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Full text of "Testimony of Paul Crouch. Hearings"

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TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 







HEARINGS 



BEFORE THE 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



EIGHTY-FIRST CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



I 



MAY 6, 1949 






Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 




92435 



UNITED STATES 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING irFFKMO 

WASHINGTON : 1949 










AUG 27 * 949 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
United States House of Representatives 

JOHN S. WOOD, Georgia, Chairman 
FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey 

BURR P. HARRISON, Virginia RICHARD M. NIXON, California 

JOHN McSWEENEY, Ohio , FRANCIS CASE, South Dakota 

MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois 

Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel 
Louis J. Russell, Senior Investigator 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 
John W. Carrington, Clerk of Committee 



Note. — Testimony taken in executive session and made public by full Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities. July 20, 1949. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL OKOUCH 



FRIDAY, MAY 6, 1949 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the Committee 

on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C. 
executive session 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met 
pursuant to call at 11 a. m. in room 226, Old House Office Building, 
Hon. John S. Wood (chairman) presiding. 

Committee member present: Hon. John S. Wood (chairman). 

Staff members present: Louis J. Russell, senior investigator; 
Benjamin Mandel, director of research; Donald T. Appell and 
William A. Wheeler, investigators; and A. S. Poore, editor to 
committee. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, the witness this morning is Mr. 
Paul Crouch. 

Mr. Wood. Will you stand and be sworn, please. Do you solemnly 
swear that the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Crouch. I do. 

Mr. Russell. Will you state your full name? 

Mr. Crouch. Paul Crouch. 

Mr. Russell. Have you ever been known b}~ any other name? 

Mr. Crouch. Once, by the name of Fred Allen, Norfolk, Va. 

ATr. Russell. In what connection was that name used? 

Mr. Crouch. As the Norfolk organizer of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Russell. What is your present address? 

Mr. Crouch. 10421 Northwest Thirty-third Avenue, Miami, Fla. 

Mr. Russell. When and where were you born? 

Mr. Crouch. I was born June 24, 1903, at Moravian Falls, N. C. 

Mr. Russell. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party, Mr. Crouch? 

Air. Crouch. Yes, I have; for approximately 17 years. 

Air. Russell. During w T hat period? 

Mr. Crouch. From 1925 until sometime in 1942. 

Air. Russell. Would you state the various positions you have 
held in the Communist Party in the United States? 

Air. Crouch. Yes. I was first a member of the national executive 
committee of the Young Communist League, a member of the secre- 
tariat of that organization, its national educational director. I was 
editor of the Young Worker, a publication of the Young Communist 
League; head of the antimilitarist department of the Communist 
Party, U. S. A., and the Young Communist League, a joint committee 

181 



182 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

of both organizations which had jurisdiction over work inside the 
armed forces of the country. 

I was a representative of the Young Communist League to the 
Young Communist International in Moscow; a member of the Anti- 
Militarist Commission of the. Young Communist International, which, 
during the early part of 1928. drafted detailed plans for operational 
work in the armed forces of all countries. 

1 represented the Young Communist International to the Red Army 
on its tenth anniversary, and was made an honorary commander of the 
Red Army. 

In this connection, I would like to present as an exhibit page' 3 from 
the Daily Worker of May 1, 1928, showing photographs of myself in 
Red Army uniform. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this document be intro- 
duced as exhibit 1. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 1 

Mr. Crouch. To continue, other positions I have held were: Mem- 
ber of the editorial staff of the Daily Worker, where I was associated 
with Whittaker Chambers and other Communists; national secretary 
of the Anti-Imperialist League; organizer in the Gastonia, N. C, strike; 
Norfolk, Va., organizer, where I went under the name of Fred Allen; 
Utah State organizer of the Communist Party, 1933-34; Carolina 
district organizer of the Communist Party, 1934 through 1937; editor 
of the New South, an ostensible liberal New Deal paper subsidized by 
the Communist Party, 1938 to September 1939, and during that same 
period I was a member of the Alabama District Bureau and district 
chairman of the Control Commission. 

From September 1939 until March 1941 I was Tennessee district 
organizer of the Communist Party. From May 1941 until the 1st of 
January 1942 I was county organizer of Alameda County, Calif., of 
the Communist Party. 

I broke with the Communist Party at that time, and in January 
1942 was removed from that office, barred from holding any further 
office above unit functionary in the Communist Party, and shortly 
after, I do not recall the exact month, I ceased paying any dues what- 
ever in the Communist Party. However, efforts were made to con- 
tinue me as a rank-and-file member, and in the registration at the end 
of the year a 1943 membership book of the Communist Party of the 
U. S. A. was sent to my home. I wish to present this book, No. 
27269, in evidence. I request a photostat of this book for my personal 
files. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this document be intro- 
duced as exhibit 2. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 2 

Mr. Russell. When you were in Moscow, how long did you re- 
main there? 

Mr. Crouch. Between 5 and 6 months. 

Mr. Russell. Do you recall the exact period? 

Mr. Crouch. December 1927 until the end of April 1928. 

Mr. Russell. Who else was in Moscow at that time? 

Mr. Crouch. In Moscow at that time — during the time I was in 
Moscow I met Earl Browder, J. Louis Engdahl, William Z. Foster, 
and many others. 

1 See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit'No. 1. 

2 See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 2. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 183 

Mr. Mandel. Did you meet Sam Dare *y? 

Mr. Crouch. I met Sam Darcy. 

Mr. Mandel. Did you meet J. Peters there? 

Mr. Crouch. Not in Moscow. Arid I met the former head of the 
IWW, William D. Haywood. He was in Moscow as a refugee from 
charges in the United States growing out of opposition to United 
States participation in the First World War. As I recall, he had 
urged opposition to the draft. 

On the same ship with me, going to Moscow, was George Mink, who 
became and was well known later as international agent of the 
OGPU. 

Mr. Mandel. What was Mink's relation to the leaders of the Com- 
munist International ? 

Mr. Crouch. On the way to Moscow, on the ship — I would like to 
say first that Amtorg, the trading organization of the Soviet Govern- 
ment in the United States, arranged the passage of both George Mink 
and myself to Russia on an Italian vessel chartered by the Soviet 
Government. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you use your own name? 

Mr. Crouch. I used my own name, against the advice of the party 
leaders. I told them I saw no reason to use a false name. I went to 
North Carolina and obtained a legitimate passport under my own 
name and I used it. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, there has been considerable testi- 
mony regarding George Mink taken by the committee at previous 
hearings. The name appears principally in the testimony regarding 
the Leon Josephson case. 3 

Mr. Crouch. I would like to add something additional regarding 
Mink. On the way to the Soviet Union he was very boastful; said 
he was going to be a "big shot" in the movement; that he was close 
to Solomon Losovsky, at that time head of the Reel International of 
Trade Unions, and later Vice Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the 
Soviet Union. I thought he was boasting. On arrival in Moscow 
he contacted Losovsky immediately, and I saw them together many 
times, and in a few day? he opened his billfold and showed me a large 
quantity of rubles and said he was on his way to Black Sea ports to 
organize foreign seamen, and was coming to America to do the same 
thing. 

At the World Congress of Red International of Trade Unions in 
March 1928, which I attended, Mink also attended, and took a very 
important and conspicuous role. He was in constant consultation 
with Losovsky, and it became known among American delegates that 
in order to get things done it was necessary to get on the good side of 
Mink, that he was the most powerful on the delegation. He was 
placed on the delegation by specific instructions from the Russian 
leaders, principally Losovsky, without the request or desire of the 
American delegation. 

Mr. Mandel. In what industry did Mink specialize? Do you 
know? 

Mr. -Crouch. .Mink told me he had been a taxi driver on the water 
front in Philadelphia, and that he had been spending his time on the 
water front, in which he was chiefly interested. Ilis main interest 

! See hearings regarding Leon Josephson and Samuel Liptzen, March 5 and 21, 1947. pp. 36-42. 53 54 60 
70, 72-74, 76. . . > > 



184 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

was among seamen, and in his conversations with me he expressed 
very ambitious aims of having Communist organizations among 
seamen which would control the industry throughout the world. 

In his personal habits, Mink was anything but an attractive 
person. He was a very heavy drinker, very promiscuous in his 
relations with girls, and it was quite a shock to me, with my idealistic 
conceptions of the movement, to find one of gangster characteristics 
like Mink rising to such top leadership. 

Mr. Mandel. What relation, if any, did you have with the Central 
Committee of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I attended most meetings of the Central Committee 
of the Communist Party, U. S. A., from the summer or early fall of 
1927 until 1941. T was called to practically all Central Committee 
meetings in my capacity as district organizer of the party. I repre- 
sented the Young Communist League as one of its representatives at 
the Politburo meetings in the period 1928-29. After that I was out 
of New York and came in only for a few meetings of the Central 
Committee. 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you ever a member of the United States 
Army? 

Mr. Crouch. I was. In this connection, I would like to offer a 
photograph of myself in American Army uniform. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Chairman, I request that the photograph be 
entered into the record as exhibit 3. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 4 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you recall vour serial number? 

Mr. Crouch. 6346392. 

Mr. Wheeler. Wlaat was your rank? 

Mr. Crouch. Private. 

Mr. Russell. During what period were you in the United States 
Army? 

Mr. Crouch. I believe it was in April 1924 when I was sworn into 
the service. I do not recall the exact date. I served in the Army 
1 year, until about April 2, 1925, when I was court-martialed. 

Mr. Russell. Were you found guilty during the court-martial 
proceedings? 

Mr. Crouch. I was. 

Mr. Russell. Wliat were you charged with? 

Mr. Crouch. Violation of the ninety-sixth article of war; conduct 
prejudicial to good order and military discipline. 

Mr. Russell. WTiat was the basis for this charge? 

Mr. Crouch. The basis for this charge was expression of Com- 
munist views; a letter I wrote as a soldier to the Communist Inter- 
national in Moscow; and it was not mentioned in the court martial, 
but a fact which led to it was the publication in the Honolulu Star- 
Bulletin of letters signed by me in defense of Communist ideals. 

Mr. Mandel. But you were not affiliated with the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I had not had at that time any affiliation with the 
Communist Party. These actions were taken on my own as a senti- 
mental young idealist, although the members of the court martial 
obviously did not realize that fact and did not distinguish between 
deliberate agents of the Communist movement and young idealists 

♦ See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 3. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 185 

carried away with the idealistic propaganda which is used by the 
Communist movement. 

Mr. Russell. After the court martial, did you serve time in a 
Federal institution? 

Mr. Crouch. It was not a Federal institution as such. It was a 
military institution, disciplinary barracks, at Alcatraz Island, Calif. 
The charge was of a misdemeanor nature and not subject to imprison- 
ment in a Federal institution, but it was subject to imprisonment in 
disciplinary barracks. It did not affect my citizenship status in any 
way. 

Mr. Russell. What sentence did you receive? 

Mr. Crouch. Originally, 40 years at hard labor, later commuted 
to 3 years. 

Mr. Russell. While you were in Moscow, did you attend any 
schools conducted by the Soviet Government for American Com- 
munists or international Communists? 

Mr. Crouch. I paid a number of visits to the Lenin School in 
Moscow and met many students. I also had discussions with the 
faculty regarding the curriculum. 

I also visited the main military school, what might be termed the 
West Point of the Red Army, and spoke there as a guest. I also had 
many conferences in the Soviet Union with top officials of the Red 
Army general staff, both in Moscow and other military centers. 

Mr. Mandel. What is the significance of your appearing in a Red 
Army uniform? What does that mean to you in terms of relation 
of the Soviet Government to American Communists? 

Mr. Crouch. I think that relationship might perhaps be expressed 
best by a conversation I had with the commanding officer of the 
Budemiy Division, who, after asking me a few routine questions 
about the comparison of American Army rifles with Soviet guns, 
remarked: "We are not so much interested in what kind of guns you 
have as how you are going to use those guns when war comes." I 
think the significance of my appearing in Red Army uniform was used 
to illustrate the Communist policy that the loyalty of all Communists 
throughout the world, whether civilians or in the armed forces, must 
be unquestionably true to the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Mandel. Did you just don that uniform for the day? 

Mr. Crouch. No. I wore that uniform not onl} T for the day when 
I reviewed the Budenny Division and spoke to the division, but also 
for about 1 week I spent with the division on maneuvers, various 
banquets, and other affairs. 

Mr. Russell. Were you given any instructions as to the method 
to be followed in infiltrating Communists into the Army of the United 
States 9 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, very detailed and specific directions. In the 
Anti-Militarist Commission of the Young Communist International 
we spent months working out methods. The general idea of infiltra- 
tion in the Army had been decided upon, but the exact methods and 
details had not been formulated, but were formulated in January, 
February, and March 1928 while I was in Moscow. Some of these 
instructions were sent to the United States and to all other countries 
through special couriers, read by the Central Committee, and de- 
stroyed. Many other documents remained in Moscow, did not leave 
Moscow at all, and were to be shown to visiting foreign leaders as 
instructions for action. 



186 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Mandel. Mr. Crouch, did you participate in the formulation 
of resolutions regarding work in the armed forces for the Communist 
International? 

Mr. Crouch. I did. 

Mr. Mandel. Particularly, which resolutions did you take part in 
formulating? 

Air. Crouch. Eesolutions on imperialism subsequently adopted by 
the Sixth World Conference. 

Mr. Mandel. What year was that? 

Air. Crouch. 1928. 

Mr. Mandel. Will you make that a part of a later exhibit.? 

Mr. Crouch. I will!" 

Mr. Russell. While in Moscow, were you given any instructions 
relating to revolutionary- tactics? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, in great detail. 

Mr. Russell. Could you describe to the committee the various 
methods to be employed? 

, Mr. Crouch. Yes. ' Concentration on strategic military objects 
was first and foremost emphasized by Marshal Tukachevsky and three 
Other members of the Soviet general staff who met with me on one 
occasion at the Lux Hotel in the room of Xassonov. 

Mr. Mandel. Who was Nassonov? 

Mr. Crouch. He was a representative of the Young Communist 
International to the Young Communist League of the United States 
at that time. He was armed with full powers from Moscow to decide 
problems of the Communist Youth Movement in America. 

Mr. Mandel. Had he been in the United States? 

Mr. Crouch. He was in the United States at that time. He had 
not yet returned. His wife was present at this meeting. 

Mr. Mandel. Were there any other Americans present? 

Mr. Crouch. No, I was the only American. At this meeting 
Marshal Tukachevsky and other Red Army officials said that they 
feared the scattering of efforts, and urged that particular concentra- 
tion spots be selected. They were most interested, from the military 
point of view, first in Panama, and that efforts be made simultaneously 
to strengthen the civilian Communist Party in Panama as a basis for 
collaboration with the agents in the Army. 

They also urged work in Hawaii, sending soldiers to Hawaii. 

Mr. Wheeler. In connection with Panama, were you instrumental 
in Osman being inducted? 

Mr. Crouch. Indirectly; yes. After my return to the United 
States we selected as the first soldier a man named Taylor, a Com- 
munist Party member. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you have his first name? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not remember his first name. He was from the 
mining fields of Pennsylvania, from Wilkes-Barre, if I remember 
correctly. He enlisted in 1929 for service in Panama and established 
civilian contacts in Panama, maintained correspondence through the 
underground channels which we established, served his enlistment 
without detection, and returned to the United States. 

In the meantime, steps were taken to send other soldiers in the 
armed forces. I was succeeded as head of that department by Walter 
Trumbull. 

Mr. Russell. Water Trumbull was also sentenced to the peni- 
tentiary? 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 187 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; he is also on this card (exhibit 3). He succeeded 
me in January 1930 as the head of this department for the armed 
forces, and along with him at that time Max Bedacht of the Central 
Committee of the party was assigned to work with Trumbull and 
to give general directions to his work. 

Another party leader who worked with Bedacht and with Trumbull 
was Emmanuel Levine. Trumbull told me on my visits to Washing- 
ton that a large number of additional soldiers had been sent to 
Panama, and at the time of the Osman affair I recall conversations 
with the party leaders in New York, and with Trumbull, and Osman 
was mentioned as one of those who had been sent to Panama. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet Gordon Switz? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Mandel. How about George Pershing? 

Mr. Crouch. George Pershing was a soldier in Hawaii who was 
one of a group who broke up the red-light house in Honolulu. They 
took the law in their own hands and destroyed the red-light house. 
They were sentenced to from 2 to 10 years. I have been informed that 
the War Department has made some subsequent investigations, and 
I have heard that a Presidential pardon was granted in connection 
Avith the entire affair. 

While Pershing was in Alcatraz 1 recruited him in the party, and 
from time to time he has been active in the Communist movement, 
but not continuously; he has been out of the party at times and has 
returned occasionally. 

Mr. Mandel. What is he doing now? 

Mr. Crouch. He is a member of the international executive board 
and division director for the Pennsylvania and Upper New York dis- 
trict of the Fur and Leather Union. 

Mr. Wheeler. You mentioned Emmanuel Levine. Could you en- 
large on your knowledge of him? 

Mr. Crouch. I first met him in California when I was in Alcatraz. 
He visited me in company with my attorney, Austin Lewis. He told 
me he was a former marine himself and was very much interested in 
work in the armed forces. After my release I knew him quite well in 
various capacities in the party. I believe at one time he was district 
organizer of the party in California. Then he came to New York and 
worked with Walter Trumbull in anti-militarist work in the armed 
forces. 

Mr. Mandel. Was he the head of the Servicemen's League? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. He became chairman of the Workers Service- 
men's League and worked with Walter Trumbull. 

Mr. Mandel. Was he active in the bonus march? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. He was chief organizer. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know if he is the same Emmanuel Levine 
who was head of the Communist Party of Louisiana? 

Mr. Crouch. No. I have not seen or heard of him since I saw 
him at a Senate committee meeting in 1940 or 1941. 

Mr. Wheeler. There was an Emmanuel Levine who was head of 
the Communist Party of the State of Louisiana, and who is now in 
Washington, D. C. 

Mr. Crouch. Do you have a photograph of him? 

Mr. Wheeler. No. 

Mr. Crouch. I could identify a photograph of him. 

92435 — 49 2 



188 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

There were many questions about my visit to Moscow I did not 
answer. W e were instructed to select one ship of the Navy to begin 
with in the concentration of efforts. We selected the U. S. S. 
Oklahoma, and were able to get several members of the Communist 
Party enlisted in the Navy, and several succeeded in getting aboard 
the U. S. S. Oklahoma. 

Mr. Mandel. What year was that? 

Mr. Crouch. 1929 and 1930. They were able to recruit several 
others into their group. At one time there was a Communist group 
aboard ship of seven or eight members. Carrying out their general 
lines of strategy, they made a big issue of every petty grievance they 
could find, on the subject of food and so on, and magnified every 
minor grievance, with the result there was considerable trouble 
aboard the battleship. At the same time they followed a policy of 
writing revolutionar} 7 slogans and tacking them on the Avails of the 
ship. I understand several investigations were made by the Navy 
but to the best of my knowledge none of the Communists aboard ship 
were detected. 

Mr. Mandel. Was that ever publicly recorded in the newspapers? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not recail whether it was or not. 

To continue with instructions in .Moscow, they emphasized the 
necessity of partial demands — demands for higher wages, demands 
for better food — and any kind of grievance over working conditions 
should be taken full advantage of and lead to conflicts between 
enlisted men and officers, and from these conflicts Communists should 
be recruited. 

They emphasized that the Communists in the Army should 
strengthen their personal influence by building organizations of a ver} T 
harmless nature, apparently, such as sport clubs, study clubs, anv 
kind of an organization, no matter what its name might be, by which 
the Communists could become leaders and could be surrounded by 
soldiers over whom they could gain influence and establish themselves 
as leaders. 

Also, the matter of military training was given particular emphasis. 
The Communists were to be urged to work hard, to take advantage of 
every opportunity for study, and, if possible, to become officers. One 
of the issues that' had been debated in the Communist League was the 
question of establishing military training in party schools. This was 
referred to Moscow for final decision. The decision of Moscow was 
that it would be superfluous and unnecessary to go into elaborate 
military training when this training could be obtained at Government 
expense by the members enlisting in the National Guard. ROTC, and 
other branches of the service; that the only training that should be 
given in the schools was simple drills and formations, and ordinary 
drill instructions were given for a time, but for actual military knowl- 
edge the members were sent into the armed forces and into the National 
Guard. 

Fort Snelling, Minn., is one place I recall where quite a number of 
Communists were sent. A paper was mimeographed monthly called 
the Fort Snelling Rapid Fire, the method being that the Communists 
inside should give information, names of officers and petty grievances, 
which could be written up and distributed by members sent in from 
outside, or mailed in to members of the armed forces. 

Mr. Mandel. In connection with the last war, the Communists 
claim that thev gave their members in the armed forces a leave of 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CHOUGH 189 

absence while they were in the armed forces. Will you comment on 
that? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. That was a mere maneuver, similar to the 
maneuver of Americans withdrawing from membership in the Com- 
munist International, the purpose being to confuse American intelli- 
gence and to use the Army to give the same privileges for advance- 
ment to Communists as they would to any other soldiers. 

In this connection I would like to mention one specific instance. 
A Howard Lee, of Alabama, who I personally knew had been a leading 
member of the Communist. Party, and with whom I sat in many 
party meetings, was inducted into the Army. His promotion was 
not as rapid as he thought it should have been, and he contacted 
[name deleted] a newspaper columnist, who had two or three columns 
devoted to the sharpest criticism of the War Department for failing 
to take advantage of the ability of a man like Howard Lee, sending 
him to a very minor position and keeping him there instead of giving 
him a position as officer, to which he was entitled. 

Mr. Wheeler. What year was that? 

Mr. Crouch. This article was. I believe, in 1943. I do not recall 
for sure. 

Mr. Russell. Did you know Howard Lee? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, I knew him well. 

Mr. Russell. Was he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. He was a member of the Communist Party and 
frequently visited District Bureau meetings of the Communist Party, 
and participated in the first and second conferences of the Southern 
Conference for Human Welfare in Birmingham and Chattanooga. 

Mr. Russell. Were you active in the Southern Conference for 
Human Welfare? 

Mr. Crouch. I was. 

Mr. Russell. Was the Southern Conference for Human Welfare 
conceived as a Communist organization bv the Communist Party 
itself? 

Mr. Crouch. It was, very definitely so. 

Mr. Russell. Can you describe the background of the conception 
of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. The preparatory steps which led up to the 
Southern Conference for Human Welfare began with a conference in 
Chattanooga, Tenn.; I believe the date was about December of 1937, 
but I am not sure of the exact month. It was attended by Earl 
Browder, national secretary of the party. 

Mr. AIandel. Who else w T as present? 

Mr. Crouch. [Name deleted] and a Mrs. Wilson were South 
Carolina delegates. I was personally ill at the time and [name 
deleted] and Mrs. Wilson brought me a detailed report of the pro- 
ceedings. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you recall Mrs. Wilson's first name? 

Mr. Crouch. No. I do not. According to the information I 
received, Browder had emphasized that the party should get on the 
band wagon, as the phrase was used, and should look around for some 
large mass organization to build in the South. 

I went to Birmingham about the 1st of April 1938, where a magazine, 
the New South, had just been launched, to take over the duties of 
editor of that magazine. 

Mr. Mandel. Was Rob Hall in those meetings? 



190 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. I would like to add, in connection with the 
New South, that arriving in Alabama I was made head of the control 
commission of the district. The New South's first two issues were 
published in the name of the Communist Party, but then it was 
decided it could not get very far among liberals with the party label, 
and this should be withdrawn, and it was then published by the 
New South Publishing Co. 

I would like to place in evidence the New South of August 1938, 
in which I was listed as editor, and contributing editors were listed as 
Donald Burke; Emmett Gowen; Jack Strong, whose real name was 
Jack Sapphire: Ben Davis, Jr.; R. F. Hall, also known as Rob Hall; 
Ted Wellman: James W. Ford; Bart Logan; and Henry Winston. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 5 

Mr. Crouch. With the exception of Emmett Gowen, all these 
contributing editors were known to me as members and officials of 
the Communist Party. The New South was subsidized, during the 
time I was editor, by a subsidy of $40 a week received from William 
Weiner, the head of the central committee at that time. 

Mr. Mandel. Was there any indication of subsidy for the work of 
the Southern Conference for Human Welfare? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. The district in Alabama at all times received 
varying degrees of subsidy from the central committee in New York. 
In 1938 additional grants were made — I do not remember the exact 
amount — because of the expenses incurred by the Alabama district in 
its organizational work to build the Southern Conference for Human 
Welfare, 

Prior to the Southern Conference, there was a small committee, 
with headquarters in Birmingham, which included as its leading mem- 
bers Joseph S. Gelders, Communist Party leader in Birmingham; a 
Mr. Nixon, who I do not know if he. was a party member or not but he 
followed Communist Party lines ; and Judge Louise Charlton. 

Mr. Mandel. Was James A. Dombrowski in that group? 

Mr. Crouch. He came into it later. 

Mr. Mandel. Was Clark Howell Foreman in that group? 

Mr. Crouch. He came into it later. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you have evidence regarding the membership of 
Clark Howell Foreman in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I have no evidence of his membership in the Com- 
munist Party. I have spoken to him frequently. He knew I was an 
official in the- Communist Party, and he was very anxious to discuss 
policy and so on, and he impressed me as being anxious to carry out the 
policies of the party. However, he has not attended any meetings I 
attended. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet Virginia Purr? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Wheeler. Will you elaborate on your meetings with her? 

Mr. Crouch. I met her during the Southern Conference for Human 
Welfare, and very little was said. However, I recall that when the 
decision was made to organize the conference within the party by the 
district bureau in consultation with Earl Browder and the central 
committee, Gelders carried on the negotiations. He visited Washing- 
ton, D. C. He succeeded in meeting President and Mrs. Roosevelt, 
and succeeded in getting an invitation to Hyde Park, where he posed 

* See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 1. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 191 

as a New Dealer, and the President and Mrs. Roosevelt had no knowl- 
edge he was acting for the Communist Party. 

He also contacted Mrs. Durr, whp, I understood, was a personal 
friend. She was living in Alexandria. Mrs. Durr was a paid sub- 
scriber to the New South from its first issue, and, according to Gelders, 
was very enthusiastic for it, though she knew it was started by the 
Communist Party. 

Among Negro representatives at the first conference was John P.. 
Davis, whom I had known in the Communist Party since 1934. 

Mr. Mandel. By the way, the Mr. Nixon you mentioned is Herman 
C. Nixon, is it not? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Mandel. Weiner testified before this committee that a subsidy 
of $2,000 had been paid the Communist Party in Alabama in 1938. 
Will you comment on whether or not there was any connection between 
this subsidv and the formation of the Southern Conference at some 
level? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; there was. Much of this subsidy went to pay 
for organization expenses incurred by Joseph Gelders in his trips before 
sufficient funds were raised by Mr. Gelders from liberal groups. In 
the later stages he raised funds from other groups, but in the early 
stages Mr. Gelders' expenses were paid from funds of the Communist 
Party, and Mr. Hall and others made frequent trips lining up liberals 
for work in the Southern Conference. 

Mr. Wheelek. Did you ever meet Joseph Gaer? 

Mr. Mandel. Also known as Fishman. 

Mr. Crouch. The name is familiar. I cannot place him. 

Mr. Mandel. Don West? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew him very well, for many years, as Don West 
and as Jim Weaver. He was district director of the Communist 
Party of North Carolina while I was district organizer in the fall of 
1934 or early 1935. He then left the Carolinas and went to Kentucky 
as district organizer of the Communist Party through most of 1935, 
and then was released from that post and returned to the South, where 
he has spent most of his time as a writer. The latest news I had was 
that he was a professor at Oglethorpe University in Georgia and 
recently published a book of poems. 

Mr. Mandel. There were a number of non-Communists in the 
Southern Conference for Human Welfare, such as Dr. Graham and 
Professor Couch. Will you explain how the Communist Party got 
these people? 

Mr. Crouch. The Communist Party, armed with the names of 
important persons as main speakers before the conference, obtained 
a number of other endorsements, such as this Professor Nixon, and 
succeeded in getting the name of Donald Comer and many others 
who personally are anything but Communists, and, armed with these 
names, went to Dr. Graham and convinced him that the Southern: 
Conference was a bona fide organization interested only in improving 
the conditions of the South. 

Mr. Mandel. Was Jack Stachel involved in these meetings? 

Mr. Crouch. He participated with Earl Browder in several meet- 
ings with me and Rob Hall and Ted Wellman on our visits to New 
York around this period. 

Mr. Mandel. With reference to the Southern Conference? 



192 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Crouch. With reference to the Southern Conference, the plans 
and strategy to be followed in the Southern Conference. 

Mr. Mandel. "Would you say, from your experience in the Com- 
munist movement, that the launching of the Southern Conference for 
Human Welfare had the approval of the Central Committee of the 
Communist Party at that time? 

Mr. Crouch. It had the approval of the Central Committee. The 
O. K. from the Central Committee was necessary before Rob Hall and 
I and other party leaders would have dared to undertake such a far- 
reaching movement. 

Mr. Wheeler. Rob Hall is the same individual who is Washington 
representative of the Daily W 7 orker? 
Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Mandel. Have you written anything regarding your experi- 
ences in the Southern Conference for Human Welfare? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. I described the organization of the Southern 
Conference in the March Plain Talk magazine, subsequently reprinted 
in the March 23, 1949, issue of the Congressional Record, introduced 
by Senator Bricker. 

Mr. Mandel. Will you comment on the 1940 conference of the 
Southern Conference for Human Welfare? 

Air. Crouch. This conference was held at Chattanooga, Tenn., and 
in its organization I played a very important part as the Tennessee 
district organizer of the party. The conference was held at the city 
auditorium in Chattanooga. 

Mr. Mandel. In what capacity were you present at the conference? 
Mr. Crouch. Delegate from Tennessee. 

Mr. Mandel. Were there other official delegates of the Communist 
Party present? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. There were delegates of the Communist Party 
from all Southern States. At this conference the representation was 
much smaller than at Birmingham, and there was by no means a 
unanimity of opinion. This was due to the Stalin-Hitler pact and the 
changed position of the Communist Party toward the Roosevelt 
administration. The Communist leaders now were open and bitter 
foes of the Roosevelt administration, and were opposed to all aid to 
Great Britain and other countries fighting Hitler. 

On the other hand, Dr. Frank P. Graham, the president of the South- 
ern Conference for Human Welfare, was resolutely opposed to the 
party line, supported by Mr. Crouch of the University of North 
Carolina Press, and many others. It was with considerable difficulty 
that the party and members saved themselves from being removed 
from leadership and thrown out of the conference. This was possible 
only because of a very large delegation headed by Katherine Lewis. 
Miss Lewis took the same position as the Communists on the question 
of no support to Great Britain and countries opposed to Hitler, which 
was the central issue dividing the conference. John P. Davis, a 
personal friend of Katherine Lewis and a member of the Communist 
Party, acted as go-between between the Communist Party steering 
committee and Miss Lewis. He informed us just how far Miss Lewis 
was prepared to go and beyond which she would refuse to go further, 
and the Communist strategy committee based its actions on that 
consideration. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 193 

The outcome of the conference was the resignation of Dr. Graham 
as president of the Southern Conference, although he was persuaded 
with great difficulty to remain affiliated with it; and with Gelders, 
now more or less recognized by the liberals as a Communist, taking a 
back seat; and with James Dombrowski becoming the administrative 
head of the organization. 

Air. Mandel. Did you know James Dombrowski as a member of 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. Not as a member of the Communist Party. I do 
not know whether he is or is not a member of the Communist Party. 
He professes to be a left Socialist. I have met officially with him on 
a number of occasions as head of the Communist District Bureau of 
Tennessee. He and Myles Horton were present at the conference 
as Socialists and as representatives of the Highlander Folk School at 
Monteagle, Tenn. 

At this conference Air. Dombrowski gave me the impression of 
being completely pro-Communist and anxious to collaborate with the 
Communist Party and follow its leadership, without taking the risk 
of actual Party membership. 

I would like to mention in this connection that the Highlander 
Folk School at Monteagle, Tenn., was a school organized by Myles 
Horton and Don West, and which Mr. Dombrowski shortly thereafter 
joined. Mr. Horton likewise professed to be a left Socialist, with 
Communist sympathies, and I asked him about joining the Com- 
munist Party. He did not give a final answer, but had not joined 
at the time 1 left Tennessee in early 1941. His wife, Zylphia, seemed 
even more pro-Communist than her husband, and I heard reports in 
party circles, which I am unable to verify, that she had subsequently 
joined the party. 

Mr. Mandel. Does that finish your comments on the Southern 
Conference? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, except I would like to add that my most recent 
contact with the Southern Conference has been at Birmingham, Ala., 
where I have attended a number of meetings during the past 18 
months, where I have heard Mr. Dombrowski and Clark Howell 
Foreman speak; and I personally know that the leading officers of 
the Southern Conference, Theresa Kantor 

Mr. Mandel. Of what city? 

Mr. Crouch. Miami Beach; and Leo Sheiner, chairman of the 
Southern Conference in the Miami area, are active members of the 
Communist Party. 

I would like to add more about Mr. Sheiner and Mrs. Kantor 
under other headings. 

Mr. Russell. Theresa Kantor was one of the leading sponsors 
of a meeting held at the Edwards Hotel on February 15, 1948, which 
was addressed by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and George Nelson? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Mrs. Flynn at that time was a member of the 
executive board of the Communist Party, U. S. A., and George 
Nelson was State chairman of the Communist Party of Florida. 
Mrs. Kantor was very active in the Wallace movement in Florida. 

Mr. Crouch. I would like to introduce this photograph of Mrs. 
Kantor in the Miami Daily News of February 18, 1948, calling 
attention that pictures of Smolikoff appear on the same page. 



194 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, I ask that it be introduced as 
exhibit 5. . 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 6 

Mr. Wood. We will recess until 2 o'clock. 

(Whereupon, at 12:30 p. m., the subcommittee recessed until 2 p. m. 
of the same day.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION 

(The hearing was resumed at 2 p. m., same appearances as morning 
session with the addition of staff member Courtney Owens, investi- 
gator.) 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Crouch, have you had an opportunity to look 
over the booklet which was prepared through resolution of the Sixth 
World Congress, entitled "The Struggle Against Imperialist War and 
the Tasks of the Communists"? 

Mr. Crouch. I have. 

Mr. Russell. Have you marked certain passages in the book which 
were either prepared by you or through your assistance? 

Mr. Crouch. I have. 

Mr. Russell. Air. Chairman, I request that this document be in- 
troduced as exhibit 6, and ask that the passages marked be inserted 
in the record at this time. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 7 

Exhibit 6 

[Cover] 

Resolution of the Sixth World Congress 

THE , STRUGGLE AGAINST IMPERALIST JWAR AND THE TASKS 
OF THE COMMUNISTS 

Of the Communist International 

[Title page] 

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST IMPERIALIST WAR AND THE TASKS 
OF THE COMMUNISTS 

Resolution of the Sixth World Congress of the Communist Interna- 
tional July-August 1928 

Workers Library Publishers 

P. O. Box 148, Station D, New York City 

First Edition, December, 1932 Second Edition, July, 1934 

[Page 12] 

10. The attitude in principle to a given war determines also the attitude to the 
question of war. The proletariat has no country until it has captured political 
power and has taken the means of production from the exploiters. The expres- 
sion "national defense" is nothing but a catchword, and mostly a petty-bourgeois 
catchword to justify war. In wars staged by the proletariat itself, or by a pro- 
letarian State against imperialism, the proletariat defends its Socialist country. 
In national-revolutionary wars against imperalism, the proletariat defends its 
country against imperalism. But in imperalist wars the proletariat absolutely 
rejects "national defense" as being defense of exploitation and treachery to the 
cause of Socialism. 



• See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 5. 
7 See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 6. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 195 

[Page 17] 

(a) Factory and trade union activity must be concentrated primarily in the in- 
dustries which serve the mobilization for and conduct of war, like the metal in- 
dustry, the chemical industry, and transport. It is particularly important to 
apply the tactics of the proletarian united front and to secure the organizational 
consolidation of its results (establishment of Committees of Action, etc.). 
******* 

[Page 19] 

(f) Anti-militarist activity; work in the army and navy; work among the 
recruits and reservists, and in bourgeois defense organizations, in which the pro- 
letarian element is strongly represented, must constitute an inseparable part of 
the general revolutionary mass activity of the Party, and must embrace the 
whole of the working class. 

******* 

[Page 21] 

* * * The main points of this program may be summarized as follows: 

(a) The rejection of imperialist "national defense" in this war. To enlighten 
the workers and peasants as to its reactionary character. Strongly to combat 
all tendencies in the labor movement which openly, or covertly, justify this war. 

(b) Defeatism, i. e., to work for the defeat of the home imperialist government 
in this war. 

******* 

(d) To transfer the war between the imperialist States into proletarian civil 
war against the bourgeoisie, for the purpose of establishing the dictatorship of 
the proletariat and Socialism — this transformation to be achieved by means of 
revolutionary mass action in the rear, and fraternization at the front. 

(e) A "democratic" or "just" peace cannot result from an imperialist war 
without the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the seizure of power by the pro- 
letariat in the most important belligerent States. Therefore, "peace" cannot 
be the central slogan during imperialist war; the central slogan must be "pro- 
letarian revolution." 



[Page 22] 

19. "Transform the imperialist war into civil war" means primarily, revolu- 
tionary mass action. The Communists resolutely repudiate aU so-called "means" 
of combating war that hamper the development of revolutionary mass action. 
Consequently, they repudiate individual actions that have no connection with 
revolutionary mass actions or that fail to contribute to their development. 
Communists combat the propaganda in favor of the "against the war" prescrip- 
tions that are recommended by the petty-bourgeois elements in the labor move- 
ment. Proscriptions like the "refusal to bear arms," "refusal to shoot," etc., 
are still circulated widely among the masses today, and many workers seriously 
believe in their efficacy. As a matter of fact, these proscriptions are meaningless 
and harmful. The Communists must tell the workers that the struggle against 
war is not a single and simultaneous act, and that revolutionary mass action 
on the part of the workers and poor peasants, in the rear and at the front, for 
the armed overthrow of the bourgeoisie, is the only proper means of combating 
war, to which all other means must be directed. While combating the above- 
mentioned proscriptions for individual action, which can only hinder mass action, 
the Communists must at the same time rouse the workers to display a spirit of 
revolutionary heroism in the struggle against imperialist wars. 

******* 

[Page 23] 

* * * they (Communists) do not by any means abandon the weapon of 
the general strike in the struggle against war, and sharply condemn any sug- 
gestion to do so as an opportunist deviation. Side by side with other revolu- 
tionary mass actions (demonstrations, strikes in munition works, transport 
strikes, etc.), the general strike — as the supreme form of the mass strike move- 

92435—49 3 



196 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

ment— is an extremely important weapon, and as a transition to the armed up- 
rising it constitutes a stage in the transformation of imperialist war into civil 
war. * * * 

******* 

[Page 28] 

Persistent and intensified work must be conducted for the purpose of disinte- 
grating the bourgeois armies, which work, at the moment of the uprising, will 
assume the character of a struggle for the army. 

******* 

[Page 28] 

(c) In regard to carrying out the rebellion. The rule must be: no playing with 
rebellion. The rebellion once launched must be vigorously prosecuted until the 
enemy is utterly crushed. Hesitation and lack of determination will cause the 
utter defeat of the revolutionary armed uprising. The main forces must be 
thrown against the main forces of the enemy. Efforts must be made to secure 
the superiority of the proletarian forces at the decisive moment at the decisive 
place, and without delay the rebellion must be carried over the widest possible 
territory. There is an art in rebellion; but rebellion is not purely a military 
problem, it is primarily a political problem. Only a revolutionary Party can 
lead a rebellion. On the outbreak of the rebellion the Party must subordinate 
the whole of its activity to the requirements of the armed struggle. 

******* 

[Page 31] 

(a) The proletariat in the imperialist countries must not only fight for the 
defeat of their own governments in this war, but must actively strive to secure 
victory for the Soviet Union. 

* * * * * * * 

(c) The Red Army is not an "enemy" army, but The army of the international 
proletariat. In the event of a war against the Soviet Union, the workers in 
capitalist countries must not allow themselves to be scared from supporting the 
Red Army and from expressing this support by fighting against their own bour- 
geoisie, by the charges of treason that the bourgeoisie may hurl against them. 
******* 

[Page 33] 

32. The proletariat in the Soviet Union harbors no illusions as to the possibility 
of a durable peace with the imperialists. The proletariat knows that the im- 
perialist attack against the Soviet Union is inevitable; that in the process of a 
proletarian world revolution, wars between proletarian and bourgeois States, 
wars for the emancipation of the world from capitalism, will necessarily and 
inevitably arise. Therefore, the primary duty of the proletariat, as the fighter 
for Socialism, is to make all the necessary political, economic and military prep- 
arations for these wars, to strengthen its Red Army— that mighty weapon of 
the proletariat — and to train the masses of the toilers in the art of war. There 
is a glaring contradiction between the imperialists' policy of piling up armaments 
and their hypocritical talk about peace. There is no such contradiction, however, 
between the Soviet Government's preparations for defense and for revolutionary 
war and a consistent peace policy. Revolutionary war of the proletarian dic- 
tatorship is but a continuation of revolutionary peace policy "by other means". 
******* 

[Page 39] 

41. One of the most serious mistakes the Communist Parties have committed 
hitherto, is that they regarded the war question from the abstract, purely propa- 
gandist and agitational point of view, and that they did not devote sufficient 
attention to the army, which is the decisive factor in all wars. Unless the sig- 
nificance of the revolutionary policy in the war question is explained to the broad 
masses, and unless work is carried on in the army, the struggle against imperialist 
was and attempts to prepare for revolutionary wars will never reach beyond the 
stage of theory. 

******* 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 197 

[Page 40] 
A. THE PROLETARIAT'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS ARMIES IN IMPERIALIST STATES 

43. In imperialist States the attitude of the proletariat towards armies is 
determined by the following: 

[Page 41] 

No matter what their form of organization may be, armies are a constituent 
part of the bourgeois State apparatus, which the proletariat, in the course of its 
revolution, must not democratize, but break in. 

******* 

[Page 41] 

This attitude must be maintained equally towards standing armies and 
democratic militia, for both these forms of military organization represent the 
armed forces of the bourgeoisie held against the proletariat. Democratic partial 
demands, which the proletariat must under no circumstances abandon, assume an 
altogether different character from those advanced during democratic revolutions: 
their purpose must be not to democratize armies, but to disintegrate them. 
******* 

[Page 42] 

45. The proletariat's attitude towards imperialist armies is closely linked up 
with its attitude towards imperialist war. For that reason, defeatism, and the 
slogan of transforming the imperialist war into civil war indicate the manner in 
which the partial problems of the system of defense and military organization 
should be approached. 

******* 

Mr. Mandel. Mr. Crouch, who actually ran the affairs of the 
Southern Conference for Human Welfare between conventions, as far 
as you know? 

Mr. Crouch. A full-time administrative officer of the Southern 
Conference, usually known as the executive secretary or a similar 
title. 

Mr. Mandel. And who were these individuals, what was their 
affiliation? 

Mr. Crouch. The individual selected between the first and second 
Southern Conference, who was in actual charge of the office as the 
full-time employee, was Joseph S. Gelders. 

Mr. Mandel. What were his affiliations? 

Mr. Crouch. He was an active member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Mandel. Was there anyone else active in the administration 
of the office who was active in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not recall the name of the office staff. Mr. 
Gelders was succeeded by Mr. Dombrowski. 

Mr. Russell. Earlier you said that James Dombrowski was a 
pro-Communist? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Will you enlarge on that statement somewhat? 

Mr. Crouch. Whether Mr. Dombrowski Avas a dues-paying mem- 
ber or not is not within the scope of my knowledge, but in long con- 
versations I have had with him, extending from my first meeting in 
1938 until the last time I saw him in 1947, his discussions and views 
on all subjects completely coincided with those of the Communist 
Party. For example, as late as 1947 he was in closest consultation 
with Charles Smolikoff at Miami, and took no steps in connection with 
Southern Conference without consulting Smolikoff, the party leader 
in Miami. 



198 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Mandel. Would you say Dombrowski was a Socialist, or did 
lie appear as a Socialist? 

Mr. Crouch. His views did not coincide with the official views of 
the Socialist Party. His views expressed to me were identical with 
those of the Communist Party, and not those of the Socialist Party. 

Mr. Mandel. Was it a practice, especially in the southern area 
where you were active, for the Communists to have people inside the 
Socialist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. It was. When I was district organizer of the Caro- 
linas in 1934 to 1937, the State secretary of the Socialist Party of 
North Carolina, Alton Lawrence, was a very active member of the 
district bureau of the Communist Party, and through most of this 
period the majority of the State committee members of the Socialist 
Party belonged to the Communist Party. We went so far as to send 
official letters to the Socialist Party and deciding what the answers 
should be at the same time. 

The Norfolk, Va., organizer of the Communist Party in about 1936 
or early 1937 made the remark to me in connection with his brother, 
who was active in the Socialist Party, that he was more effective in 
the Socialist Party than he would be in the Communist Party. This 
remark was made when speaking to me, the Norfolk, Va., organizer 
being a Communist Party organizer and his brother a Socialist. 

There is one name I would like to call particular attention to that I 
mentioned in the testimony this morning that belongs, in my opinion, 
to confidential consideration and should not be mentioned, in my 
opinion, in a public hearing without careful consideration by the com- 
mittee. This person has held very high positions in the Government 
prior to entering— not simultaneous with but prior to entering — the 
Communist Party. Before entering the Communist Party he was 

assistant to [name deleted] as [■ — ] Administrator and held 

various other positions of trust. He has many friends among Govern- 
ment officials from whom, if he is still in the party, he might be able to 
obtain information of importance to national defense. Whether he is 
still with the party, or whether he has realized the party's program 
and broken with it, I cannot say, but the name should be treated in 
confidence until the committee has considered all aspects. There are 
other names I will mention later that should be treated in confidence 
until considered by the committee. 

Mr. Wheeler. How do you know this person is a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not know whether he is or not since Southern 
Conference. He was very active in Southern Conference and in 
steering committees in 1938. I heard he had entered the Army during 
the war and was studying at a training school for a commission in the 
Army. I have no knowledge whatever as to whether he is a Com- 
munist today. 

Mr. Mandel. But you knew of him as a Communist? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. He was a member of the district bureau of the 
Communist Party when I was district organizer of the Carolinas. 
He was in Chattanooga, Tenn., where preliminary arrangements were 
made for the Southern Conference with Earl Browder. He was not 
registered as a Communist, but was one of the Communists most 
active in Southern Conference. I remember an article by Harvard 
Law School in which they spoke of five or six Communist delegates as 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 199 

being a very small percent of the total. However, only the district 
organizers or functionaries registered as delegates. I know at least 
25 or 30 Communists who were delegates to the Southern Conference. 

Mr. Mandel. Were you familiar with Paul Crosbie? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. He is a member of the Communist Party of 
New York, a businessman, who contributes financially to work in 
the south. I have personally known Mr. Crosbie for many years. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Crouch, while you were district organizer in 
Tennessee from September 1939 to March 1941, did you become 
acquainted with Communist attempts to infiltrate the Tennessee 
Valley Authority? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, during that time and also prior to that time. 
Most of the success had been prior to that time. As editor of the 
New South and member of the Alabama bureau in close touch with 
Ted Wellman of Tennessee, I was familiar with the work that had 
been going on. The most sucessful work was before my arrival. 

Upon my arrival in September 1939, I found that almost all of the 
12 or 15 active Communists in the TVA branch had broken with the 
party over the Hitler-Stalin pact, and all efforts to revive the branch 
met with very little success. 

I called a number of meetings, attended by as many as a dozen 
TVA employees, after my arrival, all former party members. I tried 
to get them to return to the party, but I met a barrage of questions 
on the international situation that I could not answer to their satis- 
faction, and they did not return. 

Mr. Mandel. Were there any who remained in the party in that 
unit? 

Mr. Crouch. The Martin brothers remained. 

Mr. Mandel. WTiat were their names? 

Mr. Crouch. Francis Martin was section organizer of Knoxville 
throughout the time I was in Tennessee. 

His brother, an artist, David Martin, remained a party member for 
about 6 months after my arrival, but he was very critical of the inter- 
national situation, and it was very difficult to get dues from him or to 
get his attendance at meetings, because of his political disagreements 
over the international lines of the party. 

Mr. Mandel. Did you know Laurent Brown Franz? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew him very well over a number of years. 

Mr. Mandel. Will you tell us what you know about him? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew him at Birmingham, Ala., throughout 1938 
and 1939, and also saw him at various times throughout 1940. He 
was an active member of the Communist Party of Alabama and 
frequently attended the district bureau meetings, although he was 
not officially a member of the bureau. He was often called in for 
consultation on various subjects. 

Mr. Russell. Who would attend those consultations? 

Mr. Crouch. The district bureau members and other leading 
members of the Communist Party who might be called in for their 
views and directions. He was called in for both, to receive his views 
and give directions. 

Mr. Russell. Could you identify some of the members of the 
district bureau who attended those meetings with Mr. Franz? 

Mr. Crouch. Mr. Rob Hall, district organizer, was present at all 
meetings; James Speed; a Negro named Andy Brown; and myself 
and Joseph S. Gelders. 



200 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Russell. While you were active in the Communist Party- 
affairs in the State of Tennessee, did you become acquainted with an 
individual known as Edwin McCrea? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Will you tell the committee what you know about 
Edwin McCrea? 

Mr. Crouch. I met Edwin McCrea in September 1939, when I 
arrived in Tennessee as district organizer. At that time, and through- 
out the time I was in Tennessee, he was section or county organizer 
of the Communist Party at Nashville and a member of the Tennessee 
district bureau of the Communist Party. 

When I left Tennessee hi March 1941, Edwin McCrea succeeded 
me as district organizer of the Communist Party. Later I heard 
that he had gone to North Carolina as an organizer of the Food and 
Tobacco Workers Union of the CIO. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, Edwin K. McCrea appeared before 
the committee on July 23, 1947, and when asked whether he had ever 
been an organizer for the Communist Party in the State of Tennessee, 
he refused to answer the question on the ground that it might tend 
to incriminate him.* Mr. McCrea at that time was international 
representative of the Food and Tobacco Workers Union. 

Mr. Crouch, while you were in Tennessee as district organizer 
for the Communist Party, did you have anything to do with the 
attempts of the Communists to infiltrate Fisk University in Nashville? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Will you tell the committee what you know about 
that phase? 

Mr. Crouch. At the time I was in Tennessee there was a very 
active branch of the Communist Party on Fisk campus, composed 
principally of white professors employed there. The branch organ- 
izer's first name was David. I do not recall his last name or the other 
members since the work there was under the personal guidance of 
Edwin McCrea, and I only occasionally attended the meetings as a 
speaker. There were only two or three Negro members, all students, 
the most active of whom was Esther Cooper, later an organizer of 
the Southern Negro Youth Congress. 
|i Mr. Mandel. Were there any scientists in the group? 
" Mr. Crouch. Yes, scientists and mathematicians. David Sher- 
man was himself a scientist, although I do not recall the exact depart- 
ment. 

Mr. Russell. In that connection, the record should show that on 
April 26, 1949, one Giovanni Rossi Lomanitz, who is an assistant 
professor of physics at Fisk University, appeared before the com- 
mittee, and when asked whether or not he had ever been a member 
of the Communist Party or was a present member of the Communist 
Party, refused to answer on the ground that to do so might tend to 
incriminate him. 

Mr. Wheeler. I would like to put in the record that Francis J. 
Martin and David Martin are, according to information in committee 
files, friends of Clarence Francis Hiskey, who also appeared before the 
committee and declined to answer questions as to Communist affilia- 
tions on the ground it might tend to incriminate him. 

Mr. Crouch, did you ever know an individual known as Clarence 
Francis Hiskey? 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 201 

Mr. Crouch. I knew a Professor Hiskey in the party. I have a 
vague memory of having known him. I know that the Professor 
Hiskey I knew, a scientist, was in Berkeley, Calif., for a time in the 
summer of 1941, in connection with the party's organization of scien- 
tists on the campus at Shell Oil and other fields in Berkeley. I am 
quite sure if I were to see this Professor Hiskey I could tell if it was 
the same person. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Hiskey worked for TVA 5 months in 1941 in 
Alabama, and also in 1941, on May 26, he was in the department of 
chemistry at the University of Tennessee at Knoxville. You had 
left Tennessee at that time? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. I recall Kenneth May had bought a home in 
Berkeley, Calif., and it was at a house-warming party for Kenneth 
May that I met Professor Hiskey. I would set the date, to the best 
of my memory, as August 1941. I talked with Hiskey in the presence 
of my wife, Kenneth May, and Steve Nelson, who was also present. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, the record should also show at this 
point that Clarence Francis Hiskey was involved in the Arthur 
Adams espionage case. 

Mr. Wheeler. Will you please tell the committee the period of 
time you were Communist Party organizer for Alameda County, 
Calif.? 

Mr. Crouch. I was Communist Party organizer for Alameda 
County, Calif., and a member of the district bureau of California, 
from the end of April 1941 until on or about January 7, 1942. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet an individual by the name of 
lernadette Doyle? 

Mr. Crouch. I met Bernadette Doyle on numerous occasions and 
knew her very well. She was frequently called in by the State 
bureau of consultations, and was used mostly as a liberal front for 
fund-raising campaigns. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did she serve as your secretary while you were 
organizer? 

Mr. Crouch. She served as secretary for Steve Nelson, who suc- 
ceeded me as organizer. 

Mr. Wheeler. I show you a photograph. 

Mr. Crouch. That is Bernadette Doyle. 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you active in attempting to infiltrate the 
radiation laboratory at the University of California at Berkeley, 
Calif.? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, I was active in trying to infiltrate all scientific 
research at the University of California. 

Mr. Wheeler. Will you identify some of the individuals involved 
in that attempt? 

Mr. Crouch. The individual primarily responsible to the county 
committee was Kenneth May, a member of the county secretariat. 
He was aided by Rudy Lambert, who was in charge of underground 
work for the district bureau, and by Marcel Scherer, who came to 
California from the national office and was in charge of all work dealing 
with chemists. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know the names of members of the radia- 
tion laboratory who were members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. No. They were organized into branches of what was 
officially called a special section of the party. Not even the county 



202 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

organizer knew their real names. I was taken in a car by Kenneth 
May and driven with great precaution to the place of meetings. No 
one addressed each other by their real names or had their names on 
record. 

Mr. Owens. Who is Kenneth May? 

Mr. Crouch. Kenneth May is the son of the dean of the University 
of California. 

Mr. Russell. Was Kenneth May a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Crouch. Kenneth May was a member of the Communist 
Party and a member of the county committee and county secretariat. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you have any information regarding the Merri- 
man branch of the Communist Party at Berkeley, Calif.? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not recall the specific names of the several 
branches used for these scientific workers recruited. I have a memo- 
randum at home, of which I can submit a copy, of my last organiza- 
tion report to the county committee in December 1947, which may 
throw some additional light on the organizational structure. No 
names are given in the report, but Greek figures are given. 

Mr. Mandell. Did you know Lena Davis? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew her very well; the wife of Marcel Scherer. 

Mr. Mandell. Was she active in this work? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; with him, and collaborated to some extent in 
the work her husband was doing. She is former district organizer 
in New Jerse}^ of the Communist Party, and at one time a member of 
the Politburo. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever address a meeting of the scientists' 
branch of the Communist Party in Berkeley, Calif.? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; several. 

Mr. Wheeler. Can you tell us in whose home they were held? 

Mr. Crouch. No. I was driven by Kenneth May to the meetings, 
and great precaution was taken to see that we were not followed, and 
I was never told the name of the party in whose home the meetings 
were held. The meetings were in Berkeley Hills, mostly large, 
expensively furnished homes. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet an individual whose first name 
was Libby? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; I recall Libby. 

Mr. Wheeler. You do not know her last name? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Russell. Do you recall the name of the street where she 
lived? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Russell. Was it Shattuck Avenue? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not recall. My impression is we did not meet at 
Libby's home, but she was at some of the meetings. 

Mr. Wheeler. Can you describe her; her age? 

Mr. Crouch. My best recollection is a young lady in her early 
thirties. 

There was one woman in California who was very active in the 
party and who had a rather peculiar role in regard to intellectuals. 
She knew them very well, and was head of a party book store. She 
is mentioned in the California hearings; Wilhemina Lowrey. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did she attend meetings in Berkeley Hills? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 203 

Mr. Wheeler. Did Bernadette Doyle attend those meetings? 
f Mr. Crouch. Bernadette Doyle attended meetings not exactly of 
the scientists themselves, but she was present at one or two meetings 
of a branch of the same section who also had similar conspiratory 
apparatus, a branch of public officers. 

Mr. Mandel. State officers? 

Mr. Crouch. Federal, State, and local officers. It was a branch 
composed entirely of political officers, and it was in the same section 
and had the same protection given the scientists. 

Another woman active in party work in Berkeley, whose first name 
only I can recall at this moment, was known as Jackie. The Jackie 
to whom I refer, before becoming particularly active in Berkeley, 
held a post on the county committee. She was closely related to a 
member of the county committee whose first name only I can recall 
also, Steve, a huge, husky-built man who spent part of the year in 
Alaska working on Alaskan fishermen for the Communist Party. 

Mr. Mandel. Was Steve an American? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. He was also an active member of the pile 
drivers union. 

Jackie was released from full-time activity for a few months in 1941 
as the result of an almost complete nervous break-down due to serious 
domestic difficulties connected with separation from her husband. I 
believe she had one or two children. After recovery she was assigned 
by the county committee to work in confidential fields of work in 
Berkeley, where she was associated with Kenneth May and worked 
under his personal direction. 

Mr. Mandel. Did you know Paul Schliff ? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew Paul Schliff very well. He w T as head of the 
Alameda County CIO council, and chairman of the Communist 
Party branch of CIO leaders. 

Mr. Russell. How well did you know Steve Nelson? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew him many years. I had known him in New 
York before he went to Spain. I do not recall the exact date, but I 
believe it was between 1934 and 1936 when I was first introduced to 
him by Walter Trumbull. I knew him after his return from Spain. I 
met him at various central committee meetings in New York, and 
when I went to California I found he was San Francisco County leader 
of the party. 

I was at meetings with him of the district bureau from May 1941 
to January 1942. I also knew him through 1942 and 1943 when he 
was county organizer of Alameda County, having succeeded me in 
that position, as he frequently visited my home and tried to get me 
to return to work as a rank and file member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever see the individual shown in this 
photograph? 

Mr. Crouch. This is a picture of Steve Nelson I could identify 
at any time. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Chairman, I request that this photograph be 
entered into the record as exhibit 7. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 8 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet an individual named Bernard 
Peters? 

Mr. Crouch. Not by that name. 

» See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 



204 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Wheeler. I show you a photograph and ask if you can 
identify the individual shown in this photograph? 

Mr. Crouch. The picture is very familiar. I am certain I have- 
seen the party shown in this picture. I am not certain of my memory 
on this, but I have the impression that it was in the YCL in Oakland, 
Calif., where I knew him, together with George Gray and Maurice 
Travis. 

Mr. Wheeler. Will you indentify those two individuals for the 
record? 

Mr. Crouch. Maurice Travis was national secretary-treasurer of 
the mine, mill and smelter workers union. He was an active member 
of the Young Communist League in Oakland when I was organizer, 
and became full-time organizer in the mine, mill and smelter workers 
union, and later became international president. 

George Gray was president of the largest local of the steel workers 
union of Alameda County. 

Mr. Wheeler. During what year was this? 

Mr. Crouch. 1941. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know anyone else who was in the Young 
Communist League at that time? 

Air. Crouch. Locally? 

Mr. Wheeler. In Berkeley, Calif. 

Mr. Mandel. Was Kenneth May active? 

Mr. Crouch. He was active in the Communist Partv, not in 
YCL. 

I knew many others whose names I have trouble recalling. My 
wife, Sylvia Crouch, knew more of the YCL people than I did. After 
I broke with the Communist movement she worked in a plant where 
half a dozen or more young Communists were employed. 

Mr. Wheeler. You mentioned George Gray. Do you recall where 
he was employed? 

Mr. Crouch. George Gray at the time was employed at some steel 
plant. Then he became, while still a member of YCL, the business 
agent of the steel workers union of Alameda County. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet an individual named Giovanni 
Rossi Lomanitz? 

Mr. Crouch. No. Do you have a picture? 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you recall individuals by the name of Irving 
Fox and Max Bernard Friedman? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you know an individual known as David Bohm? 

Mr. Crouch. The name is familiar. I cannot place him at the 
moment. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you know Robert R. Davis? 

Mr. Crouch. I cannot recall. 

Mr. Russell. At these meetings of the conspiratorial apparatus in 
California, do you recall the names of any persons who might have 
addressed the meetings, particularly as regards the policy on China? 

Mr. Crouch. Rudy Lambert. 

Mr. Russell. Can you describe Rudy Lambert? 

Mr. Crouch. Rudy Lambert was a man of around 45 to 47 years 
of age; slightly above medium height; well built; dark or almost black 
hair; and his face was marked with rather deep lines. He was clean- 
shaven; a moderate amount of hair. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 205 

Mr. Russell. The Steve to whom you referred a while ago is not 
identical with Steve Nelson? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Russell. Have you ever known anyone in California who used 
the party name of Frank Palma? 

Air. Crouch. I do not recall that I did. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet an individual Louise Bransten? 

Mr. Crouch. I never did meet her. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted with an individual by the name 
of Anita Whitney? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. She was used principally as a speaker at 
fund-raising drives, and as a face or front for the party. She had 
little voice in formulating party decisions. 

Mr. Wheeler. Was she connected with underground work of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not believe so. She did not have the special 
ability necessary for that field. She was a big name used as a party 
front. 

Mr. Russell. Do you know Dolly Eltenton? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Russell. Do you know George Charles Eltenton? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Russell. Are you acqu tinted with Haakon Chevalier? 

Mr. Crouch. I might state that I may have known these individuals 
under party names. 

Mr. Mandel. Did you know Harry Bridges, directly or indirectly? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew Harry Bridges slightly, having met him at 
public meetings. I knew him through constant reports given by 
Bill Schneiderman, district organizer. 

Mr. Mandel. What was the nature of the reports? 

Mr. Crouch. Schneiderman's reports were on the conferences 
with Bridges regarding policies, tactics, and organization steps to be 
carried through. Schneiderman conveyed to Bridges the decisions 
of the district bureau, and reported to us Bridges' reactions to them. 
In some cases Bridges did not always agree, and if it was a minor 
matter the bureau usually gave in. 

Mr. Mandel. Did you know Rudolph Shohn? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, I knew Rudolph Shohn over many years, from 
1927 until, to the best of my memory, about 1940 or 1941. 

Mr. Mandel. What was the nature of Shohn's activities? 

Mr. Crouch. At first Shohn was district organizer of the Young 
Communist League in Kansas City, district 10, covering most of the 
Middle West. Later he came to New York with YCL, then he went 
into the party, where he was serving as a courier between the top 
Leadership of America and Canadian party leaders. 

Mr. Mandel. Did you have any connection with or knowledge of 
the North American Aircraft strike? 

Mr. Crouch. I did. 

Air. Mandel. Will you explain? 

Mr. Crouch. I was a member of the California district bureau of 
the party during the time of the North American Aircraft strike, where 
policies were formulated regarding it. Those instructions were con- 
veyed by Walter Lambert to Wyndham Mortimer, who was the 
directing force in the strike. 



206 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Mandel. Did Mortimer have another party name? 

Mr. Crouch. I have heard he was known as Baker, but he was 
referred to in oar district bureau as Mortimer. 

Mr. Mandel. In connection with the underground apparatus in 
California, did you at any time receive instructions as to methods to 
be used in the underground apparatus? 

Mr. Crouch. I received detailed instructions and also gave instruc- 
tions as a teacher in the party school held in Berkeley Hills at the 
home of Wilhemina Lowrey. 

Mr. Mandel. From whom did you receive instructions? 

Mr. Crouch. From William Schneiderman primarily, although 
many details were taken up by the entire bureau. 

Mr. Mandel. Did you ever meet J. Peters? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; on many occasions, over many years. 

Mr. Mandel. Did he give you an}^ instructions? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; on many occasions, having been head of the 
party's underground apparatus. 

Mr. Mandel. Give us a brief idea of the nature of instructions 
given you by Peters. 

Mr. Crouch. As district organizer in the Carolinas from 1934 to 
1937, and later in Tennessee, Peters gave me specific instructions re- 
garding communications; the use of the codes under which confidential 
messages were to be sent; private addresses; details as to receipts; 
instructions as to the selection of parallel underground apparatus 
ready at all times to take over; alternate party organizers; the selec- 
tion of a place in the country where the district organizer could hide 
out until contact was established with him if he was not picked up; 
instructions as to the storing of both large mimeographs and a small 
collapsible affair which could be carried in a brief case; instructions as 
to how to make gelatin duplicating devices in case of emergency; and 
similar measures; also plans for the division of the party into groups of 
five, the groups being prepared to act as branches if the party was out- 
lawed. 

Mr. Mandel. Did you have any dealings with Max Bedacht? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Air. Mandel. What were those? 

Mr. Crouch. They were principally in connection with policy mat- 
ters. He was being made responsible for underground work, and he 
discussed with me various aspects of the work, principally in connec- 
tion with the armed forces. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you know Elsa Bedacht? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, the daughter of Max. 

Mr. Mandel. What was the nature of her work? 

Mr. Crouch. Elsa Bedacht and Grace Maul were acting under 
Peters and handled the technical details of correspondence. They 
picked up mail from confidential points and sent it to the district or- 
ganizer through confidential channels; and they did the decoding of 
coded messages. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted with an individual named Betty 
Gannett? 

Mr. Crouch. I have been acquainted with Betty Gannett from 
1937 until 1941. 

Mr. Wheeler. Will you give the committee a resume of your knowl- 
edge of Betty Gannett? 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 207 

Mr. Crouch. Betty Gannett, at the time I first met her, was dis- 
trict organizer, in 1937, of the Young Communist League of Ohio. 
She came to New York in 1938 for full-time work, and for some time 
was a member of the secretariat of YCL with me. She was in charge 
of the trade union department. I was in charge of Agit-prop, and a 
John Steuben, whose real name I understand was Rijak, was acting 
secretary and had charge of organizational details of YCL. In later 
years I knew little of the exact Party responsibilities assigned to Betty 
Gannett but met her at all meetings of the Central Committee of the 
Party from 1932 through 1939. When I went to California in 1941 I 
found- that she was in the Party in San Francisco, but, to my surprise, 
did not attend meetings of the District Bureau. 

Mr. Wheeler. What year was that? 

Mr. Crouch. 1941. She was in San Francisco all the time I was 
there. I asked her about the work she was doing and she merely 
replied she was doing special work, and did not elaborate. 

Mr. W^heeler. Did you ever meet an individual named Getzel 
Hochberg? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not recall. 

Mr. W t heeler. Did you ever meet Mordecai Rappaport? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew a Rappaport who was in the Washington- 
Oregon district as organizer for a number of years and went to Los 
Angeles, Calif., and was living there during the time I was there. 

Mr. Mandel. Was not his name Morris Rappaport? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not know. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet Rappaport in the Bay area? 

Mr. Crouch. He was living in San Francisco, but came to Los 
Angeles. 

Mr. Wheeler. Was it ever reported to you that Mordecai Rappa- 
port was not efficient enough for San Francisco? 

Mr. Crouch. Not that I recall. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you know an individual named Rudy Baker? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew Rudy Baker in Detroit, a district organizer of 
the Party there in 1937. He was a comparatively young man of 
about 31 at that time. He went to Canada and did some Canadian 
liaison work, being replaced in this field by Rudolph Shohn, and since 
that time I have not heard of him. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know if the Rudy Baker you have reference- 
to attended Lenin School in Moscow in 1939? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not know. 

Mr. Russell. When was the last time you heard of him? 

Mr. Crouch. My impression is 1935. 

Mr. Russell. Was he born in the United States or was he a 
foreigner? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not know. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know Alexander Trachtenberg? 

Mr. Crouch. Very well. 

Mr. Wheeler. Please give a resume of your knowledge of him. 

Mr. Crouch. I first knew of Trachtenberg in 1927. I knew him 
from 1927 to 1941. 

Mr. Mandel. Did he engage in any secret activities to your 
knowledge? 

Mr. Crouch. He sat in at some of the meetings of the top party 
leaders where underground apparatus was discussed. 



Mr. 


Russell. 


Mr. 


Crouch. ' 


first name. 


Mr. 


Russell. 


Mr. 


Crouch. 


Mr. 


Wheeler 


man? 




Mr. 


Crouch. 



208 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet an individual named Ursula 
Wasserman? 

Mr. Crouch. The name of Ursula strikes me as being very familiar, 
but not the last name. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet an individual named Jules 
Korchein? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet Elizabeth Bentley? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you ever meet Grace Granich? 

Mr. Crouch. Not to my knowledge. 

Did you ever meet Doris Silver? 

There was a Silver in California. I do not know his 

This was a woman. 
No. 
. Did you know an individual named George Kauf- 

Yes. George Kaufman was one of the most active 
members of our committee. He laid out the plans for fund-raising 
campaigns, contacted liberals, professors on the campus, and through 
his contacts received many hundreds of dollars for party activities. 
He was highly regarded by the district bureau as a promising organ- 
izer for possible promotion to more responsible positions. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you familiar with the party's activities in 
industrial espionage in Los Angeles? 

Mr. Crouch. Pettis Perry and Paul Cline were the principal ones 
involved in those activities. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you know an individual known as Paul Green? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, an author of Chapel Hill and Hollywood. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you have any knowledge of his activities? 

Mr. Crouch. Only insofar as his financial support of the Burlington 
defense campaign in late 1934, when he was a heavy financial con- 
tributor. 

Mr. Mandel. What was the Burlington defense campaign? 

Mr. Crouch. It was a campaign at Burlington, N. C, in connec- 
tion with the defense of four or five union officials who were convicted 
and served sentences in the State penitentiary for dynamiting the 
Burlington Mills in the course of a strike. 

Mr. Mandel. Was the Communist Party active in that campaign? 

Mr. Crouch. The Communist Party organized the campaign. The 
head of the campaign was Don West, known then as Jim Weaver. 

Mr. Mandel. Would you ascribe any Communist motives to 
Paul Green? 

Mr. Crouch. No, I would not. I believe his financial contribu- 
tions were made from a humanitarian point of view. 

Mr. Russell. Will you tell the committee what you know about 
Don West? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. I first met Don W T est in North Carolina in 
July or August 1934 when he was sent by the central committee to 
act as central director. He acted in that capacity one year, using 
the name Jim Weaver. During this time he headed the Burlington 
Defense Committee. He was released from North Carolina to go to 
Kentucky as district organizer of the Communist Party. After leaving 



TESTIMOIMT OF PAUL CROUCH 209 

Kentucky he went to his old home in Georgia, where he engaged in 
literary pursuits for sometime, and I understand at present he is a 
professor at Oglethorpe University, and the author of a recently 
published book of poetry. He is a brother-in-law of Nat Ross, 
Southern representative *of the central committee of the Com- 
munist Party, and a brother-ir-law of Bart Logan, a former district 
organizer in North Carolina; and a sister of Don West, Jeannette 
Weaver, has been Daily Worker correspondent at Moscow over a 
number of years. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know Isaac Folkoff, alias Folconwitz? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know Jerome Rubin Vinograd? 

Mr. Crouch. T do not recall. 

Mr. Wheeler. Ralph Gundlach? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Wheeler. Eric Harry Gogill? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. W t heeler. Dr. Charles Gurchot? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Wheeler. James Walter? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Wheeler. Solomon Margolin? 

Mr. Crouch. I recall a Margolis. 

Mr. Wheeler. Was the Margolis you knew an attorney? 

Mr. Crouch. I believe so. 

Mr. Wheeler. Is he from Los Angeles? 

Mr. Crouch. I am not sure. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know an individual named Nicholas 
Sherman? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Wheeler. W'illiam Edward Crane? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Wheeler. Alias Irving Keith? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew a Keith in the Party. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you recall the locality? 

Mr. Crouch. The name seems to be associated in my mind with 
the South. 

Mr. Wheeler. Could it have been Washington, D. C? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know an individual named Eleanor Nelson? 

Mr. Crouch. No. The name Irving Keith is very familair to me. 

Mr. Russell. Do you know Fred Beal? 

Mr. Crouch. Very well. 

Mr. Russell. You mentioned the Gastonia strike. 

Mr. Crouch. Yes.. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, there is considerable testimony in 
the record concerning this strike which was given by Fred Beal, who 
also testified in the case of Leon Josephson. This case also involved 
George Mink to some extent, who was also mentioned by this witness. 

Mr. Crouch, were you in Russia at the same time as Fred Beal? 

Mr. Crouch. No; I was in Russia before Fred Beal. I knew Beal 
from the summer of 1928 until during the Gastonia trials. The last 
time I saw him was in prison in Gastonia. 

Mr. Russell. The defendants in the Gastonia, N. C. case were 
represented in part by Arthur Garfield Hays, were they not? 



210 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Do you recall how it was that Mr. Hays took part 
in that case? 

Mr. Crouch. While I knew Mr. Hays, I do not recall the details 
of the reasons for his entering that case. I knew him in connection 
with the Anti-Imperialist League. 

Mr. Mandel. What was his connection with the Anti-Imperialist 
League? 

Mr. Crouch. Contributions. 

Mr. Russell. How much? 

Mr. Crouch. $50 to $100. 

Mr. Russell. Did you personally collect them? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. I visited his office. 

Mr. Mandel. What was the attitude of the Anti-Imperialist League 
towards the United States? 

Mr. Crouch. The attitude of the Anti-Imperialist League toward 
the United States was one of violent hostility, particularly in regard to 
Nicaragua. The Anti-Imperialist League gave serious thought at one 
time to recruiting a legion to go to Nicaragua and fight against the 
Marines. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you know Helen Kay? 

Mr. Crouch. Very well, especially under her name of Helen 
Colodny in Washington. 

Mr. Mandel. What was the nature of her work in Washington? 

Mr. Crouch. She was an active member of the Young Communist 
League in Washington, and her father was a particularly active 
member, her father being the one in general charge of all confidential 
matters, with whom I consulted on frequent visits to Washington. 

Mr. Mandel. Where did you consult him? 

Mr. Crouch. At his home in Washington. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you recall his address? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not recall his address. 

Mr. Mandel. Did he own a drug store here? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, he owned a drug store and his home and appeared 
to be very successful in business. 

Mr. Mandel. Was the drug store used as a contact point at all? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Did you ever know anyone by the name of Bialek 
in Washington? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Do you know what Bialek's occupation was? 

Mr. Crouch. No. 

Mr. Russell. Did you know William Rosen? 

Mr. Crouch. No. Florence Plotnick is one I knew well. She was 
a Communist Party organizer in the District of Columbia. 

Mr. Russell. Are you acquainted with Mary K. Bell? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; I knew Mary K. Bell, later Mrs. Francis J. 
Gorman, in view of the fact she had belonged to the local branch 
which included Government employees here. 

Mr. Russell. What was her position? 

Mr. Crouch. Her position primarily was in connection with the 
textile workers. She was first the girl friend and, after divorce, the 
wife of Francis J. Gorman of the textile workers. The Communist 
Party worked very closely with her. Through Mary K. Bell I fre- 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 211 

quently met and discussed policy with Francis J. Gorman. I read 
all the important official correspondence of the United Textile Workers, 
gave advice on the appointment of organizers, et cetera. Mary K. 
Bell, later Mrs. Gorman, when she first came into the party, belonged 
to a branch of Government employees in Washington. 

Mr. Wood. We will recess until a quarter after 4. 

(Whereupon, at 4 p. m. a recess was taken until 4:15 p. ni.) 

Air. Russell. Mr. Crouch, are you acquainted with Nicholas 
Dozenberg? 

Mr. Crouch. I am. 

Mr. Russell. Will you describe the nature of your connection 
with him? 

Mr. Crouch. I first met Nicholas Dozenberg about September of 
1927 in Chicago. At that time he was national organizational secre- 
tary of the Communist Party. He soon dropped out of all official 
party work, and he personally told me it was because he had been 
assigned to confidential OGPU work. 

In 1929 Dozenberg informed me that the head of the OGPU in the 
United States wished to see me. With the greatest precautions, and 
in roundabout ways, I was escorted by Dozenberg to a fashionable 
West Side apartment near Central Park, in New York, where I was 
introduced to a tall Russian who spoke broken English. This, Mr. 
Dozenberg said, was the head of the OGPU in this country. The 
Russian was interested primarily in the question of any YCL members 
in the State Department or other branches of the Government, the 
possibilities of placing members in such jobs, urging that all with any 
possibility should apply for Government jobs in Washington, and he 
also indicated the greatest interest in obtaining blank American 
passport books. I told him we were not in position to supply them. 
He asked that if we were at any time, to contact him through 
Dozenberg. 

In subsequent years I met Dozenberg on a number of occasions at 
party conventions, where he took a back seat and never spoke on 
the floor. 

Mr. Mandel. Was this Russian referred to by any first name or 
any name? 

Mr. Crouch. The Russian was introduced under some- first name, 
I believe Jimmy. 

Mr. Russell. Did Dozenberg travel abroad a great deal? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; I understood he traveled extensively. 

Mr. Russell. Earlier in your testimony you mentioned Charles X. 
Smolikoff. 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Will you tell the committee what you know of him? 

Mr. Crouch. I first knew Charles Smolikofl* as Charles Dorraine 
at Birmingham, Ala., in the summer of 1938. He informed me that 
he was a member of the Communist Party, and participated in several 
discussions in the office, together with me and Rob Hall. He spent, 
to the best of my memory, about 2 weeks, and I believe he returned 
for the Southern Conference. He was doing writing for the party 
press at that time. 

Mr. Mandel. Did he attend the Southern Conference meetings? 

Mr. Crouch. I believe he did, to the best of my recollection. I am 
not positive, but I believe he was there. The next time I met Charles 



212 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

N. Smolikoff was in New York City about September 22 or 23, 1946. 
At that time he headed the Florida delegation to the international con- 
vention of the Transport Workers Union, to which I was a delegate 
representing the Brownsville, Tex., local. 

Smolikoff immediately recalled his first meeting with me at Birming- 
ham, introduced me to other members of the Miami delegation, and I 
saw much of him through the course of the 1946 convention. He did 
not know at first that I was out of the party, and spoke of various 
people like M. L. Edwards and Phil Scheffsky as the leaders and back- 
bone of the party forces in the air-line industry at Miami. He intro- 
duced me to Scheffsky. 

Mr. Mandel. Who is Scheffsky? 

Mr. Crouch. He is now president of local 500 of the Transport 
Workers Union and the international representative of the union at 
Miami. 

Mr. Mandel. What branch of the Transport Workers Union? 

Mr. Crouch. Air lines. As president of local 500 he is in charge of 
all maintenance and flight service — that is, stewards, stewardesses, 
et cetera — on Pan American planes operating from Miami throughout 
Latin America. Also, this local includes American bases at San 
Juan, P. R., and Balboa, C Z., over which he has similar jurisdiction, 
both in his capacity as president of the local and as international 
representative of the union. 

Mr. Mandel. Is he privileged to make any trips in his official 
capacity? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; he is privileged to make trips at any time he 
sees fit to Puerto Rico or the Panama Canal Zone or elsewhere in the 
jurisdiction of this local, with free passes on Pan American World 
Airways. 

Mr. Russell. Did Scheffskv replace Edwards as president of 
local 500? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Is Scheffsky known to you as a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Do you know of any break on the part of Scheffsky 
with the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I know of no break, and know he continues to 
collaborate with Charles Smolikoff at Miami, and he follows Com- 
munist Party lines. 

Mr. Russell. What is Smolikoff 's official position now with the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. After being removed from the international board 
of the Transport Workers Union, he was appointed by M. L. Edwards 
as special representative of the local for contract negotiations. Fol- 
lowing a recent press expose of his participation in a Communist-front 
meeting in Miami, he submitted his resignation to the local and now 
has no official status with it. Nevertheless, he remains in close 
contact with Scheffsky. 

Mr. Russell. Was Scheffskv elected bv the memberslhp of the 
local? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Mandel. Does he make the trips he is privileged to make? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 213 

Mr. AXandel. Do you know of his making frequent trips to Latin 
America and the Caribbean countries? 

Mr. Chouch. I cannot say "frequent," because he has only been 
president a few weeks. Edwards made frequent trips, and included 
in his itinerary not only Puerto Rico and the Panama Canal Zone, 
but various countries of South America. 

Mr. Russell. Is M. L. Edwards known to you as a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. M. L. Edwards is known to me as a member of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Russell. On what do you base that? 

Mr. Crouch. Personal conversations he had with me; telling me 
of staying in party rooms during the convention; telling me of his 
activities in the party; discussing union matters from a Communist 
point of view, not knowing I was out of the party; and he spoke at 
contract negotiations. 

The contract negotiations where I met and knew Edwards well 
were in December 1946, in New York, when Edwards and Scheffsky, 
together with Smolikoff, represented Miami, and 1 represented the 
Brownsville, Tex., local, and during lulls in the negotiations we spent 
a good deal of time in Edwards' room, where we discussed political 
topics. 

Mr. Makdel. Do you know whether Smolikoff has a criminal 
record? 

Mr. Crouch. Smolikoff was identified by the Miami Daily News 
in a photographic reproduction of his police record in New York, 
which is in the issue of that paper which has already been intro- 
duced into the record on another topic (exhibit 5). 

Mr. Russell. Do you know Edward N. Waller? 

Mr. Crouch. Edwin Waller; yes, very well. 

Mr. Russell. Was he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. From his conversations with me, Waller implied 
that he was a party member or had to be a party member, but showed 
very little enthusiasm for the party. At various times Waller spoke 
to me of the fact that Communist Party meetings were being held in 
the hall upstairs over the CIO headquarters, which he disliked very 
much. He was very angry at Smolikoff for leaving Communist 
literature lying around the office, and showed in general a lack of 
enthusiasm for party domination. At the same time, he once re- 
marked to me that he would have to see the party organizers and be 
assigned to a party branch. At another time he remarked to me he 
always tried to be away from Miami when party meetings were going 
on, giving me the impression he was a member in name only because 
his job required it. 

Mr. Russell. What was his position in the Transport Workers 
Union? 

Mr. Crouch. He was first State secretary-treasurer of the Florida 
State CIO and representative of the Food and Tobacco Workers 
Union for the Miami area, on the pay roll of the international union 
headed by Don Henderson. Later he transferred his employment to 
the Transport Workers Union as business agent for another local; I 
do not recall the n amber. It was a local which included milk drivers 
and dairies and miscellaneous groups in Miami. 

Mr. Russell. Has Mr. Waller since broken with the Communist 
Party? 



214 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Crouch. According to all reports in Miami lie has broken with 
the Communist Party and now has private employment ; and accord- 
ing to all information I have, he no longer has any affiliations with 
the Communist Party. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, during the month of March 1947 a 
subcommittee of this committee held a series of hearings in Florida, 
and at one of these hearings Mr. Edwin Waller was subpenaed, and 
when asked the question whether he was a member of the Communist 
Party, declined to answer on the ground it might incriminate him. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you know of any connection between the Pro- 
gressive Party and the Communist Party of Florida? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes, I do. I know that the overwhelming majority 
of Progressive Party members in Florida are also members of the 
Communist Party. Among those whom I know to be members of 
the Communist Party and also Progressive Party members are 
Theresa Kantor; Alberta Gail Gropper — — 

Mr. Russell. At one time Gropper was an employee of local 500; 
was she not? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. And Leo Sheiner. Mr. Sheiner is chairman 
for the Fourth Congressional District of the Southern Conference for 
Human Welfare, and is a member of the Communist Party, and was 
selected by the Communist Party to be the head of the apparatus in 
case the known Communists of the party should be outlawed and the 
known Communists arrested. 

Mr. Russell. Do you have any documentary proof of a tie-up 
between the Communist Party and the Progressive Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I have a press release to all Miami papers, signed by 
Gail Gropper, secretary, Progressive Party of Florida, dated April 23, 
1949, which I know was received by the Miami Daily News, in which 
she states: 

I have just returned from Tallahassee, Fla., where our brave leaders raised their 
voices in protest against the Fascist bills to outlaw the Communist Party which 
are now before the legislature. As secretary of the Progressive Party in Miami 
and as a member of the Communist Party, I am speaking for the following leaders 
of our party in Miami who accompanied me to Tallahassee to publicly protest 
against these bills: Al Rosenberg, Harold Tannen, and Walter Marks. 

I know that these people did go to Tallahassee, where they appeared 
as spokesmen for the Progressive Party. This identifies them as 
leaders of the Communist Party. I know that Rosenberg, Tannen 
and Marks are members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this document be intro- 
duced into the record and marked "Exhibit 8." 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 9 

Mr. Mandel. Do you know a Mrs. Greenberg? 

Mr. Crouch. I know Mrs. Greenberg, of Miami Beach, who, 
according to all the leaders of the party in conversations with me, 
is a member of the Miami Beach branch of the party. I have met 
her at the home of Theresa Kantor, at a branch known as the F. D. R. 
Club, and Party members speak of her as comrade and as a party 
member. This is Mrs. Greenberg, the woman on the left in this 
photograph [indicating] . 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this photograph be 
introduced into the record and marked "Exhibit 9." 

» See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 8. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 215 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 10 

Mr. AIandel. Do you know Dr. Prinski? 

Air. Crouch. Yes. Dr. Prinski is a Miami dentist, and a member 
of the county district executive committee of the Communist Party. 
He identified himself to me as a party member before he knew I was 
out of the party, and discussed many party questions with me very 
frankly. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you know Arman Schaller? 

Mr. Crouch. Very well, with local 500. 

Mr. Mandel. Is he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I do not know. He is a close friend of Sheffsky, but 
I do not know of my own knowledge what his party affiliations are. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you think the activities of the Communists are 
in any way a threat to the air lines operating from Florida? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes; very definitely so. The visit of the subcom- 
mittee of the Un-American Activities Committee a year ago did very 
much to cripple their power over the trade-union movement in general 
and to arouse tremendous opposition from within local 500 itself. 
However, through the strategic position Sheffsky still maintains in 
Miami as international representative of his union, and also through 
his connections with Thomas Murray, president of the Transport 
Workers Union local in New York, who is a member of the Communist 
Party, I can say without reservation that the Communist Party still 
has sufficient strength to ground every plane of Pan American Airways 
within a matter of a few hours if it saw fit. 

Mr. Mandel. Would you say Charles N. Smolikoff exercises con- 
siderable influence in Florida? 

Mr. Crouch. He exercises dominant influence in Florida. 

Mr. Mandel. How does he do that? 

Air. Crouch. Through trade-union circles, as the main party leader 
down there; through Scheffsky coming to him for advice and decision 
on all strategy matters; and also through the fact that the Food and 
Tobacco Workers Union in Florida are members of the Communist 
Party, including John Lackner, former State president of the CIO of 
Florida and now international representative of the Food and Tobacco 
Workers Union, who is a member of the Communist Party; and also 
through the party's control of an important American Federation of 
Labor union at Tampa, Fla., where Francisco Diez, international vice 
president of the Cigarmakers' Union of the AFL and head of the 
cigarmakers' organization in Tampa, is a member of the Communist 
Party of Florida. 

Mr. AIandel. Is the Communist Party of Florida in any way con- 
nected with the Communist Party of Cuba? 

Mr. Crouch. The Communist Party of Florida maintains very close 
liaison with the Communist Party of Cuba. In March 1947 there 
was a Cuban delegation in Florida headed by Alberto Rodriguez 
Perez. Air. Perez headed the organization of air line workers of 
Cuba, and he and the other two members of the Cuban delegation all 
told me they were members of the Communist Party of Cuba, which 
is known there as the Popular Socialist Party. 

Mr. AIandel. Has there been any radio connection between the 
Communist Party of Florida and the Communist Party of Cuba? 

10 See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 9. 



216 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. All Spanish-speaking people receive general 
directions on political subjects over a station known as Miel Diez, 
owned and operated by the Communist Party of Cuba. This station 
was suppressed recently by the Cuban Government. 

Mr. Mandel. What role would you say Miami plays, from a 
strategic point of view, in the La tin- American picture? 

Mr. Crouch. A very important part indeed. This is the official 
newspaper, published in the Spanish language, of the Cigarmakers' 
Union at Tampa, Fla. You will find this entire paper is a rehash of 
Communist Party lines. This union sponsors May Day meetings 
with Red flags flying in Tampa. 

Mr. Mandel. Mr. Chairman, I ask that the March 21, 1947, 
issue of El Internacional, identified by the witness, be introduced as 
exhibit 10. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 11 

Mr. Crouch. Miami is of the greatest importance from a general 
military point of view because of the role aviation plays, and the Pan 
American lines all have their hub at Miami. It is also becoming the 
center of air transport in the direction of Africa, and in times of war 
it will play a more important role vital to the security of the country. 

Miami offers the ideal place for Communists to direct operations 
in Latin America. From remarks by Perez and others it appears 
that the Communist Party operates, or has operated until recently, 
a central information bureau in Hawaii. During the conversation I 
asked the translator at one meeting between Perez and Maurice 
Forge, then in charge of the air-line division of the Transport Workers 
Union, who is well known to me and has identified himself to me as 
a member of the Communist Party — Forge and Douglas McMahon 
were two of the heads of the Communist Party in the Transport 
Workers Union until the last meeting. 

I would like to offer this newspaper clipping showing photographs 
of Forge, myself, Fred Swick, E. R. Bock, and Phil Scheffsky. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, I ask that the document be intro- 
duced as exhibit 11. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 12 

Mr. Crouch. Fred Swick was then president of the Transport 
Workers Union local in New York. He told me in September 1947 
he had been a member of the Communist Party only since April, 
and that Murray, who has succeeded him as president, is a Com- 
munist Party member. 

This also shows Scheffsky, whom I have identified as a Communist, 
and E. R. Bock, whom I know as a Communist. Bock used every 
conceivable pressure on me to try to force me to return to the party 
during 1946 and 1947. 

Mr. Mandel. What posts have you held in the Transport Workers 
Union? 

Mr. Crouch. In the Transport Workers Union and the CIO I 
have held the post of secretary of local 503, Brownsville, Tex., of 
the Transport Workers Union; delegate from that union to the Inter- 
national convention of the union; representative of that union on 
contract negotiations in New York City. Also, I was vice president 
of the State CIO of Texas; State director of the CIO in Florida; 

'i See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 10. 
;2 See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 11. 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 217 

and editor of the Union Record, the official organ of the CIO in 
Florida. 

I wish to place in the record these papers. 

Mr. Mandel. Do the exhibits show something about each one, 
their attendance at meetings? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Mandel. I think you might explain that. 

Mr. Crouch. This photograph of Marks shows his attendance at 
a Communist-front rally intended to raise funds for the New York 
Communist defendants. 

Mr. Mandel. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this portion of the March 
6, 1949, issue of the Miami Daily News be introduced as exhibit 12. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 13 

Mr. Crouch. In that connection I would like to place in the record 
this letter from Walter Marks to the editor of the Miami Daily 
News. 

Mr. Russell. I ask that it be marked "'Exhibit 13" and introduced 
in evidence. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 14 

Mr. Crouch. This photograph in the March 7, 1949, issue of the 
Miami Daily News, of Al Rosenberg, shows him calling on the United 
States district attorney in Miami, where the district attorney 
refused to see him when he would not answer whether he was a 
Communist or not. 

Mr. Russell. I ask that the photograph referred to by the witness 
be marked "Exhibit 14" and introduced. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 18 

Mr. Russell. Is the Mrs. Greenberg you mentioned the same one 
who sponsored two displaced persons from Poland? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. 

Mr. Russell. Are they still in her custody? 

Mr. Crouch. To the best of my knowledge. 

Mr. Russell. Do you know how she was allowed to sponsor them? 

Mr. Crouch. I cannot imagine how she would be passed as a 
sponsor, nor do I understand how she would be interested in persons 
supposed to be refugees from Communist oppression. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you know Mark Dix? 

Mr. Crouch. I know of him well by reputation. I have partic- 
ipated in telephone conversations with Mr. Dix. 

Mr. Mandel. On what sort of matters? 

Mr. Crouch. The conversations by telephone with Mr. Dix were 
to reach Dr. Harry F. Ward, who was his house guest a few weeks 
ago. He spent about 2 weeks speaking at meetings in Miami, and 
he organized some sort of people's front movement which has not 
yet materialized openly. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you know Eric Ericson? 

Mr. Crouch. I knew him well over a number of years. He was 
a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Russell. Do you know Isadore Sapphire? 

Mr. Crouch. Yes. I knew him first under the name of Jack 
Strong, district organizer of the Communist Party of Florida, and 
more recently as the operator of a jewelry repair shop and active in 
the Communist Party of Miami. 

IS See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 12. 
14 See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 13. 
" See appendix, p. 220, Crouch Exhibit No. 14. 



218 TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 

Mr. Russell. Mr Chairman, Mr. Sapphire appeared before a 
subcommittee of this committee in March 1947 and denied he had 
ever been a member of the Communist Party, paid Communist dues, 
made application to be a Communist, or attended Communist meet- 
ings. The day after he gave that testimony he was again subpenaed, 
at which time he admitted he had been a member of the Communist 
Party, had paid Communist dues, had made application to be a Com- 
munist, and had attended Communist meetings. 

Mr. Russell. Do you know anyone named Mary Price in North 
Carolina? 

Mr. Crouch. Only by reputation. I do not know her personally. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know any other individuals who are college 
professors who belong to the Communist Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I cannot think of them at the moment. I probably 
could recall some. My wife probably would know. 

Mr. Russell. Did you know a James Porter? 

Mr. Crouch. I did. I knew him very well at Norfolk, Va., in the 
period around 1935 and 1936, and I knew him up through 1937 at 
meetings of the central committee. He was a Communist Party 
organizer at Norfolk, and later became Communist Party organizer 
for the State of Nebraska. He then disappeared from sight, and I 
do not know what subsequently happened to James Porter. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Crouch, why did you leave the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Crouch. I left the Communist Party because of the gradual 
accumulation, which I could not avoid,, of a tremendous amount of 
evidence showing that I and other Communists were victims of a 
gigantic fraud; that the international Communist movement existed 
for the purpose of bringing about Russian domination of the world; 
that instead of providing a paradise or improving the condition of the 
Russian people, it had brought about a system of forced labor in which 
millions of Russians are imprisoned under unbearable conditions. 

I was forced to realize the fact, after the most thorough investigation 
from many sources, that the GPU and the Soviet Government have 
frequently resorted to the most fiendish forms of torture and terror to 
extract confessions and intimidate opposition; that there is no such 
thing as freedom, mental or physical, existing any longer anywhere 
within the Soviet Union; that while I had been working under an 
idealistic conception that I was helping civilization, I had made a tre- 
mendous mistake, and that I was in fact working for a movement 
which, if successful, would wipe out civilization as we know it from the 
face of the earth. 

The man to whom I owe my first step in that direction was Franklin 
D. Roosevelt. When he was Governor of New York I was brought 
before him in a fight against extradition to Massachusetts. I had 
accepted all the Communist slogans about the nature of the capitalist 
government, and I believed it. In Mr. Roosevelt I found a man who 
did not look at things from a class point of view, but fairly, from a 
legal and realistic approach; and, incidentally, Mr. Roosevelt refused 
to grant the extradition for me. 

Later, in Utah, I first came in conflict with the administrative ma- 
chine of the Communist Party. I was brought before a conference at 
Denver, and later before the central committee itself, for my failure 
to fight the "imperialistic" nature of the Roosevelt administration. I 



TESTIMONY OF PAUL CROUCH 219 

listened to those criticisms in silence, knowing that to expose them 
would mean expulsion. 

The Russian purge trials strengthened a growing suspicion about the 
Communist movement. Sensing this attitude, the Communist Party 
leadership used me in positions where I, appeared before the public 
rather than in policy making. 

In California my expressed belief in interparty democracy brought 
me under heavy criticism from the district leadership. Already quite 
disgusted with the party, in the fall of .1941 1 asked permission to be 
released as party organizer of -'Alameda County, and the district 'bureau 
rejected this request. Later, in December, the district bureau called 
a meeting where it was decided ih.it I should be removed, but in an 
apparent, movement not to inform the. Alameda County membership 
of my arbitrary removal, 1 was instructed to take my family and go to 
Los Angeles and await orders from the party as to what I should do 
next. 

This was after Pearl Harbor. My wife was in a vital defense plant, 
in which she later became a supervisor with major responsibilities. 
When informed of the party decision, she stated emphatically that 
she was not quitting her war job, and that party decision or no party 
decision, she was not going. 

She was called to the party headquarters by Schneiderman and was 
asked: "Don't you realize that this isn't a request, that it is an order, 
a decision, which you must obey?" 

She told him she did not care if it was a decision or not, that she was 
not going. He almost hit the ceiling. He reminded her that the party 
possessed such power in the CIO in California that they could make her 
union work impossible, and gave the implied threat that through the 
party control of the union she would be forced out of her job, and that 
I would find it impossible to find work in private industry. Never- 
theless, she remained firm. She was given an indefinite leave from all 
party responsibilities. I was removed, censured, but told I could 
remain a rank and file member, barred from all positions. 

I paid dues for a few months in 1942, then refused to attend any 
further party meetings or to pay any party dues. 

During subsequent years, in Texas and in Florida, job pressure .and 
every other conceivable form of pressure has been brought to force me 
to return to membership as a rank and file member, taking orders from 
the party, evidently with the fear on the part of the party leadership 
that I might release to the public my knowledge of the party and how it 
operates. But since 1942 I have consistently refused to pay a penny 
of party dues or to attend meetings which I knew to be party meetings. 
I have been tricked into attending meetings which I thought were 
trade-union meetings and which proved to be party meetings. 

In the face of my determined refusal to reenter the party, its leader- 
ship has become very bitter and vindictive, trying to harass my family 
in every way possible. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Chairman, I suggest the witness be kept. under 
subpena until May 24, and that thereafter his subpena be continued. 

Mr. Wood. So ordered. 

The meeting is adjourned subject to the call of the chairman. 

(Whereupon, at 5:32 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 

Note.- — Additional testimony taken from witness Paul Crouch is 
being retained in the executive files of the committee for the time 
being in the interest of national security. 



APPENDIX 



No. 


2. 


No. 


3. 


No. 
No. 


4. 
5. 



(Note.— Exhibits taken in connection with testimony of Pan] Crouch, May 6„. 
1949, and filed with the committee are as follows:) 

Crouch Exhibits 

No. 1. Photostat of page 3, The Daily Worker, New York, May 1, 1928, con- 
taining article by Paul Crouch entitled "Red Armv Freedom Contrast 
to XT. S. Slavery" and showing photographs of Paul Crouch in Red 
Army uniform (reproduced in text). 

Communist Party of the IT. S. A. 1943 Membership Book No. 27269, 
issued to Paul Crouch (reproduced in text). 

Photographs of Paul Crouch and Walter Trumbull in United States 
Armv uniform (reproduced in text). 

August 1938 issue of the New South (masthead reproduced in text). 

Page 1 of February 18, 1948, issue of Miami Daily News, showing photo- 
graphs of Mrs. Theresa Kantor and Charles S. Smolikoff . 
No. 6. Booklet, "The Struggle Against Imperialist War and the Tasks of the 
Communists," Resolution of the Sixth World Congress of the Com- 
munist International, July- August, 1928. 

Photograph of Steve Nelson. 

Phostat of press release dated April 23, 1949, to all Miami papers, 
signed by Gail Gropper, secretary, Progressive Part}' of Florida. 

Photograph of Mrs. Greenberg. 

March 21, 1947, issue of El Internacional, Official Journal of the Local 
Unions of Tampa, Cigarmakers' International Union of America. 

Newspaper clipping showing photographs of M. Forge, P. Crouch, Fred 
Swick, E. R. Bock, Phil Scheffsky, et al. 

March 6, 1949, issue of Miami Daily News (partial) containing photo- 
graphs of Walter Marks and others. 

Photostat of letter from Walter Marks to editor, Miami Daily News. 

Newspaper clipping from Miami Daily News of March 7, 1949, showing 
photograph of Al Rosenberg. 

220 



No. 
No. 


7. 
8. 


No. 

No. 


9. 
10. 


No. 


11. 


No. 


12. 


No. 

No. 


13. 

14. 




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1949, ai 



No. 1 

No. 2 

No. 3 

No. 4 

No. 5 

No. 6 



No. 
No. 


7 
8 


No. 
No. 


8 
1(1 


No. 


11 


No. 


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No. 

No. 





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(No 
1949, i 



No. 



No. 

No. 

No. 
No. 

No. 



No. 
No. 

No. 
No. 1 

No. 1 

No. ] 

No. ] 
No. ] 



PAUL CROUCH EXHIBIT 3 
May 6, 19b 9 



I'M I. CHOI < II 



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92435 O - 49 (Face p. 220) No. 3 



PAUL CROUCH EXHIBIT U 

May 6, I9h9 
The 

NEW SOUTH 

A JOURNAL OJF PROGRESSIVE OPINION 



Vol. I 



CONTENTS 



REVIEW OF THE .MONTH 

Increase of Pellagra 3 

Southern Primaries 3 

4 
Lift the En. ! 4 

4 
The Increase in WPA Wages 5 

WAGES IN THE TOBACCO INDUSTRY 

6 

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S LETTER ON 

PROBLEMS OF THE SOUTH 8 

OUR SOUTHERN PROBLEMS 9 

SOUTHERNERS FIGHT FOR DEMOCRACY IN SPAIN 
By D. F. MeKonnon 11 

A LETTER FROM SPAIN 

Written byEddie Burke 12 

FROM THE SOUTHERN PRESS 13 

CORRESPONDENCE 14 



Birmingham, Alabama, August, 1938 



No. 5 



THE NEW SOUTH 

Published Monthly by the New South Publishing Co. 
I ark Bldg., Birmingham, Alabama 
phone: 7-0467 

Editor 

PAUL CROUCH 



EM.METT GOWEN 
KONG 



Contributing Editor 

'■VIS. J P. 
R P. HALL 
PED WELLMAN 



JAMES W. FORD 
BART LOGAN 
HENRY WINSTON 



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Increase Of Pellagra 

A CHART showing- increases and decreases in deaths 
from pellagra in the South would follow closely 
a chart of general business conditions, especially of 
employment and wages. Since Big Business went on a 
sit-down strike against the New Deal last summer 
there has been a considerable increase in pellagra in 
the South. Statistics prepared by the Alabama State 
Department of Health covering the first four months 
of this year illustrate this tremendous increase. 

There were 111 deaths from pellagra in Alabama 
during the first four months of 1938, an increase of 
40 per cent over the 79 deaths from pellegra during 
the same period of 1937. However, the total of 311 
deaths from pellagra during the year of 1937 was the 
highest in Alabama since 1933, where pellagra caused 
368 deaths. Most of the deaths from pellagra in 1937 
were during the last six months of the year, when so 
many thousands of workers were thrown out of em- 
ployment. 

The official statistics show only a part of the real 
havoc of pellagra, and many deaths really caused by 
pellagra are attributed to other causes. When health 
is undermined by the ravages of pellagra the patient 
often falls a quick victim to influenza, pneumonia, 
tuberculosis and other diseases. 

There is absolutely no excuse for a single death 
from pellagra. It is caused by slow starvation, and 
is of course found only among workers, sharecroppers 
and others with the lowest standards of living-. It is 

an indict raont of the system of foudnlir.m and low 

wages in the South. When reactionary spokesmen 
fight the New Deal and Roost" m for higher 

wages and better conditions in the South they are 
going on record for the continuation and the increase 
of pellagra. 

Southern Primaries 

THE PRIMARIES taking place in Southern states 
this summer have :<n importance which can not 
restimated, and the outcome will influence the 
future of our country. Throughout the South a strug- 
gle for control of the Democratic party is going on 
between the forces of Big Business, reaction, feudalism, 
on one side, and democracy and progress on the other. 
Reactionaries are making every effort to nominate 
candidates who are hostile to Roosevelt and the New 
Deal. But everywhere reactionaries have come out 
under their true colors they have been overwhelmingly 
defeated. Even those reactionaries who tried to avoid 
the issues and support Roosevelt in words only, like 
Hancock of North Carolina, have usually been de- 
feated. The victories of Pepper in Florida, Thomas 
in Oklahoma, Reynolds in N. C, have been mandates 



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