a debt due unto the said Southgate from Michael Harrison for goods 
& merchandise he reed, at Norfolk, Virgia. I made deeds for the 
whole in the presence of Judge White the same day. Reed, from Mr. 
Win, Martin 10 dollars. 

OCTOBER, 1803. 

Sat. 15 Set out for So. west Point in Company with And. Greer 
esqr & my son Washington. Lodged at John Woods. 

Sun. 16 Sit out early and arrived at Kingston & arrived to Break- 
fast after having a violent dispute with J. Jackson 108 — lodged at Jesse 
Birds Had this day a salute of sixteen rounds by the garrison. Dined 
with Col. Meigs 187 in the garrison. 

Mon. 17 Went with the agent of the Indian affairs, Majr. MacRea 
& others to the Council House on the south side of Tennessee River to 
hold a conference with the Cherokee chiefs concerning a road and 
other matters. Our talks were delivered and the Indians required 
time to give their answer. Adj. till next day (Dined with Majr. 

105 Thomas Emmerson, judge of the Superior Court, 1807-1809; judge of the 
Supreme 1 Court, 1819-1822; circuit judge, 1816-1819; first mayor of Knoxville; editor 
of "Washington Republican and Farmer's Journal," an anti-Jackson paper published 
at Jonesboro, 1832-1837. 

160 It is well known that Andrew Jackson and John Sevier had a violent alterca- 
tion in the "big road" between Kingston and Knoxville. Brave men do not have to 
fight for reputation. Sevier and Jackson took it out in words — what Homer called 
"winged words." D. 

In the previous month — September, 1803 — Sevier had been inaugurated as gov- 
ernor for the fourth time. 

197 Return J. Meigs was Indian agent. 


Tues. 18 last night lodged with Thos. N. Clark Met according to the 
adjournment — The Indians after some conversation observed they 
were not prepared to give their answer & we then adjourned till the 
next morning — dind with Colo. Meigs. 

Wed. 19 we met again and the Indians then give in their answer 
& consented to let the United States Cut a Road through their coun- 
try into the State of Georgia, etc. . . . 

DECEMBER, 1803. 

Tues. 10 

Curious dream. I dreamed my Father came descending in the air 
in what appeared at first like a cloud As it came nearer it assumed 
the appearance of one of the finest rigged vessels I ever had seen that 
the sail roaps and everything of the apparatus appeared Richer & 
of superior quality to anything I had ever seen. He came out of the 
vessel when it had halted or alighted and told me that on the Fryday 
before New Years day he had sit out to the Great high Court, — I 
asked him if theer was any news where he had been he answered 
that nothing existed there but the utmost peace and friendship, that 
he had heard much conversation respecting the Quarel between Judge 
Jackson & myself, — I then asked him if it was possible that affair 
had reached so far? He then replied that long before he had arrived 
the news was there and also every other transaction that has taken 
place in Tennessee — I then asked him what was said? He told me that 
Jackson was by all viewed as a very wicked base man, and a very 
improper person for a judge, and said I have it in charge to inti- 
mate to you either by dream or some other mode, that you have 
nothing to fear provided you act a prudent part for they are all your 
friends — on his saying by a dream I began to think I was dreaming 
& immediately awaked. 

Mr. William Macklin Secy came to my house tarried all night & 
told him and the family my dream on Wednesday morning. . . . 

Sat. 14 Was informed by Majr. James Doherty of Jefferson, that 
my father was dead 168 . . . 

JULY, 1804. 

Mon. 23 The assembly formed a house and notified the executive 
by a Committee that they were ready to receive any communications 
he might think proper to make . The address was sent in this day. 

Tuesday 24 Very cold day for the Season, with very considerable 
smoke in the air. The executive was waited on by Fred Preston, 
Wm. King, and Henry St. John Diken Commissioners from the State 
or Virginia. 

august, 1804. 

Mon. 20 Went to Knoxville, where Lieutenant Braham began to 
pay off the mounted infantry that marched to the Natchez under Colo. 

DECEMBER, 1804. 

Memo. A method of preserving wheat from the weevil. When 
the wheat is stacked, every three or four layers sprinkle some flour 

16S Valentine Sevier died at the age of one hundred. 


of sulphur over the wheat or after it is thrashed throw a few pieces 
of brimstone into the cask or granary &c. 

FEBRUARY, 1805. 

Fry. 8 Myself & Sammie wt to Maryville, where there was an 
election holding for field officers for Blount county. . . . 

Memo, of letters taken out of the post office on which the postage 
remained unpaid which is to be paid quarterly 
1803 cents 

December 6th two letters 35 

" 29th sundry letters 141 

APRIL, 1806. 
Wed. 2 Frost last night Clear day. 


Memo. Take chery tree and dog wood barks, & poplar root bark 
make a tea of the same, is good for a pain in the back — red precipi- 
tate as much as will lie on the point of a pin knife rolled up in butter 
is the best thing for botts in horses. When rolled up must be put 
down the horses throat as far as possible. . . . 

AUGUST, 1806 

Sat. 2 . . . Memo. Take a handfull of the inside bark of 
prickly ash 6 Inches long the same quantity of red earth worms and 
about the same quantity of both those articles of the oil of hogs 
feet, & stew all slowly together until the worms are dissolved: strain 
out the sediment and anoint with the oil for the Rheumatism. 

Sun. 31 Went early into Knoxville Granted a pardon for a negro 
girl named Harriett the property of John Record of Williamson 
county at Harpeth. The girl (?) for drowning her masters daugh- 
ter named Po (?). 

OCTOBER, 1806. 


Sun. 10. Memo. Stew red pepper in hogs lard and anoint for the 
Rheumatism, is thought to be efficacious, and afterwards bathe in 
water wherein oats in the straw have been boiled, & wrap the straw 
around the parts affected when as warm as can be bourn. . . . 

NOVEMBER, 1806. 

Sun. 7. Recipe for the cure of the dropsy, put into a stone, or 
earthen Jug, a gallon of stale Senna (?) cyder, together with a double 
handful of parsley roots & hops cut fine; a handful of scraped horse 
radish; two table spoonfuls of bruised mustard seed; half an ounce 
oxymell of squills and an ounce of Juniper berries. The liquor to be 
keeped warm by the fire, twenty-four hours; to be often agitated and 
then strained for use. dose for a adult, half a wine glass full three 
times a day, on a empty stomach. The dose may be encreased if 


necessary. After the water shall be discharged the patient should 
use moderate exercise. Subsist on dry nourishing diet & abstain 
from all liquors as much as possible. (A proved cure). 

MAY, 1807. 
Sunday 24. Cloudy morning but no rain. 


Memo. Take horse radish and Garlic of each a handful! stew it 
down in three pints to one of water: — bottle it up close — take two 
spoonfuls of the Liquid either night or morning. If this quantity does 
not effect a cure, — make use of the 2 & 3d bottle — a sure cure for the 

Mon. 25. Some frost this morning — Maclin came here and resigned 
his office of secretary of State. . . . 


Thurs. 10 . . . Memo. I give Mr. Fleshart 3 dollars to make 
me a tumbler — I took a suit of blk out of the store of Shall & 

DECEMBER, 1807. 

Sat. 12 . . . Memo. Boil Cammomile in new milk, to a strong 
decoction, bathe with it as warm as can be born, three or four times 
a day good for inflamed sore eyes. . . . 

Wed. 16 Memo. (Cure for the Rheumatism) Take as much 
flour of sulphur as will lay on the point of a case knife mix with 
honey, for nine mornings running — on the 7th bleed in both feet on 
the inside after taking the sulphur & honey, infuse the bigness of 
your thumb of senaca snake root, in one quart of brandy or whisky, 
drink a glass every night or morning as you may choose — take care 
not to catch cold. . . . 

Mon. 28 . . . Memo. Take 1 oz. of mecurial ointment, boil 
the same in one gallon of Water, skim off the Grease and mix the 
horses food twice a day for three or four days — then make a decoc 
tion of dogwood and poplar root bark, or rattle weed, mix the food 
with the decoction — when the horses tongue & mouth begins to be- 
come moist & you may forbear giving the mercury. 

The above is a cure for the yellow water which only a fever in 
the horse. . . . 


JANUARY, 1808. 

Tues. 19 . . . Memo. My land Tax for the year 1807 in 
Overton county is 23 dollars and 57 cents. 

FEBRUARY, 1808. 

Mon. 1 I went to Knoxville . . . Reed, a gold medal from R. 
Smith secretary of the Navy, with an impression of the one presented 
to Commodore Edward Preble 109 by the committee of Congress — It 
came by the mail. . . . 

MAY, 1808. 


Fry. 13 . . . Memo. A handful of white shoemake roots. 
Two spoonfuls of tarr, three spoonfuls of honey, add one quart of 
new milk, boil it down to one pint with which drench your horse, a 
good cure for botts. 

Fry. 27 Self, Mrs. Sevier & Betsy went to hear Mr. Edge preach 
at Mr. Reaguns. . . . Mr. Edge is to preach a gain in six weeks 
the 8th July. I give the minister one dollar. 

JUNE, 1808. 

Mon. 20 Went to town, paid Mr. Humes 12/ for 12 half pint 

JULY, 1808. 


Sat. 9. . . . Memo. The white flowered asmert is very fine 
for a Polleville in creatures or any rising or pains in a person — make 
it into a poultice. 

Sun. 24. Went all to meeting — the sacrament adm. I give 1 
dollar, contributed for the wine &c. . . . 

Mon. 25 We all went to meeting again . I paid the Revrd. Mr. 
Anderson five dollar, being my contribution for his last years service. 

DECEMBER, 1808. 

Fry. 16 Self, Betsy & Mrs. Sevier & Bobby went to A. Rheas 
husking corn, staid all night. . . . 

Thur. 22. Sent Will with two fatted hogs to Washington Seviers. 
. . . This day. Jos. & John Ballard came here — Jos. produced re- 
ceipt from Geo. Matlock D. Sheriff of Smith county that Jos. & Chris 
Buttard and Wm. King had delivered John Keys (?) to proclamation 

^Commodore Edw. Preble; born in Maine; chief service, destruction of the 
Barbary pirate power, commanding squadron on the old "Constitution" as flagship 
in the war against the Barbary states. D. 


for the murder of Wm. Reagun for which I directed the Secretary of 
State to issue them a warrant on the Treasury for 100 dollars. 1 " . . . 

JAN. 1811. 


Sat. 12 . . ,. Memo. Take three small balls of spiders webb 
for three mornings running in Lyquor or Tea is a sure cure for fever 
& ague or dumb ague. . . . 

NOVEMBER, 1811. 

Fry. 8. I took my seat in House of Rep. 171 (rained) took lodging 
at Rhodes Hotel. Hack hire 3/. 

Sun. 10. ... Viewed the Bridge leading cross the Potomac 
to Alexandria. 

Mon. 11 The House met at 11 oclock. . . . Wrote letters to 
Gov. Blount A. Rhea, McCary, Geo. Willson inclosing the Presidents 
message to him to be published — to James Sevier — all dated 7th inst. 
and sent on by this days mail. Reed from his Excellency Gov. Blount 
introductory letter to the Honorable Henry Clay, Wm. Blackledge, 
Tho. Blount, and the Honble Mr. Roan from Virginia. These letters 
I received from Gov. Blount before I started from Knoxville. 

Tues. 19. The house met at 11 oclock I drew this day from the 
bank 150 dollars out of my mileage or wages as member. . . . 

Wed. 20 . . . House met at 11 oclock and adjourned early. 
I went with a number of other members to the (?) Tavern in George- 
town to see a show of animals and home made cloth &c. . . . 

december, 1811. 

Thurs. 5 . . . Memo. (Gravel) Take three drachms of pow- 
dered niter and dissolve in a quart of cold water and take half this 
quantity in the course of a day and the painful complaint will be 
dislodged. It may be taken at any hour, but it is best after a meal. 
The greatest martyrs to this disorder have been cured by this simple 
medicine — (It is the Gravel). 

Sat. 21 Dined with President Madison, the guests were, the 
French minister, (?), the French Consul General, Vice President, 

170 This is the last entry in the journal while Sevier was governor. He retired 
in September, 1809, being succeeded by Willie Blount. 

1T1 In 181 1 Sevier succeeded Pleasant M. Miller as representative in Congress from 
the Hamilton District and served until his death in 1815. He was a member of the 
Committee on Military Affairs. The old hero and commonwealth builder must have 
been a notable figure and probably attracted great attention while in Congress. 
From this point the journal abounds in quaint and curious entries. Most of the 
names and incidents of a public character mentioned are generally familiar, so that 
it is not deemed necessary to continue the annotations. It will be noticed that 
Sevier was frequently the guest of President Madison and of the French minister; 
and that he was a pall bearer at the funerals of Vice-Presidents George Clinton and 
Elbridge Gerry. 


Mr. Clay, the Speaker, Gov. Holmes, Judge Taylor, (?) Cox, Mr. 
Tait from Georgia, and others with General Granger &c. 

Mon. 23. Cloudy morng. I went to House dispatched letters to 
Messrs John White, Jno. Russell, Alex G. Sevier, Vol. Sevier, John 
Sevier, Archa Rutherford, H. Dunlop, and Mrs. Sevier, and McClellon 
(dated yesterday), and James Sevier. . . . 

Tues. 24 Very cold and windy day — House adjourned till Thurs- 

Wed. 25 (Christmas) Self, my friends Gregg, McCoy, and Genl. 
Germaine visited the Fx-ench minister. 

Wednesday (Christmas) wrote letter to Mrs. Sevier enclosing a 
ten dollar bank of Washington (bill) no. 118 dated 1 Jany, 1820 — 
signed Danl Carol of (?) president— L. Elliot, Junr. cashier. Mrs. 
Seviers letter was enclosed with one to John Armstrong D. post mas- 
ter at Knoxville. . . . 

Mon. 30 Spent the evening with the French minister — Settled 
with washer woman, paid her up to this day 9/. 

JANUARY, 1812. 

Wed. 1. This day I went to the Presidents Levee — purchased a 
pair of pumps for two dollars and a half 

Fry. 3 Went to the House — dined in Geo. town & stayed all night 
with Maj. Russell. 

Sat. 4 Settled with Mr. Calder the tailor & paid him 10 dollars 
the ballance of my account with him — He is to lend me a pair of 
small cloths which I shall be indebted for — paid to Mr. Rhodes 100 
dollars as per receipt — this sum is for board & accommodation &c. 

Sun. 5 Fine day — Visited by Mr. Nichols, Adjutant General of 
the Army is near this place. 

Memo. Oil of turpentine taken in small doses have recently been 
discovered to destroy the tape worm. 

Visited by Lieut. Jessup, late of General Wilkinsons aids — is at 
Madame Bodines (?) Wrote letters to Jas Sevier, Rob Williams, 
Waightstill Avery, Judge Cocke, Jenkin Whiteside & D. Briggs, & 
sent a package of the Presidents message to J. Whiteside. . . . 

Wed. 8 Dined with the minister of France. 


Memo. A Mr. Sage has stated to the National Institute of France 
the efficacy of the flower volatile alkali in cases of severe appoplexy 
witness for forty years — on the first appearance of the disease, 25 
or 30 drops of flower alkali in a spoonful of water poured down the 
throat and two slips of paper the edges weted with volatile alkali 
introduced into the nostrils — after a short period give another dose. 
Speech & recollection generally return in one hour. If the alkali 
should occasion a vomiting — give 20 drops of the volatile alkali more 
in half a glass of wine — a certain Cure — 


Mr. McCea (?) of Richmond informed me that he see Aron Burr 
in Paris (France). Burr went first from the U. States to England 
who under a sham ordered him to leave that place — he went to Den- 
mark and perhaps Sweden and after some time returned to France 
& became acquainted with Fouchee, the French minister, who gives 
him a salary of 2000 dollars per annum: Mr. McCea see Burr, in a 
prison where James Swan, the American was confined; they both 
hapened to visit Swan at the same time. — a proposition from an un- 
official character was made to the British government, for France & 
England to make peace & divide the United States of America — both 
nations were afraid to stand first committed, being jealous of each 
other, & neither would officially commit the project to writing for 
fear the other would take the advantage & expose the other to the 
resentment of the United States. Burr arrested in the downs (?) last 
fall immediately went to a Mr. Reeves the inspector of aliens & ob- 
tained permission to go immediately to London although every other 
American had to stay two weeks. It is understood that Burr acted in 
France as a British spy & was the projector of the project to divide 
America, & no doubt when in England served as a spy to the French. 

Bonaparte contenanced Burr, & it is supposed ordered him off 
merely to gratify the Americans . . . 

Sun, 12 Very fine day. Mrs Sevier, Archa Rhea, B. P. Gains and 
James Sevier — wrote yesterday to General Blackburn & sent him 
document some days since. — Wrote today farther to William McClel- 
lun & P. M. Miller, John McClellen, David Campbell, Judge Roane. 

Wed. 15 ... In the evening attended Mrs. Madisons levee 
. . . invited to dine on Saturday with the Secretary of the Navy 
(P. Hamilton). 

Satterday 18 . . . Dined with P. Hamilton, Sec. of the Navy. 

Wed. 22. . . . Wrote letters to R. Peacock, & John Stewart. 
Wrote letters to General Overton & Joshu Williams. 

Thurs. 23. . . . Wrote letter to Arch Rutherford, William 
Panderson & Judge White — a slight shock of an earthquake at four 
this morning & one in the night half after nine — very cold 

Sat. 25. Dined with Mr. Grundy at Mr. Claxtons. paid to Joseph 
Willson father of G. Willson by direction of Geroge $25 & took Joseph 
Willsons receipt &c. . . . 

Wed. 29 . . . Clerks in the office of the Department of State 

John Graham chief clerk 2000 

Stephen Pleasantson Clk 1500 

Daniel Brent Clk 1350 

per an. Richard Forrest Clk 1150 

John B. Calvin Clk 1150 

Tho. LL Brent Clk 1150 

William Thormon (?) of the Patent office 1400 

Thurs. 30 wrote to Robert Williams enclosing him a 5 dollar note 
on the Columbian bank (Georgetown) No. 77 dated 25 March 1809, 
signed V. Hinton Presdt., William Whann Cashr. The same being 
for fee occasioned for getting 2 copies of grants from the secretary 
of State of North Carolina, one for 25060 & the other 32000 acres 
cf land — the fees as per letter amounted to 3 dollars. But I have 
sent 5 . . . 


Fry. 31 Attended the House — dined at Genl. Bailys & stayed all 
night . . . 

FEBRUARY, 1812. 

Sat. 1 . . . Dined at Mr. Clays (Speaker) 

Isha the washer woman produced her account being 2 dollars 31 
cents pd. her 2 dollars — 31 cents yet due. . . . 

Fry. 7. . . . Genl. Tho Blount departed this life at night. 

Sat 8 . . . Wrote to Judge White informing of the death of 
Gen. Blount . . . 

Sun. 9 Gen. Thomas Blount interred. Myself, Gov. Wright of 
Maryland, Genl. Brown of Pennsylvania, and Genl. Gormane of New 
York rode in same carriage & were four out of six of the Pall bearers. 
Were draped with white muslin sashes and black crape round the 
arm & hatt. The day clear & thin air — about 200 carrages besides 
great bodies of horse & foot together with the marine coar attended 
the funeral with music & fireing &c &c. 

Tues. 11. . . . Went to the House Reed from the sergeant at 
arms 340 dollars as per check of this day paid to William Rhodes as 
per receipt 50 dollars towards accommodations. 

Wed. 12 Cold day wt to the Presidents Levee 

Thurs. 13. . . . Memo. George Millagan bookseller high street 
G. town Book store & lottery office has marking ink, & Washington 
monument tickets & tickets in second class of vaccine (?) lottery for 
sale (Bridge Street) Also, at his book store. 

Fry. 14 . . . Memo. I went to the Washington bank, & took 
up a draft on me for two hundred dollars drawn by Robert Far- 
guerson of Knoxville in favor of Robert Miller of Baltimore & by him 
assigned to Wharnn a receipt on the back by R. Smith agt. 

Thu. 20. . . . Unwell with Rheumatic pain in Back. 

Fry. 21. . . . Paid Peter Willson for James Calder 13 dollars 
and 32 cents as per receipt for a pair of silk britches. 

Memo. I paid per advice of William Williams of Strawberry 
Plains 5 dollars as per recpt to Gails the Editor for his paper for 
Beasly (?) and Wilkerson, near Magby's Ferry — the paper is to be 
sent them for one year commencing from the 20th inst. 

Sat. 22. . . . Took tea at Secretary Monroes in Co. with Colo. 
Smith of the army. . . . 

Sun. 23. . . . Yesterday I paid Mr. John Rhea 5 dollars which 
he has advanced the Smith the editor of the National Intelligencer. 
Wrote Mrs. Sevier, Gov. Blount, John Armstrong, Thomas Blacstone, 
John N. Carrick, John Hayes, James Armstrong (Free) (?), and John 

Tues. 25 Went to ball at Davis' Hotel. . . . 

Bohea Tea 
Recipe for cure of the Dropsy — about two large cupfuls of the tea 


is to be infused in a quart of water, & during the day the decoction 
is to be drank, & the leaves eaten at short intervals — a speedy & 
quick cure. 

MARCH, 1812. 

Mon. 2 . . . This day I took the National Intelligencer for 
James Dardis of Knoxville for one year from this date, & paid five 
dollars & took receipt from Gails the editor &c. — Went in the evening 
to Tomlinsons to Duffys concert. . . . 

Fry. 6. . . . Dined with the President. 

Sat. 7. . . . Stayed all night at General Bailys. . . . 

Tues. 10. . Went to General Bailys in evening & stayed 

all night. 

Wed. 11 . . . Wt. to the Presdts Levee. . . . 

Sun. 22 . . . Wrote to Mrs Sevier China water & powder to 
blacken hair at John Scotts (Pha) (hair dresser & perfumer). 

Fry 27 Visited in the evening in Co. with Colo. Smythe the Sec- 
retary of the Navy (Mr. Hamilton). . . . 

Sun. 29. . . . Wrote to Mrs. Sevier Wt. to Catholic meeting 

Cure for cancer. Boil west Turkey figs in new milk which will 
thicken in boiling, — apply them broken or whole to the effected part 
which must be washed every time dressed with some milk. Use a 
fresh poultice nixt & morning & oncst in the middle of the day, & 
drink one gill of the milk the figs are boiled in twice in 24 hours. 

APRIL, 1812. 

Sat. 4 Dined at Mr. Monroes . . . 

Mon. 6 . . . Memo. I paid for Mister (?) Chambers to Jo 
Gales 5 dollars for his paper the National Intelligencer to commence 
from the second April, 1812 and end second April, 1813. I have taken 
Gails receipt. . . . 

Sat. 11 ... Visited the Secretary of War in the evening in 
Co. with Colo. Smythe of the army. . . . Bought in the store of 
a German, one pair white silk stockings at 4 dollars & 25 cents — a 
pair of razors & strops at 3 dollars, a shaving box & two brushes at 
75 cents. 

Mon. 13 . . . Went to ball in evening at Tomlinsons pd 2 
dollars & half. 

Tues. 14 . . . Went to navy yard. . . . 

Sat. 18 Went to stayed all night at Major Baileys won 
about 24 dollars. 

Sun. 29 . . . Reed. Eliza C. McClellans with a lock of her 
mothers hair Wrote her an answer. / 

Memo. I left Mrs. Sparks likeness in Georgetown to have it 
set in gold with a Mr. Burnette who was recommended to me by Mr. 
Crawford of the same place. 


Mon. 20 . . . George Clinton Vice President died this morn- 

Tues. 21 Went to the House. Adjourned immediately to attend 
the funeral. The Hearse — pall bearers — Messrs. Tallmage, Sammons, 
Butler, M. Clay, Macon, Brown, self & governor Wright — left the 
capitol at four o'clock. 

Thurs. 23 . . . Went to George town & returned. 

Sat. 25 . . . Went in the evening to . . . Rode 
with Cap. Matthews to the Geo. town ferry & returned. 

MAY, 1812. 

Fry. 1 day ... I lodged last night in with Genl. 
Saml. Ringold of Maryland. Paid Ross the merchant in 2 
dollars & a half for two gallons of Shery wine. . . . 

Sat. 2 . . . Went to Geo.Town & Stayed all night Paid ex- 
penses 2 dollars. 

Tues. 5 Went to the House reed, a check on the bank of Wash- 
ington for 200 dollars paid to Rhodes tavern keeper 143 dollars in full 
for my board and barr account to the 6th inst. 

Sat. 9 . . . Dined at the Presidents. 

Tues. 12 Went to in evening, paid Burnette (silver 
smith) 13 dollars for setting in gold R. S. minature & furnishing 
morocco case, the case was one dollar. . . . 

Thurs. 14 Went to in evening & stayed at Crawfords. 

Fry. 15 . . . Paid Mrs. Clark 3 dollars for 2 weeks rent of 

Sat. 16 Went to stayed all night at Major Bailys — suped 
& braked with Genl. Saml. Ringold. 

Tues. 19 the Speaker unwell occasioned by a fall from his horse. 
No House. . . . 

Wed. 20 . . . Went to the cattle show. . . . Stayed all 
night in 

Sat. 23 Went to Geotown all night at Bailys. 

Wed. 27 . . . Wt. to the House & in evening to the Presidents 

May 28 Wt to the House in the morning. Went to Gtown & stayed 
all night. 

Frv. 29 Paid Mrs. Clark 2 weeks room rent which will not expire 
until Thursday next. . . . 

Sat. 30 . . . Forwared the communications from Barlow min- 
ister to France to G. W. Sevier, Gov. Blount, Genl. J. Cocke, Gen. L. 
Doherty, Colo. Harrill, Colo, of Claiborne, Colo, of Campbell, Colo. 
Wm. Lillard, Colo, of Anderson, Col. John Brown, Col. Saml. Wier, 


James Scott, Colonels of Rhea, of Bledsoe, Geo. Willson printer, 
William Elliott of Blount county, Genl. Coulter & Judge White. 

JUNE, 1812. 

Yesterday at dinner Mrs. Suiters JR (T said we ought to en- 
courage the Cherokees to do mischief & pay them for each scalp 
as did the British. This was said in the presence of Genl. Wathington 
(?) of Ohio, Colo. Gregg of Pennsylvania, & Mr. Cutts of N. Hamp- 
shire & reprobated by the whole together with myself. 

Thurs. 4 Pleasant day wt to the House passed the declaration 
of war against G. Britain &c &c. . . . 

Sat. 6 Went to stayed all night at Crawfords. 

Sun. 7 . . . Went to the Capitol & heard a Mr. Clark preach — 
in the evening heard another in the seceedors meeting house. 

Mon. 8 . . Went in evening into the Senate Chamber — agreed 
to nominate Mr. El. Gerry for vice president. 

Fry. 12 Went to stayed all night at Crawfords. 
Sun. 14 Went to the Catho. church. . . . 

Wed. 17 went to house in evening to Theater act the Honeymoon. — 
B. Williams. 

Thur. 18 Went to the circus in GTown. in evening stayed all 
night at Crawfords — wt. to the house in morning. . . . 

Tues. 23 went to house cool day in evening to Theatree. 

Wed. 24 ditto ditto. 

Thurs. 25 went to the House — in evng Theater. 

Fry. 26 went to GeoTown in morning went to the house. 

Tues. 30 . . . Spent the evening at the Theatree (act 40 
Thieves) . 

JULY, 1812. 

Wed. 1 day of July, went to the house. Went to the levee in 

Fry. 3. Went to the house, spent the evening with Minister of 

Sat. 4 Celebrated this day, dined at Ringolds & Co. Ropewalk, in 
Co. with all the heads of the departments the President excepted — 
pd. 3 dollars. 

Tues. 7 . . . Left in the care of Mrs. Clark one white skinned 
trunk, containing one blue Breasted cloth coat, one pr. black cor- 
duroy overhauls, one red flannel Jacket with sleeves, one black pr. 
Casimcre small cloths, 2 large sticks sealing wax — seven quires of 
writing paper — one of which is large — a pr. of new boots, 1 pr. 
cotton slips— 1 pair flanel ditto — two bound books — a number of pam- 
phlets — a snuf box, a wafer box, ink stand, and ink bottle. Give the 
key of my Desk in Capitol to Charles to give Mr. Claxtcn. 

Wed. 8 left Washington in Co. with Judjre Anderson & his nephew 


Thomas — rode 15 miles to Fairfax C. H. Fed & dined — pd. 4/6 each, 


Sat. 5 Paid Richard Beardon by Bennett his barr keeper 20 dol- 
lars, it being in part of my note of 30 odd dollars, the Ballance due 
yet to Beardon. 

Mon. 21 Self, Mrs. Sevier Mrs Sparks & Mrs. May went to hear 
Mr. Crawford preach at Mr. Reagons (A Methodist minister). 

OCTOBER, 1812. 

Fry. 9 set out for Washington rode 30 miles to Dandridge Stayed 
all night at Fants. 

Sat. 10 Rode 22 miles to Warrensburg. . . . 

Sun. 11 Rode 17 miles to Greenville. . . . 

Mon. 12 Stayed in Greenville — some rain. 

Tues. 13 Set out in Co. with Mr. Dixon and Williams. Rode 30 
miles to Barnstabers. 

Wed. 14 rode 35 miles to Abingdon. 

Thurs. 15 rode 38 miles to Adkins, Senr. 

Fry. 16 rode 39 miles to Feelys. 

Sat. 17 rode 38 miles to Dr. Randolphs. . . . 

Wed. 21 stayed in Staunton & dined with the officers of the county 
pr. invitation. . . . 

Wed. 28 rode 33 miles to the city. . . . 

Thur. 29 went to see the Races back of the city. . . . 

Fry. 30 my expenses from home to this day here in 26 dollars. 
. . . went to see the President. Stayed at Geo. town. 


O hour of bliss 

to equal this 

Olympus strives in vain 

O happy pair 

A happy fair 

happy happy swain. 

go number the stars in the heavens 
Count how many sands on the shore 
When so many kisses youve given 

1 still shall be craving for more. 

NOVEMBER, 1812. 

Sunday 1st day . . . Received yesterday from Andrew Ross 
Mecht. 3 Jugs containing 2 gallons of sherry and 2 gallons of Ma- 
deara wine — & 2 gallons whiskee, also half an ounce of nut-meg & 
one loave sugar wt. to see the rope dancer perform last evening. 

Mon. 2 the House of Congress met — about 90 members present. A 
very fine day. Purchased a hatt 7 dollars. 


Tues. 3 waited on the secretaries of Navy and War. purchased of 
Weightman 1 Hand & pd. 6/. Went to the House which soon ad- 
journed. I went to GeoTown in evening and returned. . . . 

Thurs. 5 went in evening to see rope dancer. . . . 

Fry. 6 purchased from J. Weikhman mercht. 1 pr. Black silk stock- 
ings at 4 dollars 1 ditto white 3 dollars & a half. Rained in the 
evening & Cool — House adj. to Mon. The white is numbered 32. 

Mon. 9 . . . Purchased from John Weightman mercht. 1 pr. 
worsted ribbed stockgs. 1.50 1 plain pr ditto $1.37 1-2 cents. 

Tues. 10 Went to Geo. Town — Won from Joseph Gale Editor of 
the intelligencer 80 dollars Betting on Mr. Stewart of that place, play- 
ing with Mr. Gale at Cards — the money is yet due. 

Wed. 11 went in evening to Mrs. Madisons drawing room. Bought 
a pair of shoes $21/4. . . . 

Thurs. 12 Bought of John Weightman mercht. 3 yards B. Greene 
cloth a 10 dollars & half pr yd. 3 yds coarse Linen. 14 yellow Buttons 
for coat. Buttons for sm. Cloths. 6 skins of silk. 2 sticks of twist 
& & 

Sept. 14. . . . Borrowed from the Washington Bank pr. Cap- 
tain Birch $200, which I am to replace with a check from the Speaker 
of the House of Representatives. 

Tues. 17 Drew a check from the Speaker for $250 and sent the 
same to the bank of Washington pr. Mr. Byrd who repaid $200 I had 
borrowed and brought me $50 in bills which settled by Bank account, 
dined with the President. 

Wed. 18 . . . Reed, from the Bank of Washington $57.50 on 
a draft from the postmaster General given in favor of a draft on him 
from Geo. Oury, who owed it to Geo. Washington Sevier in part pay 
of a horse. 


Sun. 22 . . . Memo. A cure for the slobers in horses, occa- 
sioned by clover — rub underneath the tongue the under Jaw well with 
common salt onst or twice the disorder is in the tongue in the 
under jaw. 

Wed. 25 went to George town and paid the Editor of the Federal 
Republican, $5 being the money forwarded me from the Revd. Frances 
Willson of Staunton, Va., requesting by letter I would pay it to 
Hanson & Wagoner &c. . . . Purchased a pr. of set knee buckles 
$2.50. Went to Mrs. Madisons Levee in the evening. 

Thurs. 26 dined on board the frigate Constitution with the Presi- 
dent & all the heads of departments, the greater part of the members 
of the two houses of Congress and many of the officers of the army 
and navy &c. Cap. Stewart is the officer commanding this vessel at 
whose invitation we went on board and dined. . . . 

DECEMBER, 1812. 

Mon. 14 . . . Purchased 2 handkfs. (Bandonia) from John 
Weightman 13/6. 1 yd. Cambrick 6/9. 


Thurs. 17 . . . Spent the evening at Colo. Dawsons Won of 
the Colonel $5. 

Mon. 21 . . . Drew a draft from the speaker for two hundred 
dollars and received the money out of the Washington Bank. Paid 
to Mrs. Suitor towards my accommodation $50. Give the money to 
Miss Harriott Smith, her sister to hand to Mrs. Sutor is very much 

Wed. 23 Paid the washerwoman in full $5. Paid shoemaker for 
mending & new tops to my boots $2.50. Set out for Fredericksburg. 

JANUARY, 1813. 

Sun. 3 went to Catholic meeting. 

Tues. 5 . . . Mr. Buzards stable in Geotown burnt with 28 
valuable horses. . . . 

Tues. 12 Visited Messieurs Dalton & Deblois, and returned to the 
House — in the evening went to a party at the Minister's of France. 

Mon. 18 . . . Won several days past of Dr. Blake $2 & of 
Hon. John Dawson $5 which is owing. 

Sun. 24 . . . Lorenzo dow preached in Georgetown. 

Sun. 31 dined at Mr. Villards at the Navy Yard in Co. with Colo 
Tatham. . . . 

FEBRUARY, 1813. 

Mon. 8 Visited the Secretary of War & the Russian minister. 
Went to the House. Drew a check for & received $300 pd. to Mrs. 
Suter $30 for accommodation to be settled. 


Thurs. 18 . . . Cure for the sick headache — take a table- 
spoonful of Magnesia, and half a teaspoonful of ginger mixed with a 
lump of sugar in a tumbler three parts full of water when the chill 
is off. Sit for a quarter of an hour in agreeable warm water with 
your feet, & apply a napkin wrung out of cold water to the temples 
or forehead, whichever is most effect. 

Sat. 20 snowed 10 inches deep. 

Mon. 22 Paid into the Columbian bank $200 & took up Robert 
Furguersons draft on me in favor of Robert Miller at Baltimore. 

Sun. 28 . . . Went to the Capitol to hear a Quaker preach. 

march, 1813. 
Fry. 5 . . . Went to Ball at the Russian Ministers (Duch- 
hoffs) the anniversary of the ascension to the throne of the emperor 
of all Russias. 


Wed. 10 Settled with Mrs. Sutor for my accommodations up to 
Monday next the 15th instant, the amount being 1 $195. . . . 

Sat. 13 Visited the President. Cold and windy, left my accounts 
against the United States for raising the levees in 1791 and also the 
captains bonds receipts &c. and also Alexander Outlaws bonds & re- 
ceipts, who was contractor &c. & other vouchers in the accountants 

Sun. 14 fine day dined at the Navy yard at Mr. Villards in Co. 
with Col. W. Tathum. 

Mon. 15 I left the City in co. with the Hon. John Rassa & the 
Russian secretary of Legation, lodged that night in Alexandria. 

MAY, 1813. 

Sat. 15 . . . Drove 30 miles to Georgetown and lodged at 
Crawfords. The Union Tavern, rained today — see Mr. M. Walker 
pd. stage hire to GeoTown 3 dollars & half. 

Sun. 16 Mr. Rhea & self visited the City some rain. 

Monday 17 we went to Mrs. Suitors late in the evening & took up 
lodgings — from Staunton to Georgetown, it cost me about $25. . . . 

Wed. 19 went to the Capitol & choose a seat — purchased from John 
Weigh tman mercht. black cloth for a coat and white moseils (?) for a 
waistcoat & trimings. borrowed cash $25. 

Thurs. 20 went to Georgetown pd my bill at Crawfords (Union 
Tavern) $6.75 — bought from A Ross wine mercht 6 bottles Maderia 
6 ditto Port and 2 ditto of New Maid & 6 Is. loave sugar, in the 
evening see Mr. M. A. Walker. 

Fry. 21 visited the President & Secretary Jones of the Navy. 
. . . Hon. Messrs. Grundy, Bowen, and Humphreys arrived. 

Sat. 22 Very warm. Went to the Capitol. Honbly Mr. Harriss 
from Tennessee arrived — Bought from John Weightman merchant 
25 yds Irish linen at $1.62. 1 yd Linen cambrick $5.00 & thread & 
buttons &c. to make up the shirts. 

Sun. 23 Went to Catholic meeting — Mr. Matthews preached. 

Mon. 27 Made a house, — chose Mr. H. Clay speaker. 

Tues. 25 at 12 o'clock reed, the Presidents message. See Mr. Wil- 

Wed. 26 Went to the house — little done passed resolves to appoint 
the different committees. 

Thurs. 27 . . . Drew from the bank of Washington pr. check 
from the Speaker $200. 

I repaid John Weightman mercht. $25 I borrowed from him on 
the 19th inst. Paid unto Mrs. Sutor towards my accommodations 
$30. See Mr. Poster. Escorted Mrs. Sutor and Miss Harriott to the 
Navy yard & back again to Mrs. Sutors. . . . 

Sat. 29 Attended the military committee. . . . 

Sun. 30 went to visit Mr. Villard & family at the Navy yard. 


Mon. 31 . . . dined with the President. Spent the evening 
with Mr. K. Davis. 

JUNE, 1813. 

Tues. 1 . . . William Kelly & Tho. H. Benton esqurs. dined 
with me at Mrs. Sutors. 

Wed. 2 . . . Went to the levee. 

Thurs. 3 . . . Spent the evening with Mr. K. Davis. 

Fry. 4 went & lodged in at Crawfords the house first 

Sat. 5 I went this morning into the Warm Bath, and returned 
to Mrs. Sutors after breakfast, pd. $1.50. 

Mon. 7 . . . Went in evng. to Navy yd. in Co. with Mrs. 
Sutor & Miss Harriott Smith & spent the evening at Mrs. Forests. 

Tues. 8 . . . Memo. Aspheltos, Rectified spirits of turpentine 
1813 & niter &c. are or will form an indistinguishable flame &c. Went 
to the P. Levee. See Mr. H. Foster. 

Thur. 10 Went to the House — in evening went to the Navy yard 
— spent part of the evening with Mr. K. Davis. Rained. 

Fry. 11 . . . Spent the evening with Mr. K. Davis. 

Sun. 13 Went to the Catholic meeting — In evening went up to the 
Little Falls or Potomac in Co. with Genl. J. G. Jackson & Maj. Wil- 
liam McCoy. 

Tues. 15 . . . Paid a woman $5.50 for making 4 shirts & hem- 
ming 4 hdkfs. $5.50— paid Clark the Taylor $6 for making a blk 
Coat & vest, since I arrived. 

Wed. 16 Visited Messrs. Ringold & Monroe & Mr. Bartly in the 

Thurs. 17 . . . Spent the evng at Mr. K. Davis. 

Sat. 19 . . . Went in the evening to the theater. . . . 
Mon. 21 . . . Spent the eveng with the Minister of France. 

Wed. 30 . . . Went in afternoon to Greenleafs point in Co. 
with Ferdinand Fairfax esq. was at Mr. Fosters in evening &c. 

JULY, 1813. 
Thur. 1 Dined with the Russian minister. 

Sat. 10 . . . Memo, the plant astaragon, out of which the 
French prepare a fine aromatic vinegar is to be had at the french 
gardens — The way to make the vinegar — put the leaves of the plant 
into a deep earthen jar; then sit the Jar into a kittle of water and 
boil it gently until the vinegar is sufficiently impregnated. When cool 
pour it off and bottle it. 

Sun. 18 ... I went to Catholic meeting — Cannon heard. 

Mon. 19 . . . pd Mr. Clark the tailor $3.50 for a striped 


Mon. 26 took the Warm Bath at Davis's Pd. 6/ for three times 
bathing — I visited the President & Secretary of War. 

Thur. 29 . . Went to Navy Yard in Co. with Mrs. Sutor 
& took Tea at Mr. Forests. 

Mon. 2 Attended the House which adjourned. Drew $312 for my 
services the ballance of my services. Spent the evening with Mr. 

Wed. 4 very warm packing up to start for Tennessee. Spent the 
evening at Mr. Davis's. . . . 

Thurs. 5 . . . Mr. Rhea & myself then left the city and went 
to Geotown in eveng. 

AUGUST, 1913. 

Sun. 15 . . . Cure for the rheumatism— Make 1-4 poke berry 
Juice, 3 parts whiske or some other spirits. 

Tues. 17 Attended Mr. Rhodes printing press for my circulars 300 
in number for which I give the printer $12. I sealed & directed this 
day & night 287 of the letters &c. 

Wed. 18 Sent my letters into the post office — left with Mrs. Cham- 
bers 2 Irish linen new shirts & old cravit — 1 silk velvet Jacket, & 
Johnsons dictionary (small) one pair cotton slips. 

Mon. 30. Rode 12 miles home. 

NOVEMBER, 1813. 

Thurs. 4 I went to Knoxville & see Colo. Sparks & Lady set 
out for Natchez — accompanied them to James Millers. 

Mon. 15 Set out for Washington in the evening. 

DECEMBER, 1813. 

Sat. 4 Set out after breakfast about 12 o'clock & rode 20 miles to 
Georgetown & put up at Union Tavern (Crawfords) pd. 15/. 

Sun. 5 Went to Washington & put up at Mrs. Sutors, and engaged 
my beast at the livery stable at the same place at $3 per week to be 
fed with 3 gallons of Corn or Oats pr day. & plenty hay. Spent part 
of the evening at Mr. Davis's. 

Mon. 6 Very unwell with cold & fever did not get into house till 
about to adjourn. 

Mon. 13 Furnished Mrs. Sutor with $20 toward accommodation. 

Tues. 14 dined with the President. Furnished Mrs. Davis with $10 
towards washing & let her have on Fryday last $5 to purchase wood 
and at different times before for which moneys she is to wash my 
clothing, make shirts, mend & & . . . . Went to Mr. Monroes and Mr. 
Jones offices. . . . 


Mon. 20 . . . let kitty Davis have $10 towards washing & to 
make up some shirts. . . . 

JANUARY, 1814. 

Sat. 1 went to complement the President. . . . 

Wed. 12 . . . Wt. to House dined at the French minister's. 

Wed. 26 . . . Went to the House. In the evening went to the 
P. Levee. 

Sat. 29 went in Co. with Misses Harriott & Casa Smiths & Maryan 
Bartley to the Navy Yard to see the ship Argus launched. 

FEBRUARY, 1814. 

Tues. 22 Went to House — in the evening to Ball at Tomlinsons — 
pd. $5 for ticket. Won $25. ... 

Wed. 23 . . . Went to the Levee in the eveng. 

march, 1814. 

Tues. 1 day of March very cold. Stayed in lodging. Pd. up 
Thomas Cook for stableage to this day being $11.50 the ballance due 
for my mairs feed, & 1 dollar for Lieut. A. Sevier. $12.50 in all. 
Alexander Sevier set out for Tennessee. 

Thurs. 3 Paid printer $5 for Commodore Perry's likeness &c. . . . 

Fry. 4 Dined at the Presidents. . . . 

Sun. 13 Went to the Catholic meeting. 

Thurs. 17 Attended the House — in the evening went to George 
town, where there was a ball being St. Patricks day. — fine day. 

Wed. 30 Went to the Presidents Levee. 

Thurs. 31 Attended the House Rained, went to a parrty at Mr. 
Gales in the evening. Lost $10. 

APRIL, 1814. 

Sun. 3 Went to the Catho. meeting, dined with the Secretary of 
the Treasury, Secretary of War & Vice President. 

Tues. 5 . . . Bought of W. Cooper a ticket in the Washington 
monument lottery (second class) pd. $12. — the number 24209. 

Fry. 8 Attended the House — paid A. Cochran $10 towards my 
lyquor account, $2.25 yet due Mr. Cochran. 

Sat. 9 Went to Georgetown in Co. with Genl. John G. Jackson. — 
purchased a half curbed bridle, plated bits pd. $7. 

Mon. 18 Attended the House — Congress adjourned to meet again 
on Monday the last day of October. 


MAY, 1814. 

Sun. 8 . . . Set out with James S. Gaines for Tennessee. 

JUNE, 1814. 

Wed. 1 . . . Memo. The sirute of antomny from 8 to 12 
grains taken at night in a little honey or sugar observing not to 
drink for two hours after you have take the sirute is good for 
diarhea — about 1 spoonful of sweet oil to the yolks of four eggs well 
beaten up together in form of plaster & renewed is an excellent 
cure for bad burns. — Tea made out of the May apple root 1 wine glass 
3 times per day is excellent for diarhea or to half appetite. 

JULY, 1814. 

Tues. 12 . . . Memo. Boil milch directly from the Cow, add 
one oz. sheep suet, 2 ditto of loaves sugar a handfull of alspice, & one 
of lew (?) mallows to the quart — live up on it — previous to taking the 
boiled milch observe to take a good purge of Castor oil. 


Sat. 17 Drove 18 m to the City & put up at I. Queens at Davis 
Hotel — K. Davis. Expenses from home to this place for stage hire 
$40.52. Due lodging &c &c $25.52. 

Mon. 19 House met being a quorum in both. 

Thur. 22 Visited the Presid. Sect, of War & the Secretary of the 
Treasury. . . . 

OCTOBER, 1814. 

Sat. 15 . . . This day the H. of R. Negotiated a bill for the 
removal of the seat of Government. 

NOVEMBER, 1814. 

Wed. 2 Went to Georgetown in the evening went to the Presidents 

Wed. 23 Elbridge Gerry vice president deceased. 

Thu. 24 intered Mr. Gerry, myself one the pall bearers. 

DECEMBER, 1814. 

Tues. 20 Attended the House — spent the evening at Shooks in Co. 
with Alxr. Sevier & Capt. MacCarmick. Won of Capt. McCarmack 
in the Faro bank $160. ... 

Dec. 31 I went to the office of Secretary of State & deposited two 


deeds of release one for 40000 acres of land in the bend of Tennessee 
— one track laying on limestone Creek, the other on Mulbery creek — 
also one other of 10000 acres on the Tennessee at the mouth of Blew 
water, one as attr. for James Sevier of 1000 acres— & my power of 
attr. to the United States &c. My release for 10000 acres I have 
made in it a reserve to be allowed two years from its date, being on 
yesterday 30th) to make my election to either receive certificates of 
stock or make application to the U. States for the land (the same 
being my commissioners claim) . 

JANUARY, 1815. 
Sun. 1 Went to the Catholic meeting. . . . 


Fry. 6 . . . Memo. Scrape off an ivory comb a teaspoonful & 
mix it in a table spoonful of honey take it fasting 3 mornings running 
& the cure will be affected. 

Thur. 12 Went to the Catholic Church. . . . 
Wed. 18 Went to the Presidents Levee in evening. 
Sat. 28 Dined with the President. 


Memo. Beef tea a certain cure for vomiting &c. 

Mecury taken till the mouth turns sore a sure cure for the yellow 
or other fevers. — lay fresh meat, sausages &c up in hogs laird as it 
becomes cold, will keep sweet & fresh as long as the lard will keep 
so . — it must be always covered with the lard. It must be laid in as 
the lard becomes coagulated. 

FEBRUARY, 1815. 

Sat. 18 Attended the house. The City illuminated in consequence 
of peace — cold day and a little sleet. . . . 

Mon. 20 . . . Received from Mr. W. Kim $10 being a prize 
drawn in the second Mossoleum lottery. 

Wed. 22 . . . Went in evening to McKewens the Ball in memo 
of George Washington. 

march, 1815. 

Fry. 3 Cloudy & foggy morning — attended the House which was 
adjourned this day — Congress adj. 

Sat. 4 Went to the Theater at night. . . . 

Sat. 11 Attended the commissioners — Fine day. 

Sun. 12 . . . Memo. To purchase for Vol Sevier of Green- 
ville a book called the olive branch — requested by Ma jr. Alexr. Sevier. 


Mon. 13 Attended the War office & drew a draft on the Treasury 
for $1500 as a commissioner to run Creek line. 

Sat. 18 . . . Settled with Mrs. Sutor & left her $12 in my 

Sun. 19 Set out in the stage & arrived in Frederick town 9 o'clock 
at night. Stage fare $5. . . . 

APRIL, 1815. 

Mon. 3 Bought of Mr. Mosby saddle & bridle $24.50 plated stirups 
of Cowan $7, silver plates before & behind $4.50 clasps for s. leathers 
75 cents, 1 saddle blanket $4, the whole amounting to $40.75. . . . 

Thurs. 11 . . . Bought pr ladies' slippers from Cap. Matthews 
pd for them $9. 

Thurs. 20 rode 15 miles to Brabson Ferry where there was a 
Battalion muster. Fed & treated the Battn. & pd. $3. Then rode 
4 miles with Hosea Roase to his house & dined, then rode 8 miles 
to my own house. Expended in Traveling home from Washington $67. 

MAY, 1815. 

Tues. 30 . . . Memo. Abraham Reed lost one day going to 
town to see after his discharge. Richard Brown bought at Kennedys 
mill 1 hundred weight of flour. 

JUNE, 1815. 

Sat. 10 Set out for running the Creek boundary line, 172 went to 
Knoxville & stayed all night at Colo. Seviers. 

Fry. 23 Some stores laid in & brought down by Cap. Walker were 
put into the public waggons and sent to Ft. Strother, also one new 
tent cloth for my use. . . . 

Sat. 24 Cloudy morng. Rainy day — Memo. A brother of Genl. 
Carroll inquired of J. Master Tathum (?) if a certain person had not 
been in the waggon some who replied not that he remembered. Carroll 
replied that, it did not make any difference, that he could give cer- 
tificate & his brother would pay well for it (meaning Genl. Carroll). 

Tues. 27 We wrote a letter to the Path killer & chiefs of the 
Cherokees to meet us at this place on the 17th of July. 

Wed. 28 . . . The commission made a requisition on the com- 
manding officer of this place, Lieut. Pain & received 24 blankets, 24 
soldiers shirts & 3 quires of coarse w. paper. 

1T2 In 1815 Sevier was appointed by President Monroe as a commissioner to run the 
boundary line of the Creek nation in Alabama, as provided by the treaty made by Gen- 
eral Jackson after his conquest of the Creeks in 1814. His service lasted from 
early in June, 181 5, until his death, September 24, 1815. He was buried on the 
east bank of the Tallapoosa River at an Indian village called Tuckabptchee, near Fort 
Decatur, in Macon County. In 1889 his remains were removed to Knoxville, Ten- 
nessee, and re-interred in the court house yard. A beautiful monument stands over 
his remains, dedicated in a splendid oration by Col. W. A. Henderson. 


Thurs. 29 Very warm, our messenger returned who was the 
bearer of our letter to the path killer for which J. Sevier commissioner 
paid him 12/. . . . 

JULY, 1815. 

. . . Memo, that in March last after the peace was known, Mon- 
roe Secretary of War, furnished E. Earle with $20000 worth of 
goods for the Cherokees some to give as presents some to engage 
them as soldiers. It is said that the goods is since ordered to be given 
over to Genl. Jackson for to be distributed as presents &c. — Colo. 
Barnett informed me and also states that Dr. Bibb of Georgia is ac- 
quainted with the transaction. 

James Phife, a half breed Creek, said the boundary line between 

the Creeks and Cherokee Nations began at the high Shoals of 

and run to the forks of Coosa and Hightower rivers, from thence a 
direct line to where old McDonald then lived, somewhere near the 
Lookout mountain or what is called the Wills town valley. Old 
Chinabee (?) a Creek chief states the same. 

Pope of Huntsville, being in the Contractors department was last 
winter at Washington with a letter from Genl. Jackson stating "in 
very high terms, the great services Pope had rendered to his army. 

The auditor of accounts refused to pass his account, but it is said 
the Secretary of War did, and that he was allowed at least $40000 
more than he ought to have received — information from Colo. Burnett. 

Wed. 5 Myself, Colo. Burnett, Maj. Strother & Mr. Gaither, at the 
distance of about nine or ten miles from this place visited Tallehatchie, 
the village destroyed by Genl. Coffee. There appeared to be the 
ruins of about forty huts of various dimensions & the bones & skele- 
tons of about 8 or ten persons. The land with few exceptions is poor & 
broken. There is a small village about six miles from this place as 
we passed on to Tallihatchie — Talahatchee village is very irregularly 
built; the huts are scattered at least 3 fourths of a mile in length & 
nearly as broad; less than 10000 men could not have completely sur- 
rounded the place, about fifty acres of cleared land, some peach trees 
are in the village & a good small Creek of water runs bordering on 
the place. 

Mon. 10 . . . The Shoeboots and two other Cherokee chiefs 
visited our camp and tarried all night. 

Tue. 11 The commissrs. drew a requisition on the contractor for 
75 rations for the use of Shoeboots & his party, rained heavily. 

Wed. 12 Commissioners drew on the contractor for 20 rations for 
the use of some Cherokee chiefs (Being Barny Hughs & other) Also 
20 rations for Alexr. Lastly Creek chief & others & 20 rations for 
Dick a Cherokee chief & four others of his party. Some rain this day 
moderately. Paid an Indian 1/6 for 1 pint honey. & 6c for 4 years 
corn (greene). 

Fry. 14 . . . Give to an old Indian woman called Blouz 15/ 
at different times to purchase some provisions &c. for five or six 
orphan children she has taken in charge. 

Sat. 15 . . . Issued requisition to the contractor for Dick a 
chief & 5 others of his party for 18 rations. For Barny Hughs Ch. 
chief & 7 others of his party 24 rations. 

Sun. 16 The Commissioners issued request for 8 rations for John 
& one other Cherokees For Dick Tutt & 5 others of his party 24 ra~ 


tions — To Tuskatakee & 19 more of his party all Cherokees for 80 
rations To Barny Hughs & his party for 24 rations. 

Tues. 18 Commissioners issued request for 80 rations for the 
Boots & 30 of his party. To Chaloh & 5 of his party 12 rations. 
To Barny Hughs & 4 others 10 rations. Memo. About 8 years past 
the Creek Indians seized upon & took away Parson Blackburn's whis- 
key lying at the spring Frogs a little below the Turky town, claiming 
it because it lay within the Creek territory & the big Warrior of the 
Creeks said every drop of water in the Coosa below Hightower be- 
longed to them — when the Cherokees was called on in behalf of Black- 
burn to make compensation for the Robbery, they excused themselves 
by saying the Creeks was the owners of the land & could do as they 
pleased in their own country — Blackburn had hired James Phife to 
freight the liquor from the spring Frog town, it being by the two 
Nations understood that place was the line. . . . 

Fry. 28 Colonel Barnett set out to ride a short way down the 
river, & perhaps to overtake and see how the surveyor is progressing. 

august, 1815. 

Fry. 18 last night Majr. John Strother departed this life intered 
today. Wrote letters to Mrs. McClellan, Mrs. Lockhart, and Colo. 
Wm. Barnett, & dispatched W. Craton to Huntsville. Craton left in 
the garrison two Tent cloths & covers, 1 sheet & four blankets — 2 
Boxes, 2 tin pans, 2 tin bucketts, 2 Bridles & 2 pack saddles wantees 
(?) &c. 1 tomahawk, 1 fryingpan, candles & soap salt and bacon & 1 
bag flour, the ax left at Stephen Hawkins. 

Tues. 22 Very warm, nothing extraordinary. The mail came into 
this place yesterday and went out on return today, it being the case 
weekly. . . . 

Fry. 25 Myself & Colo. Barnett rode out to the conjunction of 
Coosa & Tallapoosa. . . . 

Heard a Mr. Cristy (Methodist minister) preach a sermon in Mr. 
Ross's house. 

Sat. 26 Some unwell with pain in my back . . . pain in my 
back. . . . 


Fry. day rnd very warm. Entertained an old Indian fellow and 
his wife of the Cursataw (?) tribe today & yesterday. 

Sat. 2 Very warm day. 

Sun. 3 Very warm day. 

Mon. 4 Sent on a letter to M. D. Willson a lawyer Sent on a letter 
to Rutha Sparks. 

Tues. 5 Cool pleasant morning. 

Wed. 6 Nothing extraordinary. 

Thurs. 7 Set out for Tookabatchee. Went about two & a half miles 
& Crossed at Rosses on Tellipoose river. Good land on the river after 
crossing we traveled through pretty good levell and, and tolerably 



watered & lodged at an old village (evacuated) 12 miles from F. 

Fry. 8 We traveled through several old villages for about 8 miles 
distance to Simmonse's & eat & let our horses feed; this place is 3-4 
of a mile from the ofuchsee Creek & two miles from its conjunction 
with the Talapoosa. We then traveled along the main public road to 
B. Hawkins old place & then turned off towards Fort Decatur — very 
good land in Simmonses neighborhood for 4 or 5 miles square on the 
east side of the creek. After crossing this creek we came to the next 
two miles distance called (?) Creek at the mouth Genl. Floyd had a 
bottle We lodged at (?) Creek. T. 18 miles. 

Sat. 9 Dicky Brown very sick — We started late & traveled . . miles, 
there is some tolerable land on Culluba (?) Creek & about Hawkins 
old place, but between that & other see (?) the land is sandy, poor, 
& the growth long leaf pine. 

[End of the Journal.] 




In 1802, John Sevier, Moses Fisk and George Rutledge were ap- 
pointed Commissioners for Tennessee, in connection with. Creed Tay- 
lor, General Joseph Martin and Peter Johnson, for Virginia, to run 
the line between Virginia and Tennessee. This joint commission 
fixed a line midway between Walker's line and Henderson's line, and 
this compromise was accepted by both states. Thus the demarcation 
of the boundary was finally and completely settled. 

The appointment of this commission resulted from an attempt, in 
1792, by William Blount, Territorial Governor, to repudiate as invalid 
the adoption of Walker's line by Virginia and North Carolina. A 
brief history of this line is as follows: By 1779 the line between Vir- 
ginia and North Carolina had been run by two successive commis- 
sions from Currituck Inlet to Steep Rock Creek. In 1779, Richard 
Henderson and William B. Smith, for North Carolina, and Thomas 
Walker and Daniel Smith, for Virginia, failing to find the end of the 
line on Steep Rock Creek, began, by agreement, at a point in latitude 
30° 31' 25", ran due south one mile to a point supposed to be in 
latitude 36° 30' (the north boundary of Carolina, as specified in the 
grant of Charles II to the Earl of Clarendon and his associates). 
From this point they ran a line, which they supposed to be due west, 
about forty-five miles to Carter's Valley. Here a disagreement oc- 
curred and the two commissions separated, running parallel lines 
about two miles apart. The North Carolina commissioners, running 
the northerly line, abandoned the work at Cumberland Mountain. This 
was called Henderson's line. The Virginia commissioners continued 
running the southerly line, called Walker's line, to the Tennessee 
River, leaving an unsurveyed gap of about 109 miles from Deer Fork 
to the first crossing of Cumberland River. Both states adopted 
Walker's line, but the North Carolina act was passed during the 
session at which that state ceded Tennessee to the United States 
Government. Even after the execution of the deed of cession the 
North Carolina legislature again confirmed the adoption of Walker's 
line. The boundary was then regarded by both states as settled, but 
in 1792 Governor Blount insisted that the first act, or resolution, of 
the North Carolina legislature was not a legal confirmation, and that 
the second was invalid as to the United States, of which Tennessee 
was then a territory. He announced his intention of maintaining Hen- 
derson's line. Matters remained in this hostile shape until 1801, when 
the commissions headed by Sevier and Martin were appointed. 

It will be noticed from Sevier's journal that the observations at the 
two lines showed variances from the latitude of 36° 30'; that then 
the commissioners with much care went from one line to the other; 
that they mutually agreed to run an intermediate line between them; 
and that they ran this intermediate line to Cumberland Gap, where 
the Carolina commissioners had abandoned the work in 1779. The line 
thus fixed is now the true boundary. 

In 1893, in the case of Virginia vs. Tennessee (148 U. S. Reports, 
503), the United States Supreme Court declared that this boundary 
line fixed in 1802 was the real, certain and true boundary between the 
two states; that the compact between them, establishing the line as 
adopted _by their commissioners, was binding upon both states and 
their citizens; and that the compact had been impliedly assented to by 
Congress after its execution. See this case and W. R. Garrett's 
History of the Smith Carolina Cession and the Northern Boundary of 



Tennessee, read before the Tennessee Historical Society, reprinted in 
American Historical Magazine, Vol. — , p. — . 



The following letters are in the custody of the Mississippi De- 
partment of Archives and History. 

Washington 13 January 1812. 

My Dear Son : Your favor of the 22d of last month come to hand 
yesterday which affords me great pleasure to hear you and your 
family is well — I am sorry to hear of your loss of your horses. I hope 
you have long ere this recovered them again — I received letter from 
Colo. John McClellan date 2d instant stating that Wm. McClellan & 
his family was there at his house, that Wm. was in pursuit of your 
horses and that they expected to get them the next day. 

I am not by any means willing you should engage in an Indian 
agency. I have lost one son among the savages, and I am unwilling 
to trust another whom you know I much regard. — I should be very 
unwilling to see you and your beautiful young growing family Settled 
in the midst of a Savage nation — Your prospects in the Army is 
good, and you are entitled to promotion, and war being almost shure 
to commence immediately, it would be improper for you to resign— 7 
Colonel Alexander Smith has lodged with me Since here I have been 
until a few days past he went to Baltimore. The Colo, will be I have 
no doubt promoted to a Brigadier in the course of this session, and of 
course you will be Lieutenant Colo, of the Rifle Regiment. Fuller will 
not be promoted, he is already a disgraced officer by the appointment 
of Smith, & he will not be raised — all your friends here, who all spoke 
with me last evening are opposed to your going among the Indians, 
but say they will do every thing for your promotion in the Army. We 
ai'e taking decided measures in Congress. We have passed the first 
law to fill up and complete the present peace establishment, ?.nd the 
second to raise an additional army of twenty five thousand Regular 
troops, to serve five years, at the end of which they are to receive 
three months extra pay and 160 acres of land — we shall also pass a 
law (the bill is now before the House) authorizing the President to 
accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers — The Canady's will 
be the object — Our Government have tried negociation until it is 
exhausted, and there is no doubt in my mind the Executive have 
observed the most perfect uprightness, and impartial neutrality. The 
British take every one of our vessels they come across that is bound 
into any other port besides one of their own — They lately condemned 
and sold at one time no less than 54 vessels and cargoes all richly 
laden, and so they have been going on for years, two well informed 
gentlemen was with me several days at our lodgings, one here yet, the 
son of the late General Morean, who you may see in Knoxville in 
Company with Major McDonald about twelve years past. They were 
in France and England, the latter they left about the first of the last 
month & in which place they never heard Am Q rica spoken of but with 
contempt; and themselves often treated with great contempt on 
account of their "Country. In France every mark of attention was 


paid them by the officers of that Government. They were furnished 
with Carrages and drove in stile to every part of the Country they 
had a desire to see, and without expense. When Morgan set out for 
Europe he was a strong Federalist, but England has completely Re- 
publicanized him. I am sorry you have sold Sir Peter, he is a fine 
foal getter, but that breed are not in as high estimation here, as the 
Diomeds. You have sold him low. 

I have procured for Thomas Chambers an appointment in the 
navy of sailing Master, worth about $50. pr month. I could have 
procured a Lieutenantcy in the army but he wrote me he would 
rather be in the navy. He is now in Charleston S. C. I have written 
on to him to repair to this place as soon as possible. I believe I 
shall be lucky enough to gain appointments on all my recommenda- 
tions which I mean to be very cautious about, for I will not recom- 
mend any but such as I think will fill the appointments with Credit. 
I have written you two letters before this, the last was on the 15th 
of last month, directed as you advised, to Fort Stoddart. I have re- 
ceived three from you since at this place — We seem very unanimous 
here, and a much greater unanimity than for some years past. I be- 
lieve we shall convince Britain we are by no means disposed to 
pocket insults. It was a hard fought battle between Harrison and 
the Prophet — Harrison * ... I am one of the committee to ex- 
amine the report. Harrison is * . . . doubt, but not up to In- 
dian warfare — His aid, Major Taylor lodged with us some time, a 
very gentlemanly person, he was in the action and have given me 
a true history of the whole campaign — Gaines have sent in com- 
missions to take depositions — Your brother James is to act for me 
with Mr. Rheat — I am in hopes you will be at the tryal which will 
be the first Monday in March — I have written Wm. McCielland to 
try and send one set of the papers by some safe private hand. 

The depo. are to be taken at Green last Monday in this month, 
and at Brownsbr'o the first Monday in next. My greatest and affec- 
tionate Respects to your family 

John Sevier. 

I was very unwell with bad cold the first two or three weeks 
after I came here, am now in very good health. 

Capt. W. Sevier. 

Address on back. 

John Sevier — Free 

Captain George Washington Sevier 
Fort Hampton. 

Washington 21 March 1812. 
Dear Sir Your letter of the third, and Kitty's of the first in- 
stant have this moment come to hand, which affords me much pleas- 
ure to hear of yours & families health, and also of your return from 
cuting the road, as it must have been a disagreeable jobb. I under- 
stand by letters from James Sevier and your mother, that your 
brother John have set out for the Moabile, with the depositions and 
papers relating to the suit against Randon — I wish he may get 
there in safety, and he will not only carry the papers, but will also 
be a good Witness as he recollects very much, on the subject, and I 
dont doubt would know the Wench. Inclosed is a letter to Captain 
Gaines directing him if I should recover from Randon, not to suffer 
any person to collect or receive any of the property unless through 
my order, unless it be yourself, and I wish you also to write Cap. 
Gaines to such an effect. I have left Gaines letter open that you may 
see the contents. Seal it and send it on — We are still going on with 
War Measures, and no doubt there will be one — an explosion of a 


British conspiracy has lately bursted, which effectually proves that 
Nation has had its Governor General of Canady's, and other officers, 
employed to bring about a severance of the union, by separating the 
Northern from the Southern States — Sir James Craig the British 
Governor employed a certain John Henry as his emissary, in order 
to act as his agent, and give him credentials for the purpose of en- 
abling him to enter into any arrangements with the leading federal- 
ists about Boston, and in the northern States. A correspondence was 
carried on for some time til at length Henry was advised to England 
to see Lord Liverpool, who did not compensate Henry as he expected, 
which disaffected him to their cause, and as soon as he could return 
to America, came forward to the President a few days ago, and give 
up the whole of the papers on the subject, which exhibits a most 
abominable piece of corruption & Viliany. The discovery does not 
do the Federalists any credit, who appear very much disconcerted. 
The Original papers from Sir James Craig, and Lord Liverpool, and 
their Secretaries, & Governmental Seal, establishes the fact beyond 
a doubt. Several of the American Ministers here know their hand 

I think I wrote you that the Court Martial had acquited General 
Wilkinson and that the President had confirmed the decision, but 
at the same time expressed considerable disapprobation of both the 
conduct of the Court and the officer accused. The General I am told 
has not yet received any orders, and various conjectures are afloat 
on the occasion — ■ General Dearborne is the Major General, and 
will command the army, no more General officers are as yet ap- 
pointed — Colonel A. Smyth I expect will be appointed the inspector 
General, I expect the appointment will be made in the course of next 
week — The Colonel and myself occupy the same room — It appears 
to be the colonels opinion that General Wilkinson will not again, be 
directed to Command — he says the General is very considerably in 
arrearages, and have also taken the benefit of the insolvent act. My 
own opinion is to the same effect. 

I am much oblidged to Kitty for her affectionate and polite letter, 
and should be very happy to see my poor little C. Ann, Wm. and John. 
I hope the poor little darlings are well — Thomas Chambers have been 
here sometime, he has got leave to go to Staunton if he should so 
choose, and report himself from there, he says he will set out in a 
few days — If it should be necessary, and I have no doubt it will, I 
shall endeavor to procure the appulets and other articles, I dont be- 
lieve such are in this place or georgetown — I shall be tolerable 
bare of funds I expect, as I have been paying off ever since here, 
but I expect I can command the articles you want — Very uncertain 
what time we shall adjourn, but am fearfull not much before the 
first of June — 

Your affectionate father — 

John Sevier, 

Cap. G. W. Sevier 

Address on back. 


Captain G. Washington Sevier 

Washington 26th April 1812 

My Dear Son, Your much esteemed letter of the 30th march ult. 

came to hand the other day, (Fryday last) I am proud to hear that 

yourself and family is in health, but I am very much concerned to 

find you do not receive my letters, their must be some Grand scoun- 


drel somewhere in the Post office department, for there is a very 
great failure in same place — Their is an agent for the department 
now out, and I am hopes will discover where the abuses may be com- 
mitted. — I am glad to hear that your brother have gone on to Fort 
Stoddart, and hope will arrive in time, and that the depositions may 
answer, I dont expect that not certifying in whose handwriting they 
were taken will be any obstacle, and if it should, the defect can be 
supplied, by your brother being able to prove the handwriting — I 
wrote on to you, also to Sparks and Gaines not to let any person ac- 
cepting yourself, have any thing to do as to the disposition of the 
property if any should be recovered, unless through the special di- 
rection of you or myself. I have written to you several times, as to 
my expectations respecting your promotion, and I still think you 
will be promoted to Lieutenant Colo. Colo. Smyth have been doing 
the duties of inspector General under an order for that purpose, for 
one month past — The secretary of War sined the order, and also 
told me that the President would nominate him for Brigadier, and 
the Senate will no doubt confirm the appointment. The Colonel and 
myself have lived together on the same floor all the winter, good part 
of the time on the same room, and on very friendly terms and no doubt 
will be friendly disposed towards you, at least he so professes, and I 
have no doubt of his sincerity. The War Department are taking 
measures to get Rid of Fuller, and I have Frequently signified that 
if they did not, they may expect that the Captains of the Rifle Regi- 
ment would all resign — General Wilkinson is siting out in a few 
days by way of Pitsburgh to take the command of the army at Or- 
leans again. Dearborne late Secretary at War, is appointed the 
first Major General — Tho. Kinkny of So. Carolina the second — 
General Winchester is Brigadier — Colo. Polk, through the No. Caro- 
linians, (tho I think he will be yet dropped) is another — and a Colonel 
Craig of Pennsylvania, the third — A Morgan Lewis of N. York late 
Governor of that State was appointed Quarter Master General, it 
is said will not accept. A Mr. North of the same State is appointed 
adjutant General. These are the principle appointments yet made — 
It is said Wilkinsons command will be confined to New Orleans, & 
of the troops now on the Mississippi. It was supposed he not being 
promoted, would occasion a resignation, but I think not. The Hornet 
is momently looked for, is supposed to be waiting for a treaty to be 
concluded between the F. Emperor, and Barlow the American Min- 
ister — I don't conceive there can be a shadow of doubt remaining of 
War; we have had news from England as late as the 20th of March, 
and no appearance of any relaxation of their measures towards 
America; therefore one of two things, either War or Submission. 
The Government have resorted to every measure for accommodation, 
but all in vain — We may look for hot times, for the British party 
are inevitably strong, and I fear stronger than at the beginning of 
the Revolution. — 

There have lately been an attempt to adjourn for about forty 
days. It was carried in the Senate by a majority of one vote, but 
we give it a dash in the H. of Representatives. If it had taken place 
at this juncture of time, in the midst of our arrangements it would 
have opperated very much against us, and disspirited the people very 
much. We have put our hands to the plow and must not look back. 

The federal party here are a very artfull designing set, and are 
frequently trying to create divisions in the other side of the House, 
but I believe that the stand is so firmly taken, that all their efforts 
will be in vain — It is now very uncertain what time we shall adjourn, 
we may probably agree to a very short recess, perhaps for 15 or 20 
days, but not longer — I am very desirous to be at home onst more, 
and the more so as I expect Colonel Sparks and Rutha will shortly 


be in Tennessee — Thomas Chambers was here some time after his 

appointment, but I expect he is now in H * furlough, 

was a few days ago, but the furlough I be* . . . Quite run out. 
I never have heard whether you ever have recovered your horses or 
not. dont fail writing often; I would advise you to have a watchfull 
eye, towards the Creeks, & also the other tribes, for they are much 
attached to the British — North of the Ohio, the Indians are doing 
mischief daily — a large body of militia is ordered to detroit, Michi- 
gan, and other places in that quarter — Governor Hullis appointed 
one of the Brigadiers which I had like to have forgotten. Present 
my compliments to Kitty, and a kiss to my dear little C. Ann Wm. & 
my namesake — 

Your affectionate Father — ■ 

John Sevier. 

P. S. General Clinton Vice President of the United States died 
on the 20th instant and interred the next day, with all the honors 
and marks of respect unto a military chief and politician. I was one 
of 8 pall-bearers. He was a brave and worthy character, whose death 
at this time is to be much regretted. 
Address on back. 



Captain George Washington Sevier 

Fort Hampton 

Mail Mississippi Territory. 

Washington 18 June 1812 
Dear Sir Your affectionate and much esteemed letter of the 12th 
ult. have come to hand and am happy to hear your family is well, 
but very sorry to learn you are so much afflicted with the Rheumatism. 
I wish you could spend a summer at Marble Springs, probably the 
Water would relieve you, as it has done me — I am very confident it 
was that water alone that gave me any relief. 

It was Clark and others in Kingston that Recommended G. Haw- 
kins and caused me to obtain a commission for him. I was mistaken 
in the fellow altogether and believed him to belong altogether to an- 
other family who had formerly lived in Greene County, as soon as I 
understood his character, I went immediately and had him struck 
from the Roll — As to Richards he was recommended by Col. Brown 
and others of Roane County, to the delegation — I know nothing of 
him — He was among the first recommended and of course obtained 
an appointment, if he is an honest character I shall not care, provided 
he behaves well in his appointment — We have in both Houses been 
in conclave for the greater part of 8 or 10 days past — A question 
of the utmost importance have been carried in the House of R, by 
a majority of thirty. It has for about ten days been before the 
Senate who have sat with closed doors, and that body very much 
divided as I am informed — I expect it will be finally decided in the 
course of this week in acquiesing with the House of Representatives, 
by a very small maority. No doubt can remain but we shall have 
War, the Executive are making the utmost exertions and prepara- 
tions to meet it and I have no doubt the enemy will find a much 
better defense than they have calculated upon — The Militia are 
turning out everywhere with great alacrity, and also the recruiting 
service is going on very briskly — The Indians are doing much dam- 
age on the frontiers everywhere — I hope you will prepare for the, 
worst. Your station is much exposed, you cant be too cautious — I 


am sorry Lt. Hays could not come up with those rascally Creeks — I 
shall endeavor to have some Mountain Rangers stationed on our 
frontier — I am sorry to my soul to hear of the conduct of Jack at 
Huntsville, I never expect him to do better — from the information 
of Gains he performed the trip well and delivered the papers in good 
order — I have long since written to Gains to let no person have 
any disposition of my property but a special order either from me 
or yourself — I have almost written you every week for a long time 
past — not one fourth of my letters reach their destination, and I 
receive very few, and that few, Generally Violated. Some rascals 
are posted in the way no doubt for the purpose of intercepting — . 
I have frequently forwarded to you packages of newspapers & docu- 
ments of an interesting nature. 

Congress will not adjourn before the beginning of next month — 
I am very uneasy on account of Col. Sparks and Rutha, and very 
much fear the consequence of their travel through the wilderness and 
shall be under great apprehension until I hear from them — In my 
last I wrote you I had got the colonel's draft settled with the Secre- 
tary of War — I don't wish you to be uneasy on account of your 
promotion, I expect with certainty it will be offered. — 

May god bless and protect you all, is the earnest desire your 

affectionate Father 

John Sevier. 

P. S. I am in great health — Tho. Chambers is at N. York where 
all the public vessels are repairing — 
Cap. Sevier 
Address on back. 

Captain Geo. Washington Sevier 



The following letters are in the custody of the Tennessee His- 
torical Society, having been presented by the late Waldo P. McEwen, 
a great-great grandson of John Sevier: 

Staunton 22 March 1813. 
Dear Sir Your letter of the 9th instant with Mr. Rheas two 
inclosed I have received — I arrived here on Saturday after travel- 
ing in the stage from Fredericksburgh two days and nights without 
rest or sleep, and frequently had to walk in mud and water to the 
knees — I never experienced more feateague in the whole course of 
my life, and am so sore and bruised all over that it is with difficulty 
I can get up when down — I shall not be able to leave this place for 
a week — Your mair is much better but her legs is yet some swelled, 
and am afraid when rode will be more so. I am to have a saddle 
made by the last of this week, and will endeavor to sit out so soon 
as that is done, and will ride slow until I arrive home onst more, 
which I want much to do, otherways I should not attempt until after 
the next session, which is to meet the 24th May and expect will sit 
until first of August. I cant remain at home more than 15 or 20 
days should I be reelected; the feateague will be very great but 
shall undertake it if I find the mair can travel — You may write me 
at this place, lest I may not get out — I cant be at the election at 
any rate, and must leave the event with my friends, should there be 
any opposition — The British are making up the different towns 
from Norfolk, and it is difficult to say what they intend — Men are 


collecting in every quarter of Virginia, and marching down — The 
Russian Emperor is offering his Mediation, and the Minister is very 
desirous about an accommodation between the U States and the 
British Nation — I have no news from Harrisons Army, nor from 
Sackets Harbor. I wish things there may go well — I will be glad 
you will have an eye to the affairs of the plantations I have heard 
nothing from home for a long time — The suit with Polk did not 
come on, they pretended that the transcript was lost, but it was only 
a Trick in Polks lawyer in order to keep the suit off and from paying 
the costs, tho I did not wish it tried in the absence of Judge Todd — 

The important suit between Patton & Irvin, and the occupants 
on Duck River have heen decided, and the decision of the Circuit 
Court at Nashville confirmed — The occupants alleged and offered 
to prove, that the warrants on which Patton & Irvins Grant was 
founded on, had been previously ripened into Grants at least three or 
four times, but it would not do, it was the look out of the State, and 
not for innocent persons to suffer in consequence of the mismanage- 
ment of the State — I am as confident of my gaining my suit as tho 
it was already done — I hope ere this that Kitty and the children 
are with you — I received her letter with one inclosed to you, which 
I immediately enclosed again and forwarded to this place, if you 
should be here, if not to proceed to Knoxville (T.) 

Your affectionate Father 

John Sevier. 

Col. Sevier. 

Washington 1 day January 1815 
Dear Sir Your letter of 12th ult, have just been received and has 
relieved me from a world of anxiety, I hope all will be well — We 
have little or nothing hear — there is nothing since the last dis- 
patches, and all seems to be conjecture as to peace & war — 

We are traveling slowly on in Congress and much divided as to 
Measures, but still hope we shall adopt some of the most useful and 
important kind — I am sorry to hear that Kings Heirs have issued 
the Fr. Ta, expecting they would have waited some time longer, I 
shall try to have it settled if I can in Baltimore, if not, must try 
to send out the means, and scarcely know what will answer then, for 
the notes seem to be very doubtfull — particularly such as can be 
procured here — If ever I should set out for the North I would be 
glad to meet you here on your way if you are in time before we ad- 
journ. I will be little or none out of your reach, and if I should not 
see you here, I shall not probably soon again — I have not trouble 
you with a long letter — Your affectionate father 

John Sevier 

I am in fine health, tho have had a cold for few days past 

Colo. Sevier 

P. S. Yesterday I made my releases to the government of my 
Yazoo lands. The Commissioners claim of ten thousand acres I 
have deposited conditionally, reserving to myself two years from 
date to either take the certificates of stock, or apply to the Govern- 
ment for the land agreeably to the Acts of Georgia. In the course of 
that time we shall see better how matters may turn out. 



Dr. Sioussat Accepts Chair at University of Pennsylvania. 

"Dr. St. George L. Sioussat, formerly professor of history at Van- 
derbilt University, has accepted the chair of American History at 
the University of Pennsylvania. 

Dr. Sioussat left Vanderbilt three years ago and became professor 
of American History and head of the department of history at Brown 

His appointment to the chair of American History at the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania is an unusual honor to a young man and is 
a recognition to his scholarly attainments. He will become the im- 
mediate successor to Dr. John Bach McMaster, one of America's 
greatest historians. 

During his stay in Nashville, Dr. Sioussat not only held the chair 
of history at Vanderbilt, but| was also an active member of the Ten- 
nessee Historical Society and the editor of the Tennessee Historical 


"Index to Ramsey's Annals," by J. Tyree Fain, published by Paul 
Hunter, Bookseller, Church Street, Nashville, Tenn. Readers will 
recall an interesting article printed in a former number of this maga- 
zine, written by Mr. J. Tyree Fain, concerning his experience in mak- 
ing an index to Dr. Ramsey's famous volume. At that time it was 
promised that this desirable help to historical study of Tennessee 
History should appear in print so soon as arrangements could be 
made for its publication. We are gratified to announce that this de- 
sired end has been reached and that through arrangements between 
the author and his publisher the public now has access to the hereto- 
fore almost "sealed" volume of Dr. Ramsey. The author has made 
a most exhaustive index to the end that no little historic valuation of 
Dr. Ramsey remains hidden or inaccessible to the historical student, 
this desire to "bring to light" the many neglected points of this valu- 
able thesaurus of history is possibly the only ground for any criticism 
of the index as issued, in that it might be characterized as "over" 
indexed, also necessarily it follows that it largely added to the cost 
of issue. Apart from the hard work and patient study of the author 
no little appreciation must be awarded to Mr. Paul Hunter, the 
publisher, who rather than see such valuable work without the reach 
of students, has made the venture of incurring the large expense of 
publishing the index, which at the present state of printing is almost 
a gift to the comparative small constituency using such a volume, 
financially it can hardly be hoped that the publisher will reinburse 
himself for his costly outlay. . . . 

In the January No. 1920 of the Rhode Island Historical Collections, 
Edward B. Delabarre writes on "The Inscribed Rocks of Narragan- 
sett Bay" with especial reference to the "Mount Hope Rock." The 
inscription on this rock has been variously ascribed to the Phoni- 
cians, Norsemen and Indians. Mr. Delabarre concludes that it is 
nearest to that of the Indian mode of writing arid contends that a 
number of reasons suggest it to be the letters of the Cherokee alphabet. 
He goes so far as to suggest the possibility of the writing having 
been done by one, Thomas C. Mitchell, a full-blooded Cherokee, who 
in 1824 married Zerviah Gould, a descendant of Massasuit, a young 
woman of good education who taught a private school in Boston. 


In the continued portion of the article found in the July number, 
Mr. Delabarre has this to say: 

"Repeated study of the characters does not add strength to the 
assumption that they are Cherokee. If they are such, they were for 
the most part exceedngly ill-made. . . . Most of the characters of 
the inscriptions more nearly resemble Cherokee symbols than any 
other specific alphabet, in spite of not corresponding exactly. So 
that remains as a possible interpretation of them, with the strong 
points in its favor that have been enumerated; but it cannot be re- 
garded as certain." 

The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, July, 1920, contains 
among its usual interesting subject matter an article: "Some Ma- 
terials for the Study of Iowa Archaeology," by Charles R. Keys, of 
Carroll College. Since the older theory as to the "Mound Builders" 
has been largely discarded this study has been supplied with a new 
perspective and a decided change of the point of view now prevails 
from that set. forth by Squier and Davis in their "Ancient Monu- 
ments of the Mississippi Valley," 1848. 

This issue of the Journal in! its review of "The Modern Common- 
wealth," one of the series in the Illinois Centennial History, criticizes 
the arrangements of the chapters, feeling that cognate matters have 
unnecessarily been separated in their consideration, viz. the subjects 
of Finance and Taxation from other closely related economic sub- 
jects, further seems to feel that the subject of Education has not 
been given its relative position of importance, particularly as to pub- 
lic schools, libraries and newspapers. 

"Mississippi Valley Historical Review, March, 1920, has an article 
particularly interesting to southeastern historical students, "Isaac 
Shelby and the Genet Mission," by Dr. Archibald Henderson. 

Prof. Clarence W. Alvord for many years Professor of History 
at the University of Illinois and Editor of the Illinois Historical 
Collections, has accepted the position of Professor of American His- 
tory at the University of Minnesota, taking up his work with the 
fall term of 1920. 

In "Sequatchie Valley, A Historical Sketch,'' Ellen Olliver Mitchell 
Hiatt has done a creditable piece of local historical work for Ten- 
nessee. In addition to a well written sketch of subject matter, the 
little booklet of thirty-two pages has been issued in a superb manner 
as to mechanical style, including splendid illustrations, finest paper 
and beautiful type. The booklet is sold by the author at seventy-five 



The Tennessee Historical Society held no meeting during the 
month of January, 1920. The meeting for February was held as 
usual in the rooms of the Society in the Watkins Building, Nashville, 

New Members.— J. A. Cartwright, Nashville; Jo B. Weems, Char- 
lotte; Wm. P. Anderson, Memphis; Mrs. Mary C. O'Neil, Nashville, 
and Robert M. Crosby, San Antonio, Texas. 


Gifts. — From J. Ira Jones, Jackson, Tenn., a large specimen of 
wood in the process of petrification taken from the mill-race of the 
old Latham Mill, in Madison County, Tennessee, the timbers have 
been buried in the water over one hundred years. 

A volume of historic matter concerning the Chickasaw Indians, 
by the author, Jas. H. Malone, Memphis, Tenn. 

A pamphlet containing an address by John B. Knox, on the "Rhea 

The special address of the evening was made by Dr. J. T. McGill, 
of the Faculty of Vanderbilt University, in which he traced the his- 
tory of the manufacture of wood alcohol, illustrating the process 
with chosen pictures, charts and giving at the same time interesting 
data with illustrations, of the conservation of the valuable by-products 
of the process in many useful articles demanded by modern arts and 

April Meeting. 

No meeting of the society was held at the March date. That for 
April was held at the rooms of the society on the 13th. 

New Members. — The following names were added to the roll of 
membership: Hon. W. 0. Hart, New Orleans, La.; Miss Daisy 
Barrett, Chattanooga, Tenn.; Lake Erie .Holliday, Dresden, Tenn.; 
Drs. D. J. Roberts and W. J. Morrison, Nashville, Tenn. 

Gifts and Donations. — The society was pleased to acknowledge 
with thanks the kind consideration of the Nashville society of Col- 
lonial Dames, who through Mrs. Whiteford Cole, volunteered to be 
responsible for twelve months, for the sum of five dollars per month, 
same to be used in care for the valuable paintings and other matters 
connected with the library and museum. 

A special vote of thanks was made to Maj. J. G. Cisco for the in- 
terest volunteered by him in superintending the general clean-up of 
the library and museum and for the re-arrangement of parts of the 
shelves of the library. 

The special address of the evening was delivered by Maj. J. G. 
Cisco on General Samuel Houston. 


It is very much regretted that announcement has to be made that 
the index to Volume V. promised in the last issue, does not accom- 
pany this number of the Magazine. The parties volunteering to 
make a complete index, have only finished the personal-names portion, 
and as a second worker proposed to supply the geographical and 
subject index, the same being unfinished, it is impossible without 
further delaying the issue of this, already belated number to publish 
the index at this time. 









Mrs. B. D. BELL 

Recording Secretary and Treasurer, 

Assistant Recording Secretary, 

Corresponding Secretary, 


"/ give and bequeath to The Tennessee Historical Society 
the sum of dollars.' ' 




The Adventures of De Sota 3 

W. A. Henderson. \ 

Andrew Johnson and the Early Phases of the Homestead Bill 14 
St. George L. Sioussat. 

The North Carolina-Tennessee Boundary Line Survey, 1799. 46 
Sam'l. C. Williams. 

Marriage Records of Knox County, Tennessee (Continued) ... 58 
Miss Kate White. 

Historical News and Notes 69 

Items from the Minutes of the Tennessee Historical Society 69 



John H. DeWitt, Business Manager, 
Stahlman Building', Nashville, Tenn. 

Dr. William A. Provine, Editor, 
Presbyterian Building, Nashville, Tenn. 

J. Tyree Fain, Treasurer, 
Watkins Hall, Nashville, Tenn. 


Vol. 6 JULY, 1920 No. 2 


(The writer of the annexed article, Col. W. A. Henderson, of 
Washington City, D. C, was for some years the highly esteemed 
President of the Tennessee Historical Society. While prevented by his 
state of health from sharing in the active work of the society, he has 
in many ways shown an abiding interest in its work. Due credit has 
been given in the preface of "Journal of Governor John Sevier," edi- 
ted by Hon. J. H. DeWitt and printed in the last issues of this maga- 
zine, to Col. Henderson's gift of a copy of this remarkable and valua- 
ble document. The annexed article was delivered as a lecture before 
the Knoxville (Tennessee) Lyceum. — Ed.) 

To illustrate what an idea may accomplish, I take one of 
the most beautifnl episodes of history. It glitters among the 
golden memories of Spain. I speak not of the Spain of today, 
torn and bled and prostrated in this, her old age, tottering 
and staggering to her fall. Whether the throes that are in 
the pathway of her near future are those of death, or those 
of a new birth, no prophet may tell. But of glorious old 
Spain ! What memories emblazon and halo her career through 
the past! To the student of history, her name is like the title 
of a favorite story-book of childhood. 


I speak of the Spain of three and a half centuries ago — 
the first nation upon whose domains, it was claimed, the sun 
never went down, when that austere monarch Charles, of Ger- 
many the Fifth, of Spain the First, the greatest depositary of 
municipal power on earth, was threatening his uncle, Henry 
YIII, of England, into silence, holding Italy in subjection, 
routing and ruining Francis I, of France, trying with might 
and mtain to quiet that irrepressible tongue of Martin Luther, 
convening Diet after Diet, to determine ecclesiastical ques- 
tions for the discussion of which the people of that day appear 
to have been morbidly hungry. While other monarchs were 
replenishing their coffers with taxes, wrung from an unwill- 
ing people, he was building and filling Castles de Oro with the 


spoils biasely wrested from the Incas and Montezumas of tlie 
New World. I speak of the land of the olive and the vine, 
of the paintings of Murillo, of the literature of Cervantes, 
(glorious old Don Quixote with blessed Sancho Panza), of 
the devotion of Loyola, of the language of the magic of love, 
of the gay cavalier and the dark-eyed, bewitching senorita — 
amidst all which, and in spite of all which, «at grim land dark 
the Spanish Inquisition! 


It will be remembered, but will never again be realized, 
that for centuries and centuries, everybody, the most subtle 
of intellects, lived and died in the belief that the earth was 
liat, (and, strange to say nobody seems to have been troubled 
over that knotty problem. Let the average yankee mind of 
today at once adopt that idea, and it would never rest until 
it investigated, on scientific principles, how far the flatness 
extended, and what sort of !a fence was kept up around the 
edge to keep the children and stock, especially the latter, from 
falling off. 

The ancient Spaniard was vain of the Pillars of Hercules, 
erected on their western borders (preserved on their silver 
coinage), on which the inscription "Se This Ultra" (There is 
nothing beyond Spain). But under the auspices of Istabella, 
the grandmother of Charles, a New World, as it was called, 
had been found, and all Europe gossiped and effervesced over 
it, for about an hundred years, without knowing much about 
it. The idela could not be comprehended in our day, unless 
Ave were to imagine that some reckless adventurer had found 
a far-off pathway to the moon, and deluded us with the wealth 
and specimens, and wild rumors from that unknown world. 
Charles tore away the first word of the nlational geographical 
motto and left it in higher vanity, "Plus Ultra" (There is 
more beyond Spain). 


It was in this period that the life of Ferdinand dc Sota 
was case. He was born in the city of Seville, in the year 
1500, eight years (after the New World had been found. In 
this New World, to look back to 1500, is a long time ago, but 
to Europe, it was but yesterday. With individuals and with 
nations, the measuring rod of time wears shorter and shorter 
as we use it. He was contemporary with English authors, 
with whom we have all been familiar from childhood, and 
though he was older than the Methodists, and the Congrega- 
tionalists, and the Presbyterians, yet he was of about the same 


age of the Episcopalians, and was a thousand years younger 
than that singular sect, who have always been fighting and 
always been dying to secure religious toleration laud equality 
for others, while they would never consent to commune with 
them themselves. 


He was born in one of those hotbeds of pride, an old fam- 
ily with no property. While he felt the pinching want of 
money, his boyhood was spent around the Castle de Oro in his 
city, into which Charles had gathered American gold, much as 
Joseph garnered the whelat of Egypt. In person, he was tall, 
dark and muscular, and bore away many a prize and many a 
mead of praise, from physical contests so common in that 
dlay among the chivalric people. At seventeen years of age 
he attracted the attention of a nobleman, by whose assistance 
he attended college six years at Sargassa. Of the extent and 
thoroughness of his education, we only know that the few 
writings left by him tare finished and scolarly productions. 
He was driven to have a fixed purpose in life, and from his 
career I would teach two ideas: A fixed purpose will win. 
and that there is no necessity to wait to be driven to success. 
Seize the purpose and make it your own, it is as free as the 
air or the king's highway. His fixed purpose in life became 
the accumulation of money, a very respectable purpose, etc. 
In addition to the natural tendencies of that age, the imme- 
diate cause was the following: Like most of the enterprises. 
I mean the good enterprises of this life, there was a girl mixed 
up Avith it. He became attached to Donna Isabel. Her father 
was rich and a nobleman, and of course, the alliance was 
refused with disdtain. He didn't go hang himself, nor did 
he do worse — go to writing mournful love sonnets. He deter- 
mined to overcome the obstacle, and that pathwav led to the 
New World. 


Let me hurriedly pass over the next few years of his life, 
and them means by which he gained, primarily, his object. He 
accepted service under his would-be father-in-law, who was 
appointed Governor of Darien in Central America, commanded 
a body of horses (then an unknown mode of warfare to the 
natives) and was finally assigned as second in command to 
that cut-throat assassin, Francisco Pizarro, and was in the 
campaign against Peru. Some historians delight to call that 
campaign "a glorious conquest,'' but even at that time it wjas 
a disgrace to the profession of arms. As to De Sota's partici- 
pation in it, suffice to say that he did most of the military 
work, while he was almost constantly in open insubordination 
to the purposes of his base-born commander. It consisted of 


these: A few hundred men, mostly well mounted, penetrated 
into the country of dazzling wealth, with offers of peace. They 
invited the Inca to a friendly conference, when they basely 
made him a prisoner, (and compelled him to issue orders of 
their dictation to his obedient subjects. After they had rifled 
the country of what valuables were within their reach, Pizarro 
ftxed the ransom of the Inca at enough gold to fill the prison 
in which he was confined, as high as De Sota could reach 
with his sword. Orders were accordingly issued and the gold 
was supplied. DeSota was sent upon an expedition, and seiz- 
ing the occasion of his absence, the Inca was "as la military 
necessity'' foully murdered. DeSota, unwilling longer to af- 
filiate with the robbers, abandoned the enterprise and returned 
to Spain. This was in 1534, and he carried Avith him not less 
than hlalf a million dollars in bullion ; in today's currency five 
or six millions. He had been gone about sixteen years, and 
his fame had preceded him home. He returned to find that he 
was a hero. Charles V received him in splendor. His Isa- 
bella's father had lived such a villain in life that he had de 
voted the most of his wealth to the repose of his soul in death ; 
and so as his properity began, hers declined, but at last the 
obstacle had been surmounted and the marriage took place, 

DeSota had been poor, and hjad suddenly been raised to 
wealth and honor, and as a consequence, his stfle was osten- 
tatious and expensive. Charles made him a Marquis and 
helped him dispose of much of his Western gold. In two yetars 
his immense fortune began to show signs of decay, and the 
old purpose became newborn within him. 


At that time all that portion of the New World north of 
the Gulf of Mexico and west of the Atlantic Ocean was known 
as Florida. Within that domain, but at whtat precise spot 
was unknown, was understood to be a country known as "El 
Dorado," where the commonest utensils of life were said to 
be of gold. But the gold of Florida differed in one important 
particular from that of Mexico tand Peru, which made it less 
sought after. Every rumor had it that it was jealously guarded 
by Avarlike and vindictive warriors. Every effort to capture 
it, and there had been several, hiad come to grief. As DeSota 
was isituated, this was his opportunity and he seized it. He 
purposed to conquer Florida at his own expense. Charles was 
delighted Avith the proposition and accepted it. He heaped 
honors upon him here and made him Goveyrnor of Cubla and 
President of Florida. Where he intended to locate his capital 
is not mentioned, but the center of his domains would have 
been somewhere near Minnesota's darling Duluth, and Proctor 


Knott, in his apotheosis of that city, forgot to mention the 
past possibility of that honor. The site of this city land this 
house was within his domain, and within it according to the 
well defined law of nations. And while like Memphis, East 
Tennessee has never had his presence upon it, jet unlike Mem- 
phis, it has never advanced the claim to that honor. 


By the terms of the commission, the king* wlas to receive 
one-fifth of the booty, the country was to be taken possession 
of for Spain, the nations were to be gathered into the fold of 
the Email Catholic Church, and the soldiers who were to do 
it had the promise of the life which there was and also that 
to come. 

The news went forth, and Spain fermented with enthusiasm 
and bustle. From court to cottage the common theme was : 
"DeSota and Florida," "The land of flowers and the Flower 
of Chivalry." Eecruits came from every degree, and if ac- 
cepted, were enlisted. Many sold all their possessions to en- 
able them to join the expedition. Portugal poured forth some 
enterprising spirits, among whom Avas one who lived to chron- 
icle the career of the expedition, land to whom I am indebted 
principally for the information which I have of it. Twenty- 
four priests were arranged to go to make good Catholics of 
bad Indians — a task not yet completed. A year was spent in 
preparation. Finlally in the April sunshine of 1538 while good 
old mother England, and classic, but then effete Italy, and 
slow but sure Germany, were busying themselves with their 
internal domestic concerns, and Avhile the unknown Indian 
lived and loved upon the far-off shores of the beautiful Cootcla 
(in modern tongue called the Holston), (all Spain gathered to 
her seashore to witness the departure of her petted expedition. 
What a scene of gaiety was there ! Ten ship of the line ride 
gaily at anchor in the little port of San Lucas. All is alive 
with the bustle of preparation, the gay davaliers gather, bur- 
dened with all the panoply of war, and decked with plume and 
insignia of rank. Matron and maid who had given many an 
embrace and tied many a love-knot, given their smiles and 
tears, tears at the departure, and smiles for the promised 
return with riches and with honors. The cowled priest threads 
his solitary way amid the bustling throng. 


The last ceremony has ended ; the last word has been spoken. 
Donna Isabel h[as kissed her first good-bye to her native land, 
and the sails fall to the. Western breeze. Gaze on, women of 


Castile: God-speed thy patriots with wave of handkerchief, 
with blast of bugle and with salvos of cannon, while those 
ships bespeck the horizon, and then wind back to your home- 
wlays, to wait and to hope! 

Could prophets have pierced and revealed the fates of the 
future, what gloom would have darkened those joyous eyes. 
The young heart of Isabel now filled with hope, in the far off 
hamlet of Havana will break in despair. Their future path- 
way will be trailed with bones, and of all those G5S men, but 
thirteen will ever again return to tell their mounful tale! 
DeSota, who follows his purpose as steadily las his ships are 
guided by their star, will sleep far away from Isabel and far 
away from you, in the rushing, turbid waters of an unnamed 
river! Let that vision be hid until the slow delath of hope has 
made due preparation for sackcloth and ashes. 

In May the fleet arrived in Cuba, where the cavaliers were 
mounted, and the ladies were to be left for a few months till 
Florida should hlave been conquered, and with its gold brought 
into the Church. The first mainland was sighted at Tampa 

DeSota found that he had landed on the domain of Cocique 
Ucila. He had seen Spaniards before and they had cut off his 
nose. He didn't like them, and he retaliated by barbecuing 
what few he could catch. It was his daughter Ulelah, Avho 
had rescued Juan Artez from that big barbecue, land sent him 
to the protection of a neighboring Cocique, her lover ; and this 
nearly a hundred years before Pocahontas rescued Captain 
John Smith. Yet none of our first families have sprung from 
Ulelah, (and none of the boys were named Juan Artez, while 
the John Smiths oppress the land. He was more gallant than 
Smith, for he fell in love with and proposed marriage to 
Ulelah, and she w!as more sensible than Pocahontas, and de- 
clined such a match ; for it must be remembered that the 
large and respectable posterity of Pocahontas had a very un- 
happy grandmother! That man, thus, by the merest chtance, 
was secured as an interpreter. 

These Indians resided in houses, and worshipped the sun 
in great manner, like the Peruvians. They were not so war- 
like as those afterwards found further north. 


Common rumor hfeis it that DeSota burned his ships behind 
him, and many an orator has trimmed his figure of speech 
with that action; but the older authorities relate that he did 
a more sensible thing — he returned them to Havana with let- 
ters to Donna Isabel. 


But gold wtas scarce; where could it be found? Where 
was El Dorado ? Careful inquiries were made, and all reports 
concurred that all the precious metal had been brought from 
the North. No theory has ever explained the mystery of his- 
tory, that gold, of inconsiderable value per se, whenever and 
wherever discovered, btas been found undisputed queen of 
metals. DeSota was much comforted at the prospects of an- 
other Peru, and the company took up their march with horse 
and artillery, with ammunition and baggage wagon, into the 
darkness of thjat primeval forest. Six hundred men advance 
to conquer a hostile continent. The forest swallowed them 
as the ocean would swallow a code shell. The only hope was 
that at the head of the column rode DeSota, with one dominant 
idea. They literally hewed and bridged land coursewayed their 
journey. The Indians gazed with big eyed estonishinent at 
thei weird procession of centaurs, and as some charitable 
people the beggars, were always ready to pass them on to the 
next house. Finlally a friendly Cacique was found (in now 
Marion County), and DeSota consented to rest with him and 
to take him prisoner. A brother, the adjoining Cocique, sent 
him word : "Tell your Spanish friends that if they visit me, 
I will boil one half and roast the other." What epicures these 
Floridaians were ! Such an insult to a President, in the midst 
of his rightful domtain, could not but receive fitting rebuke. 
That man was "interviewed,'' his town burned, and he walked 
a prisoner. The rumor of "El Dorado" still was to the North- 
west. They struggled wearily on, crossed the Sewanee river, 
and finally went into winter quarters at Apalachie. At this 
pljace, in lovely climate, where tourists are told that the sum- 
mers are cool and the winters warm, one of his horsemen 
froze to death in his saddle. 


The Portugal historian goes into rapture at having dis- 
covered here "a delectable dish made of pounded maize and 
prunes." So did the unnaturalized foreigner, with no fear of 
the American eagle before his eyes, dare to speak of our na- 
tional birthright, "persimmon bread!" During the winter a 
young native is found whose home was in that land of gold. 
Now here, at last, was something beyond mere rumor. He 
w&s carefully examined and cross-examined, and the historian 
remarks that "he was either familiar with the process of min- 
ing and smelting gold, or the devil himself had taught him ! As 
springtime opened the weary march was taken up and day 
by day urged on. The way wlas cleared through the woods by 
axe. The narrow streams, too deep for fording, were bridged 
by attaching two long cables to the opposite bank, upon which 


they lashed cross pieces, and thus formed a primitive suspen- 
sion bridge. They captured the Caciques, whose curiosity 
caused them to venture too near their pjathway, were friendly 
with them where they could be, and fought them where they 
were compelled. A few days they rested in central Georgia 
near where Milledgeville is, near which place a few years ago, 
there was said to be a gold coin plowed up, of date during the 
reign of Chlarles V, lately in the possession of Prof. Wm. G. 


PeSota headed the column and pressed forward. The young 
guide was evidently conducting them to the gold fields of 
Northern Georgia ; but when in some twenty miles of that 
region, the enterprise Avas thrown into confusion by the mad- 
ness of the guide, of which neither medicine nor religion could 
cure him. It is more than probable that this insanity was 
feigned to avoid leading his new found friends to the home 
of his childhood. As well might la lamb lead a wolf into his 
native fold. Suddenly all trace of gold was lost, and the 
inhabitants, doubtless in concert with the insane guide, pro- 
fessed to know nothing concerning it. So near did these 
vagrant Spaniards come to seizing those precious deposits 
which were reserved for future ages to enrich our friends. 


At this point they discovered that the idea of wetalth in 
the natives was centered in pearls, and strange to say, large 
quantities were found. The streams abounded in "oysters," 
as mussels no doubt were called, and a soldier in eating one, 
where Koine, Georgia, now is, was nearly choked to death 
with a pearl so large and beautiful it was afterwards isold for 
200 ductats in Spain. The ignis fatuus having disappeared, 
their attention was given to the collection of pearls, then 
much more valuable than now. The houses were searched, and 
the cerements of the dead rifled. It is difficult to give credence 
to the amount of these jewels isaid to have been collected on 
those Southern rivers. It is stated that a common soldiers 
threw awtay a sack full, after having burdened himself with 
them day after day on the march. 

The queen of the country was the far-famed, beautiful 
princess Xulla. DeSoto, in a most courtly message, requested 
an interview. Against the remonstrance of her mother, she 
consented. Beautiful girls are not to be colaxed out of the 
opportunity of seeing the men who are turning the world up- 
side down. A throne was conveyed to the appointed place 
of meeting, and she received him surrounded by officers of 


state and her maids of honor. When the president appeared, 
she advanced to meet him, and with her own hands pljaced 
upon his neck a string of pearls of great value. He, not to 
be outdone by courtesy, placed upon her linger his own signet 
ring, and following his old Peruvian tactics, took her prisoner. 
Moral : Girls, if good-looking, should mind their mothers ! 


They were now burdened with booty, not of gold, it is 
true, but an available equivalent. The trouble of the Presi- 
dent was how to evacuate his domain. Many of his horses 
had been killed. His pathway behind him was hedged with 
enemies. He took the only course open, and followed the Coosa 
and Alabama rivers towards the seashore. He approached 
Maubilia (near the present site of Mobile), which was a trib- 
utary to Tuscakeega, whom they had with them as a prisoner. 
It was a heavily plalisaded town, consisting of eigthy block- 
houses. Long before it was reached the Indians were heartily 
weary of their President. As they approached this best-built 
city on this Continent, they met with no resistance, but a 
troupe of dancing girls, who conducted them with music jand 
dancing through the open gates with all their baggage. After 
festivities they retire in security, but in the night time an 
alarm is heard; they find their quarters on fire, their horses 
are stampeded, and they are attacked by ten times their num- 
ber. A military mind will recognize the awkwardness of the 
.situation, but DeSota was equal to the occasion. He phalanxed 
his men, held his position until they could don their armor, set 
the town on fire, chared on foot to the gate and made good 
their escape. But many a dead and wounded comrade, all 
their baggage, all their ammunition and every pearl, save what 
few they ciarried on their persons, were consumed in those 
flames— 42 horses, 80 men and 2,500 Indians killed. What few 
horses could be found were gathered and a council of war held. 

Every hope seemed (led. The .survivors favored using their 
last endeavors in reaching Spain once more; but the purpose of 
DeSota was inflexible. He could not consent to return to pov- 
erty and disgrace. Could he have got the pleading letters of 
Isabel, which lat that time were seeking him, in a ship floating 
in Tampa Kay, he might have relented, but he was never to 
get them. 


A new route was ordered in search of new spoils. I need 
not detain you nor pain you by relating the daily toil of this 
illy-clad and poorly armed regiment, up through Merengo 
County, Alabama, and across the stlate of Mississippi. In the 


summer of 1541 we find them standing upon the banks of the 
Mississippi, in the vicinity of Helena, Arkansas. They named 
it the Bio Grande. Rumors of the yellow metal had already 
again reached them, and with this rumor clame new hope. It 
was said to be at Colgoa, beyond the river, and hope held out 
till they reached it. And they found it, it is said, in great 
abundance, but Avere disgusted to find that it was copper. 
Still DeSota pushed on. Rumors of the peaceful disposition 
of the Indians in that direction Jed him to the Southwest, 
to Tjamico, on the headwaters of the Saline river, where they 
found abundance of rock salt, which they had not tasted for 
more than a year. Ten soldiers died from over-eating of it. 

The next tribe of Indians encountered they called the Iula, 
probably the modern Comanche. Their hostility was so fierce 
and terrible that to penetrate into their country was regared 
as certain destruction. The interpreter, Juan Artez, died. 
They hesitated, they paused, and at last the ill-starred expedi- 
tion turned backwards. 


They soon hear rumors of a great medicinal hot spring. 
They doubt not it is the far-flamed, long-sought "Fountain of 
Youth," and they strained every nerve to reach it. The ca- 
tarrhal, rheumatic soldiers that had borne their ailments many 
a weary day and mile, plunge into and quaff large quantities 
of the smoking wiaters, and sat in squads to be made young 
again ; 'twas the modern Hot Springs of Arkansas. That delu- 
sion failed them, and DeSota pressed back to the river, which 
he reached in the springtime of May, some few miles above 
where he had crossed it. What the final purpose of the now 
broken-hearted hero was, his followers never knew. There, 
far awjay, in the center of a hostile Continent, which he as 
President had hoped to lead into civilization, he sickened and 
saw that his end was approaching. His first care was to pre- 
pare a letter to Isabel, which finally reached her to break her 
heart. He next hlad his weeping comrades brought to his 
couch,. and gave a good-bye and word of commendation to each. 
He next called his officers, appointed his successor, and ad- 
vised them to return, if possible, to Spain, and if any of them 
were so fortunate, to say to his king, Charles, that though 
he had brought him no gold nor silver nor pearls, yet thtat he 
had discovered and taken possession of, in his name, a country 
which would in future ages be inhabited by the white man. 
and if guarded well would be worth more to Spain than Peru 
and Mexico combined. He extended to one the letter to Isabel, 
written upon the flyleaf of a well-worn prayerbook, but didn't 
live to finish the verbal messjage he would have sent her. 



It was the 5th of June, 1542, before he had reached the 
prime of his manhood, but he had conducted an expedition 
which should be sung in story after the Anabasis of Xenophen 
shall have been forgotten. They wound him in weighted 
blankets, and sank him in that river whose waters sang his re- 
quiem for more than a century before the next white adven- 
turer stood upon its banks. 

From the day his ships had left him at Tampa Bay, then 
neiarly three years before, no tidings had been received of him. 
but the hopes of Isabel, like those of Lady Franklin in modern 
days, continually sent out ships to search the coast for him or 
news of him. 

The remnant of the expedition finally improvised three 
boats, in which they ran the gauntlet down the Mississippi, 
many of them losing their lives, and" coasted around the Gulf 
of Mexico to Panuco, where they dispersed. 

The ill news and the ill-fated letter finally relached Cuba 
from Vera Cruz, and on the third day they buried the broken- 
hearted Isabel in the sands of that island. 

You may forget the adventures of DeSota, as they are now 
well-nigh forgotten. But do not forget that anyone, everyone, 
may be devoted to a fixed in life. Choose the object 
for yourselves; remember you choose lat your perol; but when 
chosen, and when pursued with devotion, you may know from 
the life of DeSota and the truth of all history, there are few 
chances this side of impossibility against us. 

The secret and the lesson I would teach is this : Wait not 
for caprice, for accident nor for necessity. Of all your ideas 
and purposes, and we are full of them, of your own volition, 
crown one king. Anoint it with oil and with wine, ta Saul or 
a David among its fellows, and that monarch will find and will 
SAvay its kingdom. TV. A. Hexdersox. 



(Reprinted by permission from the Mississippi Valley Historical Re- 
view, Vol. V, No. 3, Dec, 1918.) 

In the Earl of Durham's "Report upon the affairs of British 
North America/' published in the Parliamentary papers for 
1S39, the problems of public lands and emigration were taken 
under consideration, and the following judgment, by way of 
comparison with conditions in Canada, was expressed as to the 
administration of the public domain of the United States. 

''The system of the United States appears to combine all the 
chief requisites of the greatest efficiency. It is uniform 
throughout the vast federation; it is unchangeable save by 
Congress and never has been materially altered; it renders the 
acquisition of new land easy, and yet, by means of a price, 
restricts appropriation to the actual wants of the settler; it is 
so simple as to be readily understood; it provides for accurate 
surveys and against needless delays; it gives an instant and 
secure title; and it admits of no favoritism, but distributes 
the public property among all classes and persons upon pre- 
cisely equal terms. That system lias promoted an amount of 
immigration and settlement of which the history of the world 
affords no other example, and it lias produced to the United 
States a revenue which has averaged about a half -million 
sterling per annum, and which has amounted in one twelve 
months to about four million sterling or more than the Avhole 
expenditure of the federal government." 2 

In contrast with the very favorable opinion of the British 
commissioner may be cited another, which likewise had its 
origin from without the limits of the United States. In a letter 
addressed to his brother-in-law, James F. Perry, in March. 
1830, Stephen F. Austin, then colonizing Texas under the juris- 
diction of the Mexican government, wrote as follow T s: 

"We have nothing to fear from this (the Mexican) govern- 
ment nor from any other quarter except from the United 
States of the north. If that govt, should get hold of us 
and introduce its land system, etc., etc., thousands who are 

1 This paper was the presidential address read at the annual meet- 
ing of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association at St. Paul, May 
9, 1918. 

2 "Report on the Affairs of British North America from the Earl 
of Durham, Her Majesty's high commissioner," in Parliamentary 
papers, session of 1839, 17: 74. The passage was cited by Senator 
Felch of Michigan, Congressional globe, 31 congress, 2 session, appen- 
dix, 103 ff. 


now on the move and who have not yet secured their titles 
would be totally ruined. The greatest misfortune that could 
befall Texas at this moment would be a sudden change by 
which any of the emigrants would be thrown upon the lib- 
erality of the Congress of the United States of the North. 
Theirs would be a most forlorn hope." 3 

These strongly opposing comments of the thirties illustrate 
respectively two points of view of great significance in the his- 
tory of the public lands of the United States : the point of view 
of the thickly settled, capitalistic part of the country, and the 
point of view of the frontier. The clashing of these two points 
of view goes back to very early times in the history of America, 
and an understanding of the controverted issues is essential to 
the purpose of this paper. 

In the fateful years which brought to a close the exercise 
of authority in America by the British government there was 
manifest a vivid contrast between the actualities of American 
life and the plans of the British ministry. This was true par- 
ticularly of the system of granting lands in those colonies 
which were under the direct control of the crown. Among the 
arguments which found the support of government was that 
which urged the danger of depopulating Great Britain and 
Ireland through emigration. The fear was expressed that if 
colonial population in America increased, manufactures would 
start up in the possessions to the detriment of British inter- 
ests. On the other hand it was pointed out that to restrict to 
the region east of the mountains the granting of lands, which 
had been the policy of the government since 1763, might bring 
about in the east a density of population that would render 
more likely the development of colonial manufactures, while 
the opening of the west to free settlement would prevent this 
danger. In 1771, the British government put into effect a new 
land policy which looked towards the definite end of procuring. 
by a system of surveys and sales, an increased revenue from 
the lands subject to disposition by the king. That the estab- 
lishment of the 1 new regulations as to surveys and sales came 
too late and that the system could not be put into effect was 
the opinion of many of the royal officials. That it was unwise 
Burke maintained in his famous speech on conciliation with 
America. That it was illegal was the theory of Thomas Jeffer- 
son, whose "Summary view" contains a somewhat antiquarian 
but none the less radical argument as to the limitation of the 
king's right to determine at all the conditions of granting 

3 Stephen F. Austin to James F. Perry, March 28, 1830, in Austin 
papers, university of Texas. For his kind permission to use this 
passage, and for bibliographical suggestions, I am indebted to the 
courtesy of Mr. E. C. Barker. 


laud in America. Meanwhile, in direct antithesis to the new 
royal policy was the hard fact that already men were swarm- 
ing over the mountains into the Ohio valley and seating them- 
selves upon the land, with a title if they could get one, without 
a title if they could not. 4 

The contrasts which have been suggested — the opposition 
between the policy of financial gain and the practical issue of 
rapid settlement, the effort to control by a system the conflict- 
ing interests of different regions, and the misunderstanding 
of one region by another — very shortly reappeared in full in- 
tensity both in the new states which had lands to administer 
and in the public domain which resulted from the cessions of 
claims of states to the United States; and in the public do 
main, particularly, these disputes and difficulties continued 
for many generations. The earlier phases of this development 
may here be passed over. 5 Between sections and leaders there 
developed of necessity plans of compromise, and, beginning 
with the period of the thirties, we may notice briefly three 
policies laid before the American people. 

There was, first, the scheme of Henry Clay, — to sell the 
lands in the west at a price, and to distribute the greater part 
of the net proceeds from the sales of these lands among 
all the states of the union. This plan, dear to the whig 
party and to the eastern manufacturing states in particular, 
was intimately related in Clay's thought to the desirability 
of a protective tariff and the undertaking of internal improve- 
ments by the federal government. Another plan was that sup- 
ported by Calhoun, who, abominating botln the protective sys- 
tem and internal improvements, wished to lessen also the in- 
fluence of the federal government through its possession of 
the land and to this end urged that those parts of the domain 
which lay within the bounds of organized states should be 

4 The land policy of the British government in its many phases, 
with the closely related topics of Indian relations and transmontane 
settlement, has received exhaustive treatment in the recent work of 
Clarence W. Alvord, The Mississippi valley in British politics: a study 
of the trade, land speculation, and experiments in imperialism culmin- 
ating in the American revolution (Cleveland, 1917). A general ref- 
erence may likewise be made to Miss Amelia C. Ford's Colonial pre- 
cedents of our national land system as it existed in 1800 ( [Madison] 

3 Thomas Donaldson, The public domain: its history, with statistics, 
with references to the national domain, colonization, acquirement of 
territory, the survey, administration and several methods of sale and 
disposition of the ptiblic domain of the United States (Washington, 
1884) ; Shosuke Sato, History of the land question in the United 
States (Johns Hopkins university Studies in historical and political 
science, fourth series, vn-ix, Baltimore, 1886) ; Payson J. Treat, The 
national land system, 1785-1820 (New York, 1910). 


surrendered to those states. This latter plan was never 
adopted; but, in combination with other proposals, it made 
various ghostly appearances long after its most important 
advocate had passed from the scene. The third scheme of 
primary importance and of chief interest to the student of 
western history, was the one with which the name of Thomas 
Hart Benton is inseparably connected. In this plan there 
were several elements. Born in a system which presupposed 
a financial purpose, Benton's plan assumed that the lands in 
the west were to be sold. But it urged, first, that the occupant 
or "squatter" who had anticipated the legal sale of the land 
and settled upon it in violation of law, should be protected 
and should have the first right to buy at the minimum price. 
Hence the successive preemption laws. Secondly, it was Ben- 
ton's idea that the amount of time for which land that had 
been offered for sale remained unsold constituted a criterion 
of the quality of the land. He therefore presented and persist- 
ently supported a plan for the graduation and reduction of 
the price of the unsold lands according to which plan lands 
that had failed for a certain number of years to sell at the 
minimum price of $1.25 per acre should be offered at a less 
amount. Those not sold at this lower price after another 
period of time should be offered again at a rate still further 
reduced. Thirdly, Benton urged that the land which would 
not sell at all — that which he called "refuse" land — should 
be given free of charge to occupants. 6 

In another place 7 I have endeavored to show to what a 
great extent these ideas of Benton were derived from the ex- 
perience of Tennessee, the state in which Benton's earlier 
political career was cast, the state which though it had tech- 
nically been in the public domain was by force of its peculiar 
history in relation to North Carolina not of it. Here it is un- 
necessary to elaborate upon this point : but it may be pointed 
out that just as New Englanders, with New England ideas, 
spread themselves westward, 8 so both hundreds of people and 
individual leaders passed out of Tennessee not only into Mis- 
souri, but into Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas, and carried 
with them their ways of looking at things. By way of ex- 
ample one may point to the Seviers and Conways of Arkansas, 
to Sam Houston of Texas, and to Gwin of California. More- 

6 Raynor G. Wellington, The political and sectional influence of the 
ptiblic lands, 1828-18U2 ([Cambridge], 1914). 

7 St. George L. Sioussat, "Some phases of Tennessee politics in the 
Jackson period," in American historcal reivew, 14: 51. 

8 Lois K. Matthews, The expansion of New England, the spread of 
New England settlement and institutions to the Mississippi river, 

1620-1865 (Boston, 1909), chs. 1, 6-10. 


over, in what we may call the Tennessee regime of the demo- 
cratic party, the era of Jackson and Polk, the plan of Benton 
received the support of the national administration. 9 Ben- 
ton's "log cabin" bill, first brought up in 1824 and expanded 
in 1820, was unsuccessfully urged for fifteen years, though 
various stages of preemption were gone through. Both Jack- 
son and Van Buren, however, approved his plan ; and the 
graduation principle was adopted by the executive in treaties 
with the Indians where lands were to be sold. 10 In 1841, as an 
outcome of the whig victory in the election of 1840, a hybrid 
law was passed 11 which brought into temporary activity Clay's 
plan of distribution and into permanent force the preemption 
part of Benton's scheme. 12 By reason of the peculiar relation 
of this matter to the whig tariff policy, and because of the 
grand fiasco which overtook the whigs on the death of General 
Harrison, the distribution plan automatically ceased and the 
efforts to bring it into existence again did not succeed though 
distribution like Calhoun's cession to the states lifted its head 
at various times thereafter. 13 

For the next two or three years no land measures were 
enacted comparable to the law of 1841. But in the second 
congress of Tyler's administration — the twenty-eighth con- 
gress — which assembled in 1843, there was a democratic house 
of representatives ; and in this congress the plan of graduation 
and reduction, which in the thirties had been the chief rival 
of distribution, made its appearance anew. Henceforth, the 
graduation bill was a hardy annual, until in the session of 
1853-1854 it at last became a law. 

At least for the earlier part of the Polk administration this 
bill was pressed as an administration measure. In the first 
session of the twenty-eighth congress the bill was introduced 
in the senate by Robert J. Walker of Mississippi and in the 
house by Houston of Alabama. At this time there was little 

" While Henry Clay consistently opposed Benton's scheme, it re- 
ceived at different times partial support from Daniel Webster. See 
Congressional debates, 4: part 1: 660, 666, 674, and Works of Daniel 
Webster (fifth edition— Boston, 1853), 4: 391 ft, 523 ff; 5: 386. It 
was James Madison, Webster said, who had called his attention to 
the importance of the public lands. 

10 Charles J. Kappler, Indian treaties (Washington, 1904) ; Chick- 
asaw, 1832, 2: 359; Chickasaw, 1834, 2: 421-422; Chippewa, 1838, 2: 

11 Approved September 4, 1841. United States statutes at large, 
5: 453. 

12 Andrew Jackson, at this time in retirement at the Hermitage, 
asked his friend F. P. Blair to thank Benton for the log cabin bill. 
Jackson to F. P. Blair, 1841, 115 Jackson papers, library of congress. 

15 George M. Stephenson, Political history of the public lands, from 
184.0 to 1862, from pre-emption to homestead (Boston, 1017), ch. 6. 


debate. In the campaign of 1S44 the Texas and Oregon ques- 
tions, with that of the tariff, over-shadowed all others. When 
the election was over the bill was vigorously debated in the 
house of representatives. 14 After Polk became president he 
appointed Shields of Illinois, commissioner of the land office, 
a position which fell within the department of the treasury, 
the head of which, Bobert J. Walker, was a prominent sup- 
porter of the graduation plan. 15 When the twenty-ninth con- 
gress assembled, Shields in his annual report, Walker in his 
communication as secretary, and the president in his mes- 
sage, 16 all urged the expediency of putting into force at once 
the graduation of the price of the public lands. Introduced 
in both houses at the beginning of the session the bill was 
postponed, but later Breese, chairman of the committee on 
public lands in the senate, and McClernand, who held a similar 
position in the house, each pushed the measure. 17 The bill 
passed the senate by a vote that followed pretty distinctly 
party lines: the democrats for the bill and the whigs opposing 
it. 18 This bill was then sent to the house which had been some- 
what sharply debating a bill of its own. The house laid aside 
its own bill and passed the senate bill with amendments by a 
close vote. 10 The length of the graduation period did not suit 
the house, so it was sent back to the senate with amendments. 
The senate tinkered with it further and when it went back 
to the house the second time it was laid on the table a few 
days before the close of the session.- 

An examination of the legislative course of the bill brings 
out two observations of interest. In the first place, in con- 
gress also the bill was claimed as an administration measure. 
The preceding year, just after the election, McClernand, plead- 
ing for the graduation bill, had maintained that the victory of 
Polk showed that the people demanded the bill. 21 Now Bowlin 
of Missouri again made this a direct appeal. It was, he said, 
one of the great issues in the contest of 1844 and stood in con- 

14 Congressional globe, 28 congress, 2 session, 21, 50-53, 69-72, 82- 
84, 240, 248. 

15 Walker is one of those to whom the authorship of the homestead 
principle has been attributed. 

10 The statements of each of the three men may be found, ibid., 29 
congress, 1 session, appendix ; Polk's message, 7 ; Walker's, 12 ; 
Shields', 39 ff. 

17 Congressional globe, 29 congress, 1 session, 45, 86, 953, 967, 988, 
1040, 1057 ff. The speech of McClernand of Ohio, July 10, 1846, is in 
ibid., 29 congress, 2 session, appendix, 33. 

18 Ibid., 29 congress, 1 session, 1073. 

19 I t bid., 1075, 1094. 
™Ibid., 1195. 

21 Ibid., 28 congress, 2 session, 72. 


tradistinction to the whig scheme of distribution. The people 
had decided in favor of graduation,, the president had brought 
it before congress. Referring to Texas, Oregon, the tariff and 
the independent treasury, he said, "The four first great acts 
of the political drama have been passed. What Democrat is 
prepared to make a stumbling block of the fifth?" 22 This 
assertion that the bill was distinctly a party test was not un- 
questioned, 23 but the votes in both senate and house bear out 
the general accuracy of the claim. In the second place, how- 
ever, there developed an important exception to the support 
of the democratic side which, together with the absence of 
many members, appears to have been the cause of the final 
defeat in the house. This was the opposition of many demo- 
crats of the eastern states who joined with the whigs: 24 an 
alignment which had been predicted in the course of the de- 
bate. This attitude of the eastern democrats was of course 
not new; it had been manifest in the controversies of 1838 
and 1839. But its reappearance now at the very time of the 
introduction of the Wilmot proviso is significant. On the 
other hand it is worthy of note that most of the democrats 
of the old south, including the South Carolina contingent, 
were found ranged with those of the southwest and the north- 
west, in common support of the bill against the whig oppo- 
sition. 25 

To follow briefly the course of the graduation bill: in the 
second session of the twenty-ninth congress Polk, besides recom- 
mending graduation in his first message, sent in a special mes- 
sage, 16 saying that the enactment of the measure would increase 
the revenue from the public lands, which was needed for the 
prosecution of the war with Mexico. The graduation bill was 
again introduced, but more significant was the effort of the 
committee on ways and means to embody the graduation prin- 
ciple in a revenue bill. 27 In both forms the proposed legisla- 
tion failed. Besides other disturbing forces, the absorption of 
interest by the bounty law of 1847, 28 which offered warrants 

22 Ibid., 29 congress, 1 session, 1061-1062. 

23 Remarks of Vinton of Ohio, ibid., 1076. 

24 Remarks of Henley, ibid., 1071. 

"■'Ibid., 1069, 1073, 1179. In 1837-1839, when Van Buren was urg- 
ing graduation the bill passed the senate and failed in the house. 
Then Calhoun and his followers were in opposition. (Wellington, The 
political and sectional influence of the piiblic lands, 68-73.) Now 
Calhoun and Benton supported the bill. This makes the more marked 
the position of the eastern democrats. 

28 U Richardson (U. S.), 516, February 13, 1847. 

2 ' Congressional globe, 29 congress, 2 session, 440, 536 ff. 

28 United States statutes at large, 9: 123; cf. Stephenson, Political 
history of the public lands, from 184-0 to 1862, from pre-emption to 
homestead, ch. 9. 


for laud to the soldiers and officers of the Mexican war, ren- 
dered less likely than before the passage of the graduation bill. 
The effect of the bounty law naturally was to take from the 
domain hundreds of thousands of acres. A sharp division be- 
tween east and west appeared in the insistence on the part of 
the west that the warrant holders should become settlers, and 
in the objection of eastern men that the east should not be de- 
populated in order that the west might be settled. 29 The boun- 
ty act was important not merely for itself but because it in- 
itiated the policy of thus granting lands, a policy which was 
continued through the acts of 1850, 1852, and 1857. The cause 
of the graduation bill in the thirtieth congress was hopeless, 
for the whigs controlled the house of representatives. The 
outstanding feature of these years was an able report by Col- 
lamer of Vermont against the graduation policy. 30 When the 
thirty-first congress met in 1849, although the administration 
was whig, the democrats regained control of the organization 
in both houses, and the graduation bill appeared again. Bow- 
lin of Missouri was chairman of the committee on public lands 
in the house of representatives and Felch of Michigan in charge 
of the same committee in the senate. In the thirty-second con- 
gress, W. P. Hall, a democrat from Missouri, succeeded Bowlin, 
while Felch continued. The thirty-third congress once more 
saw both houses of congress and the executive department 
under democratic control. Dodge of Iowa was chairman of the 
senate committee and Disney of Ohio chairman of that of the 
house. In the first session of this congress the graduation and 
reduction bill became law. 

Like most of the land measures that were proposed, the 
plan of graduation and reduction was in reality an effort to 
effect a compromise between the principle of revenue and the 
interests of the actual settlers. The same statement may be 
made as to the concession of the right of preemption, particu- 
larlv as embodied in the act of 1841. Under this law and those 
which had preceded it, the settler Avae favored in that he had 
the right to buy at the lowest government price. The govern- 
ment, however, received a revenue from the land though this 
revenue was diminished by the difference between the min- 
imum price and that which the land might have brought at 
auction. The settlers were dissatisfied with the act of 1841; 
they asked for a general prospective preemption which should 
apply to the unsurveyed public domain as well as to that which 
had been surveyed, or for an extension of the time for making 

29 Remarks of Perry of Maryland, Congressional globe, 29 congress, 
2 session, 254. 

30 Reports of the house of representatives, 30 congress, 1 session, 
no. 732. 


payments on preempted lands. The latter concession, if grant- 
ed, would have been equivalent to a reestablishment, iu part, 
of the former credit system. 11 

But the demand had been heard for more than this, for 
more than a mere compromise. That the government should 
give land outright to actual settlers and surrender entirely the 
seeking of revenue, was no new idea. The head rights of Vir- 
ginia and other colonies were a precedent of sufficient an- 
tiquity, and many gifts had been made by the government of 
the United States to individuals."- A distinction must be 
drawn, however, between free gifts of land to actual settlers, 
either those already seated or prospective occupants, and 
grants of lands that involved some service rendered in return. 
This will serve to distinguish the real homestead grant from 
the many forms of bounties given for military service or some 
return to the government which might be considered a fair 
compensation. Thus, as far back as 1840 the settlers in Oregon 
had petitioned for donations of land,' 13 and ten years later, 
after much debate, such grants were made. 34 In the meantime 
simillar gifts were made to .settlers in Florida. 35 In both these 
cases it was considered that a special return was rendered to 
the government either because the recipients were holding the 
ground in so distant a region as Oregon or because they were 
acting as a defense against the Indians, as in Florida. The 
multiform grants to the states were likewise justified upon a 
theory of compensation. 36 But the homestead plan asked the 
government to give away the public lands and sacrifice all 
direct revenue therefrom at a time when the settlement of the 
west was no longer uncertain. However strong the arguments 
for homesteads was it was not the advantage to the govern- 
ment that was the most convincing. 

Having made this distinction between the homestead idea 
and the grant for military or other service, I wish to attempt 
a similar delimitation between the strict homestead of good 

31 Stephenson, Political history of the public lands, from 18U0 to 
1862, from pre-emption to homestead, 97-103. Cf. many petitions to 
congress in House of representatives papers (manuscripts) , in library 
of congress, packages marked "Wisconsin public lands," 1843-1847, 

32 Ford, Colonial precedents of our national land system as it exist- 
ed in 1800, ch. 6; Treat, The national land system, 1785-1820, ch. 12. 

33 Senate documents, 26 congress, 1 session, 514; congressional 
globe, 26 congress, 1 session, 60, 103, 296. 

3i Act approved September 27, 1850. United States statutes at 
large, 9 : 496 ff. 

35 Act of August 4, 1842. Ibid., 5: 502. 

36 Matthias N. Orfield, Federal land grants to the states with special 
reference to Minnesota (Minneapolis, 1915). See also Treat, The 
national land system, 1785-1820, ch. 11. • 


land and Benton's idea, which persisted throughout the follow- 
ing period, of giving- actual settlers either directly or through 
the states the "refuse" land. This was one part of the "log 
cabin" bill. The idea, no doubt, found a special development 
in Tennessee where occupants or squatters had settled upon 
poor lands or odd bits of land not covered by North Carolina 
warrants. In the federal land system Benton wished to make 
provision for those unable to buy at the land sales even after 
the price had been graduated and reduced. As to Tennessee 
the idea was pressed in congress by David Crockett, in opposi- 
tion to the rest of the Tennessee delegation, who asked per- 
mission to sell refuse lands in Tennessee for the benefit of the 
schools. Finally these lands were given to Tennessee. 37 

A somewhat different phenomenon appeared in another 
southwestern state. In his Biographical and Pictorial History 
of Arkansas, Hallum 38 claims that the origin of the homestead 
policy goes back to Governor E. N. Conway of Arkansas, at one 
time federal auditor. It appears that but few soldiers settled 
on the lands granted to them in Arkansas and these lands were 
sold by the state for nonpayment of taxes. The burden of the 
back taxes was sometimes so large that no one would buy the 
lands, and they remained on the hands of the state. In 1840 
Conway recommended that "a law be passed donating to every 
individual who would settle upon and improve a quarter sec- 
tion of such land, the right of the state thereto, conditioned 
that the taxes afterwards accruing upon the land thus occupied 
should be regularly paid, or the land and improvements there- 
on should revert to the state and remain subject to private 
sale." "Were such a law passed, 7 " he continued, "and the lands 
thus donated, whilst held under such titles only, exempted 
from execution of sale for any other debts than state and coun- 
ty taxes, it is the humble opinion of the auditor that the mili- 
tary district would in a few years be greatly improved and the 
revenue augmented. Persons not wishing to avail themselves 
of the benefits of such a law should be allowed as they now are. 
to purchase at private sales, lands which had once been offered 
at public auction by the auditor and remained unused and not 
donated." 30 

Two years later Conway reported to the assembly that many 
persons had availed themselves of the benefits of the law 40 
passed by the last legislature, so that "some of these wild lands 
heretofore uninhabited, uncultivated and producing no revenue 
have become changed to the home of industrious and enterpris- 
ing persons who settled, improved, and will cultivate them." 

37 Ibid., 353. 

38 John Hallum, Biographical and pictorial history of Arkansas 
(Albany, 1887) , 55. 

39 State of Arkansas, House journal, 1840, p. 27. 


With due local pride Halluui says that Conway's recom- 
mendation was copied by the press of' every state in the union 
and commendatory letters were received by him from many 
persons of authority. He concludes that Andrew Johnson, 
''the greatest of national humbug's," appropriated the idea. In 
deferring judgment on this opinion we may recall that Conway, 
like Benton, was a representative of the westward immigration 
from Tennessee. 

But the most impressive example of a liberal land policy 
was brought to the attention of the frontiersmen of the United 
States through the settlement of Texas across the southwestern 
border. The impresario Stephen F. Austin gave especial care 
to the establishment of a land system. His original proposals 
to the Spanish governor of Texas looked to grants of a moder- 
ate size, but the colonization law of January 4, 1823, under 
which, on February 18 of the same year, the Emperor Iturbide 
approved Austin's petition to settle three hundred families, 
vastly augmented the grants to be made to settlers. Austin 
was empowered to grant headlights of a league (4,428 acres) 
of grazing lands and a labor (177 acres) of farming lands to 
each head of a family; while impresarios who brought in set- 
tlers were to receive 66,774 acres for every two hundred fami- 
lies. With the severest exertion Austin managed to retain his 
privileges through the uncertain course of Mexican politics. 
Within his colony there was difficulty over the charge of twelve 
and one-half cents an acre which Austin insisted on writing 
into his contracts, though his grant from the government made 
no reference to such payments. This small fee Austin felt to be 
necessasry and just, because otherwise he would receive noth- 
ing to cover the cost of the careful surveys and records which 
he made, together with his requirement of the proof of the 

40 Ibid., 1842, appendix-, 20. The act is in Laws of Arkansas, 1840, 
60 ff. From a memorial of the state of Arkansas to congress, ap- 
proved December 16, 1838, may be cited the following passage, which 
excellently illustrates the western point of view. The assembly was 
urging the passage of a general pre-emption law. "The pioneer of the 
western wilds is not a lawless intruder,. who settles upon the lands of 
the government with the unrighteous design of robbing the public 
and obtaining by trespass a claim againit the government. He is in 
truth the greatest benefactor of the public. Had it not been for his 
adventurous and daring spirit, had no man ever settled upon the pub- 
lic lands until he had purchased it, civilization would not at this day 
have reached the Mississippi, and the fairest part of our land would 
still remain an unsettled wilderness. The wealthy, those who have 
the means to purchase their thousands of acres of the government, 
those who have the capital to interest in labor, and the means to open 
extensive farms and plantations, are not the men to penetrate the wil- 
derness. The pioneer must first, with his axe and rifle, open the path. 
The country must be somewhat settled before there arises any demand 
for the public lands." 


good character of intending settlers, essential parts of his 
plan of colonization. 

With the military phases which of necessity marked the 
Texas revolution, the plans of bounties which had been so 
prominent a feature in the United States made its appearance. 
By the constitution adopted in 1836, all persons living in the 
republic at the time of the declaration of independence were 
to be considered citizens, and anyone who had not received 
his portion of land could claim, if a head of a family, a league 
and a labor, or if a single man, one-third of a league. By 
legislation the headright system was extended to later volun- 
teers in the revolution. In 1837 a land office was established 
with a series of minute regulations. Various "prices" were 
attached to the fulfillment of these grants, but as these ran 
from one dollar and fifty cents to seven dollars for a labor of 
177 acres, it is evident that the land was practically given 
away. In 1839 immigrants were offered smaller amounts. 
640 acres to heads of families, and half that to single men, 
conditioned on three years of residence. Later there was 
superadded the requirement that ten acres of land must be 
cultivated, and the locations surveyed and marked. Such were 
the opportunities to acquire lands in Texas in the forties. 41 

It may fairly be claimed, then, that western experience and 
traditions made entirely intelligible the request that land be 
given to the actual settler without the demand of a price, and 
that there would be no difficult transition from Benton's pro- 
posed gift of poor land to that which promised the settler the 
best land, however much opposed to the revenue policy the lat- 
ter might be. Thus there was a distinctly western origin or 
approach to the homestead bill. But, while this might easily 
have commanded the votes of all the senators and representa- 
tives of those states which still retained the characteristics ®f 
the frontier, or whose ties with the frontier remained partic- 
ularly close, it would never have succeeded in overcoming the 
financial hostility both of the eastern states and of those states 
originally western that through denser settlement and the oc- 

41 For the development of the land system of Texas see D. C. 
Wooten, Comprehensive history of Texas, 1685-1897 (Dallas, 1898), 
1 : 784-848 ; and for the earlier period — that of Austin's management — 
two papers by Eugene C. Barker, "The government of Austin's col- 
ony, 1821-1831," in Southwestern historical quarterly, 21: 223-252, and 
"Stephen F. Austin," in Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 5: 
20-35. The laws may be studied in Laws of Texas, 1822-1905, edited 
by Hans P. N. Gammell (Austin, 1898-1904) ; John and Henry Sayles, 
Early laws of Texas (St. Louis, 1888) ; and James W. Dallam, A digest 
of the laws of Texas, containing a full and complete compilation of the 
land laics together with the opinions of the supreme court from 18U0 
to 18UU inclusive (Austin, 1904). 


cupation of all their good lands were likely to become more 
and more disposed toward the eastern point of view. As to the 
western origin of the homestead legislation, one finds, as might 
be expected, that this measure had its beginning in association 
with the bill for graduating and reducing the price of the 
public lands and that this association was a necessary one. 
But it remains to be seen how men of the east who consistently 
opposed graduation and reduction came over, at least on the 
part of considerable groups, to the active support of the home- 
stead bill. 

In the spring of 1S44 a group of individuals who described 
themselves as the central committee of the "National reform 
association" addressed a letter to James K. Polk, as a ''candi- 
date for public office" to solicit an expression of his views on a 
subject which, they thought, vitally affected the rights and in- 
terests of their constituents. They proceeded to say, 

"We see this singular condition of affairs : that, while 
wealth in our country is rapidly accumulating; while internal 
improvements of every description are fast increasing, 'and 
while machinery has multiplied the power of production to 
an immense extent; yet, with all these national advantages, 
the compensation for useful labor is getting' less and less. We 
seek the cause of this anomaly, and we trace it to the monopoly 
of the land, which places labor at the mercy of capital. We 
therefore desire to abolish the monopoly, not by interfering 
with the conventional rights of persons now in possession of 
the land, but by arresting the further sale of all lands not yet 
appropriated as private property, and by allowing these lands 
hereafter to be freely occupied by those who may choose to 
settle on them 1 . We propose that the Public Lands hereafter 
shall not be owned, but occupied only, the occupant having the 
right to sell or otherwise dispose of improvements to any one 
not in possession of other land; so that, by preventing any 
individual from becoming possessed of more than a limited 
quantity, every one may enjoy the right. 

"This measure, we think, would gradually establish an 
equilibrium between the agricultural and other useful occupa- 
tions, that would insure to all full employment and fair com- 
pensation for their labor, on the lands now held as private 
property; and to each individual on the public lands the right 
to work for himself on his premises, or for another, at his 
option." 42 

In the brief endorsement — "not worthy of an answer" — ■ 

42 Polk papers, library of congress, vol. 56. The letter, dated at 
New York, April 20, 1844, was signed by eight persons, among whom 
were George H. Evans and Lewis Masquerier. 


which Polk made upon this document, one senses immediately 
his feeling that this was a radicalism not to be encouraged. 
But to students of economic history the development of the 
labor movement in the United States and the radical doctrines 
of the land reformers of the eastern states have formed an 
inviting field for investigation. As this field has been thor- 
oughly exploited by Mr. John R. Commons and his associates, 
both in the Documentary history of American industrial so- 
ciety and very recently in the History of labour in the United 
States, we need here only with great brevity recall the increas- 
ing activity, in the midst of sharply pressing conflict of wages 
and prices, of the labor movement of the second quarter of 
the nineteenth century, and the influence, in the propagation 
of a doctrine of laud reform, 43 of such men, largely of English 
and Irish extraction, as Thomas Skidmore, Thomas Spence, 
George Henry Evans, and Thomas Ainge Devyr. 

When to the feeble presses started by these radicals of the 
east there was added as the medium of a convert the great 
newspaper of Horace Greeley, the cause of land reform was 
much advanced. The decade of the forties was a decade of 
"isms," of which Horace Greeley was the prophet. As Mr. 
Commons pointedly expresses it, "He was the Tribune of the 
people, the spokesman of their discontent, the champion of 
their nostrums. He drew the line only at spirit lappings 
and free love." 41 

Upon Greeley's mind, as upon a sensitive receptive appara- 
tus, there played idealistic influences from two distinct 
sources. The one, which we may call applied transcendental- 
ism, came from Massachusetts, and now endeavored to realize 
itself in such experiments as Brook Farm, in 1842. After the 
next year, the representatives of this group identified them- 
selves with the interest of the working people, and about the 
same time, took up Brisbane's Americanization of the social 
philosophy of Fourier, and proceeded to the organization of 

43 The earlier agrarian movement is discussed by Miss Helen L. 
Sumner in John R. Commons and associates, History of labour in the 
United States (New York, 1918), 1: 234 ff. There was also a land re- 
form group of German origin, of whom the leading spirit was Herman 
Kriege. Henry E. Hoagland, ibid., 1: 534-535. See also Documentary 
history of American industrial society, edited by John R. Commons 
and associates (Cleveland, 1910-1911), 7: 310-312, for documents illus- 
trating the attitude of the German group in 1845. 

44 Ibid., 7 : introduction, 20. This introduction is a reprint of Mr. 
Commons' article, ''Horace Greeley and the working class origins of 
the republican party," in Political science quarterly, 24: no. 3. Ex- 
amples of Greeley's editorials are given in Documentary history of 
American industrial society (Commons and associates ed.), 8: 40-44. 


phalanxes with an enthusiasm worthy of a more successful 
cause. 45 The other current which influenced Greeley came 
from the workingmen. Thomas Spence, an English net-maker, 
wrote a book advocating that "all the land of England should 
be leased and proceeds divided equally among all the people 
of England." Spence's ideas exerted some influence upon the 
first workingmen's party of New York. But the man who more 
completely interested the working classes in the land question 
was another Englishman by the name of George Henry Evans, 
who came to America in time to undergo apprenticeship as 
a printer, and who, in 1829, began the Working Man's Advo- 
cate. Evans was a philosopher who believed in the ''natural 
right of all men to land, just as to sunlight, air and water." 
As a landless class, the workingmen of the east were slaves to 
a master class which owned their means of livelihood. Land 
reform, he urged, must precede the abolition of negro slavery. 
Evans differed from the communists in his emphasis upon 
the individual right to the soil. The panic of 1837 gave a tem- 
porary setback to the labor movement. When more encourag- 
ing times appeared, Evans resurrected his paper under the 
name of Young America and organized a party known as the 
national reformers. To this propaganda belongs the celebrated 
pamphlet "Vote yourself a farm," which, with many other very 
interesting documents bearing on this period, Mr. Commons 
has reprinted in the Documentary history of American indus- 
trial society.* 6 Between 1844 and 184S the agitation of the 
land reformers made great strides, assisted by the attention 
which the anti-rent riots in New York state called to this par- 
ticular issue. 47 

45 Ibid., 7 : introduction, 26-28. 

46 Ibid., 7: introduction, 29-33. See also ibid., 7: 288 ff. for impor- 
tant documents. Some account of Evans is given by Hoagland in 
Commons and associates, History of labour in the United States, 1: 
522 ff. 

47 Besides the work of Mr. Commons and his associates there may 
be consulted also the older book of Rudolf E. Meyer, Heimstatten- und 
andere Wirtschaftsgesetze der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, von 
Canada, Russland, China, Indien, Rumanien, Serbien und England 
(Berlin, 1883) ; and Stephenson, Political history of the public lands, 
from 18U0 to 1S62, from pre-emption to homestead, 103-113. The Van 
Buren manuscripts in the library of congress contain many important 
letters, especially in relation to the campaign of 1848 ; see particularly 
Van Buren's reply to the Buffalo convention, 56 Van Buren manu- 

In connection with this subject, some interest attaches to a group 
of letters which, several years later, Andrew Johnson received from 
Thomas Ainge Devyr, one of the most prominent of the land reform- 
ers. Devyr wrote from Williamsburg, New York, on December 9, 
1859, giving Johnson a sketch of the history of the "land reformers" 
organized in New York in 1844. These were nearly all democrats. 


The work was aggressively pushed by the ''industrial con- 
gress," of which sessions, beginning in 1875, were held each 
year. 48 But the most widely heard voice continued to be that 
of Greeley. 

It is hardly necessary to point out the great difference be- 
tween these ideas and those of Benton. If logically carried out 
the principles of Evans justified the taking of land from 
monopolists in any part of the world. It was only America's 
fortunate possession of a public domain that offered the oppor- 
tunity to press the demand for room for the landless in the 
yet unsettled region of the west rather than in the crowded 
east. But it is not hard to see how this eastern appeal could 
be made to apply to the west, could spread to the western 
states and territories and would result in the petitions, which, 
with thousands of names attached, were submitted to the con- 
gress of the United States. But for congress successfully to be 
persuaded necessitated the aggressive activity of men in that 
body, as well as the exhortations of those outside. Within 
congress the cause of the homestead was taken up land steadily 
pressed by Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, to whose prepara- 
tion for leadership in this regard some attention must now 
be given. 

The years which Andrew, Johnson had lived before his en- 
trance into the house of represntatives in 1813 had already 

Devyr had conducted a democratic paper at Williamsburg' at the time. 
The democratic party proved hostile; the Greeley whigs made a show 
of favoring land reform, and so did the Buffalo platform men. Those 
imposters, wrote Devyr, "stole our thunder" in 1848, and took nineteen- 
twentieths of those devoted to the cause. "Ours" was the free soil 
party up to that time. Now (1859), Devyr urged the democrats to 
take the matter up again. Devyr added an interesting account of his 
own history; twenty-three years before he had published in the north 
of Ireland a pamphlet reprinted here, and in the chartist movement 
he had "narrowly" escaped to the United States, in 1840. Upon the 
back of the letter cited Andrew Johnson wrote "Not read as yet." On 
January 1, 1860, Devyr wrote again, sending a printed circular. A 
third letter followed January 8, in which the writer interestingly con- 
nects the homestead agitation with the anti-rent difficulties in New 
York. Devyr wrote a fourth time January 21, addressing Johnson as 
"general-in-chief" of the cause, and saying that he was unwilling to 
ascribe the neglect of his letters to deliberate intention. Johnson- 
Patterson manuscripts in the possession of Mr. A. J. Patterson, of 
Greenville, Tennessee, to whom acknowledgement is made for the per- 
mission to consult these papers. Some account of Devyr is given by 
Hoagland in Commons and associates, History of labour in the United 
States, 1: 532. 

48 Hoagland treats of the industrial congress in ibid., 1 : 547-551. 
See also the masses of petitions in the House of representatives manu- 
scripts, library of congress, which show the westward movement 
through Ohio, Illinois, and Wisconsin, and the influence of the land 
reformers and the industrial congress. 


gone to make up the .strong but somewhat uncouth personality 
of the man. 40 Born in 1808 in Raleigh, North Carolina, at 
fourteen years of age he was "bound out'' to learn the trade of 
a tailor; and a couple of years later together with an elder 
brother William lie was advertised as a runaway from his 
master. After another two years he with his brother and 
stepfather had tramped across the mountains to the upper 
valley of the Tennessee, where in the long depression between 
the Alleghany mountains and the Cumberland plateau, which 
extends to the northeast far up into Virginia, lies the little 
town of Greenville. Among the treasures of the Drexel Insti- 
tute in Philadelphia, the curious visitor may see two old ac- 
count books much worn and battered which were kept by 
Johnson in connection with his tailor shop. They show him 
lending small sums of money, and later performing small com- 
missions on his trips to Washington. Unfortunately neither 
these nor any other sources have anything to say about the 
intellectual life of the young tailor. From later materials, 
however, one gathers that there was an early development of 
his oratorical ability, and that he was much given to reading, 
an art which had been painfully acquired. One hears nothing 
of feats of strength like those which gave a local celebrity to 
Lincoln, in whose early career there are indeed many elements 
of similarity. Nor in Johnson's case does the seriousness of 
life seem to have been relieved by the humour which even 
though rude and rough, rescued Lincoln from the melancholy 
that sometimes overtook him. The earnestness with which 
Johnson felt obliged to defend himself against charges of in- 
fidelity permits one to suspect that he had perhaps been char- 
acterized by that skepticism of a cruder type which one meets 
in so many cases in the early part of the nineteenth century/' 
At a later time he showed that he had a considerable acquaint- 
ance with English literature and that if the range of his knowl- 
edge was limited, his mastery of what he had was thorough. 

But his mental activity seems to have found its natural 
outlet in the field of politic*. In this field one principle was 
undoubtedly a guiding force throughout his whole career. This 
was a bitter dislike of the superiority claimed by some men 
or for some men by virtue of greater possessions of wealth 
or more fortunate circumstances of birth. The vehemence 
with which he expressed these views surprises one, for one 

49 An extended sketch of Andrew Johnson, from a not over-friendly 
point of view, is found in Oliver P. Temple, Notable men of Tennessee, 
from 1833 to 1875, their times and their contemporaries (New York), 

'" See the printed pamphlet, Letter of Andrew Johnson to his con- 
stituents (Washington, 1845), to which reference is made below. 


could hardly imagine the quiet town of Greenville or the 
Avhole valley of East Tennessee to be the theatre of a class 
struggle whether on the basis of birth or wealth. Here, with 
comparatively few slaves, there was none of the manorial 
life tnat, existing in much dignity and culture in both older 
and newer regions of he south, has so often and so mistak- 
enly been regarded as universal. On the contrary. East Ten- 
nessee was a region of small farms in an upland valley. It was 
not a typical ''poor white" region. One feels, therefore, that 
Johnson's hostility to aristocracy must represent resentment 
at the treatment of social inferiority accorded to the poor- 
artisan by the well-to-do farmers, and also an element peculiar 
to Johnson's own personality. 

Within ten years from the time that Johnson reached Ten- 
nessee he had succeeded in politics to the extent of securing 
election, first to town offices in Greenville, and then as repre- 
sentative in the state legislature. In 1831 Tennessee adopted 
a new constitution. Before the convention came many ques- 
tions of change, such as the demand for an abolition of slavery 
put forth by persons in East Tennessee. The sectionalism of 
the state was .strongly marked, feis it. is to this day, finding a 
natural basis in the division of the state by the Cumberland 
plateau and the Tennessee river. When Johnson entered the 
lower house of the Tennessee assembly, it was at the first ses- 
sion after the adoption of the new constitution, when many 
statutes of semi-constitutional nature were debated so that 
there was an unusually good opportunity for a new representa- 
tive to be educated in the practical working of the state govern- 
ment. It was the very time also of the revolt against the domi- 
nation of state politics by the friends of General Jackson, out 
of which, so f!ar as Tennessee was concerned, developed the whig 
party. After a period of hesitation Andrew Johnson threw 
himself whole-heartedly into the service of the regular demo- 
cratic organization, a course which he tenaciously pursued to 
the time of the civil war. 

Defeated for the next assembly, because, it is said, of oppo- 
sition to internal improvements, Johnson was more successful 
in 1839. After another term in the house and one in the sen- 
ate of the assembly, he was elected in 1843 representative in 
congress of the first Tennessee district. But before an at- 
tempt is made to follow him in his congressional career it will 
be best briefly to consider the work which he had done and the 
estimate which had been placed upon him when he entered 
national polities. Already he had exhibited political ability 
and force to such an extent that warranted James K. Polk; 
chief master of the democratic organization in Tennessee, in 
suggesting Johnson as a possibility for the senate of the 


United States." 2 A bitter partistan, Johnson shared in the 
maneuver by which the democrats kept the state a couple of 
years without any Unite'd States senators rather, than elect a 
whig. His radical tendencies had already manifested them- 
selves in his support of the proposal to form East Tennessee 
into a separate state, a reflection of sectional jealousy. But 
the activity which later was most used against him was his 
support of the "while basis" for the arrangement of the con- 
gressional districts in Tennessee. This plan looked to the 
substitution in the arrangement of these districts of an appor- 
tionment according to the white population alone, in place 
of the existing "federal" basis, by which five negro slaves were 
to count as three white men. The effect of the change would 
be to give East Tennessee, with its fewer slaves, a larger share 
of the representatives in congress. It is interesting to examine 
•Johnson's defense of this policy in answer to the charge of 
sympathy with the abolitionists which very naturally his 
enemies raised against him. He said that it was necessary to 
make the change for- the very purpose of defending slavery. 
If the non-slaveholders of East Tennessee were satisfied within 
the state it would be the best means of preventing antislavery 
tendencies and making the state united. Against slaveholders 
as a superior class he frequently expressed himself in vigorous 
terms. Hut so far as I know his speeches and private letters 
reveal little or no sympathy with anything like abolition and 
his dislike of the abolitionists in general and of the New Eng- 
land sort in particular appears to have been thorough. 

Such was Andrew Johnson when he entered congress in 
December, 1843, in the same session in which Stephen A. 
Douglas and Howell Cobb also began their congressional serv- 
ice. But, whereas Douglas was at once placed at the head of 
a select committee to investigate a matter of apportionment, 
and thus brought into a conspicuous position, Johnson was 
given only a place in the committee on claims and in the com- 
mittee on expenditures in the war department. In his first 
session he paid his tribute to party regularity in the debate 
on, remitting the tine levied on General Jackson by Judge Hall 
of New Orleans and took part in the sectional struggle over 
the reception of abolition petitions which was now marked by 
the baiting of John Quincy Adams. Johnson accused the north 
of conspiring to break up the union through its attack on the 
south. "Rut when Ave of the south," he said, "who represent 
the interests of the slave states, contend for our rights. 
Gentlemen say, 'Oh you are too much excited too much 
heated." . . ." He denounced the famous statement of 

"' James K. Polk to Maclin, January 17, 1842. Polk papers, library 
of congress. 


Adams in the last congress, that in case of a servile war the 
free states if called in to suppress insurrection in the south 
might establish emancipation."'- At a later time a friendly 
editor said 53 that John Quincy Adams had declared Johnson 
to be possessed of more native ability than any man in the 
house of representatives. The literal exactness of this report 
may well be doubted; but in the memoir of Adams there is 
found an expression of appreciation for Johnson's support in 
a matter of parliamentary detail/' 4 

AVhile always in line with his party as against the whigs. 
Johnson nevertheless appears to have taken every possible 
opportunity to manifest his independence of the party leaders 
Thus it happened that Stephen A. Douglas, Jefferson Davis. 
and Thomas H. Barley of Virginia all felt the lash of John- 
son's tongue. With these as with many of the whig leaders 
the occasion of ugly ] lassages of debate was usually some senti- 
ment or allusion which Johnson chose to consider as in some 
way reflecting upon the workingman. Again and again, some- 
times it would seem with deliberate intent to pick a quarrel, 
or at least with a disposition to choose an unpleasant inter- 
pretation of a word, Johnson rose to declare himself the friend 
of the laborer. It is not hard to understand the bitterness 
with which such a man as Jefferson Davis, for instance, would 
remember such encounters, 5 " nor to see that Johnson's manner 
must have interfered with his success in the larger fields of 

Quite as characteristic was the attitude of Johnson towards 
political matters. He supported all the measures of Polk's 
administration, but denounced the administration's plan to 
tax tea and coffee as oppressive of the poor. He conceived a 
bitter animosity to the new Smithsonian institution, and his- 
torical students will doubtless place him in their black books 
because he opposed appropriations for the relief of Mrs. Madi- 
son in the matter of the purchase of the Madison papers. He 
] tressed with great energy his belief that there was an unfair 
distribution of the offices at the command of the executive, 56 

52 Congressional globe, 28 congress, 1 session, 212-214. 

r ' 3 Nashville Union, May 10, 1853. 

34 Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, comprising portions of his diary 
from 1795 to 184.8, edited by Charles Francis Adams (Philadelphia, 
1874-1877), 12: 240. 

"Jefferson Davis, Rise and fall of the confederate government 
(New York, 1881), 2: 703; Varina B. H. Davis, Jefferson Davis, ex- 
president of the Confederate States of America; a memoir of his wife 
(New York [1890]), 1: 242 ff. 

"' 6 The exercise of the executive patronage and Johnson's discontent 
therewith formed the subject of an earnest conversation between 
Johnson and President Polk. The diary of James K. Polk during his 


urged that these should be divided in accordance with 
geographical regions and maintained that fanners and mechan- 
ics should be given a larger proportion. He proposed that 
the members of the supreme court should be put upon tne 
elective basis, supported the familiar amendment which looked 
to changing the election of the president, and brought in one 
of the early amendments for the popular election of senators. 57 

Notwithstanding his radical principles, though one can 
hardly suppose it was because of them, Johnson served five 
terms in the house of representatives. Various competitors 
canvassed his district against, him, of whom the most bitter in 
personal animosity was William Gr. Brownlow who poured 
upon Johnson all the political vitriol of which he had so vast 
a supply and whom Johnson in return described as a ''hyena." 
This domination of his distirct by Johnson was overthrown, 
not by any opponent, but by a gerrymander which the whigs 
arranged in 1852 with the deliberate intention of depriving 
Johnson of his seat. His answer to the challenge was to make 
the race for the governorship. Not only did he succeed but 

presidency, 184.5 to 184.9, edited by Milo M. Quaife (Chicago, 1910), 
2: 35-41. 

"Nashville Union, May 21, 1849, citing "Gallery of portraits of 
past and present members of congress," No. 1, in New York Sunday 
Times, gave an extended sketch of Andrew Johnson, from which the 
following paragraph is taken : 

"Owing to the want of early advantages, of which I have written 
above, Mr. J. at times slashes his mother-tongue — pronouncing words 
of many syllables, or of recent foreign derivation, with little regard to 
rules laid down by Walker or Webster. More or less, of his fellow- 
members will titter and sneer at Mr. J.'s many false anglicisms; yet 
I have rarely seen it done, save by someone smarting under the point 
of his oratorical bowie-knife. Though expressed in uncouth phrase- 
ology, his views are easily understood; for he talks strong thoughts 
and carefully culled facts in quick succession. He thrusts his op- 
ponents through and through, as with a rusty and jagged weapon, 
tearing a big wound and leaving something behind to fester and be 
remembered. Woe be unto the luckless wight who offers him a per- 
sonal indignity — casts a slur upon him, in debate; for if he has to 
wait two years for the opportunity, when it does come, Mr. J. makes 
the best use of it. He puts no bridle upon his tongue ; yet he is never 
guilty of a personal disrespect to a fellow-member, or even to the 
opposite party as a whole. Perhaps I may fairly characterize his 
efforts as being slashingly crushing, for he chops to mince-meat and 
then grinds to powder the men, measures and principles he may be 
contending against. He takes and maintains positions at times, which 
I can hear no other man advocate without feeling morally sure that 
the man is speaking without the least regard to the effect of his words 
upon his own prospects as a public man. He is emphatically the 
Ledru-Rollin of the House — that is, if Mr. Ledru-Rollin is an honest 
man. Mr. Johnson is, however, by no means afflicted with socialism. 
He would be the last man in the House to sanction the robbery of 
either class in society to pension any other class — not he." 


for the first time in a number of years a re-election followed. 
At the end of bis second term be "was able to bring to pass 
his election as senator; two years later he selected the other 
democratic senator, and in 18G0 his name for several ballots 
was presented as that of a ''favorite son" in nomination for 
the presidency by the Tennessee delegation in the Charleston 
convention. When one realizes that this political progress 
was maintained in spite of the opposition, secret or open, of 
many of the democratic leaders in the central and western 
parts of the state one sees all the more clearly the power that 
Johnson exerted over the mass of the voters in the state as a 

The congressional contest in which Brownlow sought to de- 
feat. Johnson was that of 1845. In answer to the attacks of 
Brownlow Johnson pursued the very customary course of 
issuing an address to his constituents. This was full of bitter 
controversial matter which, beyond one statement, is of no 
significance here. He attacked one of the community who, 
he said, "is violently opposed to me no doubt because I am 
too much the poor man's friend; because I, while a member 
of the Twenty -eighth Congress, was in favor of giving to every 
man, who could not raise a sum of money sufficient to pay the 
government price for the public land, a certain number of 
acres (the number of acres, though, to be regulated in propor- 
tion to the number of children in family), free of charge, by 
his moving to and settling upon it. While I have been stand- 
ing by the poor man in getting him a home that he could call 
his, it will not be out of place, in this connexion, to ascertain 
what the opinions are of those who have been trying to crush 
me in the estimation of tbe people.""'' 5 

The paternity of great public measures is often as much dis- 
puted as Homer's birthplace; and the parentage of the home- 
stead bill has been claimed for many persons. 59 In a very 
scholarly dissertation the latest writer upon this period in the 
history of the public lands, Mr. George M. Stephenson, has 
duly noted the resolution introduced January 4, 1844, in tbe 
course of the first session of the twenty-eighth congress, which 
wins to instruct the committee on public lands to inquire into 
the expediency of passing a law to donate eighty acres of land 
to every actual settler "being the head of a family and living 
with the same and not now the owner of land and who through 
misfortune or otherwise is unable to purchase." This resolu- 
tion was submitted by Robert Smith of Illinois. But Mr. 

38 Letter of Andrew Johnson to his constituents. 
''° This has been due in, part to a failure to distinguish carefully 
the homestead principle from that of the "log cabin" bill. 


Stephenson does not eall attention to the fact that these lands 
were to be selected from those which had been ten years on the 
market, that is, lands of presumably inferior quality. 60 In the 
second session of this congress an amendment to the gradua- 
tion bill, proposed by Thonuisson of Kentucky, undertook to 
donate to every actual settler "being the head of a family" 
forty acres. It appears from the debate that this, too, had 
reference to lands that had previously been offered for sale. 61 
In the first session of the twenty-ninth congress, however, in- 
dependent homestead bills were introduced by Felix Grundy 
McConnell of Alabama and by Andrew .Johnson of Tennessee. 62 
It was at this session, as we have made clear above, that the 
graduation and reduction bill came so near passing; and both 
the bill of McConnell and that of Johnson/ 53 together with the 
two earlier propositions mentioned, were closely connected 
with the parliamentary course of that measure and illustrated 
what we have called the western point of view. Illinois, Ken 
tncky, Tennessee, and Alabama pretty well represent that sec- 
tion of the country.' 14 But among the petitions of 1844-1845 
is one presented by Severance of Maine from Dudly I'. Bailey 
and forty others of the same state requesting that congress 
"should pass with all convenient haste, a law by which every 
citizen, who may be desirous of cultivating the earth for a liv- 

60 Stephenson, Political history of the -public lands, from 18U0 to 
1862, from pre-emption to homestead, 116; Congressional globe, 28 
congress, 1 session, 103. In the following session, when the graduation 
bill was debated at length, Smith, on December 27, 1844, made a 
speech in reply to Causin of Maryland, who had upheld the eastern 
point of view. Ibid., 28 congress, 2 session, 69 ff. In the first session 
of the next congress, on July 9, 1846, he made another extended speec l 
on graduation, in which he referred to his resolution introduced in 
1844. Ibid., 29 congress, 1 session, 1062 ff. 

01 Ibid., 28 congress, 2 session, 241. Cf. J. B. Sanborn, "Some 
political aspects of homestead legislation," in American historical re- 
view, 6: 27. 

62 McConnell asked permission to introduce his bill January 9, 1846. 
Congressional globe, 29 congress, 1 session, 172. Johnson asked an- 
other member to waive a motion which he wished to offer, to allow 
him (Johnson) to introduce his bill, but failed (March 9). Ibid., 472. 
On March 12 he asked leave of the house to introduce the bill. Ibid , 
492. On March 27 he introduced the bill. Ibid., 563. A copy of this 
bill (H. R. No. 319) was kept by Andrew Johnson and is still with a 
number of printed homestead bills in the Johnson papers, library of 

63 On December 11, 1845, Ficklin of Illinois also submitted a bill to 
grant lands to actual settlers "under certain limitations." Congres- 
sional globe, 29 congress, 1 session, 43. The content of the bill does 
not appear. 

M Thomasson, however, expressed a desire to remove the lands from 
the national treasury because he did not wish revenue from the public 
domain to break down the tariff. 


ing, shall be enabled to enter upon the public lands and occupy 
a reasonable sized farm thereon free of cost.'' 05 A. similar peti- 
tion from Alleghany county, Pennsylvania, was presented 
•January 30, lSiO, by Darragh of that state 00 and a few days 
later Herriek of New York presented a memorial of the Na- 
tional Reform association with regard to the public land which 
was referred but not printed. 07 Herein are seen early mani- 
festations of the radical eastern propaganda. 08 

McConnell, who seems to have been regarded by the house 
as something of a wit and to have been taken not very serious- 
ly, tried several times early in the session to introduce his bill 
which Mas to provide a home for "every man, maid or widow 
being the head of a family." 69 The last time he used the Avoid 
"homestead:" 7 " but this does not seem to have been in general 
use at this time. Andrew Johnson, many years later, claimed 
that his introduction of the bill antedated that of McConnell, 71 
but it appears that McConnell really made the first efforts. 7 - 
Both Johnson and McConnell tried also to tack their measures 

83 January 3, 1845. Ibid., 28 congress, 2 session, 89. 

00 Ibid., 29 congress, 1 session, 283. 

" r March 9, 1846. Ibid., 471. 

KS The plans of Johnson and McConnell both fell short of the de- 
mands of the land reformers. Documentary history of American in- 
dustrial society (Commons and associates ed.), 8: 64-65. 

" n Congressional globe, 29 congress, 1 session, 172 (January 9), 420 
(February 24), 473 (March 9), 558 (March 26), 1045 (July I). 

70 Ibid., 1063 (July 6). 

71 Ibid., 35 congress, 1 session, 3043. 

7 " It was the advice to his students of a great teacher of history, 
Herbert B. Adams, to "avoid the use of the superlative." This applies, 
in general, to the efforts of historical writers to locate the "first" 
appearance of an idea; and, in particular, to the authorship or "fa- 
therhood" of the homestead bill. Ten years before the period under 
consideration a Mississippi representative in congress, Franklin E. 
Plummer, a native of Massachusetts, presented a petition of sundry 
citizens of Mississippi and made a speech thereon. The petition prayed 
for a law granting to each native citizen of the United States not al- 
ready a landholder and who was not worth five hundred dollars, 160 
acres of land on condition of settlement and continued cultivation for 
the period of five years. In his speech upon the petition Plummer said 
the condition of white men too poor to purchase a home was worse 
than that of the Indians. The petitioners were thankful for the pre- 
emption laws, but asked for donations. They pointed out that the 
Mexican republic was holding out actual donations of land to settlers 
and that many would be compelled to* seek in a distant land a home 
which they could not obtain here. Plummer condemned the United 
States government as the only nation on earth that ever adopted a 
policy of holding up its waste and unappropriated lands as a source 
of revenue except for some temporary reason. This may stand as 
the "first" congressional proposal of a real homestead measure — until 
someone discovers an earlier one. Register of debates in congress, 
1834-1835, 11: part 2, 1566-1570. 



on to the graduation bill, in the form of an amendment, 73 and 
McConnell made similjar efforts in connection with other bills. 

Within a few months McConnell committed suicide. John- 
son continued in congress and therefore had the advantage of 
making repeated efforts to secure consideration for his bill. 

The suggestions of giving grants of land to settlers which 
in the forms of petitions, resolutions, separate bills or amend- 
ments to the graduation and reduction bill had in 1844-184(1 
ushered in the beginnings of the homestead discussion were 
not followed up decisively in the congress of 1847-184!). The 
political maladjustment caused by the election of a whig house 
of representatives, the agitation over the Wilmot proviso, the 
bickering over the conduct of the Mexican war and the influ- 
ence of the bounty law all acted unfavorably. But the' agita- 
tion of the eastern radicals was having its effect. In the presi- 
dential campaign of 1848 the land reformers tried to enlist 
Martin Van Buren in their cause; but that wily politician and 
even the farmers of the Buffalo platform were afraid to come 
out clearly for the full program of Evans and his followers. 
The Buffalo platform did include a homestead plank. Van 
Buren, however, declared himself not ready to assent to the 
free gift of the public lands. On the other hand Greeley gave 
his support to General Taylor nnd the regular whig ticket. 
Thus the adherents of land reform were divided. 74 Though in 
the east the homestead idea found friends in several political 
groups, no effective political organization made the measure 
exclusively its own. Thus in this period the history of the 
homestead bill had for the time a nonpartisan aspect different 
from that of the graduation bill in the campaign of four years 

After the election the homestead principle again appeared 
in the house in two bills differing in content, the one submitted 
by Andrew Johnson, the other by Horace Greeley, a member 
of this congress. During this short session Johnson through 
illness was unable to look after his bill; and so he placed it in 
the case of his Tennessee colleague George W. Jones. 7 "' Jones 

'"Congressional globe, 29 congress, 1 session, 1077 (Johnson, Julv 
10) ; 1192 (McConnell, August 4) ; 1200 (McConnell, August 6, on the 
Oregon bill). The bill of Johnson is reprinted in Documentary history 
of American industrial society (Commons and associates, ed.), 8: 

74 See note 46 above, and Stephenson, Political history of the public 
lands, from 1840 to 1862, from pre-emption to homestead, 135-139. 
Theodore C. Smith, in his The liberty and free soil parties in the 
northwest (New York, 1S97), discusses the election of 1848, but has 
little to say of the relation thereto of the question of the public lands. 

75 Johnson gave notice of his bill December 11, 1848. Congres- 
sional globe, 30 congress, 2 session, 25. Jones tried to introduce the 
bill February 14, 16, 1849. Ibid., 534, 548. 


accomplished nothing, and Greeley's bill was speedily tabled. TG 
Greeley left congress, but Johnson had taken a fresh start and 
at every session during the remainder of his membership in 
the house of representatives he introduced a homestead bill in 
one form or another. In the thirty-first congress, that of the 
compromise of 1850, lie had played a part of some importance 
in the election of Cobb as speaker, and for the first time was 
given the chairmanship of a committee — that on public ex- 
penditures. TT When he found the committee on public lands 
predisposed in favor of its own measure of graduating and re- 
ducing the price of the public lands, he tried the unusual 
expedient of reporting his bill from the committee on public 
expenditures — his own committee. This naturally aroused 
instant protest. It was insisted that such a bill should go to 
the committee on public lands. TS He then tried a new tack. 
Finding more friendly some of the committee on agriculture, 
he changed the title of his bill so that it purported to be one 
to encourage agriculture. This committee got the bill before 
the house, and' Johnson proceeded, on July 25, 1850. to make 
his first speech upon the bill. 70 He distinctly stated that this 
bill was a homestead bill, and remarked that when first intro- 
duced some five years ago it was considered wild and visionary. 
But now the public mind had been directed toward the measure 
and the most prominent men of the country were vying with 
each other in support of it. Senators "possessing the tallest 
intellect" had entered the competition. He wished it to be 
distinctly understood that he was "no agrarian, no leveller, as 
they were termed in modern times." He wished to elevate, 
not to pull down. In support of his proposition he cited 
Moses, Vattel, and Andrew Jackson, a somewhat curious com- 
bination of authorities. When he argued that the doman of 
the United States belonged to the people as a whole, as much 
as the other great elements, air, fire, water, he was coining 
pretty close to the ideas of the land reformers. 

7 " The bill was tabled by a viva voce vote February 27, 1849. Ibid., 
605. There was also a bill presented by E. Embree of Indiana, Feb- 
ruary 5, 1849. Ibid., 454. 

77 Ibid., 31 congress, 1 session, 88. Two years later he resigned 
this post, on the ground that he had nothing to do. 

78 He gave notice January 7, 1850. Ibid., 131. On February 25 he 
reported the bill from his own committee. Ibid., 408. Securing unani- 
mous consent he introduced his bill February 27, and asked that it be 
referred to the committee on agriculture. This was refused and the 
bill was referred to the committee on public lands. Ibid., 423, 424. 

7U He gave notice of the new bill March 4, and June 4 it was intro- 
duced and referred. Ibid., 448, 1122. The committee on agriculture 
reported the bill and Johnson spoke on July 25. His speech is given 
at length in ibid., appendix, 2: 950-952. 


Johnson's bilf did not come to ;i vote. s " But that a change 
was developing in the estimate Which the public mind placed 
on this measure was manifested in the presenilation in the 
senate Of various propositions by Seward, Douglas, Webster 
and Sam Houston, sl while Walker of Wisconsin suggested a 
combination of a homestead plan with one of cession to the 
states.*- Seward's resolution looked to a grant of land to the 
exiles from Hungary; and it was over this phase of the <|iics- 
tion that most of the debate took place. 

In the short session of 1850-1851 Johnson again introduced 
his bill, 83 .as did Walker in the senate. This time Johnson was 
supported by George W. Julian, who acknowledged 84 his debt 
To Johnson for the opportunity of making a speech. lint future 
dangers in the way of the bill were made evident when Julian 
combined with his advocacy of the homestead bill an out and 
out abolition argument very unflattering to the south. 85 < 

The first session of the next congress, the thirty-second, 
immediately preceded the presidential canvass of 1852. A 
homestead bill finally passed in the house of representatives, 
notwithstanding the rivalry of a new form of distribution pro- 
posed by Bennett land very favorably received,, and also an 
amendment skilfully urged by Cobb of Alabama, who professed 
friendship to the homestead principle. There was a long and 
interesting debate, 80 which revealed the importance which the 
bill had now attained. Early in April -Johnson wrote to his 
friend Battersou "The 'Homestead' will pass without doubt nn- 

80 A bill proposed by Moore of Pennsylvania "to discourage specu- 
lation in the public lands" was also a homestead bill. Ibid., 139, 424. 

sl For Douglas see ibid., 75, 87 (December 24, 27, 1849). On De- 
cember 24 (ibid., 75) Cass had introduced a resolution looking to the 
severance of diplomatic relations with Austria. Seward's resolution 
to grant land from the public domain for the Hungarian exiles was 
offered January 9, 1850. Ibid., 128. On January 22, Webster moved 
his resolutions which on March 28, on his own motion, were postponed. 
Ibid., 616. Houston's proposal was made January 30. Ibid., 262. 

62 December 24, 1849. Ibid., 74. 

s:1 This session was marked by a considerable persistence on John- 
son's part, and by evidences of opposition to the introduction of the 
bill on the part of those who controlled the house. Ibid., 31 congress, 
2 session, 22, 76, 94, 204, 216, 365, 752. 

s4 George W. Julian, Political recollections, 1840 to 1872 (Chicago, 
1884), 103-104. 

s "' January 29, 1851. Congressional globe, 31 congress, 2 session, 
appendix, 135. 

s " The bill passed the house May 12, 1852. Ibid., 32 congress, 1 ses- 
sion, 1348 ff. The course of the debate on the bill may be txaced by 
the indexes to the Congressional globe and appendix. Well chosen 
selections are printed in Documentary history of American industrial 
society (Commons and associates ed.), 8: 65-78. Among the members 



less some influence is brought io bear against it not now seen 
or known to exist. Various M.C. who were considered against 
it during the last Congress are now for it, viz. Toombs, Steph- 
ens, Yenable, etc. The mongers in land warrants are opper- 
ating (sic) to some extent against it. I think in the end that 
can be turned to good account." 87 

In connection with the work of this session we have the 
most complete evidence of the relations that existed between 
Johnson and the land reformers of New York who, through 
the assistance of Greeley, were insistent in their pressure upon 
congress. Shortly after the bill had passed the house of repre- 
sentatives a mass meeting was arranged in New York, as to 
which Andrew Johnson, along with other prominent supporters 
of the measure in congress, was consulted. He wrote to Evans 
and the committee on invitation on May 24 in high approval 
of the meeting, but characteristically urged "I hope you will 
have your" meeting gotten up as a 'Homestead' gathering, not 
connected with any of the isms of the day." 88 It developed. 
however, that he not meerly wrote a sympathetic letter, but 
attended the meeting and made the principal speech. Accord- 
ing to plan the audience gathered in the park on the afternoon 
of May 27, but was soon driven by a rainstorm to take refuge 
in the rotunda of the city hall. The crowd of hearers was de- 
scribed by the Tribune as large and enthusiastic; Greeley gave 
an extensive summary of Johnson's speech, and editorially 
praised it in terms that were warm and sincere. 80 Several 

of this house who took up the cause of the homestead bill was Galusha 
A. Grow of Pennsylvania, then serving his first term. Grow was the 
youngest member of this congress. His biographers point out the fact 
that he became a disciple of Thomas Hart Benton, then a member of 
the house. James T. DuBois and Gertrude S. Mathews, Galusha A. 
Grow, father of the homestead law (Boston, 1917). 

ST Andrew Johnson to D. T. Patterson, April 4, 1852. Johnson 
papers, library of congress. 

88 New York Daily Tribune, May 28, 1852. In the course of Andrew 
Johnson's canvass for re-election to the governorship of Tennessee, 
in 1855, his affiliation with the "land reformers" was brought up 
against him by his political opponents as proof of his disorganizing 
and revolutionary doctrines. It was charged that his first message 
as governor had been copied from the "Address to the voters of the 
United States" put forth by the industrial congress of 1852, and his 
presence at the later sessions of congress and his association with 
Gerrit Smith, Seward, Chase, Sumner and I. P. Walker of Wisconsin 
was used in the attempt to discredit him at home. Republican Banner 
and Nashville Whig, July 14, 1855. At the session of the industrial- 
congress held in Albany, New York, at which I. P. Walker was nomi- 
nated for the presidency, Johnson received three votes for that nomi- 
nation on the first ballot, and his friend A. O. P. Nicholson, who had 
expressed very liberal views on the land question, received two votes. 
New York Daily Tribune, June 9, 1851. 

"New York Daily Tribune, May 28, 1852. 



weeks Inter Johnson wrote to a friend "I was in New York 
some time since. ... I had quite a pleasant time of it in 
the Empire City, was treated there with marked kindness and 
attention." 1 ' 

But the senate was deaf to outside appeals and refused to 
pass the bill. 01 Though he came from a western state, and 
though the west was now becoming nearly unanimous for the 
homestead, Felch, of Michigan, chairman of the senate com- 
mittee on public lands, was unfriendly and found support in 
a special communication from John Wilson, the commissioner 
of the general land office. This included a criticism of the 
phraseology of the bill as submitted to him, and suggestions 
for improvement in this respect, and also an opinion as to the 
merits of the measure as a whole, which was very unfavorable 
and brought up all the standard objections — that the bill 
would involve a great loss of revenue, that this would involve 
a higher tariff or direct taxation, that the public lands were 
pledged by congress for the payment of the public debt, that 
the contracts with the states made upon their admission to 
the union would be impaired, that there was no discrimination 
as to the lands open to selection, so that mineral lands would 
be included, that no great national object was proposed, that 
the country would be deprived of this vast resource in the case 
of future wars, and that congress would draw on themselves 
an influence as irresistible as the force of gravitation. 92 These 
criticisms suggest other phases of the history of the public 
lands very closely interwoven with the political fortunes of the 
homestead bill, into the detailed consideration of which, in this 
paper it has been impossible to enter. 03 The appropriation of 
vast quantities of land by the several bounty laws has been 
noticed ; the extensive grants to railroads were already begun ; 

'" Andrew Johnson to S. Milligan, July 20, 1852, manuscript in 
Pennsylvania historical society. 

91 Congressional globe, 32 congress, 1 session, 1352, 1521, 2100, 2266. 

02 John Wilson, acting commissioner, to A. Felch, June 18, 1852. 
House of representatives papers, library of congress. 

f ' 3 For the political history of these years see Stephenson, Political 
history of the -public lands, from 184-0 to 1862, from pre-emption to 
homesteads, chs. 10, 11 ; and for a less dependable account, DuBois and 
Matthews, Galusha A. Grow, father of the homestead law, ch. 4. Cf. 
also John B. Sanborn, Congressional grants of land in aid of railways 
(Madison, 1899), and "Some political aspects of homestead legisla- 
sional history of railways in the United States to 1850 (Madison, 
sional histor yof railways in the United States to 1850 (Madison, 
1908) ; and a congressional history of railways in the United States, 
1850-1887 (Madison, 1910) ; Benjamin W. Palmer, Swamp land drain- 
age with special reference to Minnesota (University of Minnesota Bul- 
letin — Minneapolis, 1915) ; Orfield, Federal land grants to the states 
with special reference to Minnesota. 


California and the new territories presented their peculiar 
problems; it had been proposed to make gifts to hospitals for 
the indigent insane. Even more dangerous to the peaceful 
progress of the homestead bill was the sectional animosity 
threatened when Mason of Virginia identified the agitation for 
the homestead with the candidacy of John P. Hale for the 
presidency.* 4 The increasing devotion to the measure of those 
who were attacking the institutions of the south was sure to 
turn southern support into southern hostility. ' Greeley 
claimed, however, that in the house more southern members 
voted for the bill than against it : 95 and in his New York speech 
Johnson had eloquently pleaded the nonpartisan character of 
the measure. 

The victory of Pierce, while favorable to the success of the 
graduation and reduction bill, was not encouraging for the 
homestead. In the short session that preceded the inaugura- 
tion of Pierce the bill was again introduced in both houses. 
but again the result was failure. 06 At the close of this session, 
as has already been said, Andrew Johnson left the house of 
representatives to serve four years as governor of Tennessee 
and then to return as senator to the congress of the United 

Coinciding in point of time with the beginning of the Pierce 
administration, the withdrawal of Johnson from the house 
defines a period in the history of the bill as well as in that of 
his own career. Eeviewing what has been narrated we find 
that the homestead bill had its origin in a combination of 
forces. On the one hand it was an offshoot of the demand of 
the settler of the west for a further modification of the land 
system, and developed out of the proposal for graduating and 
reducing the price of the public lands. This policy of gradua- 
tion was western, even southwestern, in its source, and politic- 
ally was connected with the regime of Jacksonian democracy. 
But the homestead idea differed from the Bentonian scheme; 
and the difference consisted in the very elements which were 
embodied in the radical agrarianism of the eastern labor move- 
ment. With reference to the work of Evans Mr. Commons 
has written: "Not for the sake of those who moved west did 
Evans advocate freedom of the public lands, but for the sake 

04 Congressional globe, 32 congress, 1 session, 2267. 

sr ' New York Daily Tribune, May 28, 1852. 

98 The later phases of the bill to 1862 are discussed by Sanborn, 
Congressional grants of land in aid of railways; by DuBois and 
Mathews, Galusha A. Grow, father of the homestead law (with some 
exaggeration of the part played by Grow) ; and by Stephenson, Polit- 
ical history of the public lands, from 181+0 to 1862, from pre-emption 
to homestead, chs. 12-15. 


of those who remained east. This was the idea that he added 
to the idea of Andrew Jackson and Andrew Johnson." 97 Tliis 
identification of the attitude of Jackson and the attitude of 
Johnson seems to be mistaken. Johnson, who represented a 
southwestern state, was possessed of idcfeis very similar to those 
of the land reformers, if not derived therefrom, and it is just 
1his fact that makes distinctive his contribution. Originally 
opposed even to the further reduction of the price of public 
hinds, opinion in the east was converted to the abandonment 
of the revenue policy for that of free grants. The earlier 
phases of the homestead movement brought to pass this change 
and the fusion of the eastern and the western points of view. 
In the. accomplishment of this Andrew Johnson, of East Ten- 
nessee, played an important part. Not the inventor of the 
homestead idea, which can hardly be said to have been invent- 
ed at all, and probably not the first to introduce the proposed 
legislation in congress, he was the first practical politician 
to make this policy particularly his own and persistently to 
force it upon the attention of congress. 

In 1850 Johnson had written to his son-in-law: ''I have 
strong hopes of getting the homestead bill through this wiuter. 
If I do I shall die happy." 98 He had now found reinforcement 
in the east, to whose artisan classes his personal appeal might 
one day be powerful. He could count certainly on some sup- 
port from the south and southwest. The northwest was of all 
sections the one most certain to approve of the homestead bill. 
It must have been with some bitterness, therefore, that he left 
the house of representatives with his work yet uncompleted. 
But if it seemed hard to leave to others to reap the field where 
he had borne the burden and heat of the day, Johnson had at 
least brought it to pass that he himself was recognized as re- 
sponsible for the success which thus far had been accomplished. 
On February 21, 1853, Senator Dodge of Iowa, replying to 
Senators Charlton and Dawson of Georgia, who had opposed 
the homestead bill of this session, gave an historical retrospect 
concerning the bill in which he appealed particularly to the 
southern origin both of the principles of the bill and of the 
emigrants who profited by it. He quoted Macon of North Caro- 
lina, pointed out the support given by men of that type in 
North Carolina and Virginia to Denton's graduation bill which 
had passed the senate more than twenty-five years before with 
a provision for donating the refuse lands to actual cultivators. 
"After seven years' struggle of the people's representatives in 

'^Documentary history of American industrial society (Commons 
and associates ed.), 7: introduction, 31. 

,JS Andrew Johnson to D. T. Patterson, December 23, 1850. John- 
son papers, library of congress. 


The other house" the homestead bill "thus assailed in advance 
in this body, passed. And I now have in my eye its indefatig- 
able and indomitable author, an esteemed friend ami member 
of the House (Hon. Andrew Johnson of Tennessee), to whom, 
as one deeply sympathizing with him in sentiment, I return 
my thanks as an Iowa man. He is the type of the men for 
whom this bill is intended — now a most able and faithful mem- 
ber of Congress, once a mechanic struggling with poverty and 
working with the hands which God gave him, and expending 
that sweat by which it was the decree of the Almighty that 
man should obtain his bread. "" 

As the career of Andrew Johnson peculiarly illustrates the 
opportunity which democracy in this country has offered, so 
the evolution of our land system, though accompanied by much 
that has. been costly and wasteful, has yet been an evidence of 
the Avorkings of self-government. In the past the influence of 
the frontier, with its opportunity for the easy acquisition of 
lands, has been potent as a factor distinguishing American 
conditions from those in the old world. Now, the era of free 
land has about ended, and there is no longer the vast domain 
of unbroken prairie that was open for the operation of the 
homestead law. But it is hardly to be doubted that the land 
problem will remain, appearing in new phases, the solution of 
which will tax the best efforts of those who will devote them- 
selves to the great reconstruction that must follow the present 
war; in which, as in the successful conclusion of military 
effort, the United States will, we know, play a part worthy of 
its vast power. 

St. George L. Sioussat. 

Brown University* 
Providence, Rhode Island 

-'^Congressional globe, 32 congress, 2 session, appendix, 202. 
* Now of University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 


LINE SURVEY (1799). 

The State of North Carolina, b} r an act of her Legislature, 
in 1789 authorited a cession of all her western territory to the 
United States, through the execution of a deed of conveyance 
by her Senators in behalf of the State. This Act of 1789, Chap- 
ter 3, the deed made in pursuance thereof, and the Tennessee 
Constitution of 179G, Article 11, Section 32, and the Constitu- 
tion of 1870, all agree as to the description of the boundary 
line between North Carolina and the ceded territory, as fol- 
lows : 

"Beginning on the extreme height, of the Stone Mountain, at the 
place where the Virginia line intersects it, running thence along 
the extreme height of said mountain to the place where Watauga 
river breaks through it; thence a direct course to the top of the 
Yellow Mountain where Bright's Road crosses the same ; thence 
along the ridge of said mountain between the waters of Doe river 
and the waters of Rock creek, to the place where the road crosses 
the Iron Mountain, thence .along the extreme height of said moun- 
tain to where Nolachucky river runs through the same, thence to 
the top of Bald Mountain ; thence along^ the extreme height of said 
mountain to the Pointed Rock, one French Broad river," etc. 

In 1790, soon after the State of Tennessee wjas admitted 
to the Union, North Carolina passed an act (Laws 1790, Ch. 
18) providing for accurately and distinctly running, marking 
and permanently establishing this boundary line, and named 
Joseph McDowell, Mussendine Matthews and D&vid Vance 
as commissioners on the part of North Carolina to meet com- 
missioners who might be appointed by the State of Tennessee 
for the purpose ; and directed them, in conjunction with -the 
Tennessee commissioners, to establish the line, agreeable to the 
true intent and meaning of the cession act. It was also pro- 
vided that a copy of the act be certified to the Governor of 
Tennessee with the request thfcit commissioners be appointed 
to represent that State in the survey; but. that if Tennessee 
failed to make appointments, then that the three North Caro- 
lina commissioners were authorized and required to proceed 
by themselves in effecting the purpose of the act. 


The Tennessee legislature took no steps for the appoint- 
ment of commissioners to co-operate with those of the mother 
State; and the commissioners of North Carolina proceeded. 
in April and May, 1799, to locate this line from the Virginia 
State line to Paint Rock on the French Broad river. On Octo- 
ber 15, 1799, their report was certified and filed: and at the 


next session of the North Carolina Assembly it came up for 
action, after reference to committees. There was objection 
urged in that body to the survey because of a claimed de- 
parture by the commissioners at one point in the survey. The 
claim of error wlas in that, a part of North Carolina's ceded 
territory was by the survey left in North Carolina. It appears 
that the commissioners, on reaching the peak just north of 
Watauga river ran (May 2d and 3d) a direct line to the peak 
known as the Bald of the Yellow Mountain, disregarding the 
watershed. They construed that to be the requirement of this 
call of the cession act : 

"To the place where Watauga river breaks through it (the moun- 
tain range), thence a direct course to the top of Yellow Mountain." 

This straight line cut oft' a considerable section of territory 
on the waters flowing westward, finally into the Tennessee 
river. This, notwithstanding "the lands westward of said 
mountain," was broadly referred to by the cession lact. 

Notwithstanding this objection, the General Assembly of 
North Carolina approved and confirmed the report at the 
same session. 

On December 30, 1802, Governor Archibald ROane, by letter 
[addressed to Governor James Turner of North Carolina, re- 
quested a certified copy of the report and of the plot of the 
survey, showing the location and calls of the line. This request 
was complied with on July 10, 1803, the Secretary of 
State of North Carolina, transmitting a copy, which is now 
on file in the office of the Archivist of Tennessee. 


The Tennessee Legislature passed an act I Acts ISO."), Chap- 
ter 47) reciting that the line had not been correctly run intas- 
nmch as it was believed that the North Carolina commission- 
ers left the main Bald fountain and took a ridge running in 
an easterly direction to the lower Paint Bock on French 
Broad river, contrary to the true intent of the cession act; 
and John Shields, of Cocke County, land Robert Nelson, of 
Greene County, were named as commissioners to act with com- 
missioners to be appointed by North Carolina in re-running 
the line. It was directed that a report be made to the next 
General Assembly, but no step appears to have been taken 
under the act by either State. 

In 1832. the Legislature of Tennessee in a resolution re- 
ferred to the labove act of 1805, and the Governor was request- 
ed to open correspondence with the Governor of North Caro- 
lina respecting it, but nothing was done at that time. 1 

'Whitney. Land Law. 632; Acts Tenn. 183J. p. 58. 

4-8 saai'l c. WIU.IA.US 

During the first administration of Governor Robert L. Tay- 
lor the General Assembly of Tennessee passed an act (Acts 
1885, Chapter 80) appointing William E. Tilson, Frank H. 
Hannum and David White, all of Unicoi County, to act in con- 
junction with commissioners of North Carolina, in running 
and marking the true line, commencing on the Iron (Unakai 
Mountain at the Indian Grave Glap and running to the point 
where the Jonesboro and Asheville road passes through a gap 
of Bald Mountain. North Carolina appointed a commission 
headed by James M. Gudger to act in her behalf. The two 
sets of commissioners met, but could not agree. The North 
Carolinians insisted upon the line as it had been run by the 
commissioners of North Carolina in 1790, and the Tennesseans 
stood for a line which would conform to the watershed or 
Alleghany crest. 


This failure to reach an agreement gave rise to a prolonged 
litigation in regard to the true location of the State line, the 
dispute being over a wedgedike strip of land setting in at tand 
lying south of the Nolachucky river gorge. Suit was first 
brought in the United States Circuit Court at Aisheville, North 
Carolina, by Tennessee claimants. That court held that it, as 
a court sitting in North Carolina, had no jurisdiction because 
the lands were not in that State. It appeared to that court 
that the United States topographical Survey truly showed the 
line to be favorable to those who claimed, under Tennessee 
titles, to the watershed of the Alleghany Mountains. 

It may be remarked that in all maps ever issued by the 
various departments of the State government of North Caro- 
lina, save one issued in 1S82 by W. C. Kerr, this line was in- 
dicated to run at this point with the crest of the mountain 
range. So do maps put out by Tennessee, the United States 
and all unofficial publishers. 

The contest was over the location of the call : 

"Along the extreme heig'ht of Iron mountain to where the Nola- 
chucky river runs through the same (mountains), thence to the top 
of Bald Mountain." 

The North Carolina commission in IT!)!) ran a direct line, 
though none was called for in terms, from Iron Mountain at 
the breaks of the Nolachucky to Little Bald Mountain, with 
the result that the heads of streams flowing westward were 
by them left in North Carolina. 

The litigation above referred to was renewed in the Ten- 
nessee courts and finally settled by the Supreme Court of Ten- 
nessee in 1915, in McCarty vs. Carolina Liim~bcr Company, 134 


Tenn. 35, the decision in which sustained the survey made by 
the commission in 1799. The writer was of counsel in the 
above suits and there came into his hands a copy of a diary 
kept by John Strother, a surveyor employed by the commis- 
sioners, in which was kept the occurrences of each day — a 
document separate and distinct from the book of field-notes, 
and one full of interest. 


General Joseph McDowell, of the commission, was from 
Burke County. He led North Carolina troops in the battle of 
King's Mountain, and in the spring of 17S1 against Lord Corn- 
wallis. He served in the North Carolina House of Commons 
in 1787, 178S, 1791 and 1792. He represented his district in 
Congress 1793-95 and 1797-99. He died in 1801 at the age of 
forty-four years, "the idol of the western people of North 

David Vance was of Scotch-Irish descent ; born in Fred- 
erick County, Virginia, about 1748. He removed to Burke 
County, N. C. and became a surgeon. Served with Washing- 
ton at Brandywine and Germantown, and later was in the 
South Carolina campaign and in the battle of King's Moun- 
tain. After the Avar, he was a member of the House of Com- 
mons in 1780 and 1791. At the time of service on the boun- 
dary commission he resided in Buncombe County. He was the 
grandfather of Governor and Senator Zeb Vance and Hon. 
B. B. Vance, of North Carolina. 

Mussendine Mlatthews was of less note. Judge David 
Schench said of him that "he represented Iredell County in 
the North Carolina House of Commons from 1789 to 1802 con- 
tinuously. He was either a Tory or a cynic, it seems." 

Robert Henry, a soldier of the Revolution, was one of the 
surveyors, John Strother, the diarist, being the other. His 
diary, never printed in full before, follows, with annotations 
by the present writer: 


April 12th, 1799 Set out from Asheville Buncombe Cty in order 
to meet ye Commissioners appointed by the State of North Carolina 
to run the line between that State & ye State of Tennessee at Capt 
Robt Nails on New River where I arrived the 17th Inst. Met with 
Majr Mussendine Matthews one of the Commrs, his son & Mr. 
Robert Logan chain bearersi & markers waiting the arrival of Genl 
Joseph McDowell & Colo David Vance the other two Commissioners 
& the rest of the Company. Ye 18th, No news of McDowell & Vance. 
Went to Mr. Elsburgs to wait their arrival. 

19th Still at Elsburgs in a state of suspense. 


20th Colo Vance & Mjr B Collins arrived last night. We 

left Elsburgs & went to Capt Isaac Weavers where the Company 
all met composed of the following gentlemen (to wit) Genl Jos 
McDowell, Colo D. Vance, Majr Mussendine Mathews Commissioners. 

Myself & Mr. Robt. Henry Surveyors. 

Messrs B Collins James Hawkins George Penland Robt. Logan 
Geo. Davidson & John Matthews chain bearers and markers, Majr 
James Neely Commissary, two pack horse men & a pilot. 

Set out from Weavers went half a m & camped on Stag Creek. 

21st Tuesday — Set out at 8 o. c. went up 1 Stag Creek 3 m. then 
assended the ridge dividing ye water of Laxvrel Cr. Continued on 
said ridge about 7 m. to a place called the lower Rye Patch where 
we refreshed ourselves till 3 o. c. P. M. then continued our route 
4 m. to camp at the foot of ye Stone Mn and spent ye evening 

Wednesday 22d — After 1 taking a hearty breakfast we set out and 
assended the Stone Mountain to ye top found it very steep & the 
name very applicable. Continued on the mountain % m. to a 
place called the Upper Rye Patch where we camped & Majr Mat- 
thews myself the pilot & two chain bearers set out in order to find 
the place where the Virginia line crosses the extreme height of the 
Stone Mountain. After some hours search we found it in a low 
gap between the head of Horsepen Cr. of New River & a branch 
of Laurel of Holston River 2 or 3 m. S. W. from the white top 
mountain. We run the line between the State of N. C. & T. on 
the extreme height of the Stone Mn to our camp at the Upper Rye 
Patch where he feasted sumptuously on stewed venison & bacon 
while the rest of the company went back to see the place where 
we set out with the line from ye Virginia. 

Thursday 23d A — After a pleasant night rest & a hearty break- 
fast we set out & continued the line on the extreme height of the 
Iron or Stone Mn through extreme rough ground and some bad 
Laurel Thickets to a low gap 2 at the head of the Laurel fork of 
Holston & the head of a branch of the Laurel fork on N. R., : ' where 
we camped at. a very bad place for that purpose. 

Friday 24th A. We had but an indifferent nights rest, the wind 
blew extremely hard, the horses were much scattered this morning 
& were troublesome to find, however they were at length collected. 
We eat breakfast packed up and continued the line some miles to 
the head of a rich Hollow where we found good water; refreshed 
ourselves an hour, then set out & continued the line about V2 m 
when it set in and rained most powerfully which obliged us to take 
up camp at the most convenient place or rather the first place that 
offered as it is but at certain places where water can be had in a 
reasonable distance down the mountain; had a very uncomfortable 
wet evening. 

Saturday 25th. We had a very disagreeable night; the morning 
appears gloomy; some of our horses lost. Mr. Logan cut his foot; 
it will be bad. The horses were at length found we all eat our 
breakfast & set out on the line went % m. ; it set in and rained 

-Called "Cut Laurel Cap*' at the present time because the road through it is 
literally cut through a thick growth of laurel for a mile. A small hotel stands 
here, the State line running through the building. 

'New River. 


hard and obliged to take up camp at the first place that offered 
which was a br. of Roans creek where we spent an uncomfortable 
evening; the next day being the Lords day we spent it here in 
prayers for a pleasant Tour to ye painted rock. Genl McDowell 
left us this day; he is sick. 4 

Monday 27th A fine pleasant morning set out on the line at 7 
o. c. and continued about Wi m. to the top of a high knob from 
which the mns appears in every direction high and craggy; the 
view is wild and romantic yet the greatest part of the mns through 
which we passed for some miles back are very rich and covered 
with rich herbage the timber generally sugar tree & Buckeye. 
We continued on till evening over rich mns & camped at place we 
called romp camp in a low gap between the left hand fork of the 
beaver dam Cr of New River & a branch of Roans Cr where we 
spent the evening very agreeably. 

Tuesday 28 A fine morning. Set out at 8 o. c. and continued 
the line on through rich fertile mountain a few miles to a low gap 
where we encamped at 2 o. c. Our pilot not being acquainted with 
the dividing ridges further than this place Majr Matthews and 
myself set out in search of a pilot; went to a Mr. Millers where 
Majr Matthews got a young man as pilot & returned next day 
to the place where we left the rest of the company. I went from 
Millers to Cove Creek where I got a Mr. Curtis and met the Com- 
pany in a low gap between the waters of Cove Cr & Roans creek 
where the road xes ye same,". On Wednesday night the 29th Inst, 
I was informed by Mr. Henry that Matthews pilote was no woods- 
man. Of course he was discharged; from where I left the company 
to this place the Mns Generally rich & fertile. 

Thursday 30t.h A — After a comfortable nights re%t we eat a 
hearty breakfast & set out on the line, the morning gloomy; all 
continued the line about 2 m. when it set in and rained hard which 
obliged us to take up camp in a low gap' ; between the waters of 

4 It was on this rainy Saturday, or the Sunday following, that two of the sol- 
diers of the Revolution (Gen. Joseph McDowell and Col. David Vance) in familiar 
conversation were led, by questions put by the younger men of the party to relate 
to the chain-bearers, markers and horsemen gathered around them, their accounts 
of the battle of King's Mountain. These accounts were reduced to writing by one 
of the party and were preserved by Robert Henry. These statements were obtained 
by Draper, who frequently cited and quoted from them in his "King's Mountain 
and Its Heroes." These accounts of the battle by Vance and McDowell appear 
in full in Trinity College Historical Papers, Series III, 24-35, 78-90, with a pre- 
fatory statement: "A wet day happened when we were at the head of the round- 
about on the Stone Mountain. Our bark camp was soon fixed, and Col. Vance 
gave the account, ending with the details of the battle of King's Mountain. . . . 
whereupon! Musendine Matthews observed : 'Oh ! You wotild have been a formidable 
and destructive set of blue hen's chickens among eggs, if each one of you had 
been provided with a good stick. When anybody pretends to tell the story of that 
transaction, it would be to his credit to play the game of shut mouth.' " This 
cynical remark of Matthews, who must have been of Tory leanings, provoked a 
detailed statement by McDowell of his recollections. To both statements Henry- 
added his own; and thus, in a bark camp on the crest of the Alleghanies, was pre- 
served data which is among the most valuable* in. existence in respect to the defeat 
of Col. Patrick Ferguson at King's Mountain. Of Henry, Draper says: "His 
memory deserves to be held in grateful remembrance for preserving the narrative of 
the King's Mountain campaign and battle, so frequently cited in this work." 
Draper, 259. 

5 "This, in all probability, is the gap through which Daniel Boone and his party 
passed in 1769 on their way to Kentucky. It is between Zionville, N. C and 
Trade, Tenn., and the gap is so low tKat one is not conscious of passing over the 
top of the high mountain. Tradition says that an Indian trail went through the 
same gap, and traces, of it are still visible to the north of the present turnpike." 
Arthur, Historv of Western North Carolina, 40. Doubtless the buffaloes first 
opened the trail. 

52 sam'l c. Williams 

Cove Cr & Roans Cl| where we had an uncomfortable wet evening, 
the gnats most insufferably bad. 

Friday 31st A. We had a blustering rainy night, severe lightning 
& some hard claps of thunder; the Company very little the better 
of their nights rest; drank a) cup of coffee, eat some broiled bacon 
& Johnny cakes then set out on the line with the prospects of a 
fair day; assended the Stone Mn. Continued on the extreme height 
6 m to the Star Gap on ye same where we camped as much fatigued 
as men could be in going that distance through Locust thickets 
over rocky knobs & narrow ridges almost impassable. 

Saturday 1st May — After being much refreshed from our last 
nights rest eat a hearty Breakfast started and continued ye State 
line along the extreme height of ye Stone Mn. ; in the course of 
one m. seen a very large Rattlebug; attempted to kill it but it was 
too souple in the heels for us; continued about 2 m further took 
several observations of ye Yellow Mn; ground very rough. Came 
to Wattaga River at a very rocky place. Crossed on rocks and pro- 
ceeded near one mile where we encamped on a' handsome eminence 
near a good spring; one of our party turned out and killed a two 
year old bear, very poor upon which and some bacon stewed together 
with some good tea and Johnny cake we made a Sabbaths morning 
breakfast fit for a European Lord. 

Monday 2d M. The company being much refreshed we break- 
fasted & started early this morning and continued the State line 
3 or 4 miles through very rough hilly ground and encamped on 
ye waters of Elk Creek; had a pleasant evening; the gnats extremely 
troublesome here as well as in all other places in the Mns at this 

Tuesday 3th M. Set out on the line at 7 o. c. a fair morning. 
Continued iff about 3 or 4 m through extreme bad ground. Crossed 
Elk Creek assended a steep spur; crossed & encamped at a place 
where there was nothing but honeysuckle & Laurel for our horses 
to feed on; this camp is called Camp Poverty. 

Wednesday 5th M. After a good nights rest (it being windy 
the gnats did not plague us) we eat a hearty breakfast and examined 
the provision bags which appeared to decline fast; the consumption 
has been imperceptibly stealing on them for some days past and I 
am apprehensive they will fail to supply us longer than tomorrow 
unless a speedy remedy is applied. We set out at 7 o. c. & continued 
the line through extreme bad ground to a low gap on a ridge leading 
from the ripshin Mn to ye yellow moun'n where encamped at a good 
spring; an excellent range. Majr Neely turned off the line today & 
went to Doe River settlements 7 for a fresh supply of provisions & 
is to meet us at ye yellow Mn. 

6 It was through this gap that Bishop Asbury passed into Tennessee, April 5, 1790: 
"Slept at the Beaver-Dam in a cabin without a cover, except what a few boards 
supplied; we had very heavy thunder and lightning, and most hideous yelling of 
wolves around — with rain which is frequent in the mountains. . . . We were com- 
pelled to ride through the rain, and crossed Stone Mountain: — those who wish to 
know how rough it is may tread in our path. What made it worse to me, was 
I was looking ta see what was become of our guide. I was carried off with full 
force against a tree that hung across the road some distance from the ground, and 
my head received a very great jar, which, however, was lessened by my having 
on a hat that was strong in the crown. We came on to a dismal place called 
Roan's Creek, which was pretty full." 2 Journal, 69. The bishop crossed here a 
second time three years later. 2 lb. 161. 

7 Doe river, a tributary of Watauga river, in Carter County. The gorge of this 
small stream is one of the finest bits of scenery east of the Rocky Mountains. 
The East Tennessee & Western North Carolina Raihvav runs through it to Cran- 
berry, N. C. 


Thursday 6th M. A pleasant clear morning; slep sound & com- 
fortable last night; had no gnats to trouble us. Breakfasted on 
short allowance and set out on the line at 7 o. c. ; went about 2 m 
to the top of the yellow Mn V2 m from ye yellow spot on a course 
N. W. by W. at Brights path; then went to ye yellow spot in order 
to take observations but was disappointed by a hard thunder storm; 
the lightning and thunder was so severe that it. was truly alarming; 
the Trees at this place is just a creeping out of there winters garb. 
Wie went back and continued the line to a low gap at the head of 
Roaring or Sugar Creek of Towe R and a creek of Doe R at the road 
leading from Morganton to Jonesboroucjh where we encamped as wet 

as we could be. Mr Hawkins & myself went down Sugar Cr 

to a Mr Currys, where we got a good supper & a bed to sleep in. 

Friday 7th. This morning very wet & is still a raining; took 
Breakfast with Mrs Currey; got our clothes washed & went to 
camp where Maj Neely met us with a fresh supply of provision; 
it rained all day; of course we are still at our camp at ye head of 
Sugar Cr. 

Saturday 8th. A pleasant fair morning we packed up and pro- 
ceeded with the line, 4 or 5 m. ; crossed a high spur of the Roan 
Mn to a low gap therein where we encamped at a pleasant Beech 
flat & good spring; spent the Sabbath day in taking observations 
from the high spur we crossed; in gathering the fer oil of ye Balsam 
of Pine which is found on this mountain, in collecting a root said 
to be an excellent preventative against, the bite of a rattlesnake 
and in viewing the wonderful scene this conspicuous situation affords. 
There is no shrubbage grows on the tops of this Mn for several 
mile, say; & the wind has such power on the top of this mountain 
that the ground is blowed in deep holes all over the North west 
sides. The prospects from the Roan Mn is more conspicuous than 
from any other part of the Appelatchin Mns. 10 

Monday 10th Set out on the State line at 7 0. c. with the pleasing 
prospect of a fair day; assended a high spur of the Roan Mn; took 
sundry observations of the neighboring Mns. Proceeded on between 
head of Rock C. & Doe R to a low gap ; got some good water ; 
marked initials of my name on a Sugar tree; proceeded on the line 
a few miles and encamped in a low gap at the head of a Cr of 
Doe R & Rock Creek. 

8 Bright's Path near Carver's Gap, as it is known at this time, which gap 
lies between the Yellow and Roan Mountains. Through this gap the great current of 
travel flowed in the early days from Morganton, N. C, to Jonesboro, Tenn. 
The ascent to Cloudland Hotel on Roan Mountain is by way of this gap. The 
troops of Sevier and Campbell passed through this gap on "their way to King's 
Mountain, and encamped at night at a fine spring on Roaring Creek of North Toe 
river. Andrew Jackson traveled Bright's trail when he came to Jonesboro in 178S. 

9 Toe river, so called in North Carolina, but the same stream became the Nola- 
chucky in Tennessee. The gap here referred to was one of those first used by trav- 
elers. Col. Waightstill Avery passed through it in 1777 in going to Long Island 
of Holston, there to treat with the Cherokee Indians as one of Xorth Carolina's 
commissioners. Passing up Roaring Creek he heard a war-whoop behind, and 
spurred his horse and galloped through this gap to the Watauga Settlement on Doe 
River. When, after the treaty, he returned with his fellow-commissioner, Col. Sharp. 
he learned from a woman, who had been a prisoner of the Cherokees. that several 
braves had followed him for some distance and desisted only because they suspected 
an ambuscade. 10 N. C. Colonial Rec. 713. 

10 Many a tourist who has visited Cloudland Hotel on the crest of Roan Moun- 
tain will agree with the diarist in this estimate, as also with a Philadelphian quoted 
by Zeigler and Crossup in '"The Heart of the Alleghenies," 253: "The view from 
the Roan eclinses anything I have ever seen in the White. Green, Cat~kill and Vir- 
ginia mountains." 


Tuesday 11th. After a comfortable nights rest we breakfasted 
early and set out at 7 o. c; a pleasant morn'g. Continued the line 
through rough woods to the foot of the Iron Mn where all encamped 
at a pleasant place and good spring. Called it Strothers Camp where 
we spent ye evening quite agreeable. 

Wednesday 12th M. Spent the forepart of the last night agree- 
able; was entertained with some good songs, then raped ourselves 
up in our blankets & slep sound till this morning; arose collected 
our horses eat our Break't packed up and started on the line. Colo 
Vance & Neely went to the Limestone settlements for a Pilote; re- 
turned to us on the line at 2 o. c. with a Mr. Collier 11 as Pilot & 
two gallons whis'y; we stop; drank our own health & proceeded on 
the line; assended a steep spur of the Unaker Mn got into a bad 
Laurel thicket. Cut our way some distance; night come on, we turned 
off & camped at a very bad place — it being a steep Laurelly hollow — 
but the whiskey had such marvelous powers that it made the place 
tolerably comfortable. 

Thursday 13th. This morning our pilot informs us that the Pack 
horses cannot proceed on with the line the Mns through which it 
runs being impassable for two or three days march; myself together 
with the chain B'rs & Markers packed our provisions on our backs, 
and proceed on with the line. The horses & rest of the Comp'y 
was conducted round by the pilot a different route ; we continued 
the line through a bad laurel thicket to ye top of ye Unaker Mn 
and along the same about 3 m & camped at a bad laurelly branch. 

Friday 14th. Set our early; went through a bad laurel thicket 
into a low gap where we got clear of laurel and continued on the 
extreme height of the Unaker Mn to the Path in ye same from ye 
Hollow poplar to ye Greasy Cove'" met our Company; it rained hard; 
we encamped on ye top of ye Mn % m. from water; had an uncom- 
fortable evening. 

Saturday 15th M. This morning I prevailed with the Commis- 
sioners to discharge Mr. Collier as the information he gave respect- 
ing the Unaker Mn was false; of course he could not be acquainted 
with the leading Mn & was, only an imposture; he was discharged 
& we continued on the state line to ye place where Nolichucky breaks 
through the Unaker or Iron Mn; 13 finding it impracticable to take 
horses from from this place on the line to ye Bald Mn Mr Henry, 
the chain Bearers & Markers took provision on their backs pro- 
ceeded on the line' 4 & the horses went round by the Greasy Cove & 
met the rest of the Comp'y on Sunday; on the top of the bald Mn 
where we tarried till Tuesday Morning. 1 "' 

"■Charles Collier who lived in Limestone Cove (Unicoi County). 

Andre Michaux in his Journal, of Travels (Thwaites' "Early Western Travels," 
III, 990) relates that on March 21, 1796, hei "arrived at Limestone Cove and slept 
at Charles Collier's 18 miles from Colonel Tipton's. The 22d crossed Iron Moun- 
tain and arrived 1 at night at David Becker's 23 miles without seeing - a house." The 
ancestors of the Tennessee family of Colyars lived in Washington county which 
then included a part of Unicoi County. 

12 Indian Grave gap leading from Hollow Poplar creek to Rock creek, thence 
into a broad cove, yet known as Greasy Cove, in which is situated Erwin, the 
county seat of Unicoi County. 

13 At this point the Carolina. Clinchfield & Ohio Railway is constructed through 
'the river gorge. Before it was built the gorge was impassable for any kind of 
vehicle; the mountains covering the water-break too precipitously. The railway 
is primarily a carrier of coal and an immense volume of traffic flows through the 
break where immigrants into Tennessee dared not venture. 

14 It was this part of the line that was in contest in the case of McCarty v. 
Carolina Lumber Co.. 134 Tenn., 35. 

15 Here was passed Bald Mountain, sometimes called drier's Bald from the fact 


Tuesday 18th M. Set out early this morning on ye line. Colo 
Robt Love our Pilot; continued it along on the extreme Height"' of 
the Mn about 5 m to a log gap between the head of Indian Cr & 
the waters of So fork of laurel where we encamped and called it 
Vances Camp ; the Mns through which we passed today is generally 
good & rich. 

Wednesday 19th M. The gnats was very severe on us last night. 
Collected our horses packed up and set out 7 o. c; fair morning; 
proceeded on the line 4 or 5 m over some very steep rough knobs 
to Boons Cove' 7 between the waters of Laurel & Indian Cr where 
we encamped and spent the evening quite agreeable. 

Thursday 20th. Set out at 7 o. c. ; proceed on the line 4 m over 
steep Rocky & Brushy Knobs, and encamped on ye waters of Indian 
Cr. Vz m. from the line; this days march was very severe, water 
scarce & that a considerable distance from the line; had but an 
indifferent nights rest; the ground being very steep where we en- 
camped was the cause of our resting but little; add to this the 
severity of gnats. 

Friday 21st. Our horses rambled a mile or two from camp; 
bad range ; at length they were collected, and at 8 o. c. on the line 
proceeded on about 3 m. on a high Buckeye rjdge to a thick laurelly, 
narrow, Rocky ridge, impassable for man or horse; attempted to 
go around it; continued 1 2 m. through laurel & rocks & encamped 
at a rocky Br of Laurel River; no food for our horses; they sufiered 
much for two days both for water & food. ls 

Saturday 22d. Made an early start; the horses looks very bad. 
Cut our way up to ye top of ye Mn & proceed on with the line IVi 
m.; was four hours & 23 mts going this distance; got through the 
laurel & came into an open flat, top Beech Mn where we encamped 
till Monday at a good spring & excellent range for our horses. 

that David Grier, a hermit, lived on it for thirty-two years. "In the Heart of the 
Alleghenies," 271. Disappointed because one of the daughters of Col. David Vance 
refused to marry him, Grier withdrew to this mountain and built himself a cabin 
about 1802. The Bald mountain was visited from the Tennessee side by D. H. 
Strother ("Porte Crayon") in 1856, and his description may be found in Harper's 
Magazine, XIV, 433, 741, XV, 154, 289. 

"Arthur, in his "History of Western North Carolina" (pages 44. 59) surmises 
that Robert Henry met his fate at the home of Col. Robert Love, on this detour, 
in the daughter of Love, Dorcas, whom he married a few years later. In fact, . 
Love did not reside in the Greasy Cove of Washington County at the time of the 
boundary survey, he having removed to North Carolina in 1792. 2 American His- 
torical Magazine 248; Allen's Centennial of Haywood County, N. C, 52. He was 
the agent of John Gray Blount for the latter's western lands and as Blount had 
an immense Xorth Carolina grant (320,640 acres) which included lands west of 
, the Alleghany water-shed, at this point on the boundary line. It is more probable 
that Love was purposely present to protect his principal by seeing that the State 
line was run so as to conform to the grant's western line, thus making it to appear 
that the grant laid wholly within the jurisdiction of North Carolina. 

Robert Love was born in Augusta County, Va., May 11, 1760, and was a sol- 
dier of the Revolutionary war. He removed to Washington County, N. C. (now 
Tennessee) in the fall of 1782, settling in the Greasy Cove, near the present town 
of Erwin. He was a delegate to the Franklin State Constitutional Convention, and 
served as lieutenant-colonel for Washington _ County under the government of the 
Territory South of the Ohio River. After his removal to Bumcqmbe County, _N. C.. 
he was prominent in public affairs, as a member of the legislature, presidential 
elector and boundary commissioner. Governor Robert Love Taylor bears his name, 
though it was given in honor of the second Col. Robert Love of Johnson City, son 
of the early settler. 

17 A gap evidently named for Daniel Boone: now called Laurel Gap. the cove 
on the Tennessee side being known as the Flag Pond. It was through this gap 
that Sevier was taken under arrest to Morganton for trial, following the collapse 
of the State of Franklin. 

18 Here the party were on the boundary line of Greene County. 


Monday 24th. Our provisions is getting very much exhausted; 
set out ati 6 o. c. and proceed on the line 6 m. went over on very 
high rough laurelly knob & through some poor flat top Mns; Xed 
the load leading from Barnets Station 1 " to the Brushy Cove and 
encamped in a low gap between the waters of Paint Cr and Laurel 
River; had a wet evening. Suped on venison stewed with a recruit 
of Bacon Majr Neely brought us this day from ye Brushy Cove 

Tuesday 25th — Set out early Proceeded on the line about 3 m. 
over very poor Brushy Knobs, then missed the right ridge and fell 
in and encamped in a fork of Paint Cr. where we had a very uncom- 
fortable time of it. 

Wednesday 26th. The Surveyors, Markers & Chain Bearers set 
out early this morning & took the line on on the right ridge from 
ye place we got off of it. & proceeded on the line 5 m. & encamped 
between the waters of F. B. R"° & Paint Cr. 

Thursday 27th. This morning is cloudy & Hasey; the Commis- 
sioners being anctoous to get on to the Painted rock Started us 
early; went on with the line a small distance; took a wrong ridge 
and fell into another fork of Paint Cr. ; returned and encamped on 
the right ridge where we spent our time uncomfortable this evening. 

Friday 28th. Set out very early and proceeded on the line about 
4 m to the Painted rock on F. B. River, about 5 m below the Warm 
Springs; 21 measured the height of the rock and found it to be 107 
feet 3 Inches high from the top to the base; it rather projects over. 
The face of the rock bears but few traces of its having formerly 
been painted — owing to its being smoked by pine knots and other 
wood from a place at its base where Travellers have frequently 
camped — in the year 1790 it was not much smoked; the Pictures 
of some human's — wild beasts fish & fowls were to be seen plainly 
made with red paint, some of them 20 & 30 feet from its base. 

There is another rock on F. B. river about 7 m higher up on the 
opposite side or S. W. side in a very obscure place which some gen- 
tlemen of Tennessee wish to construe as the painted rock referred 
to in an act of the Genl assembly of No. Carolina entitled an act 
to cede to the United States certain western lands therein described. 
iBut it is to be observed that there is no Rock on French Broad 
River, that ever was known as the painted rock, but the one first 
described, which has ever since the River F. Broad was explored by 
white men been a place of Publick Notriety. 

There may be and I believe there is a rock known by a few Hunters 
as the paint'd rock Situate about 7 m above the painted Rock on 
the S. W. side of French Broad River opposite to an Island known 
by the name of the Mountain Island, but it is so obscure a place, 

19 Of Colonel J. Barnett, who settled there about 1785, and piloted travelers 
through the mountains. He adopted the expedient of putting the two big' wheels 
of wagons on the lower side of the sloping mountain roads. Bennett's Chronology 
of N. C. 

.^French Broad River. 

21 Hot Springs, N. C, a station on the Southern Railway. As far back as- 1785 
the Warm Springs were resorted to for their curative powers. In a. letter written 
from the State of Franklin to a correspondent in Virginia, August 17, 1785, and 
printed in the Pennsylvania Packet, September 30, 1785, it was said: "One occurrence 
moire I am sure will rejoice you: A remarkable mineral spring has been found 
near the banks of the French Broad river. The waters are warm, surpassing perhaps 
any yet used in America, impregnated with different substances, and prove a sov- 
ereign remedy for chronic and scorbutic disorders; several hundred are now at this 
new bath from the Southern States." 


that but few know of 'it & them few knows it as the paint rock; 
so that it appears to me, that the rock first described is unques- 
tionably the rock on F. B. River contemplated by the act of the 
Genl assembly before aluded to. This rock is situated on the N. E. 
side of French Broad River just above the mouth of a Cr. emptying 
in ye same side called paint Creek — from whence the river runs 
S. W. 10 m. then winds to ye N. W. & W. 15 m & receives the mouth 
of Big pigeon, &c. &c. 

We then went up to the Warm Springs where we spent the evening 
in conviviality and friendship. 

Saturday 29th. The company set out for home to which place I 
wish them a safe arrival and happy reception as for myself — I stay 
at the Springs to get clear of the fatigue of the Tour. 

Sam'l. C. Williams. 




(Continued from Vol. VI, No. 1, page 17.) 

Galbreath, Joseph to Polly Fleming — 20 Aug 1811 
Galloway, Joseph to Sallie Williams — 4 Apr 1811 
Given, William G. to Sallie Mayberry — 9 June 1811 
Harmon, Phillip to Kitty Viken (?)— 14 Sept 1811 
Hawkins, Daniel to Polly Cook— 19 Feb 1811 
Hinds, James to Sally Payne (?)— 24 Sept 1811 
Hodges, William C. to Mary Douglass — 7 Oct 1811 
Hood, Thomas to Fanny Simmons — 18 Dec 1811 
Jones, Isaac to Polly McCaleb — 5 Aug 1811 
Jones, John to Rebecca Gallaher — 16 Apr 1811 
Kean, Jacob to Rebecca Mason — 4 Mch 1811 
Kyle, William M. to Betsy White— 20 May 1811 
McCarty. James to Hannah Mansfield — 5 Feb 1811 
Malone, Richard to Lucy Litt— 27 Feb 1811 
Mann, Peter to Nellie McDonnell — (4 June 1811 
Massey, Thomas to Jenny Blackwell — 9 Apr 1811 
Meek. Alexander to Nancy Douglas — 29 Jan 1811 
Miltibarger, Jacob to Peggy Trout — 23 Feb 1811 
Morton, Simon to Lucy Sanderson. 
Newman, John to Mary Crow — May 1811 
O'Neill, John to Polly Waggoner — 30 Mch 1811 
Osburn, William to Marony Edwards — Oct 1811 
• Parker, Jesse to Betsy Copeland — 5 Feb 1811 
Price, Edward to Sallie Spain — 5 Nov 1811 
Reagan, Peter to Nancv Cunningham — 27 Oct 1811 
Reid, Thomas to Elly Burnett— 15 Aug 1811 
Robinson, Nathaniel to Margaret Lyons — 22 Oct 1811 
Rutherford, John to Margaret Tanahill — 1 Mch. 1811 
Seiton, James to Eliza Lowe — 5 Sept 1811 
Sharp, James B. to Lockey M. Peterson 
Shelton, Hall, to Elizabeth Mayberry — 15 Jan. 1811 
Shipley. Christopher to Betsy Rutherford — 2 Apr 1811 
Shupock, John to Polly Crowder — 10 Jan 1811 
Smith, Joseph to Peggv McCloud— 26 June 1811 
Stone, John to Patsy Summers — 20 Dec. 1811 
Strong, Joseph C. to Janp Kain — 22 May 1811 
Wear, Samuel to Sally White— 26 Sept 1811 
Welch, Peter to Nancy G'ddian— 25 Mav 1811 
White, Absolem to Betsy Reed— 24 Jan 1811 
Wright, Lindsey to Cvnthia Cavitt— 5 Mch 1811 
Wrinkle, Andrew to Nancy Burnett — 24 Dec 1811 

Albright, Christopher to Patsv Walker— 6 Jan 1812 
Beard, William to Mollie Wiseman — 23 May 1812 

(Or Neamour — 25 
Brockus, John to Sophia Dewitt— 30 Oct. 1812 
Buckhart, Joseph to Sallie Lumpkin — 11 Aug 1812 
Campbell, John to Jane Reed — 4 June 1812 
Carrick, Addison to Rebeccah Gamble — 5 Nov 1812 
Clair, Henry to Nancy Dunlap — 25 Jan 1812 
Coats, Thomas to Alsey Lee — 21 July 1812 


Cox, Jesse to Feasiby (?) Leahv — 13 July 1812 

Davis, Robert to Sarah Doyle— 8 Oct 1812 

Dodd, John to Sallie Leek— 12 Feb 1812 

Dodd, Richard to Elizabeth Dodd— 25 June 1812 

Etter, George to Eve Karnes (Carnes?) — 31 Mch 1812 

Everetts, Theo to Peggy Edmonson — 6 Dec 1812 

Ferguson, Joel to Susannah Stockton — 2 June 1812 

Firman, Joshua to Peggy Council — 27 May 1812 

Fleming, David to Lydia Shelton— 1 Sept 1812 

George, Travis (or George Travis) ? to Elizabeth Miller — Jan 1812 

Hawkins, Gilbert to Elizabeth Delaney— 20 Sept 1812 

Harnet, John to Rebecca Wolff — 9 Nov 1812 

Hargus, Soloman to Sarah Agnes Shoul — 30 Jan 1812 

Hassel, R. M. to Polly Hardin— 29 Jan 1812 

Hayes, Martin to Sallie January — 24 Apr 1812 

Hinds, Simon to Elizabeth Lockard— 11 Feb 1812 

Hines, Joseph to Susanna Hawkins — 9 June 1812 

Hudiburg, Louis to Dorcas Kelso — 1 Jan 1812 

Johnson, George to Barbara Husstler — 28 Oct 1812 

Johnston, Jonathan to Patsy Hinds — 23 Dec 1812 

Kime, Matthias to Rachel Ross— 10 Feb 1812 ??? 

Kirkpatrick, John to Peggy Brown — 7 Sept 1812 

Kusken (?) Pascal to Martha Stevenson — 5 Aug 1812 

Luttrell, L to P Gibbs— 11 Feb 1812 

McNutt, James to Polly Fleming— 23 Dec 1812 

Montgomery, James to Hally Lowe — 1 Jan 1812 

Moore, Andrew to Rebecca Hollis — 26 Aug 1812 

Moses, George to Sarah Bledsoe — 7 Sept 1812 

Murrian, Peter to Pricy Bartlett — 5 Jxme 1812 

Nelson, James to 7 July 1812 

Newberry, Thomas to Polly Payton — 24 Dec 1812 

Norman, William to Nancy King — 31 Aug 1812 

Ore ( ?) Joseph to Margaret Gillespie — 16 Dec 1812 

Reed, Jacob to Esther Hollis— 6 Aug 1812 

Ruskin, Pascal to Martha Stephenson — Aug 5 1812 

Tarwater, William to Judah Childress— 23 July 1812 

Warrick, Western to Fannie Walker — 6 Jan 1812 

Wright, Obidiah to Malindy Jones— 30 Apr 1812 

Adams, Robert to Charlott Montgomery — 19 Jan 1813 
Adkins, Lewis to Elizabeth George — 8 July 1813 
Admonson, David to Mary Ann Roberts — 2 Nov 1813 
Childress, James to Locky Johnson — 26 Jan 1813 
Clark, James to Nancy McCampbell — 19 Jan 1813 
Clark, William to Nancy White— 11 Nov 1813 
Cline, John to Polly Meltebarger (?)— 13 Mch 1813 
Conn (?), Alexander to Rebecca Hutchinson 
Copeland, Andrew to Elizabeth Bell— 21 Dec. 1813 
Cruse, William to Lucy Childress — 19 Apr 1913 
Dale, Abner to Jane McDonnel— 24 Feb 1913 
Doyall (Doyle?), Isaac to Jne Capshaw— 24 Dec 1813 
Dozier, Danul to Jude Maxey — 25 Aug 1813 
Eblin, Samuel to Martha Young — 4 Feb 1813 
Elliott, William John to Sophia Pearson— 29 Nov 1813 
England, Elijah to Eliza Scott^7 Apr 1813 
Ferguson, William to Fannie Bowman — 22 Apr 1813 
Flenniken, John to Sally Cottrelle— 1 July 1813 


Flowers, Thomas to Nancy Brunk — 25 Nov 1813 
Fristo, Markham to Catherine Grove — 16 Jan 1813 

Gier, Benj to Betsy Williams 1813 

Grantham, John to Susannah Branham — 11 Nov 1813 

Hall, David to Rebecca Wilkerson— 10 Feb 1813 

Hall, John to Susanna Yarnell— 27 Dec 1813 

Harmon, Jacob to Polly Wright— 1 Feb 1813 

Harwick, William to Mary Hope — 5 May 1813 

Howell, Elijah to Jude Maxey— 24 Aug 1813 

Hynds, Byron to Betsy Childress— 2 Oct 1813 

Jackson, Baalim ( ?) to Patsy Bradford 19 June 1813 

Jones, Abner to Sarah Griffin — 27 July 1813 

Kerby, Richard to Temperance Grant — 24 Apr 1813 

Kilingsworth, Reuben to Anne McLain — 16 Apr 1813 

Kirkpatrcik, Robert to Rachel Bayless 

Mclosky (McClosky?), John to Matty Benton— 15 May 1813 

McCollough, Henry to Mary Thompson 

McMillan, Alexander to Susannah Watt — 18 Jan 1813 

McSherry, William to Elizabeth Peterson— 21 July 1813 

Manly, Wilson to Vin Gammon — 5 Jan 1813 

Meek, Daniel to Betsy L. Campbell— 8 Mch 1813 

Norris, Reuben to Catherine Morris — 25 May 1813 

Parsons, Enock to Kitty Kean — 7 Sept 1813 

Reagan, Willie to Patsy Campbell— 28 Dec 1813 

Robinson, Thomas to Peggy Broadway — 23 Dec 1813 

Roberts, John to Eliza Brown — 27 Dec 1813 

Scaggs, Solomon to Ruth McDaniel — 19 Apr 1813 

Scott, Arthur to Elizabeth Nance— 23 Dec 1813 

Shipe, Adam to Frances Carter — 25 Dec 1813 

Simpson, John to Frances Maybury — 5 Aug 1813 

Smith, Michael to Polly McCloud— 9 Sept 1813 

Stout, Moses to Margaret Dodson — 24 Apr 1813 

Tays, Robert to Elizabeth Buckalew— 7 Dec 1813 

Tillry, Richard M. to Rebecca Cole— 2 Mch 1813 

Tillery, Sampson to Catharine Yoast — 22 Dec 1813 

Baker, Thomas W. to Esther McMillan— 3 Oct 1814 
Booth, Zachariah to Mary Massengill — 12 May 1814 
Clark, John to Catey Moats— 14 Mch 1814 
Davis, Charles to Catherine Overton — 30 May 1814 
Davis, George to Cynthia Dearmond — 13 Sept 1814 
Dobbins, Cornelius to Polly Smith — 16 June 1814 
Eaton, Campbell to Jeanett Paul — 13 May 1814 
Edington, Phillip to Betsy Hall— 12 Feb 1814 
Evans, William to Nancy Johnson — 6 July 1814 
Gammon, Henry, Jr., to Polly Stephenson — 28 Mch 1814 
Gatewood, Ignatius to Polly Pruit— 14 Oct 1814 
Graves, Henry to Betsy Ann Grills — 30 Aug 1814 
Haney, Sam to Polly Brooks — 30 June 1814 
Hines, Isaac to Polly Carless— 17 May 1814 
Johnson, William to Kittie Fairchilds— 26 Feb 1814 
Kirkpatrick, Martin to Annie Bayless — 25 Jan 1814 
Kyle, John to Catherine Risedon— 19 June 1814 
Love, Samuel C. to Nancy Counsell (?) — May 1814 
Lowe, John to Betsy Scott — 16 June 1814 
McCaleb, Andrew to Ann Boyd — 8 Oct 1814 
McFarland, William to Mary McNutt— 14 Sept 1814 


McMillan, Andrew to Peggy Reagan — 11 Aug 1814 
Malcom, George to Ann Gillespie — 15 Aug 1814 
Martin, Samuel to Patsy Love — 24 Feb 1814 
Meek. Joseph to Rebecca Sawyer — 22 Mch 1814 
Monday, Jobe R to Sarah Smith— Oct 1814 
Owens, John K to Peggy Walker — 12 Mch 1814 
Reid, Thomas to Elizabeth Council — 27 June 1814 
Renfro, Stephen to Eleanor Christer — 3 Nov 1814 
Roberts, Abram to Nancy Ballins — 1 Oct 1814 
Roberts, James to Mahala Evrett — 16 June 1814 
Russell, Andrew to Elizabeth Birdwell — 14 Mch 1814 
Rutherford, Edward to Polly Harkinson — 16 June 1814 
Seymore, James to Peggy Kelly — 11 Apr 1814 
Sitlu, Philip to Anny Necnesananha* (?)— 22 Oct 1814 
Spradlin, William to Mackey Knox — 19 Feb 1814 
Thompson. Isaac to Polly Peler — 4 July 1814 
Thompson, James to Nancy Renfro — 3 Mch 1814. 
Thompson, William to Mary Boyd — 17 Dec 1814 
Tipton, Jacob to Hanna Watson — 6 Sept 1814 
Walker, George to Betsy Wear — 25 Feb 1814 
Washington, George to Catherine Tobler — 7 July 1S14 
Wells. George to Jane Murphy — 8 July 1814 
White, Benjamin to Mary Callaway — 26 Nov 1814 
Wilson, William to Elizabeth Davenport — 22 Jan 1814 


Abel Peter to Any Ward— Feb 1815 
Allen, William to Margaret Ault— 16 Feb 1S15 
Anderson, William to Sophia Davis — 6 Jan 1815 
Ault, Jacob to Sarah Hannah — 15 Mch 1915 
Bagwell, Allen to Sarah Lancaster — 14 Oct 1815 
Birdwell, George to Eliza (?) Russell — 31 July 1815 
Blankenship. Reuben to Jane Couch — 20 Dec 1815 
Bucallo, William to Eleanor Holt — 16 Dec 1815 

Capps, Solomon to Smith — 18 Sept 1815 

Cathcart, Daniel to Rodea Anderson — 28 Apr 1815 
Gate, Jesse to Rachel Pynor — 8 Aug* 1815 
Chavis, James to Catherine Chavis — 14 Mch 1815 
Chesney, John to Sarah Scaggs — 3 Nov 1815 
Childress, Mitchell to Rachel Hendrix— 1 Mch 1815 
Cole, Caleb to Polly Yv'right— 16 Mch 1815 

Cox, John to Alice Gammon — 16 1815 

Davis, David to Betsy Tays— 2 Oct 1815 
Davis, Lewis to Nancy McHenry — 11 Jan 1815 
Dowell, Coleby to Sally Elliott— 14 Nov. 1815 
Eaton, William to Isabella Gillespie — 22 July 1815 
England, John to Mary Scott — 25 Dec 1815 
Evans, Harris to Aurelia Lewis 
Falkner, William to Nancy Talent — 3 Apr 1815 
Galbraith, John to Naads (?) Edington — 25 Dec. 1815 
G-ambel, William to Polly Russell— Oct 1815 
Garner, Abner to Margaret Hardin — 2'5 Oct 1815 
Garrison, John to Polly Hubbs— 4 Oct 1815 

Gillespie, S to Nancy Ward — 14 Aug 1815 

Isaac on outside. 
Gilmore, Thomas to Anne Wilson — 31 Dec 1815 
Grayson, Ben to Nancy Regney (?) — 29 May 1815 
Hamilton, William to Polly Breedlove— 1 Mch 1815 


Hammen, Isaac to Mary Underwood — 8 Dec 1815 
Haney, Samuel to Polly Brooks — 20 June 1815 

Married by Thomas H. Nelson, Pres. ch. 
Hayes, Alexander to Catherine McNutt — 16 Sept. 1815 
Henderson, Thatch to Sally Nipper— 20 Dec 1815 
Hilton, Henry to Rachel Quinn — 28 Dec 1815 
Hill, Martin to Polly Hansard— 12 Feb 1815 
Jackson, Solomon to Rebecca Hembree — 3 Apr 1815 
Johnstone, Samuel to Elizabeth Stevenson — 17 Jan 1815 
Kain, W/illiam to Any Bledsoe— 21 July 1815 
Keyhill, Richard to Elizabeth Groves— 21 Mch 1815 ??? 
Denning, Isaac to Polly Leek — 20 June 1815 
Lones, Jacob to Jane Hickey — <5 July 1815 
Lyon, Nathan to Betsy Coxe — 31 July 1815 
MfcCampbell, Solomon — Peggy Dowler — 28 Nov 1815 

Is this wrong — -Did Peggy Dowler marry a Campbell? 

McLemore, to Sally Fowler — 20 Sept 1815 

McMillan, Thomas to Sara Ragan— 12 Jan 1815 
Morris, William to Elizabeth Morris — 4 Sept 1815 
Morrow, John to Ann J. Jones — 26 June 1815 
Newman, Henry to Priscilla Plumtz — 20 Dec 1815 

McMinn: Gov. 
Ore, Marcus, to Susannah Carpenter — 14 Oct 1815 
Peterson, Joseph to Mary Rutherford — 24 May 1815 
Reed, Abram to Nancy Murry — 17 Sept 1815 
Rhea, Robert G. to Peggy Majors— 27 Feb 1815 
Rodgers, Thomas to Anne Patton — 3Apr 1815 
Rogers, James to Betsy Bond — 27 Dec 1815 
Shell (?), John to Nancy Pursely— 4 Dec 1815 
Shelton, Edward to Polly Cutechem— 24 May 1815 ?? 
Taylor, Thomas to Sarah Brown — 3 July 1815 
Thatch, Henderson to Sally Nipper — 20 Dec 1815 
Underwood, George to Elizabeth Hinds — Sept 1815 
Williams, Robert to Elizabeth Clayton — 28 Sept 1815 
Wray, Robert G. to Peggy Majors — 27 Feb 1815 

Aikenson, James o Patience Gallihor — 27 June 1816 
Beall, Samuel to Hanna Luttrell— 20 Oct 1816 

Hutchinson S. Beall; David Ramsey (?) 

Coats, David to Jincy Lee — 24 Dec 1816 
Douglass, Thomas to Betsy Bryan — 20 Feb 1816 
Dunham, Thomas to Sarah Jones — 18 May 1816 

David RJoane 
Edmondson, John to Sarah Grayson — 13 Aug 1816 
Edminson, Sterling to Rebecca Taylor — 27 July 1816 
Elliott, Samuel to Jane Manly— 16 Apr 1816 
Ellis, John to Sarah Clapp— 14 Sept 1816 
Ferguson, Robert to Patsy Stansberry — 7 Nov 1816 
Fryar, James to Betsy Hell— 17 Dec 1816 
Galloway, Jesse to Nancy Caldwell— 29 July 1816 
Gooding, James to Jane Hardin — 13 Apr 1816 
Grabell, Jack to Elizabeth Shipe— 4 Mch 1816 
Hicks, Richard N. K. to Lucinda Elliott— 20 May 1816 
Hill, Martin to Polly Hansard— 12 Feb 1816 
Hood, Luke to Elizabeth McCaven— 25 Feb 1816 
Houston, William to Margaret Swan — 23 Sept 1816 
Howell, Silliam S to Myse M'aness— 15 Feb 1816 


Ingram, Aaron to Anne Evans — 14 Aug" 1816 
Jacobs, Solomon D. to Susan Young — 4 Jan 1816 
Johnson, Jonah to Priscilla Gallahor — 21 Feb 1816 
Low, David to Elizabeth Abel— 15 Nov 1816 
Low, Jacob to Betsy Rodgers — 13 Feb 1816 
McCall, William to Rachel Ragan— 17 Oct 1816 
McCanipbell, William A. to Mary L. Anderson — 11 Nov 1S16 
McCloud, John to Mary Koontz — 7 Oct 1S16 
McComb, James to Betsy Lewis — 26 Sept 1816 
McGhee, Alexander to Anne M. Emerson — 11 Jan 1816 
McNally, William to Easter Hope — 11 July 1816 
McVey, John to Malinda Quarley — 25 Aug 1816 
Montgomery, John McKee to Mary Dunlap — SO Sept 1816 
Mowery, Moses to Nancy Clapp — 17 Dec 1S16 
Murphy, Abediah to Mary Berry — 18 Mich 1816 
Nelson, John to Luncinda Payne — 26 Mch 1816 
Paul, William to Rebecca Caruthers — 27 Aug 1S1G 
Rhea, James to Elizabeth Cabin — 13 Feb 1816 
Rhea, John to Betsy White — 22 Apr 1816 
Richerson, Brice to Temperance Davis — 23 Oct 1S16 
Roberts, John to Eleanor Gilmer — 20 Aug 1816 
Rodgers, William to Mahalie Low— 13 Aug 1816 
Rutherford, James to Nancy Owens — 3 Feb 1816 
Scaggs, James to Nancy Majors — 20 July 1816 

Signed Pleasant Miller 
Shook, John to Catherine Wilson — 7 Aug 1816 
Van Dyke, John H. to Phoebe Martin— 27 Feb 1816 

Signed Samuel Martin 
Yitner, David to Ruth Sparks — 3 Dec 1816 

Signed Hugh Brown 

Ward, Leonard to Peggy M. Greene— 4 1S16 

Williams, John to Rhoda Morgan — 1 Jan 1816 
Williams, John D. to Sarah Ward— 20 Oct 1916 
Wolf, James to Barbara Hasly— 25 Mch 1816 
Woods, James to Polly Bradley— 30 Nov 1816 

Alexander, William to Elizabeth — 17 Oct 1817 
Atkinson, Jesse to Patsy Goodman — 26 Jan 1817 
Baldwin, Moses to Killingsworth — 6 Feb 1S17 
Baldwin, Moses to Margaret Kahoe — 2 June 1817 

Same as Keogh or Keough? 
Barnes, John to Mary Coker — 25 Feb 1817 
Beasley, Abraham to Barbara Danewood— 5 Aug 1917 
Blakely, John to Lavinia Brown — 6 June 1817 
Byerley, David to Mary Johnson — 22 Nov 1817 
Carter, William to Susan Ferguson — 20 May 1817 
Chapman, Isaiah to Polly Crabb — 5 Mch 1817 

Clapp, David to Sarah Rutherford— 25 1817 

Coker, Wttllie to Eliza Taylor — 1 Feb 1817 
Dale, James to Nancy McDonald — 30 Aug 1817 
Danewood, Isaac to Sally Norris — 7 Oct 1817 
Davis, Jesse to Elizabeth Hill — 6 Jan 1817 
Dickey, James M. to Polly Douglas — 1 Nov 1817 
Early. Alexander to Leamy Moore — 13 June 1817 
Elkins, Joseph to Patsv Whitecotton — 7 Oct 1817 
Everett, William C. to" Polly Gillespie— 30 Sept 1S17 
Gains, Robert to Nancy Price — 10 Dec 1817 


Gammon, Dozier to Lavinia V. Turbivill— 13 Oct 1817 
Gentry, Mlartin to Sally Mitchell— 6 Oct 1817 
Geron, Isaac to Anne Hawkins — 18 Nov 1817 
Goddard, Thornton to Polly Cunningham— 3 Feb 1 SIT 
Graves, David to Polly Holloway — 13 Sept 1817 
Green, Aimer to Rebecca Johnson — 2 Jan 1817 
Harmon, Adam to Polly Housong — 13 Nov 1817 
Hawkins, John to Malinda Hinds — S Feb 1817 
Henderson, William to Matilda King — Dec 11 
Hill, Anderson to Rachel Bridwell — May 14 
Hodges, William to Rebecca Calaway — Feb 15 
Huddleston, Jacob to Polly Litnager — Nov 12 
Jarnagin, Thomas to Winty Bledsoe — Nov 17 
Johnson, Elijah to Polly Childress — Jan 13 

m. by Jeremiah King 
Johnston, Benjamin to Nancy Kiltner — Nov 22 
Karns, John to Sally Gammon — Aug 20 
Keger, Matthew to (?) —Oct 1817 

Kidd, Horatio to Mary Anne Kidd — Oct 23 
King, Thomas to Elizabeth Keehill — July 19 
King, William to Eliza Anderson 
King, W,illiam Y. to Peggy Lavimore— June 19 
Kissinger, Jacob to Polly Nausler — Mch 11 
Laben, Benjamin to Milly Tindell— Sept 30 
Lee, Samuel to Polly York — Jan 16 
Lee, William to Barbara Moats — Nov* 28 
Legg, Wesley to Christian Price — M&y 17 
Lister, Reuben to Sally Cole — Nov 20 
Low, Aguila to Nancy Lewis — Feb 20 
Lucas, William to Sally Tindell 
McCartney, William to Betsy Ferguson — Nov 22 
McClellan, Samuel to Eliza Sterling — July 25 
McClellan, William to Peggy Sterling — Apr 8 
McCloud, James to Polly McCloud— Sept 26 
McCulloch, James to Jane Swan — Nov 11 
McNutt, John to Martha Jack — Apr 14 
Martin, George to Jane English — Dec 9 
Massey, Abel to Judith Farmer — -Aug 7 
Miller, Robert G to Sophy— Aug 21 
Mode, James to Polly Randall — Aug 19 
More, Levi to Nancy Shilhouse — Nov 15 
Mynatt, William to Nellie Reed— Oct 29 
Newman, Hiram to Hannah Yarnell — June 10 
Norwood, Nicholas to Rachel Meek — Sept 11 
Patrick, James to Katy Gibbs — Aug 9 
Peterson, Aaron S to Sally Howell — Mch 5 
Pickle, William to Polly Swader (?)— Oct IS 
Rentfroe, Larkin to Elizabeth White — July 24 
Roberts. Amos to Sallie Wing — June 19 
Roper, William to Elizabeth Brown — June 26 
Routh, Isaac to Sallie Roberts— Oct 20 
Rowland, Thomas to Mary Dunn — Aug 14 
Scarbough, Elijah to Mallie Adams — Dec 27 1817 
Shelton, Skirving to Peggy Roberts-^-May 16 
Smith, Isaac to Venus Ramsey- — Mch 29 
String-field, Richard to Christian Garrett — Mch 11 
Taylor, Samuel to Rebecca Jones 
Troops (?) Henry to Sally Payne — Nov 27 
Walker, Daly to Drusilla Epps — Aug 23 


White, T to Elizabeth Hendson (?)— July 13 

Widimer, William to Betsy Bayless — Nov 6 
Wiott, Henry to Susannah Foster — July 11 
Wilson, Ignatius to Jane C. King — Dec 1 
Yarnell, Saniel to Polly Scott — Jan 7 

Abel, John B to Rosanna Johnson — Aug 25 
Alexander, Ephraim to Lucy Parry (Perry?) — Feb 10 
Anderson, Jim to Anne Ford — Nov 30 
Armstrong, John to Patsy McClain — Mch 3, 1818 
Ault, John to Amanda Hainey — Sept 19 
Baker, Charles to Margaret Lowe — Dec 18 
Bedsolt, Daniel to Molly Martin — Apr 16 
Bell, Joseph to Betsy Widener — Nov 21 
Blang, George to Margaret Bell — Nov 4 
Braden, Jesse to Lila Vickers — Aug 28 
Bradley, John to Milinda Dowel — Feb 17 
Brashier, Isaac to Elizabeth Wilson — Oct 6 
Bray, James to Mary Martin — Feb 5 
Britt, Thomas to Sally McCloud — June 13 
Brown, Francis to Betsy Browning — Dec 29 
Brown, Joshua to Frances Blakely — Sept 27 
Bryan, Wfilliam to Hester Walker — Aug 6 
Capp, Caleb to Peggy Hood — July 18 
Carroll, W'ily to Clarenda P— — —May 29 
Dale, Abner to Jane McDaniel — Apr 19 
Davis, Alexander to Anny Courtney — Apr 1 
Duffield, James to Katty Whurly— Oct 7 
Farmon (?) Thomas to Betsy Swaddley — Oct 15 
Floyd, Jesse o Betsy Williams— Sept 17 
Ford, Benjamin to Rachel Steel — Oct 20 
Formmalt, John to Nancy Council — Jan 29 
Fortner, George to Polly Lewis — Mch 12 
French, George to Betsy Houser — July 31 
Frost, Sam to Nancy Childress — Dec 29 
Gentry, Isaac to Elizabeth Lewis— Sept 23 
Green, William to Eliza Coats McGilton — Jan 29 
Hall, Obadiah to Sarah Bayles— Apr 29 
Harris, Meredith to Charlotte Tobler (?) — Sep 1 

Haswell, Benjamin to Frankey Feb 1G 

Hawkins, Wesley to Patsy Foster — May 23 
Henderson, Isaac to Jane Ledgerwood — Aug 6 
Hoffman, Daniel to Sally Quarles — Dec 11 
Houser, Daniel to Katy French — Mch 30 
Hbusong, John to Rosanna Rule — Dec 10 
Hubbs, William to Betsy Rutherford— Oct 1 
Human, James to Sarah Hopper — Jan 22 
Hunter, John to Phoebe Douglass — Jan 26 
Kain, Solomon to Jane Lyon — June 13 
Killingsworth, Thomas to Jane Hickey — Jan 12 
Kitts, Andrew to Nancy McBride — Dec 17 
Lea, Pryor to Miriah Kennedy — Oct 6 
Lett, Armbrose to Lois Couch — Aug 17 
Lewis, William to Rhody Higdon — Mch 12 
Lindsay, John to Elizabeth Bishop — Apr 9 
Lones, Jesse to Martha Daniel — Nov 10 
Love, Samuel to Charlotte Bell — May 16 


McBride, John to Susan Cline — Dec 2 

McCaleb, Samuel to Jane Smith — May 5 

McClain, David to Malinda Yarnell — Dec 29 

McCiain, James to Polly Yarnell — Feb 3 

McConnell, Thomas to Catherine Haven — June 25 

McKee, Robert to Jane Brooks — M;Ch 11 

McMillan, James to Alice Houston— Jan 1 

McMunn, William, to Nancy Crawford — Sept 1 

McNutt, George A to Malinda Houston — May 21 

Majors, William to Susannah Scaggs — Mch 16 

Martin, James to Becke Ledinger — Sept 24 

Massey, Hugh to Anne Murphy — Aug 1 

Medlock, Nich to Katy McCall — Apr 7 

Miller, Pleasant to Rachel Cox — Feb 16 

Morrow, William M to Milly Bishop— Oct 23 

Moses, Solomon to Mary Anne Foust — Feb 26 

Nipp, Adam to Catherine Graybill — Dec 1 

Owens, Abraham to Ducy Rolen — Apr 13 

Owens, John to Sarah Gibbs 

Parker, Jesse to Rhody Alary (or Rhody may be surname) — May 12 

Parr, William to Betsy Mettibarger — Oct 10 

Peterson, William, to Jane Kelly — Dec 9 

Pickle, Jonahan to B Cunningham — June 22 

Rhodes, Lewis to Nancy. Fry — Apr 28 

Richison^ John to Rhody Luttrell 

Roberts, James to Elizabeth Luttrell 

Roberts, Jozadak to Mary Lutrell— Oct 22 

Russell, John to Sally Sewell — Nov 26 

Stephenson, Robert to Eunice Meade — Apr 13 

Summers, Johnston to Sally Williams — Nov 1818 

Thompson, Harvey to Nancy McCampbell — May 21 

Thompson, Samuel to Elizabeth Brock — May 13 

Thuerritz, (?) John to Tabitha Clayton— July 29 

Vance, Samuel to Elizabeth Brock- — May 13 

Watson, William to Sarah Houk — June 23 

Wheeler, John to Sarah Sanders — Apr 2 

Witt. James to Libby Reed— Apr 20 


; — umpler, James (?) to Susanna Guin — Jan 11 
Armstrong, Aaron to Elizabeth Bounds — Feb .3 
Barnwell, Robert H to Jane Barnwell — Oct 7 
Benny, William to Sally Simpson — Mch 17 
Berry, William to Ruthy White — Sept 25 
Bradley, Archilles to Nancy Dowell — June 3 
Caldwell, James A to Mary McCampbell — Mch 11 
Carson, John to Cynthia Spilman — Aug 4 
Carter, Amos to Nancy Luttrell — Mch 11 
Chapman, John L to Eleanor Warnick — Feb 17 
Childress, Richard to Cecka W T hite — May 21 
Clapp, Boston to Polly Tenneyhill — Apr 15 
Coker, James to Polly MoGammon — Jan 29 
Conner, Samuel to Patsy Hickey — Jan 12 
Courtney, Samuel to Susan Luttrell — July 5 
Cox, Jonathan to Mary An Golliher — Oct 25 
Crew, Pleasant to Margaret Layton — June 7 
Cruse, Walter to Louisa Tucker — Feb 5 
Davis, Robert to Betsy Halsey— iMch 17 


DeArmond, Elisha to Sally Johnson — Dec 15 

Dennis, William to Ruth Pettie— Feb 29 

Dockett, William to Katey Longwith — July 10 

Dunlap, William to Betsy Swaggerty — Sept 17 

Evans, William to Mary Evans — Mch 30 

Evens, Joseph to Hilda Hoggett — Aug 10 

Ewing, Samuel to Sarah Steel — Mch 17 

Everett, Sylomess to Mary Douglass — Aug 18 

Fiske, Harland to Jane Campbell — July 27 

Forman, John to Jane Swadley — July 27 (or Fannon) 

Fulton, William to Peggy Sample— Aug 2 

George, Parnick to Polly McPhenin (?) — Dec 1 

Gibbs, John to Susanna George — June 19 

Gillespie, Robert to Mary G King — June 16 

Gilmore, John to Betsy Ferguson — June 20 

Glass, Harvey to Rebecca Paul — Mch 2 

Glass, Lewis to Sally Simpson — Oct 19 

Gound, John to Betsy Low — Dec 15 

Graves, Adney to Betsy Miller — July 5 

Green, Samuel to Patsy Ferguson — Oct 4 

Hackney, Charles to Elizabeth Levi — May 18 

Hainey, Archibald to Catherine Brown — Oct 2' 

Harmon (Hamer?), Daniel to Polly McColougu — Apr 12 

Hansard, John to Mancy Hansford — Apr 18 

Harbison, Please to Polly Graves — Feb 10 

Hazelwood, Benjamin to Mary Reed — Jan 1 

Hickey, Cornelius to Catherine Keith — July 6 

Hickey, Joseph to Abigal Julian — Nov 9 

Hill, Harry M to Mary Fizzard — Aug 28 

Hill, John to Sally H. Davis— Mch 30 

Hindman, Thomas C. to Sally Holt — Jan 27 

Horton, Daniel to Polly Needham — Aug 25 

Howard, James to Lucy Chuniley — Mch 27 

Howard, Thomas 40 Polly Lumpkin — Sept 15 

Hurdle, Thurman to Sally Nelson — Oct 13 

Jackson, Uriah to Dolly Martin — -July 27 

Jarnagon, Spencer to Clarissa Montgomery — Dec 13 

Jett, John to Elizabeth Con — Nov 25, 

Johnston, Benjamin to Jeneva Eddington — Dec 9 

Johnston, Joseph to Betsy Crew — Nov 25 

Kelly, Walthan to Nancy Lones — Jan 10 

Kidd, James to Frankie Childress — Jan 6 

King, Solomon H. to Nancy Lammon or Larwood? — Feb 6 

Leek, James to Mlary Dowler — Jan 16 

Lincoln, Mordacai to Sophia Heiskell — Apr 15 

Lones, Henry to Bethena Whitman — Dec 13 

Low, John to Jane Mowrey — Jan 4 

McCampbell, James to Betsy Ingram — Mch 30 

McKean, Aaron to Caty Houser — Sept 25 

McKean, Edward to Elizabeth Mapes (Or Epps) — Aug 3 

McKeehen, A —1819 

Michaels, Frederick to Polly Bowman — Mch 24 

Monday, Thomas to Elizabeth Meek — Dec 14 

Morrow, George to Nancy Carter — Apr 7 

Morrow, George to Nancy Carter — Apr 7 

Mowry, Lewis to Betsy Lisbee — Mch 3 

Mowrey, Samuel to Jane McCloud — Mch 11 

Murphy, Archibald to Polly Monday — Nov 12 


Nelson, Winchester to Sally Bright — July 26 
Newman, John to Dolly Lewis 
Owen, John to Dohby Bumwott — Oct 24 
Pamler, Robert to Mary Green — Oct 4 
Pow, James to Anne Beal — Oct 25 
Rhoady, John to Polly Conn — Dec 28 
Roberts, William to Mlartha Sample — Men 4 
Rodgers, Andrew to Sally Kirkland — Aug 24 
Rodgers, John to Rebecca Patton — Dec 2,3 
Russell, Reuben to Docay Oans — Sept 7 
Sherwood, Benjamin to Rachel Everett — Nov 25 
Sherwood, Benjamin to Rachel Everett — Nov 25 
Sampler, James to Sussannah Guin— 11 Jan 1819 
Shipe, Henry to Deborah Scaggs — Oct 4 
Snodgrass, Elijah to Peggy Smith — Mch 13 
Shoeky (?) John to Polly Hainey — Aug 2 
Shuler, Abner to Nancy Burnett — Sept 22 
Smith, John to Mariah Christia— Aug 2 
Smith, William M. to Elizabeth Gardner — July 24 
Vance, Joseph to Eliza Green — Dec 29 
Walker, Daniel to Mary Carpenter — Feb 11 
Webb, Thomas to Betsy Corkbund (?)— Oct 18 
Wiley, Moses to Alice Gardener — June 14 
Wilkerson, Obadiah to Rachel Clayton — July 24 


Arthur, James to Hannah Houser — Sept 20 
Ayres, Jesse to Elizabeth Reed — Nov 3 
Badgett, James to Susan Harris — Nov 23 
Bayles, Isaac to Susannah Sumter — July 15 
Bell, James to Nancy Stephenson — Jan 13 
' Bookout, John M. to Peggy Guin — June 12 
Boyd, Alexander to Catherine Starnes — Aug 21 
Butler, William D. to Elizabeth Cabett — Feb 4 
Butten, Edward to Nancy Holt — May 13 
Calfee, Henry to Tabitha Hazlewood — : Aug 23 
Clark, Jones P. to Susannah M. Cony — June 27 
Comstock, Jasper W. to Nancy Keys — July 27 
(To be continued.) 

Miss Kate White. 



Acknowledgment is made of the receipt of two valuable publica- 
tions of the Onondaga Historical Association, New York, one, Vol. 1, 
No. 2, is "Revolutionary Soldiers of Onondaga County, N. Y.;" the 
other, "Moravian Journals in Central New York," both edited by Rev. 
Wm. M. Beauchamp. 

In the former volume it is interesting to note the occurrence of a 
number of names very familiar in the early history of Middle Ten- 
nessee, viz.: Hezekiah Joslyn, Daniel and James Dunham, both pos- 
sibly of German extraction. The second volume has very informing 
details of early life in Pennsylvania as the settlers came in contact 
with the Indian inhabitants of the region on the waters of the upper 

The South Atlayitic Quarteiiy for July, 1920, well sustains its 
character for well-written and informing articles. Special mention- 
is made of "Some Relations Between Soil, Climate and Civilization" 
by Roland M. Harper, of the Geological Survey of Alabama, where 
scientific data is set forth relative to the history and life of the people 
of that section, affording some very interesting economic deductions. 
Another article, "Drama After the War," by Dr. Archibald Hender- 
son, sets forth in his usual striking manner a critical review of some 
late volumes on the history of the theater. 


May Meeting, 1920. 

Major J. C. Cisco was authorized to make an examination of all 
the material of the society stored in the fourth story of the Watkins 
Building, bringing down to the rooms of the society such books, docu- 
ments and other matter suitable for display in said rooms. 

Gifts to the society were reported as follows: 

A colored lithograph portrait of President James J. Polk, pre- 
sented by Mrs. Whiteford Cole, of Nashville, Tenn. 

A handsomely bound volume, "Historical and Beautiful Homes 
Near Nashville," by the author, Mrs. James E. Caldwell, Nashville, 

A number of rare volumes, presented by the Hon. Douglas Ander- 
son, Nashville, Tenn. 

A Very old law volume of the 18th century, entitled "Thirty-Four 
Cases in Equity," by A Gentleman of the Middle Temple, pub. in 
London, presented by the family of the late Hon. John M. Gaut, 

A petition from Mr. John Trotwood Moore, Director of the De- 
partment of Library and Archives, State of Tennessee, asking for 
loan of certain relics of the society for a display contemplated to be 
made at the State Capitol building, was received, action on which 
was deferred. 

June Meeting, 1920. 

The Tennessee Historical Society convened for its June meeting in 
the rooms of the Society, Watkins Hall, Hon. J. H. DeWitt, President, 


presiding. Quite a large audience gathered and the session was alto- 
gether very interesting. In the absence of Secretary J. Tyree Fain 
and Assistant Secretary Hallum Goodloe, the Corresponding Secretary, 
W. A. Provine, read the minutes of the former meeting, which were 
approved. A number of highly appreciated gifts were made to the 
Society, among them a fine portrait in oil of Samuel Watkins, de- 
ceased, presented by Orville Ewing, Sr. ; an excellent oil poi-trait of 
Francis B. Fogg, a former distinguished member of the Nashville 
bar, by his grand-nieces, Mrs. B. B. Smith of Montgomery, Ala., and 
Mrs. Edmond Felder of South Carolina; an interesting and very 
valuable collection of Indian and Mexican relics by Misses Mary F. 
and Annie DeMoville as an affectionate tribute to the memory of 
their uncle, the late Capt. Joseph Phillips; also by Mr. W. H. Bivins, 
a descendant of Gen. Felix Zollicoffer, of the pistol used by the General 
in his famous duel with Mr. Marlin, prior to the Civil War. The 
presentation on behalf of the respective donors was made by Hon. 
Robert Ewing, a member of the Society. 

The Society, through its President, received these noted presents 
with expressions of appreciation and Mr. Ewing was authorized to 
make a fitting acknowledgment to each of the kind donors. 

The special feature of the evening was an address from Dr. W. E. 
Myer, Tennessee's noted archaeologist, in which he spoke informally 
of his forthcoming volume to be issued by the Government and of 
the methods and results of modern archaeological study and research, 
with special reference to what are popularly known as the Mound 

It being the regular time for the annual election of officers, the 
following were elected to succeed themselves: 

President— Hon. J. H. DeWitt. 

1st Vice-President— Judge E. T. Sanford. 

2nd Vice-President — Hon. Park Marshall. 

3rd Vice-President — Mr. J. P. Young. 

4th Vice-President— Mrs. B. D. Bell. 

Recording Secretary and Treasurer — J. Tyree Fain. 

Assistant Recording Secretary— Hon. Hallum Goodloe. 

Corresponding Secretary — •Dr. W. A. Provine. 

On motion the office of Custodian of the Library was created and 
Major J. G. Cisco was elected to this office. 

Major Cisco was requested to prepare for a future meeting of the 
Society suggestions as to rules and regulations with reference to the 
withdrawal of volumes from the library or articles from the Museum. 
Attention being called to a number of pictures and other articles that 
had been loaned by past action of the Society and order made that 
same shall be replaced in the museum and gallery at earliest date. 

Major Cisco, to whom had been entrusted the task of looking 
through the volumes stored in the garret of Watkins Institute, re- 
ported that he had attended to the duty and that the volumes having 
worth had been brought down and placed on the shelves of the library. 









Mrs. B. D. BELL. 

Recording Secretary and Treasurer, 

Assistant Recording Secretary, 

Corresponding Secretary 


"I give and bequeath to The Tennessee Historical Society 

the sum of dollars." 




The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren 145 

W. E. Beard. 

Pepys and the Proprietors of Carolina 166 

A. V. (Goodpasture. 

The Extension of the Northern Boundary Line of Tennessee 

— The Matthews Line 177 

Robert S. Henry. 

Andrew Jackson a Member of the Guilford (N. C.) Bar 185 

(Reprint) — North Carolina Booklet. 

Marriage Record of Knox County, Tennessee 187 

(Concluded) — Miss Kate White. 

Document — Aboriginal Remains in Tennessee 200 

W. E. McElwee. 

Document — Concerning Wm. C. C. Claiborne 206 

Virginia Historical Magazine. 

Historical Notes and News 208 


John H. DeWitt, Business Manager, 
Stahlman, Building, Nashville, Tenn. 

Dr. William A. Provine, Editor, 
Presbyterian Building, Nashville, Tenn. 

J. Tyree Fain, Treasurer, 
Watkina Hall, Nashville, Tenn. 


Vol. 6 OCTOBER 1920 No. 3 


The only review of Mr. Van Buren's Autobiography which 
I have seen is that which appeared in the New York Times 
of March 13th last, the author of which was very enthusiastic 
over it. This is his concluding paragraph : 

"It is a most remarkable book, a great autobiography despite 
its incompleteness. It covers an immense amount of ground * * * 
and is embellished with the shrewdest and most thought-provoking 
commentaries on life and politics. He had a great reputation for 
common sense when he was alive, and his memoir proves that, if 
anything, it was underestimated." 

The book is one which every Tennessean who has the 
opportunity should by all means read. It is, no doubt, the 
most intimate commentary on the stormy administrations 
of Andrew Jackson which will ever be written, for Van Buren 
was Secretary of State for two years in the General's first 
administration, and was Vice-President in his second, and 
during both was his confidential friend and adviser. 

The Autobiography was begun when Van Buren was sev- 
enty-one years of age, "but under the stimulus imparted by 
high health, the exhilaration of this beautiful situation (Villa 
Falangola) and salubrious climate in the mountains of Sor- 
rento." The date of the opening chapter is June 21, 1854. 
It is said that he wrote on or dictated until his death. The 
work, which stops short of Van Buren's nomination for the 
presidency, was presented to the Library of Congress by Mrs. 
Smith Thompson Van Buren, of Fishkill, New York, in 1905. 
Worthington C. Ford began to edit it for publication when 
he was chief of the Manuscript Division at the Library, but 
when he departed from the scene, the work rested until J. 
C. Fitzpatrick, lassistant chief of the Manuscript Envision, took 
it up and completed the editing of it fifteen years after the 

*"The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren," issued by the American 
Historical Association, Report for 1918, Vol. II. Price $1. 

146 W. E. BEARD 

gift of the manusicript, and over sixty years after Van Buren 
began it. 

Sketch of Van Buren 
Martin Van Buren was born in Kinderhook, Columbia 
county, New York, December 5, 1782, the eldest son of Abra- 
ham Van Buren, a small farmer, and an amiable, unassum- 
ing man who was never known to have a enemy. The family 
was from Holland, without a single intermarriage with one 
of different extraction from the time of the arrival of the 
first emigrant to that of the marriage of Martin Van Buren's 
eldest son, embracing a period of over two centuries and in- 
cluding six generations. Martin Van Buren studied the rudi- 
ments of English an dLatin in the schools of his native village, 
and at the age of 15 or 16 entered the law office of Francis 
Sylvester. At the age of 18 he was chosen to participate 
in a political convention. In 1802 he went to New York 
city and studied law with William P. Van Ness, the friend 
of Aaron Burr, and the following year, at the age of 21, he 
was admitted to the bar. In 1806, he removed to Hudson, 
the county seat of Columbia county, and in 1808 he became 
surrogate of the county, succeeding his half brother, who was 
also his partner, and continuing as surrogate for five years. 
In 1811, Van Buren began to figure in the councils of the old 
Republican party. In 1812, he was elected to the state senate 
as a Clinton Republican, defeating Edward P. Livingston. 
In 1815, while still a member of the state senate, he was 
appointed attorney general of the state. In 1816, he was re- 
elected to tie state senate and removed to Albany, forming 
a partnership with his life-long friend, Benjamin F. Butler. 
In 1819, he was removed from the office of attorney general. 
February 6, 1821, he was elected United States senator. In 
the same year he was chosen from Otsego county as a member 
of the convention to revise the state constitution. He took 
his seat in the United States Senate December 3, 1821, and 
was made a member of the committees on judiciary and 
finance. For many years he was chairman of the former. In 
1827, he was re-elected to the United States Senate, but soon 
resigned his seat to become Governor of New York, to which 
he was elected in 1828. After serving 43 days as Governor, 
Van Buren was called to Washington to be Secretary of 
State in Jackson's first cabinet. In June, 1831, he resigned 
his cabinet position and was sent by Jackson as minister to 
the Court of St. James, but the Senate in 1832 refused to 
confirm the nomination, Vice-President John C. Calhoun cast- 
ing the deciding vote. The result of this effort to humiliate 


him by the opponents of his party resulted in his nomination 
for Vice-President the same year on the ticket with Jackson, 
and his election followed. On May 20, 1835, at a convention 
held at Baltimore, he was given the Democratic nomination 
for President, and was successful over the three opposing 
candidates, William Henry Harrison, Hugh Lawson White, a 
Tennessean, and Daniel Webster. On May 5, 1840, he was 
renominated, but was defeated by Harrison. Again, in 1844, 
he was a candidate for the Democratic nomination for Pres- 
ident and entered the convention with a majority of the del- 
egates his supporters, but the two-thirds rule prevailed, and 
on the ninth ballot James K. Polk was nominated. Mr. Van 
Buren was nominated still another time, in 1848, but received 
no electoral votes. In 1860, he voted the Breckenridge- 
Douglas-Bell fusion ticket against Lincoln. He died at Kin- 
derhook, July 24, 1862. 

Only once in his long public career, Mr. Van Buren says, 
was he an applicant, direct or indirect, for office. The ex- 
ception was his first election to the New York State Senate. 

Despite his long-continued activity in politics, state or 
national, extending over a period of fifty years, during the 
twenty-five years practice of the law, ending when he became 
governor of New York, he acquired a comfortable fortune 
from his practice, which he still possessed when he began 
his autobiography. 

Early Educational Opportunities 
The educational advantages (or rather lack of advantages) 
which he had in his youth he found inadequate to his posi- 
tion in public life, and in his old age he bemoaned the fact 
that he had not followed the example of New England 
youths, who devoted part of their time to teaching in order 
to obtain the means for securing a college education. 

Though an unswerving political partisan, only in a few 
instances did Mr. Van Buren's politics interfere with his per- 
sonal relations with men. After his visit to Nashville, in 
1842, he passed on his way and was the guest of Henry Clay 
at Ashland, and sometime later Mr. Clay returned the visit, 
the two discussing their past political conflicts in a highly 
confidential manner. With John C. Calhoun he also became 
reunited, though the resumption of their old friendship was 
not permanent. 

The first national convention of the Democratic party was 
held for the specific purpose of nominating Van Buren for 
Vice-President on the ticket with Jackson, but had it not been 

148 W. E. BEARD 

for the alertness of Major William B. Lewis, of Nashville, in 
scenting out an intrigue launched by a supposed friend which 
was brought to bear upon the fears of prominent Tennesseans 
in attendance at Baltimore, his nomination would not have 

While he was Vice-President, Mr. Van Buren admits that 
for the first time in his life he carried a pistol. Anticipating 
an assault by Senator Poindexter, of Mississippi, he equipped 
himself with a pair of loaded pistols which he carried on his 
person, in his chair in the Senate chamber and elsewhere until 
the apprehended danger was past. There is good ground for 
suspicion, by the way, that "Old Hickory" himself was cogni- 
zant of his lieutenant's state of preparedness; certainly he 
knew of the preliminary passages between the two statesmen. 

Estimates of Men of His T(ime 

As an historical document, the chief value of Mr, Van 
Buren's Autobiography, I presume, is the light it throws 
upon the administrations of General Jackson. However, the 
greatest interest— to this particular reviewer at least — lies 
elsewhere, — in Mr. Van Buren's observations concerning other 
men of his time. His personal acquaintance with American 
notables ranged from Jefferson to Jackson, including Burr, 
the Adamses, Cljay, Calhoun, Crawford, Nathaniel Macon, Web- 
ster, Bell, and scores of lesser lights. He was familiar with 
the work of Hamilton, and was consulted by Burr's second 
in a legal capacity at the time of the duel; and he was a 
visitor at Mount Vernon while memories of the Father of his 
Country were still fresh in the minds of the occupants. 

To have gained a reputation as a master politician and 
to have attained the success he did despite that reputation 
signify that Mr. Van Buren was a keen as well as an accurate 
observer of the men about him, and his observations regard- 
ing them are consequently illuminating. Written, as the 
entire book is, with engaging frankness, his observations re- 
garding his contemporaries are convincing. He drops these 
observations in here and there in the course of his story, and 
they add immeasurably to the entertainment of the work. 

Of Calhoun, for instance, he says, he "seemed to attach 
as much importance to being consistent as to being right — 
perhaps more, and a large and unprofitable share of his time 
* * * was spent in defending his successive positions by 
showing their consistency with each other." 

Here is one of his references to Henry Clay: "Attempts 
to dazzle the public mind by gala-day measures * * * 


formed the ruling passion of Mr. Clay's political life, to which 
he sacrificed bright prospects that could doubtless have been 
easily realized by simpler means." This observation, by the 
way, was made in connection with Clay's Panama mission 
project, a sort of Pan-American League of Nations idea. 

John Adams' failure in public life, observes Mr. Van Bu- 
ren, "was in no considerable degree owing to an overweening 
self-esteem, and consequent impatience under honors con- 
ferred on his contemporaries." "The imputation was made, 
undoubtedly unjust," he adds, "that his resistance to the 
crown did not arise so much from opposition to monarchy in 
the abstract as to a natural preference for the House of 
Braintree over that of Hanover." 

"Although in the main an upright statesman, no man 
studied more closely than he the currents of political opinion 
or was more willing to avail himself of their influence," is 
one of Van Buren's references to the younger Adams. 

"Mr. Monroe," says Van Buren, "at the commencement of 
his second term, took the ground openly, and maintained it 
against all remonstrances, that no difference should be made 
by the government in the distribution of its patronage and 
confidence on account of the political opinions and course of 
applicants." He thought Monroe, by the way, a man of 
"fair but not very marked capacities." 

Of George Washington, he expresses the opinion that his 
death was the act of a beneficent Providence, coming as it 
did before he was more deeply involved in the angry party 
conflicts of the time. "Who can think without pain," he 
says, "upon the consequences of his withdrawal from that 
enviable position which made the sacred appellation of Father 
of his Country so acceptable to all his countrymen, and the 
loss of which would have robbed not only our history but 
human nature itself of one of the brightest glories of both." 

Jackson and Wellington 
While Van Buren was in England he had opportunities 
to meet the Duke of Wellington and hear him in debate in 
Parliament. "There were many points in which he and Gen- 
eral Jackson resembled each other," he says. "In moral and 
physical courage, in indifference to personal consequences 
and in promptness in action there was little if any differ- 
ence in their characters. The Duke was better educated and* 
had received the instruction of experience upon aj larger- 
scale, but the General in native intellect had, I think, been; 
more richly endowed." 

150 W. E. BEARD 

There is one other reference to Jackson, among the many, 
which is noteworthy. "The stories so often told," says his 
able political lieutenant, "of his violent and furious style on 
occasions of great anger or deep feeling, so far as my obser- 
vation extended, had no other foundation than this, that 
when he thought he could in that way best influence anybody 
to do his duty * * * he would assume an earnestness and 
an emphasis much beyond what he really felt." 

Visits Jefferson. 

When Van Buren visited his political idol, Thomas Jef- 
ferson, very late in the latter's life, he found the founder 
of the Democratic party very much disturbed by the trend 
of the decision of the Supreme Court under the leadership of 
John Marshall, so much disturbed that he insisted that life 
tenure of office for the judiciary was a grave mistake. An- 
nual appointments he thought would be best, though he 
admitted he would be content with four or six-year terms. 
Jefferson's parting advice to Van Buren was against being 
in a hurry. Summing up results in his own case, Mr. Jeffer- 
son said he had found his punctuality had been a losing 
business ; that in a thousand instances things would have gone 
on rather better if he had allowed himself more latitude. 

While he was a guest at Jefferson's home, the latter told 
Mr. Van Buren of Patrick Henry's admission to the bar. 
Henry at the time was a clerk in a small country store, and 
appealed to Jefferson for aid in securing a license to practice 
law. On being questioned it developed that Henry had never 
opened a law book, but he offered to pledge his honor that he 
would not practice until he had pursued the proper course 
of study. It was Mr. Jefferson's opinion that Patrick Henry 
never read the whole of any book. 

Jefferson and Jackson share the honors as the heroes of 
the Autobiography, — the former as a sort of idealistic polit- 
ical influence; Jackson decidedly human, liable to err polit- 
ically, but unswerving in his loyalty and unafraid, a big- 
hearted and altogether lovable sort of a man. 

Dislike of Webster. 
The villain in the play, so to speak, is none other than 
Daniel Webster. Whether Van Buren intended it or not, 
the impression left by his memoirs is that the great orator 
was a despicable figure. Of practically all his opponents 
or the opponents of his party — Webster excepted — Mr. Van 
Buren has something kind to say of the individual personally, 


or something to say in palliation of the man's political 
course. Toward Webster I do not recall any such generous 
attitude. Webster, he says, was notoriously deficient in both 
physical and moral courage, contemplated and perhaps 
attempted treason to his party, and was so involved finan- 
cially with the United States Bank, when that institution 
was making a fight for its life, that his utterances upon the 
subject of the bank carried little weight with the general 

John Randolph of Roanoke. 

The liveliest chapter in the book is one which has to do 
with John Eandolph of Koanoke in the United States Senate 
during the administration of John Quincy Adams. "He 
spoke day in and day out, and sometimes for several suc- 
cessive days," Van Buren says, "upon matters and things in 
general having political and personal bearings, but not 
always even directed to the business before the Senate. 
* * * His speeches attracted great attention from the 
severity of his invectives, the piquancy of his sarcasms, the 
piercing intonation of his voice, and his peculiarly expressive 
gesticulation. He could launch imputations by a look, 
a shake of his long figure, or a shrug of his shoulders, accom- 
panied by a fewj otherwise commonplace words, which it 
would require in others a long harangue to express." 

Randolph's leave-taking of the Senate was appropriately 
sensational. He had made a violent attack upon Senator 
John Holmes of Maine, "whose party fidelity was doubted 
by his associates long before he quitted them." The follow- 
ing morning Holmes appeared in the Senate, "his inflamed 
appearance" exciting the apprehension of his friends in 
regard to his habits. Also he carried a huge cane, as if 
meditating an assault on the eccentric Virginian. Holmes 
took the floor immediately after Randolph arrived, and read 
from a paper a series of amendments to the rules which he 
proposed, practically all of them referring to acts with which 
Randolph was charged and which the amendments proposed 
to prohibit. One of the amendments made personal refer- 
ence to gentlemen who had been introduced on the floor of 
the Senate by other Senators a violation of order. The 
amendment was provoked by references or supposed refer- 
ences by Randolph to Benjamin Russell, of Boston, editor 
of the Columbia Centinel. 

When Holmes finished reading his amendments, Mr. Ran- 
dolph asked his colleague, Senator [Littleton W.] Tazewell, 
to take the clerk's seat and write as he dictated a series of 

152 W. E. BEARD 

amendments to the amendments, designed to answer the 
latter by recriminations. In the course of his dictation, 
Randolph proceeded to reprove in severe terms the Senator 
who had forgotten the dignity due the Senate by introduc- 
ing such a man as Russell within the bar of the Senate. 

"At this point," says M<r. Van Buren, "the affair received 
an unexpected complication. Senator [James] Lloyd, of 
Massachusetts, a man of undoubted courage, who felt no in- 
surmountable scruples upon the subject of private combat, 
* * * sprang to his feet the moment the offensive words 
were uttered, announced himself as the Senajtor who had 
introduced Russell, repelled with great vehemence every 
assault upon that gentleman, * * * indignantly shaking 
his closed hand" at Randolph, "declared his readiness to 
give him satisfaction there or elsewhere." 

Randolph, taken completely by surprise, sought an oppor- 
tunity to explain, disclaiming any hostile feeling toward 
Lloyd, but the latter would not be appeased, and continued 
shaking his fist and uttering violent denunciations. 

King of Alabama called both Senators to order, and Mr. 
Calhoun, in the chair, requested him to reduce the objectiona- 
ble words to writing, as required by the rules. Sensible of 
the difficulty of committing such a squabble to paper, Mr. 
King, in the excitement of the moment, abruptly announced 
that he would not, Calhoun rose from his seat, pale with 
agitation, and exclaimed : "The chair orders the Senator from 
Alabama to reduce the words to writing." 

"The Senate," says Mr. Van Buren, "at this moment pre- 
sented a striking tableau — Calhoun, King, Lloyd and Ran- 
dolph on their feet, intensely excited, and every Senator pres- 
ent inclining from political and personal sympathy to take 
sides in the fray — when the last [Randolph] moved delib- 
erately from his place, which was on the extreme outer 
range of seats, and passed 1 in front of the chair to the door, 
exclaiming as he walked along, 'I will have no more of this! 
I am off for England! Good-bye, Tazewell! Good-bye, Van 
Buren! They are all against me, Tazewell, in Virginia, too!' 
and still muttering these words the doors of the Senate 
closed behind him." 

The Eaton Affair. 
The commencement of General Jackson's stay in the White 
House was marked by widespread dissatisfaction with the 
cabinet which he had named. This cabinet was made up of 
the following: Van Buren, Secretary of State; Ingham, of 
Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury ; Eaton, of Tennessee, 


Secretary of War; Branch, of North Carolina, Secretary of 
the Navy; Berrien, of Georgia, Attorney General; and Barry, 
of Kentucky, Postmaster General. 

This dissatisfaction with the personnel of the President's 
official family soon found vent in one common channel — the 
Eaton affair. 

Two months before, John H. Eaton, senator from Ten- 
nessee, since 1818, had married Mrs. Margaret O'Neil Tim- 
berlake, a sprightly young widow, the daughter of the propri- 
etor of a tavern in Washington, where Eaton and a large num- 
ber of other members of Congress had made their abode during 
their stay in Washington. Of the handsome young widow's 
relations with Eaton prior to their marriage and while she 
was the wife of another, Van Buren says there were "unfav- 
orable reports." The question was therefore raised whether 
Mrs. Eaton was entitled to the social recognition otherwise 
due the wife of a member of the cabinet. 

The President, while professing to be ready at all times to 
open the door to the closest scrutiny of the facts, was confident 
of Mrs. Eaton's innocence and warmly espoused her cause. 
Eaton's mother in Tennessee was an old and very warm friend, 
and the son himself had firmly established himself in the 
General's regard. 

The General's feeling toward the Eatons was not shared 
by his family, members of which at the time with him were 
Andrew J. Donelson, the nephew of his wife and private sec- 
retary; Mrs. Donelson, a niece of Mrs. Jackson, and Miss 
Easton ( ?), who occupied a similar relationship. They finally 
quit the White House and left for home as a result of the 
Eaton affair. 

The cabinet was divided as sharply as the General's house- 
hold; Van Buren, then a middle-aged widower without dis- 
turbing feminine impediments, and Barry accepting the 
Eatons; Ingham, Branch and Berrien and their families were 
violently anti-Eaton. , 

Jackson, greatly disturbed by the sitate of laffairs in his 
personal as well as his official family, postponed his dinner 
for his cabinet as long as could be done with propriety. When 
it was finally given there was no outbreak of the high feeling 
which the feud had engendered, but the attitude of the Gen- 
eral's guests was such as to be a source of great mortification 
to him. 

Van Buren's Dinner Party. 

Van Buren's dinner was the next event upon the social 
program, and in his preparations for it the Sage of Kinderhook 

154 W. E. BEARD 

was extraordinarily discreet. To avoid possible complications 
over the question of precedence, he invited Mrs. Thomas Mann 
Randolph, the widow of a Virginia governor and the last sur- 
viving child of Thomas Jefferson, to be the guest of honor. 
All the cabinet ladies sent their regrets, and the company re- 
lieved of the embarrassment of their strained relations thor- 
oughly enjoyed the occasion. A ball given by Van Buren 
shortly afterwards was less successfully carried out, though 
acts of hostility were confined to angry looks exchanged by 
Mrs. Eaton and Mrs. Alexander MlcComb, wife of the com- 
mander of the army, when they jostled each other in the crowd. 
At a ball given by the Russian minister, however, the latter 
in the absence of Mrs. Ingham carried in Mrs. Eaton, a cir- 
cumstance at which the wife of the Dutch envoy, Madame 
Huygens, is said to have become greatly offended. Friends 
of Eaton rushed to Jackson with the story that Madame Huy- 
gens had declared that she would retaliate by giving a party 
to which Mrs. Eaton should not be invited, and that Messrs. 
Ingham, Branch and Berrien would follow her example. 

"Old Hickory" Aroused. 

Mr. Van Buren received a hurried summons to the White 
House, in response arriving there before breakfast. The Gen- 
eral's eyes were bloodshot and he confessed to a sleepless 
night. He was prepared to dismiss his offending ministers 
and to send the Dutch envoy his passports. 

Being on terms* of warm friendship with the Dutch envoy 
and his family, Van Buren made a hurried engagement with 
the Chevalier and Madame Huygens, and laid the report before 
them; also the state of mind in which the report had left 
the General. Madame Huygens very earnestly disclaimed the 
threat imputed to her, or any words to that effect, and her 
husband very warmly supported her. This ended the matter 
so far as they were concerned, but the General also proposed 
to deal with the three cabinet members mentioned in the report. 

Calling Van Buren into conference again he exhibited a 
letter which he was preparing to send them. Van Buren very 
promptly made objections to the letter as laying the General 
liable to the charge of attempting to control the domestic and 
social relations of cabinet members' families. He strongly 
advised, also, an interview with the offending members, rather 
than a letter, and at the General's request proceeded to draft 
a statement of the President's position, in which the reported 
combination or conspiracy was made the offense of which 
Jackson complained and not the failure of any individual 
member of the cabinet to invite Mrs. Eaton to his parties. 


Johnson the Peace Maker. 

Learning that Col. Richard M. Johnson, a gallant Ken- 
tuckian, had interested himself in bringing about peace be- 
tween the President and the anti-Eaton cabinet members, Van 
Buren very earnestly urged upon his chief the advisability of 
making his position absolutely clear upon the subject, warn- 
ing him against the Colonel's great generosity of nature and 
the unguarded manner of his conversation. The Colonel sub- 
sequently held his conference with the three cabinet members 
and Jackson had his interview, and there the matter rested 
for a year and a half — that is, until after Van Buren's resig- 
nation from the cabinet had drawn after it the resignations 
of Eaton, Ingham, Branch and Berrien. A publication in the 
U. 8. Telegraph, making offensive reference to the attitude of 
the three cabinet members toward the family of Major Eaton, 
reopened the business, starting on Major's Eaton's part pub- 
lications and letters which were evidently the preliminaries 
to challenges, and resulting in elaborate and impassioned 
articles in the papers from the partias concerned, including 
Colonel Johnson, who, it developed, had been unguarded in 
his conversation. 

General Jackson subsequently exhibited his continued 
kindly feeling toward Eaton, appointing him governor of 
Florida and later minister to Spain; but Eaton, according to 
Van Buren, a man without political opinions worthy of the 
name, finally fell into the ranks of the opposition and the 
General closed the troublesome relationship by turning his 
picture, which hung in the parlor at the Hermitage to the 

Mrs. Eaton, whose social aspiitations had been an incubus 
for the administration for over two years, survived her 
husband, and as may be learned elsewhere was reserved for 
a most unhappy fate. 

Whigs Discount Jackson Through Van Buren. 
Here in Tennessee, I think, we are inclined to overrate 
General Jackson as a statesman, and to underrate Van Bu- 
ren, probably due to the fact that the old Whigs, by their 
picturesque campaigning and their matchless orators cap- 
tured not only the state but its political traditions, making 
the idea that Van Buren was a scheming politician who rode 
into high position on "Old Hickory's" coat tails more or 
less easy of acceptance. Jackson was so enshrined in the 
confidence and the affections of the people of the country 
that it was poor political strategy for the opposition to at- 

156 W. B. BEARD 

tack him directly, but it was good politics to attribute errors 
or alleged errors, as the case might be, to the machinlations 
of his friend, the socalled "Little Magician." 

There is an old story, formerly current in Tennessee, to 
effect that at some horse race attended by the General 
and Mr. Van Buren, the former in Ian exciting moment called 
out to his companion, "Get behind me, Mr. Van Buren! Get 
behind me!" Mr. Van Buren, so the story went, got behind 
him and continued to stay behind him for the rest of his 

Jackson's Desire To Resign 

After reading Van Buren's Autobiography, one is almost 
persuaded to say thiat Jackson owed more to Van Buren 
politically than Van Buren owed to Jackson. Jackson was 
preeminently a soldier and without any special training in 
political strategy. Van Buren had received his political 
schooling in New York at a time when the politics of that 
state was notably tempestuous; he was quick to comprehend 
and was farsighted. I recall in the Autobiography but one 
error into which he led General Jackson, — the appointment 
of Randolph as minister to Russia. Onthe other hand there 
were numerous instances of his advice being highly beneficial, 
land the General usually accepted his advice. In one notable 
instance his judgment wjasi adequate to an extraordinary 
occasion when Jackson's was not. In the autumn of 
1830, the General on one of their frequent horseback rides, 
confided to Van Buren that he had hit upon a plan by which 
he could secure what he then desired, early retirement from 
office without hazarding measures in which he was interested. 
This plan was that Jackson should stand for re-election with 
Van Buren as the candidate for Vice President and at the end 
of one yetar, two years at most, the former would resign and 
Van Buren succeed to the Presidency. 

"The feelings with which this proposition was received," 
says Mr. Van Buren, "are as fresh in my recollection as they 
were at the moment made. I could neither be ignorant of, nor 
insensible to the large share of personal kindness towards my- 
self which had given birth to this suggestion beside his con- 
stant desire to promote the public interest * * * . But I 
could see nothing but danger to myself in the proposition and, 
as I thought, to his own great popularity, and was deeply 
sensible of the necessity of giving it a prompt negative." 

This Mr. Van Bnren did in his most tactful manner 
though admitting to his chief that the Presidency had become 
an object within the scope of his ambition. 

"The idea," his story continues, "was abandoned and al- 


though he throughout cherished a sincere desire to lay down 
his office at the earliest practicable moment, his resignation 
was not again proposed nor was he ever in a situation to make 
it with propriety." 

Speaking of Geneiial Jackson's stay in the White House, 
Mr. Van Buren declares "its highest and most enduring honors 
were won by the wisdom and successful prosecution of its do- 
mestic policy." As the leading points in that policy he gives 
the following: 

"First, the removal of the Indians from the vicinity of the 
white populaton and their settlement beyond the Mississippi; 

"Second, to put a stop to the abuses of the powers of the 
Federal Government in regard to internal improvements and 
to restrict its laction upon the subject to measures both useful 
and constitutional. 

"Third, to oppose as well the re-incorporation of the exist- 
ing National Bank, as the establishment of any other equally 
unauthorized by the Federal Constitution, and to substitute, 
in lieu of the aid which had been derived from such institution 
in the management of the fiscal affairs of the Government, 
an agency which whilst consistent with its authority would 
promise greater safety and greater success in that branch of 
the public service; and 

"Fourth, to arrest as far as possible the abuses that hiad 
crept into the legislation of Congress upon the subject of pro- 
tecting duties and to restore it to the footing upon which it 
was placed at the commencement of the Government by im- 
posing no duties beyond what was necessary for revenue and 
by assessing those in la way best adapted to encourage our 
own labor." 

"These," continues Mr. Van Buren, "though not the only, 
were the most prominent of the domestic objects to which 
President Jackson, from the first moments of his elevation to 
power, directed his attention, and for the accomplishment 
of which he sedulously employed the powers with which the 
people had clothed him. He entered forthwith upon the execu- 
tion of this program, kept it constantly in view, and labored 
to the end for its completion with the energy and perseverance 
that formed so large a part of his nature." 

Removal of the Indians 
At this late day it is somewhat difficult to comprehend how 
a proposition like the remoMal of the Indians from close prox- 
imity to the white man could materialize into a great political 
issue, especially when the proposal for the removal contem- 

158 W. E. BEARD 

plated securing the consent of the Indians themselves. Never- 
theless it was developed into a very considerable issue. In 
Congress the enemies of the administilation and its week-kneed 
friends opposed it, the Supreme Court of the United States 
contributed materially to the cause, as did the church and 
the Society of Friends. The bill clothing the President with 
power to bring about the removal passed the Senate by a small 
majority, and in the House where there was la majority of 
sixty-five so called Jackson men the bill received a majority 
of four on a preliminary vote and five on final passage. This 
did not by any means end the matter, the enemies of the ad- 
ministration thinking they foresaw in the subject great possi- 
bilities of political advantage, according to Mr. Van Buren, 
and setting "every engine in motion to throw obstructions in 
the way of the President. * * * 

"Those portions of the press favoring the pretensions of 
the Indians to the right of self-government were at the same 
time filled with encomiastic accounts of the prudence of the 
Cherokees and of their capacity for the discharge of its duties 
land denunciations of (the state of) Georgia and of the Presi- 

"Chief Justice Marshall issued a citation to the state of 
Georgia to appear before the Supreme Court, pursuant to a 
writ of error, to show cause why a judgment of a superior 
court of that state against Ian individual for murder commit- 
ted within the bounds of that state, but on Cherokee territory, 
should not be corrected and speedy justice done to the parties. 
The citation was communicated to the legislature by the Gov- 
ernor of Georgia with a declaration that orders from the Su- 
preme Court interfering with the decisions of their state 
courts in such a matter, would, so far as related to the execu- 
tive department, be disregarded and any attempt to enforce 
them resisted with all the force the laws had placed at his 

This reference, although Mr. Yian Buren does not say so, 
was probably to the famous Tassells case, in connection with 
which "Old Hickory" is reported to have said, 'John Marshall 
has made his decision ; now let him enforce it,' Tassells being 
hanged, the citation of the Supreme Court of the United States 
to the contrary notwithstanding. 

"Missionaries had been sent into the Cherokee country, 
during the administration of Mr. Adams," the story continues, 
"by the American Board of Foreign Missions, who were to 
some extent regarded as agents of the Federal government, 
and, as such, exempted from the laws of Georgia forbidding 
white men from residing among the Cherokees without la 


license from the Governor. These men, partaking of the feel- 
ings which actuated their friends at home, and not indisposed 
to acquire the notoriety of political martyrdom in a political 
cause, busied themselves in the question of removal. The 
Governor of Georgia asked for their withdrawal and they 
were disavowed by the Federal government as persons in its 
service, but they nevertheless remained at their posts. They 
were informed of the law and requested to depart, and, on their 
refusing to do so, were arrested. Declining all offers of ac- 
commodation which involved their leaving the Cherokee terri- 
tory, they were subjected to the operation of the law under 
which they were convicted and imprisoned. It is scarcely 
possible now, when the delusion has passed away. * * * " ob- 
serves Mr. Van Buren "to retalize the extent to which many of 
our religious societies were agitated and disturbed by the im- 
prisonment of these missionaries." 

During his race for Vice President, sometime previous to 
the election, Van Buren, then in Western New York, stopped 
for the night at the home of "a nelar and very dear relative,'' 
a lady of remarkable intelligence and strength of character, 
but ''deeply imbued with religious feeling." After her guest 
had retired she repaired to his room, and reading him a lec- 
ture on the proceedings toward the Cherokees and the mis- 
sionaries she concluded with, "Uncle! I must stay to you that 
it my earnest wish that you may lose the election, as I believe 
that such a result ought to follow such acts !" 

Van Buren estimates that this sort of feeling cost the Jack- 
son-Van Buren ticket not less than eight to ten thousand votes 
in the state of New York alone. 

Internal Improvements 

Early in his connection with General Jackson, Van Buren 
says he assiduously pressed upon the President's attention 
the matter of curbing internal improvements by the Federal 

"None but the men who were active and conspicuous in 
the sendee of the Federal Government at that day," he says 
in his Autobiography, * * * "can form any adquate opinion 
of the power and influence which those who had embarked 
their political fortunes in attempts to commit the general 
government irretrievably to the promotion and construction 
of internal improvements, had acquired both in Congress and 
among the most alert and enterprising portions of the people. 
The wild spirit of speculation, to whose career our ever grow- 
ing land ever moving population and our expanded and ex- 
panding territory offered the fairest field, became wilder over 


160 W. B. BEARD 

the prospect before it and the wits of Congressmen were sev- 
erely tasked in devising and causing to be surveyed and 
brought forward under captivating disguises the thousand 
local improvements with which they designed to dazzle and 
seduce their constituents." 

On the subject of internal improvements, the General oc- 
cupied la rather delicate position. While in the Senate in 
1823-5 he had voted for such acts; also Pennsylvania which 
had exerted great influence in bringing him forward for the 
Presidency regarded internal improvements by the Federal 
government with great favor. Van Buren says that Penn- 
sylvania upon the question of the removal of the Indians and 
upon the United States Bank had taken a lead in the wrong 
direction, and the General was extremely loth to add another 
cause of difference. However, the sense of official obligation 
was ever present with Mm and superior to tall personal feel- 

The bill upon which General Jackson took his stand on 
internal improvements was one authorizing a subscription 
to the stock of the Maysville, Washington, Paris and Lexing- 
ton Turnpike-road Company, the proposed road being a purely 
loflal one, beginning and ending in the state of Kentucky. 
"The road," says Van Buren, "was in Mr. Clay's own state 
and Mr. Clay was, the General thought-whether rightfully or 
not is now immaterial, — pressing the measure and the ques- 
tion it involved upon him rather for political effect than for 
public ends, and it was his preference, in accordance with a 
sound military laxiom to make his enemy's territory the thea- 
tre of war whenever that was practicable." 

Van Buren prepared a brief upon the constitutional points 
involved with a historical account of the departure by Con- 
gress from its true principles in connection with the improve- 
ment question, and Jackson using this as ta guide prepared 
his veto message, guarding the secret of his intentions as care- 
fully as he would have the arrangements for a duel, lest the 
opposition send to him for approval some bill less vulnerable. 
Despite the undisguised fears of his friends, Grundy, Eaton 
land Postmaster General Barry who were with him at the time, 
the General sent in his message. 

Mr. Clay in a speech at Cincinnati, shortly afterwards, 
compared the veto message to the paper sent by George III, 
during his insanity, which, though it bore his name attached 
to it could not be said to have spoken his sentiments, but lat a 
banquet given by the Republicans at Norfolk the toast, "The 
Rejection of the Maysville Road Bill, — It falls upon the ears 
like the music of other days," was drunk standing and amid 


tremendous cheers. The veto message, Van Buren records 
even found flavor in Pennsylvania. 

"For seven years of General Jackson's administration," 
says Mr. Van Buren, "was the general subject thus banished 
from the halls of Congress and by my election as his successor 
that virtual interdict (if it may be so termed) was extended 
to eleven ye&rs." 

Nullification Dinner 

While Van Buren was still in the Senate, he records, in 
connection with his discussion of the nullification excitement, 
that John C. Calhoun showed signs of having become morbid 
on the subject of the tariff law, which in his opinion oppress- 
ed his section and seemed to become every day more intoler- 
able. He became avowedly hopeless of convincing the major- 
ity in Congress of the injustice and inexpediency of the ltaw, 
and finally sought a course which would overtop all past dis- 
cussions and processes relating to this subject. The idea hit 
upon was to identify the nullification movement then in em- 
bryo with Virginia's popular stand in 1798 against the alien 
land sedition laws. Tfhe time selected for the execution of the 
idea was the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, April 13, 1830. 
The circumstances under which that day was, for the first 
time, seized upon for special commemoration ; the extent of the 
preparations, and the ominous suddenness of the reverence of 
the promoters for the memory of Jefferson all served to put 
the President and Mr. Van Buren on guard, in expectation 
that something irregular, which might menace the stability of 
the Union, was in contemplation. They laid their plans ac- 
cordingly. The President's toast was to be the first volunteer 
on the banquet program, and it was fashioned to meet the 
anticipated contingency. 

Mr. Van Buren gives a very interesting account of the nul- 
lification banquet. 

"A Virginian," he says, "was placed in the chair. Of the 
twenty-four regular toasts &11 but six or seven spoke of Vir- 
ginia and of Jefferson. * * * Gen. (Robert Y.) Hayne, of 
South Carolina spoke long and eloquently of the glorious 
stand taken by Virginia in regard to the alien and sedition 
laws, based the resistance miade by his own state to the protec- 
tive policy upon the ground that the old Republicans had al- 
ways sustained, and pointed particularly to the course pursu- 
ed by the state of Georgia in defence of the same principles. 
* * * 

"The President and Vice President were seated ne&r the 
chair; my position being at the foot of the second table, under 
the care of my subsequently warm friend Grundy, whose feel- 

162 W. E. BEARD 

ings were then evidently enlisted on the side of the nullifiers 
although he took great care to avoid identifying himself with 
their doctrines. When the President was called upon for 
his toast I was obliged to stand on my chair to get la distinct 
view of what was passing in his vicinity. There was no mis- 
understanding the effect it produced upon the company nei- 
ther could any sentiment from another have occasioned a tithe 
of the sensation th&t was witnessed throughout the large as- 
semblage. The veil was rent — the incantations of the night 
exposed to the light of day. Gen. Hayne left his seat and ran 
to the President to beg him to insert the word 'Federal,' so 
that the toast should read 'Our Federal Union — It Must Be 
Preserved.' This was Jan ingenious suggestion as it seemed 
to make the rebuke less pungent, although it really had no 
such effect. The President cheerfully assented because in 
point of fact the addition only made the toast what he had 
originally designed it to be — he having rewritten it, in the 
bustle and excitement of the occasion, on the back of the list 
of regular toast which had been laid before him, instead of 
using the copy in his pocket, and having omitted that word 

With the passage on November 19, 1832, of the nullification 
ordinance by the South Carolina convention, setting the Fed- 
eral authorities absolutely at defiance, Mr. Van Buren says 
"it must be admitted that a more alarming crisis in the affairs 
of this country had never existed since the establishment of 
her independence." "The President," he says, "though main- 
taining the even tenor of his way, undisturbed by the clamor- 
ous abuse of factions * * * had at this time, it must be admit- 
ted, one feeling which approached to a passion and that was an 
inclination to go himself with a sufficient force, which he felt 
assured he could raise in Virginia and Tennessee, tas 'a posse 
comitatus' of the marshal and arrest Messrs. Calhoun, Hayne, 
Hamilton and McDuffie in the midst of the force of 12,000 men 
which the Legislature of South Carolina biad authorized to 
be raised, and deliver them to the judicial power of the United 
Spates to be dealt with according to law. * * * But * * * 
the attempt would never have been made save in the case of 
the highest necessity and would then have been executed with 
as much scrupulousness and clemency as would have been 
consistent with its certain accomplishment." 

When Van Buren reached Washington on February 26, 
1833, there was every prospect of a conflict between the State 
of South Carolina land the Federal government, and in such 
a conflict the state would be inevitably crushed. "Henry Clay 
was, in the actual state of things, the only man who had it in 


his power to extricate them (the people of South Carolina). 
He was the father of the so-called American system," says Van 
Buren, "his friends everywhere — at the north, east and west — 
had taken open ground against any farther modification of 
the tariff and could not be bought to that, the only step by which 
civil war could be avoided, slave at his bidding." That Mr. 
Clay rose to the occasion is, of course, a matter of history. 
He "pressed the measure of conciliation of Which he was, on 
his side, the exclusive author, and which he alone could have 
made successful," says Mr. Van Buren, "to its perfect con- 
summation and thus saved the country from a convulsion * * *. 
"In my opinion," he continues, "he rendered his country 
on that memorable occasion, a service for which he was emin- 
ently entitled to its respect and gratitude. If he failed to re- 
ceive these in full measure the deficiency is to be attributed 
to political complications in which he had unhappily involved 
himself and through which he Was mjade responsible for many 
political delinquencies not his own." 

Jackson and the Bank 

On the night of his first visit to the White House following 
his return from Europe in the summer of 1832, Van Buren 
found the General a spectre in physical appearance, stretched 
upon a sick bed but "as always a hero in spirit." Holding 
my hand in one of his own and passing the other through his 
long white locks, he said, with the clearest indications of a 
mind composed, and in a tone entirely devoid of bluster — 'the 
Bank, Mr. Van Buren, is trying to kill me, but I will kill it." 

General Jackson entered upon his duties &s President 
March 4, 1829, and the charter of the Bank was to expire 
by limitation on March 3, 1836. The ability of the Bank to 
obtain a majority in Congress for a new charter or an exten- 
sion of the old charter was assured ; the only opposition to be 
feared was that Which might proceed from the President. 
That Jackson's opposition might be expected was developed at 
an interview between himself and the President of the blank 
in November, 1829. From that moment the preparations on 
the part of the bank for the struggle began. 

"The session of 1831-2 (four years before the expiration of 
its charter)" says the Autobiography, "was selected for the 
presentation of the Bank memoriial asking from Congress a 
new or extended charter. That session was deemed the most 
promising as it was the last before the ensuing Presidential 
election and afforded the most eligible opportunity for an at- 
tempt to drive the President into an approval of ta bill for its 
recharter by dread of its power to prevent his re-election if 

164 W. E. BEARD 

he should succeed in defeating such a bill by the use of the veto 
powers. * * * This power though its exercise was not without 
precedent in this country had been used with marked hesita- 
tion and reserve by his (Jackson's) predecessors and was no- 
where favorably received." 

To further fortify its position, the Bank, according to Mr. 
Van Buren, proceeded to increase its discounts on a tremen- 
dous scale. Forty millions had been for years the average 
amount of loans of the Bank, and they were around that figure 
in October, 1830. Between Jtanuary, 1831, and Miay, 1832, they 
were increased to over seventy million dollars. "The design, 
as charged at the time," he explains, "and fully demonstrated 
by subsequent disclosures, was to place the country so deeply 
* * * so irretrievably in debt as to compel the whole commu- 
nity to demand of the President that he should give his assent 
to the bill. * * * To make the device the more effectual the 
liargest portion of these professed loans was scattered through 
the Western states. * * *" 

The bill to recharter the Bank passed both Houses of Con- 
gress as was expected; the President interposed his veto, and 
the measure failed for want of a two-thirds majority. In the 
ensuing election not only was Jackson overwhelmingly elect- 
ed along with Van Buren, who had gone further in the fight 
on the blank than the President's position would allow him 
to go, but to the House of Representatives was returned a 
majority, not merely nominally but heartily against the con- 
tinuance of the Bank. 

The Bank, according to Mr. Van Buren, did not, as every 
one had a right to expect, accept the verdict of the people, 
but prepared to resume the fight, "determined to subject both 
government and people to a reckless, unscrupulous and injuri- 
ous exercise of the immense power of the Bank until both 
shiould submit to its demjands." The plan, he says, was to 
foment a panic. Mr. Van Buren goes into a very elaborate 
account of the so-called "panic session," which was the first 
session of the twenty-third Congress, in which the Blank forces 
were under the command of Henry Clay. Jackson ordered the 
removal of goverment deposits from the Bank. Duane, his 
Secretary of the Treasury, declined to remove them, and Jack- 
son removed Duane, and appointed Taney in his stead and by 
him the deposits were removed. The Senate passed a resolu- 
tion censuring the President, charging him with exceeding 
his Constitutional power, and after five months of lurid de- 
bate Clay introduced a resolution calling for the restoration 
of the deposits. Had this resolution been successful, Mr. Van 
Buren expresses the opinion that the Bank in all probability 



would have won its fight for a new charter. The fight, how- 
ever, failed and a few days before the expiration of its char- 
ter, the Bank applied for la state charter, while Jackson's 
friends led by Benton, after a long fight were able to expunge 
the resolution of censure from the journals of the Senate. 

W. E. Beard. 



There have been few memoirs written with the pleasing 
candor, frankness, and unreserve of Pepys' Diary. That curi- 
osity which Boswell confined to Dr. Johnson, and which sup- 
plied the gossipy details of his life, Pepys spread over all 
the City of London. Montaigne is said to have bared his soul 
to the public as few others have ever clone, but his Essays are 
too philosophical and learned to attract the general reader 
as Pepys does. Cellini's wide experience made it impossible 
for him to reproduce it with that intimate detail that makes 
Pepys so charming. Froissart employs the same method used 
by Pepys in writing his Chronicles from the gossip of the 
people who made the history he relates. Rousseau's Con- 
fessions is a work of art, but it lacks the spontaneity of Pepys, 
and impresses one asi being labored and disingenuous. 

Pepys wrote in an interesting period, covering the Restora- 
tion, the Plague, the Fire of London, the Dutch War, and the 
profligate court of Charles II; in all of which he took the 
liveliest interest. He knew people in every walk of life, from 
king to beggar. He knew John Evelyn, second only to himself 
as a Diarist, and quoted page after page of his gossip. He 
knew Dryden ; and Samuel Butler, in whose Hudibras he tried 
in vain to find the humor, dined at his house. Dr. Thomas 
Fuller, the theologian and author of the "Worthies of Eng- 
land", which Pepys greatly valued, was his intimate and ad- 
mired friend. He was a friend of education, a patron of art, 
a devotee of the theater, and a lover of music, in which he 
took the greatest delight. He affected science, and was a 
Fellow of the Royal Society, whose experiments he watched 
with the closest attention. He sometimes visited the courts 
of law at Westminster Hall, and was a constant attendant up- 
on the Royal Exchange. 

Pepys' Diary runs from January 1, 1660, to May 31, 1669, 
a period of nine years and five months. In the early part of 
this period, that is to say, on the 24th day of March, 1663, 
King Charles II granted to Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon; 
George Monk, Duke of Albemarle; William Craven, Earl of 
Craven ; Lord John Berkeley, of Stratton ; Lord Anthony Ash- 
ley Cooper, afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury; Sir George Car- 
teret, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, all the 
country lying between parallels 31° and 36° of north latitude, 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean; which was called, in 
honor of their sovereign, Carolina. Afterwards, June 13, 1665, 
they obtained a new charter enlarging their boundaries so as 


to extend from 29° to 36° 30' of north latitude, the latter par- 
allel being the present northern boundary of Tennessee. 

Pepys knew all of these men, except, perhaps, Sir William 
Berkeley, who was in America as Governor of Virginia; but 
Lord John Berkeley, of Stratton, was his elder brother, and 
might, on that account, be supposed to take some interest in 
the American Colonies. But while Lord John was in 1660 an 
extra Commissioner of the Navy, he was an aspiring politician 
and reached the Privy Council in 1663, so that Pepys proba- 
bly had little intercourse with him afterwards. Sir John 
Colleton was a partner of Pepys' father-in-law in a patent 
"to cure smoking chimneys", and a fellow member of the 
Fishery Commission. He refers to Lord Craven as his ''very 
great friend". Sir George Carteret, he saw almost daily, and 
after his family alliance with Lord Sandwich, he was only less 
devoted to him than to Lord Sandwich himself. He was often 
with the Duke of Albemarle on business, and sometimes dined 
with him. He frequently met Lord Ashley, as they were both 
members of the Tangier Commission. Lord Chancellor Clar- 
endon spoke kindly of him, and on one occasion "stroked his 
head", and talked pleasantly with him on some business he 
was interested in. Now Pepys has been called a "garralous 
gossip", as, indeed, he was; but with all his apparent op- 
portunities to learn something of Carolina, he does not so 
much as mention it once; and to say this, is to say he never 
once heard it spoken of, for if he had he would surely have 
made a note of it. This seems strange to us now, but in the 
1660's it was probably little thought of, and certainly paid 
little profit to the Proprietors. Pepys does not even make a 
direct reference to Virginia, and only mentions its name 
twice, quite incidently ; though he has much to say of Tangier, 
Africa, the Turks, and Spaniards. 

Though Pepys may not have known of the Carolina Char- 
ter, he gives us interesting gossip of the men who composed 
the Company. When the Diary opens, Pepys was clerk to Sir 
George Dowling, but through the influence of Lord Sandwich, 
he was soon afterwards appointed Clerk of the Acts, a leading 
position in the Navy Office; and soon became also member of 
the Commission of Tangier, Surveyor-General of Victualling 
of the Navy, and member of the Royal Fishery Company. Of 
the Royal Fishery Company, Lord Craven was Deputy-Go- 
vernor, and Sir John Colleton was a member. Sir John Col- 
leton, M. D., was an Honorary Fellow of the College of Phy- 
sicians, and one of the Physicians to the Queen. Little more 
is known of him. Some months after the first Carolina Char- 


ter, Pepys' wife showed him bills printed, wherein her father, 
Alexander Merchant de St. Michel, with Sir John Colleton and 
Sir Edward Ford, had got a patent for curing smoky chimneys. 
But notwithstanding Colleton's partnership with his father- 
in-law — or, perhaps, on account of it — Pepys does not seem to 
have been intimate with him; for St. Michel was thriftless 
and impecunious, and Pepys avoided familiar relations with 
his family lest they should become a financial burden upon 

William Craven was; rich. He owned the magnificent 
mansion called Hampstead Marshall, designed by Sir Bal- 
thasar Gerbier, after the model of Heidelberg Castle. During 
the Civil War he aided Charles I with money, for which he was 
knighted and created a baron. His estate was confiscated in 
1649, but was recovered after the Restoration. He was de- 
voted to the King's aunt, Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, some- 
times called the "Queen of Hearts", to whom he is supposed 
to have been married, but there seems to be no direct evidence 
of the fact. He was created Earl of Craven in 1664. From 
Pepys' allusion to him, he appears to have been very proud and 
arrogant, and of rather lean ability. Be speaks of him as 
"that coxcomb, my Lord Craven". When sent with soldiers 
to suppress the 'Prentice riot, Pepys says "he rode up and 
down to give orders, like a madman". At a Fishery meeting, 
"very confused and very ridiculous, my Lord Craven's proceed- 
ings, especially in finding fault with Sir J. Colleton and Col- 
onel Griffin's report in the account of the lottery-men". At 
another meeting he draws Pepys' sarcasm, as follows : "It was 
so pretty to see my Lord Craven, the chairman, before many 
persons of worth and grave, use this comparison, in saying 
that certainly those that would contract for all the lotteries, 
would not suffer us to set up the Virginia lottery for plate 
before them" ; and then proceeds with a very coarse and lewd 
simile, which Pepys quotes verbatim, but which I can not 
venture to repeat here. 

Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, created Baron Ashley in 1661, 
and Earl of Shaftesbury in 1672, was able, versatile, and 
active. Born to hereditary wealth, he handled business mat- 
ters with ease and mastery. A member of Parliament at the 
age of nineteen, he distinguished himself in politics. He was 
an able judge, if not a favorite of the bar; and was a philos- 
opher of wide reputation. For these qualifications the Com- 
pany pitched upon him to draw up a perfect constitution for 
the government of Carolina, which he undertook, in colabora- 


tion with the celebrated philosopher John Locke. But his 
constitution could never be put into operation, the people of 
Carolina rejecting it in favor of one, less artistic, perhaps, 
but more practical and better adapted to the needs of their 

About the time the first charter was granted, Pepys notes 
the versatility of Lord Ashley's talents, as a qualification for 
public office. "But strange", he says, " to hear how my Lord 
Ashley, by my Lord Bristol's means (he being brought over to 
the Catholic party against the Bishops, whom he hates to the 
death, and publicly rails against them; not that he is become 
a Catholic, but merely opposes the Bishops ; and yet, for aught 
I hear, the Bishop of London keeps as great with the King as 
ever) is got into favor, so much that, being a man of great 
business, and yet of pleasure, and drolling too, he, it is 
thought, will be made Lord Treasurer upon the death or re- 
moval of the good old man" (Earl of Southhampton). 

The first of these qualities was the one that appealed 
most to Pepys. He repeatedly mentions it. "I find my Lord", 
he says, "as he is reported, a very ready, quick, and diligent 
person". At another time one tells him that Lord Ashley is 
"almost the only man he sees to look after business; and with 
that ease and mastery, that he wonders at him". In the 
meetings of the Tangier Committee he found him "a most 
clear man in matters of accounts, and most ingeniously did 
he discourse and explain all matters". When Lord Belasses' 
accounts were passed, Pepys declares they were "understood 
by nobody but my Lord Ashley". 

But unfortunately Lord Ashley was not above accepting 
bribes, as indeed, few of that reign were. Dr. Yearsby, who 
had business before the Tangier Committee, told Pepys he had 
made Lord Ashley a present of £100 to bespeak his friend- 
ship to him in his accounts, and that he did receive it; "and 
so", Pepys comments, "I believe he is as bad, as to bribes, as 
what the world do say of him". Pepys, who had himself taken 
many such gifts, noted its effect on Lord Ashley with some- 
thing of the curious interest that young Bean felt in according 
his own sensations, as he slowly froze to death on Mt. Blanc. 
"It is stupendous", he says, "to see how favorably and yet how 
closely my Lord Ashley carries himself to Mr. Yearbsly, in 
his business". "It is a most extraordinary thing to observe, 
and that which I would not but have had the observation of 
for a great deal". And at a meeting ten days later: "It is 
strange to see how prettily he dissembles his favors to Yearbs- 
ly's business, which none in the world would mistrust only I, 
that am privy to his being bribed". 


While the Earl of Shaftesbury was the most efficient, the 
Earl of Clarendon is perhaps the best known of the corpora- 
tors — partly because of his having been father-in-law to King 
James II, who married his daughter Anne Hyde; but more, 
I think, on account of his having written the best contem- 
porary "History of the Great Rebellion''. After the Civil War 
he went into exile with Charles II, and while abroad was 
invested by him with the Great Seal, under the title of Lord 
Chancellor, and as such accompanied him back to England at 
the Restoration. He was a valuable minister, but was sel- 
fish, avaricious, and overbearing. In 1667 he fled the realm, 
to escape being tried by the House of Lords, and died in ban- 

Pepys made his acquaintence in this way: The King had 
given Clarendon Park to the Duke of Albemarle, reserving the 
timber thereon to the Crown. Albemarle sold the property to 
Clarendon. The Commissioners of the Navy having ordered 
trees cut in the Park, Clarendon became furious with the 
Navy Office. Pepys went to him, telling him "I am the un- 
happy Pepys that had fallen into his high displeasure, and 
came to desire him to give me leave to make myself better 
understood to his Lordship". "He did plainly say that he 
would not direct me in any thing, for he would not put him- 
self into the power of any man to say that he did so and so; 
but plainly told me as if he would be glad I did something. 
Lord ! to see how we poor wretches dare not do the King good 
service for fear of the greatness of these men". Pepys did the 
"something" the Lord Chancellor wanted done, and he was 
"very well pleased therewith". 

As to his business capacity, Pepys is told that, "though the 
King love him not in the way of a companion, yet he can not 
do without him for his policy and services". Pepys was not ad- 
mitted to the Council of State, but they were both members of 
the Tangier Committee, and he there had opportunity to judge 
of the Lord Chancellor first hand. "I am dead in love with 
my Lord Chancellor, for he do comprehend and speak out well, 
and with the greatest easiness, and authority that ever I saw 
man in my life. I did never observe how much easier a man 
do speak when he knows all the company to be below him; 
for though he speak, indeed excellent well, yet his manner and 
freedom of doing it, as if he played with it, and was informing 
only all the rest of the company, was mighty pretty". But 
these condescending speeches to the Committee do not seem to 
have been the Lord Chancellor's uniform practice; for Pepys 
subsequently records that they "did get a great meeting; the 
Duke of York being there, and much business was done, ... 


and my Lord Chancellor sleeping and snoring the greater part 
of the time". 

I think it was Coventry who told Pepys that the Lord 
Chancellor was "not a man apt (and that'', says Pepys, "I 
think is true) to do any man any kindnes of his own nature''. 
It seems the only thing that would move him was money. 
Cook informed Pepys that "my Lord Chancellor he minds 
getting of money and nothing else"'. And in the same vein 
Evelyn told him "my Lord Chancellor never did, nor never will 
do, any thing, except for money". 

Gossip of the Lord Chancellor's haughtiness reached Pepys 
from every quarter. Povy thought "the Duke's marriage with 
bis daughter had undone the kingdom by making the Chancel- 
lor so great above reach, for that now he is secure he lets 
things go to rack". Coventry thought, "that while the Chan- 
cellor is so great at the council-board, and in the administra- 
tion of matters, there was no room for any body to propose 
any remedy for what was amiss, or to compass any thing, 
though never so good for the kingdom, unless approved by 
the Chancellor''. Mr. Wren was of the like opinion, "that my 
Lord Chancellor was a man not to be advised, thinking him- 
self too high to be counseled". Finally, it was said the King 
did call him an "insolant man", who would not let the King 
himself speak in council. 

George Monk, created Duke of Albemarle in 1660, was a 
professional soldier. He began life as a soldier of fortune, 
in the service of Holland; but in 1638 entered the army of 
King Charles I, where he attained the rank of Colonel, be- 
fore the Civil War. At the beginning of that unhappy strug- 
gle, he was imprisoned in the Tower on suspicion of favoring 
the cause of the Parliament; so closely did he keep his own 
counsels. Being released and restored to his command, he 
was afterwards defeated and taken prisoner by Fairfax, and 
again confined in the Tower, where he remained for two years, 
and was then released only on his swearing to the Covenant. 

He now entered upon a more important phase of his career. 
Cromwell conceived such a high opinion of his military ta- 
lents that he made him his Lieutenant-General, and gave him 
command of his artilery. He so distinguished himself at the 
battle of Dunbar, that he was intrusted with the chief com- 
mand in Scotland. Afterwards he was made Governor of 
Scotland, and conducted himself with vigor, moderation, and 
equity. Here he found himself, at the head of 6000 troops, 
when the news reached him of Cromwell's death. 

He now entered on still another phase of his career. While 


every thing was in confusion, and his own position perilous, 
on the first day of January, 1660, he crossed the English bor- 
der with his army, and marched unopposed to London, his 
own views and intentions, owing to his silence and self-con- 
trol, being a profound secret. At this time Pepys began to 
hear him discussed, and reports the town ttalk daily. Mr. Fage 
told him that Monk's letter concerning the "secluded mem- 
bers" of Parliament, was a "cunning piece", and that which 
they did not much trust to. The "secluded members", were 
those who had been violently excluded from Parliament twelve 
years before, and it was understood that their re-admission 
meant the recall of Charles II. Pepys says, on the 18th of 
January, that all the world was at a loss to know what Monk 
would do; the City saying he would be for them, and the 
Parliament saying he would be for them. According to ano- 
ther, it was this way: 

Monk under a hood, not well understood, 
The City pull in their horns ; 
The Speaker is out, and sick of the gout, 
And Parliament sits upon thorns. 

On the 20th, the City sent a deputation to General Monk, who 
lay at Harborough Town. Being admitted, with his army, 
to the City, Pepys heard he "clapped up" many of the Common 
Council, and under authority of Parliament, pulled down 
their "gates and portcullises, their posts and their chains". 
Then he heard that the City had declared for Monk, and that 
Monk had promised to "live and die with the City". Later 
he hears that Monk had addressed Parliament, recommending 
to them a Commonwealth, and against Charles Stuart, and 
that they had made him General of all the forces in England, 
Scotland, and Ireland. Then he was feasted at the Mercers' 
Hall, and invited, one after another, to all the twelve Halls 
in London; and at the Skinners' Hall, he was told, they took 
down the Parliament Arms, and set up the King's. Monk thus 
played with the Parliament and the City until he found the 
nation was with him, when he admitted the "secluded mem- 
bers" of Parliament, and Charles II was presently recalled. 

Pepys saw General Monk March 14, 1660, and says, "me- 
thought he seemed a dull, heavy man"; but he was probably 
influenced by the less guarded opinion expressed by his pa- 
tron, Lord Sandwich, that he was "a thick-sculled fool". Still 
he never changed his opinion of him. "I find him a heavy, dull 
man, methinks, by his answers to me", he records three years 
later. And in March, 1665: "A quite heavy man, that will 


help business when he can, and hinder it nothing". Finally, 
in October,1668 : "I know not how, but the blockhead Albe- 
marle hath strange luck to be loved, though he be, and every 
man must know it, the heaviest man in the world, but stout 
and honest to his country". 

Lord Albemarle's popularity extended to all classes. After 
the Fire, Pepys tells us, he was "sent for from the fleet to 
come to advise with the King about business at this juncture, 
and to keep all quiet". "It seems the King holds him so nec- 
essary at this time, that he hath sent for him, and will keep 
him here". The House of Parliament also, Pepys found 
"mighty favorable to the Duke of Albemarle". As to the 
people, he says he was "reading a rediculous ballad in praise of 
the Duke of Albemarle, to the tune of St. George, the tune 
being printed, too; and I observe that the people have some 
great encouragement to make ballads of him of this kind. 
There are so many, that hereafter he will sound like Guy of 

There were many reasons for Lord Albemarle's "luck of 
being loved". He remained in the City during the entire 
period of the terrible Plague of 1665 ; he preserved order in the 
City at the great Fire of 1666 ; he was "stout and honest to his 
country"; he was the friend of the old soldiers. When Mr. 
Coventry proposed the retrenching of some of the charge of 
horse, the first word asked by the Duke of Albemarle was, 
'let us see who commands them', there being three troops. One 
of them he calls to mind was by Sir Toby Bridges: 'Oh', said 
he, 'there is a very good man. If you must reform two of them, 
be sure let him command the troop that is left, ". 

But the Duchess ! Pepys was prejudiced against her, on 
account of her spite against Mr. Coventry and Lord Sandwich, 
but that she had a sharp tongue there can be no question. She 
was born Anne Clarges, daughter of the regimental farrier, 
and is said to have been Monk's mistress before he married her 
in 1652. She had previously been married to Thomas Rat- 
ford, and no certificate of his death was ever produced. 

Brigham told Pepys she "deals with him and others for 
their places, asking him £500, though he was formerly the 
King's coach-maker". She sought to interfere with the ap- 
pointment of Pepys to be Clerk of the Acts, but the place being 
a naval office, Lord Sandwich, Admiral of the Navy, pre- 

Pepys laughed at a life of the Queen dedicated to "that 
paragon of virtue and beauty, the Duchess of Albemarle". He 
declares her a "homely dowdy", a "filthy woman", an "ill-look- 
ing and ill-natured woman". 


Lord Sandwich had been Admiral in 1665, but being in- 
volved in some question of prize money, the King, who was 
his friend, sent him as Ambassador to Spain, till the matter 
blew over; and Lord Albemarle was to take the sea again. 
Pepys dined with the Duke, and "at table the Duchess, a 
damned ill-looked woman, complaining of her Lord's going to 
sea the next year, said these cursed words: 'If my Lord had 
been a coward he had gone to sea no more; it may be then 
he might have been excused, and made Ambassador' (meaning 
my Lord Sandwich)". But her bitter sarcasms were not con- 
fined to Lord Sandwich. On another occasion, Pepys reports ; 
"I find the Duke of Albemarle at dinner with sorry company, 
some of his officers of the army; dirty dishes, and nasty wife 
at table, and bad meat, of which I made but an ill dinner. 
Pretty to hear how she talked against Captain Du Tell, the 
Frenchman, that the Prince (Rupert) and her husband put out 
the last year ; and now, says she,'the Duke of York hath made 
him, for his good services, his cupbearer ; yet he fired more shot 
into the Prince's ship, and others of the king's ships, than of 
the enemy'." 

The last of the Proprietors of Carolina I have to mention is 
Sir George Carteret. He was a member of a distinguished 
Jersey family, and brought up to the sea. In the Civil War 
he rendered valuable services to the Crown, and in 1644 was 
knighted and afterwards created a baronet by Prince Charles, 
in whose favor he continued until his death in 1680. Comp- 
troller of the Navy under Charles I, he was appointed its 
Treasurer at the Restoration, and thus became Pepys' colleague 
at the Navy Office. He was also Vice Chamberlain, and Privy 
Councellor. He was a passionate man, but Pepys, even before 
his family alliance with Lord Sandwich, found many good 
qualities in him. 

"I do find him a good-natured man". 

"In his humor a very good man, and the most kind father 
and pleased father in his children that I ever saw". 

"I do take the Vice Chamberlain for an honest man". 

Coventry said, "he is a man that do take the most pains, 
and gives himself the most to do business, of any man about 
the Court, without any desire of pleasure or divertisement ; 
which", adds Pepys, "is very true". 

"But Lord ! how fretfully Sir George Carteret do discourse 
with Mr. Wayth about his accounts, like a man that understood 
them not one word. I held my tongue and let him go on like 
a passionate fool". 

Sir George was not well up on his Latin, which Pepys 


thought a great defect. ''This day", he says, "in the Duke's 
chamber, there being a story in the hangings, and upon the 
standards written these four letters — S. P. Q. R. (Senatus 
Populusque Romanus). Sir George Carteret came to me to 
know what the meaning of those four letters were; which 
ignorance is not to be borne in a Privy Councillor, methinks, 
that a school boy should be whipped for not knowing". 

July 6, 1667, Pepys notes, "Lady Jem brought to bed of a 
boy". Pepys' patron was his kinsman, Edward Montagu, who, 
after the Restoration, was knighted and created Earl of Sand- 
wich. He was a gallant naval officer, and died in action 
against the Dutch, in Southwold Bay, May 28, 1672. But he is 
probably best known at this time, as the inventor of the uni- 
versal hasty lunch, called in his honor the "sandwich". Pepys 
lived in his home for a time, and always gave the most assid- 
uous attention to his affairs and his family. His daughter 
Jeminiah, Pepys generally calls Mrs. Jem, or, after her father 
was ennobled, Lady Jem. He was like a brother to her and 
her sisters ; had them under his care while in the City ; carried 
them to the theater, and to see the lions in the Tower; and saw 
them grow into "very proper young ladies". 

With this Lady Jem Montagu we have some historical con- 
nection. She married Philip Carteret, son of Sir George Car- 
teret, one of the Proprietors of Carolina. Pepys, who negotiat- 
ed the alliance, also coached the shy and backward Philip in 
his courtship, and his detailed account of it is amusing enough. 
Philip and Jem Carteret had a son, George, as Pepys has just 
announced, who grew up, became Lord Carteret, and married 
Lady Grace Granville. Lord Carteret's son, John, was created 
Earl of Granville in 1741, and inherited, through his father, 
his grandfather's one-eighth interest in Carolina. When the 
other Proprietors surrendered their interests to the Crown, 
receiving each a valuable, though small consideration, (I 
should say about the value of a good farm), Lord Granville 
declined to part with his interest, and it was laid off to him 
in severalty, with these boundaries: On the north by the 
Virginia line; on the east by the Atlantic Ocean; on the south 
by a line in north latitude 35° 31', from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific Ocean; and on the west by the Pacific Ocean. These 
boundaries enclose almost two-thirds of Tennessee, lying next 
to the Kentucky line. 

It was a princely estate, and the descendants of Sir George 
Carteret had clung to it, until it had doubtless become a pay- 
ing property; wherefore Ave are disposed to listen with cre- 
dulity to the story, told upon the authority of W. H. Battle, 
one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of North Carolina, that 




early in the last century, the then Lord Granville, by his attor- 
ney, William Gaston, brought suit in the Circuit Court of the 
United States for the District of North Carolina, to recover 
possession of it; claiming that his title, which had been con- 
fiscated by the State of North Carolina during the Revolution- 
ary War, had been restored by the treaty of peace between the 
United States and Great Britain. The case was tried before 
Chief Justice Marshall and District Judge Potter; Messrs, 
Cameron, Baker and Woods representing the defendants. The 
trial resulted in a verdict and judgment for the defendants, 
and the plaintiff appealed to the Supreme Court of the United 
States. Before the cause came on for hearing, the War of 1812 
put a stop to it, and' it was never revived. 

A. V. Goodpasture. 



There is an abundance of excellent published material con- 
cerning that long drawn out controversy over the northern 
boundary line of Tennessee which began in the days when 
the colonies of Virginia and North Carolina could not agree 
land continued until the state of Tennessee and Kentucky 
made their final joint survey in 1858, but accounts of the 
running of the MATTHEWS LINE seem to be non-existent, 
although its existence is well known to tradition throughout 
the mountain section between Cumberland Gap and Cumber- 
land River. 

The MATTHEWS LINE was the result of the last attempt 
to locate the parallel 36 degrees and 30 minutes North Lati- 
tude, the original charter boundary between Virginia and 
North Carolina. 

This much disputed parallel first appeared in the history 
of Tennessee when Thomas Walker, representing Virginia and 
Col. Henderson, representing North Carolina, disagreed as to 
the location of the parallel which was admittedly the bound- 
ary between the western territories of the two stjates. As a 
matter of fact both of them, through errors in their instru- 
ments, Were wrong, but Henderson whose line lay some two 
miles north of Walker's was the more in error. 

Henderson abandoned his line at Cumberland Mountain, at 
a point nelar Cumberland Gap, while Walker continued to run 
westward, bearing further and further north, until he reached 
the Tennessee River. There he took boat and proceeded 
down to the Mississippi, where, by astronomical observation, 
he determined the parallel 36-30 and set up a marker, toler- 
ably accurate. 

There wlas controversy and negotiation about the boundary 
between the two states from that time forward. 'The line 
between Tennessee and Virginia was settled by agreement 
in 1803 as a line half-way between the Walker and Henderson 
lines. West of Cumberland Gap, however, there was no Hen- 
derson Line and no such convenient way of settling the dis- 

Without going into detlail as to the negotiation on the 
subject it may be said that on February 2, 1820, Felix Grundy 
and William L. Brown, representing Tennessee, and John J. 
-Crittenden land Robert Trimble, representing Kentucky, enter- 


ed into a compact at Frankfort, establishing the line of 1779- 
80 "commonly called Walker's line as reputed, understood and 
acted upon by sjaid states, their respective officers and citizens" 
as the true and correct boundary between Cumberland Gap land 
Tennessee River. The parallel 36-30 was recognized as the 
boundary between the Tennessee and Mississippi Rivers. This 
latter portion of the line had been surveyed the previous year 
by Alexander and Munsell. 

In the same compact it was agreed that tall lands vacant 
and unappropriated lying north of the paralell 36-30 and 
south of Walker's line should be subject to disposition by 
Kentucky. In other words Tennessee was to have the political 
sovereignty over this strip of land, which was afterward de- 
termined (by Matthews) to be 238 miles long and from 5 1-2 
to 12 miles wide, while Kentucky was to have the proprietary 
rights to the soil so far as it was vacant and unappropriated. 

Tn the following year 1821 William Steele and Absalom 
Looney, representing the two states, undertook to survey the 
boundary line in part, while nine years later the western por- 
tion of the line, between, the first or east crossing of Cumber- 
land River and the Tennessee River was run by Bright and 
Munsell. Both of these lines were afterward superseded by 
the line as finally established and marked in 1858 when com- 
missioners from the two states, starting for the first time at 
the Mississippi and running elast, established and marked the 
boundary permanently. 

W T hile the earlier surveys in a measure established the 
political boundary between the states they left the southern 
boundary of the lands in which Kentucky had a proprietary 
right entirely vague. The line was 36-30, but where thtat 
might be on the ground itself no one knew. Walker had 
tried to run it but had missed, while later surveys had sought 
to follow Walker and not the original chartered line. 

This being the state of affairs the Legislature of Ken- 
tucky on December 21, 1828, authorized the Governor to 
appoint ta mathematician and surveyor to ascertain and mark 
the line 36-30 from Cumberland Gap to the Tennessee River, 
where Alexander and Munsell had begun their survey, and 
requested the concurrence of the Governor of Tennessee in 
this work. (Chapter 144, Acts of the 34th General Assmbly 
of Ky.) 

There ensued a lively correspondence, extending over a 
period of months, during which Governor Joseph Desha of 
Kentucky sought for the competent mathematician and sur- 
veyor. He appointed Thonifes J. Matthews, Professor of 


Mathematics and Natural Philosophy at Transylvania Univer- 
sity, first, but Professor Matthews, after consideration, de- 
clined, stating that he had not the necessary instruments for 
the work nor h|ad he the funds to advance the expenses neces- 
sary. Moreover he felt sure that the Legislature, from the 
tone of its Act, had expected to have the line quickly and eco- 
nomically run with a compass only, which could not be done 
in this instance as a compass always follows a great circle on 
the sphere while a parallel of latitude is a small circle. 

Further correspondence between the Governor and Robert 
Alexander, of Woodford, Kentucky, who had mjade the surveys, 
through the Jackson Purchase in 1819, followed. Alexander 
declined and the appointment was offered William Steele, 
who had made the survey of 1821 following the eastern por- 
tion of Walker's Line. There is no record of Steele's reply 
to the offer, but it is evident that he declined for on March 
9, 1826, Professor Miatthews, after 'mature deliberation" wrote 
the Governor accepting the appointment. 

Two days later Governor Desha wrote Professor Matthews 
formally appointing him for the work and on the same day 
wrote the Governor of Tennessee requesting that he appoint 
some suitable person to join Matthews. According to a later 
statement of Governor Desla's no reply to this communica- 
tion was received. 

The actual running of the line can best be described by 
Professor Matthews and Charles Bracken, surveyor, the men 
who ran it in their reports to the Governor of Kentucky, sub- 
mitted by them December 1, 1826, aud by him submitted to 
the Legislature, which took no action at that session, but on 
February 9, 1828, "ratified and confirmed the line of 36-30 North 
as run by Thomas J. Matthews" and authorized owners of 
land warrants purchased from the State of Kentucky to locate 
them up to that line. 

Tennessee recognized the Matthews Line by an Act approv- 
ed December 20, 1831, in which it was provided that the run- 
ning and locality of the line might be proved in any Court 
of the State by parole evidence and that the production of the 
plat and calls of the survey might not be required. 

The reports of the men who ran the line, together with the 
Governor's letter of transmittal, follow : 

Gentlemen Of The Senate, And Of The House of Representatives: 

In pursuance to the provisions of an act of the last General As- 
sembly, authorizing me "to employ some capable Mathematician, to 
ascertain the proper latitude of 36-30 North, from a point on Walk- 


er's Line, near the Cumberland Gap, and run and mark a line in the 
said latitude of 36-30 North, to the point where Alexander and Mun- 
sell began their line, on the Tenessee River," I did, on the 11th of 
March last, by letter, employ Thomas J. Matthews Esq., Professor 
of Mathematics in the Transylvania University, to perform that duty. 
On the same day a letter was addressed to the Governor of Tennessee, 
enclosing a copy of the act, notifying him of the employment of Mr. 
Mathews and desiring the concurrence of Tennessee in the perfor- 
manc of the work. Copies of the letters of Mr. Matthews, and the 
Governor of Tennessee are transmitted, herewith. 

No answer to the letter addressed to him has been received from 
the Governor of Tennessee. 

Mr. Matthews having accepted the employment tendered to him, 
requested the advance of five hundred dollara, as authorized by the 
act, which I directed on the 30th of June. 

On the 2d of this month, he submitted his report, accompanied 
by the report of his surveyor, Mr. Charles Bracken, the celestial 
observations, field notes and a plat of the line. His account against 
the state for the services of himself, the surveyor and others em- 
ployed, and the expenses attending the performance of the duty as- 
signed him, was likewise submitted. 

Copies of the report and account are transmitted herewith. The 
field notes, and plat of the line are deposited in the Secretary's office, 
subject to the inspection of any member of your honorable bodies. 

December 9, 1826. 

Joseph Desha. 

Commonwealth of Kentucky, Executive Department, March 11, 1826 
Thomas J. Matthews, Esq. 

Sir: The General Asembly of this state, at its last session, by 
"An Act, to amend an act, authorizing the sale of the vacant land, 
between Walker's line and the latitude of 36-30 North, in the State 
of Tennessee, and for running and marking the latitudinal line," ap- 
proved, December 21, 1825, authorized me "to employ some capable 
Mathematician, to ascertain the proper latitude of 36-30 North, from 
a point on Walker's line, near Cumberland Gap, and run and mark 
a line in the said latitude of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes North, 
to the point where Alexander and Munsell began their line, on the 
Tennessee River. 

Pursuant to the authority thus conferred, and confiding in your 
abiliities, and zeal, in the performance of the work, I hereby employ 
you on the part of the state, to ascertain the latitude, and run and 
mark the line mentioned in the aforesaid act. 

The sum of five hundred dollars, appropriated by the act, to defray 
expenses shall be placed at your disposal, whenever you signify that 
it is requisite, to enable you to proceed in the discharge your duty. 

The Governor of Tennessee shall be immediately notified of your 
employment in this business and the concurrence and assistance of 
that state, requested. Should Tennessee appoint persons to assist, 
you may concert jointly with them, such measures as will tend to 
make the line, which you will run, satisfactory to both states. 

I have the honor, &c. 

Joseph Desha. 


Commonwealth of Kentucky, Executive Department, March 11, 1826. 

Sir: I transmit you, herewith, an act of the General Assembly of 
this state, approved, December 21, 1825. 

In compliance with the provisions of its thrd section, I have this 
day employed Thomas J. Matthews, Esq. Professor of Mathematics 
and Natural Philosophy, in the Transylvania University, to ascertain 
the latitude, and run the line therein mentioned. Ms Matthews, in- 
forms me, that he will commence the work in the vacation from his 
labors in the University, which will take place in July next, and 
continue for some months. 

Mr. Matthew's abilities are such, I am assured, as to insure a cor- 
rect discharge of the duty, which he has taken upon himself. 

It is, certainly, not less the interets of Tennessee, than of Kentucky, 
that a true lin of latitude 36-30" North should be run: And it is 
hoped that Tennessee, aware of this, will feel no hesitation to com- 
ply with the request of the Legislature of this state, as expressed in 
the enclosed act. 

I have the honor, &c. 

Joseph Desha. 

His Excellency, The Governor of Tennessee 
Lexington, December 1, 1826. 

Sir: In execution of the duties devolved upon me, as commis- 
sioner to determine the chartered line between this State and Ten- 
nessee, in latitude 36° 30' north, I proceeded to Cumberland Gap, on 
the 20th of last July, accompanied by Mr. William Agun, a young 
gentleman whom I had employed as an assistant, and followed in a 
few days by Mr. Charles Bracken, of Cynthiana, (the surveyor) and 
a suitable company of hands. 

At the house of Mr. George, a short distance from the Gap, I 
took my first observation, for the purpose of ascertaining how far I 
was from the true latitude, measured on a meridian. From an 
observation of four fixed stars, I found the latitude of Mr. George's 
house to be 36° 37' 15" north, or 7' 15" farther north than the char- 
tered line. 

I therefore proceeded down Powell's Valley on the 28th of July to 
the house of Mr. Reuben Moss, in Claibourne County, Tennessee, 
where I established my first station. At this place, by observations 
of 17 fixed stars, I determined the position of the line, which was 
three-tenths of a second north of the house. 

My method of observation was as follows: I took the altitudes of 
a certain number of stars, when on the meridian to the south; then 
comparing the result obtained from each northern star with one ob- 
tained from a southern star, of about the same altitude, I took the 
mean of both, and then the mean of all these comparisons for the true 
latitude. This method, by correcting, better than could be done in 
any other way, the inaccuracies of the instrument enabled me to arrive 
at a degree of exactness, which exceeded my most sanguine expecta- 

From Mr. Moss', I proceeded on the 1st of August, to Mr. Peter 
Cassell's, on Buffalo Creek, Campbell County, Tennessee, leaving Mr. 
Bracken to follow on the line, while I determined its position in ad- 

At Cassell's, I observed the altitudes on the meridian of five stars, 


but on account of the hazy state of the atmosphere, I was satisfied to 
rely on the calculations founded on them. These observations were 
on the 4th and 5th of August. While here, I received a message from 
Mr. Bracken, that on account of the difficulties arising from the at- 
traction of the iron ore in .the mountains, he could not proceed. I 
therefore directed him to come on with the party to Cassell's, and 
carry the line eastward from thence to the first station. Having 
changed my quarters to Mr. James Chetwood's, in the same county, 
I observed on the 8th and 9th of August, the meridian altitudes of 
six stars; and comparing them with those observed at Cassell's, I 
determined the line. In the meantime Mr. Bracken having arrived 
with the party, I started them on the line back to the first station; 
and it will be seen by reference to Mr. Bracken's field notes, accom- 
panying this report, that they struck fourteen chains seventy-five 
links north of the post at the first station. 

They then came on a second time to Cassell's and took up the line 
westward, while I proceeded to my third station, at Mr. Arthur 
Fogg's on Piles' turnpike. At this place I determined the position of 
the lines by observation of 32 stars, from the 18th to the 22nd of 
August. The latitude of Mr. Fogg's house was found to be 36° 33' 
10" north. At the preceeding station, Mr. Chetwood's, was in lati- 
tude 36° 33' 14" 2, and Mr. Cassell's in latitude 36° 26' 44" 01, the line 
passing about half way between them. The surveyor completed the 
line to Piles turnpike on the 26th of August, and it was seen by, 
reference to his field notes, that his line struck 16 chains north of 
the true line. I directed him, when leaving this station, to correct 
his line forward by laying his course S. 85° W. until he struck the 
true line, and then to proceed due west. 

On the 28th of August, I arrived at Mr. Edward Prices', on Jen- 
ning's Creek, Jackson county, Tennessee, where I found my fourth 
station. The latitude of Price's house, by observations of fifteen 
stars, on the 28th and 29th was found 36° 39' 7" 95; and here Mr. 
Bracken's line struck within 5 1-2 chains of the true line, being 
north of it. My fifth station was at the house of Mrs. Stalcup, 
Sumner County, which by observations of 18 stars on the 4th and 7th 
of September was found to be in latitude 36° 20' 21" 47. Mr Brack- 
en, at this place, struck 25 chains 50 links north of the true line. 
The line in all instances was corrected by running 5° from due west 
until the line struck the true latitude. 

My sixth and last station was at Clarksville, at the house of Mr. 
Eli Lockert, which was found to be in latitude 36° 31' 33" 66. Mr 
Bracken here struck 24 chains 25 links north of the true line. 

It may appear strange that the line should vary more in the level 
part of the country, than in the rugged and mountainous districts. 
The circumstance is, however, readily accounted for. It will be seen 
by reference to the field notes, and also to the plat of the line accom- 
panying this report, that as we proceeded westward, the variation of 
the compass increased rapidly from 6° 20' to 7° 35': and as the 
clouded state of the atmosphere prevented frequent observations for 
determining the variation (the time being about the autumnal equi- 
nox,) it was imposible to run the line as accurately as might other- 
wise have been done. Mr. Bracken, after bringing his line to coin- 
cide with the true line near Clarksville, found himself within ten 
poles of Colonel Steele's line, which was the continuation of Alex- 
ander and Munsell's line from the Tennessee river: and having car- 
ried the line on to the river, he struck its bank at a point almost 


exactly opposite to the marked trees, at the end of their line on the 
other side of the river. 

The whole length of the line by the field notes, is 238 miles and 
73 poles. It may be proper to remark, that toward the east end, 
our line was everywhere considerably south of Colonel Steele's line, 
and gradually aproached it, as we proceeded westward, until we sud- 
denly struck his line, near Clarksville. 

Together with the field notes, and plat of the line, I send an ac- 
count of expenditures and charges, by which it will be seen that I claim 
a balance of $2,101.37 1-2, the whole amount of expenditures and 
charges being $2,609. 

In conclusion, I will remark that considering the nature of the 
ground over which the line had to pass, and the difficulties attending 
the enterprise, from local attraction in the mountains, and change 
of variation in the plans, I do not believe that it could have been 
determined with greater exactness without devoting treble the time 
and expense to it that have been bestowed. The line was marked 
as the chartered line, together with the latitude at all places of notor- 
iety. It was also marked so as to be easily followed by blazing the 
trees to the right and left. 

With the utmost respect, 

Your obedient humble servant, 

Thomas J. Matthews. 
His Excellency Joseph Desha, Governor of Kentucky. 

Cynthiana, Ky., Oct. 13, 1826. 
Thomas J. Matthews, Esq. 

Sir: I herewith send you my field notes of the chartered line 
between the states of Tennessee and Kentucky, ran by your orders, 
under an act of the Legislature, together with a plat of the same. 

In platting it, you will perceive I have represented the true line, 
and by reference to my field notes, you will see at what distance I 
diverged from it at your several stations or places of observation. 

I am of the opinion my running will give satisfaction to the leg- 
islature, particularly from the first to the fourth stations, when they 
consider the nature of the ground over which I had to pass, being al- 
together mountainous, and at the eastern end of the line containing 
large bodies of iron ore. From the fourth to the sixth station, I met 
with a difficulty which was not in my power to obviate, viz: an increase 
of the variation of 1 15, in the space of one hundred miles. It was 
during the equinox, and the weather was generally unfavorable, and 
continued so until I reached the sixth station. 

In running to your several observations, I diverged to the north 
except at the fourth. I consider it fortunate, ag it may hereafter 
prevent any further difficulties between the two states. All correc- 
tions were made at 5°. I had the line marked with a blaze fore and 
aft, on all line trees; and with blazes quartering to the line on all side 
trees. At all places of notoriety I marked it as the chartered line, 
with the latitude and the variations at which I ran. 

As I was disappointed in not meeting an assistant surveyor, from 
Tennessee, I shall consider five hundred dollars, currency as a com- 
pensation for my services. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Charles Bracken. 


Dr. Commonwealth of Kentucky, in account with Thomas J. Matthews. 

1826 For expenses at Lexington for outfit of the surveying 
July party, viz, stationary, tent, camp equipage, provisions, 

19. &c $53.7654 

29. For expenses between Lexington and the Cumberland 
Gap, viz. provisions, entertainment on the road, &c 33.76 

30. For expenses at Cumberland Gap, viz. provisions, axe 
surveyor's chain, pins, &c 37.22 Vi 

31. For expenses at R. Moss', 1st station, entertainment, 
provisions, wages to hunter &c 42.50 

Aug. For expenses at P. Cassell's and J. Chetwoods', 2nd 

9. Station, washing, entertainment, provisions, bear 

skins, wages to hunter and guide, &c 36.14H 

26. For expenses at A. Frogg's, Piles turnpike, 3rd sta- 
tion, pilotage, entertainment, provisions, &c 70.36 

31. For expenses at E. Price's 4th station, entertainment, 
Provisions, pilotage, &c 

Sept. For expenses at Mrs. Stalcup's 5th station, entertain- 

7. ment, pilotage, provisions, repairs, &c 

20. For expenses at Clarksvile, 6th station, entertain- 
ment, pilotage, provisions, repairs,&c 45.81 tt 

28. For expenses from Clarksville to the Tennessee river, 

provisions, pilotage, &c 35.70 

Oct. For expenses home from Dover to Lexington 64.50 


Dec. For Dr. Nest's bill of medicine furnished for the use 

1 of the party, &c 17.50 

For the hire of three hands, (two chain bearers and 
a marker,) at $16. per month of 26 days, 3 months 
each is $48. for each or 144.00 

For services of a black man and pack horse, hired of 
Rev. N. Hiall, 3 months, at $20. per month 60.00 

For hire of another pack horse from Mr. Bracken, the 
surveyor, 58 days at 25c per day 14.75 

Dec. For wages of Mr. King, as commissary and general 

1 assistant to the party 100.00 

For wages to Mr. Agun, as assistant to myself 100.00 

For services of Mr. Bracken, the surveyor 500.00 

For a sextant purchased for the use of the party 178.33 

For my own services, 1,000.00 


1826 CR. 

July 10. By cash received in advance 500.00 

Sept. 28 By sale of tent, axe, and some other articles 7.62% 

Balance due Thos. J. Matthews, $2,101.37^ 

Errors excepted. 

Thomas J. Matthews. 
Robert S. Henry. 



(Reprinted from the Hortfc Carolina Booklet, Vol XIX 
Jan. 1920, page 116-118.) 

I have re&d with a great deal of pleasure the admirable 
address of welcome by Hon. George S. Bradshaw on the oc- 
casion of the meeting of the State Bar Association and was 
surprised at his omission of the name of Andrew Jackson, 
seventh President, from the long list of members of the Guil- 
ford bar, and again surprised that doubt should exist tas to 
the authenticity of his Guilford residence and as to his being 
a former member of our bar. The old minute book of Pleas 
and quarter Sessions in Clerk's office, Greensboro, says: 
"•Andrew Jackson procured a license from the judges of Su- 
perior Court of law and equity to practice law and was 
admitted jas attorney of this court November 1787." What 
has probably caused confusion is the fact that there was an- 
other Andrew Jackson in the county. The old minute book 
shows in 1798 Andrew Jackson attorney for William Bridges, 
acknowledged deed from D&niel Dawson for 71 acres. This 
was a power of attorney and the record so states. He was 
not a lawyer as has been erroneously claimed by some. This 
has been the stumbling block. It is clear that there was but one 
lawyer Andrew Jackson admitted to practice. Coure rec* 
ord spates in another place John Hamilton proved a power 
of attorney from William Bridges to Andrew Jackson empow- 
ering him to make title to David Dawson Jr. In 1800 Andrew 
Jackson served as juryman. In 1801 Andrew Jackson was 
Jappointed rtoad overseer. Andrew Jackson was appointed 
constable. In 1806 letters of administration on the estate 
of Andrew Jackson, deceased, were granted John Starrett 
and Edward Grau. It is clear that the record here refers to 
another Andrew Jackson who held the various small positions 
and died in 1806. The hero of the battle of New Orleans left 
Martinsville (Guilford courthouse) May, 1788, with Judge 
John MtNairy to take up his duties as public prosecutor for 
the western district (Tennessee.) Judge McNairy to assume 
the duties of Judge. They traveled on horseback. Parton 
says that "In the winter of 1784 and 1785 Andrew Jackson 
left his home in the Waxhaw settlement, S. C, and came to 
Salisbury, N. C. where for something over two years he studied 
law, at first in the office of Spruce McKay and afterwards in 
that of Colonel Stokes and that in November 1787. he was 


licensed to practice law." (This later date corresponds exactly 
with the record of minute book of Guilford court.) 

Investigators, and there have been many, when finding the 
reference to "Andrew Jackson, attorney for William Bridges", 
in the year 1798 stopped there and asserted this was the at- 
torney Andrew Jacks/on, who was admitted to practice in 

He was born March, 15, 1767, and was not quite 21 years 
of age. Parton states specifically that Jackson was for a 
short time in Martinsville,. He was there evidently from 
November, 1787, to May, 1788, with his friend Judge McNairy, 
land no doubt together they were preparing for their great 
work in Tennessee. This would make him a resident of 
Guilford county for six months and a member of the Guil- 
ford bar. Sumner and Brown failed to make mention of his 
stay in Martinsville, otherwise agreeing with Barton as to the 
other facts, figures and dates. Barton is the great biographer 
of Jackson and he is corroborated by the court records of 
Guilford. This is the documentary proof, now, for the tra- 
ditionary. The writer of this distinctly remembers many 
years ago hearing the late W. S. Hill, Esquire, of Greensboro, 
often say that his father, Wilson Hill, knew Jackson when he 
resided in Martinsville, that he was a visitor in his father's 
home, that his father journeyed to Washington during the 
presidency of Jackson, that he dalled upon the President, and 
they talked over old times. Wilson Hill was a prominent 
citizen of this county, lived in good style at a place that is 
now called Scalesville in the north part of the county. The 
Hill place was afterwards known as the "Anselm-Keid place." 
Again, Jackson often visited in the home of Charles Bruce, 
of Bruce' s Cross Koads (Sumerfield.) Stockard mentions this 
tradition. It is quite likely, for Bruce and Jackson were kin- 
dred spirits. They were both of Scotch descent. Bruce main- 
tained a race track and a stud of racers. He kept deer and 
fox hounds. He was a distinguished man and had served in 
the Halifax congress, as state senator, and a member of the 
county court and as its chairman, and afterwlards other 
offices of honor and trust. He was intensely devoted to the 
cause of the Revolution, as was Jackson. Jackson at this time 
was a horse racer, cock fighting, and rollicking young dare 
devil. He wrought well in his day and generation for the 

J. A. Hoskins. 




(Continued from Vol. VI, No. 2, page 139)* 

Conn (?) Henry to Elizabeth Guinn — Oct 2 
Courtney, William to Rachel McClure — Dec 20 
Davis, John to Nancy Johnson — July 22 
Dickson, John to Margaret Wills — Sept 25 
Doughty, Benjamin to Polly Kiness — Sept 20 
Douglass, Alex to Rhoda Ruth — Nov 13 
Dunlop, Nathaniel to Miss Polly Montgomery — Mch 11 
England, Alfred to Bershiba Walker — Nov 11 
Everett, Aquilla to Sarah Thompson — July 1 
Galbraith, Joseph to Abgail Strickland — Mch 14 
Galbraith, Joseph to Betsey Love — Apr 26 
Gallaher, Alexander to Jane Carter — June 2 
George, Travis to Elizabeth Johnson — Apr 14 
Gillespie, Abraham to Peggy Paul — Aug 10 
Goddard, John to Anne Campbell — Jan 25 
Grizzle, Henry to Susan Jones — Nov 4 
Hawkins, Levi to Elizabeth Guin — Oct 17 
Hicklin, George to Margaret Roberts — Aug 14 
Hunter, James to Fanny McCloud — Dec 2 
Johnson, Lorenzo to Katy Hunter — Jan 17 
Johnston, Elliott to Susan Luttrell — Aug 1 
Kime, Lewis to Sarah Short — June 21 
King, James B to Isabella McNeil — Feb 25 
Kirkland, George W to Louisa Alexander — Aug 30 
Larew, Francis to Nancy A. Young — Oct 19 
Long, John to Betsy Parker — Dec 2 
Loudenmulk, William to Betsy Wilhite — Feb 17 
Lyle, Samuel to Susan McDonald — Jan 30 
Lyons, Washington to Patty Lyons — July 3 
Mcintosh, Donald to Margery Campbell — Feb 1 
Martin, Samuel to Sally Ragan — Oct 2 
Mason, Winsor to Mariah Lane — Apr 1 
Mayberry, James to Lucretia Ross — Sept 13 
Mayberry, Joseph A. to Alsie Scott — Dec 4 
Mitchell, Jesse to Rachel Gentry — Mch 6 

Moats, John to H Huffstutler — Dec 15 

Monday, Fandy to Polly Wood — Sept 5 
Naill, John to Polly Benkly — Jan 19 
Newman, Jacob to Keziah Hathcock — Dec 5 
Overton, John to Mary May — July 28 
Patterson, William to Esther Rutherford — June 13 
Paul, Eddy to Eleanor Cole— Mch 23 
Price, John to Betsy King — Apr 19 
Ragan, Eli to Charlotte Ayres — Jan 4 
Ramsey, Francis A. to Margaret Humes — Apr 13 
Robert, Andrew to Jean Kelley — Oct 5 
Robinson, James to Mary Dardis — Aug 3 
Russell, William to Jane Lowe — May 30 
*See note at close of this number of the magazine. 


Rutherford, William to Elizabeth— Feb 15 
Scott, Harden S. to Patsy Larew— Mch 28 
Sensabaugh, Jacob to Nancy Thompson — Jan 24 
Smith, Bannister to Sarah Coker — Dec 2 
Smith John to Rachel Mulvaney — Apr 4 
Swan, John H. to Jane H. Swan (??) Sept 13 
Sword, Phillip to Nancy Cheatham — Jan 21 
Sylar, Peter to Polly Arnold — Dec 16 
Wagoner, Peter to Polly M. Smith — June 20 
Walker, Reuben to Betsy Gallaher— Dec 22 
White, Abraham D. to Elizabeth Douglass — Feb 24 
Whittle, John to Polly Karns— Aug 29 
Wilson, John to Betsy Campbell — July 28 


Adkinson, Peter to Harriet Sharp — Sept 11 

Aldridge, William to Patsy McClellan — Nov 12 

Allison, William to Sally McKinney — Aug 20 

Adamson, Isaac to Jane Underwood — July 28 

Badgett, James to Mary Ann Moore — Sept 8 

Barton, Isaac to Charity Barker — Apr 10 

Bayles, Israel to Betsy Sumter — Nov 23 

Brooks, John to Mary Armstrong— Jan 8 

Brown, Frances to Polly Bice — Dec 6 

Burnett, Lemuel to Jane Fisher — June 6 

Carter, Winston to Susannah Luttrell — June 15 

Cliburn, Lasley to Cynthia Hopper — Oct 27 

Cole, Benjamin to Polly Walker — Mch 21 

Cooley, Joshua to Nancy Maney — Dec 26 

Cottrell, Thomas to Lydia Cheesman — Dec 27 

Cruse, Walter to Nancy Walker — Apr 13 

Cunningham, Samuel to Eleanor F. Houston — Oct 25 

Debusk, David B. to Jerusha E. Rudder — Dec 28 

Dozier, Peter to Rebecca Haines — Aug 25 

Early, Benjamin to Polly Lilburn — Jan 8 

Edmonson, Samuel to Rebecca Hicks — Dec 2 

Findley, John to Patty Pean (?)— Dec 8 

Fulton, Thomas to Polly Wills— Jan 25 

Galbraith, James; to Charity Mayberry — Dec 25 

Hackworth, Austin to Betsy Rehry (?) — Oct 24 

Hamilton, Joseph to Elizabeth Moore (or Moon) — Jan 23 

Hardin, Martin to to Mariah Taylor — Oct 10 

Harris, Joseph to Julia Shull — Nov 7 

Harris, Nathan to Rebecca Gibbs — Oct 27 

Hawkins, Silas to Nancy Cruze — Dec 24 

Hazen, William to Hannah Walker — June 2 

Hester, Hwen (?) to Polly Cresv/ell— Mch 11 

Hewlin, James to Sally Crew — Dec. 4 

Hicks, James to Sally Couch — Oct 20 

Hill, William to Julia Anne Wright— Oct 18 

Johnson, Andrew to Catherine Stephenson — Sept 28 

Jordan, John to Nellie Goundy— July 17 

Kesslinger, Matthew to Sally Con — Dec 24 

Killingsworth, William to Matilda McClure — Mch 30 

King, Thomas to Mary Hagan — May 17 


Knox, James to C Bond — Oct 20 

Lee, Thomas J. to Maty Talbert — Sept 2 7 
Looney, Benjamin to Jane Caldwell — Mch 18 
Lumpkin, Richard to Rebecca Juslin — Dec 19 
Lyles, Wilson to Betsy Pritchet — Feb 6 
McCabe, Starkey to Elizabeth Murphy — May 29 
McCarroll, Joseph G. M. to Jane Henson — July 10 
McCloud, Alexander to Dice Baker — Aug 13 
Olinger, George to Mary Forganson — May 14 
Oliver, Henry to Peggy Stokes — Aug 28 
Parker, Nelson to Margaret Kelly — Nov 28 
Patrick, James to Betty Lewis — June 2 
Payne, Edmond to Jane Wrinkle — June 20 
Peterson, Israel to Jane McBride — Dec 4 
Ramsey, James G. M. to Margaret B. Crozier — Mch 1 
Rody, Alexander to Dicey Johnson — Mch 29 
Simpson, John to Rachel Fete Sept 28 
Smith, Beverly to Lucinda Killen — Nov 17 
Sterit, James to Polly Lyon — Dec 24 
Sterling, John to Sally Anderson — Aug 16 
Stowell, John to Margaret Armstrong — Mch 17 
Tinker, William to Margaret Robinson — Oct 31 
Underwood, John to Susan Guinn — Apr 3 
Wallace, John to Rebecca Norton — Sept 7 
Weaver, Walter to Elizabeth Martin — Oct 27 
White, John to Caty McNutt— Dec 31 
Williams, Joshua L. to Judith Roberts — Mch 24 
Yenell, Solomon to Sally Hubbs— Oct 3 
Young, John to Ruthy Cruze — Jan 1 

Agnus, Samuel to Keziah Roberts — Nov 30 
Allison, David to Isabell McConnell — Sept 12 
Badgett, James to Fanny Williams — Oct 5 
Baker, Solomon to Susanna Bayles — Nov 25 
Baker, William to Sarah Howser — Dec 16 
Bayles, John to Lucinda Whitecotton — Mch 2 
Boyd, Joseph to Peggy Kilburn — Feb 22 
Boyd, William to Eliza Reynolds — Sept 4 
Bright, Elias R. to Deborah Hawkins — Oct 4 
Brown, Elisha to Jane Booker — Apr 17 
Brown, James to Margaret Fraker — Feb 12 
Campbell, James to Patty Hazelwood — Oct 5 
Campbell, John to Mary Cowan — May 23 
Carpenter, William to Isabella McCloud — Feb 18 
Cheser, Dennis to Betsy Ault — Feb 28 
Chumlee, Claiborne to Elizabeth Cabit — Sept 20 
Clap, Adam to Rebecca Roberts — Sept 17 
Cloud, Levi to Peggy Courtney (?) — Oct 29 
Coleman, James to Sally Hickey — May 1 
Couch, David to Elizabeth Reed — June 13 
Courtney, John to Nanny Robinson — Oct 29 
Foster, Isaac to Mary Gibbs — Mch 16 
Frost, Joel to Susannah Tindell — Dec 9 
Fry, Rhodes to Betsy Doyle — Apr 17 
Gilstrop, Israel to Larky Davis — Mch 22 


Hackney, Jacob to Sarah Fisher — May 20 

Hackney, Jacob to Sally Fisher — June 4 

Hladen, Francis to Mary Lyons — July 23 

Hall, James to Elizabeth Pensley — June 24 

Hansard, Archilus to Nancy Lewis — Dec 24 

Heavers (?), William to Elizabeth Shell— Jan 8 

Henson, William to Ferbia Cottrell — Aug 29 

Hinkle, Phillip to Rachel Smith— July 13 

Houser, Jacob to Betsy Anderson — Aug 29 

Ingram, Samuel to Polly Gillam — July 24 

Jones, Francie K. to Polly Forkner — Feb 26 

Kelley, Samuel to Catherine Formalt — Jan 24 

Keys, Henry to Rebecca Lyons — Oct 31 

King, S. V. R. to Mary Anne Walker— Dec 2 

Kunn (or Green, or Know, or Yrun) Peter to Nancy Rector — Apr 1 

Love, Samuel to Polly Smith — July 9 

McNaim (?) to Mary Shutz— July 12 

Martin, Samuel to Patsy Stewart — Apr 17 

Maupine, Morgan G to Elizabeth Callen — May 28 

Milliken, Elisha to Mary Clayton — Sept 23 

Mitleberger, John to Sally Caig — Feb 12 

Mounger, Jethro W. to Elizabeth Galliher— Oct 23 

Mulvany, Jacob to Nancy Low — Mch 25 

Murray, Rena to Annie Elliott — Aug 6 

Mynatt, James to Nancy Parker — Aug 5 

Newman, Edmond to Margaret Bowman — Feb 2 

Nickerson, Frederick to Catherine Howell — Dec 16 

Norris, Alfred to Tabitha Bledsoe — Nov 14 

Ogg, Peter to Eliza Dowell — Apr 15 

Smith, Robert to Eliza Sterling — Sept 3 

Ramsey, Reynolds to Anne Roan — July 17 

Ransom, John to Betsy Luttrell — Nov 14 

Reagan, David to Betsy Catheum — Sept 11 

Reed, Joseph to Bessie Breese — Dec 12 

Rody, William to Martha Childress — Jan 15 

Reynolds, John M to Jane McHaffie — Apr 11 

Rohr, Philip to Margaret Formalt — Dec 26 

Routh, James to John Lovelass — Dec 24 

Sheretz, John to Georgia Walker — Sept 2 

Smith, Charles J. to Betsy Simpson — Aug 21 

Smith, John to Henrietta Counsell — Feb 4 

Smith, William to Polly Goodman — Dec 4 

Snow, Archibald to Nancy Griffin — Aug 10 

Swaggerty, Stokley D. to Polly Guinn — Dec 20 

Tobler, George W. to Peggy Henshaw — May 13 

Thompson, James to Dinah Bitchbord — July 25 

Ubank, John to Patsy Walker — Aug 24 

Walker, Richard to Susan Thomas — Apr 9 

Wheeler, Sevier to Sally Johnston — Mch 28 

Wilhite, George to Nancy Gunn (Guin ?)— July 2 

Woods, Mason to Elizabeth Cole — Oct 14 

Abel, Moses to Betsy McHenry — July 
Anderson, John to Sallie Dunham — May 15 
Armstrong, Addison W. to Nancy McMillian — Mch 21 


Bell, James L. to Nancy Conner — Apr 28 

Bell, Robert to Malinda Scott^-Feb 20 

Boaz, Obediah to Prudence King — Nov 18 

Bowman, Samuel to Betsy Hippenstall — Dec 31 

Butler, Jacob M. to Sarah Hardin — Nov 17 

Campbell, David to Jane Smith — Nov 29 

Cartul (?) Elijah to Sally Fairchild— Aug 30 

Cheasman, George to Malinda Mayfield — Apr 2 

Clift, William to Nancy Brooks — Apr 15 

Crew, David to Polly Smith— Oct 4 

Cunningham, James to Peggy Anderson — Sept 30 

Davis, Edmond to Mary Ann Marthena Lefevre (?) — May 7 

Davis, William to Betsy Hunter — Feb 10 

Doyle, David to Sally Houser — May 3 

Edmondson, John B. to Polly Crawford — May 7 

Eldridge, Stephen to Milly Walker— Dec 18 

Elliott, Isaac to Fireby Williams — May 29 

Font, David D. to Dorcas M. King — Oct 7 

Gusling (?), Joseph to Betsy Keys — Jan 9 

Hammond, Jesse to Lilah Underwood — Jan 18 

Hanalson, William to Catherine Wills — Mch 31 

Hanes, Jordan L. to Letty Conn — Mch 5 

Harmon, John to Milly Honsong — Dec 22 

Hill, Lewis to Rachel Birdwell — July 18 

Hood, Aaron to Nancy Hiensey — May 28 

Hunter, John to Elizabeth McMillan — Dec 23 

Israel, Isom to Neety Parr — Mch 28 

Jett, William to Ailsy Norman — Nov 3 

Keith, Andrew to Martha Mitchell — Apr 16 

Kennedy, Lucas to Mary Kain — July 15 

Kimbrough, John to Mary L. Hasen — Oct 15 

Lewis, Loren R. to Levina Roddy — Feb 25 

Lones, Joseph to Nancy Cavett — Dec 14 

Lpon (or Lphow), David to Milly Head— Jan 29 

McCampbell, James to Jane Boyd — Mch 27 

McMillan, James to Nancy Kennedy — Dec 30 

McNamy (or McNanny)' Jahn to Rachel Smith — June 16 

Morgan, John to Judy Quails — Aug 28 

Morrow, Charles to Sally Davis — Dec 18 

Murphy (or Morphee), Silas to Matilda Clayton — Nov 11 

Murray, Eli to Phoebe Hawthorn — May 15 

Norwood, John to Mary June 21 

Overton, John to Anne Parr — Apr 21 
Patton, William to Jane Cunningham — June 11 
Reagan, John to Rebecka Moore — Oct 30 
Rector, Washington to Nancy Kirkpatrick — Jan 12 
Rentfrow, James to Sally Yost — Dec 22 
Rogers, Thomas to Cynthia Campbell — June 19 
Rutherford, John to Betsy McAffrey — Feb 18 
Short, Adam to Polly Pratt — Jan 22 
Smith, Robert to Phebe Clap — Nov 25 
Smith, Samuel, Jr., to Oney Kearns — Aug 12 
Smith, William to Nancy Burnett — Feb 22 
Spears, Leven (?) to Anna Waddell — June 12 
Stanton, Washington to Sarah Hood — Mch 7 
Starky, Samuel to Maria Bennett — Jan 27 



Stephenson, James to Margaret Brooks — Mch 12 
Stowell, Ales to Maria Stephenson — Oct 16 
Warmack, Isaac to Nancy Lonas — Jan 4 
Watkins, Richard to Martha Caldwell — Mch 4 
Wert, Joseph to Catherine Gardner — Nov 13 
Williams, Berry to Lucretia Hill — Mch 22 
Wilmoth, William to Margaret Kirkland — June 29 

Bails, Asher to Sally King-^July 22 
Bell, William W. to Susan Low (or Love)— Feb 13 
Bryan, Thomas H. to Patsy Manifold (?)— Nov 27 
Byerly, Jacob to Sally Brown — Nov 2 
Cassaday, Richard to Mary Walker — Sept 7 
Cox, Moses to Polly Conners — Oct 21 
Cunningham, Andrew to Elizabeth Anderson — Nov 11 
Doyle, William to Catharine Thomas — Nov 25 
Drain, John to Sarah Henderson — Dec 5 
Dunlap, Auterson (?) to Betsy McBride — Jan 10 
Foust, David to Hanna Clap — July 29 
Gault, John to Patsy Murphy — Feb 4 
Hackworth, Samuel to Polly Hall — June 16 
Halfacre, Jacob to Peggy Bodkin — Feb 1 
Hawkins, Edward to Elizabeth Skaggs — Feb 28 
Hawkins, George to Matilda Flakner — Apr 7 
Henderson, John to Peggy Ann An try — Nov 9 
Henderson, John to Ann Carr — Dec 22 
Hill, Marvel to Milly Con— Mch 15 
Hines, Joseph to Mary A. Grimes — Dec 16 

Hinds, (Sam?) to Fanny Ann Reynolds — Dec 23 

How, Jacob to Elizabeth Sensebaugh — Apr 23 
Johnson, Lillerbury to Edg George — Apr 5 ?? 
Love, Thomas B. to Susan Smith — Feb 21 
McBath, Alexander to Peggy McCall — Dec 30 
McCaughorn, John to Margaret Ann Gray— July 7 
McClure, Samuel to Sally G. Love — Sept 22 
McMillan, Charles to Rosanah Hunter — Feb 24 
Miller, Mark L. to Mary Ann Jane Pinkson — Dec 15 
Rector (?), Benjamin to Lilly Shell— Oct 14 
Richardson, Alexander W. to Elizabeth Gibbs — May 22 
Rodgers, David to Lumina Jackson — Mch 29 
Scott, William A. to Mary Ann Odel — Feb 12 
Shields, Robert to Prudence Boyd — Apr 29 
Smith, Alexander to Peggy Galliher — Feb 28 
Spears, James to Sophy Ragsdale — Dec 25 
Sterrit David to Bethia H. King — Jan 8 
Swann, Robert M. to Ann Aurelia Ramsey — Dec 15 
Thompson, Joseph to Sally Legg — Feb 12 
Weaver, William to Patsy Zand (?)— Mch 7 
White, Thomas to Margaret Smith — Nov 11 

Chrisman, Isaac, Jr., to Isabella Pursley — Oct 27 
Crawford, Thomas to Maria Harris — Sept 20 
Dunn, John to Mahala McClure— July 25 


Humphreys, Alexander to Nancy Bond — Nov 5 
McLemore, William to Betsy Luttrell — Feb 16 
Walker, Jesse to Rebecka Greer — Sept 23 
Williams, Jason to Nancy Cottrell — Dec 15 

Ballinger, James to Anne Dow — Oct 25 
Bayless, Samuel to Nanny Lister — Mch 9 
Benson, Matt to Hannah Smult (?) — Aug 1 
Chiles, Micajah to Elizabeth Wilkens — July 29 
Coker, John to Sally Ferguson — Dec 16 
Crank, James to Nancy George — Jan 17 
Cunningham, Jesse to Betsy Newman (?) — July 18 
Doyle, Isaac to Peggy Campbell — Dec 14 
Drain, John to Sallie Henderson — Dec 5 
Fleming, Washington L. (or S) to Ruth Brown — Apr 21 
Home, George to Amanda Luttrell — Oct 11 
Houston, Walter to Jane Cunningham — Mch 15 
Howser, Jonathan to Polly Harmon — Aug 15 

Taylor, Al to Nancy Simpson — July 26 

Thompson, James to Frances Yarnell — Oct 26 
Watkin, Samuel to Lucy Birely — Mch 15 
Wiebb, George to Nancy Calloway — Sept 18 

Catham, Edmond to Betsy Longwutt (?) — Aug 16 
Clark, Hugh M. to Mary Smith — Mch 5 
Dyer, William to Polly McDaniel — Jan 8 
Honnycut, Henry to Dice Israel — May 30 
Luttrel, Robert H. to Harriet Monday — Dec 27 
McCall, John to Mary Ann Rentfro— Jan 2 
McCormack, Samuel to Merica Burnett — Mch 14 
Simpson, William to Susan Luttrell — Apr 
Webber (or Wibbed), William W.— Oct 26 

Allen, John to Sophia Almander (?) — Feb 14 
Ayles, William Porter (?) to Lucinda Chambers— Dec 17 
Brooks, Joseph A. to Margaret A. McMillan — Sept 9 
Brown, Edward to Joanna Hill — Jan 25 
Campbell John S. to Nancy Smith — Feb 2 
Cobb, Melton to Jane H. Dickey — Sept 11 
Cox, Elisha to Melinda Coker — Apr 1 
Craig, James W. to Rebecca Lowe — Feb 9 
Hair, James to Elizabeth J. McCampbell — Jan 8 
Hood, Isaac to Elizabeth Casteel — Jan 31 
Larew, Ransom R. to Sallie Crawford — July 3 
Luttrell, Jackson to Sally Fisher — Oct 23 
McMillan, Andrew to Mary Littleford (?) — May 8 
Roddy, Moses to Hetty Looney — Feb 22 
Watt, Joseph to Jane Luttrell — June 9 
Wood, Joseph to Gilly Munday — Aug 16 


Bearden, John to Caroline Dell — Sept 14 
Bowen, John Wl to Polly Carter— Mch 30 
Bowman (?), Carter to Frances Badgett — Dec 15 
Campbell, John to Elizabeth Armstrong — June 29 
Cash, Shadrack to Elizabeth Shink(?)— Apr 7 
Chapman, John to Ellen Legg — Jan 30 
Clibourn, John to Sarah Luaby — July 23 
Conley, Richard to Rosannah Stout — Jan 26 
Crank, Jesse to Eliza George — Jan 30 
Hansard, William to Rachel Graham — June 12 
Murphy, Alexander to Margaret Johnston — June 20 

Witness: Hugh A. Murphy. 
Solomon, Ale — (?) to Maria W. Luttrell— Dec 29 
Walker, Barkley, to Peggy Anne Douglas — Dec 7 
West, John to Jenny West — Sept 10 
Williams, Benjamin to Nancy Israel — Dec 8 (?) 

Anderson, Samuel to Elizabeth Kirby — Apr 1 
Anthony, John D. to Mary Ann Douty — Mch 27 
Baker, John to Ellen Graves — July 28 
Bishop, Lewis to Susan Mynatt — Sept 23 
Braden, William to Julia Ann McHaffie — Sept 20 
Fraker, Michael to Winifred Gillam — Aug 26 

Witness: John Murphy 
Luttrell, Hugh to Amelia Rutherford — Dec 9 
Neathing, Samuel to Mahala Coker — Dec 21 
Wilkerson, John to Tabitha Harris — Feb 18 
Wilson, Francis to Betsy, daughter of Matt Thompson — Oct 16 

Luttrell, Hugh to Ruth Graves — Apr 10 
Luttrell, James to Dicie Murphy — Nov 28 
Mathis, James J. to Sarah R. Foust— June 1 
Mynatt, William to Eilzabeth Bishop — Aug 23 
Thornton, James A. to Amelia A. McMillan — Aug 19 
Willis, Hardin to Maud Cooper — Jan 25 


Christy, William T. to Ellen T. Morgan— July 11 
Cummings, Uriah to Tabitha Smith — Dec 24 
Fink, George to Nancy Smith — Dec 24 
Heathcoat, Alan (?) to Isabelle McMillan — June 28 
Luttrell, Richard to Jany Mynatt — Dec 3 
Murphy, Richard S. to Mariah J. King — Jan 11 
Paxton (?) James W. to Patsy Campbell — Nov 27 
Williams, Jeremiah to Minnie Chiles — May 3 

Arnold, Oliver to Hannah Melton — Sept 28 
Blackburn, Alexander to Hariet Campbell — Dec 12 
Chinn, Richard M. to Sarah Ann Cruse — Nov 23 


Coffman, James to Sarah Chumbley — May 23 
Goddard, John to Martha Johnson (?) — 1833 
Crawford, Adam to Cathrina Scott — Jan 18 
Currier, James to Sarah Bearden — July 14 
Harbison, Joseph A. M. to Leona Crippin — Apr 13 
Like, Jacob to xiebecca Pratt — May 25 
Trout, Isaac to Nancy Luttrell — Sept 17 
Miller, Thomas HI. to Elizabeth Carr — June 16 
Willson, Thomas to Nancy Bummitt — July 3 
Woods, John A. to Sally Kirkpatrick — Dec 18 

Cloud, Reuben to Elizabeth Stout — July 15 
DeArmond, William to Jane Campbell — Dec 16 
Williams, Alexander to Sally McClure — Mch 27 


Alexander, Josephus to Cynthia Roberts — Apr 10 

Anderson, Alexander to Lettie McCammon — Dec 21 

Anderson, William J. to Mary Childress — Dec 24 

Been, Andrew to Cynthia Pedigo — Nov 25 

Bird, Thomas to Malvina Goins — Apr 11 

Bright, John, Jr. to Susan Pugh — Aug 13 

Brown, William to Mary Ann Lyle — Nov 3 

Chenowith, George W. to Nancy Minton — Aug 25 

Cork, Gunsbery(?) to Phebe Olinger — Mch 11 

Covington, Daniel to Narcissus Kitman (or Pitman?) — May 7 

Cuthbert, W. B. to Lucy Carlos— Oct 9 

Davidson, Samuel to Elizabeth Russell — June 10 

Drake, John to Fannie Danewood — Aug 27 

Dunkin, Stephen to Margaret Been — Apr 14 

Edington, Nicholas to Patience Dwight 12 

Ferguson, Andrew to Catherine Zackery — Oct 17 
Frazier, Samuel W. to Lydia Julian — Mch 7 
Gamble, Robert to Anne Younell (?) — Aug 18 
George, Samuel to Eliza Harris — Sept 21 
Goddard, Samuel M. to Harriet Lones — Aug 20 
'Graves, Henry to Sarah Danewood — Sept 12 
Griffin, Benjamin to Sarah Culson — Nov 17 
Hair, Larkin to Cynthia Miller — Sept 1 
Harben, Aaron to Dicey Adkins — Aug 30 
Hinsn, William to Margaret Devault — Sept 17 
Hood, Daniel R. to M. J. L. Swan— Feb 20 
Johnson, Nathan to Cynthia Miles — Jan 28 
Johnson, Stephen to Mary Ann Hillsman — Aug 13 
Johnson, William D. to Eliza Hjnton — Nov 2 
Joroulman, R. D. to Maria W. Caldwell — Feb 26 
King, John F. to Elizabeth Wells— Sept 3 
Lucas, Robert to Nancy Con — Sept 12 
Luttrell, Hugh F. to Eliza Bounds — Mch 7 
McCall, Duncan to Mary Beckley — June 20 
McCollum, Daniel to Nancy Ayers — Dec 30 
McMillan, Jackson to Avey Cates — Sept 26 
McPhetridge, C. A. to Eliza Livy (or Lucy?) — Mch 11 
Major, John to Mary Gault — June 27 


Manson, William to Nancy Long — Dec 9 
Maxwell, John to Levina Moon — Dec 10 
Meek, Adam C. to Sarah Douglas — Dec 1 
Menton, Preston to Elizabeth McCalish — Mch 28 
Monday, Joshua E. to Sarah E. Little — Jan 27 
Morley, William E. to Nancy Gamble — July 16 
Mourfield, Daniel A. to Rebecca Lucy — Aug 10 
Mowrey, Jackson to Sarah Coffin — Aug 7 
Multeburger, William to Sarah Forest — Jan 6 
Murphy, Hugh I. to Rebecca Ford — Feb 9 
Mynott, Joseph to Nannie Lindell — Jan 5 
\Mynott, Rufus to Elizabeth Hillsman — June 2 
Nance, Leonard C. to Nancy Tipton — Jan 20 
Parham, Thomas Daniel to Catherine Rudder — Sept 24 
Perry, John to Alvina Madris, Aug 3 
Perry, Robert to Margaret M. Campbell — Oct 2 
Pickett, John to Martha Howell — June 25 
Prior, Lewis to Lucy Cruse — July 30 
Pryor, John to Ann Trigg — July 7 
Ried, Jacob to Elizabeth McCall — Dec 9 
Robertson, Samuel to Elizabeth Hanna — Apr 21 
Russell, John P. to Mary Ann Smith — May 14 
Sartin, Clark to Sarah Anderson — May 7 
Scruggins, Josiah to Martha Harvey — Sept 28 
Sheretz, William to Sarah Miller — Dec 31 

Simpson, William to Jane Davis — Feb 3 

Singleton, John W. to Fanny Badgett — May 19 
Smith, John H. to Catherine Low — Mch 23 
Smith, James H. to Susan Major — Oct 1 
Smith, Jesse R. to Rebecca Bond — Dec 30 
Smith, William H. to Martha L. Anderson — Dec 30 
Walsh, Francis to Elisa Calvert — Aug 28 
Webster, Sanders to Sarah Stanton — Sept. 5 

Adair, Alexander to Sarah A. McThompson — Feb 1 
Ayres, Joseph to Lottie Shelton — Aug 23 
Bell, Robert to Mary Wood — Jan 12 
Blang, P. L. to Sarah A. Bell — Jan 8 
Brittingham, James to Louiza Bayer — Nov 21 
Burkhart, Peter to Anna Gillum — Aug 10 
Byrd, Nathaniel to Mary Lea — Nov 7 
Clown, George to Nancy Mcintosh — Dec 27 
Dunn, William to Sarah Cummings — Jan 5 
Eleson, Joseph to Elizabeth Simpson — Mch 12 
Eleson, John C to Polly Wall— Aug 29 
Elliott, WMliam to Lucinda K. Anderson — June 15 
Fisher, Emslay to Sarah McNutt — Feb 25 
Fitzgerald, George W. to Betsy Practon — April 29 
Fortner, David to Melinda Barnes — Aug 27 
Fisher, George to Eliza Cable — July 22 
Foust, John to Lucy Shinaberry — Aug 31 
Frits, Isaac to Franky Fortner — Apr 11 
Gillespie, Frank to Elizabeth Simpson— July 11 
Haines, Clinton to Margaret Henry — Feb 1 
Hall, M. S. to Adalina McCampbell— ^Tan 20 


Hansard, Calvin B. to Hannah Ailor — Sept 8 
Harris, Samuel to Elizabeth Mynatt — Nov 25 
Hawkins, Abraham to Anora Sherrodd — May 30 
Hood, Payton to Catherine Davis — July 4 
Huffaker, George to Nancy Lones — Dec 10 
Hunter, Robert to Jane Thompson — Mch 26 
Jett, Jefferson to Sarah Webb — May 28 
Johnson, Laborn to Saroh Ann Brown — Jan 30 
Johnson, Stephen to Nancy Hillman — June 19 
Jones, John to Matilda Holt — Feb 16 
Jones, John to Nancy Buckhart — Nov 7 
King, Benjamin to Priscilla Cates — Feb 29 
Kirkpatrick, Robert to Melinda Hartley — Nov 4 
Lacey, Jacob to Catherine Boyd — Aug 4 (or 1833?) 
Lamon, Henry to Elizabeth Ann Kennedy — Aug 12 
Lea, John to Rebecca Coats — July 30 
Lithgo, William to Malvinvilla Stouts — June 20 
Little, Adam to Mary Campbell — Mch 5 
Lones, George W. to Elizabeth Watkins — Sept 28 
Lyles, Lewis to Loy Rourk — Sept 7 
McTorff, John to Mary Ann PriceJMch 19 
McHafne, John to Sarah Sherwood — Mch 16 
Matlock, John to Sarah Holoway — Dec 24 
Monday, Charles to Biddy Livly — Feb 21 
Moon, Elija to Mary Beadley — May 18 
Moon, Joshua to Isabella Dunn — Mch 24 
Moore, William C. to Eliza Eddington — Dec 19 
Nelson, Charles W. to Cynthia Hilburt — Nov 14 
Nelson, David to Charlotte Lones — Jan 30 
Nelson, Henry M. to Mahala Kidd — Nov 16 
Nelson, James to Mary Lones — Sept 17 
Osborn, Holland to Martha Nelson — Nov 29 
Perry, James to Elizabeth Hudson — Sept 11 
Powell, Benjamin to Patsy Buffaton — Sept 10 
Rice, William N. to Margaret Rice — Oct 5 
Riggins, Lloyd to Ruth Ann Israel — Jan 10 
Roberts, Charles to Charlotte Mitchell — July 5 
Rudd, Joel to Sarah Camp — Apr 6 
Rule, George to Mary Ann Capps — Nov 17 
Rutherford, Houston to Maggie Mitebarger — Dec 7 
Seguine, Roby to Nancy Mourfield — Oct 24 
Shannon, Wesley to Susan Davis — Jan 30 
Shelby, Elija to Margaret Somdrumulk (?) — Jan 20 
Sherrod, Philip to Elizabeth McMillan— Dec 20 
Simpson, Joseph to Margaret Coke — Jan 4 
Smith, Andrew to Sarah Richards — Jan 8 
Smith, John to Rutha Murphy — June 16 
Statten, Thomas to Elizabeth Kennedy — Nov 30 
Willis, Luke to Patsy Ann Lisby — June 20 

Anderson, Henry G. to Drusilla McCampbell — Mch 6 r"? 

Atkins, Charles W. to Mary Henry— July 8 
Ault, Andrew J. to Mary Rutherford — Sept 15 i 

Bean, John I. to Sarah Carroll — July 26 
Bowen, William R. to Matilda Sprinkly — Dec 27 

198 (concluded) MISS KATE white 

Caldwell, Robert to Elizabeth Clapp— Oct 30 
Carson, William to Ann McCallum — Jan 15 
Chapman, Charles P. to Mary B. Thompson — Mch 4 
Chastin, George to Betsy Lisby — Mch 10 
Chinn, Reuben to Lottie Eddington — Feb 16 
Clark, William to Susan Clark — Jan 3 
Con, Joseph to Deliton Hay — Dec 15 
Crawford, Barnes to Amanda Lorin (?) — Dec 4 
Evans, Robert C. to Elizabeth Sherrod — Aug 29 
Elledge, Isaac to Jane Morrow — Sept 15 
Fleming, Thomas W. to Catherine Walland — Dec 27 
Ford, William to Margaret Tarwater — Jan 16 
Formalt, Adam to Mary McAffrey — May 11 
Franklin, John to Anne Luster — Apr 15 

Futril, Etheldred to Martin— Sept 17 (?) 

Futril, Etheldred to Sarah Nicholmus— Sept 18 (?) 
Goldson, William to Margaret Smith — Apr 14 
Graves, William to Mahala Graves — Oct 3 
Henderson, Andrew to Mary Campbell — Aug 26 
Henderson, William to Mary Golden — Oct 21 
Hinson, Bichard to Evelina Cowan — Oct 12 
Hoasu, Joseph to Polly Ann Buchford — Nov 11 
Hood, Lewas to Nancy Robey — Oct 7 
Howell, William S. to Minerva Cruze — Jan 11 
Hufferman, Ellet to Nancy Bund — Jan 11 
Israel, Lewis to Tilda Webb — Jan 25 
Jackson, Hugh to Huldah Wilson — Aug 14 
Jacobs, J. B. to Patsy Ann Cozart — May 17 
Johnson, Frederick to Dorothe Ledgerwood — Sept 
Karnes, Henry to Charlotte McLain — Mch 22 
Karnes, Henry to Jamima Conners — Sept 21 
Kidd, Edmund to Melinda Griffin— Oct 20 
King, John to Polly Mills — Nov 25 
King, Matthew to Naunduch Ford (?) — Oct 17 
Koons, George to Sallie Ezell — Feb 25 
Lee, Duncan to Olivia Nance — Feb 13 
Like, Anderson to Sophia Roberts — Apr 15 
Lisby, James to Mahala Harris — Dec 27 
Little, Christopher to Mary J. McCampbell — Nov 15 
Lones, George to Rebecca Johnson — Dec 7 
Lucy, Thomas to Mary McDaniel — July 27 
McCann, Hugh to Margaret Ann Price — Aug 17 
McClure, Charles A. to Elizabeth L. Keith — Apr 25 
McKinley, Samuel to Peggy Mitchell — Apr 11 
McLain, Joseph to Margaret Anne Shocky — Mch 17 
Babring, John to Betsy Smith — May 22 
Massey, Jacob to Ann Lou Graves — July 26 
Medaris, Wilson F. to Evalina Young— Dec 13 
Mikel, Wesley to Margaret Gaddis — July 7 
Mitchell, Thomas to Rosana Smith— Apr 6 
Mourfield, Wesley to Margory Thompson — Oct 27 
Murphy, Thomas to Sarah Luttrell— Oct 25 
Nance, James M. to Elizabeth Litow — Dec 27 
Neal, William to Elizabeth Smith— May 4 
Nicholson, Frederick to Anne Barker — May 
Oliver, John to Malinda B. Cobb — Oct 12 ' ' 


Palmer, William to Jane Smith — Feb 10 
Perham, William F. to Nellie Ann Taylor — Mch 24 
Pearson, Thomas to Elizabeth Hashbarger — June 22 
Perry, Allen to Eliza Ann Con — Mch 28 
Petty, William to Agnes Con — Oct 26 
Pilant, Robert to Susannah Ruth — Dec 2 
Pratt, David to Sarah Mitchell— Nov 2 
Pratt, James to Rebecca Cunningham — Nov 21 
Reed, Thomas to Martha L. Cobb — Mch 6 
Reynolds, Martin L. to Polly Nestor — Apr 17 
Robey, John C. to Lavinia Knave (?) — Aug 7 
Rose, John to Eliza Wrinkle — May 25 
Roth, William to Sallie Hanney— Feb 9 
Scarburg, John to Anna G. Hollingsworth — Mch 7 
Shelby, Elija to Amanda Lane (?)Aug 21 
Shipes, Nelson to Nancy Johnson — Nov 28 
Smith, John N. to Sarah Nicholson — Jan 4 
Smith, William to Judith Lane — Nov 30 
Thomas, Jacob to Sarah Barnett — Apr 27 
Thompson, Lewis R. to Ann Maria Hickey — June 28 
Temple, Pleasant L. to Mary I. Galbraith — June 23 
Turner, Alexander to Hannah Sterling — Sept 9 
Watkins, James K. to Mary McMillan — Dec 16 


200 W. E. MCELWEE 


Complying with your request, I write you of my conclusions 
relating to some of the prehistorical races that inhabited this 
part of Tennessee. I am also under promise to write you the 
traditional history of the "Blue Pitcher," presented to the great 
Cherokee chief by King George of England, and now treasured 
by the Historical Society of Tennessee. 

You are probably more interested in the race of mound builders 
than in other races or tribes that have left their signs of habita- 
tion in and contiguous to the state of Tennessee. I will therefore 
write of them and their remains first. 

A study of their remains has convinced me that they were 
of small statue, light hair, blue eyes, long aquiline or crescent 
shaped nose, small chin and wore manufactured or "Home-made" 
clothing, and were exterminated or driven from the country by 
a race of larger statue, more than eleven hundred years ago. 
Now for the proofs to sustain such conclusions. 

A Curious Pipe 

On the first day of February, 1862, was the highest tide ever 
known in the Tennessee River. In many places, the top soil 
was washed from the bottom lands to the depth of from a few 
inches to the depth of several feet. All of those washes un- 
covered vast quantities of human remains. Indeed, it was as if 
the bottom lands along the river was one continuous grave-yard. 
Among the articles picked up was a pipe of the following de- 
scription. A man sitting on a block. The block was about 4 
inches in length, 3 inches wide and about 2 inches thick. From 
-the block to the top of the man's head was four and a half inches. 
He was wearing a hat made with a cord, just as straw hats are 
now made with a platted strand. The crown had the appear- 
ance of old time pictures of a bee-gum. The clothes were fastened 
on with cord loops, instead of with buttons. The leggins were 
laced up at the sides. From an injury to the figure, it was not 
easy to determine the exact kind of his foot wear. He had a long 
aquiline or crescent shaped nose with eyes made of blue stone 
or shell. 

Among other things picked up in these grave-yards were 
numerous pieces of Mica plates. These were generally about 
two inches wide by 3 or more inches long, and about one six- 
teenth of an inch thick. 

Imprint of a Man. 

At one place the water had cut one half of a mound away. 
In the side of the part of the mound left standing was a small 
cavity. This cavity was in a bed of clay about one foot in 
thickness.. The body of the mound was of the surrounding soil. 
On cleaning out the cavity it was found to be the imprint of a 
man who had been encased in soft clay. The cadaver having de- 
cayed, the imprint was left in the clay in which he had been encased 
or covered. A cast of his face was taken with plaster of paris. The 
contour of the face was identical with that of the pipe before describ- 
ed. The length of the imprint was about 5 feet four inches. 
*From a; letter addressed to the late Col. George Porter. (Ed.) 


Mica Mines of Western N. C. 

During the years 1875, '76 and '77 I was in the employ of the 
American Steel Association, and was designated to prospect the 
North Carolina mountains for an iron ore that would compete 
with the Dannamora mines of Sweden, of which English edge 
tools were made. While there I inspected the Mica mines, then 
being reopened by Messrs Heap & Clapp, {n Mitichell County, 
N. C. These mines had been worked by pre-historic man. The 
main entries of these mines were rather small, but easy of pas- 
sage, but the entry way of many of the rooms that turned off 
from the main entrance were so small that it was barely pos- 
sible for a full sized man to press himself into the rooms from 
which the mica crystals were taken. 

Near the mouth of the "Sink-hole" mine was a large pile or 
heap of mica bits or cleaning. In this heap were found many 
pieces of plate about one-sixteenth of an inch thick and cut like 
the mica plates found in mounds and other burial places. At 
this thickness mica plate makes an excellent mirror. When thick- 
er the reflected image is too dark, and when thinner fails to give 
a sufficient reflection. The tools used in cutting the plates and 
digging the tunnels were made of copper, but so hard a common 
file would scarcely cut them. 

An Old Fort. 
Near the mouth of the "Clarissa" mine and on a little knoll 
was a fort about eighty feet square, the walls of which were of 
loose flat stone and some six feet high on the outside, but less 
than five feet on the inside. About one hundred feet below the 
mouth of the mine was a steep bank, in which there appeared to 
have been a small slide of earth. Believing this to be a fall, 
covering the mouth of another entry or mine, the dirt was cleaned 
away. Under it was found three skeletons, lying side by side. 
At their heads were some stone hammers, and at their feet was 
a cut stone pot that would hold about four gallons.. It was sit- 
ting on three stones, and under it was considerable charcoal. It 
was evident that these people had cut back into the bank for a 
camp, and that while asleep there had been a slide of earth from 
above and covered them. From the best measurement it was pos- 
sible to take, they were about 5 feet 4 inches in height. From 
the appearance of the teeth one of them was a very old person. 
In a few hours after being uneafrthed the bones slacked and 
crumbled to pieces. The pot weighed 44 pounds. 

A Cave on Clifty Creek. 
Two brothers, by the name of McGill, were chasing a wild cat 
with hounds in the canyon of Clifty Creek, near where the 
city of Harriman is now located. The trail of the cat was lost, 
and the hunters seeing a large hole up in the face of the bluff 
supposed that the cat might have been able to climb the smooth 
face of the cliff and get into the hole. By cutting a long pole 
and leaning it against the bluff one of the men climbed to the 
opening, and on entering it found that it led to a room of con- 
siderable size. On every side the stone was perfectly solid. There 
were no cracks or seams in the rock to admit moisture, and the 
sand floor was perfectly dry. The brothers had raised a large 
crop of potatoes, more than they had room to house. Inasmuch 

202 W. B. MCELWEE 

as they lived near by, they concluded to utilize this room for a 
potato house. Having constructed a ladder, they entered the hole 
and began to shovel the sand into place for the potatoes. On 
throwing back the loose sand they came to a, hard floor on which 
were bits of bones and pieces of charcoal. On one side of the 
room they found a large roll. On taking it out and unrolling it, 
there was a mat made of slats of cane, beautifully colored and 
nicely woven. In this there were a number of household articles. 
Among them there was a suit of clothes made of some kind of 
vegetable fiber, possibly of hemp or flax, a number of bone fish 
hooks, a fish gig made of bone with barbs mechanically inserted, 
and so made that when it struck into a fish it would easily slip 
from the handle. There was a cord attached to the gig with which 
the fish was held. The hooks also had lines fastened to them. There 
was a band of dressed fibre of the same kind as that from which 
the lines were made. The cloth of which the clothes were made 
was knit, not woven, and the fringe at the bottom of the coat 
was colored. There was a wisp of fine soft hair, securely tied at 
the end and wrapped with a fine fiber thread. It was of a light 
color, seemingly slightly tinged with red and near two feet in 
length. With this was a gars bill, the teeth of which was evi- 
dently used for a comb. One of the wonderful things found was 
a dog well preserved. The men carelessly and thoughtlessly 
threw the dog out of the opening, and when it fell on the ground 
their hounds which had followed them tore it to pieces. It ap- 
peared to have been a low or short legged dog, with long body 
and short upright ears, with a course of long hair hanging along 
his tail. His color seemed to have been a dirty dove color on the 
back and lighter in his flanks and belly. 

In order to ascertain how long since the cave, or hole, in the 
wall had been inhabited, a square yard of oilcloth was spread on 
the bottom of the room, and after a period of five years the sand 
that had fallen from the roof upon it was gathered and carefully 
weighed and measured. This was repeated four times, and it was 
found that it would require more than eleven hundred years for 
the amount of sand to accumulate that covered the hard floor, the 
floor that had been trodden by the feet of the former inhabitants. 

A Grave at Rockwood. 

In grading away the river bank at Rockwood landing a single 
grave was uncovered at the depth of three feet. The floor of 
the grave had been covered with broken plates of pottery upon 
which the corpse had been laid. A shield of the same kind of 
pottery covered the remains down to the thighs. The legs had 
no covering. On lifting the shield there was found to have been 
a string of beads that encircled the neck. The beads were of 
shell and small stones. The worn teeth showed that the person 
had been very aged, and this may have been one of the causes 
why the bones, on being exposed, crumbled to powder in a few 
hours after exposure. 

As we are attempting to trace the history of but one race, the 
Moundbuilders, no reference is made to the remains of the race 
of larger statue who succeeded them. . 

The foregoing descriptions of remains has been selected from 
the many examined in days gone by as sufficient for our purpose 
of arriving at the history of a people who had perished and gone 


hundreds of years before DeSoto crossed the continent in search 
for the springs whose health giving waters would insure perpetual 

Some Conclusions. 

Now as to the conclusions to be drawn from the relics and "re- 
mains hereinbefore! described — 

First, they were either a very numerous people or inhabited 
for a long period of time, as shown by the vast amount of bones 
washed up by the floods in the river in the years 1867 and 1875. 

Their bones were harder and much more lasting than those of 
the present race. The bones of the people today would decay in 
less than one hundred years. 

They were a people of filial feeling for their people, as shown 
by their mode of burial and the erection of mounds or monu- 
ments to perpetuate their last resting place.. 

Their love and respect is further shown by the casket shield 
with which they covered an old person, in all probability, a woman 
wearing a string of beads. As we stood at that grave we pic- 
tured to ourselves the family of weeping children and relatives 
who stood around as the corpse was being lowered into the tomb. 
The shield expressed more than words could tell of the filial love 
and esteem in which the deceased was held by relatives and friends 
who stood around, feeling and believing that the departed spirit 
went — "Up and away like the dew of the morning, That soars 
from the earth to its place in the sun." 

That they had advanced beyond the savage state is shown by 
their ability to carve images from plutonic rocks, the making of 
metal tools and ingenuity in the manufacture of clothing from lint. 

The hair, the comb and the mirror indicates their cleanliness 
and pride of person. 

Inasmuch as the mica miners supplied the mirrors, it is only 
reasonable that they and the moundbuilders were of the same 
tribe and were coexistent. The mica mirror, in the roll of clothing 
of the cave dweller, must be understood as determining the dwell- 
er to have been of the same tribe and lived at the same date. 
The clothing of the cave dweller and that worn by the man on the 
pipe were the same, hence the conclusion that the artist lived at 
the same date. We therefore conclude that the mica mirror mak- 
ers, the mound builders, the artist and the cave dweller were of 
one tribe and of even date. 

It is reasonable to conclude that the artist, who with patience 
cut the figure on the pipe, designed it after the likeness of the 
race and people by which he was surrounded. The pipe man and 
the man whose imprint was left in the mound had the same char- 
acteristics and shape of face. If the artist followed the likeness 
of his race in form and in clothing, is it not reasonable that he 
also put the same color of eyes into the image? 

It might be suggested that the wisp of hair was of recent date, 
possibly a scalp from some white person, but the amount of the 
sand fall by which it was covered and the mica mirror rolled up 
with it proves its date, besides, it had been cut from the head and 
not scalped. As we looken into this mirror the thought came 
through our minds that perhaps some bride had taken in it "The 
last glance e'er she goes." 

We repeat then, that the evidence sustains the assumption that 

204 W. E. MCELWEE 

the race of people who built the mounds were of small statue, light 
hair, blue eyes and well advanced in civilization, that they had 
great filial affection and love for their fellows.. 

You may ask what became of that race? There was another 
tribe or race existent at the same date with whom warfare existed, 
as we may conclude from the fact that a strong stone fort was 
built near the entrance of the mica mine. This fort stood intact 
and as perfect in 1876 as when sheltering the miners from attack 
by their enemies. 

An Ancient Salt Well. 

In the year 1859 Col. William Staples, who lived near Oliver 
Springs in this county, sent for me to come and examine a well 
which he had found among the low range of ridges and on his land. 
It was some twenty miles away, for which reason I concluded 
that it must be something very interesting. Accompanied by his 
grandson who is still living, we visited the well, and by pushing 
a pole down through the silt with which it was filled and with- 
drawing it, salt water would come to the top. On examination 
we found the remains of a furnace and many pieces of pottery 
of the same character as that found in the mounds. A pot was 
procured and sufficient water obtained to fill it, and while Col. 
Staples was boiling down the water we made an examination of 
the premises. Wte noticed a line or wall of loose rock leading up 
the point of a ridge, and soon discovered it was the lower side 
of a road that led to the top of the hill from which the salt mak- 
ers no doubt brought their wood. On closer examination we be- 
gan to find arrow heads and battle axes. It soon became apparent 
that these relics lay in a line across the little ravine in which the 
well was located, and extended from one ridge to the other. The 
line of axes lay nearly due north and south and were of two kinds. 
All of the larger were of one kind of stone, and the smaller ones 
of another kind. Back from this line and west of it were many 
arrow heads of the same kind of stone as the smaller axes, and 
on the east side of the line the arrow heads were of the kind of 
stone as the larger size axes. The arrow heads lay generally 
with their points from the line of axes. From the scattered im- 
plements it was evident that the north end of the line of defenders 
of the salt well had been gradually driven back and doubled against 
the south end of their line, and that the retreat was from that 
end of the line, as the dropped weapons showed. The trail was 
followed about a mile to a large (Poplar) creek. No weapon was 
found beyond the creek. Evidently the pursuit ceased at the 

It was sixty years ago. Since that time the lands have been 
cleared and the war weapons picked up, scattered and destroyed 
by persons who only saw in them a passing curiosity. Only the 
well remains as a mute and silent witness of a people whose his- 
tory is a secret of eternity. 

The home of this race of people was along the rivers and in 
the lowlands. It was here they lived and died. It was here they 
built their monumental mounds over the dead and where they 
left the relics of their habitation. There are no graveyards in 
the mountains, no mounds on the plateau, and no signs of their 

Is it a wild dream of imagination that a survivor of his tribe 
had fled to a mountain canyon for concealment, taking with him 



a treasured strand of hair and the comb of the woman he had 
loved and lost, and with his faithful friend, the dog, had found 
a place of concealment in a hole in a massive cliff or wall of rock, 
and that, when last leaving, not knowing he would return no 
more, the dog was left, who, like the soldier at the gate when 
Pompeii was destroyed, perished rather than desert his post. 

Respectfully, W. E. McElwee. 



To President George Washington. (No Date). 2 

Dear Sir: This will be handed you by my friend Mr. William 
Claiborne, 3 Junr. who is at present a Judge of the Superior Court of 
the State of Tennessee, and who aspires to the office of District Judge 
in that State, where I spent several days in a latei tour through the 
Western country. Mr. Claiborne has much the respect and confi- 
dence of his fellow citizens in that quarter, among whom he has been 
a very successful practitioner of the law for several years; indeed 
his superior talents, great sobriety and intense application to bus- 
iness, distinguish him from the generality of young gentlemen of his 
age; and I am persuaded, should he be so fortunate as to succeed 
in his application you will never have cause to regret the appoint- 

I hope Sir, you will pardon the trouble I have given you on this 
occasion; and whilst the pen is yet in my hand, and you are about to 
retire to the enjoyment of domestick tranquility, permit me to ex- 
press my entire approbation, and admiration of the wisdom, ability 
and firmness with which you have discharged the ardous duties of 
the most important office in the United States, at a time when party 
prejudice, interested views, and (perhaps) resentment for supposed 
injuries combined are ever active in misrepresentations to the peo- 
ple, and in unremitting endeavors to thwart a wise and just ad- 
ministration of one of the best governments in the universe. 

With the highest veneration for your public and private virtues, 
and most fervent prayers for your present and future happiness, I 
have the honor to be &c : 

William Fleming. 4 

1 This letter is reprinted from the Virginia Historical Magazine, Vol. XXIV, 
No. 3. P. 332, July 1916. It is there stated that it first apeared in print in the South- 
ern Literary Messenger for, 1837. pp. 304-306. 

2 While there is no date given, as will after appear, the letter must have been 
written in 1797. 

3 William Charles Cole Claiborne, one of a number of brothers of very dis- 
tinguished history in Tennessee, Mississippi and Louisiana. He was born in Vir- 
ginia in 1775, first went to Philadelphia, where it is said he was influenced by Gen. 
John Sevier to settle permanently in Tennessee. Practiced law in Sullivan County, 
which he represented in the Convention of 1796 to form the Costitution of the 
new State of Tennessee, served as one of the committee to draft same. The Legis- 
lature of the new State convened a short time after the Convention, Messrs. Mc- 
Nairy, Blount and Roane were elected members of the Superior Court, the first 
two, later declined to serve and their places were filled by the selection of Howell 
Tatum and (Sept. 28, 1796) William C. C. Claiborne. As early as 1795 (Oct.) he 
was one of the chartered trustees appointed for the organization of Washington 
College at Salem in Washington County. On January 31st 1797 an act was passed 
by Congress giving effect to the laws of the United States within the bounds of 
the new State of Tennessee. By the second section of this act the State was made 
to embrace one district to be denominated Tennessee District. A District Court 
was established, four sessions of which should be holden alternately at Knoxville 
and Nashville. It was no doubt at this period that the above letter was written 
to President Washington in Mr. Claiborne's behalf. 

At the August election 1797, Claiborne was elected to represent the State of 
Tennessee in Congress, serving in the 5th. and 6th. Congresses Dec. 1797-May 1800. 
His successor in the Superior Court of the State was David Campbell. In 1801 
Mr. Claiborne was appointed Governor of Mississippi Territory, and in 1804 of the 
newly acquired Territory of Louisiana. Was Govenor of Louisiana; 1812-1816, and 



was elected to the Senate of the United States from Louisiana and served from 
March 4th. 18 17 until his death before the assemblying of Congress, at new Or- 
leans, Nov. 23rd. 181 7. 

See Tennessee Historical Magazine, Vol. V. p. 65, 175; Ramsey's Annals, p. 662, 
6?8;Tennessee Gazateer , p. XXXIX; Congressional Directory, (1913) p. 545. 

i William Fleming, b. in Va. July 6, 1736, Educated at William and Mary Col- 
lege, while there was a college mate of Jefferson with whom he remained in in- 
timate terms all his life. Studied law and entered political life served in the Rev- 
olutionary War, represented Virginia in Congress and in 1780 was made Judge of 
the General Court, still later, Judge of the Court of Appeals. Died, February 15, 
1824. Virginia Historical Magazine, Vol. XXIV. p. 327. 



The Cleveland Family. 

(From a letter of Miss Sallie Cleveland of Washburn, Tenn., to 

Miss Kate White, Knoxville, Tenn., Dec. 17, 1820.) 

" Most especially do I thank H. G. Cleveland of Chicago, 

J. E. Cleveland, Hartford, Conn and Vannoy Cleveland of N. C. 
FAMILY, which contains over two thousand pages. Three large vol- 
umes covering a period from 1066 A. D. beginning with Forkil 
de Cleveland the Saxon, a straight recorded line on through many 
generations in England. Of their imprisonment and sufferings 
from the tyranny of her rulers, of the immigrants who threw off 
the burden of bondage coming as Puritans to our American shores. 
This history is brought up to 1899. The Revolutionary period is 
very interesting. It deals with closer relations. 

In Orange County Virginia, on on Blue Run, on the memorable 
day of January 7th, 1744 Capt. Robert Cleveland was born. On 
this same farm Col. Benjamin Cleveland, brother of Robert, was 
born (also others of Revolutionary fame). Later coming to Wilks- 
borough, North Carolina. 

They were heroes at that battle, — Kings Mountain, — which 
turned the tide of this great and hard struggle. Capt. Robert 
was my great-grand-father, I am proud of the record of his life. 

A few days ago I had a letter from W. L. Yates, a great-grand- 
son telling me of the old Cleveland home place, of the great care 
which is used to keep his grave & that of his wife, Aley, in order. 

At Fort Madison is a vast monument, — silent sentinel over the 
remains of "OLD ROUND ABOUT",— Col. Ben. Cleveland, the hero 
of a hundred battles with tories and Indians. 

In the Court-House yard at Wilksboro is the old Tory Oak 
on which Col. Ben. & Robert hung the Tories. Many visitors 
go to see this old tree, also to visit the graves of these heroeS. 

In 1811, Hon. Martin Cleveland, son of Robert Cleveland came 
to Grainger County, Tennessee, settled, lived and died here. He 
was a faithful servant to this country, a leader of men. All the 
difficulties, ups and downs were brought and laid at his feet. All 
his decisions were based on justice and in all instances gave satis- 
faction. He was the owner of many slaves, but never abused a 
single one. All loved "Mars Cleveland." He did much in those 
days for this country. Served four terms in the Legislature, three 
terms in the State Senate representing Grainger County. I have 
a book which I prize very highly, the official record of his terms. 
In it we have the address of James K. Polk before the Senate 
and House of Representatives, dated Washington, Dec. 2nd. 1845. 
the records and contents of this book are quite interesting. I had 
many old books, papers, various manuscripts, packages of old let- 
ters, dating back before the days of stamps and envelopes, which 
he carefully kept; but a few years ago I lost them, which I deplore. 
I have since my earliest recollection been a collector of old books, 
papers, stamps, coins, war & Indian relics. I had great rever- 
ence for the pioneers of our county and the things of their day. 
.... On a four acre lot stands the old pioneer church-house built 


by Martin Cleveland, and near it once stood the first school-house 
of this settlement. The church has been covered once, re-boarded 
and kept well painted. Four Cleveland generations have met at 
this old house to attend the meetings & in Sunday school work. 
For years and years, my dear father, Eli Cleveland was church 
clerk, teacher, superintendent of the Sunday school. Today only 
five or six of the Cleveland descendants gather at this place. But 
going down the slope from this old house, about one fourth of a 
mile, south and on the right of the road, is the Cleveland "half- 
acre"-family burying ground on a little elevation overlooking the 
place where the long two-story log house af Martin Cleveland 
stood. In this little cemetery are the slabs and monuments of his 
descendants, who, one by one have gone to their last resting 


In 1817 Rev. Eli Cleveland, brother of Martin, left the old 
home place on the Yadkin River in North Carolina and came to 
Knox County near Knoxville. He helped to build the first Bap- 
tist church in Knoxville. Later he went to Sweetwater and with 
his own means built a brick church-house and gave it to his con- 
gregation. In the old cemetery there, one can see his grave and 
on the slab is: 

"In Memory of Rev. Eli Cleveland; 

born Oct. 1. 1781; 

died Nov. 23. 1859. 

Born a sinner: saved by grace." 

The collection of newspapers in the Yale Library is one of the 
largest in the whole country. In 1916 the Yale University Press 
issued in handsome form a volume printing the list of this val- 
uable collection under the title: — 

A List of Netvspapers in the Yale University Library, Yale His- 
torical Publications, Miscellany, Volume II.. Price, $3.00. 
Acknowledgment is made of receipt of a copy of this work. 

Two more handsome volumes have been issued by the North 
Carolina Historical Commission: The Papers of Thomas Ruffin, 
Vol. III. by J. G. De Roulhac Hamilton, Ph. D. pages 464, and 
Von Graff ervried's Account of the Founding of Newbern, by Vin- 
cent H. Todd, Ph. D. 

The first volume has much interesting material for study of 
the War period, 1859-1865, both of political and economical char- 

The volume on Von Graffenreidt presents documentary data 
concerning the attempt to plant a colony of Swiss and Palatine 
Germans on the River Neuse, — Newbern, 1710-1713. 

NOTE— By reference to the July number (Vol. VI, No. 2, 1920), it 
will be seen that an error has been made in the numbering of the 
pages, viz: Pages 1-68 should be 72-141. Those who bind their 
copies will change their pages according, as the index issued at the 
close of the volume will be corrected as above. (Ed.) 









Mrs. B. D. BELL. 

Recording Secretary and Treasurer, 

Assistant Recording Secretary, 

Corresponding Secretary 


"7 give and bequeath tot The Tennessee Historical Society 

the sum of dollars." 

— l — 


The Battle of Franklin, The Key to The Last Campaign in 

The West 213 

Rev. W. W. Gist, D. D. 

Tennessee Department of Library Archives and History.... 266 
A. P. Foster, Assistant Secretary. 

A Yankee Schoolmaster's Remeniscences of Tennessee 279 

Marshall S. Snow. 

Historical Notes And News 284 

Items From the Minutes of the Tennessee Historical Society 286 


John H. DeWitt, Business Manager, 
Stahlman, Building, Nashville, Tenn. 

Dr. William A. Provine, Editor, 
Presbyterian Building, Nashville, Tenn. 

J. Tyree Fain, Treasurer, 
Watkins Hall, Nashville, Tenn. 


Vol. 6 OCTOBER 1920 No. 3 



[Spring Hill, Franklin and Nashville in November and December 
1864 have furnished the occasion for much discussion, written and 
printed documents. Civil War students will be interested in another 
discussion which we are pleased to present in the Tennessee His- 
torical Magazine. The author Rev. W. W. Gist, O. D. was born 
in southern Ohio, enlisted in the 26th Ohio in 1864 at the age of 
fifteen. Served in 'the Atlanta campaign until the fall of that city. 
Then under Thomas at Franklin and Nashville in Wagner'sl brigade. 
Went to the border of Mexico with the Fourth Corps under Gen. 
Sheridan. Returning from the war he entered school preparatory 
to college, graduated at Ohio State University in 1872, attended 
Union Seminary, New York, and in 1881 was ordained to the ministry 
by the Cleveland Presbytery. Has served a number of years in the 
pastorate and has held professorships at Coe College and Iowa 
Teacher's College. For twenty-one years he has filled the chair of 
English in the latter institution. Is the author of several text- 
books, a contributor to numerous magazines — among them the Con- 
federate Veteran. In 1921 was unanimously chosen Chaplain-in- 
Chief of the Grand Army of the Republic at Columbus, Ohio. 

Dr. Gist writes: — "During the World War I wore four stars 
in memory of my sons in the army, one is still a Captain in the 
service. My father came from Maryland and General States 
Rights Gist was a distant relative of mine. We fought at Franklin 
nearly opposite each other. I trust it was not one of my bullets 
that struck him."— Ed.] 

The importance of the western campaign in which Hood's 
army was completely overthrown has not been fully recog- 
nized. Few have appreciated the influence of that great vic- 
tory in hastening the end of the war. It freed the Mississippi 
Valley from a hostile foe, but it did far more than this. It 
made it possible for General Sherman to march victoriously 
through the Southland and it justified his bold undertaking. 

In a campaign that lasted only about two months there 
were three points of contact thtat deserve attention. At Spring 
Hill the Federal army was in the greatest danger and would 
have been overwhelmed had it not been for the skill with 

214 W. W. GIST 

which General Stanley handled his single division. The full 
fruits of the campaign were gathered at Nlashville and not 
a few give undue prominence to that battle. At Franklin the 
slaughter of the Confederates was something awful and the 
loss includes thirteen generals. This great loss weakened the 
fighting ability of Hood's army (audi what is more important 
it did much to destroy the morale with which it had entered 
Tennessee looking for an easy victory. The one who would 
get the real key to the entire campaign must understand the 
battle of Franklin. It is unfortunate that two generals on 
the Federal side who blundered at Franklin hlave had a wide 
hearing in the books they have published. In attempting to 
throw the blame upon others they have beclouded certain 
facts. The testimony of a man in the ranks is often as im- 
portant as that of ta man with stars on his shoulders. 


In the spring of 1864 Grant was made lieutenant general 
and from that time all our armies were directed by one mas- 
ter mind. While there were hostile forces confronting each 
other in various parts of the South, the eyes of the country 
were fixed on two great movements, the one under Grjant and 
the other under Sherman. Grant gave his personal attention 
to the forces facing Lee in Virginia. Sherman, the command- 
er of the Military Division of the Mississippi, started south 
with Atlanta as the goal. 

He had under him three armies : the Army of the Ohio, the 
Twenty-Third corps, under General Schofield; the Army of 
the Cumberland ; the Fourth corps, the Fourteenth corps, and 
the Twentieth corps, under General George H. Thomas; the 
Army of th Tennessee under General James B. McPherson. 
At that time not a few in the Middle West felt that Thomas 
h|ad actually won more distinction than Sherman and should 
have been given the command, but Sherman proved himself 
equal to the task. The correspondence of Sherman shows 
that he relied on Thomas more than any other man. The 
campaign lasted four months and Atlanta fell on the third 
of September. 

Soon Hood, the dlaring and dashing commander of the Con- 
federate forces, succeeded in throwing his army into the rear 
of Sherman's army and this caused Sherman to rush a part 
of his forces north over the ground that he had won a few 
weeks before. People of the North became solicitous and 
felt thlat the fruits of the campaign had been largely lost, but 
Hood finally had to withdraw to Alabama to prepare for an- 


other expedition. Then Sherman completed his plans for 
marching through to the sea. Of course, there was the problem 
of meeting Hood and weakening his power. 


Sherman decided to take the five corps with him and letave 
two corps under Thomas to meet the same army that the seven 
corps had fought all summer. Some who went through the 
campaign have been confused in; regard to the Sixteenth 
corps. The Army of the Tennessee had in those months three 
corps, the Fifteenth, the Sixteenth, and the Seventeenth. The 
Sixteenth had ben commanded by General Dodge. He was 
wounded near Atlanta. Then Sherman placed one division 
of the corps into the, Fifteenth corps and the other into the 
Seventeenth corps, making the two wings of his army about 
equal. The five corps followed him through the South, but 
under four organizations. The Fourth corps and the Twenty- 
Third corps left behind felt that the task before them wias a big 
one and it proved to be. Of course, there were garrisons that 
could be joined with Thomas' army and General A. J. Smith in 
Missouri had been ordered to bring three divisions of the 
Sixteenth corps to Tennessee. 

After taking Atlanta a part of Sherman's army had ta short 
rest. (This is hardly true of the Second Division of the 
Fourth corps to which the writer's regiment belonged. We 
were sent back to Chattanooga to ward off the Confederate 
cavalry which kept threatening important places. We were 
sent by rail toward Knoxville and toward Stevenson and later 
up the Lookout Valley several times. At last we were sent 
by rail to Athens, Alabama, and thence we marched to Puljaski, 
Tennessee, near the southern border of the state. We began 
to build forts, but we knew nothing of Hood's movements. 
Here we were joined by the other divisions of the Fourth corps. 
The cavalry was on the lookout and were really the eyes of the 
army. On the twenty-second of November we began to move 
northward towlard Columbia where a part of the Twenty-third 
corps joined us. General Smith's corps did not join us till 
we reached Nashville. At Columbia we built works as was 
our custom, but on the 28th we crossed to the north side of 
Duck Eiver. 


The military situation in general was as follows: Gen- 
eral Thomas was at Nashville concentrating his resources to 
meet Hood. He had much to do. Many of the cavalrymen 
had been dismounted to equip Sherman's army with horses. 

216 W. W. GIST 

It required a month for Smith to bring his troops from Mis- 
souri. General Stanley was commander of the Fourth corps 
which numbered about 15.000 men. General Schofield com- 
manded the Twenty-third corps and this numbered about 
10,000 men. Stanley outranked Schofield in date of 
commission, but Schofield was a department commander land 
the War Department decided he must take the precedence of 
Stanley. There seems to have been no friction between these 
corps commanders. While Schofield was performing the du 
ties of the larger command, Cox had command of the Twenty- 
third corps. 

In addition to the infantry there was a cavalry corps under 
General J. H. Wilson which numbered about 4,500. The caval- 
ry numbered many more on paper, but they were in detach- 
ments scattered far and wide and many were without horses. 
General Wilson had been serving in the eastern army, but was 
sent by General Grant to take charge of Sherman's cavalry. 
He was then but twenty-seven years of age, but hiad won the 
confidence of his superiors to an unusual degree. After a 
long conference with Sherman it was decided that Kilpatrick 
should command the horsemen to follow Sherman and Wilson 
should remain and help Thomas. Wilson began his work of 
organizing a cavjalry corps with headquarters at Nashville 
under the eye of Thomas, but as soon as Hood entered Ten- 
nessee he hastened to the front to take personal command of 
his men, meeting Schofield near Pulaski. Wilson proved to 
be the very man for the place. He made known the move- 
ments of the enemy and fought a superior force whenever the 
occasion required it. 


Hood formed his men in line at Columbia and once more we 
were face to face with our old foe. Here our artillery opened 
briskly on the enemy across the river. It was plain that he 
did not intend to make a direct attack. Wilson discovered 
that the Confederates were crossing the river above Columbia 
and he sent word to Schofield and even suggested that he 
withdraw to Spring Hill twelve miles north. The situation 
was so critical that some of our cavalry watching the fords up 
the river were cut off from the main body of our forces. Major 
Young of the Fifth Iowa collected these detachments and cut 
his way through the enemy's line. Hood's plan, given in his 
own account later, Was to leave a smtall force at Columbia to 
attract Schofield's attention while he with seven divisions of 
his infantry and all his cavalry should make a forced march 


northward and cut off the Federal army. He cjame near accom- 
plishing that very thing. 

Here Schofield made his first blunder. Instead of follow- 
ing Wilson's suggestion about withdrawing his troops, on the 
morning of November 29 he started the First and Second Di- 
visions of the Fourth corps toward Spring Hill, twelve miles to 
the north. With these divisions started also the wagon train 
of the whole army including the rations, ammunition wtagons, 
ambulances, and seven batteries of artillery, the vehicles num- 
bering from eight hundred to a thousand. In a short time 
the First Division was halted to guard a crossing. The Sec- 
ond Division, formerly Sheridan's, was now commanded by 
General G. D. Wagner. As corps commander Stanley saw fit 
to go with this advance guard as it was likely to meet great 
responsibilities. In the hurried march a line of "flankers" 
was kept on our right to guard against any sudden attack. A 
few miles east Hood's army was marching nearly parallel to us 
consisting of Cheatham's and Stewart's corps. A mile or so 
before the line reached Spring Hill my regiment, the Twenty- 
sixth Ohio, was halted to guard a crossing. My company, how- 
ever, was marching as "flankers" and wtas not halted, forming 
a part of the skirmish line after the town was reached. The 
regiment was so depleted that fewer than a hundred men were 
left to guard the road. 


The head of the column reached Spring Hill soon after 
noon and found Forrest's ctavalry just entering. The three 
brigades were formed in la semi-circle on the east side of the 
town to protect the wagon train. The train could not move 
on toward Franklin as the Confederate cavalry was waiting 
for the opportunity to destroy it. Hardly had the cavalry, 
been driven out when the infantry of Chetathani and Stewart be- 
gan to appear and press our line back. Without going into 
details of the struggle it may be said that the army was not 
in such a critical position again in the campaign. Stanley 
&nd Wagner showed remarkable skill in handling their force. 
The brigade commanders often had to take the initiative in 
sending a regiment to a point where the line seemed about to 
be broken. Even regimental commanders had to send com- 
panies in different directions as they saw the need. Our 
artillery of seven batteries had been placed on knolls {and did 
splendid work in sending shells right into the ranks of the 
advancing foe. Stanley had fewer than six thousand men. 
A Confederate authority, Judge J. P. Young, says that Hood 
had 25,021 on the field in striking distance. 

218 W. W. GIST 

Why then did not Hood crush that small force and destroy 
the wagon train? That is a question that our Confederate 
friends have discussed for fifty-five years and various conclu- 
sions have been reached. The failure caused a great deal of 
crimination land recrimination. The seven batteries so wisely 
stationed did such effective work that our foes imagined 
that we had a larger force than we had. Some of our men who 
were captured were asked whether the whole of the Fourth 
corps was there and they answered yes. They honestly thought 
so. One division of the Twenty-third corps wtas eight miles 
away land that was not near enough to render assistance. The 
rest of Schofield's force was at Columbia or near that place. 
Hood did order Cheatham, Cleburne, and other subordinate 
commanders to push the attack, when he saw our men and the 
wagons moving on the pike, but the tattacks were feeble and 
did not accomplish anything. A simple incident mentioned 
by a captain in a Tennessee regiment shows how the Confeder- 
ates in the rank felt about the delay. A private said to anoth- 
er, as he saw our troops moving along the pike: "Why are we 
not fighting?" 

Another replied, "Bedause there is no hill for the generals 
to get behind." General Cheatham heard the droll answer 
and smiled. 

Night came on early on that short November day and the 
order to attack vigorously was not carried out. Hood re- 
newed his order near midnight when he heard that our troops 
were moving on the pike, but this met with no response. Hood 
naturally blamed Cheatham for the failure and at first asked 
for his removal. Cox thinks that Hood must bear the blame, 
since as commander he had the means of enforcing his orders 
by direct commands to subordinates. Cox failed in the same 
way the next day, but never desired the rule applied to his 

After dark Wagner's division remained in line dast of 
Spring Hill close to the village. We had not eaten anything 
since early in the morning and we were not allowed to build 
a fire or speak above a whisper. Tndeed, we got nothing to 
eat the next day either. We could plainly see the Confedertates 
walking about their campfires perhaps a half mile away, but 
they seemed nearer. Soon after dark the Twenty-third corps 
reached Spring Hill with its advance guard and began to cheer, 
thinking they were soon to go into camp. Word was passed 
black that the fires were Hood's and all must remain silent. The 
rest of the Fourth corps came in the rear and all moved on 
toward Franklin. In our (advanced line the situation seemed 


precarious indeed. Our orderly sergeant had been shot through 
the body and left in a hut out in front, after his watch had 
been secured. We could not help thinking of him lying there 
dying, or perhaps, dead. Ne&r daybreak our division, without 
the sound of bugle or drum or rattle of musket, moved back 
to the Frlanklin pike and formed the rear guard in the retreat. 


The next morning when Hood learned that the Federal 
army and train had passed in safety, he was furious and 
blamed his officers severely. The officers seemed to have felt 
the reprimand keenly and determined that there should be no 
lack of initiative in the next conflict. This accounts in part 
for the furious fighting that evening. 

On the way to Franklin General Brown remarked to a 
staff officer: 

"General Hood is mad about the enemy getting away last night 
and is to charge the blame on somebody. He is as wrathy as 
a rattlesnake this morning, striking at everything." 

General Brown then related what Hood had said to him 
personally : 

"General Brown, in the movement to-day I wish you to bear in 
mind this military principle: that when a pursuing army comes up 
with the retreating enemy he must be immediately attacked. If 
you have a brigade in front as advance guard, order its commander to 
attack as soon as he comes up with him. If you have a regiment in 
advance and it comes up with the enemy, give the colonel orders to 
attack him if there is but a company in advance and it overtakes the 
entire Yankee army, order the captain to attack it forthwith; and 
if anything blocks the road in front of you today, don't stop a min- 
ute, but turn out into the fields or woods and move on to the front." 

Hood seems to have infused this spirit into his officers 
that morning. That (accounts for the reckless fighting before 
the day was over and the awful slaughter that took place. 

It fell to Wagners' division to act as rear guard inasmuch 
as we had the [advance the previous day, Opdycke's brigade 
bringing up the actual rear. Though we had had nothing to 
eat since the previous morning, we were glad to resume the 
retreat without further fighting. Our brigade saw none of the 
enemy. In one part of the line the Confederate cavalry mkde 
a dash to capture a battery. The gunners promptly took posi- 
tion for action and kept the enemy off and soon the infantry 
came to the rescue. The extreme rear guard did a good delal 
of skirmishing. New men had come to a few of the commands 
and these had hard work to keep up in the forced march. 
Many of them were ready to drop out and give up. Officers 

220 W. W. GIST 

made them throw away their knlapsacks and thus lighten their 
burdens. Very few of them were probably captured, but they 
doubtless slept without blankets the first days of December. 
Our division came within two or three miles of Franklin at 
about eleven o'clock and at once formed a line of battle. Al- 
most immediately the Confederate cavalry appeared in the 
distance and filed to the west on a side road. A battery threw 
some shells in that direction. Some of the men built fires 
hastily and tried to make coffee, but we had to move so often 
that no refreshments could be preplared. 


To understand the situation clearly we should turn our at- 
tention to Franklin. The town is situated on the Harpeth 
River which forms almost a semicircle on the north. General 
Schofield had arrived at the town at the head of his command 
just before djaylight. The two divisions of the Twenty-third 
corps and the other two divisions of the Fourth corps had 
marched all night from Columbia, a distance of almost twenty- 
five miles. The column kept coming in for some hours. The 
men of course were very tired. They were [allowed to prepare 
their breakfast. Then they were set to building fortifications 
on the south side of the town. This was following the ordin- 
ary custom of the army when the enemy was anywhere near. 

Schofield gave his attention to refitting the bridges for the 
army to cross. There is abundant evidence that the leading 
generlals had no serious thought that Hood would make an 
assault across that open field. It was thought that Forrest 
would cross the river either above or below the town and by 
threatening the rear of Schofield's army compel a retreat. 
Wood's division of the Fourth corps crossed the north bank 
of the river which would be the point of greatest dianger in 
case Forrest forced a crossing. It appears that Stanley was 
evidently to give his attention to this force as he had to Wag- 
ner's division the previous day. Cox was only a brigadier 
general, but he was given command of the Twenty-Third corps 
after Schofield [assumed the larger command. The artillery 
of the Twenty-Third corps! crossed to the river as did a large 
part of the ammunition train. It fell to the lot of Cox to ar- 
range the battle line in case Hood should make an attack. He 
placed one division of the Twenty-Third corps (Reilly's) east 
of the Columbia Pike and the other (Ruger's) west of the 
pike. This force wfts not sufficient to cover the en- 
tire front and Kimball's division of the Fourth corps was as- 
signed to the extreme right, his command reaching the river 


on the west. The Fourth corps artillery was ordered to report 
to Cox for places in the line. Cox was in command of the 
entire battle line fend so Wagner was also under his orders. 
Cox showed skill in directing the building of the works. The 
men labored faithfully and made as good a line of fortifications 
as the means at hand permitted. All this was done to be 
ready in case an lattack should be made. 


As evidence that an assault was hardly expected Wagner 
received written orders at 11 :30 that morning to keep his com- 
mand on the heights, unless too hard pressed and then cross 
to the north bank after dark. This order did not assume thtat a 
fight would take place in front of the town. General Stanley 
says in his report: 

From 1 o'clock until 4 in the evening the enemy's entire force was 
in sight and forming for attack, yet in view of the strong position 
we held, and reasoning from the former course of the rebels during 
this campaign, nothing appeared so improbable as that they would 
assault. I felt so confident in this belief that I did not leave General 
Schofield's headquarters until the firing commenced." Later Cox 
wrote: "It seemed most probable that Hood would use the same 
strategy as at Columbia and force us to make a farther retreat by 
crossing the Harpeth either above us or below us." 

The advancing of Hood's army in battle array was not suf- 
ficient to convince Cox that an attack wlas about to be made. 
In a few pages farther on he adds : 

"It was evident that Hood was deploying, but it might be only 
for the purpose of encamping in line of battle just beyond the range 
of projectiles, as he had done at Columbia before beginning his 
flanking movement." 

These words of the commander of the battle line seem to 
express just what the other higher generals felt. They did 
not seem to grasp the situation as well as did men in the ranks. 

Having noticed the lodation of the different commands 
about Franklin, let us now follow the movements of Wagner's 
division out in the advanced line. It is fitting to add that the 
writer does not give the location of these divisions in the battle 
line from actual knowledge at the time. He did not learn 
these until years afterwards. Opdycke's brigade las the actual 
rear guard had had a very hard march for the half day, fight- 
ing off the Confederate cavalry and spurring on the laggtards 
who were so weary that they were inclined to drop to the 
ground and give up the struggle. This commander — he was 
only a colonel — objected to keeping his weary brigade out in 
front. Wagner gave him permission to withdrtaw inside the 

222 W. W. GIST 

works and form a reserve perhaps a hundred yards back of the 
line. This movement gave him the opportunity to win special 
distinction before the sun went down. The two remaining 
brigades were commanded by Colonel Lane and Colonel Con- 
real. The generals were few and the men in the ranks seemed 
to sense the real situation better than those in high command. 
Our two brigades made various movements out in that open 
plain and at last our battle line was formed about one-third 
of ta mile in front of the works, Conrad's brigade east of the 
Columbia pike and Lane's on the west. My regiment was on 
the extreme right of Lane's brigade and this part of the line 
was refused to some extent. So we were somewhat nearer 
the wforks than the rest of the commland. Our small brigades 
numbered fewer than 3,500 men and w]as a very small force 
to meet an army. 


About one o'clock the Confederate line appeared over the 
hill front which we had advanced, known as Winstead Hill. It 
is about two miles from Franklin. The ground between the 
town and hill is comparatively level, though there lare undula- 
tions here and there. There are clumps of trees that shut off 
the view in places, but no real forests. The Confederates kept 
advancing, but would stop and correct their lines at intervals. 
One from a distance might easily imjagine them out for drill 
or inspection or preparing for a grand review. It was an 
imposing sight and had in it the element of grandeur, the 
grandeur of the approaching cyclone. Thus for three hours 
they were in full view. 

The [accounts given by the Confederates indicate plainly 
that the attacking army felt that the conflict would be some- 
thing terrible. Colonel Ellison Capers of the Twenty-fourth 
South Carolina infantry belonging to Gist's brigade gives a 
graphic account of the situation before the actual charge be- 
gan. He says in his report: 

"Just before the charge was ordered the brigade passed over an 
elevation from which the magnificent spectacle of the battlefield was 
presented — bands were playing, general and staff officers and gallant 
couriers were riding in front of, and between, the lines, a hundred bat- 
tle-flags were waving in the smoke of battle, and bursting shells were 
wreathing in the air with great circles of smoke, while 20,000 brave 
men were marching in perfect order against the foe. General Gist 
ordered the charge in concert with General Gordon. In passing from 
the left to the right of the regiment the general waved his hat to us, 
expressing- his pride and confidence in the Twenty-Fourth, and rode 
aw?v in the smoke of battle, never more to be seen by the men he had 
comm^ded on so many fields." 


Colonel R. W. Banks of Mississippi relates a pathetic inci- 
dent. A soldier had been allowed to drop out of ranks for a 
short time to visit father's home. The young man brought 
some provisions for ta lieutenant of his company. Others were 
invited to the feast, eight in all. 

"To those wearied, war-torn, hungered veterans it was a feast 
deemed fit for the gods. The meal was eaten in haste, each officer 
with his belt buckled on and sidearms in place, for momentarily they 
were expecting orders to move upon the enemy in the fortified town. 
While eating, the impending battle was freely discussed by those eight 
officers, all of whom were in serious, thoughtful mood. Two only were 
optimistic. The other six took a gloomy view of the situation. The 
latter frankly expressed the opinion that the approaching battle would 
end the chapter of their respective lives." 

Before the sun went clown six of the officers were mor- 
taly wounded and the other two badly disabled. A captain 
and lieutenant of the same company fell at the same moment 
and seventeen men of their company fell near them. Such 
things as these were going on in that line of battle confronting 
our forces. 


It may be presumed that our men in the works had some- 
thing of the same feeling of suspense that always precedes 
an actual engagement. The writer knows well the feeling of 
the exposed front line. We were in a helpless position. Two 
brigades were a trifling force to oppose the twenty- two bri- 
gades that Hood threw into the fight. At that time a command 
always tried to throw up some kind of fortifications, if possible. 
We did gather some rails and loose logs that we could pick up, 
but we had no entrenching tools. Our trifling shelter might 
have afforded slight protection to a picket line lying down, but 
it was useless to shield a line of battle. We knew some one 
hjad blundered and we did reason why and ask why with a 
great deal of seriousness. Yet I saw no man inclined to flinch. 
Captain John K. Shellenberger of the Sixty-fourth Ohio in 
ConHad's brigade, records this touching incident. There was in 
his regiment a young sergeant who was a fine specimen of a 
m!an and one of the best volunteer soldiers. He was a non-vet- 
eran and the three-year enlistment had expired some time be- 
fore. He land other men of that class were to have been 
mustered out on reaching Nashville. This young soldier said 
emphatically that he objected to being killed on account of 
some one's blunder. He made two or three movements as if 
to go back to the works. Others in the stame class were ready 
to follow. The captain called him back with an oath. In the 
retreat a few minutes later the voung soldier was killed. Such 

224 W. W. GIST 

incidents were too frequent in 1864 when the term of service 
of the non-veterans expired. If a man enlisted for three years 
and should leave one day before his time had expired, he could 
be treated tas a deserter. He was often kept several weeks 
after his term of enlistment had expired, and he had no re- 
dress. A goodly number of men were killed under those cir- 

Of course Schofield and Cox both put the blame on Wagner. 
They made him the scapegoat. Schofield in his book says he 
had given orders for the army to cross to the north bank 
of the river at dark. That order presumed that there would be 
no fight in front of the town. This was in harmony with 
Wlagner's written orders to keep his division out in front and 
cross the river after dark. Near our line of works west of the 
pike was the home of a Mr. Carter, mentioned by all who hiave 
written about the fight. Here Cox established his headquar- 
ters. It was the fitting place as it was near the center of his 
corps. Mr. Carter with some solicitude inquired whether 
he should remove his flamily. He was advised to keep them 
there unless a battle should begin. The family had no warn- 
ing to leave and remained until it was too late. Then they all 
took refuge in the cellar. Eef erring to this episode Cox wrote 
in his second volume : 

"I thought it most probable at that time Hood 'would not attack 
in front. The very thoroughness of our preparation to meet an 
assault was a reason why he should not make it. It seemed wise 
for the family to remain as they were till they saw that a battle 
was about to open and then hasten into the village." 

This gives Cox's view of the possible attack in front late in 
the afternoon. 


Dr. H. M. Field, the famous editor, went to the battlefield 
yejars after, but early enough to meet prominent citizens who 
were present at the time of the fight. Colonel McEwen said 
that Kimball made his headquarters at his house. About four 
o'clock Kimball went forward toward the works and a colonel 
lingered. The colonel asked for some music and the ladies 
began to sing, "Just Before the Battle, Mother." They had 
sung the selection only part way through when a shell burst 
a few yards away. Colonel McEwen then said to his visitor, 
"Colonel, if I am any judge, it is just about that time now." 
The young officer started for the works, but wlas shot through 
the body and was taken back to Nashville. About four months 
later when he had recovered sufficiently, he came back to 
Franklin to hear the rest of that song. "His wife and more 



than a dozen officers accompanied him. He found the ladies 
and they sang and played the piece through for him in the 
presence of all the officers ; and they wept like children." 

These incidents, trivial in themselves, show how the lead- 
ing officers felt as to a possible battle. The divisions that oc- 
cupied the works have been njamed already, but the brigades 
should be given for the sake of historical accuracy. Cox's 
division was east of the pike and the brigade commanders were 
Stiles, Casement, and Keilly. Eeilly was in temporary com- 
mand of the division. Kuger's division was west of the pike. 
The two brigade commanders were Strickland and Moore. 
Kimball's division was on the extreme right and his brigade 
commanders were Grose, Kirby and -Whitaker. Opdycke's 
brigade was in reserve back of the Carter house. Two regi- 
ments of Reilly's brigade came in late and were pltaced back 
of his other regiments as a reserve. 

hood's army. 
Hood's army was composed of three corps commanded by 
Stewart, Cheatham and Lee. Each corps had three divisions 
and each division hud about three brigades. The following 
table gives the names of the division and brigade commanders 
of corps. 

French's Division 

CockerelPs Brigade, 
Sear's Brigade. 

Cleburne's Division. 

Polk's Brigade, 
Govan's Brigade, 
Granbury's Brigade. 

Stewart's Corps. 
Walthall's Division. 

Reynold's Brigade, 
Shelley's Brigade, 
Quarle's Brigade. 

Cheatham's Corps. 
Brown's Division. 

Gordon's Brigade, 
Strahl's Brigade, 
Carter's Brigade, 
Gist's Brigade. 

Lee's Corps. 

Johnson's Division. 

Brantly's Brigade, 
Deas' Brigade, 
Manigault's Brig. 
Sharp's Brigade. 

Loring's Division. 

Adams' Brigade, 
Featherston's Brig., 
Scott's Brigade. 

Bate's Division. 

Finley's Brigade, 
Jackson's Brigade, 
Smith's Brigade. 

The other two divisions of Lee's corps were commanded 
by Clayton and Stevenson. They were in the rear in the 

226 W. W. GIST 

march from Columbia and were not brought into the asstault 
at all. In addition to the infantry Forrest had four divisions 
of cavalry. The statement is made that after the army was 

"the battle will be fought here/-' 
deployed for battle Forrest rode up to Hood and slaid to 
him, "General, I can cross the river and flank them out of 
this position.'' Hood is said to have reflected a moment and 
then remarked, "No, the battle will be fought here." The 
determining factor in his decision, doubtless, was that at Nash- 
ville he would hiave to meet a larger army after A. J. Smith and 
other reenforcements had come up. Forrest did throw a part 
of his cavalry across the river, one division, for the purpose of 
annoying our extreme left and also to threaten our train. 
Wilson attacked this force with his cavalry land after a spirit- 
ed fight drove it across the river. 

So much has been said about Wagner's two brigades 
left out in front that it is but fitting to give the names of the 
regiments of which they were composed. On the left of the 
Columbia pike was Conrad's brigade composed of the 42d 111., 
51st 111., 79th 111., 15th Mo., 64th Ohio, 65th Ohio. On the right 
of the pike, to the west, was Lane's brigade composed of the 
100th 111., 40th Ind., 57th Ind., 28th Ky., 26th Ohio, 97th Ohio. 


There were several things that inspired the Confederates 
to fight as they had never fought on any battlefield before. 
Cheatham's corps and Stewart's corps were friendly rivals, each 
claiming to be the superior in fighting ability. Here for the 
first time they were deployed in an open plain so that each 
could see the work of the other. The generals bad been stung 
by the rebuke of Hood in the morning and each was deter- 
mined that there should be no ground for censure thtat day. 
Besides, some forty-two of the regiments in that advancing 
blattle line were Tennesseans and there were others in the 
artillery and cavalry. These men felt not a little exhilaration 
at being on their native soil once more. This feeling was in- 
tensified by the fact that they had seen their foe fall back be- 
fore them at Pulaski, Columbia, and Spring Hill. Now they saw 
their enemy with a river in their rear and they had this deter- 
mination that they would drive their opponents into the 
river. They know well that, if they should do this, there was 
no army to keep them from the Ohio Kiver. This thought also 
animated the men on the defensive that day.Moreover,there 
were in Hood's army not a few who lived in Franklin and it 


was a delight again to see their native town. They were ad- 
vancing over fields familiar to their boyhood, where they had 
often joined in youthful sports. They felt that a victory 
there would mean more thtan a victory elsewhere. Is it any 
wonder that Franklin was one of the hardest fought battles 
of the war? Had Schofield been a military genius, he would 
have formed his line with, the river in front of him and not 
in his rear. 

It should be noted that Hood and Schofield had been class- 
mates tat West Point. Schofield boasted that he knew his 
classmate so thoroughly that he could anticipate his very 
movements. Yet Hood fooled him at Columbia and Franklin 
both. Hood had a wonderful amount of dash and daring, but 
physically he was hardly fitted for the hardships! of an active 
campaign in the field. He had lost a leg and an arm in bat- 
tle. He had his headquarters near the foot of Winstead 
Hill. He lay on a blanket during most of the fight (and re- 
ceived his information from aids who rode to and from the 


It may be said that in a way the artillery opened the 
fight. On the north side of the river stood Fort Granger 
and a battery was placed there. The Twenty-third corps (artil- 
lery had crossed the river and the Fourth corps artillery had 
been given places in the hastily constructed works where the 
guns did wonderful execution in repelling the attack later. 
While the Confederates were making their movements in the 
open plain before the city, our large guns in Fort G Hanger 
sent shells over our heads into the ranks of the advancing 
army. One who was present with the Confederate army said 
that General Cleburne formed his division in a hollow square. 
(and made them a speech. He told them that they would 
have to go forward without the use of their artillery as it had 
not yet arrived. He also told them they must not fire a shot 
until they crossed the first line of works. The latter command 
was given to save their ammunition and to make greater 
speed in the final rush. 

The suspense and the nervous stUain became greater and 
greater as the time passed and the lines of grey came nearer 
and nearer. We stood up a part of the time and a part of the 
time we sat down with onr guns resting on the rails or los:s in 
front. Our part of the line on the extreme right bent black 
some and for that reason we were a little farther from the 
advancing line than those on the left. We heard some firing 
on the left and turning our eves in that direction we saw the 

228 W. W. GIST 

line had given way and was running toward the works closely 
followed by the Confederates. Our whole line did the same 
The Confederates said to each other, "Let us go in with them." 
Indeed, that was the safest thing for them to do. We formed a 
screen so that our men in the works could not fire at the 
advancing foe. Indeed it was a foot race toward the en- 
trenched line. We did not fire while thus retreating and the 
Confederates did not fire either. I slaw no man fall, no man 
wounded. The nearest point to the works would have taken 
us through the locust grove so often mentioned and, not 
knowing what entanglements we might meet there, we natu- 
rally bore a little to the right, thinking that if we should meet 
such obstructions, we might go in on the pike. I jumped over 
the works just east of the locust grove nefcr what proved to 
be the Carter house. Finding the works practically empty, we 
stopped and as soon as our men seemed to be in we began to fire 
as rapidly as possible. The batteries on both sides began to 
fire with great rapidity into the advancing ranks. Soon a cloud 
of smoke hung over us and nothing was distinct in front. 


We had fired several times in quick succession and, as I 
lifted my gun to fire lagain, a man jumped on the works al- 
most directly in front of me and shouted, "Stop firing, boys, 
the men are not all in yet.' I was horrified at the thought that 
we might have begun firing too soon and lowered my gun. In- 
stantly there was a commotion on our left in the direction of 
the pike. I turned my eyes in that direction and saw the 
line giving way and the Confederates pouring over the works. 
I have wondered about the man who jumped on the works and 
I am inclined to think he was not one of our men, but one of 
the Confederates. 

Our line was carried back and I went to the rear of the 
Carter house for a minute. This wfcis about the time that 
Opdycke made his famous charge to restore the line. I saw 
nothing that looked like a charge, as those advancing had to 
divide in two parts to pass the Carter house. The line that 
I was in seemed to surge back as those at the pike gave way 
and then to move forward to what must have been a second 
line of works. On this point eye witnesses differ. Opdycke 
asserted there was no second line of fortifications. Naturally 
an opening was left on the pike for the artillery and wagons 
to enter. To protect this opening a spur had been built across 
the pike a short distance in the rear and this second line ex- 
tended west bevond the Carter house. 


The line wjas now restored and never again broken in 
the fight which raged four or five hours. I would hardly feel 
like asserting with absolute certainty whether it was the ad- 
vanced line or second line where I stood. Some of the 
Confederates were on the opposite side of the works from us. 
When a lull would occur some of these would offer to sur- 
render. We would cry out, "Drop your guns and climb 
over." This they did and this was repeated a number of times. 
Some of them crossed the works so close to me that I could 
hiave touched them with my hand. In the part of the line 
where I stood were men of many commands. As I have indi- 
cated it was Strickland's brigade that was originally in the 
line and gave way. One of Opdycke's officers claimed that his 
brigade and his brigade alone restored the line.This is labsurd. 
Much praise belongs to this brigade and to the 12th and 16th 
Kentucky who did a similar work east of the pike in restoring 
the line where Beilly's brigade gave way. But the Confederates 
in front and our reserve in the rear both knew that the 
works were the safest pllace and both sought its shelter. In- 
deed Opdycke's men started for the works before any orders 
had been given. In our part of the line men from several dif- 
ferent regiments were intermingled and every man knew that 
the supreme thing was to hold the works and every man did 
his duty. No battle was ever more truly won by those in the 
ranks. The officers did all thjat was for them to do. Then ran 
back and got ammunition and spread it on the works before 
us so that we could fire rapidly. We used our cartridge boxes 
very little. In the heat of battle we did not always draw our 
rlamrods from the guns. 

Two Confederates dropped behind the works just opposite 
a man in my company. He fired at each of them, but of course 
he could not tell with what result. He was a very conscienti- 
ous and modest man, and he simply remarked, "They did not 
move. If I had killed them they would not have moved. If I 
had missed them, they would not htave moved." A colonel 
of one of our commands jumped upon the works and called on 
the men in the line to follow him. We knew a chtarge by a 
few men would be foolish ; that the thing for us to do was to 
hold the works at all hazards. This we did. A ball pierced 
the man and he fell a few feet to my left. It was rumored at 
the time that he was from a Missouri regiment, but Cox 
says it was Colonel Stockton of the 72nd 111. Stretcher bear- 
ers from the rear came and asked for the officer who had been 
shot. I wondered at the time how it. was known back in the 

230 W. W. GIST 

Just east of the pike Reilly's line also gave way. General 
Gordon of Brown's division and a number of his men got in- 
side of our works and were captured. Four guns near the 
pike loaded with canister were captured by the Confederates 
and an attempt was made to use them on Reilly's men in the 
trench, but they were recaptured before they could be fired. 
The lines east and west of the center where Wagner's men 
relached the works, did not break at all. 


There have been disputes as to how many charges actually 
were made. It seemed to us that there were many. Some of 
our Confederate friends say there wlas but one. What was 
true in one part of the line might not have been true in an- 
other. Most certainly, after an interval of silence the firing 
would be renewed and we would hear the Rebel yell. A 
moment later there would be a Yankee yell and we alwlays 
thought we put more volume into our yell than did our op- 
ponents across the works. To me their voices seemed pitched 
to a higher key than ours. The attacking line did not all reach 
our works at the same time. Naturally those opposite the 
two advanced brigades ran as fast as they could so as to be 
protected by the retreating forces. Doubtless some of the 
others moved toward the pike as probably affording a better 
place to cross. So in reality/ there were several attacks. 
Each brigade had a reserve and when this struck our line this 
really mefent a new charge. Colonel Ellison Capers of the 
Twenty-fourth South Carolina in his report states that com- 
panies of his regiment made an attack on our line as late las 
ten or half past ten o'clock and captured the flag of the 97th 
Ohio land took several prisoners. The firing continued from 
four o'clock until ten or eleven. General Stanley reports that 
nearly one hundred wagon loads of ammunition were expend- 
ed in that fight, giving some idea of the amount of lead that 
went over that field of carnage. The awfulness of the struggle 
is more apparent when we remember that the fight did not last 
three diays, as did other battles, nor did it cover many miles 
in its battle front, nor did the armies number 150,000 soldiers. 
The battle line only covered about a mile and the real con- 
flict only covered half a mile. The battle lasted only a few 
hours and the number engaged numbered only forty or fifty 
thousand men. But I have given little conception of the actual 
battle. Who can describe a cyclone, an earthquake, the 
blowing up of a great factory, or the sudden sinking of a great 
ship by a submarine? 


As the evening drew on and it became a little colder, the 
cries of the wounded and dying in front of the works were 
heartrending. Usually they cried for water or perhaps some 
young boy in his delirium was asking for his mother. Nothing 
could be done for their relief. The loss of life wjas appalling. 
The proportion of killed compared with the wounded must 
have been larger than in most battles. Those wounded in the 
first of the conflict may have been killed as they tried to 
withdraw, and if they fell upon the ground they were struck 
again. A few of our men were tjaken prisoners right out of the 
works, one of them a man from my regiment. The little squad 
was started to the rear guarded by two Confederate soldiers. 
They had not gone far when one of the guards was killed. The 
other guard land the prisoners reached the rear in safety. An 
aid reported to Hood that Cheatham had gained a part of the 
works, but must have reinforcements. ''How does Cheatham 
estimate his loss?'' asked Hood. "At one-half of his whole 
command in killed and wounded," was the reply. Then Hood 
exclaimed, "O my God, this awful day !" 

duty's stern demand. 
Sam Jones used to give an illustration like this in one of 
his stirring sermons to show the stern demand of duty. When 
our line was first broken and the Confederate flag could be 
seen inside our works, Hood was naturally led to think that 
the advantage gained was greater thjan it was. He summoned 
an aid to him and said : 

"My compliments to General Cleburne and tell him to take those 
works at all hazards." 

The aid dashed into the smoke of battde and soon returned and 
said, "General Cleburne is dead, sir." 

"My compliments to General Adams and tell him to take those 
works at all hazards.' 

Again the aid returned with the message, "General Adams is dead, 

"My compliments to General Gist and tell him to take those works 
at all hazards." 

A third time the aid came back and said, "General Gist is dead, 

"My compliments to General Strahl and tell him to take those 
works at all hazards." 

The aid returned in a short time to announce that General Strahl 
was wounded. 

About ten o'clock there was a lull in the firing and I moved 
a few feet to my left to find a place where the works were not 
so badly crowded. I got into a conversation with a man in 
my company and we spoke about the hard conflict. He had 
been promoted to la corporal not long before. He was one of 

232 W. W. GIST 

the few married men of the company and had had a furlough 
after the Atlanta campaign. Soon the Rebel yell was heard, 
the bullets came over as fast as before, and I moved back to 
my old place. This man did not appear at Nashville and on 
inquiry it was found that I was the last one to see him. He 
was probably killed in that last lattack. At least he was not 
found in any of the hospitals and was never heard of in any 


I was almost completely worn out. As I have indicated we 
had had no chance to prepare anything to eat since the morn- 
ing before, about forty hours. We had fought two battles. 
Fighting is harder work than many realize. It is a wonderful 
drain on one's nervous force. For some six hours we stood 
there and fired. I had shot some two hundred times. The 
three hours that we stood, out in front watching the enemy 
advance and wondering why we were not brought back was 
actually harder than the fighting. I leaned my head against 
the works and I suppose dropped asleep almost instantly as the 
firing had about ceased. About midnight a man placed his 
hand on my shoulder and shook me. I was aroused and 
he said to me, "Do you know the army has crossed the river?" 
When he saw me he did not know whether I was dead or alive. 
A few pickets had been scattered along the line and were 
firing occasionally to conceal the retreat of our army. I pass- 
ed back of the Carter house and there Ijay a good many of our 
wounded who did not seem to realize that they were soon to 
fall into the hands of the enemy. 

I hastened across the river and fortunately I came upon a 
man of my company. He was a sharpshooter and had been 
back in the town to mold some bullets. He had also taken 
time to make himself some coffee. This had left him somewhat 
refreshed. He rendered me assistance and I owe my escape 
to him. I could not walk more than a third of a mile until 
I would have to drop on the ground for rest. Instantly I would 
go to sleep. He would let me sleep two or three minutes 
and then arouse me and we would go on about the same dis- 
tance and stop again. It was a rather slow way to retreat, but 
it was better than being captured. By daylight I was more 
refreshed and my companion became drowsy. I would let him 
sleep a few minutes, as I had done, and then I would wake 
him. I passed some troops who evidently had not been in the 
fight. One of them remarked to another as they saw me pass, 
"That fellow has been in it." I suppose my face was as black as 
powder in fact. I stopped at the first creek and made a hasty 


toilet. It must have been nearly noon when I reached Nash- 
ville where the battle line wtas formed. I presume I got some- 
thing to eat, but I have no recollection of this. I threw myself 
on the ground and slept till the next morning. It was not 
so cold as it became two or three days later. General Scho- 
field recounts his own experience on reaching Nashville. He 
had caught a few hours' sleep in the forenoon at Franklin and 
he had a horse to ride. He suffered the nervous strain of 
commander, which was great. He says: "I rode to the hotel 
in Nashville, went to bed, and slept from about noon of the 
1st, without waking to full consciousness, until about sunset 
the next day." These incidents make it clear that the com- 
mander and the men who served in the ranks were complete- 
ly worn out by the three days' experience. 


No one who actually fought in the ranks and not even the 
commander could know the loss until ! the reports were made. 
The loss of the Confederates was 1,750 buried next morning. 
The number wounded was estimated at 3,800. The prisoners 
ffrken were more than a thousand, but there seems to be some 
confusion in making the returns. The Federal dead numbered 
189, the wounded 1,104, the missing 1,033. A few years after 
the war a correspondent from the etist induced General Chea- 
tham to go to Franklin and tell of the fight and especially the 
appearance of things the next morning] after the battle. The 
old warrior said : "About 11 the Federals withdrew and about 
2 o'clock I rode into town and got a bite to eat, the first I had 
tasted that day. Just at daybreak I rode upon the field and 
such a sight I never saw and can never expect to see again. 
The dead were piled up like shocks of wheat or scattered about 
like sheafs of grain. You could have walked all over the field 
upon dead bodies without stepping upon the ground. The 
fierce flame of battle had nearly all been confined within a 
range of fifty yards, excepting the cavalry fight on the other 
side of the river. Almost under your eye nearly all the dead, 
wounded, and dying lay. In front of the Carter house the 
bodies lay in heaps and to the right of it a locust thicket had 
been mowed off by bullets as if by a scythe. It is a wonder 
that any man escaped alive from that storm of iron missiles. 
This is the first time I have visited this battlefield since the 
fight took place land I have talked more of the events of the war 
today than during all the past fifteen years. I have never 
read a true story of this battle." 

There were five Confederate generals killed : Cleburne, 

234 W. W. GIST 

Adams, Gist, Strahl, and Granbury. Six were wounded: 
Brown, Carter, Manigault, Quarles, Cockrell, and Scott. Gor- 
don was captured. After the fight was over, the ranking officer 
in Quarles' brigade and Gist's brigade was in both cases a 
captain. General Adams fell near the works and was cared 
for tenderly by his foes as life slowly ebbed away. His watch 
and other valuables were taken and later returned, under a 
flag of truce, to his flamily. Mr. Carter, who lived in the house 
so often mentioned in connection with the battle, says that he 
counted fifty-seven dead besides the wounded in his door-yard 
the next morning. 

One of the pathetic incidents of the battle w|as the death 
of Mr. Carter's son, Captain Theodoric Carter. He was a quar- 
termaster and duty did not require that he should go into the 
battle. He volunteered to serve as a staff officer and was 
leading the advancing line when he was mortally wounded less 
than two hundreds yards away from his father's house. After 
the firing ceased, a, horseman brought word to Mr. Carter. 
Members of the family with lighted lanterns went out on 
the battlefield to look for the loved one. It was a gruesome 
task to look into the faces of the dead and dying at the 
midnight hour. At last there was a scream from the sister 
and the young officer was tenderly carried into his old home. 
He lived thirty-six hours, but could not tell anything about 
his part in the battle. He died as a young hero. It is not 
strange that writers on the Confederate side and also on the 
Federal side have confused the two Carters mentioned in the 
blattle. Not a few have said that it was 1 General Carter who 
was wounded and died in his father's home. The General Car- 
ter wounded did not belong to this family at all. The son mor- 
tally wounded was Captain Carter, a young lawyer and staff 
officer. The incident is sad in (the extreme, but not so sad as 
the thousands of cases when the dying soldier could not be 
caressed by loved ones in his own home. 


The efficient work of the cavalry at Columbia has been men- 
tioned. General Wilson had his force fall back as the enemy 
advanced and then took a position north of the Harpeth Kiver, 
two or three miles east of Franklin. The infantry and the 
cavalry had no communication with each other during the 
day, but each surmised about what the other must be doing. 
Both were busy. Hood sent Chalmer's division of cavalry 
against our extreme right, hoping to turn that flank, but the 
attack was feeble and easily repulsed. Next Hood threw a 


part of his cavalry across the river at our extreme left with 
tlie intent of reaching the rear of Schofield's army. General 
Wilson promptly met this movement with a vigorous attack 
and after a sharp fight Forrest was driven back to the south 
side of the river. This fight took place two or three miles from 
Franklin proper, but we heard nothing of it. Soon after dark 
General Wilson rode over to General Schofield's headquarters. 
Then the two generals had the first communication with each 
other that they had had since leaving Columbia. Wilson was 
surprised to learn that a hard battle had been fought in front 
of Franklin and the Confederates had been repulsed. Indeed, 
the fighting was still going on at intervals. Schofield was de- 
lighted to learn that Wilson had driven Forrest back across 
the river. There was no longer any solicitude tabout the wagon 
train nor a cavalry attack on the retreat to Nashville. Wil- 
son makes no mention of his loss in the official report. 


Numerous interesting incidents are related by those who 
participated in the great battle. A Confederate officer stat- 
ed, after the Federals had crossed the river, he found a Federal 
officer badly wounded. The wounded officer told the Confeder- 
ate to take his pocketbook as some one would get it. It had 
several government bonds in it. The Confederate officer got 
some men and had the wounded Federal officer taken to a house 
not far away. He asked the lady to receive him in the home. 
She said she would not like to do this as her husband was 
fighting under Lee at Richmond. He finally persuaded her 
to receive the wounded officer into her house. The Confed- 
erate officer handed her the man's pocketbook and told her 
not to let any one know about it. In two weeks Hood's army 
came back badly def elated and the Federal troops took pos- 
session of the town. The Union officer had been carefully nurs- 
ed and was soon able to be taken to Nashville. As he was 
about to be removed from the lady's house, she handed him 
his pocketbook and that was the first he knew that she had it. 
It is hoped that he handed her one of the bonds. 

Two boys, Park Marshall and H. P. Figuers, lived in Frank- 
lin at the time of the battle and witnessed the horrors of the 
struggle. Both became lawyers and have related many thril- 
ling events that they personally saw. Mr. Marshall has given 
accurate information as to the line of works. Mr. Figuers, 
boylike, climbed houses and trees to get a good view of the 
two armies in battle array. When the bullets began to cut 
close to him he went to his mother's house and sought shelter 

236 W. W. GIST 

in the cellar. When a cannon ball struck a sill of the house 
near his head, he thought it time to retreat from that place. 
Soon he began to assist his mother in caring for the wounded 
Confederate prisoners. One incident, related by Mr. Figuers, 
shows with what determination the Confederates entered upon 
the battle and that in some of them the fighting spirit was 
not crushed even when they were badly wounded. In the morn- 
ing he found one Confederate with his back against something 
for a support. He noticed that his lower jaw had been shot 
away and his tongue and under lip were hanging down his 
breast. The boy was moved with compassion and asked him 
whether he could do anything for him. The man had a short 
pencil and an envelope, and wrote, "No. Hood will be in New 
York in three weeks." When men go into battle with that 
spirit, it is no wonder that they fight with great determina- 


The exact location of the troops in the battle has been com- 
piled from the reports. Those of us in the advance line did not 
know what troops held the line in the works. Nor did we 
know any more about this while we were fighting and repuls- 
ing the fierce attacks. We knew that we had need of all the 
forces there and each sought to do his duty and we had no 
thought thlat any controversy w T ould° arise in the passing years. 
It is the testimony of Confederate and Federal soldiers alike 
that it was the hardest battle that any of them fought in the 
West. Those who fought in other battles and were not at 
Franklin are rather inclined to speak of this fight as one of 
the minor conflicts. Yet the great loss of life on the part of 
those making the assault reveals the awfulness of the fight. 
Captain Frederick Phisterer's Statistical Record of the Armies 
of the United States gives some interesting facts as to losses. 
The Federal loss Jat Shiloh was 1,735 dead and this was a two 
days' fight, while the Confederates lost 1,750 dead at Franklin 
in a few hours, the most of it in one hour. The Federal loss 
at Stone River was 1,533 killed and this was a three days' fight. 
The Federal loss at Chickamaugb was 1,647 and this was a 
two days' fight with larger armies. The brilliant attack on 
Missionary Ridge incurred a loss of only 757 killed. In the 
Atlanta campaign, which lasted from M|ay 3 to September 3, 
Sherman reports a loss of 1,408 in killed and missing. These 
figures show plainly that in no battle of the West, Which ltasted 
in some cases two or three days' did the Federal army lose as 
many as did the Confederates at Franklin. The comparison 


is all the more striking when we consider the size of the 
armies and the time consumed in the light. 

A few days after the tight we found that General Wagner 
had asked to be relieved from his command and we regretted to 
have him go. The reason we did not know and possibly we 
did not even conjecture that he had been criticized in some 
way. In 1882 General Cox's first book came out giving his 
version of the fight. Many of us were astonished to find this 
statement, "He (Wagner) rallied the disorganized brigade at 
the river, but they were not again carried into action." This 
seemed strange language to us who had remained in the 
works till the ltast gun was fired. Of course, we did not see the 
official reports, but we knew this was a. misstatement of facts 
or a gross misrepresentation. The fact is, that as commandant 
of the line, Cox blundered in not bringing those two brigades 
back to the works two hours before the battle really opened, 
and he naturally sought to put the blame on a subordinate. 
This has been clone too often. In this case Wagner was made 
the scapegoat and he had to bear the blame of a superior 


Cox even says in his later book "'Nothing is more notorious 
in regard to military report thian that they are apologetic in 
cases of mishap, and no form of glossing the facts is more com- 
mon than the omission of unpleasant features whilst more 
creditable ones are amplified.'' General Cox's own accounts of 
this battle illustrate the general principle that he has thus 
stated so clearly. On the preceding day Hood had ordered a 
subordinate to attack our army passing on the pike at Spring 
Hill. He failed to do this and Hood asked to have Cheatham 
relieved. Commenting on this incident in the Confederate 
army, Cox says : "A commander who is personally with the 
head of the column in such a movement and on the field, has 
the means of enforcing his orders by direct commands to the 
divisions." Cox seems to think this principle should not be 
applied to him. The Confederate army had been in view for at 
least three hours and Cox saw it all this time, yet he failed to 
insist that the two brigades be brought in. Of course, Schofield 
must bear his shlare of the responsibility, too. It i^ interesting 
to note Cox's two official reports of the battle. It is unusual 
for an officer to make more than one report. His first report 
was made December 2, two days after the fight. In this he 
says : "At three o'clock the enemy engaged the two brigades 
of Wagner's division, which, in accordance with orders, fell 
leisurelv back within our lines and the action became general 

238 w. W. GIST 

along the entire front." Why he should state that the brigades 
fell back leisurely is hard to say. Every one present knew it 
was a foot race. 

On December 10 he made a second report in which he says : 
"General Wagner rallied the two brigades of his division at the 
river, but they were not again brought into action." This im- 
plies that the two brigades had no part in the fight excepting 
the skirmish in front as we began to retreat. The loss of the 
two brigades tells a very different story. The trail of blood 
usually tells where the fighting is done. Let us note the official 
reports of the losses. The Second Division of the Twenty-third 
corps had three brigades and the loss in that command was 
307. The Third Division of the Twenty-third corps had three 
brigades also, and the loss in that command was 330; that 
is, the six brigades of the Twenty-third corps lost 637 men in 
killed, wounded land missing. In Lane's brigade of Wagner's 
Division the loss was 418. Conrtad's brigade lost, 397; that is, 
the two brigades in front lost 815. The artillery lost 67 men, 
but not all of them belonged to the two brigades. Thusi it 
will be seen that the two brigades of Wagner lost more than 
the whole Twenty-third corps. Do not these losses help to 
tell the story of the fighting? Much praise is given to Opdycke's 
brigade for its part in the fight and it deserves great praise. 
Yet its loss was but 216. Those who hold the opinion that 
Wagner's Division did not bear the brunt of the fight cannot 
possibly explain the large loss. Both Cox and Schofield carry 
the impression that this great loss took place out in front. 
Cox says in his first book, in speaking of the losses: "More 
than one thousand were in the brigades of Wagner which 
were so unnecessarily compromised at the front." As an eye- 
witness of what took place in the advanced line and in the 
hurried retreat, I absolutely know that our loss in front was 
insignificant — very small indeed. 


I wrote to General Cox and a correspondence followed. I 
was anxious to have the testimony of a competent and dis- 
interested witness concerning the matter. So I wrote to Gov- 
ernor James D. Porter of Tennessee. He was a member of Gen- 
eral' Cheatham's stlaff, was in the fight, and was on the battle- 
field the next morning and I knew he was entirely reliable. This 
was only seventeen years after the battle, when a, man's mem- 
ory is clearer than fifty years later. I asked him what the Fed- 
eral loss was in the two brigades, and whether they were 
many of the Federal dead any distance in front of the works 


the next morning. He replied that perhaps fifteen or twenty 
were wounded in front, threw down their arms and surrender- 
ed. He also stated that there were no Federal dead or wounded 
any distance in front of the works the next morning. This 
confirmed my own observation exactly. A few weeks later he 
wrote me again and said he had had a conversation with Gen- 
eral Cheatham and others about my question and they put the 
loss even less than he had stated. A loss of fifteen or twenty 
is very different from Cox's statement of more than a thou- 
sand. Governor Porter in referring to Cox's claim added : 

"If Wagner retired to the river for a rallying point, he would 
have been not less than one mile and a fourth from the battlefield 
and could not have sustained the loss of a man. He would not only 
have had the benefit of the distance, but he would have been pro- 
tected by the town of Franklin which would have been between him 
and the Federal line of battle." 

No, Wagner's brigade did not lose men at the river, because 
the distance was too great and they were not there. They did 
not sustain their great loss out in front, las Federals and Con- 
federates both testify. Where did they meet with their great 
loss, which surpassd that of the six brigades of the Twenty- 
third corps? It could have taken place at but one point, and 
that was near the pike and in front of the Carter house where 
the battle raged the fiercest. The Confederate General, G. W. 
Gordon who wlas captured at the works says: 

"When all was ready, the charge was ordered. The enemy (Wag- 
ner's two brigades) delivered one volley at our rushing ranks, and 
precipitately fled for refuge to his main and rear line. The shout 
was raised, 'Go into the works with them!' This cry was taken up 
and vocifered from a thousand throats as we rushed on after the 
flying forces we had routed, killing some in our running fire and 
capturing others who were slow of foot, sustaining but small losses 
ourselves until we arrived within one hundred paces of their main 
line and stronghold, when it seemed to me that hell itself had exploded 
in our faces. The enemy had thus long reserved their fire for the 
safety of their routed comrades who were flying to them for pro- 
tection and who were just in front of and mingled with the pursuing 
Confederates. When it became no longer safe for themselves to 
reserve their fire they opened upon us (regardless of their own men 
who were mingled with us) such a hailstorm of shot and shell, mus- 
ketry and canister, that the very atmosphere was hideous with the 
shrieks of the messengers of death. The booming of cannon, the 
bursting of bombs, the rattle of musketry, the shrieking of shells, the 
whizzing of bullets, the shouting of hosts, and the falling of men 
in their struggle for victory, all make a scene of surpassing terror 
and awful grandeur." 


This scene so graphically described took place just east of 
the pike. Our two retreating brigades formed a screen to pro- 

240 W. W. GIST 

tect the Confederates and both armies knew that the line of 
works was the place of safety if there was such a place. In 
such a race there was little firing in the very nature of things. 
Five of Lane's regiments went back with loaded guns and did 
deadly work when they opened fire. According to Gordon, 
some of our men were killed by our own fire as they neared the 
works intermingled with the enemy. This is very probable. 
Wagner's Division had 670 reported missing. Some of these 
were from Opdycke's brigade which was not out in front at all. 
As has been stated a few, a dozen or two, were taken out in 
front. Some were taken out of the works in the conflict. 
One was taken out of the works from my regiment, not far 
from me. The Twenty-Third Corps reported 379 missing land 
that command was not outside of the works at all. Some 
were worn out in all the commlands and dropped asleep near 
the works and were taken the next morning. Probably many 
were thus taken the next day on the retreat. Two days 
marching and fighting, and two nights without sleep proved 
too much for many a weary soldier. 

General Cox has had a wide hearing in what he says about 
the battle. He made two official reports and this is some- 
what unusual. The reports do not agree, as has been shown. 
He criticised Stanley for making even one report. The wound 
that Stanley received necessitated a leave of absence for some 
weeks. Two days after the fight General Wood assumed com- 
mand of the corps and he made the report of the battle tho 
he had not been in command. General Cox was in many 
ways a distinguished soldier. Soon after the campaign closed 
the Twenty-third corps was transferred to Sherman's army in 
the East. Cox and Schofield were received as heroes in Wash- 
ington and both were promoted. After the war Cox resumed 
the practice of law and later was at the head of a law school. 
He held a cabinet position under Grant, served in Congress, 
and was governor of Ohio. A man of such prominence would 
naturally be considered as an authority when in 1882 he pub- 
lished his "Franklin and Nashville." 

"Franklin and Nashville". 

His book, as a historical study, is valu&ble in giving 
the ordinary movements of the different commands, but it 
called out severe criticisms from those who knew he had not 
done justice to Wagner's command. These criticisms, and they 
came from various sources, probably prompted him to write 
a second book on the same subject in 1897, called "The Battle 
of Franklin." This book is more elaborate and gives extracts 


from the official records. More details are given as to the 
different commands, but when it comes to discussing Wagner's 
command he falls into the same error as before, or rather he 
attempts to bolster up his former statement. In this parti- 
cular no one can think of him as the calm historian, weighing 
evidence carefully and striving to reach the exact truth. One 
must think of him as an advocate striving to make out his case 
and twisting the evidence to his purpose. The stronger the 
case thiat he can make against Wagner, the more nearly does 
he vindicate himself in his mistake which nearly caused the 
overthrow of the army. 

Some one was responsible for the blunder. Was it the 
commandant or a subordinate? The case deserves careful con- 
sideration. Two things are involved : Was Wagner the man 
to blame? Was Wagner's command in the fight or at the 
river in the rear? The written order of Wagner to take his 
command across the river after dark has already been cited. 
It is claimed that there was a verbal direction or order from 
Cox to withdraw if pressed too strongly. How much discre- 
tion was Wagner expected to exercise? Had the battlefield 
been a long one as at Stone river or Atlanta, his judgment 
would have been a strong factor. As it was both armies were 
in the open field, visible to the commander and the rank and 
file. Over Wagner was Cox, the commandant of the line. 
Over him was Schofield. Stanley could have given orders to 
retire. These higher commanders plainly thought that Hood 
was only planning to get near enough to annoy the Federal 
army while the cavalry might cross the river above or below. 
If Wagner had retired too early and the enemy had pushed 
forward close enough to harass our line and not made the 
assault, Wagner could have been blamed for timidity. 

Capt. Shellenberger's Pamphlet. 
Captain John K. Shellenberger of the Sixty-fourth Ohio, 
Conrad's brigade, made a very careful study of the battle 
and visited the place when citizens who saw the battle could 
be interviewed. He has published a pamphlet that illumi- 
nates the situation in several particulars. Captain White- 
sides, Wagner's assistant adjutant-general, furnished Captain 
Shellenberger a written account of what passed under his 
eyes. About half past two Lane sent word to Wagner that 
Hood was forming apparently for an attack. Whitesides was 
directed to convey this information to Stanley. He found 
Stanley and Schofield both at the residence of Doctor Cliff e, 
near the center of the town, and gave them the information. 
Whitesides got the impression that both Cox and Wagner 

242 W. W. GIST 

at that time were of the opinion that Hood was about to make 
the assault, but neither of them would take the responsibility 
of ordering the brigades to retire with Schofield so near at 
hand. Some one had blundered seriously, but the responsible 
commanders have always sought to place the blame upon a 
subordinate. Captlain Shellenberger, in a personal interview 
with Doctor Cliffe, learned some facts about Schofield's move- 
ments during the day. He came to the Doctor's house about 
nine o'clock and after breakfast retired to a room and slept 
till a little after noon. Stanley was really sick and he was 
there with Schofield. These men told the Doctor that there 
would be no fight, as Hood would not attack works, that 
after dinner they would ride on to Nashville and the army 
would fellow after dark. At three o'clock, when Hood's army 
had already advanced, perhaps balf way (across that open 
field by slow stages, Schofield wired to Thomas at Nashville: 

"He (Hood) has a large force, probably two corps, in my front 
and seems prepared to cross the river above and below. I think he 
can effect a crossing tomorrow in spite of all my efforts, and prob- 
ably to-night if he attempts it." 

He does not say a word about a probable assault in front 
and it came as a shock a short time later. Then Schofield and 
Stanley mounted in hot haste and galloped away, Schofield 
to the north side of the river, where he established his head- 
quarters, and Stanley toward the front where in the thick of 
the fight he was wounded in the neck and his horse was shot 
under him. Schofield's excited and distui'bed mental condi- 
tion is manifest in the fact that he left the house of the 
Doctor without taking his overcoat and the official dispatches 
from Thomas. Mrs. Cliffe saved the dispatches for him till 
his return in two weeks and preserved the coat from Confed- 
erate hands by wearing it herself. 

It is interesting to note what higher commanders had to 
say about Wagner soon after the battle when every thing 
was fresh in mind. Tn writing to Wagner, on December 2, com- 
mending Opdycke for promotion, Cox tadds : 

"I desire to express my admiration for the gallantry of your whole 
command. Indeed an excess of bravery kept the two brigades a 
little too long in front, so that the troops at the main line could not 
get to firing upon the advancing enemy till they were uncomfortably 

When General Stanley was about to leave on account 
of his wound, he directed his assistant adjutant-general to 
send a note of appreciation to Wagner: 

"When General Stanley left, he directed me to address you 
and express for him, to you and to the officers and men serv- 


ing in your command, his sincere thanks and gratitude for 
the gallant service rendered at the battle of Franklin on the 
30th of November." He then paid a high tribute to Wagner 
for his work in the past and expressed his confidence in him 
for the future. General Schofield said in his official report: 
"I am under great obligations to the division commanders 
of the Fourth Army Corps, Brigadier-Generals Wood, Wagner, 
and Kimball." 

Cox's Second Book. 

In his second book Cox does not claim quite so strongly 
that Wagner's men did not fight in the line, but he discounts 
all claims to that effect. He says: "If Conrad's and Lane's 
brigades were in the main line, as nobody doubts Opdycke's 
was, then the whole of Wagner's division, excepting stragglers, 
was there." Then he claims that the brigade and regimental 
commanders were not seen there and so he concludes that the 
men were not there or only a few of them were in line. This 
is not conclusive testimony at all and the statement rather 
suggests the adroit lawyer rather than the careful investiga- 
tion of the impartial historian. Some of the other testi- 
mony that he puts forward to bolster up his case would 
not be admitted in a court for a moment. He quotes from 
a letter written by Captain Sexton thirty years after the 

After that period a man's memory may not be very re- 
liable. Captain Sexton says that not more than five hundred 
men of the two brigades stopped at the works. How did he 
find out and when did he make this estimate? I do not ques- 
tion the soldierly qualities of the Captain, but I doubt his 
ability to pass judgment on such a point. I presume or rather 
assume that Captain Sexton was a good soldier. If so, at the 
beginning of the fight, he must have been looking after his 
company. Of course, it was small as all companies were at th&t 
time. Soon the higher officers were disabled and as senior 
Captain he had to take command of the regiment. It was 
mixed up with other commands in the line. The soldiers all 
looked alike so far as their uniforms were concerned. In a few 
moments after the battle opened the smoke covered the battle- 
field so thtat one could not be recognized even a few feet away. 
The smoke of our guns, the smoke of the enemies' guns that 
flashed almost into our faces, the smoke from the batteries 
that were firing as fast as they could be loaded, formed a 
dense cloud over and about the two battle lines. How was 
Captain Sexton able to make any estimate of the men in 
other commands Does any one suppose he ever had any 
thought of trying to make an estimate at the time? Does 

244 w. W. GIST 

any one think he did anything so foolish as to go up and down 
the line, tap each man on the shoulder, and ask him what 
command he belonged to? The necessary thing also to do 
was to make a note of the answers and tabulate them. Does 
any one suppose that he did any thing so ridiculous as this? 
Perhaps so, for thirty years afterwards, when Cox wrote him 
to give an estimate, he promptly said that not more than 
five hundred men from the two brigades stopped at the works. 
The fact is thlat the regiment lost its flag in the struggle, but 
this was not known till afterwards. This reckless remark 
should be placed by the side of a remark made by some of 
Opdycke's men, who have said that, latter the line broke, hardly 
a dozen men of Strickland's command went back to the works 
and fought. Neither remark can be substantiated. 

An Ungenerous Remark. 

Captain Sexton then adds a remark uncalled for and un- 
generous in the extreme. He says: "I was informed that 
part of them (Wagner's brigades) were stopped at Wood's 
command near the river and the rest at Nashville." Captain 
Sexton is casting reproach upon men as brave as himself or 
any of his command. Suppose the Captain was giving tes- 
timony before a court, and Cox was the attorney on the op- 
posite side, what would the distinguished lawyer say? He 
would probably remark: "We want you to state what you 
know, not what you have heard." But in pretending to 
write history he admits Sexton's reckless remark as evidence 
to bolster up a theory. It looks as if the General was hard up 
for evidence to substantiate his theory. The Captain did 
not seem very familiar with the forces that came back to the 
works, as he says in his official report there were two divisions 
of them, when any one familiar with the battle knows there 
were just two brigades. 

Cox shows his determination not to write history, but to 
bolster up his former claim as to Wagner's command ; he gives 
as evidence the statement of a staff officer that did not see 
Wagner, Conrad, or Lane, or other higher officers in the line. 
Such a statement would not be accepted as testimony in a 
court at all. Cox would not have admitted it if he had been 
a judge. As an advocate to strengthen his explanation he 
cites this statement as evidence in the case. During the whole 
of the battle the officers were not conspicuous. Many of them 
did good work in carrying ammunition and spreading it before 
us on the works. We did not use our cartridge boxes much. 
In the darkness and the smoke that covered the line and the 
whole battlefield, an officer could not easily be recognized. 

f , M H'' 



Oc-ipiea t>j Ule23 '*aM> 4* Carpi 

AuriHf eng*%a*tn.l°f Nov*** |J64- 


?f ya, 

This is the map Cox linserted in his last book. He marks the rifle pits out near the Columbia pike, but he does not indicate that they 
are the two brigades of Wagner left out there by the blunder of higher commanders. The map does not show that the two brigades 
were in the fight at all, yet they lost more men than did the Whole Twenty-third corps. 


I did not see Cox or his generals during the fight, but that 
would not be considered as evidence that they were not pre- 
sent. Doubtless thousands in the line would make similar 
statements. This would not be considered as real evidence 
that they were not present somewhere. The officers that 
passed along the line, and I assume that some of them did, 
of course passed in the rear of the firing line. Our 
faces were toward the front and we took no special note of 
things in the rear. There was no occasion to look that way 
often. I saw no mounted men moving along the line. If 
they did go on horseback, they were not wise to incur the 
additional danger. Those who made an investigation doubt- 
less made the trip on foot. Cox does not show the character- 
istics of the candid and truth-searching historian in this 
investgation. If he can mlake out a case against Wagner, he 
in a way excuses his own blunder and Schofield's also. But he 
needs stronger evidence than he has given. 

Cox's Map of the Battlefield. 

Another thing in his volume is inexcusable in a 
historian. The government has published an official map lo- 
cating the different commands in the battle lines. Cox does 
not reproduce this at all or make any reference to it. In- 
stead, he gives a different map, one calculated to substantiate 
his peculiar view in the eyes of those who do not investigate 
or are not familiar with the facts. Those two brigades of 
Wagner, that had been left in such a helpless situation, and 
who lost more than all the Twenty-Third corps, are not placed 
in the battle line at all! The two brigades left out in that 
hazardous! position through the blunder of higher officers 
consisted of twelve regiments. Naturally the survivors of that 
command and their descendants take a good deal of interest 
in the part borne by those men in that awful conflict. Ima- 
gine their feelings when they turn to the so-called history and 
do not find those regiments placed anywhere in the battle 
line. Yet, as has been shown, those two brigades lost more 
men than did any other two brigades in the fight, more than 
did all the rest of the Fourth corps, more than did the whole 
of the Twenty-third corps. This map tends to distort the 
truth just as does Cox's written account. The map prepared 
by Captain Twining of the Twenty-third corps, does not men- 
tion Wagner's two brigades in front. 

Why does Cox pretend to reproduce the map and leave out 
Wagner's name entirely? All other commands are given a 
place in line. The advanced position is marked "rifle pits," 
but no name is given to the command. What right had Cox to 

246 W. W. GIST 

omit that one name from the command that suffered most? 
The government publishes another mapj that, accompanied 
Wood's official report of the battle. This was made a few 
days after the fight when no controversy had arisen as to the 
location of commands. It is drawn by the topographical 
engineer of Lane's brigade of Wagner's division. This map 
does not cover the whole battle position, but locates that 
brigade in its three positions : the first on the elevation, per- 
haps two miles out in front of Franklin ; then in its position 
designated as rifle pits by Twining; then in the works near 
the famous Locust grove so often mentioned. This I know 
to be the right position so far as one person can observe. 
The candid historian in a desire to give the real truth should 
have produced both maps. 

Cox says in a general wjay, when something unpleasant 
occurs in a battle, it is a common practice to gloss over the 
facts. This is exactly what Cox does to cover up his blunder. 
He constantly seeks to make Wagner the scapegoat for the 
mistake. Cox says in his first volume that the two bri- 
gades in front rallied at the river. The great loss of the two 
brigades, and they could not have lost any had they been back 
in the rear, the official reports of the commanders, and the 
testimony of the survivors disprove this completely. Cox 
modifies his first statement in his later work, but still be- 
littles the work of Wagner's men. Several years after the 
war Cox and Stanley got into an unpleasant controversy as 
to who was the real commandant of the battle line. Cox 
claims he was and the order of Schofield seems to substanti- 
ate this claim. Cox had no right to place upon another the 
responsibility that rested upon himself. 

Cox and his subordinates have had a good deal to say 
about the crowd back by the river. I know nothing about it. 
I was not there during the fight. At midnight when I went 
back to cross the river, there was no crowd there. I cannot 
help wondering why the officers of the Twenty-third corps 
seem so familiar with that crowd. Even after the dark- 
ness covered and hid everything, they seemed to recognize 
them as men of the Fourth corps. I wonder how this could be 
determined. In fact, I never heard that there was a bunch 
of stragglers there until Cox's book came out eighteen years 
after the battle. The strong presumption is that several 
commands may have been represented. There is a strong pre- 
sumption that the command that sustained the heaviest loss 
must have been poorly represented in the rear. 





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BATTLE or f¥(ANKLIK,Temn. 

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tht. position* of *%Z <<*•■>■ 

This map was prepared by the engineer of the Second Brigade of 
the Second Division commanded by Wagner. It shows the position 
of the brigade when the battle lines were forming out some two miles 
from town on the elevation. The next position is at the place which 
Cox calls the rifle pits. The third position indicates the place oc- 
cupied by the brigade in the works. This was made a few days 
after the battle and was a part of Colonel Lane's official repcrt. 


The Break Near the Pike. 

There has been considerable discussion as to why there was 
a break in the line near the pike. The common explanation 
is that Wagner's men coming back to the works in great haste 
caused a panic and so the line gave away. The retreat of 
Wagner's brigades was no doubt a factor in causing the 
break, but this does not explain it fully. Beilly's brigade on 
the left of the pike and Strickland's on the right of the pike 
gave way for a time, but the two adjoining brigades did not 
give way. Moore to the right of Strickland and Casement to 
the left of Reilly held the line. Yet some of Conrad's and some 
of Lane's men reached the works where these brigades were 
stationed. Another element must be considered, and this a 
very important one. As has been stated, an opening was left 
in the pike for the artillery and the wagons to enter. This 
opening was protected by a spur built across the pike ex- 
tending west perhaps about as far as the locust grove. Those 
of us who were out in the front line could not see the works 
clearly and did not know how difficult the works would be 
to climb. We could see the grove and we did not know but 
that entanglements had been placed there to impede the pro- 
gress of an attacking party. When the line broke in front 
and we started to retreat rapidly, there was one thought up- 
permost in mind, to find a convenient place to enter the 
works. We naturally thought it best to keep east of the 
locust grove and the lines converged toward the pike. In 
later years I talked with a captain of a Tennessee regiment 
who followed us in the charge. He said he found in the 
rush forward the Confederates were inclined to converge 
toward the pike also. To avoid a congestion at that place he 
and a lieutenant of the same company kept straight for- 
ward and passed through the grove, directing the men that 
way as far as possible. What happened when our line struck 
the works in the neighborhood of the pike? There was a con- 
gestion and a little delay in getting through the opening. 
By this time the Confederates were also crowding through 
the same opening. What was the situation at that moment? 
A number of the Confederates were actually in the rear of 
our lines that bordered on the pike. There was nothing to 
do but to fall back for the time. So the line broke near the 
pike on both sides of it. This does not mean that those who 
gave way in the confusion at the pike were less brave or 
soldierly than those in other parts of the line. This seems to 
me to be the correct explanation of the break in that part 
of the line. Any charge of unsoldier-like conduct is not jus- 

248 W. W. GIST 

Cox's Soldierly Qualities. 

I have criticised Cox as an historian touching his state- 
ments concerning Wagner's command and also criticised him 
in not bringing in those two brigades. Wagner did not take 
the initiative because his superior was near at hand. Cox did 
not assume the responsibility because his superior was just 
at hand. A few things should be said in favor of Cox's 
soldierly qualities. He should have credit for constructing 
that hasty line of works which made a victory possible. This 
is in his favor. He urged Schofield not to withdraw that 
night at all. Indeed, after the first assault and the re-establish- 
ing of the line after the break there was not slightest dan- 
ger of !a defeat for our line of battle. The Confederates 
were wasting their strength in every assault. Their loss was 
approximately ten to one compared with ours. Any at- 
tempt on their part to renew the attack would have re- 
sulted in certain defeat just as all the attacks had resulted. 
Indeed, their first attack was their best chance for success. 
After that there was no chance for them to win. 

It may be idle to speculate as to what might have been 
done the next morning. Kimball's division on our extreme 
right repulsed the attack on them, but this had been feeble. 
Wood's division on the north bank of the river had not 
fired a shot. Suppose, that at daybreak Wilson had made a 
vigorous attack on our extreme left with his cavalry. This 
would have diverted Hood's attention in that direction and 
perhaps could have drawn off some of the force to repel the 
movement. Suppose in the meantime Wood had taken his 
division over to our extreme right and joined Kimball. Those 
fresh troops could have begun a folding up process. At the 
fitting time the center, which had repelled every (attack, could 
have advanced and several thousand men would have been 
captured. Even then it is possible that the victory would not 
have been so complete as at Nashville two weeks later. Cox 
was right in taking the position that it was not necessary 
to retreat. Hood was not in condition to repeal much of 
an attack the next morning. With 1.750 of his brave men 
lying dead before our works, several thousand btadly wound- 
ed, and twelve of his generals killed, wounded, or captured, 
the morale of the army was reduced to such an extent that 
little fight was left in the remnant. Such a counter attack 
would have resulted in a decisive victory, but the fruits of 
the victory would have been less than that gained in the 
fight later when the army was larger and better equipped. 

the battle of franklin 249 

Schofield's Account of Franklin. 

Since Franklin was the one fight in which Schofield had 
unusual responsibility as a commander, it is quite natural 
that he should express himself quite fully on the points in con- 
troversy. Schofield cannot take rank with Grant and Sherman 
as a military man, and his book, "Forty Years in the Army," 
falls far below the Memoirs of those two great generals. The 
book is devoted too largely to self-glorifictation and disparag- 
ing other military men. He makes Sherman a great general, 
but he often criticises himi in many ways. At times he 
praises Thomas highly and speaks of the deep affection that 
the army of the Cumberland had for their commander, but 
denies that he deserves credit for the Franklin victory. He 
also belittles the work of Thomas at Nashville. He thinks 
the distribution of the forces in the Atlanta campaign was un- 
wise, his part of the command being too small and that of 
Thomas too large and unwieldy. He carries his criticism into 
the details of the campaign. In that campaign he took pride 
in the fact that he and Hood were classmates at West Point 
and he knew the characteristics of his opponent so thorough- 
ly that he could anticipate his movements. The fact is, how- 
ever, that Hood outgeneraled him at Columbia, and at Spring 
Hill the army would have suffered a great disaster had it 
not been for the masterly work of Stanley and his one di- 
vision. At Franklin, Hood's army had been in view for more 
than three hours and were advancing from time to time, and 
yet Schofield would not believe that the Confederates were 
intending to make an assault until the rattle of musketry was 
heard a few hundred yards away. He was so taken by sur- 
prise that he left the house where he had made his head- 
quarters in great haste, even forgetting his overcoat and im- 
portant dispatches from Thomas. He did not then gallop, 
toward the battle line, as did Stanley, who was stopping at the 
same house, but sought the other side of the river where he 
could see every part of the army. Important papers would 
have fallen into the hands of the enemy, had not the lady of 
the home hidden them. In after years Schofield gave instruc- 
tion at West Point and he held up as a model the retreat 
of the army from Columbia. His book is an attempt to 
justify his own deeds and to place the blame for mistakes 
upon others. 

In his official report of the bsattle, made soon after the 
fight was over, he comemnded Wagner highly for the skill with 
which he had handled his command. Later, he must have felt 
that military men would naturally wonder why two isolated 
brigades had been left out in front in such a manner as 

250 W. W. GIST 

to endanger the main line since it could not fire in case the 
advanced line had to retire. He says in his volume, page 177 : 
"Much idle controversy was indulged in among officers of 
the Fourth corps and others in respect to the action of those 
two brigades. The only proper way to settle such a question 
was by a court-martial. As the corps passed from my com- 
mand the morning, and had been under my orders only 
a few days, I have never made any effort to fix, even in my 
own mind, the responsibility for the blunder". He did not 
order an investigation at all and no one was ever court- 
martialed for any blunder. Had this been done in a thorough 
manner, it doubtless would have reached some in high com- 

Schofield gives this account of the battle at the critical 
moment when he had reached a point on the north side of 
the river. Be says: 

"There I witnessed the grandest display possible in war. Every 
battalion and battery of the Union army in line was distinctly seen. 
The corps of the Confederate army which were advancing or forming 
for the attack could also be seen, though less clearly on account of 
the greater distance, while the Confederate cavalry could be dimly 
discerned moving to the fords of the river above Franklin. Only a 
momentary view was permitted of this scene of indescribable gran- 
deur when it was changed to one of most tragic interest and anxiety. 
The guns of the redoubt on the parapet of which I stood with two or 
three staff officers had fired only a few shots over the heads of our 
troops at the advancing enemy when his heavy line overwhelmed Wag- 
ner's two brigades and rapidly followed their fragments in a con- 
fused mass over our light entrenchments. The charging ranks of 
the enemy, the fragments of our broken troops, and the double ranks 
of our first line of defense, coming back from the trenches together, 
produced a momentary impression of an overthrown mass of the 
enemy passing over our parapets." 

Schofield's Personality Not a Factor. 
Yet Schofield did not see the movements of the enemy 
from that parapet, because he did not reach the fort until 
the enemy had struck our line. He issued no order that 
affected the progress of the battle in the smallest degree. 
Had he gone on to Nashville, instead of stopping at the fort, 
the battle would have terminated in exactly the manner it did 
end. His personality was no more a factor in the actual fight- 
ing than was that of Thomas twenty miles away. A few 
pages f'Sarther on in his book, in which he said he had never 
even tried to fix the responsibility for the blunder, he makes 
a statement exactly the opposite of this. After referring to 
Wagner and his two brigade commanders, he adds: 

"Those three commanders ought to have been tried by court-mar- 
tial and, if found guilty, shot or cashiered, for sacrificing their own 
men and endangering the army." 


This strong language in which Schofield suggests that 
Lane and Conrad, as brigade commanders, and Wagner should 
have been tried by court-martial and shot, if found guilty, 
occurs in the same chapter in which he states so strongly 
that he had never in his own mind made any effort to fix the 
responsibility for the blunder. The two statements are only 
five pages apart. Lane and Conrad, as brigade commanders, 
are not to blame, as they were under Wagner. Wagner was 
under Cox and Schofield and he had a written order to keep 
his troops out in front till dark and then take them across 
the river. Of course this was done with the supposition that 
Hood would not make an assault. Schofield was not con- 
vinced that such an attack would be made until he heard 
the rattle of musketry. He says in his volume (page 228) : 

"The Fourth corps was under my own eye nearly all the time, 
and sometimes in emergencies I even gave orders directly to sub- 
ordinate commanders without the formality of sending them through 
the corps commander." 

Here was an emergency of the highest order. The enemy 
had been in full view for hours. They were advancing. Why 
did not he as commander-in-chief order Wagner back? He 
saw no reason for it. He believed there would be no assault. 
The blunder was his or Cox's. Both were in a measure re- 
sponsible. Hood blamed his failure at Spring Hill upon his 
subordinates. Both Cox and Schofield contend that Hood 
was to blame as he was near enough to issue orders to brigade 
commanders if necessary. These two generals were not will- 
ing to have the same rule applied to them at Franklin. It 
was easier to try to clear themselves by putting the blame 
on subordinates. 

Contradictory Statements. 

Schofield's language is strangely contradictory. In his 
official report he commends Wagner for his skill in handling 
his division. After brave General Wagner is in his grave, 
Schofield declares he has no opinion as to who was responsi- 
ble for the blunder and later suggests that Wagner should 
have been court-martialed and possibly shot. The language 
does not sound like a high-minded soldier willing to do jus- 
tice to a subordinate. To the ordinary reader it sounds too 
much like a subterfuge to hide his own neglect of duty. Others 
have sought to belittle Wagner by circulating a base slander. 
It has been asserted that Wagner was court-martialed and dis- 
missed from the army. Such is not the case. He was never 
court-martialed at all. There was never a military inquiry 
into his conduct at Franklin. He was relieved from serving 

252 W. W. GIST 

with the army of the Cumberland at his own request. Later 
he was assigned to a command in Missouri and served to the 
close of the war, and was then honorably discharged or 
mustered out of the service. Schofield adds : 

"I believe little disputes always arise out of honorable rivalry 
which exists between bodies of troops acting together in a great 
battle. Franklin was no exception to that general rule. For the 
purpose of pouring oil on the 'troubled waters' after Franklin, I 
said that in my opinion there was glory enough won in that battle to 
satisfy the reasonable ambition of everybody who was on the field 
and of some who were not there, but who were at first given 'the 
lion's share; but if the disputants were not satisfied with that, they 
might take whatever share of credit was supposed to be due me 
and divide it among themselves." 

This language by itself would seem to imply thtat Schofield 
was wholly indifferent as to whom the credit was given, but the 
whole spirit of the discussion on his part shows that he 
claims the credit. His reference to some who were not there 
is a sly thrust at Thomas at Nashville. In another place he 
says Thomas had no right to claim the glory of the Franklin 
victory. After the battle began, Schofield gave no command 
or order that in any way influenced the line of battle. The 
work of the individual soldier and the subordinate officers 
were the determining factors in repelling the fierce assaults 
of the enemy. I can bear testimony that in the ranks, at least, 
the spirit of rivalry of which Schofield speaks was not felt 
at all. I never heard a remark dropped to the effect that 
there was any jealousy between the parts of the army that 
constituted the command. The Twenty-third corps and the 
Fourth corps each realized that it needed the other and each 
did the part assigned to it. The very first intimation that 
there had been any dispute as to authority was found in Cox's 
book nearly twenty years after the fight. Schofield also carries 
the impression that Wagner's heavy loss was out in front. 
This error has already been answered. In the hurried rush 
back to the works by both armies there was practically no 
shooting and the loss was trivial. 

Nashville The Sequel op Franklin. 
Students of military movements believe that Sherman did 
not make the wisest distribution of his forces in the two 
campaigns, his own through Georgia and that of Thomas in 
Tennessee. Two of the smallest corps of the army were as- 
signed to Thomas and one of these had but two divisions. 
Thomas asked for his old corps, the Fourteenth, but Sherman 
would not grant it. Indeed, Sherman's first thought was to 
leave but one corps, the Fourth, in the rear. Some of the caval- 


ry was dismounted in order that Sherman's cavalry might be 
equipped for the campaign. Of course there were garrisons 
at Chattanooga and at other points that could be assembled 
for defense, but such detachments hardly measure up to an 
organized compact army, tho they may not be inferior to 
the other troops in valor and personal efficiency. Again it 
was a question whether such strategic places as Chattanooga 
should be abandoned to the enemy. None of these forces 
joined Schofield's command until Nashville was reached. 
Grant and Sherman both seemed to imply in their orders that 
Thomas should be ready to oppose Hood at the Tennessee 
River. When Hood actually began his march forward after 
equipping his army, the Fourth at Pulaski was the only infan- 
try to oppose him. After this corps fell back to Columbia, it 
was joined by the Twenty-third corps. The particular force 
that was expected to give valuable aid was a part of the Six- 
teenth corps in Missouri under command of General A. J. 
Smith. This command was ordered to report to Thomas the 
first of November. The dispatches between Thomas and Scho- 
field show that the force was expected to reach Columbia so 
as to make a stand at that point. Then it was expected to 
join Schofield at Spring Hill or Franklin, but this was not 
possible. It had to be transported on small boats that could 
navigate the Cumberland. Sherman seems to have thought 
that it could be assembled in Tennessee in ten days, but as 
a matter of fact it took thirty days and it did not reach 
Nashville till after the battle of Franklin. Smith was a good 
commander and he no doubt rushed matters as fast as he 
could. So far as is known no one blamed Smith for the delay. 

The two corps of infantry and the cavalry that had fought 
at Franklin reached the outskirts of Nashville on December 1. 
The men were exhausted and hungry. Schofield says that he 
slept till late the next day. The men who fought in the ranks 
were not less in need of rest. Men dropped down on the ground 
and slept for the most of twenty-four hours whether they had 
blankets or not. A. J. Smith had disembarked the Sixteenth 
corps and his command was placed in the line of defense. 
Steedman had brought from Chattanooga his force of 5,000 
men, consisting of a few regiments that had been doing gar- 
rison duty there, a few regiments of colored troops, and de- 
tachments of several corps that had not been able to join 
their commands when Sherman started for the sea. Two 
things were imperative: to prepare against an attack by Hood 
and to mold these forces into a compact army able to take 
the offensive as soon as possible. Hood had attacked with 
such vigor at Franklin and had followed so closely in the 

254 w. w. gist 

rear that it was thought likely that he might make an assault 
at Nashville before the forces could be prepared for proper 
defense. Works were constructed hurriedly with the feeling 
that they would soon be needed. These works were much 
more formidable than those at Franklin. Thomas wanted to 
be ready for the offensive and he was putting forth every ef- 
fort to that end. Many citizens were armed for defense. 
Wilson was getting his cavalry in shape. Most of the horses 
had to be shod. Many of the men had been dismounted so 
that Kilpatrick's army might be equipped for Sherman's army. 
Orders came from Washington to take horses wherever they 
could be found. Horses were taken even from showmen. 

Grant's Impatience. 

There was much uneasiness in Washington, especially with 
Grant, on account of a few days' delay. Grant was one of 
the greatest generals and meant to be fair to his subordinates, 
but he failed to understand the situation at Nashville. From 
May till December he had been hammering away at Richmond 
and Petersburg and the nation did not grow especially impa- 
tient. He had proposed to fight it on that line if it took all 
summer. It took all summer, fall and winter. The people 
were ready to believe that he was doing all that could be 
reasonably expected. This will be the verdict of history. Yet 
Grant was unwilling for Thomas to wait even five days be- 
fore taking the offensive. He expected him to attack at once 
and ordered him to do so. Grant was too far away to under- 
stand the situation at Nashville. Thomas was not delaying 
unreasonably. He was getting his army in shape to strike 
a blow that would paralyze the one formidable army in the 
West. He was mounting his cavalry in order that that branch 
of the service might be an important factor in the coming 
conflict. When Thomas got ready to strike the blow, there 
came one of the worst storms known in that region in years. 
The whole surface of the earth was covered with a glare of ice. 
It was impossible for an army to move to advantage. Indeed 
it was very difficult for the pickets to reach their posts. It 
was necessary for them to pick their way along the gulleys 
near the highways. On December 9th Grant sent a telegram 
to Halleck to give orders to Thomas to turn over the command 
to Schofield. Such an order was made out, but there was a 
hesitancy about sending it. Halleck and possibly Stanton 
seemed to question the wisdom of such an order and the for- 
mer sent this message to Grant : "If you still want these orders 
telegraphed to Nashville, they will be forwarded." Grant then 
suspended the order removing Thomas. When a positive 


order was sent to Thomas to attack regardless of the weather, 
he called his corps commanders together for consultation and 
they unanimously agreed that it was unadvisable to take such 
a step while the ice covered the ground. 

In such a council the younger man speaks first. Wilson 
was the youngest and he says he did speak first, followed by 
Wood, Steedman, and Smith. Wilson says Schofield sat silent 
and thus gave his assent to what the others had said. Scho- 
field's account differs from this. He says that he himself was 
the first to speak and said : "General Thomas, I will sustain you 
in your determination not to fight until you are fully ready." 
Wilson adds : 

"On the testimony of all who were present it is certain that Scho- 
field's advice, whatever it was, must have been given in private. The 
fact is, that upon the most notable occasion he sat silent and by that 
means alone, if at all, he concurred in the judgment of those pres- 
ent that Thomas' course first and last was fully justified by the cir- 
cumstances and conditions which confronted him. It was doubtless 
this silence that gave rise to the suspicions on the part of Steadman 
and possibly of Thomas himself, that Schofield was already in touch 
with Grant and the War Department." 

Whether this was true cannot be determined by official 
records. Certainly less than two wooks later after the Battle 
of Nashville he did write to Grant, asking that his corps, 
no doubt he preferred to call it department, be transferred 
to the East and he did this without the knowledge of Thomas, 
his commander-in-chief. 

General Wilson was on intimate terms with Grant, Sher- 
man, and Thomas, and had the confidence of all of them. 
Touching the attempt to hasten Thomas into action before 
he was prepared, Wilson expressed himself in most emphatic 
language : 

"Under the circumstances, which were well known to the entire 
army, it was hard for Thomas, who was conceded to be a better tech- 
nical soldier and organizer than either Grant or Sherman, to under- 
stand why he should be censured and lectured by either of them. 
He knew my intimacy with Grant and his staff and evidently had con- 
fidence in my judgment and therefore contented himself with the 
final declaration that the authorities might relieve him from com- 
mand and put some one else in his place, in which case he would do all 
in his power to help him oivt, but in no case would he fight against 
his own judgment, or till local conditions should become more favor- 

Logan Ordered to Succeed Thomas. 

Thomas did not learn till years afterwards that Schofield 

had been designated as his successor. Tho Grant recalled his 

order for Schofield to succeed Thomas, he took two steps that 

really reflected on Thomas' ability as an independent com- 

256 w. W. GIST 

mander. He ordered General John A. Logan to go to Nashville 
and assume command, as it was deemed essential that an 
attack be made at once regardless of whether men could ad- 
vance over the ice-covered ground. At one of the conferences 
Wilson expressed his opinion that with such works as Hood 
had he could repel an attacking party with brickbats. Logan 
got as far as Louisville, but turned back when he heard of 
Thomas' advance. Grant himself started for Nashville, but 
turned back for the same reason. 

Had Logan arrived at Nashville, there would have been 
a strange military situation so far as the question of rank 
was concerned. Schofield had expressed his contempt for 
volunteer officers who had had no military training in schools. 
He said that Wagner's conduct at Franklin, or failure as he 
deemed it, was "one of the strongest possible illustrations of 
the necessity of the higher military education and of the 
education, which fortunately for the country and the army, 
is rarely learned by experience, but must be acquired by 
laborious study of the rules and principles laid down by 
standard authors as derived from the teachings of the great 
masters of the art of war in all ages." In other words, he 
must have a West Point training or the instruction from 
some other military school. Schofield himself is an illustration 
of how a man may be a West Point graduate and still leave 
a portion of his force in front of the regular line of defense 
contrary to one of the most important military principles. 

It has generally been understood that, had Logan arrived 
he would have taken command of the entire force. Just what 
the status of Thomas would have been is uncertain. Perhaps 
he would have been permitted to command the portion of the 
Army of the Cumberland with which he had been so long 
connected. Perhaps all his authority might have been taken 
away. The army that Logan would have commanded came 
from three departments — a part of the Sixteenth corps from 
the Army of the Tennessee under A. J. Smith; the Army of 
Ohio, consisting of two divisions of the Twenty-third corps un- 
der Schofield ; the Fourth corps from the Army of the Cumber- 
land under Stanley. These corps commanders in the volunteer 
service all ranked as major generals, but they were also West 
Point graduates and held lower ranks in the regular army. 
What was the status of Logan? He was an officer in the 
volunteer service and held no commission in the regular army. 
Moreover he was simply a corps commander. Upon the death 
of McPherson, July 22, 1864, as senior corps commander he 
assumed command of the Army of the Tennessee and guided 
the army to victory. He held this position for only a short 


time and then resumed his place in command of a corps. The 
statement of facts in no way reflects upon Logan as a com- 
mander. He was one of the best volunteer officers, the most 
distinguished of such officers. Doubtless the other officers, 
including Thomas, would have obeyed without a complaint, but 
there doubtless wouild have been protest as to the action 
after the battle was over. Logan was a fine commander and 
held the confidence of the army as a fighter in a greater degree 
than did Schofield. Under Logan's leadership or that of any 
other of the corps commanders a victory would have been won, 
because Thomas had made thorough preparation for the over- 
throw of the enemy. In the end the results justified Thomas' 
delay. He knew the situation and he knew what he was doing, 
but the Nashville situation was not understood at City Point 
and Washington. 

As late as 1884 Logan seems to have addressed a letter to 
Grant on the subject as to who would have commanded the 
army. Grant's reply sounds a little strange. He says: 

"In regard to the order for you to go to Loi;isville and Nashville 
for the purpose of relieving General Thomas, I never thought of the 
question of who should command the combined armies of the Cum- 
berland and the Ohio. . . No doubt, if the order had been carried 
out, the question would have arisen as to who was entitled to the 
combined command, provided General Schofield was senior in rank to 
you, which I do not know that he was. I know his confirmation as a 
major general took place long after yours, but I did not know the 
date of his commission". 

Grant's mind was so absorbed with business cares when he 
wrote the letter that he had forgotten the ruling in 1864. 
Stanley outranked Schofield in date of commission, but the 
War Department decided that Schofield actually outranked 
Stanley because he was department commander. On the rul- 
ing, of course, Schofield outranked all the other generals there 
excepting Thomas. His rank was higher than Logan's for the 
same resaon. Grant's letter is a little hard to understand. Why 
was Logan ordered to Nashville if he were not to assume 
command ? 

Terrible Days at Nashville. 
Those days at Nashville were terrible for those in the 
ranks. We had little protection from the cold. Not all the 
men were supplied with blankets. Fuel was scarce and could 
be used for cooking only. There were no big fires by which 
we could warm ourselves. No doubt our foes out in front 
were suffering worse than we. We were astonished in those 
days to have orders to be ready to move at daybreak the next 
day. We knew that no army could possibly carry on a success- 
ful operation under the circumstances. I think the order 

258 w. w. gist 

was repeated each day. We drew the conclusion that we must 
move as soon as the weather permitted. On the night oi' 
December 14th the weather moderated and the thaw set in. 
Even before it was fully light the army began to move out 
toward the enemy. Orders had been given to leave a strong 
skirmish line in the works. Our regiment was very small and 
it was selected from our brigade for that purpose. So our 
particular command saw the first day's fight from a distance. 
The movement was successful and Hood was driven some 
distance and compelled to shorten his lines considerably. 
On the second day the plan of battle was almost a dupli- 
cate of the Battle of Missionary Ridge the year before. Steed- 
man with his provisional corps and Wood with the Fourth 
corps were to press Hood's right strong enough to make him 
send reinforcement in that direction. Smith, with the Six- 
teenth corps, and Schofield with the Twenty-third corps 
were to hold themselves in readiness to advance as the case 
demanded. Wilson was to throw his cavalry around Hood's 
left and get into his rear if possible. This was faithfully car- 
ried out. Our regiment started before daylight and joined 
the brigade already in line of battle for the advance. We lay 
about a half mile from the Confederate works for a short time 
and the enemy shelled us vigorously. Our batteries also open- 
ed fire and silenced those of the enemy. Then we went for- 
ward double quick and got within a few rods of the works. 
So far as we could tell we were not supported either on the 
right or left. We were exposed to a direct fire in front and 
also a flank fire on the right. The result was that the at- 
tack was halted and we stopped and rolled together a few 
logs for protection. Our line was established from two to 
three hundred yards from the Confederate works. Steedman 
made a similar attack on the left. We could not see this on ac- 
count of an elevation. I have always thought that the whole 
line might have been broken, had there been a general charge 
all along the line. This was evidently not according to the 
plan and the results would probably not have been so great 
as they proved to be in the end. In the meanwhile Wilson was 
pushing his command around the left of the enemy. He ac- 
tually succeeded in doing this. 

Hood's Desperate Dispatch. 

A dispatch from Hood to Chambers was captured, indi- 
cating that Wilson was making things desperate in the enemy's 
left. It said : "For God's sake drive the Yankee cavalry from 
our left and rear or all is lost." All this time the infantry 
on our right was inactive waiting - for' orders to advance. At 


last, growing impatient, Wilson galloped around the enemy's 
left flank and met Schofield and Thomas standing together. 
When Wilson explained the situation the order was given to 
advance. Then the assault was general. Our division held a 
position in advance of the most of the line. When Smith's 
corps got about even with our line, we went forward in the 
assault. It is said that aids galloped in our direction to order 
us to advance with the rest of the line. They never reached us 
as we went forward as the proper thing to do. The resistance, 
was feeble indeed. The Confederate line broke and most .of the 
artillery was captured. There was one battery in the rear 
in reserve we found out and it sent many solid shots into our 
line. These smashed the limbs from the trees and made it un- 
pleasant for us, but the casualties were few. The enemy pro- 
bably had no shells with this battery. There is no question 
but that every part of the line did its duty. If some waited, 
this was a part of the plan to gain the largest results. No 
part of the army did better work than did Wilson's. His men 
dismounted and fought on foot. When the whole Confeder- 
ate line broke in confusion, his men had to reach their horses 
and then they started in hot pursuit, as did the infantry. They 
did not take time to take account of cannon captured or pris- 
oners. These were left to the infantry. Naturally, there has 
been some dispute as to whether the honor belongs to the in- 
fantry or cavalry. This did not prevent a vigorous pursuit 
until after dark. Some 1,500 were actually taken in the bat- 
tle and a good many more were captured in the pursuit. Most 
of Hood's artillery was also taken. 

A Complete Victory. 

There was no more complete victory in the war. Hood's 
army was no longer a factor in the conflict. The Middle-west 
was freed from any formidable foe. The victory made Sher- 
man's brilliant exploit a possibility. The outcome of the light 
and the campaign justified in the most remarkable manner 
Thomas' apparent delay at Nashville while he was making the 
necessary preparation to strike the decisive blow that actual- 
ly hastened the downfall of the Confederacy. 

Congratulatory dispatches came to Thomas in great num- 
bers. Such dispatches came from Lincoln, Grant, and Stanton. 
Congress passed a joint resolution thanking Thomas, his of- 
ficers, and soldiers under his command. Later, in making a 
report of the Movements of the Armies, Grant said of Thomas 
at Nashville: 

"His final defeat of Hood was so complete that it will be ac- 
cepted as a vindication of that distinguished officer's judgment." 

260 W. W. GIST 

Sherman complimented Thomas in a similar manner. Thom- 
as was made major general in the regular army and Secre- 
tary Stanton made the announcement in the following dis- 
patch ; 

"With great pleasure I inform you that for your skill, courage and 
conduct in thei recent brilliant military operations under your com- 
mand, the President has directed your nomination to be sent to the 
senate as a major general in the United States Army to fill the only 
vacancy in that grade. No official duty has been performed by me 
with more satisfaction, and no commander has more justly earned 
promotion by devoted, disinterested and invaluable service to his 

At last the hero of many battles was given the rank that 
he had actually earned at Chickamauga. 

General George H. Thomas. 

General Thomas was a native of Virginia and was born 
in 1816. His early education was received at the Southhamp- 
ton Academy near his home. He entered West Point in 1836 
and graduated in 1840, being the twelfth in his class, W. T. 
Sherman being the sixth. He served for a time in Florida, and 
in the Mexican war he won distinction for gallant services and 
was made brevet major. His admirers in Virginia presented 
him with a handsome sword. He was made military instruc- 
tor at West Point and still later he served in the south-west 
and in California. In 1855 congress added four new regi- 
ments to the army, and the Second cavalry was noted for the 
long list of officers that became famous in the war soon to 
follow. Not a few have thought that Secretary of War Jef- 
ferson Davis appointed these officers in anticipation of war. 
Many of them were from the South and he seems to have had 
an eye on the future. Albert Sidney Johnson was made col- 
onel, Robert E. Lee lieutenant colonel, W. J. Horace senior 
major, and George H. Thomas junior major. The regiment 
furnished seventeen generals for the war and twelve of them 
entered the Confederate service. His regiment saw service in 
Texas and for three years he commanded it. When the war 
broke out and many of his brother officers resigned and joined 
the Confederacy, Thomas adhered to the Union and gave it 
all his influence. Upon the resignation of Robert E. Lee, Tho- 
mas became colonel of the famous regiment. He was made a 
brigadier general and sent to Kentucky. Here, with an in- 
dependent command, he won the battle of "Mill Springs," real- 
ly the first important victory in the west. This called forth 
the commendation of General Buell and President Lincoln. 
From that time forward Thomas was closely identified with 


the army of the Middle West. At Stone River he revealed the 
qualities of the true soldier. 

At Chickamauga when the army was in reality defeated 
Thomas with his command saved the day and became known 
as the Rock of Chickmauga. Rosecrans was relieved from 
command and Thomas became commander of the Army of the 
Cumberland. At Missionary Ridge he was no less distinguish- 
ed. A part of his command assisted Sherman on the extreme 
left while his own force held the center and the extreme right. 
The assault on the main part of Missionary Ridge by Thomas' 
forces was one of the most spectacular charges of the war and 
later, when Grant was made lieutenant general and became 
commander-in-chief of all the forces, he assumed that his place 
was in the East with Meade's army. At once the question arose 
as to who should succeed him in command of the Military Di- 
vision of the Mississippi. To many of us in the Middle West 
Thomas seemed to be the logical man. He was a more con- 
spicuous commander and had been longer in the public eye. 
Sherman and Thomas had been successful corps commanders. 
Both had been in command of departments a short time. Sher- 
man had been more closely associated with Grant and he was 
selected for the command. No mistake was made. He was equal 
to the task. Many of us think that Thomas would have done as 
well, but it is idle to speculate on such a subject. Thomas 
accepted the subordinate place without a murmur and no one 
was a great factor in the complete victory won at the time, 
could possibly have been more loyal to his superior. The cor- 
respondence of the period during the Atlanta campaign shows 
that Sherman relied on Thomas more than upon any other 

Thomas Ordered to Nashville. 

When Atlanta was taken, Thomas said to Sherman : "You 
have no more need of me; let me take my little command and 
go eastward to the sea." He could have reached the rear of 
Lee's army before the winter. Possibly the war might have 
closed a few months earlier had Thomas been allowed to car- 
ry out his plan. Sherman replied that he could not take that 
responsibility without consulting Grant. He heard nothing 
more of the matter and soon was ordered back to Nashville 
to meet Hood. He especially wanted the Fourteenth corps with 
which he had been so long associated, but his request in that 
particular was not granted. With the smaller force he won the 
great victory that hastened the downfall of the Confederacy. 
He believed that obedience was the first dutv of the soldier 

262 W. W. GIST 

and he cheerfully obeyed the commands of his superiors in 

After Hood's army had been defeated and scattered, the 
victorious army of Thomas disintegrated as rapidly as it had 
been assembled. At the request of Schofield, without any con- 
sultation with the commander-in-chief the Twenty-third corps 
was transferred to the Atlantic coast. The Sixteenth corps 
was transferred farther south and helped in the capture of 
Mobile. Wilson with his efficient corps of cavalry pushed into 
the interior of the South and captured many important towns, 
the movements resulting in the capture of Jefferson Davis. 
The Fourth followed Hood out of the state of Tennessee and 
for a short time got a breathing spell in Huntsville, Ala- 
bama. Later it was hurried up to East Tennessee near the 
North Carolina border. It assisted in repairing the railway 
in that region and was in readiness to march through to Lynch- 
burg. Whether the idea was to appear in the rear of Richmond 
or to intercept Lee, in case he evacuated his stronghold, is not 
known. The surrender of Lee stopped all movements m that 
direction and soon the Fourth corps was sent back to Nash- 

Grand Review in Washington. 

The grand review at Washington was a preliminary step in 
mustering out the two great armies assembled at the capitol 
and the men of the Fourth corps were filled with the highest 
hopes of soon reaching their homes with the two great eastern 
armies. A review took place at Nashville which has not been 
recorded by many historians. Thomas saw fit to hold a review 
of the one corps that had served under him for a goodly 
time. The Fourteenth corps and the Twentieth corps of the 
Army of the Cumberland had gone through with Sherman 
and of course they were in the grand review at Washington. 
The old warrior was never to see the Army of the Cumberland 
together again. On the outskirts of the city a reviewing stand 
was erected and some of the notables of Nashville were on it. 
The number was not great. The central figure was General 
George H. Thomas, the personification of the real soldier and 
the true man. The fifty-four regiments that constituted the 
corps passed in review and reverently and affectionately so- 
luted the old hero as they reached the reviewing stand. The 
regiments were all small, some of them mere fragments with 
scarcely a hundred men. The four years of conflict had done 
its work in thinning the ranks. The great commander on that 
day looked upon this organization for the last time. Thou- 
sands of soldiers, including the writer, never looked upon 
that strong and kindly face again. Some of those regiments 


were three-year men and they were soon sent home rejoicing. 
The most of the corps soon found out that instead of being 
mustered out and going home we were to go to the border of 
Mexico to encourage the French to leave our neighbor in the 

Action of the Legislature of Tennessee. 
The legislature of Tennessee did three things to express 
its appreciation of General Thomas' service. It passed a reso- 
lution making him a citizen of the state. It caused a gold 
medal to be struck and this was presented to the general on 
the second anniversary of the battle of Nashville by Governor 
Brownlow. In his acceptance speech Thomas referred to the 
fact that it was then thirty years since he had received his 
diploma at the Military Academy and his first commission 
in the army, and then added : 

"On receiving that commission I took an oath to sustain the 
Constitution of the United States and the Government and to obey 
all officers of the Government placed over me. I have faithfully en- 
deavored to keep that oath. I did not regard it so much an oath, 
as a solemn pledge on my part to return to the Government some little 
service for the great benefit I had received in obtaining my education 
at the Academy." 

The legislature also provided for a life-size portrait of 
Thomas to be placed in the capitol. This was carried out and 
it reflected the real spirit of the legislature at the time. Later 
another legislature proposed to sell the picture. Whether 
this proposal was done in all seriousness or for political ef- 
fect can hardly be determined. It caused the old soldier some 
annoyance and his friends were about to purchase it. The 
picture still hangs in the capitol and it is a fine likeness of 
the famous commander of the Army of the Cumberland. 

Schofield feels compelled to speak favorably of Thomas' 
manly qualities, but he loses no opportunity to disparage his 
military qualities. He says : 

"No one, I am sure, of his comrades in arms desires to detract 
from the great fame which is justly his due; for, according to the 
best judgment of mankind, moral qualities, more than intellectual, 
are the foundation of a great and enduring fame. It was 'Old Pap' 
Thomas, not General Thomas, who was beloved by the Army of the 
Cumberland; and it is the honest, conscientious patriot, the firm 
unflinching old soldier, not the general, whose name will be most 
respected in history." 

This is meant as a compliment, a compliment that he could 
not well withhold, but it is expressed in a manner to belittle 
his military power which was really very high. Schofield 
thinks the glory of the victory at Franklin belonged to him, 
not to Thomas. Yet Schofield blundered in not thinking till 

264 W. W. GIST 

the last moment that Hood would make the assault. He blun- 
dered in leaving* those two brigades out in front. Alter the bat- 
tle began he gave no vital command that affected the line of 
battle until he gave the command to retreat against Cox's 

Thomas In The Keconstruction Period. 
Following the war Thomas did a good work in the recon- 
struction period and revealed great wisdom in handling deli- 
cate questions. When it was once proposed to assign him a 
place beneath his rank, he became indignant and sent a 
friend to the president to make a protest. His orders were: 

"I wish you to take the first train for Washington and tell 
President Johnson that during the war I permitted the national 
authorities to do what they pleased with me; they put juniors over 
me and I served under them; the life of the Nation was at stake and 
it was not then proper to press questions of rank, but now that 
the war is over and the Nation saved, I demand a command suited 
to my rank or I do not want any." 

The request was heeded and Thomas was assigned to the 
Military Division of the Mississippi. He had some delicate 
questions to settle and he was equal to the emergency. When 
an Episcopal Bishop advised the ministers under him to omit 
the prayer for the president, Thomas ordered the churches 
closed until proper respect should be shown to the chief magis- 
trate. Later Thomas was transferred to the Pacific coast. 

In 1868, when President Johnson was having friction with 
the War Department and many others near him, he appointed 
Thomas brevet lieutenant-general and general and sent the 
appointment to the senate for confirmation. As soon as Thom- 
as saw this announcement in the paper, he sent a dispatch to 
Hon. B. F. Wade, president of the senate, asking that the 
nomination be not confirmed. He also sent a dispatch to the 
president asking him to recall the recommendation. He clos- 
ed the communication with these words : 

"I have done no service since the war to deserve so high a com- 
pliment and it is now too late to be regarded as a compliment, if con- 
ferred for services during the war. 

It was generally believed that had the senate confirmed the 
nomination, President Johnson would have placed Thomas at 
the head of the army in place of Grant. Thomas was not the 
man to try to crowd another out of his place. Several incidents 
of the period show this plainly. Perhaps these dispatches may 
not reveal the real motive in declining the honor, but certain 
it is that this is the only instance in the history of our coun- 
try in which an officer has ever declined so high honors. In 
1868 he was urged to allow his name to appear as a candi- 


date for the presidency, but he promptly declined. The same 
idea was urged later that he allow his name to appear in 
1872, but he declined again to have his name appear. While 
declaring his willingness to perform all military duties that 
his country might demand of him, he added; "All civic honors 
I shall continue to decline." 

Death and Memorial Service. 

The brave old hero was not allowed to enjoy his well earn- 
ed honors after the war closed. Some one as late as March, 
1870, wrote an article for the New York Tribune criticising 
him for the manner of conducting the Nashville battle. He 
believed the article was at least inspired by a subordinate 
whose friendship he questioned. He felt that the article de- 
served an answer and he was preparing a reply on the 28th of 
March, 1870, when he was stricken with apoplexy, dying in 
a short time. In his death the nation felt that it had lost 
one of its ablest and truest sons. The memorial services held 
in Washington were second only to those accorded to presi- 
dents of the nation. He was laid to rest, at Troy, New York, 
President Grant and many other notable being in attendance. 
The pallbearers were Generals Meade, Schofield, Hooker, 
Kosecrans, Hazen, Granger, Newton, and McCay. Thus the 
nation sought to do honor to the memory of one of her real- 
ly great men. 

The four years of war brought to the front a few men who 
were especially noted for their services. Among these were 
Grant, Sherman, Thomas, Meade, and Sheridan. It is a very 
high honor to have a name in such a list and Thomas belongs 
there. Yet there were others who in merit ranked close to these 
and would have proved themselves equal to higher tasks, had 
they been called upon to meet tliem. There were thousands of 
subalterns and men in the ranks competent to lead commands 
had circumstances placed upon them these responsibilities. It 
is the glory of the American army and American citizenship 
that strong men in obscure places meet their duties aright and 
thus give strength to the nation as a whole. In subordinate 
places and in high positions Thomas always showed his great- 

W. W. Gist. 

266 A. P. FOSTER 


It is a matter of astonishment that the Department of 
Archives and History of the State of Tennessee was estab- 
lished as recently as the year 1904. Still more astonishing 
is 1 the] fact that apparently this department Was created 
without act or resolution of the Legislature. 

For some time prior to 1904 the late Robert T. Quarles 
had been making strong efforts with members of the General 
Assembly for the establishment of a Department of Archives 
and History and encountered chilling indifference on the part 
of many members, yet obtained a little cooperation on the 
part of a few. 


In an affidavit made by Mr. Quarles on Sept 18, 1906, in 
connection with the papers discovered by him pertaining to 
the boundary line between Tennessee and North Carolina, he 
uses the following language: 

"The Department of Archives and History was established by the 
Legislature of Tennessee in 1904, and I was soon after appointed 
Archivist of the State of Tennessee." 

Mr. Quarles told the writer at the time that he was ap- 
pointed State Archivist by Gov. McMillin. Doubtless what 
Mr. Quarles deemed as the establishment of the Department 
of Archives and History was the fact that the Legislature 
made appropriations by which the work was carried on. Yet 
these appropriations were not made in the name of the De- 
partment of Archives and History until 1907. 

Prior to the establishment of the Department of Archives 
and History in 1904, the valuable papers, documents and 
records of Tennessee were in the general charge of the Secre- 
tary of State, but in practice, as the departments became 
congested, large quantities of papers, documents and books, 
not in current use, were stored in the basement of the Capitol, 
in a crypt, where damp atmosphere, ashes, oil, grease, rodents 
and other agencies of destruction caused the injury and par- 
tial or total demolition of many priceless historical records. 
It is also extremely painful to state that many wagon loads 
of these stores were carted off to the dumping grounds, and 
many others were sold for waste paper. 



In 1901 the Legislature awoke to the necessity of provid- 
ing for the proper preservation of the Archives of the State, 
as is shown by the adoption of House Joint Eesolution Xo. 
60 which reads as follows : 

Whereas, For the want of proper space in the various offices in 
the Capitol building, the archives, books and documents of great 
value and historical interest have been placed in the basement of 
the building where they are molding and decaying. And, "Whereas, 
A large number of said books consists of duplicate sets of the Su- 
preme Court Reports, which could be sold and the money turned into 
the treasury, and "Whereas, There is sufficient space in the Capitol 
building for the proper preservation of all the archives of the State, 

Be it resolved by the House of Rejrresentatives, Senate concurring, 
That the House and Senate Committees on Public Grounds and 
Buildings be directed to investigate and report the proper steps to 
be taken and the probable cost of preparing proper space for the 
preservation of the Archives of the State, and what disposition can 
be made of the duplicate sets of Supreme Court Reports belonging 
to the State. 

Adopted March 13, 1901. 

E. B. Wilson, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
Newton H. White, 
Speaker of the Senate. 
Approved March 16, 1901. 

Benton McMillin, 


Nothing was done by this committee and near the end of 
the session the resolution was reported among those "lying 

However, in the report of the special committee to investi- 
gate the condition of the Capitol, which report was made on 
March 28, 1901, appears the following recommendation of 
James H. Yeanian, the architect employed by the committee:. 

"Twentieth, I recommend that enough of the attic be prepared 
with floors, walls, ceilings and dormer windows all complete and 
made a suitable place for a new archives room." 

In 1903 Mr. Quarles succeeded so effectually in interest- 
ing Gov. McMillin in the condition of the valuable papers 
stored in a damp part of the basement of the Capitol that the 
Governor devoted a portion of the appropriations for the 
repair of the Capitol to the removal of papers to a dry sec- 
tion occupied by the Armory. 

This provision appears in the Miscellaneous Appropriation 
Bill for 1903, as follows: 

"For preserving the archives of the State of Tennessee, $1,200, 
Provided it shall be expended under the direction of the Governor." 

268 A. P. FOSTER 


In 1905 the Tennessee Historical Society cooperated in the 
effort to induce the Legislature to establish a department of 
ArcjhivesL Thi^l attempt was virtually a failure although 
through the endeavors of the Tennessee Historical Society, 
Hon. Thomas M. Owen and Dr. Dunbar Rowland made strong 
addresses to the Legislature, as shown by House Joint Reso- 
lution No. 3, as follows: 

"Whereas, The Hon. Thomas M. Owen and Dunbar Rowland, ar- 
chivists respectively of Alabama and Mississippi, have been invited 
by the Tennessee Historical Society to visit Nashville on January 
10 and 11; and 

"Whereas, The object of this visit is to discuss the best method 
for the collection and preservation of the public records and State's 
history; Therefore, be it resolved 

"1. That these distinguished gentlemen be invited to address 
a joint meeting of the Senate and House of Representatives at such 
an hour as may be fixed by the joint action of the two bodies, on 
the morning of January 10th: 

2. That a joint committee from the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives be appointed by the respective chairs to notify these 
gentlemen of the wishes of the two bodies, and to make such ar- 
rangements as to carry out the object of the resolution. 

Will K. Abernathy, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

J. I. Cox, 
Speaker of the Senate. 
Approved January 11, 1905. 

James N. Frazier, 

This action was supplemented by House Resolution No. 17 
which stated : 

"Be it resolved by the House of Representatives, That the hour for 
the address to be delivered by Hon. Thos. M. Owen and Hon. Dunbar 
Rowland, by invitation of House by Resolution No. 3, be fixed as a 
special order for Tuesday, January 10, at 11 a. m. 

Will K. Abernathy, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives." 

Nevertheless the Legislature did nothing. It did not dur- 
ing the session even make an appropriation of any kind for 
the benefit of the Archives of the State. 

appropriation for department op archives and history 

In 1907, however, while the Department of Archives and 
History was; not created, an appropriation was made for the 
Department of History and Archives. 

The General Assembly for the biennium 1907-1908 appro- 
priated $4,000.00 for the Department of History and Archives, 
apportioned as follows: 


Secretary to be appointed by tbe Governor, salary not 
to exceed $1,500 per annum. Office expenses, per annum, 

In 1907 also a resolution was adopted by tbe Legislature 
as follows: 


"Be it resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate con- 
curring, That a committee of three from the House and two from 
the Senate, be appointed by the respective Speakers thereof to ex- 
amine the old records and archives of the State, and report as to the 
condition in which it finds them, and what, if anything, should be 
done for the preservation and care of same; and ascertain if the 
Tennessee Historical Society or any individual have collections of 
relics, etc., they would under the proper conditions be willing 
to donate to the State. 

Adopted January 25, 1907. 

John T. Cunningham, Jr., 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
E. G. Tollett, 
Speaker of the Senate. 
Approved January 30, 1907. 

Malcolm R. Patterson, 


Report of Committee of 1907 

On March 20, 1907 the following report was made by the 
committee appointed to investigate the State Archives under 
House Joint Resolution No. 15: 

"We, your Joint Committee, appointed by House Joint Resolu- 
tion No. 15, to examine the office of Archivist of the State and re- 
port upon its condition and its needs, beg to say that we have 
performed that duty, and we find and report that the work so 
far accomplished has been splendidly performed and that Mr. 
Quarles, the officer in charge of the Archives, is entitled to the 
thanks of the people of the entire State, for his great interest and 
painstaking care in rescuing, classifying and preserving the ancient 
records and documents of the State of Tennessee. His office apart- 
ments, although in the attic of the Capitol, are models of neatness 
and of record classification, and his department is one of the most 
interesting of the official departments of the State, and well worthy 
of a visit from every member of the Legislature, or other visitor at 
the Capitol. 

"We recommend a continuance of the appropriation for this de- 
partment and think that better quarters or rooms should be pro- 
vided for this important and most interesting branch of the public 

"We were also directed by the said resolution to examine and 
inspect the collections of the Tennessee Historical Society, as well 
as the curios, relics, etc., of General Gates P. Thruston, and as- 
certain their probable value, and upon what terms and conditions 
they could be obtained as the property of the State of Tennessee; 
and we are glad to be able to report that the Tennessee Historical 
Society has signified its willingness to present to the State all of 
its historical documents, ancient relics and other treasures so closely 

270 A. P. FOSTER 

interwoven with the past history of the State, and worth many 
thousands of dollars, upon the simple promise and undertaking of 
the State to provide a suitable place for the preservation and 
safekeeping of these splendid gifts. 

"General Thurston has also geological specimens of the State, as 
well as curios and Indian antiquities;, which are invaluable and 
can never be duplicated and he generously offers these as a gift to 
the State upon the same terms and condition, and expresses a de- 
sire to contribute, besides, a fixed and permanent sum to be ex- 
pended annually for their care and preservation; and these generous 
offers should be accepted with an emphatic expression of thanks to 
the donors as the State's noble benefactors* 

In view of these facts, and of the crowded condition of the 
Capitol and the evident need for more room to accommodate the 
several departments of the State, we recommend the purchase by 
the State, as soon as may be, of a buildnig convenient to the Capitol, 
to be occupied by the State Archivist with the Archives and the 
gifts of General Thruston and the Tennessee Historical Society by 
the Supreme Court of the State, the Court of Civil Appeals, and the 
office of the State Librarian. 

"We understand that the Bishop's residence and grounds, im- 
mediately south of the Capitol can be had under an option formerly 
granted to the State, for the sum of twenty-three thousand, five 
hundred dollars ($23,500.00), and we earnestly urge its purchase by 
the State immediately and for the purposes above set forth. 

Respectfully submitted this March 20th, 1907. 

T. E. Gordon, 

James Armitage, 

W. T. Galloway, 

J. M. Graham, 

F M. McRae." 

This report was adopted, but the only portion of it carried 
into effect was the continuance of the appropriation for the 
maintenance of the Department of History and Archives. 

Four thousand dollars was appropriated for this depart- 
ment by the Legislature for the biennium of 1909-1910 and 
distributed in the same way as for the biennium of 1907-1908. 

For the biennium of 1911-1912 five thousand dollars was 
appropriated for tbis department, consisting of the same 
items as in the two preceding biennia w T ith the addition of 
$500 per annum for an assistant clerk. 

Mr. R. T. Quarles served as State Archivist until his death, 
March 5, 1913, and was succeeded by his son Robert T. Quarles, 
Jr., who served until the appointment of Dr. Gus W. Diyer in 

For the biennium of 1913-1914 the Legislature appropria- 
ted for this department $6,000, distributed as follows : 

Secretary, to be appointed by the Governor at a salary not 
to exceed $1,500 per annum, $3,000. Clerk, $500 per annum, 

Office expenses, $1,000 per annum, $2,000. 


In view of the writer's contention that the Department of 
Archives and History was never established by Legislative 
act or resolution, the following newspaper story, which ap- 
peared in the Nashville Banner of March 25, 1915, may be 
of interest : 


Head of Non-existent Department Remains as Custodian Anyhow. 
Efforts are being made by Gov. Rye to obtain the resignation of 
Prof. Gus Dyer, who was appointed by Gov. Hooper as keeper of 
archives. According to an interpretation by Gov. Rye and his ad- 
visors, there is no such thing as the State department of Archives, 
and hence there is no obligation on the legislature to provide for its 

So far Prof. Dyer has declined to resign from an office which 
the governor claims is non-existent, one reason being that he is in 
charge of valuable material belonging to the State, and that no 
one has been selected to assume the responsibility. Just now the 
department is engaged in a most important work in connection with 
the records of the confederacy. The position is also taken that 
as Gov. Rye does not recognize the position of keeper of archives 
he need not worry about the resignation of any such 'alleged' of- 

"Perhaps an explanation of the solicitude of the administration 
has been prepared for introduction in the legislature creating a de- 
partment of archives and history, to be under the supervision of a 
director. As this is practically the same as keeper of archives, and 
as Prof. Dyer's appointment was for two years, there might be 
some doubt as to the right of the legislature to legislate Prof. Dyer 
out of office in this way, and the appointment to the position would 
be delayed for a year or more. With so many applicants for office 
and so few offices, to apportion around, this of course might be 
a consideration." 

Only five days after the appearance of this article the Sen- 
ate passed the following resolution : 


(By Mr. Ashcroft.) ' 

"Whereas, What is known and termed in the appropriation Bill 
published in the Acts of 1913, as the Department of History and 
Archives, exists only by reason of the provision made in said ap- 
propriation Bill, which appropriation expired with the end of the 
Biennial Period, March 19, 1915; and which said appropriation pro- 
vided for the appointment of a secretary by the Governor at a 
salary of $1,500.00 per annum, and a clerk at $500.00 per annum, 
and office expenses of $1,000.00 per annum; and whereas, said De- 
partment, since March 19th, has no legal existence under any law: 

Therefore be it resolved, by the Senate, the House concurring, that 
the Governor be, and he is hereby empowered and directed to forth- 
with appoint or employ some suitable person to take charge of the 
records, documents and other property belonging to said Department, 
preserve and take care of the same, at a salary not exceeding $50.00 
per month until such time as the Legislature may make permanent 

272 A. P. FOSTER 

provision for the care and preservation of the department above 
referred to. 

Adopted March, 29th, 1915. 

Albert E. Hill, 
Speaker of the Senate. 
Wm. P. Cooper, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
Approved March 30, 1915. 

Tom C. Rye, 


Robt. T. Quarles, Jr. was then again placed in charge of 
the State archives and served until 1918, when he was suc- 
ceeded by Willoughby S. Williams. 

Parenthetically, it will be noted that the Legislature in 
its resolution and appropriations invariably uses thfet (ex- 
pression "Department of History and Archives," whereas, 
the stationery and signs of this department have always read 
"Department of Archives and History." 

The appropriation for the biennium of 1915-1916, however, 
was as follows: Clerk to be appointed by the Governor at 
salary not to exceed $900.00 per annum— f 1,800.00. Office ex- 
penses, per annum $1,000.00— $2,000.00. 

For the biennium of 1917-1918 the appropriation was as 
follows : Chief Clerk, to be appointed by the Governor at a 
salary not to exceed $1,200.00 per annum— $2,400.00. Office 
expenses, $600.00 per annum— $1,200.00. 

Mr. Williams served until his death in 1919. 

department op history and archives abolished. 

In 1919 the Department of History and Archives was 
abolished by House Bill No. 319 which reads as follows : 


(By Dr. Griffin, Lake County.) 

An Act to abolish the Department of History and Archives, and 
transfer all articles, books and papers thereof to the State Library, 
and require the State Librarian, without additional salary, to look 
after the same; and authorizing the appointment of a porter by the 
State Librarian to aid in the additional work imposed by this Act. 

Section 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State 
of Tennessee, That the Department of History and Archives be, and 
the same is hereby abolished, and that all articles, books and 
papers in charge of said department be, and the same are trans- 
ferred and made part of the State Library, and it shall be the 
duty of the State Librarian, without additional salary, to look 
after and care for all books, papers and articles in said Department 
of History and Archives. 

Section 2. Be it further enacted, That the State Librarian be 
authorized to employ, if needed, in caring for and looking after the 
articles, books and papers belonging to the Department of History 
and Archives, an extra porter for that purpose, who shall be paid 


not more than the sum of sixty dollars per month, on warrant 
drawn by the Comptroller of the Treasury. 

Section 3. Be it further enacted, That all laws and parts of 
laws in conflict with this Act be, and the same are hereby repealed, 
and this Act take effect from and after its passage, the public 
welfare requiring it. 

Passed March 25, 1919. 

Seth M. Walker, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
Andrew L. Todd, 
Speaker of the Senate. 
Approved March 29, 1919. 

A. H. Roberts, 


Since that time the Department of Archives and History 
has been a part of the State Library; and under the efficient 
administration of John Trotwood Moore, has been better taken 
care of than ever before, and although handicapped by over 
crowded quarters and insufficient appropriation is daily prov- 
ing its indispensability and serviceableness. 

The appropriation for the State Library for the biennium 
1919-1921 was as follows : 
Salary of Librarian, who shall serve as Archivist, 

$2,400 per annum $4,800.00 

Salary of two (2) Assistant Librarians, $1,200 each 

per anncm 4,800.00 

For Library expenses to be expended under the 
direction of the Library Commission, $1,000 

per annum \ 2,000.00 

Archives expenses, $500 per annum 1,000.00 

For the purchase of new books to be expended under 
the direction of the Library Commission, 

$2,500 per annum * 5,000.00 

For the biennium 1921-1923 the appropriation for 

the State Library was : 
Salary of Librarian who shall serve as Archivist, 

$2,400 per annum $4,800.00 

Two (2) Assistant Librarians $1,350 each per an- 
num 5,400.00 

For Library expenses to be expended under the di- 
rection of the Library Commission $1,000 

per t ^nnum 2,000.00 

Archives expenses, $500 per annum 1,000.00 

For purchase of new books to be expended under 

the direction of the Library Commission 

$2,500 per annum 5,000.00 

Especial attention is called to the fact that during the 
past two years only $500 per year has been appropriated 

274 A. P. FOSTER 

for the Archives of the State, and the same sura per year has 
been provided for the Archives during the current biennium. 
It is earnestly to be hoped that subsequent legislatures will 
be disposed to deal more liberally with regard to this im- 
portant department of the State. 

The Tennessee State Library. 

The Tennessee State Library was created as a separate de- 
partment of the state by act of the Legislature passed January 
20, 1854, and the Secretary of State was constituted, in section 
two of the act, as ex officio State Librarian. But afterwards 
the librarians were elected by the Legislature until 1901 when 
the Governor, the Attorney General and the Chief Justice were, 
by act of the Legislature, Chapter 52, section, of the Acts 
of 1901, constituted the State Library Commission, having 
the state library in their charge and by whom the state libra- 
rian is selected. 

In the report of Miss Mary Skeffington, the state librarian, 
covering the biennium of 1903-1904, is published a letter writ- 
ten her by Judge John S. Wilkes, by order of the Supreme 
Court, in which various recommendations are made, especially 
recommending the appropriation of more money for the pur- 
chase of books. In that report of the librarian, recommenda- 
tion No. 4 reads as follows : 

"That the State Library Commission join in the movement of the 
Tennessee Historical Society to secure the passage of a bill creat- 
ing the Department of History and Archives and securing an ap- 
propriation for a handsome building, to include the State Library 
Department of History and the Tennessee Historical Society. 

Tennessee State Historical Committee. 

Immediately on the assembling of the Legislature of Ten- 
nessee, January, 1919, Mr. John Trotwood Moore began to 
initiate a consideration whereby the history of the soldiery 
and allied work of Tennessee in the world's war might be 
gathered together and preserved, and through his instrumen- 
tality the following joint resolution was passed : 

senate joint resolution no. 12. 
(By Messrs. Houk and Patton.) 

Whereas, the conduct of Tennessee men and the heroic courage 
of her women have gained for Tennessee the proud title of the "Vol- 
unteer State"; and 

Whereas, the Tennessee soldiers, by their valorous and chivalorus 
deeds on the battlefields of Europe in the world war, have shed new 
luster on our State, therefore be it 

Resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That 
the Governor of the State be, and he is hereby authorized and re- 


quested to appoint a committee of twenty-five (25) citizens of the 
State to be known as the Tennessee State Historical Committee, 
whose duty it shall be to collect, compile, index and arrange all date 
and information of every kind and character relating to the part 
that Tennessee has played in the great world war and turn the same 
over to the State Archivist or the State Librarian for safekeeping 
for the future historians of the State; and be it further 

Resolved. That this committee shall serve without compensation, 
and that the Governor be requested to direct the sympathetic help of 
every department of the State government to assist in this under- 
Adopted January 23, 1919. 

Andrew L. Todd, 
Speaker of the Senate. 

Seth M. Walker, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

Approved January 24, 1919. 

A. H. Roberts, 

On March 1st, 1919, Mr. Moore was elected by the State 
Library Commission to the office of State Librarian, and at 
once succeeded in having legislation enacted; whereby the 
scope and duties of the Tenmesteee State Historical Committee 
were very much enlarged, as will be seen from the following 
resoluton passed: 

senate joint resolution no. 76. 
(By Messrs. Patton and Houk.) 

Whereas, the conduct of Tennessee soldiers and citizens and the 
heroic conduct of her women have gained for Tennessee the proud 
title of the "Volunteer! State" ; and, 

Whereas, Tennessee citizens and soldiers by their valorous and 
chivalrous deeds on the battlefields of Europe in the war now clos- 
ed, and in all the wars in which Tennessee have been engaged from 
the foundation of the State, have shed new luster on the name of 
Tennessee; and 

Whereas, the State of Tennessee was the first in which the white 
man's civilization was planted west of the Alleghany Mountains and 
the State thereby became the torch bearer of civilization in all the 
great valley of the Mississippi; and, 

Whereas, a full, complete and comprehensive history of Tennes- 
see hasi not been yet written in past for the reason of a lack of col- 
lected material on which to base such history; 

Therefore, be it resolved by the General Assembly of the State of 
Tennessee, That the Tennessee State Historical Committee, which 
has been appointed by the Governor of the State under authority of 
Senate Joint Resolution No. 12, shall have the duty imposed upon it 
to collect, compile, index and arrange all data and information of 
every kind and character relating to the part that Tennessee has 
played, not only 1 in the great world war which is now closed, but in 
all the wars in which citizens or soldiers of Tennessee were engaged ; 
and also all data of every sort and kind which illustrate the life, 
history, development, resources, progress, personalities, artists, au- 
thors, orators, inventors, and statesmen of the State, and all such 

276 A. P. FOSTER 

data or information on these subjects shall be turned over to the 
State Librarian for safe-keeping for the future history of the State. 
Be it further resolved, That this committee shall serve without 
compensation and that the Governor be requested to direct the sym- 
pathetic help of every department of the State government to assist 
in this undertaking. 

Adopted March 25, 1919. 

Andrew L. Todd, 
Speaker of the Senate. 
Seth M. Walker, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
Approved March 29, 1919. 

A. H. Roberts, 

The Legislature of 1921 added still to the scope and duties 
of the Historical Committee, and made an appropriation of 
ten thousand dollars for the ensuing biennium to be spent in 
furthering its interest, etc. viz : 

senate bill no. 164. 

AN ACT to provide for the collection, preservation and publication of material rela- 
tive to the history of Tennessee, including the military records of its citizens; 
to define further the powers and duties of the Tennessee Historical Committee 
and to provide for filling vacancies therein; to provide for marking battlefields 
and other historic places within the State, and for a historical museum; and to 
appropriate the sum of ten thousand dollars annually for carrying out the pro- 
visions of the Act. 

Section 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State 
of Tennessee, That it shall be the duty of the State Historical Com- 
mittee, appointed by the Governor of Tennessee, by authority of 
Senate Joint Resolution No. 12, Acts of Tennessee, 1919, to collect 
for permanent preservation in the Archives of Tennessee the indiv- 
idual records of the Tennessee soldiers, sailors, airmen and marines 
who saw service in the great world war. These records shall be col- 
lected on cards, showing the date and place of birth; date of enlist- 
ment, branch of service and date of death or when mustered out, of 
every soldier, sailor, airman and marine, together with all the orig- 
inal letters, maps papers, official documents, medals, mementos and 
souvenirs possible to be collected and all other papers which will 
throw historical light on the Valiant part enacted by Tennessee in 
the world war. And these records, maps, medals, original letters, 
papers, official documents, relics, mementos and souvenirs shall be 
filed in a suitable file, each county's records separately kept, and all 
preserved in a fire-proof place in the Archives of the State of Ten- 

Sec. 2. Be it further enacted That all of the records of the 
State's world war activities, both civil and military, including the 
Red Cross, medical corps, hospital service, sale of Liberty Bonds, War 
Savings Stamps and patriotic organizations of all kinds as well as 
individuals who gave patriotic service at home or abroad, shall be 
collected by said committee and properly preserved in the 1 Archives of 
the State. 

Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That the State Historical Com- 
mittee shall collect from the files of old newspapers, court records, 
church records, private collections and elsewhere, historical data per- 
taining to the State of Tennessee and the territory included therein 


from the earliest times: to have such material properly edited, pub- 
lished by the State printer and distributed under the direction of 
the committee; to care for the proper marking and preservation of 
battlefields, houses and other places celebrated in the history of the 
State; to provide and maintain a historical museum; to diffuse 
knowledge in reference to the history and resources of Tennessee; to 
encourage the study of Tennessee history in the schools of the State, 
and to stimulate and encourage historical investigation and records 
among the people of the State; to make an annual report of its re- 
ceipts and its work and its needs to the Governor, to be by him trans- 
mitted to the General Assembly. 

Sec. 4. Be it further enacted, That the Tennessee Historical 
Committee shall have power to adopt a seal for use and for official 
business; to adopt rules for its government not inconsistent with this 
Act; to fix a reasonable price for its publication and to devote the 
revenue arising from such sales to extending the work of the Com- 
mittee; to employ an assistant secretary at a salary of not more 
than one hundred and fifty ($150.00) dollars per month who shall do 
the copying, stenographing, collecting and compiling of the historical 
data collected by the committee; and to employ any additional help 
may be necessary to collect and preserve the records; to control the 
expenditures of such funds as may be appropriated for its mainte- 
nance: provided that at least one copy of its publications shall be 
furnished free of charge to any public school library or public library 
in Tennessee. State officers and members of the General Assembly 
making application for same through the constituted authorities. 

Sec. 5. Be it further enacted. That the director of the library, 
archives and history of the State shall be chairman of the Ten- 
nessee Historical Committee and shall maintain an office for the 
secretary of the committee in the state library or some other place 
designated by the committee; that in collecting history and visiting 
historical places for the purpose of collecting historical data thereon 
or establishing markers at historical points in the State or while 
otherwise traveling in the interest of this department the actual ex- 
penses of the chairman of the committee or the secretary of the com- 
mittee shall be paid from the fund herein provided in this Act. 

Sec. 6. Be it further enacted, That in the case of death or res- 
ignation of one of the committee the remaining members shall elect 
his or her successor. 

Sec. 7. Be it further enacted, That an executive board of ten 
members of the Historical Committee, appointed yearly by the Chair- 
man shall meet the Chairman at the State Capital at least twice 
yearly at the ca.ll of the Chairman to transact business and receive 
the report of the secretary, and the entire committee shall meet once 
yearly for the same purpose. The actual expenses of the executive 
committe incurred while attending these meetings shall be paid from 
the fund hereinafter appropriated for the purpose. 

Sec. 8. Be it further eimcted, That any State, county, town or 
other public official in custody of public documents is hereby author- 
ized and empowered at his discretion to turn over to said committee 
any official books, documents, records, official papers, newspaper files, 
printed books or portraits not in current use in his office and said 
committee shall provide for their permanent preservation. But 
when so surrendered, copies therefrom shall be made and certified 
under the seal of the committee upon application of any person, which 
certificate shall have the force and effect as if made by the officer 
originally in charge of them and the committee shall charge for such 

278 A. P. FOSTER 

copies the same fees as said officer is by the law allowed to charge. 

Sec. 9. Be it further enacted, That for carrying out the purposes 
and objects of this Act the sum of ten thousand ($10,000) dollars or 
so much thereof as shall be needed over and above all the funds 
derived from the sale of the publications of the committee and all 
of the fees collected under Section' 5 of this Act, is hereby annually 
appropriated, and upon order of the chairman of the committee the 
State Comptroller is hereby empowered and directed to draw his 
warrant for the sum from the State Treasury. 

Sec. 10. Be it further enacted, That this Act shall take effect 
after its passage, the public 1 welfare requiring it. 

In accordance with the above legislation the Tennessee 
State Historical Committee has been duly organized, with 
the following officers and members: 

John Trot wood Moore, Chairman. 

John H. DeWitt, Secretary. 

A. P. Foster, Assistant Secretary. 

Gen. L. D. Tyson, Knoxville. 

Hon. A. V. Goodpasture, Clarksville. 

R. H. Yancy, Nashville. 

Robert S. Fletcher, Jackson. 

S. G. Meiskell, Knoxville. 

Miss Clara Cox Epperson, Cookeville. 

Col. Luke Lea, Nashville. 

Samuel L. King, Bristol. 

Senator E. E. Patton, Knoxville. 

W. E. Beard, Nashville. 

Miss Lizzie Bloomstein, Nashville. 

Col. W. J. Bacon, Memphis. 

J. I. Finney, Columbia. 

Col. Harry S. Berry, Hendersonville. 

Col. Carey H. Spence, Knoxville. 

E. M. Boyd, Cookeville. 

John H. DeWitt, Nashville. 

Miss Daisy Barrett, Chattanooga. 

W. E. McElwee, Rockwood. 

Miss Zella Armstrong, Chattanooga. 

Hallum W. Goodloe, Nashville. 

A. P. Foster, Assistant Secretary. 




In September, 1866, I was invited to undertake the principalship 
of the high school in the City of Nashville, Tenn. The invitation 
was at once accepted, and early in that month the duties of that office 
were assumed. To the young man who had never before been out 
of New England, nor farther west than the Connecticut River, Ten- 
nessee was like a foreign country. Not a person in the City of Nash- 
ville had I ever seen, and as a Yankee schoolmaster I felt like a for- 
eigner. The School Board, composed entirely of men of Southern 
birth and sentiments, had, nevertheless, made up their minds to get 
for the city schools teachers from any quarter who seemed qualified 
to make their schools what their judgment told them they should be. 
So they selected the principals and many of their subordinates with- 
out regard to any sectional prejudice. I venture the assertion that 
no fairer nor more self-sacrificing company of men were ever chosen 
for like responsibilities. 

The state and city were then just beginning to recover from the 
disasters of a great civil war. All educational affairs were in a state 
of demoralization. And so the wise men, knowing the .needs of the 
city and welcoming any help that they might be able to get, naturally, 
with this purpose in mind, turned to the North, from which quarter 
they could secure those whom they needed. Only a few of the resi- 
dents of Nashville or, indeed, of any town in Middle or Western Ten- 
nessee, had been friendly to the cause of the Union. In the moun- 
tainous region of East Tennessee alone could Union men be found in 
any numbers. 


The state was in the iron grasp of the Brownlow regime. No one 
could vote unless he could show at the polls a certificate signed by a 
commissioner and supported by the sworn testimony of two well- 
known Union men stating that the intending voter had never in any 
manner been disloyal to the Union. That barred out about all the 
citizens of Nashville. This interesting document was illustrated with 
a portrait of the iron-clad Governor Brownlow. Nashville was con- 
trolled by that excresence of the departed Northern army known fa- 
miliarly as "carpetf-baggers," and with a few honorable exceptions 
the name was well applied to those who governed the city, and finally, 
when the time of overthrow approached, looted the treasury and stole 

Nashville in 1866 had many things to remind the newcomer that 
only little more than a year had passed since war had ceased. The 
forts on the hills to the south and west of the city, hills once covered 
with a luxuriant forest, but now bared by the needs of contending 
armies, were still there, and one, Fort Negley, wore still its plating 
of railroad iron and had even some dismounted cannon. The head- 
quarters of the Army of Tennessee were there, with Gen. Thomas in 
command, and the temporary barracks still held troops of soldiers. 

The stranger, the new principal of the high school, felt more and 
more the loneliness of his adventure into such new surroundings, as 
he neared the terminus of the railway from Louisville, . but a hearty 

*The Oklahoma Historical Society has kindly furnished this clip- 
ping from the St. Louis Republic, February 28, 1913. — Ed. 


welcome at the station from others, also strangers, but with a week's 
acquaintance with the city, engaged in work like his own, dispelled 
at once the gloom. Room had already been bespoken for him in a 
house kept by a big-hearted Southern lady, a house for a time during 
the war the headquarters of Gen. Rousseau of the Union Army. Pass- 
ing through the yard in the rear of the house and crossing a narrow 
alley, one could see the gate opening into the backyard of the big 
house then occupied by Gen. Thomas as his headquarters, and on his 
first evening in Tennessee he heard the military band in front of the 
house playing all the familiar patriotic airs, as was the custom every 
evening for an hour or so, closing with "Yankee Doodle" and "The 
Star-Spangled Banner." Then the stranger felt at home, nor was 
he again troubled with the lonely melancholy of the early morning. 


In some way these young Yankees made the acquaintance of one 
of the aids of the commanding general, and on one of these autumn 
evenings were invited to enter the headquarters. 

This visit was one of many during the year that followed, but that 
particular evening lingers in my mind as a red-letter evening in those 
youthful years. Gen. Thomas was in the living room reading when 
we entered. Seeing strangers, he rose. The lieutenant gave him our 
names and told him that we were some schoolmasters, college men 
from New England, who were feeling a bit lonesome, and he had 
made bold to ask them in. The general came forward and, taking us 
by the hand, said: "Gentlemen, you are welcome. I know just how 
you feel. Where are you living " And when we told him that our 
house backed up against his, he laughed and said: "Well, now, that 
is just as it should be. Understand, now, that I want you to make 
this room your lounging place; you are to feel at home here at any 
time. My business is in another room and you cannot disturb any of 
us. Come in by the back gate," this last with a smile. "Here are the 
New York and Washington papers and comfortable chairs; here are 
pen, ink and paper; only don't use the paper with the department 
heading," and again came the smile. 

This was our introduction to one of the noblest of all the noble 
host that fought the battles of the Union. Such was the genial sin- 
cerity of his welcome and the genuineness of his hospitable invitation, 
that we felt we should not do it justice if we declined to receive it at 
its full value. Then came to the tired teachers, weary with the day's 
effort to bring order out of chaos, evenings of quiet and rest, full also 
of a wonderful interest. The aids of the general were young gentle- 
men of culture and kind feeling. We all became friends. Gen. 
Thomas was usually in the room when not busy with official duties. 
Always courteous and affable, genuinely friendly, he had then, as 
he always commanded, the regard and affection of his staff and of 
the rank and file as well, and it was not long before we shared that 
feeling. He talked little, but when he did talk he had something to 
say. He was always interested in, what we young fellows were say- 
ing when he was sitting with us around the fire, but usually he sat in a 
distant corner of the big living room, reading or chatting with one 
of his aids, or with a fellow officer whose rooms were nearby, who was 
a most agreeable companion. 

The house that Gen. Thomas had taken for his headquarters was on 
High Street, then the residence street of the fashionable and wealthy 
citizens of Nashville. The rooms were spacious and well suited to the 
commander's needs. After the war the house was, I believe, re- 
turned to the owner, and later became the home of the Hermitage 


Club. On certain evenings of the week, when the band played martial 
and patriotic tunes from 8 to 9 o'clock, most of the houses on the 
street, still occupied by the owners, who were strong sympathizers 
with the "Lost Cause," were closed and darkened to show disapproval 
of the kind of music the band played, but we noticed that on those 
warm fall evenings the darkened yards and porches were not without 
many listeners, for the band was a good one. 


In November, 1865, the State Legislature voted a gold medal to 
Gen. Thomas in commemoration of the battle of Nashville in 1864, 
the result of which was a great victory for the Union, one which 
had much to do with hastening the end of the war. For his conduct 
of this battle Gen. Thomas received the appointment of major-general 
in the United States Army, accompanied by the assurance of the 
secretary of war that "no commander had more justly earned promo- 
tion by devotion, distinction and valuable services to his country." 
On the 15th of December the second anniversary of the battle in 
1866, the medal was presented in the general by Governor Brownlow, 
in the presence of the assembled legislature and as many friends as 
the hall of the House of Representatives would hold. Gen. Thomas 
was expected to reply to the governor's address. He was a very 
modest man, and disliking above all things the duty of making a 

The night before the presentation he said, "I really believe I 
would rather fight over again the battle of Nashville than to make 
that speech. Any one of you fellows can do it better than I can." 
The eventful day came. We were fortunate enough by the kindness 
of the general and his staff to have excellent seats close to the speak- 
rs 'stand. Governor Brownlow, his head and hand shaking with the 
palsy which had for many months afflicted him, in a characteristic 
address such as no one else could have made, presented to Gen. Thomas, 
who rose and stood by his side, a handsome gold medal. A suitable 
inscription and the capitol at Nashville was on one side and on the 
other, in bas-relief, a portrait of Thomas. The general seemed great- 
ly affected and much embarrassed, but after a long pause he began 
his response in a voice low and trembling at first, but in a moment 
firm and strong, and told in a quiet and modest way the story of the 
battle of Nashville. No trained orator could have produced such an 
impression upon that large audience as was made by this simple nar- 
rative by the leader to victory in this great struggle. The scene was 
one never to be forgotten by anyone who was present. 


In the spring of the year 1869 Andrew Johnson, who had just 
finished his term as President of the United States, came home to 
Tennessee, and for some months resided in Nashville. Soon after his 
return, the very day, indeed, he delivered from a platform erected in 
the Courthouse square, his defense of his administration, in the pres- 
ence of thousands of men. No seats were provided; everyone had to 
stand. We young fellows from New England were full of curiosity 
to see and hear this remarkable man, of whom we had heard so 
much. None of us had ever seen him, but we had read of his humble 
birth, his ignoranc of letters, in the literal sense of the word, until 
he was taught them when he was of age, of his bitter political fights 
with the Whig leader. Parson Brownlow, and much, of course, of his 
presidential career. So we were eager to look upon and hear the man 


who had achieved so much, and had been charged by his enemies with 
pretty much all the crimes in the calendar. 

It was a simple, plain, well-constructed apologia, as the philos- 
ophers might call it, for his public career, and especially for his ad- 
ministration at Washington. There was a sort of sincerity about it, 
which, for the time at least, won everybody. Perhaps the impression 
made upon us young men was the greater because of our precon- 
ceived idea of the man. I have never read this speech; perhaps it 
would now seem to me dull and tiresome; but then, in the hearing it 
was, as has been said. I know that Johnson, the man, was to us a 
very different person from the Johnson about whom we had read and 
whom we expected to see. This impression to some of us has been 
a lasting one, and I was glad to see the other day that Dr. James 
Schouler, the well-known historian, is about to add a seventh, prob- 
ably a final, volume to his "History of the United States," in which 
he is to discuss the administration of Andrew Johnson, and hopes 
to throw new light upon many things from certain materials now in 
his hands. 


We saw Johnson again in September, 1869. On the tenth of that 
month died John Bell, a man for more than forty years prominent 
in Tennessee political affairs, a member of Congress from 1827 to 
1841, speaker of the House from 1835 to 1837, secretary of war under 
William Henry Harrison, and a senator from 1847 to 1850. He was 
better known nationally as the head of the presidental ticket in 1860 
of the party called the "Union party," with Edward Everett, of 
Massachusetts as his running mate. He had always been an ardent 
Whig and was a bitter enemy of his Democratic rival, Johnson. In 
those days oftener than now political hatred became intensely per- 
sonal, and in a man of Johnsons' temper this feeling was always in- 
tense. The body of Mr. Bell lay in state in the chamber of the House 
of Representatives in the State House in Nashville. Sunday after- 
noon we young fellows made a part of a throng that slowly passed 
in line by the casket and looked for a moment upon the face of the 
dead statesman, of whom we has heard much a few years before. 

It chanced that Andrew Johnson immediately preceded me in the 
slowly moving line. I watched him with keen interest as he stood 
before the body of one of his /bitterest enemies, and a certain tense- 
ness of feeling seemed to pervade the quiet, halting crowd. Mr. 
Johnson stood still for a whole minute with his eyes fastened on the 
face of Mr. Bell, but he made no sign, and his face was during that 
moment as expresionless as the face of the dead. Then with a sigh 
he passed on. We went away as if we had a glimpse of a solemn 


In October, 1869, Johnson made his first fight for election as a 
senator from Tennessee. For two or three weeks before the election 
he kept open house at the Maxwell House, then the leading hotel of 
Nashville, and used all his personal influence to secure the prize. 
He was most bitterly assailed by his opponents, attacked, as I find 
in some notes made at the time, "for oppressing the "Rebs," for 
grinding the Union men, for deserting the Democrats, for leaving the 
Radicals, for hanging Mrs. Surratt, for not hanging a few thousand 
rebels, for being an aristocrat, for being a tailor, and hence the 
ninth part of a man, for favoring the negroes, for not doing more for 
them, for vetoing bills, for not vetoing more, for being drunk, for 


not being willing to drink on certain occasions, for appointing this 
man to office and for not pressing the claims of that man, for occu- 
pying the "bridal chamber" at the new hotel, for not hobnobing with 
the slums among the people while in the city, for being alive physi- 
cally, and not wanting to die politically, and for doing, not doing and 
undoing a thousand and one things which have turned up during his 
mortal life." He was defeated this time after four days of excited 


An interesting incident occurred on the day when Johnson deliv- 
ered his apologia in September, 1869, worth noting as an illustration 
of the freaks of fortune in war times. Mr. Edward Earle, of Wor- 
cester, Mass., a member of the Society of Friends, and warm friend 
of Lincoln and Grant, had had much to do with the care of the sick 
and wounded soldiers on both sides during the war. He happened 
to be in Nashville on the day of Mr. Johnson's speech. He was an 
old friend and I called on him at the City Hotel soon after his arrival. 
I knew the proprietor of the hotel and called him by name. Mr. Earle 
at once said to him, "Is this Col. Blood, formerly a resident of the 
State of Georgia?" "Yes, sir," was the reply. "Did you have a son 
in the Confederate Army?" "Yes, sir," said the old gray-haired man 
in a voice choking with emotion, "but he was reported wounded and 
missing, and I doubt not that he is dead. He was a fine boy." Mr. 
Earle went on to tell that, years before, in one of the Federal hos- 
pitals he found a young wounded lieutenant from Georgia whose 
death was near. He gave to Mr. Earle the address of his father and 
his gold watch, a fathers' gift, and asked that it might some day, 
if possible, be given to Col. Blood with his dying message of love. 
The good Quaker had carried the watch in all his journeyings in the 
South on many an errand of mercy. He had gone to the former resi- 
dence of this Southern family in Georgia, but no one knew anything 
of the father or any member of his family. The report was that all 
were dead. The watch and the message of love were at once given 
to the old father and mother, who received them with abundant 
thanks an copious tears of joy and sorrow. One can fancy, too, the 
satisfaction of the good and faithful man who now saw the fulfill- 
ment of the promise he had made to the dying boy. 

Marshall S. Snow. 



"The Story of a poet: Madison Cawein" issued as publi- 
cation No. 30 of the Filson Club, Louisville, Ky., by Otto A. 
Rothert, secretary^ of the Filson Club. 

A handsome and very interesting book, the purpose of 
which is to tell the life-story of Madislon Cawein, the poet, 
who was born in Louisville and lived all his life in that city 
or its vicinity, dying there in December, 1914. Cawein gain- 
ed a high place among modern nature poets. Kentuckians 
appreciated and loved him, as is distinctly shown in the 
many tributes published in this volume. The book, in fact, 
is an exceptionally fine and creditable manifestation of ap- 
preciation of one of its worthy sons, on the part of a com- 
munity and State, and is of special local historical interest. 
The material is presented as a complete biography and in the 
form of a source book. The greater portion of the story, as 
stated in the preface, is history as printed by the contempo- 
rary press and as revealed through Cawein's letters as well 
as the reminiscences and recollections of his friends. The first 
68 pages are devoted to a "picturography" of Madison Ca- 
wein, which is an unusual and delightful feature. The Ten- 
nessee Historical Society acknowledges receipt of the book 
with thanks. Only 300 copies were printed beyond the re- 
quirements of the Filson Club's membership. 

R. M 

Our Rifles 1800-1920. By Charles Winthrop Sawyer, pub. by The 
Cornhill Company, Boston,, Mass. Price $4.50. 

A phase of military history having a < unique interest in itself is 
that of firearms. The above publishers have issued a series of vol- 
umes bearing on this title, which they designate: "The Firearms in 
American History Series". Of this series three volumes have already 
been issued, the one here noted being Volume III. 

In a handsome volume of over four hundred pages with many full- 
page illustrations, the story of "Our Rifles From 1800-1920" is well 
told. The author himself a consulting engineer of firearms and am- 
munition, is amply prepared to set forth the technical as well as the 
historical descriptions necessary to a complete recital of the field 
sought to be covered. 

The Kansas Historical Society has issued the Twenty-second Bien- 
nial Report of the Board of Directors, July 1. 1919-June 30, 1920 in 
its usual neat form making a handsome little volume of 79 pages. 
William E. Connelly, Secretary. 

Welfare Campaigns in Iowa by Marcus L. 1 Hansen is published by 
the Iowa Historical Society in the series of Chronicles of the World 
War edited by Benjamin F. Shambaugh. It is devoted to an ac- 
count of the campaigns in Iowa for the raising of funds to support 
welfare work. This study of the campaigns for the funds which 
financed the welfare work is limited to the seven organizations which 
were officially recognized as national welfare organizations. 


It is thought that a much desired want has been supplied in the 
history of Michigan for the period of 1837-1845 by the issuing of 
Mr. Lawton T. Hemans' Life and Times of Stevens Thomson Mason, 
the Boy Governor. Mrs. Hemans the wife of the deceased author, 
contributes an interesting preface giving a number of personal touches 
that greatly adds! to the inner side of the story. The large handsome 
volume of 528 pages is issued by the Michigan Historical Commis- 
sion, Lansing, Michigan. 

Annual Report of the American Historical Association, in two 
volumes, together with Supplemental Volume. Smithsonian Institu- 
tion, 1918. 

On account of the prevalence of the enfluenza epidemic, the 1918 
meeting of the American Historical Association scheduled for Cleve- 
land, Ohio, failed in its meeting, and instead a meeting of the Execu- 
tive Council was held in New York City, January, 1919. Volume I 
contains the Proceedings of the Council as the Proceedings of the As- 
sociation for 1918, the opening address that was to have been deliver- 
ed before the meeting of the Association by President William Ros- 
coe Thayer, a group of papers and documents relating to American 
agriculture, history, etc. 

One of the most interesting of this group of papers is that pre- 
pared by Lyman Carrier entitled: "Dr. John Mitchell, Naturalist, 
Cartographer and Historian-" Dr. Mitchell who is widely known as 
the author of a most important map of North America in the colonial 
era (1755) is here credited with the authorship of several very im- 
portant writings that up to this time have been classed as of unknown 

Volume II consists of the Fourteenth Report of the Manuscript 
Commission, being the Autobiography of Martin Van Buren, eighth 
President of the United States, — an interesting review of which ap- 
peared in the last number of this magazine by Mr. W. E. Beard. It 
should have been noted that the final part of Volume I contains a 
directory of the American Historical Association, which is at the 
same time to all intents and purposes a directory of the historical 
profession in America. 

The Supplemental Volume contains a biography of writers on 
American History during the year 1918, compiled by Misj Grace 
Gardner Griffin. 





Tennessee Historical Society met at its rooms in the Watkin's 
Building, January llth, 1921, 8 p. m. 

In the absence of the President Jno. H. DeWitt, Mr. Hallum W. 
Goodloe was called to the chair. Minutes of the last meeting were 
read and approved. 

The following names were proposed for membership, and on mo- 
tion the rules were suspended and same elected: 

Miss Laura M. Luttrell, Lawson-McGhee Library, Knoxville. 

Hon. J. H. Dortch, Washington, D. C. 

Miss Clara Epperson, Cookeville, Tennessee. 

Miss Imogen T. Howard, Greenville, Tennessee. 

The following gifts to the society were presented which were 
appreciatingly received and proper acknowledgment ordered to the 
doners: viz: 

From Mr. Roulstone, McKenzie, Tennessee, a small writing table, 
originally the property of his great-grand-father's, George Roul- 
stone of Knoxville, Tenn. It being used as the writing desk of Geo. 
Roulstone, the editor and publisher of the first newspaper in Ten- 
nessee, viz: the "Knoxville Gazette." As the Society is the pos- 
sesser of the only file of this valuable paper, it was doubly ap- 
preciative of this gift. 

From Hon. J. H. Dortch,* Washington, D. C. (formerly of 
Somerville, Tenn.) a printed pamphlet: "By-laws and History of 
Somerville Lodge of Masons," published by the doner at Somerville, 
Tenn., 1891. 

From, the London and Middlesex Historical Society, through the 
Librarian, Fred Landon, London, Canada, ten numbers of the 
"Transactions" of the society. 

From the publishers of "Americana" the new American cyclo- 
pedia, a set of same. Being in fulfillment of contract made with 
the late George C. Porter for the article on "Tennessee" colaborated 
by Col. Porter from articles furnished by certain members of this 

From Mr. D. C. Cothern, Pleasantville, Tennessee, a splendid 
specimen of fossil animal life. 

From the author — Annie Noble Sims, of Savannah, Ga — a vol- 
ume, "Francis Morgan, And Early Virginia Burgess," privately 
printed for the author. 

Application was received from the Librarian of the University 
of Pennsylvania asking gift from this society of certain numbers 
of the American Historical Magazine, A. V. Goodpasture, Editor, 
and for a file of the volumes of the Tennessee Historical Magazine. 
The Cor. Sec. was ordered to make this gift or exchange for like 
matter, special interest in same being created inasmuch as the former 
editor of our Tennessee Historical Magazine, Dr. Sioussat, now holds 
the Chair of History in this university. 

A discussion was had concerning the propriety of making certain 
changes in the by-laws with reference to membership in the Society, 
same was referred to next meeting of the Society. 


Hallum W. Goodloe, President pro. tern. 
J. Tyree Fain, Secretary.