Terre Napoléon, a history of French explorations and projects in Australia

TERRE NAPOLEON

/'/// \\|, /./, NATURALIST*

AH M .,F 1807

TERRE NAPOLEON

A HISTORY OF FRENCH EXPLORATIONS
AND PROJECTS IN AUSTRALIA

BY

ERNEST SCOTT

WITH EIGHT ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS

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METHUEN & CO., LTD.

36 ESSEX STREET W.C.

LONDON

First Published in igio

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hK'i.M HKKVCIN

ND (AUSTRALIA)

ATLAS, 1808

PREFACE

THE main object of this book is to exhibit the
facts relative to the expedition despatched to
Australia by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1800-4,
and to consider certain opinions which have been for
many years current regarding its purpose.

Until about five years ago the writer accepted without
doubt the conclusions presented by leading authorities.
One has to do that in regard to the vast mass of historical
material, because, obviously, however much disposed
one may be to form one's opinions on tested facts apart
from the writings of historians, several lifetimes would
not be sufficient for a man to inquire for himself as to the
truth of a bare fraction of the conclusions with which
research is concerned.

But it so happened that the writer was interested,
for other reasons than those disclosed in the following
pages, in ascertaining exactly what was done by the
expedition commanded by Captain Nicolas Baudin on
the coasts which were labelled Terre Napoleon. On
scrutinising the facts somewhat narrowly, he was sur-
prised to find that opinions accepted with unquestioning

vi TERRE NAPOLfiON

f.iith began to crumble away for lack of evidence to
support them.

So much is stated by way of showing that the book
has not been written to prove a conclusion formulated
a priori, but with a sincere desire that the truth about
the matter should be known. We read much in modern
books devoted to the era of the Corsican about ' the
Napoleonic legend.' There seems to be, just here, a
little sporadic Napoleonic legend, to which vitality has
been given from quarters whence have come some heavy
blows at the larger one.

The plan adopted has been, after a preliminary
sketch of the colonial situation of Great Britain and
France in the period under review, to bring upon the
scene — the Terre Napoleon coasts — the discovery ship
Investigator, despatched by the British Government at
about the same time as Napoleon's vessels were engaged
upon their task, and to describe the meeting of the two
captains, Flinders and Baudin, in Encounter Bay.
Next, the coasts denominated Terre Napoleon are
traversed, and an estimate is made of the original work
done by Baudin, and of the serious omissions for which
he was to blame. A second part of the subject is then
entered upon. The origin of the expedition is traced,
and the ships are carefully followed throughout their
voyage, with a view to elicit whether there was, as alleged,
a political purpose apart from the scientific work for

PREFACE vii

which the enterprise was undertaken at the instance of
the Institute of France.

The two main points which the book handles are :
(i) whether Napoleon's object was to acquire territory
in Australia and to found ' a second fatherland ' for the
French there ; and (2) whether it is true, as so often
asserted, that the French plagiarised Flinders' charts
for the purpose of constructing their own. On both
these points conclusions are reached which are at variance
with those commonly presented ; but the evidence is
placed before the reader with sufficient amplitude to
enable him to arrive at a fair opinion on the facts, which,
the author believes, are faithfully stated.

A third point of some importance, and which is believed
to be quite new, relates to the representation of Port
Phillip on the Terre Napoleon maps. It is a curious fact
that, much as has been written on the early history of
Australia, no writer, so far as the author is aware, has
observed the marked conflict of evidence between Captain
Baudin and his own officers as to that port having been
seen by their discovery ships, and as to how the repre-
sentation of it on the French maps got there. Inasmuch
as Port Phillip is the most important harbour in the
territory which was called Terre Napoleon, the matter
is peculiarly interesting. Yet, although the author has
consulted more than a score of volumes in which the
expedition is mentioned, or its work dealt with at some

TERRE NAPOLfiON

length, not one of the writers has pointed out this sharp
contradiction in testimony, still less attempted to account
for it. It is to be feared that in the writing of Australian,
as of much other history, there has been on the part of
authors a considerable amount of ' taking in each other's
washing.'

The table of comparative chronology is designed to
enable the reader to see at a glance the dates of the
occurrences described in the book, side by side with those
of important events in the world at large. It is always
an advantage, when studying a particular piece of history,
to have in mind other happenings of real consequence
pertaining to the period under review. Such a table
should remind us of what Freeman spoke of as the
' unity and indivisibility of history,' if it does no more.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

PAGE

A continent with a record of unruffled peace — Causes of this variation
from the usual course of history — English and French colonisation
during the Napoleonic wars — The height of the Napoleonic empire
and the entire loss of the French colonies — The British colonial situa-
tion during the same period — The colony at Port Jackson in 1800 —
Its defencelessness — The French squadron in the Indian Ocean —
Rear- Admiral Linois — The audacious exploit of Commodore Dance,
and Napoleon's direction to ' take Port Jackson ' in 1810 . . i

CHAPTER I. FLINDERS AND THE 'INVESTIGATOR'

The Investigator at Kangaroo Island — Thoroughness of Flinders' work
— His aims and methods — His explorations ; the theory of a Strait
through Australia — Completion of the map of the continents — A
direct succession of great navigators : Cook, Bligh, Flinders, and
Franklin — What Flinders learnt in the school of Cook : comparison
between the healthy condition of his crew and the scurvy-stricken
company on the French vessels ....... 23

CHAPTER II. THE AFFAIR OF ENCOUNTER BAY

Meeting of the Investigator and Le G&graphe in Encounter Bay — Flinders
cautious — Interview of the two captains — Peron's evidence — The
chart of Bass Strait — Second interview: Baudin inquisitive — Baudin's
account of his explorations 38

CHAPTER III. PORT PHILLIP

Conflict of evidence between Baudin, Pcron, and Freycinet as to whether
the French ships had sighted Port Phillip — Baudin's statement
corroborated by document — Examination of Freycinet's statement —
The impossibility of doing what Peron and Freycinet asserted was
done 48

x TERRE NAPOLEON

CHAPTER IV. TERRE NAPOLKON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE

PACE

Imprisonment of Flinders in Mauritius — The French atlas of 1807 —
The French charts and the names upon them — Hurried publication
— The allegation that Peron acted under pressure — Freycinet's ex-
planations—His failure to meet the gravest charge — Extent of the
actual discoveries of Baudin, and nature of the country discovered
— The French names in current use on the so-called Terre Napoleon
coasts — Difficulty of identifying features to which Baudin applied
names — Freycinet's perplexities — The new atlas of 1817 . . 68

CHAPTER V. DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS?

Assertions commonly made as to French plagiarism of Flinders' charts.
— Lack of evidence to support the charges — General Decaen and his
career — The facts as to Flinders' charts — The sealed trunks — The
third log-book and its contents ; detention of it by Decaen, and the
reasons for his conduct — Restoration of Flinders' papers, except the
log-bookand despatches — Do Freycinet's charts show evidence of the
use of Flinders' material? — How did the French obtain their chart
of Port Phillip? — Peron's report to Decaen as to British intentions
in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, and the effect on his mind — Libera-
tion of Flinders — Capture of Mauritius by the British— English
naval officers and the governor — Later career of Decaen . . 90

CHAPTER VI. THE MOTIVES OF BONAPARTE

Did llunapartc desire to establish French colonial dominions in Australia ?
— The case stated 122

CHAPTER VII. GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION

Baudin's one of a series of French expeditions — The building up of the
map of Australia — Early map-makers — Terra Australis — Dutch
navigators — Emmerie Mollineux's map— Tasman and Dampier —
The Petitts Lettres of Maupertuis— De Brosses and his Histoire des
Navigations aux Terres Australes— French voyages that originated
I it — Bougainville ; Marion-Dufresne ; La Pe"rouse ; Bruni
Dentrecastcaux— Voyages subsequent to Baudin's— The object of
the voyages scientific and exploratory— The Institute of France and
iu proposition— Received by Bonaparte with interest— Bonaparte's

CONTENTS xi

PACK

interest in geography and travel — His authorisation of the expedi-
tion— The Committee of the Institute and their instructions — Fitting
out of the expedition — Le Gtographe and Le Naturaliste — The staff
— Francois Peron — Captain Nicolas Baudin 128

CHAPTER VIII. EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION

The passports from the English Government — Sailing of the expedition
— French interest in it — The case of Ah Sam — Baudin's obstinacy —
Short supplies — The French ships on the Western Australian coast —
The He Lucas and its name — Refreshment at Timor — The English
frigate Virginia — Baudin sails south — Shortage of water — The
French in Tasmania — Peron among the aboriginals — The savage
and the boat — Among native women — A question of colour — Separa-
tion of the ships by storm — Baudin sails through Bass Strait, and
meets Flinders — Scurvy — Great storms and intense suffering — Le
G&graphe at Port Jackson 1 60

CHAPTER IX. PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND

Le Naturaliste at Sydney — Boullanger's boat party — Curious conduct of
Baudin — Le Naturaliste sails for Mauritius, but returns to Port
Jackson — Re-union of Baudin's ships — Hospitality of Governor King
— Peron's impressions of the British settlement — Morand, the bank-
note forger — Baudin shows his charts and instructions to King —
Departure of the French ships — Rumours as to their objects — King's
prompt action — The Cumberland sent after them — Acting Lieu-
tenant Robbins at King Island — The flag incident — Baudin's
letters to King — His protestations — Views on colonisation — Le
Naturaliste sails for Europe 189

CHAPTER X. RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION

Le Gtographe sails for Kangaroo Island — Exploration of the two gulfs
in the Casuarina by Freycinet — Baudin's erratic behaviour — Port
Lincoln — Peron among the giants — A painful excursion — Second
visit to Timor — Abandonment of north coast exploration — Baudin
resolves to return home — Voyage to Mauritius — Death of Baudin
— Treatment of him by Peron and Freycinet — Return of Le Gtographe
— Depression of the staff and crew

xii TERRE NAPOLfiON

CHAPTER XI. RESULTS

PAGE

Establishment of the First Empire — Reluctance of the French Govern-
ment to publish a record of the expedition — Report of the Institute
— The official history of the voyage authorised — Peron's scientific
work — His discovery of Pyrosoma atlanticum — Other scientific
memoirs — His views on the modification of species — Geographical
results — Freycinet's charts ........ 243

CHAPTER XII. CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES

Further consideration of Napoleon's purposes — What Australia owes to
British sea power — Influence of the Napoleonic wars — Fresh points
relative to Napoleon's designs — Absence of evidence — Consequences
of suspicions of French intentions — Promotion of settlement in
Tasmania — Tardy occupation of Port Phillip — The Swan River
Settlement — The Westernport scheme — Lord John Russell's claim
of 'the Whole' of Australia for the British— The designs of
Napoleon III. — Australia the nursling of sea power . . . 262

BIBLIOGRAPHY 282

INDEX 291

LIST OF
ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS

LE GEOGRAPHE AND LE NATURALISTS . . Frontispiece

From the drawing in Freycinet's Atlas of 1807.

FACING PAGE

MAP OF NEW HOLLAND (AUSTRALIA) v

From Freycinet's Atlas of 1807.

ADMIRALTY CHART OF ENTRANCE TO PORT PHILLIP . 48

TRACK CHART OF LE GEOGRAPHE . . . 6 1

From Freycinet's Atlas of 1812.

MAP OF TERRE NAPOLEON ..... 70

From Freycinet's Atlas of 1807.

FRENCHMAN'S ROCK, KANGAROO ISLAND ... 87

From a photograph by Mr. Alfred Searcy, Harbourmaster, South Australia.

GENERAL CHARLES DECAEN . . . . I2O

After the portrait in the Library at Caen.

CAPTAIN NICOLAS BAUDIN . . . . .211

From an engraving.

FRAN9OIS PERON ... . . 251

From the drawing by Lesueur.

TITLE-PAGE OF FREYCINET'S ATLAS OF CHARTS, l8l2 . 262

xih

COMPARATIVE CHRONOLOGY

1602. Abel Tasman born

1603. Death of Queen Elizabeth.

1606. Voyage of Quiros ; finding 1606. First charter to the Virginia
and naming of Austrialia Company,

del Espiritu Santo.

1620. Pilgrim Fathers found
colony of New Plymouth.
1642. Tasman's first voyage ; dis-
covery of Tasmania.

1643. Death of Louis XIII.
1644. Tasman's second voyage ;
exploration of northern
Australia.

1649. Execution of Charles I.
1652. Birth of William Dampier.

1655. English conquest of

Jamaica.

1658. Death of Oliver Cromwell.
1659. Death of Tasman.

1682. Penn founds Pennsylvania.

1683. The French found Louis-

iana.

1 686-8. Dampier's voyage in the 1688. Fall of the Stuart dynasty ;
Cygnet ; anchorage in accession of William of

Cygnet Bay, Western Orange.

Australia.

1699. Dampier's voyage in the
Roebuck ; anchorage in
Sharks Bay.

1714. Death of Queen Anne.

1728. Birth of James Cook.

xv

xvi TERRE NAPOLfiON

1756. Birth of Nicolas Baudin.
De Brosses publishes his
Histoire des Navigations
aux Terres Australes.

1759. Wolfe captures Quebec.
1765. Watt's invention of the

steam-engine.
1766. Bougainville's voyage to

the South Seas.

1768-70. Cook's voyage in the
Endeavour; discovery of
Botany Bay, Port Jackson,
and eastern Australia.

1769. Charles Decaen born. 1769. Birth of Napoleon Bona-

parte.

1771. Marion-Dufresne's voyage
to Tasmania and New
Zealand.

1773. Boston tea riots.

1774. Matthew Flinders born. i?74- Meeting of first American

Congress.

1775. Francois Peron born.

1776. Declaration of Independ-
ence.
1778-9. Cook's third voyage and 1778. Death of Chatham.

death.

1*785-8. Voyage of La Pe"rouse ;
call at Port Jackson.

1788. Founding of New South

Wales.

1789. Mutiny of the Bounty. 1789. Washington elected first

PresidentofUnitedStates.
Fall of the Bastile.

1790. Flinders joins the Navy. 1790. Burke's Reflections on ///<

French Revolution.

1791. Vancouver on the western 1791. Passing of the Canada Act.

Australian coast.

Dentrecasteaux's voyage to
Australia.

Flinders sails with Bligh's
second bread-fruit ex-
pedition.

COMPARATIVE CHRONOLOGY

xvn

1795. Flinders' first voyage to
Australia in the Reliance.

1798. Discovery of Bass Strait
and of Westernport by
George Bass. Flinders
and Bass circumnavi-
gate Tasmania in the
Norfolk.

1800. (May) Bonaparte author-

ises the despatch of Bau-

din's expedition.
(October) The expedition

sails.
(December) Grant reaches

Port Jackson in the Lady

Nelson.

1801. (May) Baudin's ships reach

Australia.

(July) Flinders sails from
England in the Investi-
gator.

(August) Le Geographe
reaches Timor.

(November) Baudin's ships
sail from Timor to Tas-
mania.

(December) The Investi-
gator reaches Australia.

1802. (January) Murray discovers

Port Phillip.

(February) Flinders dis-
covers Spencer's Gulf;
Murray enters Port
Phillip.
b

1795. Ceylon surrendered to the

British by the Dutch.
Establishment of the In-
stitute of France.

1797. Battle of Cape St. Vin-

cent.
Battle of Camperdown.

1798. Battle of the Nile.
Irish Rebellion.

1799. Bonaparte becomes First

Consul of the French
Republic.

1800. Battle of Marengo.

1801. Battle of Copenhagen.

1802. Peace of Amiens.

XV111

TERRE NAPOLfiON

.irch) French ships
separated by storm.

(April) Meeting of Flinders
and Baudin in Encounter
Bay; Flinders enters Port
Phillip.

(May) Investigator reaches
Port Jackson.

(June) Baudin reaches Port
Jackson.

(July) Flinders sails for Gulf
of Carpentaria.

(November) French ships
leave Sydney.

(December) Le Naturaliste
sails for Europe ; the
Cumberland at King
Island ; Robbins erects
the British flag ; Le
Gtographe and Casu-
arina sail for Kangaroo
Island.

1803. (January) Freycinet in
Spencer's and St. Vin-
cent's Gulfs.

(June) Le Gtographe again
at Timor ; Le Naturaliste
enters Havre ; Investi-
gator returns to Port
Jackson.

(July) Baudin abandons
exploration and sails for
Mauritius.

(August) Flinders wrecked

in the Porpoise.
Derwent River Settlement
formed.

(September) Death of
I'.audin.

(December) Flinders calls
.it Mauritius in the Cum-
berland; is imprisoned.

1803. Saleof Louisianaby France

to United States.
Renewal of the great war.

COMPARATIVE CHRONOLOGY

xix

1804. Le Geographe arrives at 1804.

Lorient.
Hobart Settlement formed.

1805.

1806. Napoleon signs order for 1806.

release of Flinders.

1807. Publication of first volume

of Voyage de Decouvertes
aux Terres Australes,
with first atlas.

1 8 10. (July) Liberation of Flinders. 1810.
(October) Mauritius block-
aded by the British.

(December) Capitulation of
Mauritius; death of Peron.

1811. Second part of French

atlas published.

1812. Publication of Freycinet 1812.

atlas of charts.

1814. Publication of Flinders' 1814.

Voyage to Terra Aus-
tralis ; death of Flinders
(July).

1815. Publication of vol. iii. of

Voyage de Decouvertes.

1816. Publication of vol. ii. of

Voyage de Decouvertes,
with revised map of
Australia.

1826. Westernport Settlement
projected and abandoned.

1829. Foundation of Western
Australia.

1832. Death of Decaen

1835. Batman finds site of Mel-

bourne.

1836. Foundation of South Aus-

tralia.

1837. City of Melbourne founded. 1837.

Napoleon becomes Em-
peror.

Battle of Trafalgar.
Death of William Pitt.

Napoleon marries Marie
Louise.

The retreat from Moscow.

British Naval War with

U.S.A.
Abdication of Napoleon.

1815. Battle of Waterloo.

1821. Death of Napoleon.

1832. English Reform Bill.

Accession of Queen
Victoria.

xx TERRE NAPOLfiON

1851. Colony of Victoria estab- 1851. Louis Napoleon's coup

lished. cPttat.

1853. French annexation of New
Caledonia.

1854. Crimean War.
1859. Colony of Queensland
established.

1860. Lincoln, President of the
United States.

TERRE NAPOLEON

INTRODUCTION

I

A continent with a record of unruffled peace — Causes of this varia-
tion from the usual course of history— English and French
colonisation during the Napoleonic wars — The height of the
Napoleonic empire and the entire loss of the French colonies —
The British colonial situation during the same period — The
colony at Port Jackson in 1800 — Its defencelessness — The
French squadron in the Indian Ocean — Rear-Admiral Linois
— The audacious exploit of Commodore Dance, and Napoleon's
direction to 'take Port Jackson' in 1810.

AvTRALIA is the only considerable portion of the
world which has enjoyed the blessed record
of unruffled peace. On every other continent,
in nearly every other island large in area, ' war's red
ruin writ in flame' has wrought its havoc, leaving
evidences in many a twinging cicatrice. Invasion,
rebellion, and civil war constitute enormous elements
in the chronicles of nations ; and Shelley wrote that
the study of history, though too important to be
neglected, was ' hateful and disgusting to my very soul,'
because he found in it little more than a 'record of
crimes and miseries.' A map of the globe, coloured
crimson as to those countries where blood has flowed

2 TERRE NAPOLEON

in armed conflicts between men, would present a circling
splash of red ; but the vast island which is balanced on
the Tropic of Capricorn, and spreads her bulk from the
tenth parallel of south latitude to ' the roaring forties,'
would show up white in the spacious diagram of carnage.
No foreign foe has menaced her thrifty progress since
the British planted themselves at Port Jackson in 1788 ;
nor have any internal broils of serious importance
interrupted her prosperous career.

This striking variation from the common fate of
peoples is attributable to three causes. First, the
development of a British civilisation in Australia has
synchronised with the attainment and unimpaired
maintenance of dominant sea-power by the parent
nation. The supremacy of Great Britain upon the blue
water enabled her colonies to grow to strength and
wealth under the protection of a mighty arm. Secondly,
during the same period a great change in British colonial
policy was inaugurated. Statesmen were slow to learn
the lessons taught in so trenchant a fashion by the revolt
of the American colonies ; but more liberal views gradually
ripened, and Lord Durham's Report on the State of Canada,
issued in 1839 occasioned a beneficent new era of self-
government. The states of Australia were soon left with
no grievance which it was not within their own power to
remedy if they chose, and virtually as they chose. Thirdly,
these very powers of self-government developed in the
people a signal capacity for governing and being governed.
The constitutional machinery submitted the Executive
to popular control, and made it quickly sensitive to the

INTRODUCTION 3

public will. Authority and subjects were in sympathy,
because the subjects created the authority. Further,
there was no warlike native race in Australia, as there
was in New Zealand and in South Africa, to necessitate
armed conflict. Thus security from attack, chartered
autonomy, and governing capacity, with the absence of
organised pugnacious tribes, have combined to achieve
the unique result of a continent preserved from aggres-
sion, disruption, or bloody strife for over one hundred
and twenty years.

There was a brief period, as will presently be related,
when this happy state of things was in some danger of
being disturbed. It certainly would have been impossible
had not Great Britain emerged victorious from her
protracted struggle, first against revolutionary France,
and later against Napoleon, in the latter years of the
eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth.
In those wars colonial possessions ' became pawns in the
game/1 There was no Imperialism then, with its
strident note, its ebullient fervour and flag waving.
There was no national sense of pride in colonial Empire,
or general appreciation of the great potentialities of
oversea possessions. ' The final outcome of the great
war was the colonial ascendancy of Great Britain, but
such was not the conscious aim of those who carried
through the struggle.' 2 Diplomacy signed away with a
dash of the quill possessions which British arms had won
after tough fights, anxious blockades, and long cruises

1 The phrase is Professor Egerton's, Cambridge Modern History, ix. 735.

2 Ibid., p. 736.

4 TERRE NAPOLfiON

full of tension and peril. Even when the end of the war
saw the great Conqueror conquered and consigned to his
foam-fenced prison in the South Atlantic, Great Britain
gave back many of the fruits which it had cost her much,
in the lives of her brave and the sufferings of her poor, to
win ; and Castlereagh defended this policy in the House
of Commons on the curious ground that it was expedient
' freely to open to France the means of peaceful occupa-
tion, and that it was not the interest of this country
to make her a military and conquering, instead of a
commercial and pacific nation.' l

II

The events with which this book is mainly concerned
occurred within the four years 1800-1804, during which
Europe saw Bonaparte leap from the position of First
Consul of the French Republic to the Imperial throne.
After great French victories at Marengo, Hochstadt, and
Hohenlinden (1800), and a brilliant naval triumph for
the British at Copenhagen (1801), came the fragile Peace
of Amiens (1802) — an ' experimental peace/ as Cornwallis
neatly described it. Fourteen months later (May 1803)
war broke out again ; and this time there was almost
incessant fighting on a titanic scale, by land and sea,
until the great Corsican was humbled and broken at
Waterloo.

The reader will be aided in forming an opinion upon
the events discussed hereafter, by a glance at the colonial
situation during the period in question. The extent of

1 Parliamentary Dtbatts, xxviii. 462.

INTRODUCTION 5

the dependencies of France and England in 1800 and the
later years will be gathered from the following summary.

In America France regained Louisiana, covering the
mouth of the Mississippi. It had been in Spanish hands
since 1763 ; but Talleyrand, Bonaparte's foreign minister,
put pressure upon Spain, and Louisiana became French
once more under the secret treaty of San Ildefonso
(October 1800). The news of the retrocession, however,
aroused intense feeling in the United States, inasmuch
as the establishment of a strong foreign power at the
mouth of the principal water-way in the country jeopar-
dised the whole trade of the Mississippi valley. President
Jefferson, recognising that the perpetuation of the new
situation ' would have put us at war with France im-
mediately/ sent James Monroe to Paris to negotiate.
As Bonaparte plainly saw at the beginning of 1803 that
another war with Great Britain was inevitable, he did
not wish to embroil himself with the Americans also,
and agreed to sell the possession to the Republic for eighty
million francs. Indeed, he completed arrangements for
the sale even before Monroe arrived.

Some efforts had also been made, at Bonaparte's
instance, to induce Spain to give up the Floridas, East
and West, but European complications prevented the
exertion of pressure in this direction ; and the whole of
Florida became part of the United States by treaty
signed in 1819. The sale of Louisiana lowered the French
flag on the only remaining portion of American territory
that acknowledged the tricolour, except the pestilential
fragment of French Guiana, on the north-east of South

6 TERRE NAPOLEON

America, where France has had a footing since the
beginning of the seventeenth century, save for a short
interval (1809-15) when it was taken by the British and
Portuguese. But the possession has never been a profit-
able one, and a contemporary writer, quoting an official
publication, describes it as enjoying ' neither agriculture,
commerce, nor industry.' l

In the West Indies, France had lost Martinique and
Guadeloupe during the naval wars prior to Bonaparte's
ascension to supreme authority. These islands were
restored to her under the Treaty of Amiens ; were once
more captured by the British in 1809-10 ; and were
finally handed back to France under the Treaty of Paris
in 1814. Tobago and St. Lucia, taken from France in
1803, were not restored.

The large island of San Domingo (the present republic
of Haiti, the Espaiiola of Columbus, and the first seat of
European colonisation in the west) had been occupied
by French, Spanish, and British planters prior to 1796.
The French had been there officially since Richelieu
recognised and protected the settlements made by
filibusters early in the seventeenth century. The decree
of the revolutionary Assembly freeing the slaves in all
French possessions led to widespread insurrections.
There were scenes of frightful outrage ; and above the
storm of blood and horror rose to fame the huge figure of
the black hero, Toussaint L'Ouverture. At the head of a
negro army he at first assisted the French to overturn
Spanish rule ; but having attained great personal power,

1 Fallot, L'Avenir Colonial de la France (1903), p. 237.

INTRODUCTION 7

and being a man of astonishing capacity for controlling
the people of his own race, and for mastering military
and governmental problems, he determined to use the
opportunity to found an autonomous state under the
suzerainty of France. By January 1801 Toussaint
L'Ouverture was in possession of the capital. But
Bonaparte would not tolerate the domination of the black
conqueror, and despatched an expedition to San Domingo
to overthrow his government and establish French
paramountcy. The result was disastrous. It is true that
Toussaint was captured and exiled to France, where he
died miserably in prison at Besangon in 1803 ; but
the white troops under General Leclerc perished of yellow
fever in hundreds ; the blacks retired to the mountains
and harassed the suffering French ; whilst the vigilance
of British frigates, and the requirements of European
policy, obviated all possibility of effective reinforcements
being sent. Gallic authority in San Domingo ended
ingloriously, for the negroes in 1803 drove the debilitated
chivalry of France in defeat and disaster to the sea, and
chose to be their ruler one who, like themselves, had
commenced life as a slave. Napoleon said at St. Helena
that his attempt to subjugate San Domingo was the
greatest folly of his life.

In the Indian Ocean the French possessed the Isle of
France (now, as a British colony, called Mauritius) and
Reunion. They had not yet established themselves in
Madagascar, though there was some trade between the
Mascareignes and the colonists of the Isle of France.
Bonaparte during the Consulate contemplated making

8 TERRE NAPOL£ON

definite attempts to colonise Madagascar, and, early in
1801, called for a report from his first colonial minister,
Forfait. When he obtained the document, he sent it
back asking for more details, an indication that his
interest in the subject was more than one of transient
curiosity. Forfait suggested the project of establishing
at Madagascar a penal colony such as the British had
at Port Jackson ; l but subsequent events did not favour
French colonial expansion, and nothing was done.

The British captured Pondicherry and the other
French settlements in India in 1793, but agreed to restore
them under the Treaty of Amiens. For reasons which
will be indicated later, however, the territories were not
evacuated by British troops, who continued to hold them
till the post-bellum readjustment of 1815 was negotiated.
A similar record applies to Senegal, in West Africa.
It had been French since the era of Richelieu, with
intervals of capture, restoration, and recapture. The
British ousted their rivals once more in 1804, and gave
back the conquest in 1815.

A careful examination of these details reveals a re-
markable fact. Although the year 1810 saw the Napole-
onic empire at the crest of its greatness in Europe ;
although by that time the Emperor was the mightiest
personal factor in world politics ; although in that year
he married a daughter of the Caesars, and thought he
had laid plans for the foundation of a dynasty that should
perpetuate the Napoleonic name in association with
Napoleonic power— yet, in that very year, France had

1 Prentout, L'J/t de France sous Dtcaett, 302.

INTRODUCTION 9

been stripped of the last inch of her colonial possessions.
The nation in whose glorious Pantheon were emblazoned
the great names of Montcalm and Dupleix, of Jacques
Cartier and La Salle, of Champlain and La Bourdonnais,
and whose inveterate capacity for colonisation of even
the most difficult kind can never be doubted by any
candid student of her achievements in this field, both
before and since the disastrous Napoleonic age, was now
naked of even so much as a barren rock in a distant sea
upon which to plant her flag.

Such is the picture of the French colonial system as it
presents itself during the period within which occurred
the events described in this book. These facts give
poignancy to the reflection of the distinguished philosophi-
cal historian who has written of his country : ' A melan-
choly consequence of her policy of interference in neigh-
bouring states, and of occupying herself with continental
conquests, has always been the loss of her naval power
and of her colonies. She could only establish oversea
possessions on a durable foundation on the condition of
renouncing the policy of invasion that she practised in
Europe during the centuries. Every continental victory
was balanced by the ruin of our naval power and of our
distant possessions, that is to say, the decrease of our real
influence in the world.' l

III

It would be simple to sum up the colonial situation of
Great Britain in the period under review, by saying that

1 Leroy-Beaulieu, Colonisation chtz les Peuples Modernts (1902 edit.), i. 220.

io TERRE NAPOLfiON

she gained just in the measure that France lost. But
such a crude formula would not convey a sufficient sense
of her actual achievements. The end of the great war
left her with a wider dominion than that with which she
was endowed when she plunged into the struggle ; but
it left her also with augmented power and prestige, a
settled sense of security, and a steeled spirit of resolution
— elements not measurable on the scale of the map,
but counting as immense factors in the government and
development of oversea possessions.

The details of the British colonial empire during the
storm epoch, are as follow : —

In Canada she governed a belt of country stretching
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, divided for administra-
tive purposes into two areas, one of which, Lower Canada
— embracing the cities of Quebec and Montreal, and
including the basin of the St. Lawrence — was populated
principally by people of French origin. It would be too
much to suppose that these colonists, who jealously
preserved the French language and the French tradition,
were indifferent to the doings of their kin across the
water ; and there were, indeed, many who cherished the
hope that events would so shape themselves as to restore
the authority of France in this part of the New World.
But the habitant was Roman Catholic as well as French,
and the hierarchy was profoundly distrustful of the
regime which it regarded as the heritage of the hateful
ideas of 1789. We may speculate as to what would have
happened if Napoleon had set himself to woo the affections
of the French Canadians. But throughout the great wars

INTRODUCTION n

Canada remained loyal to the British connection, despite
internal difficulties and discontents.

Great Britain also held Newfoundland, as well as those
maritime provinces which have since become federated
as part of the Dominion.

In South America she possessed British Guiana, and
for a period, as related above, French Guiana also.

In the West Indies, in 1800, her flag flew over the entire
crescent of the Windward and Leeward groups from
Granada to the Virgins ; she was mistress of Trinidad,
Tobago, Jamaica, the ' still vexd ' Bermudas and the
whole bunch of the Bahamas ; and she had interests
in San Domingo. At the Peace of Amiens she retained
only Trinidad of the islands captured during the war ;
and she presented no very stubborn resistance to the
negro revolt that lost her any further control over the
largest of the sugar islands.

She had the Cape of Good Hope in her custody in 1800,
but weakly allowed it to be bartered away by diplomacy
at Amiens ; only, however, to reassert her power there
six years later, when it became at length apparent to
British statesmen — as it surely should have been obvious
to them throughout — that Australia and India could not
be secure while the chief southern harbour of Africa was
in foreign possession.

Ceylon was retained as a sparkling jewel for the
British crown when so much that had been won in fair
fight was allowed to slip away. The capture of Java
(1811) and its restoration to the Dutch belong to a
later period ; whilst the growth of British power in

12 TERRE NAPOLfiON

India scarcely falls within the scope of a brief review
of the colonial situation, though of great importance in
its effects.

Malta, which has usually been classed as a colony,
though its principal value is rather strategic than colonial,
was occupied by the British in September 1800, and the
cat-footed efforts of Napoleonic diplomacy to get her out
of the island made it a storm centre in European politics
in these fiery years. Out she would not come, and did not.
Neither Tzar nor Emperor could get her out, by plot or
by arms ; and there she still remains.

IV

The position of the British in the South Seas demands
special consideration, as being immediately related to
our subject. In 1800 the only part of Australasia
occupied by white people was Norfolk Island and the
small area at Port Jackson shut in between the sea and a
precipitous range of mountains that for thirteen years to
come presented an unconquerable barrier to inland ex-
ploration, despite repeated endeavours to find a way across
them. The settlement had spread only a few miles beyond
the spot where Governor Arthur Phillip had resolved to
locate his First Fleet company twelve years before. As
yet no attempt had been made to occupy Tasmania,
which had been determined to be an island only two
years previously. New Zealand also was virgin ground for
the European colonist. The Maori had it all to himself.

The means of defending the little colony, in the event

INTRODUCTION 13

of an attack during the war which raged from five years
after its foundation till 1802, and again from 1803 for
twelve years more, were insignificant. The population in
1800 numbered rather more than five thousand, only
about one-half of whom were soldiers, officials, and free
people.1 The remainder were convicts, some of them
being Irishmen transported for participation in the
rebellion of 1798, including not a few men of education.
These men were naturally writhing under a burning sense
of defeat and oppression, and were still rebels at heart.
They were incarcerated with a miscellaneous horde of
criminals made desperate and resentful by harsh treat-
ment. It is scarcely doubtful that if a French naval
squadron had descended on the coast, the authorities
would have had to face, not only an enemy's guns in
Port Jackson, but an insurrection amongst the unhappy
people whom the colony had been primarily founded to
chastise. The immigration of a farming and artisan
class was discouraged ; and it is scarcely conceivable
that, apart from the officials, the gaolers, and the military,
who would have done their duty resolutely, there were any
in the colony who, for affection, would have lifted a hand
to defend the land in which they lived, and the regime
which they hated.

There was at the Governor's command a small military
force, barely sufficient to maintain discipline in a com-
munity in which there were necessarily dangerously

1 The total population of Sydney, Parramatta, and Norfolk Island on
January i, 1801, was declared to be 5100, of whom 2492 were convicts —
1431 men, 500 women, and 561 children. Of the remainder, 1887 were 'free
people,' being neither on the civil nor the military establishment.

I4 TERRE NAPOLEON

turbulent elements ; 1 but he was destitute of effective
vessels for service afloat. When the navigator Flinders
was wrecked in the Porpoise in August 1803 — his own
exploring ship, the Investigator, being by this time unsea-
worthy — Governor King had no other craft to give him
for his return voyage than the decrepit Cumberland, a
mere leaky little barge hardly fit for better uses than
ferrying a placid lake. The colony was, in short, simply
a kraal for yarding British undesirables and housing their
keepers ; its remoteness was an advantage for the pur-
pose in view ; and it never seemed to strike the officials
in England who superintended its affairs, that the
adequate defence of a gaol against foreign aggression was
an undertaking that called for exertion or forethought.
The unreluctant retrocession of the Cape to the Dutch
in 1800 indicates that the interest of defending Australia
was lost sight of in the midst of what appeared to be
more pressing considerations.

It has been remarked above that there was a period

> In a report to Governor King, April 1805, Brevet-Major Johnson pointed
out that the military were barely sufficient for mounting guard, and urged
'the great want of an augmentation to the military forces of this colony'
(Historical Records of New South Wales, vi. 183). Colonel Paterson, in a
letter to Sir Joseph Banks, 1804, remarked that 'it will certainly appear
evident that our military force at present is very inadequate ' {Ibid., v. 454).
John Blaxland, in a letter to Lord Liverpool, 1809, wrote that 'it is to be
feared that if two frigates were to appear, the settlement is not capable of
opposing any resistance ' (Ibid., vii. 231). An unsigned memorandum in the
Record Office, ' bearing internal evidence of having been written by an officer
who was in the colony during the Governorship of Hunter,' pointed out that
'a naval force is absolutely necessary on the coast of New South Wales,
... to protect the colony from an attack by the French from the Mauritius,
which would have taken place long ago if the enemy had possessed a naval
force equal to the enterprise ' (Ibid., vii. 248-50).

INTRODUCTION 15

when the peace of Australia was imperilled. The danger
was obviated, certainly not because of the efficiency of
the defence, but rather through lack of enterprise on the
part of the Admiral in command of the French squadron
in the Indian Ocean. It will be well to narrate the
circumstances, together with an incident which illustrates
in an amusing manner the kind of man this officer was.

After the signing of the Treaty of Amiens, Bonaparte
sent out a squadron commanded by Rear-Admiral
Linois, conveying General Charles Decaen, who was
commissioned to administer the former French possessions
in India, which, under the terms of the treaty, were to be
surrendered to France. But when the expedition arrived
at Pondicherry, the Governor-General of India, Lord
Wellesley, gave orders to his subordinates that no
concessions were to be made to the French without his
express authority ; and as he stubbornly refused to give
his warrant for surrendering an inch of territory, there
was nothing for General Decaen to do but sail away to
Mauritius, then, as already remarked, a French colony.
Lord Wellesley acted under secret orders from the
Secretary of State, Lord Hobart, dated October 17, 1802,
only seven months after the treaty was signed, for the
British Government did not believe in the permanency
of the peace and did not desire the French to re-assert a
footing in India, where their presence, in the event of a
renewal of hostilities, would be dangerous.

When the war was renewed, Linois, with his squadron,
was still in the Indian Ocean. The Isle of France was
not a self-supporting colony, but had to depend on money

16 TERRE NAPOLfiON

and supplies obtained either from Europe or from the
vessels of the East India Company, which, from time to
time, were captured by French privateers and men-of-war.
When Nelson shattered the naval power of France at
Trafalgar in 1805, and vigilant British frigates patrolled
the whole highway of commerce from Europe to the Cape
of Good Hope, Decaen's position became precarious.
The supplies sent out to him were frequently captured by
the enemy ; and had it not been that Port Louis became
a regular nest of adventurous French privateers — 'pirates,'
the British called them — who frequently found a rich
prey in the shape of heavily laden India merchantmen,
his garrison must soon have been starved out.

The incident to which reference has been made occurred
in 1804, and is probably without a parallel in naval history
as an example of the effect of audacity acting on timidity.
It was known that a convoy of ships belonging to the
East India Company was to leave Canton early in the
year. Linois, with five vessels, including his flagship,
the Marengo, 74 guns, sailed for the Straits of Malacca
to intercept them. On February 14, near Polo Aor, to
the north-east of Singapore, the French sighted the
convoy, sixteen Company ships, fourteen merchantmen
and a brig, all laden with tea, silks, and other rich
merchandise.

The East India Company's vessels carried guns, but
they were not equipped for facing heavily armed men-of-
war. Their crews were not trained fighting men ; they
were deeply laden, and their decks were heavily cumbered.
Moreover, they were not protected by a naval squadron ;

INTRODUCTION 17

and had Rear-Admiral Linois been a commander of daring,
initiative, and resource, the greater part, or the whole,
of this enormous mass of floating treasure might have
fallen like a ripe peach into his hands.

But he had to contend with an English sailor of astound-
ing and quite picturesque assurance in Nathaniel Dance,
the commodore of the fleet. Dance fully expected, when
he left Canton, that he would meet French raiders,
though he was astonished when he saw five sail under
the tricolour bearing up towards him. But he had
thought out what he intended to do if attacked ; and,
partly by courage, partly by a superb piece of ' bluff,'
he succeeded completely.

Before sailing, the Company ships had been freshly
painted. Their gun embrasures showed up more fear-
some to the eye of imagination than they were in reality.
Dance also carried blue ensigns, which were hoisted on
four of his craft when the French made their appearance.
He resorted to this device with the deliberate purpose
of making the strongest vessels of his convoy look like
British men-of-war. In fact, he commanded a fleet of
opulent merchantmen, the best of which, by the mere
use of brushes and pots of paint, and by the hoisting of
a few yards of official bunting, were made to resemble
fighting ships. But, wonder of wonders ! this scarecrow
strategy struck terror into the heart of a real Rear-
Admiral, and, as a French historian somewhat lugubri-
ously, but quite candidly, acknowledges : ' Les ruses de
Dance reussirent ; les flammes bleues, les canons de bois,
les batteries peintes, produisirent leur effet ! '

i8 TERRE NAPOLfiON

No sooner did the French squadron appear, than
Dance drew up his convoy in two lines, with the fifteen
smaller vessels under the lee of the sixteen larger ones,
which presented their painted broadsides to the foe.
It was a manoeuvre which threatened a determination to
fight, and Linois was disposed to be cautious. He was
puzzled by the number of ships, having been informed by
an American captain at Batavia that only seventeen were
to leave Canton. The larger fleet, and the blue ensigns
fluttering from four masts, imbued him with a spirit of
reluctance which he dignified with the name of prudence.
As a naval historian puts it, ' The warlike appearance of
the sixteen ships, the regularity of their manoeuvres, and
the boldness of their advance, led the French Admiral to
deliberate whether a part of them were not cruisers.' l
Linois did not like to attack, as darkness was approaching,
but argued that if the bold face put upon the matter by
the British were merely a stratagem, they would attempt
to fly in the night ; in which case he would not hesitate
to chase them. But Dance did nothing of the kind.
He had taken his enemy's measure ; or, to quote the
French historian again, ' il comprit 1'etat moral de son
adversaire.' He maintained his formation during the
night, keeping blue lights burning on the four ships which
sported the blue ensign, to enforce the illusion that they
were the naval escort of the convoy, and were eager for
battle. In the morning Linois was quite satisfied that
he really had to contend with a fleet pugnaciously inclined,

1 James, Naval History, iii. 247. There is a contemporary account of the
incident in the Gentleman's Magazine (1804), vol. Ixxiv. pp. 963 and 967.

INTRODUCTION 19

which, if he tried to hurt them, would probably hurt
him more. Cheers broke from the British decks as
the Marengo bore up. Dance then manoeuvred as if his
intention were to shut in the French squadron between
two lines, and rake them on both flanks. This clever
movement so scared the Rear- Admiral that he determined
to run. A shot was fired from his flagship, which killed
one man and wounded another on the Royal George ;
whereupon the British sailors fired their guns in return,
and kept up a furious, but quite harmless, cannonade for
forty minutes. Not a single French ship was hit ; but
under cover of the thick smoke which ' the engagement '
occasioned, Linois and his squadron sailed away, and left
the cheering Britons in the peace which they so certainly
required, but had so audaciously pretended that they did
not in the least degree desire.

Dance became temporarily a national hero. The
Englishman enjoys a joke, and at a period of extreme
tension the impudent exploit of the commodore provoked
a roar of delighted and derisive laughter throughout the
British Isles. He was fSted by the City of London,
knighted by King George, presented with a sword of
honour, and endowed by the Company with a handsome
fortune.

On the other hand, Napoleon was furious. Linois ' has
made the French flag the laughing stock of the universe/
he wrote to his Minister of Marine, Decres.1 Again he said,
' The conduct of Linois is miserable ' ; and in a third
letter, summing up in a crisp sentence the cause of so

1 Corrapondanct de Napoleon L (1858-70), vol. ix., document 8024.

20 TERRE NAPOLEON

many French failures on the blue water, he said : ' All
the maritime expeditions that have been despatched since
I have been at the head of the Government have failed
because our admirals see double, and have found, I do
not know where, that one can make war without running
any risks ; ' ' it is honour that I wish them to conserve,
rather than a few wooden vessels and some men.' It was
while still smarting under this same indignity, and urging
his Minister to hurry the sending of ships with supplies
for the support of the Isle of France, that Napoleon made
one of his most famous retorts. Decres, with the obsequi-
ousness of a courtier, had written that if the Emperor
insisted on ordering certain ships to be despatched, ' I
should recognise the will of God, and should send them.'
' I will excuse you from comparing me to God/ wrote
Napoleon ; and, prodding the dilatory Minister again to
make haste, he wrote, ' You can surely, to meet the needs
of our colonies, send from several ports vessels laden with
flour. There is no need to be God for that ! ' l

Now, if instead of the timid Linois, the French squadron
in the Indian Ocean had been commanded by an Admiral
endowed with the qualities of dash, daring, and enterprise,
the consequences to the weak little British settlement at
Sydney would have been disastrous. After Trafalgar,
British interests in the South and the East were more
amply safeguarded. But before that great event, Linois
had magnificent opportunities for doing mischief. Port
Jackson would have been a rich prize. Stores, which the
Isle of France badly needed, could have been obtained

1 Corrcspondatut, vol. xvii., document 13,960.

INTRODUCTION 21

there plentifully. Ships from China frequently made it
a port of call, preferring to take the route through the
recently discovered Bass Straits than to run the hazard
of capture by crossing the Indian Ocean. It was just a
lucky accident that the enemy's admiral was a nervous
gentleman who was afraid to take risks. General Decaen,
a fine soldier, openly cursed his nautical colleague ; but
nothing could strike a spirit of vigorous initiative into the
breast of Linois. He was always afraid that if he
struck he would be struck at — in which view he was
undoubtedly right.

Did Napoleon himself realise that there was so rich a
prize in Port Jackson ? Not until it was too late. In
1810, when he was fitting out another expedition for
aggressive service in the Indian Ocean, he probably
remembered what he had read in Peron's account of the
Voyage de Decouvertes aux Terres Australes about the
British colony there, and directed that the new squadron
should ' take the English colony of Port Jackson, which
is to the south of the Isle of France, and where consider-
able resources will be found ' (' f aire prendre la colonie
anglaise de Jackson ' — sic}.1 But the task was well-nigh
hopeless then, and the squadron never sailed. Probably
it would not have reached the Indian Ocean if it had left
Europe, for the Cape, which was in Dutch hands when
Linois had his great chance, was recaptured by the British
in January 1806. In 1810 Admirals Pellew and Bertie
were in command of strong British forces, and Lord
Minto, the Governor-General of India, was determined

1 Correspondance, vol. xx., document 16,544.

22 TERRE NAPOLEON

to root the French out of the Isle of France, and clear
India of danger from that source. They succeeded,
and Mauritius has been British ever since.

We must now leave the sphere of conflict in which the
destinies of the world were being shaped, and enter upon
another phase of this history. The reader will

'slip across the summer of the world,
Then, after a long tumble about the Cape
And frequent interchange of foul and fair,'

— will accompany for a while an illustrious British
explorer in his task of filling up the map of the globe.

FLINDERS AND THE « INVESTIGATOR ' 23

CHAPTER I

FLINDERS AND THE 'INVESTIGATOR*

The Investigator at Kangaroo Island — Thoroughness of Flinders'
work — His aims and methods — His explorations ; the theory
of a Strait through Australia — Completion of the map of the
Continents — A direct succession of great navigators : Cook,
Bligh, Flinders, and Franklin — What Flinders learned in the
school of Cook : comparison between the healthy condition of
his crew and the scurvy-stricken company on the French vessels.

ON April 7, 1802, His Majesty's ship Investigator,
334 tons, Commander Matthew Flinders, was
beating off the eastern extremity of Kangaroo
Island, endeavouring to make the mainland of Terra
Australis, to follow the course of discovery and survey
for which she had been commissioned. The winds were
very baffling for pursuing his task according to the care-
fully scientific method which Flinders had prescribed for
himself. He had declared to Sir Joseph Banks, the
President of the Royal Society, before he left England,
that he would endeavour so to explore the then unknown
coasts of the vast island for which he himself after-
wards suggested the name Australia, ' that no person
shall have occasion to come after me to make further
discoveries.'1 This principle of thoroughness distinguished

1 Flinders to Banks, April 29, 1801, Historical Records of New South
Wales, iv. 351.

24 TERRE NAPOLfiON

his work throughout the voyage. Writing thirteen years
later, after the long agony of his imprisonment in
Mauritius, he said that his ' leading object had been
to make so accurate an investigation of the shores of
Terra Australis, that no future voyage to the country
should be necessary ' for the purpose ; and that had not
circumstances been too strong for him, ' nothing of im-
portance should have been left for future discoverers
upon any part of these extensive coasts.' l Nobody can
study Flinders' beautiful charts without recognising
them as the work of a master of his craft ; and so well
did he fulfil his promise, until the debility of his ship and
a chain of misfortunes interposed to prevent him, that the
Admiralty charts in current use are substantially those
which Flinders made over a hundred years ago.2

His method, though easy enough to pursue in a modern
steamer, comparatively indifferent to winds and currents,
was one demanding from a sailing ship hard, persistent,
straining work, with unflagging vigilance and great
powers of endurance. It was this. The Investigator
was kept all day so close along shore that the breaking
water was visible from the deck, and no river mouth or
inlet could escape notice. When the weather was too
rough to enable this to be done with safety, Flinders
stationed himself at the masthead, scanning every reach
of the shore-line. ' Before retiring to rest,' he wrote, ' I
made it a practice to finish the rough chart for the day,
as also my astronomical observations and bearings.'

1 Flinders, A Voyage to Te>-ra Australis, ii. 143.

1 Sir J. K. Laughton, in Dictitnary of National Biography, xix. 328.

FLINDERS AND THE 'INVESTIGATOR' 25

When darkness fell, the ship hauled off from the coast,
and every morning, as soon after daylight as possible, she
was brought in-shore again, great care being taken to
resume the work at precisely the point where it was
suspended the night before. ' This plan,' he wrote, ' to
see and lay down everything myself, required constant
attention and much labour, but was absolutely necessary
to obtaining that accuracy of which I was desirous.'

Before Flinders reached Kangaroo Island, he had, in
this painstaking manner, discovered and mapped the
stretch of coast westward from the head of the Great
Australian Bight, charted all the islands, and, by follow-
ing the two large gulfs, Spencer's and St. Vincent's, to
their extremities, had shattered the theory commonly
favoured by geographers before his time, that a passage
would be found cleaving the continent from the Gulf
of Carpentaria to the Strait which George Bass had
discovered in 1798. l

That part of the southern coast of Australia lying

1 Pinkerton, in his Modern Geography (1807), vol. ii. 588, published after
Flinders had made his principal discoveries, but before the results were
known, reflected the general opinion in the passage : ' Some suppose that
this extensive region, when more thoroughly investigated, will be found to
consist of two or three vast islands, intersected by narrow seas.' The Com-
mittee of the Institute of France, which drew up the instructions for the
expedition commanded by Baudin, directed him to search for a supposed
strait dividing Australia longitudinally into 'two great and nearly equal
islands ' (Peron, Voyage de Dtcouvcrtes aux Terres Australes, i. 5). With
these passages may be compared the following from Kerr's General History
and Collection of Voyages and Travels, published in 1824, ten years after the
appearance of Flinders' book : ' There are few voyages from which more
important accessions to geographical knowledge have been derived than from
this voyage of Captain Flinders, especially when we reflect on the great
probability that New Holland . . . [observe that Kerr had not adopted the
name Australia, which Flinders suggested only in a footnote] will soon rank

26 TERRE NAPOLfiON

between Cape Leeuwin and Fowler Bay, in the Bight,
had been explored prior to Flinders' time, partly by
Captain George Vancouver, one of Cook's men, in 1791,
and partly in 1792 by the French commander, Bruni
Dentrecasteaux, who was despatched in search of the
gallant La Perouse — ' vanished trackless into blue im-
mensity.' l Flinders carefully revised what they had
done, commencing his elaborate, independent survey
immediately after the Investigator made the Leeuwin, on
December 6, 1801. He had therefore been just four months
in this region, when he left his anchorage at Kangaroo
Island — four months of incessant daily and nightly labour
diligently directed to the task in hand. Always generous
in his praise of good work, he paid a warm tribute to the
quality of the charts prepared by Beautemps Beaupre,
' geographical engineer ' of La Recherche, Dentrecasteaux'
corvette. ' Perhaps no chart of a coast so little known
as this is, will bear a comparison with its original better
than this of M. Beaupre,' he said ; and though he put
forward his own as being fuller in detail and more accurate,
he was careful to point out that he made no claim for
superior workmanship, and that, indeed, he would have

high in population and wealth. Before his voyage it was doubtful whether
New Holland was not divided into two great islands, by a strait passing be-
tween Bass Straits and the Gulf of Carpentaria. Captain Flinders has put
an end to all doubts on this point. He examined the coast in the closest and
most accurate manner ; he found, indeed, two great openings ; these he sailed
up to their termination ; and consequently, as there were no other openings,
and these were mere inlets, New Holland can no longer be supposed to be
divided into two great islands. It must be regarded as forming one very
large one ; or rather, from its immense size, a species of continent ' (Kerr,
xviii. 462).
1 Carlyle, French Revolution, Bk. ii. cap. 5.

FLINDERS AND THE 'INVESTIGATOR' 27

been open to reproach if, after having followed the coast
with Beaupre's chart in hand, he had not effected im-
provements where circumstances did not permit his
predecessor to make so close an examination. It is an
attractive characteristic of Flinders, that he never missed
an opportunity of appreciating valuable service in other
navigators.

But from the time when the Investigator passed the
head of the Bight, the whole of the coast-line traversed
was virginal to geographical science. With a clean sheet
of paper, Flinders began to chart a new stretch of
the earth's outline, and to link up the undiscovered with
the known portions of the great southern continent.
Our interest in his work is intensified by the reflection
that of all the coasts of the habitable earth, this was the
last important portion still to be discovered. True it is
that research in the arctic and antarctic circles remained
to be pursued, and still remains. Man will not cease his
efforts till he knows his planet in its entirety, though the
price of the knowledge may be high. But when he has
compassed the extreme ends of the globe, he will not have
found a rood of ground upon which any one will ever wish
to live. The earth lust of the nations is not provoked by
thoughts of the two poles. Ruling out the frozen regions,
therefore, as places where discovery is pursued without
thought of future habitation, it is a striking fact that this
voyage of Flinders opened up the ultimate belt of the
earth's contour hitherto unknown. The continents were
finally unveiled when he concluded his labours. Europe,
the centre of direction, had comprehended the form of

28 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Asia, had encircled Africa, had brought America within
ken and control. It had gradually pieced together a
knowledge of Australia, all but the extensive area the
greater part of which it was left for Flinders to reveal.
The era of important modern coastal discovery within
habitable regions, which commenced with the researches
directed by Prince Henry the Navigator from 1426 to
1460, and attained to brilliancy with Columbus in 1492
and Vasco da Gama in 1497, ended with Flinders in 1802-3.
He ranges worthily with that illustrious company of
' men full of activity, stirrers abroad, and searchers of the
remote parts of the world,' of whom Richard Hakluyt
speaks, and is outshone by none of them in the faithfulness
with which his work was done, and in all the qualities
that make up the man of high capacity and character
entrusted with a great enterprise.

When Flinders was appointed to the command of the
Investigator, he was only twenty-seven years of age.
But he had already won distinction by his demonstration
that Bass Strait was a strait, and not a gulf, a fact not
proved by George Bass's famous voyage from Sydney to
Westernport in a whale-boat. His circumnavigation of
Tasmania — then called Van Diemen's Land — in the
Nor/oik ; the discovery of the Tamar estuary and Port
Dalrymple ; some excellent nautical surveying among the
islands to the north-west of Tasmania ; and an expedition
along the Queensland coast, had also earned for him the
confidence of his official superiors. His ardour for
discovery, and the exact, scientific character of his charts
and observations, won him a powerful and steadfast

FLINDERS AND THE ' INVESTIGATOR ' 29

friend in Sir Joseph Banks, who had been with Cook in
the Endeavour in 1768-71, and never lost his interest in
Australian exploration. At the beginning of his naval
career Flinders had tasted the ' delights of battle.'
As a midshipman on the Bellerophon (Captain Pasley),
he played his small part on the ' glorious first of June '
(1794), when 'Black Dick/ Lord Howe, won his greatly
vaunted victory over the French off Brest.

But before this event his tastes and aspirations had set
in the direction of another branch of the naval service.
A voyage to the South Seas and the West Indies under
Bligh, in the Providence, in 1791, had revealed to his
imagination the glory of discovery and the vastness and
beauty of the world beyond European horizons. The
fame and achievements of Cook were still fresh and
wonderful in the mouths of all who followed the sea.
Bligh, a superb sailor — not even the enemies whom he
made by his rough tongue and brusque manner denied
that — taught him to be a scientific navigator ; and when
he threaded the narrow, coral-walled waters of Torres
Strait, he knew that to the southward were coasts as yet
unmarked on any chart, seas as yet unploughed by any
keel. For this work of exploration Flinders nourished
a passion as intense as that which inferior natures have
had for love, avarice, or honours. It absorbed all his
life and thought ; and opportunity, becoming in his case
the handmaid of capacity, was abundantly justified by
accomplishment.

There is one striking fact which serves to ' place '
Flinders among navigators. As has just been observed,

3o TERRE NAPOLEON

he learnt his practical navigation under Bligh, on that
historically unfortunate captain's second bread-fruit
expedition, when he was entrusted with the care of the
scientific instruments. Now, Bligh had perfected his
navigation under Cook, on the Resolution, and actually
chose the landing-place in Kealakeakua Bay, where the
greatest English seaman who ever lived was slain. Here
is a school of great sailors : Cook the master of Bligh,
Bligh the master of Flinders ; and Flinders in turn had
on board the Investigator as a midshipman, his cousin,
John Franklin, to whom he taught navigation, and who
acquired from him that ' ardent love of geographical
research ' which brought him immortal fame, and a grave
amongst the ice-packs and the snows of the North- West
Passage.1 There is nothing comparable with this direct
succession of illustrious masters and pupils in the history
of navigation. The names of all four are indelibly written
on the map of the world. Three of them — Cook, Flinders,
and Franklin — are among our very foremost navigators
and discoverers, men whom a race proud of the heritage of
the sea will for ever hold in honour and affection ; whilst

1 See Markham, Life of Sir John Franklin, p. 43, and Traill, Life of
Franklin, p. 16. Traill's graceful sentences are worth transcribing: 'The
example of the fine seaman and enthusiastic explorer under whom he served
must indeed, for a lad of Franklin's ardent temperament, have been an
education in itself. Throughout his whole life he cherished the \varmest
admiration for the character of Matthew Flinders, and in later years he
welcomed the opportunity of paying an enduring tribute to his old com-
mander's memory in the very region of the world which his discoveries had
done so much to gain for civilisation.' It is pleasant to find Flinders speak-
ing cordially of his young pupil in a letter written during the voyage. ' He
is a very fine youth, and there is every probability of his doing credit to the
Investigator and himself.'

FLINDERS AND THE 'INVESTIGATOR' 31

the fourth, Bligh, though his reputation is wounded by
association with two mutinies, was in truth a daring and
a brilliant seaman, and a brave man in a fight. Nelson
especially thanked him for noble service at Copenhagen,
and his achievement in working a small, open boat
from the mid-Pacific, where the mutinous crew of the
Bounty dropped him, through Torres Strait to Timor,
a distance of 3620 miles, stands memorably on the
credit side of his account.

See what it meant to have been trained in a school that
observed the rules and respected the traditions of James
Cook. When at the end of his long voyage of nine
months and nine days, Flinders took the Investigator
through Port Jackson heads into harbour (Sunday, May
9, 1802), he had not a sick man on board.1 His crew
finished hearty, browned, and vigorous. He was able to
write from the Cape of Good Hope that ' officers and crew
were, generally speaking, in better health than on the day
we sailed from Spithead, and not in less good spirits/
Scrupulous attention to cleanliness and hygiene produced
this result in an age when scurvy was more to be feared
than shipwreck. On every fine day the decks below and
the cockpit were washed, dried with stoves, and sprinkled
with vinegar. Care was taken to prevent the crew from
sleeping in wet clothes. At frequent intervals beds,
chests, and bags were opened out and exposed to the
sweetening influences of fresh air and sunshine. Personal
cleanliness was enforced. Lime-juice and other anti-
scorbutics were frequently served out : a precautionary

1 Voyage, i. 226.

32 TERRE NAPOL£ON

measure which originated in Cook's day, and which down
to our own times has caused all British sailors to be
popularly known as ' lime-juicers ' in the American Navy.
The dietary scale and the cooking were subjects of careful
thought. This keen young officer of twenty-seven looked
after his company of eighty-seven people with as grave
and kindly a concern as if he were a grey-bearded father
to them all ; and was liberally rewarded by their affection.
During his imprisonment in Mauritius, one of his men
stayed with him voluntarily for several years, enduring
the unpleasantness of life in confinement far away from
home, out of sheer devotion to his commander ; and did
not leave until Flinders, becoming hopeless of liberation,
insisted on his taking advantage of an opportunity of
going to England.

There is a touching proof of Flinders' tender regard
for his men in the naming of a small group of islands to
the west of the bell-mouth of Spencer's Gulf. A boat's
crew commanded by the mate, John Thistle, was drowned
there, through the boat capsizing. Thistle was an
excellent seaman, who had been one of Bass's whale-boat
crew in 1798, and had volunteered for service with the
Investigator. Not only did Flinders name an island after
him, and another after a midshipman, Taylor, who
perished on the same occasion, but he gave to each of the
islands near Cape Catastrophe the name of one of the
seamen who lost their lives in the accident. In a country
where men are valued for their native worth rather than
on account of rank or wealth, such as is happily the case
to a very large degree in Australia — and this is a far finer

FLINDERS AND THE ' INVESTIGATOR ' 33

thing than mere political democracy — perhaps nothing in
the career of Flinders is more likely to ensure respect for
his memory, apart from the value of his achievements,
than this perpetuation of the names of the sailors who
died in the service.

Throughout the voyage he promoted amusements
among his people ; ' and when the evenings were fine the
drum and fife announced the forecastle to be the scene of
dancing ; nor did I discourage other playful amusements
which might occasionally be more to the taste of the
sailors, and were not unseasonable.'1 The work may have
been strenuous, and the commander was unsparing of
his own energies ; but the life was happy, and above
all it was healthy. The pride which Flinders had in
the result was modestly expressed : ' I had the satisfac-
tion to see my people orderly and full of zeal for the
service in which we were engaged.' Really, it was a
splendid achievement in itself, and it showed that, if
the hardship of life in a small ship, on a long voyage,
could not be abolished, at least horror could be banished
from it.

Compare this genial record with that of the French
exploring ships Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste, which
were quite as well equipped for a long voyage. They had,
it is true, been longer at sea, but they had an advantage
not open to Flinders in being able to refit at Mauritius,
had rested again for some weeks at Timor, and had
spent a considerable time in the salubrious climate of
southern Tasmania, where there was an abundance of

1 Voyage, i. 36.
C

34 TERRE NAPOLEON

fresh food and water. When, on June 23, 1802, Le
G&ographe appeared off Port Jackson, to solicit help
from Governor King, it was indeed ' a ghastly crew '
that she had on board. Her officers and crew were
rotten with scurvy. Sarcely one of them was fit
to haul a rope or go aloft. Out of one hundred and
seventy men, only twelve were capable of any kind
of duty, and only two helmsmen could take their
turn at the wheel. Not a soul aboard, of any rank,
was free from the disease.1 Of twenty-three scientific
men and artists who sailed from Havre, in 1800, only three
returned to France with the expedition, and before its
work was over the Commander, Baudin, and several of
the staff were dead. The chief naturalist, Frangois
P6ron, and one of the surgeons, Taillefer, have left terrible
accounts of the sufferings endured. Putrid water,
biscuits reduced almost to dust by weevils, and salt meat
so absolutely offensive to sight and smell that ' the most
famished of the crew frequently preferred to suffer the
agonies of hunger ' rather than eat it — these conditions,
together with neglect of routine sanitary precautions,
produced a pitiable state of debility and pain, that made
the ship like an ancient city afflicted with plague. In-
deed, the vivid narratives of Thucydides and Boccaccio,
when they counted

' the sad degrees

Upon the plague's dim dial, caught the tone
Of a great death that lay upon the land,'

are not more haggard in their naturalism than is Taillefer's

1 Peion, Voyage de Dtcouvtrles, i. 331-40; Flinders, Voyage, i. 230.

FLINDERS AND THE 'INVESTIGATOR' 35

picture of the sufferings of the sailors to whom he
ministered. Their skin became covered with tumours,
which left ugly black patches ; where hair grew appeared
sores ' the colour of wine lees ' ; their lips shrivelled,
revealing gums mortified and ulcerated. They exhaled
a breath so fetid in odour that Taillefer loathed having to
administer to them such remedies as he had to give ;
and at one part of the voyage even his stock of drugs
was depleted, so great was the demand upon his re-
sources. Their joints became stiff, their muscles flaccid
and contracted, and the utter prostration to which they
were reduced made him regret that they retained so
much of their intellectual faculties as to make them feel
keenly the weight of despair.1

When Le Geographe stood outside Sydney Harbour, a
boat's crew of Flinders' bluejackets from the Investigator,
themselves fresh from their own long voyage, had to be
sent out to work her into port. So enfeebled were the
French sailors that they could not even muster sufficient
energy to bring their vessel to the place where succour
awaited them. While we deplore this tale of distress, we
can but mark the striking contrast with the English
vessel and her jolly crew. Truly, it meant something for
a commander to have learnt to manage a ship in a school
nourished on the example of Cook, whose title to fame
might rest on his work as a practical reformer of life at
sea, even if his achievements as a discoverer were not so
incomparably brilliant.

We must now return to the Investigator, which, at the

1 Voyage dt Dtcouvtrtei> i. 340.

36 TERRE NAPOLfiON

commencement of the chapter, we left fighting with a
contrary wind east of Kangaroo Island. Although the
sloop quitted her anchorage early on the morning of
April 7, at eight o'clock in the evening she had made
very little headway across Backstairs Passage. On the
8th, she was near enough to the mainland for Flinders to
resume his charting, and late in the afternoon of that day
occurred an incident to which the next chapter will be
devoted. Meanwhile, it is important to observe that had
the wind blown from the west or south-west, instead of
from the east or south-east, Flinders would have ac-
complished the survey of the coast between Cape Jervis,
at the entrance of St. Vincent's Gulf, and Cape Banks,
before the French discovery ship, Le Geographe, emerged
from Bass Strait on her voyage westward. The wind that
filled Captain Baudin's sails, and drove his ship forward
towards the seas in which the Investigator was making
important discoveries, was the wind that delayed Flinders
at Kangaroo Island. Had the weather been more
accommodating to the English captain and less to the
French, there cannot be the slightest doubt that even the
fifty leagues of coast, or thereabouts, which are all that
can be claimed to have been discovered by Baudin, would
have been first charted by Flinders. But the French ex-
pedition was so unfortunate, both as to results and repu-
tation— so undeservedly unfortunate, in some respects, as
will be shown in later chapters — that this small measure
of success may be conceded ungrudgingly. It is, indeed,
somewhat to be regretted that the small part of the
Australian coast which was genuinely their own discovery,

FLINDERS AND THE 'INVESTIGATOR' 37

should not have been in a more interesting region than
was actually the case ; for the true ' Terre Napoleon '
is no better for the most part than a sterile waste, with a
back country of sand, swamp, and mallee scrub, populated
principally by rabbits, dingoes, and bandicoots.

TERRE NAPOL£ON

CHAPTER II

THE AFFAIR OF ENCOUNTER BAY

Meeting of the Investigator and Le Gtographe in Encounter Bay
— Flinders cautious — Interview of the two captains — P^ron's
evidence — The chart of Bass Strait — Second interview : Baudin
inquisitive — Baudin's account of his explorations.

ON the afternoon of April 8,1 the man at the
masthead of the Investigator reported a white
rock ahead. He was mistaken. Glasses were
turned towards it, and as the distance lessened it became
apparent that the white object was a sail. The sloop
was at this time in latitude 35° 40' S., longitude
138° 58' E. To meet another vessel in this region, many
leagues from regular trading routes, in a part of the
world hitherto undiscovered, was surprising. The In-
vestigator stood on her course, and as the strange ship

1 In his manuscript journal, which was used by the Quarterly reviewer
of the first volume of the Voyage de Dtcouvertts, in August 1810, Flinders
gave the date on which he met Le Gtographe as April gth (Quarterly Review,
vol. iv. 52). But there is no contradiction. In his journal Flinders gave the
date of the nautical day, which commenced at noon. As he met Baudin's
corvette in the late afternoon, it was, by nautical reckoning, April gth. But
by the calendar, the civil day commencing at midnight, the date was April
8th, as stated by Flinders in his published volumes, by both Peron and Louis
de Freycinet, and in the log of Le Gtographe. A similar difference of dates,
which puzzled Labilliere in writing his Early History of Victoria (i. 108),
occurs as to the first sighting of Port Phillip by Flinders. It is explained in
exactly the same way.

THE AFFAIR OF ENCOUNTER BAY 39

became more clearly defined it was evident that she was
making towards the British sloop. Flinders therefore
'cleared for action in case of being attacked.'

He knew that the French Government had sent out
ships having like objects with his own ; he knew
that some influential persons in England, especially the
Court of Directors of the East India Company, were
uneasy and suspicious about French designs ; and he
had been fully instructed by the Admiralty as to the
demeanour he should maintain if he met vessels flying a
hostile flag. But though his duty prescribed that he
must not offer any provocation, he could not forget that
when he left Europe Great Britain and France were still
at war, and preparation for extremities was a measure of
mere prudence.

The stranger proved to be ' a heavy-looking ship
without any top-gallant masts up.' On the Investigator
hoisting her colours, Le Geographe ' showed a French
ensign, and afterwards an English jack forward, as we did
a white flag.' Flinders manoeuvred so as to keep his
broadside to the stranger, ' lest the flag of truce should be
a deception.' But the demeanour of the French being
purely pacific, he had a boat hoisted out and went on
board, Le Geographe having also hove to.

On the French vessel, meanwhile, similar curiosity had
been provoked as to the identity of the ship sailing east.
Captain Baudin's men had been engaged during the
morning in harpooning dolphins, which they desired for
the sake of the flesh. Peron, in his narrative, waxes
almost hysterically joyous about the good fortune that

4o TERRE NAPOL&ON

brought along a school of these fish just as the ship's
company were almost perishing for want of fresh food.
They appeared, he says, like a gift from Heaven.1 Unlike
the bronzed and healthy crew of the Investigator, the
company on Le Geographe were suffering severely from
scurvy. The virulence of the disease increased daily.
They were rejoicing at the capture of nine large dolphins,
which would supply them with a feast of fresh meat,
when the look-out man signalled that a sail was in sight.2

At first it was considered that the ship was Le
Naturaliste, the consort of Le Geographe, the two vessels
having become separated in a storm off the Tasmanian
coast. But as the Investigator steered towards the
French and hoisted her flag, the mistake was corrected.

Flinders took Brown, the naturalist, with him on
board, because he was a good French scholar ; but
Captain Baudin spoke English ' so as to be understood,'
and the conversation was therefore conducted for the
most part in that language. Brown was the only person

1 'Cette peche heureuse nous parut comme un bienfait du ciel. Alors,
en effet, le terrible scorbut avoit commence ses ravages, et les salaisons
pourries et rongees de vers auxquelles nous etions reduits depuis plusieurs
mois precipitoient chaque jour 1'affreux developpement de ce fleau ' ( Voyage
de Dtcouvertes, i. 323).

a Mr. T. Ward, in his Rambles of an Australian Naturalist (1907), p. 153,
relates that in 1889 he harpooned a large dolphin, Grampus gris, in King
George's Sound, and that whalers told him that dolphins were at one time
common in the Bight, in schools of two and three hundred. As to dolphin
flesh as food, the reader may like to be reminded that Hawkins's men, in
1565, found dolphins 'of very good colour and proportion to behold, and
no less delicate in taste' (Hakluyt's Voyages, edition of 1904, x. 61). So
al»o in 1705 a voyager to Maryland related the capture of dolphins, 'a
beautiful fish to see ... it is also a good fish to eat ' (' Narrative of a Voyage
to Maryland,' printed from MS. in American Historical Review, xii. 328).

THE AFFAIR OF ENCOUNTER BAY 41

present at the first interview on the 8th, and at the second
on the following morning ; l both taking place in the
French captain's cabin. Peron, in the first volume of the
Voyage de Decouvertes, wrote as though he were present
and heard what occurred between the two commanders.
' En nous fournissant tous ces details, M. Flinders se
montre d'une grande reserve sur ses operations par-
ticulieres,' he wrote ; and again : ' apres avoir converse
plus d'une heure avec nous.' But his testimony in this,
as in several other respects, is not reliable. Baudin
wrote no detailed account of the conversations, nor did
Brown ; but Flinders related what occurred with the
minute care that was habitual with him. Peron's
evidence is at best second-hand, and he supplemented it
with such information as could be elicited by ' pumping '
the sailors in Flinders' boat.2 Even then he blundered,
for some of the things stated by him were not only
contrary to fact, but could not have been ascertained
from Baudin, from Flinders, or from the sailors.
Peron stated, for example, that Flinders said that he

1 ' No person was present at our conversations except Mr. Brown '
(Flinders, Voyage, i. 190). Robert Brown was a very celebrated botanist.
Humboldt styled him ' botanicorum facile princeps.' His Prodromus Flora:
Nova Hollanditz is a classic of price.

2 ' Nous apprimes toutefois par quelques-uns de ses matelots qu'il avoit eu
beaucoup a souffrir de ces memes vents de la partie du Sud qui nous avoient
etc si favorables.' The boatmen were not questioned by Peron himself,
who at this time could not speak English (Freycinet, Voyage de Decouvertes,
ii., Preface, p. xvii). Freycinet admits that Peron was not present at the
interviews, but says that Baudin related what took place with ' more or less
exactitude.' But as Freycinet was not present himself either at the inter-
views or on the ship when Baudin related what occurred, how could he know
that the version of the commander — at whom, after Baudin's death, he never
missed an opportunity of sneering — was merely ' more or less ' exact ?

42 TERRE NAPOL£ON

had been accompanied from England by a second vessel,
which had become separated from him by a violent tem-
pest. There had been no second vessel, and Flinders
could have made no such assertion. Again, Peron wrote
that Flinders said that, hindered by contrary winds, he
had not been able to penetrate behind the islands of St.
Peter and St. Francis, in Nuyts Archipelago. Flinders
made no such absurd statement. He had followed the
coast behind those islands with the utmost particularity.
His track, with soundings, is shown on his large chart of
the section.1 Once more, Peron stated that Flinders
said that he had lost a boat and eight men in the same
gale as had endangered the French ships in Bass Strait.
Flinders had lost John Thistle, an officer to whom he
was deeply attached, and a crew of eight men off Cape
Catastrophe, but the incident occurred during a sudden
squall. Moreover, Thistle and his companions were
drowned on February 21, whilst the storm in the
Strait — as Baudin told Flinders — occurred exactly a
month later.

When Flinders got on board Le Geographe, he was
received by an officer, of whom he inquired for the
commander. Baudin was pointed out to him, and
conducted him and Brown into the captain's cabin.

1 On this statement the Quarterly reviewer of 1810 bluntly wrote : ' Now,
we will venture not only to assert that all this is a direct falsehood (for
we hare seen both the journal and charts of Captain Flinders, which are
fortunately arrived safe in this country), but also to pledge ourselves
that no such observations are to be found either in Captain Baudin's journal
or in the logbook of the Geographe* (Quarterly Review, iv. 52). It was
a good guess. No such observation is contained in the printed log of Le
Gtographe.

THE AFFAIR OF ENCOUNTER BAY 43

Flinders then ' requested Baudin to show me his passport
from the Admiralty, and when it was found, and I had
perused it, I offered him mine from the French marine
minister, but he put it back without inspection.' The
incident serves to remind us that both commanders
believed their nations to be at war at this time. As a
matter of fact, just a fortnight before the meeting in
Encounter Bay, diplomacy had patched up the brittle
trace ironically known as the Peace of Amiens (March 25) .
But neither Flinders nor Baudin could have known that
there was even a prospect of the cessation of hostilities.
Europe, when they last had touch of its affairs, was still
clanging with battle and warlike preparations, and the
red star of the Corsican had not yet reached its zenith.
Baudin's readiness to produce his own passport when
' requested ' — hi a style prompt if not peremptory, it
would seem — and his indifference about that of the
English commander, should be noted as the first of a
series of facts which establish the purely peaceful char-
acter of the French expedition.

Baudin talked freely about the work upon which he
had been engaged in Tasmanian waters. Flinders
inquired concerning a large island said to lie in the
western entrance of Bass Strait — that is, King Island —
but Baudin ' had not seen it and seemed to doubt much of
its existence.' As a matter of fact, Le Geographe had
sailed quite close to the island, as indicated on the track-
chart showing her course, and that it should have been
missed indicated that the look-out was not very vigilant.
Curiously enough, too, Baudin marked down on his chart,

44 TERRE NAPOLfiON

presumably as the result of this inquiry of Flinders, an
island ' believed to exist,' but he put it in the wrong place.
An incident that appealed to Flinders' dry sense of
humour occurred in reference to a chart of Bass Strait
which Baudin had with him. This chart was one which
had been drawn from George Bass's sketch by Flinders
himself, and incorporated with his own more scientific
chart of the north coast of Tasmania and the adjacent
islands. Bass had traversed, hi his whale-boat, the
southern coast of Victoria as far as Westernport, but not
being a surveyor he had furnished only a rough outline of
the lay of the shore. Up to this time Baudin had not
inquired the name of the commander of the Investigator,
and it was from not knowing to whom he was talking that
he fell into a blunder which the politeness, native to a
French gentleman, would certainly have made him wish
to avoid. He began to criticise the chart, finding
great fault with the north side, but commending the
drawing of the south — that is, of northern Tasmania and
the islands near it. ' On my pointing out a note upon the
chart explaining that the north side of the Strait was seen
only in an open boat by Mr. Bass, who had no good means
of fixing either latitude or longitude, he appeared surprised,
not having before paid attention to it. I told him that
some other and more particular charts of the Strait and
its neighbourhood had since been published, and that if he
would keep company until next morning I would bring
him a copy, with a small memoir belonging to them.
This was agreed to, and I returned with Mr. Brown to the
Investigator.'

THE AFFAIR OF ENCOUNTER BAY 45

On the following morning Flinders and Brown again
visited Le Geographe with the promised chart. At the
conclusion of this second interview, Baudin requested
that, should the Investigator fall in with Le Naturaliste,
Flinders would inform her captain that it was his intention
to sail round to Port Jackson as soon as the bad weather
set in. ' On my asking the name of the captain of Le
Naturaliste, he bethought himself to ask mine, and
finding it to be the same as the author of the chart which
he had been criticising, expressed not a little surprise, but
had the politeness to congratulate himself on seeing me.'
In a letter to Banks, Flinders said that Baudin ' expressed
some surprise at meeting me, whom he knew by name.' 1
He had the name, of course, upon Flinders' chart of 1799. 2

At the second interview Baudin was more inquisitive
than he had been on the previous day. He had then
been more disposed to talk about his own discoveries
in southern Tasmania than to ask questions about the
Investigator's work. ' It somewhat surprised me,' said
Flinders, ' that Captain Baudin made no inquiries con-

1 Historical Records of New South Wales, iv. 755.

2 The new chart which Flinders gave to Baudin was published after Le
Giographe left Havre. The chart which he had in his possession was the
one advertised in the Moniteur on 8th Vendemiaire an x. (September 30,
1800): 'Nouvelle carte du detroit de Basse, situe entre la Nouvelle Galles
Meridionale, a la Nouvelle Hollande, lequel separe ces deux parties ; avec
la route du vaisseau qui 1'a parcouru et partie de la cote a Test de la Nou-
velle Hollande, levee par Flinders. Prix deux francs.' This chart had been
reproduced by the French Department of Marine from the one published
by Flinders in England in 1799, and several copies of it had been supplied
to Baudin and his officers for the use of the expedition, though it was also
offered for sale. See the Moniteur, 27 Thermidor an xi. (August 15, 1803),
as to the engraving of the chart at the French depot for the use of the
expedition.

46 TERRE NAPOLfiON

cerning my business upon this unknown coast, but as he
seemed more desirous of communicating information I
was happy to receive it.' Another of the inaccuracies of
Peron is that ' M. Flinders showed a great reserve con-
cerning his particular operations.' There was no need
of reserve, and none was shown. But ' tact teaches when
to be silent/ as Disraeli's Mr. Wilton observed ; and an
occasion for the exercise of this virtue is presented when
information likely to be valuable is being given. Re-
flection, and what his officers had been able to learn from
Flinders' boat crew, however, had stimulated Baudin's
curiosity. On the gth, therefore, he asked questions.
Flinders, so far from maintaining reserve, readily ex-
plained the discoveries he had made, and furnished Baudin
with some useful information for his own voyage. He
described how he had explored the whole of the south
coast as far as the place of meeting ; l related how he had
obtained water at Port Lincoln by digging in the clay ;
pointed out Kangaroo Island across the water, where an
abundance of fresh meat might be procured ; ' told him
the name I had affixed to the island,' in consequence
of the marsupials shot there ; and ' as proof of the
refreshment to be obtained at the island, pointed to the
kangaroo skin caps worn by my boat's crew.' The
return made for this courtesy was that upon the Terre
Napole'on maps the name Flinders gave was ignored,
and ' L'lle Decres ' was scored upon it, this being done
while the true discoverer was pent up in French custody
in an island of the Indian Ocean.

1 MS. Journal.

THE AFFAIR OF ENCOUNTER BAY 47

The most interesting statement made by Baudin will
be dealt with in the next chapter. The two commanders
conversed on the 8th for about half an hour, and on the
second occasion, when Flinders presented the new chart
of Bass Strait, for a shorter period. Early on the morning
of the gth they bade each other adieu. Flinders returned
to the Investigator, and the two ships sailed away — the
French to retrace the coast already followed by Flinders,
but to find nothing that was new, because he had left so
little to be found ; the English to proceed, first to King
Island and Port Phillip, and then through Bass Strait
to Port Jackson, where the two commanders met again.

48 TERRE NAPOL£ON

CHAPTER III

PORT PHILLIP

Conflict of evidence between Baudin, Pe"ron, and Freycinet as to
whether the French ships had sighted Port Phillip — Baudin's
statement corroborated by documents — Examination of Frey-
cinet's statement — The impossibility of doing what Pe"ron and
Freycinet asserted was done.

ONE statement made by Captain Baudin to
Flinders has been reserved for separate treat-
ment, because it merits careful examination.1
He gave an account of the storm in Bass Strait which
had separated him from Le Naturaliste on March 21, and
went on to say that ' having since had fair winds and fine
weather, he had explored the south coast from Western-
port to our place of meeting without finding any river,
inlet, or other shelter which afforded anchorage.' In his
report to the Admiralty, dated May n, 1802, Flinders
related what Baudin told him on this point, in the
following terms, which it is worth while to compare with
those used by him in his book, quoted above : ' Captain
Baudin informed me that after parting with the Natural-

1 The more so as the conflict of evidence to be pointed out seems to have
escaped the notice of writers on Australian history. The contradictions are
not observed in Bonwick's Port Phillip Settlement, in Rusden's Discovery,
Survey, and Settlement of Port Phillip, in Shillinglaw's Historical Records
of Port Phillip, in Labilliere's Early History of Victoria, in Mr. Gyles
Turner's History of the Colony of Victoria, nor in any other work with which
the author is acquainted.

ffVT-vAS- ; *"• *?* .*&tf f "
^f^J.V~7.3«V:

*- -" i^'/S^^: XC*. -tf
' 7,1"' • .ft-.'^?*'*;:**^.*^ f

N»- Ss^^iarmr %/

^V H7/VW '• 5 *
i» //^/- ' \ b

50 TERRE NAPOLfiON

eye to permit the entrance to be seen along the page, he
will look at it very much as it is regarded from a ship at
sea.1 It will be noticed that a clear view into the port,
except from a particular angle, is blocked by the land on
the eastern side (Point Nepean) overlapping the tongue of
land just inside the port on the western side (Shortland's
Bluff). Not until a vessel stands fairly close and opposite
to the entrance, so that the two lighthouses on the
western side, at Queenscliff, ' open out,' can the passage
be discerned.2 Indeed, a pilot of much experience has
assured the writer that ships, whose captains know the
port, are sometimes seen ' dodging about ' (the phrase is
the pilot's) looking for the entrance. Yet it may be
allowed that if Le Geographe had sailed close in, with the
shore on her starboard quarter, and the coast had been
examined with care, she would hardly have missed the
port; and, her special business being exploration, she
certainly ought not to have missed it.3

1 A reduced copy of the Admiralty chart of the entrance (1907) is prefixed
to this chapter. The reader can perform the experiment with that.

2 Ferguson, Sailing Directions for Port Phillip, 1854— he was harbour-
master at the time — says (p. 9) : ' Vessels having passed Cape Schanck
should keep a good offing in running down towards the entrance until they
open out the lighthouses, which are not setn before bearing N.^E. owing to
the high land of Point Nepean intervening.'1 Findley, Navigation of the
South Pacific Ocean, 1863, has a remark about the approach to the port
from the west : ' In approaching Port Phillip from the westward, the entrance
cannot be distinguished until Nepean Point, the eastern point, bears N.N.E.,
when Shortland's Bluff, on which the lighthouses are erected, opens out,
and a view of the estuary is obtained.' A Treatise on the Navigation of
Port Phillip, by Captain Evans (a pilot of thirty-six years' experience), has
also been consulted.

3 In Appendix B, at the end of this chapter, are given quotations from the
journals of Murray and Flinders, in which they record how they first saw
the port.

PORT PHILLIP 51

But although Baudin said he had seen nothing ' to
interest/ both Peron and Freycinet, in their volumes —
published years later, after they had learnt of the dis-
covery of Port Phillip by Lieutenant John Murray in
January 1802 — stated that it was seen from Le Geogmphe
on March 30. Peron wrote that shortly after daybreak,
the ship being in the curve of the coast called Baie
Talleyrand on the Terre Napoleon maps — that is, between
Cape Schanck on the eastern side of Port Phillip heads,
and Cape Roadknight on the western side — the port was
seen and its contours were distinguished from the mast-
head.1 Peron did not say that he saw it himself. He
merely recorded that it was seen. Freycinet did not
see it himself either. He was at this time an officer
on Le Naturaliste, and was not on the Terre Napoleon
coasts at all until the following year, when he pene-
trated St. Vincent's and Spencer's Gulfs. He, with-
out indicating the time of day, or stating that the
port was merely viewed from aloft, asserted that the
entrance was observed, though the ship did not go
inside.

In the first place, the statements of Peron and Freycinet
are not in agreement. To observe the entrance was one
thing ; to trace the contours from the masthead quite
another. To do the first was quite possible, though not,
as will be shown, from any part of the route indicated on
the track-chart of Le Geographe. But to distinguish the

1 The matter is sufficiently important to justify the quotation of the
passages in which Peron and Freycinet recorded the alleged observation, and
these are given at length in Appendix A to this chapter.

52 TERRE NAPOLfiON

contours of Port Phillip from outside, over the peninsular,
was not possible.

Here, at all events, is a sharp conflict of evidence.
We must endeavour to elicit the truth.

It is certain that Baudin had no motive for concealing
his knowledge, if he knew of the existence of Port Phillip
when he met Flinders. Had his cue been to prefer claims
on account of priority of discovery, he would have been
disposed to make his title clear forthwith. Frankness,
too, was an engaging characteristic of Baudin throughout.
He was evidently proud of what his expedition had already
done, and was, as Flinders wrote, ' communicative.' Had
he discovered a new harbour, he would have spoken about
it jubilantly. Moreover, as Flinders explained to him
how he could obtain fresh water at Port Lincoln, a fellow-
navigator would surely have been glad to reciprocate by
indicating the whereabouts of a harbour in which the
Investigator might possibly be glad to take shelter on her
eastern course.

It is also clear that Flinders did not misunderstand
Baudin. He was an extremely exact man, and as he said
that he was ' particular in detailing all that passed,' we
may take it that one with whom precision was something
like a passion would be careful not to misunderstand on so
important a point. Brown, too, was with him, a trained
man of science, who would have been quick to correct
his chief in the event of a misapprehension. Flinders so
far relied on Baudin's statement that when, on April 26,
he sighted Port Phillip heads himself, he thought he
was off Westernport, which his friend George Bass had

PORT PHILLIP 53

discovered in 1798. ' It was the information of Captain
Baudin which induced this supposition/ he wrote.1 It
was not till he bore up and took his bearings that he saw
that he could not be at Westernport ; and he then
congratulated himself on having made ' a new and useful
discovery ' — unaware, of course, that Murray had found
Port Phillip in the Lady Nelson in the previous January.

It must be noted in addition that Baudin wrote a letter
to Jussieu, the distinguished French botanist and member
of the Institute, nine months later, in which he gave an
account of his voyage up to date.2 Therein he said not a
word about seeing Port Phillip, nor did he allude to the
possibility of there being a harbour between Westernport
and Encounter Bay.

Baudin, then, knew nothing about Port Phillip when he
met Flinders on April 8. But if somebody else saw it
from the masthead on March 30, why was not the fact
reported to the commander ? Why was he not asked the
question whether so large a bay should be explored ?
Again, if Le Geographe did sight Port Phillip, why did she
not enter it ? Here was a magnificent chance for dis-
coverers. They were necessarily unaware of Murray's
good fortune hi January. As far as their knowledge
could have gone, the port was absolutely new to geo-
graphy. If we believe Peron and Freycinet, surely these
were the most negligent explorers who ever sailed the
seas.3 But if we believe that Baudin spoke the truth to

1 See also the entry in his journal, Appendix B.
* Printed in the Moniteur, 12 Fructidor, an xi. (September 9, 1803).
1 It is true that Cook did not enter Port Jackson when he discovered and
named it on May 6, 1770. But exploration, it must always be remembered

54 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Flinders — and the absence of all reference to the port in
his letter to Jussieu is alone sufficient to show that he did
— what shall we say of the statements of Peron and
Freycinet, written after Baudin's death, after they had
learnt of Murray's discovery, and when they had set
themselves the task of making the work of the expedition
appear as important as possible ?

Now, Baudin's statement is confirmed by five docu-
ments, the testimony of which is convincing.

i. As an appendix to volume iii. of the Voyage de
Decouvertes aux Terres Australes, is printed the entire log
of Le Geographe. The entry for March 30, 1802 l (gth
Germinal, an x. in the revolutionary calendar, which is
printed parallel with the ordinary dates), is latitude
38° 33' S., longitude 142° 16' E. The reckoning is from the
meridian of Paris, not of Greenwich.) The situation when
the entry was made, presumably at noon, was about
midway between Lome and Apollo Bay, off the coast
leading down in a south-westerly direction to Cape Otway.
The winds were E., E.N.E., S.E., and E.S.E. ; weather
very fine ; a fresh wind blowing (' joli frais ; beau
temps ') . It was the wind which was hindering Flinders,
sailing in the opposite direction. The column for ' Re-
marques ' opposite this date was left blank. In other

was not the primary object of the voyage of the Endeavour, as it was of
Le Gtographc. Cook, when he achieved the greatest extent of maritime
discovery made at one time by any navigator in history, was simply on his
way homeward from a visit to Tahiti, the primary purpose of which was to
enable astronomers to observe the transit of Venus. Cook, too, made a
record of the latitude and longitude of Port Jackson. No such entry was
made by the French relative to Port Phillip, as will presently be shown.
1 Page 499.

PORT PHILLIP 55

places where anything remarkable was seen — even such
a thing as a striking sunset — it was duly entered in the
proper place. But there was no entry relative to seeing
Port Phillip from the masthead, or observing the entrance,
at any time. Baudin is corroborated by the ship's log.

2. There is also appended to volume iii. of the same
work a table of geographical positions as calculated by
the ship's officers. The situation of Cape Schanck (Cap
Richelieu on the French map) and of He des Anglois
(Phillip Island) are given ; and next in the list comes
Cap Desaix (Cape Otway).1 There is no record of a
latitudinal and longitudinal reading between these points.
That is to say, the position of Port Phillip is not indicated
at all. In this case also the column for ' Remarques ' is
blank. Can we believe that if the port had been observed,
no attempt would have been made to fix the situation of
it ? The latitudes and longitudes of some quite un-
important features of the coast were duly noted. Here
was a large bay, and not the slightest reference was made
to it in the table. The inevitable inference is that the
French saw nothing worth recording between Cape
Schanck and Cape Otway. Baudin is corroborated by
the table of ' positions geographiques.'

3. The atlas issued with the first volume of the Voyage
de Decouvertes in 1807 contained several coloured plates
of views of coasts traversed by Le Geographe. The work
of the artists accompanying the expedition was very
beautiful ; some of the plates have rarely been excelled
in atlases of this kind. These coast sketches, like narrow

1 Page 544.

56 TERRE NAPOLfiON

ribbons, prettily tinted, were done from the deck of the
ship, and represented the aspect of the shore-line from
seaward. The coasts of Bass Strait were duly repre-
sented, but there was a gap between the Schanck and the
Otway sides of Port Phillip. Why ? Obviously because
the ship was not near enough to the coast to enable the
artists to see it clearly. Can we believe that men whose
particular task it was to depict the coasts traversed,
would have missed the picturesque gateway of Port
Phillip if they had seen it ? Baudin is corroborated by
the atlas.

4. The Moniteur of July 2, 1808, contained a long
article by Lieutenant Henri de Freycinet — elder brother
of Louis — reviewing the work of the expedition, on the
occasion of the publication of Peron's first volume.
Now, Henri de Freycinet was Baudin's first lieutenant on
Le Geographe. If Port Phillip was seen from that ship on
March 30, he should have seen it if Baudin did not. If
the captain was ill, or asleep, Henri de Freycinet would be
in charge. But in his article, though he described the
discoveries claimed to have been made with particular
regard to the so-called Terre Napoleon coasts, he made
no reference to Port Phillip. Baudin is corroborated by
his chief officer.

5. Lastly, when Captain Hamelin returned to Europe
with Le Naturaliste in 1803, Bonaparte's official organ,
the Moniteur, published an article on the voyage from
information supplied partly by him and partly contained
in despatches.1 Referring to Baudin's voyage along the

1 Moniteur, 27 Thermidor, an xi. (August 15, 1803).

PORT PHILLIP 57

' enticement inconnues ' southern coasts of Australia, the
article said that he first visited Wilson's Promontory
(which it called Cap Wilson), and then advanced along the
coast till he met Captain Flinders. No reference was made
to seeing any port, although if one had been seen by any
one on board Le Geographe, it surely would have been
mentioned with some amount of pride in an official
despatch.

As has already been said, Freycinet was not with Le
Geographe on this voyage, and therefore knew nothing
about it personally. But before the publication of the
official history was completed, Peron died. Baudin was
also dead. Freycinet, who was preparing the maps, was
instructed to finish the work. He therefore wrote up
from the notes and diaries of other members of the
expedition a geographical description of the coasts
traversed. His general plan, when describing coasts
with which he had no personal acquaintance, was to
acknowledge in footnotes the particular persons on whose
notes he relied for his descriptions. But it is a singular
circumstance that when he came to describe this part
of the coast of Terre Napoleon, and to repeat, with an
addition, Peron's statement that Port Phillip was seen on
March 30, he gave no footnote or reference. In whose
diary or notes was that fact recorded ? It was not in the
ship's log, as we have seen. Who, then, saw Port Phillip
from Le Geographe ? Henri de Freycinet did not ; Baudin
did not ; Peron did not ; Louis de Freycinet was not
there. If it were seen by a look-out man, did no officer,
or scientist, or artist on board, take the trouble to look

58 TERRE NAPOLfiON

at it, or to make a note about it, or a drawing of it ?
What singular explorers these were !

We must examine Freycinet's story a little more closely.
He is not content with saying, as Peron had done, that
the port was seen from the masthead. He is more precise
— he, the man who was not there. He says : ' Nous
en avons observe 1'entree.' That is more than Peron,
who was there, had claimed. If the ' entrance ' to Port
Phillip was ' observed ' on March 30, still more incompre-
hensible is it that the ship did not enter, that the fact was
not mentioned in the log, that the latitude and longitude
were not taken, and that the artists neglected so excellent
an opportunity.

But that is not all. Freycinet, the man who was not
there, and whose narrative was not published till thirteen
years after the voyage, has further information to give us.
He states, on whose authority we are not told, that the
country observed along part of this coast, between Cap
Suffren and Cap Marengo (that is, between Cape Patton
and Cape Franklin), presented ' un aspect riant et fertile.'
The book containing these descriptive words was, the
reader will recollect, published in 1815. Now, Flinders'
volumes, A Voyage to Terra Australis, were published in
1814. There he had described the country which he
saw from inside the port as presenting ' a pleasing and in
many places a fertile appearance.' ' Un aspect riant et
fertile ' and ' a pleasing and fertile appearance ' are
identical terms. It may be a mere coincidence, though
the comparison of dates is a little startling. All the words
which one can use are, as Boileau said, ' in the diction-

PORT PHILLIP 59

aries ' ; every writer selects and arranges them to suit
his own ideas. But when Flinders said that the country
around Port Phillip looked ' pleasing and fertile,' he had
seen it to advantage. On May I he had climbed Station
Peak, one of the You- Yang group of mountains, and saw
stretched at his feet the rich Werribee Plains, the broad
miles of fat pastures leading away to Mount Macedon,
and the green rolling lands beyond Geelong, opening to
the Victorian Western District. In May the kangaroo-
grass would be high and waving, full of seed, a wealth of
luxuriant herbage, the value of which Flinders, a country-
bred boy, would be quick to appreciate. On the other
side of the bay he had climbed Arthur's Seat at the back
of Dromana, saw behind him the waters of Westernport
which Bass had discovered, and traced the curve of the
coast as far into the blue distance as his eye could pene-
trate. He had warrant for saying that the country
looked ' pleasing and fertile.' But how did Freycinet
come to select those words, ' un aspect riant et fertile ' ?
He was not there himself, and, as a matter of probability,
it seems most unlikely that such terms would occur to a
person who was there, either as applicable to the lands
near Points Nepean and Lonsdale, with their bastions
of rock and ramparts of sand, or to the scrubby and
broken coast running down to Cape Otway, which, as a
matter of fact, is not fertile, except in little patches,
and, even after half a century of settlement, does not
look as if it were. The conclusion is hardly to be
resisted that Freycinet thought he was safe in appro-
priating, to describe land seen from seaward, terms

60 TERRE NAPOLfiON

which Flinders had employed to describe land seen inside
the port.

Three additional facts strengthen the conviction that
Port Phillip was never seen from Le Geographe, but thai
the statements of Pe"ron and Freycinet were made to
cover up a piece of negligence in the exploration of these
coasts. The French, on their maps, lavishly bestowed
names on the capes, bays, and other features of the coasts
seen by them. More will be said on this subject in the
next chapter. But meanwhile it is important to notice
that they gave no names to the headlands at the entrance
to Port Phillip, which are now known as Point Lonsdale
and Point Nepean. If they saw the entrance on March
30, why did they lose the opportunity of honouring two
more of their distinguished countrymen, as they had done
in naming Cap Richelieu (Schanck), Cap Desaix (Otway),
Cap Montaigne (Nelson), Cap Volney (Moonlight Head),
and so many other features of the coast ? It is singular
that while they named some capes that do not exist-
as, for instance, Cap Montesquieu, to which there is no
name on modern maps to correspond, and no projection
from the coast to which it can be applicable — they left
nameless these sharp and prominent tongues of rock which
form the gateway of Port Phillip. But if they knew
nothing about the port until they learnt of its existence
later at Sydney, and saw no chart of it till an English chart
was brought to their notice, the omission is comprehensible.

Another fact which must not escape notice is that the
French charts show two lines of soundings, one along the
inside of the Nepean peninsular, and a shorter one towards

PORT PHILLIP 61

the north. Mud Island is also indicated. How did they
get there ? It was not even pretended in the history of
the voyage that Le Geographe went inside the heads.
But see how the story grew : (a) Baudin saw no port ;

(b) Peron says the port was seen from the masthead ;

(c) Freycinet says the entrance was seen ; (d) on the
charts there are actually soundings shown inside the
harbour. Further consideration will be given to these
soundings in a later chapter.

The reader who has carefully followed the argument
so far, will probably have come to the conclusion that
Captain Baudin's statement to Flinders was perfectly
true, and that the assertions of Peron and Freycinet —
which, if veracious, would make Le Geographe the second
ship that ever saw Port Phillip — cannot be accepted.
One other fact will clinch the case and place the conclusion
beyond doubt.

In 1812 Freycinet published a large folio volume of
charts. The sixth chart in the book is most valuable for
our purpose. It is called a ' Carte generate du Detroit
de Bass.' Its importance lies in the fact that by means of
a dotted line it marks the track of Le Geographe through-
out her course. Now, this track-chart shows clearly
that the ship was never, at any moment, nearer than six
or seven miles to Port Phillip heads. On the greater
part of her course across the so-called Baie Talleyrand
she was much farther from the land than that. On no
part of her course would it have been possible for a
person at the masthead to see either the entrance to Port
Phillip or any part of the port itself. It shows that the

62 TERRE NAPOLEON

ship, while steering across from Cape Schanck in the
direction of Cape Otway, diverted a few miles to the
north-west, and then abruptly turned south-west. From
any part of this course, the stretch of coast where Port
Phillip heads are would present the appearance of an
unbroken wall of rock, the gap being covered by the over-
lapping land on the western side. The sudden north-
westerly diversion, and then the sharp turn south-west,
seem to indicate that Baudin thought it well to sail up
to see if there was anything worth examining at the head
of the bight, and concluded that there was not.

There can be no more authoritative opinion on the
possibility of doing what Peron and Freycinet claimed
was done, than that of a member of the Port Phillip pilot
service. The pilot steamer is almost incessantly on duty
in what the French chose to call Baie Talleyrand. The
pilots know the ground intimately ; they are familiar
with every part of the coast ; they see it in all weathers ;
they observe the entrance under all conditions of light
and atmosphere. Wishing, therefore, to confirm an
opinion already adequately supported, the writer showed
two large photographed copies of two of Freycinet's
charts to an experienced member of the pilot service,
and asked him whether it would have been possible for
Port Phillip to be seen from the situation indicated, or
anywhere in the vicinity, under any conceivable condi-
tions. He at once replied that it was utterly impossible.1

1 Indeed, he promptly said, in the direct, emphatic speech which is the
special privilege of sailors : ' The man who said he saw Port Phillip or the
entrance from any point in that neighbourhood would be lying.'

PORT PHILLIP 63

Even if Le Geographe had sailed close along shore, he
further observed, nothing like the contour of the port
shown on Freycinet's chart could have been drawn from
the masthead ; and the track-chart shows that the ship's
course was several miles from the coast. In fact, the
chart shows more than could have been seen if the French
had sailed close up to the heads and looked inside.

Peron's statement — which is not confirmed by Freycinet
—that it had at first been determined to call the port
' Port du Debut/ l is also rather puzzling. ' Du Debut '
of what ? The eastern extremity of the region marked
' Terre Napoleon ' on Freycinet's charts is Wilson's
Promontory, and the real ' Port du Debut ' of the territory
so designated would be, if there is any relation between
words and things, not Port Phillip but Westernport.2
Was there some confusion in Peron's mind as to what
port was seen ? Unquestionably Le Geographe did sight
Westernport. Was it originally Baudin's intention to
ignore Bass's discovery of 1798, and, giving a French name
to every feature of the coast in Terre Napoleon, to call
Westernport ' Port du Debut ' ? That would not have
been an appropriate name for Port Phillip had it really
been seen on the morning of March 30, as it most certainly
was not. But, it being determined to denominate the
land between Wilson's Promontory and Cape Adieu
' Terre Napoleon/ Westernport might well have been

1 See Appendix A to this chapter.

2 In the Monite ur article of 27thThermidor, an xi., Wilson's Promontory is
referred to as the point of departure : ' II visita d'abord le cap Wilson, d'ou
il prit son point de depart, et s'ava^a vers 1'ouest en suivant la cote jusqu'
a la distance de 15 degres de longitude.'

64 TERRE NAPOLfiON

counted as the port of the beginning of the exploration of
the territory, and, as such, it would truly have been the
Port du Debut. Freycinet, writing in 1824, acknow-
ledged that Peron, ' having written before the charts were
finished, made some mistakes relative to geography/ 1
It is possible that this was one of his errors ; and it would
be an easy one for a man to make who was not familiar
with the coast. But assuredly there was no mere error
on Freycinet's part.

What, then, are we to make of the statements of Peron
and Freycinet ?

The latter officer tells us, in one of his prefaces, that the
French Government was dissatisfied with the work of the
expedition, and was at first disposed to refuse to publish
any record of it. Sir Joseph Banks, closely in touch
with movements relative to scientific work, had news of
the displeasure of Napoleon's ministers, and wrote to
Flinders, then a prisoner : ' M. Baudin's voyage has not
been published. I do not hear that his countrymen are
well satisfied with his proceedings ' (June 1805). Finally
it was determined to issue a history of the expedition ;
but to have published any charts without showing Port
Phillip would have been to make failure look ridiculous.
By this time Freycinet, who was preparing the charts,
knew of the existence of the port. The facts drive to the
conclusion that the French had no drawing of Port
Phillip of their own whatever, but that their repre-
sentation of it was copied from a drawing of which
possession had been acquired — how ? It is quite clear

1 Preface to the second edition of the Voyage de D&ouvertes (1824), i. p. xvi.

PORT PHILLIP 65

that Freycinet had to patch up the omissions in the
work of his companions from some source, to hide the
negligent exploration which had missed one of the
two most important harbours in Australia. We shall
hereafter see how he did it.

APPENDIX

A

The following are the two passages from Peron and Freycinet
to which reference is made in the text. Peron wrote ( Voyage de
Decouvertes, i. 316) : 'Le 30 mars, a la pointe du jour, nous
portames sur la terre, que nous atteignimes bientot. Un grand
cap, qui fut appele Cap Richelieu [it is now Cape Schanck] se
projette en avant, et forme 1'entree d'une baie profonde, que
nous nommames Baie Talleyrand. Sur la cote orientale de
cette baie, et presque vers son fond, se trouve un port, dont on
distinguoit assez bien les contours du haut des mats; nous le
designames sous le nom de Port du Debut ; mais ayant appris
dans la suite qu'il avoit ete reconnu plus en detail par le brick
Anglois The Lady Nelson, et qu'il avoit ete nomme Port
Philipp \sic\ nous lui conserverons avec d'autant plus de plaisir
ce dernier nom, qu'il rappelle celui du fondateur d'une colonie
dans laquelle nous avons trouve des secours si genereux et si
puissans.'

Freycinet wrote ( Voyage de Decouvertes, iii. 115): ' Nous
venons de vanter la beaute du port Western ; mais celui que
Ton rencontre a peu de distance vers I'O ne paroit pas moins
recommandable, tant par son etendue que par commodite. Nous
en avons observ£ 1'entree le 30 mars 1802, sans toutefois
penetrer dans son interieur. Les Anglois, qui 1'ont examine avec
details, lui ont donne le nom de Port Phillip en 1'honneur du
premier gouverneur de la colonie du Port Jackson. . . . Vers
1'interieur on voit de hautes montagnes ; elles se rapprochent du

66 TERRE NAPOLEON

rivage a la hauteur du Cap Suffren ; et de ce point jusqu'au cap
Marengo, la cote, plus elevee encore, est d'un aspect riant et
fertile.'

B

The reader may find it convenient to have appended also, the
passages from the journals of Murray and Flinders, in which they
record their first view of Port Phillip. These journals were used
by Labilliere in writing his Early History of Victoria (i. 78 and
no). Murray's was then at the Admiralty; it is now in the
Public Record Office. That of Flinders was placed at the
disposal of Labilliere by the distinguished grandson of the ex-
plorer, Professor Flinders Petrie, whose great work in revealing
to us moderns an ampler knowledge of the oldest civilisations,
those of Syria and Egypt, is not a little due, one thinks, to
capacity inherited from him who revealed so much of the lands
on which the newest of civilisations, that of Australia, is
implanted.

Murray, in the Lady Nelson, sailing close alongshore west from
Westernport on January 5, 1802, saw a headland bearing W.N.W.
distant about twelve miles, and an opening in the land that had
the appearance of a harbour N.W. ten or twelve miles. When
within a mile and a half, he wrote : ' With closer examination of
my own, and going often to the masthead, I saw that the reef
did nearly stretch across the whole way, but inside saw a fine sheet
of smooth water of great extent. From the wind blowing on this
shore, and fresh, I was obliged to haul off under a press of sail
to clear the land, but with a determination to overhaul it by and
by, as no doubt it has a channel into it, and is apparently a fine
harbour of large extent.' Murray did not enter the port until
after his mate, Bowen, had found the way in, with a boat, in
February.

Flinders, after visiting King Island, resumed his work along
the mainland on April 25. He wrote in his journal : ' Until
noon no idea was entertained of any opening existing in this
bight ; but at that time an opening became more and more con-
spicuous as we ran farther west, and high land at the back

PORT PHILLIP 67

appeared to be at a considerable distance. Still, however, I
entertained but little hopes of rinding a passage sufficiently deep
for a ship, and the bearings of the entrance prevented me from
thinking it the west entrance into Westernport.' In the journal,
as in the report to the Admiralty, and, twelve years later, in his
book, Flinders wrote that it was what Baudin told him that made
him think there could be no port in the neighbourhood. ' From
appearances I at first judged this port to be Westernport,
although many others did not answer; though Captain Baudin
had met with no harbour after leaving that, and from his account
he had fine weather and kept the shore close on board to the
time of his meeting us.'

68 TERRE NAPOLEON

CHAPTER IV

TERRE NAPOLEON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE

Imprisonment of Flinders in Mauritius — The French atlas of 1807
— The French charts and the names upon them — Hurried
publication — The allegation that Peron acted under pressure —
Freycinet's explanations — His failure to meet the gravest charge
— Extent of the actual discoveries of Baudin, and nature of the
country discovered — The French names in current use on the
so-called Terre Napoleon coasts — Difficulty of identifying fea-
tures to which Baudin applied names — Freycinet's perplexities
—The new atlas of 1817.

WHAT happened to Matthew Flinders when,
after a brief sojourn in Sydney Harbour,
he left to continue his explorations in the
northern waters of Australia, is generally known. While he
was at work in the Gulf of Carpentaria, the condition of the
Investigator caused him much uneasiness, and when she
was overhauled, the rotten state of her timbers compelled
him to return. She was then condemned as unseaworthy.
On again sailing north in the Porpoise, he was wrecked on
the Barrier Reef. Making his way back to Sydney in a
small open boat built from the wreckage, and well named
the Hope, he was given the use of the Cumberland, a mere
barge of only twenty-nine tons, in which to carry himself
and part of his shipwrecked company to England. Com-
pelled by the leaky condition of the crazy little craft, and

TERRE NAPOLfiON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 69

the inefficiency of the pumps, to put into Mauritius, then a
French possession, he was detained as a prisoner by the
French governor, General Decaen, for six and a half years.

There is no need, for our immediate purpose, to linger
over these occurrences, inviting as they are, with a glint
of Stevensonian romance in the bare facts, and all the
pathos that attaches to the case of a brave and blameless
man thwarted and ruined by perversity and malignity.
Frequently have the facts been wrongly written, as for
instance when Blair states, in his Cyclopedia of Australia,
that Baudin in Le Geographe called at Mauritius after
Flinders was imprisoned, and, instead of procuring his
release, ' persuaded the Governor to confine him more
rigorously.' Poor Baudin — he had been in his grave
three months when Flinders appeared at the island hi dire
distress, and Le Geographe itself left the day before his
arrival.

What is clear, however, is that Flinders was detained
in a captivity that broke down his health and wrecked
his useful life, first on General Decaen's own responsibility,
and later — though the evidence on this point is not
specific — in accordance with influences from Paris ; and
that during his imprisonment an attempt was made to
deprive him of credit for his discoveries by the publication
of the first volume of the French official history and its
accompanying atlas.

The atlas published in 1807 * contained two large charts,

1 The date on the imprint of volume i., though the charts bear the date
1808. A second part of the atlas, containing a few additional small charts,
was issued in iSn.

70 TERRE NAPOLfiON

the work of Lieutenant Louis de Freycinet. The first
was a ' Carte generate de la Nouvelle Hollande,' with the
title inscribed upon a scroll clutched in the talons of an
imperial eagle, a most fearsome wild-fowl, that with
aggressive beak and flaming eye seemed to assert a claim
to the regions denominated on what it held. This was
the most complete map of Australia published up to the
date named. The second was entitled ' Carte generate
de la Terre Napoleon.' In this case the title was held by
feathered Mercury in graceful flight, displaying the motto
' Orbis Australis dukes exuvice' An exquisite little
vignette under the title (by Lesueur) should not escape
notice. Upon both charts, the whole of southern
Australia, from Wilson's Promontory to Cape Adieu in the
Bight, was styled Terre Napoleon. To nearly every cape,
bay, island, peninsular, strait, and gulf in this extensive
region was affixed a name, in most cases, though not in all,
that of some Frenchman of eminence during the revolu-
tionary and Napoleonic period. The Spencer's Gulf and
St. Vincent's Gulf, which Flinders had discovered, were
respectively named Golfe Bonaparte and Golfe Josephine.1
The large island which Flinders had pointed out to
Baudin, and which he informed that officer he had
named Kangaroo Island, became He Decres. The Yorke's
Peninsular of Flinders was styled Presqu'Ile Cambac£r£s ;

1 The latter was named ' in honour of our august Empress,' said Peron.
It was a pretty piece of courtiership ; but unfortunately Napoleon's nuptial
arrangements were in a state of flux, and when the trenchant Quarterly
reviewer of 1810 came to discuss the work, the place of Josephine was
occupied by Marie Louise. The reviewer saucily suggested : ' Bonaparte
has since changed it for Louisa's Gulf.9

MAI1 (

POLEON

.AS, 1808

TERRE NAPOLEON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 71

his Investigator Strait became Detroit de Lacepede ;
and his Backstairs Passage, Detroit de Colbert. To-day
the Terre Napoleon charts look like a partial index to the
Pantheon and Pere Lachaise. Laplace, Buffon, Volney,
Maupertuis, Montaigne, Lannes, Pascal, Talleyrand,
Berthier, Lafayette, Descartes, Racine, Moliere, Berna-
dotte, Lafontein, Condillac, Bossuet, Colbert, Rabelais,
D'Alembert, Sully, Bayard, Fenelon, Voltaire,1 Jeanne
d'Arc, L'Hopital, Massena, Turenne, Jussieu, Murat —
soldiers, statesmen, scientists, authors, philosophers —
adorn with their memorable names these most un-Gallic
shores. The Bonaparte family was pleasantly provided
for. Thus we find the Isles Jerome, Baie Louis and Baie
Hortense (after Josephine's daughter). Outside the
Terre Napoleon region, on the north coast, the name
Golfe Joseph Bonaparte bespoke geographical im-
mortality for another member of the family. But we
miss Rousseau and Turgot, deplore the absence of
Corneille and La Bruyere, and feel that at least a sand-
bank or two might have been found for Quesnay and the
economists, if only as a set-off against the disparagement
of Burke.

Yet it is on the whole an illustrious company, repre-
sentative of the best and brightest in French intellect
and character. When the brave old Spanish navigators
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries discovered a

1 Voltaire's name is on the Terre Napoleon sectional chart, but it seems to
have been crowded out of the large Carte Generate. As there is no actual
bay in Spencer's Gulf to correspond with the Baie Voltaire shown on the
T. N. chart, the omission does not matter much. But one would have liked
to have Voltaire's opinion on the subject of his exclusion.

72 TERRE NAPOLEON

new port or cape, they commonly gave it the name of the
saint on whose day in the calendar it was found ; and
the map of Central and South America is a memorial at
once of their piety and their enterprise. But Baudin's
expedition having no such guide — Comte's Positivist
Calendar, if not of later date, would have been useful —
their selection of names was quite an original effort.
Unfortunately, the ' discoveries ' to which the names
were applied were not original.

Two facts are incontrovertible : (i) that Flinders had
discovered and charted the whole of the south coast of
Australia from Fowler Bay to Encounter Bay — except the
south of Kangaroo Island, which is represented by a dotted
line on his charts — before he met Le Geographe on April 8,
1802 ; and (2) that the French officers knew that he had
done so. Flinders explained to Baudin the discoveries
which he had made when they met in Encounter Bay,
and afterwards when the Investigator and the French ships
lay together in Port Jackson he showed him one of his
finished charts to illustrate what he had done. ' So far
from any prior title being set up at that time to Kangaroo
Island and the parts westward/ wrote Flinders, ' the
officers of the Geographe always spoke of them as belonging
to the Investigator.'

The French names would appear to have been applied
by Baudin, if Freycinet is to be believed ; for he uses the
phrase ' les nommes que Baudin a donneV l But when
Freycinet wrote those words Baudin was dead, and the
publication of the charts had evoked much indignation

1 Voyage de Dfrouvcrtcs, ii. , Preface, p. xxiii.

TERRE NAPOLfiON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 73

on account of the gross wrong done to Flinders. In one
or two cases the names were certainly not Baudin's, as will
be made clear in a later chapter.1 Certainly Baudin was
in no sense responsible for the publication. Peron and
Freycinet were the men who put their names to the charts
and volumes ; and they were by no means exculpated by
the suggestion that Baudin devised a nomenclature
calculated to deprive Flinders of the credit that he had
won. Both Peron and Freycinet knew, too, when
they issued their volume and atlas, that Flinders was
being held in captivity in Mauritius ; and the dead
captain was certainly not guilty of the meanness and
mendacity of hurrying forward the issue of books that
pretended to discoveries never made, while the real
discoverer was prevented from asserting his own rightful
claims.

That the publication was hurried forward as soon as
Napoleon's government gave the order to print, is evident
from the incompleteness of the atlas of 1807. It con-
tained a table of charts — ' Tableau General des planches
qui composent 1' atlas historique ' — which were not inserted
in the book ; and in one of the four copies of this rare
volume which the author has been able to examine, the
previous owner, or the bookseller from whom it was
purchased, collating the contents with the table, had
pencilled in the margin, 'All wanting,' being under the

1 Take, for instance, He Decres, the name given to Kangaroo Island.
Decres did not become Minister for the Navy till October 3, 1801. Baudin
was then at sea, and probably never knew anything about Decres' accession
to office. It is pretty well certain that the name was not given to the island
until after the return of the expedition, when Baudin was dead.

74 TERRE NAPOLfiON

impression that the copy was imperfect. But the charts
detailed in the table were not issued with the book.
They were not ready, and the table stands as an eloquent
indicator of the hurry in which the publication was per-
formed. The first volume of the Voyage de Decouvertes
contains numerous marginal references to charts not
contained in the atlas issued with it. Readers of the book
must have been puzzled by these references,1 when they
turned to the atlas and found no charts corresponding
with them. Freycinet's complete folio volume of charts
was not published till 1812, five years after the issue of
the book which they were necessary to explain. Flinders
had then been released ; but it is significant that he was
held in the clutches of General Decaen, despite constant
demands for his liberation, until the preparation of
the French charts was sufficiently advanced to make it
impossible for his own to be issued until theirs had been
placed before the world.

Flinders, generous in his judgments of other men even
when smarting under great grievances, put forth an excuse
for Peron, suggesting that he had acted under pressure.
' How, then, came M. Peron to advance what was so
contrary to truth ? ' he wrote. ' Was he a man destitute
of all principle ? My answer is, that I believe his candour
to have been equal to his acknowledged abilities, and that

1 As the present writer was when he began to study the subject closely,
and as the Quarterly reviewer was in 1810. He said : ' The atlas is of
quarto size ; it contains not a single chart nor any sketch or plan of a
coast, island, bay, or harbour, though frequent references are made to such
in the margin of the printed volume ' (p. 60). The reviewer should have
said, ' except the two cartes g6n£rales ' described on a previous page.

TERRE NAPOLEON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 75

what he wrote was from overruling authority, and smote
him to the heart. He did not live to finish the second
volume.'

This would be an acceptable way of disposing of the
question if we could reasonably accept the explanation.
But can we ? Freycinet denied that any pressure was
exerted. Those who knew Peron's character, he wrote,1
were aware that he would have refused to do anything
with which his conscience could reproach him. He was
so able and zealous a man of science, that we should like
to believe that of him. Justice demands that we should
give full weight to every favourable factor in the case as
affecting him. Flinders was a British naval officer, and
naval men at that period were disposed to see the hand of
Napoleon in every bit of mischief. But the ' pressure '
theory does not sustain examination.

The task thrust upon Peron in the writing of the his-
torical narrative of the voyage was one for which he had
not prepared himself, and which did not properly pertain
to him. The death of Baudin, whose work this would
naturally have been, compelled the naturalist to become
historian. He had not kept the log, and it may be
reasonably assumed that he had not concerned himself
in a particular degree with those events of which he would
have made careful notes had it been intended from the
beginning that he should be the official recorder. He had
applied himself with passionate energy to the collection
and classification of zoological specimens. This was his
special vocation, and he pursued it worthily. It is

1 Voyage de Dfrouvertcs, ii. p. xxi.

76 TERRE NAPOLfiON

probably safe to say that no expedition, French or English,
that ever came down to Australasian waters, added so
much that was new to the world's scientific knowledge,
or accumulated so much material, as did this one whose
chief naturalist was Francis Peron. When it is added
that two of the greatest figures in British scientific history,
Darwin and Huxley, were among the workers in this
fruitful field, it will be admitted that the acknowledgment
is not made in any niggard spirit. But we are now
concerned with Peron as historian of what related to
Terre Naploeon and the surrounding circumstances.
Here his statements have been shown to be unreliable.
It is probable that he wrote largely from memory ; almost
certainly from insufficient data. Further, he was weak
and ill when engaged upon the book. The hardships and
unhealthy conditions of the voyage had undermined his
constitution. One would conclude from his style of
writing that he was by temperament excitable and easily
subject to depression. A zealous savant, to whom fishes
and birds, beetles and butterflies, were the precious things
of the earth, and for whom the discovery of a new species
was as great a source of joy as a glorious victory was to
his imperial master, Peron appeals to us as a pathetic
figure whom one would rather screen from blame than
otherwise. He suffered severely, and did his final
work under the difficulty of breaking health. He died
in 1810, before his second volume was ready for publi-
cation.

Freycinet wrote a series of notes by way of preface to
volumes ii. and iii., in attempted justification of the

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TERRE NAPOLfiON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 77

Terre Napoleon maps.1 He was put on the defensive
because ' the audacious attempt which was made in the
first volume of this work, to rob Captain Flinders of the
well-earned merit of his nautical labours and discoveries,
while he was basely and barbarously kept in prison in a
French colony, was regarded with becoming indignation
throughout Europe, and with shame by the better part
of the French nation.' 2 That that is a fair description of
the state of feeling among people concerned with the
advancement of knowledge, is beyond question ; and the
French above all, with their love of enterprise, their
sentiment of honour, their eager applause of high achieve-
ment, their chivalrous sense of justice, and their quick
sympathy with suffering wrongly inflicted and bravely
borne, would have no taste for laurels plucked in their
name from the brow of him who was entitled to wear
them. Thoroughly repugnant to French intellect and
feeling was conduct of this description. National ani-
mosities were more bitter at this period than they have
ever been at any other time, but science knows no
nationality. Even when the two governments had ceased
to have relations with each other, we still find English and
French men of science communicating on friendly terms ;
and Napoleon himself was willing to grant the requests
of an English savant while English arms and English
diplomacy were at furious war with him. Thus Sir
Joseph Banks, who was a corresponding member of the

1 The second volume of the Voyage de Dtcouvertes was published — out of
its due order — in 1816, the third in 1815.

8 Quarterly Review, vol. xvii. (1817), p. 229.

78 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Institute of France, could write in 1805, ' I have obtained
the release of five persons from the gracious condescension
of the Emperor, the only five, I believe, that have been
regularly discharged from their parole.'

Freycinet, then, had to defend his charts. But there
never was a more complete example of the remark that
' qui s'excuse s'accuse.' He argued that when Le Geographe
cruised along the coasts discovered by Flinders, there was
no published work in which they were described, there-
fore the French were justified in applying their own
names. But this plea ignored the fact that if the coasts
were not charted in any work published before 1807, they
had been, to the full knowledge of the French officers,
charted by Flinders, whose work would have been
published earlier if he had not been forcibly detained.
Again he argued l that, inasmuch as ' jamais Peron ni moi '
— where Freycinet assumed part of the responsibility —
knew of the work done by Flinders until his book was
published, the work of the French was truly one of
discovery ; and as to the names given by the English
navigator, ' it is certain that we could not employ them
without knowing them.' But it was not true that
Freycinet, Peron, or Baudin was unaware of the dis-
coveries made by Flinders. Even were there not his
specific statement that he explained his discoveries and
showed one of his charts to illustrate them, it would
be incredible that while the French and English ships
lay together for some weeks at Port Jackson, with tents
erected on the same piece of ground, the officers frequently

1 Preface to vol. iii.

TERRE NAPOLEON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 79

meeting on friendly terms, Freycinet and Peron should
not have learnt what the Investigator had been doing.
Both the French authors are individually mentioned by
Flinders as having been present on one or other of these
occasions, and Freycinet does not deny the statement.
Further, Captain Hamelin reported to the French
Government, in 1803, that Flinders had traced the coast
from the Leeuwin to Encounter Bay, and had discovered
a large and beautiful island which he had named ' L'ile
des Kangaroux.' l

It is true that the French were not acquainted with
Flinders' names, except in the one case of Kangaroo
Island. He told Baudin what name he had given in
that case. Nevertheless they ignored it, and called the
island He Decres. But even when they did know of the
names given to features of the coast by a previous
English navigator, Peron and Freycinet disregarded them.
Grant's Narrative of the Voyage of the Lady Nelson was
published, together with his eye-chart of the coast from
Cape Banks to Wilson's Promontory, in 1803. Flinders
states positively that Grant's ' discoveries were known
to M. Peron and the French expedition in 1802 ' ; 2 as
indeed we might well suppose, for Grant was not the man
to allow any one with whom he came in contact to remain
unaware of his achievements, and he was in Sydney just
before the French arrived there. They would hear of
him from many people. Yet Grant's names, inscribed
in plain print on his published chart, were all ignored
on the Terre Napoleon charts — his Cape Nelson becoming

1 JMoniteur, 27 Thermidor, an. xi. 2 Voyage, i. 201.

8o TERRE NAPOLfiON

Cap Montaigne ; his Cape Otway, Cap Desaix ; his Cape
Schanck, Cap Richelieu ; and so forth.

The contention that the south coast exploration of
the French was ' entirely a work of discovery,' l although
they were forestalled in it by Flinders and Grant, is
neither true nor sensible. If it could be held that the
voyage of a vessel sailing without a chart or a pilot along
a coast previously unknown to its officers was ' entirely
a work of discovery,' then a ship that should sail under
such conditions along any piece of coast — say from
Boulogne to La Hague — would accomplish ' a work of
discovery.' Discovery is a matter of priority, or the
word is meaningless.

Freycinet's notes nowhere meet the gravest feature of
the case — the prolongation of the imprisonment of Flinders
until the French could complete their own charts for
publication. The talk about not knowing what Flinders'
names were, the affected ignorance of his prior claims, were
crudely disingenuous. Freycinet knew perfectly where
Flinders was, and why his charts were not issued. The
Moniteur contained several references to his case. Sir
Joseph Banks repeatedly pressed leading members of the
Institute to lend their influence to secure his liberation.
But Freycinet, who had shared in the generous hospitality
of the British governor in Sydney — extended at a time
when the French crews were sorely stricken — and should
have been moved by gratitude, to say nothing of justice,
to help in undoing an act of wrong to a fellow-navigator,
does not seem to have taken the slightest step in this

1 Freycinet, ii. p. xxiii.

TERRE NAPOL£ON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE si

direction, nor does he in any of his writings express any
regret concerning the unhappy fate that overtook the
English captain.

The claim made in behalf of Baudin's expedition can
best be stated in the language of Peron. Dentrecasteaux,
he wrote, not having advanced beyond the islands of St.
Peter and St. Francis, which form the extremity of
Nuyts Land, and the English not having carried their
researches farther than Westernport, ' it follows that all
the portion between the last-mentioned port and Nuyts
Land was unknown at the time when we arrived on these
shores.' Peron's words were not candid. It is true that
part of the shores in question were unknown when
Baudin's ships ' arrived.' They ' arrived ' off Cape
Leeuwin in May 1801, before Flinders left England,
though not before Grant had discovered his stretch of
coast. (Grant reached Sydney, having roughly traced the
coast from Cape Banks to Cape Schanck, on December
16, 1800.) If, however, Peron meant to convey that
the coasts were unknown when Baudin's ships actually
sailed along them, he stated what was not the case. Let
us hear Flinders in reply. ' M. Peron should not have
said that the south coast from Westernport to Nuyts
Land was then unknown, but that it was unknown to
them, for Captain Grant, of the Lady Nelson, had dis-
covered the eastern part from Westernport to the longi-
tude 140° 14' in the year 1800, before the French ships
sailed from Europe, and on the west I had explored the
coast and islands from Nuyts Land to Cape Jervis in
138° ioV In other words, Grant's eye-chart connected

F

82 TERRE NAPOLfiON

up the coast between the extremity of George Bass's
exploration, Westernport, and Cape Banks to the east,
while Flinders had traversed the coast between Nuyts
Land and Encounter Bay to the west, leaving a gap of
only about fifty leagues of sandy shore, upon which
there is ' neither river, inlet, or place of shelter,' that
was actually discovered by Baudin. Flinders not only
admitted that the French had discovered this particu-
larly barren and uninteresting stretch of land, but
marked it upon his charts l as ' discovered by Captain
Baudin, 1802.' The French on their charts, however,
made not the slightest reference to the discoveries of
either Flinders or Grant.

The true Terre Napoleon, therefore, if the name were
to survive at all, would be from a point north-west of
Cape Banks in the state of South Australia, to the mouth
of the river Murray in Encounter Bay. The names
marked on a modern map indicate the sort of country
that it is in the main. Chinaman's Wells, M'Grath's
Flat, Salt Creek, Martin's Washpool, Jim Crow's Flat,
and Tilley's Swamp are examples. They are not noble-
sounding designations to inscribe at the back of coasts
once dignified by the name of the greatest figure in modern
history. It is rather to be regretted that the name Terre
Napoleon has slipped off modern maps. It is historically
interesting. When Eric the Red, as the Saga tells us,
discovered Greenland, he so called it because ' men would
be the more readily persuaded thither if the land had a
good name.' Most will agree that Terre Napoleon sounds

1 Cf. plate iv. in Flinders' Atlas, for example.

TERRE NAPOLEON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 83

a bit better than Pipe Clay Plain or Willow Swamp,
which are other choice flowers in the same garden.1

There is no evidence to warrant the belief that Napoleon
had anything whatever to do with affixing his name to
the territory to which it was applied, or with the nomen-
clature of the features of the coast. Nor would there
be anything remarkable in the use of the name Terre
Napoleon, if the French had really discovered the region so
described. In every part of the world there are lands named
after the rulers of the nations to which the discoverers or
founders belonged. Raleigh named Virginia ' from the
maiden Queen ' ; the two Carolinas preserve the name of
the amorous monarch who granted the original charter of
colonisation 'out of a Pious and good intention for ye
propogacon of ye Christian faith amongst ye Barbarous
and Ignorant Indians, ye Inlargement of his Empire and
Dominions, and Inriching of his Subjects ' ; and two
states of Australia commemorate by their names the great
Queen who occupied the British throne when they were
founded. There would have been nothing unusual or
improper hi the action of the French in styling the
country from Wilson's Promontory to Cape Adieu
' Terre Napoleon,' except that they did not discover
it. What they did excites a feeling akin to derision,
because it bore the character of 'jumping a claim,' to
use an Australian mining phrase.

Nor is it to be inferred that affixing the name
was intended to assert possession. An examination of

1 These 'virginal chaste names' are taken from the map of South
Australia, by the Surveyor- General of that State, 1892.

84 TERRE NAPOLfiON

the large chart of Australia shows that the whole of the
coast-line, except this particular stretch, was previously
named. There was Terre de Nuyts on the south-west ;
Terre de Leeuwin, Terre d'Endrels, Terre d'Endracht
were on the west ; Terre de Witt on the north-west ;
Terre d'Arnheim and Terre de Carpentarie on the north.
New South Wales was marked as occupying the whole of
the east. The styling of the freshly discovered south
Terre Napoleon was a mere piece of courtiership. If
Napoleon had ever been strong enough to strike a blow
at the British in Australia, the probabilities are that he
would have endeavoured to oust them from New South
Wales, and would not have troubled himself very much
about the coasts that were named after him. It was his
way to strike at the heart of his enemy, and the heart
of British settlement in Australia was located at Port
Jackson.

It has been represented in one of the best books in
English on the Napoleonic period,1 that ' the names given
by Flinders on the coasts of Western and South Australia,
have been retained owing to the priority of his investiga-
tion, but the French names have been kept up on the coast
between the mouth of the Murray and Bass Straits for
the same reason. ' That statement, however, is very much
too wide. Capes Patton, Otway, Nelson, Bridgewater,
Northumberland and Banks, Portland Bay and Julia
Percy Island, all lie between the points mentioned, and
all of them were named by Grant, who first discovered
them and marked them on his chart. None of the French

1 Dr. Holland Rose's Life of Napoleon, i. 381.

TERRE NAPOL£ON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 85

names is properly in present employment east of Cape
Buffon ; for their Cap Boufflers, which is marked on a
few maps, is really the Cape Banks of Grant. The only
names freshly applied by Baudin to natural features of
the mainland on the Terre Napoleon charts, and which
are in current use, are Cape Buffon, Cape Lannes, Rivoli
Bay, Cape Jaffa, Cape Rabelais, Cape Dombey, Guichen
Bay, Cape Bernoulli, Lacepede Bay, and Cape Morard de
Galles. Some or other of these names may be found, in
some order, on some modern map, but the sequence is
variable, and they are not all to be found on any single
map with which the author is acquainted ; because
there are more names than there are natural capes and
bays to which they can apply. The remainder of the
French names between Lace"pede Bay and Cape Jervis,
and most of those in the more easterly section, are
not marked on any current map, because in some in-
stances they do not represent features of the coast which
are sufficiently pronounced to require names, whilst in
other cases they are applied to islands, capes, and bays
that do not exist.1 Where are Cap Monge, Cap Caffarelli,

1 The difficulty of identifying the features marked on the Terre Napoleon
charts is made clear by comparing them with a few good modern maps.
Thus, taking them from S. E. to N. W. , they appear on the French charts in the
following order : — I, Cap Buffon ; 2, Cap Lannes ; 3, Baie de Rivoli ; 4, Cap
de Jaffa; 5, Cap Rabelais; 6, Cap Dombey; 7, Baie de Guichen; 8, Cap
Bernoulli ; 9, Baie Lacepede ; 10, Cap Morard de Galles; n, Cap Fermat;
12, Cap Monge; 13, Cap Caffarelli; 14, Cap Villars ; 15, Baie Mollien ;
16, Cap Mollien ; 17, Baie Cretet; 18, Cap Cretet; 19, lies Decaen ; 20, Cap
Decaen ; 21, Cap Montelivet. On the large Continental map constructed
by the Department of Lands and Survey, State of Victoria, 1879, the order
of the names included is as follows: — I, Buffon; 2, Rivoli; 3, Lannes;
4, Guichen ; 5, Jaffa ; 6, Lacepede. Rabelais, Dombey, Bernoulli, and the

86 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Cap Mollien, Cap du Mont St. Bernard, He Latrelle, or
Bale Descartes ? They are not to be found. Freycinet l
complained that Flinders, on his charts, had erroneously
applied the French names between Cap Monge and Cap
Lannes. It was a singular complaint to make, seeing
that Flinders gave the French full credit for their dis-
coveries, whilst they omitted all reference to his work on
their charts. But Flinders' difficulty was that of all
later map-makers : he could not find all the places to
which Baudin had given names. He did his best ; but it
is evidently easier to sprinkle a coast-line with the contents
of a biographical dictionary, than to fit all the names in.
The French cartography of the portions of the coast
eastward of the two gulfs was so badly done, in fact, that
many of the features indicated on the charts are mere
geographical Mrs. Harrises — there ' ain't no sich ' places.
The coast was not surveyed at all, but was sketched
roughly, inaccurately, and out of scale ; so that even
the sandy stretch now known as the Coorong, which is
about as featureless as a railway embankment, was fitted
with names and drawn with corrugations as though it

rest are omitted, the draftsman evidently being unable to find features to
which to apply them. On the large map compiled in the office of the
Surveyor-General, State of South Australia, 1892, the order of the names is —
I, Buffon ; 2, Rivoli ; 3, Rabelais; 4, Lannes; 5, Dombey ; 6, Guichen ;
7, Jaffa; 8, Lacepede. On the excellent map in M 'Lean's New Atlas of
Australia, 1886, we find — I, Buffon; 2, Rivoli; 3, Lannes; 4, Guichen;
5, Jaffa ; 6, Lacepede. Flinders, on his separate chart of this part of the
coast, found features for the names of Buffon, Lannes, Rivoli, and Bernoulli,
but left out Rabelais, Dombey, Guichen, and Lacepede. In no case is the
cape or bay on the Terre Napoleon chart of this part of the coast a tolerably
good representation of an actuality.
1 Preface to the 1824 edition of the Voyage de D&ouvertts, p. xiii, note.

TERRE NAPOLfiON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 87

were as jagged as a gigantic saw. Our respect for such
names as Montesquieu and Descartes causes us to regret
that they should have been wasted on a cape and a bay
that geography knows not ; and our abiding interest in
the sinister genius of Talleyrand fosters the wish that his
patronymic had been reserved for some other feature
than the curve of the coast which holds ' the Rip ' of
Port Phillip, though in one sense he who was so wont to
' fish in troubled waters ' is not inaptly associated with
that boil of sea.1

The south and west of Kangaroo Island were, however,
first charted by Baudin, and his names survive there.
Flinders had marked these shores with a dotted line on
his chart, to signify that he had not surveyed them.
He intended to complete this bit of work on his return,
but he was ' caught in the clutch of circumstance,' and
was never permitted to return. Such names as Cape
Borda, Cape Linois, Maupertuis Bay, Cape Gautheaume,
Bougainville Bay, and a few others, preserve the memory
of the French expedition on Kangaroo Island. A rock,
known as Frenchman's Rock, upon which a record of the
visit was cut, also survives there.

A few months after the publication of the Terre
Napoleon charts hi 1807, the truth about the matter
became known. Sir Joseph Banks, who had been kept
well informed by Flinders about the work which he had

1 ' Loud-voiced and reckless as the wild tide-race
That whips our harbour mouth,'

wrote Mr. Rudyard Kipling (' Song of the English') of the people of Mel-
bourne. It is believed that he meant to be complimentary.

88 TERRE NAPOLfiON

performed, and who had done all that was possible to
obtain his release from Mauritius, was influential in
scientific circles throughout Europe. Fortunately, he
had ample material at his disposal. Flinders had sent
home some finished charts from Sydney, and during his
imprisonment he wrote up a manuscript journal which
he succeeded in getting conveyed to England. It was
this manuscript which the Admiralty permitted to be
perused by the writer of the powerful Quarterly Review
article of August 1810. The feeling of indignation
evoked by the treatment which the navigator received
was intensified when the publication of his Voyage and
his charts in 1814 showed the measure of his shining
merits — his thoroughness, his accuracy, his diligence, the
beauty of his drawings, the vast extent of the entirely
new work which he had done, and the manliness, gentle-
ness, courage, and fairness of his personal character.

In addition to the discredit, of which he had to bear
his full share, Freycinet was involved in perplexities of
another kind. It was a convenient piece of flattery to
name the two great gulfs after Napoleon and Josephine
when they were Emperor and Empress ; but the courtier-
like compliment was embarrassing when Josephine was
supplanted by Marie Louise, and it became offensive
when Napoleon himself was overthrown and a Bourbon
once more occupied the throne of France. Many of the
other names, too, were those of men no longer in favour.
Yet the earlier volumes of the Voyage de Decouvertes had
referred in the text to the names on the French charts
as though they formed a final system of nomenclature.

TERRE NAPOLEON AND ITS NOMENCLATURE 89

What was poor Freycinet to do in completing the work ?
Here, indeed, was a sailor hoist to his own yard-arm
with his own halyard. The work could not be dropped,
since faith had to be kept with purchasers. In the
event, the old names were employed in the text of the
completed book, but a fresh atlas was issued (1817)
with the name Terre Napoleon wiped off the principal
chart, most of the names changed to those given by
Flinders and Grant, and a neat note in the corner taking
the place of the former eagle — which was moulting ; no
longer the screaming fowl it used to be — announcing that
' this map of New Holland is an exact reduction of
that contained in the first edition.'1 The announcement
was not quite true. It was not ' une reduction exacte.'
The imperial bird had flown, and the names had under-
gone systematic revision. The Bonaparte family were
pitilessly evicted. It was a new and smaller map, with
a new allocation of names. Freycinet's name appeared
upon it, and he probably wrote the inscription in the
corner.

1 ' Cette carte de la Nouvelle-Hollande est une reduction exacte de c«lle
contenue dans la premiere edition du Voyage aux Tcrrts AustralcsS

go TERRE NAPOLfiON

CHAPTER V

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS* CHARTS ?

Assertions commonly made as to French plagiarism of Flinders'
charts — Lack of evidence to support the charges — General
Decaen and his career — The facts as to Flinders' charts — The
sealed trunks — The third log-book and its contents ; detention
of it by Decaen, and the reasons for his conduct — Restoration
of Flinders' papers, except the log-book and despatches — Do
Freycinet's charts show evidence of the use of Flinders'
material ? — How did the French obtain their chart of Port
Phillip ? — Peron's report to Decaen as to British intentions in
the Pacific and Indian Oceans, and the effect on his mind —
Liberation of Flinders — Capture of Mauritius by the British
— English naval officers and the governor — Later career of
Decaen.

FLINDERS, in the decrepit little Cumberland,
put into Port Louis, Mauritius, on December
1 6, 1803. He was not permitted to sail out
again till July 1810 ; and then he was a broken man,
smitten with diseases, the painful product of exposure,
shipwreck, confinement in a tropical climate, anxiety,
and bitter years of heart-sickness and weary disappoint-
ment ; yet a brave man still, with some hope nobly
burning in the true hero's heart of him ; but with less
vitality than hope, so that he could do no more than
write his big book of travel, and then lie down to die.
Many loose statements have been written about the use

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 91

which the French made of Flinders' charts while he was
held in captivity. It has been too often taken for granted
that the evidence of plagiarism is beyond dispute. Not
only popular writers, but historians with claims to be
considered scientific, are substantially in agreement on
this point. Two examples will indicate what is meant.
Messrs. Becke and Jeffery, in their Naval Pioneers of
Australia (p. 216), assert that ' among other indignities
he suffered, he found that the charts taken from him by
Decaen had been appropriated to Baudin's exploring
expedition.' Again, to take a work appealing to a
different section of readers, the Cambridge Modern
History also charges the French with ' the use of his
papers to appropriate for their ships the credit of his
discoveries.' l

The charge is, it will be observed, that not only did
the French governor of Mauritius imprison the English
navigator despite his passport, detaining him years
after the other members of the Cumberland's company
had been liberated, but that Flinders' charts and
papers were improperly used in the preparation of the
history of Baudin's expedition. Indeed, the accusation
is equivalent to one of garrotting : that General Decaen
seized and bound his victim, robbed him, and enabled
Freycinet and Peron to use his work as their own.

1 Vol. ix. p. 739 (Professor Egerton). Two more examples may be cited.
Thus, Laurie, Story of Australasia (1896), p. 86: 'He found that his
journals and charts had been stolen by the French governor of the Mauritius
and transferred to Paris, where the fullest advantage was taken of them by
M. Peron.' Again, Jose, Autralasia (1901), p. 21 : ' His maps were taken
to France to be published there with French names as the work of French
explorers.'

92 TERRE NAPOL£ON

So widely has this view been diffused, that probably
few will be prepared for the assurance that there is no
evidence to support it. On the contrary, as will be shown,
neither Peron nor Freycinet ever saw any chart or journal
taken from Flinders. Use was made, it is believed, of
one British chart which may possibly have been his —
that embodying a drawing of Port Phillip — but reasons
will be given for the opinion that this, whether it was
Flinders' chart or Murray's, was seen by the French
before Baudin's ships left Sydney, and was certainly not
copied at Mauritius.

Before proving these statements, it will be convenient
to make the reader acquainted with the Captain-General
or Military-Governor of Mauritius, Charles Decaen. He
was a rough, dogged, somewhat brutal type of soldier,
who had attained to eminence during the revolutionary
wars. Born at Caen in Normandy in 1769, he served
during his youth for three years in the artillery, and then
entered a lawyer's office in his native town ; but during
the wars of the Revolution, when France was pressed
by enemies on all sides, he threw aside quills and parch-
ments, and, in his twenty-third year, entered upon his
strenuous fighting career. Thenceforth, until after the
signing of the Treaty of Luneville in 1801, he was almost
constantly engaged in military operations. He had
risen from the ranks, and won commendation for stubborn
valour from such commanders as Desaix, Kleber, Hoche,
Westermann, and Moreau. He participated in the cruel
war of La Vendee, won fresh laurels during the campaign
of the Rhine (1796), and fought with a furious lust for

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 93

battle under the noble Moreau at Hohenlinden. By
that time (1800) he had become a general of division,
and on the eve of the battle, when he brought up his
force and made his appearance at a council of war,
Moreau greeted him with the flattering remark, ' Ah !
here is Decaen ; the battle will be ours to-morrow.'
He was recognised as a strong-willed general, not brilliant
but very determined, and as also a thoroughly capable
and honest administrator. Napoleon, in 1803, selected
him for Indian service, and stationed him at the Isle of
France (Mauritius), in the hope that if all went well a
heavy blow might some day be struck at British power
in India. Decaen was not a courtier, nor a scholar, nor
a man of sentiment, but a plain, coarse, downright soldier ;
a true Norman, and a thorough son of the Revolution.
He was not the kind of man to be interested in naviga-
tion, discovery, or the expansion of human knowledge ;
and appeals made to him on these grounds on behalf of
Flinders were futile. Yet we must do justice to the
admirable side of Decaen's character, by observing that
he bore a reputation for generosity among his fellow-
soldiers ; and he was a very efficient and economical
governor, maintaining a reputation for probity that did
not distinguish too many of the Revolutionary and
Napoleonic generals. Flinders, just in his opinion even
of an enemy, wrote to Sir Joseph Banks that Decaen
bore among the people of the island ' the character of
having a good heart, though too hasty and violent.'
It is pleasant to find him writing thus of the man who
had wronged him, at a time when he had good reason for

94 TERRE NAPOL&ON

feeling bitter ; and we certainly need not think worse
of Decaen than did the man who suffered most from
the general's callous insensibility.

Now, the clear facts with regard to the taking from
Flinders of his charts, papers, log-books, and journals are
these. On December 17, the day after his arrival at
the island, it was signified to him that the governor
intended to detain him. All his charts and journals
relating to the voyage, and the letters and official packets
which he was carrying to England from Sydney, were put
in a trunk, which was sealed by Flinders at the desire of
the French officers who were sent by Decaen to arrest
him. He signed a paper certifying that all the ' charts,
journals, and papers of the voyage ' had been thus placed
in the trunk.1 On the following day (Sunday, December
18) he was informed that the governor wished to have
extracts made from his journals, showing the causes
which had compelled him to quit the Investigator, for
which ship and for no other, according to Decaen's
contention, the passport had been granted. He also
wished to elicit from the journals evidence of the reasons
which had induced Flinders to stop at Mauritius, instead
of sailing for the Cape of Good Hope. The officers ex-
plained that General Decaen considered it to be necessary
to have these extracts for transmission to the French
Government, ' to justify himself for granting that assist-
ance to the Cumberland which had been ordered for the
Investigator.' So far he had not, as a fact, granted any
assistance to the Cumberland ; for the imprisonment of

1 Flinders, Voyage, ii. 361.

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 95

her commander and crew can hardly be called ' assist-
ance.' But as Flinders was convinced that an examina-
tion of his latest log-book would manifest his bona fides,
and assure both the governor and the French Govern-
ment that he was no spy, as Decaen accused him of being,
he broke the seal of the trunk, and took out ' the third
volume of my rough log-book, which contained the whole
of what they desired to know, and pointing out the parts
in question to the secretary, told him to make such
extracts as should be thought requisite/ l All the other
papers and books were at once returned to the trunk,
' and sealed as before.'

The third log-book was the only document pertaining
to Flinders' discoveries which Decaen ever had in his
possession. It was never returned. The rightful owner
never saw it again. It has never since been produced.
Flinders applied for it repeatedly. On the very day
before he was liberated, he made a final demand for it.
Mr. Hope, the British commissary for the exchange of
prisoners, made a formal official application for it in 1810,
but met with ' a positive refusal both of the book and of
permission to take a copy of it.' 2 In 1811, after Flinders
reached England, the Admiralty, at his instance, requested
the French Government to insist upon its restoration.
At the end of his book, published 1814, Flinders earnestly
protested against Decaen's continued detention of it.
But it was not restored.

1 Flinders, Voyage, ii. 364.

2 Hope's report to the Admiralty, October 25, 1810 (Historical Records
of New South Wales, vii. 435).

96 TERRE NAPOLfiON

This book contained Flinders' ' journal of transactions
and observations on board the Investigator, the Porpoise,
the Hope cutter, and Cumberland schooner,' for the pre-
ceding six months.1 There was therefore nothing in it
which could have been of any use in relation to the so-
called Terre Napoleon. The log-book embodying Flinders'
observations on those coasts pertained to a period
before the six months just mentioned, and was never
seen by Decaen, nor did he see any of Flinders' charts
whatever.

Towards the end of December the whole of the remain-
ing books and papers of Flinders, even including his
family letters, were, in his presence, collected from the
ship by M. Bonnefoy, an interpreter, and Colonel Moni-
strol, Decaen's secretary — who ' acted throughout with
much politeness, apologising for what they were obliged
by their orders to execute ' — and sealed up in another
trunk.2 Later in the same month (December 26),
Flinders, wishing to occupy his time in confinement by
proceeding with his work, wrote to the governor, request-
ing that he might have his printed volumes, and two or
three charts and manuscript books, for the purpose
of finishing his chart of the Gulf of Carpentaria, adding
in explanation that some of his papers were lost in the
wreck of the Porpoise, and he wished to finish the work
from memory, with the aid of the remaining materials,
before the details faded from his recollection. Decaen
acceded to his request, and Flinders took out two log-
books, such charts as were necessary, all his private

1 Flinders, Voyage, ii. 378 and 463. - Ibid., ii. 367.

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 97

letters, and his journals of bearings and astronomical
observations. He also took out his naval signal-book,
which he destroyed, lest it should be seen by any French
officer. He gave a receipt for the documents, and the
remainder were once more locked up in the trunk, which
was again sealed by Flinders.1 The papers so obtained
were the ' greatest part ' 2 of his books and charts, and
the possession of them, enabling Flinders to devote his
energies to the work he loved, relieved the depression
which imprisonment and illness cast upon his active
brain and body.

In February of the following year Flinders made another
application for more books and papers, consisting of the
greater part of his ' original fair charts/ 8 for the purpose
of making an abridgment of his discoveries upon a
single sheet. The governor was by this time very angry
with his captive ; the more so, probably, as he was
conscious of the inadequacy of the reasons for detaining
him. But the demeanour of the English captain did not
please him either. Flinders, maintaining the dignity of
his uniform, had not assumed a humble mien, and had
even refused an invitation to dine with the general
unless he could attend, not as a prisoner, but as an officer
free and unsuspect. If Decaen really believed him to be
a spy, why did he invite him ? The governor, however,
was not now in a mood to oblige his prisoner, and in
response to his application for more papers, curtly replied

1 Voyage, ii. 378.

2 Flinders, letter to Governor King, August 1804, and letter to Banks,
July 12 (Historical Records of New South Wales, iv. 411 and 396).

* Voyage, ii. 384.

98 TERRE NAPOLfiON

that he would attend to the request when freed from
more pressing business. Flinders in March urged Colonel
Monistrol to intercede ; complained in May that the
manuscripts were still withheld ; and, being unable
to make any impression on the obdurate Decaen, com-
pleted his map with the aid of another journal kept
by Mr. Akin, the master of the Investigator, who was a
fellow-prisoner until May 1805.

These remaining documents were not restored till
August 1807, when Flinders was invited to go to Port
Louis from the house in the country where part of his
imprisonment was spent, and take possession of the
trunk. He found that rats had eaten their way into it,
and had made great havoc among his papers, totally
destroying some. But the seals were unbroken, and
Flinders gave a receipt for the contents, acknowledging
that the most important documents had happily escaped
the rats.1 He was an observant man, and if he had had
any suspicion that the charts had been tampered with,
would have promptly said so. There is not, however,
the faintest reason for believing that the trunk had been
opened between December 1803, when Flinders was
permitted to take out the ' greatest part ' of his im-
portant papers, and August 1807, when the remainder
were restored to him. The only missing documents
were the few which the rats had eaten, the third log-
book, which Decaen refused to give up, and two packets
of official despatches which the Cumberland was carrying
from Sydney to England, and which Colonel Monistrol

1 Voyage, ii. 462.

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 99

informed him had been ' long ago disposed of.' The
Colonel ' supposed that something in them had con-
tributed to my imprisonment.' They had been ' disposed
of ' by being sent to Paris for the perusal of Napoleon's
Government.

Why, however, did Decaen refuse permission to Flinders
to have the last of his papers till the year 1807 ? Why
had he willingly permitted him to take some of them in
December 1803, but declined to let him have any more
till nearly four years later ? A comparison of dates is
instructive on this point. As has already been said, the
first volume of Peron's Voyage de Decouvertes aux Terres
Australes, and the first edition of the atlas containing
two of Freycinet's charts, were published in 1807. Making
all allowances for' the obstinate character of Decaen,
it is most significant that the remainder of Flinders'
charts and papers were kept from him until the very
time when Freycinet was ready to publish the first and
hurried edition of his atlas. It is impossible to resist the
conclusion that the governor was acting under influences
exerted from Paris, private if not official, in refusing the
navigator access to the material which it was believed
was essential to the completion of the charts that would
demonstrate his discoveries, until the French officer
could hurry out a makeshift atlas and fictitious claims
could be based upon it.

This conduct was reprehensible enough, but, it must
be insisted, there is no ground whatever for the too
frequently made assertion that Flinders' charts were
surreptitiously copied or actually stolen — for the loose

ioo TERRE NAPOLEON

manner in which the affair has been related in some
books renders doubtful which of the two accusations the
authors desired to make.1 Not only is there no evidence
to support any such charge, but Flinders himself never
accused Decaen of making an improper use of the papers
in the trunk, nor did he ever allege that the two charts
contained in the French atlas of 1807, or those in Frey-
cinet's folio atlas of 1812 — which he probably saw
before his death in July 1814 — were founded upon or
owed anything to his drawings. He simply set forth
the facts with his habitual exactness and fairness ; and
where Flinders was just, there is surely no warrant for
others to perpetuate an accusation which originated
in a period of intense national hatred and jealousy, and
bears its birth-mark upon it.

A critical examination of Freycinet's charts is alone
sufficient to shatter the opinion that he utilised the
drawings of the English navigator. Had he even seen
them, his own work would have been more accurate than
it was, and his large chart of New Holland would have
been more complete. It has already been shown that the
French chart of the so-called Terre Napoleon coasts was

1 Blair, Cyclopixdia of Australasia, p. 131, actually says that Baudin,
' having taken copies of Flinders' charts, sailed for France, where he pub-
lished a book and received great applause from the French nation, who
called him the greatest discoverer of the present century.' Spirit- writing one
has heard of, but not even the Psychical Research Society has recorded the
case of a dead man copying hydrographical charts. A similar disregard of
the fact that Baudin died before the return of his ships occurs in J. E. Tenison
Woods' History of Exploration in Australia (1865), vol. i. p. 174, where
we are informed that Flinders was detained in Mauritius, because 'at that
time the Emperor Napoleon was obliging Admiral Baudin \sic\ to usurp
the glory of his discoveries ' ; a case of post-mortem promotion.

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 101

in large measure defective, many capes, islands, and bays
being represented that have no existence in fact, and a
large portion of the outline being crudely and erroneously
drawn. Not only so, but if Freycinet had had copies of
Flinders' charts before him, use would certainly have
been made of them to give greater completeness to the
eastern and north-western shores. Flinders, in his last
voyage in the Investigator, had made important dis-
coveries on the Queensland coast and in the Gulf of
Carpentaria. He had discovered, for instance, Port
Bowen and Port Curtis, which had been missed by Cook,
had given greater definiteness to the islands near the
southern end of the Great Barrier Reef, and had made
a dangerous acquaintance with the Reef itself, discovering
the narrow alley through it which is marked on modern
maps as Flinders' Passage. In the Gulf of Carpentaria
he had also done some entirely original work. He had
shown, for example, that Cape Van Diemen, represented
as a projection from the mainland on all previous maps,
was really part of an island, which he named Mornington
Isle. Freycinet's charts reveal not the faintest trace
of the fresh discoveries which Flinders had achieved
around east and north-east Australia, nor do they in
any particular indicate that their manifold serious im-
perfections had been corrected by reference to Flinders'
superb charts. In short, the French work, though
beautifully engraved and printed, was, in a geographical
sense, for the most part too poor to justify the suspicion
that Freycinet received aid from the drawings of the
persevering captain of the Investigator.

102 TERRE NAPOL£ON

The circumstances attending the imprisonment of
Flinders, and the precipitate haste with which Frey-
cinet's work was pushed forward, undoubtedly furnished
prima facie justification for the suspicion, indignantly
voiced by contemporary English writers, and which
has been hardened into a direct accusation since, that an
act of plagiarism was committed, dishonest in itself,
and doubly guilty from the circumstances in which it was
performed. The Quarterly reviewer of 1817 * pointed out
that the few charts in Freycinet's atlas ' are very like
those of Captain Flinders, only much inferior in point of
execution.' They are very like in one respect, namely,
in the representation of Spencer's and St. Vincent's
Gulfs and Kangaroo Island. In other particulars, at all

1 Vol. xvii. pp. 229-30 ; the italics are the reviewer's. The plagiarism
legend — for such it is — originated with this Quarterly article. The earliest
biographer of Flinders, in the Naval Chronicle, xxxii. p. 177, wrote very
strongly of General Decaen, considering that he was ' worthy of his Corsican
master,' and that his name 'will be consigned to infamy as long as mankind
shall consider it honourable to promote science and civilised to practise
hospitality,' but alleged no improper use of the charts. C. A. Walckenaer,
who wrote the excellent life of Flinders in the Biographic Universelle, pub-
lished in 1856, said that the French Government was ' inexcusable d'avoir
retenu Flinders en captivite,' but denied that his charts were improperly
used, and promised that when he came to write the life of Peron in a succeed-
ing volume, he would by an analysis of the evidence refute the story. But
Walckenaer died in 1852, before his Flinders article was published, and the
author of the article on Peron did not carry out his predecessor's undertaking.
It is to be presumed that Walckenaer would have exhibited the facts set out
above. Alfred de Lacaze, in his article on Flinders in the Nouvellc
Biographic Gt'nt'rale, xvii. 932, wrote that the excuses given for the im-
prisonment of Flinders formed ' pauvres pretextes'; but declared that the
seals put on Flinders' papers in Mauritius were ' loyalement respecte pendant
les six ans que dura la captivite du navigateur anglais.' That was true. It
is a pleasure to acknowledge that all the references to Flinders which the
author has seen in French works unanimously and strongly condemn the
treatment of him, and do ample justice to his splendid qualities.

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 103

events as far as relates to the Terre Napoleon coasts,
the French charts are quite unlike those of Flinders.
But contemporaries — knowing that Flinders' charts had
been taken from him by Decaen, and that he had been
held in captivity until the French could finish their work,
and then, comparing his charts with Freycinet's, finding
that parts of the coasts discovered by the English captain
were well represented on the French charts, while other
parts of the outline of Terra Australis were badly done or
inadequate — not unnaturally drew the inference that
the well-drawn sections were based upon drawings
improperly acquired. If the chain of evidence was not
complete, the violent racial animosities then prevalent
moulded the missing links in the fervent heat of im-
agination.

But it is quite easy to account for the superior carto-
graphy of the two gulfs and Kangaroo Island. Le
Geographe visited this region twice. In April 1802,
after meeting Flinders in Encounter Bay, Baudin sailed
west, and endeavoured to penetrate the two gulfs. But
his corvette drew too much water to permit him to go
far, and he determined to give up the attempt, and to
devote ' une seconde campagne ' to ' la reconnaissance
complete de ces deux grands enfoncements.' l In Sydney,
Governor King permitted him to purchase a small
locally constructed vessel of light draught — called the
Casuarina, because she was built of she-oak — with which
to explore rivers and shallow waters. The command of
this boat was entrusted to Lieutenant Louis de Freycinet,

1 Voyage de Dfrouvertes, iii. n.

104 TERRE NAPOLEON

the future cartographer and part historian of the expedi-
tion ; and the charts of the two gulfs and Kangaroo
Island were made by, or under the superintendence of,
that officer. Freycinet was not with Le Geographe on
her first cruise in these waters, and was not responsible
for the original drawings upon which his charts of the
Terre Napoleon coasts eastward of Cape Jervis were
founded. But the fact that he surveyed the gulfs and
Kangaroo Island on the second visit, in 1803, is quite
sufficient to account for the improved cartography of
this region in the French atlas. Whatever we may
think of the part played by Freycinet in relation to
Flinders and the history of the expedition, his professional
ability was of a high character. All the charting work
done by him, when he had not to depend upon the rough
drawings of inferior men, was very good. His interest
in scientific navigation was deep, and when, in 1817,
he was given the command of a fresh French expedition,
consisting of the Uranie and the Physicienne, the large
folio atlas produced by him indicated that he had
studied the technicalities of his profession to excellent
purpose.

The superiority of the work done by Baudin's expedi-
tion in the vicinity of the two gulfs, then, was not due
to any fraudulent use of Flinders' material, but simply
to the fact that there was a competent officer in charge
of it at that time ; and there is nothing on the charts for
which Freycinet was personally responsible to justify the
belief that his work claiming to be original was not
genuinely his own. When, in 1824, he published a second

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 105

edition of the Voyage de Decouvertes aux Terres Australes,1
he repudiated with quiet dignity the suggestion that the
work of the English navigator had been plagiarised.2
Except for the Port Phillip part of the work, we might
fairly say that history has commonly done him and his
confreres a serious injustice.

But we have seen that, although Port Phillip was
included in the French charts, and inside soundings were
actually shown, neither the port nor the entrance was seen
by the expedition. How was that information obtained ?

Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste lay in Sydney harbour
from June 20 to November 18, 1802, their afflicted crews
receiving medical treatment, and their officers enjoying
the hospitality of Governor King. Flinders and Lieu-
tenant John Murray, who discovered Port Phillip, were
both there during part of the same time. It was then
that the French learnt of the existence of the great
harbour of which Baudin was ignorant when he met
Flinders in Encounter Bay ; and it is highly probable
that by some means they obtained a copy of the chart
which they saw.

1 In octavo volumes ; the first edition was in quarto.

a 'C'est assez,' he wrote, ' repousserdes accusations odieuses et envenimees,
fondees sur des idees chimeriques, avec absence de toute espece de preuve.
Le temps, qui calme les passions humaines et permet toujours a la verite de
reprendre ses droits, fera justice d'accusations con9ues avec legerete et
soutenues avec inconvenance. Peron et Flinders sont morts ; 1'un et 1'autre
ont des litres certains a notre estime, a notre admiration ; ils vivront, ainsi
que leurs travaux, dans la memoire des hommes, et les nuages que je
cherche a dissiper auront disparu sans retour ' (vol. i., Preface, p. xi).
One cannot but be touched by that appeal ; but at the same time it is to be
observed that in the very preface in which he made it, Freycinet did far less
than justice to the work of Flinders.

106 TERRE NAPOL&ON

Grounds for stating that that is a probability will
be advanced a little later. But let us first see how the
drawing of Port Phillip that does appear on the Terre
Napoleon charts got there.

It was taken, as Freycinet acknowledged,1 from a
manuscript chart prepared on the English ship Armiston,
in 1804. In 1806 the French frigate La Piedmontoise
captured the British ship Fame. Amongst the papers
found on board was this manuscript chart. It so hap-
pened that one of the officers of La Piedmontoise was
Lieutenant Charles Baudin des Ardennes, who had been
a junior officer on Le Naturaliste from 1800-4. (He was
no relative of Captain Baudin. The family of Baudin
des Ardennes was very well known in France ; and this
officer became a distinguished French admiral.) He took
possession of the manuscript, and handed it over to
Freycinet, who made use of it in preparing his charts.

Probably it was a very rough chart ; but even so, if
Freycinet had had anything like a drawing of Port
Phillip made on Le Geographe, he would have turned out
a better piece of work. Not only is the outline very
defective, but the ' lay ' of the Nepean peninsular is so
grossly wrong that this alone would suffice to show that
Freycinet did not merely correct his chart with the aid
of that captured from the Fame, but that the whole
drawing of Port Phillip was fitted in, like a patch. How-
ever ill a navigator may draw, he always knows whether
a coast along which he is sailing runs west or north-west.
A mariner's apprentice would know that. But on the

1 Voyage de Dfrouvertes, iii. 430.

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 107

Terre Napoleon charts, the peninsular lies due east and
west, whereas in reality, as the reader will see by reference
to any good map, it has a decidedly north-westerly
inclination. The patch was not well put on. The
consequence of this bad cobbling was to give a box-like,
rectangular appearance to the bay, utterly unlike the
reality. The east and west sides were carried about as
far as Mornington and St. Leonards respectively, in two
nearly straight and parallel lines ; Swan Bay and Swan
Island were missed altogether ; and the graceful curve
of the coast round by Sorrento and Dromana — a curve
most grateful to the eye on a day when sea and sky are
blue, and the silver sands and white cliffs shine in the
clear light — was tortured into a sharp bend. It was
a very rough bit of work.

The fact that an expedition sent out for discovery
purposes, and which named a considerable extent of the
coast-line traversed after the Emperor who had enabled
it to be despatched, had to depend upon a manuscript
accidentally obtained from a captured British merchant
ship for a chart of the principal port in the territory
so flauntingly denominated, hardly calls for comment.
But even when we are in possession of this information,
we are still left in some doubt as to whether the French
had not some sort of a drawing of Port Phillip before they
left Sydney. Otherwise the course pursued by their
commodore after quitting that port is quite unaccount-
able. The following reasons induce that belief.

When Baudin bade an affectionate and grateful farewell
to Governor King at Sydney on November 18, he sailed

io8 TERRE NAPOLEON

direct to King Island, which is situated in Bass Strait,
on the 40th parallel of south latitude, about midway
between the south-east of Cape Otway and the north-
west corner of Tasmania. Le Geographe was accompanied
by Le Naturaliste and the little Casuarina. A camp was
established on the island, which was fully charted.
Baudin had missed it on his former voyage, though he
had sailed within a few miles of it. It will be remembered
that when Flinders conversed with him in Encounter
Bay, and ' inquired concerning a large island said to lie
in the western entrance of Bass Strait,' Baudin said he
had not seen it, ' and seemed to doubt much of its
existence.' x But Flinders found it easily enough, and
spent a little time there before entering Port Phillip.
It was doubtless this inquiry of Flinders that induced
Baudin to mark down on his chart a purely fictitious
island far westward of the actual one, and to inscribe
against it the words, ' it is believed that an island exists
in this latitude.' 2

As Baudin afterwards found the real island, it is curious
that the imaginary one should have been kept upon his
chart ; but there is a reason for that also. While the
French lay at King Island, most of the work done up to
date — geographical, zoological, and other — was collected
and sent back to France on Le Naturaliste ; Le Geographe
and the Casuarina remaining to finish the exploratory
voyage. Le Naturaliste sailed for Europe on December 16,

1 Flinders, Voyage, i. 188.

2 ' On croit qu'il existe une ile par cette latitude.' See the chart, a little
west of Cape Bridgewater (Cap Duquesne).

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 109

and entered the port of Havre on June 6, 1803. Had
Baudin lived to return to France, and to supervise the
completion of the charts, it is most probable that he would
have erased the island which was merely supposed, as
he had since charted the real one ; but Freycinet, not
having been present at the meeting with Flinders, and
knowing nothing of the reason which induced Baudin
to set it down, left it there — a quaint little fragment of
corroboration of the truth of Flinders' narrative of the
Encounter Bay incident.

Now, when at the end of December Le Geographe and
the Casuarina sailed from King Island — the naturalists
having in the interval profitably enjoyed themselves
in collecting plants, insects, and marine specimens — they
made direct for Kangaroo Island, four hundred miles
away, to resume the work which had been commenced in
the gulfs hi the previous April and May. The whole of
the movements of the ships up to this time are to be
read in the printed logs appended to volume iii. of the
Voyage de Decouvertes. Baudin made no call at Port
Phillip, nor did one of his three vessels visit the harbour
either before or after reaching King Island. But by this
time Baudin knew all about the port, and it is surely
difficult to suppose that he would have sailed straight
past it in December unless at length he had it marked on
his rough charts. His officers knew about it too, though
none of them had seen it ; for Captain Hamelin of
Le Naturaliste reported when he reached Paris, that,
as he left King Island, he met and spoke to ' an
English goelette on her way to Port Philips [sic], S.E.

no TERRE NAPOLfiON

coast.' l It was the Cumberland, Lieutenant Charles
Robbins, bound on a mission to be explained later.

It seems reasonable to assume that when Le Naturaliste
sailed for France on December 16, and the two other ships
for Kangaroo Island later in the same month, Baudin
was quite satisfied that he had in his possession as
complete a representation of the whole of the Terre
Napoleon coasts westward to the gulfs, as would justify
him in resuming the work from that situation. Clearly,
then, he obtained a Port Phillip drawing of some kind
before he left Sydney.

From what source could Baudin have obtained such a
chart, however rough and partial ?

Up to the time when he lay at Port Jackson, only two
ships had ever entered Port Phillip. These were the
Lady Nelson, under Murray's command, in February 1802
— the harbour having been discovered in the previous
month — and the Investigator, under Flinders, in April
and May. No other keels had, from the moment of the
discovery until Baudin's vessels finally left these coasts,
breasted the broad expanse of waters at the head of which
the great city of Melbourne now stands. The next
ship to pass the heads was the Cumberland, which, early
in 1803, entered with Surveyor Grimes on board, to make
the first complete survey of the port. But by that time
Baudin was far away. From one or other of the two
available sources, therefore, Baudin must have obtained
a drawing, assuming that he did obtain one in Sydney ;
and if he did not, his sailing past the port, when he had

1 Moniteur, 27 Thermidor.

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS? in

an opportunity of entering it in December, was surely
as extraordinary a piece of wilful negligence as is to be
found in the annals of exploration.

It is possible that Baudin or one of his officers saw
some drawing made on the Lady Nelson. If they saw
one made by Murray himself, it is not likely to have
been a very good one. Murray was not a skilled carto-
grapher. Governor King, who liked him, and wished to
secure promotion for him, had to confess in writing to
the Duke of Portland, that he did not ' possess the
qualities of an astronomer and surveyor,' which was
putting the matter in a very friendly fashion. If a chart
or crude drawing by Murray had been obtained, Freycinet
might still be glad to get the Fame chart which he used.

Both in his book and his correspondence Flinders
mentions having shown charts to Baudin ; and though
the French commodore did not reciprocate by showing
any of his work to Flinders, we may fairly regard that
as due to reluctance to challenge comparisons. Flinders
was without a rival in his generation for the beauty,
completeness, and accuracy of his hydrographical work,
and Captain Baudin's excuses probably sprang from
pride. The reason he gave was that his charts were to
be finished hi Paris. But there was nothing to prevent
his showing the preliminary drawings to Flinders ; and
as a fact he had shown them to King. If Flinders had
had a sight of them he would have detected at a glance
the absence of any indication of Port Phillip. But we
learn from the Moniteur of 27 Thermidor, an xi. (August
15, 1803), which published a progress report of the

112 TERRE NAPOLfiON

expedition, that the charts sent home by Baudin were
very rough. Part of the coast was described as being
' figured assez grossierement et sans details.'

Flinders, it should be explained, did not publish the
chart which he made when he entered Port Phillip with
the Investigator, because by the time when he was pre-
paring his work for publication, a copy of the complete
survey chart made by Grimes had been supplied to
him by the Admiralty. He used Grimes's drawing in
preference to his own — acknowledging the authorship,
of course — because when he found Port Phillip he was
not in a position to examine it thoroughly. His supplies,
after his long voyage, had become depleted, and he could
not delay.

It is most likely that the French learnt of the existence
of Port Phillip from Flinders, though not at all likely
that they were able to obtain a copy of his drawing. If
Baudin got one at all, it must have been Murray's.

Freycinet did not acknowledge on any of his charts
the source whence he obtained his Port Phillip drawing.
Obviously, it would have been honest to do so. All he
did was to insert two lines at the bottom of the page in
that part of volume iii. dealing with navigation details,
where very few readers would observe the reference.

There remains the question : Why did General Decaen
keep Flinders' third log-book when restoring to him all
his other papers ? The reason suggested by Flinders
himself is probably the right one : that the governor
retained it in order that he might be better able to
justify himself to Napoleon in case he was blamed for

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 113

disregarding the passport. He ' did not choose to have
his accusations disproved by the production either of
the original or of an authenticated copy.' It is difficult
to see what other motive Decaen can have had. The
sheer cantankerous desire to annoy and injure a man
who had angered him can hardly have been so strong
within him as even to cause a disregard of the common
proprietary rights of his prisoner. The book could have
been of no use to Decaen for any other purpose. Its
contents had no bearing on the Terre Napoleon coasts,
as they related to a period subsequent to Flinders'
voyage there. Doubtless the book showed why the
Cumberland called at Mauritius, but the reason for that
was palpable. The idea that a leaky twenty-nine ton
schooner, with her pumps out of gear, could have put
into Port Louis with any aggressive intent against the
great French nation, which had a powerful squadron
under Admiral Linois in the Indian Ocean, was too absurd
for consideration. But Decaen was plainly hunting for
reasons for detaining Flinders, and it is possible that he
found a shred of justification in the despatches which
the Cumberland was carrying from Governor King to the
British Government ; though the protracted character
of the imprisonment, after every other member of the
ship's company had been set free, cannot have been due
to that motive.

It is most probable that representations made to
Decaen by Peron, before Le Geographe sailed, had an effect
upon the mind of the governor which induced him to
regard any ship flying the British flag as an enemy to

H4 TERRE NAPOLfiON

French policy. Peron, from what he had seen of the
growth of Port Jackson, and from the prompt audacity
and pugnacious assertiveness of an incident which
occurred at King Island — to be described in the ninth
chapter — had conceived an inflated idea of the enormity
of British pretensions in the southern hemisphere. He
was convinced that, using the Sydney settlement as a
base of operations, the British intended to dominate the
whole Pacific Ocean, even to the degree of menacing the
Spanish colonies of South America. On 2oth Frimaire,
an xii. (December n, 1803), four days before Le
Geographe sailed from the island, Peron set his views on
paper in a report to Decaen, stating that his interviews
with officers, magistrates, clergymen, and other classes of
people in Sydney, had convinced him that his anticipa-
tions were well founded. He pointed out that already
the English were extending their operations to the
Sandwich, Friendly, Society, Navigator, and other
islands of the South Pacific ; that at Norfolk Island
they had a colony of between fifteen hundred and sixteen
hundred people, and found its timber to be of great
value for shipbuilding ; and that gradually the British
Government, by extending their military posts and
trading stations across the ocean, would sooner or later
establish themselves within striking distance of Chili
and Peru.1 Peron pointed to the political insecurity of

1 Peron's report to General Decaen is given in M. Henri Prentout's valu-
able treatise, Vile de France sous Decaen, 1803-10; essai sur la politiqut
coloniale du premier empire, Paris, 1901, p. 380. M. Prentout's book is
extremely fair, and, based as it is mainly upon the voluminous papers of
General Decaen, preserved in his native town of Caen, is authoritative.

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 115

the Spanish-American colonies, and predicted that the
outbreak of revolution in them, possibly with the con-
nivance of the English, would further the deep designs
of that absorbent and dominating nation.1

Decaen was pondering over Peron's inflammatory
memorandum when the lame little Cumberland staggered
into Port Louis. Here, a victim ready to hand, was one
of the instruments of the extension of British dominion,
the foremost explorer in the service of the British Crown.
True, Flinders had a passport from the French Govern-
ment, but it was made out, not for the Cumberland but
for the Investigator. To take advantage of such a point,
when the Investigator had had to be abandoned as un-
seaworthy, was manifestly to seize the flimsiest pretext
for imprisoning the man whom the winds and waves
had brought within his power.2 But Decaen was in the
temper for regarding the English navigator as a spy, and
he imprisoned him first and looked for evidence to justify
himself afterwards. He had just read Peron's report ;
and 'it was not unnatural,' says a learned French historian
somewhat naively, ' that the Captain-General should
attribute to the English savant the intention of playing
at Port Louis the role that our naturalist had played at
Port Jackson.'3 The imputation is unjust to Peron,
who had not ' spied ' in Port Jackson, because the English
there had manifested no disposition to conceal. Nothing

1 A French author of later date, Pr£vost-Paradol (La France Nouvelle,
published in 1868), predicted that some day 'a new Monroe doctrine would
forbid old Europe, in the name of the United States of Australia, to put foot
upon an isle of the Pacific.'

a ' C'etait une chicane,' says M. Henri Prentout, p. 382. * Ibid

n6 TERRE NAPOLfiON

that he reported was what the Government had wished
him not to see ; they had helped him to see all that he
desired ; and his preposterous political inferences, though
devoid of foundation, hardly amounted to a positive
breach of hospitality. Besides, had Decaen feared that
the release of Flinders would be dangerous because he
might report the weak state of the defences of the island,
the same would have applied to the liberation of the
junior officers and men of the Cumberland. They, how-
ever, were permitted to return to England after a brief
period of detention.

Decaen also alleged that Flinders was personally rude
to him in presenting himself before him ' le chapeau sur
la tete.' Flinders was undoubtedly smarting under a
sense of wrong at the time, but discourtesy was by
no means a feature of his character ; and to imprison
a man for six and a half years for not taking his hat
off would have been queer conduct from a son of the
Revolution !

But Decaen's reasons for his treatment of his captive
were not consistent with themselves. He gave quite
another set in a report to his Government, alleging
that the detention of Flinders was justified as a measure
of reprisals on account of the action of the English at
Pondicherry and the Cape ; and, entirely in the manner
of a man looking for a shred of justification for doing the
unjustifiable, he alleged that vigorous aggressive action
on his part was necessary, because it was evident to him
that the English meant to absorb the whole commerce of
the Indian Ocean, the Pacific, and the China Sea, basing

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS ? 117

his statements on the report of Peron, of which he sent
a copy to Paris. Not only did he represent that the
British intended to annihilate French power in India,
and supplant Spanish authority in South America, but
he regarded their repeated visits to Timor, their action in
regard to Java in 1798, and their establishment at Penang,
off the Malay Peninsular, as clear evidence that the
' greedy and devouring jaws ' of the English lion were
ready to swallow the Dutch East Indies likewise. How
these nefarious designs afforded a reason for imprisoning
Matthew Flinders is not apparent ; but Decaen was
pleading for the despatch of troops to enable him to
make an effective attack upon the English in India,1
and he seemed to suppose that the holding up of the
explorer would give satisfaction in Paris, and further
the accomplishment of his plans.

In October 1810, only three months after the liberation
of Flinders, the Isle of France was closely blocaded by
a British squadron under Vice-Admiral Bertie. In
December, General Decaen agreed to capitulate, and
Major-General Abercromby took possession of the island,
which has ever since been a British dependency. It is
unfortunate that the British officers did not at this time
remember that Decaen had kept Flinders' third log-
book. He had written to Vice-Admiral Bertie from the
Cape of Good Hope, in July 1810, requesting that ' if
any occurrences should put General Decaen within his
power,' he would demand the volume from him. But
the request was overlooked, ' in the tumult of events/

1 Prentout, p. 383.

n8 TERRE NAPOLfiON

when the capitulation took place.1 It is, however,
significant of the honour in which naval men held the
intrepid navigator, that after the capitulation the
British officers refused to dine with Decaen, on account
of his treatment of Flinders.2 It was not the first time
that gentlemen wearing the naval uniform of England
had refused to eat at his table.

On January 6, 1811, a French schooner was captured
bearing despatches from France. Amongst them was a
despatch informing Decaen that Napoleon had super-
seded him in the governorship.3 Before he could obey
the summons to France, the British had captured the
island and sent him home. It is scarcely likely that the
Emperor's order of recall was due to disapproval of
Decaen's conduct in continuing Flinders' imprisonment
after the French Government had ordered his release,
although there is in existence a decree signed by Napoleon,
dated March n, 1806, ' authorising the Minister of
Marine to restore his ship to Captain Flinders of the
English schooner Cumberland.'* As Flinders was not
released till July 1810, Decaen certainly did disregard the
Emperor's command for three years — from July 1807,

1 Flinders, letter to the Admiralty, in Historical Records of New South
Wales, vii. 529.

2 Souvenirs (fun vieux colon, quoted by Prentout, p. 660.
1 Naval Chronicle, vol. xxv. 337.

4 The document is in the Archives Nationales, Paris (AP. iv. pi. 1260,
n. 47). The author is indebted for this fact to Dr. Charles Schmidt, the
archivist at the Archives Nationales, through the courtesy of Mr. F. M.
Bladen, of the Public Library, Sydney. Dr. Schmidt has also supplied the
information that this is ' the only document concerning Captain Flinders in
our possession. ' 'Concerning the voyages of Peron and Freycinet, I have
found nothing in the Archives,' he adds.

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS? 119

when the decree was received by him, though it is to be
remembered that he restored the trunk of papers in the
very next month (August). But Napoleon had signified
to Decaen's aide-de-camp, Barois — who was sent to
France in 1804 with special instructions to mention the
Flinders affair to the Emperor — that he approved of what
the general had done ; 1 and Napoleon was scarcely likely
to be gravely concerned about the calamities of an
Erglish sea captain at that particular time. It is true
thit between 1804 and the release, Sir Joseph Banks and
otr.er influential men in the world of learning had been
active in urging the liberation of the navigator. The
venerable Bougainville was one of these. It is also true
thit Napoleon prided himself on his interest in scientific
work. But Decaen had been a good servant, placed in a
dificult situation, where there was much responsibility
and little glory to be won ; and even if the Emperor had
fel: annoyed at the disregard of orders, the matter did
not affect his major lines of policy, and Decaen was safe
in reckoning that the Imperial displeasure would not
be severely displayed. But why he risked giving offence
:o Napoleon at all by the disregard of orders, there is,
it would seem, nothing in Decaen's papers to show.
M. Prentout, who has studied them carefully, is driven
back on the suggestion that the prolongation of the
captivity was due to ' entetement ' — stubbornness.
But it cost the administration four hundred and fifty
francs per month to maintain Flinders,2 and it seems

1 Prentout, p. 393. 'Napoleon parut approuver les raisons que Barois
kvoquait pour justifier la conduite de Decaen.' 2 Prentout, p. 382.

TERRE NAPOL£ON

improbable, when the finances of the island were difficult
to adjust and severe economies were enforced, that
Decaen, an economical man, would have kept up this
expense year after year, disregarding alike the protests
of the prisoner, the demands of Lord Wellesley and
Admiral Pellew, and later, the direct orders of the
French Government, unless some influence v/ere at work
and some practical interest furnished a motive. Ihe
obstinacy of Decaen is not a sufficient reason. We
know, however, that it suited Freycinet very well to hrve
Flinders detained till he could get his own charts reaiy,
and that his atlas was precipitately published in the frst
instance. The connection between these occurrences
and Decaen's cruel perversity must, in the absence of
clear proof, be bridged by inference, if at all.

Napoleon was, however, a soldier after all — much else
as well, but a soldier first and foremost ; and so vas
Decaen. When the general returned to France, his
Imperial master had urgent need for stern, stubborn,
fighting men of his type. He submitted to a court-
martial 1 in reference to the surrender of Mauritius, but
was exonerated. The discretion that he had exercisec
in not obeying the decree for the liberation of Flinders
was evidently not made the ground of serious complain:
against him, for in 1813 we find him commanding the
army of Catalonia, participating gallantly in the cam-
paign of the Pyrenees, and distinguishing himself at
Barcelona under Marshal Suchet. For this service h;
was made a Comte of the Empire. When Napoleon

1 ' Un conseil d'enquete ' (Biographic Universelle, x. 248).

•

GENERAL CHARLES DECAEN

AFTER THE PORTRAIT IN THE LIBRARY AT CAEN

DID THE FRENCH USE FLINDERS' CHARTS? 121

was banished to Elba the Comte Decaen donned the
white cockade, and took service under Louis xvni., but
on the return of his old master he, like Ney and some
other of the tough warriors of the First Empire, forswore
his fidelity to the Bourbons. He was one of the generals
left to guard the southern frontiers of France while
Napoleon played his last stake for dominion in the
terrific war game that ended with the cataclysm of
Waterloo. That event terminated Decaen's military
course. For a while he was imprisoned, but his life
was not taken, as was that of the gallant Ney; and in
a few months he was liberated at the instance of the
Duchesse d'AngoulSme. Thenceforth he lived a colour-
less, quiet, penurious life in the vicinity of his native
Caen, regretting not at all, one fancies, the ruin of the
useful career of the enterprising English navigator.
His poverty was honourable, for he had handled large
funds during the Consulate and Empire ; and there is
probably as much sincerity as pathos in what he said to
Soult and Gouvion-Saint-Cyr in his declining days, that
nothing remained to him after thirty years of honourable
service and the occupancy of high offices, except the
satisfaction of having at all times done his duty. He
died in 1832. His official papers fill no fewer than one
hundred and forty-nine volumes and are preserved in
the library of the ancient Norman city whose name he
bore as his own.

122 TERRE NAPOL£ON

CHAPTER VI

THE MOTIVES OF BONAPARTE

Did Bonaparte desire to establish French colonial dominions in
Australia ? — The case stated.

WE will now turn to quite another aspect of the
Terre Napoleon story, and one which to many
readers will be more fruitful in interest. An
investigation of the work of Baudin's expedition on the
particular stretch of coast to which was applied the name
of the most potent personage in modern history has
necessarily demanded close application to geographical
details, and a minute scrutiny of claims and occur-
rences. We enter into a wider historical realm when we
begin to consider the motives which led Bonaparte to
despatch the expedition of 1800-4. Here we are no longer
confined to shores which, at the time when we are con-
cerned with them, were the abode of desolation and the
nursery of a solitude uninterrupted for untallied ages,
save by the screams of innumerable sea-birds, or, occasion-
ally, here and there, by the corroboree cries of naked
savages, whose kitchen-middens, feet thick with shells,
still betray the places where they feasted.

We wish to know why Bonaparte, who had overturned
the Directory by the audacity of Brumaire and hoisted

THE MOTIVES OF BONAPARTE 123

himself into the dominating position of First Consul
in the year before Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste were
sent to the South Seas, authorised the undertaking of
that enterprise. Was it what it purported to be, an
expedition of exploration, or was it a move in a cunning
game of state-craft by a player whose board, as some
would have us believe, was the whole planet ? Had
Bonaparte, so soon after ascending to supremacy in the
Government of France, already conceived the dazzling
dream of a vast world-empire acknowledging his sway,
and was this a step towards the achievement of it ? If
not that, was he desirous by this means of striking a blow
at the prestige of Great Britain, whose hero Nelson had
smashed his fleet at the Nile two years before ? Or had
he ideals in the direction of establishing French colonial
dominions in southern latitudes, and did he desire to
obtain accurate information as to where the tricolour
might most advantageously be planted ? It ought to
be possible, out of the copious store of available material
relative to Napoleon's era, to form a sound opinion on this
fascinating subject. But we had better resolve to have
the material before we do formulate a conclusion, and not
jump to one regardless of evidence, or the lack of it.

In this inquiry very little assistance is given to the
student by those classical historians of the period to
whose voluminous writings reference might naturally be
made. There is not, for example, the slightest allusion to
Baudin's expedition or the Terre Napoleon incidents in
Thiers' twenty-tomed Histoire du Consulat et de I' Empire ;
nor can the reader get much assistance from consulting

124 TERRE NAPOLEON

many British works on the same epoch. An endeavour
has, however, been made to set the facts in their right
perspective, by a brilliant contemporary English historian,
Dr. John Holland Rose, somewhat curtly in his Revolu-
tionary and Napoleonic Era, but more fully in his Life of
Napoleon.1 The present writer, after an independent
study of the facts, is unable to share Dr. Holland Rose's
view, as will presently appear ; but the desire being
less to urge an opinion than to present the case in its
true relations, it will be convenient to state Dr. Rose's
presentment of it before proceeding to look at it from
other aspects.

' The unknown continent of Australia,' says the
historian, ' appealed to Napoleon's imagination, which
pictured its solitudes transformed by French energy into
a second fatherland.' Bonaparte had ' early turned his
eyes to that land.' He took a copy of Cook's voyages
with him to Egypt, and no sooner was he firmly installed
as First Consul, than he ' planned with the Institute of
France a great French expedition to New Holland.'
It is represented that the Terre Napoleon maps show that
' under the guise of being an emissary of civilisation,
Commodore Baudin was prepared to claim half the
continent for France.' * Indeed, his inquiry ' about the

1 Life of Napoleon, i. 379-383. Still later, in his lecture on ' England's
Commercial Struggle with Napoleon,' included in the Lectures on the Nine-
teenth Century, edited by F. A. Kirkpatrick (1908), Dr. Holland Rose
pursues the same theme.

2 Ibid., p. 381. The Terre Napoleon region is far from being half the
continent of Australia, if that be what Dr. Holland Rose's words mean.
One observes, by the way, a tendency on the part of English writers to use
very small maps when speaking of the size of things in Australia.

THE MOTIVES OF BONAPARTE 125

extent of British claims on the Pacific coast was so
significant as to elicit from Governor King the reply
that the whole of Van Diemen's Land and of the coast
from Cape Howe on the south of the mainland to Cape
York on the north, was British territory.' The facts
relative to the awakening of suspicion in Governor
King's mind — to be discussed hereafter — are likewise
stated ; together with those affecting the settlements
of Hobart and Port Phillip ; and it is concluded that
' the plans of Napoleon for the aquisition of Van Diemen's
Land and the middle of Australia, had an effect like that
which the ambition of Montcalm, Dupleix, Lally, and
Perron has exerted on the ultimate destiny of many a
vast and fertile territory.' l

These passages submit with definiteness the view that
Bonaparte, in 1800, despatched Baudin's ships from
motives of political policy. He had ' plans ' for the
acquisition of territory in Australia ; he wished to found
a ' second fatherland ' for the French ; Baudin was
' prepared to claim half the continent for France.' Now,
the reader who turns to Dr. Holland Rose's book 2 for

1 Ibid., p. 382. One or two errors of fact may as well be indicated.
Murray's discovery of Port Phillip was made in 1802, not in 1801, as stated
on p. 380 of the Life of Napoleon ; the title of Flinders' book was not ' A
Voyage of Discovery to the Australian Isles' (p. 381), but A Voyage to Terra
Australis ; Bass, the discoverer of the Strait bearing his name, was not a
lieutenant (p. 380), but a surgeon on H.M.S. Reliance. The Freycinet
Peninsular, the French name of which is mentioned as being ' still retained '
(p. 381), is not, it should be understood, on the Terre Napoleon coast at
all, but in Eastern Tasmania. Dr. Rose's error as to the retention of other
French names has been dealt with in Chapter IV.

2 He who turns to it without reading it through will miss an opulent
source of profit and pleasure.

126 TERRE NAPOLfiON

references to proofs of these statements, will be dis-
appointed. The learned author, who is usually liberal
in his citation of authorities, here confines himself to
the Voyage de Decouvertes of Peron and Freycinet, the
Voyage of Flinders, and the collection of documents in
the seven volumes of the Historical Records of New South
Wales — all works of first-class importance, but none of
them bearing out the broad general statements as to the
First Consul's plans and intentions. Not a scrap of
evidence is adduced from memoirs, letters, or state
papers. To represent Napoleon as obsessed with mag-
nificent ideas of universal dominion, scanning, like
Milton's Satan from the mountain height, the immensity
of many realms, and aspiring to rule them all — to do
this is to present an enthralling picture, inflaming the
imagination of the reader ; and, perhaps, of the writer
too. But we must beware of drawing an inference
and painting it to look like a fact ; we must regard
historical data through the clear white glass of criticism,
not through the coloured window of a gorgeous
generalisation.

The remainder of our task, then, shall be devoted to
examining the origins of Baudin's expedition. We will
inquire into the instructions given to the commander ; we
will follow his vessels with a careful eye to any incidents
that may point to ulterior political purposes ; we will
have regard to the suspicions engendered at the time,
how far they were justifiable, and what consequences
followed from them ; we will search for motives ;
and we will look at what the expedition did, in case

THE MOTIVES OF BONAPARTE

127

there should by any chance thereby be disclosed any
hint of an aspiration towards territorial acquisition.
We will try to regard the evidence as a whole, the object
being — as the object of all honest historical inquiry
must be — to ascertain the truth about it, freed from
those jealousies and prejudices which, so freely deposited
at the time, tend to consolidate and petrify until, as
with the guano massed hard on islets in Australasian
seas, it is difficult to get at the solid rock beneath for
the accretions upon it, and sometimes not easy to dis-
criminate rock from accretion.

128 TERRE NAPOLfiON

CHAPTER VII

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION

Baudin's one of a series of French expeditions — The building up
of the map of Australia — Early map-makers — Terra Australis —
Dutch navigators — Emmerie Mollineux's map — Tasman and
Dampier — The Petites Lettres of Maupertuis — De Brosses and
his Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes — French
voyages that originated from it — Bougainville ; Marion-
Dufresne ; La Perouse ; Bruni Dentrecasteaux — Voyages sub-
sequent to Baudin's — The object of the voyages scientific and
exploratory — The Institute of France and its proposition —
Received by Bonaparte with interest — Bonaparte's interest in
geography and travel — His authorisation of the expedition —
The Committee of the Institute and their instructions — Fitting
out of the expedition — Le Gtographe and Le Naturaliste — The
staff — Frangois Peron — Captain Nicolas Baudin.

FRENCH interest in southern exploration did
not commence nor did it cease with the
expedition of 1800-4. We fall into a radical
error if we regard that as an isolated endeavour. It
was, in truth, a link in a chain : one of a series of efforts
made by the French to solve what was, during the
eighteenth century, a problem with which the scientific
intellect of Europe was much concerned.

The tardy and piecemeal fashion in which defmiteness
was given to southern latitudes on the map of the world
makes a curious chapter in the history of geographical
research. After the ships of Magellan and Drake had

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 129

circumnavigated the globe, and a very large part of
America had been mapped, there still lay, south of the
tracks of those adventurers who rounded the Horn
and breasted the Pacific, a region that remained un-
known— a Terra Australis, Great Southern Continent,
or Terra Incognita as it was vaguely and variously
termed. Map-makers, having no certain data concerning
this vast unchartered area, commonly sprawled across the
extremity of the southern hemisphere a purely fanciful
outline of imaginary land. Terra Australis was the
playground of the cartographers of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. They seemed to abhor blank
spaces. Some of the most beautiful of the old maps
make the oceans busy with spouting whales, sportive
dolphins, and galleons with bellying sails ; but what
to do with the great staring expanse of vacancy at the
bottom their authors did not know. So they drew a
crooked line across the map to represent land, and stuck
upon it the label Terra Australis, or one of the other
designations just mentioned. The configuration of the
territory on different maps did not agree, and not one
of them signified a coast with anything like the form
of the real Great Southern Continent.

To the period of fancy succeeded that of patchwork.
Came the Dutch, often blown out of their true course
from the Cape of Good Hope to the Spice Islands, and
stumbling upon the shores of Western Australia. To
some such accident we probably owe the piece of improved
cartography shown upon Emmerie Mollineux's map,
which Hakluyt inserted in some copies of the second
i

130 TERRE NAPOLEON

edition of his Principal Navigations, and which Shake-
speare is supposed to have had in mind when, in a merry
scene in Twelfth Night, he made Maria say of Malvolio
in. ii. 85) : ' He does smile his face into more lines than
is in the new map with the augmentation of the Indies.' l
This map marks an improvement, in the sense that an
approach to the truth, probably founded on actual ob-
servation, is an improvement on a large, comprehensive
piece of guess work. Emmerie Mollineux expunged the
imaginary region, and substituted a small tongue of land,
shaped like a thimble. It was doubtless copied from
some Dutch chart ; and though we must not look for
precision of outline at so early a date, it is sufficient
to show that some navigator had seen, hereabouts, a
real piece of Australia, and had made a note of what it
looked like. It is not much, but, rightly regarded, it is
like the first gleam of light on the dark sky where the
dawn is to paint its radiance.

English Dampier (1686-88, and 1699-1701) and Dutch
Tasman (1642-44) made the most substantial contribu-
tions to the world's knowledge of the true form of
Australia to be credited to any individual navigators
before the coming of Cook, the greatest of all.

1 See Mr. Charles Coote's paper in Transactions of New Shakespeare
Society, 1877-79. He read the phrase 'augmentation of the Indies,' as refer-
ring to this and some other additions to the map of the world, now for the
first time shown. In those days, of course, ' the Indies ' meant pretty well
everything out of Europe, including America. It is curious that Flinders
called the aboriginals whom he saw in Port Phillip ' Indians.' Probably all
coloured peoples were ' Indians ' to seamen even so late as his day. There
is a fine copy of the map referred to in vol. i. of the 1903 edition of Hakluyt,
edited by Prof. Walter Raleigh.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 131

It is very strange that so long a period as a century and
a half should have been allowed to lapse between Tasman's
very remarkable voyage and Flinders' completion of the
outline of Australia, and that three-quarters of a century
should have separated the explorations of Dampier and
Cook. Here, crooned over by her great gum forests,
baring her broad breast of plains to the sun and moon,
lay a land holding within her immense solitudes un-
imaginable wealth ; genial in climate, rich in soil, abound-
ing in mineral treasures, fit to be a home for happy,
industrious millions. Yet, while avarice and enterprise
schemed and fought for the west and the east, this
treasury of the south remained unsolicited. It is not
for us to regret that Australia was left for a race that
knew how to woo her with affection and to conquer her
with their science and their will, yet we can but wonder
that fortune should have been so tardy and so reticent
in disclosing a fifth division of the globe.

While this piecing together of the outline of the con-
tinent was proceeding, speculation was naturally rife
among men of science as to what countries southern
latitudes contained, and what their capabilities were.
It was essentially a scientific problem awaiting solution ;
and it is not surprising that the French, quick-brained,
inquisitive, eager in pursuit of ideas, should have been
active in this field.

Their intellectual concern with South Sea discovery
may be said to date from the publication of the Petites
Lettres of Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis. He was,
like some of whom Browning has written, a ' person of

I32 TERRE NAPOLEON

some importance in his day,' and his writings on physics
are still mentioned with respect in works devoted to the
history of science. But he is perhaps chiefly remembered
as the savant whom Frederick the Great attracted to his
court during a period of aloofness from the scintillating
Voltaire, and who consequently became a writhing
target for the jealous ridicule of that waspish wit. Poor
Maupertuis, unhappy in his exit from life, would appear
to have been restless after it, for his ghost is averred to
have stalked in the hall of the Academy of Berlin, and
to have been seen by a brother professor there, the
remarkable phenomenon being solemnly recorded in the
Transactions of that learned body.1 But of far more
practical importance than the appearance of his perturbed
shade, was the effect of his Petites Lettres, which suggested
twelve projects for the advancement of knowledge, one
of which was the promotion of discovery in the southern
hemisphere.

Shortly after its publication, Maupertuis' proposition
was discussed by a society of accomplished students
meeting at Dijon, the ancient capital of Burgundy. A
member of the Society to whom much deference was
paid, was Charles de Brosses, lawyer, scholar, and
President of the Parlement of the Province.2 De Brosses
was an industrious student and writer, the translator of
Sallust into French, and author of several valuable
historical and philological works, including a number of

1 See Sir Walter Scott's Dtmonology and Witchcraft, Letter I.
8 The local parliaments were abolished in the reign of Louis xv., re-
nstated by Louis xvi., and finally swept away in the stormy demolition of
ancient institutions to make ground for the constitution of 1791.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 133

learned papers which may be read — or not — in the stout
calf -bound quartos enshrining the records of the Academy
of Inscriptions.1 He was also Voltaire's landlord at
Tournay, and had a quarrel with him about a matter of
firewood ; but De Brasses was a lawyer, whilst Voltaire
was only a philosopher and a poet, so that of course the
result was ' qu'il enrage d' avoir enfin a payer.' 2

The discussion at Dijon was more fruitful in results
than such colloquies usually are. De Brasses was
especially struck with the utility of exploration in southern
seas, and considered that the French nation should take
the lead in such an endeavour. He spoke for a full hour
in support of this particular suggestion of Maupertuis,
and when he had finished his fellow-members assured
him that what he had advanced was so novel and interest-
ing that he would do well to expand his ideas into an
essay, to be read at the next meeting. De Brasses did
more : for he wrote two solid quarto volumes, published
at Paris in 1756 — ' avec approbation et privilege du Roy,'
as the title page says — in which he related all that he
could learn about previous voyages to the south, and
pointed out, with generous amplitude, in limpid, fluent
French, the desirableness of pursuing further discoveries
there. Incidentally he coined a useful word : to Monsieur

1 His papers in that regiment of tomes range over a period of fifty years,
from 1746 to 1796. They deal chiefly with Roman history, and especially
with points suggested by the author's profound study of Sallust. Gibbon
pays De Brosses the compliment of quoting two of his works, and com-
mends his 'singular diligence,' with emphasis on the adjective. (See
Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire^ Bury's edition, iv. 37,
and vii. 168.)

3 Lanson's Voltaire, p. 139.

134 TERRE NAPOLfiON

le President Charles de Brasses we owe the name
' Australasia.' l

A work written over one hundred and fifty years ago,
recommending a project long since completed, can hardly
be expected to be full of living interest. Yet this book
of De Brasses, apart from the research which it evinced,
was infused with a large, humane spirit that lifted it
high above the level of a prospectus. The author had
a sense of patriotism that looked beyond the aggrandise-
ment that might accrue from extensive acquisitions, to
the ideal of spreading French civilisation as a beneficent
force. He wished his country to share in a great work
of discovery that would redound to its glory as well as
to its influence. Glory, he wrote, in a fine piece of French
prose, is the dominant passion of kings ; but their common
and inveterate error is to search for it in war — that is to
say, hi the reciprocal misfortunes of their subjects and
their neighbours. But there never is any true glory for
them unless the happiness of nations is the object of
their enterprises. In the task which he recommended,
the grandeur of the object was joined to utility. To
augment the lands known to civilised mankind by a new
world, and to enrich the old world with the natural pro-

1 De Brosses, Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, i. 426 and
ii. 367. Max Miiller, in his Lectures on the Origin of Religion, p. 59,
stated that De Brosses coined three valuable words, 'fetishism,' 'Polynesia,'
and 'Australia.' He certainly did not originate the word Australia, which
does not occur anywhere in his book. Quiros, in 1606, named one of the
islands of the New Hebrides group Austrialia del Espiritu Santo, though he
seems to have done so in compliment to Philip in., who ruled Austria as
well as Spain (see Markham, Voyages of Quiros, vol. i. p. xxx (Hakluyt
Society)). ' Australasia ' was De Brosses' new name for a broad division of
the globe. He derived it from the Latin austral:'s = southern + Asia.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 135

ducts of the new — this would be the effect of the fresh
discoveries that he anticipated. What comparison could
there be between such a project and the conquest — it
might be the unjust conquest — of some ravaged piece
of territory, of two or three fortresses battered by cannon
and acquired by the massacre, the ruin, the desolation,
and the regrets of the vanquished people ; bought, too,
at a price a hundred times greater than would suffice
for the entire voyage of discovery proposed. He pointed
out that the task could only be taken in hand by a
government ; it was too large for individuals. But
the result was certain. In truth, to succeed in the
complete discovery of the Terres Australes, it was not
necessary to have any other end in view than success :
it was simply necessary to employ proper means and
sufficient forces.

De Brosses discussed the probably most advantageous
situation for settlement in the South Seas, though in
doing so he was hampered by insufficient knowledge.
Relying upon the reports of Tasman, he considered
New Zealand and ' la terre de Diemen ' — that is, Tas-
mania— too distant and too little known for an experi-
ment ; whilst the narratives of Dampier did not make
those parts of New Holland that he had visited — the
west and north of Australia — appear attractive. On the
whole, he favoured the island to the east of Papua —
New Guinea — known as New Britain (now New Pome-
rania), and the Austrialia del Espiritu Santo of the
Spanish navigator Quiros as very suitable. It is interest-
ing to note that the present French settlements in the

136 TERRE NAPOL&ON

New Hebrides embrace the latter island, whilst their
possessions in the New Caledonia group are quite close ;
so that ultimately they have planted themselves on the
very spot which a century and a half ago the savant
of Dijon considered best fitted for them. De Brosses
admitted that the establishment of such settlements as
he recommended would not be the work of a day. Great
enterprises require great efforts. It is for individuals
to measure years, he loftily said ; nations calculate by
centuries. Powerful peoples must take extended views
of things ; and kings, as their chiefs, animated by the
desire of glory and the love of country and of humanity,
ought to consider themselves as personalities persisting
always, and working for eternity.1

The elevated tone of De Brosses' book was calculated
to make a telling appeal to the French nation, with their
love of eclat and their ready receptivity. It was made,
too, in the age of Voltaire, when the great man was living
at Lausanne ; and when, too, another of equally enduring
fame, Edward Gibbon, was, in the same neighbourhood,
polishing those balanced periods in which he has related
the degeneracy of the successors of the Caesars. It was
an age of intellectual ferment. Rousseau was writing his
Control Social (1760), the Encyclopedic was leavening
Gallic thought. There was a particular proneness to
accept fresh ideas ; a new sense of national consciousness
was awakening.
The effect of the President's work was almost immediate.

1 The passages summarised are to be found in De Brosses, i. 4, 8, u, 19;
and ii. 368, 380, and 383.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 137

De Brosses published it in 1756 ; and in 1766 Louis de
Bougainville sailed from France in command of La
Boudeuse and L'£toile on a voyage around the world.1
A eulogy pronounced on De Brosses before the Academy
of Inscriptions by Dupuy2 hardly put the case too
strongly when it was said that before he died he had
the satisfaction to see in Europe men animated by his
spirit, who had gone forth, braving the risks of a long
voyage, to make discoveries ; though the prophecy that
centuries to come would doubtless count to his glory
the achievements of navigators has not been verified.
The world is perhaps too little inclined to accord to him
who promulgates an idea the praise readily bestowed
upon those who realise it.

Bougainville discovered the Navigator Islands, re-
discovered the Solomon group, and was only just fore-
stalled by the Englishman, Wallis, in the discovery of
Tahiti. He produced a book of travel which may be
read with scarcely less interest than the wonderful work
of his contemporary, Cook.

The voyage of Nicholas Marion-Dufresne (1771)
differed from the other French expeditions of the series
in that one of the ships belonged to the commander, and
part of the cost was sustained by him. He was fired
by a passion for exploration, which led him to propose
that he should take out his vessel, Le Mascurin, in
company with a ship of the navy, and that a grant should

1 See the Voyage du Monde par la fregate du Roi La Boudeuse et la fltite
l?£toile en 1766-7-8-9, by Louis de Bougainville, Paris, 1771.

2 Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions, xlii. 177.

138 TERRE NAPOLfiON

be made to him from the public funds. The French
Government acquiesced, and gave him Le Marquis de
Castries. He did some exploring in southern Tasmania,
but his career was cut short in New Zealand, where, in
the Bay of Islands, he was killed and eaten by Maories
in 1772. l One of the objects of the voyage was to take
back to Tahiti a native woman, Aontouron, who had
been brought to Paris by Bougainville to be shown at the
court of Louis xv. ; but she died of smallpox en route.

Again, in 1785, the expedition commanded by the ill-
fated La Perouse sailed from France on a discovery
voyage.2 The appearance of his two ships, La Boussole
and L' Astrolabe, in Port Jackson only a fortnight after
Governor Phillip had landed in Botany Bay to establish
the first British settlement in Australia, was an event not
less surprising to the governor than to La Perouse, who
had left France before colonisation was intended by the
English Government, though he heard of it in the course
of the voyage. The French navigator remained in the
harbour from February 23 to March 10 (1788), on excellent
terms with Phillip ; and then, sailing away to pursue his
discoveries, ' vanished trackless into blue immensity, and
only some mournful mysterious shadow of him hovered
long in all heads and hearts.' His remark to Captain
King, ' Mr. Cook has done so much that he has left me
nothing to do but admire his work,' indicated the generous
candour of his disposition. His fate after he sailed from

1 Rochon, Nouveau Voyage a la Mtr du Sud, Paris, 1 783.

2 See the Voyage de la Perouse, redige par M. L. A. Milet-Mureau, vol. i.,
Paris, 1797.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 139

Sydney remained a mystery for forty years. Flinders, on
his voyage inside the Barrier Reef in 1802, kept a look-
out for wreckage that might afford a key to the problem.
He wrote : ' The French navigator La PeYouse, whose
unfortunate situation, if in existence, was always present
to my mind, had been wrecked, as it was thought, some-
where in the neighbourhood of New Caledonia ; and if so
the remnants of his ships were likely to be brought upon
this coast by the trade winds, and might indicate the
situation of the reef or island which had proved so fatal
to him. With such an indication, I was led to believe in
the possibility of finding the place ; and though the
hope of restoring La Perouse or any of his companions
to their country and friends could not, after so many
years, be rationally entertained, yet to gain some
knowledge of their fate would do away with the pain
of suspense, and it might not be too late to retrieve
some documents of their discoveries/ l The vigilance
of Flinders to this end indicates the fascination which
the mysterious fate of the French mariner had for
seamen, until doubts were finally set at rest in 1827,
when one of the East India Company's ships, under
Captain Dillon, found at Manicolo, in the New Hebrides,
traces of the wreckage of the vessels of La Perouse.
Native tradition enabled the history of the end of the
expedition to be ascertained. The French ships, on a
dark and stormy night, were both driven on the reef,
and soon pounded to match-wood. A few of the sailors
got ashore, but most were drowned ; and the bulk of

1 Flinders, Voyage, ii. 48.

140 TERRE NAPOLfiON

the remainder were lost in an unsuccessful attempt to
make for civilised regions from the coral isolation of
Manicolo. A monument to the memory of the gallant
La Perouse, on the coast a few miles from Sydney, now
fronts the Pacific whose winds wafted him to his doom,
and beneath whose waters he found his grave.

The next link in the chain was furnished by the ex-
pedition commanded by Bruni Dentrecasteaux, who,
while the hurricane of the Revolution was raging, was
despatched (1791) to search for La Perouse. He made
important discoveries on his own account,1 both on the
mainland of Australia and in Tasmania; and though
he found no trace of his predecessor, his own name is
honourably remembered among the eminent navigators
who did original work in Australasia. It was Dentre-
casteaux' hydrographer, Beautemps Beaupre, whose
charting of part of the southern coast of Australia
was so highly praised by Flinders.

The expeditions thus enumerated were all despatched
before the era of Napoleon, and appreciation of their
objects cannot therefore be complicated by doubts as to
his Machiavellian designs. Bougainville's voyage, and
that of Marion-Dufresne, were promoted under Louis xv.,
that of La Perouse under Louis xvi., and Dentrecas-
teaux' under the Revolutionary Assembly. Each was
an expedition of discovery.

Next came the expedition commanded by Nicolas
Baudin, with which we are mainly concerned, and which

1 Voyage de Dftttrecasteaux, redige par M. dc Rossel, Paris, 1808; Lalnl-
lardiere, Relation du Voyage t) la Kecherche de la Ptrouse, Paris, 1 800.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 141

was despatched under the Consulate. It will presently
be demonstrated that it did not differ in purpose from
its predecessors, and that there is nothing to show that
in authorising it Bonaparte had any other object than
that professed. But before pursuing that subject, let
it be made clear that French exploring expeditions to
the South Seas were continued after the final overthrow
of the Empire.

In 1817, while Napoleon was mewed up hi St. Helena,
and a Bourbon once more occupied the throne of France
as Louis XVIH., the ships Uranie and Physicienne were
sent out under the command of Captain Louis de Frey-
cinet, the cartographer of Baudin's expedition.1 They
visited some of the scenes of former French exploits, and
Freycinet took advantage of his position on the west
coast to pull down and appropriate for the French
Academy of Inscriptions the oldest memorial of European
presence in Australia. That is to say, he took the plate
put up by the Dutchman Vlaming in 1697, m place of
that erected in 1616 by Dirk Haticks on the island bearing
the name of ' Dirk Hartog,' to commemorate his visit
in the ship Eendraght of Amsterdam.2 Freycinet had
desired to take the plate when he was an officer on
Le Naturaliste in July 1801, but Captain Hamelin, the
commander, would not permit it to be disturbed. On
the contrary, he set up a new post with the plate affixed
to it, and expressed the opinion that to remove an
interesting memorial that for over a century had been

1 Voyage autour du Monde, tntrepris par ordre du J?oi, par Louis de Frey-
cinet, Paris, 1827. 2 Ibid., i. 449.

142 TERRE NAPOLEON

spared by nature and by man, would be to commit a kind
of sacrilege.1 Freycinet was not so scrupulous.

Again, in 1824, the Baron de Bougainville, a son of the
older navigator, and who as a junior officer had sailed
with Baudin, took out the ships Thetis and Esperance
on a voyage to the South Seas, for purely geographical
purposes ; 2 and still later, in 1826-28, during the reign of
Charles x., Dumont d'Urville, in the Astrolabe, did valu-
able exploratory work, especially in the Western Pacific.3

The whole of these expeditions, with the partial
exception of that of Marion-Dufresne, were conducted in
ships of the French navy, commanded by French officers,
supported by French funds, and their official records
were published at the expense of the French Government.
A certain unity of purpose characterised them ; and that
purpose was as purely and truly directed to extend man's
knowledge of the habitable earth as was that of any
expedition that ever sailed under any flag.

To attempt, therefore, to isolate Baudin's expedition
from the series to which it rightly belongs, simply because
it was undertaken while Bonaparte was at the head of
the State, is to convey a false idea of it. If there were
any evidence to show that it differed from the others in

1 ' II eut pense commettre un sacrilege en gardant a son bord cette plaque
respectee pendant pres de deux siecles par la nature et par les hommes qui
pouvoient avant nous 1'avoir observee' (Peron, Voyage de Dtcouvertes, i.

195)-

2 Journal de la Navigation autour du mondc de la frigate La Thetis et de la

corvette L'Esptrance, pendant les attunes 1824-6; public par ordre du Koi.
Par M. le Baron de Bougainville.

* Voyage de la corvette L? Astrolabe, execute par ordre du Roi, pendant les
annees 1826-9, sous le commandement de M. J. Dumont D'Urville, Paris,
1830.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 143

its aims, it would be quite proper to make it stand alone.
But there is not.

Nor must it be supposed that this particular enterprise
originated with the First Consul. It was not a scheme
generated in his teeming brain, like the strategy of a
campaign, or a masterstroke of diplomacy. It was placed
before him for approval in the shape of a proposition
from the Institute of France, a scientific body, concerned
not with political machinations, but with the advance-
ment of knowledge. The Institute considered that there
was useful work to be done by a new expedition of
discovery, and believed it to be its duty to submit a
plan to the Government. We are so informed by Peron,
and there is the best of reasons for believing him.1 The
history of the voyage was published after Napoleon had
become Emperor, under his sanction, at the Imperial
Press. If his had been the originating mind, it is quite
certain that credit for the idea would not have been
claimed for others. On the contrary, we should probably
have had an adulatory paragraph from P6ron's pen about
the beneficence of the Imperial will as exercised in the
cause of science.

Quite apart from Peron's statement, however, there are
three official declarations to the like effect. First there
is the announcement in the Moniteur 2 that it was the

1 ' L'honneur national et le progres des sciences parmi nous se reunissoient
done pour reclamer une expedition de decouvertes aux Terres Australes, et
1'Institut de France crut devoir la proposer au gouvernement ' (Peron,

Voyage de Decouvertes, i. 4).

2 23rd Floreal, an viii. : ' L'Institut national a demande" au premier
consul, et a obtenu.

144 TERRE NAPOLEON

Institute which requested Bonaparte to sanction the
expedition. Secondly, when Vice-Admiral Rosily re-
ported to the Minister of Marine on Freycinet's charts
in I8I3,1 he commenced by observing that the expedition
' had for its object the completion of the knowledge of
the coasts of New Holland which were not hitherto
entirely known.' Thirdly, Henri de Freycinet, writing
hi i8o8,2 said that it was the high interest stimulated by
the voyages of La Perouse and Dentrecasteaux that made
the Institute eagerly desirous of a new enterprise devoted
to the reconnaissance of Australia. The last two state-
ments were, it will be observed, published by Napoleon's
official organ when the Empire was at its height.

There is no positive evidence as to what members of
the Institute were chiefly instrumental in formulating the
proposal for Napoleon's consideration. We do not know
whether leading members explained their scheme to him
orally, or laid before him a written statement. If there
was a plan in manuscript, the text of it has never been
published.3 There is only one document relating to the
expedition in the collected correspondence of Napoleon ; *
and that concerned an incident to which reference will
be made in the next chapter. The reason for the absence
of letters concerning the matter among Napoleon's

1 .\hnileur, January 15, 1813. " Ibid. , July 2, 1808.

* ' Probably it was suppressed or destroyed,' says Dr. Holland Rose (Life
of Napoleon, i. 379). But why should it have been? There is no reason to
suppose that it contained anything which it was to anybody's interest to
destroy or suppress. Indeed, it is by no means clear that there was such
a document. It is quite likely that the scheme of the Institute was explained
verbally to the First Consul. Why manufacture mysteries?

4 Edition of 1861.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 145

papers is presumably that he left the carrying out of
the project to the Institute ; for he was not wont to
restrain his directing hand in affairs in which he was
personally concerned.

But there were two leading members of the Institute
who had already concerned themselves with Australasian
discovery, and who may safely be assumed to have
taken the initiative in this matter. They were Bougain-
ville the explorer, who had commanded the expedition
of 1766-71, and Charles Pierre Claret de Fleurieu, who
had been Minister of Marine in 1790, and had written a
book on the Decouvertes des Fran$ais dans le sud-est de la
Nouvelle Guinee (Paris, 1790), in which he maintained the
prior claims of the French navigators Bougainville and
Surville to discoveries to which later English explorers
had in ignorance given fresh names. Fleurieu had also
intended to write the history of the voyages of La Perouse,
but was prevented by pressure of official and other
occupations, and handed the work over to Milet-Mureau.1
He stood high in the esteem of Napoleon, was a counsellor
of State during the Consulate, became intendant-general
of the Emperor's household, governor of the palace of
Versailles, senator, and comte. Both Fleurieu and
Bougainville had abundant opportunities for explaining
the utility of a fresh voyage of exploration to Napoleon.

It was, too, quite natural that these men should desire
to promote a new French voyage of discovery. None
knew better what might be hoped to be achieved. We
are fairly safe hi assuming that they moved the Institute

1 Voyage de la Ptrouse, Preface, i. p. iii.
K

146 TERRE NAPOLEON

to submit a proposition to the First Consul ; and it is
not improbable that they personally interviewed him on
the subject.

Bonaparte, at any rate, received the proposal ' with
interest,' and we learn from Peron l that he definitely
authorised the expedition at the very time when his army
of reserve was about to move from Geneva to cross the
Alps in that astonishing campaign which conduced, by
swift, toilsome, and surprising manoeuvres, to the crushing
victory of Marengo. The plan of the Institute was there-
fore ratified in May 1800. The Austrians at that time
were holding French arms severely in check in Savoy and
northern Italy. Suchet, Massena, Oudinot, and Soult
were, with fluctuating fortunes but always with stubborn
valour, clinging desperately to their positions or yielding
ground to superior strength, awaiting with confidence the
hour when the supreme master would strike the shattering
blow that, while relieving the pressure on them, would
completely change the aspect of the war. It was while
pondering his masterstroke, and deliberating on the choice
of the path across the Alps that was to lead to it, that
Bonaparte gave his approval ; while elaborating a scheme
to overwhelm the armies of Austria in an abyss of carnage,
that he expressed the wish that, as the expedition would
come in contact with ignorant savages, care should be
taken to make it appear that the French met them as
' friends and benefactors.'

It may here be parenthetically remarked that it does
not make us think more favourably of Freycinet that

1 Voyage dt Dkouvertes, i. 4.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 147

when, in 1824, he issued a new edition of the Voyage de
Decouvertes, he omitted all Peron's references to Napoleon's
interest in the expedition, and his direction that when
savages were met the French should appear among
them 'comme des amis et des bienfaiteurs.'1 While
Peron tells us that this laudable wish was personally
expressed by the First Consul, Freycinet 2 altered the
phrase to ' le gouvernement voulut/ etc. He had
absolutely no justification for doing so. The reader of
the second edition of the book had a right to expect that
he was in possession of the original text, save for the
correction of incidental errors. But in 1824 Napoleon
was dead, a Bourbon reigned in France, and Freycinet
was the servant of the monarchy to which he owed the
command of the expedition of 1817. The suppression
of Napoleon's name and the record of his actions from
Peron's text, was a puerile piece of servility.

There is nothing surprising in Bonaparte's cordial
approval of the enterprise. One has only to study the
volumes in which M. Frederic Masson has collected the
papers and memoranda relating to Napoleon's youth and
early manhood to realise how intensely keen was his
interest in geography and travel. In one of those interest-
ing works is a document occupying eight printed pages,
in which Napoleon had summarised a geographical text-
book, with a view to the more perfect mastery of its
contents.3 It is curious to note how little the young

1 Peron, i. 10. 2 i. 74, in the 1824 edition.

3 See Masson's Napoldon. Ineonnu ; Papicrs Intdits; Paris, 1895, vol. ii.
p. 44. The text-book was that of Lacroix.

148 TERRE NAPOLfiON

scholar was able to ascertain about Australasia from
the volume from which he learnt the elements of that
science for which, with his genius for strategy and tactics,
he must have had an instinctive taste. ' La Nouvelle
Guine"e, la Carpentarie, la Nouvelle Hollande,' etc.,
figure in his notes as the countries forming the principal
part of the southern hemisphere now grouped under
the denomination of Australasia ; ' la Carpentarie '
thus signalised as a separated land being simply the
northern region of Australia proper, the farthest limit
of which is Cape York.1

It is not a little interesting, that when, in April 1800,
twenty sculptors were commissioned to execute as many
busts of great men to adorn the Galerie des Consuls, the
only Englishmen among the honoured score were Marl-
borough and Dampier.2 It is curious to find the adventur-
ous ex-buccaneer in such noble company as that of
Cicero, Cato, Caesar, Demosthenes, Frederick the Great,
and George Washington, but the fact that he was among
the selected heroes may be taken as another evidence of
Bonaparte's interest in the men who helped to find out
what the world was like. Perhaps if somebody had seen
him reading Dampier's Voyages, as he read Cook's on
the way to Egypt, that fact would have been instanced
as another proof, not of his fondness for extremely
fascinating literature, but of the nourishment of a secret
passion to seize the coasts which Dampier explored.

1 Mallet's Description de fUnivers (Frankfort, 1686) mentions ' Carpen-
terie ' as being near the ' Terre des Papous,' and as discovered by the Dutch
captain, Carpenter. * Aulard, Paris sous le Consulat, i. 267.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 149

Napoleon had been a good and a diligent student.
The fascinating but hateful characteristics of his later
career, when he was the Emperor with a heart petrified
and corroded by ambition, the conqueror ever greedy
of fresh conquest, the scourge of nations and the tyrant
of kings, too often make one overlook the liberal instincts
of his earlier years. His passion for knowledge was
profound, and he was the pronounced friend of every
genuine man of science, of every movement having for
its object the acquisition and diffusion of fresh enlighten-
ment. It is an English writer l who says of him that he
was, ' amongst the great heroes and statesmen of his age,
the first and foremost if not the only one, who seemed
thoroughly to realise the part which science was destined
to play in the immediate future ' ; and the same author
adds that ' some of the glory of Laplace and Cuvier falls
upon Napoleon.' He took pleasure in the company
and conversation of men of science ; and never more so
than during the period of the Consulate. Thibaudeau's
memoirs show him dining one night with Laplace, Monge,
and Berthollet ; and the English translator of that
delightful book 2 emphasises the contrast between the
' just and noble sanity of the First Consul of 1802 and the
delirium of the Emperor of 1812.' The failure to keep
that difference in mind — to recognise that the Bonaparte
of the early Consulate was capable of exalted ideals for
the general well-being that were foreign to the Napoleon

1 Merz, History of European Thought in the Nineteenth Century, i. 152-54.

2 Dr. Fortescue, p. 273. Compare also Lord Rosebery, Napohon, the
| Last Phase, p. 234 : ' In the first period of his Consulate he was an almost

ideal ruler. He was firm, sagacious, far-seeing, energetic, just.'

150 TERRE NAPOLEON

of ten years later — is fruitful of mistakes in interpreting
his activities. On April 8 he attended a stance of the
Institute, and was there instrumental in reconciling
several persons who had become estranged through
events which occurred during the Revolution.1 He was
therefore on good terms with this learned body, and
was himself a member of that division of it which was
devoted to the physical and mathematical sciences.2

It was quite natural, then, that when the national
representatives of scientific thought in France approached
him with a proposition that was calculated to make his
era illustrious by a grand voyage of exploration which
should complete man's knowledge of the great continents,
the First Consul gave a ready consent.

The task of preparing instructions for the voyage was
entrusted to a Committee of the Institute, consisting of
Fleurieu, Bougainville, Laplace, Lacepede, Cuvier, Jussieu,
Lelievre, Langles, and Camus ; whilst Degerando wrote a
special memorandum upon the methods to be followed
in the observation of savage peoples — the latter probably
in consequence of the First Consul's particular direction
on this subject. It was an admirably chosen body for
formulating a programme of scientific research. A
great astronomer, two eminent biologists, a famous
botanist, a practical navigator, a geographer, all men of
distinction among European savants, and two of them,
Laplace and Cuvier, among the greatest men of science of
modern times, were scholars who knew what might be

1 Aulard, Paris sous le Consttlat, i. 252.
- Thibaudeau (English edition), p. 112.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 151

expected to be gained for knowledge, and where and how
the most fruitful results might be obtained.

In their instructions, the committee directed attention
to the south coast of Tasmania — by that time known to
be an island, since the discoveries of Bass and Flinders,
and their circumnavigation, had been the subject of much
comment in Europe — as offering a good field for geo-
graphical research. They indicated the advisableness of
exploring the eastern coast of the island, of traversing
Bass Strait with a view to a more complete examination
than appeared to the Institute to have been made up to
that time, and of pursuing the southern coasts of Australia
as far as the western point of Dentrecasteaux' investiga-
tions, especially with the object of searching that part
of the land ' where there is supposed to be a strait com-
municating with the Gulf of Carpentaria, and which,
consequently, would divide New Holland into two large
and almost equal islands.' So much accomplished, the
expedition was to pay particular attention to the coasts
westward of the Swan River, since the old navigators
who had determined their contour had necessarily had to
work with imperfect instruments. The vessels were then
to make a fuller exploration of the western and northern
shores than had hitherto been achieved, to attack the
south-west of Papua (New Guinea), and to investigate the
Gulf of Carpentaria. No instructions seem to have been
given relative to a further examination of the eastern
coasts of the continent. Cook's work there was evidently
thought to be sufficient, though Flinders found several
fresh and important harbours. The programme, as

152 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Peron pointed out, involved the exploration in detail
of several thousands of miles of coasts hitherto quite
unknown or imperfectly known, and its proper perform-
ance was calculated to accomplish highly important work
in perfecting a knowledge of the geography of the
southern hemisphere.

The French Government fitted out the expedition in a
lavish and elaborate fashion.1 Funds were not stinted,
and the commander was given unlimited credit to obtain
anything that he required at any port of call. The best
scientific instruments were procured, and the stores of
the great naval depot of Havre were thrown open for the
equipment of the ships with every necessity and comfort
for a long voyage. Luxuries were not spared ; ' in a
word/ says Peron, ' the Government had ordered that
nothing whatever should be omitted that could assure
the preservation of health, promote the work of the
staff, and guarantee the independence of the expedi-
tion.'

Two vessels lying in the port of Havre were selected.
The principal one, which was named Le Gtographe,
was a corvette of 30 guns, 450 tons, drawing
fifteen or sixteen feet of water, a fast sailer, but, in
Peron's opinion, not so good a boat for the purpose as
her consort. Flinders described her as a ' heavy-looking
ship.' The second vessel, named Le Naturaliste, was a
strong, lumbering store-ship, very slow, but solid. She

1 ' Les savans ont vu avec le plus grand interet les soins que le gouverne-
menta pris pour rendre ce voyage utile a 1'histoire naturelle et a la connais-
sance des mceurs des sauvages ' (Moniteur, 22nd Fructidor).

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 153

was a ' grosse gabare,' as one French writer described
her.1

The staff was selected with great care, special examina-
tions being prescribed for the younger naval officers. A
large company of artists, men of science, and gardeners ac-
companied the expedition for the collection of specimens,
the making of charts and drawings, and the systematic
observation of phenomena. There were two astrono-
mers, two hydrographers, three botanists, five zoolo-
gists, two mineralogists, five artists, and five gardeners.
Probably no exploring expedition to the South Seas
before this time had set out with such a large equip-
ment of selected, talented men for scientific and artistic
work. The whole staff — nautical, scientific, and artistic
— on the two ships consisted of sixty-one persons, of
whom only twenty-nine returned to France after sharing
the fatigues and distress of the whole voyage. Seven
died, twenty had to be put ashore on account of serious
illness, and five left the expedition for other causes.

The great German traveller and savant, Alexander von
Humboldt, was in Paris while preparations were being

1 Dr. Holland Rose (Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era, p. 139)
heightens the effect of his argument by stating that Bonaparte 'sent out
men-of-war to survey the south coast of Australia for a settlement.' It may
be true that, strictly speaking, the ships were 'men-of-war,' inasmuch as they
were ships of the navy. But the reader would hardly derive the impression,
from the words quoted, that they were vessels utterly unwarlike in equip-
ment, manning, and command. As will presently be seen, they were very
soon loaded up with scientific specimens. Nor is there any warrant for the
statement that the expedition was instructed to ' survey the south coast of
Australia for a settlement. ' There was nothing about settlement in the in-
structions, which were not, as the passage would lead the reader to infer,
confined to the south coast.

154 TERRE NAPOLEON

made for the despatch of the expedition ; and, being at
that time desirous of pursuing scientific investigations in
distant regions, he obtained permission to embark, with
the instruments he had collected, in one of Baudin's
vessels. He confessed, however, that he had ' but little
confidence in the personal character of Captain Baudin,'
chiefly on account of the dissatisfaction he had given to
the Court of Vienna in regard to a previous voyage.1
Humboldt's testimony is interesting, inasmuch as, if it
be reliable — and, as he was in close touch with leading
French men of science, there is no reason to disbelieve
him — the original intention was to make the voyage
more extensive in scope, and different in the route
followed, than was afterwards determined. ' The first
plan,' he wrote, ' was great, bold, and worthy of being
executed by a more enlightened commander. The
purpose of the expedition was to visit the Spanish
possessions of South America, from the mouth of the
River Plata to the kingdom of Quito and the isthmus of
Panama. After traversing the archipelago of the great
ocean, and exploring the coasts of New Holland from
Van Diemen's Land to that of Nuyts, both vessels were
to stop at Madagascar, and return by the Cape of Good
Hope.' Concerning the reasons why he was not ulti-
mately taken, Humboldt was not accurately informed.
' The war which broke out in Germany and Italy,' he
wrote, ' determined the French Government to withdraw
the funds granted for their voyage of discovery, and

1 Humboldt's Personal Narrative of Travels, translated by H. M.
Williams, London, 1814, vol. i. pp. 6-8.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 155

adjourn it to an indefinite period.' Such was not the
case. The funds were not withdrawn ; the expedition
was not adjourned. But Humboldt was a German, and
the Institute very naturally desired that French savants
should do the work which was to be sustained by French
funds. There would probably be the less inclination to
employ Humboldt, as he reserved to himself ' the liberty
of leaving Captain Baudin whenever I thought proper.'
He believed himself to be ' cruelly deceived in my hopes,
seeing the plans which I had been forming during many
years of my life overthrown in a single day.' But in view
of his confessed dislike of the commander, it does not
seem that, on this ground alone, it would have been good
policy to enrol him as a member of the staff, when there
were French men of science eager for appointment.

The chief naturalist and future historian of the ex-
pedition, Fran£ois Peron, was twenty-five years of age
when he was commissioned to join Le Geographe. Born
at Cerilly (Allier) in 1775, he was left fatherless at an
early age ; but he was a bright, promising scholar, and
the cure of his native place took him into his house with
the object of educating him for the priesthood. But
' seduced by the principles of liberty which served as
pretext for the Revolution, inflamed by patriotism, his
spirit exalted by his reading of ancient history,' as a
biographer, Deleuze, wrote, he left the peaceful home of
the village priest, and shouldered a musket under the
tricolour. He fought in the army of the Rhine, and in
an engagement against the Prussians at Kaiserslautern,
was wounded and taken prisoner. Always a student,

156 TERRE NAPOLfiON

he spent the little money that he had on the purchase of
books, which he devoted all his time to reading. He
was exchanged in 1794, and returned to France.

His short soldiering career had cost him his right eye ;
but this deprivation really determined the vocation for
which his genius especially fitted him. The Minister of
the Interior gave him admission to the school of medicine
at Paris, where, in addition to pursuing the prescribed
course, he applied himself with enthusiasm to the study
of biology l and comparative anatomy at the Museum.
He was industrious, keen, methodical, and, above all,
possessed of that valuable quality of imagination which,
discreetly harnessed to the use of the scientific intellect,
enables a student to see through his facts, and to read
their vital meaning. The expedition to the South Seas
had already been fitted out, and Baudin's ships were lying
at Havre awaiting sailing orders from the Minister of
Marine, when Peron sought employment as an additional
biologist. The staff was by that time complete ; but
Peron addressed himself to Jussieu, pressing his request
with such ardour, and explaining his well-considered plans
with such clearness, that the eminent botanist was unable
to listen to him ' sans etonnement et sans emotion.'

Peron was very anxious to travel, not only for the sake
of the scientific work which he might do, but also to find
relief for his feelings, depressed by the disappointment of
a love affair. Mademoiselle was unkind — because the

1 The word 'biology' was not used till Lamarck employed it in 1801 to
cover all the sciences concerned with living matter ; but we are so accustomed
to it nowadays, that it is the most convenient word to use to describe the
group of studies to which Peron applied himself.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 157

lover was poor, his biographer says ; but we must not
forget that he was also one-eyed. Many ladies prefer a
man with two.

Jussieu conferred with Lacepede the biologist, and the
two agreed that it would be advantageous to permit this
enthusiastic young student to make the voyage. Peron
was encouraged to write a paper to be read before the
Institute, expounding his views. He did so, taking as
his principal theme the desirableness of having with the
expedition a naturalist especially charged with researches
in anthropology. The Institute was convinced ; the
Minister of Marine was moved ; Peron was appointed.
He consulted with Cuvier, Lacepede, and Degerando as to
a programme of work, procured the necessary apparatus,
went to Cerilly to embrace his sisters and receive his
mother's benediction, and joined Le Geographe just
before she sailed.1

The command of the expedition was entrusted to
Captain Nicolas Baudin. He was fifty years of age when
he received this commission, on the nomination of the
Institute. In his youth he had been engaged in the
French mercantile marine. In later years he had
! commanded two expeditions, despatched under the
Austrian flag, for botanical purposes. From the last of
these he returned in 1797, when, his country being at
war with Austria, he presented the complete collection
of animals and plants obtained to the French nation.2

1 The facts concerning Peron's early career are taken from Deleuze's
memoir, 1811, and that of Maurice Girard, 1857.

2 The Moniteur, 25th Prairial (June 13), 1797.

158 TERRE NAPOLEON

This timely act won him the friendship of Jussieu, and
it was largely through his influence that ' Citoyen '
Baudin was chosen to command the expedition to the
Terres Australes.1 He had had no training in the Navy,
though if, as some suppose, the expedition had a secret
aggressive mission, we may reasonably conjecture that it
would have been placed under the command of a naval
officer with some amount of fighting experience.

That Baudin did not become popular with the staff
under his command is apparent from the studious omis-
sion of his name from the volumes of Peron and Freycinet,
and from their resentful references to ' notre chef.'
They wrote not a single commendatory word about him
throughout the book, and they expressed no syllable of
regret when he died in the course of the voyage.

Sometimes we may judge of a man's reputation among
his contemporaries by an anecdote, even when we doubt
its truth ; for men do not usually tell stories that disparage
the capacity of those whom they respect. An amusing
if venomous story about Baudin was told by the author
of a narrative of one of the botanical voyages.2 He
related, on the alleged authority of an officer, that, being
in want of a magnetic needle to replace one belonging to a
compass which had been injured, he applied to the
commodore, who had several in a drawer in his cabin.
Baudin found one, but as it was somewhat rusty, the
officer feared that the magnetic properties of the steel

1 The Moniteur, 2yd Floreal (May 13), 1800.

a See the Naval Chrdnicle> vol. xiv. p. 103. The writer referred to was
Bory de Saint-Vincent, who wrote the Voyage dans Us quatrt principals ties
des men (TAfrique, Paris, 1804.

GENESIS OF BAUDIN'S EXPEDITION 159

would be impaired. Baudin expressed his regret, and
said : ' Everything has been furnished by the Govern-
ment in the most niggardly fashion ; if they had followed
my advice we should have been provided with silver
needles instead of steel ones ! '

Whether or not we believe that a naval commander
could be so ignorant of magnetism, it is certain that
Baudin did not enforce the laws of health on his ships.
Sufficient has been said in the first chapter to show
so much. The Consular Government gave unlimited
scope for the proper provisioning of the vessels, and
yet we find officers and men in a wretched condition, the
water insufficient, and the food supplies in utter decay,
before the expedition reached Port Jackson. It must be
added, however — even out of its proper place, lest an
unduly harsh impression of Baudin's character should
be conveyed — that he seems to have made an excellent
impression upon the English in Sydney. Governor King
treated him as a friend ; and the letter of farewell that
he wrote on his departure was such a delicate specimen
of grace and courtesy, that one would feel that only a
gentleman could have written it, were there not too
many instances to show that elegant manners and
language towards strangers are not incompatible with the
rough and inconsiderate treatment of subordinates.

160 TERRE NAPOLfiON

CHAPTER VIII

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION

The passports from the English Government — Sailing of the expedi-
tion— French interest in it — The case of Ah Sam — Baudin's
obstinacy — Short supplies — The French ships on the Western
Australian coast — The He Lucas and its name — Refreshment
at Timor — The English frigate Virginia — Baudin sails south —
Shortage of water — The French in Tasmania — Pe"ron among
the aboriginals — The savage and the boat — Among native
women — A question of colour — Separation of the ships by storm
— Baudin sails through Bass Strait, and meets Flinders —
Scurvy — Great storms and intense suffering— Le Geograpke at
Port Jackson.

ENGLAND and France were at war when, in
June 1800, application was made to the
British Admiralty for passports for the
French discovery ships. Earlier in that year the Govern-
ment of the Republic sent to London Louis Guillaume
Otto, a diplomatist of experience and tried discretion,
to arrange for the exchange of prisoners of war ; and
it was Otto, whose tact and probity won him the esteem
of King George's advisers, who conducted the preliminary
negotiations which led up to the Treaty of Amiens.
Earl Spencer was First Lord of the Admiralty — in
Pitt's administration (1783-1801) — when the application
was made.

The Quarterly Review of August 1810 (vol. iv. p. 42)

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 161

fell into a singular error in blaming Addington's ad-
ministration for the issue of the passports. Pitt's
ministry did not fall till March 1801 ; and the censure
which the reviewer levelled at the ' good-natured
minister/ Earl St. Vincent, who was Addington's First
Lord of the Admiralty, for entertaining the French
application, was therefore undeserved by him. ' A
few months after the retirement of Mr. Pitt from office
and the succession of Mr. Addington, that is to say, in
June 1800,' are the opening words of the Quarterly
article — an extraordinary blunder for a contemporary
to make. The Quarterly was, of course, bitterly adverse
to Addington's administration, in politics ; but though
party bias is responsible for strange behaviour, we shall
be safe in attributing to lapse of memory this censure
of a minister for the act of his predecessor. St. Vincent
was hi active service, as Admiral in command of the
Channel Fleet, when the passports were issued.

It cannot be assumed that Spencer would have com-
plied with such a request from a nation with which his
country was at war, had he not been satisfied that the
expedition was what it professed to be, one for discovery
and scientific research. The passports granted guaran-
teed to Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste protection from
hostile attack from British ships, and bespoke for them
a favourable reception in any British port out of Europe
where they might have to seek shelter.

The Admiralty was hi later years severely blamed
for compliance. Circumstances that have been narrated
in previous pages generated the suspicion that the real

162 TERRE NAPOLfiON

purpose of the expedition was ' to ascertain the real
state of New Holland, to discover what our colonists
were doing, and what was left for the French to do, on
this great continent in the event of a peace, to find
some port in the neighbourhood of our settlements
which should be to them what Pondicherry was to
Hindustan, to rear the standard of Bonaparte on the
first convenient spot.' l The fact that this sweeping
condemnation was made in a powerful organ of opinion
bitterly hostile to the administration which it meant
to attack, would minimise its importance for us, a
century later, were it not that more recent writers have
adopted the same assumption. To accept it, we have
not merely to disregard the total absence of evidence,
but to believe that Spencer was befooled and that Otto
deceived him. The application was, it was urged,
' grounded on false pretences,' and the passports were
' fraudulently obtained.' It would have been a piece of
audacity of quite superb coolness for the French diplo-
matist to ask for British protection for ships on ostensible
grounds of research, had their secret purpose been
exactly opposite to the profession ; and the British
Minister would have been guilty of grave dereliction of
duty had he not assured himself that Otto's representa-
tions were reliable.

1 Quarterly Review, iv. 43. There can be no doubt that this Quarterly
article had a great influence in formulating the idea which has been current
for nearly a century regarding Napoleon's deep designs. Paterson's History
of New South Wales (1811) repeated portions of the article almost verbally,
but without quotation marks (see Preface, p. v), and many later writers have
fed upon its leading themes, without submitting them to examination.

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 163

The letter of instructions furnished by the Duke of
Portland, Secretary of State in Pitt's administration, to
Grant, the commander of the Lady Nelson, in February
1800, may be quoted as laying down the principle observed
by Great Britain in regard to an enemy's ships com-
missioned purely for discovery. ' As vessels fitted out
for this purpose,' wrote the Duke, ' have always been
respected by the nations of Europe, notwithstanding
actual hostilities may at the time have existed between
them, and as this country has always manifested the
greatest attention to other nations on similar occasions,
as you will observe by the letters written in favour of
vessels employed in discovery by France and Spain,
copies of which you receive enclosed, I have no appre-
hension whatever of your suffering any hindrance or
molestation from the ships of other nations should you
fall in with them. . . . You are also, on pain of His
Majesty's utmost displeasure, to refrain on your part
from making prizes, or from detaining or molesting the
ships of any other nation, although they may be at war
with His Majesty.' J

It was on this enlightened principle that the British
Government furnished passports to Baudin's ships ;
but the Admiralty also took steps to prevent the laurels
of important discovery being won by foreign efforts.
Flinders returned home in the Reliance in August,
vigorous, eager for fresh work, and already, notwith-
standing his youth, honourably regarded by naval men
as an intrepid and skilful navigator. Lord Spencer,

1 Historical Records of New South Wales, iv. 57.

164 TERRE NAPOLfiON

the head of a family eminently distinguished for the
great administrators whom it has furnished for the
furtherance of British polity, did a far wiser thing than
attempting to block French researches, from suspicion,
jealousy, or fear of consequences. He entertained the
suggestion of Sir Joseph Banks, ordered the fitting out
of the Investigator, and placed her under the command
of the one man in the Navy who knew what discovery
work there was to do, and how to accomplish it speedily.
Pitt's consummate judgment in the selection of men for
crucial work has often been eulogised, and never too
warmly ; but one can hardly overpraise the sagacity
of Pitt's colleague at the Admiralty, who especially
commended Nelson as the officer to checkmate Bona-
parte in the Mediterranean in I7Q8,1 and, on the more
pacific side of naval activity, commissioned Matthew
Flinders to complete the discovery of Australia in
1800.

Baudin's expedition was ready to sail from Havre at
the end of September, but was delayed by contrary
winds. The delay was considered by a friendly con-
temporary to be fortunate, in that it enabled the officers
and scientific staff to become friendly, so that the most
perfect harmony existed amongst them.2 French readers
of the official organ of the Government were also assured
that everybody on the two ships had merited confidence
in the talent of the chiefs ; in which case their dis-
appointment with later developments must have been all

1 See Mahan's Life of Nelson (1899 edition), p. 275.
8 Moniteur, 29th Vend£miaire, an viii. (1800).

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 165

the more profound. The public and the journals took a
lively interest in the enterprise ; and the author of one
of the world's great stories, Bernardin de Saint Pierre,
from his experience of tropical life in the island
where Paul and Virginia lived and loved, lectured at
the Institute on the dietetic regime which ought to be
observed by Captain Baudin and his men.1 But how-
ever valuable his advice may have been, it was sadly
disregarded.

A livelier function was a banquet given to Baudin
at the Hotel de la Rochefoucauld, in Paris, on the 7th
Fmctidor, by the Societe de 1'Afrique Interieure. It was
attended by several leading members of the Institute,
and an account of it was accorded over a column of space
in the Moniteur? Baudin was seated between Bougain-
ville and Vaillant, an African traveller. There was
music, and song, and a long toast list, with many eloquent
speeches. Baudin submitted the toast of Bonaparte,
' First Consul of the French Republic and protector of
the expedition'; Jussieu proposed the progress of the
sciences ; the company drank to the ' amelioration of
the lot of savage races, and may their civilisation result
from the visit which the French are about to pay to
them ' ; and the immortal memory of La Perouse was
honoured hi silence. The last toast appropriately
expressed the wish that the whole company might
reassemble hi the same place on the return of the expedi-
tion, ' inspired by the purest zeal for the progress of the
sciences and of enlightenment.' A short poem was also

1 Moniteur, i6th Vendemiaire. 2 22nd Fructidor.

166 TERRE NAPOLfiON

recited, which it is worth while to rescue from the in-
accessibility of the Moniteur file : —

' Vous quittez aujourd'hui la France
Mais vous emportez tous nos voeux,
Et deja vos succes heureux
Partout sont applaudis d'avance.

Sur le coeur de tous les mortels

Votre gloire a jamais se fonde,

II n'est pas de pays au monde
Ou le savoir n'ait des autels.'

The poet who thus applauded success in advance, prob-
ably lived long enough to realise that it is much easier
to make fair verses than a true prediction.

There was another banquet at Havre while the ships
were awaiting a fair wind, when again high hopes were
expressed concerning the results to be achieved by th<
expedition, and where one of the toasts was proposed
by a Chinese, Ah Sam, who had been found on board
a captured English frigate, and was, by Bonaparte's
orders, being taken by Baudin to Mauritius, whence he
was to be shipped to his own country. Ah Sam's toast
descended from ethereal altitudes and took a purely
personal view of the situation. He drank ' Aux Franc, ais,
bons amis d'A Sam.' l The Chinaman had reason to be
grateful, for the First Consul had, by an order over his
own signature, directed that he should be placed under
Baudin's charge, and conveyed to his own country at
the expense of the Government, and that there should
be shown to him that consideration which he merited,
both because he was a stranger and because of his

1 Moniteur, 2 1st Vendemiaire.

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 167

good conduct while residing within the territories of
the Republic.1 The treatment of Ah Sam was an ex-
ample of that kindness which Napoleon, ruthless in
war, so often displayed towards those who touched
his sympathies.2

The expedition sailed from Havre on the morning of
October 19, 1800, amidst cordial popular demonstrations
from the inhabitants of that bustling seaport, and
many wishes that fortune might crown the efforts of the
explorers with success. The captain of the English
frigate Proselite, which was watching the harbour
mouth, scrutinised the passports and permitted the ships
to pass ; and, with a fair wind to fill his sails, Baudin
put out into the Channel and steered for the open ocean,
bound due south.

Peron, in his history of the voyage, severely blamed
the obstinacy of ' notre chef ' — mention of his name
being carefully avoided — for the delay occasioned on
the run down to the Cape of Good Hope. Captain
Baudin, disregarding the advice of his officers, insisted
on sailing fairly close to the African coast, instead of
making a more westerly course. He argued, according
to Peron, that the route which he favoured was nearer,
and as a matter of mileage he was right. But winds and

1 Correspondence of Napoleon, 1861 collection, vol. vi. — letter dated 7th
Vendemiaire, an ix (September 29, 1800).

2 Peron mentioned Ah Sam's case (i. n), but Freycinet, in his second
edition, cut out the paragraph, in pursuance of his policy of suppressing
references to Napoleon ; Peron having written that the Chinaman had reason
to bless the generosity and goodness of the First Consul. It was not politic
in 1824 to talk about Napoleon's generosity and goodness. But how paltry
was the spirit thus displayed !

168 TERRE NAPOLfiON

currents should have been considered rather than bare
distance ; and the simple result of bad seamanship was
that Baudin's vessels occupied one hundred and forty-
five days on the voyage from Havre to Mauritius, where
they stayed to refit, whilst Flinders brought out the
Investigator from Spithead the whole way to Cape Leeu-
win, where he first made the Australian coast, in one
hundred and forty-two days. The French vessels lay
at Mauritius for the leisurely space of forty days, and
did not reach Australia till May 27, two hundred and
twenty days after their departure from France.

Even then, had reasonable diligence been exercised
in the pursuit of the exploratory work for which his
ships had been commissioned, Baudin would have had
the honour of discovering the unknown southern coast ;
for Flinders was not allowed to leave England till July
17, 1801, fifty-one days after the French actually arrived
on the shores of Australia. The prize of discovery
slipped from Baudin's reach in consequence of his
' dawdling ' methods, which brought about those
' consequences facheuses et inseparables ' deplored by
the naturalist.

Soon after the expedition left Mauritius, the officers
and crew were surprised to learn that the supplies of
bread were short, and that for the future ships' biscuit
and salt meat would constitute the principal part of the
diet. The wine brought from France had also been
nearly consumed. Instead of the latter, a cheap, un-
wholesome drink, tafia, bought at the island, was to be
served out. This was amazing and depressing news,

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 169

considering the lavishness with which the Government
had fitted out the ships, and that nearly six weeks had
been spent at a French colonial possession. By this
time, too, as is clear from Peron's narrative, very little
affection for the commander remained. The delays
already permitted had brought the expedition in face of
the prospect of exploring the southern coasts of New
Holland in the winter season. Baudin considered it
unwise to undertake the work in Tasmanian seas, accord-
ing to the programme prepared for him, during months
when severe storms would probably be encountered ;
and he consequently determined not to sail farther
south on making Cape Leeuwin, but to explore the
western coasts of the continent, reserving the work which
the Institute had put first to be done in the following
spring. Peron blamed him for this decision, inasmuch
as the course prescribed in the instructions was the result
of careful thought and extensive research. But though
the procrastination which had let slip the months best
suited for exploration in southern waters was caused by
Baudin's own lack of energy and knowledge, his resolve
not to entrust his ships on an unknown coast, where he
knew of no secure harbours, in the months of tempest
and cold, was prudent.

On making the Leeuwin, therefore, Baudin steered
north. Geography Bay and Cape Naturaliste, upon
current maps, mark the commencement of his work
on the shores of Western Australia. From Sharks Bay
the vessels pursued the course of the first Englishman
to explore any portion of the Australian coast, the

170 TERRE NAPOLfiON

resolute, observant, tough old salt, William Dampier.
The biographical dictionary was here for the first time
brought forth, and the names within it were scattered
liberally over the lands traversed. Some of them have
adhered, though Baudin's voyage along these shores
was by no means one of discovery, and there is clear
evidence that names were applied to parts which his
ships did not investigate with any approach to care.
The Golfe Joseph Bonaparte of the large French chart,
if traced with some degree of particularity, would have
led to several highly important discoveries. But it was
not carefully investigated at all, and thus Baudin totally
missed Bathurst Island and Melville Island, which
together stretch for over one hundred miles across the
entrance to Van Diemen's Gulf. Instead of definiteness
of outline, the French charts presented the world with a
bristling array of names affixed to contours which were
cloudy and ill-defined, incomplete and inaccurate.

The most serious omission of all was the superb natural
harbour of Port Darwin, the finest anchorage in northern
Australia. The French missed it altogether. Yet here
also they peppered their chart of the neighbouring coasts
with the names of their notable countrymen, as though
they had explored the environs meticulously. Baudin
certainly lost a fine opportunity of doing good original
work in north-western Australia ; and had his real object
been to find a suitable site for French settlement, his
research would have been amply rewarded had he found
the port which now bears the noble name of the greatest
modern man of science. There is, however, one French

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 171

name which should not escape mention, since it serves
to remind us that Peron was writing his book at the time
when, amidst the smoke and flame and thunder of
Trafalgar, two fleets locked in fierce conflict were deciding
momentous issues. Off the very broken coast of what
is now the Kimberley division of Western Australia,
the French styled a small cluster of rocky islets the Isles
d'Arcole ; and one of these was named He Lucas, ' in
honour of the captain of the vessel which, in the combat
of the Redoutable against the Victory, has lately attained
so much honour.'1 The English reader will scarcely
need to be reminded that it was by a shot from the
mizzen top of the Redoutable in that immortal fight that
Nelson received his death wound ; and thus, by giving
his name to a desolate rock, was it sought to honour the
captain of the ship that had accounted for the death of a
nation's hero. The French charting was so inferior that
it is scarcely possible to identify the He Lucas, which
is not marked at all on the large Carte Generate, probably
because that was finished before Trafalgar was fought ;
though the passage in Peron's book is somewhat valuable
as showing that the pepper-box sprinkling of names along
coasts explored with less sufficiency than pretentiousness
was not entirely Baudin's work. The commander of the
expedition died before Trafalgar was fought, so that, as
on other grounds we have reason to infer, he was less
responsible for the nomenclature than Freycinet made it
appear when that feature of the work became somewhat
discreditable.

1 Peron, Voyage de Dkouvtrtts, i. 136.

172 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Scurvy broke out on Le Geographe while the voyage
along the western and north-western coasts was in
progress. Water, too, was becoming scarce, and there
seemed to be little opportunity of replenishing the supply
on these barren shores. The ship had likewise become
separated from her consort, Le Natumliste, ' owing to
the false calculations of the chief charged with directing
their common movements,' as averred by Freycinet.
Baudin decided to sail to the Dutch possession at Timor,
where he might be able to re-victual, take in fresh water,
and enable his crew to recover from their disease, which
was fast reducing them to helplessness. He therefore
discontinued the further exploration of the north-west
coast, and, on August 18, entered Kupang.

There Le Naturaliste also appeared rather more than a
month later, and the two ships remained in the Dutch
port till November 13, Baudin's vessel having thus been
at anchor fifty-six days. There was no hurrying.

In the month of October an English frigate, the
Virginia, suddenly made her appearance in the offing,
with her decks cleared for action. Her captain had
heard of two French vessels being at Kupang, and,
supposing them to be lawful prize of war, he had
clapped on all sail and descended on the quiet little port
with the joyful anticipation of finding brisk business to
do. But when he was informed that the two were ex-
ploring ships, and had examined their passports, the
English commander gallantly expressed ' his especial
esteem and consideration for the object of our voyage ' ;
and, hearing that Captain Baudin was ill, even offered

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 173

a present of excellent wine. It was a shining, graceful
little incident, pleasant to read about in a story in
which there is a surfeit of discontent, disease, and bad
feeling. The frigate, having satisfied herself that there
was no fighting to enjoy, made off without firing a
shot.

After the long sojourn at Timor, it might have been
expected that when the expedition sailed for the south
of Tasmania, the ships would be in a clean and whole-
some condition, the crews and staff in good health, and
the supplies of food and water abundant. But distressing
fortunes followed in Baudin's wake at every stage of the
voyage. Leaving Kupang on November 13, the vessels
were only six days' sail from that port when insufficiency
of water led to revolting practices, described by Peron.
' We were so oppressed by the heat,' he says, ' and our
ration of water was so meagre, that unhappy sailors
were seen drinking their urine. All the representations of
the ship's doctor with a view of increasing for the time
being the quantity of water supplied, and diminishing the
ration when cooler latitudes were reached, were useless.'1
It is not wonderful that scurvy broke out again with
increased virulence.

It is more pleasant to turn to the somewhat prolonged
stay made in southern Tasmania. At this time, it should
be recollected, there was no European settlement on the
beautiful and fertile island which then bore the name of
the old Dutch governor of Java, Anthony Van Diemen.
Indeed, it was only so recently as 1798 that Flinders and

1 P£ron, ii. 7 (1824 edition).

174 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Bass, in the Norfolk, had demonstrated that it really
was an island, by sailing round it. On previous charts,
principally founded on that of Cook — the map attached
to the history of Bougainville's voyage (1771) is par-
ticularly interesting — it had been represented as a long
projection from the mainland, shaped like a pig's snout.
Not only Abel Tasman, the discoverer (1642), but the
French explorers, Marion-Dufresne (1772) and Dentre-
casteaux (1791), and the English navigators, Cook,
Furneaux, Cox, and Bligh, had visited it.1 But as yet
the European had merely landed for fresh water, or had
explored the south coast very slightly as a matter of
curiosity, and the aboriginal race was still in unchallenged
possession. Had Baudin been furnished with instruc-
tions to look for a place for French settlement, very
little diligence and perspicacity would have enabled him
to fix upon a spot suitable to the point of perfection
before the English at Port Jackson knew of his where-
abouts in these seas at all. He might have planted
the tricolour under the shadow of Mount Wellington, on
the site of Hobart, and furnished it from his ships with
the requisites for endurance till he could speed to the
Isle of France and bring out the means of establishing a
stable settlement. But though the geographical work
done in this region was important and of good quality—
Freycinet being on the spot — it does not appear that any
investigations were made beyond those natural to a
scientific expedition, and certainly no steps were taken by

1 See Backhouse Walker, Early Tasmania, published by the Royal
Society of Tasmania (Hobart, 1902).

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 175

Baudin to assert possessive rights. Yet there was no
part of Australia as to which the French could have
made out stronger claims on moral grounds ; for though
the voyage of the first French navigator who landed in
Tasmania was one hundred and thirty years later than
Abel Tasman's discovery, still it was a solid fact that
both Marion-Dufresne and Dentrecasteaux had con-
tributed more than any other Europeans had done to a
knowledge of what Tasmania was, until Flinders and
Bass in their dancing little 25 ton sloop put an end to
mystery and misconception, and placed the charming
island fairly for what it was on the map of the world.

Baudin's ships rounded South-East Cape on January
13 (1802), and sailed up Dentrecasteaux Channel into
Port Cygnet. Peron found plenty to interest him in
the fauna of this strange land, and above all in the
aboriginals with whom he was able to come in contact.
His chapters on the three months' stay in southern and
eastern Tasmania are full of pleasant passages, for the
naturalist had a pretty talent for descriptive writing,
was pleased with the novel things he saw, and communi-
cated his pleasure to his pages. Though he lacked the
large grasp, the fertile suggestiveness, of great scientific
travellers like Humboldt, Darwin, and Alfred Russel
Wallace, he was curious, well informed, industrious, and
sympathetic ; and as he was the first trained anthro-
pologist to enter into personal relations with the
Tasmanian blacks — a race now become extinct under
the shrivelling touch of European civilisation — his
writings concerning them have great value, quite apart

176 TERRE NAPOLEON

from the pleasure with which they may be read. A
couple of pages describing Peron's first meeting with
the aboriginals when out looking for water, and the
amazement of the savages on encountering the whites —
an incident given with delightful humour, and at the
same time showing close and careful observation —
will be likely to be welcomed by the reader.

' In pursuing our route we came to a little cove, at the
bottom of which appeared a pretty valley, which seemed
to offer the prospect of finding sweet water. That
consideration decided M. H. Freycinet to land there.
We had scarcely put foot upon the shore, when two
natives made their appearance upon the peak of a
neighbouring hill. In response to the signs of friendship
that we made to them, one of them leapt, rather than
climbed, from the height of the rock, and was in the midst
of us in the twinkling of an eye. He was a young man of
from twenty-two to twenty-four years of age, of generally
strong build, having no other physical fault than the
extreme slenderness of legs and arms that is character-
istic of his race. His face had nothing ferocious or for-
bidding about its expression ; his eyes were lively and
intelligent, and his manner expressed at once good
feeling and surprise. M. Freycinet having embraced
him, I did the same ; but from the air of indifference
with which he received this evidence of our interest, it
was easy to perceive that this kind of reception had no
signification for him. What appeared to affect him
more, was the whiteness of our skin. Wishing to assure
himself, doubtless, if our bodies were the same colour all

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 177

over, he lifted up successively our waistcoats and our
shirts ; and his astonishment manifested itself in loud
cries of surprise, and above all in an extremely rapid
stamping of the feet.

' But our boat appeared to interest him even more
than our persons ; and after he had examined us for some
minutes, he sprang into it. There, without troubling
himself at all about the sailors whom he found in it, he
appeared as if absorbed in his examination of the novelty.
The thickness of the planks, the curves, the rudder, the
oars, the masts, the sails — all these he observed with that
silent and profound attention which are the unquestion-
able signs of a deep interest and a reflective admiration.
Just then, one of the boatmen, wishing doubtless to
increase his surprise, handed him a glass bottle filled
with the arack which formed part of the provisions of
our search party. The shining of the glass at first evoked
a cry of astonishment from the savage, who took the
bottle and examined it for some moments. But soon,
his curiosity returning to the boat, he threw the bottle
into the sea, without appearing to have any other inten-
tion than that of getting rid of an object to which he
was indifferent ; and at once resumed his examination.
Neither the cries of the sailor, who was concerned with
the loss of the bottle of arack, nor the promptness of one
of his comrades to jump into the water to recover it,
appeared to concern him. He made various attempts
to push the boat free, but the mooring-rope which held
it fast making his efforts futile, he was constrained to
abandon them, and returned to us, after having given us
M

178 TERRE NAPOLEON

the most striking example we had ever had of attention
and reflection among savage peoples.'

Presently the companion of the young aboriginal came
down the hill and joined the group. He was an older
man, about fifty years of age, grey-bearded and grey-
headed, with a frank and open countenance. He also
was permitted to satisfy himself that the Frenchmen
were white-bodied as well as white- faced ; and being
assured that there was nothing to fear from these strange
visitors, he signalled to two black women, who had
remained hidden during the earlier part of the interview.
One was a gin of forty, the second aged about twenty-
six ; both were naked. The younger woman carried a
black baby girl in a kangaroo skin, and Peron was
pleased to observe the affectionate care she showed
for her child. A surprise as great as that which the
young male black had shown concerning the boat, was
manifested by the younger woman in a pair of gloves.
The weather being cold, a fire was lit, when one of the
sailors, approaching it to warm himself, took off a pair
of fur gloves which he was wearing. ' The young woman,
at the sight of that action, gave forth such a loud cry
that we were at first alarmed ; but we were not long in
recognising the cause of her fright. We saw, from her
expressions and gestures, that she had taken the gloves
for real hands, or at least for a kind of living skin, that
could be taken off, put in the pocket, and put on again at
will. We laughed much at that singular error ; but we
were not so much amused at what the old man did a
little later with a bottle of arack. As it contained a

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 179

great part of our drink, we were compelled to take it
from him, which he resented so much that he went off
with his family, in spite of all I could do to detain them
longer.'

At Bruni Island, Peron and a party of his compatriots
had an adventure with a party of twenty native women.
He did not find them charming. All were in the con-
dition in which Actaeon saw Diana, when ' all undrest the
shining goddess stood,' though they did not, when
discovered, glow with

' such blushes as adorn
The ruddy welkin or the purple morn.'

Indeed, they appeared to be quite unaware that there
was anything remarkable about their deficiency of
clothing. ' A naked Duke of Windlestraw addressing
a naked House of Lords ' might have shocked them, but
not merely because he was naked. They were greatly
interested when, as a sign of friendliness, one of the
Frenchmen, the doctor of Le Naturaliste, began to sing
a song. The women squatted around, in attitudes
' bizarres et pittoresques/ applauding with loud cries.
They were not, however, a group of ladies for whom the
Frenchmen had any admiration to spare. Their black
skins smeared with fish oil, their short, coarse, black hair,
and their general form and features, were repulsive.
Two or three young girls of fifteen or sixteen years of
age the naturalist excepted from his generally ungallant
expressions of disgust. They were agreeably formed,
and their expression struck him as being more engaging,
soft, and affectionate, 'as if the better qualities of the

i8o TERRE NAPOLEON

soul should be, even amidst hordes of savages, the
peculiar appanage of youth, grace, and beauty.' Peron
remarked that nearly all the older women were marked
with wounds, ' sad results of bad treatment by their
ferocious spouses,' for the black was wont to temper
affection with discipline, and to emphasise his arguments
with a club.

If the black gins gave no satisfaction to the aesthetic
sense of the naturalist, his white skin appeared to be no
less displeasing to them ; and one of them made a kindly
effort to colour him to her fancy. She was one of the
younger women, and had been regarding him with
perhaps the thought that he was not beyond the scope
of art, though Nature had offended in making his tint so
pale. Rouge, says Mr. Meredith, is ' a form of practical
adoration of the genuine.' Charcoal was this lady's
substitute for rouge. A face, to please her, should be
black ; and, with a compassionate desire to improve
on one of Nature's bad jobs, she set to work. She
approached Peron, took up some charred sticks, rubbed
them in her hand, and then made advances to apply the
black powder to his face. He gravely submitted — in the
sacred cause of science, it may be supposed — and one
of his colleagues was favoured with similar treatment.
' Haply, for I am black,' he might have exclaimed with
Othello after the treatment ; and the makers of charcoal
complexions were charmed with their handiwork. ' We
appeared then to be a great subject of admiration for
these women ; they seemed to regard us with a tender
satisfaction/ wrote Peron ; and the reflection occurred

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 181

to him ' that the white European skin of which our race
is so proud is really a defect, a sort of deformity, which
must in these distant climates give place to the hue of
charcoal, dull red ochre, or clay.' Bonaparte would not
have concurred ; for he, as Thibaudeau tells us, emphatic-
ally told his Council of State, ' I am for the white race
because I am a white man myself ; that is an argument
quite good enough for me.' It was hardly an argument
at all ; but it sufficed.

The expedition encountered extremely bad weather
along the eastern coast of Tasmania ; where, also,
Captain Baudin was too ill to superintend the navigation
in person. He shut himself up in his cabin, and left the
ship to his lieutenant, Henri de Freycinet. Le Naturaliste
was separated from her consort during a furious gale
which raged on March 7 and 8, and the two vessels did
not meet again till both reached Port Jackson. While
making for Bass Strait, Le Geographe fell in with a small
vessel engaged in catching seals, with whose captain
the French had some converse. He told them that
the British Government had sent out special instructions
to Port Jackson that, should the French exploring ships
put in there, they were to be received ' with all the
regard due to the nature of their mission, and to the
dignity of the nation to which they belonged ' l — surely
a noble piece of courtesy from the Government of a people
with whom the French were then at war. It was this
intimation, there can be no doubt, that a month later
determined Baudin to go to Sydney, for Captain Hamelin

1 P6ron, ii. 175 (1824 edition).

182 TERRE NAPOLfiON

of Le Naturaliste was not aware of his intention to do so,
as will appear from the following chapter. Bass Strait
was entered on March 27, and the ship followed the
southern coast of Australia until the meeting with
Flinders in Encounter Bay, as described in the earlier
part of this book.

By this time, as has been related, scurvy was wreaking
frightful havoc among the crew. Before the Encounter
Bay incident occurred, the French sailors had expressed
so much disgust with their putrid meat, weeviDy biscuit,
and stinking water, that some of them threw their rations
overboard, even in the presence of the captain, preferring
to endure the pangs of hunger rather than eat such revolt-
ing food. After Baudin had made those investigations
which his means permitted in the region of the two
large gulfs, the winter season was again approaching,
when high winds and tempestuous seas might be antici-
pated. It was therefore hoped by all on board that
when the commandant decided to steer for the shelter
and succour of Port Jackson, he would, as it was only
sensible that he should, take the short route through
Bass Strait. In view of the distressed state of his com-
pany, it was positively cruel to think of doing otherwise.
But there was, it seems, a peculiar vein of perversity in
Baudin's character, which made him prone to do that
which everybody wis'hed him not to do. We may
disregard many of the disparaging sentences in which
Peron refers to ' notre commandant ' — never by name—
because P6ron so evidently detested Baudin that he is a
doubtful witness in matters of conduct and character.

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 183

We must also give due weight to the fact that we have
no statement of Baudin's point of view on any matter
for which he was blamed by colleagues who were at
enmity with him. But even so, we have his unquestion-
able actions upon which to form a judgment ; and it is
difficult to characterise by any milder term than stupidity
his determination to sail to Port Jackson from Kangaroo
Island round by the south of Tasmania, a route at least
six hundred miles out of his straight path. That he
came to this decision after having himself sailed through
Bass Strait from east to west, and thus learnt that the
navigation was free from difficulty ; when he had in his
possession the charts of Bass and Flinders showing a
clear course ; during a period of storms when he would
be quite certain to encounter worse weather by sailing
farther south ; when his crew were positively rotting
with the scorbutic pestilence that made life all but in-
tolerable to them, and attendance upon them almost
too loathsome for endurance by the ship's surgeon ;
and when his supplies were at starvation limit in point
of quantity and vermin-riddled in respect of quality —
that he resolved to take the long, stormy, southern route
in face of these considerations, seems hardly to admit of
explanation or excuse. 'A resolution so singular spread
consternation on board,' wrote Peron ; and it is not
wonderful that it did. The consequence was that the
voyage to Port Jackson made a story of privations
pitiful to read. The bare fact that it took Baudin from
May 8 to June 20, forty-three days, to sail from Kangaroo
Island to Sydney, whilst Flinders in the Investigator,

184 TERRE NAPOLfiON

despite contrary winds, covered the distance by the
Bass Strait route in thirty days (April 9 to May 9),
including several days spent at King Island and Port
Phillip, is sufficient to show how much Baudin's obtuse
temper contributed to aggravate the distress of his
people.

Peron described the weather during the voyage south-
ward as ' frightful.'

' And now the storm blast came, and he

Was tyrannous and strong :
He struck with his o'er-taking wings,
And chased us south along.

With sloping masts and dipping prow,
As who pursued with yell and blow
Still treads the shadow of his foe,

And forward bends his head,
The ship drove fast, loud roar'd the blast,

And southward aye we fled.'

Torrents of very cold rain fell, furious squalls lashed the
sea to a boil, thick fogs obscured the atmosphere ; and
the ship had to be worked by men ' covered with sores
and putrid ulcers, each day seeing the number of the
sick augmented.' There was a short rest in Adventure
Bay, Bruni Island, for the purpose of procuring fresh
water on May 20, and when the order to sail again was
given, the crew were so much enfeebled by disease that
it took them four hours to weigh the anchor. On the east
coast more storms came to harass the unfortunate men.
A paragraph in P6ron's own terms will convey a sufficient
sense of the agony endured on the stricken ship.
' On June 2 and 3 the weather became very bad.

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 185

Showers of rain succeeded each other incessantly, and
, squalls blew with a violence that we had never experi-
enced before. On the 4th, during the whole day, the
• weather was so frightful that, accustomed as we had
i become to the fury of tempests, this last made us forget all
that had preceded. Never before had the squalls followed
each other with such rapidity ; never had the billows
been so tumultuous. Our ship, smitten by them, at every
instant seemed about to break asunder under the shock
of the impact. In the twinkling of an eye our foremast
snapped and fell overboard, and all the barricading that
we had erected to break the force of the wind was smashed.
Even our anchors were lifted from the catheads despite
the strength of the ropes which held them. It was
necessary to make them more secure, and the ten men,
who were all that were left us to work the ship, were
engaged in this work during a great part of the day.
'. During the night the tempest was prolonged by furious
gales. The rain fell in torrents ; the sea rose even
higher ; and enormous waves swept over our decks.
The black darkness did not permit the simplest work to
be done without extreme difficulty, and the whole of
the interior of the vessel was flooded by sea-water. Four
men were compelled to enter the hospital, leaving only
six in a condition to carry out the orders of the officer
on the bridge, and these unfortunates themselves dropped
: from sheer exhaustion and fatigue. Between decks, the
sick men lay about, and the air was filled with their
groans. A picture more harrowing never presented
itself to the imagination. The general consternation

i86 TERRE NAPOLfiON

added to the horror of it. We had nearly reached the
point of being unable to control the movements of the
ship amidst the fury of the waves ; parts of the rigging
were broken with every manoeuvre ; and despite all our
efforts we could scarcely shift our sails. For a long time
our commandant had had no rest. It was absolutely
necessary to get out of these stormy seas at the extremity
of the southern continent, and hasten on our course for '\
Port Jackson. " At this time," says the commandant
in his journal, and the fact was only too true, " I had not
more than four men in a fit condition to remain on duty,
including the officer in charge." The ravages of the scurvy
can be estimated from these words. Not a soul among
us was exempt from the disease ; even the animals we
had on board were afflicted by it ; some, including two
rabbits and a monkey, had died from it.'

Slowly, painfully, as though the ship herself were
diseased, like the miserable company on board, the coast
was traversed, until at last, on June 20, Le Geographe
stood off Port Jackson heads. Even then, with the
harbour of refuge in sight, the crew were so paralysed
by their affliction that they were positively unable to
work her into port.1 But the fact that a ship in distress
was outside the heads was reported to Governor King,
who was expecting Le Geographe to arrive, and who
had doubtless learnt that there was scurvy aboard from
Flinders, whose quick eye would not have failed to

1 An astonishing statement indeed, but here are Pcron's words : ' Depuis
plusieurs jours, nous nous trouvions par le travers du port Jackson san*
pouvoir, a cause de la foiblesse de nos matelots, ex^cuter les manoeuvres
n£cessaires pour y entrer.'

EXODUS OF THE EXPEDITION 187

rive some trace of the sad state of affairs when
he boarded the vessel in Encounter Bay. Accordingly
King sent out a boat's crew of robust bluejackets from
the Investigator ; and Peron records with what trembling
joy the afflicted Frenchmen saw the boat approaching
on that June morning. Soon the British tars climbed
aboard, sails were trimmed, the tiller was grasped by a
strong hand, a brisk British officer took charge, and the
ship was brought through the blue waters of Port Jackson,
; where, in Neutral Bay, her anchor was dropped.

It is not overstating the case to say that Le Geographe
'was snatched from utter destruction by the prompt
kindness of the British governor. A slight prolongation
of the voyage would have rendered her as helpless as if
peopled by a phantom crew ; and she must have been
blown before the wind until dashed to fragments on the
rocks on some uninhabited part of the coast. The
extremity of abject powerlessness had unquestionably
been reached when the wide entrance to Port Jackson
could not be negotiated.

Peron regarded the dreadful condition of the vessel
as furnishing a great and terrible lesson to navigators.
' These misfortunes/ he wrote, ' had no other cause than
the neglect of our chief of the most indispensable
precautions relative to the health of the men. He
neglected the orders of the Government in that regard ;
he neglected the instructions which had been furnished to
him in Europe ; he imposed, at all stages of the voyage,
the most horrible privations upon his crew and his sick
people.' The naturalist concluded his doleful chapter

i88

TERRE NAPOLEON

of horrors by quoting the words of the British navigator
Vancouver, who was one of Cook's officers on his thirc
voyage : ' It is to the inestimable progress of nava
hygiene that the English owe, in great part, the high
rank that they hold to-day among the nations.' He
might also have quoted, had he been aware of it, an!
excellent saying of Nelson's : ' It is easier for an officer!
to keep men healthy than for a physician to cure them.'

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 189

CHAPTER IX

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND

Le Naturaliste at Sydney — Boullanger's boat party — Curious con-
duct of Baudin — Le Naturaliste sails for Mauritius, but returns
to Port Jackson— Re-union of Baudin's ships — Hospitality of
Governor King— Peron's impressions of the British settlement —
Morand, the bank-note forger — Baudin shows his charts and
instructions to King — Departure of the French ships — Rumours
as to their objects — King's prompt action — The Cumberland
sent after them — Acting Lieutenant Robbins at King Island —
The flag incident — Baudin's letters to King — His protestations
— Views on colonisation — Le Naturaliste sails for Europe.

NATURALISTE had been unable to rejoin
her consort after the tempest of March 7 and
8. She being a slow sailer, the risk of the two
sels parting company was constant, and as there
id already been one separation, before the sojourn at
'irnor, Baudin should have appointed a rendezvous.
5ut he had neither taken this simple precaution, nor
id he even intimated to Captain Hamelin the route
it he intended to pursue. When, therefore, the storm
ited, the commander of the second ship neither knew
icre to look for Le Geographe, nor had he any certain
formation to enable him to follow her.
Before making up his mind as to what he should do,
iptain Hamelin had the good luck to pick up an open

192 TERRE NAPOLfiON

and during the entire length of their sojourn, thej
experienced that delicate and affectionate hospitalit}
which honours equally those who bestow and those whc
receive it.' So Peron testified ; but one cannot tran-
scribe his words without a reflection on the sort o:
' European hospitality ' that Matthew Flinders received
by way of contrast when he was compelled to seek
shelter in Mauritius.

Le Naturaliste was lying at anchor when Flinders
arrived with the Investigator in May. Learning from him
of the meeting with Le Geogmphe in Encounter Bay in
the previous month, and inferring that Baudin would
sail for Mauritius after finishing what he had to do on
the southern coast, Hamelin determined also to make
his way to the French colony. He left Sydney harbour
on May 18, with the intention of rounding the southern
extremity of Tasmania, and striking across the Indian
Ocean from that point. But here again fearful storms
were encountered. ' The sea was horrible ; the winds
blew with fury and in squalls ; torrents of rain fell
incessantly ' ; and, increasing the misfortunes, the wester-
ly winds were so strong at the time when the ship -
was endeavouring to turn westward, that no headway
could be made. Hamelin's men were already on short v,
rations, but even so the supplies would not suffice for a
voyage to Mauritius, unless a fairly rapid passage could
be made. The contrary winds, fogs, and storms of
' the roaring forties ' offered no such assurance ; and the
French captain, casting a ' longing, lingering look behind '
at the comforts and hospitalities of Port Jackson, d(

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 193

mined to double back on his tracks. He re-traversed
the east coast of Tasmania, and entered Port Jackson
for the second time on July 3, to find that his chief and
the leading ship of the expedition had been snugly
berthed there during the past fortnight. ' And so/
Peron comments, ' were united for the second time, and
by the most inconceivable luck, two ships which, owing
to the obstinacy of the commandant, had had no ap-
pointed rendezvous, and were twice forced to navigate
independently at two periods of the voyage when it
would have been most advantageous for them to act in
concert.'

As the two French vessels lay at Sydney for nearly
six months, during which time the officers and men
mingled freely with the population of the colony, whilst
the naturalists and artists occupied themselves busily
with the work of their special departments, the occur-
rences have a two-fold interest for one who wishes
to appreciate the significance of Baudin's expedition.
There is, first, the interest arising from the observations
of so intelligent a foreign observer as Peron l was, con-
cerning the British colony within fifteen years after its
foundation ; and there is, secondly, the special interest
pertaining to the reception and treatment of the expedi-
tion by the governing authorities, their suspicions as to
its motives, and the consequences which arose therefrom.

1 Curiously enough, there was another Peron who visited Port Jackson in
a French ship in 1796, and gave an interesting account of it in a book which
he wrote — Mtmoircs du Capitaine Pdron, two vols., Paris, 1824. But the
two men were not related. The nautical Captain Peron was born at Brest
in 1769.

N

194 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Apart from Peron's writings, we have a considerable
body of documentary material, in the form of letters
and despatches, which must be considered. We cannot
complain of an insufficiency of evidence. It covers the
transactions with amplitude ; it reveals purposes fully ;
the story is clear.

What Peron saw of the infant settlement filled him
with amazement and admiration. ' How could we fail
to be surprised at the state of that interesting and
flourishing colony/ cried the naturalist. It was only so
recently as January 26, 1788, that Captain Arthur Phillip
had entered the commodious and beautiful harbour
which is not eclipsed by any on the planet. Yet the
French found there plentiful evidences of prosperity and
comfort, and of that adaptable energy which lies at the
root of all British success in colonisation. Master Thorne,
in the sixteenth century, expressed the resolute spirit
of that energy in a phrase — ' There is no land unin-
habitable, nor sea innavigable ' ; and in every part of
the globe this British spirit has applied itself to many
a land that looked hopeless at first, and has frequently
found it to be one

' whose rich feet are mines of gold,
Whose forehead knocks against the roof of stars.'

We need hardly concern ourselves with Peron's survey
of the administrative system, social factors, education,
commerce, agriculture, fisheries, finance, and political
prospects, valuable as these are for the student of
Australian history. Nor would it further our purpose
to extract at length his views on the reformative efficacy

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 195

of the convict system, as to which he was certainly over
sanguine. The benevolent naturalist dealt with the
convicts in the next paragraph but one from that in
which he had described the growing wool trade ; and it
would almost seem that observations which he had
intended to make relative to sheep and lambs had by
chance strayed amongst the enthusiastic sentences in
which he related how transportation humanised criminals.
' All these unfortunates, lately the refuse and shame of
their country, have become by the most inconceivable of
metamorphoses, laborious cultivators, happy and peace-
ful citizens ' ; ' nowhere does one hear of thieves and
murderers ' ; ' the most perfect security prevails through-
out the colony ' ; ' redoubtable brigands, who were so long
the terror of the Government of their country, and were
repulsed from the breast of European society, have,
under happier influences, cast aside their anti-social
manners ' ; and so forth. On this subject Peron is by
no means a witness whom the sociologist can trust ;
though it should not escape notice that the generous
temper in which he described what he saw of the convict
system in operation, and his view of it as a noble experi-
ment in reformation, indicate his desire to appraise
sympathetically the uses to which the British were
putting their magnificent possessions in the South Seas.

Captain Baudin's impressions of the young colony,
contained in his letter to Jussieu,1 are also interesting,
and may with advantage be quoted, as they appear to
have escaped the attention of previous writers. ' I

1 Moniteur, 22nd Fructidor, an xi. (September 9, 1803).

196 TERRE NAPOLfiON

could not regard without admiration/ he wrote, ' the
immense work that the English have done during the
twelve years that they have been established at Port
Jackson. Although it is true that they commenced
with large resources [' grands moyens ' ; but, indeed,
they did not !] and incurred great expenditure, it is
nevertheless difficult to conceive how they have so
speedily attained to the state of splendour and comfort
in which they now find themselves. It is true that
Nature has done much for them in the beauty and
security of the harbour upon which their principal
establishment is erected ; but the nature of the soil in
the vicinity has compelled them to penetrate the interior
of the country to find land suitable for the various crops
which abundantly furnish them with the means of
subsistence, and enable them to supply the wants of
the European vessels which the fisheries and commerce
attract to this port.'

The French visitors were far more genial in their view
of the affairs of the colony than many British writers
have been. It was concerning this very period that
Dr. Lang said that the population consisted, apart from
convicts, ' chiefly of those who sold rum and those who
drank it.'

The reader must not, however, be hurried away from
the subject of the convict population without the pleasure
of an introduction to a delightful rascal, under sentence
for forgery, with whom Pe"ron had an interview. The
ironical humour of the passage will lighten a page ; and
the plausible character revealed in it might have escaped

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 197

from a comedy of Moliere. Morand was his name, and
his crime — ' son seul crime/ wrote Peron in italics — was
in having ' wished to associate himself with the Bank of
England without having an account there.'

Morand shall be permitted to tell, in his own bland,
ingenuous way, how, like a patriot, he tried to achieve
financially what Bonaparte failed to do by military
genius ; and doubtless in after years he reflected that if
his own efforts brought him to Sydney Cove, Napoleon's
landed him at St. Helena.

' The war,' said Morand, ' broke out between Great
Britain and France ; the forces of the two nations were
grappling ; but it appeared to me to be easier to destroy
our rival by finance than by arms. I resolved, therefore,
as a good patriot, to undertake that ruin, and to accom-
plish it in the very heart of London. If I had succeeded,'
he cried with enthusiasm, ' France would have held me in
the greatest honour ; and instead of being branded as a
brigand, I should have been proclaimed the avenger of
my country. Scarcely had I arrived in England when I
commenced my operations ; and at first they succeeded
beyond all my hopes. Assisted by an Irishman not less
skilful than myself, and who, like me, was actuated by a
noble patriotism, desiring even more fervently than I did
the downfall of England, I was soon enabled to counter-
feit the notes of the Bank with such perfection that it
was even difficult for us to distinguish those which came
from our own press from the genuine paper. I was at
the very point of a triumph ; all my preparations were
made for inundating England with our manufactured

198 TERRE NAPOLfiON

notes ; nothing was wanting except some information
in regard to numbering them — when my companion,
whom up till then I had regarded as an honest man,1 took
it into his head to steal some of the notes, which were
as yet defective, inasmuch as they lacked a few trifling
but indispensable formalities. He was arrested almost
immediately ; and as he had behaved dishonourably
towards me, he did not hesitate to relapse into sin in
another aspect. He revealed everything to the
authorities ; I was arrested and plunged into prison
with him ; all my instruments, all our bank notes, were
seized — and Great Britain was saved from the ruin
which I had prepared for her !

' Evident as were the proofs of our project, I did not
despair, thanks to the nature of the criminal laws of
England, of escaping death ; but such were the feebleness
and fright of my wretched partner, that I had no doubt
of our common downfall if I were compelled to appear
before the tribunals in association with that cowardly
wretch. To obviate the aggravation of my own mis-
fortunes, which could not have prevented his, I de-
termined to endeavour to get rid of him ; and, as the
author of both our disasters, it was quite right that he
should surfer. In a speech to him that was very pathetic,
therefore, I tried to prove to him, that, our death being
inevitable, we had nothing better to think about than
how best to sustain the sadness and ignominy that had
come upon us ; and that, death for death, it was better
to fall like men of honour than under the hand of the
executioner. The Irishman was moved, but not yet

1 The italics are P£ron's.

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 199

resolved. I then made him feel that if his own infamy
did not touch him, he ought at least to spare his children
the disgrace of being pointed at as the offspring of one
who had been hanged ; and that, if he had not been able
to leave them wealth, he should at least, by an act of
generous devotion, save them from that shame.

' These last reflections inflamed the Irishman with a
fine courage. We managed to procure a strong corrosive
acid ; I feigned to take some of it ; but he took it really,
and died ; when, disembarrassed from that silly rascal,
I avoided the gallows which assuredly awaited me had
I been tried with him. I was, instead, sentenced to
transportation to this colony, where I am condemned to
pass the remainder of my days. But the period of
my servitude in prison is now finished ; I follow with
advantage two of my early trades, those of goldsmith
and clockmaker.1 The two knaves who work for me
increase my profits threefold. In a few years I shall be
one of the wealthiest proprietors in the colony ; and I
should be one of the happiest if I were not constantly
tormented with regret at having so unfortunately failed
in an honourable enterprise, and at being regarded on
that account as a vile criminal, even by those among you,
my compatriots, who cannot know the noble principles

1 He was an emancipist ; that is, a convict liberated from prison confine-
ment on probation. His two 'knaves' were also convicts. Transported
men could often earn their liberty by exemplary behaviour. When Flinders
went north in the Investigator, he was allowed to take nine convicts with him
as part of his crew, on the promise that a good report from him would earn
them their liberty ; but that experiment was not a marked success. Morand,
as I understand it, escaped the death penalty because the suicide of his
companion prevented his being tried for conspiracy. The punishment for
forgery was transportation.

200 TERRE NAPOL£ON

[sic ' nobles principes ' !] which actuated my conduct, or
who cannot appreciate them.'

As the good Peron does not mention discovering that
his pockets had been picked after his interview with
this choice and humorous rogue, it will be agreed that he
escaped from the interview with singular good fortune.

The naturalist presented a lively picture of the port
of Sydney, which even in those very early days was
becoming a place of consequence. There were ships
from the Thames and the Shannon, brought out to
engage in whaling, which was an important industry
then and for many years after ; ships from China ; ships
laden with coal bound for India and the Cape ; ships
engaged hi the Bass Strait sealing trade ; ships which
pursued a profitable but risky business in contraband
with the Spanish South American colonies ; ships fitting
out for the North American fur trade ; ships destined
for enterprises among the South Sea Islands ; and,
lastly, there was the ship of ' the intrepid M. Flinders '
getting ready to continue the navigations of that explorer
in northern and north-western Australia. ' All this
ensemble of great operations, all these movements of
vessels, give to these shores a character of importance
and activity that we did not expect to meet with in
regions so little known in Europe, and our interest re-
doubled with our admiration.' Above all, one is glad to
notice, Peron was interested in the boat in which George
Bass had accomplished that ' audacieuse navigation,'
the discovery of Bass Strait, in 1797-98. It was, at the
date of this visit to Sydney, preserved in the port with

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 201

a sort of ' religious respect/ and small souvenirs made
out of a portion of its keel were regarded as precious
relics by those who possessed them. Governor King
believed that he could not make a more honourable
present to Baudin than a piece of the wood of the boat
enclosed in a silver frame, upon which he had had
engraved a short statement of the facts of Bass's
remarkable exploit.

Throughout the long stay made by Baudin's vessels,
the utmost kindness was shown to the whole company
by the British. The governor himself, and the principal
citizens, were hospitable ; the scientists were permitted
to go wherever they chose ; and guides were provided for
them on their inland excursions ; and the scurvy-
tortured sailors were attended by Dr. Thomson, the chief
medical officer of the colony, with ' the most touching
activity.' In addition to this, Governor King gave the
French commandant unlimited credit to obtain what-
ever stores he needed, even supplying him with official
requisition forms which he could fill up at his own
pleasure ; ' and these schedules, without any other
guarantee than the signature of the commandant, were
accepted by all the inhabitants with the most entire
confidence.' The generosity of King in this respect
was all the greater, in that the Government stores were
for the time being short of requirements, and the governor
had to reduce temporarily the rations of his own people
in order to share with the French. The settlement was
not yet self-supporting, and the delay of supply ships,
through storms or other hindrances, meant ' short

202 TERRE NAPOLfiON

commons ' for all. At the time of the arrival of the
French, the stock of wheat was very low, because floods
on the Hawkesbury had destroyed a large part of the
harvest ; and to meet the requirements of one hundred
and seventy extra men taxed the resources of the ad-
ministration somewhat severely.

But what King had to offer he gave with a graceful
liberality. ' Although you will not find abundant
supplies of what are most acceptable to those coming off
so long a voyage, yet I offer you a sincere welcome/ he
had written ; and, happy as he was to be able to announce
that news of the peace had been received on the day
previous to Baudin's arrival — no doubt the vessel that
brought the despatch reported to the governor that
Le G6ographe was near the heads — ' yet the continuance
of the war would have made no difference in my reception
of your ships, and offering every relief and assistance in
my power.' Not only Baudin and Peron acknowledged
gratefully the fine courtesy shown by the British, but
other members of the expedition also expressed them-
selves as thankful for the consideration extended to
them. Bailly the geologist made an excursion to the
Hawkesbury and the mountains, in the interest of his
own science, when boats, oarsmen, guide, interpreter,
and everything were furnished by the Government,
' our chief having refused us even the food necessary
for the journey.' No more could have been done for a
British expedition.

Baudin obtained permission for his officers to erect
their tents for the making of astronomical observations

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 203

at the same place as had been appointed for the tents
of Flinders' officers, one of whom, delegated for this
service, was the young John Franklin. This proximity
of men engaged in similar work seems to have extended
friendly feelings amongst them. It was possibly on occa-
sions of their meeting in this manner that Flinders showed
his charts to Baudin to illustrate what the Investigator
had already done ; and it was after an examination of
the drawings that Freycinet made a remark that reflected
the regret of a keen officer for the procrastination that
conduced to the failure of their own expedition in a
geographical sense. 'Ah, captain/ said Freycinet,
' if we had not been kept so long picking up shells and
collecting butterflies at Van Diemen's Land, you would
not have discovered the south coast before us.' 1 That
was a mild statement of the case. If Baudin had applied
himself to his task of exploration with diligence intelli-
gently directed, he would have discovered the south
coast before Flinders reached Australian waters. It
was at this time, also, that the French officers learnt of
the existence of Port Phillip, and probably obtained a
copy of a chart of it.

The perfect friendliness prevailing during the whole
period of the stay of the discovery ships was disturbed
by only two incidents, neither of which is of surviving
importance. One consisted of a charge against junior
officers of having sold ashore rum which had been pur-
chased, by permission of the governor, for use during
the voyage. The case was investigated, the accusations

1 Flinders, Voyage, i. 190.

204 TERRE NAPOLfiON

broke down, and apologies were made to the officers
affected. The second incident arose out of a misunder-
standing of the French method of honouring the British
flag on King George's birthday. It was an affair of no
consequence, and a brief explanation soon put matters
right. A British officer deemed the French mode of
' dressing ' their ships to be disrespectful, but Baudin
was able to show that what was done was in accordance
with the regulations of his country's navy, which provided
that ' the place of honour for the flag of a foreign nation
which we intend to distinguish, must be on the starboard
of the main-yard arm.' The fact that these two trivial
incidents were the only recorded elements of misunder-
standing during a period of nearly six months, at a time
when animosities between English and French people —
and especially sailors — were extraordinarily acute, testifies
to the good manners of the French, the hospitable feeling
of the English, and the pleasant temper of all parties.

Governor King, notwithstanding his benevolent dis-
position, was mindful of his responsibilities. Before a
French sail was sighted he had been advised of the fact
that Baudin's ships were to visit Australian waters,
and it is quite clear that, in common with most of his
contemporaries, he was very suspicious of Gallic designs.
He was a naval officer himself, and British naval men at
that period were pretty well unanimously of Nelson's
opinion, when he wrote to Hugh Elliot, ' I never trust a
Corsican or a Frenchman ; I would give the devil ALL
the good ones to take the remainder.' The arrival of
Flinders in the Investigator on May 9, and his reports as

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 205

to the presence of the French on the southern coast,
made the governor wary and watchful ; and on May 21
he wrote to the Duke of Portland suggesting the establish-
ment of a colony at the newly discovered Port Phillip.
' I am more solicitous respecting forming this settlement
from the probability of the French having it in contempla-
tion to make a settlement on the north-west coast, which
I cannot help thinking is the principal object of their
researches.' l The letter exhibits the suspicion in King's
mind, and his alertness to frustrate any attempt to
threaten the interests and security of the colony under
his charge by the planting of a foreign settlement in its
neighbourhood.

But Captain Baudin was very frank. In his first letter
to the governor, dated June 23, and written on the day
after his arrival in port, he requested permission to remain
for some time, ' as we all want a little rest, having been
at sea for nine consecutive months ' ; and he added the
assurance that ' I shall at the first interview it will be
your pleasure to grant me, furnish you with all the in-
formation which may be of interest to you, concerning
the expedition which I am making by order of the
French Government.'

Baudin kept his promise. He handed over to King his
journals, ' in which were contained all his orders from the
first idea of his voyage taking place/ and also the whole
of the drawings made on the voyage.2 The governor

1 Historical Records of New South Wales. The N.W. coast referred to
is, of course, N.W. Tasmania.

2 King's letter to Banks, Historical Records of New South Wales, v. 133.

206 TERRE NAPOLEON

was able to examine these at his leisure, and that he
made use of the opportunity is apparent from his brief
summary of the orders. ' His object was, by his orders,
the collection of objects of natural history from this
country at large, and the geography of Van Diemen's
Land. The south and south-west coast, as well as the
north and north-west coast, were his particular objects.
It does not appear by his orders that he was at all in-
structed to touch here, which I do not think he intended
if not obliged by distress/ Evidently he did not, as was
indicated by Hamelin's resolve to go to Mauritius in May.
King had to confess, after a perusal of the papers, that he
was left with merely ' general ideas ' on the nature of the
French visit to Van Diemen's Land. These, however,
he communicated to Baudin, who ' informed me that he
knew of no idea that the French had of settling on any
part or side of this continent.' l It does not appear that
the governor showed any of the French papers or charts
to Flinders, whose statements in his book indicate that
he had not seen them.

The governor, then, commenced his relations with the
French commandant by being doubtful and vigilant ;
but frequent personal interviews, and an examination
of the whole of the ships' orders, journals, and charts,
convinced him that the suspicions were not justified,
and that there were no designs, about which he need be
concerned, behind the pacific professions of the voyagers.
From this time forth Baudin and King met almost daily ;
and from the beginning to the end of the visit the

1 King's letter to Banks, Historical Records of New South Wales, v. 133.

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 207

governor had not the faintest reason for doubting the good
faith of his guests. On July n he gave his authority
for Baudin to purchase the little colonial-built Casuarina,
with which to explore shallow waters, thus facilitating
the pursuit of the objects of the expedition.

Baudin's letter of farewell was a worthy acknowledg-
ment of the benefits he had received. ' On leaving the
colony/ he wrote, ' I bequeath to the French nation the
duty of offering to you the thanks which are due to you
as governor for all you have done as well for ourselves as
for the success of the expedition ; but it is for me to
assure you how valuable your friendship has been and
will ever be to me. . . . It will be a satisfaction for me
to correspond with you from whatever country events
may bring me to. It is, as you know, the only means
which men who love and esteem one another can make
use of, and it will be the one of which we shall reciprocally
avail ourselves if, on your part, I have been able by
my conduct to inspire you with the feelings which yours
has inspired me with.' l Baudin also wrote a general
letter, addressed to the administrators of the French
colonies of Mauritius and Reunion, setting forth the aids
which Governor King had rendered to his people, and
expressing the hope that if at any time a British ship
whose commander carried a copy of the letter should be
compelled to call at either island, it would be shown
that the French were not less hospitable and benevolent.2
Twelve signed copies of this letter3 were given to King,
who, however, does not seem to have given one to Flinders

1 Historical Records, iv. 1006. 2 Ibid., iv. 968. s Ibid.t p. 133.

208 TERRE NAPOLEON

when he sailed with the Cumberland. It is doubtful
whether the possession of one would have made any
difference in General Decaen's treatment of the English
navigator, as he was quite well aware of the services
rendered to Baudin's expedition by the British at Port
Jackson. In fact, it is not known that King made any
use of the document. A copy of it was found among his
papers after his death.

It was not till after Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste
had sailed away (November 18) that a piece of gossip
came to King's ears that caused him uneasiness. Accord-
ing to the rumour, Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson, of the
New South Wales corps, had stated that one of the
French officers had told him that one of the purposes of
the expedition was to fix upon a site for a settlement
in Van Diemen's Land. Paterson did not report this
story to the governor, as it was his obvious duty to do
were it true that he had been so informed. Had he
reported it, King could have confronted Baudin wit!
witnesses before his ships left the harbour. ' I shouL
have required a positive explanation from the French
commodore, and would have taken a vessel up to have
preceded any attempt of that kind they might have in
contemplation.'

King sent for Paterson, and questioned him as to what
he had heard. His excuse for not personally communi-
cating the story which he had allowed to drift to the
governor's ears by chance, was that he thought that what
he had heard must have come to King's knowledge also :
a supine and almost flippant explanation of neglect in a

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 209

matter which was serious if the allegations were true.
He affirmed also that one of the French officers had
pointed out to him on a chart the very place where they
intended to settle. It was in what is now known as
Frederick Henry Bay, in the south of Tasmania.1

The governor took prompt action. He at once fitted
out the armed schooner Cumberland — the vessel in which
Flinders afterwards sailed to Mauritius — and placed her
under the command of Acting-Lieutenant Robbins. She
carried a company of seventeen persons in all, including
the Surveyor-General, Charles Grimes ; for Robbins
was also instructed to take the schooner on to Port
Phillip after finding the French, and to have a complete
survey made.

Robbins was directed to ascertain where the French
ships were, to hand to Baudin a letter, and to lay formal
claim to the whole of Van Diemen's Land for the British
Crown ; to erect the British flag wherever he landed ;
and to sow seeds in anticipation of the needs of settlers,
whom it was intended to send in the Porpoise at a later
date. It was a bold move, for had Baudin's intentions
been such as he was now suspected of entertaining, the
one hundred and seventy men under his command
1 1 would surely have had little difficulty in disposing of
i:he handful whom young Robbins led.

But no assertion of force was necessary at all, and
me can hardly read the letters and despatches bearing
ipon the incident without feeling that the proceedings
airly lent themselves to the ridicule which the nimble-

1 Backhouse Walker, Early Tasmania, p. 15.
O

210 TERRE NAPOL£ON

wilted French officers applied to them. Baudin and his
people had not gone to Frederick Henry Bay ; they had
not planted the tricolour anywhere in Tasmania ; they
had not even called at any port in that island. Instead,
they were discovered quietly charting, catching insects,
and collecting plants at Sea Elephants Bay, on the east
of King Island, which, it will be remembered, they had
missed on the former part of their voyage.

But Acting-Lieutenant Robbins was young, and was
surcharged with a sense of the great responsibility cast
upon him. A more experienced officer, having delivered
his message, might have waited quietly alongside the
French until they finished their work, and then seen
them politely ' off the premises/ so to speak ; in which
event Governor King's purpose would have been fully
served and no offence would have been given. But
instead of that, after lying at anchor beside Le Geographe
for six days, on friendly and even convivial terms with
the French, Robbins landed with his army of seventeen
stalwarts, fastened the British flag to a tree over the tents
of the naturalists, had a volley fired by three marines —
he was doing the thing in style — and, calling for three
cheers, which were lustily given, formally asserted
possession oi King Island. There was no need to do
anything of the kind, for the island had been discovered
four years before, and was at this very time occupied by
British people, who used it as the headquarters of the
Bass Strait sealing industry.

Robbins' action, though strictly in accordance with
the instructions given to him on the supposition that the

( AI'TAIN NICOLAS HAVDIN

FKil.M AN KN (IN. \VI-\C,

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 211

French would be . found in occupation of territory in
Tasmania, was, in the circumstances, tactless to the
point of rudeness, though it caused less indignation than
amusement among them. It is to be noticed that the
flag of the Republic had not been erected over the tents
of the visitors, nor anywhere on the island. Other-
wise, we may suppose, Acting-Lieutenant Robbins would
have gone a step further and pulled it down ; and
what would have happened then we can but surmise.

Baudin was on his ship, which was anchored a little
way off the shore, when the ' hurrahs ' of the assertive
seventeen directed his attention to Robbins' solemn
proceedings. In a private letter to King he described
what had happened as a ' childish ceremony/ which had
been made more ridiculous ' from the manner in which
the flag was placed, the head being downwards, and the
attitude not very majestic. Having occasion to go on
shore that day, I saw for myself what I am telling you.
I thought at first it might have been a flag which had
been used to strain water and then hung out to dry ;
but seeing an armed man walking about, I was informed
of the ceremony which had taken place that morning.' x
He asserted that Petit, one of his artists, had made an
amusing caricature of the ceremony, but that he, Baudin,
had torn it up, and directed that it was not to be repeated.

The tone of Baudin's letters betrayed more annoyance
than his language actually expressed ; but assuming
that his professions were true, it must be admitted that
he had reason to feel offended. He had left Sydney on

1 Baudin to King, Historical Records, v. 829.

212 TERRE NAPOLEON

excellent terms with the governor, who had not only
wished well to his undertaking, but had assisted in its
prosecution by enabling the Casuarina to be purchased.
He now found himself pursued by a youthful and exuber-
ant officer, presented with a letter which suggested
intentions that he had explicitly disavowed, and the
British flag was virtually flapped in his face in a some-
what unmannerly fashion. King's letter to him ex-
plained the rumour which had led to the despatch of
the Cumberland, and contained the following passage :
' You will easily imagine that if any information of that
kind had reached me before your departure, I should
have requested an explanation ; but as I knew nothing
of it, and at present totally disbelieving anything of
the kind ever being thought of, I consider it but proper
to give you this information/

Baudin wrote two letters in reply, one officially, and
the second, by far the more interesting document, a
personal and friendly epistle. In the official answer he
said : ' The story you have heard, of which I suspect
Mr. Kemp, captain in the New South Wales corps, to be
the author, is without foundation, nor do I believe that
the officers and naturalists who are on board can have
given cause for it by their conversation. But in any case
you may rest well assured that if the French Government
had ordered me to remain some days either in the north
or south of Van Diemen's Land, discovered by Abel
Tasman, I would have stopped there without keeping
my intention secret from you.' Baudin's additional
statement that, prior to the flag incident, he had taken

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 213

care to place in four prominent parts of the island 'proofs
sufficient to show the priority of our visit,' must, however,
have brought a smile to King's lips, and certainly makes
one wonder what Baudin meant by ' priority ' ; since
King Island had previously been visited by Flinders,
had been fully charted, and was the frequent resort of
sealers. As a matter of fact, the Snow-Harrington,
which had succoured Boullanger and his boat crew of
abandoned Frenchmen in the previous March, had, after
that fortunate meeting, stayed at the island ten weeks,
when there were killed the enormous number of six
hundred sea-elephants and four thousand three hundred
seals.1 Besides, Baudin assured King that ' I intend '
that the island ' shall continue to bear your name/
forgetful that it would not have had a name already if
his own visit had been ' prior ' to others.

The second, unofficial, letter which Baudin wrote to
the governor repeated his positive assurances that the
suspicions concerning his objects were without founda-
tion, but on account of the personal regard which he
entertained for King, he determined to tell him frankly
his opinion regarding the forming of European settle-
ments and the dispossessing of native peoples. The
view expressed by him bears the impress of the ' ideas
of '89,' ideas which laid stress on the rights of man and
human equality, and professed for the backward races a
special fraternal tenderness. ' To my way of thinking,'
said the commodore, ' I have never been able to conceive
that there was any justice or equity on the part of

1 Backhouse Walker, Early Tasmania, p. 21.

214 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Europeans, in seizing, in the name of their governments,
a land for the first time, when it is inhabited by men who
have not always deserved the title of savages, or cannibals,
which has been given to them, while they were but
children of nature, and just as little savages as are actually
your Scotch Highlanders l or our peasants of Brittany,
who, if they do not eat their fellowmen, are nevertheless
just as objectionable. From this it appears to me that
it would be infinitely more glorious for your nation, as for
mine, to mould for society the inhabitants of the respective
countries over whom they have rights, instead of wishing
to dispossess those who are so far removed by immedi-
ately seizing the soil which they own and which has given
them birth. These remarks are no doubt impolitic, but
at least reasonable from the facts ; and had this principle
been generally adopted you would not have been obliged
to form a colony by means of men branded by the law,
and who have become criminals through the fault of the
Government which has neglected and abandoned them to
themselves. It follows, therefore, that not only have you
to reproach yourselves with an injustice in seizing their
lands, but also in transporting on a soil where the crimes
and the diseases of Europeans were unknown, all that
could retard the progress of civilisation, but which has
served as a pretext to your Government. I have no

1 Had Baudin been reading about the Sage of Lichfield ? ' Well, sir, God
made Scotland.' 'Certainly,' replied Dr. Johnson, 'but we must always
remember that he made it for Scotchmen ; and comparisons are odious,
Mr. Strahan, but God made Hell.' Caledonian Societies, of which there
are many in various parts of the world, will observe with gratitude Baudin's
concession that Highlanders did not eat their fellowmen.

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 215

knowledge of the claims which the French Government
may have upon Van Diemen's Land, nor of its designs ;
but I think that its title will not be any better grounded
than yours.'

After this taste of Baudin's reflections, it is really a
pity that we possess so little from his pen. Had he
lived to be the historian of the expedition, his work would
have been very different in character from that of Peron ;
though it is hardly likely that an elaboration of the
views expressed in the personal letter to King would have
been favoured with the imprint ' de rimprimerie Im-
periale.' Peron's anthropological studies among Aus-
tralian aboriginals led him to conclusions totally at
variance with the nebulous ' state of nature ' theories
of the time, which pictured the civilised being as a
degenerate from man unspoiled by law, government,
and convention. The tests and measurements of blacks
which he made, and compared with those of French and
English people, showed him that even physically the
native was an inferior animal ; his observations of ways
of life in the wild Bush taught him that organised society,
with all its restraints, was preferable to the supposed
freedom of savagery ; and he deduced the philosophical
conclusion that the ' state of nature ' was in truth a state
of subjection to pitiless forces, only endurable by beings
who felt not the bondage because they knew of no more
ennobled condition.1 Baudin carried away from his

1 A more distinguished man was cured of his early Rousseauism by an
acquaintance with peoples far higher in the scale of advancement than
Australian aboriginals. ' Up to sixteen years of age, ' said Napoleon in a scrap
of conversation recorded by Roederer, ' I would have fought for Rousseau

216 TERRE NAPOLfiON

visits to the abodes of untutored races no truer notion
than came from his own unsubstantiated sentiments,
nourished by no contact with facts, but imbibed un-
critically from the rhetorical rhapsodists of Rousseau's
school. Crabbe summed them up in half a dozen lines : —

' Tis the savage state
Is only good, and ours sophisticate i
See ! the free creatures in their woods and plains,
Where without laws each happy monarch reigns,
King of himself — while we a number dread,
By slaves commanded and by dunces led.'

Peron spoke of savage peoples, not with less sympathy
but with a sympathy grounded on knowledge ; and he
wasted no words about the ' injustice ' of occupying lands
which the aboriginal only used in the sense that lands are
' used ' by rabbits and dingoes. Peron's appreciation
of well-observed facts gave him some political insight
in the philosophical sense, and he comprehended the
development of which the country was capable. Could
Baudin's shade visit to-day the shores that he traversed
more than a century ago, he would surely acknowledge
that orchards of ripening fruit, miles of golden grain,
millions of white fleeces, the cattle of a thousand hills,
great cities throbbing with immense energies, and a
commerce of ever augmenting vastness, ministering to
the happiness of free and prosperous populations, are,
in the large ledger of humanity, an abundant compensa-
tion for the disappearance of the few companies of naked

against all the friends of Voltaire. Now it is the contrary. I have been
especially disgusted with Rousseau since I have seen the East. Savage man
is a dog.'

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 217

savages whom, when civilisation once invaded their
ancestral haunts, neither the agencies of government
nor philanthropy could save from the processes of
decay.

The account given by Peron of the flag-raising incident
was quite accurate, but he presented his readers with a
wholly untrue version of Governor King's letter to
Baudin. With the document before us, we must doubt
whether Peron ever saw it. The passage printed by him
in quotation marks bears hardly a resemblance to the
courteous terms of the actual letter, which did not
contain any such threat as that ' all these countries
form an integral part of the British Empire/ and ' it
will be my duty to oppose by every means in my power
the execution of the design you are supposed to have
in view.' It seems probable that Peron heard the letter
read, or its contents summarised, but, in writing, mixed
up the substance of it with blustering language which
may have been used by Acting-Lieutenant Robbins.1
At all events, King used no word of menace, while
conveying plainly that the establishment of a French
settlement would require ' explanation.'

There is no good reason for disbelieving Baudin's
disclaimer. It was plain and candid ; and there was
nothing in his actions while he was in Australian waters
which belied his words. The baseless character of the
gossip promulgated by Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson, and
the alleged exhibition of the map indicating the exact
spot where the French intended to settle in Frederick

1 Backhouse Walker also held this view (Early Tasmania, p. 18).

218 TERRE NAPOLEON

Henry Bay, were disposed of by the fact that Baudin's
ships went nowhere near that place after leaving Sydney.
If any French officer did show Paterson a chart, he must
have been amusing himself by playing on the suspicions
of the Englishman, who was probably ' fishing ' for
information. Baudin's conduct, and that of his officers,
never suggested that search for a site for settlement was
part of the mission of the expedition ; and, in the face of
the commodore's emphatic denials, positive evidence, or
a strong chain of facts to the contrary, would have to be
forthcoming before such a story could be entertained.
Suspicions were natural enough in face of the strained
feelings, the wars, the plots and counterplots of diplomacy,
Napoleon's menaced invasion of England, and all the
other factors that made for racial animosity at the
beginning of the nineteenth century ; but viewing the
circumstances in the perspective made by the lapse of
a hundred years, cool judgment must dismiss the jealous
alarms of 1802 as being unfounded.

Yet a patriotic Frenchman, as Peron was, could not
witness this remarkable growth of a new offshoot of
British power in the South Seas without regret and
misgiving. ' Doubtless,' he commented on Robbins'
action, ' that ceremony will appear silly to people who
know little about English polity ; but for the states-
man such formalities assume a much more serious and
important character. By these public and repeated
declarations England seems every day to fortify her
pretensions, to establish her rights, in a positive manner,
and to devise pretexts to repulse, even by force of arms,

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 219

all other peoples who may wish to form settlements
in these distant countries.' We shall not honour Peron
the less because he expressed an opinion so natural to
a man solicitous for his country's prestige.

It has been stated by one or two writers that the
action of Robbins put an end to the cordial relations
which had previously existed between him and the French.
But that is an error. They had cause to be offended,
but the young man was treated with indulgence. Peron
records that both Grimes and Robbins visited the tents
of the 'French after the flag incident, and shared their
frugal dinner ; and Baudin informed King that, the
Cumberland having lost an anchor, his forge was at work
for a whole day supplying the wants of the British
schooner — a service akin to heaping coals of fire on the
head of the zealous acting-lieutenant. At the same time,
other members of the French expedition experienced
very kind treatment from British fishermen. Faure, one
of the scientific staff, was sent hi a small boat to complete
a chart of the island. A violent storm compelled him
to go ashore on the^western end, where he and his sailors
were for three days most hospitably entertained by
sealers, who, on their departure, forced upon them
some of their finest furs as presents. ' How is it,' com-
ments Peron, ' that such touching hospitality, of which
voyages offer so many examples, is nearly always exer-
cised by men whose poverty and roughness of character
seem to impose such an obligation least upon them. It
seems that misfortune, rather than philosophy and
brilliant education, develops in mankind that noble

220 TERRE NAPOLfiON

and disinterested virtue which induces us to minister
to the woes of others.'

Le Naturaliste sailed for Europe from King Island on
December 8, carrying with her all the plants and natural
history specimens collected up to date, as well as the
charts. The collections were, as King wrote to Sir
Joseph Banks, ' immense.' 1 Le Gtographe and the
Casuarina left on December 27, and sailed direct for
Kangaroo Island, to resume in that neighbourhood the
charting which Baudin had abandoned in the previous
year. They did not, as the logs show, make any attempt
to examine Port Phillip. Robbins and his seventeen
guardians of British rights on the Cumberland remained
for some time longer making a thorough examination ;
after which they sailed for Port Phillip, and Grimes
made the first complete survey of that great sheet of
water.

It is only necessary to add that King reported to the
Admiralty his approval of Robbins' action, and that
to ' make the French commander acquainted with my
intention of settling Van Diemen's Land was all I sought
by this voyage.' But it is obvious from a letter which
he wrote to Banks, after Baudin's death, and after his
soul had been moved to righteous wrath by the iniquitous
treatment of Flinders — whom he so warmly admired
and so loyally aided — that suspicion, once implanted in
King's mind, was not eradicated by explicit disavowals.
Had Baudin lived another year, he said, ' I think it very
possible that the commodore would most likely have

1 Historical Records, iv. 844.

PORT JACKSON AND KING ISLAND 221

visited the colony for the purpose of annihilating the
settlement/ But surely here, if ever, the lines were
applicable —

' In the night imagining some fear,
How easy is a bush supposed a bear ! '

Baudin, after his remarkable exploits in 1800-4, was the
last man whom Napoleon would have chosen to try to
annihilate a British settlement anywhere. Rather, in
such an unlikely event, would his own crew have been
in danger of annihilation from his methods.

222 TERRE NAPOLfiON

CHAPTER X

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION

Le Gtographc sails for Kangaroo Island — Exploration of the two
gulfs in the Casrtarina by Freycinet — Baudin's erratic behaviour
— Port Lincoln — Peron among the giants— A painful excursion
— Second visit to Timor — Abandonment of north coast explora-
tion—Baudin resolves to return home — Voyage to Mauritius —
Death of Baudin — Treatment of him by Peron and Freycinet —
Return of Le Geographe — Depression of the staff and crew.

TE G&OGRAPHE sighted Kangaroo Island on
i January 2, and anchored on the 6th in Nepean
Bay on the eastern side. The Casuarina joined
her consort on the following day.

Freycinet, who was in command of the smaller vessel,
was instructed to make a complete survey of the two
gulfs named by the French after Bonaparte and Josephine,
and by Flinders, their discoverer, after Lord Spencer and
Lord St. Vincent, who were First Lords of the Admiralty
when his own expedition was authorised and when it
sailed from England.

The Casuarina was provisioned for twenty-six days for
this task, and Freycinet took with him Boullanger, one
of the hydrographers, who prepared the charts under
his supervision. No part of the French work was better
done than was the charting of the two gulfs and Kangaroo
Island, and, as previously indicated, its quality very

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 223

naturally aroused the suspicion that the improvement
owed something to the charts of Flinders. It has been
shown, however, that this was not the case. Of Boul-
langer's training and qualifications nothing can be said,
except that it may be presumed that the Committee of
the Institute of France which selected him, comprising
two such experts as Bougainville and Fleurieu, must have
been satisfied of his attainments. Much of his work was
certainly done under severe trials and difficulties, but it
is chiefly significant that the improvement in the charting
synchronises with the presence in command of Freycinet ;
and allusion may again be made to the beautiful work
done by this officer when he commanded the Uranie and
the Physicienne a few years later, as showing his deep
interest and practical skill in employment of this class.

There can be no doubt that the work would have been
better done throughout had Captain Baudin been a more
sympathetic commander. To what extent the deficiencies
of the French charts of the remainder of the Terre
Napoleon coasts are attributable to his failure to appreci-
ate the requirements of his scientific staff, can be con-
jectured ; but the peremptory manner hi which he allotted
so many days and no more for the survey of the gulfs,
and then sailed off leaving the Casuarina to shift for
herself, reveals an extraordinary temper in a commander
on such service, as well as a fatuous disregard of the
many hindrances that made rigid time conditions difficult
to observe.

Flinders had occupied forty days in his exploration
of the two gulfs — from February 21 to April i, 1802.

224 TERRE NAPOLEON

Freycinet occupied only twenty-one days in traversing
precisely the same extent of coast-line — from January n
to February i, 1803. Flinders had settled the question
as to whether there was a passage through the continent
to the Gulf of Carpentaria, and Freycinet and Baudin
were by this time aware that no important discovery
of this character was to be expected. But the navigation
was perilous, the risks were unknown, and Freycinet
should have been able to pursue his task unhampered
by the fear that if circumstances compelled him to over-
stay his time for a day or two, he would be abandoned
in a small vessel without provisions for more than his
narrowly prescribed period. ' But the character of our
chief was known.' ' Quite sure of being pitilessly
abandoned in case of delay,' Freycinet made haste to
return to Nepean Bay at the end of the month. But
when he reached the anchorage he found that Baudin
had already sailed away. ' The abandonment of our
companions in the midst of these vast gulfs, where so
many perils might be encountered, had been a subject
of consternation on board Le Gfographe,' Peron records.
It really was unaccountable behaviour ; even worse
than that of the abandonment of Boullanger and his
boat's crew on the east coast of Tasmania in the previous
March. A commander who treated those among his
subordinates who were sustaining the most dangerous
and exacting part of the work with so little considera-
tion, can hardly have maintained their confidence, or
deserved it.

The Casnarina, making all sail for Nepean Bay west-

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 225

ward, sighted the leading ship in Investigator Strait.
But Baudin did not wait even then. He kept Le
Geographe on her course, under a full head of sail, without
permitting the Casuarina to come up and report, or
inquiring after the success of her work. The two ships
soon lost sight of each other. Next day Baudin, evidently
realising the enormity of his folly, veered round, and
returned to Nepean Bay. But as the Casuarina had kept
on westward during the night, in a frantic endeavour to
catch her leader, the two vessels crossed far apart and
out of vision. They did not meet again for fourteen
days, when both lay at anchor in King George's Sound.

It is not wonderful that Freycinet confessed that he
was ' astonished ' at Baudin's manoeuvres. They were
scarcely those of a rational being, to say nothing of a
commander responsible for the safety of two ships and
the lives of their people. The company on the smaller
vessel endured severe privations. They were reduced
to a ration of three ounces of biscuit per man per day,
and to a mere drink of water ; and the ship herself
sustained such severe damage from heavy seas that,
said Freycinet, had he been delayed a few hours in
reaching King George's Sound, he would have been
compelled to run her ashore to prevent her from founder-
ing. ' Judge of the horror of my position,' he wrote,
md he certainly did not exaggerate when he used that
:erm ; for the coast along which he ran for safety is one
)f the most hopelessly barren in the whole world, offering
o a stranded mariner neither sustenance, shelter, nor
neans of deliverance.

226 TERRE NAPOLEON

The only feature of much interest pertaining to the
geographical work of the expedition in the region of the
gulfs, is the high opinion formed by Peron of Port Lincoln
— called Port Champagny on the Terre Napoleon charts.
The port has not played a large part in the subsequent
development of Australia, but Flinders, who discovered
it and named it after the chief town of his native county,
and the French of Baudin's expedition, who were the
second people to enter it, thought very highly of its
beauty and value. Peron spoke of it as a ' magnificent
port,' hi which all the navies of Europe could float,
and concluded two pages of description with the words :
' Worthy rival of Port Jackson, Port Lincoln is, in all
respects, one of the finest in the world ; and of all those
which we have discovered [yet they had not discovered
a single port of any kind !], whether to the south, the west,
or the north of New Holland, it appears to be, I repeat,
the best adapted to receive a European colony.' After
many years of settlement, Port Lincoln boasts of fewer
than a thousand inhabitants ; for though the glowing
language of admiration concerning its beauty and
convenience written by Flinders and Peron were fully
justified, a back country too arid to support a large
population has prevented it from attaining to great
importance among the harbours of Australia. To the
student of the history of exploration, however, Port
Lincoln is interesting even beyond the measure of its
beauty ; for there, in 1841, Sir John Franklin, then
governor of Tasmania, erected at his own cost a monu-
ment to the honour of Flinders, his old commander,

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 227

from whom he imbibed that passion for exploration
which was in due time to place his own name imperishably
amongst the glorious company of great English seamen.

Peron himself experienced the cross-grained temper of
the commander during the visit of the ships to Sharks
Bay. This was the scene of Dampier's descent upon
the Western Australian coast in 1699, in the rickety
little Roebuck. It was here that his men dined off
sharks' flesh, and ' took care that no waste should be
made of it, but thought it, as things stood, good enter-
tainment/1 The bay received from Dampier, on
account of the feast, the name it has ever since borne.

Some of the French sailors who had been ashore
returned in a wild state of alarm on account of giants
whom they professed to have seen — men of extraordinary
strength and stature, they reported, with long black
beards, armed with enormous spears and shields, who
ran at a furious pace, brandishing their weapons and
giving utterance to fearful yells. ' However extravagant
these assertions might appear,' said the incredulous
naturalist, ' it was necessary to collect precise information
on the subject.' The scientific Ulysses regarded the
reputed Cyclops with a calculating scepticism. Had
Polyphemus been at hand, Peron would have politely

1 Dampier's men were unprejudiced in matters of gastronomy, but their
taste in fish was not to their discredit. Shark's flesh, especially when
young, is, there is reason to believe, excellent eating. During some weeks
in a recent summer, when what we may term ' orthodox ' fish was scarce,
a fashionable Australian sea-side hotel was regularly supplied with young
shark — 'gummy ' — by a fisherman, for whose veracity the author can vouch.
Neither proprietor, chef, nor guests knew what it was, and all were well fed
and happy.

228 TERRE NAPOLEON

requested him to permit himself to be weighed and
measured, and would have written an admirable mono-
graph on his solitary optic.

There were, he considered, some reasons for thinking
that a race of men of heroic proportions inhabited this
western part of the continent. The Dutch captain,
Vlaming, in 1697, had reported finding gigantic human
footprints upon the banks of the Swan River, near
where the city of Perth now stands ; and two of Baudin's
officers, whose names were not Munchausen and Sindbad
but Heirisson and Moreau, declared that they also had
observed the same phenomena at the same place. Peron
set down these stories to the exaggerative distortion of
lovers of the marvellous, ' of whom we counted some
amongst us.' But when the sailors came scampering
back to the ship with the tale that they had actually
seen the giants and been pursued by them, the naturalist
began to think that there was probably some ground
for the belief. At all events, he determined to go and
see for himself.

He requested Baudin to send a few armed men ashore
with him, but was rudely refused. Not to be thwarted
in continuing his researches in so favourable a place,
Peron determined to make use of a couple of days during
which a furnace was to be erected for extracting salt
from the sea by evaporation — the ship's supply having
been depleted — to run the risk of an excursion on his
own account ; whereupon Petit, one of the artists, and
Guichenot, one of the gardeners, resolved to accompany
him.

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 229

The adventurous three were soon favoured with a visit
from a troop of aboriginals, who, though by no means
giants, were certainly formidable foes. There were
forty of them, all armed with spears. Peron and his
companions, to defend themselves, had only a musket
and a pair of pistols. The savages, terrible fellows,
advanced with ' clameurs terribles et mena9antes.'
Retreat for the Frenchmen was impossible. A show
of courage was the best policy ; and the three, one of
whom, Petit, had been ' plein de terreur ' when the blacks
first made their appearance, put on a bold front and
marched forward ' avec assurance a leur rencontre.'
This bold tactical manoeuvre met with its deserved
reward. The savages were visibly disconcerted. One
of them made signs of invitation to a parley, but Peron
considered it to be hazardous for one of the three to
isolate himself from his companions. The trio continued
to advance, resolved to sell their lives dearly if die they
must. Such unexpected audacity threw the blacks into
a state of uncertainty, and, after deliberating for a few
moments, they turned their backs and went away,
though slowly, and without the appearance of fear or
disorder. Peron, Petit, and Guichenot, ' to give the
aboriginals a higher idea of our confidence and our
courage/ did not halt in their advance, but marched hi
the track of the retreating forty, who climbed to the
height of a steep cliff and there continued to yell and
gesticulate as though desiring to have conference with
one of the white men. ' After having responded for some
time with similar cries and gestures ' — Ulysses defying

230 TERRE NAPOLEON

Polyphemus will recur to the mind — Peron and his
companions concluded this signal display of coolness
and daring by quietly walking back and proceeding on
their journey inland. They were not pursued nor
further molested.

Cool vision detracted from the gigantic stature of the
Sharks Bay blacks as effectually as a cool demeanour
disposed of the danger from them. The tallest man
among them Peron declared to be no more than five feet
four or five inches in height, and most of the forty were
small sized, thin-limbed, and of feeble appearance. It is
easy to perceive in this incident, where a disposition to
exaggerate looking through the lens of fear, magnified a
group of slight and slender savages into terrific giants,
how many a legend has come to birth. The original sons
of Anak would probably have been severely shortened
of their inches had a Peron been available to bring illusion
promptly to the test of measurement, and perhaps a
scientific Jack the Giant Killer could have done deadly
execution with a footrule.1

The three adventurers suffered far more severely from
the heat of the sun and the fatigues of working among
thick bush and sand than from the natives of the country.
They made a fine collection of specimens, and, congratu-
lating themselves on their success, endeavoured to make
their way back to the boat. But they soon realised that

1 It may be noted that Peron's researches regarding the physical propor-
tions and capacities of savage races aroused much interest in France. The
Moniteur of April 25 and June 23, 1808, published two long articles on
' the physical force of savage people,' founded upon Peron's writings and
his records of comparative dynamometric data.

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 231

they were ' bushed ' — a term familiar enough to those
who are acquainted with the story of Australian inland
exploration. The country was covered with thick scrub,
through which they endeavoured to make their way.
The afternoon sun poured down a pitiless flood of heat,
the white, glaring sand burnt their feet, the air in the
Bush was stifling. It was as though they were walking
through furnaces ; and there were no spreading trees to
relieve the ordeal by a touch of shade. They at length
regained the shore, and trudged along the soft, hot sand ;
when Peron, exhausted after a walk of three hours, was
compelled to throw aside the greater part of the collection
which he had made at the expense of so much painful
labour. Shortly afterwards Guichenot fell to the ground
exhausted by hunger, thirst, and fatigue, and begged
his companions to leave him there to die while they
endeavoured to save themselves. Peron remembered a
passage he had read in Cook's voyages about the reviving
effect of a plunge in sea-water ; and he and Petit tried it
by wading in up to their necks. They assisted Guichenot
to do the same, and revived him sufficiently to enable
him to continue the weary march. The sun set ; a breeze
sprang up ; and soon the three travellers saw with joy
the smoke of a fire which had been lighted as a guide to
them. They staggered on, and at last all three fell faint-
ing in sight of their companions, who hurried forward to
relieve them.

There is nothing incredible in Peron's narrative of
the sufferings of himself and his companions on this
excursion. It is not surprising to one with a knowledge

232 TERRE NAPOLEON

of the local conditions. The exertions they had made
should have earned them commendation, or at least
compassion, from the commandant. But Baudin's view
was censorious. Three times during the evening a gun
had been fired from the ship as a signal to the boat to
return. The officer in charge of the shore party con-
sidered that it would be unjustifiable to leave until the
three travellers returned, and trusted that this explana-
tion would be accepted as excusing the delay. A sea fog
now prevented the boat from returning forthwith ; but
the sailors had neither food nor water to give to the
parched and famished unfortunates. When at last they
did reach the ship, they had been for forty hours without
sup or sip ; they were prostrate from sheer weakness ;
and Peron himself was reduced to the extremity that his
leathern tongue refused to articulate. The commandant
was the only man aboard who had no pity to spare for
their misery. Baudin actually fined the officer in charge
of the boat ten francs for every gun fired, because he had
not obeyed the return signal, and for not ' abandoning
all three.' ' Those were the very words of our chief,'
wrote Peron ; ' and yet I had, to save his life at Timor,
given to his physician part of the small stock of excellent
quinine that I had brought for my own use.'

This heartless conduct, taken in conjunction with
Baudin's abandonment of Boullanger on the Tasmanian
coast, and his strange behaviour to the Casuarina after
the exploration of the gulfs, leaves one in no doubt as
to his singular deficiency in the qualities essential to the
commander of an expedition of discovery. It was his

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 233

invariable practice, we also read, to provision boats
engaged on any special service for the bare time that
he meant them to be absent ; so many ounces of food
and so many pints of water per man per day, and no
more, leaving no margin for accidents, allowing of no
excuse for unavoidable delay. A sensible person would
not provide for a picnic on such principles.

The exploration of the west and north-west coasts
was continued till the end of April, when Baudin decided
to go once more to Timor. His intention was, after
refreshing his men and taking in supplies at the Dutch
settlement, to spend some time in the Gulf of Carpentaria
and along the southern shores of New Guinea. On
May 6, Kupang harbour was entered for the second time.
There it was learnt that Flinders had called at the port
in the Investigator in April, after having concluded his
exploration of the northern gulf. He had been com-
pelled to relinquish his work owing to the rotten condition
of his ship's timbers, and had sailed back to Port Jackson.
As he had reached the Gulf of Carpentaria by sailing up
the eastern side of the continent, and returned through
Torres Strait down the western coast, and through
Bass Strait on the south, Flinders was the first sailor to
iccomplish the circumnavigation of Australia, as he had
ilso been the first to circumnavigate Tasmania.1

Le Geogmphe and the Casuarina remained at Kupang

1 Tasman, in 1642, sailed from Batavia, in Java, thence to Mauritius,
Tasmania, New Zealand, the Friendly Islands, northern New Guinea, and

ck to Batavia. This was a wide circumnavigation of the whole of New
lolland ; but he did not sight Australia, and as, of course, he did not go
Bass Strait, he did not circumnavigate the continent proper.

234 TERRE NAPOLfiON

till June 3 — twenty-eight days — enjoying the hospitality
of the Dutch. Peron made several excursions for collect-
ing purposes, and once shot an alligator nine feet long,
which he skinned. He had the hide and head carried
down to the port by Malays on long bamboo poles, this
method of conveyance being necessitated by the super-
stitious refusal of the natives to touch even the skin of
the dreaded beast. But the labour was to a large
extent wasted, for putrefaction advanced, while the skin
was in transit, to such an extent that all but the head
had to be thrown into the sea.

Baudin's plan, after leaving Kupang, was to continue
the exploration of the coasts of Western Australia.
But very light breezes, alternating with calms, prevented
substantial progress, and after spending the greater part
of the month ineffectually in traversing only a few
leagues, it was concluded (June 28) that to continue the
work in detail from west to east at that season of the year
would merely lead to a futile waste of time. Here again
the logic of facts was required to convince Baudin, who
had previously rejected sound advice that was offered to
him, to the effect that contrary winds would thwart his
designs. The winds blow at certain seasons with steady
consistency in these regions, and an experienced navi-
gator, knowing what he has to expect, makes his plans
accordingly. When Flinders was driven reluctantly to
abandon finishing the exploration of the north coast
through the dangerous condition of the Investigator, he-
made his way back to Port Jackson by the western route,
because, although it was considerably longer, he thereby

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 235

secured favourable winds ; and he reached port in
safety. If we may judge from his habitual perversity,
Baudin, under similar circumstances, would have taken
the shorter route, regardless of normal conditions, and
would have lost his ship.

Changing his route after much waste of time, Baudin
took his vessels towards the south-west of New Guinea,
with the intention of making investigations there. But
again the sailing was for the most part slow, especially
as the Casuarina made very poor progress ; and when
within a few leagues from False Cape — called Cape
Walshe on the French charts — circumstances compelled
the commander to review his position and prospects in
a serious light. Once more the supply of water was
running short. The ships carried from Kupang sufficient
for ninety-five days. Apart from the necessities of the
crew, some had to be spared for the plants and animals
—kangaroos, emus, etc. — which were being carried to
Europe. Thirty-four days had been dawdled away
without achieving any substantial results. For the
ultimate return to Mauritius sufficient water to last
forty days must be conserved. Consequently Baudin
argued that he could not by any possibility afford to
remain in these waters longer than three more weeks ;
and as in that time not much could be done, he deter-
mined to return home at once. His decision gave
pleasure to his unhappy people ; but surely it was that
of a man whose heart was not in his work. No attempt
was made to send parties ashore to search for fresh
water. When Flinders ran short, and did not come

236 TERRE NAPOLEON

across a convenient spring or stream, he dug and found
water, as at Port Lincoln ; and a very experienced
traveller has observed that ' in nearly all parts of
Australia it is usually found a few feet beneath the
surface of the ground.' *

But there were other reasons which conduced to create
in Baudin that depression which is inimical to the pro-
tracted pursuit of an allotted task. Sickness once more
laid its hand upon the crews. The commander himself
was in bad health. The demands upon the resources
of the doctors were so numerous that their medicines
became exhausted, and they were unable to attend
satisfactorily to the necessities of a constantly increasing
number of ailing men. Bernier, the astronomer, died
before the order to return was given. He was a young
man of great promise — ' savant et laborieux/ as Peron
wrote of him — whose original work before he reached full
manhood had attracted the notice of Lalande. Selected
by the Institute to fill a scientific post with the expedition,
he did excellent work, and his death cut short a career
that gave indications of being brilliant and useful.
Cape Bernier, on the east coast of Tasmania — opposite
the southern end of Maria Island — preserves his name.

On July 7 the order was given to turn, and sail for
Mauritius. Le Geographe put into Port Louis on August
7, and the Casuarina, after a very rough voyage, reached
the harbour five days later.

Baudin, whose illness had continued throughout the
voyage, died while his ships lay at Mauritius, on

1 Ward, Rambles of an Australian Naturalist, p. 109.

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 237

September 16. His death had been expected for some
time before it occurred, and if there was little surprise
at the event, it is pathetic to observe that there was
as little regret. Not a word of sympathy appeared in
the studiously frigid terms in which the decease of the
commander was chronicled in the official history of the
voyage. Not a syllable was used expressing appreciation
of any qualities which he may have possessed, either as
an officer or a man. After curtly mentioning his illness,
Peron recorded the death and burial in two sentences
sterile of emotion. He showed more regret when he had
to throw away the skin of the alligator which he shot at
Timor, than when mentioning the death of one who
had been his chief for three years. ' Finally the last
moment arrived ; and on September 16, 1803, at about
mid-day, M. Baudin ceased to exist. On the i7th
he was buried with the honours due to the rank he
had occupied in the navy ; all the officers and savants
of the expedition assisted at the funeral, which was
also attended by the principal authorities of the
colony.' That is all. Had it been Peron's manner
to record the deaths of the companions of his voyage
with such barren brevity, there would be nothing in the
passage to excite comment. But when a sailor fell
overboard we were told what an excellent and laborious
man he was, and how much he was regretted ; the death
of Bernier called forth an appropriate sentence of eulogy ;
when Depuch, the mineralogist died, we were properly
informed that he was as much esteemed for his modesty
and the goodness of his heart as for the extent and

238 TERRE NAPOLfiON

variety of his knowledge. The contrast between these
instances and the summary plainness of the statement
when Baudin's end was mentioned, cannot escape notice ;
any more than we can mistake the meaning of the
consistent suppression of his name throughout the text
of the volumes.

Attention has to be directed to this display of animosity
because, in bare justice to Baudin, we have to remember
that the only story of the expedition which we have is
that written by Peron and Freycinet, who were plainly
at enmity with him. If the facts were as related by them,
Baudin was not only an absurdly obstinate and ungenial
captain, but we are left with grave doubts as to his
competency as a navigator on service of this description.
Yet even facts, when detailed by those who hate a man,
take a different colouring from the same facts set down
by the man himself, with his reasons for what he did.
We have no material for forming an opinion from Baudin's
point of view. If his manuscript journals are capable
of throwing fresh light on the events concerned, their
publication, if they remain in existence, would be welcome.
All that at present we can set against the hard, un-
sympathetic view of the man as we see him in the pages
written by Peron and revised by Freycinet, is his conduct
and correspondence in relation to Governor King at
Port Jackson ; and there he appears as a gentleman of
agreeable manners, graceful expression, and ready tact.
We do not form a lower opinion of him in consequence of
the letter which he wrote in reply to the one delivered
by Acting-Lieutenant Robbins, because there he ex-

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 239

i pressed views imbibed as almost a part of the atmosphere
,of the Revolution amidst which he had been reared.
If we had only the Baudin-King correspondence, we
should think him not unworthy to be the successor of
La Perouse and Bougainville. If we had only the
Voyage de Decouvertes, we should think him barely fit
to command a canal barge. It may not have been the
; happiness of many navigators to enjoy the affection of
those under them to such an eminent degree as did
i Cook and Flinders ; but there are fortunately latitudes
of difference between love and hate. Respect is often
felt to be due when deeper sentiments are not stimulated.
The cold chronicle that the honours appropriate to his
rank were paid to Baudin at his funeral seems very
harsh ; and one feels that Freycinet, at any rate, whom
Baudin had promoted to the command of the Casuarina,
and furnished with a chance of distinguishing himself,
might have sunk his grievances sufficiently to add a
word in praise of at least some virtue which we may
hope that the dead captain possessed.

Baudin wrote a letter from King Island to Jussieu which
indicated that the experience had been an unhappy
one for him.1 ' I have never made so painful a voyage/
he said. ' More than once my health has been impaired,
but if I can terminate the expedition conformably to
the intentions of the Government and to the satisfaction
of the French nation, there will remain little to desire,

1 The letter was printed in the Moniteur, 22nd Fructidor, an xi. (September
9,1803). Baudin 's death was recorded in the Monittur on 1 3th Germinal,
an xii. (April 3, 1804).

240 TERRE NAPOLEON

and my sufferings will soon be forgotten.' To a very
large extent Baudin must be held responsible for the
misfortunes and failures attending his command, but it
is an act of justice to clear him from aspersions that
have been made upon him for things that occurred after
his death. He had nothing whatever to do with the
imprisonment of Flinders, for which he has been blamed
by writers who have not looked into the literature of
the subject sufficiently to be aware that he was dead at
the time ; nor was he in any way connected with the
issue of the Terre Napoleon maps, with which his name
has also been associated.

General Decaen, Napoleon's newly appointed governor,
arrived at the island eight days after Le Geographe,
and at once began to administer affairs upon new lines
of policy. A little later the French admiral, Linois,
with a fleet of frigates, entered port. On the death of
Baudin, Linois directed that the Casuarina should be dis-
mantled, and appointed Captain Milius to the command
of Le Geographe, with instructions to take her home as
soon as her sick crew recovered and she had been re-
victualled. Peron, as has already been explained, had
some conversation with Decaen, imparting to him the
conclusion he had formulated relative to the secret
intentions of the British for the augmentation of their
possessions in the Pacific and Indian Oceans ; but there
is no record that Decaen saw Baudin, who was probably
too ill to attend to affairs in the period between the
general's arrival and his own death. It is hardly likely
that Baudin, who, from his intimacy with King, knew

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION 241

more about British policy than the naturalist did, would
have supported Peron's excited fancies.

Le Geographe sailed from Mauritius on December 15,
and reached Europe without the occurrence of any
further incidents calling for comment. She entered the
port of Lorient on March 24, 1804. Captain Milius
decided not to make for Havre, whence the expedition
had sailed in 1800, in consequence of what had happened
to Le Naturaliste on her return to Europe in the previous
year. War was declared by the British Government
against France hi May, and every captain in King
George's navy was alert and eager to get in a blow
upon the enemy. The frigate Minerva, Captain Charles
Buller, sighted Le Naturaliste in the Channel, stopped her,
and insisted, despite her passport, on taking her into
Portsmouth. She was detained there from May 27 till
June 6, when the Admiralty, being informed of what
had occurred, ordered her immediate release. She left
Portsmouth and arrived at Havre on the same day,
June 6, 1803.

Perhaps nothing can convey more effectually the utter
weariness and depression of officers, staff, and crew, than
the language in which Freycinet chronicled the return,
[t might be supposed, he wrote, that the end of the
/oyage would be heralded with joy. But they were
.hemselves surprised to find that they were but slightly
:ouched with pleasure at seeing again the shores of their
>wn country after so long an absence. ' It might be
aid that the very sight of our ship, recalling too strongly
he sufferings of which we had been the victims, poisoned
Q

242 TERRE NAPOL£ON

all our affections. It was not until we were far away
from the coast that our souls could expand to sentiments
of happiness which had been so long strangers to us.'

This, surely, was not the language of men who believed
that they had accomplished things for which the world
would hold them in honour. It was not the language of
triumphant discoverers, whose good fortune it had been
to reveal unknown coasts, and to finish that complete
map of the continents which had been so long a-making.
Would it, one wonders, have made Freycinet a little
happier had he known that at this very time the English
navigator who had made the discoveries for which
Baudin's expedition was sent out, was held in the clutch
of General Decaen in Mauritius, and that the way was
clear to hurry on the publication of forestalling maps
and records whilst Flinders was, as it were, battened
under hatches?

RESULTS 243

CHAPTER XI

RESULTS

Establishment of the First Empire — Reluctance of the French Govern-
ment to publish a record of the expedition — Report of the
Institute — The official history of the voyage authorised — Peron's
scientific work — His discovery of Pyrosoma atlanticum —
Other scientific memoirs — His views on the modification of
species — Geographical results — Freycinet's charts.

STARTLING changes in the political complexion
of France had occurred during the absence of
the expedition. Citizen Bonaparte, who in
May 1800 had concurred in the representations of the
Institute that discovery in southern regions would
redound to the glory of the nation, had since given rein
to the conception that the glory of France meant, properly
interpreted, his own.1 He meant to found a dynasty, and
woe to those whom he regarded as standing in his way.
One of the first pieces of news that those who landed
from Le Geographe at Lorient on the 25th March would
hear, was that just four days before, the Due d'Enghien,
son of the Due de Bourbon, had been shot after an
official examination so formal as to be no better than a
mockery, for his grave had actually been dug before the

1 It was so from the beginning of his career as Consul, according to M.
Paul Brosses' interpretation of his character. ' II est deja et sera de plus en
)lus convaincu que travailler a sa grandeur, c'est travailler a la grandeur du
>ays ' (Ctnsulat et Empire, 1907, p. 27).

244 TERRE NAPOLfiON

inquiry commenced. When Peron and his companions
reached Paris, they would hear and read of debates
among the representatives of the Republic, mostly
favourable to the establishment of a new hereditary
Imperial dignity ; and they would be in good time to
take an interest in the plebiscite which, by a majority
of nearly fourteen hundred to one, approved the new
constitution and enacted that ' Napoleon Bonaparte,
now First Consul of the Republic, is Emperor of the
French.' They were, in short, back soon enough to
witness the process — it may well have suggested to the
naturalist a comparison with phenomena very familiar
to him — by which the Consular-chrysalis Bonaparte
became the Emperor-moth Napoleon.

It was, of course, a very busy year for those responsible
to their illustrious master for the administration of de-
partments. With a great naval war on hand, with plots
frequently being formed or feared, with the wheels and
levers of diplomacy to watch and manipulate, with
immense changes in the machinery of Government
going forward, and with the obligation of satisfying the
exacting demands of a chief who was often in a rage,
and always tremendously energetic, the ministers of
France were not likely to have much enthusiasm to spare
for maps and charts, large collections of dead birds,
insects, beasts, fishes, butterflies, and plants, specimens
of rocks and quantities of shells.

It is likely enough that absorption in more insistent
affairs rather than a hostile feeling explains the reluctance
of the French Government to authorise the publication

RESULTS 245

of an official history of the voyage when such a project
was first submitted. Freycinet and his colleagues learnt
' with astonishment ' that the authorities were un-
favourable. ' It was,' he wrote, ' as if the miseries that
we had endured, and to which a great number of our
companions had fallen victims, could be regarded as
forming a legitimate ground of reproach against us.'
It is more reasonable to suppose that pressure of other
business prevented Napoleon's ministers from devoting
much consideration to the subject. Men who have
endured hazards and hardships, and who return home
after a long absence expecting to be welcomed with
acclaim, are disposed to feel snubbed and sore when they
find people not inclined to pay much attention to them.
Remembering the banquets and the plaudits that marked
the despatch of the expedition, those of its members
who expected a demonstration may well have been
chilled by the small amount of notice they received.
But the public as well as the official mood was conceivably
due rather to intense concentration upon national affairs,
during a period of amazing transition, than to the pre-
judice which Freycinet's ruffled pride suggested. ' It
would be difficult to explain/ he wrote, ' how, during the
voyage, there could have been formed concerning the
expedition an opinion so unfavourable, that even before
our return the decision was arrived at not to give any
publicity to our works. The reception that we met with
on arriving in France showed the effects of such an
unjust and painful prejudice.'1

1 Preface to the 1824 edition of the Voyage de D&couvertes.

246 TERRE NAPOLfiON

When Le Naturaliste arrived at Havre in the previous
year, the Moniteur x gave an account of the very large
collection of specimens that she brought, and spoke
cordially of the work ; and in the following month 2
Napoleon's organ published a long sketch of the course
of the voyage up to the King Island stage, from pur-
ticulars contained in despatches and supplied by Hamelin.
The earlier arrival of Le Naturaliste had the effect, also,
of taking the edge off public interest. This may be
counted as one of the causes of the rather frigid reception
accorded to Le Geographe.

The only fact that lends any colour to Freycinet's
supposition of prejudice, is that the Moniteur article of
27th Thermidor suggested a certain unsatisfactoriness
about the charts sent home by Baudin. His com-
munications clearly led the Government to believe that
he had made important discoveries on the south coast
of Australia, but unfortunately the rough drawings
accompanying his descriptions did not enable official
experts to form an accurate opinion. He mentioned
the two large gulfs, but furnished no chart of them.8
The reason for that was, of course, that at the time when

1 I4th Messidor, an x. (July 3, 1803).

2 27th Thermidor, an xi. (August 15).

3 'Cette decouverte [i.e. of the gulfs] du Capitaine Baudin est tres interes-
sante en ce qu'elle comple"tera la reconnaissance de la cote sud de la Nouvelle
Hollande qui est due entierement a la France. On ne peut pas encore juger
du degre d'exactitude avec laquelle elle a ete faite, parce que le citoyen Baudin
n'a envoye qu'une partie de la carte qu'il en a dressee, et que cette carte meme
n'est qu'une premiere esquisse. II y a jointe une carte qui marque seulement
sa route, avec les sondes le long de toute cette cote, et il promet d'envoyer
1'autre partie de la cote par la premiere occasion qu'il trouvera ' (Motiiteur,
27th Thermidor, an xi.).

RESULTS

247

Le Naturaliste left for France Baudin had not penetrated
the gulfs, and could have had no representation of them
to submit. The article also alluded to another chart
of part of the coast in the neighbourhood of Cape
Leeuwin, as not conveying much information.1 These
statements are useful as enabling us to understand
why Baudin was so shy about showing his charts to
Flinders. If they gave little satisfaction to the writer of
the Moniteur article, we can imagine what a critic who
had been over the ground himself would have thought
about them.

These considerations scarcely afford reason for inferring
that the Government had formed a prejudice against the
work of the expedition before making a complete examina-
tion of its records, though it is very probable that dis-
satisfaction was expressed about the charts. Hamelin,
also, would be fairly certain to intimate privately what
he knew to be the case, that Flinders had been before-
hand with the most important of the discoveries. Indeed,
the Moniteur article expressly mentioned that when
Baudin met Flinders, the latter had ' pursued the coast
from Cape Leeuwin to the place of meeting.' The
information that the English captain had accomplished
so much, despite the fact that he had left England
months after Baudin sailed from France, was not cal-
culated to give pleasure to Ministers. It was to this
feeling that Sir Joseph Banks referred when, in writing
to Flinders, he said that he had heard that the French

1 It was ' figuree assez grossierement et sans details.'

248 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Government were not too well pleased with Baudin's
work.1

The distinguished men of science who stood at the
head of the Institute of France were best qualified to
judge of the value of the work done ; and they at least
spoke decisively in its praise. The collections brought
home by Le Naturaliste had included one hundred and
eighty cases of minerals and animals, four cases of dried
plants, three large casks of specimens of timber, two
boxes of seeds, and sixty tubs of living plants.2 On
June 9, 1806, a Committee of the Institute, consisting of
Cuvier, Laplace, Bougainville, Fleurieu, and Lacepede,
furnished a report based upon an examination of the
scientific specimens and the manuscript of the first
volume of the Voyage de Decouvertes, which, in the
meantime, had been written by Peron. They referred in
terms of warm eulogy to the industry which had collected
more than one hundred thousand specimens ; to the new
species discovered, estimated by the professors at the
Musee at two thousand five hundred ; and to the care
and skill displayed by Peron in describing and classifying,
a piece of work appealing with especial force to the
co-ordinating intelligence of Cuvier. They directed
attention to the observations made by the naturalist

1 Girard, writing in 1857, stated that rumours about Baudin's conduct,
circulated before the arrival of Le Gtographe, induced the public to believe
that the expedition had been abortive, without useful results, and that it was
to the interest of the Government to forget all about it (F. Pifron, p. 46).
But Girard cites no authority for the statement, and as he was not born in
1804, he is not himself an authoritative witness. He merely repeated
Freycinet's assertions.

8 Monittur, I4th Messidor, an xi. (July 3, 1803).

RESULTS 249

upon the British colony at Port Jackson ; and their
language on this subject may be deemed generous in
view of the fact that England and France were then at
war. ' M. Peron,' reported the savants, ' has applied
himself particularly to studying the details of that vast
system of colonisation which is being developed at once
upon a great continent, upon innumerable islands, and
upon the wide ocean. His work in that respect should
be of the greatest interest for the philosopher and the
statesman. Never, perhaps, did a subject more interest-
ing and more curious offer itself to the meditation of
either, than the colony of Botany Bay, so long mis-
understood in Europe.1 Never, perhaps, was there a
more shining example of the powerful influence of laws
and institutions upon the character of individuals and
peoples. To transform the most redoubtable highway-
men, the most abandoned thieves of England, into honest
and peaceable citizens ; to make laborious husbandmen
of them ; to effect the same revolution hi the characters
of the vilest women ; to force them, by infallible methods,
to become honest wives and excellent mothers of families ;
to take the young and preserve them, by the most
assiduous care, from the contagion of their reprobate
parents, and so to prepare a generation more virtuous

1 The colony was not at Botany Bay, though the mistake was common
enough even in England. But the champion error on that subject was that
of Dumas, who, in Les Trots Mousquetaires, chap. lii. — the period, as
' every schoolboy knows,' of Cardinal Richelieu — represents Milady as
reflecting bitterly on her fate, and fearing that D'Artagnan would transport
her ' to some loathsome Botany Bay,' a century and a quarter before Captain
Cook discovered it ! Dumas, however, was a law unto himself in such
matters.

250 TERRE NAPOLEON

than that which it succeeds : such is the touching
spectacle that these new English colonies present.'

The passage may be compared with Peron's own
observations on the same subject, given in Chapter ix.
A more erroneous view of the effects of convict colonisa-
tion could hardly have been conveyed ; but the para-
graph may have been written to catch the eye of
Napoleon, who was a strong believer in transportation
as a remedial punishment for serious crime, and had
spoken in favour of it in the Council of State during
the discussions on the Civil Code.1

In addition to these representations, Peron was accorded
an interview with the Minister of Marine, Decres, when,
supported by Fleurieu and other members of the Institute,
he explained what the expedition had done, and exhibited
specimens of his collections and of Lesueur's drawings.
Champagny, the Minister of the Interior, was also in-
duced to listen to the eloquent pleading of the naturalist.
As a result, the Government resolved to publish ; and in
1807 appeared the first volume of the text, together with

1 See Thibaudeau, Mtmoircs sur It Consulat (English edition, translated
by G. K. Fortescue, LL.D. , London, 1908), p. 180. Transportation, said
Napoleon, ' is in accord with public opinion, and is prescribed by humane
considerations. The need for it is so obvious that we should provide for it at
once in the Civil Code. We have now in our prisons six thousand persons
who are doing nothing, who cost a great deal of money, and who are always
escaping. There are thirty to forty highwaymen in the south who are ready
to surrender to justice on condition that they are transported. Certainly we
ought to settle the question now, while we have it in our minds. Transporta-
tion is imprisonment, certainly, but in a cell more than thirty feet square.1
The highwaymen mentioned by Bonaparte must have been remarkable
persons. It was so like highwaymen to wish to be arrested ! Perhaps there
were also birds in the south who were willing to be caught on condition that
salt was put on their tails.

I K.\N( (US I'KRON

AKTtK I UK 1IKAWIM, I.V 1

RESULTS 251

a thin folio atlas containing a number of beautiful draw-
ings and two charts. The books were issued under the
superscription, ' par ordre de S.M. L'Empereur et Roi.'
On Sunday, January 12, 1808 — ' apres la messe ' —
Peron, who was accompanied by Lesueur, one of the
artists, had the honour of being admitted to the presence
of the Emperor, and presented him with a copy of the
work.1 The naturalist became somewhat of a favourite
with the Empress Josephine, who on several occasions
sent a carriage to his lodgings to take him to Malmaison ;
and she treated him ' as a good mother would have
treated a dear son.' z He gave to her a pair of black
swans from Australia, and the Empress generously
discharged debts which he had incurred in acquiring
part of his collection.

Peron died of a throat disease on December 14, 1810,
just seventeen days after the liberated Flinders reached
England. He was buried at Cerilly, where a monument,
designed by Lesueur, marks his grave. At the time of
his death he had not quite finished writing the second
volume of the Voyage de Decouvertes. The conclusion of
the work was therefore entrusted to Louis de Freycinet,
who had already been commissioned to produce the atlas
of charts.

Of Peron's personal character, and of the value of his
scientific work, nothing but high praise can be written.
He was but a young man when he died. Had he lived,
we cannot doubt that he would have filled an important
place among French men of science, for his diligence was

1 Moniteur, January 13, 1808. 2 Girard, F. Pjron, p. 50.

252 TERRE NAPOLfiON

coupled with insight, and his love of research was as
deep as his aptitude for it was keen. A pleasant picture
of the man was penned by Kerandren, who had been one
of the surgeons on the expedition to Australia. Peron,
he said,1 ' carried upon his face the expression of kindliness
and sensibility. The fervour of his mind, the vivacity
of his character, were tempered by the extreme goodness
of his heart. He made himself useful to most of those
who were the companions of his voyage. There was
joined to his confidence in his own ability, a great modesty.
He was so natural — I would even say so candid — that it
was impossible to resist the charm of his manners and his
conversation.'

Apart from his authorship of the first and part of the
second volume of the Voyage de Decouvertes, Peron wrote
a number of short ' memoires sur divers sujets/ suggested
to his mind by observations made during the voyage.
One of the most valuable of these, from a scientific point
of view, was an essay upon the causes of phosphorescence
in the sea, frequently observed in tropical and sub-
tropical regions, but occasionally in European waters.2
Although Peron was not the first naturalist to explain

1 Moniteur, January 24, 1811. The Moniteur of June 7, 1812, also con-
tained a eulogy on Peron delivered before the Societe Medicale d'£mulation
de Paris, by A. J. B. Louis.

8 Crabbe described it admirably in The Borough (ix. 103) :

' And now your view upon the ocean turn,
And there the splendour of the waves discern ;
Cast but a stone, or strike them with an oar,
And you shall flames within the deep explore ;
Or scoop the stream phosphoric as you stand,
And the cold flames shall flash along your hand ;
When, lost in wonder, you shall walk and gaze
On weeds that sparkle and on waves that blaze. '

RESULTS 253

that this aspect of floating fire given to the waves was
due to the presence of multitudes of living organisms,
he was the first naturalist to describe their structure and
functional processes.1 His treatise on the Pyrosoma
atlanticum is an extremely interesting example of his
scientific work. The creature is weighed and measured ;
its appearance is described ; then it is carefully taken to
pieces and its structure and internal organisation are
minutely detailed ; next there is an account of its
functions, and an explanation of how the phosphorescent
appearance is produced ; and finally its mode of life,
nutrition, and system of generation are dealt with. Peron
collects a number of specimens, places them hi a vessel
filled with sea-water, and observes how, at rhythmic
intervals, the creature alternately contracts arid dilates

1 Phipson on Phosphorescence (1862), p. 113, mentions that as early as
1749-50, Vianetti and Grixellini, two Venetians, discovered in the waters of
the Adriatic quantities of luminous animalculae ; and the true cause of the
phenomena must have occurred to many of those who witnessed it, though
groundless and absurd theories were current. Of the creature discovered
and described by Peron, Phipson says that it is ' one of the most curious of
animals. It belongs to the tribe of Tunicata. Each individual resembles a
minute cylinder of glowing phosphorus. Sometimes they are seen adhering
together in such prodigious numbers that the ocean appears as if covered
with an enormous mass of shining phosphorus or molten lava.' Professor
Moseley investigated the Pyrosoma while with the Challenger expedition.
He wrote : ' A giant Pyrosoma was caught by us in the deep-sea trawl. It
was like a great sac, with its walls of jelly about an inch in thickness. It
was four feet long and ten inches in diameter. When a Pyrosoma is
stimulated by having its surface touched, the phosphorescent light breaks
out just at the spot stimulated, and then spreads over the surface of the
colony to the surrounding animals. I wrote my name with my finger on the
surface of the giant Pyrosoma as it lay on deck, and my name came out in a
few seconds in letters of fire.' (The author owes this last reference to an
excellent paper on ' Phosphorescence in Plants and Animals,' by Miss Freda
Bage, M.Sc., printed in the Victorian Naturalist, xxi. p. 100, Nov. 1904.)

254 TERRE NAPOLEON

in a fashion analogous to the art of breathing among
more highly organised animals ; and he notices that
the phosphorescence appears and disappears with these
movements, being most fully displayed when the
creature's body is most contracted, and disappearing
during the moments of most complete expansion. Here
we have careful examination and observation, study of
the organism in its native habitat, anatomical dissection,
and experiment — a piece of biological work exceedingly
well done. Cuvier would have read the piece with
satisfaction in his pupil.

Other Memoires by Peron, on the temperature of the
sea on the surface and at measured depths ; on the
zoology of the Austral regions ; on dysentery in hot
countries and the medicinal use of the betel-nut ; on sea
animals, such as seals ; and on the art of maintaining
live animals in zoological collections, were valuable ; and
the subjects on which he wrote are mentioned as indicat-
ing the range of his scientific interests. One of his
pieces of work which, naturally, aroused much interest
in Europe, was an extremely curious investigation relative
to the physiological peculiarities of females of the Bush-
man tribes in South Africa, where Peron made an inland
journey for the purpose.1

When he died, Peron had not had time to apply him-
self adequately to the enormous mass of material that he
had collected. His fertile and curious mind, we cannot

1 There is a technical note on this delicate subject in Girard's F. ft'roti,
Naturaliste, Voyageur aux Terres Australes (Paris, 1857) ; a book which also
gives a good summary of Peron's scientific work.

RESULTS 255

doubt, would have enriched the scientific literature of
France with many other monographs. The deaths at
sea of Bernier and Deleuze also deprived the records of
the expedition of contributions which they would have
made on their special lines of research. Collections of
specimens and piles of memoranda, uninformed by the
intelligence of those to whom their meaning is most
apparent, are a barren result.

Peron's biological work was done in accordance with
the spirit and principles of Cuvier, who stood at the head
of European savants in his own field. ' Trained for four
years in Cuvier's school,' wrote the naturalist, ' I had for
guide not only his method and his principles, but manu-
script instructions that he had had the goodness to
write for me on my departure from Europe.' Cuvier
insisted on the importance of structure and function ;
' to name well you must know well.' The part played by
the creature in its own share of the world, its nervous
organisation, its life as involved in its form, were essentials
upon which he laid stress in his teaching ; and he im-
parted to those who came under his influence a breadth
of view, a feeling for the unity of nature, that is quite
modern, and has governed all the greatest of his successors.
' Not only is each being an organism, the whole universe
is one, but many million times more complicated ; and
that which the anatomist does for a single animal — for
the microcosm — the naturalist is to do for the macrocosm,
for the universal animal, for the play of this immense
aggregation of partial organisms.' Detailed research,
coupled with an outlook on the whole realm of nature —

256 TERRE NAPOLfiON

that was the essential principle of Cuvier's science ; and
it is because we can recognise in Peron a man who had
profitably sat at the feet of the great master, that his
death before he had applied his zeal to the material
collected with so much labour is the more deeply to be
regretted.

The few paragraphs in which Peron expressed his
views regarding the modification of species may be quoted.
It has to be remembered that they were written in the
early years of the nineteenth century, when ideas on this
subject were in a state of uncertainty rather than of
transition, and more than half a century before Darwin
gave an entirely new direction to thought by publishing
his great hypothesis. Cuvier at this time believed in
the fixity of species — constancy in the type with modifica-
tion in the form of individuals ; but his opinions under-
went some amount of change in the latter part of his
career. The point argued with such gravity, and the
conclusion which Peron stresses with the impressiveness
of italics, are not such as a naturalist nowadays would
think it worth while to elaborate, namely, that organisms
having a general structural similarity are modified by
climate and environment. It would not require a voyage
to another hemisphere to convince a schoolboy of that
truth nowadays. But the paragraphs have a certain
historical value, for they put what was evidently an
important idea to an accomplished naturalist a century
ago. They present us, in that aspect, with an interesting
bit of pre-Darwinian generalisation.

' Before natural history had acquired a strict and

RESULTS 257

appropriate language of its own,' wrote Peron,1 ' when
its methods were defective and incomplete, travellers
and naturalists confused under one name, in imitation
of each other, so to speak, animals which were essentially
different. There is no class of the animal kingdom
which, in the actual state of things, does not include
several orbicular species ; that is to say, several species
which are in some degree common to all parts of the
globe, however they may be modified by geographical
and climatic conditions. Other species, although con-
fined to certain latitudes, are, however, usually regarded
as common to all climates, and to all seas comprised
within these latitudes. The existence of these last
animals is regarded as being independent of latitude.
To confine ourselves to marine species, one sees it con-
stantly repeated in books of the most estimable character,
that the great whale (Balaena mysticetus, Linn.) is found
equally amidst the frozen waters of Spitzbergen and in
the Antarctic seas ; that the sharks and seals of various
kinds are found in equally innumerable tribes in seas
the farthest apart in the two hemispheres ; that the
turtle and the tortoise inhabit indifferently the Atlantic,
the Indian, and the great equinoctial oceans.

' Were one to consult only reason and analogy, such
issertions would appear to be doubtful ; as a matter of
experience they are found to be absolutely false. Let
liny one glance at the evidence upon which these pre-
ended identities rest ; one will then see that they exist
mly in the names, and that there is not a single well-

1 Voyage de Dtcouvcrtcs, Hi. 243 (1824 edition).
R

258 TERRE NAPOLfiON

known animal belonging to the northern hemisphere,
which is not specifically different from all other animals
equally well known in the opposite hemisphere. I have
taken the trouble to make that difficult comparison in
the case of the cetacea, the seals, etc. ; I have examined
many histories of voyages ; I have gathered together
all the descriptions of animals ; and I have recognised
important differences between the most similar of these
supposedly identical species.

' Nobody, I dare say, has collected more animals than
I have done in the southern hemisphere. I have observed
and described them in their own habitat. I have brought
several thousands of kinds to Europe ; they are deposited
in the Natural History Museum at Paris. Let any one
compare these numerous animals with those of our
hemisphere, and the problem will soon be resolved, not
only in regard to the more perfectly organised species,
but even as to those which are simpler in structure, and
which, in that regard, it would appear, should show less
variety in nature. ... In all that multitude of animals
from the southern hemisphere, one will observe that
there is not one which can be precisely matched in
northern seas ; and one will be forced to conclude from
such a reflective examination — such an elaborate and
prolonged comparison — as I have been forced to do
myself, that there is not a single species of well-known
animals which, truly cosmopolite, is indistinguishably
common to all parts of the globe.

' More than that — and it is in this respect above all
that the inexhaustible variety of nature shines forth—

RESULTS 259

however imperfect each of these animals may be, each
has received its own distinct features. It is to certain
localities that they are fixed ; it is there that they are
found to be most numerous, largest in size and most
beautiful ; and to the extent that they are found most
distant from the appropriate place, the individuals
degenerate and the species becomes gradually ex-
tinguished.'

On the geographical side the series of causes described
in preceding pages prevented the achievement of that
measure of success which the French Government and
the Institute had a right to expect. While Baudin
dallied, Flinders snatched the crown of accomplishment
by his own diligent and intelligent application to the
work entrusted to him in the proper field of activity.
The French filled in the map of eastern Tasmania, and
contributed details to the knowledge of the north-west
coast of Australia ; but what they did constitutes a poor
set-off against what they failed to do. The chief feature
of interest, in an estimation of the work done, is the
publication of the first map of Australia which repre-
sented the whole outline of the continent — saving
defects — with any approach to completeness. The Carte
Generate of 1807 showed the world for the first time
what the form of Australia really was, with its south
coasts fairly delimited, and the island of Tasmania set in
its proper position in relation to them. But the circum-
stances in which this result was effected were not such as
secured any honour to the expedition, and must, when
the facts became known, have been deeply deplored by

260 TERRE NAPOLfiON

instructed French people. Flinders was working at his
own complete map of Australia in his miserable prison
at Mauritius while his splendidly won credit was being
filched from him ; and it was merely the misfortune that
placed him in the power of General Decaen that debarred
him from issuing what should have been the first finished
outline of the vast island which he had been the earliest
to circumnavigate. Historically the Carte Generate is
interesting, but no honour attaches to it.

Yet full praise must be given to Louis de Freycinet for
the charts issued by him. He drew them largely from
material prepared by others, and much of that material,
as we have seen, was rough and poor. As a piece of
artistic workmanship, the folio of charts issued by Frey-
cinet in 1812 was a fine performance, and fairly earned
for him the command of the expedition entrusted to him
by the Government of Louis xvm. Before the volume
was published by the order of Napoleon, it was sub-
mitted by the Minister of Marine to Vice-Admiral Rosily,
Director-General du Depot de la Marine. That officer's
report 1 gave an account of the work which Freycinet
had done not only in the drawing but in regard to the
actual engraving of the charts. ' M. Freycinet,' said
the Vice-Admiral, ' who has done the principal part of
this work, was more capable than any one else known to
us of accomplishing such a result. It is to him that we
owe the preparation of this fine atlas. He has neglected
no means of giving to it the last degree of perfection. He
has himself made the drawings of the charts and plans,

1 Printed in the Moniteur, January 15, 1813.

RESULTS 261

and then he has reproduced them upon the copper-plates,
and has engraved the scales of latitude and longitude by
a new method perfected by himself, and which assures
the exactitude of his work. The beauty of the engravings,
and the execution of the work in general, leave nothing
to be desired, and testify to the care that he has devoted
to make the collection of charts one of the most useful
of works in promoting the progress of hydrography.'

The praise thus officially bestowed upon Freycinet's
work will be felt to be deserved by any one who studies
the atlas of 1812 ; but admiration of the workmanship
will not commit the careful student to an equally cordial
opinion concerning the completeness and accuracy of
the charts as representations of the coasts traversed by
the expedition. The south coast — the most important
part, since here the field was entirely fresh — was very
faulty in outline, and in other parts where Baudin's
vessels had opportunities for doing complete work,
important features were missed. And at the back of it
all there looms the shadow of Matthew Flinders, the
merit of whose own work shines out all the brighter for
the contrast.1

1 A remarkable example of the way to avoid difficult questions by ignoring
them is afforded by Girard's book on Peron, which, throughout its 278
pages, contains no reference whatever to Flinders. It devotes forty pages
to the voyage, but absolutely suppresses all reference to the Encounter Bay
incident, the imprisonment of Flinders, and other questions concerning him.
Yet Girard's book was ' couronne par la Societe d'emulation de 1'Allier.'
There should have been some ' rosemary, that 's for remembrance,' in the
crown.

262 TERRE NAPOLfiON

CHAPTER XII

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES

Further consideration of Napoleon's purposes — What Australia owes
to British sea power — Influence of the Napoleonic wars — Fresh
points relative to Napoleon's designs — Absence of evidence —
Consequences of suspicions of French intentions — Promotion of
settlement in Tasmania — Tardy occupation of Port Phillip — The
Swan River Settlement — The Westernport Scheme — Lord John
Russell's claim of 'the Whole' of Australia for the British— The
designs of Napoleon in. — Australia the nursling of sea power.

THE question of paramount interest connected
with the events considered hi the foregoing
pages is whether or not the expedition of
1800-4 nacl a political purpose. It is hoped that the
examination to which the facts have been subjected has
been sufficient to show that it had not. It was promoted
by an academic organisation of learned men for scientific
objects ; it was not an isolated effort, but one of a series
made by the French, which had their counterpart in
several expeditions despatched by the British, for the
collection of data and the solution of problems of im-
portance to science ; its equipment and personnel showed
it to be what it professed to be ; and the work it did, open
to serious criticism as it is in several aspects, indicated
that purposes within the scope of the Institute of France,
and not those with which diplomacy and politics were
concerned, were kept in view throughout. So much, it
is claimed, has been demonstrated. But the whole case

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CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 263

is not exhausted in what has been written ; and in this
final chapter will be briefly set forth a sequence of
reasons which go to show that Bonaparte in 1800 had no
thought of founding a new fatherland for the French
in Australasia, or of establishing upon the great
southern continent a rival settlement to that of the
British at Port Jackson.

It may legitimately be suggested that though all the
French expeditions enumerated in a previous chapter,
including Baudin's, were promoted for purposes of
discovery, the rulers of France were not without hope
that profit would spring from them in the shape of rich
territories or fields for French exploitation. It is, indeed,
extremely likely that such was the case. Governments,
being political organisations, are swayed chiefly by
political considerations, or at any rate are largely affectrd
by them. When Prince Henry the Navigator fitted out
the caravels that crept timidly down the west coast of
Africa, penetrating farther and farther into the unknown,
until a new ocean and new realms at length opened upon
the view he was inspired by the ideal of spreading the
Christian religion and of gaining knowledge about the shape
of the world for its own sake ; but he was none the less
desirous of securing augmented wealth and dominion for
Portugal.1 It was not solely for faith and science that he,

' Heaven inspired,

To love of useful glory roused mankind
And in unbounded commerce mixed the world.'

1 See Beazley, Henry the Navigator ; pp. 139-41 ; and E. J. Payne, in
Cambridge Modern History , i. 10-15.

264 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Isabella of Castile did not finance Columbus purely for
the glory of discovery. Luis de Santangel and Alonso
de Quintanilla, who prevailed upon her to befriend the
daring Genoese, not only used the argument that the
voyage would present an opportunity of ' spreading her
holy religion,' but also that it would ' replenish her
treasury chests/ l It is as natural for the statesman to
hope for political advantage as for the man of science to
look for scientific rewards, the geographer for geographical
results, the merchant for extended scope for commerce,
from any enterprise of the kind in which the State con-
cerns itself. It would have been a perfectly proper
aspiration on the part of French statesmen to seek for
opportunities of development in a region as yet scarcely
touched by European energy. But there is no more
reason for attributing this motive to Bonaparte in 1800,
than to the Ministers of Louis xv. and Louis xvi., or to
the Government of France during the Revolution : and
that is the point.

It is to misinterpret the character of the Napoleon
Bonaparte who ruled the Republic in the early period
of the Consulate, to suppose him incapable of wishing
to promote research for its own sake. He desired the
glory of his era to depend upon other achievements than
those of war. ' My intention certainly is,' he said to
Thibaudeau, ' to multiply the works of peace. It may
be that in the future I shall be better known by them than
by my victories.' The Memoires of the shrewd observer
to whom the words were uttered, give us perhaps a more

1 Justin Winsor, Christopher Columbus, p. 178.

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 265

intimate acquaintance with the Consular Bonaparte
than does any other single book ; and it is impossible to
study them without deriving the impression that he was
at this time far more than a great soldier. He was,
faults notwithstanding, a very noble and high-minded
man. It was easy for the savants of the Institute to
show him what a fine field for enterprise there was in the
South Seas ; and though there is not a shred of evidence to
indicate that, hi acquiescing in the proposition, he yielded
to any other impulse than that of securing for France
the glory of discovery, there may yet have been at the
back of his mind, so to speak, the idea that if good
fortune attended the effort, the French nation might profit
otherwise than in repute. To say so much, however, is
not to admit that there is any justification for thinking
that the acquisition of dominion furnished a direct
motive for the expedition. If Bonaparte entertained
such a notion he kept it to himself. There is not a
trace of it in his correspondence, or in the memoirs of
those who were intimate with him at this period. One
cannot say what thoughts took shape at the back of a
mind like Napoleon's, nor how far he was looking ahead
in anything that he did. One can only judge from the
evidence available. On some of Flinders' charts there
are dotted lines to indicate coasts which he had not
been able to explore fully. He would not set down as
a statement of fact what he had not verified. History,
too, has its dotted lines, where supposition fills up gaps
for which we have no certain information. There is no
harm in them ; there is some advantage. But we had

266 TERRE NAPOLfiON

better take care that they remain dotted lines until we
can ink them over with certainty, and not mistake a
possibly wrong guess for a fact.

It is also necessary to distinguish between the exalted
motives of which we may think the First Consul capable
in 1800, and for a year or two after, and the use he
would have made five, eight, or ten years later of any
opportunities of damaging the possessions and the prestige
of Great Britain. In the full tide of his passionate
hatred against the nation that mocked and blocked and
defied him at every turn of his foreign policy, he would
unquestionably have been delighted to seize any oppor-
tunity of striking a blow at British power anywhere.
He kept Decaen at Mauritius in the hope that events
might favour an attempt on India. He would have
used discoveries made in Australasia, as he would have
used Fulton's steamboat in 1807, to injure his enemy,
could he have done so effectually. But to do that
involved the possession of great naval strength, and
the services of an admiral fit to meet upon the high seas
that slim, one-armed, one-eyed man whose energy and
genius were equal to a fleet of frigates to the dogged
nation whose hero he was ; and in both these require-
ments the Emperor was deficient.

Indeed, we can scarcely realise how much Australia
owes to Britain's overwhelming strength upon the blue
water at the beginning of the nineteenth century. But
for that, not only France but other European powers
would surely have claimed the right to establish them-
selves upon the continent. The proportion of it which

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 267

the English occupied at the time was proportionately no
more than a fly-speck upon a window pane. She could
not colonise the whole of it, and the small portion that
she was using was a mere convict settlement. Almost
any other place would have done equally well for such
a purpose. It needed some tremendous exertion of
strength to enable her to maintain exclusive possession
of a whole continent, such as Spain had vainly professed
regarding America in the sixteenth century. From the
point of view of Australian ' unity, peace, and concord,'
the Napoleonic wars were an immense blessing, however
great an infliction they may have been to old Europe.
In an age of European tranquillity, it is pretty certain
that foreign colonisation in Australia would not have been
resisted. Great Britain would not have risked a war
with a friendly power concerning a very distant land, the
value and potentialities of which were far from being
immediately obvious. The Englishman, however, is
tremendously assertive when threatened. He will fight to
the last gasp to keep what he really does not want very
much, if only he supposes that his enemy wishes to take
a bit of it. It was in that spirit of pugnacity that he
stretched a large muscular hand over the whole map of
Australia, and defied his foes to touch it. Before the
great struggle it would have been quite possible to think
of colonising schemes in the southern hemisphere without
seriously contemplating the danger of collision with the
British. But the end of the Napoleonic wars left the
power and prestige of Great Britain upon the sea un-
challengeable, and her possessions out of Europe were

268 TERRE NAPOLfiON

placed beyond assail. This position was fairly established
before Napoleon could have made any serious attempt
to annoy or injure the English settlement in Australia.
Traced back to decisive causes, the ownership of Australia
was determined on October 21, 1805, when the planks of
the Victory were reddened with the life-blood of Nelson.

The remaining points to be considered are the following.

The Treaty of Amiens was negotiated and signed in
1801-2, while Baudin's expedition was at sea. Had
Napoleon desired to secure a slice of Australia for the
French, here was his opportunity to proclaim what he
wanted. Had he done so, we can have no reasonable
doubt that he would have found the British Government
compliant. His Majesty's Ministers were in a con-
cessionary mood. By that treaty Great Britain sur-
rendered all her maritime conquests of recent wars,
except Trinidad and Ceylon. She gave up the Cape,
Demerara, Berbice, Essequibo, Surinam, Martinique,
Guadeloupe, Minorca, and Malta.1 She was eagerly
desirous for peace. Bread was dear, and England seethed
with discontent. Napoleon was fully aware that he was
in a position to force concessions. King George's advisers
were limp. ' England,' wrote Thibaudeau, who knew
his master's mind, ' was driven by sheer necessity to
make peace ; not so Bonaparte, whose reasons were
founded on the desire of the French nation for peace,
the fact that the terms of the treaty were glorious for
France, and the recognition by his bitterest enemy of

1 Cambridge Modern History, ix. 75 et seq. ; Political History of England
(Brodrick and Fotheringham), xi. 9 et seq.

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 269

the position which the nation had bestowed upon him.' 7
The value of Australia at this time was scarcely perceived
by Great Britain at all. Sydney was just a tip for human
refuse, and a cause of expense, not of profit or advantage.
The only influential man in England who believed in a
future for the country was Sir Joseph Banks ; and he,
in 1799, had written to Governor Hunter : ' The situation
of Europe is at present so critical, and His Majesty's
Ministers so fully employed in business of the highest
importance, that it is scarce possible to gain a moment's
audience on any subject but those which stand foremost
in their minds, and colonies of all kinds, you may be
assured, are now put in the background. . . . Your
colony is a most valuable appendage to Great Britain,
and I flatter myself we shall, before it is long, see her
Ministers made sensible of its real value.' 2 If that was
the feeling in 1799, we can imagine how a claim to the
right to found a French settlement in Australia during
the nerveless regime of Addington would have been
received. It would not have delayed the signing of the
Treaty of Amiens by one hour. England at that time
would not have risked a frigate or spent an ounce of
powder on resisting such a demand. But the subject
does not appear to have been even mentioned during the
negotiations.

Nor was it mentioned by Napoleon during the years of
his captivity at St. Helena. He talked about his projects,

1 Fortescue's English edition, p. 118.

2 Banks to Hunter, February I, 1799 (Historical Records of New South
Wales, iii. 532).

2;o TERRE NAPOLfiON

his failures, his successes, with O'Meara, Montholon, Las
Cases, Admiral Malcolm, Antommarchi, Gourgaud, and
others. Australia and the Baudin expedition were
never discussed, though Surgeon O'Meara knew all about
Flinders' imprisonment, and mentioned it incidentally
in a footnote to illustrate the hardships brought upon
innocent non-belligerents during the Napoleonic wars.
Indeed, an interesting passage in O'Meara's Napoleon at
Saint Helena l causes a doubt as to whether Napoleon
had a clear recollection of the Flinders case at all. It is
true that General Decaen's aide-de-camp had mentioned
it to him in 1804, and that Banks had written to him on
the subject ; but he had many larger matters to occupy
him, and possibly gave no more than passing thought
to it. O'Meara records that among Napoleon's visitors
at the rock was an Englishman, Mr. Manning, who was
travelling in France for the benefit of his health in 1805.
He had been arrested, but on writing to Napoleon stating
his case, was released. He mentioned the incident in the
course of the conversation, and expressed his gratitude.
' What protection had you ? ' asked Napoleon. ' Had
you a letter from Sir Joseph Banks to me ? ' Manning
replied that he had no letter from any one, but that
Napoleon had ordered his release without the intervention
of any influential person. The occurrence of Banks's
name to Napoleon's memory in connection with an
application for the release of a traveller may indicate
that a reminiscence of the Flinders case lingered in the
mind of the illustrious exile. So much cannot, however,

1 Edition of 1 888, ii. 129.

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 271

be stated positively, because Flinders was not the only
prisoner in behalf of whom the President of the Royal
Society had interested himself, though his was the only
case which attracted a very large amount of public
attention. But what is chiefly significant is the absence
of any reference to Australia and Baudin's expedition in
the St. Helena conversations, in which the whole field of
Napoleonic policy was traversed with amplitude.

Had the selection of a site for settlement, rather
than research, been intended, it seems most likely
that Napoleon, with his trained eye for strategic ad-
vantages, would have directed particular if not exclusive
attention to be paid to the north coast of Australia. If
he had taken the map in hand and studied it with a
view to obtaining a favourable position, he would prob-
ably have put his ringer upon the part of the coast
where Port Darwin is situated, and would have said,
' Search carefully just there : see if a harbour can be
discovered which may be used as a base.' The coast
was entirely unoccupied ; the French might have
established themselves securely before the British knew
what they had done ; and had they found and fortified
Port Darwin, they would have captured the third point
of a triangle — the other two being Mauritius and Pondi-
cherry — which might have made them very powerful hi
the Indian Ocean. And that is precisely what the East
India Company's directors feared that Napoleon intended.
One of them, the Hon. C. F. Greville, wrote to Brown,
the naturalist of the Investigator, ' I hope the French
ships of discovery will not station themselves on the

272 TERRE NAPOLEON

north coast of New Holland ' ; l and the Company,
recognising their own interest in the matter, voted
six hundred pounds as a present to the captain, staff,
and crew of the Investigator before she sailed from
England. But instead of what was feared, the French
ships devoted principal attention to the south, where
there was original geographical work to do — a natural
course, their object being discovery, but not what might
have been expected had their real design been acquisition.
Peron censured Baudin because he examined part of
the west coast before proceeding to the unknown south ;
and when at length Le Geographe did sail north, the
work done there was very perfunctory. Baudin himself
was no righting man ; nor was there with the expedition
a military engineer or any officer capable of reporting
upon strategic situations, or competent to advise as to
the establishment of a fort or a colony. Captain Hamelin
and Lieutenant Henri de Freycinet afterwards saw
active service with the Navy, but the staff knew more
about flowers, beetles, butterflies, and rocks than about
fortifications and colonisation.

In recent years research has concentrated powerful
rays of light on the intricacies of Napoleonic policy.
Archives have been thrown open, ransacked, catalogued
and codified. Memoirs by the score, letters by the
hundred, have been published. Documents by the
thousand have been studied. A battalion of eager
students have handled this vast mass of material. The
piercing minds of eminent scholars have drilled into it

1 January 4, 1802, Historical Records of New South Wales, iv. 677.

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 273

to elucidate problems incidental to Napoleon's era.
But nothing has been brought to light which indi-
cates that Australia was within the radius of his
designs.

The idea that the publication of the Terre Napoleon
maps, with their unfounded pretensions to discoveries,
was a move on Napoleon's part towards asserting a claim
upon territory in Australia, is surely untenable by any
one with any appreciation of the irony of circumstances.

No man in history had a deeper realisation of the
dynamics of empire than Napoleon had. A nation, as
he well knew, holds its possessions by the power behind
its grasp. If he had wanted a slice of Australia, and
had been able to take and hold it, of what political use
to him would have been a few maps, even with an eagle's
picture on one of them ? When his unconquerable
legions brought Italy under his sway, absorbed the Low
Countries, and established his dominion on the Rhine,
the Elbe, and the Danube, he based no claims on maps
and documents. He took because he could. An empire
is not like a piece of suburban property, based on title-
deeds drawn by a family solicitor. Its validity is founded
on forces — the forces of ships, armies, manhood, treaties,
funds, national goodwill, sound government, commercial
enterprise, all the forces that make for solidity, resistance,
permanence. Freycinet's maps would have been of no
more use to Napoleon in getting a footing in Australia
than a postage stamp would be in shifting one of the
pyramids. He was capable of many mean things, but
we gravely undervalue his capacity for seeing to the

274 TERRE NAPOLEON

heart of a problem if we suppose him both mean and
silly enough to conspire to cheat Matthew Flinders out
of his well and hardly won honours, on the supposition
that the maps would help him to assert a claim upon
Australia. He could have made good no such claim in
the teeth of British opposition without sea power ; and
that he had not.

The consequences of the suspicion that Napoleon
intended to seize a site in Australia, were, however,
quite as important as if he had formally announced his
intention of doing so. What men believe to be true,
not what is true, determines their action ; and there
was quite enough in the circumstances that occurred to
make Governor King and his superiors in England
resolve upon decisive action. King having communi-
cated his beliefs to Ministers, Lord Hobart, Secretary of
State for War and the Colonies, in June 1803, wrote a
despatch in which he authorised the colonisation of Van
Diemen's Land by the removal of part of the establish-
ment at Norfolk Island to Port Dalrymple — ' the ad-
vantageous position of which, upon the southern coast
of Van Diemen's Land, and near the entrance of Bass
Straits, renders it, in a political view, particularly neces-
sary that a settlement should be formed there.' 1 It
will be observed that the Secretary of State's geo-
graphical knowledge of the countries under his regime
was quite remarkable. A man who should describe
Glasgow as being on the southern coast of England,
near the eastern entrance of the Channel, would be just

1 See Backhouse Walker, Early Tasmania, p. 22.

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 275

about as near the truth as Lord Hobart managed to
get.1

King moved immediately. He despatched the Lady
Nelson and the Albion on August 31 to establish a settle-
ment on the river Derwent, with Lieutenant John
Bowen in charge ; and in September 1803 the first
British colony in Tasmania was planted. It had a
variety of adverse experiences before at length the
beautiful site of the city of Hobart, at the foot of
Mount Wellington, was determined upon ; but here,
at all events, was a beginning, and the tale from that
time forward has been one of steady progress.

As soon as the imagined threat of French invasion lost
its impulsion, the colonising energy of the governing
authorities subsided. The Tasmanian settlement re-
mained and grew, but Trafalgar removed all fear of foreign
interference. Hence it was that nearly forty years
elapsed before any real effort was made to settle the lands
within Port Phillip. Then the first energies that were
devoted towards creating the great state of Victoria
were not directed by the Government, which no longer
had any political motive for forcing matters, but were
made by enterprising stock-owners searching for pastures.
It was not till 1835 that John Batman pushed up the
river Yarra, found the site of the present city of
Melbourne, and said, ' This will be the place for a village ! '

1 Froude's amusing story of Lord Palmerston, when, on forming a Ministry,
he thought he would have to take the Secretaryship of State for the Colonies
himself, comes to mind. He said to Sir Arthur Helps, ' Come upstairs with
me, Helps ; we will look at the maps, and you shall show me where these
places are.' (Froude's Ocearta, p. 12.)

276 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Trafalgar and the security which it gave to British
possessions oversea made all the difference between the
early occupation of Tasmania for fear the French should
take it, and the leisurely and non-official settlement of
the Port Phillip district, when it was quite certain that
no foreign power could set a foot upon it without
British permission.

There was one other occasion when the recurrence of
French exploring ships in Australian waters revived
the idea that foreign settlement on some portion of the
continent was contemplated. Just as the appearance of
Baudin's expedition at the commencement of the century
expedited the colonisation of Tasmania, and prompted
a tentative occupation of Port Phillip, so the renewed
activity of the French in the South Seas during the
years 1820 to 1826, was the immediate cause of the
foundation of the Swan River Settlement (1829), the
nucleus of the present state of Western Australia. Steps
were also taken to form an establishment at Westernport,
where, on the arrival of H.M.S. Fly with two brigs
conveying troops, evidences were found showing that
the French navigators had already paid a call, without,
however, making any movement in the direction of
' effective occupation.' The Swan River Settlement
grew, but the Westernport expedition packed up its
kit and returned to Sydney when the alarm subsided.

There is perhaps some warrant for believing that the
French Government, when it sent out Freycinet in the
Uranie and the Physicienne from 1817 to 1820, and the
Baron de Bougainville in the Espemnce and the Thetis

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 277

from 1824 to 1826, desired to collect information with a
possible view to colonise in some part of Australasia ;
though the fear that these commanders were themselves
commissioned to ' plant ' a colony was quite absurd,
and the express exploratory purpose of their voyages
was abundantly justified by results. Lord John Russell,
in after years, related that ' during my tenure of the
Colonial office, a gentleman attached to the French
Government called upon me. He asked how much of
Australia was claimed as the dominion of Great Britain.
I answered, " The whole," and with that answer he went
away.'1 Lord John Russell was at the head of the
Colonial Office in the second Melbourne Administration,
1839-41, a long time after the French explorers had gone
home and published the histories of their voyages. But
it is still quite possible that the researches made by
Freycinet and the Baron de Bougainville prompted the
inquiry of the Colonial Secretary's visitor. The phrase,
' a gentleman attached to the French Government/ is
rather vague. The question was clearly not asked by
the French Ambassador, or it would have been addressed
to the Foreign Secretary, who at that time was Lord
Palmerston, and whose reply would certainly not have
fallen short of Lord John's, either in emphasis or distinct-
ness. It may well be, however, that the Government of
King Louis Philippe — whose chief advisers during the
period were Thiers (1839-40) and Guizot (from July
1840) — desired to make their inquiry in a semi-official
manner to avoid causing offence.

1 Russell's Recollections and Suggestions (1875), p. 203.

278 TERRE NAPOLfiON

Yet the fact cannot escape notice, that at this par-
ticular time the French were busily laying the foundation
of that new colonial dominion with which they have
persevered, with admirable results, since the collapse
of their oversea power during Napoleon's regime.
Though their aptitude for colonisation had been ' un-
happily rendered sterile by the faults of their European
policy/ l the more far-seeing among their statesmen and
publicists did not lose sight of the ideal of creating a
new field for the diffusion of French civilisation. They
commenced in 1827 that colonising enterprise in Algiers
which has converted ' a sombre and redoubtable barbarian
coast ' into ' a twin sister of the Riviera of Nice, charming
as she, upon the other side of the Mediterranean.'2

Lord John Russell was not likely to be regardless of
this movement, nor unaware of the strongly marked
current of opinion in France in favour of expansion.

Twenty years later Lord John Russell had the position
of Australia, as a factor in world politics, brought under
his notice again, through a document to which he evi-
dently attached importance, and which is still the
legitimate subject of historical curiosity. He was then
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in the second
Palmerston Administration (1859 to 1865). A great
change had meanwhile taken place affecting the economic
value of this large island hi the South Seas. Apart from
the growth of its commerce and the productive capacity
of its great fertile areas, the gold discoveries of the early

1 Fallot, L'Avenir Colonial de la France, p. 4.
- Hanotaux, UBntrgit Frattfaist (1902), p. 284.

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 279

fifties — the nuggets of Ballarat and the rich auriferous
gravels of wide belts of country — had turned the eyes of
the world towards the land of whose agricultural and
mineral resources so little had been previously known.
France, too, had passed through a new series of changes
in her very mutable modern history, and a Bonaparte
once more occupied the throne, as Napoleon ill.

One day the British Foreign Minister received, from
a source of which we know nothing — but the Foreign
Office in the Palmerstonian epoch was exceedingly well
informed — a communication which, having read, he did
not deposit among the official documents at Downing
Street, but carefully sealed up and placed among his own
private papers. His biographer, Sir Spencer Walpole,
tells us all that is at present known about this mysterious
piece of writing. ' There is still among Lord John's
papers/ he says, ' a simple document which purports to
be a translation of a series of confidential questions
issued by Napoleon in. on the possibility of a French
expedition, secretly collected in different ports, invading,
conquering, and holding Australia. How the paper
reached the Foreign Office, what credit was attached to
it, what measures were suggested by it, there is no
evidence to show. This only is certain. Lord John
dealt with it as he occasionally dealt with confidential
papers which he did not think it right to destroy, but
which he did not wish to be known. He enclosed it in
an envelope, sealed it with his own seal, and addressed
it to himself. It was so found after his death.' l

1 Walpole, Life of Lord John Russell, ii. 177.

280 TERRE NAPOLEON

Oddly enough, the period within which Lord John
received the piece of information which he carefully
kept to himself in the manner described, corresponds
with that of the most notorious effort of Napoleon in.
to assert his power beyond the confines of Europe.

In 1853, the year after the establishment of the
second Empire, the Government of Napoleon in. had
annexed New Caledonia, commencing on this island the
policy of transportation in the very year in which Great
Britain ceased to send convicts to Australia. Thus for
the first time did France secure a footing in the South.
This was a safe step to take, as the annexation was
performed with the concurrence of Great Britain. But
Napoleon's oversea move of nine years later was rash in
the extreme.

From 1862 to 1866 — after a joint Anglo-French-Spanish
movement to compel the Republic of Mexico to discharge
her debts to European bondholders, and after a disagree-
ment between the allies which led to the withdrawal of
the British and the Spaniards — forty thousand French
troops were engaged upon the quixotic task of disciplining
Mexican opinion, suppressing civil war, and imposing
upon the people an unwelcome and absurd sovereign in
the person of Maximilian of Austria. His throne endured
as long as the French battalions remained to support it.
When they withdrew, Maximilian was deposed, court-
marshalled, and shot. The wild folly of the Mexican
enterprise, from which France had nothing to gain,
illustrated in an expensive form the unbalanced judgment
and the soaring megalomaniac propensities of ' the man

CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENCES 281

of December/ That he should institute such inquiries
as are indicated by the document described by Lord
John Russell's biographer, even though the preservation
of friendly relations with Great Britain was essential
to him, was quite in accordance with the ' somewhat
crafty ' character of the man of whom a contemporary
French historian has said : ' He knew how to keep his own
counsel, how to brood over a design, and how to reveal
it suddenly when he felt that his moment had come.'1
It is a little singular, however, that Russell did not
allude to the mysterious paper when he wrote his Re-
collections and Suggestions, five years after the fall of
Napoleon in. There was no imperative need for secrecy
then, and the passage quoted from his book indicates
that the welfare of Australia was under his consideration.
The facts set forth in the preceding pages are sufficient
to show that the people of no portion of the British
Empire have greater reason to be grateful for the
benefits conferred by the naval strength maintained by
the mother country, during the past one hundred years,
than have those who occupy Australia. Their country
has indeed been, in a special degree, the nursling of sea
power. By naval predominance, and that alone, the
way has been kept clear for the unimpeded development,
on British constitutional lines, of a group of flourishing
states forming ' one continent-isle/ whose bounds are
' the girdling seas alone.'

1 M. Albert Thomas, in Cambridge Modern History, xi. 287.

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284 TERRE NAPOLfiON

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(There have been many reprints of Cook's Voyages, and
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286 TERRE NAPOLfiON

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Century. 1908. Contains a lecture by Dr. Holland

Rose bearing upon the Baudin expedition and the

Terre Napoleon maps.
LABORDE, J. B., Histoire Abregee de la Mer du Sud. 3 vols.

Paris, 1791. A rare book, though not so important as

the work of De Brosses, upon which it was founded.

It was written ' pour 1'education of M. le Dauphin.'
LAURIE, J. S., Story of Australasia. 1896.
LABILLARDIERE, J. J. H. DE, Relation du Voyage a la recherche

de la Perouse. 2 vols. Paris.

LABILLIERE, Early History of Victoria. London, 1878.
LEE, IDA, The Coming of the British to Australia, 1788 to

1824. London, 1906.
LEROY-BEAULIEU, Colonisation chez les peuples modernes.

2 vols. Paris, 1902.

MAHAN, A. T., Life of Nelson. London, 1899.
MAIDEN, J. H., Sir Joseph Banks, the Father of Australia.

Sydney, 1909. Prints many of Banks's letters.
MAJOR, R. H., Early Voyages to Terra Australis, now catted

Australia. London, 1859. One of the Hakluyt Society's

valuable volumes.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 287

MASSON, F., Napoleon Inconnu : Papiers Inedits. Paris, 1895.

MILBERT, M. J., Voyage Pittoresq^^e a Vile de France au cap
de Bonne Esperance et a I'Ue de Teneriffe, 1800-3, par
M. J. Milbert, peintre embarque sur la corvette Le Geo-
graphe, et directeur des gravures de la partie historique
du voyage aux Terres Australes. 2 vols. Paris, 1812.

MILET-MUREAU, L. A., Voyage autour du monde du Comte
Jean Francois Galaup de la Perouse. 4 vols. Paris, 1797.

Moniteur, Le, 1800-1814. Napoleon's official organ contains
various allusions to Baudin's expedition and to Flinders.
See exact references in text.

MONTEMONT, Voyages, vol. xviii. pp. 3-49. Paris, 1834.

NAPOLEON I., Correspondance. 32 vols. 1858-70. A letter
relating to Baudin's expedition in Vol. vi., and a refer-
ence to Port Jackson in Vol. xx.

Naval Chronicle, 1799-1818. Various references to Baudin's
expedition • there is a biographical sketch of Flinders in
Vol. xxxii.,withportraitandfacsimileofsignature; account
of Flinders' imprisonment at the Isle of France in Vol.
xiv.; letters from Flinders in Vol. xxvi.; other facsimiles
of signature in Vols. xxvi. and xxviii.- memorandum by
Flinders on deflections of the compass needle in Vol.
xxviii. • discovery of Bass Strait recorded in Vol. xxviii.

NODIER et DESPLACES (Editors), Biographic Universelle.
Paris, 1814, and later years. Contains biographies of
Peron and Decaen ; the biography of Flinders, by
Walckenaer, in Vol. xiv., is excellent.

PATERSON G., History of New South Wales. Newcastle-on-
Tyne, 1811. Mention of Flinders ; and especially inter-
esting on account of its map, showing Bass Strait, and
Tasmania as an island, but indicating the southern
coast of Australia by a line which represented a guess.

PERON and FREYCINET, Voyage de decouvertes aux Terres
Australes, execute par ordre de sa majeste I'Empereur
et Roi, sur les corvettes Le Geographe et Le Naturaliste
et la goelette Le Casuarina, pendant les annees 1800, 1801,
1802, 1803, et 1804 ; publie par decret imperial sous le
ministere de M. de Champagny, et redige par M. F. Peron,

288 TERRE NAPOLfiON

naturaliste de I 'expedition, correspondant de I'lnstitut de
France, de la Societe de I'Ecole de Medecine de Paris, des
Societes philomatriques et medicale de la meme ville. Paris,
1807-1817. First vol. by Peron, published 1807 ; second
vol. by Peron and Freycinet, published 1816 ;- third vol.
by Freycinet, published 1815, all in quarto. Second
edition of the historical narrative, edited by Freycinet,
published in three vols., octavo, 1824. First atlas by
Freycinet, Lesueur, Petit, and others, published 1807-
atlas re-issued, enlarged, 1812 j revised atlas, with names
on Terre Napoleon maps entirely altered, published 1817 ;
hydrographical atlas by Freycinet, published 1812. An
English translation of volume one was published,
London, 1809.

PHILLIP'S Voyages. London, 1805. Vol. iii. pp. 1-71,
contains a narrative of the passage of Captain Baudin
to Port Louis in Mauritius.

PINKERTON, Modern Geography. 2 vols. London, 1807.

PINKERTON, Voyages, vol. xi. pp. 739-952. London, 1812.

PRENTOUT, HENRI, L'lle de France sous Decaen, 1803-1810.
Paris, 1901. Based upon the voluminous papers of
General Decaen, preserved at Caen ; a most valuable
book.

Quarterly Review, vol. iv. (1810) p. 42, article on first volume
of Peron's Voyage, very strongly condemnatory ; voL
xvii. (1817) p. 229, article on the second volume, dealing
largely with Freycinet's work. The first article was based
partly on Flinders' MS. Journal, lent to the reviewer by
the Admiralty.

ROCHON, Nouveau voyage a la mer du Sud, commence sous les
ordres de M. Marion, et acheve sous M. Duclesmeur.
Paris, 1783.

ROGERS, J. D., Historical Geography of Australasia. Oxford,
1907.

ROSE, JOHN HOLLAND, Life of Napoleon I. 2 vols. London,
1904. Vol. i. cap. 15 gives an account of Flinders'
voyage and a reproduction of part of the map of Australia
published with Peron's Voyage de Decouvertes.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 289

ROSE, JOHN HOLLAND, Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era.

Cambridge, 1895. Reference to Baudin's expedition.
ROSEBERY, EARL of, Napoleon, the Last Phase. London, 1900.
Ross, C., Correspondence of Cornwallis. 3 vols. 1859.

Relative to the Treaty of Amiens.
ROSSEL, E. P. E. DE, Voyage de D'Entrecasteaux, envoye a la

recherche de La Perouse. Paris, 1808.

RUSDEN, G. W., History of Australia. 3 vols. London, 1883.
RUSDEN, G. W., Discovery, Survey, and Settlement of Port

Phillip. Melbourne, 1871.
RUSSELL, EARL, Recollections and Suggestions. London, 1875.

See Lord Russell's allusion to French inquiries regarding

British claims to Australia.

SHILLINGLAW, J. J., Historical Records of Port Phillip. Mel-
bourne, 1879.
STEPHEN, LESLIE, and LEE, SIDNEY (Editors), Dictionary

of National Biography. London, 1885-1901. Biography

of Flinders, by Sir J. K. Laughton, in Vol. xix. is important.
TESSIER, article on ' Le General Decaen aux Indes,' in Revue

Historique, vol. xv. (1881).
TESSIER, articles on ' Les papiers du General Decaen/ in

La Nouvelle Revue, vols. xi. and xii. (1881).
THIBAUDEAU, A. C., Bonaparte and the Consulate, translated

by G. K. Fortescue. London, 1908.
THIERS, Histoire du Consulat et de L' Empire. 20 vols. Paris,

1845.

TRAILL, H. D., Life of Sir John Franklin. London, 1896.
TUCKEY, J. H., Account of a Voyage to Establish a Colony at

Port Phillip in the Years 1802-3-4. London, 1805.
TURNBULL, JOHN, Voyage round the World in the Years

1800-4, in which the Author visited Madeira, the Brazils,

Cape of Good Hope, Botany Bay, and Norfolk Island

(pp. 473-490). London, 1813.
TURNER, H. G., History of the Colony of Victoria. 2 vols.

London, 1904.
WALCKENAER, C. A., Le Monde maritime, ou tableau geo-

graphique et historique de Varchipel d' Orient, de la Polynesie,

et de I'Australie. 2 vols. Paris, 1819.

2 go

TERRE NAPOLEON

WALKER, JAMES BACKHOUSE, Early Tasmania. Hobart,
1902. Gives an account of the visit of Baudin's expedi-
tion to Tasmanian waters.

WALPOLE, SPENCER, Life of Lord John Russell. 2 vols.
London, 1891. See the reference to the alleged designs
upon Australia of Napoleon in.

WARD, A. W., PROTHERO, E. W., and LEATHES, S. (Editors),
Cambridge Modern History, vol. ix., Cambridge, 1906,
cap. 23, by Professor Egerton ; also chapter in Vol. xi.,
by J. D. Rogers, on the Development of Australia.

WOODS, J. E. T., History of the Discovery and Exploration
of Australia. 2 vols. London, 1865.

INDEX

ABERCROMBIE, General, capture of
Mauritius, 117.

Aboriginals, Tasmanian, 176 et seq. ;
in Western Australia, 229 et seq.

Ah Sam, 1 66.

Amiens, Peace of, 4, 6, 15, 43, 268.

Australasia, name coined by De
Brosses, 134.

Australia, causes of her peaceful pro-
gress, 2 ; colonisation of, 12 ; de-
fence during Napoleonic wars, 14 ;
Flinders' completion of discovery
of, 27; geographical theories con-
cerning, 25 ; name of, 23 ; first com-
plete map of, 259 ; effect of Napole-
onic wars on history of, 267 ; effect
of suspicion of French designs, 274 ;
Lord John Russell claims 'the
whole ' for the British, 277 ; sup-
posed plan of Napoleon in., 279 ;
the nursling of sea power, 281.

BANKS, Sir Joseph, friendship for
Flinders, 29, 88 ; on Baudin's ex-
plorations, 64, 248 ; influence with
Napoleon, 78, 270; endeavours to
secure the liberation of Flinders,
80 ; suggests the voyage of the
Investigator, 164 ; the friend of
Australia, 269.

Bass, George, his whale-boat voyage,
28, 191 ; his drawing of Bass Strait,
44 ; his boat preserved at Sydney,
201.

Bass Strait discovered, 28 ; Flinders'

chart of, 44 ; French charts, 45 ;
Captain Hamelin in, 191.

Batman, 275.

Baudin des Ardennes, Lt. Charles,
106.

Captain Nicolas, command of

Le Gdographe, 33 ; scurvy on board,
34, 40, 1 86 ; wretched condition of
his crew, 35 ; interview with
Flinders in Encounter Bay, 43 ;
second interview, 45 ; the missing
of Port Phillip, 49, 52 ; official
dissatisfaction with his work, 64 ;
unjustly blamed, 69, 240; respon-
sibility for the nomenclature, 72 ;
his discoveries, 81 ; at King Island,
108 ; equipment of Le Gtographe and
Le Natitraliste, 152 ; Humboldt's
dislike of, 154; early career, 157;
anecdote of, 158; unpopularity of,
158, 169, 238 ; feted before sailing,
165 ; sails from Havre, 167 ; sea-
manship, 168 ; reaches Australia,
169; negligent exploration, 170;
at Timor, 172 ; the Virginia in-
cident, 172 ; insanitary state of his
ships, 173, 182 ; his obstinacy, 183 ;
storms encountered by his ships,
184; enfeebled condition of his
crew, 186; reaches Port Jackson,
186 ; blamed by Peron, 187 ; aban-
donment of Boullanger, 190 ; view
of Port Jackson, 196 ; his frank-
ness, 205 ; hands over his papers
and journals to Governor King,
291

2 92

TERRE NAPOLfiON

206 ; farewell letter, 207 ; at King
Island, 211; his annoyance, 212;
denies that French settlement was
intended, 213; views on colonisa-
tion, 214 ; sails for Kangaroo
Island, 220 ; singular temper, 223 ;
harsh conduct, 232 ; second visit
to Timor, 233 ; northern Australian
exploration, 235 ; return to Mauri-
tius, 236 ; death of, 237.

Bernier, 236.

Bligh, Flinders' training under, 29 ;
his voyage with Cook, 30 ; the
Bounty mutiny, 31.

Bougainville, Louis de, his voyage,
137 ; a promoter of Baudin's ex-
pedition, 145, 150, 165, 248.

the Baron de, his voyage, 142,

276.

Boullanger abandoned by Baudin,
190 ; in the gulfs, 223.

Brown, Robert, botanist, on the In-
vestigator', 40, 271.

CANADA, 10.

Cape of Good Hope, II, 21.

Carpentaria, supposed strait from gulf
to Southern Australia, 25, 151, 224 ;
Napoleon's knowledge of, 148 ;
Flinders' exploration of, 101, 233.

Casuarina, purchase of the, 207. See
Freycinet.

Catastrophe, Cape, 32.

Ceylon, n.

Convict colonisation, Napoleon's plans
at Madagascar, 8 ; the British at
Port Jackson, 13; P^ron's view of,
195; Baudin's view, 214 ; Institute
of France on, 249 ; Napoleon's
belief in, 250.

Cook, James, his school of navigators,
30 ; his influence, 31, 35 ; discovery
of Port Jackson, 53 ; La Perouse
and, 138; Napoleon and his voy-
ages, 124, 148.

Cumberland, II. M.S., see Flinders

and Robbins.
Cuvier, 149, 150, 157, 248, 255.

DAMPIER, 130, 135, 148, 170, 227.

Dance, Commodore, his exploit off
Polo Aor, 17.

De Brosses, advocacy of French
South Sea exf [oration, 133; coins
the word Australasia, 134; history
of Austral navigations, 134.

Decaen, General, at Pondicherry, 15 ;
governor of the Isle of France, 15,
240; imprisonment of Flinders,
90 et seq. ; early career and char-
acter, 92 ; reasons for retaining
Flinders' papers, 99, 112 ; Peron's
report to, concerning British de-
signs, 113; surrender of Isle of
France, 117 ; British officers refuse
to dine with, 1 18 ; return to France,
120; later career and death, 121.

Decres, 20, 250.

Degerando, 150, 157.

Dentrecasteaux, 26, 8l, 140.

Dolphins as food, 40.

Dumont-Durville, 142.

Durham, Lord, report on Canada, 2.

EAST INDIA COMPANY, fears as to
Napoleon's designs on Australia,
271.

Encounter Bay, meeting of Flinders
and Baudin at, 38.

Fame, ship, 106.

Fleurieu, 145, 150, 248.

Flinders, Matthew, in command of
the Investigator, 23 ; his thorough-
ness, 24 ; methods as an explorer,
24 ; training and early achieve-
ments, 28 ; healthiness of his crew,
31; their affection for him, 32;
meeting with Baudin in Encounter
Bay, 39, 192 ; demands Baudin's

INDEX

293

passport, 43 ; the chart of Bass
Strait, 44 ; second interview, 45 ;
Baudin's curiosity, 46 ; examination
of Port Phillip, 59 ; his misfortunes,
68, 90 ; his excuses for Peron, 74 ;
general indignation at his treatment,
77, 88 ; the French and his charts,
90 et stq. ; his third log-book, 95 ;
refusal to dine with Decaen, 97 ;
released, 118; interest in La Pe-
rouse, 139 ; circumnavigation of
Australia, 233.

Forfait, 8.

'ranee, colonial possessions, 4-9 ;
effect of her European policy on
colonies, 9.

"ranklin, Sir John, 30, 203, 226.
reycinet, Henri de, 56, 176.

Louis de, alleged observation
of Port Phillip, 51, 58; his de-
fence of his charts, 76, 78; his
revised atlas, 88 ; alleged use of
Flinders' charts, 101 ; command of
the Casuarina, 103 ; command of
the Uranie and Physidenne, 141 ;
appropriation of the Dirk Haticks
plate, 141 ; suppression of Napo-
leon's name from Peron's text, 147,
167 ; expresses regret at the pro-
crastination of his commander, 203 ;
explores the gulfs, 222 ; a precari-
ous situation, 225 ; return to Europe,
241 ; his charting work, 260.

^ographe, Le, see Baudin.

iants at Sharks Bay, 227.

ibbon, 133, 136.

rant, commander of the Lady Nelson,

79, 81, 84, 163.

reville, C. F., 271.

rimes, surveyor of Port Phillip, 1 10,

112, 22O.

AMELIN, Captain, commander of

Le Naturaliste, 56 ; report to
French Government, 79 ; his return
to Europe, 108 ; protection of the
Dirk Haticks plate, 141 ; separated
from Le Gtographe, 189; in
Wester nport, 191 ; enters Port
Jackson, 191 ; leaves and returns,
192 ; sails for Europe, 220 ; cap-
tured by British frigate, 241 ;
arrival at Havre, 241.

Hobart, Lord, 274.

Humboldt, projected voyage with
Baudin's expedition, 154.

INDIA, the French in, 8, 15.

Institute of France, promotion of
Baudin's expedition, 143 ; com-
mittee of, 150; instructions for
voyage, 151 ; report on voyage, 249.

Investigator, see Flinders.

Isle of France, see Mauritius.

JAVA, n.

Josephine, Empress, 251.

Jussieu, 150, 156, 165.

KANGAROO ISLAND, Flinders' dis-
covery of, 25 ; contrary winds at,
36 ; naming of, 46 ; French name
for, 70, 73, 87; Frenchman's
Rock on, 87 ; Freycinet's charting
of, 104; Baudin's second visit,

222.

King Island, Baudin's missing of,
43 ; French ships at, 108, 210 ;
mistake as to, 108 ; Acting Lieu-
tenant Robbinsat, 210 ; hospitality
of sealers at, 219.

King, P. G., governor of New South
Wales, assists the French ships at
Port Jackson, 186, 201 ; his sus-
picions, 204, 220 ; suggests found-
ing a settlement at Port Phillip,
205; peruses Baudin's papers, 206;
hears disturbing rumours, 208 ;

294

TERRE NAPOLfiON

sends the Cumberland alter Baudin,
209; letter to Baudin, 212; his
objects, 220 ; colonisation of Tas-
mania, 275.

LACKPEDE, 150, 157, 248.

Lady Nelson, H.M.S., see Murray
and Grant.

La Perouse, 26, 138.

Laplace, 149, 150, 248.

Linois, Admiral, his squadron in the
Indian Ocean, 15; sails to meet
East India Company's fleet, 16 ;
engagement off Polo Aor, 18 ;
flight of the French, 18 ; Napo-
leon's comments, 19 ; his timidity,
21.

Louisiana, sale of, 5.

Lucas Island, 171.

MADAGASCAR, Napoleon's plan for

colonising, 8.
Malta, 12.

Marion-Dufresne, 137.
Maupertuis, his Petites Lettres, 131 ;

his influence, 131 ; his ghost, 132.
Mauritius, the French in, 15; their

precarious situation, 16 ; Flinders'

imprisonment at, 90 et seq. ;

blockaded and captured, 117.
Melbourne, 87, 275.
Mexican enterprise of Napoleon in.,

280.
Milius, Captain, takes Le Gfographt

home, 240.

Minerva, H.M.S., 241.
Mollineux, Emmerie, his map, 129.
Morand, the bank-note forger, 197.
Murray, Lt., discoverer of Port

Phillip, 53 ; his qualifications, III.

NAPOLEON, plan for colonising
Madagascar, 8 ; comments on
Linois, 19; retort to Decres, 20;
direction to 'take Port Jackson,'

21 ; his name applied to coasts
discovered by Baudin, 83 ; the
Flinders case, 119, 170; promotion
of Decaen, 120; motives in des-
patching Baudin's expedition, 122
et seq., and 263 et seq. ; the pro-
position of the Institute, 143, 146;
interest in geographical science,
147 ; his character during
Consulate, 149; kindness to
Sam, 166; view of the lower races,
181, 215 ; receives Peron, 251.

Napoleon in., supposed designs
Australia, 280.

Naturaliste, Le, see Baudin.

Nelson, 164, 171, 187, 204, 268.

New Caledonia, 136, 280.

New Hebrides, 135.

Norfolk, H.M.S., explorations in,
174.

Norfolk Island, Pcron's report on.
114.

OTTO, L. G., 160, 162.

PATERSON, Lt.-CoL, 208, 218.

Peron, Francois, naturalist, 39
narrative of the meeting in En
counter Bay, 41 ; its unreliabl*
character, 42, 44 ; historian 0
Baudin's expedition, 75 ; 7,
scientist, 76 ; report on I'.i
designs in the Pacific, 113 ; earl
career, 156; appointed to L
Giographe, 157 ; among Tasmania*
aboriginals, 175 et seq. ; accoui
a great storm, 185 ; blames BaudH
187 ; opinion of British navigator*
187 ; account of the Port Jackso
settlement, 194, 195 ; view >
savage man, 215; account of tt ...
King Island incident, 217; vief
of British polity, 218; at Pof
Lincoln, 226 ; at Sharks Bay, 22";
adventure with ' giants,' 228 ; di

INDEX

295

tressing experiences, 231 ; harsh
conduct of Baudin, 232 ; chron-
icles Baudin's death, 238 ; re-
ceived by Napoleon, 251 ; death
of, 251; scientific work of, 252;
on phosphorescence, 253 ; a pupil
of Cuvier, 255.

Port Darwin, 170, 271.

Port Jackson, population and means
of defence during Napoleonic wars,
12, 14 ; Admiral Linois's great
chance, 21 ; Napoleon's direction
to 'take Port Jackson,' 21;
Baudin's entry, 35, 186 ; French
eamp at Neutral Bay, 187 ; Peron's
account of the settlement, 194 ;
Baudin's account, 196.

Port Lincoln, 46, 226.

Port Phillip, discovery, 48 et seq. ;
navigation of, 50, 62 ; Freycinet's
account of, 51, 58; Flinders in,
59 ; the Rip of, 87 ; French chart
of, 105 ; Grimes's survey, 112; King
suggests settlement at, 205.

Proselite, H.M.S., 167.

Quarterly Review, article of 1810,
70, 74, 88 ; singular error of, 161 ;
article of 1817, 77, 102.

Quiros, 134.

ROBBINS, Acting-Lieutenant, 209,

2IO.

Rose, Dr. J. Holland, Life of
Napoleon, 84, 124 et seg. ; view of
Napoleon's designs, 124, 144,

153-

Russell, Lord John, claim of 'the
whole ' of Australia for the British,
277 ; supposed plans of Napo-
leon in., 278.

ST. VINCENT, EARL, 161.

St. Vincent's Gulf discovered, 25 ;

French name for, 70 ; Freycinet's

exploration of, 104.
San Domingo, 6.
Scurvy on the French exploring

ships, 34, 40, 1 86.
Shakespeare, the ' new map ' of

Twelfth Night, 130.
Sharks Bay, 227.

Snow Harrington, sealing brig, 190.
Spencer, Earl, 160, 162, 164.
Spencer's Gulf discovered, 25 ;

French name for, 70 ; Freycinet's

exploration of, 104.
Swan River settlement, 276.
Sydney, see Port Jackson.

TAILLEFER, surgeon on Le Gto-
graphe, 34.

Talleyrand Bay, 87.

Tasman, 130, 135.

Tasmania, circumnavigated, 28 ; De
Brosses' view of, 135; Institute of
France and, 151 ; Baudin at, 174
et seq. ; supposed French designs
on, 208 ; colonisation of, 274.

Terre Napoleon, nature of the
country, 37 ; nomenclature of, 60,
70, 80 ; charts of, 70, 73, 273 ;
true limits of the territory, 82 ;
names upon it, 82, 85, 88.

Thibaudeau, 181, 264, 268.

Thistle Island, 32.

Toussaint L'Ouverture, 6.

Trafalgar, battle of, 20, 171, 268, 276.

VANCOUVER, George, 26, 188.
Van Diemen's Land, see Tasmania.
Virginia, H.M.S., 172.
Voltaire, 71, 132, 133, 136.

WESTERNPORT and the French Port
du Debut, 63 ; Le Naturaliste at,
191 ; projected settlement at, 276.

West Indies, 6, II.

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GENERAL LITERATURE

5

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Braid (James), Open Champion, 1901, 1005
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Caldecott (Alfred), D.D. See Handbooks
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Carden (Robert W.). THE CITY OF
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Carlyle (Thomas). THE FRENCH
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THE LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF
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Carlyle (R. M. and A. J.), M.A. See
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Carmichael (Philip). ALL ABOUT
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Carpenter(MargaretBoyd). THECHILD
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Cavanagh (Francis), M.D. (Edin.). See
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Chamisso (A. von). See Simplified German
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Chandler (Arthur), Bishop of Bloemfontein.
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Chapman (S. J.). See Books on Business.

Chatterton (Thomas). See Standard
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Chesterfield (Lord), THE LETTERS OF
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TREMENDOUS TRIFLES. Second Edi-
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Childe (Charles P.), B.A., F.R.C.S. See
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Cicero. See Classical Translations.

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Clarke(F. A.), M.A. See Leaders of Religion.

Clausen (George), A.R.A., R.W.S. SIX
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2

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21

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22

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Thompson (Francis). SELECTED
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*Weigall (Arthur E. P.). A GUIDE TO
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Weils(J.),M.A.,FellowandTutorofWadham
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Westell (W. Percival). THE YOUNG
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Whibley (L.), M.A., Fellow of Pembroke
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White (Eustace E.). THE COMPLETE
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Whltehead (A. W.). G A S P A R D D E
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Whitling (Miss L.), late Staff Teacher of
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Whyte(A. G.), B.Sc. See Books on Business.

Wilberforce (Wilfrid). See Little Books

Wilde f '(Oscar). DE PROFUNDIS.
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THE WORKS OF OSCAR WILDE. In
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i. LORD ARTHUR SAVILE'S CRIME and
the PORTRAIT OF MR. W. H. n. THE
DUCHESS OF PADUA, in. POEMS (includ-
ing 'The Sphinx,' 'The Ballad of Reading
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WINDERMERE'S FAN. v. A WOMAN OF No
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vn. THE IMPORTANCF. OF BEING EARNEST.
vin. A HOUSE OF POMEGRANATES, ix.
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A FLORENTINE TRAGEDY, LA SAINTE
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Wilkins (W. H.), B.A. THE ALIEN
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Williams (H. Noel). THE WOMEN
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A ROSE OF SAVOY : MARIE ADELEIDE OF

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Williams (A.). PETROL PETER: or
Pretty Stories and Funny Pictures. Illus-
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Williamson (M. Q.)-, M.A. See Ancient
Cities.

Williamson (W.), B.A. See Junior Ex-
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Beginner's Books.

Wilmot-Buxton (E. M.), F. R. Hist. S.
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THE ANCIENT WORLD. With Maps and
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A BOOK OF NOBLE WOMEN. With
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A HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN :
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BY ROAD AND RIVER. A Descriptive
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\Vllson( Bishop.). See Library of Devotion.

Wilson (A. J.). See Books on Business.

Wilson (H. A.)- See Books en Business.

Wilton (Richard), M.A. LYRA PAS-
TORALIS : Songs of Nature, Church, and
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Winbolt (S. E.), M.A. EXERCISES IN
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LATIN HEXAMETER VERSE : An Aid to
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Wlndle (B. C. A.), D.Sc., F.R.S., F.S. A. See
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Wood (Sir Evelyn), F. M., V.C., G.C.B.,
G.C.M.G. FROM MIDSHIPMAN TO
FIELD-MARSHAL. With Illustrations,
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Demy 8?'O. js. Cd. net.

THE REV'OLT IN HINDUSTAN. 1857-
59. With 8 Illustrations and 5 Maps.
Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s.

Wood (J. A. E.). See Textbooks of
Technology.

Wood (J. Hickory). DAN LENO. Illus-
trated. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s.

Wood (W. Birkbeck), M.A., late Scholar of
Worcester College, Oxford, and Edmonds

(Major J. E.), R.E., D.A.Q.-M.G. A
HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR IN
THE UNITED STATES. With an
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V/ith 24 Maps and Plans. Second Edition.
Demy 8vo. 125. 6d. net.

Wordsworth (Christopher), M.A. See
Antiquary s Books.

Wordsworth (W.). THE POEMS OF.
With an Introduction and Notes by
NOWELL C. SMITH, late Fellow of New
College, Oxford. In Three Volumes.
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THERE WAS ONCE A PRINCE. By Mrs. M. E.

Mann.
WHEN ARNOLD COMES HOME. By Mrs. M. E.

Mann.

212

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