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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 1
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF A]\rERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
BY
FRANCES DENSMORE
530177
AUG 9 1918
WASHINGTON
GOVEKNJUEJVT PRINTING OFFICE
1918
Monoi^raph
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
Smithsonian Institution,
Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington, D. C, June 8, 1915.
Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith the manuscript of a
memoir on Teton Sioux Music, by Frances Densmore, and to recom-
mend its pubHcation as a bulletin of the Bureau of American
Ethnology.
Very respectfully,
F. W. HOUGE,
Ethnologist^n-Chanje.
Dr. Charles D. Walcott,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
FOREWORD
The analytical study of Indian music wliicli the writer commenced
among; the Chippewa has been continued among the Sioux. Those
familiar with the two books already published ' will find no material
change in method of treatment in tlie present volum<\ We have but
passed from the land of pine forests and lakes to the broad plains
where the buffalo came down from the north in the autumn and
where war parties swept to and fro.
The present volume contains tabidated analyses of 600 songs,
comprising the Chippewa songs previously published as well as the
songs of the Teton Sioux. By means of these tables the songs of
the two tribes can be compared m melodic and rhythmic peculiari-
ties. In Bulletin 53 the Chippewa songs were grouped according
to their use, and descriptive, as well as tabulated, analyses disclosed
resemblances between certain groups of songs having the same
mental concept. In the present memoir the comparison is based,
not on tlie use, but on the age, of the songs, this series bemg divided
for analysis into two groups, one comprising songs believed to be
more than 50 years old and the other comprising songs of more
recent origin. This analysis shows that the restrictions of civiU-
zation have had a definite effect on the structure of Sioux melodies.
In presenting Teton Sioux music the writer desires to acknowledge
her appreciation of the valued assistance of her principal interpreter,
Mr. Robert P. Higheagle, a member of the Sioux tribe and a gradu-
ate of Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute as well as of the
business department of Carnegie CoUege. Mr. Higheagle's coopera-
tion covered the entire period of collecting the Teton material and
of preparing it for publication. To this work he brought a knowl-
edge of Sioux life and character without wliich an interpretation of
their deeper phases could not have been obtain(^d. During Mr.
Higheagle's absence it became necessary to employ occasionally
otlier interpreters, whose aid is acknowledged in connection with the
material wliich they interpreted. The principal assisting interpreter
was Mrs. James McLauglihn, whose courtesy is gratefully acknowl-
edged.
The writer desires also to express her appreciation of the assistance
cordially extended by the members of the staff of the Bureau of
American Ethnology and of the National Museum in their respective
fields of research.
Frances Dexsmore,
> ("hippewa Music, Bulletin 45, and Chippewa Miisic— H, liuUttin 6S, of the Bureau of American Kth-
nology.
V
CONTENTS
Page
List of songs xiii
1 . Arranged in order of serial numbers xiir
2. Arranged i ii order of catalogue numbers xix
Names of singers ; . . . . xxvi
Phonetic key .xxviii
Introduction 1
The Teton Sioux 1
IMethod of work and of analysis 5
Tabulated analysis of 240 Sioux songs 12
Melodic analysis 12
Comparison between old and comparatively modern Sioux songs 22
Tabulated analysis of 600 Indian songs (Chippewa and Sioux) 26
Melodic analysis 26
Rhythmic analysis 35
Analysis of Sioux and Chippewa songs 40
Grapliic representations or ' ' plots " 51
Comparison between analysis of Chij^pewa and Sioux songs 54
Test of pitch discrimination among Cliippewa and Sioux 56
Music as a cultivated art among Chippewa and Sioux 58
Ceremonies 63
The White Buffalo Calf pipe (Pteliin^cala Canog'pa) 63
The Alo^wag pi ceremony 68
The ceremony of Spirit-keeping (Waki'dagapi) 77
The Sun dance 84
The Sun dance of the Teton Sioux. 87
Description of a Teton Sioux Sun dance 98
Old songs 152
Ceremonial songs ' 152
Dreams and their obligations 157
Heyo'ka Ka'ga (Fool Impersonation ) 157
Dreams concerning animals 172
Dreams concerning the buffalo 173
Dreams concerning the elk 176
Dreams concerning the wolf 179
Dream of the crow and owl 184
Songs concerning the bear 195
Plots of songs (dreams about animals) 204
The sacred stones (tuijkar)') 204
Plots of songs (the sacred stones) 244
Treatment of the sick 244
Narrative of a vigil and prayer for the sick 274
Plots of songs used in treatment of the sick 283
Societies (oko^lakidiye) 284
Dream societies 285
Buffalo society 285
Elk society 293
Horse society^ 298
Military societies 311
Fo.x society 314
VII
Vm CONTENTS
Societies (oko^lakidiye) — Continued
Military societies — Continued. Page
Kaggi'yulia (Crow-owners) 318
Cagte^ tJQza (Strong Heart) 320
Badger society 325
Miwa'tani 326
WTiite Horse Riders (Suqk'ska-alcari^yaijka) 329
War songs (Ozu'ye oloVag) 332
Personal narrative by Red Fox 375
Personal narrative by Eagle Shield 379
Songs a(;companied ])y native drawings 387
Old Buffalo's war narrative 412
Plots of songs of war 418
Analysis of war songs 419
Comparatively modern songs 428
War songs 428
The Buffalo hunt (Wana'sapi) 436
Council and chief songs . . . .' 448
Council songs 448
Chief songs 452
Plots of chief songs 461
Songs connected with dances aiid games 468
Dances 468
The grass dance 468
Shuliling-feet dance 477
Night (lance 479
Begging dance 481
Plots of grass-dance songs 483
Games 485
The moccasin game (Haij'pa ape V cut] pi) 485
The game of hiding a stick 489
Miscellaneous songs 492
Children's songs 492
Songs connected with legends 494
Legend of the maiden 's leap 494
Legend of Ghost Hill 496
Songs in honor of an individual 497
Love songs (wio'weste olo' waij ) 509
Sioux songs recorded at Sisseton, S. Dak 512
Plots of songs of sadness 519
Rhythmic units 528
Bibliograph y 551
Index 555
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
Faring page
1. Siya'ka Title
2. Views on Standing Rock Reservation 4
3. Wand and ear of corn used in Hugka ceremony 72
4. Part of Huqka ceremony (native drawing) j 74
5. Decorated robe 77
n. Outer wrapi)ing for S))irit ])undle and ))raided sweet grass 79
7. Implenients used in handling coals in Spirit lodge 79
8. Spirit post 81
9. Buffalo Boy 91
10. No Heart 91
11. White-Buffalo-Walking 91
12. Participants in Sun dance 94
13. Chased-by-Bears 95
14. Sun-dance pipe 102
15. Gifts of tobacco 102
10. The Sun dance (drawing by No Heart) 122
17. The Sun dance (native drawings) 122
IS. Sun-dance whistle 125
If). Hair ornament of Iniffalo hide worn in Sun dance 126
20. Ceremonial grouping of articles in Sun dance 127
21. Articles used in Sun dance 133
22. Red Bird 149
23. Lone Man 159
24. Charging Thunder 170
25. Brave Buffalo 173
20. Hoop carried by Elk dreamer - 178
27. Hair ornament worn l)y Elk dreamer 179
28. Bent stick carried by Wolf dreamer 179
29. Sacred stone owned by Brave Buffalo 208
30. Sacred stone owned by Chased-by-Bears 210
31. Goose 251
32. Gourd rattle 252
33. Medicine bag with articles used by owner in treating the sick 252
34. Medicine bag of badger paws 253
35. Medicine l)ag of mink hide 253
30. Small bags of medicine and spoon 254
37. Splint and matted deer hair used in treating fractures 201
38. Bear-with-^^'hite-PaF 207
39. Drum and decorated drumstick 207
40. Eagle Shield •- 207
41. Necklace worn when treating the sick 207
42. Fasting vigil (drawing by oid Buffalo); Old Buffalo 274
43. Buffalo-dance shield 285
44. Crow-skin necklace and <'ase - 319
45. Strong Heart society rattle - - 322
LIST OF SONGS
1. Arranged in Order of Serial Numbers
songs used in ceremonies
Song of the Coming op the White Buffalo Maiden
Serial Catiiloguo
No. No. Page
1. "I am walking" 569 67
Songs of the Alo'\va:^'pi Ceremony
2. Song of prptended search 649 73
3. Ceremoiiial Boug 648 75
Songs of the Sun Dance
4. Song for sprnrincr fair weather 497 99
5. "We arc coming" 456 105
6. Song of the Braves' dance (no words) 498 107
7. " With dauntless courage " 488 108
8. "The many lands you fear" 450 109
9. Song of the departure of the young men (no words) 480 110
10. Song of the return of the young men (no words) 481 112
11. Song- of cutting the sacred pole 451 113
IL'. Song of victory over the siicred pole 486 115
13. Song of painting the sacred pole 452 117
14. Song after raising the sacred pole (a) 628 119
15. Song after raising the sacred pole (6) 629 120
16. Song after raising the sacred pole (c) 630 121
17. Song of preparing the sacred place 500 123
18. Song of final visit to the vapor lodge 631 124
19. Opening song of the Sun dance (a) (no words) 453 128
20. (Opening song of the Sun dance (6) (no words) 479 129
21. Opening prayer of tin; Sun dance 501 130
22. "Wakaij'taij'ka, pity me" 688 135
23. Song of lamentation 487 136
24. Noon song 506 138
25. Song concerning the sun and moon 504 139
26. "Wakaij 'tag ka hears me" 483 140
27. "Black face-paint he grants me" 503 141
28. "I have conquered them " 484 142
29. Dancing song (a) (no words) 499 143
30. Dancing song (b) (no words) 505 144
31. Dancing song (c) (no words) 482 145
32. Dancing song (d) (no words) 485 145
;53. Dancing song (c) (no words) 457 146
34. Dancing song (/) (no words) 458 147
35. Dancing song (g) (no words) 459 148
36. Song at sunrise 502 148
XlII
XIV LIST OF SONGS
Songs of the IIeyo^ka
Serial Catalogue
No. No. Page
37. "The horsemen in the cloud"..-. 492 160
38. " Before the gat hering of the clouds' ' 493 162
39. Song in time of danger 496 163
40. Song concerning a dream of the thunderbirds 491 165
41. "Amnd" 494 168
42. "In a sacred manner I return " , 495 169
43. "The thunderbird nation" 571 171
SONGS OF PERSONAL DREAMS
Songs Received from Animals
44. "A buffalo said to me " 606 174
45. Weapon song (no words) 608 176
46. Song of the elks (no words) 609 177
47. "Owls hooting" 607 180
48. Song of the young wolves 570 182
49. Song of the old wolf 568 183
50. Song of the crow and owl 473 186
51. "Where the wind is blowing" 474 187
52. "I made it walk" 533 189
53. Song of a wolf 650 190
54. "Toward them I walk " 639 191
55. "An eagle nation is coming" 472 193
56. "Ablacktaildeer" 564 194
57. "A bear said this" 581 196
58. "He comes to attack" 662 197
Songs concerning the Sacred Stones
59. "May you behold a sacred stone nation " 602 209
60. "The sacred stones come to see you " 675 212
61. " I sing for the animals " 489 215
62. "Myhorse" 490 216
63. "Worthy of reverence" 563 219
64. "A sacred stone nation is speaking " 566 220
65. "They move with a purpose " 567 221
66. "From everywhere they come " 565 222
67. "A wolf nation called me 'father' " 541 224
68. "I have caused them to roam " 539 225
69. " These are my spies " 667 226
70. " I am reqiured to roam " 668 227
71. "Father, behold me! " 574 228
72. " I was ordered to return " 582 229
73. " Father, sing to me! " 462 230
74. " A spirit has come " 461 232
75. " From whence the winds blow " 463 233
76. "Something I foretold " 464 234
77. " In a sacred manner I live " 632 236
78. "A voicelsent" 633 237
Songs Used in Treatment op the Sick
79. "The sunrise" 603 249
80. "Behold the dawn!" 610 250
81. "Behold all these things!" 511 255
LIST OF SONGS XV
Serial Catalogue
No. No. Page.
82. " I am sitting " 5J5 256
88. "Wewilleat" 512 258
84. "These are good " 513 259
85. "You will walk" 514 260
86. Song preceding treatment of fractures 516 262
87. An appeal to the bear 517 263
88. Song of the bear 518 264
89. "Beartoldme" 519 265
90. Song of healing 674 268
91. Sitting Bull's medicine song (a) 654 272
92. Sitting Bull's medicine song (b) 655 273
93. "A wind from the north " 536 275
94. "May this be the day" 540 277
SONGS OF SOCIETIES
Dream Societies
Songs of the Buffalo Society
95. "Northward they are walking " 663 286
96. "My goal" 664 287
97. "In the north" 660 288
98. "Their voices could be heard "-. 555 289
99. "Against the wind" 556 290
100. "Icome" 546 291
101.- (No words) (a) 549 292
102. (No words) (6) 550 292
103. (Nowords)(c) 577 293
Songs of the Elk Society
104. Song of the Elk society 538 294
105. "Sometliing sacred I wear" 471 295
106. "My life is such" 575 296
107. "Anelkaml" I 622 297
Songs of the Horse Society
108. "My horse flies like a bird" 573 299
109. "When a horse neighs" 604 300
110. "Horses are coming " 605 301
111. "Prancing they come" 537 302
112. "Chasing, they walked " 470 303
113. "A root of herb " •. 467 304
SONGS OF WAR
Military Societies
Songs of the Fox Society
114. Song of the Fox society (a) 677 316
115. Song of the Fox society (b) 580 317
Songs of the Strong Heart Society
116. Song of the Strong Heart society (a) 509 322
117. Song of the Strong Heart society. (No words) (6) 544 323
118. Song of the Strong Heart society. (No words) (c) 548 324
119. Song of the Strong Heart society. (No words) (d) 557 324
XVI LIST OF SONGS
Songs of the Badceh Society
Serial Catalogue
No. No. Page
120. Sonj^ of the Badger society. (No words) («) 553 325
121. Song of the Badger soeiety. (No words) (6) 554 32(1
SONCS Ol' THE MlWA^T.WI SoCIETY
122. Ceremonial 8ong of the Miwa^tani 572 328
Songs op the White Horse Riders
123. Song of the White Horse Riders. (No words) (a) 534 330
124. Song of the White Horse Riders. (No words) (/;) 535 331
Consecutive Songs of a Typical War Expedition
125. ''Those are not my interest" 52S 334
(Dnplicate of No. 125) 336
12«. "Likea wolf I roam" 056 336
127. ''Watch your horses" 532 337
128. "Friends, go on!" 527 338
129. "A wolf I considered myself " 547 339
130. "Adventures I seek " 523 340
131. "His horses he granted me " 543 341
132. "Those hills I trod upon " 070 342
(Duplicate of No. 132) 343
(Duplicate of No. 132) 344
133. Wolf song 524 345
(Duplicate of No. 133) 346
■134. "It is difficult" Oil 347
135. Song of the camp 057 349
130. "Clear the way, I come!" 034 351
137. "At the wind center I stand " 635 352
138. Song concerning war paint 465 353
139. "Tremble! U tribe of the enemy " 400 354
140. "Behold my horse!" 408 355
141. "See my desire" 616 356
142. "The earth only endures!' 617 357
143. "Tell her" 621 358
44. "She stands tliere smiling" 658 361
145. "Horses I am bringing" 529 362
146. "He is returning" ()89 364
147. Song concerning Wliite Butterfly 086 365
148. "He lies over there " 687 360
149. "Learn the songs of victory " 685 368
150. Song in honor of Oni^han 400 309
151. "You may go on the warpath" 531 370
(Duplicate of No. 151 — "When you return ") 371
152. ' ' I look for him in vain " 530 372
153. "He is again gone on the warpath" 591 373
154. "You should give up the warpath" 576 374
Songs op Personal Narratives concerning War
155. Song of the warpath 676 378
156. "May Ibe there" 623 382
157. "Aprairiefire" 624 383
158. Song concerning Sitting Crow 625 384
159. "A spotted horse". 020 385
LIST OV SONGS XVII
Serial Catalo^ufi
No. No. i'ago
ItiO. "Owls hoot at mo" 627 386
IGI. " I wish to roam " 651 390
1G2. "A night is diiferenl " 652 391
163. "I am bringing horses"' 653 392
164. "Even tlie eagle dies" 507 394
165. ' ' I took courage " 508 395
166. " Captives I am bringing " 510 396
167. "They deserted their leader" 520 398
168. "One of them will be killed " 521 400
169. "I intend to take his horses" 522 402
170. "It [si, myself" 583 403
171. "Horses I seek" 584 404
172. "When I came you cried " 585 406
173. "I struck the enemy " 586 407
(Duplicate of No. 173) 408
174. "I come after your horses" 587 409
175. "Two war parties" 588 410
176. "Sister, I bring you a hors" " 589 411
177. Song of self-reliance 636 413
178. "I am the fox" 637 414
179. " Hook for them " ' 638 417
SONGS OF THE BUFFALO HUNT
180. Song of the buffalo hunt. (No words) (a) 475 440
181. Song of the buffalo hunt. (No words) (6 • 476 441
182. Song of the buffalo hunt. (No words) (c) 545 442
183. Song to secure buffalo in time of famine 469 445
COUNCIL SONGS
184. "I sing of the dead chiefs" 669 448
185. "I fear not" 455 449
186. "I wish to do my part " 614 450
187. "His customs I adopted " 615 451
CHIEF SONGS
188. Song in honor of Two Bears 454 453
189. Song in honor of Gabriel Renville («) 665 454
190. Song in honor of Gal)riel Renville (6 ) • 666 455
191 . Song in honor of John Grass 643 456
192. Song in honor of Red Fish 673 457
193. Song of Sitting Bull (a) 612 459
194. Song of Sitting Bull (b) 613 460
DANCE SONGS
Songs of the Grass Dance
195. "They are charging them" 593 473
196. Song of the grass dance (a) 596 474
197. Song of the grass dance. (No words) (6) 594 475
198. Song of the grass dance. (No words) (c) 595 476
199. Song of the grass dance. (No words) (d) 597 476
200. Song of the grass dance. (No words) (c) 526 477
4840°— Bull 61—18 2
XVni LIST OF SONGS
Songs of the Shuffling-feet Dance
Serial Catalogue
No. No. Page
201. Song of the shuffling-feet dance (a) 600 478
202. Song of the shuffling-feet dance (No words) (b) 592 479
Song of the Night Dance
203. Song of the night dance (No words) 601 480
Songs of the Begging Dance
204. Begging song of the old women (no words) 682 482
205. Begging song 619 483
GAME SONGS
Songs of the Moccasin Game
206. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (a) 551 486
207. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (b) . . 552 486
208. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (c) 560 487
209. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (d) 559 487
210. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (e) 561 488
211. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (/) 525 488
Songs of the Hiding-stick Game
212. Game song (no words) 598 490
213. Song when a game is almost won (no words ) 599 490
214. Song of victory 618 491
children's songs
215. Song of little girls' play (a) 680 492
216. Song of little girls' play (6) 681 493
217. Lullaby 679 493
SONGS CONNECTED WITH LEGENDS
218. Song of the maiden's leap 620 495
219. Song of a ghost 542 497
SONGS IN HONOR OF AN INDIVIDUAL
220. "The poor are many " 640 498
221. "I expected to give something " 641 499
222. "Two ^^^lite Buffalo " 642 500
223. "Take fresh courage " 478 501
224. "The White Horse Riders said this " 477 502
225. "Two White Buffalo, take courage " 671 503
226. "The tribe you help" 672 504
227. "WTienever the tribe assembles " 684 505
228. "They depend upon you " 683 506
229. " I donated a horse " 579 507
230. "Hence they come" 578 508
231. "Ashorttime" 558 509
LOVE SONGS
232. "Come" 659 510
233. Love song. (No words) («) 590 511
234. Love song. (No words) {b) 661 511
LIST OF SONGS
XIX
SONGS RECORDED AT SISSETON, S. DAK.
Serial Catalogue
No. No. Page
235. "Yoii have relied upon me'' 645 513
236. "I have been helping " 644 514
237. Song of the Ticketless society (no words) 678 515
238. Song concerning Fierce F'ace : 662 516
239. Song concerning a message from Washington 646 517
240. Song of the famine 647 518
2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers
(Cata-
logue
No.
450
451
452
453
454
455
456
457
458
459
4()0
461
462
463
464
465
46()
467
468
469
470
471
472
473
474
475
476
477
478
479
480
Title of song
"The many lands you fear"
Song of culting the sacred i)ole
Song of painting the sacred pole
Opening song of the Sun dance («)
Song in honor of Two Bears
•'I fear not"
"We are coming"
Dancing song (c)
do.(/)
do. ig)
Song in honor of Oni^han
"A spirit has come "
"Father, sing to me"
'' P'rom whence the winds blow "
"Something I foretold "
Song concerning war paint
"Tremble! O tribe of the enemy" . . . .
"A root of herb"
"Behold my horse!"
Song to secure buffalo in time of famine.
"Chasing, they walked "
" Something sacred I wear "
"An eagle nation is coming "
Song of the crow and owl
" WTiere the wind is blowing"
Song of the biiffalo hunt (a)
do. (6)
"The White Horse Riders said this" . . .
"Take fresh courage"
Opening song of the Sun dance (6)
Song of the departure of the young men
Name of singer
Siya'ka
do..
<lo
....do....
....do....
....do....
....do....
....do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do..'..
J. ..do....
do....
do....
do....
.....do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
Lone Man .
do....
Serial
No.
8
II
13
19
188
185
5
33
34
35
150
74
73
75
76
138
139
113
140
183
112
105
55
50
51
180
181
224
223
20
9
Page
10!)
li:'>
117
128
453
449
105
146
147
148
369
232
230
233
234
353
354
304
355
445
303
295
193
186
187
440
441
502
501
129
110
XX LIST OF SONGS
2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Contiuued
Title of son}:
Song of the return of the young men . .
Dancing song (c)
"Wakai)''tar|ka hears me"
"I have conquered them"
Dancing song (d) •
Song of \-ictory over the sacred j)oIe. . .
Song of lamentation
"With dauntless courage "
"I sing for the animals"
"My horse"
Song concerning a dream of the thun-
derbirds
"The horsemen in the cloud "
"Before the gathering of the clouds " . .
' ' A Avind "
" In a sacred manner I return "
Song in time of danger
Song for securing fair weather
Song of the Braves' dance
Dancing song (« )
Song of preparing the sacred place. . .
Opening prayer of the Sun dance
Song at sunrise
"Black face-paint he grants me"
Song concerning the sun and moon. . .
Dancing song (b)
Noon song
" Even the eagle dies "
"I took courage"
Song of the Strong Heart society («) . . .
"Captives I am bringing"
"Behold all these things"
"We will eat"
"These are good"
"You will walk "
"I am sitting"
Song preceding treatment of fractures.
An appeal to the bear
Song of the bear
Name of singer
Lone Man.
do....
do....
do....
.....do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
do....
.do.
.do.
.do.
.do.
Red Bird
do
do
do
do
do
do
do
do
do
Eagle Shield.
do
do
do
do.......
do
do
do
do
Serial
No.
.do.
.do.
.do.
10
31
26
28
32
12
23
7
(il
(i2
40
37
38
41
42
39
4
(;
29
17
21
3(J
27
25
30
24
l(i4
165
11(1
lOG
81
83
84
85
82
8G
87
Pajre
.112
145
140
142
145
115
136
108
215
216
165
160
162
168
169
163
99
107
143
123
130
148
141
139
144
138
394
395
322
396
255
258
259
260
256
262
263
264
LIST OF SONGS XXI
2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Continued
Cata-
logue
No.
519
520
521
522,
523
524
525
52G
527
528
529
530
531
532
533
534
535
536
537
538
539
540
541
542
543
544
545
546
547
548
549
550
551
552
553
554
555
556
557
Title of song
Name of singer
Bear told me" Eagle Shield . .
"They deserted their leader" do
"One of them will be killed" ' do
"I intend to take his horses" ' do
"Adventures I seek" Two Shields...
Wolf song do
Song oi the moccasin game (/) do
Song of the grass dance (e) do
"Friends, go on!" do
"Those are not my interest " do
"Horses I am bringing" do
"I look for him in vain" do
"Yon may go on the warpath " do
"Watch your horses" do
"I made it walk" do
Song of the White Horse Riders («) do
. . . . . d o . ( 6 ) do
"A wind from the north" do
"Prancing they come" do
Song of the Elk society do
"I have caused them to roam " do
"May this be the day" do
"A wolf nation called me 'father' " do
Song of a ghost do
"His horses he granted me" do
Song of the Strong Heart society (6) ... Gray Hawk. . .
Song of the buffalo hunt (c) do
"I come" do
"A wolf I considered myself" do
Song of the Strong Heart society (c) do
Song of the Buffalo society (a) do
....do. (6) do
Song of the moccasin game (a) do
. . . .do.(6) do
Song of the Badger society (a) do
do. (6) do
"Their voices could be heard" do
"Against the ^vind" do
Song of the Strong Heart society (d) do
Serial
No.
167
168
169
1.30
133
211
200
128
125
145
152
151
127
52
123
124
93
111
104
68
94
67
219
131
117
182
100
129
US
101
102
206
207
120
121
98
99
119
Page
265
398
400
402
340
345
488
477
338
334
362
372
370
337
189
330
331
275
302
294
225
277
224
497
341
823
442
291
339
324
292
292
486
486
325
326
289
290
324
XXII LIST OF SONGS
2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Continued
Title of aouK
Name of singer
"A short time" Gray Hawk.
Song of the moccasin game (r/) i do.
do.(c)
do.(f) ■
"He comes to attack "
"Worthy of reverence"
"A blacktail deer"
"From everywhere they come"
"A sacred stone nation is speaking". . .! do.
"They move with a purpose " I do.
Song of the old wolf do.
"I am walking" do.
..do.
..do.
..do.
....do
....do
Charging Thun-
der.
....do
....do
....do
Song of the young wolves
"The thunderbird nation "
Ceremonial song of the Miwa^tani
society.
"My horse flies like a bird "
" Father, behold me "
"My life is such"
"You should give up the warpath "...
Song of the Buffalo society {/■)
"Hence they come" do
"I donated ahorse" do
Brave Buffalo.
Shooter
....do
....do
....do
Song of the Fox society (6)
"A bear said this"
"I was ordered to return"
"It is I, myself"
"Horses I seek "
"When I came you cried"
"I struck the enemy "
"I come after your horses"
"Two war parties"
"Sister, I bring you ahorse"
Love song (a)
"He is again gone on the warpath "
Shuffling-feet dance (6)
" They are charging them "
Song of the grass dance (d)
do
do
do
Swift Dog ,
do
do
do
do....
do
do
do
do
Kills-at-Night.
do
do
Serial
No.
231
209
208
210
58
63
56
66
64
65
49
1
48
43
122
108
71
106
154
103
230
229
115
57
72
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
233
153
202
195
197
Page
509
487
487
488
107
219
194
222
220
221
183
67
182
171
328
299
228
296
374
293
508
507
317
196
229
403
404
406
407
409
410
411
511
371
479
473
475
LIST OF SONGS XXIII
2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Continued
Cata-
logue
No.
595
596
597
598
599
600
601
602
603
604
605
606
607
608
609
610
611
612
613
614
615
616
617
618
619
620
621
622
623
624
625
626
627
628
629
630
631
632
Title of song
Song of the grass dance (c)
do. (a)
do.(d)
Game song
Song when a game is ahnost won. .
Song of the shuffling-feet dance (a)
Name of singer
Song of the night dance
' 'May you behold a sacred stone nation
' ' The sunrise "
"When a horse neighs"
"Horses are coming"
"A buffalo said to me "
"Owls hooting"
Weapon song
Song of the elks '.
"Behold the dawn ! "
"It is difficult"
Song of Sitting Bull (a)
do.(6)
" I wish to do my part "
' ' His customs I adopted "
"See my desire" j do
"The earth only endures " . r
Song of victory
Begging song
Song of the maiden's leap -.
"Tell her"
"An elk am I"
"May I be there"
"A prairie fire " -..- ....
Song concerning Sitting Crow
"A spotted horse "
"Owls hoot at me "
Song after raising the sacred pole (a) . .
do.(6)
do.(c)
Song of final visit to the vapor lodge . . .
" In a sacred manner I live"
Kills-at-Night.
....do
....do
....do
....do
Kills-at-Night
and wife.
....do
Brave Buffalo.
....do
....do
....do
do
do
do
do
do
Used-as-a-Shield
do
....do
....do
....do
....do
....do
One Feather. . .
....do
....do
....do
....do
....do
Red Weasel . . .
....do
....do
....do.........
Bear Eagle... . .
Serial
No.
198
196
199
212
213
201
203
59
79
109
110
44
47
45
46
80
134
193
194
186
187
141
142
214
205
218
143
107
156
157
158
159
160
14
15
16
18
77
XXIV LIST OF SONGS
2. Arranged in Order of C^atalogue Numbers — Continued
Title of eong
Name of singer
Bear Eagle . . .
do
do
Old Buffalo...
do
do
do
Shoots First . . .
do
do
do
IIoly-FaceBear.
do
do
"A voice I sent"
"Clear the way, I come "
"At the wind center I stand"
Song of self-reliance
"I am the fox"
"I look for them"
"Toward them I walk"
"The poor are many "
"I expected to give something"
"Two White Buffalo "
Song in honor of John Grass ,.
"I have been helping "
"You have relied upon me"
Song concerning a message from Wash-
ington.
Song of the famine
Ceremonial song
Song of pretended search
Song of a wolf
"I wish to roam"
"A night is different"
"I am bringing horses"
Sitting Bull's medicine song (a)
do.(6)
"Like a wolf I roam"
Song of the camp
' ' She stands there smiling "
"Come!" ,
" In the north "
Love song (6)
Song concerning Fierce Face
"Northward they are walking"
"My goal"
Song in honor of Gabriel Renville (a) . . .
....do.(6)
"These are my spies "
"I am required to roam" do
"I sing of the dead chiefs" .i Many Wounds
' ' Those hills I trod upon " I do
Serial
No.
..:.do
Weasel Bear
....do
....do
Jaw
....do
....do
One Buffalo
....do
....do
Dog Eagle
....do
....do
Blue Cloud
....do
....do
Little Conj uror .
do
Moses Renville.
do
Gray Whirlwind
78
136
137
177
17S
179
54
220
221
222
191
236
235
239
240
3
2
53
161
162
163
91
92
126
135
144
232
97
234
238
95
96
189
190
69
70
184
132
237
351
352
413
414
417
191
498
499
500
456
514
513
517
518
75
73
190
390
391
392
272
273
336
349
361
510
288
511
516
286
287
454
455
226
227
448
342
LIST OF SONGS XXV
2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Continued
Cata-
logue
No.
671
672
673
674
675
676
677
678
679
680
681
682
683
684
685
686
687
688
689
Title of song
■'Two White Buffalo, take courage'
"The tribe you help"
Song in honor of Red Fish
Song of healing
"The sacred stones come to see you '
Song of the warpath
Song of the Fox society (a)
Song of the Ticketless society
Lullaby
Song of little girls' play («)
do.(b)
Begging song of the old women. .
"They depend upon you "
"Whenever the tribe assembles" .
"Learn the songs of victory "
Song concerning White Butterfly .
"He lies over there"
"Wakaij^tagka, pity me"
"He is returning"
Name of singer
Haka^la
do
Red Fish
B e a r - w i t h -
White- Paw.
0 h as ed -by-
Bears.
Red Fox
Bear Soldier. .
Cekpa^
Yellow Hair...
do
do
do
Silent Woman.
do
do
Mrs. Lawrence.
do
White Robe...
Earth-Medi-
cine Woman.
Serial
No.
225
226
192
90
GO
155
114
237
217
215
216
204
228
227
149
147
148
22
146
Pat
503
504
457
268
212
378
316
515
493
492
493
482
506
505
368
365
366
135
364
NMIES OF SINGERS
Standing Rock Reservation
MEN
Number
of songs
29
20
18
18
17
11
11
10
10
9
9
8
6
4
4
4
4
3
3
3
3
2
2
2
1
1
1
1
1
Ensflish name
Teal Duck
Two Shields
Lone Man
Gray Hawk
Eagle Shield
Charging Thunder . . .
Used-as-a-Shield
Brave Buffalo
Red Bird
Shooter
Swift Dog
lails-at-Night^
One Feather
Red Weasel
Bear Eagle
Old Buffalo
Shoots First
Jaw
Weasel Bear
One Buffalo
Dog Eagle
Gray Whirlwind
Many Wounds ......
Youngest Child
Red Fish
Red Fox
Chased-by-Bears
Bear Soldier
Bear-with-White-Paw
Sioux name
Siya^ka ^
Waha^dugka-nog^pa
Isna^la-wica^
Cetar)^-hota
WagbU^-waha^cug ka
Wakir)''yan-wata^kpe
Waha'(5ai] ka-y a^pi
Tatar) ''ka-ohi'tika
Zintkaaa-h/ta2
Oku'te
Sur)^ka-lu^z,ahai]
Haghe'-pikte
Wi^yaka-wagzi'la
Itug'kasai)-lu''ta
Mato''-waQbli''
Tatagk'-ehaQ^ni
Toke''ya-wi(^a^o
Cehu^pa
Ituri''-kasag-mato''
Tatag^ka-wagzi^la
Sug^ka-wagbli^
Wamni^yomni-ho'ta
Wopo^-tapi
Haka'la
Hogag'-luta
Toka'la-lu^ta
Mato'-kuwa*
Mato^-aki^dita ^
Mato^nape^ska
1 Died in March, 1913.
2 Died in November, 1911.
3 Kills-at-Night sang also two additional songs with his wife, Wita'hu.
< Died in February, 1915.
5 Died in March, 1915.
SPECIAL SIGNS
WOMEN
XXVII
Number
of songs
English iianu'
Sioux luinie
4
Yellow Hair
Pahi^wig
Ini^laog^wig
Canki/lawig
Wita^hu
Ta^i'naska^wig
Maka^-pezu^tawiij
3
Silent Woman
2
2
1
Mrs. Lawrence
Woman's Neck '
White Robe
1
Earth-Medicine Woman
SissETON Reservation (men)
Holy-Face Bear
Blue Cloud
Little Conjuror
Moses Renville
Twin : . . . . Cekpa^
Mato^-ite'-wakar)
Mahpi^ya-to
Wakarj^-cika^na
1 Sang with her husband, Kills-at-Night.
Total number of songs, 240. Total number of singers, 40.
Special Signs Used in Transcriptions of Songs
I I placed above the music indicates that the tones
included within the bracket constitute a rhythmic unit.
-f placed above a note indicates that the tone is sung slightly less
than a semitone higher than the diatonic pitch.
— placed above a note indicates that the tone is sung slightly less
than a semitone lower than the diatonic pitch.
Q- placed above a note indicates that the tone is prolonged slightly
beyond the note value.
0 placed above a note indicates that the tone is given less than
the note value.
Meaningless syllables are italicized.
Where no words are beneath the notes it is understood that mean-
ingless syllables were used, except in songs whose words were sung
too indistinctly for transcription, such instances being mentioned in
the analysis.
XXVIir PHONETIC KEY
PHONETIC KEY '
Vowels
The vowels are five in number. Each has but one sound except
when followed by the nasal y, which somewhat modifies it.
a has the sound of English a in father.
e has the sound of English e in they, or of a in face,
i has the sound of i in marine, or of e in me.
0 has the sound of English o in go, note.
u has the sound of n in rule, or of oo in food.
Consonants
The consonants are 23 in number.
b has its common English sound.
6 is an aspirate with the sound of English ch, as in chin.
6 is an emphatic c. It is formed by pronouncing 6 with a strong
pressure of the organs, followed by a sudden expulsion of the breath.
d has the common English sound.
g has the sound of g hard, as in go.
g represents a deep sonant guttural resembling the Arabic ghain.
h has the sound of h in English.
li represents a strong surd guttural resembling the Arabic Mm.
k has the same sound as in English.
k is an emphatic letter, bearing the same relation to Jc that c does to
c. Formerly represented by q.
1 has the common sound of this letter in English. It is peculiar to
the Titoriwar) dialect.
m has the same sound as in English.
n has the common sound of n in English.
r) denotes a nasal sound similar to the French n in hon, or the
English n in drinlc.
p has the sound of English v. with slightly greater volume and
stress.
s has the surd sound of English s, as in say.
& is an aspirated s, having the sound of English sh, as in shine.
t is the same as in English with slightly greater volume.
w has the power of English w, as in walk.
J has the sound of English y, as in yet.
z has the sound of the common EngUsh z, as in zetra.
i is an aspirated z, having the sound of the French j, or the English
s in fleasure. Formerly represented by 7.
1 From Riggs, S. R., Grammar and Dictionary of the Dakota Language {Smithnonian Contr. to Knowl-
edge, IV, pp. 3-4, Washington, 1852). See also "Siouan Dakota (Teton and Santee Dialects) with re-
marks on the Ponca and Winnebago," by Franz Boas and John R. Swanton, in Handbook of American
Indian Languages, Bull. Ifi, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, pp. 875-965.
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
By FRANCES DENSMORE
INTRODUCTION
The Teton vSioux
A majority of tho songs in this memoir were recorded among
Indians belonging to the Teton division of the Dakota (Sioux) tribe,
Hving on the Standing Rock Resen^ation in North and South Dakota.
Songs were recorded also among the Sisseton and Wahpeton Sioux
living at Sisseton, S. Dak.; 12 of these are included in this volume
under the following numbers: 95, 96, 97, 189, 190, 234, 235, 236, 237,
238, 239, 240. Field work was begun in July, 1911, and continued
until 1914, Mr. Robert P. Higheagle acting as principal interpreter at
Standing Rock and revising the material collected at Sisseton, where
a competent interpreter could not be secured. The words of the
songs recorded at Standing Rock, with few exceptions, are in the
Teton dialect, while those recorded among the Sisseton and Wah-
peton Sioux are in the Santee dialect.
Before entering on a consideration of tliis material, the terms
apphed to the tribe and its various divisions will be briefly noted.
"Dakota" is the word used by these Indians in speaking of them-
selves; this W(ti'd means "leagued" or "aUied" and is used also as
an adjective, meaning "friendl3^" ^ The latter part of the word,
meaning "friend," is pronounced Icola by the Teton and Icoda by tho
Santee. The word "Sioux" was applied to the Dakota by Indians
outside the tribe and by white men and has come to be the commonly
accepted designation, even being extended to include cognate tribes
know^l cohectively as the "Siouan family." According to J. N. B.
Hewitt the word "Sioux" is a French-Canadian abbreviation of the
Chippewa diminutive form Nadowe-is-iw-^g (nadowe, 'an adder,'
'an enemy'; is, diminutive; iiv-ucj, 'they are'; hence, "they are the
lesser enemies"). The Chippewa used this term to distinguish the
Huron and Dakota from the Iroquois proper, whom they designated
Nadowe 'wok, ' the adders ' or ' the enemies ' } A similar interpretation
is given by Warren, the native historian of the Chippewa tribe. ^
1 Riggs, Stephen R., Grammar and Dictionary of the Dakota Language, in Smithson. Conir., iv, pp.
XV, 48, Washington, 1852.
2 See Handbook of American Indians (Bull. 30, Bur. Amcr. Ethn.), pt. 1, p. 37(5, 1907.
3 Warren, William W., History of the Ojibways, ia Coll. Minn. Hist. Snc, vol. 5, p. T2, 1885
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [bi ll. 6i
Riggs states * that the Dakota ' ' sometimes speak of themselves
as the 'Oceti sakowir)/ Seven Council Jlres." ^ Tliis term referred to
the seven principal divisions, which comprised the tribe or nation.
Each of these was divided into numerous bands. The largest of these
divisions was known as the Ti'torjwarj, contracted to the word Teton.
This division is said to have constituted more than half of the entire
tribe and to have exceeded the others in wealth and physical develop-
ment. They seem always to have Hved west of the Missouri River.
The four divisions of the tribe which lived east of the Missouri are
now known collectively as the Santee. Riggs says: "These Missis-
sippi and Minnesota Dakotas are called by those on the Missouri,
Isanties, from 'isaqati' or 'isaqyati'; which name seems to have
been given them from the fact that they once lived at Isaqtamde,
Knife Lalce, one of those included under the denomination of Mille
Lacs." •■' According to Riggs, these four divisions were the "Mdewa-
kaqtoijwaijs, Wah))ekutes, Wahpetoijwaijs, and Sisitoijwaijs." Prior
to the Indian outbreak in 1862 the home of these bands was in
Minnesota. The two remaining divisions of the tribe are "the
Ihaqktoqwaqna and the Ihaqtoijwaijs," the former living along the
James River and in the vicinity of Devils Lake, and the latter west
of the Missouri. Riggs states that "these two bands liave usually
been designated by travelers under the name of 'Yanctons.'" In
the Dakota language, as spoken by tliese three large divisions of the
tribe, there exist some differences, principally in the use of certain
consonants. These differences are fuUy set forth l)y Riggs.* A sim-
ple illustration of one of these variations occurs in the tribal name,
which is pronounced Dakota by the Santee and b;f the Yankton
group, and Lakota by the Teton. Although the present memoir
concerns cliiefly the T^ton group, the tribal name will be used in its
commonly accepted form, Dakota. The words of the songs recorded
by Teton are, however, given in the Teton dialect, wliile the Santee
forms are used in the songs recorded by Santee.
The earliest definite reference to this people in history is found in
the Jesuit Relations for 1640, in which they are called "Nadvesiv"
(Nadowessioux). In the next century Col. George Croghan com-
piled "A List of the Different Nations and Tribes of Indians in the
Northern District of North America, with the Number of Tlieir
Fighting Men." In this list the name appears as La Suil, and in a
footnote the author says: ''These are a nation of Indians settled
southwest of Lake Superior (called by the French La Sue), who, by
the best account that I could ever get from the French and Indians,
1 In Grammar and Dictionary of the Dakota Language, op. clt., p. xv.
2 See Dorsey, James Owen, Siouan Sociology, in Fifteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 21.>-2_'2; article.s
Dakota and Siovr, in Handbook of American Indian.s; and Mooney, James, Sionan Trilies of the East
Bull. 21, Bur. Amer. Ethn.
3 Op. cit., p. xvi.
< Ibid., pp. xvi, xvii.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 3
are computed ten thousand fighting men." ^ In 1804 this entry was
made in the Journal of the Lewis and Clark Expedition: "At 6 oC
in the evening we Seen 4 Indians . . . and three of them . . . belonged
to the Souix nation." ^ But as white men came into closer contact
with this tribe they began to use the word used by the Indians
themselves. Thus in the "Scientific Data accompanying the orig-
inal journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition," under the heading
"Ethnology," we find mention of the "Sieux or Dar-co-tars," witli
an extensive description of the tribe, including a table of its sub-
divisions, which is probably the one sent by Clark to the Secretary of
War.^ Gradually the native name came into more general use, with
various modes of spelling, and in 1823 Major Long noted the "man-
ners and customs of the Dacota Indians." * However, the word
"Sioux" received the sanction of official usage in 1825, the statement
being made in a Government document of that year that "Returns
have been received from Gen. Clark and Gov. Cass, the commis-
sioners appointed to mediate, at Prairie Du (liien, between the Sioux,
Sac, Fox, Iowa, Chippewa, Menomonei, and Winnebago Tribes and to
establish boundaries between them." ^
On April 29, 1868, a treaty was made by the Government with the
Sioux and Arapaho Indians, which opens with the words: "From
this day forward all war between the parties to this agreement shall
forever cease. The Government of the United States desires peace,
and its honor is hereby pledged to keep it. The Indians desire peace,
and they now pledge their honor to maintain it." " The Sioux Reser-
vation established at that time comprised about 20,000,000 acres of
land, extending from the northern boundary of Nebraska to the
forty-sixth degree of north latitude, and from the eastern bank of the
Missouri River to the one hundred and fourth meridian of longitude.^
This was known as "the Great Sioux Reservation." By the terms
of this treaty the Government placed agency buildings and schools
on the reservation, and provided that, under certain conditions, a
patent for 160 acres of land could be issued to an Indian, who woidd
thereby become a citizen of the United States. The affairs of the
Indians were administered at seven agencies on this reservation, but
the Indians continued in large measure their old manner of life.
1 Journal of Col. George Croghan, pp. 37-38; reprinted from Featherstonhaugh, in Amer. Mo. Journ.
Geol., Dec, 1831.
2 Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Kxpedilion, 1804-1800, Reuben (iold Thwaites ed., vn, p. 01,
New York, 1905.
3 Ibid., VI, pp. 93-100.
* Keating, William H., Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peters Kiver, under the Com-
mand of Maj. Stephen II. Long, i, p. 245, Philadelphia, 1824.
^ McKenney, Thomas L., in documents accompanying the President's Message to Congress, Nineteenth
Congress, First Session, No. 1, p. 90, 1825.
6 Indian Laws and Treaties, compiled by Charles J. Kappler, vol. 2, pp. 770-75, Washington, D. C, 1903.
' The writer gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Maj. James McLaughlin, United States Indian
Inspector, in preparing the following data concerning the Standing Rock Reservation. Major McLaughlin
was Indian agent on thi-; reservation from ISSl to 1895.
4 BUREAU OF AMP:RICAN ethnology [bull. 61
A part of the present Standing Rock Reservation (sec pi. 2) was
included in tliis territory, and an additional tract extending north to
the Cannon Ball River was added by an Executive order dated March
16, 1875.^ An agency near the present site of the Standing Rock
Agency (Fort Yates, N. Dak.) was established July 4, 1873, and soon
afterward a niihtary post was established at that point.^ Two com-
panies of Infantry were stationed there, and this force was increased
to five companies of Infantry and two troops of Cavalry during the
Indian troubles of 1876. The original name "Standing Rock Canton-
ment" was changed to Fort Yates, and the post was continued until
1904.
The distinctively tribal life of the Teton Sioux may be said to
have closed when the last Sun dance was held in 1881 and the last
great buffalo hunt in 1882. A final hunt was held in November, 1883,
and at that time the last buffalo were killed. Then followed a period
of difficult adjustment on the part of the Indians, but Gall, Crow
Bang, and others, who had been leaders in the tribal life, became also
the leaders of their people in the adoption of farming and other pur-
suits recommended by the Government, The great change, however,
did not come to the Indians until 1889, when the Great Sioux Reser-
vation passed into history. In its place were established five reser-
vations.^ The boundaries of these reservations were determined by
a commission of three, of which ex-Gov. Charles Foster, of Ohio,
was chairman, his associates being Maj. George Crook, and Maj.
WilUam Warner. This commission went from one agenc}^ to another,
holding councils with the Indians, who ceded about 9,000,000 acres
of land to the Govermnent at that time, A reference to the council
wliich this commission lield on the Standing Rock Reservation
appears in the description of a song of Sitting Bull (No. 194). Shortly
after the work of this commission was finished the boundaries of the
several reservations were surveyed, and the various bands of Sioux
were assigned to these reservations. After these agency rolls were
completed it was expected that the Indians would not leave their
reservations without passes from tlie agent. From that time until
the present there has been a steady development of education among
the Sioux in boarding and day schools, and also by means of practical
instruction in the white man's manner of life,
1 Indian Laws and Treaties, op. cit., vol. 1, p. SXi.
' "There lias been established by order of the War Department a military post at this agency of sufficient
capacity for two companies of infantry." — Report of John Burke, United States Indian Agent, Standing
Rock Reservation, in Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1875, p. 247.
3 This was in accordance with an act of Congress dated March 2, 1889, entitled " An act to divide a portion
of the reservation of the Sioux Nation of Indians in Dakota into separate reservations and to secure the
relinquishment of the Indian title to the remainder, and for other purposes. " Indian Laws and Treaties,
op. cit., vol. 1, p. 328.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 2
LOWLAND ALONG MISSOURI RIVER
VIEWS ON STANDING ROCK RESERVATION
Method of AVork and of Analysis
The method of collecting the Sioux songs was similar to that used
in connection with the Chippewa work.* Songs were recorded by
means of the phonograph, and a transcription was made from the
phonograph record, care ])eing taken that the speed of the instrument
was the same when recording the songs and when playing them for
transcription. Ordinary musical notation is used for the transcrip-
tion, with the addition of the special signs used in Bulletin 53.
The transcriptions of these songs should be understood as indi-
cating the tones produced by the singers as nearly as it is possible to
indicate them in a notation which is familiar by usage and there-
fore convenient for observation.^
As several hundred records were made, there were some accidental
duplications of songs. In five instances (Nos. 125, 132, 133, 151,
173) these are transcribed, such being considered sufficient to show
the slight differences which appear when a song is sung by several
singers of equal ability, or at different times by the same singer.
Other duplications examined by the writer show fewer points of dif-
ference than those wliich are transcribed. It occasionally happened
that a song was known to have been imperfectly rendered, and in
this case another record was made by a better singer, the second
record being, of course, the only one taken into consideration.
Indians distinguish clearly among good singers, indifferent singers,
and totally unreliable singere. The writer has had experience with
them all, and in the absence of information from the Indians, it is
usually possible to distinguish them by comparing the several records
of a song on the phonograph cylindcre. As frequently noted in the
descriptive analyses, the renditions of a song by a good singer are
usually uniform in every respect. An effort was made to employ only
the best singers. In selecting the principal singei-s, as well as inform-
ants, the writer ascertained a man's general reputation at the agency
office and, in some cases, at the trader's store, as well as among liis
o%\ai people. In a few instances material which appeared to be inter-
esting has been discarded because the informant was found to be
unreliable. On one occasion a man was brought to the writer by an
informant with whom she was acquainted. Mr. Higheagle was
absent, but another interpreter was secured and data concerning the
1 Sec Bulletins -to and 53.
- Helmholtz, The Sensations of Tone ( translated l)y A. J. p:ilis), pt. 3, p. 260, London, ISR"). Translator's
footnote: "All these [scales) are merely the best representatives in Kuropean notation of the sensations
produced by the scales on European ears."'
4840°— Bull. 61—18 3 6
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Sun dance were recorded. In a few days, on Mr. Higlieagle's return,
he said : ' 'There is trouble among the Indians. John Grass and other
prominent men say they wiU have nothing more to do with the work
if So-and-so is connected with it. He killed a man, and his record in
other matters is not good." The matter was carefully considered?
and the responsibility was placed on the man who introduced him.
Finally all his material was expunged and the writer never saw
him again. Such precaution might not be necessary if this work
concerned only the social songs, but all the old music is associated
with things that lie very close to the heart of the Indian.
Throughout the work an effort was made to have the informants
entirely at ease in discussing a subject, and never to aUow the form
of a question to suggest a possible answer. Care was taken also to
avoid an impression of seeking anytliing sensational or of tracing a
similarity to the behefs or traditions of the white race. Indians
become confused, even irritated, if questioned too closely, and for
that reason it was often necessary to extend an investigation over
several interviews, combining the data thus secured. When this
was done the result was translated to the Indian for criticism.
The method of analyzing the Sioux songs is the same as that used
in the study of Chippewa songs. The headings of the tables of
analysis have not been changed, but a few subdivisions have been
added. For instance, in Tables 11 and 12 there is a separation of
major and minor sixths and major and minor seconds, the last named
being especially interesting, as it shows the minor second (semitone)
to be used much less frec{uently than the major second (whole tone),
a fact which has a direct bearing on the question whether Indians
habitually and consciously use intervals smaller than those repre-
sented by the musical scale of the white race.
Except for the signs + and — , indicating that certain tones were
sung shghtly above or below pitch, there is no attempt at showing
variations from what is known as the ''piano scale." It is, however,
repeatedly noted in the descriptive analyses that intervals of the
second and of the minor third were sung too small. A similar re-
duction was not observed in the larger intervals. In this connection
the following statement by Prof. Max Meyer, of the University of
IVIissouri, should be noted:
The result of our experiments [with Doctor Stumpf] made in Berlin was that the
Major Third, Fifth, and Octave are preferred a little larger than theoretical inter-
vals; the Minor Third, on the contrary, a little smaller. . . . We may therefore
state it as an established law that the smaller musical intervals are preferred dimin-
ished. . . . that the larger musical intervals are preferred enlarged. . . . and that
the point where the curve of deviation passes zero, is situated between the Minor and
Major Thirds.'
1 Meyer, Max, Experimental Studies in the Psychologj- of Music, American Journal of Psychology,
xrv', pp. 201-206, Worcester, Mass., July-Oct., 1903.
DENSMOREl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 7
Many transcriptions represent the result of six or more readings
of the phonograph cyUnder, a considerable interval of time being
allowed to elapse between these readings. ' It has been found that
the final transcription is usually the simplest, as by repeated observa-
tions the ear eliminates bytones and the mannerisms of the singer.
Thus in many instances it becomes possible to discern a rhythmic
unit accurately repeated in every rendition of the song, when the
melody seemed at first to be lacking in rhythmic form.
In the present series the final measure of a song is transcribed as
a complete measure unless a repetition of the song begins without a
break in the time. Such a repetition is indicated by the usual mark
for repeat. It will be observed that in probably a majority of
instances the time is unbroken during several renditions of a song.
When a brief pause occurs in the melody it is usually filled with shrill
cries and calls or words rapidly enunciated, accompanying which the
drumbeat is continuous.
''Five-toned scales" are frequently mentioned in the descriptive
analyses and also appear in the tabulated analyses. As stated in
the author's previous works, the five-toned scales considered in these
analyses are the five pentatonic scales according to Helmholtz,
described by him as follows :
1. The First Scale without Third or Seventh. . . .
2. To the Second Scale, Mrithout Second or Sixth, belong most Scotch airs which
have a minor character. . . .
.3. The Third Scale, vnthout Third ■a.nd Sixth. ...
4. To the Fourth Scale, without Fourth or Seventh, belong most Scotch airs which
have the character of a major mode.
5. The Fifth Scale, without Second anfl Filtli.i
It may be needless to state that all these scales contain the same
tones, the difference being in the keynote. The follo\\dng examples
are given for convenience of reference, the tones being the same in all:
First five-toned scale: Keynote G (sequence of tones G, A, C, D, E).
Second five-toned scale: Keynote A (sequenceof tones A,C,D,E,G).
Third five-toned scale: Kejmote D (sequence of tones D, E, G, A, C).
Fourth five- toned scale : Keynote C (sequenceof tonesC, D,E,G,A).
Fifth five-'toned scale: Keynote E (sequence of tones E, G, A, C, D).
After a song is transcribed it is fully analyzed, the analyses being
combined in the tables at the close of the various groups and later
being incorporated in the tables on pages 12-21. Throughout the
present work the repeated part of a song is not considered in com-
puting the number of intervals which the melody contains. Such
part often begins with the second or third measure, the opening
measures taking the form of an introduction, a custom which was
1 Helmholtz, H. L. F., The Sensations of Tone as a Physiological Basis for the Theory of Music (translated
by A.J. Ellis), pp. 260, 261, 2d ed., London, ISSo.
8 BUKEAU OF AMERICAIST ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
noted more fn^^uently among thc^ Chippewa than among the Sioux.
Indian singers occasionally use much freedom in the arrangement of
the phrases of a song in* its repetition. It is therefore considered
advisable to analyze only the direct and simplest rendition of a song.
A ''plot" of each melody is also made, as described and illustrated
on pages 51-54.
The words of certain songs are in a "sacred (esoteric) language,"
which disguises their meaning. See words of Mide' songs in Bulletin
45'; also footnote, page 120 of this work.
In the present volume the use of cross-references, which are found
in Bulletin 53, is discontinued, and in their place will be found ref-
erences to the analysis of the first song containing the peculiarity
under consideration. Thus if a rest occurs in a song there will be
found a reference to the analysis of song No. 79, which contains a
list of all songs in which rests appear. The writer commends the
use of the index of this book and of that of Bulletin 53 to those
who wish to study the analyses closely. Songs can be traced also in
the following manner: Let us suppose a reader is seeking songs from
which the third tone of the octave is lacking. By. consulting the
index of Bulletin 53 a reference is found to page 5, on which the
persistence of the third and fifth is considered; also, to the songs in
both Bulletin 45 and Bulletin 53, from which the third is lacking.
Full treatment of a peculiarity is usually given with the analysis of
the first song in which it occurs, but in this instance it is given in
connection with other peculiarities in Bulletin 53, song No. 53, page
140. It was there noted that more than one-half of the entir(^ group
were songs concerning or sung by women, but the proportion of Avomen
singers is much larger in the ]:> resent series, while the proportion of
songs lacking the third is much smaller (see annlysis of song No. 22).
Another method of tracing songs is by means of the tabulated analy-
ses. Thus a student in search of songs from which the third tone of
the octave is lacking would turn to Table 6, pages 21-23 of Bulletin
53, note the classes in which such songs are found, and trace them
through the tabulated analyses of these several classes. This is the
more interesting of the two methods, as it shows the irequency of its
occurrence and also suggests a relation between the peculiarity under
consideration and the class of the song in which it occurs. Having
noted that the omission of the third occurs in only 3.5 per cent of
the Chippewa songs, the student ascertains in the same way from
the present work on Sioux songs that it is abs(>.nt from only 5, less
than 1 per cent of these songs. The tal^ulated, as well as the descrip-
tive, analyses are intended to assist a careful, intelligent observation
of Indian music. Both the means used and the results attained
should be understood as anticipating a broader as well as a more
DENSMORB] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 9
intensive view of the subject when the study of Indian music shall
have been more fully developed.
The purpose of the descriptive analysis following each song is to
suggest a method of critically obsei-ving Indian music. No single
analysis is intended to draw attention to every peculiarity of the song.
One who becomes accustomed to a systematic observation of Indian
songs may detect other peculiarities. It is possible that in some
instances another keynote may be regarded as more satisfactory
than the one which is designated. Some songs are so strictly har-
monic in form that onJy one tone can be regarded as a keynote, but
others are so freely melodic that they could be harmonized in more
than one key. The melodies are regarded primarily as a succession
of vocal sounds from which by the test of the ear the writer selects
one which is reasonably satisfactory as a keynote. If more than one
tone can be regarded as keynote, that one is selected which is simplest
in its apparent key relation to the song as a whole. In two instances
(Nos. 108, 166) the songs are classified as "irregular." The use of
the term ''key" throughout this work should be understood as a
matter of convenience rather than as an indication that, in the
opinion of the writer, there exists a fuUy established "key" in
the sense of the term as used by musicians. It wiU be noted that in
Table 1 the word "tonality" is used in preference to ''key."
As an aid to the singing of these songs the writer would emphasize
the importance of rhythm, suggesting toward this end that the rhythm
of a song be mastered before the melody is played on a piano or other
tuned instrument. Tap out the rhythm witli a pencil, or, better still,
master it mentally, then hum the song softly with intervals as nearly
correct as possible. Play the song on a tuned instrument in ord(M- to
test the intervals, but the song, regarded as a native melody, can best
be reproduced vocally, either without accompaniment or (if the song
is simply harmonic in form) with one or two chords to sustain the
voice.
The musical customs of the Sioux do not differ materially from
those of the Chippewa; for instance, there are the same reticence
concerning old ceremonial and "medicine" songs, the same acknowl-
edged ownership of personal songs, and the same custom of replacing
in a war song the name of a liaK-forgotten hero with that of a new
favorite. Among the Sioux, however, there seems to be more freedom
in the rhythm of the drum. The Chippewa had drum-rhythms which
were invariably used with certain classes of songs, but tliis feature
seems to be more variable among the Sioux, except that the drum
is always beaten in a rapid tremolo during "medicine" songs (as
in the treatm(»nt of the sick), and also by a man when relating his
dreams. The several drum-rhythms are shown in connection with
10 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bfll. ei
their first occurrence, in Nos. 5, 6, 8, 12, 19, 64. In Nos. 12 and 13
the metric unit of drum and voice are in the ratio 2 to 1, suggesting
points of coincidence, but the occasional prolonging or shortening of
tones by the voice is such as to prevent a mechanical relation between
the two. In many instances the tempo of the drum appears entirely
independent of that of the voice. The illustration on page 110 shows
the seeming lack of relation between drum and voice in No. 8, but in
this, as in the simple ratio, the slight variability of the voice should
be taken into account. In No. 125 the drum was struck with a
clearness which made it possible to transcribe its beats throughout
the song. In this instance the drum and voice coincided on the first
of the measure, but the drum-rhythm was broken. In a few songs
the drum and voice were at variance during the song until the closing
measures, in which they coincided. These were songs in which the
drumbeat was in quarter-note values, and this "swinging together"
of voice and drum is noted in the descriptive analyses.
At any gathering there is one man who acts as leader of the singers,
who sit around the drum. The number at the drum varies with the
size of the gathering; if a large number are dancing the singers sit as
close as possible around the drum, each man beating the drum as he
sings. Sometimes as many as 10 men can ''sit at the drum." A
singer of recognized ability may, if he likes, bring a decorated drum-
stick of his own, but the common custom is for the drummers to use
ordinary drumsticks consisting of sticks wound at the end with cloth.
If a singer at the drum becomes weary he lays down his drumstick,
whereupon someone who has been dancing, or sitting with the spec-
tators takes liis place. It was said that "the leader starts every song,
and if it is an easy song the others commence right away, but if it is
new and hard they begin more carefully." Most of the songs may be
sung an indefinite number of times, the leader giving a signal for the
close by two sharp taps on the drum, after which the song is sung
only once.
Sioux women usually sing with the men during the dancing songs ;
this is not the custom among the Chippewa. The Sioux women sit
on the ground, forming a circle back of the drummers, and sing in a
liigh falsetto, an octave above the men. In three instances (Nos. 201,
203, and a duplication of 173) the part sung by the women is shown
in the transcription. Several other songs were recorded in this
manner, but the transcription of each is from a subsequent rendition
by a man singing alone.
Among the Sioux as well as among the Chippewa, variations in
either time or intonation are found more often in unimportant than
in important parts of a song.
It was said that there were ''different ways of ending songs," and
that "a man coidd teU the kind of song bv the way it ended." The
DENSMOREl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 11
writer therefore sought more definite information on this point, con-
sulting Used-as-a-Shield and other old-time singers. They said
there were two ways, one being "to stop short" and the other ''to
let the tone die away gradually." On being asked which kinds of
songs were ended in each of these ways they could not give a definite
answer at once, and requested time to consider it. After several
days they said that they had ''tried over many old songs and found
that they always stopped short when they sang such songs as the
grass-dance, buffalo-dance, and Crow-owner's society songs," and
that they ''trailed off the tone" when singing war songs and similar
songs.
Among the Sioux were found many songs which could be used on
different occasions. Tims the songs in honor of a warrior could be
sung when begging for food before his lodge, as weU as at the victory
dances and at meetings of societies. The songs of those who went
to seek a suitable pole for the sun dance were used also by those who
went to look for buffalo or for the enemy. Hence it did not seem
appropriate to base a comparative study of these songs on their use,
as was done with the Chippewa songs. A better basis for comparison
seemed to be the age of the song, and accordingly the songs were
divided into two groups, the first and larger comprising songs believed
to be fnuii 50 to 100 years old and the second those less than 50 years
old. In addition to these comparative tables (pp. 12-21) the anal-
j^ses at the close of each section are continued, for convenience of
observation.
It is not so difficult to judge the age of a song as might be imagined.
For instance, the last Sun dance was held more than 30 years ago,
and a man who sang the ceremonial songs at that time said that he
learned them when a young man from an aged man who was taught
them in his youth. Such songs are undoubtedly more than a century
old. In like manner, if a man about 70 years of age sings a song which
he says that his father received in a dream when a youth and which he
used in treating the sick, the song is evidently to be classed among
the older songs. On the other hand, it is known that the Strong
Heart society was organized among the Standing Rock Sioux only
about 50 years ago, and that the White Horse Riders is a modern
organization. The songs of both these societies are therefore com-
paratively modern songs, but the songs of the Miwa'tani are placed
in the older group, as there was a certain ceremony connected with
their initiation of new members, one of the ceremonial songs being
preserved. The songs of the Crow-owners are also included with the
older songs, as this was shown to be a society of more than 50 years
standing, and only a few of its songs were remembered. Songs con-
taining mention of a rec(>nt custom are manifestly modem.
Tabulated Analysis of 240 Sioux Songs
MELODIC ANALYSIS
Table 1.— TONALITY i
Group I.-
Old songs.
Group II.3
Comparatively
modern songs".
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number,
Per cent.
57
39
60
1
36
57
39
61
93
145
2
39
88
2
60
1
Total
147
93
240
1 Since we are considering music of a period in whichi what we now designate scales and keys was not
formulated, the terms "major tonality " and "minor tonality " are used in preference to the common terms
"major key" and "minor key." Tonnlity is defined as "the quality and peculiarity of a tonal system"
(Standard Dictionary, 1905 ed.), and key as "a scheme or system of notes or tones definitely related to
each other" (The Oxford Dictionary, vol. 5, 1901).
3 This group comprises songs a majority of which are believed to be 50 to 150 years old. (Sec p. 22.)
3 This group comprises songs a majority of which are believed to be less than 50 years old. (See p. 23.)
Table 2.— FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Beginning on the—
1
19
6
15
5
29
1
2
4.5
2
10
1
9
2
1
28
7
23
9
56
1
3
69
3
18
3
17
2
Twelfth
13
4
10
4
20
27
10
1
8
4
30
12
Eleventh
3
Tenth
10
Ninth
4
Octave . . .
23
Sixth 1
1
31
1
21
2
8
1
25
1
s
1
8
1
Fifths
29
Fourth 3
1
Third 4
8
Second '■
1
Keynote
6
1
7
1
Total
147
93
240
' Songs beginning on the submediant and having a compass of less than 13 tones.
2 Songs beginning on the dominant and having a compass of less than 12 tones.
3 Songs beginning on the subdominant and having a compass of less than 11 tones.
* Songs beginning on the mediant and having a compass of less than 10 tones.
6 Songs beginning on the supertonic and having a compass of less t han 9 tones.
12
densmorb] TETON" SIOUX MUSIC
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 3.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
13
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number. ' Per
•ent.
Niunber.
Per pent.
Number.
Per cent.
Ending on the^
Fifth
-If)
21
79
2
n
.")4
1
29
U
.')0
:U
15
54
74
3.^.
129
2
:u
Third
1.')
Keynote
.'■|4
1
Total ..
1-17
93
240
Table 4.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
^
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Songs in which final tone is—
UC
9.!
7il
82
212
ss
Highest tone in song
Immediafely preceded by—
Major third below
1
2
1
3
1
4
1
2
5
1
1
4
1
2
4
4
2
Minor third below
1
"Whole tone below
2
2
1
3
1
2
2
2
' Semitone below
1
Songs containing a fourth below the final
tone
2
Songs containing a major third below the
final tone
2
Songs containing a minor third below the
final tone
2
2
1
Total
147
93
3-10
Table 5.— NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs".
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Compass of—
Seventeen tones
1
4
11
30
t;
24
2
1
6
11
3
15
2
1
(\
12
3
16
3
5
17
41
9
39
1
Fourteen tones
3
8
21
4
16
2
Thirteen tones
7
Twelve tones
17
4
16
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 5.— NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG— continued
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively Total,
modern songs.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Compass of— continued
15
49
3
4
10
2
3
13
34
1
4
1
2
14
37
1
4
1
2
28
S3
4
8
1
2
12
Eight tones
35
Seven tones
2
Six tones
3
1
Total .
147
93
240 1
Table 6.— TONE MATERIAL
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
First five- toned scale
1
16
30
1
1
31
43
1
1
4
H
2
1
30
1
14
20
16
1
1
5
1
9
12
2
Second five-toned scale
11
21
15
13
16
14
13
Fourth five-toned .scale
1«
Major triad
Major triad and seventh
1
4
3
•1
4 '
3
Major triad and sixth
' 2
Major triad and second
5
2
1
17
3
1
3
Minor triad
1
Minor triad and seventh
Minor triad and fourth
■ 12
13
1
10
14
1
8
8
11
12
Minor triad and second
Octave complete
7
13
6
1
1
2
1
9
1
5
9
4
6
Octave complete except seventh
8
Octave complete except seventh and sixth.
Octave complete except seventh, sixth,
and fourth
7
Octave complete except .seventh, fifth, and
second
Octave complete except seventh and
fourth 1
1
3
3
2
Octave complete except seventh and tliird .
Octave complete except seventh and sec-
ond
5
7
2
3
1
2
3
1
i
Octave complete except si.xth
5
Octave complete except sixth and fourth.
1
1 These songs are minor in tonality, the mediant being a minor third above the tonic and the submediant
a minor sixth above the tonic. In the fourth five-toned scale the seventh and fourth tones of the octave
are likewise omitted, but the third and si.xth intervals are major and the songs are major in tonality
(see analysis oi song No. 83, Bulletin 53).
DENS more]
TETON" SIOUX MUSIC
15
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 6.— TONE MATERIAL— continued
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Octave complete except sixth and second.
Octave complete except sixth, fifth, and
3
1
1
1
2
2
1
1
4
1
I
1
10
3
1
11
1
1
2
2
Octave complete except sixth and tliird . .
Octave complete except fifth and second . .
5
1
3
1
1
3
1
3
1
1
3
1
4
Octave complete except fourth and second .
1
Octave complete except second
S
l\
5
Minor third and fourth
First, fourth, and fiftli tones
1
2
Other combinations of tones
1
1
1
Total
147
93
240
Table 7.— ACCIDENTALS
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Songs containing —
No accidentals
123
4
N4
3
73
6
3
1
2
1
78
i;
3
I
I
19(1
10
3
1
fi
3
1
3
1
5
3
3
1
2
H2
4
Sixth raised a semitone
1
Sixth and third raised a semitone
4
2
1
1
1
4
2
2
1
3
1
2
Second raised a semitone
1
Fourth and seventh raised a semitone.
Seventh lowered a semitone
2
2
1
Seventh and fourth lowered a semi-
tone
Sixth lowered a semitone
3
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
„
Fourth lowered a semitone
1
Third lowered a semitone
1
Second lowered a semitone
1
Third and second lowered, and fourth
2
1
1
Total
147
93
240
16
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
MELODIC ANALYSIS — COlltillUed
Table 8.— STRUCTURE
[bull. 61
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
99
28
18
2
67
19
12
1
59
19
1.5
63
21
16
158
47
33
2
66
Melodic with harnionic framework ^
20
14
1
Total ...
147
93
240
' Songs are thus classifie:i it contiguous accented tones do not bear a simple chord-relation to each other.
2 Songs are thus classified If only a portion of the contiguous accented tones bear a simple chord-relation
to each other.
' Songs are thus classified if contiguous accented tones bear a simple chord-relation to each other.
Table 9.— FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Downward
106
41
72
28
59
34
63
37
165
75
69
Upward
31
Total
147
93
240
Table 10.— TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Total.
Per cent.
Downward
Upward
2,821
1,624
63
37
1,830
1,050
64
36
4,651
2,674
63
37
Total
4,445
2,880
7,325
Table 11.— INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Nuraber.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Total.
Per cent.
Interval of a—
Major sixth
1
5
IS
300
238
831
2
1,254
172
1
6
26
525
343
1,396
5
2,085
264
Minor sixth
1
8
225
105
565
3
8;n
92
Fifth
1
Fourth
10
7
29
12
5
30
11
Major third
7
Minor third
30
Augmented second
45
45
5
45
Minor second
6
Total
2,821
1,8,30
4,651
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
17
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 12.— INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Group I.
Number. Percent.
Group II.
Number. Percent
Total.
Number. I'er cent.
Interval of a —
Eleventh
Tenth
Ninth
Octave
Seventh
Major sixth. .
Minor sixth .
Fifth
Fourth
Major^hird..
Minor third . ,
Major second
Minor second
Total
238
174
433
495
104
55
184
97
277
323
63
1,624 \.
1,050
1
0
6
63
13
16
30
151
422
271
710
818
167
2,674
Table 13.— AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Number of
songs.
Group I..
Group II.
147
93
Number of
intervals.
4,445
2,880
Number of
semitones.
12,864
8,558
niunber of
semitones
in an
interval.
2.89
2.97
Table 14.— KEY
Key I—
A major
A minor
B flat major
B flat minor
B major
B minor
C major
C minor
D flat major
C sharp minor
D major
D minor
E flat major
E flat minor
E major
I The term " key " is here used in its broad sense, as applicable to nonharmouic j
Group I.
Number.
10
Per cent.
Group II.
Number.
Per cent.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
7
, inclusive of modes.
18
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
MELODIC ANALYSIS — contiriued
Table 14. — KEY— continued
[bl LL. 6t
Key — continued
E minor
F major
F minor
G flat major...
F sharp major.
F sharp minor
G major
G minor
A flat major...
G sharp minor
Irregular
Total
Group I.
Old songs.
Number. Per cent
Group II.
Comparativel}'
modern songs".
Number. Per cent
Total.
Niunber. Per cent
Table 15.— PART OF MEASURE ON' WHICH SONG BEGINS '
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Beginning on unaccented part of measure.
Beginning on accented part of measure
72
75
49
51
24
69
26
74
96
144
40
60
Total
147
93
240
Table 16.— RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
'I'olid.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
First measure in—
2-4 time
83
60
3
1
56
41
2
1
59
34
63
37
142
94
3
1
59
3-4 time
39
4-8 time
1
5-8 time
1
Total
147
93
240
DENSMORKj TETON SIOUX MUSIC
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 17.— CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS)
19
Group \.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modem songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
9
84
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Songs containing no change of time
Songs containing a change of time
9
138
6
94
10
90
18
222
8
92
Total
147
93
240
Table 18.— RHYTHM OF DRUM
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
1
26
16
2
4
11
2
43
27
3
7
18
1
. 42
44
2
11
22
118
1
Eighth notes unaccented 2
16
28
26
45
34
Quarter notes unaccented ^
36
2
Eighth notes accented in groups of two ^. .
Each beat preceded by an unaccented
beat corresponding to third count of a
triplet •
7
11
31
11
18
9
18
87
Total .
147
93
240
1 See No. 64.
2 See No. 19.
3 See No. 6.
' Excluded in computing percentage.
< See No. 12.
' See No. 8.
• See No. 5.
Table 19.— RHYTHMIC UNIT 1 OF SONG
Group I .
Old songs.
Number. Percent
Group II.
Comparatively
modem songs.
Number. Per cent
Total.
Number. Percent
Songs containing —
No rhythmic unit
One rhythmic unit
Two rhythmic units. .
Three rhythmic units.
Four rhythmic units. .
Five rhythmic units . .
71
139
25
3
1
1
Total .
147
93
240
' For the purpose of this analysis a rhythmic unit is defined as a group of tones of various lengths,
usually comprising more than one count of a measure, occurring more than twice in a song, and having an
evident influence on the rhythm of the entire song.
20
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table. 20.— METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)i
[BULL. 61
Ciroup I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparalively
modern songs.
Tohll.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Metronome—
48
1.
3
3
1
3
5
6
5
9
10
10
12
12
6
13
10
8
4
1
3
3
3
5
9
52
2
2
1
54
1
C6
2
2
4
6
11
1
5
in
9
3
6
6
5
3
3
5
2
1
1
1
1
2
2
4
6
12
1
5
11
10
1
6
6
5
3
. 3
5
2
1
1
1
1
1
58
2
3
3
3
6
7
9
9
3
9
7
6
2
2
60
4
63
12 i 5
66
16 1 6
69
10 '. 4
72
1.5
20
21
15
12
19
15
11
5
5
5
1
4
4
2
3
3
.5
1
6
76
8
80
8
84
6
88
5
92..
8
96
6
100
2
104
3
2
112..
3
4
2
2
2
2
120
3
3
3
3
2
1
2
2
1
132
1
144
2
1
2
1
2
1
168
1
176
3
3
2
192
Total
147
93
240
' This refers only to the tempo in which a song begins. For a consideration of changes of tempo in these
songs see analysis of song No. 5.
Table 21.— METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
(iroup I.
Old songs.
• '■roup II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
J
Metronome-
56
2
4
3
5
3
6
5
S
4
4
5
1
9
60
3
63
1
2
3
66
4
69
1
2
densmuke]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
MELODIC ANALYSIS — COlltillUed
Table 21.— MP:TRIC UNiy OF DRUM (TP:m:I'())— contimie'l
21
Group I .
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
'I'otal.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Metronome— coutimied
■t
1
()
3
.5
s
10
11
5
4
4
")
3
4
3
t
5
1
■ 2
(i
11
(i
8
5
t;
5
()
8
3
5
7
11
5
10
9
11
.")
5
T)
1
4
4
3
3
5
4
76
(j
SO
9
S4
4
88
8
92
8
yt;
9
100
4
10-1 .
6
108 .
4
112
1
3
1
4
4
2
3
2
5
3
2
7
7
3
3
5
3
2
ll(i
4
120
2
120
132
3
138 ,
3
144
1
2
2
152
2
160
2
4
176
3
31
5
87
lis
Total
147
93
240
Table 22.— COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO)
Group I.
Old songs.
Group II.
Comparatively
modern songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Drum and voice having the same metric
29
19
12
87
48
32
20
47
5
10
31
76
8
16
76
24
22
118
62
20
18
Total
147
93
240
4840°— Bull. 61-
• Excluded in computing percentage.
-18 4
Comparison Between Old and Comparatively Modern Sioux
Songs ^
The songs comprised in the first group, almost without exception,
were recorded hy men 65 to SO years of age. These men said they
learned the songs or received them in dreams wlien they were young.
A number of the songs comprised in the second group were also
recorded by old men, but were said to be comparatively modern
songs. The remaining songs were recorded by young men who now
"sing at the drum" when the Sioux assemble. These songs rep-
resent a distinct phase of Sioux music, which should not be omitted
from a general consideration of the subject.
Music may perhaps be said to be the last element of native cidture
remaining in favor among the Sioux. It is interesting to note that
songs are being composed by them at the present time. Many of
these are love songs, others are "praise songs" or songs of a general
character. It is unnecessary to state that all are social songs, the
use of songs for ceremony, war, societies, and the hunt having
passed away. Many of the younger Indians among both Chippewa
and Sioux find much pleasure in recording their songs on phonographs
which they tliemselves possess. The writer was informed that among
the Standing Rock Sioux "an Indian who owns a phonograph usu-
ally has at least a hundred records of Indian songs. He and his
friends make them and enjoy them much more than the commercial
records. Some even make these records for sale among their people."
The songs are usually recorded by several singers, while others at the
same time give sharp yells or short exclamatory sentences. Wliile
such records are not adapted for the study of individual songs, they
are an evidence of the Indian's continued pleasure in his music and
of his readiness to adapt the means of civilization to an end which is
pm-ely native. Thus Red Fox caused a song to be composed m
honor of Two White Buffalo, and, in order that the song might be
accurately preserved, he requested that two phonographic records
be made by the Indians who composed the song, these duplicate
records to be kept in widely separated localities, so that, if accident
befell one of them, the song .would stiU be preserved in its original
form. At a later date this song was recorded by the writer and
appears as No. 222 of this volume.
Group I. — This group contains 147 songs believed to be from 50
to 150 years old, and comprises the following songs: (1) Ceremonial
1 See p. 11.
22
DHNgMORKl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 23
songs used in the Hur)ka and Spirit-keeping ceremonies and in th(^ Sun
dance ;^ (2) Songs concerning personal dreams; ^ (3) Songs concerning
the sacred stones;^ (4) Songs used in the treatment of the sick;* (5)
Songs of the Dream societies named for animals/'' consisting of men
who had dreamed of the same animal. These societies were the
Buffalo, Elk, and Horse societies. (6) A group of war songs which
were b(4ieved to be more than 50 years old, inclu(hng those of the
Miwa'tani and Kaqgi'yuha societies.'^
Group II. This group contains 93 songs, a majority of which are
believed to be less than 50 years old, and comprises the following
divisions: (1) Songs of those military societies which are compara-
tively recent among the Teton Sioux. These are the Fox, Strong
Heart, and Badger societies, and the White Horse Kidei-s. The fox,
coyote, and wolf songs are so closely related that it is impossible to
draw definite lines between them, but as a compromise the songs
said to be Fox society or Coyote society songs are placed in this
group, while the wolf songs (this being a common term for all war
songs) ar(^ placed in the older group. In this division are included
the incidental war songs and dancing songs used in the Sun dance,
and those songs in honor of an individual which were sung to melodies
of the military societies. Tliis division comprises 32 songs.^ (2)
Songs of the buffalo hunt, together with council and Chief songs, one
of the latter being sung at the Sun dance.* (3) All songs not other-
wise classified. The first of these are three unclassified songs in the
Sun dance — Song of Final Visit to the Vapor Lodge, Noon song, and
Song concerning the Sun and Moon (Nos. 18, 24, 25). In this division
are also the songs of various dances and games, those songs in honor
of an individual which were sung to dance melodies, and the miscel-
laneous songs recorded at Sisseton, S. Dak.^
A comparison of the analyses of these two gi'oups is shown in tables
on the preceding pages. The percentage of major and minor songs
is the same in the two groups, except that the older group contains
two songs the keynote of which is so uncertain that they are classi-
fied as "irregular." The percentage of songs beginning on th(>
twelfth and fifth is 44 in the older songs and 35 in the modern
songs, but the proportion beginning on the octave is 10 per cent
' Nos. 1, 2, 3, 1, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 36; total 15.
» Nos. 37-58, inclusive; total 22.
3 Nos. 59-78, inclusive; total 20.
* Nos. 79-94, inclusive; total 16.
'^ Nos. 95-113, inclusive; total 19.
6 Nos. 122-179, inclusive, except No. 178, which is a song of the Fox society, and is included in the second
group.
' Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 3.'>, 114, 11,5, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124,
178, 223, 224, 225, 231 ; total, 32.
8 Nos. 5, 180-194, inclusive; total, 16.
« Nos. 18, 24, 25, 196-240, inclusive, except Nos. 223, 224, 225, 231.
24 BUREAU OS^ AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill, ei
greater in tlic inoderii songs. Curiously, tho percentage ending on
the kepiote and fifth is identical in the two groups. The modern
songs show a smaller proportion of songs in which the final tone
is the lowest in the song, the whole tone and the minor third
below the final tone being used in several instances. The propor-
tion of songs on the five-toned scales is 32 per cent in the older
and 30 per cent in the more modern songs, while next in number
are songs containing only the minor triad and fourth, which show a
difference of but 2 per cent in tlie two groups. The first important
point of difference is that the older songs show a much larger pro-
portion having a range of 12 or more tones, the percentage having
10 tones being the same, the modern group has the larger percentage
of songs which are harmonic in structure. This suggests less freedom
in musical expression as the Indian feels himself coming under the
restrictions of civilization and is of interest in that connection.
A larger proportion of accidentals is found in the newer songs, the
tones most frequently affected being the sixth and seventh. In
structure th(^ modern group shows a larger proportion of harmonic
songs, this feature being in accord with the stronger feeling for the
octave as an initial tone and with the reduction of the compass of the
songs. The modern group shows also a much smaller proportion of
songs with the first progression downward, and we recall the steadily
descending trend of melody as an acknowledged characteristic of
primitive song. Yet in total number of progressions the proportion
of ascending and descending intervals differs by only 1 per cent in the
two groups. In the older songs the average number of intervals is 30,
and in the more modern 31.3, a difference too slight to be of impor-
tance. The average interval in the modern songs is slightly the
larger, but the difference is less than a tenth of a semitone. The
smallest average interval (2.5 semitones) is that of the ''buffalo
hunt, council, and Chief song" group, while the largest (3.5 semi-
tones) is that of the ceremonial songs. The key or pitch of the
songs constitutes perhaps the least important of the tables; in this
respect we note that the groups show no marked differences, the
pitch of the song being somewhat a matter of adaptation to the
compass of the singer's voice.
Table 15 shows a contrast which might be connected with the
change from the older to the modern life of the Indians, the old
songs having 51 per cent beginning on the accented part of the
measure and the new songs having 74 per cent beginning on the
accent. This suggests directness and the same psychological factor,
which may account for the increase of songs harmonic in form. The
newer group shows an increase in the proportion of songs which
begin in 2-4 time and a slight decrease in the percentage of songs
having a change of measure-lengths. Table 18 shows the newer songs
DBNSMORK] TETON RTOTTX MTTSTC 25
to contain a decrease in those having the drumbeat in unaccented
eighth-note vahies, in many instances approaching a tremolo, and
a large increase in the proportion having the drumbeat in quarter-
note values, this being a sharp, definite stroke and, of course, less
rapid than the preceding. The proportion containing one rhythmic
unit is the same in the two groups, but the newer songs show a large
increase in the proportion having two or more rhythmic units,
evidencing a development of the rhythmic sense. A comparison of
the metric unit (tempo) of the voice shows no material differences,
l)ut in the following table is noted a decided decrease in the metric
unit of the drum. Table 22 shows the percentage of old songs in
which voice and drum have the same metric unit to be 48, and that
of the new songs as 76, a difference of 58 per cent. This is the more
interesting, as in this table the deduction of the songs recorded
without drum causes the percentage to be reckoned on a total of 60
in the first and 62 in the second group.
Summarizing briefly the results of a comparison of the old and the
more modem Sioux songs, we find in the percentages a reduction in
the compass of the songs with an increase of harmonic form and of
accidentals; a more direct attack (shown by the increase of songs
beginning on the accented part of the measure) an increase of songs
beginning in 2-4 time; and also in songs without a change in time.
We find a change m the drumbeat from a rapid and somewhat
tremolo beat to a quarter-note value, with a reduction in the tempo
of the drum and an increase in the proportion of songs in which the
tempo of voice and drum is the same. We note further a develop-
ment of the rhythmic sense in song construction, shown by the increase
in the number of songs having two or more rhythmic units. These
contrasts between the two groups of songs may suggest a comiection
between the Indians' maimer of life and the form of their musical
expression, or they may be regarded as an effect of contact with the
more conventional music of the white race. These and similar obser-
vations await further comparative study of Indian songs.
Tabulated Analysis of 600 Indian Songs (Chippewa and Sioux)
MELODIC analysis
Table 1a.— TONALITY i
Chippewa songs. 2
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.3
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Major tonality
Minor tonality
Beginning major, end-
195
142
2
1
57
42
1
11
9
55
45
93
145
39
60
299
296
2
1
2
50
49
Beginning minor, end-
2
1
Total
340
20
240
600
• Since we are considering music of a period in which what we now designate scales and keys was not
formulated, the terms " major tonality " and "minor tonality " are used in preference to the common terms
"major key" and "minor key." (See p. 12.)
2 See Bulletin 53, pp. 18-33.
3 The songs comprised in this group are those of the Drum-presentation ceremony, analyzed on pp.
181-183 of Bulletin 53.
Table 2a.— FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux
songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Beginning on the—
1
1
4
135
11
49
25
123
8
13
144
10
30
12
33
2
Thirteenth
4
105
3
24
16
61
6
10
72
10
9
13
1
31
1
7
5
18
2
3
21
2
3
3
4
Twelfth
2
1
2
10
5
10
28
7
23
9
56
1
3
69
3
18
3
17
2
12
3
10
4
23
23
Eleventh
Tenth
2
8
Ninth
4
Octave
6
1
30
5
21
Seventh
1
Sixth
1
29
1
S
1
7
1
2
Fifth
3
15
24
Fourth
1
Third
2
10
5
Second
2
Keynote
3
15
5
Irregular
i
Total
340
20
240
600
26
dexsmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
27
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 3a.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Ending on the—
Fifth...
75
36
229
22
a
67
6
1
13
30
5
65
74
35
129
2
31
15
54
1
155
72
371
2
26
Third
12
Keynote
61
Irregular
Total
3-40
20 i
240
600
Table 4a.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Songs in which final
tone is—
Lowest tone in
song
307
90
18
90
212
S8
537
90
Highest tone in
song
1
1
9
1
1
9
Immediately pre-
ceded by-
Fifth below..
Fourth below
3
1
Major third
below
2
1
3
Minor third
below
7
2
2
1
9
1
Whole tone
below
5
2
"
3
12
2
Semitone be-
low
3
1
3
Whole tone
below with
fourth be-
low in a pre-
vious meas-
ure
1
1
Whole tone
below with
sixth below
in a previ-
ous meas-
1
1
Songs containing a
fourth below the
final tone
3
1
4
2
7
1
28 BUREAU OV AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
MELODIC ANALYSIS COllti lUied
Table 4a.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG— continued
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Songs containing a
major third below
the final tone
4
5
2
2
2
1
4
10
2
1
Songs containing a
minor third below
the final tone
Irregular
3
1
2
10
2
Total
340
20
240
600
Table 5a.— NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
•
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux
songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Compass of^
Seventeen tones. .
3
5
17
41
1
2
7
17
3
14
46
147
Fourteen tones...
9
29
103
3
8
30
2
Thirteen tones...
8
Twelve tones
3
15
25
Eleven tones
31
9
.5
25
9
4
45
8
Ten tones
38
11
4
20
39
16
81
14
Nine tones
IS
6
5
25
28
12
51
9
Eight tones ■. .
71
21
2
10
S3
35
156
25
Seven tones
16
10
5
3
4
S
2
3
20
19
3
Six tones
1
5
3
Five tones
13
2
4
1
2
1
14
4
2
Four tones
Total
' 340
20
240
600
Table 6a.— TONE MATERIAL
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number. Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
First five-toned scale.
1
40
88
2
4
1
2
74
137
2
5
Second five-toned
scale
12
26
3
6
15
30
31 13
43 18
12
Fourth five-toned
scale
23
Fifth five-toned
scale
Major triad
1
1
1
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 6a.— TONE MATERIAL— continued
29
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux
sonfes.
Total.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Major triad and sev-
1
■12
1
i
2
4<)
Major triad and sixth .
Major triad and
12
.,
^
2
2
Major triad and sec-
3
1
1
8
2
3
1
11
3
2
Minor triad and sev-
:5
6
1
2
1
■1
(i
1
Minor triad and sixth.
1
Minor triad and
fourth
IS
6
1
5
30
12
49
8
Minor triad and sec-
ond
1
19
1
14
2
35
Octave complete
6
2
10
6
6
Octave complete ex-
cept seventh
32
9
2
10
20
S
rA
9
Octave complete ex-
cept seventh and
sixth
6
2
If.
"
22
4
Octave complete ex-
cept seventh, sLxth,
and fourth
1
1
Octave complete ex-
cept seventh, fifth,
and second
1
1
Octave complete ex-
cept seventh and
fourthi
4
1
.'i
2
9
1
Octave complete ex-
cept seventh and
third
1
• 1
2
Octave complete ex-
cept seventh and
second
11
3
1
5
9
4
21
i
Octave complete ex-
cept sixth
I.'')
4
2
10
12
-
29
Octave complete ex-
cept sLxth and fifth.
1
5
1
Octave complete ex-
cept sLxth and
fourth
1
2
1
3
Octave complete ex-
cept sixth and sec-
ond
1
4
2
5
1
• These songs are minor in tonality, the mediant being a minor third above the tonic and the sub-
mediant a minor sixth above the tonic. (See p. 14, footnote.)
30
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bill. 61
MELODIC ANALYSIS — ^Continued
Table 6a.— TONE MATERIAL— continued
Chippewa songs.
Siou-x songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Octave complete ex-
cept sixth, fifth,
1
.■)
1
1
1
10
2
1
1
15
1
4
1
1
21
4
1
1
1
6
^9.
Octave complete ex-
cept sixth and
third
Octave complete ex-
cept fifth and sec-
Octave complete ex-
cept fourth
Octave complete ex-
cept fourth and
third
5
1
1
1
2
4
2
Octave complete ex-
cept fourth and sec-
3
1
1
Octave complete ex-
cept third
Octave complete ex-
cept third and sec-
ond
1
11
1
Octave complete ex-
cept second
10
1
3
1
5
4
Minor third and
fourth
1
First, second, and
fifth tones
First, fourth, and fifth
tones
1
First, second, fourth,
and fifth tones
1
6
9
First, second, fifth,
and sixth tones ....
2
3
1
Other combinations
of tones
1
5
2
1
2
-_
Total
340
20
240
600
Tabi
E 7a.— AC
CIDENTALS
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Songs containing—
No accidentals...
Seventh raised a
semitone
288
4
85
1
18
1
90
196
10
82
4
502
15
85
2
dknsmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
31
MELODIC ANALYSIS COllthlUed
Tabi e 7a.— accidentals— continued
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux
.songs.
1
Total.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent
Number.
Percent.
Songs, containing —
continued
Sixth raised a
semitone
9
3
1
5
3
1
13
2
Sixtli and tliird
raised a semi-
tone
1
1
Fourtli raised a
semitone
2
1
6
2
8
1
Third raised a
semitone
1
1
Second raised a
3
1
3
1
6
1
Fourth and sev-
enth raised a
semitone
1
1
2
Fourth raised a
semitone and
second lowered
a semitone
1
1
Second raised a
semitone and
sixth lowered a
semitone
1
Seventh lowered
a semitone
1
3
1
Seventh and
fourth lowered
a semitone
1
Sixth lowered a
semitone... .
16
5
5
2
21
4
Fifth lowered a
semitone .
1
Fourth lowered a
semitone
2
3
1
5
Third lowered a
semitone
3
1
3
1
6
I
Second lowered a
6
2
2
1
8
1
Third and second
lowered, and
fourth raised a
semitone
0
1
1
Second, third.
and sixth low-
1
1
2
Irregular
2
1
Total
340
20
240
600
32
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 8a.— STRUCTURE
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Nmnber.
Percent.
222
35
83
65
10
24
17
3
85
15
1.58
47
33
2
66
20
14
1
397
85
116
2
66
Melodic with harmo-
nic framework 2
Harmonic ■'. . .
14
19
Irregular
Total
340
20
240
600
1 Songs are thus classified if contiguous accented tones do not bear a simple chord-relation to each other.
2 Songs are thus classified if only a portion of the contiguous accented tones bear a chord-relation to each
other.
3 Songs are thus classified if contiguous accented tones Ijear a simple chord-relation to each other.
Table 9a.— FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Downward
238
102
70
30
12
8
60
40
165
75
69
31
415
185
69
Upward
31
Total
340
20
240
600
Table 10a.— TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Niunber.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.'
Downward...
5,422
2,864
65
35
346
198
64
36
4,651
2,674
63
37
10,419
5,736
64
Upward
36
Total
8,286
544
7,325
16, 155
Table 11 a.— INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Interval of ar—
Twelfth
1
1
2
2
1
1
2
2
Ninth
Octave
Seventh
uknsmorh]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
33
MELODIC ANALYSIS — coiitinued
TablK llA.— intervals in downward progression— continued
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Nimiber.
Percent.
Interval of a— contd.
Major sixth
IJ
1
6
26
525
343
1,.396
5
2,085
264
1
11
7
30
13
6
SS
968
975
3,334
6
4,755
268
Fifth
r-,9
421
628
1,824
1
s
11
:;4
3
22
4
114
1
198
4
1
6
1
33
9
Major third
Minor third
Augmented sec-
9
32
Major second
Minor second
2,472
42
57
45
6
46
Total
5,422
346
4,651
10,419
Table 12a.— INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux
songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Percent.
Nimiber.
Per cent.
Interval of a—
Fourteenth ...
1
17
3
4
2
43
9
47
j
1
17
4
11
10
108
22
64
33
358
841
625
1,561
1,912
169
Twelfth
Eleventh...
1
6
6
63
13
16
30
151
422
271
710
818
167
Tenth
1
2
2
Ninth.. . .
1
1
o
Octave
1
2
2
Major sixth
Minor sixth
2
1
11
31
9
51
So
1
1
6
16
4
26
43
1
1
6
16
10
27
31
6
1
Fifth
196
388
345
800
1,009
7
14
12
29
35
6
Fourth
15
Major third
Minor third
Major second
11
27
33
3
Total
2,864
198
2,674
5,736
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 13a.— AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Chippewa songs
Sioux songs of Drum-presentation ceremony, recorded
by Chippewa
Old Sioux songs
Comparatively modem Sioux songs
Total ..----
Number of
songs.
20
147
93
Number of
intervals.
8,286
,544
4,445
16, 155
Number of
semitones.
25, 791
1,592
12,864
8,558
48, 805
Average
number of
semiton&i
in an
interval.
2.93
2.89
2.97
3.02
Table 14a.— KEY
Key of 1—
A major
A minor
B flat major
B flat minor
B major
B minor
C major
C major
D flat major
C sharp minor . . .
D major
D minor
E flat major
E flat minor
E major
E minor
F major
F minor
G flat major
F sharp major . . .
F sliarp minor . . .
G major
G minor
A fiat major
G sharp minor . . .
Beginning major, end
ing minor
Begimiing minor,
ending major
Irregular
Total.
Chippewa song.s.
Number.
340
Percent.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Number.
20
Per cent.
1
5
1
5
2
10
1
5
1
5
Sioux songs.
Number.
2
240
8
8
3
3
7
3
s
3
s
3
14
fi
3
1
1
10
4
10
4
17
7
4
2
6
2
Number.
Per cent.
> The term " key " is here used in its broad sense, as applicable to nonharmonic music, inclusive of modes,
uensmorbJ
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
35
RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS
Table 15a.— PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Numljer.
Per cent.
Beginning on iinac-
accented part of
109
189
42
37
' 63
12
S
60
40
96
144
40
60
217
■i41
42
39
Beginning on ac-
cented part of
measure.. . . .
61
Transcribed in out-
line 1
Total
340
20
240
600
Table 16a.— RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
First measure in —
2-4 time
2-2 time
149
2
4
120
50
9
45
142
59
3(H)
4
220
3
'J
4
13
1
42
54
3-S time
2
40
1
3-4 time
6
30
94
3
39
1
39
4-8 time
1
4-4 time
9
2
9
1
2
42
3
2
5-Stime
1
4
5
20
1
1
1
5-4 time
3
2
6-4 time
7-4 time
Transcribed in out-
line'
Total
340
20
240
600
1 Excluded in computiug percentage.
36
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS ConlillUecl
Table 17a.— CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS)
[BULL. 61
Cliippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Songs containing I'.o
change of time
Songs containing a
change of time
Transcribed in out-
t)9
2L'9
■42
23
1
l!l
5
95
18
222
8
92
88
470
42
16
S4
Total
340
20
240
' 600
Table ISa.— RHYTHM OF DRUM =
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
SioiLX songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Sixteenth notes unac-
1
42
•
44
2
11
22
1
34
30
2
9
18
1
143
56
5
21
124
2
14
234
Eighth notes unac-
cented
89
12
1
10
96
2
14
116
40
5
12
60
40
Quarter notes unac-
15
Half notes imac-
2
10
1
Eighth notes accented
in groups of two . . .
Each beat preceded
by an unaccented
beat corresponding
to third count of
triplet
4
43
1
6
6
6
30
34
E ach beat followed by
an unaccented beat
corresponding to
second coimt of trip-
let
1
Each beat preceded
by an unaccented
beat corresponding
to fourth count of
group of four six-
3
118
i
Total
340
9(1
240
600
I
' Excluded in computing percentage.
2 Examples of these rhythms are cited on p. 19, in foolnote.
3 See BuUetin 53, p. 240.
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 19a.— RHYTHMIC UNIT i OF SONG
37
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Percent.
•
Songs containing—
Xo rhythmic unit. .
One rhythmic unit.
Two rhythmic units
T h r ee rhythmic
units
107
1S6
4
1
36
62
1
7
10
3
35
50
15
71
139
25
3
1
1
29
57
10
1
185
335
32
4
1
1
42
33
60
6
1
Four rhythmic
Five rhythmic
Songs transcribed in
outline 2
42
Total
340
20
240
600
1 For the piu-pose of this analysis a rhythmic un't i^ defined as a group of tones of various lengths,
usually comprising more than one count of a measure, occvuring more than twice in a song, and having
an evident influence on the rhythm of the entire song.
2 Excluded in computing percentage.
Table 20a.— METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux
songs.
Total.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Nmnber.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Metronome —
44
1
1
1
1
5
5
4
5
18
16
21
18
31
32
35
32
32
38
37
29
28
24
23
48
i
1
50
1
2
2
1
52
3
3
3
5
9
12
16
10
15
20
21
15
12
19
15
11
7
5
5
1
1
1
4
5
6
4
6
8
8
6
5
8
6
2
3
2
2
54
56
58
60
9
4
5
8
16
11
11
14
15
16
22
18
20
18
18
3
1
2
3
5
4
4
5
5
6
7
6
7
6
6
3
63
3
66
4
69
3
72
6
76
1
3
3
5
3
5
15
15
25
15
6
80
6
84 . . ..
6
88
6
92..
7
96
7
100
5
104
1
1
5
5
5
108
4
112
4
4840°— Bull. 61—1
38
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS — COlltinued
Table 20a.— METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)— continued
[bill. 61
Cliippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Nmnber.
Per cent.
Nimiber.
Percent.
Metronome— contd.
116
10
14
.■(
2
5
9
13
3
3
5
6
2
2
37
3
5
1
5
1
4
4
2
5
2
15
16
11
4
12
5
12
16
8
5
6
6
2
3
120
1
5
3
126
1
1
2
132
138
144
2
3
■1
1
1
2
2
2
2
152
1
160
3
3
1
1
2
3
168
3
176
1
1
5
0
5
1
184
192
1
200
1
208
Rubato'
Transcribed in out-
line'
Total
340
20
240
600
' Excluded in computing percentage.
Table 21a.— METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Chippew
•a songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux
songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Metronome—
56
2
4
4
5
1
5
7
11
5
10
9
11
5
5
2
5
2
1
2
3
3
4
4
4
5
1
6
10
22
10
22
28
31
20
35
30
27
27
24
14
60
1
63
1
66
1
69
72
1
2
9
4
8
15
15
15
26
25
25
21
22
13
4
6
9
4
8
8
9
4
6
4
4
2
1
76 '.
1
2
1
4
4
5
5
10
5
20
20
25
3
80
4
2
2
7
7
7
11
11
11
9
10
6
0
84
88
6
8
8
5
92
96
100
104
2 10
9
108
112
,
116
1
5
„
120
6
126
4
dexsmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
39
RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS — Continued
Table 21a.— METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)— continued
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Per cent.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Percent.
Metronome — eontd .
132
13
4
2
1
6
2
1
1
3
3
5
3
3
2
2
4
17
8
5
4
4
5
1
234
5
138
2
144
1
152
1
160
1
168
1
176
1
116
118
Total
340
•'0
240
600
Table 22A.— COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO)
Chippewa songs.
Sioux songs re-
corded by Chip-
pewa.
Sioux songs.
Total.
Number.
Percent.
Number.
Per cent.
Nimiber.
Percent.
Nmnber.
Percent.
Drum and voice hav-
ing the same metric
80
103
41
116
r,6
35
76
24
22
118
62
20
IS
163
138
44
Drum faster than
46 11
38
Drum slower than
18 2 1 10
65 18
1
234
Total
340
20
240
600
1 Excluded in computing percentage.
ANALYSIS OF SIOl^ AND CHIPPEWA SONGS
The purpose of this chapter is to present in descriptive and diagram-
matic form ' the more important data contained in the tabuhited
analyses immediately preceding.
Tahle lA. — In this table the songs are grouped according to tonahty,
which is defined as "the quality or peculiarity of a tonal system.''
(See p. 12, footnote.) The first step in analyzing a song is the deter-
mination of the keynote or tonic by observing the tones which occur
in the song and their general progressions. The next step in the
analysis is the determination of the tonality. In ascertaining this, if
the song contains several tones, we observe especially the pitch of the
third and sixth above the keynote, as these tones are a semitone lower
in minor than in major tonality. The sixth is absent from 138 of the
songs under analysis, while the third is absent from only 17 songs; the
third is therefore the principal factor in judging the tonality of a
. Irregular
Major
Minor
Fig. J. Tonality.
song. If the third is four semitones (a major third) above the key-
note, the song is said to be major in tonality, and if three semitones
(a minor third) above the keynote, minor in tonality. Classifying
the songs according to this basis, we find 50 per cent major in tonality
and 49 per cent minor, 1 per cent being irregular in form. (Fig. 1.)
We usually associate a minor key with the idea of sadness, but this
association of ideas does not appear to be present to the same degree
in the mind of the Indians. It seems more probable that a preference
for the major tonality shown in many groups of songs may be due to
the fact that the major third is one of the more prominent overtones
of a fundamental tone (see p. 41). Helmholtz states that the "minor
triad is very decidedly less harmonious than the major triad, in con-
sequence of the combinational tones, which must consequently be . .
taken into consideration" ; ^ also that ''minor chords do not represent
1 The wricer gratefully acknowledges her indebtedness to Dr. Ales Hrdli6ka, curator of physical anthro-
pology, United States National Museum, far suggestions concerning the graphic methods used in the
accompanying diagrams.
2 Helmholtz, The Sensations of Tone (translated by A. J. Ellis), pt. 2, p. 214, London, I880.
40
DENSMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 41
the compound tone of their root as well as the major chords; their
third, indeed, does not form any part of this compound tone."* In
this connection it is observed that the tonality of a song does not
determine its general character as much in Indian music as in that
of the white race. The melodic feeling in many Chippewa and Sioux
songs seems to be for the interval between successive tones, while
the melodies of the white race are based upon "keys," which are
groups of tones having a systematic and definite relation to a key-
note. Subsequent analyses will show that the prevailing interval
of progression in a song may be minor, though the interval between
the kejmote and its third is major, thus giving a predominance of
minor intervals in a song of major tonality.^
Table 2 A. — Before considering this phase of analysis let us recall
certain fundamental principles of the musical system developed by
the white race. In that system the tonic chord, or triad on the key-
note, may be said to be the framework of the group of tones called
a key. This chord is based on the laws of acoustics and comprises,
if the chord be major, the first four overtones of the keynote or fun-
damental tone. It is understood, of course, that the tone produced
by a stretched string or other body capable of strong sympathetic
vibration is a compound, not a simple sound. In addition to the
tone produced by the vibrations of the entire body there are higher
tones which are less distinct, but which can be perceived. These
are called overtones, or upper partial tones.
Helmholtz says:
We must . . . not hold it to be an illusion of the ear, or to be mere imagination,
when in the musical tone of a single note emanating from a musical instrument, we
distinguish many partial tones. . . If we admitted this, we should have also to
look upon the colours of the spectrum which are separated from white light, as a
mere illusion of the eye. The real outward existence of partial tones in nature can
be established at any moment by a sympathetically vibrating membrane which
casts up the sand strewn upon it.^
The series of these upper partial tones is precisely the same for all compound mu-
sical tones which correspond to a uniformly periodical motion of the air. It is as
follows:
The first upper partial tone . . . is the upper Octave of the prime tone, and makes
double the number of vibrations in the same time.
The second upper partial tone ... is the Fifth of this Octave . . . making three
times as many vibrations in the same time as the prime.
The third partial ... is the second higher Octave . . . making four times as
many \dbrations as the prime in the same time.
The fourth upper partial tone is the major Third of this second higher Octave . . .
with five times as many vibrations as the prime in the same time.
. . . And thus they go on, becoming continually fainter, to tones making 7, 8, 9,
&c., times as many vibrations in the same time, as the prime tone.*
1 Holmholtz, The Sensations of Tone (translated by A. J. Ellis), pt. 3, p. 300, London, 18S5.
2 See analyses of songs Nos. 173, 177, 187.
3 Helmholtz, op. cit., pt. 1, p. 48.
< Ibid., p. 22.
42
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
In musical notation, with C, second space bass clef, as a funda-
mental, this part of the series is as follows (fig. 2).
It is noted that the first overtone is an octave above the funda-
mental and the second is 12 tones (fifth in the first higher octave)
above the fundamental, while the fourth overtone (tliird in the second
higher octave) supplies the major third, completing the tones of the
triad or common chord of C, the fundamental tone.
m
s
i^
122
Fundamental 1st '2 1 3d 4th overtones
C c g c' e'
Fig. 2. Fundamental and fust four overtones.
We will now turn to the Indian songs under analysis. Figure 3
indicates the intervals on wliich the songs begin, omittmg groups of
less than 1 per cent, shown in Table 2A. Twenty-one per cent begin
on the octave (first or third overtone), and 23 per cent, having a com-
pass of 12 tones above the keynote, on the twelfth (second overtone).
Thus, if the keynote were C, as in figure 2, the octave is c, and the
tweKth g. But before proceeding further let us note the range of the
human voice, also the fact that the ear seems to accept tones an
10
Percentages
15
Degrees of scale —
Twelfth
Eleventh
Tenth
Nmth
Octave
Seventh
Sixth
Fifth
Fourth
Third
Second
Keynote
m
m
■
^
■
"
■
■
i
p
"
■
■
*
*
:
■
■
■
■
™
™
1
Fig. 3. First note of song— its relation to keynote.
octave apart as being the same tone.^ Not all voices have a range
of 12 tones, and a large majority of the songs under analysis have
a compass smaller than that number of tones. With the songs
beginning on the twelfth should be included, therefore, those on the
fifth, which (supposing the keynote to be C) would be G, an octave
lower than the tone designated as g. Twenty-four per cent begin
on the fifth above the keynote, making a total of 47 per cent begin-
ning on this interval of the scale. Few voices have a range of two
octaves, but two of these songs (Nos. 195, 202) begin on the second
' "It is very easy to make a mistake of an octave."— Helmholtz, op. eit., p. 62.
DENSMOSE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
43
octave above the keynote (third overtone). We find that, next to the
percentages abeady cited, the largest proportion is that of songs
beginning on the third and tenth above the keynote. With C as
a keynote these tones are E and e, readily seen to be the fourth
overtone, sung in the two lower octaves, which are within the com-
pass of the voice. Thirteen per cent of the songs begin on these
tones and 5 per cent begin on the keynote, these melodies lying partly
above and partly below the lieynote. Thus 86 per cent of the songs
under analysis begin on the keynote and its first four overtones.
These, as already indicated, comprise the tones of a common chord.
Table 3A. — The results of this analysis serve to emphasize the pre-
ceding paragraph. It is here shown that all except two of the songs
10
20
Percentages
20 40
tiO
Fifth
Third ....
Keynote..
Fig. 4. Last note of song — its lelatioii to keynote.
under analysis end on the keynote, its tliird or fifth. Twenty-six
per cent end on the fifth (corresponding to the second overtone), 12
per cent on the third (corresponding to the fourth overtone), and 61
per cent on the keynote. (See fig. 4.) Two songs are so irregular
in form that no tone is designated as a keynote.
Table JiA.. — Tliis table shows that the structure of 90 per cent of the
songs is above the final tone. The preceding table indicated the final
tone to be the keynote in 61 per cent of the songs. These tables
10
20
30
Percentages
40 50 CO
90
Songs in which final tone is lowest tone
Fig. 5. Last note of song — its relation to compass of song.
Songs in
which
final tone
is not
lowest
tone
supplement Table 2A in showing the melodic structure of these songs.
This structure appears to rest on a fundamental tone, usually the
keynote. The trend, is do^vnward and this frequently is not heard
until the closing measures. A typical outline is as follows, the inter-
vals being repeated several times and by tones introduced; g-e-c-A-
G-E-C.
In 10 per cent of the songs the final tone is not the lowest tone.
In these instances the final tone is usually the keynote, preceded by
an ascent of a small interval, as though at the close of the above
outline there were a descending interval, with a return to C as. the final
tone. (See fig. 5.)
44
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Table 5 A. — The compass of the songs is shown in this table.
The present analysis differs from that of Table 2A in that it
concerns the entire range of the song, while Table 2A indicated
the interval between the keynote and the first note. There is
accordingly a difference in percentages. For instance, 25 per cent
of the songs have a compass of 12 tones, but only 2,3 per cent
begin on the twelfth above the keynote. In this, as in Table 2A,
the largest percentages are on eight and twelve. It is noted in
Table 5A, though not shown on the diagram, that three songs have a
Percentages
15
20
25
Number of tones—
Fourteen
Thirteen —
Twelve
Eleven
Ten
Nine
Eight
Seven
Six
Five
Fig. 6. Number of tones comprising compass of song.
compass of 17 tones, or two octaves and two tones. The singers of
these songs were men with falsetto voices. (See fig. 6.)
Table 6 A. — The percentages shown in this table are not the same
as those shown in figure 7, ihough both are concerned witli the tone
material of the songs. The table indicates the character of the tone
material by referring it to a keynote, while the diagram indicates the
amount of tlie tone material, or the number of scale degrees in the
song. Attention is directed to four groups in the table: Tlie second
five-toned scale (minor pentatonic), comprising 12 per cent; the
No. of scale-degrees
20
Percentages
30
• • ••
Fig. 7. Number of degrees of scale used in song.
fourth five-toned scale (major pentatonic), comprising 23 per cent;
the group containing only the tones of the major or minor triad,
comprising slightly more than 1 per cent; and tlie group comprising
aU the tones of the diatonic octave, 6 per cent. In compihng the
data shown in figure 7 a degree of the scale occurring in two octaves
is, of course, counted only once. It is thus seen that 49 per cent of
these songs contain only 5 scale-degrees, 23 per cent contain 4 scale-
degrees, and 20 per cent, 6 scale-degrees, while 6 and 2 per cent con-
tain, respectively, 7 and 3 degrees of the scale.
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
45
Tahle 7 A. — The purpose of this analysis is to ascertain whether these
songs adhere to the intervals of the diatonic scale or whether, while
having a keynote and a feeling for the tonic chord of the key, they
still use tones which are a semitone higher or lower than the tones of
that key. The analysis shows that 85 per cent of the songs contain
only the tones of the diatonic scale. In the remaining 15 per cent
the tones most frequently raised or lowered are the seventh, sixth,
fourth, and second. (See fig. 8.) In only 10 songs is the pitch of
the third altered, and the fifth is changed in only one song. This
keeping of the diatonic pitch on the tones of the tonic chord is a
Percentages
10 20 ?0 40 30 60 70 80 90 100
Songs containing accidentals
Fig. 8. Accidentals.
Songs without
accidentals
peculiarity which emphasizes the points mentioned in connection
with Table 2A.
Tahle 5^.— Thus far we have considered the tones in a song chiefly
with reference to the keynote of the song. The purpose of the present
table is to determine the structure of the songs by observing the
interval relation of accented tones. Thus if contiguous accented
tones bear a simple chord-relation to each other the song is classified
as harmonic in structure; if such chord-relation does not exist it
is classified as melodic in structure, while an intermediate type is
classified as melodic ^^^th harmonic framework. An example of
10
Percentages
50 60
Melodic
Melodic
with har-
monic
framewqrk
Uarmonic
Fig. 9. Structure.
the latter is a song containing tlie tones C-E-G-A-C, with the
accent placed consecutively on G, A, and G. The framework of
the melody is harmonic and comprises the chord C-E-G, but the
consecutive accents on G, A, G do not imply a simple chord of the
key of C. The song, therefore, is not purely melodic nor strictly
harmonic according to the basis adopted for classification. Nine-
teen per cent of the songs are hannonic in structure, every accented
tone having a simple chord-relation to a contiguous accented tone,
these chord-relations being within the key implied by the keynote.
A much larger proportion are melodic in structure. (See fig. 9.)
46
BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL, ex
Tables 9A, 10 A. — Continuing observation of the tones with reference
to contiguous tones, we note in Table 9A that 69 per cent of the songs
begin with a downward progression. Table lOA shows the entire
number of progressions in the song, 64 per cent of which are down-
ward and 36 per cent upward. This is in accordance with Table 2A,
which shows that many of the songs begin on high intervals, and
with Table 4A, which shows that the last tone is the lowest tone in
Downward Upward
Fig. 10. Downward and upward progressions.
a majority of the songs. This is a further indication tliat the general
trend of these melodies is downward. (See fig. 10.)
TaUesllA, 12A. — An interesting point shown in Tables llAand 12A
is that the descending intervals are smaller than the ascending intervals.
Thus it is seen that only 19 per cent of the downward progressions in
contrast with 36 per cent of the upward progressions, are larger than
a minor third. This is due in part to a peculiarity of these songs in
beginning on a high tone and descending, then returning to the original
Interval of a —
Fourteenth. . .
Fifth
Fourth
Major third...
Minor tliird. ..
Major second .
Minor second.
Percentages
20 25
Fig. 11. Size of downward and upward progressions.
pitch or to one almost as high, and again desceiiding by small intervals.
Figure 11 shows all the intervals which occur in these songs and are
represented in Tables 1 1 A and 12A. Only 5 per cent of the intervals
are larger than a fourth: The minor third constitutes 30 per cent of
the number, the major second (interval of a whole tone), 41 per cent,
and the minor second (interval of a semitone) , 3 per cent. This small
proportion of semitone intervals does not tend to encourage the
theory that Indians habitually use intervals smaller than a semitone.
DENSMOHE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
47
It is admitted that they frequently produce vocal sounds which differ
one from another by a number of vibrations less than that comprised
in a semitone, but the writer finds no evidence, on phonographic
records of about a thousand songs, that such sounds are part of a
system, consciously used by the Indians. Animals express emotion
by means of sounds which glide from one pitch to another. Such
expression is primal, but into song there enters an intellectual element
which tends to produce definiteness of tonal intervals.
Table ISA. — This table shows the largest, smallest, and average
interval, expressed in semitones. Figure 12 presents the same data
in graphic form, the horizontal lines representing semitones. It should
especially be noted that this dia-
- , . (• 1 • Largest interval a fourteenth
gram shows the sizes oi the mter- (23 -emitones)
vals and does not indicate the
number of times they occur. The
largest interval in these songs is a
fourteenth, comprising 23 semi-
tones, and the smallest is a minor
third, comprising one semitone.
The number of occurrences of
these and other intervals is shown
in Tables llA and 12A, in con-
nection with which it has already
been noted that the larger inter-
vals are of less frequent occur-
rence than the smaller. In mak-
ing the computaticfis for Table
I3A the number of occurrences
of each interval was multiplied
by the number of semitones which it contains. Having obtained the
total number of intervals and of semitones, the average number of
semitones in an interval was secured. The average of the entire
series is found to be 3.021 semitones, sHghtly more than a minor third.
Table I4A. — In this table it should be observed that 30 per cent of
the songs have as their keynote G, G sharp (or A flat), and A. This
is a larger proportion than on any other three consecutive semitones,
and suggests the natural range of voice among these Indians. In
this connection it should be stated that the speed of the phonograph
is the same when the songs are played for transcription as when they
are recorded, and that the pitch of the tones is decided b}^ comparing
the tones of the phonograph with those of a piano tuned to standard
pitch (a' 435 vd).
Average interval approxi-
mately a minor third (3.021
semitones)
Smallest interval a mhior sec-
ond (1 semitone)
Fig. 12. Largest, smallest, and average mtervals
(horizontal lines represent semitones).
48
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
Beg inning
on u n a c -
cented part
(39 per cent)
Fig. 13. Part of measure on which song begins.
Tahle 15 A. — We now enter on the consideration of the rhythm of
these songs and of the drum with which many of them were accom-
panied. Tabic 15A concerns only the rhythm of the voice, and its
pm*pose is to determine directness of ''attack" in beginning a song.
The analysis shows that 61 per cent of the songs begin on the accented
part of the measure. Table 2 A shows that a majority of the songs
begin on the tones
of the tonic chord.
Taken together, these
tables suggest a clear-
ness of musical con-
cept on the part of the
Indian. (See fig. 13.)
TciUc i 6'^. —Like
the preceding table,
this concerns the
rhythm of the voice.
In the phonograph
records of these songs
the accented tones usually are unmistakable and clear.. As already
stated, a measure in the transcription represents the period of time
between two accented tones. The division of this time period into
two parts is the simplest possible division. In 54 per cent of the
songs the first measure is in double time (2-4 or 2-2) and in 40 per cent
in triple time (3-4 or
3-8), 6 per cent of
the songs beginning
in combinations of
these rh3^thms. (See
fig. 14.)
Talle 17 A.— A
change of time (meas-
ure-lengths) is found
in 84 percent of these
songs (see fig. 15).
Such a change in the
music of civilized peo-
ples usually affects an entire section of a melody or composition.
Changes in time in the songs under analysis, on the other hand,
commonly affect single measures or only a few measures. These
alternations of measure lengths usually find what may be termed
their rhytlmaic explanation, in the rhytlimic unit of the song or in
the rhytlma of the song as a whole. (See fig. 15.)
O t h 0 r w i s e
classified. . .
(6 per cent)
First measure
in triple
time
(40 per cent)
First measure
in double
time
(54 per cent)
Fig. 14. Rhythm of first measure.
DENS more]
TETON" SIOUX MUSIC
49
Songs having
a change of
time (84 per
cent)
Fig. 15. Change of time (measure-leligths).
Table 18A. — This analysis concerns only the rhythm of the drum.
There were recorded without the accompaniment of the drum 234
songs; these were excluded in computing the percentages. In 56
per cent of the songs recorded ^^^th drum it is found that the beats
of the drum are not divided into groups by accented strokes, but
are an unaccented pulsation. The metric unit of the drumbeats
is indicated as an
eighth, quarter, or half
note, according to the
note value which con-
stitutes the metric unit
of the song. In 6 per
cent of the songs the
drumbeats are ac-
cented in groups of
two, and in more than
34 per cent the drum
is in a triple division,
two parts of which are
marked by drumbeats and one by a rest. With a few exceptions the
unaccented drumbeat immediately precedes the accented beat.
In 3 per cent of the songs the drum is in quadruple division, the
accented stroke being preceded by a short unaccented stroke. (See
fig. 16.)
Table 19 A. — On examining these songs it was found that manj^
contain a group of
tones which form a
distinct phrase, this
phrase being repeated
either consecutively or
at intervals through-
out the song. In order
to use this peculiarity
as a basis of classifica-
tion it became neces-
sary to formulate a defi-
nition. This phrase
{or motif) was accord-
ingly called a ''rhythmic vmit," and defined as " a group of tones
of various lengths, usually comprising more than one count of a
measure, occurring at least twice- in a song and having an evident
influence on the rhythm of the entire song." Having recognized
the rhythmic unit as an important part of the structure of these
songs, it was noted that many songs contained two or more of these
Rhythm of drum.
50
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
units, each clear, and given with exactness in every rendition of the
song. It was further noted that, when two or more such units occur,
there is a resemblance among them. In many instances the note-
values of the first unit are reversed in the second, while in others
the second unit is what might be termed a "complementary" or
"answering" phrase. Tliirty-three per cent of the songs do not
show a rhythmic unit, but in many of these the song itseK is a rhyth-
mic whole. Instead of being composed of rhythmic units it is itself
a long phrase, with a rhythmic completeness which is satisfactory to
the ear. Sixty per cent of the songs contain one rhythmic unit,
and 7 per cent contain two, three, four, or five such units. The
rhythmic structure of these songs gives evidence of a primitive musi-
cal culture. (See fig. 17.)
Tables 20 A, 21 A. — In these tables are shown the metric units of voice
and drum. The metric unit is determined by comparing the phono-
songs con- graph rccord with the
taining two
or more
rhythmic
units (7 per
cent)
Songs con-
taining one
rhythmic ^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^^^^^B Songs con-
unit (60 per ^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^^W taining
cent) ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^i^^^^W ^^ rhyth-
mic units
(33 per cent)
Fig. 17. Rhythmic unit.
speed of a Maelzel
metronome (which
has been tested for
accuracy) . The num-
bers at the left of the
analysis tables indi-
cate the number of
' ' ticks " of the metro-
nome per minute. In
the rhythmic analysis
this corresponds to
the comparison of the
phonograph record with the piano in the melodic analysis. On
comparing Tables 20A and 21 A it is seen that the speed of the drum is
sUghtly faster than that of the voice. Thus in the voice table, 37
per cent have a speed of 100 or more, while in the drum table, 57 per
cent have a speed of 100 or more. In each instance the note value
indicated in connection with the metronome speed is the same for
voice and drum.
Table ^^^.— The data in Tables 20 A and 21 A suggest a discrepancy
between the tempo of voice and drum which is further shown in this
table. Only 44 per cent of the songs have the same metric
unit of voice and drum. This does not signify that in every
instance there is one drumbeat to each quarter note of the melody,
if the metric unit be indicated as a quarter note. The metric
unit of the melody may be a quarter note, the speed being 90
(J =90), and the drum may be in rapid beats, two of which are
equivalent in time to 90. Thus the metric unit would be the same,
the drum being indicated as in eighth notes. In 56 per cent of these
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
51
songs, however, the metric units of voice and drum are different. In
a very few instances these are in the ratio of 2 to 3, but the difference
is usually too slight to suggest any proportion. Furthermore, the
pulses of voice and drum do not coincide at frequent intervals, as
they probably would if there were a relation between them in the
mind of the performer. The inference in such instances is rather
that the voice and the drum are the expressions of separate impulses,
these expressions being simultaneous, but having no relation to each
other. (See fig. 18.)
Summary of fatjcs 40-51. — Thus it appears that the songs under
analysis resem])le the music of civilization in the use of the keynote,
third, fifth, and oc-
tave and in a unit of
rhythm and differ
from it in the irreg-
ularity of time and
in the discrepancy
between the tempo
of voice and accom-
panying drum. It
appears also that
these songs are char-
acterized by a de-
scending trend ; that
the melod}" tones are chiefly diatonic; and that the most prominent
interval is the minor third.
Drum unit
shorter than
that of voice
(38 per cent)
Drum unit
longer than
that of voice
(18 per cent)
Unit of voice
and drum
the same
(44 per cent)
Fig. 18. Comparison of metric unit of voice and drum.
Graphic Representations or "Plots"
A form of graphic representation, or ''plotting," of melodies has
been devised by the writer and is here introduced for the purpose of
making the trend of Sioux melodies more apparent to the eye than
in musical transcription. The general method employed is similar
to that used in showing graphically the course of a moving object.
The loci of the object at given periods of time are determined and
recorded, the several positions being connected by straight lines. In
any use of this method the interest centers in the several points at
which the object is located, it being understood that the lines con-
necting these points are used merely as an aid to observation. In the
present adaptation of this method the pitch of the accented tones in a
melody is indicated by dots placed at the intersections of coordinate
lines, the horizontal coordinates representing scale degrees and the ver-
tical coordinates representing measure-lengths. These dots arc con-
nected by straight lines, though the course of the melody between
the accented tones would, in many instances, vary widely from
these lines if it were accurately plotted. The use of accented tones
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY [boll. 6i
exclusively in analyzing these songs has already been employed,
the structure of the melodies being determined by the pitch of con-
tiguous accented tones (see Table 8, footnote). One consideration
which seems to justify this usage is the fact that, when differences
appear in the several renditions of an Indian song, these differences
almost without exception are in unimportant progressions between
unaccented tones. Since the sole purpose of these plots is to show
the trend of the melodies, it seems permissible to omit from the
representation, not only the unaccented tones occurring in the
melody, but also a distinction between whole tones and semitones
in progressions, and a distinction between double and triple time in
measure-lengths. It is obviously desirable that the graphic repre-
sentation be as simple as possible, the more detailed observation of
the melodies being contained in mathematical and descriptive
analyses.
A plot of each Sioux melody having been made, these plots were
compared, and as a result it was found that there are five types
which may be considered the primary outlines, a majority of the
others being combinations or modifications of these. The simplest of
these types are designated as A and B (see fig. 19), the fomier being
a descending trend with no ascending intervals, and the latter show-
ing what might be termed a horizontal progression, followed by a
descent to the final tone. These types appear throughout the series
and seem to have no relation to the content of the song. On com-
paring the plots representing types C, D, and E with the titles of
respective songs, it was found that the plots of songs having similar
titles or uses resemble each other. This suggests a relation between
the content and the form of the song, a somewhat tentative conclu-
sion, which, in another form, was presented in the study of Chippewa
songs (see Bulletin 53, pages 50-58).
The song selected as an example of Type A is No. 195, a song of
the grass dance. Comparison with the musical transcription will
show the progressions, the song having a compass of two octaves.
It will be noted that in this song there are no ascending intervals in
the series of accented tones. In addition to this song, the following
songs contain a similar outline: Nos. 31, 56, 120, 151, 152, 210, 215.
Reference to the list of songs will show that these are divided among
almost all classes of songs, a fact which indicates that the type is
persistent. This is confirmed by general observation of the structure
of Indian songs. Plots of other songs of this type are shown on
pages 204, 245, 283, 419. Many other songs resemble this type in
outline, but contain one or more ascending intervals in the accented
tones.
The example selected to represent Type B is Xo. 68, a sohg of the
sacred stones. It will be noted that the melodv progresses at first
DENS. more]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
53
horizontally, afterwards descending to the lowest tone. Other songs
resembling this in outline are Nos. 50, 51, 52, 64, 67, 68, 74, 75, 76, 96,
109, 11.3, 117, 118, 136, 139. Plots of some of these songs are shown
on pages 245, 419. All these are found among songs a majority of
which are believed to be more than 50 years old ; they are distributed
among the various classes of these songs, but no song of the outline
of No. 68 appears among the comparatively modern songs.
The characteristic of Type C is a repetition of the lowest tone,
usually the keynote, the melody descending to the keynote, returning
:^;
'.■s.z:
I
;s;
i
Class A (No. 195)
Class B (No. 68)
Class C (No. 80)
Class D (No. Ill)
Class E (No. 238)
Fig. 19. Plots, Group 1.
to a higher tone and again descending to the lowest tone, with a
repetition of that tone. The example of this type is No. 80, a song
used in the treatment of the sick. It will be recalled that the element
of affirmation was very strong in the treatment of the sick, the
medicine-man endeavoring to instill in his patient a confidence in
the former's ability to effect a cure. Reference to the analyses of
songs used in treating the sick will show a large proportion of these
songs ending on the keynote. Many songs emphasizing the lowest
tone or keynote appear in this series, the type being subject to even
more variation than Types A and B. The following list was com-
4840°— Bull. 61—18 6
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
piled as the result of an examination of the plots of the songs. Com-
parison with the list of song titles will show that in a majority of
instances the song contains the idea of strength, victory, or self-
confidence. The list is as follows: 5, 7, 11, 12, 13, 15, 40, 42, 45,
70, 72, 81, 82, 83, 84, 92, 93, 119, 123, 124, 125, 130, 131, 134, 142,
145, 147, 148, 150, 153, 154, 156, 160, 161, 164, 165, 168, 170, 171,
175, 176, 177, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 191, 196, 214, 222, 223,
224, 229, 230. Plots of several of these are shown on pages 283, 419.
Type D was first noted in the songs of Dream societies, named for
animals which appeared in dreams, many of these songs being said to
have been received from the animals. This type is characterized by
a short ascent and descent frequently repeated in the melody. On
grouping a number of songs having this characteristic and comparing
the song numbers with their respective titles, it was found that prac-
tically all are songs concerning men or animals in motion. No. Ill
is an example of this class. The plots of Nos. 55 and 58, songs of
Dream societies, are shown on page 204. Plots of Nos. 99, 100, 111,
127, 145, 146, 161, and 174, which are songs concerning men or
animals and usually suggesting motion, are shown on page 419. Other
instances of similar outline are Nos. 66 and 179, which are not
plotted.
Type E is noted in songs expressive of grief, or of dissatisfaction.
(See p. 519.) There are other songs in which the first progression
is an ascending progression. It will be noted that this plot shows
only the relation of accented tones, or tones which (in musical
terminology) appear at the beginning of measures.
Comparison Between Analyses of Chippewa and Sioux Songs
We will next consider a comparison between the characteristics
'of Chippewa and Sioux songs, as shown by the percentages in the
Tables of Analysis on pages 23-39. The Sioux songs of the Drum-
presentation ceremony, sung by Chippewa, are not included in this
comparison.
In Table 1 we note that 42 per cent of the Chippewa songs are
minor in tonality, while 60 per cent of the Sioux songs are minor.
The proportion beginning on the twelfth or fifth is 52 per cent in the
Chippewa and 41 per cent in the Sioux, but the proportion begin-
ning on the octave, tenth, and third is larger in the Sioux. The
Cliippewa show a larger percentage ending on the kejmote, but
about the same percentage in which the final tone is the lowest
in the song. The Chippewa have a much larger proportion of
songs with a range of 12 tones, but the Sioux have the larger
proportion with a range of 10 tones and of an octave. In songs
on the five-toned scales the Chippewa have a larger proportion,
DENS MORE J TETON SIOUX MUSIC 55
but in songs with the octave complete or nearly complete, the
percentage is almost identical. A slightly larger percentage of the
Chippewa songs contain no accidentals, and the number of purely
melodic songs differe by only 1 per cent in the two groups. The
difference in songs beginning with a downward progression is also
only 1 per cent, and the proportion of ascending and descending
progressions differs by 2 per cent. Differences of 1 to 6 per cent
mark the frequency of occurrence of various intervals of progression.
The average interval in the Sioux songs is slightly smaller than in the
Chippewa.
In key the Chippewa songs show a preference for F, F sharp,
and G. A slightly larger proportion of the Chippewa songs begin
on the accented part of the measure, and a smaller percentage
begin in 2-4 time. The percentage of Sioux songs having a change
of measure-lengths is considerably larger than that of the Chippewa.
In the rhythm of the drum there is a difference, the Chippewa having
a much larger percentage with the accented drumbeat preceded by a
short, unaccented beat. The proportion of songs containing rhythmic
units is 64 per cent in the Chippewa and 68 per cent in the Sioux. The
metric unit of the voice shows greater variety among the Chippewa
but the drum shows the greater variety among the Sioux. The
metric unit of voice and drum shows much greater divergence among
the Chippewa, only 36 per cent having the same metric unit, while
among the Sioux the corresponding proportion is 62.
Referring to the table of rhythmic units (19A), we note that the
percentage of Sioux songs which contain a rhythmic unit is larger than
that of the Chippewa.
Of the Sioux songs 169 contain one or more rhythmic units, these
units, or phrases, being transcribed on pages 528 et seq. in groups simi-
lar to those which appear in the text of the work. Examining these
units, we find no duplications except the following phrase, ^.£1.,
which occurs in 11 songs (Nos. 35, 36, 58, 115, 164, 194, 195, 225, 226,
229, 230) . We note also that an accented sixteenth note followed by a
dotted eighth note, wliich characterizes this phrase, is the first count-
division in the rhythmic units of 26 songs (Nos. 7, 26, 33, 41, 113, 116,
119, 131, 134, 155, 156, 160, 166, 167, 170, 171, 186, 188, 199, 202,220,221,
222, 231, 235, 238) . Thus it is seen that this count-division character-
izes the rhytlimic units of more than 16 percent of the Sioux songs under
analysis. Turning to the rhythmic units of the Chippewa songs (BuU.
53, pp. 309-333), it is found that this count-division is present at the
opening of slightly less than 3 per cent of the entire number (Nos.
110, Bull. 45, and Nos. 64, 90, 92, 116, 131, 153, 163, 174, Bull. 53).
In the summary of analyses in Bulletin 53 (p. 11) it is stated that —
There is ... a division of a count £X^ which occurs in Chippewa songs recorded on a
reservation showing Sioux influence, and which is found also in Sioux songs. This
56 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bci.l. 61
division of the count occurs in 15 per cent of the songs recorded at Waba^cmg. . . .
The same phrase is found in 10 per cent of the Sioux songs of the Drum-presentation
Ceremony . . . and also in about 10 per cent of the Sun-dance songs of the Teton
Sioux recorded by the ^vriter at Standing Rock, North Dakota.
From these data it appears that an accented sixteenth note, fol-
lowed either by an eighth or a dotted eighth note, may be regarded as
a rhythmic characteristic of the Sioux songs under analysis.
No rhythmic peculiarity of equal importance was noted among
the songs of the Chippewa. It therefore appears that the rhythmic
sense is more strongly developed among the Sioux than among the
Chippewa.
Briefly summarizing the comparison between the Chippewa and
Sioux songs as sung by the people of each tribe, it may be said that
the tabulated analyses show differences between the music of the two
tribes, but not such as can safely be traced to definite causes. The
resemblances may be due to the fact that the two tribes have been
in contact for many generations and the music of the one undoubt-
edly has been influenced to some extent by that of the other. It
is possible that the resemblances and differences between the two
may be seen to have more significance as the study of Indian music is
extended to include a comparison between the songs of other and more
widely separated tribes.
Test of Pitch Discrimination Among Chippewa and Sioux
In order to obtain data on the pitch discrimination of Indians
certain tests were made by the writer during the summer of 1915. ^
These were made among the Mandan, Hidatsa, Chippewa, and Sioux
Indians, but only the results obtained among the latter two tribes will
be presented. In each of these tribes 10 persons were submitted
to the test, including men and women who are known as being
good singers, and also a few "old timers" who are not musicians.
The limited number of persons tested, as well as the very unfavorable
conditions under which the tests were made, renders the results far
from conclusive, but they have a bearing on the subject of Indian
music, and also suggest interesting points for further investigation.
The tests were made by means of a set of tuning forks comprising
a fork giving the tone a' (435 vibrations, international pitch), this
being the fundamental tone of the series, and 10 other forks pro-
ducing tones respectively ^, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 12, 17, 23, and 30 vibrations
above the fundamental.
iThe writer gratefully acknowledges her Indebtedness to Prof. C. E. Seashore, dean of the Gnaduate
College, University of Iowa, for his courtesy in lending the tuning forks with which the tests were made,
also for valuable suggestions regarding the formulation of the results. The method used in the tests was
essentially that described by Prof. Seashore in his monograph, "The Measurement of Pitch Discrimina-
tion; A Preliminary Report," in Psychological Monographs, vol, 13, No. 1, Review Publishing Co., Lan-
caster, Pa,, and Baltimore, Md,, 1910.
densmoee] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 57
As a preliminary to the recorded test tlie person was asked to
listen to various intervals, interspersed with unisons, two forks
being sounded in rapid succession and the person stating whether
they sounded alike or different. Many could recognize the unison
whenever it occurred (the same fork being sounded twice), while
others could hear no difference between tones which were three
or even five vibrations apart. After the subject had thus become
somewhat accustomed to the sound of the forks, the regular test
was given and repeated 20 times, each reply being noted, together
with the interval used in the test. As in the preliminary tests, two
forks were sounded in rapid succession, and in this the subject
was asked which tone was the higher, the first or the second. The
fundamental fork was not always used in this test, the forks being
sounded in irregular order, making the test the more difficult. The'
intervals used in the test and the correctness of the replies formed
a basis for judging the pitch discrimination of the individual. Thus
a man who failed on a majority of tests comprising intervals of
fewer than three vibrations and answered correctly on a majority
of tests comprising intervals of three or more vibrations may be
considered as having three vibrations as the limit of his pitch dis-
crimination. The direct result of these tests can be shown quantita-
tively, but in addition to this result there are observations of equal
importance which depend to a large extent on personal knowledge
of the individuals being tested. For instance, men whom the writer
knows from an acquaintance of several years to be men of great
firmness and independence of character showed special power of
concentration and recognized small intervals (1, 2, or 3 vibrations)
in the early part of the test, while men of less strong individuality
did not make their best record until the test was almost completed.
A particularly clear example of this occuiTed among the Chippewa.
A man and two of his sons were tested, all being prominent singers
on the White Earth Reservation. The father and one of the sons
(known respectively as Big Bear and George Big Bear) recorded
songs for the writer during her musical study among the Chippewa.
The older man retains much of the native character, while his sons are
somewhat divided in their sympathies, having much in common with
the older Indians but having progressed so far in the white man's way
that when these tests were made they were employed as carpenters
by the Government. A record of the tests of these three men indi-
cates the pitch discrimination of the older man as about three vibra-
tions, and that of his two sons as about five vibrations.
The pitch discrimination of the older Chippewa and Sioux Indians
was, generally speaking, about 3 vibrations. As the interval between
a' and b' is 54 vibrations, the mterval of 5 vibrations is approxi-
58
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
mately one-eleventh of a tone, and the interval of 3 vibrations is
approximately one-eighteenth of a tone.
The following tables give the record of the tests made on 10 persons
in each tribe:
CHIPPEWA
Number of vil)rations in interval.
Number of
times this
interval
was used
in test.
Correct
answers.
Per cent.
Incorrect
answers.
Per cent.
1 to 4
62
96
42
32
67
34
51
70
81
30
29
8
49
5 to 10
30
11 to 30
19
Total
200
133
60.5
67
33.5
SIOUX
1 to 4
57
79
G4
34
67
52
60
85
81
23
12
12
40
5 to 10
15
11 to 30
19
Total
200
153
76.5
47
23.5
It may be seen that there is no significant difference in the average
ability of these two groups as shown in the small number of records
here given. After comparing these records with those of American
whites under various conditions, Professor Seashore is of the opinion
that the abihties here shown are about as good as one would find
among the average American whites under similar circumstances.
Music as a Cultivated Art Among Chippewa and Sioux *
From the structural data given in the foregoing tables and from
the descriptions of the singers and their manner of singing contained
in the following pages, it seems permissible to make some observa-
tions concerning music as a cultivated art among the Chippewa and
the Sioux. In tliis, as in the melodic and rhythmic analyses, we may
bear in mind certain fundamental principles of music as an art among
white races. The musical standards of civiUzed peoples have been
gradually developed and are concerned with composition and manner
of rendition. The music of Chippewa and Sioux will be considered
with reference to both these standards.
In the phonographic recording of aliout 1 ,000 Indir.n songs and in
contact with a large number of Indian singers the writer has found
> This chapter was read by a delegation of Sioux who were in Washington on tribal business. The dele-
gation was composed of five men, one each from the Standing Rock, Pine Ridge, Rosebud, Crow Creek,
and Lower Brule Agencies. They pronounced the standards of Indian musical criticism to be correctly
set forth, adding only that in order to be a good musician among the Indians a man must be able to learn
a melody quickly, and that a good musiciai. could sing a melody correctly after hearing it two or three times.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 59
unmistakable evidence of musical criticism. Certain men are gen-
erally acknowledged to be "good singers" and certain songs are said
to be "good songs." This implies that the songs and the singers
satisfy some standard of evaluation. The Indian may not be able to
formulate this standard, but its existence is evidence of an esthetic
impulse.
We may note at this time a few observations on this subject
opening it for fm-ther investigation. First, in the matter of composi-
tion it is observed that the oldest songs, which are considered the best
songs, were "composed in dreams." This means that they came in a
supposedly supernatural manner to the mind of a man who was hoping
for such experiences and who had established the mental and physical
conditions under which they were believed to occur. In this we have
the native concept of what we call "inspiration." The Indian isolated
himself by going away from the camp, while the white musician or poet
locks his door, but both reahze the necessity of freedom from dis-
traction. A majority of the songs said to have been thus received
by the Indians have a rhythmic and melodic unity which is not
always present in songs said to have been "made up." Thus the
writer once heard a song which was said to have been recently com-
posed, and on inquiry learned that several men had "composed it
together." This was evidenced by a lack of unity in the melody,
which contained too many peculiarities. The form of the melody
suggested the possibihty that each man had incorporated in it a
favorite interval, or some other musical fancy of his own. The
result was a composite rather than a unit.
The comparative analyses in Bulletin 53 (pp. 51-58) suggest a
relation between mental concept and the form of its musical expres-
sion. The significant prominence of the ascending and descending
interval of a fourth in songs concerning motion was noted in Bul-
letin 53 (pp. 99-101) and is found also in songs of the present series.
A comparison of the structure of the old songs with that of songs
said to be somewhat modern shows that the more recent songs con-
tain a smaller compass, larger number of progressions and a more
regular rhythm. The latter tendency was shown by the following
incident: In recording a Chippewa song from an old Indian the wTiter
found the rhythm peculiar, with frequent changes of measure
lengths ; later the same song was recorded by a young man, said to
be an excellent singer. On comparing the phonograpliic records it
was found that the younger singer had slightly changed the rhythm
so as to avoid the irregularity in the measure lengths. The song had
lost its native character and also its musical interest.
The various occasions of music which exist among civihzed races
are found also among the Indians. It is a custom that songs con-
nected with ceremonial acts shall be simg only by those who have
60 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
received them in dreams, or who have inherited or purchased the
right to sing them. Such songs form one class of Indian music.
To another class belong songs of games and dances, songs of war
and of the hunt, as well as songs which celebrate the deeds of a
chief or successful warrior. The words of all these songs, while often
showing high degree of poetic feeling, appear to be less subjective
in character than the words of similar English songs. It is difficult
to state what Indian songs correspond to the folk songs of the white
race, but in such a group should probably be included the songs
connected with folk tales. These are many in number and usually
are represented as being sung by animals. An example of this is
the story and song of the crawfish (Bulletin 53, p. 305). Songs of
this class are found to vary more than any others in their rendition
by different people; perhaps because they were more generally known
and sung than others, with less criticism as to correctness of rendition.
Among musicians of civdized races the standards of excellence in
a singer include (1) intonation, (2) quality of tone, (3) range of voice,
(4) memory, and (5) interpretation (intellectual and emotional).
(1) Intonation. — Observing Indian singers according to these
standards, the writer has noticed that ''good singers" keep the pitch
of their tones approximately that of the tones of the diatonic scale,
and that in songs recorded by such men and women the pitch of
"accidentals" is practically the same in every rendition of the song.
This is not the case in songs phonographically recorded by men whose
musical standing among their own people is not so high. An instance
of this is as follows : On the transcription of a song recorded by an old
man it was found that the melody showed no feeling for a keynote.
Inquiry among the Indians disclosed the fact that the man was not
considered by them to be a good singer. The same song was accord-
ingly obtained from a man of acknowledged musical proficiency, and
on comparing the renditions it was found that by slight alterations
in pitch the song had become diatonic in character, the intervals
closely resembling those of the scale and ending on a keynote. Ex-
perience in listening to the melodies of Chippewa and Sioux makes it
possible to distinguish between a melody which has unusual native
peculiarities and one which is distorted by a poor singer.
The accuracy of an Indian in repeating a song should also be con-
sidered. For this purpose several consecutive repetitions of each
song were recorded. As an evidence of accuracy in repeating cere-
monial songs the following incident may be cited: In 1912 the writer
recorded four songs of the Creek Women's society of the Mandan, '
from IVIrs. Holding Eagle, one of its members. In 1915 Mrs. Holding
Eagle recorded the songs a second time, and on comparison it was
found that the pitch and metronome speed of all the songs was the
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC . 61
same in the second as in the first records. In two of tlie songs there
was no difference in the shghtest respect; in one what appeared as a
ghssando progression in the first recording was sung in definite inter-
vals in the second; and in the fourth song there was a shght differ-
ence in the opening measures but none in the part containing the
words. Several consecutive renditions of the songs were recorded
on both occasions. Another and similar instance occurred among
the Chippewa. Odjib'we (See Bulletin 53) recorded certain songs in
August, 1909, and March, 1910, the two recordings showing the same
pitch of the song as a whole, and also a slight deviation from diatonic
pitch on the same tones, this deviation being perceptible but not
enough to be indicated by an accidental.
See also analysis of song No. 209 of this volume.
(2) Quality of tone. — The manner of tone production by the Indian
is different from that of the white man. The former cultivates and
greatly admires a pronounced vibrato; a falsetto tone is also con-
sidered a mark of musical proficiency. An instance of this is men-
tioned in Bulletin 53 (p. 252): A singer at Red Lake, ^linn., "sang
in falsetto voice with a pecuhar throaty vibrato. He said that he
discovered his ability to do this when he was a boy and had cultivated
it ever since." This vibrato is not invariably found in a good singer,
but, as m the white race, it is frequently present. A peculiar nasal
tone is always used in the Love songs, so that one accustomed to the
music of these tribes can recognize these songs by the tone quality,
as well as by a melodic freedom greater than that in other songs.
Another quality of tone is that used in the songs of hopeless illness,
or in the "wailing songs" after a death. To these may be added the
crooning tone of the lullabies. Other tone qualities are undoubtedly
and perhaps intentionally used, these being, however, the most easily
recognized.
(3) Compass of voice. — An expanded compass is admired among the
Chippewa and Sioux as weU as among musicians of the white race.
Songs Nos. 55, 195, 202, have each a compass of 17 tones; two of these
were recorded by Kills-at-Night, who has a wide reputation as a
singer. Other songs have a compass of 13 or 14 tones each.
(4) Memory. — The memory test ("repertoire") obtains among
these Indians as well as among civihzed musicians. The writer has
never attempted to exhaust the number of songs wliich could be
recorded by a good singer. The largest number of songs recorded
by one individual are those of Odjib'we m Bulletin 53. As he was
recording songs known to no other person he was asked to record
more than 80. These were songs which were practically all of the
same class; he doubtless remembered many others of different kinds.
The recording of 50 or 60 songs by one individual is not unusual in
the present work, selections bemg made from this number after tran-
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ci
scription, and many records being used for comparison with records
of the same song by other singers.
(5) Interpretation {intellectual and emotional). — Among these In-
dians, as among white musicians, there must be a convincing quality
in a singer's rendition of a song. It has frequently been said to the
writer, "So-and-so laiows the old songs, but he is not a good singer;
he can give you the melody, but it will not be well sung." Into this
"convincmg quality" there enters another element — the personality
of the singer. It is required that a good singer among Indians, as
well as among white men, shall carry with him full confidence in
himself, and do his work with authority.
From the foregoing data it appears that in general character the
musical standards of the Chippewa and Sioux Indians bear a resem-
blance to those of the white race.
CEREMONIES
The White Buffalo Calf Pipe (Ptehin'cala Canoi^^'pa)
It is fitting that a narrative of the gift of the White Buffalo Calf pipe
to the Sioux should introduce the present account of the ceremonies
and customs of the tribe. Throughout this memoir reference will
be made to ceremonial acts performed in accordance with the instruc-
tions of the White Buffalo Maiden, a supernatural being through
whose agency the ceremonial pipe was given tq the Sioux. ^
The narrative in its present form was given by I^na'la-wica' (Lone
Man; see pi. 23), and is recorded in the words of the interpreter, Mr.
Robert P. Higheagle. Preceding this recital by Lone Man, the sub-
ject had been studied with otlier informants for more than two years.
A smnmary of this study was read to Lone Man and discussed with
him, after which he was requested to give the narrative in connected
form, incorporating therewith material which he wished to add.^
The ancient and sacred tradition of the Sioux was given by Lone
Man as follows:
In the olden times it was a general custom for the Sioux tribe (especially the Teton
band of Sioux) to assemble in a body once at least during the year. This gathering
took place usually about that time of midsummer when everything looked beautiful
and everybody rejoiced to live to see nature at its best — that was the season when
the Sun-dance ceremony took place and vows were made and fulfilled. Sometimes
the tribal gathering took place in the fall when wild game was in the best condition,
when wild fruits of all kinds were ripe, and when the leaves on the trees and plants
were the brightest.
One reason why the people gathered as they did was that the tribe as a whole might
celebrate the victories, successes on the warpath, and other good fortunes which had
occurred during the year while the bands were scattered and each band was acting
somewhat independently. Another reason was that certain rules or laws were made
by the head chiefs and other leaders of the tribe, by which each band of the tribe was
governed. For instance, if a certain band got into trouble with some other tribe, as
the Crows, the Sioux tribe as a whole should be notified. Or if an enemy or enemies
came on their hunting grounds the tribe should be notified at once. In this way the
Teton band of Sioux was protected as to its territory and its hunting grounds.
After these gatherings there was a scattering of the various bands. On one such
occasion the Sans Arc band started toward the west. They were moving from place
to place, expecting to find buffalo and other game which they would lay up for their
winter supply, but they failed to find anything. A council was called and two
young men were selected to go in quest of buffalo and other game. They started on
foot. When they were out of sight they each went in a different direction, but met
again at a place which they had agreed upon. While they were planning and planning
1 In connection with this chapter see Fletcher, Alice C, The White Buflalo Festival of the Uncpapas,
Peabody Museum Reports, ui, Nos. 3 and 4, pp. 260-75, Cambridge, 1S84.
» Other material obtained from Lone Man is found in the chapter on the Sun dance (p. 92), the heyo'ka
(pp. 159-170), and the sacred stones (pp. 214-217).
63
64 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
what to do, there appeared from the west a solitary object advancing toward them.
It did not look like a buffalo; it looked more like a human being than anything else.
They could not make out what it was, but it was coming rapidly. Both considered
themselves brave, so they concluded that they would face whatever it might be.
They stood still and gazed at it very eagerly. At last they saw that it was a beautiful
young maiden. She wore a beautiful fringed buckskin dress, leggings, and moccasins.
HeE.hair was hanging loose except at the left side, where was tied a tuft of shedded
buffalo hair. [See pp. 126, 458.] In her right hand she carried a fan made of flat sage.
B.m face was painted with red vertical stripes. Not knowing what to do or say, they
hesitated, saying nothing to her.
She spoke first, thus: "I am sent by the Buffalo tribe to visit the people you repre-
sent. You have been chosen to perform a difficult task. It is right that you should
try to carry out the wishes of your people, and you must try to accomplish your purpose.
Go home and tell the chief and headmen to put up a special lodge in the middle of the
camp circle, with the door of the lodge and the entrance into the camp toward the
direction where the sun rolls off the earth. Let them spread sage at the place of honor,
and back of the fireplace let a small square place ^ be prepared. Back of this and the
sage let a certain frame, or rack, be made. Right in front of the rack a buffalo
skull should be placed. I have something of importance to present to the tribe,
which will have a great deal to do with their future welfare. I shall be in the camp
about sunrise."
While she was thus speaking to the young men one of them had impure thoughts.
A cloud came down and enveloped this young man. When the cloud left the earth
the young man was left there — only a skeleton. The Maiden commanded the other
young man to turn his back toward her and face in the direction of the camp, then to
start for home. He was ordered not to look back.
When the young man came in sight of the camp he ran in a zigzag course, this being
a signal required of such parties on returning home from a searching or scouting expe-
dition. The people in the camp were on the alert for the signal, and preparations were
begun at once to escort the party home. Just outside the council lodge, in front of
the door", an old man qualified to perform the ceremony was waiting anxiously for the
party. He knelt in the direction of the coming of the party to receive the report of
the expedition. [See p. 441.] A row of old men were kneeling behind him. The
young man arrived at the lodge. Great curiosity was shown by the people on account
of the missing member of the party. The report was made, and the people received
it with enthusiasm.
The special lodge was made, and the other requirements were carried out. The
crier announced in .the whole camp what was to take place on the following morning.
Great preparations were made for the occasion. Early the next morning, at daybreak,
men, women, and children assembled around the special lodge. Young men who were
known to bear unblemished characters were chosen to escort the Maiden into the camp.
[See pp. 72, 103, 111.] Promptly at sunrise she was in sight. Everybody was anxious.
All eyes were fixed on the Maiden. Slowly she walked into the camp. She was
dressed as when she first appeared to the two young men except that instead of the
sage fan she carried a pipe — the stem was carried with her right hand and the bowl
with the left.
The chief, who was qualified and authorized to receive the guest in behalf of the
Sioux tribe, sat outside, right in front of the door of the lodge, facing the direction of
the coming of the Maiden. Wlien she was at the door the chief stepped aside and
made room for her to enter. She entered the lodge, went to the left of the door, and
was seated at the place of honor.
' The square space of mellowed earth, the spread sage, the l>ulIalo skull, and pipe rack are frequently
mentioned in this work. Among other instances the following are cited: pp. 71, 122, 229, 232, 235, 328.
The earth space in the spirit-keeping lodge was round instead of square (p. 82).
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC G5
The chief made a speech welcoming the Maiden, as follows:
"My dear relatives: This day Wakag^tagka has again looked down and smiled
upon us by sending us this young Maiden, whom we shall recognize and consider as a
sister./ She has come to our rescue just as we are in great need. Wakag'tagka
wishes us to live. This day we lift up our eyes to the sun, the giver of light, that
opens our eyes and gives us this beautiful day to see our visiting sister. Sister, we
are glad that you have come to us, and trust that whatever message you have brought
we may be able to abide by it. We are poor, but we have a great respect to visitors,
especially relatives. It is our custom to serve our guests with some special food. We
are at present needy and all we have to offer you is water, that falls from the clouds.
Take it, drink it, and remember that we are very poor. "
Then braided sweet grass was dipped into a buffalo horn containing rain water and
was offered to the Maiden. The chief said, "Sister, we are now ready to hear the good
message you have brought. " The pipe, which was in the hands of the Maiden, was
lowered and placed on the rack. Then the Maiden sipped the water from the sweet
grass.
Then, taking up the pipe again, she arose and said:
"My relatives, brothers and sisters: Wakag 'tag ka has looked down, and smiles
upon us this day because we have met as belonging to one family. The best thing in
a family is good feeling toward every member of the family. I am proud to become a
member of your family— a sister to you all. The sun is your grandfather, and he is
the same to me. Your tribe has the distinction of being always very faithful to prom-
ises, and of possessing great respect and reverence toward sacred things. It is known
also that nothing but good feeling prevails in the tribe, and that whenever any mem-
ber has been found guilty of committing any wrong, that member has been cast out
and not allowed to mingle with the other members of the tribe. For all these good
qualities in the tribe you have been chosen as worthy and deserving of all good gifts.
I represent the Buffalo tribe, who have sent you this pipe. You are to receive this
pipe in the name of all the common people [Indians]. Take it, and use it according
to my directions. The bowl of the pipe is red stone — a stone not very common and
found only at a certain place. This pipe shall be used as a peacemaker. ^ The time
will come when you shall cease hostilities against other nations. Whenever peace ia
agreed upon between two tribes or parties this pipe shall be a binding instrument. By
this pipe the medicine-men shall be called to administer help to the sick. "
Turning to the women, she said :
"My dear sisters, the women: You have a hard life to live in this world, yet without
you this life would not be what it is. Wakag'taijka intends that you shall bear
much sorrow — comfort others in time of sorrow. By your hands the family moves.
You have been given the knowledge of making clothing and of feeding the family.
Wakag'tagka is with you in your sorrows and joins you in your griefs. He has given
you the great gift of kindness toward every living creature on earth. You he has
chosen to have a feeling for the dead who are gone. He knows that you remember
the dead longer than do the men. He knows that you love your children dearly. "
Then turning to the children :
"My little brothers and sisters: Your parents were once little children like you.
])ut in the course of time they became men and women. All living creatures were
once small, but if no one took care of them they would never grow up. Your parents
love you and have made many sacrifices for your sake in order that Wakaij'tagka
may listen to them, and that nothing but good may come to you as you grow up. I
have l^rought this pipe for them, and you shall reap some benefit from it. Learn to
1 Cf. Bulletin 53, pp. 143, 144, in which a woman is said to have been the supernatural means of bringing
permanent peace bet^^'een the Chippewa and Sioux.
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. gi
respect and reverence this pipe, and above all, lead pure lives. Wakag'tagka is your
great grandfather."
Turning to the men:
"Now my dear 1 rothers: In giving you this pipe you are expected to use it for nothing
but good purposes. The tribe as a whole shall depend upon it for their necessary
needs. You realize that all your necessities of life come from the earth helow, the
sky aljove, and the four winds. Whenever you do anything wrong against these elo;
ments they will always take some revenge upon you. You should reverence them.
Offer sacrifices through this pipe. WTien you are in need of buffalo meat, smoke this
pipe and ask for what you need and it shall be granted you. On you it depends to
be a strong help to the women in the raising of children. Share the women's sorrow.
Wakag'tagka smiles on the man who has a kind feeling for a woman, because the
woman is weak. Take this pipe, and offer it to Wakag^tagka daily. Be good and
kind to the little children."
Turning to the chief:
"My older brother: You have been chosen by these people to receive this pipe in
the name of the whole Sioux tribe. Wakag'tagka is pleased and glad this day l^ecause
you have done what it is required and expected that every good leader should do.
By this pipe the tribe shall live. It is your duty to see that this pipe is respected
and reverenced. I am proud to be called a sister. May Wakag'taqka look down on
us and take pity on us and provide us with what we need. Now we shall smoke the
pipe."
Then she took the buffalo chip which lay on the ground, lighted the pipe, and
pointing to the sky with the stem of the pipe, she said, " I offer this to Wakag'tagka
for all the good that comes from above." (Pointing to the earth:) "I offer this to
the earth, whence come all good gifts." (Pointing to the cardinal points:) "I offer
this to the four winds, whence come all good things." Then she took a puff of the
pipe, passed it to the chief, and said, "Now my dear brothers and sisters. I have
done the work for which I was sent here and now I will go, but I do not wish any
escort. I only ask that the way be cleared before me. ' '
Then, rising, she started, leaving the pipe with the chief, who ordered that the
people ))e quiet until their sister was out of sight. She came out of the tent on the
left side, walking very slowly; as soon as she was outside the entrance she turned into
a white buffalo calf.'
It is said that the chief who received the pipe from the White
Buffalo Maiden was Buffalo Stands Upward (Tatag 'ka-woslal'-
nazii)). The pipe has been handed down from one generation to
another, and is said to be now in the possession of Elk Head
(Helia'ka-pa), who lives at Thunder Butte, on the Cheyenne River
Reservation. He is said to be of "about the third generation"
which has kept the pipe, and is 98 years of age.^ Each preceding
keeper of the pipe lived to be more than a hundred years old.
The Indians named the pipe the White Buffalo Calf pipe. Dupli-
cates of it were made, and soon every male member of the tribe
carried a similar pipe. The stem was made to resemble the wind-
pipe of a calf. Whenever this pipe is used in a smoking circle, or
even when two men are smoking together, the rule is that the pipe
^ It Is interesting to observe that the Identity of a dream object often is unrecognized until it turns to
depart. See Bulletin 53, p. 207; also p. 185 of this volume.
" Elk Head died in January, 1916, after the above paragraph was written.
densmobb]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
67
be passed to the left, because that was the direction taken by the
Wliite Buffalo Maiden when she went away. The one who lights
this pipe is required to make an offering.
It is said that the following song was sung by the White Buffalo
Maiden as she entered the camp. This song is sung in the Spirit-
keeping ceremony when the man who is keeping the spirit of liis child
can afford to have a white buffalo robe used in the ceremony. (See
pp. 82, 446.) The words "scarlet relic" refer to the scarlet-wrapped
packet in the lodge of those who are "keeping a spirit."
No. 1. Song of the White Buffalo Maideu (Catalogue No. 5G9) i
Sung by Charging Thunder
Voice J =58
Drum not recorded
Ni - ya taq-iq-yai] ma-wa-ni ye
ya tai]-n]-yai] ma-wa-ni
^9yrij^
' sS UH _< 1 .1 1 T— 1 ^ i g — « •—
— •
[> -4- -^1
-^-r — 1-^' ^^ L,.!=:-L -d-:ij_[-^^
— F — ^
ye
c o - ya - te le i - ma - wa - ni na ho ho
\f ^m^ 1 ^mmi A k^ V- ; -A. ' "^ 1 — ^
1 L — ^_«^p-j«__., — L -=L_ij — ^_^ — ^'^ -— ' ' _a — '
ho - tai^ - ii]-yaij ma - wa-ni
ye ye
ye a ye a
ho - tai] - iij-yai3 ma-wa-ui ye ye ye ye a ye a ye
' The catalogue numbers used throui;hout this memoir correspond respectively with tho numbers des-
ignating the phonograph record of the songs, wnich are preserved in the Bureau oi American Ethnology.
68 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
WORDS
niya' tagig'yag with visible breath '
mawa''ni ye I am walking
oya'te ^ le tliis nation (the Buffalo nation)
ima^wani I walk toward
na and
ho'tagigyag my voice is heard
mawa^ni ye I am walking
n iya^ tagig 'yag with visible breath
mawa''ni ye I am walking
walu'ta le this scarlet relic
ima'wani ye (for it) I am walking
Analijsis.^ — -This song is minor in tonality and melodic in structure.
Thirty-four progressions are found in the melody, 22 (65 per cent) of
which are minor thirds. This is an unusually large proportion of any
one interval in a song. Ten of the remaining intervals (29 per cent)
are major seconds, the others being an ascending fifth and a descend-
ing fourth. The tempo of the song is slow, and the short tones at
the end of the first and similar measures were given in correct time.
As in all the songs, vocables are here italicized. In this song they
were sung with marked emphasis.
The final measure of this song is transcribed as a complete measure,
though the song begins on an unaccented tone. This precedent wdll
be followed throughout the present work, instances in which the
repetition of a song begins without a break in the time being indi-
cated by the usual mark for repeat.
The Alo'wat^'pi Ceremony
This ceremony has been used b}' the Pa^\^lee, Omaha, Osage,
Ponca, Iowa, Oto, and Dakota tribes. The ceremony among the
Omaha and Pa%\Tiee has been studied by Miss Alice C. Fletcher,
whose research includes the ceremonial songs of these tribes.'' As the
ceremony has been in disuse among the Dakota for many years it was
impossible to study it exhaustively, but sufficient information was
available for a general comparison with the customs of the above-
mentioned tribes. From this comparison it is evident 'that the
1 In cold weather the breath of a herd of buffalo, rising in the frosty air, could be plainly seen.
2 The word oya'te is of frequent occurrence in these songs. Wlien reference is made to the Indians the
word is translated "tribe'', but it is often used in connection with animals (see p. 162, footnote).
3 The descriptive analyses of these songs should not be regarded as exhaustive. It is their purpose
merely to point out peculiarities of melody or rhythm which may aid the reader in a further investigation
of the subject. Moreover, the phraseology of these analyses should "be understood as general in character,
Thus, the term "accurate intonation" should not be considered to mean that in every instance the Indian
sang the exact interval, but that, so far as concerns the present work, the interval was practically
correct. These descriptive analyses are based on tabulated anal}'ses of individual songs, which are not
herewith presented, but are incorporated in the tables of analysis found at the close of the groups of
songs, and also In the tables on pp. 12-21.
<Cf. Fletcher, Alice C, The"Wawa'>",or Pipe Dance of the Omahas.in Peabody Mus.Rep.,iu,'Sos.Z,i,
pp. 308-333, Cambridge, Mass., 1884; also The Hako; a Pawnee Ceremony, by the same author, in Twenty-
second Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, 1904.
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
69
ceremony in transmission to another tribe and locality has undergone
modifications and changes in detail.
Among the Teton Sioux the ceremony is known as Alo'waijpi,
meaning "to sing for someone/' and also as the Hur)ka, this being
the name applied to the child who fills an important role in the
ceremon}'.
Among the Sioux this ceremony was closely associated with the
Wliite Buffalo Maiden and her mysterious visit to the tribe. The
following account concerns the usage of the Teton Sioux. The sub-
ject was studied by the writer during two visits to the reservation,
and Mr. Higheagle continued the work for several months, consulting
the older Indians as he had opportunity. The material embodies the
original narrative by Weasel Bear and also many points contributed
by Chased-by-Bears. Eagle Shield, White-paw Bear, Jaw, and others
''i;ll^ii^'i'-ii^ii^M!.4i'ciil
Fig. 20. Drawing from picture-calendar — the year of the first Alo'waijpi ceremony.
who were qualified to express opinions on the subject. The account
in its final form was translated to, and pronoimced correct by, Weasel
Bear and others equally well informed.
In a picture-calendar of the Teton Sioux there occurs a native draw-
ing of this ceremony (fig. 20), the year represented by the drawing
being called "Awi'ca alo'waijpi wani'yetu," meaning literally "truth-
fully singmg whiter;" miderstood as "ceremonial singing winter."
This is the first year recorded on this calendar, and the writer's
informant said it represented the first year in which the Alo'waqpi
ceremony was held by the Standing Rock Sioux. The date corres-
ponds to the year 1801. The calendar, which is owned by Black
Thunder, of Eagle River, closes with a representation of the Black
Hills council which took place in 1912. The dates of other historical
events are correctly indicated.
4840°— Bull. 61—18 7
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
In describing the purport of the ceremony Looking Elk (HeKa'ka-
wa'kita), a Teton Sioux, said:
The great result of this ceremony is that the man who performed it was regarded as
a father by the child for whom he performed it. He made a solemn vow taking that
child under his protection until one or the other died. He became like a brother to
the man whose children he sang over and painted with the huqka stripes. In all
the great ceremonies of the Sioux there is not one that binds two men together so
strongly as this.
The ke}Tiote, or central idea, of this ceremony (as held hy the
Teton Sioux) is the affection of a father for his cliild, and his desire
that only good should come to it. The following statement is given
in the words of Mr. Pliglieagle:
It is strictly believed and understood by the Sioux that a child is the greatest gift
from Wakaij'taijka, in response to many devout prayers, sacrifices, and promises.
Therefore the child is considered "sent by Wakag'tagka," through some element —
namely, the element of human being. That the child may grow up in health with all
the virtues expected, and especially that no serious misfortune may befall the child, the
father makes promises or vows to Wakaij'taijka as manifested by the different elements
of the earth and sky. During the period of youthful bles.=edness the father spared no
pains to let the people know of his; great love for his child or children. This was
measured by his fellow men according to the sacrifices or gifts given, or the number of
ceremonies performed . In order to have a standard by which this love could be shown,
the first thing taken into consideration and adopted was the "^Tiite Buffalo Maiden,
Sent to the Sioux tribe by the Buffalo tribe. The impression left upon the people by
the Maiden and her extraordinary good qualities were things that were much admired
by every parent as a model for his children. This j\Iaiden was pure white, without a
blemish — that was the principal desire of the father for the character of his child.
The Maiden addressed men, women, and children.
It had been told by the Maiden that good things would come to the peoj^le
by means of the pipe, so it seemed necessary that there be a ceremony, having
connection with the Maiden and with the pipe. For this reason the essential article
in the Alo'wagpi ceremony is the "Hugka Canog'pa," a decorated wand, which
represents the pipe given to the Indians by the Maiden, the original pipe not being
available when needed for this ceremony. ['] This wand, or pipestem, was carried
and employed by the itay'cay, "leader" P] during the ceremony, and when that was
finished it was given to the child for whom the ceremony had been performed. In
many families such a pipestem was handed down for many generations. The manner
of decorating the pipestem has also been handed down, and neither the shape nor the
decoration can be changed. A new pipestem might be made by some one who had
undergone the ceremony, but an old one was generally used. The wand, or pipe-
stem, was usually about 20 inches long. On it were fastened tufts of the feathers of
the kagke^da, pileated woodpecker, and above each tuft of feathers was the head of
H In stating that the wand represented the pipe, the tradition related by the informant seems to have
confused the s5'mbolic meaning of the two. See article Calumet, by J. N. B. Hewitt, in Handbook of
American Indians, pt. 1.]
[■ The exact significance of this word may 1-e understood from the connection in which it is used (ci. pp.
162, 180, footnotes), or otherwords maybe added tomalce the meaning more definite. Thus certain officers
in the spirit lodge, and the leader of dancers in the Sun dance were called merely itay'tar) (see pp. 81, 98).
other officers in the spirit lodge were designated, respectively, wcspay'}:a ilipc'ya itar/'car), 'leader in
charge of food'; wn'wa^i itajj'cjr), literally 'la'^or leader', and itay'tarj iya'tar) ki'yapi, 'leader who lights
the pipe' while the rt^aster of the entire spirit-keeping ceremony was known as a'taya itay'day (see pp.
80, 81). An intensified form of the word, in'itay'iay, 'supreme leader', appears on p. 216.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 71
a woodpecker (Phleoeotomus pileatus). ['] The tail feathers of an eagle, in the form
of a fan, and alsostrands of horsehair, were hung from the wand. [See pi. 3.] ^
In explaining the use of the woodpecker in decorating the Huqka
Canoij'pa it was said that this is "a simple, humble bird, which stays
near its nest and is seldom seen." ^ This bird seems to have been
considered especially appropriate, because children who underwent
this ceremony were more closely guarded and protected than others.
They usually belonged to well-to-do families, in which the girls were
seldom seen in public until they were grown up. The ceremony
could be held for several children at a time, and often took place in
fulfillment of a vow.*
The wish of the parents that this ceremony be performed for their
child or children was fh'st declared. An invitation was then sent to
the man whom the father desired to perform the ceremony, and who
thereafter would be bound to the father by a tie even stronger than
that of natural brotherhood, because he had assumed a responsibility
not placed on him by nature. An invitation was usually conveyed
by means of a pipe, but for this ceremony a different form of invita-
tion was used. The father of the child made a case from the dried
bladder of a buffalo, into which he put many little packages of
tobacco, one or two pipefuls being wrapped in membrane, similar to
the packets fastened to sticks as off erings at the Sun dance (p. 102).
The case, after being tied or sealed, was wrapped in a cloth. This
was taken to the man selected to perform the ceremony. If he
accepted the invitation, he opened the case; otherwise he returned
it unopened.
On acceptance of the invitation great preparations were begun.
Two large lodges were erected in the middle of the camp circle and
united so as to make one lodge of double the usual size, opening
toward the west. This and the other details of the ceremony were
m accordance with the instructions given by the White Buffalo
Maiden on her first appearance to the Indians. The lodge was Uke
the one which they built to receive her. There was no fire within,
but opposite the door and slightly back of the middle of the lodge a
square of exposed and "mellowed" earth was prepared. (See p. 64,
footnote.) In the two corners of this square farthest from the door
[' The de?orat ions oT the calumet more fretiuently consisted of the feathers or heads of the duck, owl,
eagle, or other birds. See J. N. n. Hewitt , art. Calumd in Handbook of American Indians, pt. 1.]
2 The pileated woodpecker is commonly called woodcock, and, through misunderstanding, the bird
heads shown in pi. 3 are those of the common woodcock.
* Cf. the following instances in which the characteristics of a bird or an animal were desired by the Indians
who, in some cases, wore a part of the bird or animal on their persons; the deer (in a decoration), because
tills animal can endure thirst a long time (p. 125); the hawk as "the surest bird of prey" (p. 139); the
elk, in gallantry (p. ITfi); the fl-og, in watchfulness (p. 100); the owl, in "night-wisdom and gentle
ways" (p. 181); the bear, which "though fierce, has given many medicinal herlis for the good of man"
(p. 195): the kit-fox, which is "active and wily" (p. 314); the crow, which is especially direct as well
as swift in flight (p. 319), and the wo'.f, in hardihood (p. 388).
* Cf. the piercing: of a child's ears at the Sun dance in fulfdlraent of a similar vow (p. 137).
72 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAISr ETHNOLOGY [boll. 6i
were placed two buffalo chips, which were used in lighting the cere-
monial pipes. Sweet grass also was made ready for lighting the pipes.
Fresh sage was spread on the ground m the rear of the square, and on
this was laid a buffalo skull painted with red lines and having the open-
ings filled with sage. (See pp. 64, 185.) The nose of the skuU was near,
but did not touch the side of the square. Strips of red flannel were
tied on the horns. Back of the buffalo skull stood a pipe rack formed
of two upright sticks, each having a crotch at the top, between which
was laid a cross-bar; the whole was painted blue. This pipe rack
was similar to that used in the Sun dance, but the position of the
pipe (or wand) was reversed, the bowl of the Sun-dance pipe resting
against the forehead of the buffalo skull, as sho\\^l in plate 20, while
the Hui)ka pipe was placed with the stem toward the skull. If more
than one child was to be "sung over," there was a pipe for each, beneath
which was laid the white eagle-plume to be tied on the head of the
child during the ceremony. The rattle to be used by the itag'cai)
leaned against one of the posts of the pipe rack. Against the pipe
rack was placed also an ear of corn on a stick, decorated in blue as
shown in plate 3. It was essential that this be particularly regular
in form, with an even number of kernels arranged in straight Unes.^
Thus the ceremonial articles comprised the ear of corn, the deco-
rated pipe (or wand), the pipe rack and the tuft of white down, and
also a bunch of shed buffalo hair which was used in the ceremony.
These were provided by the man who performed the ceremony, who
kept them wrapped in a red cloth. The preparation of the lodge was
completed by the erection aromid it of a barricade of hides, so placed
as to keep spectators at a proper distance.
The Teton Sioux were not originally an agricultural people, and
the use of corn in this ceremony formed the subject of considerable
inquiry. In response to this inquiry the writer was told the follow-
ing legend of the coming of the corn, which, in its final form, is given
in the words of the interpreter, Mr. Higheagle:
There was an old couple living on the bank of a river. They had been married a
long time, but did not have any children, though they had often asked Wakag'taijka
to send them a child. This special request was always made when they were in the
sweat-bath booth. On one of these occasions, while they were praying, they heard
some one outside saying that their prayer had been heard and would be granted on
the following morning. They were very much pleased and felt overanxious.
On the next morning the old man went out, and there, right in front of the door,
peeped out of the ground a greenish opening of some seed — out of the ground. The
old man was very much excited, and, not knowing what to do, they both went into
the sweat-bath booth and asked what they should do. As before, they heard a voice
1 Articles for ceremonial use were required to be as perfect as possible! Cf. choice of the buffalo skull,
and the tree for the sacred pole, in the Sim dance (pp. 102, 111), also the ax used in cutting the tree (p. 112).
The sacred stones were regidar in outline and untouched by a tool (p. 205). Purity of life was required of
leaders in all ceremonies. See also the statement on p. 173, footnote, that what is genuine should be pre-
ferred to what is artificial.
denbmorh]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
73
saying : ' ' Fear not. This plant which you behold is going to grow into the most beauti-
ful child you ever saw. Watch for its development. Take good care of it. Give it
plenty of air, sunshine, and water. Let no other plant or shrub grow near it." So
they, realizing this was the child they had been desiring, went out and did as they
were told. The plant grew up, had green clothing, and beautiful whitish hair. It
grew to be tall. Finally beautiful corn, nicely enveloped in green covering, grew out.
As soon as the coverings had turned to another color the corn was taken out. So from
this they concluded that Wakag'tagka had sent them something to keep and to raise.
In the old times this ceremony extended through several days, and
many ceremonial songs were sung. In its later observance by the
Teton Sioux it is said that the entire ceremony was concluded in one
day. Only two of the songs were recorded by the ^vriter.
It was said that at the opening of the ceremony the itaij'caq came
from the double lodge and started to get the children for whom the
ceremony was to be performed. They pretended that they did not
know where the children lived and went through the camp singing
the foUowins: sons::
No. 2. Song of Pretended Search
Sung by \\'easel Bear
(Catalogue No. 649)
Voice J= 112
Drim not recorded
-•- -•- -•-
r\
-9-
«_*_#-»—
^—
-^
^
"^S^i!^
-J — 1 — 1 — ^—
\
-1
-' • ■' ^ — 1
t~i
1 —
V—^-jr-
-(^ —
I' 14-,
. -.^ -,
1 — 1
1 1
T^^
:ia
!^S£
*-/*^
r^ I r^
?=p:
s
n
E - ca tu-kte ti - pi so
WORDS (free translation)
eda' I wonder
tukte' where
ti'pi so they live
Analysis. — It is interesting to observe here the rhythmic unit in
connection with the use of the song. As already stated, this is a song
of search, the singer going around the camp pretending to seek a
certaui tent. He hastened to a tent, paused, and then passed on,
repeatmg this procedure until he came to the tent which was his
destination. Thus in the rhythmic unit we find a hurried triplet of
eighth notes, followed in the next measure by a tone prolonged to
the length of four quarter notes. The song is simple in form and has
a compass of eight tones, descending from the octave to the tonic.
The tones are those of the second five-toned scale, and the tonic
chord is prominent in the melody. One-third of the intervals are
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN' ETHNOLOGY [boll, ei
minor thirds. Five renditions were recorded witli no break in the
time; these are uniform in every respect.
When the man (or men) arrived at the door of the children's home
they did not enter at once, but began to tell of their deeds in the past
as an evidence of their right to perform the Alo'wagpi ceremony.
Without this narration they would not be allowed to enter and get
the children, as none but those who had in the past, and who still
had, the necessary qualifications could perform this sacred rite over
children.
If the children were small they were carried to the double lodge in
blankets on the backs of the itaij'caq. On their way to the lodge the
men stopped four times (see pp. 78, 83, 113, 116, 167, 328) giving
the ''wolf howl", which was used to signalize approach. When they
reached the double lodge the itaij'caq sat in the place of honor, back
of the pipe rack. There might be one man for each child who was
to be " sung over," and each of these men had his own pipe, or wand,
which was placed against the pipe rack.
Describing the enacting of the ceremony for his two daughters,
Weasel Bear said :
Everyone could see the old man as he painted the faces of the girls. He painted a
blue line fi'om the hair-parting down to the end of the nose, then across the upper part
of the forehead and down to the cheek, ending at a point opposite the end of the nose.
Red stripes could be added after the blue paint had been 2>ut on the face. The red
stripes were narrow, extending downward from the line across the forehead and being
the same length as the vertical blue lines. Additional red stripes could be added at
any time by a person qualified to do it, -a horse being given for the right to wear two
or three more stripes.
On many important occasions this decoration of the face was used
by those who had the right to use it. A white eagle plume was
fastened in the hair of a girl whose f a6e was to be painted. In plate 8
is shown a spirit post decorated with the plume which was worn by
the daughter of Weasel Bear in the Alo'waqpi ceremony, described
by him; the tip of the quill was covered with duck feathers similar to
those used on a Sun-dance pipe. W^ith the eagle plume was fastened
a strand of horse hair colored red, the whole being suspended by a
narrow strip of hide, so that it hinig lightly.
Continuing his narrative, Weasel Bear said:
After the faces of the girls were painted the itag'dag stood with his rattle in his right
hand and the decorated wand in his left, and waved the wand over them as he
sang the following song. E.ich girl held in her hand a decorated ear of corn as the song
was sung. [This scene is shown in a native drawing on cloth made by Jaw (pi. 4).]
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 4
PART OF HUt^KA CEREMONY (NATIVE DRAWING)
densmoke]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 3. Ceremonial Song
Sung bv "W'easkl Bear
75
(Catalogue No. G48;
VoiCK J— 52
Drum not recorded
Le huij - ka ye e le liuij - ka a ya ya le huij-
!i
ka ya ya ya le liuij - ka ya ya ya
wai] - ka - tu kii) le huq - ka ya ya ya le liiuj - ka
WORDS
(First rendition)
le hug'ka this honored one
e(5a^ behold
wagkag^tu kiij you who are above
(Second rendition)
le hurj^a this honored one
e&i/ behold
maka'' kiij you who are in the earth
( Third rendition)
le hug^sa this honored one
eda'' behold
wiyo^hpeyata you who dwells where the sun falls (west)
(Fourth rendition)
le hug''ka this honored one
eda'' '. behold
wazi^yata you who dwell in the home of the giant (north)
{Fifth rendition)
le hug'ka this honored one
e6i^ behold
myo^hiyagpata you who dwell where the sun continually
returns (east)
(Sixth rendition)
le hug^ka this honored one
eda^ behold
ito^kagata. you who dwell in the direction we face with
outstretched arms (south)
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei
Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the minor triad
and fourth. Similar tone material is found in so many of these songs
that it deserves special observation. Reference to Table 6 shows
that it constitutes the tone material of 12 per cent of the songs, this
being the largest proportion except that of the second five-toned scale
(13 percent) and the fourth five-toned scale (18 percent). There are
two ways in which this tone material may be regarded — as a minor
triad with the fourth as a passing tone and as a combination of tones
leading toward the second five-tone scale. If the first be the correct
standpoint, we may expect a large proportion of songs containing
either the minor triad alone or with some other tone used as a
passing tone, but such is not found. We note only 1 per cent
containing the minor triad alone, and less than 1 per cent with an-
other tone as a passing tone. Regarding the matter from the second
standpoint, we note that the percentage of songs on the second five-
toned scale is less than that of those on the fourth five-toned scale.
It is observed, however, that the proportion of songs containing the
major triad and sixth is 12 per cent. This bears the same relation to
the complete fourth five-toned scale that the minor triad and fourth
bears to the complete second five-toned scale. In this connection,
see Bulletin 53, pages 4-5. Tests and comparisons similar to the
foregoing are presented merely as suggestions for the practical use
of the present method of analyzing Indian music.
Like the preceding song, this has a compass of 12 tones, beginning
on the octave and ending on the tonic. It is, however, harmonic in
structure, while the precedmg is melodic. The proportion of minor
thirds is larger than in the precedmg song, constituting about 39 per
cent of the intervals. As in the preceding song, the vocables were
slightly emphasized, and the words of the many renditions were dis-
tinctly sung. Neither this nor the preceding song contains a change
of time. Only 23 per cent of the 340 Chippewa songs are without
change of time, and this contmuity appears in only 1(3 per cent of
this series.
After the ceremony (which, as alreadystated, was not studied in detail
by the writer) the decorated pipe (or wand) and the corn became the
property of the child for whom the ceremony had been performed.
In departing with the children the Itaq'caij, pausing four times, gave
the long "wolf call" which had signalized then* approach to the cere-
monial lodge. Liberal rewards were given those who performed this
ceremony, Weasel Bear stating that he bestowed three horses and a
pipe on the old man who painted and ''sang over" his daughters.
The celebration of this ceremony placed a child in a highly
respected position m the tribe. Such a child was regarded as possess-
ing that which would "make it nothing but good in every way," and
was "recognized by all as ranking above an ordmary child."
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 5
DECORATED ROBE
DENSMORB] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 77
A young girl for whom the Alo'waqpi ceremony had been performed
might wear a calfskm robe similar to that shown in plate 5. The
decoration on this robe indicates that the wearer had taken part in
the Huijka ceremony, and also that her relatives had been successful
in war. Red, blue, and yellow are the colors used in the decorations.
It was said that "red represents blood, blue is a 'blue cloud,' indicat-
ing success, and yellow is the color of the sky at morning,"^ The
stripes on the head of the calfskin are red and represent the Hugka
stripes painted on the face of the child for whom the ceremony was
performed. The two lines bordering the entire decoration are blue,
and the space between them is yellow. Near the left margm are red
hues, said to represent a spider's web. The crescents along the right
margin represent the phases of the moon, blue being used to repre-
sent a quarter moon and red a full moon. These are the phases in
which the child's relative engaged m the war expeditions noted in the
decoration of the robe. Next to this border are parallel lines, the
dots on which represent the number of camps made during a certain
expedition. The panel in the center of the robe represents the
"warrior's path." A war party with eight camps is here shown,
each round dot representing a camp. Such a robe could be made
only by a woman whose relative had been successful in war. The
robe illustrated was made by the wife of Dog Eagle. (See p. 349.)
The Ceremony of Spirit-keeping^ (Waki'cagapi)
In the old days a Sioux, filled with grief at the death of a near
relative, might prolong his period of mourning by "keeping the
spirit" for several months or a year, and then "letting it go" by
means of a certain ceremony. This was a custom which exacted a
great deal and which, having been begun, must be carried out con-
sistently, either by the man who undertook it, or in the event of his
death by his nearest relative. A man considered this before he
announced his intention of "keeping the spirit" of a relative. He
considered the fact that for many months he could not hunt, nor go
to war, nor share in the social activities of the tribe, and he also
counted the cost of gifts wliich he must distribute at the feast for
releasing the spirit. If he felt that he could meet these requu'ements
he made known his decision, and those who wished to join him w^ere at
liberty to do so, each providing a "spirit bundle" (wana'gi wapa'Htd)
• other symbolisms mentioned in this work are as follows: The white buffalo robe used in Huqka cere-
mony (p. 80); colors— red. blue, yellow, white, and black (p. 124); ascending smoke of sweet grass (p. 127,
footnote); a hoop (pp. 139,295); water, fire, and steam (p. 167); outline and structure of the sacred stones,
byChased-by-Bears (p.20o); by Brave Buffalo (p. 208); a hand (p. 330). The symbolism of the "earth
space" is given on page 122. footnote.
2 See in this connection Fletcher, Alice C, The Shadow or Ghost Lodge: A Ceremony of the Ogallala
Sioux, Peabody Mus. Reps., in, Nos. 3, 4, pp. 296-307; also Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan
Cults, in Eleitnth Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 4S7-S9, 1894.
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
to represent the spirit of a relative, and also his share of food and
gifts for the final feast.
The Ceremony of Spirit-keeping, like the Alo'waijpi, had its inspira-
tion in the Coming of the White Buffalo Maiden, and everything was
done in accordance with her instructions. The manner of studying
this subject was similar to that used in connection with the two pre-
ceding chapters. The spirit of a child was "kept" more frequently
than that of a grown person, and the writer's first work on this cere-
mony consisted in taking down a narrative by Weasel Bear (inter-
preted by Mrs. McLauglilin) , in which he told of keeping the spirit
of a little daughter. A year later this narrative was discussed by
Bear Face^ and other old men (Mr. Higheagle interpreting), and
many points were added. In its final form the first part is based on
a narrative by Bear Face, while in the latter part the information
given by Weasel Bear has been incorporated, together with details
supplied by other reUable informants.
Concerning this ceremony Bear Face (Mato'-ite') said:
It is one of the great undertakings of the tribe, not simply in the honor which sur-
rounds it, but because of the work and obligation it involves, so that a man who can
carry this through successfully is recognized by the tribe as a man who is qualified
to fulfill large responsibilities.
Bear Face said that his first spirit keeping was for a son who died
at the age of 15. The body of the boy was placed on a scaffold, and
liis best horse was killed beneath it. Before this was done the father
decided to keep the boy's spirit and so aimounced to the tribe.
He requested a man whose record was ^^'ithout blemish to cut a lock
of the boy's hair to be put in the spirit bundle. The man came at
his request, and before going near the body of the boy he purified his
hands and also his knife vnth the smoke of sweet grass. When
about to cut the hair he made three motions as if to do so and then
cut it with the fourth motion. (See references on p. 74.) The lock
cut was over one eye. When the hair had been cut it was wrapped
in red cloth. (The remainder of the narrative is a compilation from
several informants.) If desired, some article which had been worn
next the body of the child could be used instead of a lock of hair.
Thus Weasel Bear said that when keeping the spirit of his little girl,
he used the ornaments which she had worn on her hair as the central
article in the spirit bundle.
Alter wrapping this selected article in red cloth the proposed
spirit-keeper took the little packet in his arms as if it were the body
of a child and rode around the camp circle, lamenting the child's
death. This was his announcement to the tribe that he had taken
upon himself the responsibilities of a spirit-keeper (wana'gi yulia'pi)
and wished to be considered as such. Afterwards a decorated case was
1 Bear Face died in December, 1914.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 6
OUTER WRAPPING FOR SPIRIT BUNDLE AND BRAIDED SWEET GRASS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 7
IMPLEMENTS USED IN HANDLING COALS IN SPIRIT LODGE
densmoue] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 79
brought, and in this was placed the packet containing the hair, also
sweet grass and the shed hair of the buffalo. This case was wrapped
in red cloth. The spirit-keeper or his friends then selected the
straightest pole they could find, pine being preferred for the purpose.
This pole was erected outside his door, and the spirit bundle was
tied on it. The bundle wa;S supposed to stay there four days and
nights ))efore being taken down. Durmg these four days a special
wrapping {wi'caskc) of soft-tanned hide was made for it, and feasts
were given to those who had kept spirits. At the end of four days
the bundle was taken down by men who had kept spu-its and was
placed in its wrapping, which was elaborately decorated but had no
sewing about it. With it were placed articles intended as gifts to
those who took part in the ceremony. Small articles were placed in
a decorated case and large articles, as pieces of red cloth, were folded
smoothly.
Plate 6 shows a "spirit wrap" and a braid of sweet grass which
was placed in the spirit bundle. Mrs. James McLauglilin said she
"purchased it 30 years ago from Black Moon's mother, who said it
was then about 80 years old and had been used in keeping the spirits
of her grandfather, her mother, and other relatives." The porcu-
pine quills on it were dyed with native dyes, and the wrap is so fragile
that it had been used in recent years as an inner instead of an outer
wrapping. A braid of sweet grass was usually placed in a spirit
bundle, and an old one had been preserved with this wrapping.
According to Mrs. McLaughlin, beads were seldom used on an}^ of the
wrappings of a spirit bundle, as beads were unknown among the
Sioux when the White Buffalo Maiden came to them.
After the spirit bundle was complete they prepared three stakes,
painted red and decorated with quill work, also decorated thongs
with which to fasten the bundle in place. Two of the stakes were
tied together near the top, and the bundle was tied across them, the
third stake bemg used as a support for the other two, which faced
the door of the spirit-keeper's tipi. The tripod was about 6 steps
from this tipi, which was known as wana'gi ti'pi, or "spirit lodge."
When the tripod had been put in place they made a decorated
case (jJarj) of soft-tanned hide. In it were put gifts for the itaij'caq
who would have charge of the final ceremony. These gifts, which
were gradually collected, comprised needles, awls, knives, tobacco,
and sometimes as many as 50 pipes. In the tipi, between the fire
and the place of honor, a certain area of the earth floor was "mel-
lowed." This was round, not square as in the Huijka and the Sun
dance. In the center of this space was placed a buffalo chip, and
beside it two implements (pi. 7) made of wood, about 3 feet in length,
one broad at the end and the other pointed. When sweet grass was
to be burned it was the custom to use the pointed stick in pushing a
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ci
coal on the other implement, with which it was lifted and laid on the
buffalo chip. The spirit-keeper and his wife wore no ornaments dur-
ing this period, and their faces were painted all the time. Their
manner was always quiet and reverent, as though the body of the
relative whom they mourned was in the lodge. It was expected that
those who kept a spirit would hold charitable thoughts toward every-
one in the tribe, and all unkind or harsh words were forbidden in the
spirit lodge.
The tripod and spirit bundle were brought into the lodge at night
and also in bad weather. The bundle was laid in the place of honor
and treated with great respect, no one passing between it and the
fire. Weasel Bear said: "At evening I burned sweet grass and
my wife passed her hands over the smoke, rubbing the fragrance on
her face, hair, hands, and neck. Then she took the tripod in her
arms and carried it into the tipi, turning toward the left as she
entered. In the morning she again made herself fragrant and took
the tripod and its burden outside the lodge."
The thing most desired was that a man might have the robe of a
white buffalo to spread in the place of honor. On this the tripod and
spirit bundle would rest when they were in the lodge. Such a robe
signified that the spirit being kept was pure, and that all the articles
connected with it had been purified. No one was allowed to touch
the robe with bare hands nor pass between it and the fire. The only
person permitted to touch it was a medicine-man who was kno■v\^l to
be qualified for the act. Bear Face said that he had such a robe when
he kept the spirit of his son, and that the only person allowed to touch
or move it ^Vas a man, whom he engaged, who was noted for this
ceremony. If he needed help he was obliged to call on some one as
fully qualified as himself and to give him half of the compensation for
such services. The only exception is in favor of children who have
been through the Huqka ceremony. These children may lift the
white bufl'alo robe and carry it out of the lodge when the ceremony is
finished.
Weasel Bear said further that during the period of keeping a spirit
the contents of his lodge were supposed to belong to the tribe. Thus if
a man came to his lodge saying, "I have come for some of my tobacco
and red willow," he gave him what he required. Weasel Bear con-
tinued his narrative as follows :
I selected a virtuous old man as one of the officers of the spirit lodge. He was called
waspay'ka Hipe'ya itay^cay, meaning "leader in charge of food." He came to the
tipi for a short time every day, and if he wished to sleep there at night he was at
Uberty to do so. Every morning I put beef in a dish; he took a small piece of the
meat, offered a prayer, and put it in a small dish provided for that purpose. This
duty was never omitted. When the dish was full he emptied it into the fire, saying,
"Grandchild, this is our food, but we give it to you to eat before us." Tliis was con-
tinued from early winter, when my child died, until the next autumn, when we
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE
PARTIALLY DECORATED
DECORATED WITH CLOTHJNG
SPIRIT POST
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 81
released her spirit. During that time we collected many gifts for the final feast. Our
relatives helped us in this, the women making many articles with their own hands.
As I was withheld from the ordinary duties of life I had a man called wo^ wasi itarj^cay
(literally "laborer leader"), who carried messages for me, kept tis supplied with wood
and water, swept the lodge, and kept clean the space around the spirit bundle. He
also cut red willow [cavsa^sa] and dried it, so that I would have plenty to give away
at the final feast.
The man who kept a spirit was frequently invited to feasts of the
various societies and was expected to attend them. It was under-
stood that if valuable presents were being given away he would be
first to receive one. In return for these favors he invited th« societies
to attend the feasts, which were held outside the lodge, when the time
came for releasing the spirit. The time for keeping a spirit varied
from several months to a year or even longer. At the expiration
of this time the final ceremony and feast were held. This was called
walai' caga, meaning the act of completing the undertaking. All the
band gathered for the event and the various societies had their special
tents. The societies took a prominent part in such features of the
spirit releasing as took place outside the lodge, but their members did
not enter the lodge unless they were men who themselves had kept
spirits.
If several spirits were to be released, the man who first announced
his intention of keeping a spirit was considered the leader of the
spirit-keepers. Early in the morning, on the day of the spirit
releasing, he sent a filled pipe to an old man who was to be master of
the whole ceremony and who was designated a'taya itay'cay.
Weasel Bear said: "On that day I was to lay aside all signs of
mourning, so I painted myself gaily and put on all my finest attire.
I was only 28 years old, but I had won a war-honor feather and I
wore it that da}^. My wife arrayed herself like a young girl." (See
reference to the bright adornments in the Ceremony of Restoring
the Mourners, in Bulletin 53, p. 153.)
One man was selected for each spirit; he was known merely as
itag'cai),^ and was a man who had kept the spirit of a relative. It
was his duty to prepare the ''spirit post" (wana'gi gele'pi) and to
perform other parts of the ceremony pertaining to the individual
spirit in whose service he had been employed. The spirit post was
made in the spirit lodge. According to Weasel Bear cottonwood
was generally used for this purpose (cf. pp. Ill, 118), and the man
who made it always sat with his face toward the east and wiiittled
upward, moving the knife away from him. Before doing tliis he
purified his hands and knife %\dth the smoke of sweet grass. A post
for a child's spirit was smaller than for that of an adult. The post
shown in plate 8 is 35 inches long; this was made by Weasel Bear to
> See p. 70, footnote.
82 BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
represent the one used when the spirit of liis little girl was released.
The features of the face are worked with beads on buckskin, and the
Mnes of the paint are those which would be used for a girl who had been
through the Alo'wai)pi ceremony. The feather is that worn by
Weasel Bear's daughter when she was ''sung over" in that ceremony.
Both the lines and feather belonged to a daughter somewhat older than
the one whose spirit he kept. When the features had been deline-
ated on the posts each itagVar) opened the case (pay) containing
the articles of clothing to be placed on the posts. These, which had
been previously exhibited outside the lodge, were garments worn by
the person whose spirit was to be released. After the ceremony
these garments were given to the man who painted the post.
After the dressing of the posts the woman in charge of the cooking
brought food, a plate of which she put in front of each spirit post,
after purifying the food in the smoke of sweet grass. Taking a
round piece of pounded meat, each itaij'^ai] held it to the painted
mputh on a spirit post. At this time any orphan in need of help
might appear and ask in the name of the spirit to be released, that
it be fed and cared for. Such a request was never refused. Any
others in need of help might make an appeal at this time, four oppor-
tunities being given during the "feeding of the spirits."
When this was finished within the spirit lodge there was a distri-
bution of gifts to the people in the camp. These gifts had been
accumulated by the family of the spirit-keeper and already had
been exhibited to the people. Weasel Bear said that his wife put
up frames for tliis purpose, laying poles across forked stakes and
hanging belts, moccasins, leggings, and other articles on the poles.
At this time the spirit-keeper sent gifts to the societies, who pre-
served order in the camp. A gift to a society was said to be some-
thing about equal in value to the gifts which the spirit-keeper had
received from that society, and to be something which could be
divided among the members. Thus Weasel Bear said that he gave
a war bonnet to the Tokala society, and that the feathers were dis-
tributed among the men. There was much feasting in the camp and
this was an occasion on which prominent families announced pub-
licly the names which the}' had given their children, or had the ears
of their children pierced in the s.ame manner as at the Sun dance.
(See p. 137.)
The ceremony within the lodge was not studied in detail. OnJ}'
former spirit-keepers were allowed to enter, and the man selected
as a'taya itay'cay was /'prepared with proper songs and prayers and
was also qualified to give lamentations for the dead."
If a white buffalo robe were used, song No. 1 was sung. Mention
has been made of a filled pipe placed beside the round space of mel-
lowed earth in the spirit lodge. A man was appointed to light this
DENSMoaE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 83
pipe, and was known as itay'cay iija'tay M'yapi, or "leader who
lights the pipe." This man put lighted sweet grass on the huffalo
chip wliich lay on the mellowed earth. He did not do this with
directness, but, lowering the grass a short distance, he paused for a
moment ; then lowering it farther, he paused again, making four down-
ward motions, after which he moved it four times in a circle, ''with
the sun," and placed it on the buffalo chip. The a'taya itar)'<5ai] held
the pipe in the ascending smoke and repeated the words wliich the
White Buffalo Maiden said to the Sioux when she appeared to them.
This ceremonial speech was not recorded, as none of the writer's
informants on this subject were able to repeat it.) The a'taya
itaij'(5ai3 then turned the pipe and held it as if he would smoke it.
Having done this tliree times, he put it to his lips, ready for lighting.
More grass was put on the buffalo chip, and the man who was to light
the pipe rubbed the fragrant smoke on his hands and face, after which
he lit the pipe and the a'taya itaij'(''ai] smoked it freely. Weasel Bear
said:
After he had smoked for awhile I sat down close to him and he pointed the stem
of the pipe toward me, saying, "Young man, you are going to smoke tMs pipe. It
was brought to us by a woman, and drawing it will lead you to be as straight and truth-
ful as the stem of the pipe." I smoked it without touching the bowl, and the old
man in taking it from me passed his hand downward over my face. The pipe was
then passed around the lodge, going toward the left. When it was smoked out itaij^6ag
iya'tag ki'yapi took it and three times pretended to empty the ashes on the buffalo
cliip, emptying them with the fourth motion.
During the day of the ceremony the spirit bundles lay beside their
respective spirit posts. The actual release of the spirits came when
these bundles were opened. This was done by the a'taya itarj'dar).
Weasel Bear said:
He did not take all the wrapping from a spirit bundle at once. He removed a por-
tion and then made a brief discourse, doing this in such a manner that there were four
acts of unwrapping, the last one occurring about an hour l)cfore sunset. Then he un-
folded the last wrapping and let the spirit of my child depart.
The lock of hair, or other object which formed the nucleus of the
spirit bundle, was kept by the family, and the itaij'daij kept such
articles from the bundle as he desired, the remainder being distributed
among the people in the lodge. The spirit-keeper and his wife then
gave away practically all they possessed except the clothing they
wore.
If the principal spirit-keeper made use of a white buffalo robe in the
spirit lodge there was much interest at the close of the ceremony in see-
ing who would have the honor of carrying it out of the lodge. A man
having the necessary qualifications might do this, and children who had
been through the Alo'waijpi ceremony might take hold of it and help
him carry it. The qualifications included uprightness of life and the
former possession of a white buffalo robe. Outside the lodge a crude
84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
effigy of a buffalo had been erected of small trees. After being carried
from the lodge the white buffalo robe was laid over this framework, and
on it were placed valuable garments, as an elk-tooth dress or an eagle
war bonnet. The white buffalo robe, together with the articles
placed upon it, were given to the society which had given most assist-
ance to the spirit-keeper. In every society there is one man who is
qualified to take charge of such a robe if the society decides to keep it
intact, and such a man may make drawings on it. The society is at
liberty, however, to cut it in pieces and divide it among the mem-
bers, or to sell it if so desired.
Weasel Bear said :
When it was time for the people to depart, the itag^dag went first, carrying his share
of the bundle in which for so long I had detained the spirit of my little daughter. My
wife stood at the door of the tipi and said to the people, ' ' if you have no leather you may
cut up this tipi." The women came like a rush of wind and cut up the tipi very
quickly. I\Iy wife even let them have a little tipi in which we kept our cooking uten-
sils and other things not connected with the spirit-keeping. They even took away the
tipi poles. Nothing was left except the grass on which we stood and the little spirit
post. My wife and I had parted with everything. We Avalked side by side, and I
thought with some regret of all I had given away. We went and sat down under a tree
in a deep study.
That evening one of our relatives came and put up a tipi, led us to it and said.
"This is your home." Others brought kettles, blankets, provit^ions, and clothing
for us. Our relatives did all this for us, in order that we might begin our hves again.
After a time the camp moved to another place and we left the spirit post standing
there. No matter where we were, if a woman came and said, "I cleared the ground
around your daughter's post," my wife would give her food. Sometimes, if there is a
spirit post in the camp, a person who is hungry will go and clear the ground around the
post. The relatives of the dead person will see this and cook food and carry the
kettles to the place, that the hungry may eat and be satisfied. But if a spirit-keeper
so desires, he may, after a certain time, take up the spirit post and bury it."
After finishing his narrative. Weasel Bear added: "All this came
to us through the white buffalo and is one of the reasons why every-
thing connected with the buffalo is so highly regarded by us."
The Sun Dance
In the myths of the Indians, as in the mythology of ancient
peoples, the sun was a prominent figure. Doctor Swanton ^ states
that ''the Natchez beheved the universe to be filled with spirits in
human forms, and that there were differences in power among these,
the most powerful of aU being a sky deity resident in or connected
with the Sun." Many other tribes held a similar belief, and the
worship of such a deity was widespread among the Indians of North
America. This worship assumed various forms, presenting con-
trasts in many important characteristics. The Sun dance was a
1 Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley and Adjacent Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, BuU. 43, Dur.
Amer. Ethn., p. 174, 1911.
DBNSMonH] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 85
ceremony whose observance was limited to certain Plains tribes.' In
the Sun dance the Indian considered that he offered to Wakaq'taijka^
1 See bibliography, pp. 86, 87, footnote, of this work, also article Sun i)onc€, by G. A. Dorsey, in Hand-
book of American Indians, pt. 2, p. 649.
2 Throughout this work the term Wakaq'tarika will be used in preference to tlie term Great Spirit,
which is commonly accepted as its English equivalent. The word Wakai)'tar)ka is composed of ua'kai)
(mysterious) and tap'ka (great). There is nothing in the term to suggest "spirit," the Sioux having other
words to express that idea. The statement has been made that the term Wakai)'tar)ka, as well as the idea
which it is used to express, is a result of the teachings of missionaries, the native religion being a worship of
Ta'kuwakai), a numen or a mysterious thing (hence a spirit or divinity). Rev. J.Owen Dorsey, who went
among the Siouan tribes first as a missionaryand afterwards as a philologist, wrote: "The missionaries, not
the laymen, are the ones who make the positive statements about the absence of a belief in one Great Spirit.
(See Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ellin., p. 4,32.) During several seasons'work among the Teton Sioux the writer has
made diligent inquiry concerning this matter, and the unvarying opinion of the old men is that the Sioux
have always believed in Wakai)'tar)ka. The exact significance of the term in the mind of the Sioux is as
difficult to formulate as the exact meaning of the word God in the mind of Christians. (See p. 96.) In old
times the term \Vakaq'tar)ka was not used in ordinary conversation, because it was held too sacred to be
spoken except with due reverence and at a proper time. In this connection it will be recalled that many
tribes of Indians avoid mentioning a man's name, especially in his presence. That which remains unspoken
must be considered in the study of any deep phase of Indian thought. A full and complete expression is
not in accordance with Indian custom. The unspoken element may be a matter of mutual imderstanding
no indication of which appears in words, or it may be something which is indicated in such a maimer as
to be intelligible only to those for whom it is intended. Thus there is a "sacred language" used by medi-
cine-men in which familiar words take on an occult meaning. (See p. 120, footnote.) In attempting to
express the meaning of the word wakarj the following statement was made to the writer by several old In-
dians, after consultation: "An ordinary man has natural ways of doing things. Occasionally there is a man
who has a gift for doing extraordinary things, and he is called wakar;. Although this is a supernatural gift,
he can use it only by effort and study. A man may be able to do things in a mysterious way , but none has
ever been found who could command the sun and moon or change the seasons. The most wonderful things
which man can do are different from the works of nature. When the seasons changed we regarded it as a
gift from the sun, which is the strongest of all mysterious wakay powers.'' (See p. 96.) In another con-
sideration of the subject it was said: "We use the words taku wakay for anything which we can see for
ourselves has mysterious power. Thus a pipe is taku (something) uakarj, for with it supplications may,
be made and good obtained. We can not see the thunder, and we say it is wakay, but we see the lightning
and we know that the thunder and lighting are a sign of rain, which does good to the earth. Anything
which has similar power is uakay, but above all is the sun, which has most power of all. "' Other conversa-
tions, similar to the preceding, expressed the conviction In the minds of the Sioux that their people had
always believed in a mysterious power whose greatest manifestation is the sim, and that Wakai)'tar)ka was
the designation of that power. The belief in lesser "deities" will not be considered at this time.
The following citations indicate the manner in which Wakaq'tagka is regarded by the Sioux: Should be
reverenced (p. 88).; " I conquered by the help of Wakaij'tagka " (p. 96)'; " Wakar) 'taijka, pity me" (p. 135);
is to be petitioned reverently (p. 184); provides food (p. 185); is maker of all (p. 208); Wakaq'taqka repre-
sented by sacred stones (p. 214); medicinal herbs are a gift from Wakag'taqka (p. 268); is all powerful (p.
87); is a help in sickness (p. 275); gives success (p. 341). See also prayers to Wakai)'tai)ka, p. 95, footnote.
The following authorities on this subject may be consulted, some holding opinions differing from the
above statement: Rev. G. H. Pond, writing in 1866, said: "Evidence is also wanting to show that the
Dakotas embraced in their religious tenets the idea of one Supreme Existence, whose existence is expressed
by the term 'Great Spirit.'" ( Colls. Minn. Hist. Soc, vol. 2, pt. 3, p. 33, 1867.) Rev. S. R. Riggs men-
tions nine " Dakota gods," saying, "this enumeration of the Dakota gads is not intended to be exhaustive."
(See Riggs, Stephen Return, Tah-koo Wah-kan', pp. 61-75, Boston [1869]; also, by the same author. The
Theogony of The Sioux, in Amer. Antig. for April-June, ii. No. 4, pp. 265-70, 1880, in which the elements
of earth, air, and water have each a special deity.
Among certain Siouan tribes the term wakay'da was used. Concerning this word Dr. W J McGee says
" The idee expressed by the term . . . can not justly be rendered into 'spirit,' much less into 'Great Spirit'
... It appears that, in so far as they grasped the theistic concept, the Sioux Indians were polytheist;
that then- mysteries or deities varied in rank and power; . . . and that their dispositions and motives
resembled those found among mankind." (McGee, W J, The Siouan Indians, in Fifteenth Rep. Bur.
Ethn., pp. 182-83.) Miss Fletcher states that among the Omaha and Ponca tribes the word wakay'da
was used to designate a "mysterious power or permeating life," and that "this word is now used to
designate the Deity." (Fletcher, Alice C, The Emblematic Use of the Tree in the Dakotan Group, in
Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1S96, p. 193, Salem, 1897.) Sec also Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha
Tribe, in Twenty-seventh Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn. pp. 597-599, Washington, 1911; Fletcher, Wakondagi,
in Amer. Anthr., xiv., pp. 100-108, Lancaster, 1912,
4840°— Bull. 61—18 8
86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull.61
what was strongest in his nature and training — namely, the abihty
to endure physical pain. He did this in fulfillment of a vow made in
time of anxiety, usually when on the warpath. Strange as it may seem,
the element of pain, which ennobled the ceremony in the mind of the
Indian, was a cause of its misunderstanding by the white man. The
voluntary suffering impressed the beholder, while its deep signifi-
cance was not evident. It is probable that no Indian ceremony has
been misinterpreted so widely and so persistently as the Sun dance.
V. T. McGilhcuddy, agent at Pine Ridge, S. Dak., wrote in his
report for 1882: "The heathenish annual ceremony termed 'the
Sun dance/ will, I ti-ust, . . . be soon a thing of the past."^
James G. Wright, agent on the Rosebud Resei'vation, in the same
State, characterized the Sun dance as an " aboriginal and barbarous
festival." ^ The stand point of the Sioux concerning the Sun dance
is indicated by the following statement of Red Bird, a thoughtful
member of the tribe. In describing the Sun dance to the writer
he said:
There is a great deal in what a man believes, and if a man 's religion is changed for
the better or for the worse he will know it. The Sun dance was our first and our only
religion. We believed that there is a mysterious power greater than all others, wliich
is represented by natiu-e, one form of representation being the sun. Thus we made
sacrifices to the sun, and our petitions were granted. The Indians lived longer in
the old days than now. I would not say this change is due to tlirowing away the old
religion; there may be other reasons, but in the old times the Sun dance was held
annually and wai? looked forward to with eagerness. I believe we had true faith at
that time. But there came a year when ' ' the sun died. " There was a period of dark-
ness,^ and from that day a new religion came to the Indians. It is the white man's
religion. We are timid about it, as we are about the other ways of the white man.
In the old days oiu* failh was strong and our lives were cared for; now our faith is
yeaker, and we die.
The ceremony of the Sun dance varied among different tribes.*
1 Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1882, p. 39. 1882.
2 Ibid, for 1886, p. 82, 1886.
3 [The Indians stated that this referred to an eclipse of the sun in 1868, but the reference is probably to
the total eclipse which took place August 7, 1S69.]
< Concerning the Sun-dance customs of various tribes the foUowtng authorities, among others, may be
consulted:
Among the Sioux:
Fletcher, Alice C, The Sun dance of the Ogalalla Sioux, in Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, pp. 580-84,
Salem, Mass., 1883.
Description by Bushotter, in Dorsey, George A., A Study of Slouan Cults, in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn.,
pp. 450-64. Also description by Capt. John G. Bourke, U. S. A., ibid., pp. 464-66.
Clarke, W. P., Indian Sign Language, p. 361, Philadelphia, Pa., 1S85.
Catlin, George, The Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, I, pp. 232, 233,
London, 1841.
Lynd, James W., Religion of the Dakotas, in Colls. Hist. Soc. Minn., vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 78, 79, St. Paul,
Minn., 1865.
Pond, G. H. (quoting from Rev. S. R. Riggs) , Dakota Superstitions, ibid., pt. 3, pp. 46-49, 1867.
Beckwith, Paul, Notes on Customs of the Dakotahs, in Smithson. Rep. for 1886, pt. 1 , p. 250, 1889.
Among the Crows:
Lowie, Robert H., The Sun Dance of the Crow Indians, in Amer. Mus. Nit. Hist., Anthr. Papers, xvi,
pt. 1, New York, 1915.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 87
The form of the ceremony herewith presented is that of the Sioux
on tlie Standing Rock Reservation, in Dakota, a majority of whom
belong to the Teton division. In ohl times the tribe was so hirge
and so widely scattered that Sun dances were held at more than one
locality, the Teton and Yanktonai usually uniting in a ceremony,
wliich was held on the western portion of the Dakota prairie. Thus
their traditions of the ceremony have much in common, while the
Sun-dance customs of the Santee, Sisseton, and other divisions of the
tribe living toward the east, present many radical differences.
THE SI^X DANCE OF THE TETON' STOUX
The writer's study of the Sun dance was made in 1911 among the
Teton and Yanktonai Sioux on the Standing Rock Reservation, in
North and South Dakota. The principal pnrt of the work was done
in a series of conferences covering a period of several weeks, these
being held at the Standing Rock Agency. Fifteen men took part, and
about 40 others were interviewed. These informants, who were
carefully selected, lived within a radius of about 80 miles. Below
will be found a brief sketch of each of the men who took part in the
conferences. Ten are of pure Teton blood. ' Several of these men
have been prominent in the history of the tribe and its negotiations
with the Government. With one exception — a noted warrior who
took part in the battle known as the Custer massacre — they were
friendly to the white men during the troublous days on the frontier.
Six of the men have steadily refused to be influenced by the mission-
aries and still retain the native religious beliefs.
Among the Cheyenne:
Dorsey, George A., The Cheyenne, pt. 2, in Puhs. Field Col. ^fu.•<., Anthr. ccr., ix, 'So. 2, Chicago, 1905.
Hayden, F. V., Contributions to the Ethnography and Philology of the Indian Tribes of the Missouri
Valley, p. 280, Philadelphia, 1S62.
Mooney, James, The Cheyenne Indians, in Mcms. Aincr. Anlhr. Atssnc, vol. 1, pp. 369, 417, Lancas.ter,
Pa., 1905-1907.
Among the Arapaho:
Dorsey, George A., The Arapaho Sun Dance: The Ceremony of theOlTerings Lodge, op. cil., iv, 1903.
Among the Ponca:
Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan Cults, in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Elhn., p. 378, 1894
Among the Kiowa:
Scott, Hugh Lenox, Notes on the Kado, or Sun dance of the Kiowa, in Amer. Anlhr. ,xm, No. 3, pp.
345-79, Lancaster, Pa., 1911.
Among the Mandan:
Catlin describes and illustrates a ceremony similar in some respects to the Sun dance, under the title
"Annual Religious Ceremony;" see Catlin, op. cit., pp. 155-77.
This ceremony is also described as the "Okippe" of the Mandan by Maximilian, Prince of Wied, in
Travels in the Interior of North America (translated from the German by H. Evans Lloyd), pp. 372-78,
London, 1893.
Among the Blackfoot:
Wilson, R. N., The Sacrificial Rite of the Blackfoot, in Proc. and Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, 1909, 3d ser.,
vol. 3, sec. n, pp. 3-21, Ottawa, 1910.
Among the Minitarl (a division of the Hidatsa):
Matthews, Washington, Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians, U. S. Geol. and Oeogr. Sun.,
Misc. Pub. No. 7, pp. 45, 46, 1877.
James, Edwin, Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, performed in the
years 1819 and '20, under the command of Maj . Stephen H. Long, pp. 276, 277, Philadelphia, 1823.
See also articles Sun dance and Ceremony by George A. Dorsey in Handbook of American Indians.
88 . BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.ei
(1) lTur)'KASAr)-Lu'TA (Red Weasel), a member of the Teton
division of the tribe. Concerning the Sun dance Red Weasel is con-
sidered the highest authority among the Teton Sioux. He acted as
Intercessor four times, the last occasion being the Sun dance of 1881,
the final ceremony held by the Teton in Dakota. He also took part
in the dance four times, once by being suspended from the pole and
three times by receiving cuts on his arms. In earlier years he was
trained for the ofRce of Intercessor (Kuwa' Kiya'jn) ^ by Wi-ihar)'bla
(Dreamer-of-the-Sun), who died about the middle of the last century.
Before giving his information concerning the Sun dance Red Weasel
said:
T am Hot boasting; I am telling you what I mysolf know and I must speak for myself
as there is no man living who can vouch for me. What I tell you is what I learned
from Dreamer-of-the-Sun, who taught me as he was taught. Beyond that I can not
tell you the history of the Sun dance. Dreamer-of-the-Sun was my uncle. He had
many relatives, but he selected me as one who was peculiarly fitted to succeed him
if I lived to grow up. He thus decided to instruct me and began my training at an
early age. One of the first and most important things I was taught was that I must
have the greatest reverence for Wakag^tagka. Dreamer-of-the-Sun told me that if I
would obey his instructions I would be a help to the Sioux nation, and that, if
properly prepared for the duties of the highest office in the Sun dance, I need have
no anxiety when filling the office as the proper thing to do would come to my mind
at the time. In regard to the songs, Dreamer-of-the-Sun told me that I may pray with
my mouth and the prayer will be heard, but if I sing the prayer it will be heard sooner
by Wakag'tagka. All the prayers which I offered in the Sun dance and which are
still in my mind are prayers which were taught me by Dreamer-of-the-Sun.
When Red Weasel gave his information concerning the Sun dance
he was about 80 years old and bowed with the weight of his years. He
traveled 43 miles by wagon in order to confer with the writer. The
sun shone in a cloudless sky while he was at the agency, and his
presence was so highly esteemed by the old people that many said,
"We have fine weather because Red Weasel is with us."
(2) Mato'-kuwa'pi (CHASED-BY-BEARs),aSantee-Yanktonai (pi. 13)
took part in the Sun dance twice as Leader of the Dancers and was
present at the final Sun dance of the Teton. His first participation
in the dance was in 1867, when at the age of 24 years he had "spoken
the vow" of a war party, (See p. 97.) On that occasion as well as
at other Sun dances he cut the arms of the men, suspended them to
the pole or fastened the buffalo skulls to their flesh, according to the
nature of their vows. He said that he once saw a vision. He was
dancing in the Sun dance, and as he looked steadily at the sun he saw
1 One of the most important of the Intercessor's duties was considered to be the offering of prayers as
representative of the people, and for this reason the term "Intercessor" was adopted by Mr. Higheagle
to designate thiis office. A majority of English words expressing religious ideas are associated with the
teachings of Christianity. In many instances, therefore, the native idea must be gained largely from the
connection in which a word is used.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 89
a man beneath the sun, the man's face bemg painted red and white.^
Chased-by-Bears died in February, 1915.
(3) Zintka'la-lu'ta^ (Red Bird), plate 22, a Teton Sioux, took
part in the Sun dance at the age of 24 years, receiving 100 cuts on
liis arms in fulfillment of a Sun-dance vow.^ His uncle was an
Intercessor in the Sun dance and Red Bird was receiving instructions
from him with a view to filling that office when the Sun dance was
discontinued. His uncle's name was Taca'gula (His Lungs) who
died in the year 1868.
(4) Pezi' (Grass), plate 73, bears also the name Mato'-wata'-
kpe (Chargmg Bear); he is best known, however, as John Grass.
His father also was known as John Grass, and in addition to this he
bore_ the name Waha'car)ka-ya'pi (Used-as-a-Shield) ; he was noted
as a warrior against other tribes, but was always friendly to the white
men. John Grass is a Teton and was a successful leader of war
parties against the Mandan, Arikaree, and Crow Indians. When the
Black Hills treaty and other treaties were made with the Govern-
ment he was the principal speaker for the Sioux tribe. Since that
time he has constantly influenced his people to adopt the customs of
civilization. He has been to Washington as a tribal delegate and for
30 years has been the leading judge of the Court of Indian Offenses on
the Standing Rock Reservation. As a young man he was selected to
choose the Sun-dance pole, but never made a Sun-dance vow.
(5) iTuq'KASAq-MATo' (Weasel Bear) is a Teton Sioux. He
was once selected to choose the Sun-dance pole but never fulfilled a
vow at a Sun dance. He once made a similar vow, which, how-
ever, was fulfilled privately. When on the warpath against the
Crows he vowed that if he were successful he would give part of his
flesh to Wakaij'taqka, but did not say tha,t he would do so at the
Sun dance. The war party wa§ successful, and on the way home his
arms were cut with 100 gashes in fulfillment of the vow, the cutting
being done by a man who had taken part in the Sun dance. Weasel
Bear is hereditary chief of a large band and belongs to one of its wealth-
iest families. As a young man he was successful in war, a prominent
member of the White Horse Riders, and a leader in the grass dance.
When negotiations with the Government were begun he was one of
1 For other descriptions of dreams see: Dream of the rising sun (p. 139); a dream of "a man in the
sun," by Red Bird (p. 149); of the thunderbirds, by Lone Man (pp. 159-161); of the thunderbirds, and of
wolves, by Charging Thunder (pp. 170-181); of the buflalo, elk, wolf, and sacred stones, by Brave Buffalo
(pp. 173-179,207-208); of the crow and owl, by Siyalca (pp. 184-188); of the wolf, by Two Shields and by
Weasel Bear (pp. 188-190); of a rainbow (p. 214); a strange vision in the sky, in which a sacred stone ap-
peared, by Goose (p. 251); a dream of a badger by Eagle Shield (p. 266.)
2 This is the generic term for small birds but is commonly translated simply "bird."
8 Red Bird died a few weeks after the study of the Sun dance was completed. On returning to the reser-
vation the writer asfced whether the death of Red Bird was attributed to the information given concerning
the Sun dance and was assured it was not. Indeed Red Bird said during his last illness that he was greatly
oomforted by the thought that he had helped to preserve the songs and beliefs of bis peoplo.
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei
the tribal delegates to Washington. In his later years he is known
as one of the most prosperous native farmers on the reservation.
(6) Wakii^/yaij-wata'kpe (Charging Thunder), plate 24, a
Teton Sioux, is an hereditary chief of a band and a higlily respected
member of the tribe. He took part in the Sun dance four times, at
the ages of 21,23, 24, and 25. On each occasion he liad vowed that
100 cuts should be made on his arms, but the last time there was not
room for all the cuts on his arms, so a])out 20 were made on his chest.
He is a man of genial counteiuince and powerful physique. In speak-
ing of himself he said, "My prayer has been heard and I have lived
long."
(7) Maga' (Goose), plate 31, was a member of the Teton division,
and at the time of giving his information was 76 years of age. He still
contmued the practice of native medicine and was considered the best
Indian doctor on the reservation. He took part in the Sun dance at
the age of 27, being suspended from the Sun-dance pole. Goose
served for a time in the United States Army. The records ,of the
War Department show that he enlisted September 11, 1876, in
Buffalo Comity, Dakota Territory, as a scout, U. S. A., and served
almost continuously in that capacity until July 10, 1882. He again
enlisted June 11, 1891, at Fort Yates, North Dakota, and was honor-
ably discharged April 30, 1893, a private of Company I, 22d United
States Infantry. He was a corporal from October 16, 1891, to
October 18, 1892. Goose died in September, 1915.
(8) Siya'ka (Teal Duck), plate 1, who bore also the name
War)bh'wana'peya (Eagle-Who-Frightens), was a Yanktonai-
Teton. Instead of being kno-wTi by the English equivalent of his
Sioux name he was known as Siya'ka, the name used m the present
work. He was not an hereditary chief, but was elected chief of a
band. He took part in the Sim dance twice as a young man and
was also one of the four young men selected to choose the Sun-dance
pole. The first time he took part in the Sun dance was at the age
of 21 in fulfilment of a vow made on the warpath. He went with
a party of 26 wan-ioi*s on an expedition against the Mandan and
Arikaree. About 20 of the warriors, including himself, vowed to
take part in the next Sun dance by dancing, and the other members
of the party vowed to participate in other ways. One battle was
fought, and aU the party returned home ahve. His second participa-
tion in the Sun dance was at the age of 25, and he bore three long
scars on each arm as an evidence of the ordeal. He was once a tribal
delegate to Wasliington. Siya'ka died in March, 1913.
(9) Toka'la-lu'ta (Red Fox), plate 56, is a member of the Teton
band. He was prominent in the Sun dance, taking part three times,
at the ages of 19, about 30, and 40 years. The last time he had sev-
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 9
BUFFALO BOY
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 10
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 11
WHITE-BUFFALO-WALKING
uENSMOKB] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 91
eral buffalo skulls fastened to his back. As evidence of his other Sun-
dance vows he bears nine long scars on each arm, three near the wrist,
four near the elbow, and two on the upper arm.
(10) Hogaij'-lu'ta (Red Fish), plate 74, a Santee-Yanktonai, is
a chief and is a ])rominent man in the councils of the tribe. He took
part in the Sun dance twice, first when he was 26 years old, and the
second time at the age of 40. (See song No. 192.)
(11) I^na'la-wica' (Lone ^Ian), plate 23, a Teton, took part in
the Sun dance when 20 and when 31 years of age, and has 100 scars on
each arm. He was chosen on one occasion to lielp select the Sun-
dance pole and on another occasion to sing at the drum. He was
l)rominent in tribal wars and took part in the Custer massacre.
(12) ^L\'zaiovij'-wica'ki (Seizes-the-Gux-away-from-Them), a
Teton, took part in the Sun dance, being suspended from the pole.
He stated that when he was on the warpath all the warriors made a
Sun-dance vow, so he joined them, asking that he might conc|uer the
enemy and capture horses, also that he might find his friends alive
when he reached home. In fulfilling this vow he remained suspended
for more than an hour, after which he was "jerked down," but the
flesh still refused to tear and only the sticks were broken. The flesh
was then cut and the splinters of wood remaining underneath were
removed, after which a tiny portion of flesh was offered as in the
case of that cut from the arms.
(13) Tatatj'k.v-hok^i'i>a (Buffalo Boy), plate 9, is a Santee-
Yanktonai. At the age of 30 he carried six buffalo skidls when ful-
filling a Sun-dance vow. Ten years later he took part in the dance
again. He received his name from a dream in which he saw the
buffalo.
(14) Caijte'-wani'ca (No Heart) (plate 10), a Yanktonai, is a
well knowm medicine-man of the tribe and is able to depict events by
means of drawings. (See pi. 16.) He took part in the Sun dance
when 20 years of age and lias 100 scars on each arm. >
(15) Ptesaij'-ma'ni (White-Buffalo-Walking), plate 11, is a
Teton and took part in the final Sun dance in 1882.
The above-mentioned men were the principal informants concern-
ing the Sun dance, the worlv being done in a series of conferences.
As already stated, about 40 additional men were interviewed. All
were members of the Teton, Santee, and Yanktonai divisions of
the tribe. The purpose of the interviews was to ascertain the facts
concerning the ceremony which were remembered by those who at-
tended as spectators, and also to ascertain the manner in which the
men who took part in the conferences were regarded by members
of the tribe. Thus the importance given the opinions expressed by
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
these men was influenced somewhat by the authority accorded them
by these scattered members of the tribe. The facts brought out dur-
ing these interviews did not conflict with statements made in the con-
ferences, but served to corroborate them and to add minor details.
Not all the men in the foregoing list were present at every confer-
ence. Thus on the first occasion it was possible for only 9 to attend.
It was considered desirable that at least 12 pei"sons be present, and
as no other elderly man was acceptable to the council, an invitation
was extended to Thomas Frosted, a full-blood Santee-Yanktonai,
who witnessed several Sun dances when too young to make a Sun-
dance vow, and who has given much consideration to its history and
beliefs. Robert P. Higheaglo, the interpreter, also witnessed a Sun
dance when a child. These men, with the wTiter, completed the
desired number and no other persons were allowed in the room. Two
days were occupied by the discussions, and several men remained
longer to record songs.
Concerning these conferences Isr)a'la-wica' (Lone Man) said to the
writer :
^\^len we heard that you had come for the facts concerning the Sun dance we con-
sulted together in our homes. Some hesitated. We have discarded the old ways, yet
to talk of them is "sacred talk" to us. If we were to talk of the Sun dance there
should be at least 12 persons present, so that no disrespect would be shown, and no
young people should be allowed to come from curiosity. When we decided to come
to the council we reviewed all the facts of the Sun dance and asked Wakag^tagka that
we might give a true account. We prayed that no bad weather would prevent the
presence of anyone chosen to attend, and see, during all this week the sound of the
thunder has not been heard, the sky has been fair by day and the moon has shone
brightly by night, so we know that Wakag^tagka heard our prayer.
Seated in a circle, according to the old custom, the Indians lis-
tened to the statements concerning the Sun dance as they had already
been given to the writer. According to an agreeement there
were no interruptions as the manuscript was translated. The man
at the southern end of the row held a pipe, which he occasionally lit
and handed to the man at his left. Silently the pipe was passed
from one to another, each man puffing it for a moment. The closest
attention was given throughout the readmg. A member of the
white race can never know what reminiscences it brought to the silent
Indians — what scenes of departed glory, what dignity and pride of
race. After this the men conferred together concerning the work.
That night mitil a late hour the subject was discussed in the camp
of Indians. The next morning the principal session of the council
took place. At tltis time the expression of opinion was general and
after each discussion a man was designated to state the decision
through the interpreter. Sometimes one man and sometimes another
made the final statement, but nothins; was written down which did
DENSMOKE] TETOI^ SIOUX MUSIC 93
not represent a consensus of opinion. Throughout the councils care
was taken that the form of a question did not suggest a possible
answer by the Indians.
On the afternoon of that day the entire party drove across the
prairie to the place, about a mile and a half from the Standing
Rock Agency, where the last Sun dance of these bands was held in
1882.
A majority of the Indians who went to the site of the Sun dance
with the writer were men who took part in the Sun dance of 1882
and had not visited the place since that time. When nearing the
place they scanned the horizon, measuring the distance to the Mis-
souri River and the buttes. At last they gave a signal for the wagons
to stop, and, springing to the ground, began to search the prairie.
In a short time they found the exact spot where the ceremony was
held. The scars were still on the prairie as they were on their own
bodies. A depression about 2 inches in depth stiU square in outline
and not fully overgrown with grass showed where the earth had been
exposed for the oway'lca waJcatj' ("sacred place") ; see page 122. Only
3 or 4 feet away lay a broken buffalo skull. Eagerly the Indians
hfted it and saw traces of red paint upon it — could it be other than
the skull used in that ceremony? They looked if perchance they
might find a trace of the location of the pole. It should be about
15 feet east of the "sacred place." There it was — a spot of hard, bare
ground 18 inches in diameter.
One said, ''Here you can see where the shade-house stood." This
' shade-house, or shelter of boughs, was built entirely around the Sun-
dance circle except for a wide entrance at the east. It was possible
to trace part of it, the outhne being particularly clear on the west
of the circle; to the east the position of the posts at the entrance
was also recognized. The two sunken places (where the posts had
stood) were about 15 feet apart, and the center of the space between
them was directly in line with the site of the pole and the center of
the ' 'sacred place " at the west of it.^ More than 29 years had passed
since the ceremony. It is strange that the wind had not sown seeds
on those spots of earth.
The little party assembled again around the buffalo skull. Mr.
Higheagle gathered fresh sage, which he put beside the "sacred
place;" he then laid the broken buffalo skuU upon it and rested
a Sun-dance pipe against the skull, with stem uplifted. He, too,
had his memories. As a boy of 6 years he was present at that
final Sun dance, wearing the Indian garb and Hving the tribal life.
Between that day and the present lay the years of education in the
white man's way. Some of the Indians put on their war bonnets
» These measurements were verified by the writer at a subsequent time.
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, oi
and their jackets of deerskin with the long fringes. (PI. 12.) How
bright were the porcupine quills on the tobacco bags! "Yes, it
is good that we came here today." Pass the pipe from hand to
hand in the old way. Jest a little. Yonder man tells too fine a
story of his part in the Sun dance — let him show his scars! Yet
the memories, how they return! One old man said with trembling
lips: "I was young then. My wife and my children were with me.
They went away many years ago. I wish I coidd have gone with
them."
The sky was blue above the little gathering, and all around the
vast silent prairie seemed waiting, listening. The Indians were
its children — would the white man understand them aright ?
A few weeks later the material was again discussed point by point
with men who came 40 miles for the purpose. Chief among these
was Red Bird, who was under instruction for the office of Inter-
cessor when the Sun dance was discontinued. He was present at
the first council, but some facts had come to his mind in the mean-
time, and he wished to have them included in the narrative. These
men met four times for the discussion of the subject, the phonograph
records being played for them and approved, and some ceremonial
songs being added to the series. A few days later a conference was
held with five other men, most of whom were present at the council
of August 28 and 29. The session lasted an entire day, the narrative
which had been prepared being translated into Sioux and the phono-
graph records played for them, as for the previous group of men.
With one exception all the men present were chiefs.
Throughout this series of conferences the prmcipal points of the
account remained unchanged. Each session added information,
placed events in the proper order, furnished detail of description, and
gave reasons for various ceremonial acts. The councils were not
marked by controversy, a spirit of cordiality prevailing, but the open
discussion assisted in recalling facts and nothing was recorded which
was not pronounced correct by the council as a whole.
A message was then sent to Ituij'kasaq-lu'ta (Red Weasel), an
aged man who acted as Intercessor at the last Sun dance, asking
him to come and give his opinion on the material. He came and
with three others went over the subject in another all-day council.
His training and experience enabled him to recall details concerning
the special duties of the Intercessor, and he also sang four songs
which he received from Wi-ihaq'bla (Dreamer-of-the-Sun) together
with the instmctions concernmg the duties of his office. These
songs are Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 18 in the present memoir. Before
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 13
CHASED-BY-BEARS
DE.NSMORE] TETON SiOUX MUSIC 95
singing the first song the aged man bowed his head and made the
following prayer,^ which was recorded by the phonograph :
Ho Wakaij^taijka nama'lion wo. Aqpe^tu le el ni^oie waijzi' obla^kig ktelo'. Tka
ta^ku wo'walUaiu waniK ya obla^kiij ktelo^. Oya^te wica^ui ktelo^. Huku^ciyela
waoij^ taijyaij^ ama'bleza yo. Mi'waijkapataqhaij waijyaijg' nama^jiij yo. Wica'yaka
e6e kiij on taijyaij' ho ana^magoptaij ye. Le mita'Tcuye yagka'pi kiij ob taijyay''
to^ka e^wacig ^niyag waoij^ ktelo'. He(5e<5a kiq toka'ta oi^najig wag ogyeglepikig
ekta' hountagiij pi kta nugwe^.
( Translation)
Wakag'tagka, hear me. Tliis day I am to tell yom- word. But without sin I shall
speak. The tribe shall live. Behold me for I am humble. From above watch me.
You are always the truth, listen to me. My friends and relatives, sitting here, and I
shall be at peace. May our voices be heard at the future goal you have prepared for us.
The foregoing prayer was uttered in so low a voice that the phono-
gram was read with difficulty. It is uncertain whether the aged man
intended that it should be recorded, but as he had seated himself
before the phonograph preparatory to singing, it was possible to put
the machine in motion without attracting his attention. He began
the prayer with head bowed and right hand extended, later raising
his face and using the same gestures which he would have used when
filling his ceremonial office.
Tlie final work on this niaterial was done with Chased-by-Bears,
(pi. 13), a man who had twice acted as Leader of the Dancers,
had "spoken the Sun-dance vow" of a war party (see p. 97), and had
frequently inflicted the tortures at the ceremony. He was a particu-
larly thoughtful man, remaining steadfast in the ancient behefs of his
people. Few details were added to the description of the ceremony
at this time, but its teachings received special attention. Chased-
by-Bears' recital of his understanding of the Sun dance was not given
consecutively, though it is herewith presented m connected form.
This material represents several conferences with the writer, and also
talks between Mr. Higheagle and Chased-by-Bears which took place
during long drives across the prairie. In order to give opportunity
for these conversations the interpreter brought Chased-by-Bears to
the agency every day in his own conveyance. Thus the information
was gradually secured. When it had been put in its present form, it
was translated into Sioux for Chased-by-Bears, who said that it was
correct in every particular.
The statement of Chased-by-Bears concerning the Sun dance was
as follows :
The Sun dance is so sacred to us that we do not talk of it often. Before talking of
holy things we prepare ourselves by offerings. If only two are to talk together, one
1 other prayers, cither incorporated in narratives or made before songs and recorded by phonograph, are
as follows: By Chased-by-Bcars (p. 97); by Lone Man (pp. 160, 163, 216); by Eagle Shield (p. 266); by
White-paw Bear (p. 268); by Jaw (p. 389).
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei
will fill his pipe and hand it to the other, who will light it and offer it to tlie sky and the
earth. Then they will smoke together, and after smoking they will be ready to talk of
holy things.
The cutting of the bodies in fulfillment of a Sun dance vow is different from the cut-
ling of the flesh when people are in sorrow. A man's body is his own, and when he
gives his body or his flesh he is giving the only thing which really belongs to him. We
know that all the creatures on the earth were placed here by Wakag'tagka. Thus,
if a man says he will give a horse to Wakag^taijka, he is only giving to Wakag'taijka
that which already belongs to him. I might give tobacco or other articles in the Sun
dance, but if I gave these and kept back the best no one would believe that I was in
earnest. I must give something that I really value to show that my whole being goes
with the lesser gifts; therefore I promise to give my body.
A cliild believes that only the action of some one who is unfriendly can cause
pain, but in the Sun dance we acknowledge first the goodness of Wakai/taij ka, and
then we suffer pain because of what he has done for us. To this day I have never
joined a Christian Church. The old belief wliich I have always held is still with me.
When a man does a piece of work which is admired by all we say that it is wonderful;
but when we see the changes of day and night, the sun, moon, and stars in the sky,
and the changing seasons upon the earth, with their ripening fruits, anyone must
realize that it is the work of some one more powerful than man. Greatest of all is the
sun, without wluch we could not live. The birds and the beasts, the trees and the
rocks, are the work of some great power. Sometimes men say that they can under-
stand the meaning of the songs of birds. I can believe this is true. They say that
they can understand the call and cry of the animals, and I can believe tliis also is
true, for these creatures and man are alike the work of a great power. We often
wish for things to come, as the rain or the snow. They do not always come when
we wish, but they are siire to come in time, for they are under the control of a power
that is greater than man.
It is right that men should repent when they make or fulfill a vow to Wakaq^tagka.
No matter how good a man may appear to others, there are always things he has done
for which he ought to be sorry, and he will feel better if he repents of them. Men
often weep in the Sun dance and cry aloud. They are asking something of Wakag^-
tagka, and are like children who wish to show their sorrow, and who also know that a
request is more readily granted to a child who cries.' (See p. 185.)
We talk to Wakaij'taijka and are sure that he hears us, and yet it is hard to explain
what we believe about this. It is the general belief of the Indians that after a man
dies his spirit is somewhere on the earth or in the sky, we do not know exactly where,
but we are sure that his spirit still lives. Sometimes people have agreed together
that if it were found possible for spirits to speak to men, they would make themselves
known to their friends after they died, but they never came to speak to us again^
unless, perhaps, in our sleeping dreams. So it is with Wakag'taijka. We believe that
he is everywhere, yet he is to us as the spirits of our friends, whose voices we can not
hear. (See p. 85.)
My first Sun-dance vow was made when I was 24 years of age. I was alone and far
from the camp when I saw an Arikaree approacliing on horseback, leading a horse. I
knew that my life was in danger, so I said, " Wakag^tagka, if you will let me kill this
man and capture his horse with this lariat, I will give you my flesh at the next Sun
dance."
I was successful, and when I reached home I told my friends that I had conquered
by the help of Wakag'tagka and had made a Sun-dance vow. It happened that I
was the first who had done this after the Sun dance of that summer, so my friends said
that I should be the Leader of the Dancers at the next ceremony. (See p. 102.) In
I See Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan Cults, in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 435, 1894.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 97
fulfilling this vow I carried the lariat I had used in capturipg the horse (fig. 21 ) fastened
to the flesh of my right shoulder and the figure of a horse cut from rawhide fastened
to my left shoulder. [Fig. 21 shows the lariat and whistle carried by Chased-by-
Bears.]
Later in the same year I went with a party of about 20 warriors. As we approached
the enemy some of the men came to me saying that they desired to make Sun-dance
vows and asking if I would ' ' speak the vow " for the party. (See p. 10 1 . ) Each man
came to me alone and made some gift with the request. He also stated what gifts he
would make at the Sun dance, but did not always say what part he intended to take in
the dance. One man said, "I wall give my whole body to Wakaq^tagka." I did not
understand what he meant, nor was it necessary that I should do so, but at the time of
the Sim dance he asked that his body be suspended entirely above the ground.
Just before sunrise I told the warriors to stand side by side facing the East. I stood
behind them and told them to raise their right hands. I raised my right hand with
them and said: " Wakaq^tagka, these men have requested me to make this vow for
them. I pray you take pity on us and on our families at home. We are now between
life and death. For the sake of our families and relatives we desire that you will
help us conquer the enemy and capture his horses to take home with us. Because
they are thankful for your goodness and will be thankful if you grant this request
these men promise that they will take part in the next Sim dance. Each man has
some offering to give at the proper time."
We were successful and returned home victorious. Knowing that these men had
vowed to take part in the Sun dance, I saw that their vows were fulfilled at the next
ceremony and personally did the cutting of their arms and tlie suspension of tlieir
bodies. I did this in addition to acting as Leader of the Dancers and fulfilling my own
vow.
The second time I fulfilled a Sun-dance vow I also acted as Leader of the Dancers.
At that time I carried four buffalo skulls. They were so heavy that I could not stand
erect, but bowed myself upon a stick which I was permitted to use and danced in that
position (p. 133).
When the work with Chased-by-Bears was finished he went with
the MTiter and the interpreter to the spot where the final Sun dance
was held, a place which had been visited by the council of Indians
a few weeks before. The purpose of this visit was that Chased-by-
Bears might arrange the ceremonial articles on the " sacred place "
as would be done in a ceremony.
The outline of the "sacred place" was made clear and intersect-
ing white lines were traced on the exposed earth, (Seepage 122.)
A buffalo skull had been secured and brought to the place. Chased-
by-Bears spread fresh sage beside the ''sacred place" and laid the
buffalo skull upon it. He then made a frame to support a pipe and
placed in ceremonial position a pipe which had been decorated by the
woman who decorated the Sun-dance pipe for the last tribal ceremony.
The group of articles was then photographed. (See pi. 20.) Sud-
denly Chased-by-Bears threw himself, face downward, on the ground,
with his head pressed against the top of the buffalo skull. This
was the position permitted a Leader of the Dancers when resting
98
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
during the Sun dance. (Seep. 130.) After a few silent moments,
he rose to his feet. The white cross was then obliterated, and fresh
sage was carefully strewn over the bare, brown earth, so that no
chance passer-by would pause to
wonder.
The study of the Sun dance was
finished.
DESCRIPTION OF A TETON SIOUX SUN
DANCE
The Sun dance was called by the
Sioux Wi wai]'3"aijg wadi'pi, which
is literally translated ''Sun-watch-
ing dance." It was their only tribal
gathering of a reUgious character
and was held every year at the full
moon of midsummer, "when all na-
ture and even men were rejoicing."
The trees were in full leaf and the
June berries were ripe. Further, the
wild sage was fully grown — a thing
especially desired, as the sage was
used in the ceremony.
The place where the Sun dance was
held changed from year to year, but
was known to all the tribe. Across
the prairie came the little compa-
nies of Sioux, some traveling a long
distance to attend the ceremony.
One band after another arrived and
erected its tipis in the accustomed
part of the tribal circle. Each band
constructed a vapor lodge ("sweat
bath") near its camp for, the use
of those who took part in the dance,
also a larger lodge in which the
dancers assembled before and after
the ceremony.
The Sun dance was held in the center of the great circle of tents.
The opening of this tribal circle was toward the East, and the tent of
the itag'caq ^ (Leader of the Dancers) was opposite. A short dis-
tance in front of his tent was the council tent, larger than the others
and without decoration. There the chiefs and leading men met to
tiG. 21. LarLat and whistle carried in Sun dance.
1 The meaning of this word is "leader," and its exact significance is understood from the connection in
which it is used. (See p. 70, footnote.)
densmohe]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
99
transact the business of the tribe, and thence the various orders per-
taining to the ceremony were carried to the people by the Crier.
Members of the tribe did not approach, and children and dogs were
kept away from the vicinity because the buffalo skull to be used in the
ceremony of the Sun dance lay at the west of this tent. During the
four days preceding the ceremony the skull lay on a bed of fresh sage
outside the council tent, in a position corresponding to the place of
honor inside the tent. The ceremonial lines of red paint had not yet
been placed on the skull, but the openings in it were filled with sage.
The use of sage around the buffalo skull was in accordance with the
instructions given by the White Buffalo Maiden. (See p. 64.) It
was said, too, that " the sage was used because the buffalo sought for
it on the prairie and rolled their great bodies on its fragrant leaves."
Thesageusedin ihis connection was klentihed a.s Artemisia gnaphalodes
Nutt.
A month before the Sun dance the ival'ciij'Junj (medicine-men; see
p. 245) prayed for fair weather, singing, burning sweet grass, and offer-
ing their pipes to the sky, the earth, and the cardinal points. Before
burning the sweet grass, a medicine-man prepared a spot of bare
ground, placing a few coals in the middle of it. Then, taking a
bunch of sweet grass, he offered it to the sky, the earth, and the
cardinal points, after which he singed it over the coals. While it was
smoking, he offered it again to the sky, the earth, and the cardinal
points. It is said that the efforts of the medicine-men were always
successful, and that the oldest men can not remember the falling of rain
during a Sun dance.
The following song was especially favored for securing fair weather;
it is one of the songs which have descended from Dreamer-of-the-
Sun, who died about the year 1845. (See p. 88.)
No. 4. Song for Securing Fair Weather (Catalogue No. 497)
Sung by Hed Bird
Voice J =72
Drum not recorded
*- -•-.
Aq-pe-tu wi
taq - yaq hi-na - pa nuq - we he
^ — -0- -•- ^ . -•- • + ,
-*^-^-^rTTTH ti=is.-d — -fH h! 1 — F— p— •—•-■ -9. r^ i ^ \ —
|i^4-^^ ^- 3 '—[4' -^^-1 5_J — L__^[4_p ip — j_^
^i^=£
he aq-pe-tu wi taq-yaq lii-na-panuq - we ma -
fct-p— j=:j-
ka 0 - iaq - f aq-yaq 2/aj? taq-yaq hi-na - pa nuq-we he he
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
WORDS
(First rendition)
agpe^tu wi tagyag^ hina^pa nugwe^. .. may the sun rise well
maka^ ozaq^zagyag tagyag^ may the earth appear
• hina^pa nugwe^ 1 >rightly shone upon
(Second rendition)
haqhe'pi wi tagyai)^ hina'pa nugwe''. may the moon rise well
maka^ ozag^zagyag tagyag' may the earth appear ^
hina'pa nugwe' brightly shone upon
Analysis. — Like all the ceremonial songs of the Sun dance, this song
was sung with much flexibility of both time and intonation, and
therefore can not be fully represented by notation. In the opin-
ion of the writer it is not necessary, however, that variations of less
than a semitone be represented to the eye, since in this instance they
differ in the several renditions, while the larger features of the song do
not show a corresponding difference. The same words are always
accented, and the general ratios of the rhythm are steadily preserved.
Thus a comparison of several renditions shows that the rhythm used
in singing the word Idnapa can be indicated with reasonable accuracy
by a sixteenth note followed by a dotted eighth. E flat above the
staff and E flat on the staff were sung with an intonation which was
almost correct, showing a feeling for the interval of the octave. B
flat, the fifth of the key, was sometimes sung quite accurately and at
other times was very faulty, the same being true of F, the second of the
key. It was noted among the Chippewa songs that the octave and
fifth were sung with more accuracy of intonation than other intervals.
(Bulletin 45, p. 5.) C flat m the seventh measure of the present song
was always sung too high, and might have been considered an acci-
dental except that the intonation is faulty in the entire measure in
which it occurs, some of the progressions in this measure being glis-
sando. Thus the character of the song and in many instances that
of the singer as well must be taken into consideration in judging the
importance of points which appear in the song.
About three-fourths of the intervals are downward progressions,
and the song is melodic in structure. It has a range of eleven tones
and comprises aU the tones of the octave except the fourth.
The danger from enemies was not forgotten in the season of rejoic-
ing. The horses were herded near the camp, and young men guarded
them during the day, bringing them nearer the tents and picketing
them at night.
There were many greetings among the people. Events of the year
were reviewed, and tales of war were told again and again. War
was an absorbing interest, and the Sun dance would see the fulfill-
ment of many a warrior's vow.
DENSMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 101
When in danger, it was custoniary for an entire war party to vow
that its membei's would take part in the next Sun dance. The row
was usually made at sunrise and spoken by a warrior who had fulfilled
a similar vow. (See p. 97.) If there were time to secure a proper
offering, each man held this in his left hand, raismg his right liand as
the vow was spoken. It was a rite, which could be varied by the
individual. Thus it was said thai some made the vow more impres-
sive by bowing the head or lowering the right hand slowly toward the
earth. A man's spoken vow was only that he would take part in
the dance, but deep in his heart was hidden a private vow concerning
the part which he would take.^ Some had left little children at home,
or sick relatives or friends whom they longed to see again. They
vowed that at the next Sun dance they would dance, or would be
suspended l)y their flesh, or that many gashes would be cut in their
arms; they felt that no extreme of heroic endurance woidd be too great
an expression of thankfulness if they were reunited with their friends,
yet they knew that their vow must be fulfilled even if they returned
defeated or to an empty lodge.
During the months which intervened between their return and
the Sun dance they prepared for the fulfillment of their vows. Well
they knew that if they failed to do this of their own accord it would
be exacted of them by the forces of nature. More than one man who
disregarded his vow to the sun had perished in a lightning flash; or
if he escaped punishment himself, it was known that disaster had
befallen his family or his horees. The old men knew of every vow
and watched for its fulfillment.
The leading men of the tribe belonged to various military societies,
as the Strong Heart, the Crow-owners, the Wolf, Badger and Fox
societies, or the White Horse Riders. (See pp. 314-332.) During the
four days next preceding the Sun dance these societies met together
for the purpose of electing the Kuwa' Kiya'pi (Intercessor), the
Itay'carj (Leader of the Dancers), the four young men who were to
select the tree for the sacred pole, and the four young women who
were to cut it down. The chiefs were also in the council tent when-
ever business was transacted. It was generally known in advance
who would be chosen Intercessor and Leader of the Dancers. The
former ofRce required long and special preparation and was re-
])(>atedly filled by the same man. His duties included the offering
of prayers on behalf of the people, the singing of songs as he per-
formed certain ceremonial acts, the painting of the ca'ij wakarj'
(sacred pole) and the preparation of the owaij'ha wakaij' (sacred
place). The ceremonial songs must either be composed by the man
who sang them, or purchased from some one who had previously
I Among other instances see Red Fox (p. 376) and Jaw (p. 390).
4840°— Bull. 61—18 9
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
held the office and instructed him in its duties. A large amount
was paid for the instructions and songs. The tribe knew when a
young man aspired to this office, and if his preparation were complete
he was elected as soon as occasion offered.
Red Bird made the statement: "The tribe would never appoint
an unworthy man to the office of Intercessor. In his prayers and
offerings he represented the people, and if he were not a good man
Wakai)'tar)ka might not answer his petitions and grant fair weather;
he even might send disaster upon the tribe." Chased-by-Bears said
that no man who had committed a great wrong could act as Inter-
cessor, no matter how fully he had repented. The record of an
Intercessor must be absolutely without blemish.
The Leader of the Dancers was usually the warrior who first re-
turned successful from the warpath, stating that he had made a Sun-
dance vow and that he wished to act as Leader of the Dancers at
the next ceremony. As with the office of Intercessor, the quali-
fications were so well known that a man who lacked them would not
presume to seek the position. He must have a reputation above
reproach and be able to fill the office with credit to himself and the
tribe; he must furnish the various offerings placed upon the sacred
pole, and the buffalo fat in which the pole was embedded; he was
also expected to offer a Sun-dance pipe and provide the buffalo skull
upon which it rested during the ceremony, a skull without defect
selected by him from the many that strewed the prairie.
The Sun-dance pipe (pi. 14), furnished by the Leader of the
Dancers, was decorated at his request by one of the most skillful
women of the tribe. It was considered a great honor to decorate this
pipe, which was prepared some time before the ceremony. There
was no prescribed pattern, but the decoration consisted of porcu-
pine-quiU work and did not cover the entire stem. The men who ful-
filled their vows also made certain offerings, which they prepared
before the ceremony; these varied in value according to the wealth
of the man. Thus a man of large means might give a pipe, a
quantity of tobacco, a buffalo robe, and other goods, while a man of
small means gave only tobacco. Like the offerings made during
the ceremony by the Intercessor, these were regarded as gifts to
Wakarj'taqka. A difference between the two classes of offerings
was shown by the fact that the goods offered by the Intercessor
were left undisturbed on the prairie, while those offered by the dancers
were free to anyone who wished to appropriate them. The reason
given by Red Bird was that "the Intercessor represented the whole
tribe and his offerings were to Wakaq'taqka, while the dancers were
all alike and their offerings were among themselves."
The tobacco offered by the dancers was tied in little packets, each
holding about a pipeful, and each being fastened to a stick (pi. 15).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 14
SUN-DANCE PIPE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 15
GIFTS OF TOBACCO
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 103
In the specimens illustrated the tobacco is wrapped in the dried
bladder of a steer, buffalo bladder being formerly used. The num-
ber of these packets varied; 10 was the usual nmnber, though a
dancer sometimes gave 100. The sticks bearmg the packets were
placed upright in the groimd or left in any available place, and, like
the other gifts of the dancers, were taken by the poor of the tribe.
If a man's vow involved the cutting of his flesh he was permitted
to offer a pipe similar to that of the Intercessor, filled with tobacco,
sealed with buffalo fat, and placed beside the Intercessor's pipe
during the ceremony. I^na'la-wi(5a' (Lone Man) stated that his Sun-
dance vow included the offering of a pipe ; he therefore offered a pipe
when fulfilHng his vow and had kept the pipe with greatest care.
This was smoked when the members of the Sun-dance council
revisited the site of the final Sun dance, August 29, 1911, and was
again placed on the square of exposed earth, which was still discern-
ible on the prairie. (See p. 93.)
Preparation for the Sun dance included the choice of others who
were to take part in the ceremony. It was required that the four
young men who were to select the tree for the sacred pole should
be unmarried, members of prominent families and men of unques-
tioned integrity. The four women were selected from among the
virgins of the tribe. Great care was exercised in these selections,
and each choice could be challenged by the tribe. There was, how-
ever, no open rivalry at the time of the election, it being known who
would probably be chosen.
Twenty or more men were selected who should carry the sacred
pole to the camp and erect it in the Sun-dance circle; these men also
sang at the drum, together with special singere, both men and women.
During the days before a Sun dance several begging dances were held.
The beggmg dance, which was performed at every Sioux gathering,
resembled a serenade rather than a dance. A party of men and women
carrying a drmn went from tent to tent, pausing before each and sing-
ing and dancing mitil food was given them. A man went in advance
of the party and placed a stick upright in the gromid before each tent
where the serenaders expected to sing. This was a signal to the
occupants of the tent, the stick being removed by the singei's after
they had been supplied with food. ^
To those who were to take part in the Sun dance the days pre-
ceding the ceremony were a season of preparation, including visits
to the vapor lodges of their respective bands. During this time
the dancei*s usually made the arrangements for the painting of their
bodies. The painting was done by men of known ability, who
were paid by the individual dancers. Often there was some formality
1 See Bull. 53, pp. 228-33; also pp. 320, 327, 481 of the present work.
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
connected with the making of this request, which was enacted for
the wi'iter b}^ Zintkala-lu'ta (Red Bird), who represented the dancer,
and I^na'la-wida' (Lone Man), who represented the man who was
asked to apply the paint. Red Bird made the request, but his
friend pretended to hesitate, finally extending both hands tightly
closed. Lone Man then tried to open his friend's hands. After
succeeding in this with seeming difficulty, he placed a pipe in them,
which his friend accepted and smoked. After a few moments Red
Bird asked for the return of the pipe, but was met with the same
reluctance as before. Finally he was obliged to pry his friend's
hands from the pipe as he had forced them open when the pipe was
offered. This was said to constitute an agreement that one man
would paint the body of the other, and in it the "artistic tempera-
ment" was typified in an unmistakable manner.
For four nights just before the Sun dance there were rehearsals
of those who were to drum, sing, or dance, each person being care-
fully instructed in his part of the ceremony.
Announcements were made by the Crier, who was a picturesque
and important figure in every tribal gathering. An old man was
preferred, as it was said that "the old men were more careful than
the young men in making the announcements. '' ^ Mounted on horse-
back, handsomely dressed, wearing a single eagle feather erect in his
hair and carrying an eagle-wing fan, the Crier went the round of the
camp circle, close to the tent doors, annomicing the decisions of the
council, the commands of the Intercessor, or the events of the day.
He was also ready to answer any inquiries regarcUng the ceremony,
as the Intercessor and the Leader of the Dancers were supposed to
talk only when it was necessary for thom to do so.
During the days immediately preceding the Sun dance it was
customary for each military society to hold one or more dances called
braves' dances, which were followed by feasts. The term "braves'
dances" is a general one, referring to the dances of the various mili-
tary societies. It was said that a dance of tlie Strong Heart society
might be announced by the Crier in tlie following words:
Cagte^ Tig^za wag! I^mnahan waya^tii) ktelo^. Hiyu^ po! (Strong Hearts!
You are going to eat to your hearts' content. Come on!)
In response to this summons the members of the Strong Heart
society would come in finest array. This society was composed of war-
riors, and the leaders of the tribe were usually among its members.
(See p. 329.) They paraded around the camp circle before the
dance, singing the songs which they used on the warpath.
1 The writer heard a Sioux Crier who was said to he 103 years old, hut whose voice in announcing an
evening council was as the sound of a trumpet, full, clear, and of wonderful carrying quality.
densmoreI
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
105
Tho following song was commonly used at the dances preceding
a Sun dance. It is a "Chief song" and is analyzed with similar songs
on page 4G2.
No. 5. "We Are Coming" (Catalogue No. 456)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J = 126
Drum J — 88
See druiii-rhythm below
(1)
(1)
^ ^ mJ^p. ff_^ ^_#-^fL_fLjf- X T if" ^ 1^^^^— r
(2)
Biiiia
sa^
et
::i=::^
(2)
•3:i=£=^f=tl:4:
a=E
mm^^w^^.
Voice J =144 ..
ttu^
Kg - la - pi - la bli - he
ilslii==
SI
-r I f
S
• — •-= — •-
1=
=p
ci - ya po he lei 013 - ku - pi kiij wa - noij-yaij - ka
, (2)
Voice J- 126 . 1
liSsa
S^
m
# — •
l-4-» . -• — y-ts^
pe - lo
Drum-rhythm
N_ ^^_, ^^_ ^'^_ ^
:b
kola^pila friends
blihe^ic'iya po take courage
he lei right here
oi)ku^j)i kii] we are coming,'
waijoij'yagka pclc/ they see us
lOG BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Analysis — This melody is particularly forceful and direct. It is
a song whicli would inspire confidence, and is also rhythmic for
dancing. The tonic triad is emphasized, the song consisting only
of the tonic triad and fourth. In one instance the fourth was ac-
cented and has no apparent chord relation to contiguous accented
tones. The song is therefore classified as '^ melodic with harmonic
framework," instead of "harmonic" in structure. Descending pro-
gressions are used effectively in this melody, the first rhythmic
unit containing such progressions in double and the second in triple
time. It is interesting to note throughout these songs the effect
produced by sHght changes in rhythm. For instance, in the first
occurrence of the second rhythmic unit the second measure was sung
in every rendition with two eighth notes on the second count. It
will be seen that in other occurrences of this unit the first note of
this measure is a dotted eighth. In aU renditions of this song the
time was increased with the introduction of the words, and the song
closed in the original tempo. The return to this tempo was usually
gradual, being made sooner in some renditions than in others. The
time of the drum did not change with the increased tempo of the
voice, the drum-rhythm being continuous, as indicated. Similar
instances were noted among the Chippewa; these are considered in
Bulletin 53, page 206. In the present work the following instances
of change of time are found:
Songs in which the voice changes tempo, the song bemg recorded
with drirni, which is contmuous and does not change in tempo — Nos.
5, 83, 114, 133, 188.
Songs in which the voice changes tempo, the song being recorded
without drmn— Nos. 55, 58, 88, 137, 140, 145, 153, 156, 166, 170, 171,
174. In this song occurs one instance of the omission of a syllable,
the third syllable of bliheiciya being omitted by the singer. Among
other songs contammg this peculiarity are Nos. 17, 38. The omis-
sion and addition of syllables was frequently noted in the Chippejva
songs. Throughout the present work aU interpolated syllables are
indicated by italics. These cnanges in the words of songs represent
an Indian custom and do not m any wise affect the meaning.
Tlie following song was also used in the braves' dance; it is esti-
mated to be about 180 years old, as the singer, who was a man past
middle life, stated that his father said that his grandfather sang it.
The age of a song can usually be determined in this manner with a
fair degree of accuracy.
dbnsmorb]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
107
No. 6. Song of the Braves' Dance (Catalogue No. 498)
Sung by Red Bird
Voice J =80
Drum J = 80
See drum-rhythm below
r r r
^1=^^
^ ^
m^
-=^^—9-r) — ! m 1 F-
Drum-rhythm
I J I I I J
S J S 4 S d
Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality and contains all the
tones of the octave except the sixth and second. In three instances
the seventh is raised a semitone. Twelve tones are comprised in
the compass of the song, wliich has a steadily descending trend. The
song contains two rhythmic units, each occurring twice. As is
usual in such instances, the rhythmic units resemble each other, the
second seeming to be an "answering phrase."
The tree to be used for the sacred pole was selected and cut, and
the sacred pole was decorated and raised on the mornmg of the day
precedhig the Sun dance. All the tribe were present when the four
young men set out from the camp to select the tree. For some time
before their departure the drummers and singers sang the songs of
war, for the tree was regarded as somethmg to be conquered. The
following song might be sung as the people asseml)led. This song
was composed by tlie singer, a man who is known in tlie tribe as a
composer of war songs.
108
BUREAU OF AMERICAK ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
No. 7. "With Dauntless Courage" (Catalogue No
Sung by Lone Man
"Voice J= 96
Drum not recorded
(1)
^f
-#- -^- -•-• -•-. I -#- -#- -0. I -^ ^ ^-. ^-,
:=£4:
S^
1:4:
^ '■■-H
^
* « * «lfi /:>•
(3) (1)
[^^4
n{ — -i__.
-r^'-Tf
=tp=^r=1-4=r—
-4-^F •-- -4-h^— ^rf-
J. •-
_P tf-n
(1)
(1)
Y^i=4-i^
— h
— •-
^-
'A -/t -#- -#-.1 -•-T^
-•- -•- -•- '
-^-i ^ Sij:-:
4
la - ke sni ca bli - he - ci - ya wa-oij we - lo
(3)
1%
F^^
•'T — I ^ ^ — I-
4 ! I »-
-i F i 1-
4=^
m\
WORDS
e6a' ozy'ye kiijhar)' on the warpath
tuwe'ni walake^ sni 6^ I give plat'e to none
bUhe'ii'iya waoij^ welo^ with dauntless courage I live
Analysis. — The descending interval of a fourth comprises more
tlian a third of the entire number of mtervals in this song. Three
rhythmic units appear, and a comparison of tliem is of interest.
The count-divisions of the first unit are reversed hi tlie second.
The third unit begins with two eighth notes, like the first, but
these are followed by a reversal of the count-division fomid in the
first unit. The ascent of a twelfth, which occurs with the introduc-
tion of the words, was given quite accurately, but the intonation on the
measure containing the words uxioy' wclo' was faulty, approach-
ing a glissando in the descent from one tone to another.
densmorb]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
109
Tlic following song was frequently used in this connection, and
was used also before the departure of a party going on the warpath
or in search of buffalo:
No. 8. " The Many Lands You Fear " (Catalogue No. 450)
Suns by Siya'jca
Voice J— 104
Drum J — 96
Drum ill accented eighth notes*
(1)
1 iTi r
Ko - la o - te ma- ko - 6e wai] ko - ya-ki - pa - pi
he - na ko-
WORDS
kola' friends
o'te mako'ce the many lands
koya'kipapi waq you fear
hena' kok"/])e f^ni oina'waiii in them ^vithout fear I have walked
ite'sabye <5a the black face-paint (see p. 85!).)
owa'le , I seek
Anali/slfi. — The principal interest of this song is in the number
of minor thirds which it contains. The song contains 23 intervals
15 (about 54 per cent) of which are minor thirds. The minor thuxl
E-G is the framework of the opening measures, followed by the
minor tria;d A-C-E; after a single measure of the tonic triad there
is a return to the minor thirds A-C and E-G, the latter forming the
closing interval of the song. The tones of the melody are those of
the fourth five-toned scale, but the tonic triad appears only in the
seventh measure. The song contains two rhythmic units, the count
divisions of both being the same, ])ut the accent being changed in
the second unit. The first part of the song is based on the rhythmic
unit, and the latter ])art on the segond unit.
110
BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
The relative time-duration of quarter notes in voice and drum, as
given in the preceding song, are shown, by means of hnear measure-
ments, drawn to scale in the accompanying illustration.^
••-••- ^ -0-
r
p p
r f f r r r
' r f r
A Melody as transcribed above. '
B Time of melody exprassed in quarter notes.
C Time of dram expressed in quarter notes.
D J)ruml)eats as given l)y performer.
Comparison of the phonograph record with the metronome shows
the speed of the voice to be equivalent to 104 quarter notes per
minute (J =104), while that of the drum is equivalent to only 96
quarter notes per minute (J =96). If there were no deviation from
regularity, there would be a coincidence of voice and drum at the
fourteenth pulsation (quarter note) of the voice; this, however, is
entirely theoretical, as a shght variation in either part would change
the ratio between the two. In this and many similar instances it
would appear that voice and drum represent separate impulses,
expressed simultaneously, but having no time-relation to each other.
The following song of departure was reserved for use at the Sun
dance; this was usually sung as the four young men left the camp
for the woods to select the tree which should form the sacred pole . . .
No. 9. Song of the Departure of the Young Men (Catalogue No. 480)
Sung by liONE Man
Voice J=: 96
Drum J= 104
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
-0. ^. -0. I .0.
r r r r^
it
1 The writer gratefully acknowledges her indebtedness to Mr. C. K. Wead, examiner, Tfnited Statas
Patent Office, for suggestions concerning the al)ove^rapliic representation.
r.KN.SMORB] TETON STOUX MUSIC 111
Anahjsis. — This melody contains only the tones A flat-C-E flat--
G flat. These are upt the tones comprised in the key of A flat, as
the term is used hy musicians, hut the sequence of tlie tones is such
as to suggest A flat as a satisfactory tonic. A test by the ear seems
permissible in such an instance as this, and the song is accordingly
transcribed with A flat as its tonic and G flat as an accidental. The
tonic triad constitutes the first seven measures of the melody, the
descending fourth from the tonic to the dominant forming the out-
line of the remainder of the song, with the flatted seventh as an
accidental.- A rhythmic unit occurs, forming part of ])oth double
and triple measures. It is varied sUghtly in repetition, the second
count being in some instances a quarter note and in otliers two
eighth notes. The triplet on the first count, however, is distinctive
and is steadily repeated. Two-thirds of tlie progressions are
downward.
Any who wished to accompany the young men were permitted to
do so, but they had no part in choosing the tree. On an-iving* at
the woods the young men searched for a straight, slender tree. It
was stated that Cottonwood was preferred for the sacred pole and for
all the articles of wood used in the Sun dance, because the white
down of the cottonwood seed resembles the downy eagle feathers
used in the ceremony. ^ If a cottonwood could not be obtained, elm
was selected, because the elm is the first tree to blossom in the spring.
The tree for the Sun-dance pole must be a standing tree and par-
ticularly fine with respect to straightness, branching, and fullness
of leaf. It was required that the first tree selected should be cut,
no change of choice being allowed. It is interesting to note that all
articles devoted to a ceremonial use must be the best obtainable, A
high standard of excellence prevailed among the Sioux, and this is
especially shown in their ceremonies which expressed their highest
ideals,
Wlien the young m<ui had decided on a tree tliey returned to make
their report to the Intercessor, Their return had been anxiously
awaited, and in response to their signal a number of friends went
on horseback to meet them, riding around them in wide circles and
escorting them to the camp. There they found their friends dancing
around the chum and singing the following song, which was used also
to welcome a returning war party or men who had gone in search of
buffalo. After the singing and dancing a feast was provided by
the friends of the young men. There was abundance of food, and
all were invited to partake.
'Cottonwood was used also for the i)()st in the spirit lodge. (See p. 81, also in offering placed on Sun-
dance pole, p. lis.
112
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
No. 10. Song of the Return of the Young Men (Catalogue No. 481)
Sung by Lone Man «
Voice J=112
Drum J =104
Drum-rhythm similar to No'. 6
g^i^^?=5
3:
I
Analysis — An unusual feature of this song is that seven of the 12
intervals which it contains are fourths, four being ascending, and 3
descending, progressions. The tonic occurs only in the upper octave,
the song closing on the dominant. The seventh and second tones
of the octave are not found in the song, which is major in tonality
and harmonic in structure.
Tlie announcement of a choice was followed by preparation for
cutting the tree and bringing it to the camp. The cutting of the
tree for the Sun-dance polo was an important part of the cere-
mony, and many went to witness it. Some went from curiosity,
and others wished to make offerings when the tree was cut. Even
the children went to see*the cutting of the pole. The young people,
riding their fleet ponies, circled around the party. The leading mem-
bers of the company were the Intercessor (or, in his absence, one
of the old medicine-men), the four young men who selected the
tree, the four young women who were to cut the tree, and the
pole-bearers, who were to carry it to the camp. It was the duty
of the Leader of the Dancers to provide the ax with which the tree
was feUed, but ho did not accompany the party who went to cut
it. In the old days a primitive implement was used; in later times
this was replaced by an ax purchased from the trader, but it was
required that the ax be a new one, never used before.
Great interest centered in the selection of the tree, and when it
was indicated by the young men the Intercessor raised his pipe,
holding the stem toward the top of the tree and lowering it slowly
to the earth, repeating a prayer in a low tone. TMien he held the
pipe toward the top of the tree, he spoke of the kingbird; lowering
it about one- third of the distance to the ground, he spoke of the
eagle; lowering it half the remaining ^distance, he spoke of the yellow-
hammer, and holding it toward the ground he spoke of the spider.
The tree was regarded as an enemy, and in explanation of the refer-
ence to these animals it was said that " the kingbird, though small, is
dknkmoue]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
113
feared by all its enemies; the eagle is the boldest of birds; the
yellowhammcr can not overcome its enemies in open fight but is
expert in dodging them, darting from one side of the tree-trunk to
another; while the spider defeats its enemies by craftiness and
cunning."
One of the four virgins was selected to cut the tree, but she did not
fell it at once. It was considered that sh;* had been given the honor
of conquering an enemy, and before she wi(>lded the ax a kinsman
was permitted to relate one of his valiant deeds on the warpath.
The maiden then lifted the ax and made a feint of striking the tree.
Eacli of th3 four virgins did likewise, the action of each being preceded
])y the telling of a victory tale by one of her kinsmen. The ax was
lh(ui returned to the first virgin, who swung it with effect, cutting
th(^ tree in such a manner that it fell toward the south (see p. 78),
While the tree was being felled, no one was allowed near it except
those who wielded the ax, the Intercessor, those v/ho wished to make
offerings, and those who were to carry the pole. At tliis tmie the
following song was sung:
No. 11. Song of Cutting the Sacred Pole (Catalogue No. 451)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J 80
Dkim J 80
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
'-ft- ^ ^
I - te - sa-bye
^m
Brrfr-^'^r^S
-^ — ^-
5ES^
0-wa - le 6a he-ca-moij
ito'sabye
()wa''le
6a, he''(5amor)
WORDS
(First rendition)
the blark face-paint (see p. 359.)
I seek
therefore I have done this
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOI^OGY [bull. 61
(Second rendition)
suijka'ke horses
owa'le I seek
6a he''6amog therefore I have done this
A^ialysis. — This melody comprises the tones of the fourth five-
toned scale. In two instances the sixth is lowered a semitone. A
dotted eighth note either preceded or followed by a sixteenth note is
a count division which characterizes the song, though it contains no
rhythmic unit. This song begins on the third above the tonic and
ends on the third in the lower octave. A beginning and ending on
the dominant is of more frequent occurrence than on the third of the
scale. A majority of both Sioux and Chippewa songs end on the
tonic, which is also the lowest tone in the song. (See Table 3 A, p. 27.)
Throughout this part of the ceremony the tree was regarded as
an enemy, and* a shout of victory arose as it swayed and fell. Care
was taken that it should not touch the ground. The medicine men,
some of whom usually accompanied the party, burned sweet grass,
and offerings were presented. The branches of the tree were cut
off close to the trunk except one branch about one-fourth of the
distance from the top, which was left a few inches long in order
that the crossbar of the pole might be fastened to it. In some
cases a small branch with leaves on it was also left at the top of
the pole. From this time the pole was regarded as sacred and no
one was allowed to step over it, or over any of the branches which
had been cut from it. Jealousy frequently arose among the women
in regard to the privilege of cutting the tree, and it is said that on
one occasion a woman was so angry because she was not chosen for
the purpose that she stepped over the pole. Half an hour later she
was thrown from her horse, dragged some distance, and killed. The
horse was known to be a gentle animal, and the event was considered
a punishment justly visited on the woman.
Between 20 and 40 men were required to carry tlie sacred pole to
the camp. These walked two abreast, each pair carrying between
them a stick about 2 feet long on which the pole rested as on a litter.
The pole was carried with the top in advance, and the Intercessor or
his representative walked behind the bearers. Xo one was allowed
to walk before the sacred pole.
The songs of carrying home the pole were songs of victory. The
following song could be used at any time after the pole had been cut
and was frequently sung as it was carried to the camp :
densmoee]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
115
No. 12. Song of Victory over the Sacred Pole (Catalogue No. 486)
Sung by Lone Man
VOICK J=; 144
Drum ^r^ 72
See drum-rhythm below
■^ -^- -•-
f^S
E
T:
^
f tL^if^
-<22-
M ._3-^
^
4:
IJ JlJ iJ
fe^
m
-m^
Mi^ - na - la wi - ma - ca ye - lo e - he - 6oq wi
^-^
^
ai^^g^^
» • • ^
SE
•J-
I
6a - ya - ke sni ye ua - ke ce - ya i - la - le
Drum-rhythm
a ci a g^ gy o
WORDS (aDDRESSEU TO THE SACRED POIjE)
misna''Ia wima'ca yelo^ "1 only am a man "
ehe^doo wica''yake sni ye. . . you falsely implied
nake'' de^j'a ila^le now you cry
Analysis. — -The rhythmic unit of this song is less interesting than
the rhythm of the song as a whole, which has a decided " swing." The
melody begins on the fifth above the tonic and ends on the third
in the lower octave. Many songs have a greater range than this, but
few have a compass of a tenth in three measures, as occurs in this
song with the introduction of the words. This part of the song
was sung quite accurately, but in the measures containing the last two
words and in the corresponding measures of the fij-st section of the
song the intonation was so unsteady as to make transcription diffi-
cult. It has been frequently noted among the Sioux, as among the
Chippewa, that large intervals are sung with more accuracy than
small ones. The drumbeat was in half notes, representing a very
slow tempo. In the double measures the drumbeat coincided quite
regularly with the corresponding tone of the song.
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Ai'ound the pole-bearers circled the young men and women of the
tribe on their ponies. It was the custom of the young people to
decorate their ponies with trailing vines and to wreathe the vines
around their own bodies. They made hoops of slender branches,
vdih crossbare like the framework of a shield, and on this they draped
vines and leaves, thus forming a striking contrast to the dignified
procession of pole-bearers.
Four times on the way to the camp the pole-bearers were allowed
to rest. (See p. 74.) The signal for each halt — a throbbing call
beginning on a high tone and descending like a Vv^ail — was given
by 'the Intercessor. At this signal, the pole was lowered for a few
moments upon crotched sticks provided for the purpose.
The sacred pole was brought into the Sun-dance circle as it had
been carried, with the top in advance. As the pole-bearers walked
across the circle the medicine-men cried, ''Now is the time to make
a wish or bring an offering." The people crowded forward, shouting
and offering gifts of various kinds. So great excitement prevailed
that no one knew who brought a gift, and a man could scarcely hear
his own voice.
The Intercessor then prepared the sacred pole, first removing the
rough outer bark, fragments of which were eagerly seized and carried
away by the people. After the pole had been made sufficiently
smooth, it was painted by the Intercessor; native red paint or ver-
milion ^ was used. The pole was pahited in perpendicular stripes,
beginning at the branch where the cross bar would be fastened and
extenduig to the base.
As the Intercessor pamted the sacred pole, he sang the following
song, which, like the other songs pertammg to his ceremonial office,
was sung alone and without the drum, the people listening attentively:
1 On the Standing Rock Reservation is found a yellow ocherous substance which, after being reduced to a
fine powder, is used by the Indians in making yellow paint." This substance, when treated by means of
heat, yields the vermilion used on all ceremonial articles as well as in painting the bodies of the Indians.
The baking of this ocherous substance— a process which requires skill— is done by the women. First, the
substance mixed with water is formed into a ball. A hole is dug in the ground in which a fire of oak bark
is made. When the ground is baked, the coals are removed, the ball is placed in the hole, and a fire is built
above it. This fire is maintained at a gentle, even heat for about an hour, whichis sufficientfortheamount
of the sub.stance usually prepared at a time. The action of the heat changes the color of the substance to
red. When the ball is coM , it is pounded topowder. In the old days this red powder was mixed with bulTalo
fatinmakingthepaint,butat thepresenttimeitismixed with water. White, black, and lilue paints were
obtained by mixing colored earthy substances with bulTalo fat. The blue was found in southern Min-
nesota (this required no treatment by heat), and the white and black in Dakota. (Seep. 173.) It is said
(hat white paint was preferred for the painting of horses (see p. 353) because it was a "genuine color,"
and also because other colors could be applied to advantage above it. Brown earth is mentioned in song
No. 62. The symbolisms of various colors used in paint are noted on pp. 77 and 124.
densmoue]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
117
N(». 13. Song of Painting the Sacred Pole (Catalogue No. 452)
Sung by SiYA^KA
Voice J- 160
Drcm J — so
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 12
^^
^
-j5). -j5i- -0---0.
it
m
A - te le - na
ta- wa , ma- ki - ye
a - te le
sm
te
^^!*-
-P
^l k
^L#_
-I U
ta - wa ma-ki - ye
caq ma-ko - ba- za na - ziij In
E*
£
• •—r^ '^ •-'-"•-i-^-
;E^
r • — • — ^ — MS' — r-r5"
ye - ya cii] a - te le - na
ta-wa ma - ki - ye
%:f^^=i=^\^ ^j I ^J 11
a - te le - na ta - wa ma-ki -ye 6aij ma-ko-ba-za na -
>ate3
I
^ \gj \ \ d \d d \ rj \eJ \d.4\eJ
4 — d-^s^^^
£iq hi - ye - ye ciij a - te le - na ta - wa ma - ki - ye
ate' father
lena' ta''A\'a inaki'je all these he has made me owti
{••AT) mako''baza. the trees and the forests
na'zir) standing
hiye'ye ^ig in their jilaces
Analysis. — This iiu^lody contains only the tones of the minor
triad and fourth. The rhythmic unit is long, its repetitions com-
prising the entire song except two periods of six measures each,
which consist principally of quarter notes. The sustained tones were
always given the indicated time. The words are continuous through-
out the song. Among the Chippewa, as well as among the Sioux, tliis
occults more often in ''medicine songs" than in other classes of songs.
The final tone, though very low in pitch, was sung with distinctness.
The Sun-dance pole was usually about 35 feet in length and 6 to
8 inches in diameter. A crossbar "the length of a man" was tied
4840°— Bull. 61—18 10
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
on the pole, being securely fastened to the short branch left for the
purpose. At the intersection of the pole and the crossbar there
was tied with rawhide thongs a bag, which constituted one of the
offerings made by the Leader of the Dancers. This bag was about
2 feet square, made of rawhide decorated with beads, tassels, and
fringe, and was wrapped in cherry branches 4 or 5 feet long which
completely concealed it. Inside the bag was a smaller bag of tanned
buffalo hide containing the offering, which consisted of a large piece
of buffalo hump, on a sharpened stick painted red. The stick was
Cottonwood and, according to Mato'-kuwa' (Chased-by-Bears), sym-
bolized the arrow with which the buffalo had been kiUed and also
the picket stake to which a horse stolen front an enemy was fastened
when it was being brought to the camp. The additional offerings
fastened to the crossbar were two effigies (see pi. 21) cut from raw-
hide, one in the form of an Indian and the other in the form of a
buffalo, indicating that the enemy and also the buffalo had been
conquered by supernatural help. To the crossbar were fastened
also the thongs, or cords, by which the men would be suspended.
One cord was made ready for each man, the middle of it being fast-
ened to the crossbar and the two ends hanging, to be fastened to
the sticks passed through the flesh of the man's chest. At the top
of the pole was hung a tanned robe of buffalo calfskin. In the later
ceremonies a banner of red list cloth was used instead of the buffalo
robe.
After painting the sacred pole, the Intercessor examined the hole
which had been prepared for its erection, in which he placed an
abundance of buffalo fat. It was said that, while doing this, he
"prayed and talked in a low voice."
The command to raise the pole was followed by absolute silence
on the part of the assembled people. Thus they watched the pole
as it was raised slowly and carefully by the men who had brought
it to the camp. The moment it was in place all gave way to cheers
and rejoicing, and the three following songs were sung. These
three songs were recorded by a man said to be the only Teton Sioux
living (1911) who had filled the office of Intercessor. These songs
comprised part of the instructions he received from the man who
preceded him in that office. The singer was about 80 years of age
when the songs were recorded. (See p. 88.)
dbnsmorb]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
119
No. 14. Song Sung after Raising the Sacred Pole (a) ((!atalogue No. 628)
Sung by Eed Weasel
Voice J ^6.3
Recorded without drum
0)
(2)
r~"
^jj-rJ^t-TiL^
WORDS (not transcribed)
( The pole speaks)
waka5''yai) sacred
nawa^zig ye I stand
■waijma''yar)ka yo behold me
ema^kiye <?on was said to me
Andlysis. — The coiiciseiK'.ss of this melody is iiitei-<>.stiiig, especially
ill view of the fact that it was sung by an aged man, who said he
learned it in his youth. The rhythmic units are clear-cut, and their
repetitions comprise the entire song except two short parts some-
what similar to each other. Botli intonation and time were remark-
ably good, considering the age of the singer. His voice was as strong
as that of a young man. This has been noted by the writer to be the
case among old men who, in their younger days, were accustomed to
address large numbers of people on the open prairie. Red Weasel,
wlio had hald responsible positions in tribal ceremonies, had devel-
oped this quality of voice. In this connection the pitch of his songs
should be noted.
This melody contains all the tones of the octave except the
seventh. In structure it is classified as melodic with harmonic
framework. About two-thirds of the intervals are downward
progressions, the principal accented tones being those of the descend-
ing series A, F sharp, D, B, F sharp. Only two ascending progres-
sions appear between accented tones.
120
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 15. Song after Raising the Sacred Pole (b) (Catalogue No. 629)
Sung by Red Weasel
Voice Jz=66
Drum not recorded
(1) (2) (2) (1)
m^'T^
WORDS (not tkansckibed)
( The pole speaks)
maka' (^okag^yag at the center of the earth '
wa^kil na^zir) po stand looking around you
oya''te iye''kiya recognizing the tribe
wa'kil na'zig po stand looking around you
1 This is an instance of the "sacred language" mentioned on p. 85. A language of this kind was said to
be neces.sary in order that persons intimate with supernatural things could communicate without being
understood by the common people. The term "centerof the earth" occurs in a narrative on !>. 214 and also
in song No. 1-37, translated as follows: "At the center of the earth I stand ... at the wind center (where
tho winds blow toward me from every side) I stand.'' Songs Nos. 16 and 7.5 mention the jilaces whence
the winds blow, the former containing the words "at the places of the foiu: winds may you be reverenced,"
and the latter, "At the four places . . . theplacesfromwhich the winds blow . . . tostandl wasrequired;"
also " the homes of the four winds," p. 127. The following instances may also be cited: An expression similar
to this occurs in song No. 93 — cayle' mato'keiaca , also translated " with a heart that is different , " but carry-
ing the idea of the fierceness of a bear. The term yatin'kte, literally translated "you will eat, "is a phrase
used only by medicine-men when addressing the sick (song No. 57). The words "a scarlet relic" in song
No. 1 refer to the custom of spirit keeping and would not be understood by those who were unfamiliar with
that ceremony. The term "grandfather" is found in No. 21, which is the opening prayer of the Sundance.
The word tunkay', 'sacred stones,' is said to be derived from tuoka'tsiJa, 'grandfather.' (See p. 205.)
In songs Nos. 41, 93, and 105 there is shown something approaching the personification of a wind
and a rainbow, the idea being that these possess or wear the man who has dreamed of them and has not
pensmoreI
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
121
Analysis. — This song contains two rhythmic units, but the rhyth-
mic structure of the song differs from that of most songs under
analysis in that thes3 two units appear to have no influence on each
other. The first is in triple, the second in double, time, and none
of the count-divisions are alike. The song is melodic in structure and
contains the tones of the fourth five-toned scale. The descending
fourth from the tonic to the dominant occurs w^th frequency.
No. 16. Song Sung after Raising the Sacred Pole (c) (Catalogue No. 630)
Sung by Red Weasel
Voice J =: 76
Drum not recorded
^^
-»-" -0-0-
?^
If^^
:=^
^ ^ -•- -•- -•- -•-•• -0-0- -0-
ztl:4:
tl tf |tl^m:g^r=E^^
WORDS (not transcribed)
tuqka^sila grandfather
to^pakiya at the places of the four winds (see p. 120,
footnote).
wakaij^ nila^pi nuqwV may you be reverenced
ta'ku koyag' mayaye^ you made me wear something sacred
oya^te wag wakag'yai) yar)ka'i)i the tribe sitting in reverence
niwa^ciQpi they wish to live
yet enacted his dream, even as a medicine-man wears an object, or the symbol of an object, which is subject
to his commands. Thus No. 41 contains the words,'"a wind wears me"; No. 93, "a wind comes to get
me;" and No. 10.'), "a hoop (rainbow) wears me." The term wahu'noy'pa, or its abbreviation hu nor/'pa,
literally " two-legged object," is used by tho.se who treat the sick as referring to a human being (Nos. 70, 90)
and the term tayte'to'keta, ' a heart that ii' different,' is used by them to indicate anger. (Songs Nos. 58, 93.)
The phrases "in a sacred manner," or "I have made it sacred," are not unusual and can not be regarded
as an adequate translation of the Sioux. In the mind of the Sioux the meaning of the word wakar/ contains
more of mystery and a greater element of the supernatural than we are accustomed to associate with the
words "sacred" or "holy," though these are used as its English equivalent. (See footnote, p. 88.)
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Analysis. — Two intervals of a fourth form the framework of this
melody, the first being C-F and the second G-C. The tonic is espe-
cially prominent, as it occurs in both these intervals and is frequently
repeated. The song is minor in tonality and contains only the tones
of the minor triad and fourth. A monotony in the melody is shown
by the fact that it contains 27 measures and only 12 progressions.
It has been noted that the average number of progi-essions in this
class of songs is 31.3. The rhythmic unit occurs six times and its
count-divisions were clearly given by the singer.
The sacred pole was placed in such a maimer that the crossbar
extended north and south, and the earth was packed solidly around
the base.
The dance enclosure was about 50 feet in diameter, with a wide
entrance at the east. (See p. 93.) The sacred pole stood in the center
of this circle, and about 15 feet west of the pole a square of earth was
exposed, all vegetation being carefully removed and the ground finely
pulverized. This square of earth was called oway'Jca walcay' ,
''sacred place," and no one was allowed to pass between it and the
pole.^ Two intersecting lines were traced within the square of earth,
forming a cross, these lines being parallel to the sides of the square
but not touching them.^ After tracing these lines in the soil, the Inter-
cessor filled the incisions with tobacco which had been offered to the
sky, the earth, and the cardinal points. He then covered the tobacco
with vermilion paint-powder, over which he spread shining white
'' mica dust. '' ^ At the intersection and ends of the lines he placed
bunches of downy white eagle feathers. Very beautiful was the con-
trast of green turf, soft brown earth, shining white fines, and downy
eagle feathers. West of this was placed a bed of fresh sage, on which
the buffalo skuU would be laid during the ceremony. (Pis. 16, 17.)
The Intercessor sang the following song as he prepared the square
of earth. When this and similar songs were sung by the Intercessor,
there was absolute silence in the great gathering of people.
1 Miss Fletcher states (in Peahody Mus. Reps., m, p. 284, note, Cambridge, 1887): "The mellowed earth
space . . . has never been absent from any religious exercise I have yet seen or learned of from the
Indians. It represents the unappropriated life or power of the earth, hence man may obtain it."
2 Concerning this outline, which is widely used by the Indians, Mr. W. H. Holmes writes (in Handbook
Amer.Inds.,pt. l,p.366): "Primitivemanadjustshimself to his environment, real and imaginary, by keep-
ing in mind the cardinal points as he understands them. When the Indian considers the world about him,
he thinks of it as divided into four quarters, and when he communicates with the mysterious beings and
powers with which his imagination peoples it— the rulers of the winds and rains — he turns his face to the
four directions in stipulated order and addresses them to make his appeals and his offerings. Thus h is wor-
ship, his ceremonies, his games, and even his more ordinary occupations in many cases are arranged to con-
form to the cardinal points, and the various symbolic representations associated with them assume the
form of the cross."
3 A specimen of the "mica" was secured, and was identified as "Gypsum, variety Selenite," by Dr. G. S.
Merrill, curator of the department of geology of the U. S. National Museum.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 17
THE SUN DANCE (NATIVE DRAWINGS)
A. BY EAGLE SHIELD
B. BY JAW
dhnsmorb]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
123
No. 17. Song of Preparing the Sacred Place (Catalogue No. 500)
Sung by Red Bird
Voice J— 60
Drum not recorded
To-pa-ki - ya ma-ka- ta ce-wa- ki ye - lo e
to-pa- ki - ya ma-ka-
o-waq-ka ka - giq kta 6a o-ya-
1
te wag-la-ka pe- lo e
to-pa-ki- ya ma-ka-ta fie-wa-ki ye - lo e
WORDS
to^pakiyamaka'ta de^waki yelo^. . four times to the earth I prayed
owag^ka a place
waka'gig kta da I will prepare
oya^te O tribe
waijla'ka pelo^ behold
Analysis — All the tones of the octave except the fourth occur in
this melody, which is minor in tonality and melodic in structure. A
feeling for the tonic triad is evident throughout the song, but there
is more freedom of progression than in many of the songs under
analysis. The second of the key is unusually prominent, and the
progressions in the sixth and seventh measures are interesting,
as they include the tonic and the tone immediately above and below
it. About two-thirds of tho intervals are downward progressions.
After the sacred pole was erected and the " sacred place " prepared,
a shelter, or "shade-house," was built entirely around the Sun-
dance circle, any who wished to share in this work being permitted
to do so. Posts about 6 feet high were erected, and upon these
were placed a light framework of poles. This framework was covered
with buffalo hides and decorated with freshly cut boughs. Beneath
this shade sat the old people, the relatives of the dancers, and any who
attended the ceremony merely as spectators.
On the morning of the Sun dance those who were to take part in
the ceremony were allowed to eat a full meal, after which they
entered the vapor lodge while the following song was sung:
124
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Fbull. 61
No. 18. Song of Final Visit to the Vapor Lodge (Catalogue No. 631)
Sung by Red Weasel
Drum J =63
Drum not recorded
^93:
4 I — 1 4 r
-^ ^
it
■^I^
^^-|L
^H^
-#-^/t
=§^
g
E
td:
S
a=!?:
WORDS (not transcribed)
ho a voice
u wa^yin kte I will send
nama'hoTi ye hear me
maka' the land
sito^mniyai) all over
ho a voice
ye waye'lo I am sending
nama'hon ye hear me
wani^ ktelo^ I will live
Analysis. — This song contains 20 measures and only 15 pro-
gressions. In its lack of progression it resembles Nos. 14, 15, and
16, rendered by the same singer. (See analysis of No. 16.) Two-
thirds of the progressions are downward, the song beginning on the
dominant above the tonic and ending on the dominant below the
tonic. The melody contams the tones of the second five-toned scale
and is melodic in structure.
After their vapor bath, the dancers were painted by the men
whom they had selected for that purpose. A few of the writer's
informants stated that the bodies of the dancers were painted white
on the first day of the ceremony, the colors being added on the morn-
ing of the second day, but others, including Ituq'kasaii-lu'ta (Red
Weasel) stated positively that the painting in colors was done before
the opening of the dance. Red Bird stated that each man who was
accustomed to paint the dancers had a special color, which was " asso-
ciated with his dream," and that he used this color first in the paint-
ing. Tlie colors employed were red (the ''tribal color"), blue, yel-
low, white, and black, each color bemg a symbolism connected with
the sky. Thus, it was said that red corresponds to the red clouds
of sunset, which indicate fair weather; blue represents the cloud-
less sky; yellow, the forked lightning; white corresponds to the
126
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
fBULL. 61
The Leader of the Dancers was with the Intercessor in the council
tent. His costume was not necessarily different from that of the
dancers. Chased-by-Bears stated that when acting as Leader of
the Dancers he was painted white with black streaks across his
forehead and down his cheeks. The deerskin nite'iyapehe which he
wore was elaborately wrought with porcupine quills by the women
among his relatives, who wished to do the work although such deco-
ration was .not required.
The costume worn by an Intercessor was somewhat similar to that
of the dancers, but on his wrists and ankles he frequently wore bands
of buffalo skin on which the hair was loosening, and his robe
was the skin of a
buff alo killed at the
time when it was
shedding its hair.
Bits of hair shed by
the buffalo were tied
to his own hair (see
pp. 64, 458), and he
wore buffalo horns on
his head, or he might
wear a strip of buffalo
skin fastened to his
hair and hanging
down his back. (See
pi. 19.) In contrast
to the dancers his
hair was braided, but
like them he wore
one white downy
eagle feather. His
face and hands were
painted red. The
costume of an Intercessor varied slightly with the individual. Red
Weasel stating that he wore otter skin around his wrists and ankles,
that the braids of his hair were wound with otter skin, and that
he wore a shirt of buffalo hide trimmed with human hair, which
was supposed to represent the hair of an enemy.
On the morning of the day appointed for the Sun dance the Crier
went around the camp circle, announcing the opening of the cere-
mony in the following words: "Wana' u po. Wana' yui^tanpe.
InaK'ni po!" ("Now all come. Now it is finished. Hasten!")
In the procession which approached the Sun-dance circle the
Intercessor was the most prominent figure, the others acting as his
escort. The Intercessor held before him with uplifted stem his
Fig. 22. Decorated stick worn in Sun dance.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNC'LOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 19
HAIR ORNAMENT OF BUFFALO HIDE WORN IN SUN DANCE
nRNSntnREl
TETON SIOUX MUSIC 127
Sun-dance pipe, which would be smoked during the ceremony. The
Leader of the Dancers walked beside him, carrying the ceremonial
buffalo skull, which had been pauited with stripes of red extending
from the nostrils to the horns. Near him walkt^d some close relative
or friend, who carried the Leader's sealed pipe, which would be
placed with the buffalo skull beside the square of exposed earth.
Those who were to fulfill their vows walked on either side of the Inter-
cessor and the Leader of the Dancers, and aroimd them were the war
societies and other organizations of the tribe. On reaching the
entrance of the Sun-dance circle the procession paused. The Inter-
cessor directed the attention of the people to the east, and it was
understood that each man offered a silent prayer; this action was
repeated toward the south, the west, and the nortli, after which they
entered the inclosure. Amid uupressive silence the procession passed
along the southern "side" of the circle to the western "side," where
the Leader of the Dancers, pausing, laid the buffalo skull on the bed
of sage, with its face toward the east. He then placed his sealed
pipe in its ceremonial position, the bowl resting on iho buffalo skull
and the stem supported by a slight frame of sticks painted blue
(see pp. 64, 72), the mouthpiece of the pipe being extended toward
the Sun-dance pole (pi. 20). When the Intercessor rose to sing
or pray, he held this pipe in his hand, afterward replacing it in its
ceremonial position; it was also extended toward the sky, the earth,
and the cardinal points, but the seal on it was not broken until after
the ceremony.
The pipe which was smoked at the ceremony was that of the Inter-
cessor. He first burned sweet grass, the ascending smoke of which
was said to sjrmbolize prayer.^ Then he lit the pipe, and extended
the stem toward the sky, the earth, and the cardinal points. The fol-
lowing explanation of this action was given by Wakii) 'yar)-wata'-
kpe (Charging Thunder): "When we hold the pipe toward the sky,
we are offering it to Wakai]'tar)ka. We offer it to the earth be-
cause that is our home and we are thankful to be here ; we offer it to
the east, south, west, and north because those are the homes of the
four winds; a storm may come from any direction, therefore we wish
to make peace with the winds that bring the storms." After this
action, the Intercessor,. having first smoked the pipe himself, offered
it to the Leader and all the dancers. This procedure was repeated
at infrequent intervals during the period of dancing.
Beside the Sun-dance pole the men who were to fulfill their vows
stood facing the sun, with hands upraised. The Intercessor cried,
"Repent, repent! ",2 whereupon a cry of lamentation rose from the
entire assembly.
1 See article Incense, by James Mooney, in Handbook Amer. Inds., pt. 1, p. 604.
' Certain features of the ceremony seem to show the influence of Christian teaching. See footnoe p. 88.
128
BTTREATT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
fBlTLL. 61
The opening song of the ceremony was sung three times with a
tremolo drumbeat, after which the drum changed to a definite, even
stroke, and the men began to dance with faces still turned toward the
sun and with hands upraised.
No. 19. Opening Song of the Sun Dance (a) (Catalogue No. 453)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J= 144
Drum J ==144
Drum in unaccented eighth notes *
+--t— 1 — •--•--#- -G>- -0- -F--m-' -*--#- ^ ^
^B3EEf
3
=§^
w
s
r: — 71
I 1 r
*.UX nr
;§ii^
t^isil
^
-^: ,g^'^^~^b^~i^^-0-AqJ?i
1 I I 1 I 1
ggqtm^^^^g^
Voice J— 160
§^^
Drum J — 1 60
a
^^'rJy^r
±^
^
1?^ ^ mVW
0 0 \ F 0 0 -^-
^=&=t^^=^^\-
1 I 1 \1
1 \^ ;
2 * — * \ f 0 0 I'g? \ ~0 0 '.\ 0 0 0 H
^i
* Drum-rhythm
n n n n
Analysis, — This transcription shows the song and also the manner
in which it was changed by the singer in repetition. Thus the song
itself ends with the third measure preceding the change of tune, and
only that part of the transcription is considered in the analysis. In
UENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
129
songs expressive of desire it is not unusual for the tempo to be
increased with repetitions of the song (see p. 481). Thus the second
tempo in this instance is faster than the lirst. Comparing the two
portions of the transcription, we note a persistence of important and
shght changes in unimportant phrases, a peculiarity which has been
frequently noted in the musical performances of both Chippewa and
Sioux. Contrasted with these instances are those in which many
renditions of the song are identical in every respect.
This song is transcribed and analyzed in the key of D minor
though the second and fifth of that key arc not present. The melody
is broadly outlined by the descendmg intervals F-C, C-F, F-D, witli
a return to F at the close. One accidental occurs — the fourth lowered
a semitone. The number of downward and upward intervals is about
equal, there being 25 of the fonner and 22 of the latter in the song.
The following song also could be used at this time :
No. 20. Opening Song of the Sun Dance (b) (Catalogue No. 479)
Suug l)y LoNK Man
Voice J~80
Drum J~84
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10
^
4^-^
^•^
Iti
^
£
f^^'
^
^
^'^
^
^
Analysis. — The rhytlunic unit occui-s twice at the opening of lliis
song, the latter part of the song showing an accinited sixteenth note in
several measures but having little rhythmic interest. The purpose of
the lat ter part seems to be merely the carrying of the melody down to
the final tone. The range of the melody is 18 tones. Only 11 per
cent of the Chippewa songs have a compass of more than 12 tones,
and a similar range is found in only 10 per cent of the present series.
(See Table 5A, p. 28.) This song is minor in tonality, lacking only the
sixth tone of the complete octave.
During the excitement of the opening dance many gifts were given
to the poor or exchanged among the people, and many ''paid their
respects" to the parents of young men who were taking part in the
dance for the first time.
130
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
The drum used in the Sun dance was placed south of the pole. It
was a large dance drum of the usual type and elaborately decorated,
the sides being hung with bead work and fur, and the supports wound
with beads and fur. In addition to the drum a stiff rawhide was
beaten. This gave to the accompaniment of the songs a peculiar
quality of tone, which marked a difference between that of the ordi-
nary dances and that of a religious ceremony. The men who had car-
ried the sacred pole were seated at the drum and the rawhide, together
with special singers, both men and women, the latter sitting behind
the men and forming an outer circle. The voices of the women sing-
ers were an octave higher than the voices of the men.
The Intercessor was seated west of the "sacred place" during the
entire ceremony. The Leader of the Dancers was with the others
who were fulfilling their vows, but during the brief periods of rest
which were allowed the dancers he lay on the ground at the west
of the "sacred place," face downward, with his head pressed against
the top of the buffalo skuU. (See p. 97.)
The man who had spoken the vow for a war party assumed some
responsibiUty in the proper fulfillment of their vows, and the dancers
were attended by the men who had painted them. All who took part
in the dance were required to abstain from food and water during the
entire period of dancing.
At the conclusion of the opening dance the following prayer was
sung by the Intercessor, all the people listening with reverence;:
No. 21. Opening Prayer of (he Sun Dance (Catalogue Ko. 501)
Sung by Rkd Bird
Voice J- 168
Drdm not recorded
-j — J «. -P-H*-. .^.. .^.. ^. .^ .^. .^Z.. .(2..
=9^M
E
--t^t
a
Sd:
sp:
Tui] - ka - .si - la ho u - wa - yiq kte tuq - ka - ^i - la
ho VI - wa - yii] kte na - ma-hoij
ye
ma-ka
si
-to -
mni -
-f-' f^- • f^- r5. ^.
1
,
-*-^f-f>-G
-Si*^ fei^ —
1
— p • • —
'9-^-
-G>—
-^VhT^ —
— ^ 1 ^ —
-1
— 1
—
— Z-2:u
1 1
1 -. 1
. — 1
-1 1
yaij ho u - wa - yiij kte na - ma - Xw\) ye
3^
iEfefeiE^
E
— -C* . I g>
tujj-ka - §i - la
wa - ni kte - lo e - pe - lo
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 131
WORDS
tugka^'sila grandfather. (See p. ] 20, f(x>lnote)
ho iiwa^yiD k1 c a voice I am going send
nama^lion ye hear me
maka'' sito^mniyaij all over the inii verae
ho uwa^yig kte a voice I am going to send
nama^hon ye hear me
tugka-'sila grandfather
wani^ ktelo^ I will live
epelo^ I have said it
Analysis. — Peculiar strength is given this melody by tlie fact that
a quarter note is the shortest note occurring in the rhythmic unit.
The time of the sustained tones was accurate in all the renditions.
Two-thirds of the progressions are downward, the melody beginning on
the fifth above the tonic and ending on the third in the lower octave.
All the tones of the octave are found in the song, which is minor in
tonality and melodic in structure. The words are continuous. As
already stated, continuous words are found most frequently in songs
connected with ''medicine."
A man might take part in the Sun dance in one of six ways, accord-
ing to tlie nature of his vow. The requirement of fasting was the
same in every vow. The first way of taking part in the Sun dance
consisted merely in dancing, the second added a laceration of the
flesh, and the other four required that a stick be thi-ust through the
flesh and strain placed upon it until the flesh tore or was cut. The
Indians stated that the stick, or skewer, was "put through the skin,"
and probably it pierced also the subcutaneous fascia.* The two
most common fonns of this treatment consisted in the piercing of
the flesh over the chest with skewers attached by cords to the crossbar
of the sacred pole, and the fastening of buffalo skulls to the flesh of the
back and arms. The two more severe and less employed fonns were
the suspending of the entire body by the flesh of the back, and the
fastening of the flesh of both back and chest to four poles at some
distance from the body, the poles being placed at the corners of a
square. 2
If a horse had carried a man on the warpath when his vow was
made, the man might fasten the horse to the thong by which he was
suspended from the pole, thus hastening his release, or he might
fasten in a similar manner the bridle and whip which he carried on
1 As the word "skin" is commonly applied to the cuticle, the word "flesh" is used in this chapter as
indicating more clearly the severity of the ordeal.
2 In this connection it should l)e borne in mind that the present memoir concerns only the customs of
the Teton Sioux, as described by members of that tribe who took part in the dance.
132 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
the warpath, or he might hokl the bridle and whip in his hand as ho
danced. Chased-by-Bears stated that in fuhilhng his first Sun-dance
vow he caused a skewer to be put through the flesh of his arm and
from it suspended the rawhide lariat which he carried when on the
warpath, and with which he later captured a horse. (See p. 97.)
Women sometimes took part in the Sun dance by fasting and
standing beside some relative who was dancing, or by assuming part
of the obligation of a vow made by some relative and permitting
their arms to be cut. (See p. 135.) The gifts distributed by relatives
of the dancers and the feasts given in their honor were also the work
of the women.
Even the simplest form of the Sim-dance was a severe test of a
man's endurance. He was required to abstain from food and water,
to dance with face upraised to the sun from morning until night,
and to continue dancing during the night and on the following day
until he fell exhausted.*
If he had vowed to have his arms cut, he left the line of dancers
and seated himself beside the pole for the operation, after w^hich he
resumed his dancing. The number of cuts varied from 10 to 100 or
even 200, according to the man's vow, though if the vow required
the larger numbers named part of the number was usually assumed
by his relatives. The cutting was done by a man of experience, to
whom the dancer gave one or more horses. The man had an assist-
ant, who lifted a small portion of flesh on the point of an awl, where-
upon the man then severed it with a quick stroke of a knife, Hfting
the first portion which he cut toward the sky, saying, ''This man
promised to give you his flesh; he now fulfills his vow." (See p. 96.)
The cuts were usually placed close together. The writer has seen
the scars of a man whose arms were cut 100 times — small dots on
the upper arm, about half an inch apart, in regular order.
Another manner of cutting the arm was by gashes, which left
broad white scars. As already stated, the relatives of a man might
assume part of the obligation of his vow by allowing their arms to be
cut. Thus Lone Man said that he vowed 200 gashes, but his relatives
divided half the number among themselves.
If a man vowed that he would bo suspended from the pole tlie
operation of fastening the thongs to his chest was as follows: The
dancer lay on the ground, and the man who performed the operation,
bending over him, lifted the flesh of the chest between his thumb and
finger; then thrusting an awl through the flesh, he followed this with
the insertion of the pomted stick. This stick was painted blue, and
the man moistened it with his lips before insertmg it m the flesh.
He then hfted the man to his feet and tied the thongs hangmg from
the crossbar of the pole to the sticks in the man's flesh. Medicine
was appHed if the bleeding was excessive. In old days the awl used
in this operation was of bone. Chased-by-Bears, who performed this
1 Intervals permitted for rest are noted on p. 134.
DUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 21
KNIFE CASE KNIFE
ARTICLES USED IN SUN DANCE
DE.NSMoiiE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 133
office many times in the Sun dance, stated that he used a knife, the
blade being ground to a point, and the handle and part of the blade
being wrapped with rawhide (pi. 21).
The thongs by which a man was suspended were usually of a length
permitting only his toes to touch the ground, though the hcnglit of
the suspension depended somewhat upon the man's physical strength.
When first suspended each man was given a stick by means of which
he might raise his body slightly to ease the strain upon the flesh of
his chest. After discarding this support any effort at rest or any
cessation of the motion of dancing only increased the suffering.
The men were suspended soon after 9 o'clock in the morning
on the north side of the pole in such a position that their upraised
faces were in the full glare of the sun. It was expected that they
would make an effort to free themselves as soon as possible. Some-
times this was accomplished in half an hour, and according to John
Grass and other informants a man seldom remained in that position
more than an hour. If ho was unable to tear the flesh in that time
by means of the motion of dancing, he might give horses for his
release, or his relatives might give them in his behalf. In that event
the man who had done the cutting was allowed to cut through the
flesh either partially or entirely. If a considerable time elapsed
and the man could not free himself, and neither he nor his relatives
could give the requisite horses, ho was jerked downward until the
flesh gave way. While suspended, each man held his eagle-bone
whistle in his mouth, blowing it from time to time.
If a man vowed to take part in the Sun dance by canying buffalo
skulls, the number varied from two to eight. If two were used they
were fastened to the flesh of the upper part of the back, near the
spine. The flesh having been lifted on an awl, a small stick was
inserted. A thong of buffalo hide was fastened to this stick, the
other end of the thong being passed through the nostril-openings of
of the buffalo skull, suspending it at some distance from the ground.
The man then danced until the tearing of the flesh released the skull.
If four skulls were used, the additional pair was fastened to the back,
halfway between the spine and the point of the shoulder. With
six skulls, the third pair was fastened to the upper arm. If more
than six were used, the additional skulls were fastened anywhere on
tho upper part of the back, it being permitted also to fasten more
than one skull to a thong. When several skulls were employed,
their weight made it impossible for a man to stand erect, hence
the man had to lean forward upon a stick, dancing in a bowed posi-
tion. The scales indicated 25 pounds weight for a buffalo skull
which was obtained by the writer. The skull was shown to Chased-
by-Bears who after lifting it, said that although the specimen was
a lai'ge one it was not unusual for men to carry such in the Sun dance.
4840°— Bull. 61—18 11
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
Buffalo Boy stated that he carried six buffalo skulls for four or five
hours, at the expiration of which he was set free by the cutting of
the flesh from which they were suspended, the proper number of
horses being given for his release.
A more severe form of torture was the hanging of the body clear
of the ground by means of thongs passed through the flesh on each
side of the lower part of the back. Seizes-the-Gun-away-from-Thom
told of an instance in which a man rode to the sacred pole, and was
suspended by his back, after which the horse was led away. The
most severe form of torture was the suspension of the body between
four poles, by means of thongs passing through the flesh of both chest
and back, the body hanging so that only the toes touched the ground.
Under these conditions the flesh tore less readily. John Grass stated
that a man had been known to remain in that position from one
morning until the evening of the next day, when gifts were given
for his release.
While the men were dancing, they '' prayed for all in the tribe,
especially the sick and the old." Red Bird said:
The wamors went on the warpath for the protection of the tribe and its hunting
grounds. All the people shared in this benefit, so when the warrior fulfilled his vow
he wanted all the tribe to share in its benefits. He believed that Wakag'tagka is
more ready to grant the requests of those who make vows and fulfill them than of
those who are careless of all their obligations; also that an act performed publicly is
more effective than the same thing done privately. So when a man was fidfilUng
his vow, he j^rayed for all the members of the tribe and for all the branches of the tribe,
wherever they might be.
As soon as a man enduring torture was set free by the breaking
of the flesh, it was customary to apply to the wound a medicine in
the form of a powder. It was said that the wounds healed readily,
blood poisoning and even swelling being unknown. The WTiter saw
a large nmnber of Sun-dance scars, which appeared slight consid-
ermg the severity of the ordeal.
After the medicine was applied, the man returned to his place with
the dancers, continuing his fast and dancing until exhausted. During
the period of dancing the men who painted the dancer occasionally
offered a pipe, holding the bowl as the man puffed; also putting the
dancer's whistle into his mouth, as participants were not allowed
to touch any objects while dancing.
Each man remained in one place as he danced, merely turning so
that he continually faced the sun, toward which he raised his face.
In dancing he raised himself on the ball of his foot with rhythmic
regularity. At intervals of a few hours the men at the drum were
allowed to rest, and the dancers might stand in their places or even
sit down and smoke for a short time, but if they showed any hesi-
tation in resuming the dance they were forced to their feet by the
men who did the cutting of the arms and superintended the fulfill-
ment of the vows.
DE.NSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
135
Women whose relatives were fulfilling vows frequently danced be-
side them during part of the time. Ta^i'na-skawii) ("V^^hite Robe),
singer of the following song, stated that she composed it while taking
part in a Sun-dance in which her brother was fulfilling a vow. As
the result of a successful raid against the Crows, he brought home
many horses, which were divided among his relatives, she receiving
part of the number. He had vowed that if he were successful he
would be suspended from the pole and would also have 200 cuts
made on his arms. She and hor sister assumed one-half of this num-
ber, each having her arms cut 50 times. She and his other female
relatives danced while he was dancing, and without preparation she
sang this song, which was readil}^ learned and sung ])y aU the women:
No. 22. "Wakag^taqka, Pity Me" (Catalogue No. 688)
Sting by Tasi^na-skawiij (White Robe)
Voice J = 63
Drdm not recorded
4:
^^^i^^l^^^^^
IE
^zt
±
li^-d-^
i
^
-tK-*^
-K
-*— *-
WORDS (not transckibed)
Waijbli'-iya^li'' Climbing Eagle (man's name)
heye^ le said this
Wakaij^taijka " Wakag'taij ka
oij'Himala ye yo pity me
letaq^har) from henceforth
te'hai) wani^ ktelo' for a long time I will live "
eyiij^ na^har). he is saying this, and
telii''ya na^'zig ye stands there, enduring
Analysis. — The third and second tones of the octave are lacking
in this melody, wliich, as aheady stated, was said to have been com-
posed by a woman. Tho absence of the third in songs composed by
women is considered in Bulletin 53 (p. 140). Only four other
instances of the absence of the third occur in the present series.
These are Nos. 5, 42, 99, 131, 169, and the present song is the only
136
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
one of the group which was composed or sung by a woman. One
accidental occurs — the fourth raised a semitone. The manner of
using this accidental introduces two intervals, one of which seems
particularly difficult for an Indian to sing, namely, the minor second.
The other interval is the augmented fourth, in the descent from D
sharp to A. All these intervals, as well as the ascent of the octave,
were sung with good intonation. The song is minor in tonahty and
freely melodic in structure.
The aged members of the tribe were seated comfortably in the
"shade house" on the outer edge of the dancing circle. There they
listened attentively to all that took place; indeed, the utmost rever-
ence and respect for the ceremony were shown by all who attended.
The spectators realized that when prayer was offered by the Inter-
cessor ''it was their duty to join in his prayer with their hearts."
Meantime many incidents were taking place in the great tribal
gathering. Those who rejoiced were asking others to rejoice with
them, while still others joined their friends in lamenting chiefs who
had died during the year, or warriors w^ho had been slain by the
enemy. The relatives of those who took part in the Sun dance pro-
vided feasts, and little groups were seen feasting here and there in
the camp while at the same time songs of lamentation could be
heard. The following song was used at a Suii dance in commemo-
ration of Kai3gi'-iyo'take (Sitting Crow), a Sioux warrior who was
killed in a fight with the Crows. The words of this song are a
warrior's best memorial.
No. 23. Song of Lamentation
Sung by Lone Man
(Catalogue No. 487)
VoicK J = 56
Drum iiol recorded
5
^1
tz-
^^^
7C^=P=
^*— •—
S^
-^"Siir
Hi=t
3
£-
;^^
&
Kaq - gi - i - yo - ta - ke he - eel yuq
=w-=^
^Lf-r-*^:£g
n-9^
kiq kte Miq e - 6el
yuij - ka he
'"*^ ^X-
id^
.-^..
I
nE^•fi^^oRKl TETOX STOFX MTTSIC 187
WORDS
Kaggi^-iyo^take Sitting Crow (man's name)
he^cel yiiijkiij^ kte liciij .' that is the way he wished to lie
ecel yuijka' he he is lying as he desired
Analysis. — Five renditions of this song were recorded; these are
entirely uniform. The upward progressions in the measure contain-
ing the first word are interesting, also the upward progression neces-
sary in beginning a repetition of the song. These intervals were sung
with good intonation. From the writer's observation an Indian may
vary the pitch of unimportant intervals, })ut very rarely loses the pitch
of what might be called the "outline" of a melody. In structure
this song is freely melodic, yet the tonic triad is felt tlu-oughout the
song. The minor third is of frequent occurrence and constitutes
37 per cent of the entire number of intervals. The melody tones
are those of the second five-toned scale.
Even the children had a part in the vSun dance, w^iich consisted
in the piercing of their ears. Frequently this was done in fulfillment
of a vow made by their parents; for instance, in the event of a child's
illness the parents might vow that if the child should live until the
next Sun dance its ears would be pierced. This was considered an
lionor, and the gifts which were required made it impossible for
poorer members of the tribe. The piercing of the ears was done
publicly by an}^ experienced person, in some instances by the In-
tercessor, assisted by those who cut the arms of persons fulfilling
vows at the ceremony. The parents of the child gave gifts to those
who pierced its ears, the gifts varying according to their means.
Some gave 1 horse, some 10 horses, and wealthy persons added
large and valuable presents of goods to show their affection for the
child. A wealthy family provided also rich furs on w^hich the child
was laid during the operation — soft robes of ott-er, beaver, or buffalo,
elaborately WTOught on the inner side with beads or porcupine
quills, and l^rought a pillow filled with the soft hair scraped from the
deer's hide, or the down of the cat-tail reeds that grow in the marshes.
All these articles were left in their places after being used and were
appropriated by the poor of the tribe.
The piercing of the ear was originally done with a bone awl, this
instrument being replaced later by one of metal. After the puncture,
a piece of copper was inserted so that the wound would heal rapidly.
One or both ears might be pierced, and. if desired more than one hole
was made in each ear.
The children whose ears were thus pierced were considered some-
what related in status to the men whose fiesh was lacerated in the Sun
dance, and feasts were given by their relatives in honor of the event.
138
BUREAU OF AMEEICAX ETHNOLOGY
rp.n.i.. c.i
About noon of either the first or second da}' of the dancmg
the Intercessor sang the following song, the drum being silent and the
entire assembly listening as he sang:
No. 24. Noon Song
Sung by Red Bird
Voice J — 58
Drum not recorded
(Catalogue No. 506)
^^^SE
WORDS (not transcribed)
{First rendition)
to''kiya where
wakaij^ holy
warila^ke you behold
wi ohi''nape ta in the place where the sun rises
wakar) holy
wagla^ka nugwe^ may you behold
(Second rendition)
to^kiya where
wakai]^ holy
wagla^ke : . you behold
wi ohi^ya ye ta in the i)lace where the sun passes us
on his course
wakar)^ holy
wagla''ke you behold
( Third rendition)
to'kiya where
waste^ goodness
warila^'ke you behold
wi oe^kawigge te at the turning back of the sun
waste^ goodness
wagla^ka nuijwe^ may you behold
Analysis. — The principal characteristic of this melody is that
9 of the 16 progressions are intervals of the minor third. The
tones are tliose of the fourth five-toned scale, and the melody is
freely melodic in structure. Several renditions were recorded,
each repetition beginning at the point indicated by the marks for
repeat. Thus the first part of the song may be regarded as an
introduction.
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSTC
139
The following sorig was sung by the Intercessor during one of
the periods when the drummers rested; the people listened atten-
tively. In explanation of this song Red Bird said:
This is a song concerning a dream of an Intercessor. In his dream he saw the rising
sun with rays streaming out around it. He made an ornament which represented
this. At first he alone wore it, butafterward others wore the same ornament. [See
p. 89.] It is a hoop with feathers fastened lightly to it. The hoop represents the
sun, and the feathers fastened to it are feathers of the eagle, which is the bird of day,
the crane, which is the bird of night, and the hawk, which is the surest bird of ])rey.
No. 25. Song concerning the Sun and Moon (Catalogue No. 504)
Sung by Red Bird
Voice J — 58
Drum not i-ecorded
y?^^
Ai} - pe wi kii] ko-la wa-ye - lo
aq - pe wi kiij
ko-la wa-ye - lo
cai]-gle-ska le ko-yag ma-ye - lo
iis^
1-^1
;ii
H-^
--f±
waq - bli wa - aij
ko - yag ma - ye - lo he
lo
(First rrmhtioti)
agpe^ wi kig the sun
kola' waye'lo is my friend
(^aggle'ska le a hoop
koyag'' maye'lo it has made me wear
wag bli'' wag an eagle
koyag' maye'lo it has made me wear
(Second rendition)
hagye' wi kig the moon
kola' waye'lo is my friend
pohag' wag a crane
koyag' maye'lo it has made me wear
6etag' wag a hawk
koyag' maye'lo it has made me wear
140
BTTREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
fRrT.T,. 61
Analysis. — In many songs the rhythmic unit is merelj' a short
phrase which lacks completeness in itself, but which appears fre-
quently throughout the melody and influences the rhythmic divi-
sions of the entire melody. The song now under analysis, how-
ever, contains a rhythmic unit which is complete in itself, and which
was sung with a distinct "phrase perception." Repetitions of this
unit constitute the entire song except the closing measure. The
melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. The only
intervals here found are the major second and minor third. De-
scending intervals comprise about two-thirds of the entire number.
The songs of the hours of dancing are peculiarly rhythmic, the
following being examples. These songs were not used exclusively
in the Sun dance, some of them being songs of the various War
societies.
VOICK J:
No. 26. "Wakag^taijka Hears Me" (Catalogue No. 483)
Sung by Lone Man
Drum J = 88
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
(1)
mt:
-^ -V ^-
-m- — •-
f=££
^ -•
S=E
-0-> ^. .0-
(2)
SE^
^ A-
iS^
SE:LJ ^:
Wa-kai] - taq - ka ca wa - ki - ya caq - na na-ma - lioij e
I
J^—^
1 r'
^^^^^^^^m
ta-ku wa^-te ma-ku we-lo
Wakai)''tai)ka Wakag^tagka
da wa^kiya dag'na when I pray to him
nama^liog e heard me
ta^ku wa^te^ whatever is good
maku^ welo^ he grants me
DKXSMOREl
TETON STOUX MUSTC
141
Analysis. — The distinct minor character of this song is of interest.
The fourth and seventh tones of the octave are hicking in the m:4ody.
It will be noted that these are the tones omitted from the fourth
five-toned scale, which is major in tonality, while this song is minor
in tonality, the third and sixth being minor intervals. This tone-
material is found in four Chippewa songs (see Table 6a) ; it is con-
sidered in Bulletin 53 (p. 188). Similar songs of the present series
are Nos. 73, 89, 115, 126, 194. The interval of the fourth is promi-
nent, comprising about one-fourth of the entire number of intervals.
Two rhythmic units occur, but have no resemblance to each other.
It has been noted that when several rhythmic units appear in a song
they usually have some characteristics in common.
No. 27. "Black Face-paint He Grants Me" (Catalogue No. 503)
Sung by Red Bird
Voice J = 76
Drum J :::; 76
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
K==SFtf^
i^^
4L. ^. A. ^
^ ^»-
t^
-ft- -^
M-
Wa-kai] - tai]-ka ca wa - ki - ya caij- na i - te - sa - bye
itszlzzC:
f—»^
i^-^&Ma=i^g
f^^-
w^^^m
ma-ku we-lo
I
Wakag^tagka WakaQ^tagka
6e wa'kiya <5ag^na when I pray to him
ite^sabye black face-paint (see p. 359)
maku^ welo' he grants me
Analysis. — This song is major in tonality, yet the minor third
constitutes more than half tlte entire number of intervals. This
peculiarity is of frequent occurrence in the present series and
was noted among the Chippewa songs. (See Bulletin 53, p.
263.) AU the tones of the octave except the seventh are present
142
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BUr,L. 61
in the melody. An ascent of 10 tones is accomplished in the space
of three measures, about midway through the song. It will be
noted that a measure division similar to that in the second measure
of the rhythmic unit is of frecjuent occurrence, though the rhyth-
mic unit occurs only three times.
The following song commemorates a victory over the enemy:
Voice J = 92
Drum J = 92
Druin -rhythm similar to No. 19
No. 28. "I Have Conquered Them" (Catalogue No. 484)
Suug by Lone Man
_^^ 1 1 1 . 1 :
f — ^^r t-rt p — ^
E - ca o - zu - ye waq he
u - kte se - 6e - lo wa - na hi - ye - lo wa - ka - so - ta he
■L— p — H— ^ -| — r — p — 0 — ^— r — [—
WORDS
e6a^ ozu'ye wag he well, a war party
ukte^ se^delo which was supposed to come
wana^ hiyelo^ now is here
waka^sota he..... I have obliterated every trace of them
nKNSMORE]
TETON STOUX MUSIC
143
Analysis. — An interesting peculiarity of this song is the progres-
sion E-D-E, showing a whole tone between the seventh and eighth
of a minor key. This occurs immediately before the words and
also at the close of the song. The ascent of an octave in two pro-
gressions (with the introduction of the words) is also interesting, as
these mtervals were sung with more correctness than many smaller
intervals in the song. AU the tones of the octave except tlie sixth
are present in the song, which is freely melodic in structure.
No. 29. Dancing Song (a)
Sung by Red Bird
(Catalogue No. 499)
Voice J = 80
Drum J— 60
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
Analysis. — A notable feature of this song is the difference in tempo
between voice and drum. Occasionally the two coincided on the first
count of a measure, but this appears to have been accidental, the two
parts being entirely distinct. (See analysis of No. 8.) The time of
the voice is not rigidly maintained, though the variations are neither
sufficient nor regular enough to be indicated except on the E which
was shortened in every rendition, and is so marked in the transcrip-
tion. The structure of the melody is more regular than that of the
majority of the songs under analysis. It comprises three periods of
four measures each, with one additional measure after the second
period. The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale,
and two- thirds of the progressions are downward.
144
BUEEAF OF AMEETCAN ETFTNOT.OdY [bull. Ci
* No. 30, Dancing Song (b) (Catalogue No. 505)
Sunii' bv Ki:i) Bird
Voice J =80
Drum Jz=80
Drum-rhythm simihxr to No. 8
(1)
(5)
I — l\-H — \ • — • — * ■ m m • — • — fl
(4)
(2)
^^^r
F=t
:^=ti
^-^-#-^-#-
i— h
•— i#-
i
Analysis. — The count-division which characterizes this song con-
sists of two sixteenth notes followed by an eighth note. This is com-
bined with other divisions of a quarter note to form five distinct
phrases of one measure each. The repetition of these short phrases,
or rhythmic units, comprises the entire song except the closing meas-
ure. The first rhythmic unit occurs twice, the second three times,
the third three times, the fourth six times, and the fifth twice. The
irregular order of these phrases prevents their grouping into periods,
but the rhythm of the song as a whole is complete and interesting.
In structure the song is harmonic, the principal tones being those of
the tonic triad. All the tones of the octave except the fourth are
found in the melody. An ascent of 1 1 tones in two measures is noted
in the seventh and eighth measures before the close. The small count-
divisions were clearly given by the peculiar action of the throat
which characterizes Indian singing. (See Bulletin 53, p. 13.) Half
the intervals (19) are major seconds, all but two of which are in
descending progression.
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 31. Dancing Song (c)
Sung by Lone Man
145
(Catalogue No. 482)
Voice J =: 84
Drum J — 84
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
-• -•- -•-
(
p . m m p^f-y-p — r — m — m-r-w—w r w-
^^]
Analysis. — The intonation was wavering in both renditions of this
song. Drum and voice have the same metric unit, but the drum
invariably precedes the voice. The rhythmic unit, which is short,
appears three times. No change of time (measure-lengths) occurs in
the melody. This is somewhat unusual, a majority of both Sioux
and Chippewa songs containing a change of time. (See Table 17A.)
No. 32. Dancing Song (d) (Catalogue No. 485)
Suug by Lone Man
Voice J— 176
Drum Jrr 176
Drum-rhythm .similar to No. 19
-^- _ '-9- -»- M ^ -<9-
pg^^^jzL^D^-^feE^f ^,4^,, |',^-r^
V^ \^A V V \- -\^ hU-j— ^ — 1 ^— L-I|
-^^*^-^^— uTf-^ — u-N-L^-^^ — ^-J- ^ — .L^i^-SH
Analysis. — Wide intervals characterize tliis melody, one-fourth of
these being larger than a major third. The compass of 13 tones is
somewhat unusual. The song is major in tonality and is especially
lively and inspiring. All the tones of the octave are used except the
seventh. In structure the song is classified as melodic with harmonic
framework. The drumbeat is tremolo in the opening measur<>s and
then changes to the indicated rhythm, which was steadily maintained
in all the repetitions of the song.
146
BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
No. 33. Dancing Song (e) (Catalogue No. 457)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J= 176
Drum J— 176
Drum-rliythm similar to No. 6
(1)
\ ' ^f^ A2) (1)
1 1
-9rA ^-f--
^-H '.^^^U LJ 1 —
^ '-^^
(2)
(3)
(2)
?=i=
T^- . If 2-—*-^ • P # I P •-• ■» I # m-
Si=t;
=?czi:
(1)
(2)
1 1
r •
v/
1 1
-•-
^9^^=tf^
-/S"
^r=^=F=i
fs
^-f=t-- —
f=^=^
-1 — ^-^ -
U 1
LUP_J
^ — -
4 Li^
-4^ ■— ^-
.-l^^' — — 1
(3)
(2)
■ -ts-| Fz-hL, ,* I I N-| 1 — l:t
ii=±^:^
-iSi—
BS
^h=i=t-f
ffi
Analysis. — This melody is transcribed in the key of D minor, but
in the opening phrases and also near the close of the song there is a
feeling of ''interval formation" which is stronger than the feeling for
a keynote or its related chords. These parts of the song are based on
the descending interval of a fourth. (See p. 418 of tliis work, also
Bulletin 53, p. 99.) Two rhythmic units occur in the song, the second
reversing the count-divisions of the first. The drumbeat in tliis, as in
the preceding song, is a rapid tremolo during the opening measures,
changing to the rhythm indicated in the transcription. About 45
per cent of the intervals are major seconds.
DENSMOKE]
TETQN SIOUX MUSIC
147
No. 34. Dancing Song (f) (Catalogue No. 458)
Sung l)y Sha^ka
Voice J- 176
Drum J =176
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
(1)
:^J^
(2)
-a. ^^ — ^ P sP •
(2)
ii:
S
a — ^ — :p__«_^-p_^
if
^
0)
(2)
^— •^
^^^
t:p=^
t=_S
I5|:
4S
"^^
^'
Tt'li"
0)
— 1^ —
1'^"; —
=f--
^—r
^
1
— H-
-4-
fR=r
1
— P,
_>'
^T
'
tbitz
-t
;^^ —
i^f-P
* • J
-«^ —
^^
ziU
Analysis. — This melody is minor in tonality and contains all the
tones of the octave. It has a compass of 13 tones. In structure it
is melodic with harmonic framework, special prominence being given
the tones B and F. The principal interest of the song is in its rhythm,
which is vigorous and well defined. Two rhythmic units occur,
the second being a complement or "answering phrase" to the first.
There is no change of tempo in the melody. After singing the song as
transcribed, the part indicated as a repeat was sung three times with
no break in the time.
148
BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
No. 35. Dancing Song (g) (Catalogue No. 459)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice
Drum
84
84
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
^&
^=S^^
•— • -•-• #-
P W' ^W^
^-
( -n-
:Ci:
m.
gj^
:p=P=^
:p=#:
^^t±LH:p:g=£^F^^
g^
1 ^ — a 1—
Analysis. — This melod}^ contains a large number of progressions
(69) and has a compass of 13 tones. The trend of the melody is
steadily downward, and the song is peculiar in the wide range which
is repeatedly employed within two or three mieasures; thus the sixth
and seventh measures comprise a compass of 10 tones. In the parts
of the song having a simple rhythm the drum and voice coincided,
but in other parts the drumbeat was hastened slightly and bore no
relation to the voice.
All night the men danced, with the intervals of rest already
described. As the sun rose on the second day, the Intercessor
greeted it with the following song :
No. 36. Song at Sunrise
Sung by Red Bird
(Catalogue No. 502)
Voice J ^88
Drum not recorded
*3
^^smm
i
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 22
RED BIRD
DEN-SMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 149
WORDS (not transcribed)
(First rendition)
le raiye'' yelo'' here am I
wagma^yagkiye' yo behold me
aupe' wi koq miye^ yolo' I am the sun
waqma^yagka yo liehold me
( Second rnulition)
le miye' yelo^ here am I
wagma^yagka yo behold me
heya^ u welo^ it said as it rose
hagye' wi kog he miye^ yelo^ I am the moon
wagma^yagka yo behold me
Analysis. — Beyond a varied use of the sixteenth and dotted
eighth note count-division this melody presents little of special
interest. The trend is persistently dowTiward without the return to
a high note, which usually occurs. The melody tones are those of
the fourth five-toned scale.
On the second day the men were allowed a brief intermission;
they might even return to their lodges, but were not allowed to take
food or water. During this day the men, one after another, fell from
exhaustion. Red Bird (pi. 22) said that he had a vision in the Sun
dance. On the second day, as he was dancing, he noticed that the
Intercessor held a small mirror in his hand, and that he threw the
light reflected from this mirror into the face of one dancer after an-
other, each man falling to the ground when it flashed into his eyes.
At last Red Bird felt the flash of light in his own face and fell uncon-
scious. Then he saw something in the sun; it was a man's face,
painted, and as he looked at it he saw that the man in the sun was the
Intercessor. It was said that this vision was sufficient to entitle
Red Bird to act as Intercessor, after he had received the proper in-
structions concerning the duties of that office.
As soon as a man fell from exhaustion he was carried into the
shade, where he gradually regained consciousness.
Those who had taken part in the Sun dance returned to their re-
spective lodges at the close of the dancing. Before partaking of food
or water they spent some time in the vapor lodge. Their first sip of
water was taken in the following manner: A large bowl was filled
with water, and beside it was placed a bunch of sweet grass. Having
dipped this into the water, the dancer placed it to his lips. He was
then given a small piece of cooked buffalo meat, and later sat down
to a meal which was spread in his own lodge.
When the entire ceremony was finished the Intercessor took from
its ceremonial position the pipe given by the Leader of the Dancers,
and carried it to his own lodge. There he broke the seal of Duffalo
4840°— Bull. 61—18 12
150
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bum-. 61
fat, and having lighted tlie pipe, offered it to such of his friends as
felt themselves worthy to smoke it. No one who knew himself to be
unworthy ever dared to touch the Sun-dance pipe.
Among the Indians here dealt
with camp had to be broken
b(^fore the evening of the sec-
ond day. The sacred pole and
its offerings, the red-painted
buffalo skull, and the bits of
white eagle down remained on
the prairie. As the last man
left the camping ground, he
looked back and saw them in
their places. Then he left them
with Wakag'tagka and the si-
lent prairie.
After the people reached their
homes the boys of the tribe be-
gan a childish enactment of the
Sun dance, which continued at
intervals during the entire sum-
mer. Boys whose fathers or
grandfathers had taken part in
the ceremony were given pref-
erence in the assigning of parts.
Mr. Robert P. Higheagle, the
interpreter, stated that he well
remembered the gravity with
which the grandson of an In-
tercessor imitated the actions of
that official. A fine was exacted
from any boy who failed to do
his part in the proper manner, or
who showed disrespect toward
the performance. Whistles in
imitation of Sun-dance whistles
were made of reeds (see fig.
23), the plumy blossom repre-
senting the eagle down, and
long red and green grasses be-
ins wound around the reed in
imitation of the porcupine-quill decoration.
Through the summer woods the boys sought for wild grapes and
berries with which to color their bodies and their decorations.
Fig. 23. Reed whistle used in boys' Sun dance.
DKNSMOREl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 151
Removing the outer bark from trees, they took long, thin layers of
the inner bark for streamers, coloring these with the juice of the
grapes and berries. The tree for their sacred pole was carefully
selected, and was brought home with much pomp and ceremony.
Boys with good voices were assigned the part of singers and seated
themselves around an old pan. A hoop was sometimes covered
with a bright handkerchief or cloth; this more nearly resembled the
Sun-dance drum in appearance, but the pan was considered more
satisfying. The torture was imitated by thrusting a stiff cactus-
spine through a boy's skin; this was fastened to the pole by means
of a very frail thi*ead. When his movements in dancing broke this
thread the boy was considered released.
Thus the boys of the tribe were trained in their play to become
the men of the future.
The desire of children to imitate the actions of older people is
further illustrated by the children's Games of War contained in
Bulletin 53, pages 137-139. These games included a sham fight on the
part of the boys, while the little girls sang of relatives who had been
wounded while on the warpath.
OLD SONGS '
1. Ceremonial Songs
This group comprises such songs of the Alo'waqpi, Spirit-keeping,
and Sun-dance ceremonies as are sung oidy by persons specially
qualified to sing them. The song of the Spirit-keeping ceremony
(No. 1) is given in connection with the account of the Gift of the
White Buffalo Calf Pipe, and its ceremonial use is described on page 82.
The Huqka songs are Nos. 2 and 3, and the Sun-dance songs Nos. 4,
11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 36; the latter group being sung
only by the Intercessor, and forming part of the instructions which
he received in qualifying himself for that office.
Melodic Analysis
TONALITY
Number
of songs
Serial Nos. of songs
Major tonality .
Minor tonality .
Total . . .
15
11,14,15,36
1,2,3, 4, 12, 13, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21
FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Beginning on the —
Twelfth
2
1
1
3
6
1
1
13,17
Eleventh
19
Tenth
20
Octave
2,3,15
Fifth :
1,12,14,16,21,36
Third
11
Tonic
4
Total
15
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Ending on the—
Fifth
3
6
6
1,14,20
4,11,12,19,21,36
2,3,13,15,16,17
Third
Tonic
Total
15
I This group comprises songs a majority of which are believed to be 50 to 150 years old.
152
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
153
Old Songs — (1) Ceremonial Songs — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs
Songs in which final tone is lowest tone in song
Songscantaining a minor fourth below the final tone.
Songs containing a minor third below the final tone - . .
Total.
Serial Nos. of songs
1, 2, 3, 4, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 21, 36
16
NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Compass of—
Thirteen tones
1
1
2
3
2
6
20
Twelve tones
13
Eleven tonas
4,19
Ten tones . .
12,21,36
Nine tones .
13,14
Eight tones . .
1,2,3,11,15,16
Total
15
TONE MATERIAL
Second five-toned scale
Fourth five-toned scale
Minor triad and fourth
Octave complete
Octave complete except seventh
Octave complete except seventh and second.
Octave complete except sixth
Octave complete except sixth and fourth
Octave complete except si.xth and second . . .
Octave complete except fifth and second . . . .
Octave complete except fourth
Total.
ACCIDENTALS
Songs containing—
13
1
1
1, 2, 3, 4, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 36
11
19
Total
15
STRUCTURE
Melodic
Melodic with harmonic framework .
Harmonic
Total.
1,2,4,11,13,15,16,17,19,20,21
12,14,36
1
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Old Songs — (1) Ceremonial Songs — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
[BULL. €1
Number
of songs
Serial Nos. of songs
14
1
1, 2, 3, 4, 11, 12, 13, 15, Iti, 17, 19, 20, 21, 30
14
Total
15
TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Downward
Upward
239
135
Total
374
INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a—
Fifth
4
2G
23
CO
94
26
Fourth
Major third
Minor third
Minor second
Total
239
INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of —
Octave
Major sixth. . ,
Minor sixth . .
Fifth
Fourth
Major third...
Minor third . .
Major second.
Minor second.
Total
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Total number of intervals, ascending and descending. .
Total number of semitones
Average number of semitones in each interval
374
1,101
3.5
DKNSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC
Old Songs — (1) Ceremonial SongiS — Continued
Melodic Axalysis — Continued
KEY
155
Key of —
A major
A minor
B flat minor..
B minor
C minor
D flat major..
C sharp minor
D major
D 7ninor
E flat major...
I'^ flat minor . .
F sharp minor
G minor
Tjtal
Serial Nos. of songs
Rhythmic Analysis
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Number
of songs
Serial Nos. of songs
Beginning on unaccented part of measure .
Beginning on accented part of measure
1, 2, 4, 13, 16, 17, 19, 36
3, 11, 12, 14, lo, 20, 21
Total .
RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
First measure in—
2-4 time
10
5
1,2,4,11, 13, 14, 1
3, 12,15,18,21
7, 19, 20, 36
Total ,.
15
CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS)
Songs containing no change of time
Songs containing a change of time
5
10
2.3, 14, 17,21
1.4, 11, 12. 13, 1
), lU, 19, 20, 30
Total
15
RHYTHM OF DRUM
Eighth notes unaccented. .
Quarter notes unaccented .
Half notes unaccented
Drum not recorded
Total.
19,20
11
12,13
1,2,3,4, 14, 15, 16, 17,21,36
156 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY
Old Songs — {!) Ceremonial Songs — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
[bull. 61
Number
of songs
Serial Nos. of songs
Songs containing—
3
11
1
4, 11
1,2, 12, 13, 14, 16, n, 19,20,21,36
2 rhythmic units .
lo
Total
15
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Metronome-
52
5S
60. .... .
63
66
72
112.
144.
160.
168.
Total .
3
1
17
14
15
4
16
11,20
36
2
12, 19
13
21
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Metronome—
72
1
2
1
1
10
12
80 '
11,13
84
20
144
19
1,2,3,4, 14, 15, 16, 17,21,36
Total
15
■
COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO)
Drum and voice having the same metric unit .
Drum faster than voice
Drum slower than voice
Recorded without drum
Total .
11, 19
20
12, 13
1,2, 3, 4, 14, 15, 16, 17,21,36
DREMIS AND THEIR OBLIGATIONS
The obligation of a dream was as binding as the necessity of ful-
filling a vow, and disregard of -either was said to be punished by the
forces of nature, usually by a stroke of lightning. Dreams were
sought by the Sioux, but it was recognized that the dream would
correspond to the character of the man. Thus it was said that "a
3^oung man would not be groat in mind so his dream would not be
like that of a chief; it would be ordinary in kind, yet he would have
to do whatever the dream directed him to do." The first obligation
of a dream was usually its announcement to the tribe. This was by
means of a performance which indicated the nature of the dream and
allied the man to others who had similar dreams. If the dream
were connected with the sacred stones, or with herbs or animals con-
cerned in the treatment of the sick, it was considered obligatory
that the man avail himself of the supernatural aid vouchsafed to him
in the dream, and arrange his life in accordance with it.
Below will be found three groups of dream songs which, as noted
among Chippewa as well as Sioux, are songs believed to be super-
naturally received in dreams. The first of these groups comprises
the songs of the Heyo'ka (dreamers of the thunderbird) and songs
of those who dreamed of birds or animals. The numbers of these
songs are 37-58, inclusive; with few exceptions they were recorded
by the men who received them in their dreams. Two other groups
follow ; these comprise songs of the sacred stones and songs connected
with the treatment of the sick.
Heyo'ka Ka'ga (Fool Impersonation)
A dream of the thunderbirds ^ was considered the greatest honor
which could come to a man from a supernatural source, and for this
reason the obligation of the dream was heavier than that of any
other.
The manner in which the thunderbirds are regarded was indicated
by Shooter, who said:
Dreamers have told us of these great birds in the sky, enwrapped in the clouds. If
the bear and other vicious beasts are regarded as dangerous, how much more should we
fear the thunderbirds that cause destruction on the face of the earth. It is said that
the thunderbirds once came to the earth in the form of giants. These giants did
» The thunderbirds (wakir^'yav) arc defined by Riggs as "the cause of thunder and lightning, supposed
by the Dakota to be a great bird." (See Contr. N. Amer. Ethn., vn, p. 514, 1S90). Cf. article Thunder-
bird by Dr. J. R. Swanton, in Handbook Amer. Inds., pt. 2, 1910.
167
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
wonderful things, such' as digging the ditches where the rivers run. At last they died
of old age, and their spirits went again to the clouds and resumed their form as thunder-
birds. While they were on earth, the rain fell without sound of thunder or flash of
lightning, but after their return to the sky the lightning came — it is the flash of their
eyes, and the thunder is the sound of their terrible song. WTien they are angry, the
lightning strikes a rock or tree as a warning to men. The bodies of these giants became
stone, and parts of them are found in many places, indeed the whole body of more
than one of these giants has been found in the land of the Dakotas.
The Heyo'ka Ka'ga was a ceremony of public humiliation in
which the man who had been selected by the thunderbirds to receive
a manifestation of their presence in a dream voluntarily exposed
himself to the ridicule of the lowest element in the tribe. ^ His self-
abasement was exaggerated to the greatest possible degree. The
superficial and unthinking heaped their scorn and derision upon him,
but the wise of the tribe understood that, to the end of his life, that
man could command the powers of the sky to help him in his under-
takings. In the opinion of the writer's informants the enacting of
the part of a fool in connection with a thunderbird dream was an ex-
ample of the antithesis by which Indians sometimes disguise their
meaning. In this it might be said to resemble the "sacred language"
(see p. 120, footnote), which is unintelligible to those who are not
initiated into its mysteries.
Several of the writer's informants, after consultation, gave the fol-
lowing meanings (or uses) for the word heyo'Jca: A man who has
dreamed of the thunderbirds; a person who does things contrary to
the natural way of doing them; and, in some instances, a joker. In
connection with the ceremony in fulfillment of a thunderbird dream
the word is translated "fool," because only a foolish or half-witted
person would behave, under such circumstances, in the manner as-
sumed by the dreamer, while the merriment provoked by the action
gives rise to the term "clown." The writer's informants stated that
in their youth they had never heard of heyo'ka being regarded as
gods by the Teton Sioux. In their opinion the heyo'ka resembled
characters in the field of folk tales, rather than in that of religion.
Holding the opposite view, both Riggs and Pond enumerate heyo'ka
among the Dakota gods.^ The reason for not regarding heyo'ka as
gods, on the part of the writer's informants, seemed to be that they
are not accredited with supernatural power. Writing on this sub-
ject J. Owen Dorsey says :^ " Dr. Brinton has confounded the Heyoka
with the Wakinyan.-* The two are distinct classes of powers, though
there is some connection between them, as may be inferred from the
1 Of. Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota,
nAnthr. Papers, Ainer. Mss. Nat. HUt.,xi, pt. 1, pp. 82-85, New York, 1912; also Lowie, Robert H.,
Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, ibid., pt. 2, pp. 113-117, 1913.
2 Riggs, in Tah-koo Wahkan, p. m Boston [18(i9]. Pond, G. H.,in Colls. Minn. Hist. Soc. for 1867, p. 44.
St. Paul, 1807.
3 See A Study of Siouan Cults, Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn. p. 469, 1894.
<It is said that the thunderbirds are related also to the sacred stones. (See p. 208.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 23
LONE MAN
DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 159
following stories in the Bushotter collection." Dorsey then relates
the story of a heyo'ka man who predicted the time of his death and
was killed by lightning as he rode on his horse pointing the stem of his
pipe toward the clouds; also the story of a heyo'ka woman who was
kiUed by lightning. Further, he quotes Bushotter as saying —
Women used to dream about the Thunder-beings, just as the men did, and in those
dreams the heyoka man or woman made promises to the Thunder-beings. If the
dreamers kept theii- promises, it was thought that the Thunder-l)eings helped them to
obtain whatever things they desired; but if they broke their promises, they were sure
to be killed by the Thunder-beings during some storm.
Riggs states further that —
The nature of the Ha yo'-ka is the very opposite of nature. He expresses joy by sighs
and groans . . . and sorrow and pain by the opposite sounds and looks. Heat
causes his flesh to shiver . . . while cold makes him perspire. In the coldest
weather, when the mercury congeals, these gods seek some prominence on the prairie,
where they put up bushes to shield themselves as they swelter with heat. . . .
They feel perfect confidence when beset with dangers, and quake with fear when safe.
In his Dakota Dictionary, Riggs (under Ileyo'la) says: "Heyoka
is represented as a little old man with a cocked hat on his head, a bow
and arrows in his hands, and a quiver on his back. In winter he goes
naked, and in summer he wraps his buffalo-robe about him." ''The
little hills on the prairie are . . . the houses of Heyoka." Mythi-
cal "little men" enter into the beliefs of many tribes of Indians.
Thus among the White River Ute, on the Uinta Reservation, in
Utah, the writer was informed of " little green men," who lived in the
mountains and often appeared to the Indians, telling them of "medi-
cines" and teaching them songs.'
Two dreams of the thunderbirds were related to the writer, one by
Lone Man (pi. 23), followed by an account of the Heyo'ka ceremony
in fulfillment of his dream, the other by Charging Thunder (see p.
170), this dream being the source of his name, which is literally trans-
lated "Charger-of-the-Thunderbird." In describing his dream Lone
Man said:
One day when I was on the warpath I sat down to rest and was at some distance
from the other members of the party. I looked up at the sky and the rolling clouds.
I fell asleep, and while I slept I had a dream. My face was toward the west, and I
heard thunder in that direction. There was a sound of hoofs, and I saw nine riders
coming toward me in a cloud, each man on a horse of a different color. Then I heard
a sound in the north and saw nine riders coming toward me from that direction, each
on a white horse. They joined the riders from the west and came toward me. One
of them spoke to me, and said they had appointed me to make the first attack upon
the enemy. He said the man to be attacked was painted red and was standing in the
water, and he said that if I could conquer that man I would gain something which
would be useful to me all the rest of my life. Then a voice from among the company
of riders said that, having been appointed to make this attack, I would be considered
I Two dreams of the thunderbirds, with the songs wliieh they taught the dreamers, were recorded (Bull.
53, pp. 158, 19S) amongthe Chippewa ofWisconsin, and two similar songs, without the storyofthe dreams,
among the Chippewa of northern Minnesota. (See Bull. 53, pp. 264, 274.)
160
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
part of their company and could always call on them for help in time of need. [See
p. 170.]
In my dream I found the enemy as they had described. I ran at him, thrust him
through with my spear, and was bearing him away when he was transformed into a
reed standing in the water. The same voices spoke again, hailing me as one of their
number and saying that ever after I would be able to do things which no ordinary man
could do, because I had obeyed them. They also told me that the frog must not be
harmed, as he watches everytliing in the water and has been given this peculiar
power. They told me a great deal about the creatures that live in the water, saying
they are taken care of, and water is sent them from the sky when they need it; there-
fore they should never be treated cruelly.
The horsemen in the cloud then told me to look down at the earth and observe
everything on the land and in the water, and to consider them all as mine. The voice
also said, "The sacred stones will look upon you as a man whom they are to guard
and protect." Concerning this they taught me a song.
Before recording this song Lone Alan made the following prayer,
speaking reverently and in a low tone. His position before the
phonograph made it possible to secure a record of this praj^er, which
was afterwards translated.
Ho tui]ka'sila ake^ nita' olo''wag wagzi^'awaTiiyayig kta ca tagyarj'an'am ag'optag
yo. Lena' agpe'tu iyo'hi wagzig'zi kiksu'ye mayasi' kog lehagl' aijpe'tu kig
wagzi' wek'suyig ktelo'.
( Translation)
Great grandfather, again one, of your songs I shall sing, listen to me. These you
required me to sing each day, and now, this day, I shall recall one.
No. 37. "The Horsemen in the Cloud" (Catalogue No. 492)
Sung by Lone Man
Voice J — 63
Drum not recorded
Ma- ka - ta e - toq-waq yo ma-ka- ta
toq - wai} yo le - na
#i»
IEEE
-•-^
I^
ff-r^ ^
ni - ta - wa kte - lo ma-ka - ta e - toq - waq yo le-na
ni - ta - wa ye - lo
Ilia - ka - ta
toq -
g^^^^^^^t
2:
'-^=^^
'm
waq yo le - na ni - ta - wa ye - lo he yo
DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 161
WORDS
maka^ta the earth
e'tOQwai) yo behold
lena' all these
nita'wa yours
ktelo^ will be
maka'ta the earth
e'togwai) yo behold
lena' all these
nita'wa yelo' (are) yours
Analysis. — The opening of this melody is unusual, consisting in a
descent from the fifth to the second of a minor key. In the third
measure the third of the key appears, the tonic enters in the sixth
measure, followed by five measures in which the tonic and third arc
emphasized. Two descending fourths (A-E and E-B) carry the
melody down toward the tonic in the lower octave, which is given
as the closing tone. The melody comprises all the tones of the
octave except the seventh. Tt will be noted that the opening
tones of the song contain the beginning of the rhythmic unit, which
appears in complete form in the succeeding measures and occurs
three times in the song.
Continuing his narrative, Lone Man said :
Before the riders in the cloud went away they gave me a charm (wo'tahe), which
I always carried. If I were in great danger and escaped alive I attributed it to the
charm and sang a song in its honor. The song relates to the swallow whose flying
precedes a thunderstorm, ^^^len I sang the song of my charm I fastened the skin of
a swallow on my head. This bird is so closely related to the thunderbird that the
thunderbird is honored by its use. The action of a swallow is very agile. The great-
.est aid to a warrior is a good horse, and what a warrior desires most for his horse is that
it may be as swift as the swallow in dodging the enemy or in direct flight. ['] For
this reason my song is in honor of the swallow as well as of my charm.
> See footnote 3, p. 71.
162
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
No. 38. "Before the Gathering of the Clouds" (Catalogue No. 493)
Sung by Lone Man
Voice j= 100
Drum not recorded
-^ -^ -#- -i- -i- -i- •#- ^ . ."^ 'f' "f"^^ »
mm
^
5t*
S:
Ka -6a- mna
ya - ya- aq kiq-yaq
ye wa - ye ki - 6a - mna
a^E^fe^g^^
a*-^^-^:
«y
ya - 2/a- aq kiq-yaq ye wa - ye - lo u - pi - za - ta o - ya - te
- — -"£ ^ I ^ • ^ ^ ^
1^
^ » • • • »
3=^^S=S=
waq ki - ca
mna'wa-ye-lo he yo ma-Hpi-ya o-gli-na-
I ^""l 1*^ ^ i USr
ta -^uq-ke u - pi - za - ta
ca kiq-yaq-yaqiq
a-yaq-ke - lo he
ki(5a''mnayaq in erratic
kiqyaq' flight
ye wa'yelo I have sent
upi^zata oya'te ' waq a Swallow nation
kica'mna the erratic (flight)
wa^yelo I have caused
mahpi^ya ogli''naziq ta
ito^kabya before the gathering of the clouds
kica'mna the erratic (flight)
wa'yelo I have caused
mita'suqke my horse
upi'zata (as) a swallow
(5a it was
kiqyaq^yaq flying
iq''ayaq^kelo running
Analysis.— ^\ns> song as a whole is decidedly rhythmic, yet it does
not contain a rhythmic unit. The melody tones are those of the
1 The word oj/o7e, when referring to the Sioux, is translated "tribe"; when used with reference to birds
or animals, it is translated "nation." The following uses of this term are cited: Thunderbird nation,
No. 43; Wolf nation, Nos. 52,67; Swallow nation, Blackbird nation. No. 54; Deer nation, Eagle nation.
No. 55; Sacred-stone nation, Nos. 59, 68; Horse nation, Nos. 61, 111, 112.
DENS MO HE I
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
163
fourth fivo-toiiod scale, and aljout two-thirds of the iiiterv^ds arc
downward progressions. The occasional omission of syllables by the
singer does not affect the meaning of the words.
Lone Man said:
When, I found myself in danger, I remembered my dream of the riders in the
clouds and their promise to give me help. Therefore I painted my horse with streaks
of lightning and sang thn following song.
Before singing Lone Man made this prayer, which was recorded by
the phonograph :
Ake^ tur)ka' sila nita^ olo'war) wagzi' wek'suya (?a awa'Tiiya yig ktelo''.
( Translation)
Again, great grandfather, one of your songs I have remembered and I shall now
sing it.
No. 39. Song in Time of Danger (Catalogue No. 496)
Sung by Lonk Man
Voice J = 72
Drum J= 152
Drum-rhythm similar to Ko. 19
0)
(2)
1
— 1 —
^
^■■h
-s-b?!! ^^^ — ^rJ=_c:
1 ■
^ —
— ' r
Ko - la mi- ta - Sui] - ke waq-yaij - ki - ye yo he
-n (2) (I)
ko
la mi-ta - .4ui]-ke ii]-yai] - kiij kte waq-yaq-ki -ye o e-ma-ki
(2)
(1) -^
3^
^^
a
-^— •
T^
ye - lo ko-la mi-ta - guq-ke kiq -yaq-yaq iq- yai] - ke ye - lo
kola'' friends
mita^^ugke my horse
wagyai)^ kiye yo behold it
kola^ friends
mita'' ^ugke my horse
ir)'yar)kig kte will run
waqyag^kiye behold it
ema'ki yelo' was said to me
kola' friends
mita'^uqke my horse
kigyag'yai) flying (as it were)
igyag'ke yelo' is running
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 6i
Analysis. — The rhytlim of this song shows remarkable clearness of
concept. There are two rhythmic units, the entire song being com-
posed of their repetitions. The order of their occurrence is irregular,
but this feature seems to give an interesting unity to the rhythm of
the song as a whole. The melody tones are those of the fourth five-
toned scale. The tempo of the drum indicates four drumbeats to
one melody note, and this proportion was maintained during most
of the melody, drum and voice coinciding on the first part of each
count. As in many other melodies of the present series, the down-
ward progressions comprise about two-thirds of the whole number.
Resuming the story of his dream. Lone Man said :
After my return to the camp I wanted to do something to show that I realized my
unworthiness of the honor given me by the thiyiderbirds. No one told me that I
ought to do this, and yet all who dream of the thunderbirds in any of their manifesta-
tions have a deep sense of their own unworthiness. I knew that I was only an ordinary
mortal and had often done wrong, yet the riders in the air had disregarded this. By
appearing to me they had given me a chance to redeem myself. I wanted to make a
public humiliation to show how deeply I realized my unworthiness. I wanted to do
as othijrs had done who saw the thunderbirds in their dreams, so I made the following
song.
de.nsmore]
TETO^^ SIOUX MUSIC
165
No. 40. Song Concerning a Dream of the Thiinderbirds (Catalogue No. 491)
Sung by Lone Man
Voice ^' zz 76
Drum not recorded
:i^i^='
>> — ri ' ^ •-
1*=
E^
-^ ^-
Ko - la waij-ma - yai] - ka yo ko - la war) - ma - yaij -
m
2^
ka yo wa- kai] ma- ka - ga ya pe - lo
ko
^#:
la war)-ma-yaij-ka yo wa - kaij-yai) ma-ka-ga pe - lo
'^=-^
he ko -
^— ^■
la wai)-ma-yaij-ka yo wa - kaij-yay ma-ka-ga pe - lo he
ma-lipi-
ya o - gli - na - ziij ta wa - kaij ma-ka - ga pe - lo
mm
ma-lipi - ya o-gli - ua-ziij ta wa - kaij ma-ka-ga pe - lo
I J m_
#^
#4^^^-#^> 0 0^
t^
♦-;-•-
a
he ko-la waq-ma-yaij-ka yo wa - kaq ma-ka-ga pe - lo he
kola'' friends
■wai]ma''yai)ka yo behold
■wakag' sacred
maka''ga pelo' I have been made
kola' friends
wagma''yagka yo : behold
wakaq'yaij in a sacred manner
maka'jia pclo' I have been innucnced
mahpi'ya ogU'nazig ta at the gathering of the clouds (before a thun-
derstorm)
4840°— Bull. Gl— 18 13
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
wakag^. sacred
maka^ga pelo^ I have been made
kola' .friends
wanma'yar)ka yo behold
wakag' sacred
maka'ga pelo' I have been made
Analysis. — This song contains several points of unusual interest.
First among these may be mentioned its compass of 14 tones, begin-
ning on the fourteenth above the tonic and ending on the tonic. (See
Table 5.) We note also the upward progression of a tenth, which is
found midway through the song and again at the beginning of the
repeated part. The low tone at the close of the song (G flat) in some
instances was given accurately, while in others the singer found diffi-
culty in reaching it and sang it a trifle sharp. It is strange that a song
characterized by a range of almost two octaves and by one particu-
larly large interval should contain also an unusual number of minor
seconds — the smallest interval recognized in these analyses. IMany
songs do not contain even one minor second, but in this melody
18 (44 per cent) of the entire number of intervals are minor seconds.
The song contains all the tones of the octave and is m.elodic in
structure.
As already stated, the ceremony called Heyo'ka Ka'ga is a cere-
mony of public humihation and is enacted cliiefly by those who have
dreamed of the thunderbirds. A man is required to be leader in only
one such ceremony, but when other thunderbird dreamers are enact-
ing the ceremony for themselves he is expected to join them. If a
man who has seen the thunderbird in a dream should become arrogant
or fail to express his unworthiness, it is said that Wakag 'tar) ka would
punish him through the agency of some of the great forces of nature.
Thus every man who has been favored with this wonderful dream
tries to demonstrate that in his own estimation he is below the least
in the tribe. A man signifies his intention of performing this cere-
mony by placing a decorated robe, tobacco, or some other offering
to the thunderbirds high on the poles of his tent. All who see such
offerings loiow that the man intends to fulfill the obligations of liis
dream at the earHest opportunity, after which he will feel free to
mingle ^vith his relatives and friends.
The ceremony may be held at any time after the thunderstorms
begin in the spring. In fulfilhng the obUgation of his dream Lone
Man erected within the tribal circle a tent such as only the poorest
member of the tribe would use, in this, as in other respects, following
the custom of the ceremony. ,The tent was often ragged, and its
furnishings were always of the most inferior quaUty. On the day
of the ceremony he clad himself in the poorest garments.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 167
Lone Man said :
A man enacting this ceremony often tied a bunch of grass or sage to the lock of hair
over his forehead, wearing this as a warrior would wear his medicine. Some were so
humble that they covered their faces. It was the custom that a man go with bare
head, and he often had his face painted in black and white, or blue and white, his
arms and legs being. painted with streaks of lightning. If a man wished to express
the greatest possible humiliation and did not feel that he could even go through the
ceremony, he cut off part of his hair and put it with the entire body of a dog which
had been killed for the purpose, both being placed on a pole beside his lodge.
The man who was to show his humiliation engaged the sei'vices of a medicine-man
to have charge of the ceremony. For this he selected a man who had had many
dreams of the wolf, horse, and other animals, and compensated him liberally, probably
giving him a horse.
On the appointed day the Crier announced to the tribe that a certain man (giving
his name) had had a dream of the thunderbird and wished to fufill the dream, and that
he requested all who had had similar dreams to join him in the ceremony of humilia-
tion. Sometimes women also had these dreams, and they were under the same obli-
gations as the men.
The medicine-man led the dreamer in tattered garments out of his tent. If the man
were rich a horse was ready for him to ride, one was provided for the medicine-man,
and his relatives accompanied him on horseback as he went around the tribal circle,
followed by a jeering crowd, who treated the matter as a jest. On their return they
dismounted, sang, and told their dreams. A fire was burning In front of the specially
erected tent, and a pot of boiling water was hung over the fire. For this pot the man
provided as valuable an offering of meat as he could afford; this might be a buffalo
tongue and sometimes a dog was given. He did not put this into the pot himself,
but gave it to the medicine-man, who held it toward the west, then toward the north,
east, and south as he sang of liis own dreams and also told the dreams of the man who
was making his humiliation. He then turned toward the pot and pretended that he
would throw the meat into it. He did this three times, and the fourth time he released
the meat [see p. 74] , which sped through the air, falling into the pot without splashing
the water. All who joined him in the ceremony put some meat in the pot. These
constituted an offering to the thunderbird and were symbolic.
Lone Man gave the following explanation of this symbolism:
The water comes from the clouds, the fire is the sun which warms the earth, the
meat is from the animals, which are placed here for the use of the Indians, and over
the pot are the clouds of steam like the clouds in the sky. These are to teach the
people to meditate how Wakag'tagka by these means is taking care of them.
After the meat was cooked there was a command to take it out of
the water. This was an important part of the ceremony, as the men
had to plunge their bare arms into the boiling w^ater to take out the
meat, and it wa& in this action that medicines to prevent scalding
were tested.' These medicines consisted of herbs prepared with water,
' The ability to walk upon hot stones or through fire, or to plunge the hand into boiling liquid, without
injury, has been noted among many Indian tribes. The following descriptions are cited:
Among the Chippewa: Hoflman, W. J., in The Midewiwin or " Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa,
in Seventh Rep. Bur. Eihn., p. 157, 1891; also Chippewa Music, Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1910.
Among the Menominee: Hoflman, W. J., The Menomini Indians, in Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 151
189ti.
-Vmong the Mandan: Lowie, R.H., Societies of the Crow, Hidatsa, and Mandan Indians, in A nthr. Papers
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., xi, pt. 3, p. 308, New York, 1913.
See also Lynd, account of Heyoka Feast, in Minn. Hist. Soc. Colls, for 1864, vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 70, 71,
St. Paul, 1865.
168
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[ BULL. 61
which were rubbed on the hands and arms. A spec-imen of the herb
most often used for this purpose was secured by the writer and was
identified as Malvastrum coccineum A. Gray.
The man for whom the ceremony was given was the first to put his
hand into the boihng water, and it was expected that he would try to
take out the piece of meat he had put into the pot. He did not eat it
himself but gave it to some one in the assembly. The other dreamers
followed him, and the meat was distributed. No other food was eaten
at the time, and the occasion was not regarded as a feast. It was
a ceremony enacted to teach a great lesson. Ignorant persons or
children laughed at the tattered garments and the actions of the
dreamers, who in every movement attempted to imitate persons not
only poor but lacking in judgment. All intelligent members of the
tribe, however, regarded the ceremony with greatest reverence.
This and the following song were sung by Lone Man when enact-
ing his part in this ceremony. The words of the song require expla-
nation. From the time of a dream until the time when the dreamer
has fulfilled its requirements he regards himself as belonging to the ele-
ments and under an obligation of obedience to them. A medicine-
man may wear the head of a bird as a sign of his power, indicating
that bird to be subject to his commands. So in this song, the ele-
ments are said to be "wearing" the singer, who has not yet fulfilled
his obligations to them. In the second rendition of the song the
word meaning 'wind' was replaced by wasu'ca, 'hail'; in the
third by wakatj'glica, 'lightning'; and in the fourth by maUpi'ya,
'clouds.'
No. 41. "A Wind"
Sung by Lone Man
Voice J = 104 (or J^ = 20!s)
Drum J = 144
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
(Catalogue No. 494)
^^^i^
m^.0. _»
He a - ki - ci - ta
6a Wa - mi-c(jij - ze
he a - ki- ci - ta
rr^. ^ .. — ^ • • • r -rr — i"^ i = i — rr S — ' ' \ 1 r
^.>S2J i 1 1 h --T- f ,• • f In 1 '__L— 1
ca wa - mi - coi]
ze - lo ta - te wan ko - ma - ya
g^i^
ke - lo wau-yan-ki ye o wa - kanye-lo
he
dexsmoue]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
169
WORDS
he it was
aki'<5ita 6a a guard
wami'c^og zelo predicted for me
tate^ waq a wind
koma^yakelo wears me ' (as a medicine-man wears that
which is subject to his commands)
wariyari'ki ye behold it
wakai) sacred
yelo' it is
Analysis. — The changes of mcasui'e-lengths as well as the relative
tempo of voice and drum are interesting features of this song. Two
renditions were recorded, each with a repeated part, as indicated;
between the renditions was a pause, durhig which the drum con-
tmued its steady beat. The rhythm of the voice was uniform in
the two renditions. Tiie measures containing six eighth notes are
not mdicated as being in G-S time, as they are in groups of two, and
not in triplets. Melodic in structure, the song contains aU the tones
of the octave except the second. The rhythmic unit appears twice,
but its count-divisions do not seem to influence the rhythm of the
remainder of the song.
No. 42. " In a Sacred Manner I Retnrn " (Catalogue No. 495)
" In a Sacred Manner I Retnrn '
Sung bv IjOne Man
Voice J — 92
Drum not recorded
wa - kaq-yai] wa - ku we - lo
o - ya - te wai] -ma-yaij-ka yo
ko - la waq-ma- yaij - ka yo wa-kaij-yaij wa - ku we - lo
#-»^(»-
^ P p f-
^^^
m
it
0
o - ya - te waq-ma-yaq-ka yo wa-kaij-yai] wa-ku we -lo he yo
' Cf. words of songs Nos. 93 and 105. See also p. 120, footnote.
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
WORDS
kola'' friends
wagma^yagka yo behold me
wakag^yag in a sacred manner
waku^ welo' I return
oya^te you, tribe
wagma'yaqka yo behold me
wakag^yag in a sacred manner
waku^ welo^ I return
oya'te wakag^ yagke' kig the nation sitting holy
kola^ friends
wagma'yagka yo behold me
wakag'yai) in a sacred manner
waku' welo' I return
oya'te you, tribe
wagma'yagka yo behold mo
wakag'yag in a sacred manner
waku' welo' I return
Analysis. — Tl\is song contains only the tones B flat, C, and F
and is transcribed in the key of B flat, as the sequence of tones,
especially at the close of the song, suggests B flat as a keynote satis-
factory to the ear. Sixteen progressions occur in the song, seven
of which are fourths and eight of which are major seconds. This
melody is an excellent example of the influence of a rhythmic unit
on those parts of the song in which it is nut found, the count divisions
of the second measure of the unit appearing frequently throughout
the melody.
Charging Thunder (pi. 24) related his dream of the thunderbirds, in
which, as in Lone Man's dream, they assumed the form of men riding
on horses. From this dream he received his name Wakirj'yai)
wata'kpe. This is literally translated ' ' Charger-of-the-Thunderbird,"
but he is commonly called Charging Thunder. His earlier dreams
of the wolf and buffalo are described on pages 181-184.
In narrating his dream of the thunderbird, Charging Thunder said :
Soon after the Standing Rock Agency was established I asked the agent (an Army
officer) if I might go hunting. I said that before I settled down and adopted the ways
of the white man I would like to go hunting for an indefinite length of time. Permis-
sion was granted, and I went out alone. As I was going north, near Timber Lake, I
saw a deer coming toward me from the north. I wanted to shoot the animal, but
thought I would wait until it came nearer. The deer must have come very slowly, for
while I was waiting I fell asleep and dreamed. In this dream I saw the deer still com-
ing toward me, and behind it were several men riding on painted horses with grass
tied on their forelocks. The riders seemed to be pursuing some object. I became one
of these riders, and they told me to lead the party. Then they told me to make a charge
on the object which they were pursuing. At first I was not sure what this was, but I
soon saw it was a wolf standing toward the west with its face toward the north. I was
chosen to do this, because some day I would need the protection of these riders, who
were thunderbirds who had assumed human form. They told me that because I had
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 24
CHARGING THUNDER
PENS more]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
171
been chosen to make that charge and had become one of their number I would ever
thereafter be called Wakig^yag wata^kpe [Charger-of-the-Thunderbird]. After I had
attacked and defeated the wolf I saw beyond it a camp with many horses and a man
lying dead on the ground. This signified that some day I would conquer an enemy
and capture his horses. Ever since that time my greatest enemy has always seemed to
me like a wolf, and whenever there is a thunderstorm I am reminded of my dream.
Tlie following is the song of Charging Thunder's droain:
No. 43. " The Thunderbird Nation " (Catalogue No. 571)
Sung by Charging Thunder
Voice J = 76
Drum not recorded
Le - na-ke wa - ku - wa -pi kte
^9^H=f^
'-=_r 1 — 1 —
• a-^*-
iafe:
yo si - to - mni wa - ku - wa-pi kte si - to - mni - yaij
4-^— r
%
wan - la - ka - pi kte
si - to-mni - yaij wa -ku - wa-pi kte- lo he
lena^ke all these
waku'wapi kte shall piu'sue
lena'ke all these
waku'wapi ktelo^ shall pursue
wakiij'yar) oya^te pi <5a the Thunderbird nation (see p. 102, footnote)
sito'mni everyone
waku'wapi kte shall pursue
sito'mniyag^ everyone
war)la'kapi kte you shall behold
sito'mniyaQ everyone
waku'wapi ktelo' shall pursue
Analysis. — The tones of this melody are those of the fourth five-
toned scale. It has a range of 14 tones, ending on a particularly low
tone. This tone on the phonograph cylinder is not loud, but is dis-
tinct, corresponding to the indicated tone on the piano. The adjust-
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
ment of the phonograph is beheved to be the same as when the song
was recorded, hence the transcription indicates the tone actually sung
by the singer. The song is melodic in structure and contains 20 pro-
gressions, three-fourths of which are descending intervals.
Dreams Concerning Animals
A dream concerning an animal was greatly desired by the Sioux.
Brave Buffalo (see pp. 207 et seq., 248 et seq.) said:
I have noticed in my life that all men have a liking for some special animal, tree,
plant, or spot of earth. If men would pay more attention to these preferences and
seek what is best to do in order to make themselves worthy of that toward which they
are so attracted, they might have dreams which would purify their lives. Let a man
decide upon liis favorite animal and make a study of it, learning its innocent ways.
Let him learn to understand its sounds and motions. The animals want to communi-
cate with man, but Wakagtarika does not intend they shall do so directly— man
must do the greater part in securing an understanding.
Tliis suggests that a fancy for a certain animal preceded a dream
concerning it.
Shooter, a thoughtful man and well versed in the ohi customs,
made the following statement, given in the words of Mr. Higheagle,
the interpreter:
All living creatures and all plants derive their life from tlie sun. If it were not for
the sun, there would be darkness and nothing could grow — the earth would be without
life. Yet the sun must have the help of the earth. If the sun alone were to act upon
animals and plants, the heat would he so great that they would die, but there are
clouds that bring rain, and the action of the sun and earth together supply the moisture
that is needed for life. The roots of a plant go down, and the deeper they go the more
moisture they find. This is according to the laws of nature and is one of the evidences
of the wisdom of Wakag^tagka. Plants are sent by Wakaq^taijka and come from the
ground at his command, the part to be affected by the sun and rain appearing above
the ground and the roots pressing downward to find the moisture which is supplied
for them. Animals and plants are taught l)y Wakari'tagka what they are to do.
Wakar)^tar)ka teaches the birds to make nests, yet the nests of all birds are not alike.
Wakag'tagka gives them merely the outline. Some make better nests than others.
In the same way some animals are satisfied with very rough dwellings, while others
make attractive places in which to live. Some animals also take better care of their
young than others. The forest is the home of many Inrds and other animals, and the
water is the home of fish and reptiles. All birds, even those of the same species,
are not alike, and it is the same with animals and with human beings. The reason
Wakag^tagka does not make two birds, or animals, or human beings exactly alike
is because each is placed here by Wakaq^tagka to be an independent individuality
and to rely on itself. Some animals are made to live in the ground. The stones
and the minerals are placed in the ground by Wakag'tagka, some stones being more
exposed than others. When a medicine-man says that he talks with the sacred
stones, it is because of all the sul)stance in the ground these are the ones which most
often appear in dreams and are able to communicate with men.
All animals have not the same disposition. The horse, dog, bear, and buffalo all
have their own characteristics. This is also true of the fowls of the air, the living
creatures in the water, and even the insects, they all have their own ways. Thus
a man may enjoy the singing of all the birds and yet have a preference for the melodies
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 173
of certain kinds of birds. Or lie may like all animals and yet have a favorite among
them.
From my boyhood I have observed leaves, trees, and grass, and I have never found
two alike. They may have a general likeness, but on examination I have found
that they differ slightly. Plants are of different families, each being adapted to
growth in a certain locality. It is the same with animals; they are widely scattered,
and yet each will be founa in the environment to which it is best adapted. It is the
same with human beings, there is some place which is best adapted to each. The
seeds of the plants are blown about by the wind until they reach the place where
they Avill grow best — where the action of the sun and the presence of moisture are
most favorable to them, and there they take root and grow. All living creatures
and all plants are a benefit to sometliing'. Certain animals fulfill their purpose by
definite acts. The crows, buzzards, and flies are somewhat similar in their use, and
even the snakes have a purpose in being. In the early days the animals probably
roamed over a very wide country until they found their proper place. An animal
depends a great doal on the natural conditions around it. If the buffalo were here
to-day. I think they would be different from the buffalo of the old days because all
the natural conditions have changed. They would not find the same food nor the
same surroundings. We see tl^e change in our ponies. In the old days they could
stand great hardship and travel long distances without water. They lived on cer-
tain kinds of food and drank pure water. Now our horses require a mixture of food;
they have less endurance and must have constant care. It is the same with the
Indians; they have less freedom and they fall an easy prey to disease. In the old
days they were rugged and healthy, drinking pure water and eating the meat of the
buffalo, which had a wide range, not being shut up like cattle of the present day.
The water of the Missouri River is not pure, as it used to be, and many of the creeks
are no longer good for us to drink.
A man ought to desire thitt which is genuine instead of that which is artificial.
[See pp. 205, 3;>0.] Long ago there was no such thing as a mixture of earths to make
paint. There were only three colors of native earth paint — red, wliite, and black. [']
These could be obtained only in certain places. When other colors were desired,
the Indians mixed the juices of plants, but it was found that these mixed colors faded
and it could always be told when tlie red was genuine — the red made of burned clay.
Four men told their personal dreams of animals and sang the
songs whicli, they said, were received by them in these dreams.
Brave Bufl'alo related his dreams of the buffalo, elk, and wolves;
Charging Thunder, his dream of the wolves; and Siya'ka, his dream
of the crow and the owl. (Dreams of the thunderbirds by I^one Man
and Charging Thunder are contained in the preceding section on
the Heyo'ka. The following group comprises, in addition to narra-
tives by the dreamers, certain accounts of dreams and their songs
•which were given by men who had heard them related by others, and
also a few dream songs whose history is unknown.
DREAMS COXCERNING THE BUFFALO
Brave Buffalo (pi. 25) gave the following narrative coiicerniiig
his first dream, from which he received his name:
When I was 10 years old, I dreamed a dream, and in my dream a buffalo appeared
to me. I dreamed that I was in the mountains and fell asleep in the shade of a tree.
P See p. 110, footnote, which includes blue, obtained from blue clay found in Minnesota. The above
list evidently includes only those colors found in the coimtry of the Teton Sioux.]
174
BUSEAtr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull, ei
Something shook my blanket. It was a buffalo, who said, "Rise and follow me.''
I obeyed. He took a path, and I followed. The path was above the ground. We
did not touch the earth. The path led upward and was smooth like smooth black
rock. It was a narrow path, just -wide enough for us to travel. We went upward a
long distance and came to a tent made of buffalo hide, the door of which faced us.
Two buffalo came out of the tent and escorted me in. I found the tent filled with
buffalo and was placed in the midst of them.
The chief buffalo told me that I had been selected to represent them in Ufe. He
said the buffalo play a larger part in life than men realize, and in order that I might
understand the buffalo better day by day they gave me a plain stick (or cane) and
told me that when I looked at it I should remember that I had been appointed to
represent them. The cane was similar to the one which I now carry and have carried
for many years. I would not part with this cane for a fortune. [See pi. 25, in wliich
Brave Buffalo is represented leaning on his staff.]
Brave Buffalo said that the following song was given him in the
lodge filled with buffalo, and that by it he received power to engage
in the practice of medicine:
No. 44. "A Buffalo Said to Me'
Sung by Brave Buffalo
(Catalogue No. 606)
Voice J=z&9
Drum J = 69
Drum-rhythm similar to Iso. 19.
•: :•: .n- A
'=\
# . -^
AVa-
hi - na -wa - piq kte waij
-4 \
- ma - yaij-ka yo
^
lie
yo wa -
2 r -1 L . 1
W"^"
1
■ • 1
-^^%
^
:±-
■— u_^ 1
y
-£^
bi - na- wa -piq kte wai] - ma-yaij-kayo he yo wa
-*-t2fe
hi - na-wa - piq kte waq - ma-yaq-ka yo he yo ta - taq-ka waq
he-ma-ki-ya he yo wa - hi - na-wa-piq kte waq-ma-yaq-ka yo he yo
WORDS
wahi^nawa^piq kte I will appeal'
wagma'yaqka yo behold me
tataq'ka waq a buffalo
hema^kiya said to me
DENsMoiiE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 1Y5
Analysis. — This song comprises five periods, four of which con-
tain the rhythmic unit while one has a different rhythm. Observ-
ing the melodic form, we note that the first period consists of
three measures and is based on the minor triad, B flat, D flat, F,
the tones occurring in descending order. In the fourth measure
the accidental B double flat leads downward to A flat, and for
several measures the melody is based on the descending minor
third A flat-F. This is followed by a return to the minor triad in
the upper octave and a descent to A, and a recurrence of the acci-
dental, the song closing with the descending, minor third A flat-F.
Five tones are found in the melody, which is distinctly major in
tonality. The sequence of tones is such as to suggest D flat as a
keynote, and the song is accordingly transcribed and analyzed in
the key of D flat with one accidental — the sixth lowered a semitone.
It is interesting, however, to note the intervals in this song. With
the number of their occurrences these are as follows: Minor sixth, 1;
major third, 3; minor third, 9; major second, 7; and minor second, 9 —
a total of 29. It will be noted that about 65 per cent of the intervals
are minor. A predominance of minor intervals in songs of major
tonality has been frequently observed. (See Bulletin 53, p. 263.)
It wnll be recalled that the minor second is a somewhat infrequent
interval in Sioux songs. (Cf. analysis of No. 40.) The pitch of
the tones transcribed as B double flat and A flat was not always
given mth absolute exactness, but in every rendition the tones were
clearly differentiated. Three renditions were recorded, all being
marked by the carefulness which characterizes the following song
by the same singer. Drum and voice did not coincide, though the
metric unit of the two is the same.
Continuing his narrative, Brave Buffalo said:
The buffalo in my dream told me that I would live to be 102 years old. Then they
said: "If you are to show people the great value of the buffalo one proof which you
must give them is a demonstration of your endurance. After properly qualifying
yourself you will be able to show that weapons can not harm you, and you may chal-
lenge anyone to shoot you with arrows or with a gun.
Brave Buffalo said that on waking from his dream, he went home
and thought the matter over seriously. After qualifying himself for
the ordeal, he requested his relatives to erect a very large tent of
buffalo hide in wliich he would give his demonstration and challenge
anyone to shoot him with arrows. He clothed himself in an entire
buffalo liide with the head and the horns. The whole tribe came to
see whether anyone could wound liim. Many tried with arrows, but
could not do so. The arrows did not penetrate his skin. Several
years later the test was repeated with guns, and Brave Buffalo
stated that they were not able to injure him.
176
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[boll. 61
Brave Buffalo said that he sang the following song before being
made a target for arrows and bullets. No words were sung, Brave
Buffalo saying that ' ' the words were in his heart. ' '
J- 60
Drum not recorded
^ . ^
No. 45. Weapon Song
Sung by Brave Buffalo
(Catalogue No. G08)
Analysis. — Tlie tones comprised in this melody are those of the
minor triad and fourth. The song was sung as transcribed, the
repetition being without a break in the time. The singer then gave
the calls or cries which are frequently interspersed with renditions of
a song, following them with another double repetition of the melody.
All repetitions were accurately given, and there was an evidence of
carefulness in the manner of singing. Both time and intonation
were good. The song is distinctly minor in tonality and is melodic
in structure.
DREAMS CONCERNING THE ELK
A dream of the elk has a peculiar significance. The elk is a favor-
ite animal among the young men. Shooter explained this as follows:
The best part of a man's life is between the ages of 18 and 33. Then he is at his best.
He has the strength and ability to accomplish his aims. He is brave to defend him-
self and others and is free to do much good. He is kind to all, especially to the poor
and needy. The tribe looks to him as a defender, and he is expected to shield the
women. His physical strength is at its best. He is light on his feet and can reduce
long distances to short ones. He is taught true politeness and is very gallant. What
animal has these traits more than any other? It is the elk, which is the emblem of
beauty, gallantry, and protection. The elk lives in the forest and is in harmony with
all his beautiful surroundings. He goes easily through the thickets, notwithstanding
his broad branching horns. In observing the carcass of an elk it is found that two
teeth remain after everything else has crumbled to dust. These teeth will last longer
than the life of a man, and for that reason the elk tooth has become the emblem of
long life. We desire long life for ourselves and our friends. When a child is born its
parents desire long Hfe for it, and for this reason an elk tooth is given to a child if its
parents can afford the gift.
Brave Buffalo gave the following narrative concerning his dream
of the elk:
When I was about 25 years of age I was able to think for myself. I was not afraid to
go into the woods, on a mountain, or in any dangerous place. At that time I was at my
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
177
best in health and in worthiness, for I had conducted myself rightly in my youth,
complying with all that is required of a boy and young man and living in a manner
worthy of my parents and grandparents. I had a clean record when I dreamed of
the elk.
The dream came to me when I was asleep in a tent. Some one came to the door
of the tent. He said he had come for me, and I arose and followed him. It was a
long and difficult journey, but at last he led me to a beautiful lodge. All the sur-
roundings were beautiful. The lodge was painted yellow outside, and the door faced
the southeast. On entering the lodge I saw drawings on the walls. At the right of
the entrance was a drawing of a crane holding a pipe with the stem upward, and at
the left was a drawing of a crow holding a pipe with the stem downward. I could
see that the occupants of the lodge were living happily and luxuriously. I was escorted
to the seat of honor opposite the entrance and reached it with difhculty, as the lodge
was filled with brush, and I was not accustomed to making my way through thickets.
[At this point the occupants of the lodge seem to have been recognized as elks.']
The elks in the lodge watched me with interest and encouraged me to go on, saying
they had something they wished to tell me. At last I managed to reach the seat
assigned me, and when I was seated the elks rose and said they had heard that I was
a great friend of the buffalo, and that they wanted me to be their friend also. They
said they had tested me by requiring me to reach this difficult place, and as I had
succeeded in doing so they were glad to receive me. They then said that they were
going to sing a song and wished me to learn it. They sang the following song, which
has no words.
No. 46. Song of the Elks
Sung by Bkave Buffalo
(Catalogue No. 609)
Voice J— 60
Drum J- 120
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8
i^^^^
isii
eii^^^
-0-0-
^
£«
I
Analysis.— The descending fourths E flat-B flat, and B flat-F
are prominent in the framework of tliis melody, though the interval
is usually broken, the progressions being a major second followed by
a minor third. The interval of a fourth in songs concerning animals
has been frequently noted. (See Bulletin 53, p. 101.) One interval
of a minor second occurs in the song, but was sung too large. It has
been observed that the minor second is found less frequently than
(I The identity of a dream objoct is frequently unrecognized until it turns to dejjart. Cf. Bulletin 53, p.
207; also p. 00 of the present work.]
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
the major second, and seemingly is sung with difficulty. The melody
contains all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh.
After teaching Brave Buffalo this song the elks gave him numerous
instructions. He noticed that every elk had a downy white eagle
feather tied on its right horn to indicate that it could run as fast as
the eagle fhes. He was told to wear a similar feather on his head,
and at the time of giving this narrative he had a downy eagle plume
fastened on the right side of his felt hat. (See p. 248.) The elks
told liim to paint his tipi in a manner similar to theirs, yellow out-
side with drawings of the crane and the crow on its inner walls, saying
that these birds would protect him. This style of pamting the tipi
he has always carried out. The elks told him further that before he
would be fuUy entitled to make a request for help from them he
must go through a performance which he liimself should devise, by
wliich he would show the people that he was acting under their
patronage.
On reaching home BraA^e Buffalo made a mask of elk hide, using for
this purpose the skin of the head with the horns. He then painted
liimself yellow and held in each hand a hoop wound with elk hide and
decorated with an herb which is much liked by the elks.^ A specimen
of this herb was secured and identified as Monarda mollis L., com-
monly known as wild bergamot. This was used by the young men
chiefly on account of its fragrance. Another variety of the ' ' elk herb "
was used by Eagle Shield in his practice of medicine. (See p. 270.)
Brave Buffalo made also a hoop (pi. 26, which he said was similiar to
the one he carried when enacting his dream. As the flowers of the '' elk
herb" were not then in season, he used flowers resembling them as
nearly as possible, and also such fur as was available.
Brave Buffalo said that after arraying himself as described he went
around the camp, passing close to the tents. Two virgins preceded
him, carrying his pipe. As he was making this circuit and imitating
the actions of the elk, a thought occurred to him: '' Now I have done
everything as I was directed to do it, and I wish I might show these
people that I have the power of the elk. There is a spot of damp
ground before me. I wish that when I step on this damp ground I
may leave the footprints of an elk."
A crowd of people followed him, and after he had passed over this
spot they saw the footprints of an elk instead of those of a man.
He was not required to repeat this demonstration, but if another
elk dreamer were giving a similar performance and asked him to join
he would do so, wearing the same mask as on the first occasion. (See
p. 166.) During a demonstration of an elk dream no woman is
1 This hoop is mentioned in Song 105 and its symbolism described in connection therewith.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 26
"^^^^^ f
i
f
^m
M
%
M
wMf^L.
i
M
^
jJa^
^
HOOP CARRIED BY ELK DREAMER
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 27
HAIR ORNAMENT WORN BY ELK DREAMER
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 28
BENT STICK CARRIED BY WOLF DREAMER
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 179
allowed on the windward side of the person giving the demonstration
and no one is allowed to come near him.
Brave Buffalo stated that after this demonstration the elks gave
him power to find medicinal herbs. At the present time if he is in
doubt what herb to use in treating a sick person, he appeals to the
elks antl they tell him what to use and where to find it.
The emblem of the elk is a circle, exemplified by the hoop which an
elk dreamer carries in his hand when "acting out his dream." The
young men wear a hair ornament consisting of a small hoop wound
with porcupine quills and having a downy white eagle feather sus-
pended in the center. Such an ornament is shown in plate 27; the
eagle feather is suspended by a tiny loop of hide at the end of the
quill. This ornament is fastened by a narrow strip of hide to a lock
of hair on top and at the left side of a man's head. The fastening
is from the center of the hoop so that the ornament hangs lightly
above the ear.
DREAMS CONCERNING THE WOLF
Brave Buffalo stated that about two- years after his dream of the
elk ho had a dream of a wolf. This dream came to him as he was
hunting alone. He had been wandering for several days in search of
game when he met a pack of wolves. They formed a circle around
him, and as they stood looking at him he noticed that their nostrils
and paws were painted red. They came toward him, whereupon he
grew dizzy. When they reached him, he was unconscious. They
stood around him until he regained his senses; then they moved on,
telling him to follow them. They led the way to a wolf den on top of
a high hill. While he was there, more wolves came out of the hole,
painted like the others. The wolves have always been wanderers, not
knowing where they would find food. They knew he had been hunt-
ing and had had much difficulty in finding game, and they wanted to
help him. They said there was a certain herb which, if dried, would
enable him to catch all kinds of snakes. He was told to dry this herb,
and put it on the ground where the snakes are wont to come. He did
so and caught a live rattlesnake. The wolves told him to carry this
live snake when giving the demonstration of his wolf dream. Instead
of the mask of elk hide which he wore in his former demonstration, he
used a similar mask of wolf skin, wearing practically the entire hide ^
and carrying in his hand a bent stick somewhat resembling a bow,
which was painted red. A duplicate of this stick made by Brave
Buffalo for the \vriter is shown in plate 28. Brave Buffalo stated that
he carried this and the snake in the same hand, the snake coiling
itself around the bow. He held the snake close to its head during the
demonstration and let it go after the demonstration was closed. The
' Cf. tho wearing of a wolf hide by warriors, p. 388.
180
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
wolves told him that when he was making this demonstration a live
owl would alight on his back. Brave Buffalo said that this actually
happened. After this dream and its demonstration he " prayed to the
wolves" when he wanted to locate game, and they always told him
where to secure it.
The following song, which was taught Brave Buffalo in this dream,
is one which he afterwards used in treating the sick. He said that it
was his custom to sing this song every night.
No. 47. "Owls Hooting" (Catalogue No. 607)
Sung by Brave Buffalo
Voice J = 92
Drum J = 92
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8
Hir)-hai3 ho-tuij pe - lo hiij - haq bo - tuij pe
hiij
« 1 '--N
-t^TsJ^-f r ^— ^ W f f ^ ?-> F— --f--^ r ^-
~^~v>f L-^x — t^==i — ^^ f=- p^-^^L-i — c::^-^
hai) ho - tui] pe - lo hiij-haij ho - tui] pe
liiij - hai] ho - tui]
^t-
S^g=^^^
:^E
^5^
•— r# • ^
'^=E
pe - lo hhj-har) ho - tuq pe
hai]-he - pi hi - ya - ye - cin hiij
^iLiS^^
^«
haq ho - tuq pe
-•-r^-
;f^^^5E3?
hiq - haq ho - tuq pe - Jo hiq-haq ho - tuq
pe
hiq - haq ho - tuq pe - lo hiq-haq ho - tuq pe
WORDS
hiqhaq^ owls
ho'tuq ' pelo^ (were) hooting
haqhe'pi hiya'yeciq in the passing of the night
hiijhaq^ owls
ho'tuq pelo' ^ (were) hooting
' Riggs gives tlio following definition of the word lio: "the voice eitlier of a man or of any animal or thing;
soundm general." lis exact meaning isiinderstoodfromitsuse (cf. //o^'ca^, p. 70). When 7io is used con-
cerning an animal, it is understood to refer to the peculiar call or cry of that animal. Thus in this memoir,
in addit ion to the present song, it appears as follows: Witli reference to wolves iu song No. 4.S, to bufliilo in
song No. 54, to owls and wolves in No. 160, to owls and crows in No. 50, lo the'bear in No. 84, and to the
Jiorse in Nos. 103, 111.
2 The final syllable of this word was often omitted by the singer.
DENS MORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 181
Analysis. — This melody as a whole is of unusual interest. Three
renditions were recorded on one cylinder; these show no variations.
Three renditions recorded at a later time were found to be identical.
The intonation is not so good as in other songs by the same singer,
an uncertainty, or wavering of the tone, occurring at the same point
in all the renditions. The customary "calls" or "cries" were given
between the repetitions of the song. About one-fourth of the inter-
vals are minor seconds which, as already noted, are found less fre-
quently than major seconds in both Chippewa and Sioux songs.
Some medicine-men consider the owl especially sacred among birds.
Two reasons were given for this by an Indian, who said:
The owl moves at night when men are asleep. The medicine-man gets his power
through dreams at night and believes that his dream is clear, like the owl's sight.
So he promises that he will never hann an owl. If he did so, his power would leave
him. For this reason some medicine-men wear owl feathers. The medicine-man
also regards the owl as having very soft, gentle ways, and when he begins to treat
sick persons he is supposed to treat them very gently. So in night wisdom and in
the manner of carrying itself the owl is greatly respected by the medicine-men of
the tribe.
Charging Thunder had three dreams of animals. The first was
the dream of the thunderbirds, from which he received his name
(see pp. 170, 171); the second was a dream of wolves, which is here
described; and the third was a dream of buffalo. This last dream
occurred about a year after his dream of the wolves. He did not
relate the dream of buffalo, but said that because of it he was often
sent to look for buffalo, the leaders sending him alone instead of
a searching party as described in the account of the hunt on
page 439. Charging Thunder said that he had faithfully fidfilled
all the obligations of his dreams, and believed that he had received
great benefit thereby, but that none of his dreams required him
to engage in the practice of medicine. They required other acts,
which he had duly performed.
In describing his dream of the wolv(^s. Charging Thunder said:
When I was about 22 years of age I dreamed that I c?me to a wolf den and found
the little wolves unprotected by either father or mother. They seemed to say, "We
are left here helpless, but our parents will soon return. "['] I learned their song,
which was as follows:
(I A dream similar to this is recorded by J. Owen Dorsey in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 478-479.J
4840°— Bull. 61—18 14
182
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
Voice J = 56
DnuM not recorded
^^ ^- -0--
No. 48. Song of the Young Wolves (Catalogue No. 570)
Sung by Charging Thunder
h^^^
=^i
,>_^_- - fi-fi^-^tif i_^_g.
^^i^j^^p^l
A - te to - ki-ya lio ku-we - lo i- na to - ki-ya ho ku - we - lo ciij -
e ya he wa - kaij - yaij ho a ku - we - lo
WORDS
ate' father
to'ldya somewhere
ho ' ku'welo comes home howling
ina' mother
to'kiya somewhere
ho ku'welo comes home howling
cirica' zi wai) ^ a young calf
aku' (father) is bringing
na and
ina' mother
to'kiya somewhere
ho ku'welo comes home howling
wana'ka now
ku'we she is returning
wakari'yar) in a sacred manner
ho ku'welo she is coming home
Analysis. — The final tone of this song is indistinct on the phono-
graph cyhnder, as it evidently was below the natural range of the
singer's voice. It is interesting to note the uncertainty of intonation
on G. This tone is first approached by a descent of a minor third^
wliich is an interval frequently sung too small, and in its next occur-
rence it alternates with F, constituting a repeated major second.
A repetition of small intervals appears to be difficult for Sioux or
Cliippewa. (See analysis of song No. 100, Bulletin 53.) The time
1 See p. 180, footnote.
2 This word is elided with the following and sung as waku.
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
183
in this, as in many similar songs, was not rigidly maintained. Three
renditions were recorded, the repetitions being without a break in
the time.
Kesuming the narrative of his dream. Charging Thunder said:
Soon I saw the old wolf returning and behind him came a buffalo calf. This old
wolf told me how to make a pipe, telling me to smoke it when I was on the warpath
and saying that the smell of the pipe would be so strong that the enemy would not
detect my approach and thus I would be able to steal their horses. The old wolf said
that )>y the aid of this pipe I would ))e able to outwit the wisest and craftiest of my
enemies. I made the pipe as he directed and carried it on the warpath and had good
success. It did not look any different from an ordinary pipe, but it had been "made
sacred" by a medicine-man. ['] The following song was taught me by the old wolf:
No. 49. Song of the Old Wolf (Catalogue No. 568)
Sung by Charging Thunder
Voice J r= 72
Drum not recorded
^' ^ -0-' -^ -^ -m-
Wa - kaij-yaij mi - ca - ke - lo wa - kaij-yaij mi - ca - ke
lo ca
gl i ksa - pa a
wai] ma
ka - he - e - wa - ye wa -
pa
^— •^HP— r
4^-^— -i
3t«=M:
^ — f-
kaij -yaijmi- 1 - <■ - ca-ke - lo ko -la waij-ma-a - a-yaij-ka yo
WORDS
wakag^yai) in a sacred manner
mica'kolo he made for me
^anori'pa wag to^keca a pipe that is different
wakaij'yai) in a sacred manner
mica'kclo he made for me
nagi ksa'pa wag a wise spirit
maka^howaye I met
wakari'yai] in a sacred manner
mica'kelo he made (it) for me
kola' friend
wagma'yaijka yo l)ehold me
[> The abilityto make objects "sacred," thus giving them mysterious power, was said to belong only to
men who had the ability to talk with such objects and to understand what they said. (Cf. section on
Sacred Stones, pp. 218, 230. 2.31, 234, 236, 238, in which men talk with the stones and receive their mes-
sages.) When making a pipe "sacred" the medicine-man filled it, incensed it with burning sweet grass,
and offered it to the sky and the cardinal points.]
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, with an
interruption of the time between the repetitions. In this, as in
many similar songs, the time was not strictly maintained. From
the beginning of the song to the fifth measure before its close the
melody is framed on the chord F sharp-A-C sharp-E, a minor triad
with minor seventh added. Other tones occur, and the descending
fourth C sharp-G sharp is noted, but this chord is felt as a frame-
work. The song closes with a repetition of the descending minor
third E-C sharp. The song is melodic in structure, and about two-
thirds of the intervals are descending progressions.
See plot of this melody on page 204.
DREAM OF THE CROW AND OWL
Siya'ka in his youth dreamed of a crow and an owl. His nar-
rative as here given reveals the manner in which a dream was sought
and also the importance attached to it:
All classes of people know that when human power fails they must look to a higher
power for the fulfillment of their desires. There are many ways in which the request
for help from this higher power can be made. This depends on the person. Some
like to be quiet, and others want to do everything in public. Some like to go alone,
away from the crowd, to meditate upon many things. In order to secure a fulfillment
of his desire a man must qualify himself to make his request. Lack of preparation
would mean failure to secure a response to his petition. Therefore when a man makes
up his mind to ask a favor of Wakag^taqka he makes due preparation. It is not fitting
that a man should suddenly go out and make a request of Wakari'taqka. UTien a
man shuts his eyes, he sees a great deal. He then enters his own mind, and things
become clear to him, but objects passing before his eyes would distract him. For
that reason a dreamer makes known his request through what he sees when his eyes
are closed. It has long been his intention to make his request of WakaQ^tagka, and
he resolves to seek seclusion on the top of a butte or other high place. \\Tien at last
he goes there he closes his eyes, and his mind is upon Wakag^taijka and his work.
The man who does this usually has in mind some animal which he would like for pro-
tection and help. No man can succeed in life alone, and he can not get the help he
wants from men; therefore he seeks help through some bird or animal which Wakaij^-
tagka sends for his assistance. Many animals have ways from which a man can learn
a great deal, even from the fact that horses are restless before a storm.
When I was a young man I wanted a dream through which I could know what to
depend upon for help. Having this desire, I went to a medicine-man ['] and told
him about it. He instructed me what to do, and I followed his instructions in every-
thing. He told me to get four well-tanned robes, with one for my own use, also a
decorated pipe and offerings of tobacco, and to appear before him on a certain day
prepared to seek my vision. I prepared the articles as he directed and went to him
on that day. He painted my face white, and before leaving him we went together
into the sweat lodge, and while we were there he told me of his own dream and gave
me an idea of what a dream was like. I had already selected a hill on which to await
my dream, and after leaving him I went to this hilltop to follow his instructions. [^]
[1 In a similar manner Lone Man consulted a medicine-man in his youth. (See p. 214.)]
[2 Of. Old Buffalo's fasting vigil on a hilltop, pp. 274-275.]
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 185
1 was not required to fast before seeking the Adsion but of course took no food with
me when I went to the hilltop. In the middle of this hilltop I dug a hollow about
2 feet deep and large enough so that I could crouch against its side when weary with
standing. At each of the four points of the compass I placed one of the robes and
some of the tobacco. These offerings were to show that I desired messages from the
directions of the four winds and was Avaiting anxiously to hear the voice of some bird
or animal speaking to me in a dream.
Having placed these offerings in position, and according to the advice of the medi-
cine-man, I stood facing the west and watched the sun disappear. As soon as the sun
was out of sight I closed my eyes and turned my face toward the east, standing thus
for awhile, then facing the north and the south. So I stood, wrapped in a buffalo
robe. I was not exactly singing, but more nearly lamenting, like a child asking for
something. [Cf. p. 96.] In the crying or lamenting of a young man seeking a vision
two things ai'e especially desii'ed: First, that he may have long life, and second, that
he may succeed in taking horses from the enemy.
Beside me, at the north, was placed a buffalo skull, the face of which was painted
with blue stripes. ['] The openings of the skull were filled with fresh sage, and it was
laid on a bed of sage. The skull was placed with its face toward the south. The
reason for this was that when the buffalo come from the north , traveling toward the
south, they bring news that Wakai) ^tag ka has provided food for the Indians and there
will not be a famine. During part of the time I rested my pipe against the buffalo
skull, with the stem pointing toward the north. Part of the time I held the pipe in my
hands, with the stem away from me. The pipe was filled, but not to be lighted until I
returned to the medicine-man after my dream. [Cf. sealed pipe in Sun dance,
pp. 149, 150.]
As I still faced the west, after the sun had set and when it was almost dark, I heard a
sound like the flying of a bird around my head, and I heard a voice saying, "Young
man, you are recognized by Wakag'tagka." This was all the voice said.
All night I stood with my eyes closed. Just before daybreak I saw a bright light
coming toward me from the east. It was a man. His head was tied up, and he held a
tomahawk in his hand. He said, "Follow me," and in an instant he changed into a
crow. In my dream I followed the crow to a village. He entered the largest tent.
When he entered the tent he changed to a man again. Opposite the entrance
sat a young man, painted red, who welcomed me. When I was thus received I felt
highly honored, for as this was the la,rgest tent I knew it must be the tent of the
chief. The young man said he was pleased to see me there. He said, further, that all
the animals and birds were his friends, and that he wished me to follow the way he had
used to secure their friendship. He told me to lift my head. I did this and saw
dragon flies, butterflies, and all kinds of small insects, while above them flew all kinds
of birds. As soon as I cast down my eyes again and looked at the young man and at
the man who had brought me tliither, I saw that the young man had become trans-
formed into an owl, and that my escort had changed again into a crow. The follow-
ing is the song of this part of my dream.
[1 It will be recalled that the stripes on the buffalo skull used in the Alo'wagpi ceremony and in the Sun
dance were red, and that in the Hurjka ceremony the skull was laid facing the west and in the Sun dance
facing the east. In both these instances the skull was laid on a bod of fresh sage. In a narrutive con-
cerning the "calling of the V)Uffalo " by a inodicinc-man it is stated that a buffalo skull was painted with
both red and blue stripes. (.See pp. 72, 127, 444.;]
186
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
No. 50. Song of the Crow and Owl (Catalogue No. 473)
SlUlg by SlYA^KA
Voice J = 69
Drum not recorded
ri±-3
PS
p — ^
^ ^ ^ ^ ^, .fL ^
ni hai) - ye - tu ma - wa - ni nuij
ma - wa - ni naij
SH
i=p=
we haij-ye-tu ma-wa-ioa-ni hiq -
0
IeT^
4:
4-^
haq ioa lio
toq-liaij ma-wa - ni nuq
he
{First rendilion)
haijye^tu at night
mawa^ni nugwe^ may I roam
tato' heya^ against the winds
mawa^ni nugwe^ may I roam
haqye'tu at night
mawa^ni (may) I roam
highag^ , (when) the owl
ho^toghag (is) hooting (see p. 180, footnote)
mawa'ni nug we^ .' may I roam
(Second rendition)
ag'pao at dawn
mawa'ni nugwe''. . . : may I roam
tato' heya'' against the winds
mawa'ni nugwe' may I roam
ag'pao at dawn
mawa''ni (may) I roam
kaggi' (when) the crow
ho'toghag (is) calling
mawa'ni nugwe' niay I roam
Analysis. — This melody contains only three intervals larger than
a minor third, about haK the intervals being major seconds. It is
mmor in tonality and lacks the sixth and second tones of the com-
densmorb]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
187
plete octave. In structure it is melodic, and the trend is steadily
downward from the eleventh to the tonic. The subdominant is
more prominent in tliis than m many of the songs mider analysis.
Siya'ka continued:
The owl said, "Always look toward the west when you make a petition, and you
will have a long life. " After this the owl commanded me to look at him. As soon as I
did this he was changed to an elk, and at his feet were the elk medicine and a hoop.
[See pp. 17S, 295.] Aa soon as I saw him changing, I began to wonder what marvel
would be next. Then I heard a song. I tried to learn the song, and before I realized
what I was doing I was singing the song.
The following is the song taught me by the elk in my dream.
No. 51. "Where the Wind is Blowing" (Catalogue No. 474)
Sung by Siya'ka
Voice J =r 54
Deusi not recorded
limuij-yaq na - wa - ziq
ye
wi - yo-hpe - ya - ta ta - te u - ye
108
ta - te i - ca-limuij-yaij na-wa - ziij
r
ta - te to - ki u - ye
ta - te i - ca - hmuij-yaij na - wa - zii)
to^ki where
tate' the wind
uye' ciij is blowing
tate' the wind
ica'hmui) yaq is roaring
nawa'zig ye I stand
wiyo'Hpeyata westward
t'lte^ the wind
uye' (5ig is blowing
tate' the wind
ica'hmurjyag is roaring
nawa'ziij ye I stand
188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Analysis. — Two renditions of this song were recorded, the prin-
cipal difference between them being that in the second rendition
the half note at the end of the third measure was sung a quarter
note and the last note of the following measure a half note, thus
comprising five counts in the two measures, but distributing them
differently. The intonation was wavering throughout the ren-
ditions, making the song especially difficult of transcription. This
was undoubtedly due in part to the presence of the accidental.
It was clearly the intention of the singer to differentiate the tones
transcribed respectively as D sharp and D natural, but the interval
between the two was not always an exact minor second. As
already stated, the minor second is not of frequent occurrence.
It is frequently sung too small, but not with sufficient uni-
formity to justify the belief that a definite interval smaller
than a semitone is in the mind of the singer. The measure trans-
cribed in 3-8 time was uniformly sung in all the renditions. The
melody tones are those of the second five-toned scale with the fourth
raised a semitone as an accidental. The song is melodic in struc- '
ture and has a compass of 12 tones.
6iya'ka said further:
The hilltop where I had my dream was quite a distance from the camp. My friends
knew I had gone there, and in the early morning they sent a man with my horse. I
came home, and the first thing I did was to take a sweat bath. In the lodge with
the medicine-man I. told him my dream.
I was a young man at that time and eager to go on the warpatli and make a name
for myself. After this dream, my stronghold was in the east, but the west was also
a source from which I could get help. All the birds and insects which I had seen in
my dream were things on which I knew I should keep my mind and learn their ways.
When the season returns, the birds and insects return with the same colorings as the
previous year. They are not all on the earth, but are above it. My mind must be
the same. The elk is brave, always helping the women, and in that way the elk
has saved a large proportion of his tribe. In this I should follow the elk, remembering
that the elk, the birds, and the insects are my helpers. I never killed an elk nor
ate its flesh. The birds that continually fly in the air I would not kill. I may kill
water birds and grass birds if suitable for food, but only these.
Siya'ka was deeply affected by the telling of this dream and the
singing of the songs. Shaking hands with the writer, he said that
he had given her his most cherished possession.^
Two Shields related the following dream, which is a tradition in the
tribe, and sang the song which is said to have been received in the
dream :
Many years ago a war party were in their camp when they heard what they believed
to be the song of a young man approaching them. They could hear the words of the
song and supposed the singer was one of their party, but as he came nearer they saw
that he was an old wolf, so old that he had no teeth, and there was no brush on his tail.
' Siya'ka's narrative was given in November, 1912; he died in March, 1913.
densmoee]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
189
He could scarcely move, and he lay down beside their fire. They cut up their best
buffalo meat and fed liim. Afterward they learned his song, which was the beginning
of all the wolf songs (war songs) . After this, too, the warriors began the custom of carry-
ing a wolf-skin medicine bag.
The writer was told by Looking Elk and others that the wolf-skin
medicine bag carried by warriors had been known to "come to life"
and walk about the camp, and it had been heard to sing this, the
first wolf song of the vSioux :
Voice J^= 168
Drum J= 138
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
No. 52. "I Made It Walk"
Sung by Two Shields
(Catalogue No. 533)
ma - ui wa
kaq - yai]
ma - ni wa - ye
wakag'yag by my supernatural power
ma'ni waye^ I made it walk
^iig^ka oya'te wag a wolf nation (see p. 162, footnote)
wakaq'yai) by my supernatural power
ma^ui waye' I made it walk
Anah/sis. — The same pecuharities of rhythm occur in all renditions
of this song. The time is exactly maintained throughout. The
melody tones are those of the major triad and second — an unusual
tone material. The ascent of a sixth at the opening of the song is
also unusual. The song has a compass of 13 tones. Two-thirds of
the progressions are major seconds, and a majority of the other inter-
vals are fourths.
Weasel Bear related the following incident, which he said took place
when liis father was a yomig man. His father, whose name was
190
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Metal Knee (Hu'pahu-ma'za), was with a number of men on the war-
path. On stoppmg beside a hill, they heard what they beheved to be
a man singing. Thoy counted their party, but all were there. One of
them chmbed the hill and, looking over, saw a wolf sitting with Ms
back to the hiU. The woK was looking away off and singing. The
words of the four renditions suggest the change from enthusiasm to
caution, and are interesting as being sung by an old wolf to the
young warriors. The warriors hstened and learned the song, which
was as follows:
No. 53. Song of a Wolf
Sung by Weasel Bear
Voice J= 100
Dkum JbrSS
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
(Catalogue No. 650)
Aij - pa
6aij - na o
ye
ka - to - na
:9it5»Sa=t-— ^-?"-^_-1^=;='-*z:^-r-^:r|'--f=^:
_^LJlfl-iT4_J ^???=_ ^*^! ^1 — J — f ,^«-' 1 U__| L
oijk
ma - wa - ni
ye
^^g^g
:2rf:
^£^=£r
Ar-0 « •-
{First rendition)
ag'pao ('•ag^na at daybreak
oma'wani ye I rpam
kato'naoqk galloping
omaVani ye I roam
{Second rendition)
ag'pao (f^ag'na at daybreak
oma'wani ye I roam
ka^aq'^ai) trotting
oma'wani ye I roam
( Third rendition)
ari'pao caq'na at daybreak
oma'wani ye I roam
napa'pa in a timid manner
oma'wani ye I roam
( Fourth rendition)
ag'pao caij'na at daybreak
oma'wani ye I roam
wakta'kta watching cautiously
oma'wani ye T mom
DENSMOREJ
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
191
Analysis.— -An interesting peculiarity of this song is the difference
m tempo of voice and drum, the latter being slightly the slower.
The song showed no differences in the several renditions. The melody
tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. Of the intervals
52 per cent are major seconds and 35 per cent miiior thirds; the
remaining tlu-ee intervals are upward progressions of a major third,
a fourth, and a fifth. The character of the song is lively and entirely
unlike the earlier songs of this group.
The following song concerning a dream of a buffalo w-as sung by
Old Buffalo. In this and the four succeeding numbers the song
remains, but the story of the dream is lost.
No. 54. "Toward Them I Walk" (Catalogue No. 639)
Sung by Old Buffalo
Voice J= 176
DRf M not recorded
(1)
0)
m
^z^
£
-' -f^ -fi-
-m-
^
ii
,9 • -S*- • -«>-
Ta - taq - ka ca ho - ye
wa - ye
lo
ta - taij -
^^
■2zrzi
S-i^i
ka ca ho - ye
wa - ye
r'S'-^
« ^
tr-
^m
lo nuq - we
(2)
wa - hpa -taq - ka o - ya
(2)
ye - ya ma
wa
m ye
WORDS
(First rendition)
tatag'ka a buffalo
^a it was
ho'ye a voice (see p. 180, footnote)
wa'yelo I sent forth
nuQwe' be it so
wa'hpetagka oya^te a Blackbird nation (see p. 162, footnote)
<5a it waa
itoye'ya toward them
mawa'ni ye I walk
192 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
{Seco7id rendition)
tatari'ka a buffalo
6a, it was
ho'ye a voice
wa''yelo I sent forth
nugwe' be it so
upi^zata oya'te a Swallow nation
6a, it was
itoye'ya toward them
mawa'niye I walk
Analysis. — The tones comprised in this song are those of the second
five-toned scale, A being the keynote. The chord of A minor forms
the framework of all the melody except the closing measures, which
consists of the minor third E-G. Throughout the melody the minor
third is prominent, comprising 41 per cent of the entire number of
intervals. Two rhythmic units are found in the song. The time of
the sustained tones was uniform in all the renditions. In this, as in
a majority of such instances, the long-sustained tones contain an
uneven number of counts.
In explanation of the words of the following song Siya'ka said:
The reference to the deer and the scarlet object is because A-enison is red and is the
bait used to catch the eagle. The reference to blue is because when trying to catch
an eagle we look at the sky so steadily that everything appears blue.
DEXSMORE]
TETOjST SIOUX MUSIC
193
No. 55. "An Eagle Nation is Coming" (Catalogue No. 472)
Sung by 6iya'ka
VoiCR J— 132
Drum not recorded
^
^
-1 ^ r
s . ^ ih
^S
i-^:
144
132
r #*f^.. Frr# r^>H>
-i^: r 14-1- 2 kj I r ^r ~ ^ ^ p » mp cm i
i.,^
[A r:^:
144
FgT-T-rT=R|->! U* 1* riL' r ^ir- r ir-rir??''-^
---' b i^ -1^ ■"■' — ^-1— 1~J — 1 i^- 1 '^-\ [_}-| 1 —
132
^'
Jt 0~-
n- L^^^=i^F
•— #-•
1 1 1 i -f h-
d i \i^ — ^
^
4^ S S rj-
^
:4:
^53
-f- '\r- -\- -P- -P- -P- -P- -•- -•- - - _ -•- -•-
Fr: ^- ,^,— ^H-> 1 M L^F=fL^ 1 II : '~'~'^T r-T~1
^!-i?J i^ 1 u— \ ■ — -.. -- L_a "^
Ta - lica o - ya - te waq a - u we-lo wa - lu -
J= 144
g^r^^=£^
^ — p-
? r
:s^e
-I ^-
ta wai] e j/a a - u we wa - yaij - ka yo
132
=9^
\ P P #-^-[-#— f-»-v4=H
-M^iizt^
^tnrM
^SE^SI^^
WORDS
(First rendition)
ta'Ti<$a ^ oya'te wai] a Deer nation (see p. 162, footnote)
aii' welo' is coming
walu^ta wag a scarlet object
aii'' we is coming
wayag^ka yo behold it
> According to Riggs ta'hia is a contraction ol t'Rir^ia, meaning "the common deer, Cervtis capreolusJ
194
BUREAU OF AlVJERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
{Second rendition)
wagbli' oya^te wag an Eagle nation
aii' we is coming
maka'to wag a blue object
aii' we is coming
wayag'ka yo behold it
Analysis. — The compass of this song is 17 tones. Among the
Chippewa no songs were recorded which had a compass of more
than 14 tones, but three songs in the present series have a compass
of 17; the others are Nos. 196 and 202. The final tone is faint, but
discernible on the phonograph record. The rapid tempo and wide
mtervals cause more uncertamty of intonation than is usual in these
songs. However, in this, as m No. 58, the exactness of the smaller
intervals is of less importance than the fact that 27 of the mtervals
(37 per cent) are larger than a major third. An equal number of
mtervals are major seconds, and the remaining 15 intervals are
mmor thirds. Changes of time occur as mdicated. (See song No. 5.)
No narrative was given with this song. Four dream songs con-
cernmg deer were recorded among the Chippewa — Nos. 95-98 in
BuUetm 53.
See plot of this melody on page 204.
No. 56. "A Blacktail Deer"
Sung by Charging Thunder
(Catalogue No. 564)
Voice J = 84
Drum not recorded
££
^ A ^
m$
#= f r r
AVa- kai] mi - ca - ge
wa- kaq mi - ca - ge
sii] - te
L^ii
=i=p=
^
:fef^i
pe - la wai] wa - kaq mi - ca
ge
wa- kaq mi -ca - ge
^aa^s
^
&
=:£
w
:^
■^A
• d
-Ji=^
-<&-r-
hl
he-na - ki - ya waq - la - ka - pi koq
yo
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 195
WORDS
wakar)' sacred
mi'dage he made for me
wakaq^ sacred
mi'<?age he made for me
sigte' sa'pela waq a blacktail deer ^
wakag' sacred
mileage he made f i >i me
hena'kiya those
wagla'kapi kog you had seen
Analysis. — The interval of the minor third characterizes tliis
melody and constitutes 41 per cent of the entire number of intervals.
The trend of the melody is steadily downward, about two-thirds of
the intervals being downward progressions. The compass of the
melody is 14 tones, lacking only 1 tone of 2 octaves. Three rendi-
tions were recorded; these show no points of variation.
See plot of this melody on page 204.
SONGS CONCERNING THE BEAR
Two Shields said:
The bear is the only animal which is dreamed of as offering to give herbs for the heal-
ing of man. The bear is not afraid of either animals or men and it is considered ill-
tempered, and yet it is the only animal which has shown us tliis kindness; therefore
the medicines received from the bear are supposed to be especially effective.
In somewhat similar strain Siya'ka said:
The bear is quick-tempered and is fierce in many ways, and yet he pays attention to
herbs which no other animal notices at all. The bear digs these for his own use. The
bear is the only animal which eats roots from the earth and is also especially fond of
acorns, June berries, and cherries. These three are frequently compounded with other
herbs in making medicine, and if a person is fond of cherries we say he is like a bear.
We consider the bear as chief of all animals in regard to herb medicine, and therefore it
is understood that if a man dreams of a bear he will be expert in the use of herbs for
curing illness. The bear is regarded as an animal well acquainted with herbs because
no other animal has such good claws for digging roots.
1 This animal was mentioned by Lewis and Clark in the account of their journey on the upper Missouri.
In September, 1804, Clark wrote, "I walked on Shore Saw Goats, Elk, BufTalow, Black tail Deer I'c the
Common Deer. " (Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark E.xpedition, vol. 1, p. 155.) A footnote on this
passage in the Coues edition is as follows: " Cariacus macrotis, also called mule deer. The tail is mostly
white, but tipped with black." (History of the E.xpedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark,
edited by Elliott Coues, vol. 1, p. 122, footnote, 1893.) The common deer is mentioned in Siya'ka's song,
No. 55.
196
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
(Catalogue No. 581)
No. 57. "A Bear Said This,"i
Sung by Shooter
Voice J = 88
Drum not recorded
(1)
0)
(2)
tz -^
I^'A -42-. -/t ^t. ^-.
-ft. -IS2-.
-^ ^
fc^
£r^-r-^--
§±*
E^s;
:^
:p=P=
(2)
(3)
0)
1 1 : II 1
^. ^^^ '
^y r rx-fcti
-i' — -i — 1 — i — • — t—
-1
-i — ^
^ r-»
-«5>-= —
-^^^— P
E^£s^3
3
-I
-1 — 1
^-WJ
L[— J
(3)
0)
1
— -• —
-4^
(4)
^H
1
! , -. 1
1
— *^l — ! —
Pe - zi - hu-ta
wai) ya-tin kte ka han - tu e na - ziij - ye
W
Itl^LL
^
to he-ma - ki - ye a
e
=^=F»
pezi^iuta wan a medicine (root of herb)
yatin' kte you will eat (to live) ^
kahau^tu at that place
na'zigye it stands
mato' a bear
hema^kiye said this to me
Analysis. — The complex rhythmic form of this song, together with
its clearness in repetition, suggests that it is an old song and was cor-
rectly sung. Four rhythmic phrases are found in the song. It will
bo noted that the opening of the first and second are alike, and that
the opening of the third and fourth also have a resemblance to each
' other dream songs of the bear (Nos. 87-89) are used by Eagle Shield in his practice of medicine.
(See also No. 58.)
2 This is an expression used by medicine-men. When giving medicine to a sick person they said, " You
will eat this in order to live, or to recover." (Cf. words of Song No. 83.)
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
197
other, the remainder of each phrase being individual. The melody
tones are those of the second five-toned scale. There are 52 pro-
gressions in the song, 37 (71 per cent) of which are major seconds.
Many of the accented tones were given with a peculiar attack, much
used by this singer, which consisted in sounding first a tone slightly
above the principal tone and immediately sliding downward to that
tone.
No narrative was given with this song.
No. 58. "He Comes to Attack"
Sung by Charging Thunder
Voice J_: 84
Drum not recorded
(Catalogue No. 562)
^M
116
^
:?c3=jt
s
^^^
^-^ 1< 9 ^—^
84
Wa- zi - ya - tai] na-taij hi- na - pe lo e
^ia
13 ! I — =F=a
^^F^l 5^
^^ s s ^ — ^— #
kta
toij - wiij ye ye ye ma-ka we - C013 na carj
^^
-i*-^-^ — *— ^
s s s
d d
A jL
te
to
ke
ca he wa - u we he ye - lo yo yo yo
WORDS
wazi'yatag from the north
natag^ hina^pe lo he comes to attack
ekta^ in that direction
e'togwig ye behold him
maka^ dust
we^dog I threw upon myself
na and
<5ai)te^ (with) a heart
to'keda that is different >
wa^u we — I came
he yelo' he'said
1 In the usace of the medicine-men this phrase indicates anger. (See footnote, p. 120.)
4840°— Bull. 61—18 15
198
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
Analysis. — ^Two renditions of this song were recorded, in both of
which the intonation, especially in the first part, was wavering.
This was probably due in part to the difficulty of the progressions
and in part to the fact that it was the first song recorded by Charging
Thunder. The transcription of such a song should be regarded as
approximate, so far as many of the smaller intervals are concerned.
This, however, does not affect the broad lines of the melody. Thus
in the present instance we note that 17 (45 per cent) of the intervals
are larger than a major third. The fourth is especially prominent in
this melody, though 15 (39 per cent) of the intervals are minor thirds.
The change of tempo occurs in both renditions of the song. (See
song No. 5.)
See plot of this melody on page 204.
The analyses of two other groups of dream songs are on pp. 239, 278.
Old Songs ^ — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams
Melodic Analysis
TONALITY
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Major tonality
Mino) tonality
Total...
9 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 48, 52,. 53, 5.1
13 j 37,40,41,45,46,47,49,50,51,54,56,57,58
FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on the—
1
2
4
4
1
5
2
40
Twelfth
37,51,56
46, .50
Tenth
38,39,43,48
41,45,55,58
Sixth
54
Fifth
42, 44, 4;i,52,53
Fourth
47, .57
Total .
22
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Ending on the
Fifth
Third
Key note .
Total...
39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54
38,57
37, 40, 45, 46, 47, 50, 51, 55, 56, 58
1 A majority of these songs are believed to be 50 to 150 years old.
r>KXSMOUE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
199
Old Songs — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued
Melodic A nalysis — Coiit inued
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial J^ OS. of songs.
Songs in which final tone is lowest tone in song
Songs containing a majorthird below the final tone
Songs containing a minor third below the final tone . .
Total
37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49,
50,51,52,53,54,55,56,58
47
57
NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Compass of —
Seventeen tones
Fourteen tones .
Thirteen tones . .
Twelve tones . . .
Eleven tones
Ten tones
Nine tones
Eight tones
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
55
40, 43, 56
39, 48, 52
37,51
46,50
41,49
53,54,57
38,42,44,45, 47,58
TONE MATERIAL
Second fl ve-toned scale
Fourth five-toned scale
Major triad and second
Minor triad and fourth
Octave complete
Octave complete except seventh
Octave complete e.xcept seventh and sixth . .
Octave complete except seventh and second
Octave complete except sixth
Octave complete except sixth and second . . .
Octave complete except fourth
Octave complete except second
First, fourth, and fifth tones ,
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial No.s. of songs.
51,. 54
:iS,3<t, 43,44,53, 57
52,55
45
40
37, 47
46
.')S
n, 56
50
4S
fl
42
200
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BOLL. 61
Old Songs — (^) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
ACCIDENTALS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing—
No accidentals.
Fourth raised a semitone. . .
Sixth lowered a semitone...
Fourth lowered a semitone.
Total
37, 38, 33, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 4G, 4S, 4'J, 50, 52,
53,54,55,56,57,58
51
44
47
STRUCTURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
IJ
2
1
37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, i'J, 50,
51,52,53,55,56,57
33,54
58
Total
22
FIRST FROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Downward.
Upward
Total .
37, 3S, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44. 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51,
54,. 57, 58
41,43,52,53,55,56
TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
420
215
Total
635
INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a —
Minor sixth. . .
Fifth...
Fourth
Major third...
Minor third. .
Major second.
Minor second .
Total...
5
4
46
31
109
130
35
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 201
Old Songs — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Interval of a —
Tenth
Ninth
Octave
Major sixth. .
Minor sixth. .
Fifth
Fourth........
Major third . .
Minor third. .
Major second.
Minor second.
Total...
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN EACH INTERVAL
Total number of intervals
Total number of semitones
Average number of semitones in each interval.
KEY
Key of^
-\ major
B llat major. . .
B flat mmor . .
B major
B minor
C minor
D flat major...
D major
D minor
E major
F major
F minor
F sharp minor.
G major
G minor
G sharp minor
Total
Number
of songs.
22
Serial Nos. of songs.
37,51,54
48
46
38
50
58
39, 42
44,52
57
53
55
41
45, 49
43
56
40,47
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Old Songs — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Begmning on unaccented part of measure
14
S
3/ , 39, 40, 43, 44, 46, 47, 4S, 4J, .50, .52 .53,
54,55
38, 41, 42, 45, 51, 56, 57,, 58
Total
22
RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
First measure in-
2-4 time
3-4 time
4-8 time
12 37,38,39,42,44,47,48,49,50,53,56,58
9 ■ 40,41,43,45,46,51,54,55,57
1 ! 52
Total.
22
CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
2
39,47
20
37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, •<9, 50
Total
51,52,53,54,55,56,57,58
22
RHYTHM OF DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Eighth notes accented in groups of two
1
5
1
15
46
Eighth notes unaccented .
39, 44, 47, 52, ,53
(Juarter notes unaccented
41
Drum not recorded
37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 45, 48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 55
56,57,58
Total
22
RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing—
No rhythmic unit
One rhythmic unit. .
Two rhythmic units.
Four rhythmic units .
Total ..*...
38,45.46,48,49,53,55
37, 40, 41, 42. 43, 44, 47, 50, 51, 52, 54, 56, 58
39
57
DENS.MOKEl
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
203
Old Songs — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome —
54
53
60
63
69.
72
76
Hi
8S
92
10:i
132
168
176
208
Total . .
1
51
1
48
2
45,46
1
37
2
44,50
2
39,49
2
40,43
2
56,58
1
57
2
42,47
2
38,53
1
55
1
52
1
54
1
41
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metrjnome —
63
15
44
88
53
92
47
120
46
138..
52
144
41
152
39
Drum n;)t recorded _
37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 45. 48, 49, 50, 51 , 54, 55, 56,
57,58
Total...
22
COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Drum and voice having the same metric unit
2
44 47
Drum faster than voice
2
39,46
Drum slower than voice
3
15
41,52,53
37 38 40 42 43 45 4S 4') 50 51 54 55
Drum not recorded
56,57,58
Total
22
204
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHKOLOGY
[bull. 61
PLOTS OF SONGS (DREAMS ABOUT ANIMALS)
From among the plots of the preceding gi'oup of songs four are
herewith presented. No 56 is an example of Class A (see fig. 19)
and contains no ascending intervals. No, 49 resembles it but con-
tains short intervals which frequently occur in songs concerning
animals or suggesting motion, as shown in Class D. We note that
the title of this song is ''Song of the old wolf," but that no suggestion
of motion is found in the words. No. 55 has the wide compass and
"rambhng" outhne which characterize songs of Class D, The title
i:
:5:
:s;-.
■s;;;
1
■B
■X
m
m
No. i9
No. sn
No. 55
'
, I
~j~
■~
~
~
\
'
1
11
•\
\
/\
\
/ ^
;
^
/
/
\
\
/
/
\
/
\
/
_
L.
Jl
_
'.".,
No. .")8
Fig. 24. Plots, Group 2.
of this song is "An Eagle nation is coming." No. 58, while said to
have been received in a dream of an animal, is a song used in the
treatment of the sick, and in it may be observed the emphasis on
the keynote, which characterizes Class C, as well as the divergence,
which characterizes Class D.
The -Sacred Stones (Tuijkaij'')
Songs relating to the sacred stones constitute the second group
of songs received in dreams. ' To, dream of a small stone was regarded
by the Teton Sioux as a sign of gi*eat import, indicating that the
DENSMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 205
dreamer, by fulfilling the requirements of his dream, would become
possessed of supernatural power, in the exercise of which he would
use the sacred stones. This power would be shown in an ability to
cure sickness, to predict future events, and to tell the location of
objects beyond the range of his natural vision. The stones were
the native brown sandstone, usually spherical in shape, though
oval stones and stones slightly flattened were also used, the prin-
cipal requirements being that they should be regular in outline and
untouched by a tool. The symbolism of the stones was given by
Chased-by-Bears * as follows :
The outline of the stone is round, having no end and no beginning; like the power
of the stone it is endless. The stone is perfect of its kind and is the work of nature,
no artificial means being used in shaping it. Outwardly it is not beautiful, but its
structure is solid, like a solid house in which one may safely dwell. It is not com-
posed of many substances, but is of one substance, which is genuine and not an
imitation of anything else. ^
The term used by the Sioux in speaking of these stones is tuTjTcay',
said to be an abbreviation of tutjka'sila, 'grandfather.' The word
tuyTcay' is an example of the "sacred language" mentioned on p. 120.
Riggs (in the Dakota Dictionary) gives the meaning of this word
as, "In the sacred language, a stone, and tlie moon.'' Thus is it seen
that the term "sacred stones," used in the present work, is not a
translation of tuylcay', but is a term expressing more nearl}^ the idea
in the mind of the Sioux. (Cf. footnote, p. 88.)
It is said that a medicine-man, in demonstrating his power to acquire
information by means of the sacred stones, sends them long distances.
After a time the stones return and give him the desired informa-
tion, lie is the only person who can understand what they say,
a«d therefore he repeats their message to the man who requested
him to make the inquiry. During a demonstration for the curing
of the sick it is said that the stones, fl3nng through the air in the
darkened tent, sometimes strike those who have refused to believe
in them. This power of the sacred stones to move through the air
is connected in the mind of the Sioux with Ta'TcuskaysTcay' , this term
being composed of ta'Tiu, 'something', and skaySkarj' (defined by
Riggs as "v. red. of skai] ; to stir, move about, change place''). Several
of the writer's most reliable informants, after consultation, expressed
the opinion that Ta'kuskar)skai)' could correctly be said to be one of
the native Dakota gods. Pond regards this as one of the native
gods, and writes: "The significance of the term 'Takuskarjskai]' is
that which stirs. This god is too subtle in essence to be perceived
' See Chased-by-Bears' account of the meaning of the Sun dance, p. 9.5. Other symbolisms are noted
on p. V7, footnole.
' .\n emphasis on penuinene.ss is found also on pp. 17.3, :i;i().
206 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
by the human senses. . . . His symbol is the bowlder. ... He
lives, also in what is termed 'the four winds.' " * Dorsey writes:
Taku^kagskai), the moving deity ... is the most powerful of their [the Dakota]
gods; the one most to be feared and propitiated, since, naore than all others, he in-
fluences human weal and woe. He is supposed to live in the four winds, and the
four black spirits of night do his bidding.^
Miss Alice C. Fletcher uses the term "Something that moves,"
and a connection between this mysterious power and the small
stones appears in her article on "The religious ceremony of the
Four Winds." ^ Miss Fletcher says:
An intelligent Santee Indian said to me: . . . "The Four Winds are sent by
' the Something that moves '. There is a ' Something that moves ' at each of the ' Four
Directions or Quarters'. . . . Among the Santee (Sioux) Indians the Four Winds
are symbolized by the raven and a small black stone, less than a hen's egg in size.
The desire for a dream of this small black stone and the manner of its
treatment, as described by this author, are similar to those connected
with the sacred stones which form the subject of the present dis-
cussion.
Distinct from these small stones, which were carried on the person j
were the large stones or rocks in the field which were " objects of wor-
ship." Riggs says, "Large bowlders were selected and adorned with
red and green paint, whither the devout Dakota might go to pray and
offer his sacrifice."* iVn int'Cresting account of such a stone, known
as Eyay Shah, "Red Rock," is given by Hovey. This stone was
situated near the site of- St. Paul, Minn., and was last visited by the
Sioux shortly before their outbreak in 1862.^' Many stones on the
Dakota prairie are said to have been similarly regarded by the Sioux.
To talk of these stones is "sacred talk" to the Sioux, and the ma-
terial comprised in this chapter was treated with the same reverence
as that relating to the dream of the thimderbird or the ceremony of
the Sun dance.
Songs and information concerning the sacred stones were secured
from men who, in their relation to these objects, may be said to repre-
sent five difi"erent standpoints, as follows:
(1) Men who have dreamed of the sacred stones, possess one or
more of them, and have used them successfully in treating the sick or
in locating lost articles. Those of this class who furnished informa-
tion were Brave Buffalo (Tatar) 'ka-ohi'tika) and Goose (Maga').
(2) Men who possess sacred stones, and believe they have been
helped in various ways by their presence. Chased-by-Bears (Mato'-
'Pond, G. H., Dakota Superstitions, Colls. Minn. Hist. Sor. for 1867, vol. 2, pt. 3, pp. 43-44, St. Paul,
1S67.
2 Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan Cults, in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 445.
3 In Peahody Mm. Rep., ra, pp. 289-90, Cambridge, Mass., 1887.
* Riggs, Stephen R., Tl^ogony of the Sioux, Amcr. Antiq., n, No. iv, p. 208, Chicago, 1880.
i Hovey, 11. 0.,D.D., Eyay Shah: A Sacrificial Stone near St. Paul, ibid., ix, No. i, pp. 35-3G, 1887.
DKNSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 207
kuwa) had in his possession more than 40 years a sacred stone,
which ho acquired by purchase. He appeahxl to it when in danger
and anxiety, but nev(^r attempted to secure through its use benefits
for others than his immediate family. Lone Man (Isna'la-wica')
possesses one stone, and beheves he has been greatly helped by
wearing it on his person.
(3) A man who possesses a stone but does not use it. Charging
Thunder (Wakiij'yaq-wata'kpe) has had a sacred stone for many
years, but has not been able to command it as the medicine-men do.
He attributes this lack of efficiency to the fact that he "does not
place his faith wholly upon it, but believes in the help of many other
agencies." The stone was given him at a time when he was sick,
in the belief that it would restore him to health and also act as a
charm. His father was skilled in the use of the stones, and Charging
Thunder recorded songs which he said were composed by his father.
(4) A man who has not used the sacred stones, but who was one of
the singers when White Shield (Waha'caqka-ska) gave his wonderful
demonstrations with them. It was customary for six or eight singers
to sit at the drum and sing with the man who was giving the demon-
stration. Two Shields (Waha'curjka-noij'pa) recorded two songs of
White Shields's which had been used on such occasions. Two Shields
is a close adherent of the the old beliefs, the missionaries having made
no impression on him (pi. 47).
(5) Men who have witnessed demonstrations with the sacred stones
in the camp, on the hunt, and on the warpath and were familiar with
songs used at such times. Songs were recorded by Gray Whirlwind
(Wamni'yomni-ho'ta), Shooter (Oku'te), Teal Duck (Siya'ka), and
Bear Eagle (Mato'war)bli). Additional information, as well as cor-
roboration and personal reminiscence, was furnished by Buffalo Head
(Tatar) 'ka-pa) and Standing Soldier (Aki'cita-na'zii)').
Among the above-mentioned informants the man whose us3 of the
sacred stones is most open at the present time is Brave Buffalo, a
prominent medicine-man of the Standing Rock Reservation. He was
})orn near the present site of Pollock, N. Dak., and at the time of giving
liis information was about 73 years of age. His father (see p. 250) was
a leading medicine-man of the tribe. In describing his dream of the
sacred stone Brave Buffalo said :
When I was 10 years of age I looked at the land and the rivers, the sky above, and
the animals around me and could not fail to realize that they were made by some
great power. I was so anxious to understand this power that I questioned the trees
and the bushes. It seemed as though the flowers were staring at me, and I wanted
to ask them "Whc made you?" I looked at the moss-covered stones; some of them
seemed to have the features of a man, but they could not answer me. Then I had a
1 Died March, 1915.
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
dream. ?.nd in my dream one of these small round stones appeared to me and told me
that the maker of all was Wakag'tagka, and that in order to honor him I must honor
his works in nature. The stone said that by my search I had shown myself worthy
of supernatural help. It said that if I were curing a sick person I might ask its' assist-
ance, and that all the forces of nature would help me work a cure.
Soon after this dream Brave Buffalo found on the top of a high butte
his first sacred stone, which is still in his possession. About a month
later he found several others, one of which is in the possession of the
writer (pi. 29). This is almost a perfect sphere. On one side is a
number of dots, the groupmg of which suggests a tiny face, a charac.
teristic pointed out by Brave Buffalo. The stone is dyed red with
native dye. The color, which is a favorite color of Brave Buffalo,
has no significance. The stone, surrounded by eagle down, is kept
in a wrapping of red cotton cloth. It was said that '' there is some-
thing between the eagle down and the stone, because when sur-
rounded by eagle down, it can not get away." The stone can be
sent on errands of observation by its owner, and when not in use is
imprisoned by the downy eagle feathers.
Brave Buffalo said that he had cured many illnesses by means of
this stone, which he said is "a brother of the first stone" he found.
He said further that he ''had no authority to secure its sisters, but
that it was good to have several brothers of the original stone to
cooperate with it. " He " can feel if he is near a relative of the origi-
nal stone" and always secures it. These relatives he may give
away if he so desires, but the original stone has been seen by very
few except the sick persons in whose treatment it has been used.
(Seep. 211.) ■
Concerning the nature of the sacred stones, Brave Buffalo said:
It is significant that these stones are not found l>uried in the earth, but are on the
top of high buttes. They are round. Like the sun and moon, and we know that all
things which are round are related to each other. Things which are alike in their
nature grow to look like each other, and these stones have lain there a long time,
looking at the sun. Many pebbles and stones have been shaped in the current of
a stream, but these stones were found far from the water and have been exposed only
to the sun and the wind. The earth, contains many thousand such stones hidden
beneath its surface. The thunderliird is said to be related to these stones [see p. 158]
and when a man or an animal is to be punished, the thunder) )ird strikes the person,
and if it were possible to follow the course of the lightning, one of these stones would
be found embedded in the earth. Some 1 elieve that these stones descend with the
lightning, but I believe they are on the ground and are projected downward by the
])olt. In all my Life I have Ijeen faithful to the sacred sto.nes. I have lived according
to their requirements, and they have helped me in all my troubles. I have tried to
qualify myself as well as possilile to handle these sacred stones, yet I know that I
am not worthy to speak to Wakag'tagka. I make my request of the stones and they
are my intercessors. (See p. 88, footnote.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 29
UNWRAPPED
PARTIALLY WRAPPED
SACRED STONE OWNED BY BRAVE BUFFALO
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
209
No. 59. "May You Behold a Sacred Stone Nation" (Catalogue No. 602)
Sung by Brave Buffalo
Voice Jr-80
DRniM J__ 168
Drum-rhjnhm similar to No. 19
(1)
Ko - la - pi - la le
(2)
haijl ko - la waij - la
ka iiui]-we o tuij-kai] le o - ya - te waq ko - la waq-la
(1)
ka nuij - we le - na si - to - mni- yaij le
(2)
la wai]-la
haijl ko -
ka nuij-we o tuq-kai] le o - ya
>4*?
m
^-
=s
te waq ko - la wai] - la - ka nuij- we o - he
kola'pila friends
lehagl' now
kola' friend
waqla'ka nugwe' may you behold
tuqkag' le oya'te wag a Sacred-stone nation (see p. 162, footnote).
kola' friend
warila'ka nugwe' may you behold
lena' these
sito'mniyag all (the stones)
lehagF now
kola' friend
wagla'ka nugwe'. .^ may you behold
tuijkai)' le' oya'te wag a Sacred Stone natiofi
wagla'ka nugwe' may you behold
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
Analysis. — This melody is minor in tonality and contains all the
tones of the octave except the seventh and second. In structure it
is classified as melodic with harmonic framework, the E flat in the
third and the eleventh measures being the only accented tones other
than those of the tonic triad. The major second and major third
constitute 80 per cent of the intervals, though the tonality of the
song is distinctly minor. The drum-beat is so rapid as to be practi-
cally a tremolo. The form of the melody is regular, consisting of four
periods. One rhythmic unit occurs in the first and third phrases and
a second rhythmic unit in the second and fourth phrases. These
units show a similar division in the opening measure, followed by
slightly different divisions. It is as though the second were an "an-
swering phrase," the two combining to form a satisfactory whole.
See plot of this melody on page 245.
Goose, a prominent medicine-man, also dreamed of the sacred stones-
(See p. 251.) He said that he had two of these stones in his possession
some time before he tested his power over them. One day a fur trader
ridiculed the medicine-men in his hearing. This white man said
that all the medicine-men did was by sleight of hand, and that he
would have to see an instance of their power before he would believe
it. Goose entered into conversation with the trader on the subject,
who offered him 10 articles, including cloth and blankets, if he would
call a buffalo to the spot where they were standing. Goose sent
both the sacred stones to summon a buffalo. The trader brought
his field glasses and looked across the prairie, saying in derision,
' ' Where is the buffalo you were to summon ? ' ' Suddenly the trader
saw a moving object, far away. It came nearer until they could see
it without the aid of the glasses. It was a buffalo, and it came so
near that they shot it from the spot where they stood.
At a subsequent time Goose found a rifle which had fallen into the
water. This occurred near the present site of Pierre, S. Dak. Some
horses were being taken across the river on a ferry and others were
compelled to swim. In the confusion a white man dropped his rifle
into the river. The man regretted his loss, but made no effort to
recover the rifle. After the man had gone. Goose decided to try to
find it by the aid of the sacred stones. Accordingly he took the
stones with him, and rowed on the river until the stones told him to
dive. Doing so, he found the rifle on the bed of the river, a strange
circumstance being that when he was in the water it appeared clear
instead of cloudy as usual. Goose afterwards had an opportunity to
restore the rifle to its owner, who rewarded him liberally.
(2) In addition tothe stone purchased from Brave Buffalo another
stone was transferred to the WTiter by Chased-by-Bears in July, 1912.
This (pi. 30) is slightly larger than that of Brave Buffalo ; the surface
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 30
SACRED STONE OWNED BY CHASED-BY-BEARS
DEN.s.MoitEl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 211
is smooth and not dyed. The stone was wrapped in a piece of
deerskin and surrounded by the finely powdered root of an herb.
Chased-by-Bears said that he used tliis licrb as a ''charm" and also
took it internally. When parting with the stone he refused to give
the writer any of this herb, but it was secured and identified later.
This stone had been in the possession of Chased-by-Bears 40 years,
and during that time he had faithfully fulfilled its requirements of
character and action. Throughout this period, moreover, he had
not lost one of his childi"en, illness was almost unknown in his family,
and he had suffered no gi-eat misfortune from any cause. In time of
anxiety, either through fear of sickness or disaster, he had carried
the stone in his medicine bag. Chased-by-Bears was 64 years old
when he gave this information and seemed to be in perfect health.
He said that the stone formerly belonged to a very powerful medi-
cine-man named Wliite Shield, who then lived at Standing Rock
but had since moved to Poplar Creek, Mont. He warned the
writer that the stone was still subject to a summons from Wliite
Shield and that at some time it might disappear from its WTappings,
but that if such were the case she need feel no anxiety, as it would
return. He said that White Shield had many such stones, one of
which was for his pei-sonal use; this was always worn in a buckskin
bag around his neck. The others were the "helpers" of this stone,
and he could sell them, though ho retained fhe right to recall them if
he so desired. White Shield had di-eamed of the sacred stones, had
qualified himseK to use them in treating the sick and in other ways,
and had composed many songs concerning them.
White Shield's stone came into tlie possession of Chased-by-Bears
in the following manner: About 40 years previous to giving this in-
formation a daughter of Chased-by-Bears was ill, and he sent for
^'VTiite Shield to treat her. White Shield showed him the sacred
stone, then it disappeared and the tent was darkened. After a
time the light was restored, whereupon the stone was found on the
person of the girl, who at once began to recover. Chased-by-Bears
then asked for the stone which White Shield had used in performing
the cure, and White Shield transferred it to him together with the
song which he sang at the time and which he said should always be
sung when any request was made of the stone. In exchange for these
Chased-by-Bears gave a horse. The song, which follows, is believed
to have been composed by Wliite Shield.
212
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
No. 60. "The Sacred Stones Come to See You" (Catalogue No. 675)
Sung by Chaskd-by-Bears
Voice J = 60
Drum J— 168
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
B:
±z^
-P
He wai]-ni - yaijk a - u w
e
II II
^t=^-^
^^
il
^a
=^-?4=F=
:p=F-
:^=^ ^
igTH r?| |-^-J^=d=q=i
^
^
^ • — ft — ^
tuij-kai]
. P -
kiq si - to - mui - yai] wai] - ni - yaijk a - u we
;§i£
^EfeSsBg
as
:»=(«
eS
t=t=^
±5:
^:
atni:
ip^
he wagui^yagk to see you
aii' we they come
tugkag'' kig sito'mniyag all the sacred stones
wagni'yagk to see you
aii^ we they come
Analysis. — This melody consists of 32 measures, which group
them-selves in 4 periods of 8 measures each. The first and third of
these periods are based on the triad of F minor, and the second and
fourth periods on the minor third C-E flat. The song is transcribed
and analyzed in the key of C minor, though the fifth of that key
does not occur. The rhythm of the first and second halves of the
song is alike except for slight changes in the part containing the
words. The rhythmic unit is short and occurs frequently. Two ren-
ditions, on separate cylinders, show no material points of difference.
In parting with the sacred stone and in singing its song, Chased-by-
Bears seemed actuated by a sincere desire that his grandchildren
DExsMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 213
should understand tho native religious ideas wnich had governed his
life, and that the white man might better know the mind of the Sioux.
But misfortune followed his action. After a few weeks the writer on
returning to the reservation was informed that Chased-by-Bears had
suffered a stroke of paralysis,* which was attributed to his sale of the
sacred stone and its song. Mr. Higheagle was requested to visit
Chased-by-Bears and ascertain whether the report were correct. It
was found that Chased-by-Bears seemed to be in danger of death.
Mr. Higheagle was then instructed to tell him that the stone would
be returned to him as soon as it had been measured, weighed, and
photographed. Every effort was made to allay the nervous tension
under which the aged man was suffering. After a time Chased-by-
Bears was well enough to come and camp near the agency. He walked
heavily, leaning on his cane. Food was sent to his camp, and when he
was able to come to the writer's office she played for him the phono-
graph records of sacred-stone songs which others had sung, endeavor-
ing to impress him with the idea that he had not transgressed more
than they. At length the subject of the herb used with the stone was
broached, and it was suggested that if the stone were to be returned
perhaps he would be willing to loan a portion of the herb for identifi-
cation, which, together with the stone, would subsequently be given
him by Mr. Higheagle. After several conferences Chased-by-Boars
brought the plant, which was identified at Washington as Aster sp.
With this he had in his medicine bag a root which, he said, he pow-
dered and mixed with the root of the first plant. It was a pithy root,
iaut as none of the upper part of the plant was available it could not be
identified. Chased-by-Bears was encouraged to be present when other
Indians were recording songs, and it was observed that his health
steadily improved. When the writer left the reservation a f?w weeks
later he had almost regained his strength, and a year afterwards he
appeared to be in his usual health. ^ Both tho stone and tho herbs
were returned at the earliest opportunity, but it is interesting to note
that the man's physical recovery began before these were actually
restored to his possession. Chased-by-Bears' misfortune did not seem
to arouse any antagonism toward tho writer or her work. In conver-
sation with those who were considered authorities on the subject it was
said that he "should have known better than to sell a stone when he
had only one.'' A medicine-man could sell the "helpers " of his special
stone, but even a medicine-man would not part with the stone which
was the center of his power.
' It is tho belief of the Chippewa that those who offend the "manido" are punished by paralysis. Thus
the writer saw at a remote Chippewa village on the northern shore of Lake Superior a man who had suffered
paralysis of one side of his face and body, and whose personal record was not good. It is said by the Chip-
pewa that many offending members of the MldS'wlwIn become paralyzed.
2 Chased-by-Bears died in February, 1915, more than two years after the paralytic stroke.
4840°— Bull. 61—18 16
214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBULL. 6i
As an introduction to his narrative concerning the sacred stones,
Lone Man said:
Ever since I have known the old Indians and their customs, I have seen that in any
great undertaking it is not enough for a man to depend simply upon himself. Most
people place their dependence on the medicine-men, who understand this life and
all its surroundings and are able to predict what will come to pass. They have the right
to make these predictions. If as we sit here we should hear a voice speaking from
above, it would be because we had the right to hear what others could not hear, or we
might see what others had not the right to see because they were not properly qualified.
Such are some of the rights and privileges of the medicine-men, and those who desire
to know mysterious things must seek their aid. If a man desires success in war or the
hunt, or if he wishes to make the greatest of all requests, which is the request for long
life, he should make it through a medicine-man, who will give him a charm, probably
a root of herb wrapped in buckskin, and he will wear this charm. [See p. 161.] It
is not enough for a man to make known his request. There is a way which it has been
found best to follow, and that is to make an offering with the request.
When I was a young man I went to a medicine-man for advice concerning my future.
The medicine-man said: "I have not much to tell you except to help you understand
this earth on which you live. If a man is to succeed on the hunt or the warpath, he
must not be governed by his inclination, but by an understanding of the ways of animals
and of his natural surroundings, gained through close observation . ['] The earth is large,
and on it live many animals. This earth is under the protection of something which at
times becomes visible to the eye. One would think this would be at the center of the
earth [see p. 120], but its representations appear everywhere, in large and small forms —
they are the sacred stones. The presence of a sacred stone will protect you from mis-
fortune.' P] He then gave me a sacred stone which he himself had worn . I kept it with
me wherever I went and was helped by it. He also told me where I might find one
for myself. Wakag'tagka tells the sacred stones many things which may happen to
people. The medicine-man told me to observe my natural surroundings, and after my
talk with him I observed them closely. I watched the changes of the weather, the
habits of animals, and all the things by which I might be guided in the future, and I
stored this knowledge in my mind.
The medicine-man also told me that the sacred stone may appear in the form of a
person who talks and sings many wonderful songs. Among these was the following song,
in which the sacred stone says that all living creatures look to him for protection. This
and the song next following were composed and used by Ite'-oksai)-lu^ta [Red-Streaked-
around-the-Face], a man who dreamed of the rainbow and therefore painted his face
with an arch of color. He used red for this arch, as red was his favorite among the colors
of the rainbow.
[ ' In this connection it is interesting to note the following statement by Father De Smet, a native of Bel-
glum, who came to .\merica in 1S21 and for many years labored as a Jesuit missionary among the Siou.\,
writing extensively of their conditions and needs. He says: '' Some writers have supposed that the Indians
are guided by instinct, and have even ventured to assert that their children would find their way through
the forests as well as those further advanced in age. I have consulted some of the most intelligent Indians
on this subject, and they uniformly told me that they acquire this practical knowledge by long and close
attention to the growth of plants and trees, and to the sun and stars. . . . Parents teach their children
to remark such things, and these in their turn sometimes add new discoveries to those of their fathers.''
(Life, Letters, and Travels of Father Pierre-Jean De Smet, S. J., edited by Hiram Martin Chittenden and
Alfred Talbot Richardson, ni. p. 1016, New York, 1905.)]
[ - Tlie carrying of a sacred stone in order to secure a benefit from its presence is, in the mind of the Sioux,
on an entirely different plane from the wearing of a "charm" (ico'tahe). This is one of many instancesin
which tlie English language lacks a brief equivalent for the shades of meaning in an Indian language.)
DENSMOKE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
215
Voice J rz: 84
No. 61. "I Sing for the Animals" (Catalogue No. 489)
Sung by Lune Man
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
A -ft- -(*-
^^^:^i
Ma- ka taij-haij wa - ki - lo-wai) ye - lo he
yo ma
ka taq-haijwa-ki-lo-waq ye - lo he guy - . ka-wa-ka.j o - ya
^
^^m
te wa-ki-lo - waij lo he ma - ka taij-ha.j wa - kT'^b-wa.j
g^^
ye - lo he yo ma - kas - ka.j wa - ki - lo - wa.j
ye - lo he ^uij - ka - wa - kaq o - ya - te wa - ki - lo
waij lo he ka^-kaij wa - ki - lo-waij
ye - lo he
WORDS
maka' taijhai)' out of the earth
waki'lowag yek/ I siug for them
«u,jka'wakai) oya^te a Horse nation (see p. Wl, footnote)
waki lowaQ yelo' > I si„g for them
muka' taghag^ out of the earth
waki'lowag yelo' I ging for them
wama^ka^kag ^ ^j^^ ^^^^^j^
wakiaowai) yelo I si„g for them
Analysis.~This melody comprises the tones of the fourth five-
toned scale be^nning on the dominant above the tonic and ending
on_the^thii^^ a somewhat unusual melodic out-
> TJi- first syllable of this word was omitted by the inger
» One or two syllables of this word were omitted by the singer.
216
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
line. The rhythmic unit occurs three times, and there are two other
phrases in the melody which closely resemble it. One of these
appears at the close of the song. Three renditions were recorded.
Throughout these the time was less steadily maintained than in a
majority of the songs under analysis.
After singing this song Lone Man bowed his head and reverently
made the following prayer. It was not his expectation that this
and the prayers which preceded two other songs (Nos. 53, 55) would
be recorded, but as he was seated at the phonograph it was possible
to secure the records without attracting his attention, and the records
were afterwards translated. His prayer was as follows:
Maka^taghai) wica'^a wag wi<5o'hai) wag awa^hiyaya tka hena^ og og^simala yo,
tuwa^ wagka'taghag iu'itagcag he'cina.
( Translation)
A man from the earth I am, I have sung concerning an event, for which have
compassion on me, whoever from above, yon [who are] the supreme ruler.
Continuing his narrative, Lone Man said:
Another instruction given me by the medicine-man was that all herbs and roots
are made for the benefit of animals or man. Some herbs and roots vary in color accord-
ing to the season of the year, and others do not. All are carefully tested, and if one
is found to be a cure for a certain disease, it should be regarded as a gift from Wakag'-
tagka, and intended especially as a remedy for that disease. It should be rever-
enced, and this reverence should be closely observed, as without it the herb will have
no effect. Because of the reverence due to these medicinal herbs certain songs are
used expressing this feeling. This, like the preceding song, was used by the man
who dreamed of a rainbow. It may have been used when painting a horse on the
warpath. [See pp. 350, 353.]
No. 62. "My Horse" (Catalogue No. 490)
Sung by Lone Man
Voice J_ 104
Drum J- 104 "
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
-M—3
:9W=g=^
:p=P=
-g* —
4:
Mi - ta - ^uq - ke
kiq - yaij ye wa - ye - lo he
pe
;igt
-* — •■
u3£
^^
Ei
zu - ta wag ko - yag wa - ki ye - lo kig - yag ye wa - ye
ffii-t?i. - ini)
kiij - yaij ye wa-ye
DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSiC 2l7
WOKDS
mita^Bnqke my horse
kigyag' flying
ye along
wa'yelo I have caused
pezu'ta war) a mediciiu'
koyag' to wear
waki' yelo' I caused my own
kigyag' flying
ye along
wa'ye I have caused
mita'^ugke my horse
kigyag' flying
ye along
wa^'yelo I have caused
Analysis. — Four renditions of this song were recorded. In the
first and fourth renditions the word pezu'ta was sung, as indicated in
the transcription. This is an abbreviation of pezi'Jiuta, "a root of
herb," but commonly used in the sense of ''medicine," the herb having
either a curative or (as in this case) a mysterious power to benefit by
its presence. In the second rendition this word was replaced by
mald'gl, "brown earth," and in the third by maka'to, "blue earth."
Both these earths were used in the making of paint, which was used
on horses as well as the bodies of men and on their possessions. (See
p. 1 l(i.) This song begins with an upward progression of a fifth, which
is somewhat unusual, yet only about one-fourth of the progressions in
the song are upward. The song is minor in tonality and melodic in
structure. The seventh and second tones of the octave are not
found in the melody. A rhythmic quality is somewhat lacking in
the song, which contains no rhythmic unit.
In closing, Lone Man said:
After the medicine-man had given me this advice and instruction and had taught
me the songs, he told me how to act in various emergencies, after which I realized
that I must depend on myself, and that if I failed I must seek help from other sources,
as he did not expect that I would return to him.
(3) Four songs concerning the sacred stones were recorded by
Charging Thunder, who does not use the stones himself, but who
learned the songs from his father, Bear Necklace (Mato'napin), a
prominent medicine-man. The first of these songs was received in
a dream of the sacred stones.
Charging Thunder said that his father, while on a buffalo hunt, was
thrown from his horse, falling on a pile of stones and injuring his
head. He lay unconscious almost all day and was found in the even-
ing. His wound was dressed, and when he regained consciousness
he said that all the rocks and stones "were people turned to stone."
218 BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
After this he found some stones (similar to those in pis. 29 and 30).
He could talk to them and depended on them for help. Once a war
party had been gone two months; no news of them had been re-
ceived, and it was feared that all were killed. In their anxiety the
people appealed to Bear Necklace, asking him to ascertain, by means
of the sacred stones, what had become of the war party. Bear
Necklace requested them to tie his arms behind him, then to tie his
fingers and toes, interlacing them with twisted sinew. He was then
wrapped in a buffalo robe and tied with ropes. His medicine drum,
medicine bag, and a bell were hung high on the tent poles, and he was
laid on the ground beneath them. The tent was darkened, he sang
the following song and told his dreams. Then the tent began to
tremble, the articles hanging from the pole dropped to the ground,
his cords loosened, and he stood entirely free. As soon as the
medicine articles fell to the ground there appeared a row of four or
five small round stones ready to teU him what he wanted to know.
Sitthig Bull was present and made an offering of a buffalo robe to the
sacred stones and asked that he might become famous.^ Bear Neck-
lace wrapped one of the stones in buckskin and gave it to him. Sit-
ting Bull wore it in a bag around his neck to the time of his death,
and it was buried with him.
Bear Necklace then gave correct information concerning the
absent war party. At that time he proved his power to give informa-
tion by the help of the sacred stones, and afterwards the stones
always told him the names of those who were killed in war, the names
of the survivors, and the day on which they would return. This in-
formation was always correct.
The following song was composed by Bear Necklace at the time he
was hurt, and was sung by him when demonstrating his power. The
words refer to the passing of the stones through the air in the dark-
ened tent while an exhibition of his power was in progress. It is said
that a person who did not believe in the power of the stones was fre-
quently struck by them, or by other objects hurtling through the air
in the spirit-filled darkness.
' See account of Sitting Bull, p. 458; also songs Nos. 91, 92.
PENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
219
Voice
No. 63. "Worthy of Reverence" (Catalogue No. 563)
Sung by Charging Thunder
69
Drum not recorded
Wi - yo - lipe-ya - ta ■ ta - tu ye
cir) na tuq-kaij
--^
iMp=f=^
iB^ — •- — t
^
mi - me me - ya kiq - yaq ki - yu
ze waq-yai)
1
^
zfi:
j}-^
±=t
4-^
zMi-zM:
-g—^
^=i
ki - ye
niyo^hpeyata.
tate'2
uye^<5ig
na
tuqkag'' le
mime
me'ya
kigyagi
kiyu'ze
wagyag'kiye.
WORDS •
{First, rendition)
in the direction df tho suusot
. . . the wind
. . . is blowing
. . . and
. . . these stones
. . . one round
. . . another round
--- flying
continuing to fly
behold them
wazi^yata
tate/
uye'cii]
ta'ku
wakaq'
kigyai)''
aii^ we
waijyag^kiye.
(Second rendition)
in the direction of the home of the giant
... the wind
is blowing
. . . sometliing
. . . worthy of reverence
. . . (the stones) flying
. . . toward us
. . . behold them
wiyo^liii) yag pa'ta .
tate^
uye'dii)
tugkag^
mime''
me^ya
kiijyai]'
aii' we
wagyag'kiye
( Third rendition)
. . . in the direction of the sunrise
. . . the wind
. . . is blowing
. . . stones
. . . one round
. . . another round
--- flying
. . . toward us
. . . behold them
« Cf. cong No. 24.
« The smper elided the final r, substitutinj,' therefor the first letter of the foil )\vin),' word, singinK /(ilii.
220
BUEEAtJ or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
{Fourth rendition)
ito^kagata in the direction before us
ta'ku sometliing
wakag' worthy of reverence
o''ta many (of the stones)
kigyai)' fl>'ing
kiyu''ze continuing to fly
wagyag^kiye behold them
Analysis. — This melody comprises the tones of the fourth five-
toned scale with the sharped second as an accidental. The descend-
ing interval of an augmented second was clearly given. This interval
occurs also in songs Nos. 106 and 225. Four renditions of tliis song
were recorded, the repetitions beginning without a break in the time.
About 75 per cent of the intervals are downward progressions.
The three songs following were also composed and used by Bear
Necklace.
No. 64. "A Sacred Stone Nation Is Speaking" (Catalogue No. 566)
Sung by Charging Thunukk
Voice ^ - 168
Drum ^ = 168
See drum-rhythm below
Tu - wa to
ki - ya ta
ke - ye - l6
tu-wa
to
ki - ya ta
ke - ye - lo
\^-^ . -« \}—A—j^i i_.-^^_^5M.jp_
wa-zi - ya-taq tuij-kaq o - ya - te waq i - S, na - ya - hoq-pi
^^5g^E;=bzg==^-^
hz=t
d d ^
kte
Drum-rhythm
F=^ p=q F=q p=5
04dddd00
tu-wa to - ki - ya ta - ke - ye - lo
DBNSMOUEl
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
221
tu''wa some one
to^kiya somewhere
take^j'elo is speaking
wazi^yatai] from the north
tur)kai]' oya'le wai) a Sacred-stone nation
ia^ is speaking
naya^oijpi kte you will hear
tu''wa some one
to^kiya somewhere
take^yelo is speaking
Anali/sis. — This melody is major in tonalit}^, and contains all the
tones of the octave except the seventh. One accidental occurs — the
fourth raised a semitone. The 5-8 time is clearly given in all the ren-
ditions. This is the only song in the entire work which begins in 5-8
time, but this measure-division is found also in Nos. 41, 68, 125, 169,
and 223. Only 19 progressions are fomid in the song — an unusually
small number in a song of tliis length. About two-thirds of the
intervals are downward progressions.
No. 65. "They Move With a Purpose" (Catalogue No. 507)
Sung liy Charging Thundek
Voice J— 84
Dru.m not recorded
Le - na - ke wa - ku - wa-pi kte
E^^^
2^^
le - na - ke
wa - ku - wa-pi kte-lo e yo tuij - kaij o - ya - te wai}
wa-toa-ku - wa-pi kte
le-na - ke wa-ku-wa-pi kte-lo he
lena^ke all these
waku^wapi kte move with a purpose
lena^e all these
waku^wapi ktelo^ move witli a purpose
tugkaq^ oya^te Avai] a Sacred-stone nation
waku^wapi kte moves with a purpose
lena^ke all these
waku^wapi ktelo^ move with a purpose
222
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
Analysis. — This song, like the preceding, is major in tonality and
contains all the tones of the octave except the seventh. The repeti-
tions begin without a break in the time. In this, as in numerous
other instances, the tone marked •) was similarly shortened in all the
renditions. The song is melodic in structure, yet we note that the
first six measures are based on the minor triad of F sharp; tlie
melody then ascends to E, and the tonic chord appears in the down-
ward progression. A prominence of the submediant triad (minor) at
the opening of a song in a major key was observed in the Chippewa
songs and is of frequent occurrence in the present series.
No. 66. "From Everywhere They Come" (Catalogue No. 565)
Sung by Charging Thunder
Voice J — 76
Drum J ^ 76
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
To-ki-ya - ta - a - aij ke - ya a - u we ki'.j - yaij
ta
i - ^as - na ya kiq - yai^ a - u we
c a - u we
to - ki - ya
ta - a - ai]
=9^^^
^
^^:
^
^;i
ke - ya
hi
a hi
yo
to'kiyatai) keya^ from everywhere
ail'' we they come
kigyai)^ flying
wazi'yatai) (from) the north
tatu^ye the wind is blowing
maka'ta to earth
DENSMORR] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 223
i(5as''na rattling
kigyai)' ..,.•.•.. flying
ati' we they come
aii' we they come
tf/kiyatai] k<'ya' from everywhere
aii'' we they come
Analysis. — Almost two-thirds of the intervals in this song are minor
thirds. In the first part the descending minor third E flat-C forms
the hasis of the melody. In the eighth measure the descending minor
third D flat-B fiat is introduced and continues for several measures,
followed by the minor third A flat-F, the song ending with D flat-B
flat, making a satisfactory close on the tonic. All the tones of the
octave are present in this song and the feeling of a keynote is weU
established, yet it is noted that the tones are not grouped along the
lines of triad chords, but of single intervals. This "interval forma-
tion" was given extended consideration in Bulletin 53, pages 7-8.
(4) In giving a complete demonstration of the sacred stones, it was
customary for the man who was proving his power to tell his dreams
and sing the songs of the dreams, these being in the nature of creden-
tials. The two following songs were used in this manner by Wliite
Shield and recorded by Two Shields. Tlie words are ol^scure, as in
the majority of dream songs.
In songs Nos. 70, 71, and 72 the sacred stones address their owncT
as "father," or "grandfather."
224
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
No. 67. "A Wolf Nation Called Me 'Father' " (Catalogue No. 541)
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J =; 92
Drum J^rlSS
Drum- rhythm similar to No. 10
lo §ui] - ka o - ya - te waij a - te e - ma - ki ye -
Sg^^
lo
tu-wa he - ma - ki ye - lo Sui]-ka o - ya - te waij
m^^^^^m
^
a - te e - ma
ki ye
lo
-^*iiir
-s^-
tu - wa he
^
ma - ki ye-
Pl^
lo §uq- ka
te waij a - te
ma - ki ye - lo
ti/wa some one
hema^ki yelo^ told me
^ug'ka oya^te wag (that) a Wolf nation (see p. 162, footnote)
ate' ema'ki yek/ called me "father"
Analysis. — It is not unusual to note a song in a major key begin-
ning with the submediant chord, which is minor. In this instance,
however, a song in a minor key begins with the submediant triad,
which is major. The eighth measure introduces the descending
minor third A-F sharp, which forms the framework of the melody to
the sixteenth measure. This is followed by a return to the subme-
diant triad, the song closing with the descending minor third A-F
sharp. If these tones (F sharp-A-C sharp-E) were used consecu-
tively, it might be said that the melody is based on the minor triad
with minor seventh added, but this chord relation is not suggested by
the framework of the melody. This song is melodic in structure and
lacks the sixth and second tones of the complete octave. The
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
225
rhythmic unit is well definod, and its repetitions comprise the entire
song except the closing measm*es of each section.
Two Sliields stated that he had frequently sung at the drum when
White Shield nsed this song, the singers at the drum carrying the
song with him. In the second rendition the words "Wolf nation"
were used instead of those for ''Stone nation." It was said that on
more than one occasion when the words " WoK nation" were used a
wolfskin medicine bag became alive and walked around. *
No. 68. "I Have Caused Them to Roam'
Sung by Two Shields
(Catalogue No. 539)
VoirE ^ — 160
Drum J^ = 138
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 19
--§3
^
ft^
SFB:
1 r
^
S:
5=
-#-• -#- -•-
&
^
i^:
Wa- kaq- yaij ma- ni wa-ye wa - kai]-yaq ma - ni wa - ye
-•--#- -^ -#-• -#- -#-
=is=
tuij - kiuj o - ya - te waij wa - kaij - yaij
ma - ui wa
m
-42-
ye
kaij - yaij
ni wa - ye
kaq - yaq
:^t5-J j-
F5:
I
ma - ni wa - ye
kaij - yaij
ma - ni wa - ye
wakag^yar) in a sacred manner
ma^ni waye^ lug kaq' oya'te wag . I have caused a Sacred-stone nation to roam
(see p. 162, footnote i
wakag''yag in a sacred manner
ma'ni waye' I have caused them to roam
Analysis. — Tliis is one of the comparatively few songs containing
5-8 measures. (See song No. 64.) The frequent occurrence of the
descending fourth recalls the observation among Chippewa songs that
the interval of the fourth seems to characterize songs concerning
animals, especially men and animals m motion. (See Bulletin 53, pp.
226
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
99-101.) This progression is especially noted in the descent C-G-D,
in the seventh and eighth measures from the end. Two-thirds of the
intervals in the song are major seconds. The metric unit of the drum
is slightly slower than that of the voice and is steadily maintained.
See plot of this melody on page 245.
(5) Gray Whirlwind also sang a song, which was used by Wliite
Shield in his demonstrations.
VoicK J = 92
Drum J =132
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 19
No. 69. "These Are My Spies"
Sung by Gray Whirlwind
(Catalogue No. 667;
He-na mi-ta toij - we - ya i ya i yo kiij-yaq a-ku we he
^ ^ A
^^
na mi - ta toq- we - ya ya ya kiq-yaij a- ku we tuij
^f=Q=
5ESS3
Kaij o - ya - te kiij a-ku he - na mi-ta toij- we - ya kiij - yai)
he'na these (are)
mita^ my
toi)v."e''ya spies
kigyag^ flying
a^ku we retm'ning
tugkag' oya^te kig the Sacred-sloue nation (^see p. .162, footnote)
a^ku returning
he'na these (are^
mita' my
toi)we''ya spies
kigyag' flying
Analysis. — This song contains only three tones — those of the tonic
triad — and therefore is necessarily harmonic in structure. Only
four Chippewa songs (1 per cent) in a series of 340 contained this
tone material, and it is found in only about 1 per cent of the present
series. Only two upward progressions are found in the song. Throe
renditions were recorded. Between the renditions the singer gave
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
227
prolonged cries or culls. In one of these instances the drum was
continued, and in the other it was silent. The usual custom is for
the drumbeat to be continued during these cries or calls.
In the following song the stone addresses its owner as "grand-
father":
No. 70. "I Am Required to Roam" (Catalogue No. 668)
Sung by Gray Whirl wiiND
Voice J:^69
Drum J— 132
Druin-rhythm similar to No. 19
s-#i3^
I*:
Tuij - ka - Si - la raa-ko - ce kin i - ye - ki - ya
AAA • A ^ ^ ^ ^
ma - ni ma-si ye
AA-A
A^t.
AA:
Q=P=
A^-^-ASqc
^^Pl
tuqka'^ila grandfather
mako^de kii) the world
iye^kiya observing
ma'ni roaming
ma^§i ye (this) I am required (to do)
Analysis. — This is one of the songs in which a single change in the
time seems to give a certain "swing" to the entire rhythm of the
song. This rhythmic pecuHarity was frequently observed among the
Chippewa songs. Thus, in two of three renditions of this song the
fourth measure was sung as transcribed, while in the other rendition
an additional measure was inserted, the first two counts of the fourth
measure forming a measure in double time, followed by B flat (final
count of the fourth measure) prolonged into a triple measiire. An
additional measure does not seem to trouble an Indian singer, as
the form of a song as a whole seems to be less definite among Indians
than among musicians of the white race.
This melody is major in tonality and harmonic in structure. The
tonic triad forms the framework of the first four measures, after
which the descending minor third B-G sharp appears, the song closing
with a descent to the third of the key. This melodic outline is
unusual and interesting. The opening of the song has force and
definiteness, and the prominence of the fourth in the latter portion
228
BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
reminds us that this interval frequently characterizes songs con-
cerning motion. The upward and downward intervals are more
nearly equal than is commonly the case. See plot of this melody on
page 245.
In this and the following song the sacred stones are addressing
their owner. These songs were recorded by Shooter (Oku'te), a
man who is familiar with the ancient customs of his people. (See
pp. 157-158, 172, 173.)
No. 71. "Father, Behold Me'
Sung by Shootkr
(Catalogue No. 574)
Voice ^ = 69
Drum J=; 160
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
^m^-
^ag
A - te ma-kakii] o-\va-ki-yiij kte
te war)-ma-yaij
v' — P**^
P=P=
i
ka yo
a - te ma -ka kii] o -wa - ki-yiij kte
m
:P«S
:i=^
te
war) - ma - yaij
ka yo
WORDS
yo
yo
ate^ father
maka^ kig the earth
o^'wakiyig kte I intend to help
ate' father
wagma'yagka yo behold me
Analysis. — This melody begins on the octave of the tonic and ends
on the dominant below the tonic — a somewhat unusual outline.
The first progression is upward, but the trend of the melody as a
whole is downward, the tonic being more strongly emphasized than
in most of the songs under analysis. The division of the first count
in the first measure characterizes the entire song, but there is no
recurrent phrase which can be considered a rhythmic unit.
See plot of this melody on page 245.
dexsmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
229
No. 72. "I Was Ordered to Return" (Catalogue No. 582)
Sung by Siiootkr
Voice J =72
Drum J =152
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
-^•-^--#-
:f:f:f::ft *.
Tui] - ka - si-la e - ya ku ma-yaij pe-
Ej^pE^BsE^^la^^tl^fEp^l
lo
tugka'sila grandfather
e'ya ku to return
mayag^ pelo' I was ordered
Analysis. — All the accented tones in this song are those of the
tonic chord, showing the song to be strongly harmonic in structure.
The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. The
interval of a fourth is prominent in both ascending and descending
progression, as has frequently been noted in songs concerning motion.
About two-thirds of the intervals in this song are downward pro-
gressions.
Siya'ka (see pi. 1 and pp. 184 et seq., 439 et seq.) sang three songs of
the sacred stones and related instances in which he had heard of their
use in locating buffalo and finding the enemy. He first described a per-
formance by Crooked Foot (Siha'Iimin), who died in 1877. Crooked
Foot was asked to ascertain by means of the sacred stones where buf-
falo could be found. The stone which he used was egg-shaped, and
he was said to have found it on top of the highest butte near his home.
When giving this performance Crooked Foot had the stone encased
in a bag. He said: ''The stone has now gone to look for the buffalo,
but when it comes back you will see it. " The people then prepared
a place on which it was expected that the stone would appear. This
was done by pulverizing the earth for a space about a foot square
and covering this place w^th buffalo hide or with part of a red blanket.
All watched this place, and after a time the stone appeared upon it.
Crooked Foot questioned the stone concerning the location of the
buffalo, and the tribe, acting on his advice, found the herd as he
4840°— Bull. 61—18 17
230
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
had indicated. If he had been employed by an individual to locate
horses or other property which was lost, the man employing him
would have lighted a pipe and offered it to the stone as soon as it
appeared. Before passing the pipe to the assembly this man would
have questioned the stone. The replies would have been given
by the owner of the stone, as he was supposed to be the only person
present who understood what the stone said. He repeated what
the stone said to him, and the man who employed him received it
as the message of the stone. In the words of Crooked Foot 's song
the stone is represented as speaking to its owner, calling him "father"
and asking that he will not require of it anything unreasonable.
No. 73. "Father, Sing to Me" (Catalogue No. 462)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J - 126
DruxM not recorded
te ma-ki - lo-waq yo wa - na hi-bu we he ta-ku a - i -
^^^.
-ff- P P • P
te
-4r-L
ye
cii] a - te ma-ki - lo - waq yo wa - na hi - bu we a
te ma-- ki - lo - waq yo wa - na
hi - bu we
^m
he ta-ku a ^ i - ye - ciq a - te ma - ki - lo-waq yo wa - na
^i
:it=i=
^i^ill^^^
s?5^
fciHfeif±
hi- bu we a - te ma-ki - lo-waq yo wa - na hi-bu we
DENSMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 231
WORDS
ate' father
maki'lowag yo sing to me
wana' now
hibu' we I come
he in this
ta'kxi tiling
a'iyc'(5ir) be reasonable
Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality and lacks the seventh
and fourth tones, of the complete octave. (See song No. 26.) The
rhythmic unit is lengthy and continuously repeated, giving little
opportunity for taking breath. Between the renditions of the song
were given the high calls which frequently interrupt Indian singing,
but in these calls, or cries, the tempo of the song was maintained, so
there was ho break in the time during the entire performance. This
song begins on the twelfth and progresses steadily downward to the
tonic at the close.
When ^iya'ka was on the warpath the sacred stones were invoked
by Helia'ka-na'zir) (Standing Elk), who sent them on their cus-
tomary search, and then said to the warriors:
In the early morning you will meet one man and kill Mm. You will meet a wolf
coming from the north before you see tliis enemy. Let each man pray to the wolf,
calling liim "grandfather" and asking that he may get a count.' You will also meet a
large crow fl^^ing toward you from the north. Let each man make the same prayer to
the crow. After seeing the crow you will see one enemy coming also from the north.
Everything came to pass as the stone had predicted. They met
the wolf and the crow; then they saw one man and killed him. The
man was a scout, but the Sioux did not know this. The war party
of the enemy, following the scout, made a charge on the Sioux. There
were 19 in tlie enemy's party and 4 brave Sioux stood against
them and drove them back. The enemies were Ai'ikaree and Mandan.
After peace was established the Sioux talked with, them a])out this
battle and learned that the name of the scout was One Feather,
^iya'ka was one of the four men who drove them back and won a
coinit at that time. Pie said that the following song was used by
Standing Elk in making his request of the stones. No drum was used
with tliis song.
1 The right to wear a war-honor feather in the hair.
232
BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[boll. 61
No. 74. "A Spirit Has Come" (Catalogue No. 461)
Sung by Siya'ka
Voice J = 100
Drum not recorded
g^
-• -•- -•- -«-.
^ 1^-
->9 ^0 P y -^^^-(t-#
SE=^ES
-i^
m
^£
Ta - te i- ca- ge - ya na - gi hi ye - lo ta - te i - ca -ge -
m
te
^
=^^
ya na - gi lii ye - lo he - ta - ku a - i - wa - ye - ciij ta •
/Si-^-T-r» •-
TT^i — r:^ [—IP 1
asEE^
4""^
#^
[j^l^t
te i-ca- ge - ya na - gi hi ye - lo ta - te i^ca - ge - ya
gg
SEf^=:^!^53|#
fe
t^
^-
I
^— ^
na -gi hi ye-lo ta - te i-6a-ge - ya na - gi hi ye-lo
tate'' ida^geya with the wind
nagi' a spirit
hi yelo^ has come
heta^ku , something
ai^waye'dig I foretold
Analysis. — ThreiB renditions of this song were recorded; these were
not continuous, but were separated by cries and short spoken sen-
tences. Repetitions of the rhythmic unit comprise the entire song
except two measures, in the second of which the time was retarded to
permit a clear enunciation of the words. It will be noted that the
rhythmic unit occurs five times, and divides the song into five peri-
ods. This irregularity in the number of periods is of frequent occur-
rence in Sioux and Chippewa songs. This melody begins on the
twelfth and ends on the tonic, two-thirds of the progressions being
downward.
See plot of this melody on page 245.
At another time Siya'ka was with a war party, the leader of which
was Warjbli'-wica'sa (Eagle Man), who was also a medicine-man.
Eagle Man had an assistant named He-lu'ta (Red Horn). They started
out and had gone some distance when Eagle Man said he would ask
the sacred stones for news of the enemy. He told his followers to pre-
pare a spot of ground and to bring him a small pebble. Having painted
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
233
the pebble n^d, he laid it on the rod blanket which had been spread
over the prepared earth. He then sang the following song:
No. 75. "From Whence the Winds Blow" (Catalogue No. 463)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J— 100
Drum not recorded
To-pa - ki - ya i - na- zii] ma-ye to-pa - ki - ya i - na - ziij ma-
1
1 ,-^. , "f^ — ^ — ^ — p p p ^p — « — 0 ^__^ — 9 — « — »_^ _,
EgE^^?=^— ^-' =^...' =' — b^^-F=; |^?=s-=i — r-=
ye ta - te o - u - ye to - pa - ki - ya he - na waq-yaqk ya lie
^
na waij-yaijk ya to - pa - ki - ya i - na - ziq ma
— I
PPSf
-• m-
■^ » 0 » #1
^^^t
ye ta - te o - u - ye to - pa - ki - ya lie - na waij - yaijk
=9^^
^m
£=E
i*=t
itiziz ii=Mt=ji
4:
ya he-ua waij-yaqk ya to-pa - ki - ya i - na- ziq ma- ye
to''pakiya .- at the four places
ina^zig to stand
maye'' I was required
tate^ oti^ye the places from which the winds blow (see p.
120, footnote)
to'pakiya at the four places
he'na waqyagk^ ya behold
to'pakiya at the four places
ina^ziq to stand
maye' I was required
tate' cu^'ye the places from which the v/inds blow
to'pakiya at the four places
he'na waqyagk' ya behold
to'pakiya at the four places
ina'^iq to stand
maye'' I was ro([uired
Analysis. — This song is unusual in that it contains only two upward
progressions. The molotly descends from the dominant above the
234
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLX)GY
[bull. 61
tonic to the dominant below the tonic, which is the final tone,
every instance the entire rhythmic unit is sung on one tone.
In
Red Horn then offered the pipe to the little red stone and asked it
to go before them as a scout. Eagle Man sang his song again, and the
stone disappeared. The war party went on and made a camp for the
night. Toward morning Eagle Man said that the stone had returned,
and that, on being questioned concerning the enemy, the stone had
stated that they would meet the enemy the next day, but did not
name the hour, adchng that there would not be more than 10 men in
the enemy's party. The stone was left on the red blanket where it
appeared after its quest.
That morning the war party went on again, and Siya'ka and another
man were chosen to act as scouts. They found six men drinking at a
water hole, whereupon they immediately returned and reported this
to the war party. They tried to surround the men but failed, and the
six escaped. However, they met one man — an Omaha — coming to
join this party and killed him. Red Horn shot him, thus securing the
first "count", and Si^^a'ka secured the fourth count.
Eagle Man sang the following song during tliis demonstration by
the sacred stones:
Voice J— 100
Drum not recorded
No. 76. "Something I Foretold" (Catalogue No. 404)
Sung by Siya^ka
He tu - wa wa-koij - za ti - ya - ta hi - na ■ ziq wa - ye
^- —J 1 L._l , 4 1 4 L-iJ L.^
1
-^
he tu-\va wa- koi] - za ti - ya
ta
hi - na - ziq wa - ye
# y P
-m^A
i*»:
:a^_=r?l-a-f- r r f
-AJ- — ^tt^A ! — I
hu noq-pa wa-koij - za ti - ya - ta hi - na - ziij wa - ye
he tu-wa wa- key- sua ti - ya - ta hi - na - ziij wa - ye
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC , 235
WORDS
he tu''wa one whom
wakog^za I pretend to be
tiya'ta hina'ziij waye^ stands at the place where I have caused him (to
stand j
hu nog^pa ' a man
wakog^za I pretend to be •
tiya^ta hiua^zig waye'' fhe who) stands at the place vrhere I have caused
him (to stand)
he tu'wa one whom
wakog^za I pretend to be
tiya''ta hina^zig waye^ stands at the place where I have caused him ('to
stand)
Analysis. — The rhythmic unit of this song consists of five measures,
and, as in the preceding song, its repetitions comprise the entire
melody. The first note in the second measure of the unit was inva-
riably shortened, as indicated. Four renditions were recorded, sepa-
rated by calls or short spoken sentences. In tonality the song is
minor, the melody tones being those of the minor triad and fourth.
See plot of this melody on page 245.
A remarkable demonstration of the sacred stones by Wliite Shield
was related by Siya'ka. Three of White Shield's sacred-stone songs
have already been given. (See Nos. 67, 68, 69.) Siya'ka said
that on one occasion he had lost two horses and asked Wliite Shield
to locate them. Before being bound with sinews (see p. 218) White
Sliield asked, "What sign shall the stone bring to show whether
your horses are by a creek or on the prairie?" ^ij^a'ka replied:
"If they are by a creek, let the stone bring a little turtle and a piece
of clamshell, and if they are on the prairie lot the stone bring a
meadow lark.''
White Shield then sent the stone on its quest. While the stone
was absent the people prepared a square of finely pulverized earth
as already described. It was evening when the stone returned.
The tepee was dark, as the fire had been smothered, but there was
dry grass ready to put on it when White Shield ordered light. At
last the stone appeared on the place prepared for it, and beside it
was a little turtle with a small piece of clamshell in one of its claws.
Thereupon White Sliield said to Siya'ka: "Your horses are 15 miles
west of the Porcupine Hills at a fork of the Porcupine Creek. If
you do not want to go for them there is a traveler coming that way
who wiU got them and bring them in for you." This proved true.
A neighbor of Siya'ka's had been out looking for wild fruit and on
his way home he saw the horses at the fork of the Porcupine Creek;
recognizmg them as Siya'ka's, he brought them back.
> The full form of thLs expression is wahu' noy'pa, " two-legged object ' ', used by the medicine-men to desig-
nate a man. (See p. 12i), lootnotc.) The full form occurs in song No. 78.
236
, BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY
ruri.L. 61
Mato'-waqbli' (Bear Eagle) said that he was once leader of a war
party against the Crows. One member of the party was Pagke'-
ska-napin' (Shell Necklace), who could inquire of the sacred stones.
One night in the camp Eagle Man asked Shell Necklace to secure
news of the enemy. A place on the ground was prepared and covered
with a red blanket. Wlien the stone returned Shell Necklace covered
himself with a buffalo robe, head and all, and asked what news it
brought. When the usual pipe was offered to the sacred stone a
wolf was heard howling in the distance. Shell Necklace said the
stone reported that the next day they would meet two men on horse-
back and see a large camp of the enemy. The stone told the men
to be ready, and they would kill the enemy, who would fall on "pre-
pared" or soft ground. Then the stones said that they wanted a
buffalo as a reward in the morning, that the men would kill the buffalo
with an arrow, and that it would fall with its head toward the south.
The next morning the men killed a buffalo as the stone had predicted
and put fresh sage in the wound. Beside the prepared ground
where the stone had lain was a painted gift-stick with tobacco tied
at the top. (See pi. 15.) They laid this stick at the head of the buf-
falo they had killed, leaving it on the prairie as an offering. That
day they met two enemies and killed them both.
The two following songs were said to have been sung by Shell
Necklace while giving this demonstration. The first concerns
liimself, setting forth his qualifications to ask favors of the sacred
stones. The second concerns his power as a medicine-man, which
enables him to control persons at a distance.
No. 77. "In a Sacred Manner I Live" (Catalogue No. 632)
Sung by Bear Eagle
Voice J= 100
Drum not recorded
Wa - kai) - kaq yai] wa - oq %ve wa - kaij - kaij yaq wa
_# — ft-
013 ve ma-lipi-ya ta wa-ki - ta
1
ye
wa - kaij
^^
WPP
'n-
^
#-•-•—•
9^
a:f±=t
ts
^a
kaij yaij wa-oij we mi - ta - ^uj] - ke o - ta ye - lo he
DEXgMOKE]
TETOlSr STOUX MUSIC
237
wakag^kar) yaq in a sacred manner
waoij' I live
mahpi'ya ta to the heavens
wa'kita ye I gazed
wakaij'kaij yaij in a sacred manner
waog^ I live
mita'siiijke my horses
o^ta yelo^ are many
Analysis. — The structure of this song is interesting. With one
exception all the accented tones are those of the minor triad B flat-
D flat-F, and the song is accordingly analyzed as being in the key of
B flat minor, yet the progressions in the last four measures are such
as to suggest the relative major chord. Sixteen intervals occur in the
song, only five of which are upward progressions.
Voice J =92
Drum not recorded
No. 78. "A Voice I Sent"
Sung by Bear Eagle
(Catalogue No. 633)
^^
£>.^3t?£^-ri#Fi
4L ^ ^ ^.^
;^^r^
ta - wa- ye
ai] -pe - tu kii] mi
ta"-wa-ye wa-hu noij - pa wat] ho - ye
wa -ki- ye coij a
^^^m
^
n^-~^— ^-
^
^=43
^^5^
ma - ya - ku we - lo
a:
aij-po - tu le mi - ta-wa - ye wa
t4:
hu uoij-pa waq ho - ye wa - ki-ye Ciq wa - na hi ye - lo
agpe^tu kir) to-day
mitaVaye is mine (I claimed)
wahu' noi]''pa wag (to) a man
ho^ye a voice
waki^ye " I sent
•'•og maya'ku welo' you grant me
aqpe'tu le this day
mitaVaye is mine (I claimed)
238 BUREAU OF AMEETCAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
wahu' noq 'pa wag ( to) a man
ho'ye a voice
waki'ye c^ig I sent
wana' now
hi here
yelo^ (he) ia
Analysis. — This song begins on the dominant above the tonic and
ends on the dominant below the tonic, two-tliirds of the progressions
being downward. All the tones of the octave except the seventh are
present in the melody. One accidental appears — the fourth raised a
semitone.
The following account of a performance by White Shield differs
from preceding narratives in that it took place in a house, and the
stone was held in White Shield's hand instead of being laid on the
ground. The narrative was given by Bull Head, who witnessed the
performance. He said it occurred when the Government first issued
harness and wagons to the Indians. At that time the old people
"kept close track" of everything which was issued to them by the
Government and prized it very highly. One old man lost part of a
harness. Knowing that Wliite Shield often recovered lost articles by
the aid of the sacred stones, he appealed to him, asking him to find
the missing part of his harness and also a handsome tobacco bag and
pipe. Wliite Shield came, and in giving the performance held the
stone in the palm of his hand, saying, ''This will disappear." Bull
Head said that though he watched it very closely, it suddenly van-
ished from before his eyes. The length of time that a stone is absent
depends on the distance it must travel in finding the lost object. In
this instance the stone was gone a long time. At last a rattle was
heard at the door. White Shield stopped the smging, and said, "The
stone has returned; be ready to receive it." He then opened the
door, and the stone was found on the doorstep. Wliite Sliield
brought it in and heard the message. The stone said that the
missing articles had been taken by a certain man who, for fear of
detection, had thrown them into the river. The stone said further
that the articles would be brought back that night and left where
they had been last seen. The next morning all the missing articles
were found in the place where they had been last seen. Their appear-
ance indicated that they had been under the water for several days.
The following is the second analysis group of dream songs, com-
prising those concerning the sacred stones (Nos. 59-78, inclusive).
The aid of the sacred stones was invoked to locate the camp of an
enemy (p. 348); also in finding a missing pian (p. 496). Other
analyses of dream songs are on pages 198 and 278.
DENfSMOREl TETON SIOUX MUSIC
Old Songs — (3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones
Melodic Analysis
tonality
239
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Major tonality .
Minor tonality .
Total
61, 63, 64, 65, 68, 70, 71, 78
59, 60, 62, 66, 67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77
FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on the—
Twelfth ....
6
1
2
3
1
7
63, 67, 69, 73, 7-1, 76
Eleventh
66
Tenth
64, 65 ■
Octave
60, 62, 71
Sixth
Fifth
59
61 , 6S, 70, 72, 75, 77, 78
Total
20
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Ending on the —
Fifth
5
2
13
68, 71, 75, 77, 78
61,70
59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 72, 73
Third
,74,76
Total
20
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs in which final tone is —
18
1
1
59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69,70,71,
72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77
65
78
Immediately preceded by semitone below
Song containing a minor third below the final tone
Total .
20
240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [nnLi-. ei
Old Songs — (5) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Compass of—
1
3
8
5
3
67
Thirteen tones
59, 65, 68
Twelve tones
62, 63, 66, 69, 71, 73, 74, 76
Ten tonas
60, 61, 64, 70, 72
75, 77, 78
Total
20
TONE MATERIAL
Fourth five-toned si'ale
Minor triad
Minor triad and seventh
M inor triad and fourth
Octave complel e
Octave complete except seventh
Octave complete except seventh, sixth, and fourth
Octave complete except seventh and fourth
Octave complete except seventh and second
Octave complete except sixth and second
Octave complete except fifth and second
Octave complete except fourth
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
61, 63, 72
69
77
74, 75, 76
66
64, 65, 78
68
73
59,62
67
60
70,71
ACCIDENTALS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing—
No accidentals
16
3
1
20
59, 60, 61, 62, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73,
Fourth raised a semitone
74, 75, 76, 77
64, 65, 78
63
Total
STRUCTURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Melodic
13
4
3
61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 6S, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76,
Melodic with harmonic framework
78
59, 60, 63, 77
Harmonic
69, 70, 72
Total
20
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
den.smobe]
OU Songs— (3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
241
Number
of songs.
Downward.
Upward
Total.
Serial Nos. of songs.
59, fiO, f)l, tW, 64, t)5, 66, 6'J, 70, 73, 74, 75,
76, 78
62, 67, 68, 71, 72, 77
TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Downward.
Upward
Total.
324
162
INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Intervals of a—
Fifth
Fourth
Major third
Minor third
Augmented second.
Major second
Minor second
Total.
2
23
30
106
1
144
18
INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Intervals of a—
Tenth
Octave
Major sixth . .
Minor sixth..
Fifth
Fourth
Major third . .
Minor third . .
Major second.
Minor second.
Total.
162
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Total number of intervals
Total number of semitones
Average number of semitones in an interval .
486
1,435
2.9
242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Old Songs — (3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
KEY
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Key of—
A major
B flat major...
B flat minor . .
B major
B minor
C major
C minor
D flat major...
E flat major. . .
F major
F minor
G flat major. . .
F sharp minor
G major
G minor
Total
65
78
69, 73, 77
70
59,66
68
60
72
64
63
67, 75, 76
61
74
71
62
Rhythmic Analysis
PART OF measure ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on unaccented part of measure
16
4
59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72,
73, 74, 75, 78
60, 62, 76, 77
Total
20
RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
First measure in—
12
6
1
1
59, 60, 63, 66, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77
3-4 time
61, 62, 65, 67, 72, 78
4-8 time
68
5-8 time
64
Total '.
20
DENgMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 243
Old Songs — {3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE LENGTHS)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing no change of time
None.
20
59, 60, 61, 62 63 64 6.5 66 67 68 69 "0
71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78
Total
20
RHYTHM OF DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Sixteenth notes unaccented
1
8
. 2
1
8
64
Eighth notes unaccented
59, 60 67 68 69 70 71 72
Quarter notes unaccented
61,62
Each beat preceded by an unaccented beat correspond-
ing to third count of a triplet.
Drum not recorded
66
63, 65, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78
Total
20
RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing —
No rhythmic unit. .
One rhythmic unit.
Total
60, 62, 63, 65, 66, 69, 71, 72, 78
59, 61, 64, 67, 68, 70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77
20
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
erial Nos. of songs.
Metronome —
60
1
3
1
1
1
2
2
1
4
1
1
1
1
60
69
63 70 71
72
72
76
66
80
59
84
61, 65
92
67, 78
96
100
69
71, 75, 76, 77
104
62
126
73
160
68
168
64
Total
20
244
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Old Songs — (3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome —
76
1
1
1
2
2
1
2
2
8
66
96
61
104
62
132
69, 70
13S
67,68
152
72
160
59, 71
168
60,64
63, 65, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78
Total
20
COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT (TEMPO)
OF VOICE AND DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
3
8
1
8
62, 64, 66
59, 60, 61, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72
68
Drum not recorded
63, 65, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78
Total •
20
PLOTS OF SONGS (tHE SACRED STONES)
The songs concerning the sacred stones contain no examples of a
song without ascending progressions. (Class A, fig. 19.) Song No.
59 is the nearest to this type and contains one ascending interval.
No. 71 has a strongly descending trend but contains three ascending
intervals. No 68 is an example of Class B, and Nos. 76 and 74 have
the same general outline. No. 70 suggests Class D, though having
the descending trend which characterizes Class A. The title of this
song is ''I am rec[uired to roam." It will be recalled that songs of
Class D concern animals or contain the idea of motion.
Treatment of the Sick
This is the third of the groups of songs received in dreams. All
treatment of the sick was in accordance with dreams. No one
attempted to treat the sick unless he had received a dream telling
him to do so, and no one ever disregarded the obligations of such a
dream. Each man treated only the diseases for which his dream
had given liim the remedies. Thus Shooter said :
In the old days the Indians had few diseases, and so there was not a demand for a
large variety of medicines. A medicine-man usually treated one special disease and
DENSMOKE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
245
treated it successfully. He did this in accordance with his dream. A medicine-man
would not try to dream of all herbs and treat all diseases, for then he could not expect
to succeed in all nor to fulfdl properly the dream of any one herb or animal. He
would depend on too many and fail in all. That is one reason why our medicine-men
lost their power when so many diseases came among us with the advent of the white
man.
Tliree methods of treating the sick were used by the Sioux — by-
means of the sacred stones, ''conjuring," and the giving of herbs.
The first kind of treatment might be given by a wakay'Jiay. This
term was applied to the highest type of medicine-men — those quaU-
fied to command the sacred stones, to })ring fair weather, or to fill
m
11
m
No. 71
"^m^-.
;5;
;s=;
No. G8
No. 76
'^%ii.
M.
i
-ST,:
-S:
No. 74 No. 70
Fig. 2.5. I'lots, Group 3.
such important ceremonial positions as that of Intercessor in the
Sun dance. A man who "conjured" the sick was called wapi'ya,
"one who repairs," and a man who treated the sick by means of
herbs was called pezu'ta wica'ku, "one who places his confidence in
roots of herbs." It was not unusual for the same man to use more
than one of these methods, but he was best known by the one which
he employed the most.
Treatment of the sick by means of the sacred stones and by con-
juring has been forbidden by the Government in recent years, but
certain of the old men are allowed to continue treating the sick by
administering herbs. Four such men described the method they
4840°— Bull. 61—18 18
246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
were using at the time of giving tlie information; one (Used-as-
a-Shield) gave an account of ''conjuring" from the standpoint of
the patient; another (Old Buffalo) narrated his fasting prayer for
a sick relative; and additional information was received from other
informants.
When a man skillful in the use of the sacred stones was called to
attend a sick person he was expected to give a demonstration of his
supernatural power. Many were invited to witness this exhibition,
and it is said that harm would come to those who did not "beheve
in the sacred stones." The sick person filled a pipe, which he gave
to the medicine-man. After smoking it the man was tightly bound
with thongs, even his fingers and toes being interlaced with sinews
like those of wliich bowstrings are made, after wliich he was firmly
tied in a hide. The tent was dark, and the medicine-man sang songs
addressed to the sacred stones; he sang also his own dream songs.
Strange sounds were heard in the darkness, and objects were felt to
be flying through the air. Voices of animals were speaking. One
said, "My grandchild, you are very sick, but I will cure you." Fre-
quently a buffalo came, and those who did not beheve in the sacred
stones were kicked by the buffalo or struck by a flying stone or bundle
of clothing. At last the medicine-man called, "Hasten, make a
fight!" Dry grass, which was ready, was placed on the fire. In its
fight the man was seen wedged between the poles near the top of the
tipi, mth all the restraining cords cast from him.'
Brave Buffalo said that in treating a person by means of the sacred
stones he rolled a stone on the person's body "to locate the ailment,"
and that if the sick person wished to hold the stone in his mouth he
was allowed to do so, as this produced an internal effect.
In many instances of treating the sick by "conjuring" no medi-
cines were given, the conjuror claiming that he removed the disease
from the person's body by sucking it out. A performance of this
kind was described to the writer by Mrs. James McLaughlin, who
witnessed it on the Devils Lake Reservation, in North Dakota, Mrs.
McLaughlin said, concerning this Santee demonstration:
I saw a conjuror named Sip'to (Beads) give a performance in an attempt to cure a
boy who was suffering from hemorrhages of the lungs. Sip'to was an old man. He
wore nothing but his breechcloth, his whole body was painted red, his face also was
painted red, and his hair was short and loose. The boy lay in a tipi. If a conjuring
performance were held in a log house it was necessary to take up a portion of the floor,
as the conjuring must be done on bare ground. I have seen a house in which a large
portion of the floor had been cut away for this purpose.
When I entered the tipi the conjuror was in the place of honor, opposite the door.
This place was clean of turf, and the bare ground had been made very smooth. The
boy lay with his head near the conjuror. In the middle of the lodge was a fire with
many red coals. A young girl brought water and placed it beside the conjuror. When
1 Similar demonstrations were made by the medicine-men of other tribes. A description of the custom
among the Chippewa is given in Bulletin 45, pp. 123-25. (Of. also p. 218 of this work.)
DEN-SMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 247
this had been done, the conjuror rinsed his mouth, put a piece of root in his mouth,
and chewed it. Removing a coal from the fire with a stick, he took it up in his hands
and put it in his mouth. He then dropped on all fours and began to tear up the ground
with his fingers and toes, as though they were claws. He made a cry like an animal
and approached the boy as though he were a wild beast. With the coal still in his
mouth he stooped over the boy's chest and sucked so violently that the blood came
to the surface. Then he gave a whistling, puffing sound [see p. 254] and spit into a
dish which was partly filled with water. When this performance was completed
he sat down in a dripping perspii-ation and immediately the boy had a hemorrhage
from the lungs.
The same performance was enacted four times and after each time the boy had a
hemorrhage. Then the boy complained that the treatment was making him worse,
and the boy's father asked the conjuror not to work over the boy any longer. The
boy's father gave the conjuror a horse, as it is the belief of the San tee that sickness
will return if the "doctor" is not paid.
The following is an account of a somewhat similar treatment,
which included the administering of medicine. This account was
given by Used-as-a-Shield, a reliable informant, who sang a number
of songs in the present work and took part in several discussions
of serious topics by the old men. He described his own experience in
receiving treatment by a conjurer, saying:
The first thing done in summoning a medicine-man to treat a sick person was to put
black paint on the stem of a pipe. Charcoal was ordinarily used in making this paint,
which was smeared on the stem of the pipe, an eagle feather being tied next the mouth-
piece. A messenger took this painted pipe to the medicine-man's lodge, carrying it
with the l)0wl next him. li the medicine-man were at home, the messenger entered
the lodge, tui-ning toward the left. Without speaking he handed the pipe to the medi-
cine-man, who smoked it in token of his assent. A reqviest to visit a sick person was
never refused unless the medicine-man were physically unable to go. If the man
were not at home the messenger left the pipe in the place of honor, with the bowl
toward the door.['] The relatives of the medicine-man then made an effort to find
him soon as possible.
It was in this manner that many years ago, I sent for a medicine-man to treat me.
When he entered my lodge he seated himself back of the fire. After a time he came
and sat by my head, looking me over. He then took up a lock of hair on my forehead
and tied a wisp of grass around it, letting the rest of my hair hang loose. Then he had
me placed so that I lay facing the east and he began his preparations for the treatment.
Opening a bundle, he took from it a whistle [si''yota'ijka], a small drum [cay'cega], and a
rattle [wagvm''ha] which he used in beating the drum. He also took out a black
cloth, which he tied over his eyes. Then he dropped on one knee, facing me, holding
the drum in his right hand and the rattle in his left hand. Beating the drum rapidly
with the rattle, he said: "Young man, try to remember what I tell you. You shall
see the power from which I have the right to cure sicknesses, and this power shall be
used on you this day . ' ' Then he told the dream by which he received his power as a
medicine-man. When he rose to Ms feet I noticed that a horse's tail hung at his side,
being fastened to his belt. Standing, he offered his drum to the cardinal points, then
beat it as hard as he could, sometimes louder, sometimes softer. A wooden bowl which
he carried was placed next my head. Then he came toward me, still beating his
drum. As he came near me his breath was so forcible it seemed as if it would blow
me before it. Just before he reached me, and while blowing his breath so strongly, he
struck his body on the right side and on the left side. He was still telling his dream
[Cf. position of the pipe, pp. 72. 127, 185.]
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
and singing, but when he paused for an instant I could hear the sound of a red hawk ;
some who were there even said they could see the head of a red hawk coming out of his
mouth. He bent over me and I expected that he would suck the poison from my
body with his mouth, but instead I felt the beak of a bird over the place where the.
pain was. It penetrated so far that I could feel the feathers of the bird. The medi-
cine-man kept perfectly still for a time; then he got up with a jerk to signify that he
had gotten out the trouble. Still it was the beak of a bird which I felt. A boy stood
near, holding a filled pipe. It was soon apparent that the medicine-man had swal-
lowed the poison. He took four whiffs of the pipe. Then he must get rid of the poison.
This part of the performance was marked by great activity and pounding of the drum.
At times he kicked the bare ground in his effort to get rid of the poison; he paced back
and forth, stamped his feet, and used both rattle and drum. Finally he ejected the
poison into the wooden bowl. Then he told the people that he had sucked out all the
poison, that none remained in my body, and that I would recover.
Opening his medicine bag, he took out some herbs and placed them in a cup of cold
water. He stirred it up and told me to drink it and to repeat the dose next morning,
and that in less than ten days I would
l)e well. I did as he told me, and in
about 10 days I was entirely well .
Brave Buffalo is considered
one of the most powerful
medicine-men on the Standing
Rock Reservation, and was
actively engaged in the practice
of native medicine when he
lield his conferences with the
writer. In describing his treat-
ment of the sick he said :
Fig. 26. Drawing on mirror used in treatment of
the sick.
Some people have an idea that we
medicine-men, who get our power from
different sources, are the worst of human beings; they even say that we get our power
from the evil one, but no one could disregard such dreams as I have had, and no one could
fail to admire the sacred stones. Wakag^tagka is all-powerful, and if we reverence
his work he will surely let us prove to all men that these things are indeed his doing.
It is a very strict requirement that a medicine-man shall act out his dream [see p. 157],
and that he maintain absolute integrity of character. If he fails to do this he will
be punished and will not live long. I am not required to fast, only to smoke, showing
that I am at peace with all men. Dreams come to me now in a natural way. Often
during the day when I am alone on a'journey, and my mind is on many things, I stop
to rest awhile. I observe what is around me, and then I become drowsy and dream.
Often I see the sacred stones in my dreams.
Brave Buffalo's conference with the writer was interrupted by a
call to visit a sick person many miles away. On his return, several
days later, he said that he left his patient recovering. He had with
him a bag containing articles which he had used in treating this sick
person, and on his hat he wore a bone about 5 inches long instead of
a feather which had been fastened to his hatband on his previous visit.
In descri])ing his treatment he said that he "sucked out the disease"
through the bone, and ejected it from his mouth into a bowl of water.
Opening his bag, he took from it a small mirror inclosed in a fiat frame
dexsmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
249
of unpainted wood, the whole being about 4 by 6 inches. On the
mirror was a drawing of a new moon and a star. This design was
copied by Brave Buffalo and is shown in figure 26. He said: "I
hold this mirror in front of the sick person and see his disease
reflected in it; then I can cure the disease."
Concerning the drawing on the glass Brave Buffalo said: ''The
new moon is my sign. I am strongest when the moon is full; I
grow weaker as the moon wanes, and when the moon dies my strength
is all gone until the moon comes back again. ''
One of the songs used by Brave Buffalo in treating the sick was
recorded. Before singing this he said: "Some diseases are affected
by the day and others by the night. I use this song in the cases
which are worse at night. I composed it myself and always sing
it at night, whether I am treating a sick person or not. I offer smoke
to the four mnds and sing this song." This song was received by
Brave Buffalo in his dream of a wolf. (See Song No. 47.)
The following song also was used by Brave Buffalo, but the occa-
sion of its use was not designated.
No. 79. ''The Sunrise"
Sung by Brave Buffalo
Voice J — 84
Drum J = 72
Prum-iiiythm similar to No. 19
(Catalogue No. 603)
r^ — — — 1
^ ^ M-.
1
-»- -0- -ff--#-* -^-
Wi Ixi-na- pe wai}-la - kanuij-we wi lii - iia - pe waq-la - ka
m^^
^t
ISE
-^9-
^
nuq
lo
hi
pe wai}-la - ka nuij
i-A:
d±i
lo
lii
pe wan-la - ka nuij - we o lie
I
WORDS
wi hina'pe sunrise
wagla'ka nugwe^ lo may you behold
Analysis. —This is one of the few songs in wliich a rest occurs.
Other songs of the present series containing rests are Nos. 117, 123,
144, 159, 188, 203, 208, 206, 207, 230. The lack of a rest, or seeming
breathing place, is noted in Chippewa as well as Sioux songs, this
feature occurring in only 13 of the 340 recorded from the Chippewa.
In the song under analysis the rest is short, but clearly defined. Two
250
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
renditions were recorded; these are uniform except that the intona-
tion is more wavering in the second than in the first rendition. In
both, the repeated part begins with the tliird measure, the opening
bars not containing the rhythmic unit. Observation of recorded
songs shows that the rhythmic unit is usually found at the beginning
of the song. See plot of this melody on page 283.
Brave Buffalo sang also one of his father's medicine songs. Crow
Bear (Kaqgi'-mato), the father of Brave Buffalo, was a famous singer
and medicine-man, who lived to the age of 80 years. In one of his
dreams he saw a bear, ai d a majority of the songs he composed
concerned or were addressed to the bear. The song recorded by
Brave Buffalo was not O' this number, but was a song which his
father sang every mornin ,, as required by one of his dreams. In a
dream it was required also that anyone who passed him, even though
he were smoking or eating, must pass in front of him. If anyone
accidentally passed behind him the physical effect was immediate.
His teeth chattered and he became unconscious, much effort being
necessary to restore him.
No. 80. "Behold the Dawn"
Sung by Brave Buffalo
(Catalogue No. 610)
Voice J = 138
Drum J ~ 138
Drum-rliythm similar to No. 6
^^
:*=hC
W=W=W^^
X^^
Aij - pa
o war) hi - na - pe - lo wai] - yaij - ka yo
^^
^-•-#
-b-W-
W=W=W=i^W
=s
WORDS
ag^pao wag a dawn
hina^pelo appears
wagyag'ka yo behold it
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 31
Ised by permission.
DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 251
Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, and
show no points of difference. Between the renditions the singer
gave ghssando ''calls'' or "cries," but the repetition began on the
the same tone as the original rendition. No change of time occurs
in the song — an unusual feature — and the rhythmic unit is more
continuously repeated than in a majority of the songs. The first
tone of the rhythmic unit was strongly accented. The only tones
are those of the minor triad and fourth, and the structure of the song
is melodic with haraionic framework, the accented G precluding its
classification as harmonic in structure. Two-thirds of the progres-
sions are do^^^lward, the melody descending steadily from the tenth
to the tonic.
See plot of this melody on page 283.
Goose (pi. 31), a mdely-known medicine-man, is what might be
termed a specialist in the treatment of consumption and is said to
have had no small degree of success in his work. Information con-
cerning the Sun dance and the sacred stones was also given by him.
(See pp. 90, 210.) Goose narrated the dream by which he felt him-
seK authorized to undertake the treatment of the sick. It was
impossible to record the songs when the story of the dream was
given, and unfortunately another opportunity did not occur. In
describing the dream Goose said:
When I was a young mau I was an excellent marksman with bow and arrows.
After coming in contact with the Army I was given a rifle and cartridgfes and never
missed my aim. One morning I arose before daybreak to go on a hunting trip. As
I went around a butte I saw an antelope, which came toward me and stood still a
short distance away from mo. The antelope looked at me and then began to graze.
I took my rifle and fired several shots with no effect. I fired IG cartridges and won-
dered what could be the matter. I put in four more cartridges and fired again, but
with no effect whatever. Then the animal stopped grazing and began to move slowly
away. Then I heard a voice speaking three times, then a fourth time, and the voice
said it was going to sing something, and I must listen. The voice was above me and
commanded me to look at the sun. I looked and saw that the rising sun had the face
of a man and was commanding all the animals and trees and everything in nature to
look up. In the air, in front of the sun, was a booth made of boughs. In front of the
booth was a very bright object and between this and the booth was a man, painted
and wearing an eagle-down feather, while around him flew all kinds of birds. The
bright object was a sacred stone, and it was heated red hot. After seeing this I heard
another voice telling me to look and receive what would be given me. Something
in the form of a bird came down, and where it touched the ground an herb sprang up.
This occurred three times. The voice above me said that I was to use these three
herbs in the cure of the sick. - The fourth time the descending obje'ct started in the
form of a bird, but a human skeleton came to the ground. Then the voice above me
told me to observe the structure of the human body. I then saw blood run into the
skeleton, and a buffalo horn appeared on the back, between the shoulders, and drew
the blood out of the skeleton. The voice above me said this was a sign that I would
have power more than any other to cure diseases of the blood. The voice came from
the sacred stone and said I must use the buffalo horn in curing diseases of the blood,
a practice which I have followed ever since. I do not consider that I dreamed this
as one dreams in sleep; it appeared to me when I was early on the chase.
252 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i
One of the greatest things it taught me is that the first thing a sick person should do
is to take a sweat bath, to take out all the impurities, so that the body will respond to
remedies. The booth showed how the sweat lodge must be constructed, and the hot
stone showed the use of heated stones in the lodge. The hot stone is taken into the
lodge, and water is sprinkled upon it. The oftener this bath is taken, the healthier a
person will be. In case of illness, the sick person must take this bath the first thing,
and as often afterward as the medicine-man directs. I always prescribe the sweat
bath the first thing. I also claim that a sick person can not recover unless the diet is
changed. Certain kinds of food and of wild fruit are bad in certain illnesses, and
certain kinds of game or venison are injurious to a sick person. The food must be
lighter than usual, and the person must avoid unnecessary exertion. My require-
ments are the sweat bath, light diet, and rest. I have treated consumption, and if the
disease is not too far advanced the person usually recovers. The treatment depends
on the seriousness of the case. All three herbs which I saw in my dream were pre-
pared in a certain way and were intended for use in consumption, which is caused by
improper circulation of the blood. I do not want the patient to make any undue
exertion, but I try especially to keep up his circulation. The sweat bath makes the
circulation better. In the old days a person did not take cold after a sweat bath. The
sick person did not jump immediately into cold water, as is sometimes stated, but was
covered with furs and allowed to cool off gradually.
Many years ago there lived among the Sioux a medicine-man
named Ceha'ldr) (Carry-the-Kettle), who was said to have walriy'
power in a remarkable degree. A gourd rattle ^ (pi. 32) used by him
in treating the sick became the possession of the writer.
Such a rattle is called by the Sioux wagmu'ha.^ This is, however,
not the only type of rattle used among the Sioux in treating the sick,
the form of rattle depending on the choice of the medicine-man.
Every medicine-man had a bag or case in wliich he kept his supply of
herbs and the articles used by him in treating the sick. In some in-
stances the outer case was of decorated rawhide. A man's medicine
bag was hung on a pole outside the lodge and usually brought in at
night; it was often " incensed" with burning sweet grass. It was be-
lieved that the presence of "the wrong kind of person" in the lodge
would affect the efficacy of the medicine, and that if it were exposed to
such influence for any considerable time its power would be entirely
destroyed. The writer secured three of these medicine bags. One
'(pi. 33) belonged to a medicine-man named Waqbli'iyo'take (Sitting
Eagle), who hved many years ago. The bag is made of four ante-
lope ears. When Sitting Eagle died the medicine bag and its contents
passed into the possession of his niece, who emptied most of the
small bags contained in the pouch, but kept the pouch and two of the
> This specimen is described as follows by Mr. E. H. Hawley, curator of musical instruments, U. S.
National Museum: "Total length, 10 inches; body length, 6 inches; diameter, 5J^ to 6 inches. An irregular
gourd shell with a short neck. A wooden handle enters the neck and comes out at the blossom end. Three-
sixteenth-iach holes are made in the neck and a strip of leather sewed to the neck tlirough these holes; this
leather is brought down over the handle and bound to it by a strip of bright cloth. This gives a firm attach-
ment between the gourd and handle. Near the outer end of the handle a groove is cut; in it is tied a sfjip
of twisted cloth so it can be worn on the arm or hung up. The gourd incloses pebbles.''
2 A rattle similar to this is pictured by Skuiner as part of a charm used by the Menomini to call the buffalo.
(Skimier, Alanson, Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist.,
Antlir Papers, xm, pt 1, p. 157, New York, 1913.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 32
GOURD RATTLE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 33
MEDICINE BAG WITH ARTICLES USED BY OWNER IN TREATING THE SICK
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 34
MEDICINE BAG OF BADGER PAWS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ULLETIN 61 PLATE 35
MEDICINE BAG OF MINK HIDE
DF.N.sMOKi.] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 253
remedies. The niece's name was Maka'-pezu'tawiq (Earth-medicine
Woman). One of her songs (No. 146) is contained in this work. In
the pouch were seven empty medicine bags, the entire foot of an eagle,
and a small piece of bone of an elk. On the inner edg(> of each medi-
cine bag was a small mark by wliich the contents could be identified.
Earth-medicine Woman said that her uncle used the eagle claw in
treating scrofulous sores, especially on the neck. For this purpose
he scraped the surface of the claw, mixed a small quantity of the
scrapings with hot water, and apphed the mixture to the skin. The elk
bone was said to be an effective remedy for broken bones. It was
prepared in the same way as the eagle claw, but the mixture was taken
internally.
A medicine pouch made of badger's paws is shown in plate 34 ; this
was secured among the Teton Sioux, but its history is unknown.
Eagle Shield said that he received his knowledge of herbs from the
bear and the badger, the former giving him instruc-
tions concerning most of the remedies which he used
for adults, and the latter teUing him of remedies for
cliildren. As already noted, those who dreamed of
the bear were supposed to have particularly effec-
tive remedies. (See p. 195.) Like others who gave
valuable information, Eagle Shield at first hesitated,
but afterwards became interested, expressing a desire
to make his part of the work as complete as possible.^
For this reason he sold his medicine-bag and four
small bags containing herbs wliich he always took
with him when visiting the sick. He also secured ^'«-27- Ben- ciaw used
., . « 1--111 T-ii "1 treatment of the sick.
iresh specimens oi many medicmal herbs wmch he
used in his practice. These were sent to Washington for identification,
wdth a view to ascertaining whether any of them are used in the med-
ical practice of the white race. Further, Eagle Shield permitted the
photographing of a bear claw which he said had been in his posses-
sion 48 years and was constantly used by him in treating the sick.
(Fig. 27.)
Eagle Sliield's medicine-bag (pi. 35) was made of the entire skin
of an animal called by the Sioux i'husana, 'white cliin.' ^ He said
that he killed this animal 44 years ago, on the present site of Fort
Keogh, Mont. He was hunting large game in the autumn, after the
leaves had fallen, and had two antelope on his horse when he killed
tliis Uttle creature near the water. Ever since that time he had
used the hide as a medicine pouch. The matted fur around the neck
shows the manner in wliich it was carried. In tliis pouch were placed
• The material furnished by Eagle Shield and ^^'hite-paw 15ear in this section was interpreted by Mrs.
James McLaughlin.
» On examination of this specimen at the U. S. National Museum the animal was identified as a mink,
subspecies Mustela vison lacuslrh.
254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill, ei
small buckskin packets of herbs, the large supply being in a
bundle which was placed outside his lodge during the day and
brought inside every night, being treated with great respect. The
number of small packets in a medicine-pouch varied according to
the man who used them. Thus the medicine-pouch belonging
to Sitting Eagle contained seven small packets, wliich were
said to be only part of the remedies used by him. Eagle
Shield had four principal remeches, the most important of which
was contained in a beaded case. This herb is described in connec-
tion with song No. 81. His four medicine -packets, together with
a small spoon of white bone used in giving medicine to children,
are shown in plate 36.
As already stated, an Indian doctor in the old days did not pretend
to have a remedy for every disease. Thus Eagle Shield said that if
an Indian were suffering from a malady he would go to a doctor and
say, "Have you a remedy for such and such an ailment?" The
doctor had no hesitation in saying he lacked the remedy if such were
the case, as he was not expected to have any remedies except such
as various animals had revealed to him, unless he may have ac-
quired a few from other medicine-men.
The herb kept by Eagle Shield in the decorated bag (pi. 36) was
called tad''pi jjezu'ta, 'herb for the wounded.' Many remarkable
cures are said to have been wrought by Eagle Shield tlirough the use
of this remedy. A fresh specimen of the herb was secured and identi-
fied as Achillea lanulo^a Nutt. (yarrow). It was said to "grow on
hills and in the Bad Lands. " The entire plant was dried, and instead
of being prepared as a tea the patient was required to chew it. Eagle
Shield said that he had treated men shot through the body and they
had recovered. One man thus treated was personally known to
the wiiter. The man had attempted suicide by shooting liimself in
the left side, the bullet passing tlirough the body and breaking
the edo;e of the shoulder blade. As a result of the wound his arm
was paralyzed, and two doctors of the white race said that it must
be amputated. Eagle Shield undertook the treatment of the case
and did his work so effectually that the man appears to have as
free use of one arm as of the other. For this treatment Eagle Sliield
received a fee of $100, a new white tent, a revolver, and a steer.
Eagle Sliield said that he sang the following song when treating
wounded persons with this herb. Between the rencUtions of all these
songs he gave deep groans, like those of a man in extreme distress,
frequently interspersing these with a hissing exhalation of the breath.
(See Bulletin 53, p. 264; also p. 247 of this work.)
DF.N.SMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
255
No. 81. "Behold All These Things" (Catalogue No. 511)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J — 66
Drum not recorded
I:
-^ -0- -9-
p p p
-p-^
-P- -#-•-•--#-
£:
-aasS
^—0—0
JL_^-P^-^
i^^
.-^
i=Lit
p-f p p
e^
-ji — 0-
p p p p
jp- A -»-
I - ho le - na waij-yaq- ka yo i - ho le - na wai]-yai]-ka yo
^ P-
:i!^^
~p p r
;^=^
±:
^ P P
[isie
ta - ku vYaij he - lia - ka - se waq - la - ke ehj
P^0 0 0
-P P -p-
on va - ni pi kte - lo
( First rendition)
iho^ lena' wagyag'ka yo behold all these tilings
ta^ku wag sometMng
halia'kase elklike
wagla^ke din you behold
yani' pi ktelo^ you will live
{Second rendition)
iho' lena' waijyag'ka yo behold all these things
ta'ku wag something
tatag^kase buffalolike
waglake dig you behold
yani' pi ktelo' vou willHve
256
BUREAIT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BDLL. 61
Analysis. — More than 60 per cent of the intervals in this song
are larger than a minor third. This is an unusual proportion of
large intervals. Fifteen of these intervals are fourths, nine are
fifths, and one is an octave. Two renditions were recorded; these
show no points of difference. The melody is minor in tonphty and
contains all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh.
See plot of this melody on page 283.
The following song was used with the same herb as the preceding
and was sung when tlie patient began to improve.
No. 82. ''I Am Sitting"
Sung by Eagle Shield
(Catalogue No. 515)
Voice
184
Drum not recoidcd
ma - to ti - pi
kai] - yaq ma - ke lo
i&^-
II
hi
^
haij - ya - ke o - ma - ni - yaij he - ma - ki
ye
yo
wakaq'yag in a sacred manner
make^ lo I am sitting
mato^ ti^pi ca at bear lodge '
wakag^yai) in a sacred manner
make^ lo I am sitting
hagya^ke at night
oma^niyaq roaming about
hema^kiye yo is said to me
Analysis. — This song contains only one interval larger than a minor
third and is an interesting contrast to the song next preceding, in
which more than half the intervals were larger than a minor third.
1 This probably refers to Bear Butte in the Black Hills. The Teton speak of two buttes by this name, one
in South Dakota, and one in Montana which is higher and is probably the one mentioned by Red Fox in
connection with his war expedition. (See p. 376.) Concerning the one which seems to l)e referred to in
this song, Rev. J. Owen Dorsey says (Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 448): "Eight miles from Fort Meade,
S. Dakota, is Mato tipi. Grizzly Bear Lodge, known to the white people as Bear Butte. It can be seen from
a distance of a hundred miles. Of this landmark Bushotter writes thus: ' The Teton used to camp at a flat'
topped mountain, and pray to it. This mountain had many large rocks on it, and a pine forest at the
summit. The children prayed to the rocks as if to their guardian spirits. ' "
DENSMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 257
Th(' first half of this song is based on the triad C-E flat-G. This part
includes the repetitions of the rhythmic unit. The latter part con-
tahis only the tones of the minor third G-B flat, and the song is con-
sidered to be in the key of G minor though the fifth of that key does
not appear. The rhythmic unit of this song is longer than that of
many of the songs and is interesting. The rhythm of the latter part
of the song is somewhat similar but does not duplicate any of the
count-divisions of the unit. The song begms and ends on the same
tone, a peculiarity occurring in only 11 Chippewa songs (see Bull. 53,
p. 222). The following other songs in the present series have this
structure: Nos. 97, 99, 207, 212, 220, 221, 234, 238. Five renditions
of this song were recorded. There was no break between the first
and second rendition, but a short pause was made between the others.
A remedy used by Eagle Shield for those suffering from loss of appe-
tite was called loce'pi sni pezi'huta. The plant was said to grow ' 'near
creeks and m gravel." The root only was used. This herb was
identified as Astragalus carolinianus L. (loco weed). The following
song was sung in connection with its use. In a short speech before
singing the song Eagle Shield said that it was the song of a bear.
258
BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, gi
(Catalogue No. 512)
Voice J =63
Drum not recorded
No. 83. "We Will Eat'
Sung by Eagle Shield
PP3^^
r£d~" 1
^=FJ^^
r^ ^
1 i
—
1 1 i
-*-
-ti^iS — CLI —
-^ 4
He tu-
wa hi-yu -
ye e - ma - ki -
ya ce
he tu
- wa hi-yu -
EgirFf-r-C^-
-~f--f=w-^^
^ • /•
f — r-i^^i-H
=^
:^ 1 E
1
1 -l*^
— 1-
— ! — i — r—H
ye
ki - ya he ya ce pe - zi - hu - ta
uij - yu - tiij kta ya ye lie tu - wa hi - yu
^i
^-P f> \ P P VW~-^-
^
.': I I
-#-T-fB.
s^^
4=^#^rO#— .-^
^
ye ya e - ya ce
yo he tu - wa hi - yu - ye e "- ma
53^?^
=P=JC
aZZjE
E^
^^a
i^_#-
-H ^
±±
ki - ya Ae ya ce lio - su - pa waij uij - yu -tiij - tka o wa
ye he tu - wa hi - yu
he tu^wa some one
hiyu'ye "come here " (a command)
ema^kiya ce said to me
pezi'hiita medicine (herbs)
ugyu'tig kta we will eat (together)
he tu^wa some one
hiyu^ye ' ' come here ' '
eya^ deyo' has said
he tu^wa some one
hiyu^ye "come here"
ema^kiya <^e said to me
hosu'pa wag fish intestines
ugyu^tig tka we will eat
he tu^va some one
hiyu^ye "come here"
eya' ceyo' has said
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
259
Analysis. — This song is characterized by the interval of the foui'th,
which constitutes 18 per cent of the entire number of intervals. It
appears in the first part of the song as the descending progression
E-B, and later as A-E; the ascent of an octave gives a return of the
interval E-B, followed again by A-E, descending to the tonic. The
melody tones are only those of the minor triad and fourth, and the
song is harmonic in structure. The rhythmic unit is short and is a
phrase which is not unusual in these songs.
For those suffering from headache Eagle Shield had a special
remedy — an herb called nasu'la yazar/pi ipi'ya, 'no appetite medi-
cine,' which grew on the prairie. The root, dried and powdered, was
sprinkled on hot coals, the patient inhaling the fumes. This plan
was identified as Art emisia frig Ida Willd. (Colorado sage).
Before recording the song Eagle Shield spoke the following
sentences :
Pezu^ta €\.6\V ktelo^ tka waste^ da yani^ kteU/ lena^ke waste' ke'yape.
(Translation) Herbs I shall give you, but (they arc) good, so you shall recover,
all these (are) good, they say.^
The following song was sung during the treatment.
No. 84. "These Are Good" (Catalogue No. 513)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J— 80
Drum not recorded
i^^^^^
Le-na-kewa.4 - te ke-ya - pe - lo ho-ye-
ya na-ziq
WORDS
lena''kc all these
wa^te' (are) good
ke'yapelo they say
ho'yeya ^ with a noise
na''zig (tlisy) stand erect
^■aa^
' Chippewa doctors also use strong affirmations when treating the sick (Bulletin 45, p. 92).
2 This refers to the sounds made by a bear standing erect, preparatory to making an attack. (See
p. 180, footnote.)
260
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL, ei
Analysis. — Few songs of the present series have the upward and
downward intervals so nearly equal as this song, in which 27 pro-
gressions are upward and 32 are downward. The major second
occurs 11 times in upward and 11 times in downward progression,
and the minor second is found 10 times in upward, and 10 times in
downward progression, yet the melody is not monotonous, and the
intonation on these small intervals was better than in a majority of
such instances. The song begins on the octave and ends on the tonic.
All the tones of the octave are present except the sixth. It is inter-
esting to observe that the interval between the seventh and eighth
is in some instances a semitone and in others a whole tone. The
transcription is from the first rendition, which gives the entire song,
the second and third renditions omitting the first four measures.
This is in accordance with a custom which has been noted among
both Chippewa and Sioux, that the first phrase of a song seems in
many instances to serve as an introduction to the performance.
An herb called cante' ya2ay'pi icu'wa was prepared as a tea and
used for those suffering from "heart trouble or pain in the stomach."
This plant was identified as Astragalus sp. (loco weed).
Before singing Eagle Shield said :
Te^han mawa^'ni kte ^m ecai/iii ke^yasi tc/ksa e6a^nsi iiiaya^ni ketk/.
( Translation) A long time before I can walk you may think, but (in) only a short
time you shall be able to walk.*
The following song was sung as the herb was administered.
No. 85. "You Will Walk" (Catalogue No. 514)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J— 72
Drum not recorded
Ta - ku wa - kaij ya - tin kte - lo ka - hai} - tu - ke
^iilfe^^SS
-^— ^— #— #
-^— •
=^
I
ma-ni ye - lo
WORDS
ta^ku wakag^ something sacred
ya^tin ktelo'' you will eat
kahag^tuke now
tua''ni yelo you will walk
1 Compare words of song No. 47, Bulletin 45: " Yoa will recover, you will walk again. It is I who say it.
My power is great. Through our white shell I will enable you to walk again."
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ULLETIN 61 PLATE 37
SPLINT AND MATTED DEER HAIR USED IN TREATING FRACTURES
DK.vsMoiiK] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 261
Analysis. — The interval of a fourth is prominent in the first part of
this melody. It appears, in the opening measures, as the descending
interval E flat-B flat; the tone A also occurs, and the descent from
B flat to A flat introduces the tonic chord. The fourth then appears
as the descending interval A flat-E flat. The subdominant of the key
occurs twice and in both instances was sung a trifle sharp, as indi-
cated in the transcription. The song is major in tonality and con-
tains all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh. Four
renditions were recorded, which are uniform in every respect.
Ejfgle Shield might be called a specialist in the treatment of broken
bones. In this treatment he used an herb identified as Allionia
nyctaginea Michx., and called by the Sioux Jiu'TiuweJianTian pezu'ta,^
which was said to grow in the woods. The dried leaves and root of
this plant were mixed with soft grease. When treating a fracture
Eagle Sliield covered his hands with this mixture and after holding
them over the coals until they were warm, he rubbed the flesh above
the broken bone. He said the patient often was so relieved by this
treatment that he fell asleep. The treatment was repeated three
times a day and continued "until the fracture was healed." He
said that when an arm or leg was first broken he * ' pulled it until the
^bone slipped into place," then covered 'it with a parfleche case,
laced together with thongs. This case was removed for the treat-
ment described above, but he emphasized the need of keeping the
case firmly laced, and of tightening it whenever the thongs seemed to
bo loosening. He said the purpose of the rubbing was to keep the
muscles from becoming stiff. He added that he had treated four
cases in which the large bone of the leg was broken, and that in each
instance the patient was able to walk in a month. One was a frac-
ture near the hip. It had been put in iron braces by a white doctor,
but the patient, not being able to stand the treatment, came to liim.
Eagle Sliield made a small "splint" of parfleche, 8 inches in
length, saying this was the size he would use for a broken wrist. In it,
with Indian accuracy, he put a piece of old, soft flannel, saying that
was what he "woidd put next the person's arm." He sold to the
writer a matted portion of soft hair, which he said was the shed hair
of the deer; this was thick with grease. Eagle Shield said he had
used this in treating fractures for more than forty years, holding it in
his hand as he rubbed the flesh. (See pi. 37.)
The song used by Eagle Shield in treating fractures was sung four
times "while getting ready to apply the medicine."
1 A specimen of the same herb was given by Bear-with-White-Paw, who said it was "good to reduce
swelling." (See p. 270.)
4840°— Bull, fil— 18 19
262
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 86. Song Preceding Treatment of Fractures (Catalogue No. 516)
Suug by Eagle Shield
Voice J~88
Drum not recorded
^ ^. -fL ^. ^. ^ -^ fL^
^y
^ • -^- jf- -#- -^-
±-.
#^_«-
Ko - la wa - na hi - yu - ye ma - to o - ma ki - ya
ko - la hi - yu - ye
:3^fta^^
|^=£^t=:^
F^=a^:
|=^=^fc-#-
E
ke
le-na wa-yaqk hi -yu - ye
3=gsi;i
wa-yai}k hi-yu - ye ma - to o-ma - ki - ya - ke
kola' friend
wana'' now
liiyu^ye come
mato'' bear (who) •
oma'kiyake told me this ' (said)
kola' friend
liiyu'ye ' come
lena' wayaqk' behold all these
hiyu'ye come
mato' bear
oma'kiyake told me tliis
Analysis. — Throe renditions of this song were recorded, which are
uniform in every respect. The melody progressions are somewhat
pecuHar, but their exact repetition shows that the}^ were clear in the
mind of the singer. There was a slight lowering of pitch in the sus-
tained tone which occurs in the sixth and seventh measures. The
song is melodic in structure and contains all the tones of the octave
except the sixth. One accidental occurs — the seventh lowered a
semitone.
See plot of this melody on page 283.
Another remedy imparted to Eagle Shield hy the bear was a remedy
for diseases of the kidneys. This plant, which grew on the prairie,
was called by the Sioux asuy'tJcayazay'pi ori'piyapi, and was identified
as Laduca pulchella DC. (wihl lettuce). It was dried and prepared
in the form of a decoction. Eagle Shield said that not more than
three doses should be prepared at a time, as it must not be allowed
I Referring to the manner in which the patient was being treated.
DEXSMOIU:]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
263
to stand overnight. This decoction was to be taken three times
a day, and the effect was said to he better if it were taken with food.
Eagle Shield said: ''No matter how much a person is suffering,
as soon as this medicine reaches the spot it relieves the pain. This
is usually done by the time six doses have been taken."
A song was sung four times during treatment with this remedy.
In the words of the song the bear is addressed as ''father."
No. 87. An Appeal to the Bear (Catalogue No. 517)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J = 84
Drum not recorded
A- te ho-ye - ya
a-te ho-ye - ya i-yo-ti-ye wa-ki-
a - te ho-ye
ya i-yo-ti-ye wa - ki - ye yo
ate' father
ho'yeya send a voice
ate' father
ho'yeya send a voice
iyo'tiye a liard task
wa'kiye I am having
ate' father
ho'yeya send a voice
iyo'tiye a liard task
wa'kiye yo I am having
Analysis. — This is a pleasing melody, with no striking charac-
teristics. Three-fourths of the intervals are major seconds, the
remainder comprising a fifth, a fourth, and a minor third; the song
is minor in tonaUty and melodic in structure, contaming all the tones
of the octave except the seventh and second. Three renditions
were recorded, interspersed with the groans as given with songs for
the sick. The renditions were uniform in all respects.
The following song is that of th(^ boar, which digs roots with its
claws. The herb used in connection with this song was identified
as Glycyrrliiza lepidota Nutt. (wild licorice). The song and herb were
used in the treatment of the sick. Eagle Shield said that when
administering the herb the song was sung only three times.
264
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BOLL. 61
Voice
No. 88. Song of the Bear
Sung by Eagle Shield
(Catalogue No. 518)
80
Drum not recorded
« ^-
E§as2^^
'Ms
-m—(^ F f
=?=P=
M P*-! T±-
■> *«M L -=t
s
t^
-*-: — •-=-+-
Mi -
J =66
ta ye - lo ye - lo mi - na - pe kiy pe-zi - hu - ta o - ta ye - lo
(First rendition)
mina'pe kii] wakaq^ yelo' my paw is sacred
pezi'huta o'ta yelo' herbs are plentiful
(Second rendition)
mina^pe kiq wakag' yelo' ray paw is sacred
ta'ku iyu'ha o'ta yelo' all things are sacred
Analysis. — The fourth constitutes 31 per cent of the intervals
in this song. The only interval larger than this is the ascending
eleventh, which appears with the introduction of the words. This
interval occurs in no other song of this series and is found only three
times in 340 Chippewa songs. The interval was correctly sung in
the three renditions of the song. The change of time was the same
in all renditions. (See song No. 5.) This melody contains two
rhythmic units, both of which are found in the first part of the song.
The rhythm of the latter part, containing the words, has no resem-
blance to the rhythm of the unit.
A remedy to check hemorrhages, arising either from wounds or
from some internal cause, was supplied by an herb called by the Sioux
densmore]
TETON STOUX MUSTC
265
wiya'waziliuikay, 'root of the bur,' and identified as Ratihida colum-
naris (Sims) Don. (cone flower). This was found in damp places, along
creeks. For pain in the side a tea was made of the stalk and leaves
of this plant, and for earache a decoction was made of the root and
a drop put into the ear. The following song accompanied the use
of this herb.
No, 89. "Bear Told Me" (Catalogue No. 519)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice ^'=80
(or ,^:zzl60)
Drum not recorded
Kan - tu - liu - wa la
ta
waij ma
to o - ma
ki - ya - ka kan - tu - liu - wa lu
ta
waij ma
.^iifc
-^ (t • ^
^=&
B±
^
^—m
:^=^^=4^
to o - ma - ki - ya
ka
kan - tu - hu - wa lu
yai)
1 - ya
-5 ^ • f =
I' ^=f ^ (^ I "- — "I
kau-tu - hu-wa lu
ta waij ma-to o - ma-ki - ya
WORDS
ka
kan'tuhuwa lu^ta wuij a scarlet buckbrush
mate' bear
oma'kiyaka told me about
ta'ku sito'mniyai) all things
kola' friend
oma'kiyaka told me about
kai/tuliuwa lu'ta wag a scarlet buckbrush
mato' bear
oma''kiyaka told me about
266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ci
Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, and in them
all the changes of measure-lengths occur as in the transcription, the
time being unusually well maintained. It is impossible to indicate an
eighth note as the metric unit of the first and similar measures, as 6-8
time implies a group of two triplets, while the three counts in these
measures are clearly defined. The rhythmic unit is interesting, and
parts of it are found in parts of the song which do not contain the
complete unit. The song is minor in tonality and lacks the seventh
and fourth tones of the complete octave. (See song No. 26.)
The fourth constitutes 37 per cent of the entire number of intervals
in this song, a proportion even larger than that in the preceding song.
In the descending fourth D-G the lowest tone was invariably sung a
trifle sharp in this song, offering a contrast to the preceding song, in
which the fourth was sung with good intonation.
Eagle Shield gave the follomng narrative concerning his dream of
the badger, from which he secin-ed his remedies for children. The
remedies for adults, as already stated, were received from the bear.
Eagle Shield said:
A man appeared to me in a dream, showed me a plant, and said, "My friend, remem-
ber this plant well. Be sure to get the right one, as tliis is good." It was a badger,
who appeared to me in the form of a man and said this. It was the first time that the
badger came to me, but afterward he brought me other herbs. There were no songs
with any of the herbs which the badger brought me. In return for the kindness of the
badger I took tobacco, cut it up fine, and dug a hole in the ground. I buried the
tobacco and said, "Badger, I give you this in return for what you have told me."
Wlien the badger is alive he eats this herb. Whatever herb the badger introduces is
especially good. Some consider his medicine stronger than that of the bear, as he digs
deeper and farther into the ground.
Eagle Shield said that he buried a little tobacco as an offering to the
badger whenever he dug any of these roots. He said also that before
giving these remedies to a child he always made a supplication similar
to the following: " Wakai)'tai)ka, you have made these herbs. We
are going to give them to this child. We hope you will make the child
well, and we hope nothing will come to prevent the usefulness of these
herbs."
The first remedy imparted to Eagle Shield by the badger was a plant
identified as LeptUon canadense (L.) Britton (horseweed). This was
used as a remedy for pain in the bowels and for diarrhea. As it is a
mild remedy and the size of the plant varies, it was difficult to describe
the amount to be used as a dose. Eagle Shield said that if a plant were
small it would be necessary to use all the root and a few inches of the
stalk, but that if the plant were large it would be sufficient to use half
the root for a dose. A decoction was made, and he said it was ''well
to smell the tea to judge its strength, as it should smell of the root to
be right." He said it "should be taken before meals, the morning
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 38
BEAR-WITH-WHITE-PAW
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 39
DRUM AND DECORATED DRUMSTICK
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 40
EAGLE SHIELD
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 41
NECKLACE WORN WHEN TREATING THE SICK
DEX.SMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 267
dose being the largest. If a person should take this after a meal it
would cause distress, but when taken before .a meal it prepares the
stomach to receive and digest the food." A small spoon made of
white bone was used in giving medicine to children. (See pi. 36.)
The second of Eagle Shield's remedies for children was identified
as CJienopodium, alhum L. (lamb's-quarters). A decoction of the en-
tire plant was used in cases of bloody dysentery. It could be given
from the time a child was old enough to drink water, the dose being
increased according to the age of the clidd.
The third remedy was for diarrhea, and was seemingly stronger
than the others, as the dose was about a tcaspoonful and only two
or tliree doses were usually given. The herb was not boded, but
hot water was poured over it to make a tea. This was identified as
Aquilegia cana'denms L. (wild columbine).
The fourth remedy was for fever and headache. In this instance
the herb was to be steeped. Some was given internally, and the
child's entire body was rubbed with it. This herb was identified as
Rumex sp. (dock).
Mato '-nape '-ska (Bear-with-Wliite-Paw) (pi. 38) was a man who
showed much seriousness in describing his practice of medicine. He
said that when treating the sick he wore one side of his hair unbraided,
as shown in the illustration. (See p. 64.) The drum which he holds is
that which he used when singing his medicine songs. The term
caij'cega is applied by the Sioux to all drums, the large dance drums
as well as the hand drum. The specimen here shown (pi. 39) has
a single head of rawhide and is held by means of two iron w^ires at
the back, which are passed through a short section of iron tubing,
thus forming a handle. Thongs or strips of stout cloth are also
used for holds on these- drums, which are common to many tribes of
Indians. (See Bulletin 53, p. 62.) Drums of this type appear in
the hands of members of the Kai}gi'yuha in a native drawing by
Eagle Shield (pi. 40). The drumstick used by Bear-with-Wliite-Paw
is elaborately decorated with porcupine quills and could be used
with a large dance drum as well as with a hand drum. Such a stick
might be carried to a gathermg by a man who expected to sing at
the drum.
A "necklace" which Bear-with-Wliite-Paw said that he had worn
for many years when attendhig the sick is shown in plate 41. He
said that when summoned to visit a sick person it was his custom
to put on this "necklace," consisting of a strip of hide to which are
attached two small bags of "medicme'' and a bear's claw. He said
further that he pressed this claw into the flesh of the patient in order
that the medicine might enter more easOy and be more effectual.
Eagle Shield also used a bear's claw in treating the sick (p. 253).
268
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BrLL. 61
Like Eagle Shield, Bear-with-Wliite-Paw received liis knowledge
of healing herbs from the bear. He said, ''The bear is very truthful.
He has a soul like ours, and his soul talks to mine in my sleep and tells
me what to do."
Six herbs were described to the writer by Bear-with-Wliite-Paw,
and fresh specimens were furnished for identification.
Before beginning his account of the herbs and their uses he made
the following supplication to the bear, a supplication which he said
he would use when treating the sick:
IIo mita^kola og masi^ke tagyag^ ana^magoptaq yo. Agpe^tu kig lehar)!' ta^ku
waijzi' awa'cag mi he oci'ciyakig ktelo^. Pezu'ta lena'ke slolye' mayaki^yiij na ta'ku
ecog' maya'si na wo'yazag waij'zigziapi^ye ma'yasi na hena' iyo'kilie kta ke^he koij
wana^ lehagF iya'lipe wa'yiij kta tka he'ce iyu^ha owa^kilii kta. Wo'yazag hena'
lieyab^ iya^yig kte.
Translated as follows by Mr. Higheagle:
My friend, I am poor and needy. Listen well to me. This day I have something
in my mind, and I wish to tell you. All these medicines you have made known to
me, and you have commanded me to perform certain things in order to attend to cer-
tain sicknesses, and you have told me that these medicines have certain powers in
them. Now I wish to use them with effect. These sicknesses, I want them to go away.
Bear-with- White-Paw said that he had only one song, which he
sang in connection with the use of all these herbs. This song is as
follows :
No. 90. Song of Healing (Catalogue No. G74)
Sung by Bear-with-White-Paw
Voice J =66
Drum not recorded
i
IS
4
^
A - te hi - yu - ye
yo
a - te hi - yu
ye yo
^^^—» m • r T— ^V^-^ • f—^^^—^ ^ P P P m \
:^^4=^= i^.^— ::4=t=W=L^ =L=t=l t:=t==t^^:j
a - te hi - yu - j'^e yo hu nog-pa ma - ka - ta yug-ka ca
\^K^-^^=^
?r^-
^ — » — 0~ — * — p — •-
^4
pi - ya - wa-ka
:4:
±=k:
--^=^
a - te hi - yu - ye yo
^# P-^
B
^
^ — F — ! —
i - na hi - yu
ye
yo
:2zt=B±
±:^
i - na hi - yu - ye
yo Im iMX)-
Bz^^
pa ma-ka-ta yug-ka ca pi-ya-wa-ka - ge
i - ua hi-yu - ye yo
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 269
ate'' father
hiyu^ye yo come forth
hu nog^pa a two-legged object (see footnote, p. 120)
maka'ta yugka^ ca lying in the earth
piya^wakage^ I have renewed
ate' father
hiyu'ye yo come forth
ina' mother
hiyu'ye yo come forth
hu nori'pa a two-legged object
maka'ta yugka' ca lying in the eq-rth
piya'wakage'. I have renewed
ina' mother
hiyu'ye yo come forth
Analysis. — This is the only song recorded by this singer. It is an
interesting melody and was sung twice. There is no difference
between the renditions, and the singer's performance was character-
ized by a marked degree of carefulness, like that of Brave Buffalo
when singing similar songs. The tonic chord (D minor) is in evidence
throughout this song which, however, is classified as melodic with
harmonic framework because of the accented G, which appears four
times. The last tone of the rhythmic unit was slightly shortened
in every instance, as indicated in the transcription. The song con-
tains 32 intervals, only two of which are larger than a minor third.
The herbs furnished by Bear-with- White-Paw, with the directions
for their use, are as follows:
(1) Identified as Cheirinia aspera (DC.) Britton (western wall-
llower). This was said to be a very rare plant among the Sioux,
though it can occasionally be found on level ground or along a river.
It was used as a remedy for cramps in the stomach or bowels. The
plant has long slender seed pods, somewhat resembling pine needles.
In preparing the medicine these seed pods are opened and the seeds
removed and crushed. Warm (not hot) water is poured over them,
whereupon the water becomes yellow. This mixture is taken inter-
nally and also applied externally. It is a very strong medicine, and
if the person has been sick only one day a single dose of the remedy
is usually sufficient.
(2) Identified as Heuchera hispida Fur&h (alum root). This plant
was said to grow on high ground. The root only was used; this is
so strong that a fragment of a small root about half an inch long was
a sufficient dose for a child. It is a powerful astringent and was used
as a remedy for chronic diarrhea. Only two or three doses were
usually given.
(3) Identified as Lithospermum linearifolium Goldie (puccoon).
This was used as a remedy for hemorrhages from the lungs. The
270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY rnryi,L. ei
plant grows on the hills and has fragrant white flowers. Bear-with-
White-Paw said, "The odor of these flowers goes to every plant that
brings cure to men. It makes them sweeter and strengthens them
as they grow in the field." He said also that the medicine-men keep
this or some other fragrant herb in the bundle with their roots during
the winter. (Compare p. 79.)
(4) Identified as Echinacea angustifolia DC. ("nigger head"). A
specimen of this herb was also brought by Jaw (pi. 59), who, like
Bear-with- White-Paw, said that he used it as a remedy for tooth-
ache. Bear-with- White-Paw gave other uses for it, saying that he
used it also for pain in the bowels; that it would cure tonsilitis, and
was frequently employed in combination with other herbs. Only
the root of this plant was used.
(5) Identified as Monarda fistulosa L. (horsemmt). This was
said to be an "elk herb" but is not the same variety of plant as that
called the "elk herb" in the description of Brave Buffalo's dream,
which was identified as Monarda scahra Beck. (See p. 178.) This
remedy was used to reduce fever, and was also said to be "good
for a hard cold." The blossoms only were used, and Bear-with-
White-Paw said they were so strong that "only a little" should be
used in making the tea.
(6) This herb, identified asAllionianyctagineaMichx. (umbrellawort) ,
is the same as that a specimen of which was furnished by Eagle Shield
and used externally by him in the treatment of broken bones. Bear-
with- White-Paw gave the following directions for its use: "Grate
the root, moisten it, and rub it on the skin wherever there is a swell-
ing." He said it grew close to the water and was adapted only for
external use.
Tlie narrative concerning these medicines was given at intervals
through a period of several weeks, as considerable time was required
for finding suitable specimens of the herbs. Bear-with-Wliite-Paw
understood the purpose of the analysis, and the plants he brought
were especially large and typical. When the work was completed he
assured the writer of the sincerity with which he had done his part,
saying again, "These are the medicines which I use for the purposes
I have told you, and the song which I sing when I use them."
In addition to the herbs secured from Eagle Shield and Bear-with-
White-Paw, two plants were procured from Jaw, one mentioned above
and another which was said to be an unfailing cure for rheumatism;
this was identified as Parmelia sp. (a lichen). No songs were recorded
by Jaw in connection with the use of these herbs.
In order to ascertain whether the herbs used by Eagle Shield, Bear-
with- White-Paw, and Jaw have a known medicinal value the speci-
mens of plants were submitted to the United States Department of
DENgMonE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 271
Agriculture, from which the following report was received.^ The
species marked (*), or, in some cases, other species of the same genus,
were reported by the late Mrs. Stevenson as being used medicinally
among the Zuni.- Those marked (f) have been noted among the
Tewa.=^
t Achillea lanulosa Nutt Not known as possessing medicinal value (p. 254).
*Astragalus carolinianus L None (p. 257).
fArtemisia frigida Willd Known as Colorado sage; has considerable reputa-
tion as a medicinal herb among miners and others
in the Rocky Mountain region in the treatment of
their mountain fevers (p. 259).
*Astragalus sp Species of Astragalus in this country are best known
for their poisonous action ujion animals (p. 260).
Lactuca pulchella DC None (p. 262) .
fAllionia nyctaginea Michx None (pp. 261, 270).
Glycyrrhiza lepidota Nutt Has the taste of the true licorice root, but is not used
medicinally (p. 263).
*Ratibidacolumnaris (Sims) Don None (p. 265).
*Leptilon canadense (L.) Britton Herb used for hemorrhages of various kinds; also em-
ployed in diarrhea and dropsy. Volatile oil,
known as oil of erigeron, obtained by distillation
of the fresh flowering herb (p. 266).
*Chenopodium all)um L Leaves said to have sedative and diuretic properties
(p. 267).
Aquilegia canadensis L Plant said to have diuretic, emmenagogue, sudorific,
and tonic properties (p. 267).
*Rumex sp The roots of Rumex crispus and R. obtusifoUus are
employed medicinally for their astringent and
tonic properties. Rumex hymenosepalus of the
Southwestern States is used for tanning jjurposes
. (p. 267).
Cheirinia aspera (DC) Britlon.. None (pp. 269, 389).
Heuchera his])i(la Pursh Root said to be employed by hunters and prospec-
tors of the Northwest as an astringent to check
diarrhea (p. 269).
*Lithospcrmum linoarilolium None (p. 269).
Goldie.
Echinacea augustifolia DC Root used for its alterative properties (pp. 270,
389).
fMonarda fistulosa L Leaves and tops sometimes used as a substitute for
M. punctata, and employed as a stimulant, carmin-
ative, sudorific, diuretic, and anti-emetic. Fur-
nishes a sharp and pungent oil (p. 270).
*Erigeron pumilus Nutt None (p. 389).
fLacinaria punctata (Hook.) None (p. 389).
Kuntze.
Farraelia sj) None (p. 270) .
' ' The writer gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Mr. Paul C. Standley, assistant curator, Division
of Plants, U. S. National Museum, who identified the.se specimens; aLsO that of Miss Alice Henkel, assist-
ant in economic and systematic botany, Bureau of Plant Industry, U. S. Department of Agriculture,
who reported on their medicinal properties, as here given.
2 Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians, in Thirtieth lieji. Bxir. Amer. Ethn., pp. 101-102.
3 Robbins, Harrington, and Freire-Marreco, Etlmobotany of the Tewa Indians, Bull. 55, Bur. Amer.
Ethn., pp. 121-123.
272
BUEKAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
The two following songs are said to have been used by Sitting Bull
in treating the sick and were sung by his nephew Tatar) 'kawaqzi' la
(One Buffalo), HteraUy One Buffalo Bull. (PL 57.) A brief account
of the life of Sitting Bull followed by two of his songs is given on
page 458 and an incident in his early lifp is related in connection
with a demonstration of the sacred stones on page 218.
No. 91. Sitting Bull's Medicine Song (a) (Catalogue No. 654)
Sung by One Buffalo
Voice J =63
Drum not recorded
0)
-0.^-0-
E^gaaa^
(2)
(1)
#— ^
IHi
=§^;
m
;S
:^^^
WORDS (not transcribed)
Wakari^tagka Wakaq^taqka
ta^ku wa^yelo to him I am related
Wakag^taqka waste' Wakag'tagka (is) good
ta'ku wa'yelo to him I am related
wag kag 'tag hag 1 from above
oya'te wag a tribe
kola' wa'yelo is my friend
wagkag'taghag from above
helia'ka wag an elk
kola' wa'yelo is my friend
wagkag'taghag from above
wi6a'sa wag a man
kola' wa'yelo is my friend
Analysis. — This melody is simple in form and without striking
characteristics. It contains all the tones of the octave except the
seventh, and is major in tonahty and melodic in structure. The first
interval is an ascending progression of a major sixth, which is the only
interval in the song larger than a minor third.
See plot of this melody on page 283.
DEN^MOKK]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
273
VoiCK
No. 92. Sitting Bull's Medicine Song (b) (Catalogue No. 655)
Sung by One Buffalo
96
Dkum not recorded
To - pa ki - ya ko - la ri - wa - kar) nuij - we
to - pa - ki-
ya
ko - la ni - wa - kaij nuij - we
tu - we - ni wa-kaij Sni
ye - lo e - he - cuq to - pa ki - ya ko - la ni - wa - kaq nuq - •
i
i^u^
S=l=U
-^-T-^
A:
:i==
i
to - pa - ki
ya
ko - la ui - wa - kaij nuij - we
to^pa kFya in four places
kola'' friend
niVakag nugwe'' may you be sacred
tuwe^ni wakag'' ini yeW no one is sacred
ehe'cug you said
to'pa ki'ya in four places
kola^ friend
ni^wakaq nugwe'' may you be sacred
Analysis. — This melody contains 23 measures, but only 11 progres-
sions, 6 of which are dt)wnward and 5 upward. It has a compass of
only 6 tones. Among 3-40 Chippewa songs 7 per cent have a compass
of 6 or fewer tones, and in the present series 5 per cent have this range.
The rhythmic unit is long and interesting, having a completeness
which is frequently lacking in these units. Tlie melody tones are
those of the fourth five-toned scale. Tlie tonic chord is clearly felt
throughout the melody, which would be classified as harmonic in
structure except for the accented C, occurring once in the song.
274 BUEEAUOF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
NARRATIVE OF A VIGIL AND PRAYER FOR THE SICK
By Tata>jk'-ehaij^ni (Old Buffalo)
It was with no little hesitation that Old Buffalo told this story
and depicted the event in a drawing (pi. 42) It is an account of
a prayer vigil which ho kept for a niece who was very ill and w^ho,
he believed, recovered because of this action on liis part. Such a
vigil is called by the Sioux Jiayhle'capi, 'prayers offered standing.'^
This narrative is given in the present tense, as it was related,
and the words of. the interpreter (Mrs. James McLauglilin) are fol-
lowed as closely as possible. Old Buffalo said:
I have a sister older than myself. We are cliildren of one father and one mother.
As my sister's cliild is growing up to be a young girl, she is taken sick, and is so thin
that there is no flesh on her bones. She can not rise from her bed. I sit beside her.
She asks me to bring her a drink of water. My heart is very sad. As I see her my
thought is, "I will call on Wakag'tagka for help." I had heard that when men
came to helplessness in sickness they did this. I could not bear the thought of going
many miles barefoot, but I wanted the girl to recover.
I go on a high hill and make a vow, saying, "Wakag'tagka, I call upon you.
Have pity on me. My niece is .on her deathbed. Have pity on her, so she can live
on earth and see you. Give me strength to do what is right and honest. I will give
you four sacrifices. I will smoke a fine pipe. It is a Chief pipe, so you can bless it.
I will do tliis in your honor if you will spare her life. "
The girl gets better. She drinks water and eats a little food.
Now I am going to fulfill my vow to Wakag'tagka. It is July, and the weather is
very hot. They make a lodge for me at some distance from the village. It is a lodge
of branches. Several men take the big-leaf sage and spread it on the ground in the
lodge, then they bring hot stones and pour water on them. As I sit in the lodge it
is filled with steam. When I am wet with perspiration the men rub me with sage.
They take a buffalo robe, put it around me with the fur outside, and tie it across my
chest. The discomfort of wearing this heavy robe is part of my sacrifice, as well as
the disgrace of being dressed like a woman. No moccasins are on my feet. So I
start for the distant liill where I am to offer my prayer. I carry a pipe decorated with
ribbons and mallard-duck feathers, holding the stem upward in front of me as I walk.
The sun has not long risen as I leave the village, and I reach the liill before noon.
There I find a buffalo skull, which a man has brought from the village. It is a large
skull with horns on it. My friends have also prepared a soft place on the ground for
me and covered it with sage leaves, that I may rest when I am too weary from standing.
That afternoon I hold the pipe and follow the sun wdtli it. At night I lie face down
on the sage.
Now the sun has risen. I stand up again, facing the east and holding the pipe . All
day I follow the sun with the stem of the pipe. The second night I stand up all night,
until the daylight appears. Then I put my pipe against the buffalo skull and lie
down with my head near it. When the sun is fully risen I stand up again and cry,
saying "Give me strength for long Ufe, and strength to be right and honest in all I
do." On the third day I put a piece of red cloth [ivaoy^yapi] at each of the four
directions.
Just as the sun is getting low on this day they come for me. I leave the buffalo
skull, the pipe, and the four offerings of red cloth on the hill. Now I am going hack
iCf. vigil by Siya'lca (pp. 184-188)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 42
FASTING VIGIL (DRAWING BY OLD BUFFALO)
OLD BUFFALO
DENSMOUE]
TETON &IOUX MUSIC
275
with my friends, still walking with bare feet. They have made a new sweat lodge
near the old one, and I am the first to enter it. Again they bring hot stones and pour
water on them, and again they rub me with the sage leaves. After this I put on
moccasins and leggings, and go away.
This is the means by which we prolonged our lives in the old days. My niece
recovered.
The writer then asked some question about the care given the
girl by the medicine-man (or doctor) and Old Buffalo replied indig-
nantly: "It was Wakar)'tar)ka who saved her life; not the doctor.
She lived in answer to my prayer."
This song is commonly used by medicine-men of the tribe:
No. 93. "A Wind from the North'
Sung by Two Shields
(Catalogue No. 536)
Voice
:132
"tUM 0^z 160
um-rhythm similar to No. 19
Caij - te ma - to - ke - ca - ca waij - ma - yaij - ka yo
;F=i
^^-^
r? I (^ FP=;i-
cai] - te ma -to - ke - ca - ca waij -ma-yaij-ke
Voice J— 104
caij-te ma-to-ke - ca - ca he - i - ya - ye wa -ye
Voice J_:132
-0- -0- -0-
^ -#- -•- ^J_ ^3^ -f- -0- -t>- -0-
%
i^B
-P •-
ya - ta ta - te hi - i - yo ma a - u we
caij - te ma-to
Voice J_ 104
ca - ca waij- ma - yai]-ke
\^:^:^^J^^
^
'f P ^
-c*-
cai] - te ma-to - ke - ca - ca he - i - ya
ye wa - ye
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
WORDS
6agte'' my beart
mato^ke(5aca i is different (see footnote, p. 120)
wagma''yagka yo ■ behold me
dagte'' my heart
mato''keca6a is different
heiya''ye wave'' I have shown it
wazi^yata from the north
tate''. a wind
hiyo'' ma aii' we comes to get me (cf. words of Nos. 41, 105;
also footnote, p. 120).
Analysis. — This song contains the tones of the fourth five-toned
scale. In structure it is melodic with harmonic framework, the tonic
chord being strongly in evidence throughout the melody. Concern-
ing tlie change of tempo see song No. 5. In this instance the phrase
indicated as the rhytlmiic unit of the song is long and not accurately
repeated. Three reasons seem to justify this : (1 ) the phrase forms the
rhytlimic divisions of the entire song; (2) the phrase in every instance
opens with the same measure-divisions; (3) the note values of the
phrase are in some instances necessarily changed to conform to the
words. Two-thirds of the progressions are downward, and the song
contains only three intervals larger than a minor third. See plot of
this melody on page 283.
In this song wo meet a strange phase of the life of a medicine-man.
Two Sliields, who recorded the song, said that ''Wliitc Shield used
to sing this song when he was worried or disappointed." Strangely
human is tliis little melody. Two Shields said also that when sing-
ino; the song he would mention the direction on which the wind was
blowing that day, as "every man who performs ceremonies respects
the various winds."
DENSMORE]
Voice J — 176
TETOX SIOUX MUSIC
No. 94. "May This be the Day'
Sung by Two Shields
277
(Catalogue No. 540)
Drum
132
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
^ -ft -ft-
£
-0- -0- -0- -^-.
-fi — m-
e
^ ^
mm
Ai]-pe - tu mi - ta-wa koq le
- '^-^S , - - ,--4' -^-[— J — L_rzxiJ
ta - wa koq le - tu nui] - we
wa - zi - ya - ta
FR^:
:2:
4:
ta - te u - ye ciq aq - pe - tu mi - ta-wa koq le
^grfte
-•- -0- -19-.
-ft ^(Z.
«*^
T=?=F=F^
tu nuq - we
aq - pe - tu mi - ta - wa koq le
^9#i#f=f=ti^-3?^p=^^
^^
p-
'— *-=^ s d — ^-^^1^
tu nuq -we
aq-pe - tu mi - ta-wa koq le - tu nuq-
m
^S^
r-^-
±^
-• — •-
^
^^z
-4r-» •— 1-6-
;0
aq-pe - tu mi - ta- wa koq le
WORDS
tu nuq- we
aqpe'tu mitaVa koq le'tu may this be the day which I considered
nuqwe^ mine
wazi'yata from the north
tate' uye' diq the wind is blowing
agpe'tu mita^wa koq le^tu may this be the day which I considered
nugwe^ mine
Analysis. — In this song voice and drum are entirely independent
in tempo, the drum beating unaccented eighths in a tempo J = 132,
while the tempo of the voice is J = 176. Both are steadily main-
tained. The song is distinguished by the number of major seconds it
contains, this interval forming 16 per cent of the progressions. The
melody has a compass of 10 tones and is on the fourth five-toned scale.
The rhythmic unit is interesting and is continuously repeated. Three
4840°— Bull. 61—18 20
278
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
renditions were recorded, the repetitions being separated by shrill
cries during wliich the drumbeat was steadily continued.
This is the third analysis group of dream songs and comprises those
used in treating the sick. In this, as in the songs analyzed on pages
198 and 239, a large majority of the songs were recorded by those
who themselves received them in dreams. The numbers of these
songs are 79 to 94, inclusive.
Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Siclc
Melodic Analysis
TONALITY
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
6
10
85, 86, 91, 92, 93, 91
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 8S, 89, 90
Total
16
FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on the—
Tentli
Ninth
Octave
Fifth
Third
Keynote
79, 80, 86, 94
81
83, 84, 87, 90
85, 89, 91, 93
92
82,88
Total.
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Ending on the —
Fifth
3
2
11
85, 88, 89
Tliird
91,93
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 90, 92, 94
Total
16
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs in which final tone is —
14
1
1
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, SO, 90, 91,
Immediately preceded by whole tone below
Songs containing a fourth below the final tone
93, 94
85
92
Total
16
DExsMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 279
Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Compass of—
1
6
2
5
2
88
79, 80, 84, 86, 93, 94
Nine tones
81,85
Eight tones
83, 87, 89, 90, 91
82,92
Total
16
TONE MATERIAL
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Fourth five-toned scale
Minor triad and fourth
Octave complete except seventh
Octave complete except seventh and sixth
Octave complete except seventh, fifth, and second
Octave complete except seventh and fourth
Octave complete except seventh and second
Octave complete except sixth
Total
92, 93, 94
80, 83, 90
91
81,85
87
79, 84, 86,
ACCIDENTALS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing—
No accidentals
13
1
1
1
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 87, 89 90 91 92
Seventh raised a semitone
93,94
88
Fourth and seventh raised a semitone . ...
84
Seventh lowered a semitone
86
Total
16
STRUCTURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Melodic
5
8
3
79, 86, 87, 91, 94
80, 81, 82 85 88, 90 92 93
Harmonic
83, 84, 89
Total
16
280
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Downward.
Upward . . .
Total.
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
79, 80, 81, 83, So, 86, 87
82, 84, 88, 91
0, 92, 93, 94
TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Downward.
Upward . . .
Total.
292
186
478
INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a—
Fifth
Fourth
Major third . .
Minor third . .
Major second.
Minor second .
Total
3
53
13
68
135
20
INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a—
Eleventh
Tenth
Octave
Maj or sixth . .
Minor sixth . .
Fifth
Fourth
Major third . .
Minor third . .
Major second.
Minor second .
Total
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Total number of intervals
Total number of semitones
Average number of semitones in an interval .
478
1,461
3.05
DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 281
Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
KEY
Key of—
A major
B flat major.
B major
D minor
E flat minor
E minor
G minor
A flat major.
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
93
91,92
86,94
79, 80, 84, 90
87,88
81,83
82,89
86
Rhythmic Analysis
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
■
Beginning on unaccented .part of measure
8
8
79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 88, 91, 92
80, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 93, 94
Total
16
RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
First measure in—
10
5
1
79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 90, 91
3 4 time
86, 89, 92, 93, 94
4-8 time
82
Total
16
CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS)
Songs containing no change of time.
Songs containing a change of time. .
Total.
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
79, 91, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91,
92, 93, 94
282
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BDLL. 61
Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
RHYTHM OF DRUM
Eighth notes unaccented . .
Quarter notes unaccented .
Drum not recorded
Total.
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
79, 93, 94
80
81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92
RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing —
No rhythmic unit..
One rhythmic unit. .
Two rhythmic units.
Total
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94
88,91
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome —
63
2
2
1
2
2
2
83,91
81,90
85
84,88
79,87
86,89
92
93
80
94
82
66 ..
72
80
84
88
96
132
138
176
184 - -
Total
16
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome—
72
1
1
1
1
12
79
132
94
138
80
160 . .. .
93
Drum not recorded
81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, S8, 89, 90, 91, 92
Total
16
dexsmore]
TETON" SIOUX MUSIC
283
Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICK AND DRUM (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Drum and voice having the same metric unit
Drum faster than voice
Drum slower than voice
Drum not recorded
Total
80
93
79,94
81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92
PLOTS OF SOXGS USED IN TREATMENT OF THE SICK
Among the plots selected from those of the preceding group may
be noted three which resemble Class A (see fig. 19) but contain
ascending progressions; these are Nos. 79, 86, and 91. Examples
M
;i
m
No. 79
No. 86
No. 91
No. SO
No. 81
No. 93
Fig. 28. Plots, Group 4.
of Class C are shown in Nos. 80 and 81, the recurrence and dwelling
on the keynote suggesting the confidence which the medicine-man
felt in his own power and which he wished to impress on the mind
of his patient. The outline of song No. 93 suggests Class C in its
repeated tones but bears also a resemblance to Class D. The title
of this song is ''A wind from the north."
SOCIETIES (OKO'LAKICIYE)
Two classes of societies existed among the Sioux — dream societies
and military societies. Both classes are mentioned by Hayden, one
of the earliest writers on the Indians of the upper plains. Haydcn
enumerates the Sioux societies as the "Bull Head, Elk, and Bear"
(the first being properly translated ''buffalo" and all being dream
societies); also the ''Scalp, Strong Heart, Fox, Big Owl, and Sol-
dier." ^ In every instance the Sioux equivalent is given, identifying
the societies with organizations of comparatively recent times.
Societies based on dreams (known as "dream societies") were
composed of men who, in their fasting visions, had seen the same
animal. The common experience of the vision bound the men
together and societies were thus formed. These societies had their
meetings, to which were admitted only those who had dreamed of
the animal for which the society was named. Concerning these so-
cieties Miss Fletcher writes:
Among the Siouau family of Indians there are societies, religious in character,
which are distinguished by the name of some animal. . . . Membersliip in these
societies is not confined to any particular gens, or grouping of gens, but depends upon
supernatural indications over which the individual has no control. The animal
which appears to a man in a vision during his religious fasting determines to whicl
society he must l:)elong.2
Among the Teton Sioux there are some societies which belong
unmistakably to one of these groups and others wdiich, according '
the writer's informants, probably had their origin in a dream
the name-animal, but are now open to men who have distinguish
themselves in war. Thus the Elk and the Buffalo are distin'
dream societies, and the Strong Heart, Miwa'tani, and White He
Riders are distinctly military in character, while the great milit ^
society of the Kaggi'yuha is said to have originated in a dream of
an owl. The writer secured an account of. a dream of a wolf, but
the terms "Wolf society" and "Fox society" seem to some extent
interchangeable at the present time. Mention was made of a Horse
society, but no dream of a horse was recorded; it was, however, a
dream society, and is included by Wissler in his list of " dream cults"
1 Hayden, F. V., Ethnography and Philology of the Indian Tribes of the Missouri Valley, p. 281, Phila-
delphia, 1S62.
2 Fletcher, Alice C, The Elk Mystery or Festival. Ogallala Sioux, in Reps. Peabody Museum, m, pp. 276,
277, Cambridge; 1887. Cf. also Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations of the Teton-Dakota,
Anthr. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Xi, pt. 1, pp. 81-98, New York, 1912.
284
■ 1(.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 43
BUFFALO-DANCE SHIELD
DEN.^MORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 285
among the Oglala.^ Mention of "horse songs" is made also by
Dorsey.2
It is probable that these societies held no regular meetings, and
that no new members of the military organizations had been
elected during a period of about 30 years prior to the collecting
of this material. It is impossible, therefore, to secure much reliable
information on the history of these societies among the Teton Sioux.
Dream Societies
bltffalo society
Concerning the Buffalo society Dr. Lowie writes:
Among the Santee the men performing the Buffalo dance [Tata°^k watcipi] had
had visions of the buffalo, though apparently the sons of such men were also entitled
to join. One man might dream that he ... had been shot by an arrow so that he
could barely get home. . . . Such a man painted liimself vermilion to represent
the trickling down of the blood. Another man dreamed of being shot with a gun.
Such a one would act out his dream during a Buffalo dance. ^
Catlin mentions the Buffalo dance in one of his letters,* stating
that he witnessed it at Fort Snelling, Minn. The writer saw a
Buffalo dance at Bull Head, S. Dak., on the Fourth of July, 1913. In
this dance it is customary for the dancers to wear headdresses
adorned with buffalo horns, and to imitate the actions of buffalo.
A shield carried in the buffalo dance is shown in plate 43.
The following songs were said to have been sung in the Buffalo
society. Some of these songs were said to have been received, or
composed, in a dream of buffalo, but the story of the dream had been
forgotten, only the songs remaining as a tradition in the tribe.
ilbid., p. 95.
2In Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 479.
3 Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, Antkr. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist.,
XI, pt. 2, p. 119, New York, 1913.
* Catlin, George, The Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the Xorth American Indian, vol. 2, p. 35,
London, 1841.
286
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 95. "Northward They Are Walking" (Catalogue No .663)
Sung by Wakaij'-cika^na (Little Conjuror)
Voice J =96
Drum J -96
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
Wa - zi - ya - ta Isi - ya ma - ni - pi wa - zi - ya -
;^^^i
pi
wazi'yata ki^ya northward
ma^nipi they are walking
tur)kar)^- a sacred stone
ica^litag ya they touch
ma^nipi they are walking
Analysis. — This song and the two following songs were recorded at
Sisseton among Sioux who belong to the Santee division of the tribe.
(See p. 512.) These three songs are characterized by the ascending
interval of a major third in the closing measures. In two instances
this is an ascent to the final tone, which is usually the lowest tone in
the song. Two of these songs are minor and one is major, but this
interval occurs in all. The song under analysis is characterized by
the interval of the fourth, which forms about 28 per cent of the whole
number of intervals. Six renditions were recorded, which show no
differences. Between the repetitions of the song the drumbeat
changed to a tremolo, instead of being steadily maintained, as usual,
in the rhytlun which accompanied the song.
DENgMORE]
Voice J = 72
Drum J = 88
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 96. "My Goal"
Sung by Little Conjuror
287
(Catalogue No. 664)
Ma - ka o -wi-haij-ke ta he o - i - na - ziij mi- 6a -ge
-Ej ' tLS 1 4^
maka' owi^haijke ta toward the end of the earth
he oi^nazig my goal
mi'dage he has made
Analysis. — Six renditions of this song were recorded, and in each
the time of the second and third measures before the close was a
little slower than in the rest of the song, the original tempo being
resumed with the last measure, and the repetition following without a
pause. The song has a compass of only seven tones, and yet two-
thirds of the progressions are downward. The first part of the song
is based upon the minor triad B flat-D flat-F but the progressions
in the latter part suggest G flat as a keynote, and the song is accord-
ingly transcribed and analyzed in that key.
288
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 97. "In the North" (Catalogue No. 660)
Sung by Mahpi^ya-to (Blue Cloud)
Voice J =132
Drum J =92
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
^^u^r^
:2!z§:
f^rF-^ ^fe£&E=&&t&&r
^S":
^^^'
iii
ma - ni - pi wa -su i - bo - a - bdu - ya ma - ni - pi
=§Sfe
±^
0-ft^
±1
m^^
w^
-f^
n
wazi^yata ki^ya in the north
tate^ the wind
uya^ blows
ma'nipi they are -walking
wasu^ the hail
ibo^bduya beats
ma^nipi they are walking
Analysis. — The words of this song are in the Santee dialect, as
this song, like the two next preceding, was recorded at Sisseton.
This melody begins and ends on the same tone. (See song No. 82.)
Although this song is minor in tonality, it contains only two minor
thirds, nine of the intervals (31 per cent) being major thu'ds. Three
renditions were recorded, the transcription being from the second ren-
dition. The last two measm'es containing words were sung slightly
slower, but without enough change of time to be indicated by a metro-
nome mark. The repetitions of this song were less accurate than in a
large majority of instances, seemingly because of the personality of
the singer. The rhythm was more exactly repeated than the melody,
though the changes in the latter were unimportant. For instance, in
the first measure containing words the progression B flat-F was
sometimes substituted for F-B flat, and in the last measure of the
words the tone B flat was sometimes sung instead of D. It will be
densmorh]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
289
readily observed that these changes did not affect the harmonic
framework of the measures, but seemed inserted by way of variety.
Some indifference as to the form of ending is shown by the fact that
in the first rendition the entire section from the tenth to the fourth
measure from the end was omitted, while in the third rendition the
last three measures were not sung. As stated, the transcription
was from the second rendition, which was the clearest in form. The
rhythmic unit, which is interesting, occurs three times.
No. 98. "Their Voices Could Be Heard" (Catalogue No. 555)
Sung by Gray Hawk (Cetag^ota) '
Voice J =116
Drum J- 116
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
0 - ya - te wai] ho taq - iq - yai] ma
ni - pi
©iil?S
o - ya-te wai] lie taij-iq-yaq ma - ni - pi e -yaq-pa-ha
-I ■ 1 I-* f*i— ^ H-
ho taq-iq-yaq ma -
ni - pi
H \ 1 •-^-f—
rT^-fi
0-0 0 1
=^=^4—^--
^4^-^
F^=='^r=^=^g=q
=^,t=f=-1
oya'te waq a tribe
ho their voices
taqiq^yaq could be heard
ma^niyji (as) they walk
e'yaqpaha the heralds (leaders of the herd)
ho their voices
taqiq^yag could be heard
ma^nipi (as) they walk
Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the minor triad
and fourth, beginning on the dominant above the tonic and ending
on the dominant below the tonic. Three renditions were recorded;
•See pi. 71.
290
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
these show no points of difference. The rhythmic unit is long, but
its divisions were clearly given. In the second occurrence of the
unit an accent was placed on the final tone, this accent being unmis-
takable though the corresponding tone in the first occurrence of the
unit is unaccented. The interval of the fourth is prominent, con-
stituting 38 per cent of the entire number of intervals. As in many
other songs used in dancing, the intonation was wavering. In the
first part of the song the drum precedes the voice, but in the closing
measures the drum and voice coincide.
No. 99. "Against the Wind"
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice J — 100
Drum J =100
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
(Catalogue No. 556)
wa - hu - Ive - za o - war)
#-^-f-P— ^
i » • I 0 0 0 l-l
ite^ tate' iya'pe waye' ........ I caused the face to strike against the wind
wahu^ke/a owag'ca waye' a lance I sent forth to cover all
Analysis. — A free translation of the words of this song would
be, "I drove the tribe against the wind, which struck their faces
like a lance." Four renditions were recorded, the time being inter-
rupted between the repetitions. In each rendition the drum was
with the voice in the last measure, though it had slightly preceded
the voice in the earlier part of the song. Concerning the beginning
and ending of a song on the same tone, see song No. 82. The tonic
chord is felt throughout the melody, which, nevertheless, is melodic,
not harmonic, in structure. The melody tones are those of the first
five-toned scale, which lacks the third and seventh of the complete
octave. (See p. 7.) See plot of this melody on page 419.
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
291
The following song is undoubtedly that of a man who dreamed of
a buffalo, but the origin of the song was not given:
No. 100. "I Come"
Sung by (jRAy Hawk
(Catalogue No. 546)
Voice J= 92
Drum J — 96
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
(!)
^^^r#
Ta-taq-ka-o - hi - ti - ka mi -ye wa-lii - ye
P— #-
Sfc^
I^^
Tatar) ^ka-ohi^tika Brave Buffalo (a man's name) '
miye^ I am
wahiVe I come
Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, the time
being interrupted between the renditions. The song is unusual
in that it contains no interval smaller than a minor third. It is
characterized by the interval of a fourth, 58 per cent of the intervals
being fourths. The melody contains only the tones of the minor
triad, a tone material found in only three other songs of this series.
Eight tones comprise the compass of the song, which is hannonic
in structure. In every instance the two rhythmic units were sung
as transcribed, the last count of the second unit being different from
that of the first. The tempo of the drum was slightly faster than
that of the voice. See plot of this melody on page 419.
1 This does not refer to the medicine-man mentioned in previous chapters of this work.
292
BUREAU OF AMERICAlsr ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 101. Buflfalo Society Song (a)
Sung by Gray Hawk .
Voice J = 92
Drum J = 92
Di'um-i'hythm similar to Ko. 6
(Catalogue No. 549)
* • *
Analysis. — Tliree renditions of this song were recorded, the time
being interrupted between the repetitions. This is a pleasing and
simple minor melody containing all ijhe tones of the octave except
the second. It is harmonic in structure, following first the triad of
C minor and then the triad of G minor. Two-thirds of the progres-
sions are downward and comprise only the minor third and major
second. In the first part of the song the drum precedes and seems
to hurry the voice, but at the close the drum and voice coincide.
The same pecuHarity has been noted in some other songs by this
singer. See plot of this melody on page 419.
No. 102. Buffalo Society Song (b) (Catalogue No. 550)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice ■J= 126
Drum J= 120
Dram-rhythm similar to No. 19
^^^s^ -^
^sil?
-*- -*
Analysis. — This song is characterized by an unusual prominence of
the interval of a fifth, about 16 per cent of the entire number of inter-
vals being ascending fifths; yet the song has a compass of only seven
tones. More than half the intervals are major seconds, and on these
the intonation was wavering. The rapid tempo and small count-
divisions would make a correct intonation difhcult. The drum was
DENSMOKE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
293
persistently slower than the voice. Tliis song contains a rhythmic
unit which, though short, is interesting. Two renditions were
recorded.
No. 103. Buflfalo Society Soug (c) (Catalogue No. 577)
Sung by Shooter
Voice J- 112
Drum J- 112
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
Analysis. — This song is on the second five-toned scale and is me-
lodic in structure. Its compass is small, being only six tones. Two-
thirds of the progressions are downward, and two intervals occur which
are larger than a minor third. Several renditions were recorded, all
being uniform. The rhythmic form of the song is interesting. There
are two occuirences of the rhythmic unit, then a pause of one count,
after which the unit again appears twice, the remainder of the song
resembling the unit but not repeating it. Such definiteness of form
suggests that the song is clear in the mind of the singer and is being
correctly sung. The interval between B and A sharp was not always
an exact semitone, but the A natural in the third from the last measure
was in every instance given as a much larger interval, showing it was
the intention of the singer to sing another tone than that which had
been given in the preceding measures
ELK SOCIETY
The men who had dreamed of the elk (see p. 176 et seq.) banded them-
selves together and called themselves the Elk society. Two Shields was
one of the singers and drummers in this society, the last meeting of
which was held about 30 years ago. He sang the following song, which
was used in this society, and which he said had been handed down for
many generations. He stated that the song is still sung at dances
and must always be paid for by the man who asks that it be sung.
Sucli a man is usually an elk dreamer.
4840°— Bull. 61—18 21
294
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
No. 104. Song of the Elk Society
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J = 80
Drum J ~ 88
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
Ifiit
-^-•-» -•-
(Catalogue No. 538)
-^^.
ii:
4:1
— N — I ' , — . -I K — I
^§a
^
iS
4E£
^i!^— ^
#5^1^
:4=1^
>• ^
Tu-wa
was - te - i - ci - la waq - ma - yaq - ka caq - na
^ — m-^-0 r,-
fh»-*-*
333ES
P^=P=
^■=f^i=
^=S
1?:^
eai}-te wa-ni-ce
tuwa^ whoever
wa^te'i^ila consider themselves beautiful (in character
and appearance^
warjma^yagka cag^na after seeing me
<5agte^ wani^<5e has no heart
Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, and in
every instance the tones transcribed, respectively, as D fiat and D
natural were distinguished clearly, though the intonation on them
was not exact. The intonation of these tones was best in the open-
ing measures. The renditions were uniform, but the song was
especially difficult of transcription, as the tone was vibrato and the
time not absolutely regular. On analyzing the melody, we find
that 55 per cent of the intervals are seconds, either major or minor.
The tones comprised in the melody are those of the fourth five-toned
scale, with the sixth flatted as an accidental. Though the tonality
is major, we note that almost 18 per cent of the intervals are minor
thirds. The final count of the rhythmic unit differs somewhat in its
repetitions. Throughout the song the metric unit of the drum was
sHghtly slower than that of the voice.
DENSMom;]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
295
The hoop carried by an elk dreamer is mentioned in the following
song as "a rainbow." The follomng was given as an explanation of
the use of this term: "Part of the rainbow is visible in the clouds,
and part disap2:)ears in the ground. What we see is in the shape of a
hoop. This word is employed by medicine-men and especially by
dreamers of the elements of the air and the earth." (For songs of a
man who dreamed of a rainbow, see Nos. 61 and 62.) The lioop of an
elk dreamer was considered sacred, and the dreamer took great pride
in it. When carrying it he sometimes put it around his neck or
thrust one ami through it and cari'ied it on liis shoulder. Such a
hoop is shown in plate 26 and is described in connection wdth Brave
Buffalo's dream of the elk.
No. 105. "Something Sacred I Wear" (Catalogue No. 471)
Sung by iSiya^ka
Voice J =76
Drum J:zr 76
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 8
^^M
:r^=£=feE
:&£
i^^
He ta - ku wa - kaq ko-mai) - ya ke - lo si - to - mni- yaq war)-
ko-maq - ya ke - lo si - to - mni-yaq waq - ma - yaijk a - u
)
m^
a
li
^2
:^=±\±
« — • — 0-
-i^<si — \-o-
we si - to - mni-yaq wai] - ma- yaqk a - u we he
i^
f»— (^
3
^±^mu:t^
0 6aq-gle-§ka waq ko-maq-yake-lo si - to - mnl-yaq waq - ma-yaqk a - u
we si - to - mni-yaq waq - ma-yaqk a - u we a he a he
296
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
{Part 1)
ta^ku. something
wakar)' sacred
komag^ya kelo^ wears me (cf. words of Nos. 41, 93)
sito^mniyaij all
wagma^yagk behold me
aii^ we coming
{Part 2)
(5ai)gle^ska waij a hoop (rainbow)
komag^ya kelo^ wears me
sito^mniyaij all
wagma^yaqk behold me
aii'' we coming
Analysis. — Tliis song contains 40 intervals, all but 3 of which
are minor thirds and major seconds. The intonation was particu-
larly good considering the smallness of the intervals. The rhythmic
unit, which is interesting, appears four times, one of the tones invari-
ably being shortened. Parts of the rhythmic unit occm-, as well as
its complete repetitions. Two renditions were recorded, separated
by sln^ill cries while the drmn was beaten tremolo. Drum and
voice have the same metric unit, but coincidences are met with only
in the closing measures. (See song No. 101 .) The song contains only
the tones of the minor triad and fourth and is melodic in structure.
Voice J — 69
Drum not recorded
No. 106. "My Life Is Such"
Sung by Shooter
(Catalogue No. 575)
m
4:
-\=-
-0-
-(— -t— i— -•- -•-
S^ .^- :•: #^ ^-
^1
Mi - 0 - o!j - ca - ge le - ce - ca - ye
mi - 0 - oi] - ca - ge war) - yaq
ka yo e - ye - lo mi-oq-ca-ge le' - 6e - 6a-ye waij-yaij-kayo yo
miog^c^age my life
le''ce(5aye is such
mi6g^6age my life
wagyag^ka yo behold me
eye^lo it is said
miog^cage my life
le'cec^aye is such
wag yag'ka yo behold me
DENSMOBEl
TETON STOTTX MUSIC
297
Analysis. — The first four measures of this song are based on the
tonic chord. Among both Chippewa and Sioux it is unusual for the
tonic chord to be given out at the opening of a song. In the present
instance these measures serve as an introduction to the performance
of the song, being sung only once while the repeated part was sung
six times mthout a break in the tempo. The high tones in this song,
especially the accented tones, were given with a sharp attack, which
began slightly above the tone and immediately descended to it.
This was a mannerism of the singer impossible to indicate in notation.
An augmented second is found in the song and this, as well as the
minor second, was given with particularly good intonation. An
augmented second occurs also in songs Nos. 63 and 225. This song
contains the tones of the fourth five-toned scale and is melodic in
structure. Only two intervals larger than a minor third appear in
the song
No. 107. "An Elk Am I" (Catalogue No. 622)
Sung by Wi^YAKA-wAijfzi'LA (One Feather)
Voice J =126
Drum not recorded
0) 0)
E=g
•-#- -*--♦-•-•-
-^ ^
2^
S
9-^
^
\^
^z
"^•l
H^
-m-.
-1 —
—m—^
(2)
-^
(2)
-1 h-
— 1
-•-
~1
(2)
1
— • — •
-r^—
::^
(2)
^^~b-
^^
L--??Lz
-■"•ik-
— 1
-F
^U-
— =^
-1-*-
-^
^-J
(2)
0)
m
It
^
d S—i^\sJ -iri—\d S ~ri \f:J \d
He - Ha - ka waq
.(2) (2)
-*--#-• -#- -^-
iSi^
$. p -y' ^_^
S
mi - ye ye -
(2) (2)
lo na - ke - noq - la wa - oq we
(2)
3
g
3t:ie
^
• d d
^— r
-d-^-
lo
WORDS
helia^ka war) an elk
miye' yelo' am I
nake'nor)la (a) short life
waor) ' wiiW I am living
298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Analysis. — The fourth constitutes 55 per cent of the intervals in
this song, a peculiarity frequently noted in songs concerning animals.
Many other intervals in this song are seconds, which form part of
the descent of a fourth. An ascent of an eleventh is accomplished
in two intervals, with the introduction of the words. This repre-
sents the entire compass of the song, which contains the tones of
the fom'th five-toned scale and is melodic in structure. Two rhythmic
units occur, entirely different from each other. It is frecjuently
noted that two rhythmic units in a song have one or more measure
divisions alike.
HORSE SOCIETY
No dream of a horse was related to the \vriter, but there is among
the Teton Sioux an organization called the Horse society. It was
said that some of the songs in the following group were used in this
society, and were used also on the warpath to make a horse swift
and sure. The estimation in wliich the horse is held by the Sioux is
shown by a speech by Brave Buffalo. This speech was made before
the singing of his first song, and was recorded by the plionograph.
Freely translated it is as follows:
Of all the animals the horse is the best friend of the Indian, for without it he could
not go on long journeys. A horse is the Indian's most valuable piece of propertj-.
If an Indian wishes to gain something, he promises his horse that if the horse will
help him he will paint it with native dye, that all may see that help has come to
him through the aid of his horse.
Siya'ka said that on one occasion when he was hard pressed on
the warpath, he dismounted, and standing in front of his horse,
spoke to him, saying —
We are in danger. Obey me promptly that we may conquer. If you have to run
for your life and mine, do your best, and if we reach home I will give you the best
eagle feather I can get and the finest sina^ In'ta, and you shall be painted with the
best paint.'
1 The eagle feather was tied to the horse's tail, and the sina' lu'ta was a strip of red cloth fastened around
the horse's neck. (See p. 3S8.)
DENgMOREl
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
299
No. 108. "My Horse Flies like a Bird" (Catalogue No. 573)
Sung by Brave Buffalo
Voice J = 84
Drum not recorded
^' A-
-•-• -•- -^- -#^ ^-
Ko - la mi - ta-gui) - ke kiij-yaq yaij iij - yaij - ke
^. ji. f: ji.. -
^ -t^
f^
f^
lo
iilfe^;^ :^~"j"L:rg=f=f^a^^
iSii^^^sl
fi^^ffiSP
gl
S^:
4Jp=ir=[lsfc5
I
kola^ friend
mita'sug ke my horse
kigyag' yag flies Like a bird
ig^yagke lo as it runs
Analysis. — This is one of the instances in which the signature indi-
cates the pitch of the tones as suiig by the singer but does not imply
a "key" in the musical sense of the term. The song is classified as
'' irregular. " (See table on p. 305.) It will be noted that the progres-
sions of the first 12 measures are based on the major triad B-D sharp-F
sharp, yet the presence of E sharp makes it imjDossible to consider
that part of the song in the key of B. The remainder of the song sug-
gests the key of B minor. In the first part of the song Brave Buffalo
sang E sharp and D sharp, and in the latter part he sang E natural
and D natural, these tones being given clearly and unmistakably.
A comparison of the tone C, registered at the beginning of the cylin-
der, with C on the piano, shows that the phonograph was properly
adjusted when the record was made, so that the change of pitch is
not due to any slackening of speed in the recording machine, which
might have been the case if the machine had been partially run down.
Two renditions were recorded, ^vith a pause and some conversation
between them, and the pecuUarities of t|ie first rendition were re-
peated exactly in the second. The personaUty of the singer should
be taken into account in considering a song of marked pecuharity,
and Brave Buffalo, who made this record, was not a man given to
300
BTTREAIT OF AMERICAN RTHNOLOGY
TBOLL. 61
seeking effects, as some f)f the young men occasionally do. He
recorded nine songs, and his manner of singing was marked by
more than usual carefulness. This was the first song he recorded
and he did it quite reluctantly. The transcription has been compared
vnth the phonograph record many times, at long intervals, in order
that the test of the ear might be renewed. It is, therefore, the opinion
of the writer that the transcription indicates as nearly as possible
the song as it was sung by Brave Buffalo. It is a peculiar melody,
but the purpose of the present work is to ascertain what the singer
sang, not to adapt his song to a white musician's standard, either
of time or of key.
Of the intervals in the song 60 per cent are major seconds, and the
song contains only two intervals larger than a minor third. It has
been noted frequently that an Indian has great difficulty in keeping
the adjustment of a melody in which a majorit}^ of the progressions
are small intervals.
No. 109. "When a Horse Neighs" (Catalogue No. 604)
Sung by Brave Buffalo
Voice J= 7&
Drum J= 126
Drum-rliytliin similar to No. 19
-# • -•--•- m m a m
-<S>-^
Aij-pa - o
lii - na - pe cii] - haij o sui] - ka - kaq waq ho-toq - we
-0- -f- -•--•-
-I — i — \~
(■
^S
-l9—
±L
:4zt
P P' f~ir-
i^
^
:i=P=
^-4 •—^
-Kt
I
WORDS
aq^pao daybreak
liiiia''pe appears
<5ii)hag^ when
^ugka^kag ' wag a horse
hotog''we neighs (see p. 180, footnote)
' This is a shortened form of the word l^uyka'wakaT).
UKNgMOBE]
TETON SlOtlX MUSIC
301
Analysis. — It is interesting to compare this with other songs con-
cerning the horse, not only in this group, but in the songs of war (Nos.
138, 139, 140, 145). The tempo is slower, and the rhythm is not the
galloping rhythm of some of the other songs. There is in it a Httle of
the dignity and solemnity which seems always present in the mind of
the Sioux when he sings of the dawn. The drum is a rapid tremolo.
Two renditions were recorded, wliich are identical jn all respects.
The song contains only the tones of the minor triad and fourth. Of
the intervals 65 per cent are major seconds, and the trend of the
melody is downward from the twelfth to the tonic. ,
No. 110. "Horses Are Coming'
Sung by Brave Buffalo
Voice J — 72
Drcm J- 132
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
(Catalogue No. 605)
,^. } p y r r r -r
53^:
Ta -te o - u - ye to - pa
^— *
kii]
guij-ka - wa-kaq wai]-zig - zi
-^ P
a - u we -lo
- u a we - lo
WORDS
tate^ ou^ye to'pa kig the four winds are blowing
sugka^wakar) wagzig'zi some horses
aii^ welo' are coming
Analysis. — Two renditions of this song were recorded; these are
alike except that the second is slightly lower in pitch. It has been
noted that some singers \\t11 pause after the first rendition of a song,
and then begin a second rendition on exactly the same pitch as the
first, while others vaR begin slightly higher or lower. This song con-
tains no rhythmic imit, but the song as a whole has a rhythmic com-
pleteness, which is interesting. The first and last phrases resemble
each other in some of the count-divisions, notably in the first triple
measure.
302
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bri,L. 61
No. 111. "Prancing They Come"
Sung by Two Shields
(Catalogue No. 537)
Voice J — 104
Drum
104
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
(1)
He - na wa - ci
a - u we
he - na wa - 6i
a - u we
(1) (2)
» 1' 1
P P ' P 1* « • •
1
~<^- —
he - na wa - 61 a - u we ho - toq a - u we - lo he o
i^ES^
%
-^ Kha
§ui] - ka -wa-kaij o - ya - te waq he - na ' wa - ci a - u we
(1) (2)
PiiS
-#^-*-
■^
&m^
:S
-m- — m- — m-
he - na wa - 61 a - u we ho - toq a - u we - lo he
he'na see them
waci' prancing
aii^ we they come
hotog' neighing (see p. 180, footnote)
aii^ welo^ they come
^ui)''kawakag oya'te war) a Horse nation (see p. 162, footnote)
he^na see them
wadi^ prancing
aii^ we they come
hotog^ neighing
aii^ welo' they come
Analysis. — This is a peculiarly rhythmic melody, which was sung
four times. Drum and voice have the same metric unit, but the drum-
beat follows the voice. The song is strongly harmonic in feeUng, but
the accented E classifies the structure of the song as melodic with
harmonic framework. The compass of the song is an octave, and.
the trend of the melody is steadily downward. The melody is very
bright and lively, yet more than half the intervals are minoir thirds.
See plot of this melody on page 419.
OFN'SMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
303
No. 112. "Chasing, They Walked" (Catalogue Xo. 470)
Sung by Siya'ka
Voice ^-116
Drum J^ 116
Drum-rhythm similar to No. (5
sui)-ka -wa-kaq o - ya - te le wa - ku
ma - ni - pi wa - ku - wa ma - ni - pi yo hi yo
waku'wa chasing
ma'iiipi they walked
le this
^ug'kawakag oya'te Horse nation (see p. 162, footnote)
waku'wa chasing
ma'nipi they walked
Analysis. — Tlie words of this song refer to the free, almost play-
ful, action of a herd of horses. This melody is especially rhythmic.
Three double renditions were recorded, which show no differences
except a slight lowering of pitch. All but three of the intervals are
major seconds. Difficuhy in keeping the adjustment of a melody
containing small intervals has been frequently noted. The song has
a range of 10 tones and is based on the fourth five-toned scale.
Before beginning to sing, Two Shields beat the drum in a rapid
tremolo, the indicated time of the drum not being fully established
until the first few measures of the song had been sung, after which
it was steadily maintained.
304
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOOY rEii.r, oi
No. 113. "A Root of Herb" (('atalogue No. 4H7)
Sung by Siya'ka
Voice J =138
Drum not recorded
0)
ta wa-kai] ca wa - wa - ku- wa ye hu noi] - pa o - ya
te yuij-kaq liel i - to - he
(1)
ya wa - wa - ku- wa ye
(2)
pe-zu - ta wa-kai] 6a uu wa - wa-ku-wa ye hu-noij
-#-• -#- -#- -#-. ^ -^ ^ -j^-: z^
-^f-b— b^S — 1 ( vH — rf— f — ^ 1;. ' . ! — r — -^-f- — ^ — r^'
-^^-h 4.-^*-5 — ^ ^=E; -'-^u_- -4-^ -_A—
pa o - ya
te yui}-kai) hel i - to - he
(1)
ya wa- wa
^^
:p=P^=p:
^5-
F F-i i»- y y :-t-
♦=:nt=itzi^
ku-wa ye hel i - to - he - ya ca wa -wa-ku-wa ye
WORDS
pefu'ta (contraction of peii^A?(ta). a root of herb
wakag^ sacred
<^a it 13
wawa'kuwa ye (that which) I have used
hu noq^pa oya'te the tribe of men
yugkag' therefore
hel ito'heya toward them
<5a it is
wawa^kuwa ye I have used it
Analysis. — This song contains two rhythmic units, the opening
measures of the two being alike, but the first having four complete meas-
DENSMORK]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
305
The interval of a
Two renditions were
ures and the second six measures. The repetitions of these units com-
prise every note in the song. In tonality the melody is distinctly
minor, but only one interval of a minor third is found in it; a descent
from E flat to C occurs several times, but always with D as a passing
tone. The song contains only the tones of the minor triad and
second — a somewhat unusual tone material
second is especially prominent in the melody,
recorded; these are alike in every respect.
This group comprises the songs of such societies as are composed of
men having similar dreams, the name of the society indicatino- the
animal which appeared in the dream (songs Nos. 95-113). Undoubt-
edly many of the songs in this group are songs wliich were "received
in dreams," but the names of the original owners are forgotten and
the songs are now the common songs of the societies.
Old Songs — {5) Songs of Dream Societies
Melodic Analysis
tonality
Major tonality.
Minor tonality
Irregular
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
9(), 99, 102, 104, lot), 107, 112
95, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103, 105, 109, 110, 111,
113
108
FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on the —
Twelfth
1(K)
Eleventh
105
Tenth
113
Ninth .'
104 110
101
Seventh
102
Fifth
98, 99, 100, 103, lOll, 107, 111
96 112
Third
Second
95
Kejmote
Irregular
97
108
Total
19
306
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Old Songs — {5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continu(>tl
Melodic Analysis — Continued
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Ending on the —
Fifth
Third
Keynote
Irregular
Total.
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
95, 98, 99, 100, 104, 107. 110, 111
106
96, 97, 101, 102, 103, 105, 109, 112, 113
108
LAST. NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs in which final tone is—
Lowest tone in song
Immediately preceded by semitone below
Songs containing a major third below the final tone.
Irregular
Total.
96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 100, 107
109, 110, 111, 112, 113
103
95, 97
108
NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Compass of —
Twelve tones.
Ten tones
Nine tones . . .
Eight tones..
Seven tones..
Six tones. ....
104, 105, 108, 109
106, 110, \\9., 113
95
97, 98, 99, KX), 101, 111
96, 102, HI
103
Total.
UE.N.'SMUUK]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
307
Old Songs — {o) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
TONE MATERIAL
Second five-toned scale
Fourth five-toned scale
Minor triad
Minor triad and fourth
Octave complete
Octave complete except seventh
Octave complete except seventh and sixth
Octave complete except seventh and third
Octave complete except fourth
Octave complete except fourth and second
Octave complete except second
Other combinations of tones
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
103, 111
104, 106, 107
100
98, 105, 109
113
97
110
99
95
96, 102
101
108
ACCIDENTALS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing—
No accidentals
15
1
1
1
1
95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102
109,110,111,112,113
103
106
104
lOS
105 107,
Irregular
Total.
STRUCTURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Melodic
Melodic with harmonic framework
Harmonic
Irregular
15
1
1
95, 96, 97, 9S, 99, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106,
107, 109, 110, 112, 113
HI
100, 101
108
Total
19
308
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Old Songs — {5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Downward.
Upward
Total.
95,98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, lOS, 109,
111, 112, 113
96,97,99,105,107, 110
TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Downward.
Upward
295
169
Total.
INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a —
Fifth
Fourth
Major third
Minor third
Augmented second.
Major second
Minor second
Total.
34
39
73
1
132
14
INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a —
Tenth
Octave
Seventh
Minor sixtli. .
Fifth
Fourth
Major third. .
Minor third. .
Major second.
Minor second.
Total.
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Total number of intervals
Total number of semitones
Average number of semitones in an interval.
464
1,436
3.09
I
J
DENSMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 309
OJd Songs — (5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued
Melodic Analysis — ^^C'ontiniied
KEY
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Key of —
A minor
B flat major.
B flat minor
B major .
B minor
C major
C minor
E flat major.
E flat minor.
E minor
F major
G flat major.
G major
G minor
Irregular
Total
109
100
97,98
99
103, 105, 111
106
113
112
95
110
104, 107
96
102
101
108
Rhythmic Analysis
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on unaccented part of measure .
Beginning on accented part of measure
Total.
95,96,107,113
97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106,
108, 109, 110, 111, 112
RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
First measure in—
2-4 time
12
96, 97, 99, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 108, 110,
3-4 time
112, 113
95, 98, 100, 104, 107, 109, 111
Total
19
CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE (LENGTHS)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing no change of time.
Songs containing a change of time.
None.
19
95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104,
105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113
Total.
4840°— Bull. 61—18 22
310 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Old Songs — (5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — -Continued
RHYTHM OF DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
3
9
3
100, 102, 104
95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 103, 111, 112
105, 109, 110
Total
15
RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing—
No rhythmic unit. . .
One rhythmic unit..
Two rhythmic units
Total
95, 96, 99, lOS, 109, 110
97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 112, 113
100, 107, 111
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome—
69 i
1
2
2
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
2
2
1
106
72
96, 110
76
105, 109
80
104
84
108
92
100
96
95
100
99, 101
104
111
112
103
116
98, 112
126
102, 107
132
97
138
113
Total
19
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 311
Old Songs — (5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome—
80
1
2
1
2
2
1
1
2
1
1
1
4
105
88
96, 104
92
97
96
95,100
110
99, 101
104
111
112 :
103
116
98, 112
120
102
126
109
132
110
106, 107, 108, 113
Total
19
COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO)
Serial Nos. of songs.
Drum and voice having same metric unit
Drum faster than voice
Drum slower than voire
Drum not recorded
Total
95, 98, 99, 101, 105
96, 100, 104, 109, 110, 111, 112
97, 102, 103
106, 107, 108, 113
Military Societies
Organizations of warriors existed among all the Plains tribes.
The tenn ''wolf" was applied to the warriors of several tribes,
while among others the term "dog soldiers" was used. A con-
densed account of the military organizations of the Plains Indians is
given by Clark, ^ who places the number of societies in the Siouan
peoples at 11. Writers concerning individual tribes have described
the customs of such tribes, the following being representative
citations.
Among the Kiowa :
The Kiowa have an ohiborate military organization, now fast becoming obsolete,
known as Ya'pahe, "Warriors." A similar organization is found among most of the
prairie tribes, and is commonly known to the wliites as the Dog-soldier society, from
an imperfect rendering of the name of one of the principal bands. The Kiowa organi-
zation consists of six orders, each having its own dance, songs, insignia, and duties.^
» Clark W. P., The Indian Sign Language, p. 3.55, Philadelphia, 1885.
*Mooney, James, Calendar History of the Kiowa, Seventeenth Rep. Bur. Elhn., pt. 1, p. 229, Washing-
ton, 1898.
312 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAISr ETHNOLOGY [boll, ei
Among the Arapaho :
Among the Arapaho the organization was called Bini^nena, "Warriors," and con-
sisted of eight degrees or orders, including nearly all the men of the tribe above the
age of about 17. ^
Among the Cheyenne:
These warriors he [the Great Prophet] grouped into five societies, who, \vith the
chief, were responsible for the conduct of the tribe. The societies were called the
Ked-Shield, Hoof-Rattle, Coyote, Dog-Men's, and Inverted or Bow-String.^
Among the Omaha:
There were two classes of societies among the Omaha — social and secret. Member-
ship in the social class was open to those able to perform the acts required for eligi-
bility. To this class belong the warrior societies, as well as those for social purposes
only. [TMs is followed by an extended consideration of the war societies.]^
Among the Blackf eet :
[The] association of the All Comrades consisted of a dozen or more secret societies,
graded according to age, the whole constituting an association which was in part
benevolent and helpful and in part military, but whose main function was to punish
offenses against society at large.*
This association appears to resemble that of the Aki'cita among
several other tribes. (See pp. 313, 314.)
Lewis and Clark made what is probably the first recorded mention
of societies among the men of tlie Sioux tribe. Under date of August
30, 1804, their Journal contains the following section written by
Clark :^
I will here remark a SOCIETY which I had never before this day heard was in
any nation of Indians, four of which is at tliis time present and all who remain of tliis
Band. Those who become Members of this Society must be brave active young men
who take a Voiv never to give back let the danger be what it may, in War Parties they
always go forward without screening themselves behind trees or anything else to
this Vow they Strictly adliier dureing their Lives, an instance which happened not
long sence, on a party in Crossing the R Missourie on the ice, a whole was in the ice
imediately in their Course which might easily have been avoided by going around,
the foremost man went on and was lost the others wer draged around by the party,
in a battle with the Crow (Kite) Indians who inhabit the Cout Noir or Black Mountain
out of 22 of tliis Society 18 was killed, the remaining four was draged off by their
Party. Those men are likely fellows the[y] Set together Camp & Dante together.
TMs Society is an imitation of the Societies of the de Curbo or Crow {De Corbeau,
Kite) Indians, whom they imitate.
' This evidently refers to one of the military societies of the tribe,
and the action described is that of the Aki'cita. An old man on the
Standmg Rock Reservation said to the writer, ''Many military soci-
1 Mooney, James, The Ghost Dance Religion, Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn.,Tpt. 2, p. 986, Washington, 1896.
2 Dorsey, George A., The Cheyenne, Field Columb. Mus. Pub. 99, Anthr. Ser.,ix, No. 1, p. 15, Chicago, 1905.
3 Fletcher, Alice C, and La Flesche, Francis, The Omaha Tribe, Twenty-seventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp.
459-486, Washington, 1911.
^Grinnell, George Bird, Blackfoot Lodge Tales, p. 220, New York, 1892.
5 Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804-1806, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites,
I, p. 130, New York, 1904.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 3-13
eties had their origin in a dream, but the organizatiori of these soci-
eties and their meetings were more public than those of the regular
'dream societies,' "
In his study among the Oglala Sioux Dr. Wissler has divided the
societies for men into Aki'cita societies, Headmen's societies, and
War societies.^ Six Aki'cita societies are enumerated by him as exist-
ing at the time of his obseiTation, among the Oglala on the Pine Ridge
and Rosebud Reservations, in South Dakota, these being theToka'la
(Kit Fox), Karigi'yuha (Crow Owners), Caijte'-tirjza (Strong Heart),
Ilio'ka (Badgers), Sotka'3ruha (Bare-lance Owners), and Wi'ciska
(Wliite-marked). Oidy the first four of these societies were found by
the writer among the Teton Sioux on the Standing Rock Reservation.
Another society mentioned by the writer's informants was said to be
known by two names, the Silent Eaters (A'inila wo'ta) and Strong
Heart at Night (Alie'pi cai)te'tir)za). This was a secret society,
entirely distinct from the Strong Heart society, described in this
section. No songs and no further information concerning this
society were obtained.
Before proceeding to a consideration of these societies and their
songs it may be well to consider briefly the meaning of the term
aki'cita.
The word aki'cita is commonly translated ''soldier," but its meaning
is akin to "guard" or "police," the proper word for "warrior" being
iki'cize. Thus the Aki'cita societies were those whose members
coidd be required to act as guards or marshals when the tribe was
moving, or as "police" in the village. The aki'cita were primarily
associated with the buffalo hunt, in which they saw that no one dis-
regarded the laws of the chase (see p. 442) ; they also preserved order
in the camp and punished all offenders. They were primarily civil
officers, though aki'cita might also be appointed to act in connection
with a large war party, Hennepin notes an instance of punishment
by aki'cita among the Santee, or eastern Sioux. In 1680 Hennepm
and his party were descending the Mississippi River and were "in the
Islands of the River," not far below the Falls of St. Anthony (probably
near the site of St, Paul, Minn.), The Indians set food before them,
but while they were eating, there came other Indians, who took the
food from them and plundered the tipi. Hennepin says:
We knew not what these Savages were at first; but it appear'd they were some of
those that we had left above at the Fall of St. Anthony. One of them, who call'd him-
self my Uncle, told me, that those who had given us Victuals, had done basely to
go and forestall the others in the Chase ; and that according to the Laws and Customs
of their Country, 'twas lawful for them to plunder them, since they had been
> Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota,
Anthr. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., xi, pt. 1, p. 5, New York, 1912.
314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
the cause that the Bulls were all run away, before the Nation could get together,
wliich was a great Injury to the Publick.'
Lewis and Clark refer to these men as follows :
Those people have Some brave men which they make use of as Soldiers those men
attend to the police of the Village Correct all errors I saw one of them today wliip 2
Squars, who appeared to have fallen out, when he approach"^, all about appeared to
flee with great txurow [terror], at night they keep two 3, 4, 5 men at different Dis-
tances walking around Camp Singing the accurrunces of the night ^
The aki'cita are mentioned also by many writers on the tribes of
the Plains. Rev. J. Owen Dorsey states that " The Akitcita, soldiers or
guards (policemen), form an important body among the Asiniboin
as they do among other Siouan tribes."^
Wissler states that the manner of selecting aki'cita was as follows:
The chiefs chose the four "head aki'cita" from one society, who in
turn chose their assistants from the society to which they them-
selves belonged. Thus the choice of the four head aki'cita was practi-
cally the choice of a certain society for this duty. The selection
was usually made at the beginning of the summer hunt, and service
continued to the close of the season. It seems to have been cus-
tomary, but not obligatory, for the chiefs to choose from the societies
in rotation.^
Concerning the organizations of these societies, Wissler states : ^
We find a surprising degree of uniformity in details. All were liable to be called into
aki''cita service, while other societies never rendered such service. . v . The scheme
of officers is practically the same. All have from four to six lance bearers, who are the
most conspicuous, if not the most important personages in the society. They are
usually gi'ouped in pairs, as in fact are nearly all the other officers; . . . Next in rank
to the two leaders stands another pair, among the cante tinza and the wdciska they are
known as bonnet bearers, and among the others as pipe bearers, but their functions
are much the same. These two ranking pairs are sometimes spoken of as the four
chiefs in charge of the organization. There are two whip bearers in all [the societies]
except the kaggi^yuha. ... As to food passers, drummers, and singers, there is
general uniformity throughout. It is thus clear that whatever may have been the
origin of these societies, they were all brousht to an approximation of the one type.
FOX SOCIETY
In his account of the Toka'la, or Kit-fox society, Wissler says:*
The society is so named because "its members are supposed to be as acti^ e and wily
on the warpath as this little animal is known to be in his native state. . . . The
members wear a kit-fox skin around the neck, the head before, the tail behind. To
1 Hennepin, Father Louis, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America (reprinted from the second
London issue of 1698), Reuben Gold Thwaitesed.,i,p. 280, Chicago, 1903.
2 Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, op. cit., I, p. 168.
2 Dorsey, James Owen, Siouan Sociology, Fifteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn.,j). 224, Washington, 1894.
* Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota,
op. cit., XI, pt. l,p. 10.
ilbid., p. 63.
«Ibid., pp. 14-23.
DENgMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 315
the nose part some small bags of medicine are attached. [See p. 389.] The edges, feet,
and ears may be worked in porcupine quills and hung with bells according to the
tastes of the individual owTiers. They take the jawbones of the toka'la, paint them red
or blue (the old native colors), fasten them on a strip of otterskin or some similar
material, and wear the bones on the forehead. On the back of the head is fastened a
bunch of crow tail feathers sidewise, and sticking up are two eagle feathers. . . .
When participating in a dance, the officers paint their bodies yellow.
The teachings of the society inculcated '"bravery, generosity,
chivahy, moraUty, and fraternity for fellow members." Men who
joined the society were required to promise obedience to these teach-
ings, and the whip bearers had whips of a peculiar kind \\dth which
they scourged those who disregarded their vows. One of the officers
of the society was the custodian of the drum.
The "kit-fox dance" as held by the Santee Sioux is described
by Dr. Lowie,^ his account differmg but slightly from that already
quoted. Maximilian notes a society of "the foxes" among the
Arikara about the 3"ear 1833.^ The "Kit-fox society" is included
by Dr. Lowie in his list of the Hidatsa^ and also of the Mandan
societies.^ The same authority states that, among the Crows, "the
Foxes and Lumpwoods had become the most important military
societies in the decades immediately precedmg the breakdown of the
old tribal life."^ Some of the songs of this society are still sung
at Fort Berthold, N. Dak., and have been recorded by the writer.
Miss Fletcher mentions the Toka'lo (Toka'la) among the Omaha as
one of two ' ' social societies that were borrowed or introduced from the
Dakota. . . . There are no words to the songs — a fact which makes
it probable that the music was adopted from another tribe, the foreign
words being dropped." °
In the writer's study among the Teton on the Standing Rock
Reservation it was said that "fox songs and coyote songs are the
same." It was also decided that certain songs called wolf songs
or "WoK society songs" should be included in this section. In this
connection it is interesting to note that Dr. Lowie found the kit-
fox dance called the coyote dance by the Santee at Fort Totten,
N. Dak.,^ and that among the Crows of Montana he was told that
"aU the societies were originated by the mythical Old Man Coyote."*
A similar correspondence in the terms "fox" and "coyote" is found
in the names of the societies of the Cheyenne, Mooney giving one
' Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, Anthr. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist.
XI, pt. 2, p. 105, New York, 1913.
2 Maximilian, Prince of Wied, Travels in the Interior of North America (translated from the German by
n. Evans Lloyd), p. 407, London, 1S43.
8 Lowie, Robert H., Societies of the Crow, Hidatsaand Mandan Indians, op. cit., pt. 3, p. 253.
* Ibid., p. 296.
6 Ibid., p. 155.
• Fletcher, Alice C, and La Flosche, Francis, The Omaha Tribe, op. cit., p. 4SC.
' Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op cit., p. 106.
3 Lowie, Robert H., Societies of the Crow, Ilidatsa and Mandan Indians, op. cit., p. 156, footnote.
316
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
of the Cheyenne societies as the ''foxmen (specifically, the kit, or
swift, fox);" ^ while George A. Dorsey mentions the Coyote as one of
the original Cheyenne societies.^
Two songs of the Fox society are given herewith, and a third
(No. 178) appears in the pereonal war narrative of Old Buffalo, who
was a member of the society. Song No. 147 was composed in honor
of a member of the society who was killed on the warpath.
The followmg song of the Fox society was sung b}^ Bear Soldier
(Mato'-aki'cita) a nephew of Ram-in-the-Face:
No. 114. Song of the Fox Society (a) (Catalogue No. 677)
Sung by Bear Soldier
Voice J = 88
Drum J -56
Drum-rhj'thm similar to No. 6
I '- 1
-»- -•- -m--^--0- ^ — >v _ _ ^ -
Sife
rxf4i-^rriiT
^
m^
±3:
a:
a:
3
5«
5 ^ -i-
ff
r? I ry r^ p . ^f^-^
-U,
B»^F
-^
'■^
-^^
s
3-:tti
^m^.
^
J=96
*^-
A u
:4=^
4-^
To
ka -
WhfU-^^
P P P p
-p — p-
^
-* P' p
^
4- ^
la a kii] ta-ku ya - ka - pi
-^2 ,.-^_jf--_^l — n ^ P P
^iSl^l^s
=t^
it
Caij - na
1 - yo nil - ci
4:
-(2-
la
1 - yo
taq mi
J =88
ci - la koq i - yo
pg^fe^p^
'Pi
^L0-#
^
¥=^
•S*--<S» 15^-
a
ti - ye wa- ki ye - lo
1 Mooney, James, The Cheyenne Indians, Mtm. Amcr. Antlir. Assoc, 1, pt. 6, p. 412, Lancaster, Pa.,
1907.
2 Dorsey, George A., The Cheyenne, Field Columbian ^fus. Pub. 99, Anthr. ser., i.x, No. 1, pp. 15, 19,
Chicago, 1905.
den^moreJ
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
317
Toka'la kig the Fox (society)
ta'ku yaka'pi dag^na whenever you propose to do anything
iyo^tag' midi'la I consider myself foremost
koQ but (now)
iyo'tiye a hard time
waki' yelo' I am having
Analysis. — This is the only song recorded by this singer, but its
rhythmic form shows that it was clear in his mind. Two renditions
were recorded; these show no points of difference. Three accidentals
occur — the second and third lowered a semitone, and the fourth
raised a semitone. In the first part of the song C sharp and D sharp
wore sung slightly below pitch, but these appear in a series of the
small intervals which seem difficult for an Indian to sing correctly.
All the tones of the octave are present in the song, and almost 56
per cent of the intervals are major seconds. A change of tempo occurs
in the song. (See song No. 5.)
No. 115. Song of the Fox Society (b) (Catalogue No. 580)
Sung by Shooter
Voice J =84
Drum Jr=84
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
m
E^gg^^jy_^_mvii4jj
m7J77j=T\
V-i^ -s^ -i^'-#-
T^ -S^
Ko - la
ta-ku ya-ka-pi kiq
ta-moij-ka Sni ye - lo
kola' friends
ta'ku yaka'pi kig whatever you council about
tamog'ka ^ni yelo' I consider a difficult undertaking
Analysis. — This melody is minor in tonality and lacks the seventh
and fourth tones of the complete octave. (See analysis of song
No. 26.) The minor third is not found in the song; instead we find
that the major third constitutes about one fourth of the intervals.
1 In one instance the final syllable of this word was omitted by the singer.
318 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
The song has a compass of an octave, beginning on the dominant
above and ending on the dominant below the tonic. Three renditions
were recorded, wliich show no points of difference.
kai^^gi'yuha (crow-owners)^
This society, hke other mihtary and social organizations, was
widespread among the tribes of the Plains. Miss Fletcher states
that, among the Omaha, "the wolf and the crow were not only
connected with carnage but they had a mythical relation to the office
of 'soldiers,' the designation given to certain men on the annual
tribal hunt who acted as marshals." - A full description of " the crow "
worn by the Omaha, with an accoimt of its symbolism, is given by
Miss Fletcher.^ Among the northern tribes the crow and the raven
appear to be connected exclusively with success in war, the skin of
the bird being worn around the neck or attached to the spear which
was carried in war. A ''Crow or Raven society" was noted among
the Mandan and was mentioned by Maximilian.'*
The Crow-owners society of the Teton Sioux and the Eaven-
bearers society of the Mandan, as studied by the present wi'iter,
appear to be similar in essential features. Lowie, however, uses the
term Crow society in his list of Mandan organizations.^ A Crow-
owners society is noted by the same authority, amo'ng the Crow
Indians.^ The Raven-owners society is mentioned by Lowie in his
observations among the eastern Dakota,'' and the Raven-bearers by
Wissler, among the Blackfoot Indians.^
The full organization of the Crow-owners society is given as follows
by Wissler: ^
The Kai]gi^ yiiha (they that have the crowi waa an organization similar to the
Toka^la, the scheme being as follows:
2 leaders 4 lance bearers
2 rattle bearers x. lay members
2 pipe keepers 4 drum bearers and singers, two of whom
2 ehort-lance bearers carry rattles and sit about the drum
2 crow-skin bearers 1 herald
1 The -ivriter's informant concerning the Kaggi'yuha was Eagle Shield (Wagbli'-waha'dugka), who was
a member of the society. In pi. 43 he is shown wearing the "crow-skin necklace," (karjgi'wana'pi) , which
was the insignia of the society.
' Fletcher and La Flesche, op. cit., p. 442.
3 Ibid., p. 441.
* Reise in das Innere Nord-America in den Jahren 1832 bis 1834, von Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, n, p.
140, Coblenz, 1841. "Die zweite Classe oder Bande sind die * * * Kriihen- oder Rabenbande (La.
bande du corbeau), junge Leute, von 20 bis 25 Jahren."
5 Lowie, Robert H., Societies of the Crow, Hidatsaand Mandan Indians, op. cit., p. 309.
6 Ibid., p. 199.
' Lowie, Robert II., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit., p. 109.
8 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Dance Associations of the Blackfoot Indians, Anthr. Papers, Amer. ^fus.
Nat. Hist., XT, pt 4, p. 392, New York, 1913.
9 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota,
op. cit., p. 23.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 44
CROW-SKIN NECKLACE AND CASE
DENaMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 319
When asked why the crow was honored by the society, Eagle
Shield said :
We want our arrows to fly as swift and straight as the crow. The crow is always the
first to arrive at the gathering of the animals in the Black Hills. The reason why the
Black Hills were so long unknown to the white man was that Wakag'tagka created
them as a meeting place for the animals. The Indians had always known this and
regarded the law of Wakag 'tai) ka concerning it. By this law they were forbidden to
kill any of the animals during their great gatherings. In the Black Hills there is a
ridge of land around which is a smooth, grassy place called the ' ' race course. ' ' ' This is
where the animals have the races, during their gatherings. Even small animals like
the turtle are there. The crow is always first to arrive, and the other birds come
before the animals, while insects and creatures like the frog travel slowly and arrive
last. Sometimes it takes 10 years for all the animals to arrive, as they come from
long distances and camp wherever winter overtakes them.
Eagle Shield said further that among the Teton of Standing Rock
the Crow-owners society had originally but 10 members, but that later
it became a large organization to which only successful warriors could
belong. Such men of distinction could be admitted by making the
request of the leader and giving a feast to the members of the society.
A special tent in the village was used by this society as its meeting
place. Eagle Shield said, "the village was full of noise, with chil-
dren shouting at their games and women singing and dancing, and
the members of the Kar)gi'yuha liked to spend the evenings in their
lodge, singing and enjojnng themselves." Over the door of this lodge
was hung the ''Crow lance" in its wrappings. According to Eagle
Shield, this lance was decorated with a crow skin next to the lance
head. Before a fight the lance was unwrapped and passed over the
smoke of burning sweet grass. When stuck in the ground during a
fight it marked a place from which the members of the society could
not retreat unless they took the lance with them."
When going to war each man carried his crow-skin "necklace" in a
rawhide case (pi. 44), and before putting it around his neck he
passed it over the smoke of burning sweet grass. Feathers for head
' This is undoubtedly the mound referred to hy Clark in the Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark
E.xpedition. vol. 1, pp. 121-123. Clark wTites, under date of August 25, 1804, as follows: "Capt. Lewis
and Myself concluded to go and See the Mound . . . which the Indians Call Mountain of little people or
Spirits. . . . The Surrounding Plains is open \'oid of Timber and leavel to a great extent, hence the wind
from whatever quarter it may blow, drives with unusial force over the naked Plains and against this
hill; the insects of various kinds are thus involuntaryly driven to the Mound by the force of the wind, or fly
to its Leeward Side for Shelter; the Small Birds whoes food they are. Consequently resort in great numbers
to this place in Surch of them; Perticularly the Small brown Martin of which wesaw a vast number hovering
on the Leeward Side of the hill, when we approached it in the act of catching those insects; they were so
gentle that they did not quit the place untill we had arrivi within a fiew feet of them.
One evidence which the Ind» give for believeing this place to be the residence of Some unusial Sperits
is that they frequently discover a large assemblage of Birds about this Mound [this] is in my opinion a
Sufficient proof to produce in the Savage Mind a Confident belief of all the properties which they ascribe
(to] it.
2 Cf. Wissler (op. cit., p. 24): " When attacking the enemy they were required to thrust the lances into
the ground and not leave the spot unless released by some of their party pulling up the lances. , . . The
lances are short and covered with otterskin; at the top there is an eagle feather and at the other end, a spear.
Near t"he spear Is (sic) fastened the neck and head of a crow."
320 BUREAU OF AMEEICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei
decoration were also carried in this case. Eagle Shield said that before
a fight the warriors always put on their finest regalia, so that, if
they were killed, they would die in a manner worthy of their position.
The sleeves of the war shirts were not sewed, but were tied together
under the length of the arm. Before a fight the warrior untied
these fastenings and threw back the sleeves to permit free use of his
arms.
Concerning the "aki'cita duties" of members of this society,
Eagle Shield said: "These men were among those who protected
the people and watched for buffalo when the camp was moving, and
who assisted in the selection of suitable places for the winter camps."
A ''praise song," iwa'Mcipi olo'way (No. 158) of this society was
sung by One Feather, this song being in honor of Sitting Crow, a
member of the society. One of the dancing songs (No. 164) was sung
by Eagle Shield; this is given in connection with a narrative of his
personal experience on the warpath.
cai^te' tijjza (strong heart)
This term is translated "Stout-hearted ones" by Bushotter/ and
"the dauntless" and "the braves" by Wissler.^ In the present work
it will be translated "Strong Heart," according to the explanation
given by the writer's interpreters on the Standing Rock Reservation.
Lowie does not include this society in his list of eastern Dakota
societies.^ A full account of its organization is, however, given by
Wissler.*
A Sioux once said to the writer, "Indian patience and philosophy
are matters of long training." This was a training which began
in childhood. Thus Red Fox said that when he ran away with a
war party the men frightened him "to make his heart strong."
(See p. 375.)
It was said that the Strong Heart society among the Teton Sioux,
as it existed within the memory of the writer's informants, was
organized by Sitting Bull, Gall, and Crow King, prominent chiefs,
who were practically in command of aU the warriors. It was their
desire to have a body of fearless warriors to meet any emergency, and
for that purpose this society was organized. If a man were known to
be fuUy qualified for the honor of membersliip, it was not necessary
for him to undergo any tests. All he had to do when initiated was
to promise to be brave in the defense of the tribe, to take care of
the poor and needy, and to maintain a good moral character. The
1 See Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan Cults, Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn.,^p. 463.
2 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton Dakota, op.
clt., p. 25.
3 Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit., p. 101.
* Wissler, op. cit., pp. 25-31.
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
321
distinctive headdress of the society was a war bonnet made of the
tail feathers of the eagle and having a pair of horns attached in
front. Each member had one of these headdresses, which he wore
only when going on the warpath or in actual battle. If a man had
been uniformly successful and had never shown any sign of cowardice,
he might be buried with this bonnet on his head ; but if he showed
cowardice on the warpath, he was punished on liis return by being
Fig. 29. Woman with l>uiiner of the Strong Heart society.
severely reprunanded in the presence of all the members, his head-
dress was taken away, and he was expelled from the society.
Members of this society were allowed to carry a banner made by
fastening feathers to a long strip of flannel, which was attached to
a pole. This was called wapa'ha hamini'mini, 'waving bamier.'
Women whose relatives were members of this society and had been
killed in war were allowed to carry this banner. PaKi'wii) (Yellow
Hair) said that six of her uncles had been members of this society,
and that she was entitled to carry the Strong Heart society banner
322
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
(fig. 29). A similar custom was noted at White Earth, Minn., among
the Chippewa. In plate 16, Bulletin 53, is showTi a Chippewa
woman, the daughter of a chief, carrying such a banner, which
belonged to her father.
The distinctive rattle of the Strong Heart society is shown in
plate 45. This consists of a rawhide receptacle on which are traced
the lines of a turtle. It contains a few small stones or shot. This
rattle was used by the dancers.
One of the customs of this society seems to have been designed to
increase the self-control of its members. An informant said:
In the old days there were four lodges of the Strong Hearts in the center of the
\'illage. Every morning the Strong Heart men met in one of these lodges and sang
their songs. Then two young men with rattles and two with bows and arrows went
around the village and killed dogs which were to be eaten in their lodge. Some
Indians are short tempered, and the Strong Hearts did not kill their dogs. They
killed the dogs of jjrominent families an^ when the dog was shot they shouted and
shook their rattles. It strengthened a man's heart to have his dog killed and not
show anger. The women singed the dogs, cooked them, and took them to one of
the Strong Heart lodges. There they all sang and danced, and the dogs were part
of the feast.
No. 116. Song of the Strong Heart Society (a) (Catalogue No. 509)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J = 84
Drum not recorded
■ - — H 1 — H 1 — ■ ^ -0-
^-ML
^•p P'P
U^
ii:
isit
^.t=^
^
t-^-
^cqc
m
s
*=•-
^
Ko - la tu - wa na-pe - ci - na - haij o - pa kte ^ni
kola' friends
tu'wa whoever
nape^ cinahag runs away
o'pa kte sni ye shall not be admitted
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 45
STRONG HEART SOCIETY RATTLE
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
323
Analysis. — This melody has a compass of 12 tones. This range
is not so unusual as is the frequency with which large intervals are
spanned. Thus an ascent of 12 tones is accomplished in two progres-
sions at the introduction of the words, and in two instances a descent
of a seventh is made in two progressions. Of the intervals 22 per
cent are fourths. The song contains all the tones of the octave except
the fourth and in structure is classified as melodic with harmonic
framework.
No. 117. Song of the Strong Heart Society (b) (Catalogue No. 544)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice J — 88
Drum JzrSS
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality and progresses largely
by intervals of a major second, this constituting about 64 per cent
of the entire mmiber of intervals. Four renditions were recorded,
uniform in all respects. The final tone was sung slightly fiat, but
the repeated part and the repetitions of the melody always began on
F sharp. The song contain^ one rest. (See analysis of song No. 79.)
The triplet divisions of the count were given clearly. In structure
the song is melodic, containing all the tones of the octave.
This and the four songs next following were recorded by Gray
Hawk (Cetar) '-hota) (see pi. 71), a well-known member of the tribe,
who also contributed interesting material concerning the buffalo hunt
(p. 436).
324
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 118. Song of the Strong Heart Society ^ (c) (Catalogue No. 548)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice J= 104
Drum J- 104
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8
(1) (1)
Analysis. — The rhythmic form of this melody is clear and inter-
estmg. Two rhythmic units are present, the first count in each
having a triplet division. The melody tones arc those of the minor
triad and fourth. About 3 1 per cent of the intervals are minor thirds,
and one-half are major seconds. The song is harmonic in structure
and has a compass of 12 tones.
No. 119. Song of the Strong Heart Society (d)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice J:=;88
Drum Jzzz96
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
(Catalogue No. 557)
Analysis. — This is a simple melody and three uniform renditions
show that it was clear in the mind of the singer. The tone A in the
first triple measure was sometimes sung below pitch, but the intona-
1 An additional song of this society is No. 231,
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
325
tion of the remainder of the song was excellent. Tlie melody tones
are those of the minor triad and fourth, yet about one-third of the
progi^essions are major thirds. Tlie drum was slightly faster than
the voice and was beaten steadily while the shrill cries were given
between the renditions of the song.
BADGER SOCIETY
The fourth Aki'cita society, according to Wissler, was the Badger
society. This is noted by him among the Oglala Sioux/ also by Lowie
among the eastern Dakota ^ and the Mandaii.^ It is said to have
become extinct about 20 years ago. Two songs of this society were
recorded, at Standing Rock.
No. 120. Song of the Badger Society (a)
Sung by Gray Hawk
(Catalogue No. 553)
Voice Jr^SO
Drum J- 80
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
r
S?^
^^. fz ^ ^- i»--^. f: -^ -#- -^'^~^#-• #-
-WH \ \ i I IC I ^ ^ 1 ri ^ I \ ;:|—
-f*- -#- -•-
~^4^ -T-3-T-
a
-f^^Miv^
^.t=sa3EE^E03t
Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality and contains the tones
of the second five-toned scale. The tones transcribed as C natural
and C sharp are clearly distinguished in the three renditions, the
semitone at the begiiming of the second measure being sung with
particularly good intonation. The minor third is of frequent occur-
rence, constituting 40 per cent of the intervals. The rhy^thmic
form of the song is good and the rhythmic unit, though sliort, is
interesting. The drum was slightly behind the voice in all the rendi-
tions.
See plot of this melody on page 419.
1 Wissler, Clark, Societies of the Teton-Dakota, op. cit., p. 31.
J Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit., p. 109.
5 Lowie, Robert H., Societies of the Crow, Hidatsa, and Mandan, op. cit., p. 322.
4840°— Bull. 61—18 23
326
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Voice J =104
No. 121. Song of the Badger Society (b) (Catalogue No. 554)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Drum
104
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
#-^
:?ai=r=P=?
P^=^
I
Analysis. — This song is distinctly major in tonality, yet one-third
of the intervals are minor thirds. Five renditions were recorded,
the song being sung three times Mdthout a break in the time, then a
short pause being made, after which it was sung twdce. Tliese repeti-
tions are uniform throughout. The tonic triad forms the basis of
the melody, but the accented A makes it necessary to classify the
song as melodic witli harmonic framework. The triplets of eighth
notes were clearly enunciated. This count-division is frequently
found in dancing songs. About two-thirds of the progressions are
downward. The drum slightly preceded the voice, though the metric
unit of the two is the same.
MIWA TANI
The Miwa'tani was an important military society among the Teton
Sioux, the members of which were exempt from aki'cita duty. Charg-
ing Thunder said that he belonged to this society, that it was originated
long ago by a man who dreamed of an owl, and that the society was
sometimes erroneously called the Owl society. The word miwa'tani
is not fully explainable, as it is not found in the common speech of
the Sioux. Two informants said it is not a Sioux word, and that they
thought it meant "owl feathers." Wissler says:^
According to one informant, this society, which by the way, is regarded as a very
ancient one, was so named because an owl -being in conferring the ritual said, "My
name is Miwa''tani." . . . Our informants are all agreed that the term is associated
with no concept other than that of a particular society. It is also their name for
Mandan, the tradition being that the latter were named because of some resemblance
to the Miwa''tani society.
The Omaha word for Mandan is Mawa'dani,^ and a "Mandan dan-
cing society" among the Omaha is mentioned and one of its feasts
described by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey.^
' Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of tlie Teton-Dakota, op. cit., p. 42.
' Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omalia Tribe, op. cit., p. 102.
3 Omaha Sociology, Third Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 273. See also Dorsey, Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 463.
I
I
DENSMOBE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 327
Wissler^ states that the organization of the Miwa'tani consisted of:
2 leaders x lay members
2 sash bearers, or lionnet men 1 drum bearer
2 whip bearers 8 singers
1 food passer 1 herald
Charging Thunder said the Miwa'tani society, besides being one
of the most difficult to enter, was one of the most exacting in its
requirements. Each member pledged himself to sacrifice his own
fife in defense of a wounded member, if such sacrifice became neces-
sary on the warpath. \Vlien anything was needed by the society
the principal officer appointed some one to collect what was required,
and the demand was never refused. The collecting was usually done
at a public meeting of the society and formed one of the tests by
which the leaders of the tribe determined which men were qualified
to be useful to the tribe.
If an officer of this society saw in the camp a supply of provisions
which should have been donated to the society, he could take it,
either for the use of the medicine-men who conducted the ceremonies
or for the use of the organization as a whole. He had the right to
do this, and it was even expected that he would do so if donations
were wilfully withheld.
According to Charging Tliunder the purpose of this society was
to promote friendliness and helpfulness among its members. The
more important of its meetings were for the initiation of new members.
Any member of the tribe could apply for membership, and if his
application was accepted he was notified by the crier.
Before a meeting for mitiation the candidates as well as members
of the society were required to fast partially for four days. They
assembled in their lodge, and once each day the leader brought m a
pail of water, and after dipping into this a bunch of sweet grass,
handed the latter to each member, with a very small piece of buffalo
meat. This was all the nourishment they were allowed, hence the
end of the four days found them greatly weakened.
Two old men, after consultation, described the initiation to the
writer. On the day of the ceremony the officers of the society, wear-
ing headdresses of owl feathers (hiyhay' Suywapa'ha), took their posi-
tion in the place of honor, opposite the entrance of the lodge. In
their hands they held the owl-feather headdresses which the new
members were to receive. All the members of the tribe were gathered
to witness the installation of the new members. It was required
that the newly elected men should show that they were qualified for
the honor which had been conferred on them. Back of the fire was a
1 Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota, op. cit., p. 42.
328
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
''mellowed-earth space" (see p. 122, footnote), and the men were re-
quired to carry live coals in their hands and put them on the earth.
Each man, rising from his seat, took coals in the palm of his hand, and
turnmg to the left, walked slowly around the lodge. After the first
round of the lodge, pausing at the mellowed-earth space, he pretended
that he would place the coals upon it. This was done three times, and
after the fourth round of the lodge, slowly lowering his hand, he gently
rolled the coals to the softened earth. (See p. 74.) If he could do
this without bemg burned he was considered qualified to be a member
of the society.
As already stated, a headdress of owl feathers had been prepared
for each of the new members. These headdresses were long, like war
bonnets, but were made of owl feathers instead of eagle feathers.
Quite a heap of coals lay on the mellowed earth after all the men had
made the circuit of the lodge. Sweet grass was placed on this heap,
and the headdresses were held in the fragrant smoke, after which
they were placed on the heads of the newly installed members.
The following ceremonial song was sung as the headdresses were
placed upon the heads of the men, who were understood then to
be fully received into the society.
No. 122. Ceremonial Song of the Miwa'tani (Catalogue No. 572)
Sung by Charging Thunder
Voice J — 66
Drum not recorded
Tu - wa wa - kai] koi) le mi
3 ^^
ca - ge
g^
3=^=
.^±±
f^^t^z=g:
tuVa Avakag^ kog the one who is holy
le nii^dage has made this for me
Analysis. — This melody contains the tones of the second five-
toned scale, with G sharp as a keynote. The accidental (F double
sharp) was clearly given in all the renditions. The song is harmonic
in structure and has a compass of 12 tones. Three-fourths of the
progressions are downward, the trend of the melody being steadily
downward from the twelfth to the tonic. The time in the first
two measures is peculiar and was maintained less steadily than in the
latter part of the song.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 45
DANCE RATTLE "WA
RATTLES
'tani society rattle
DfiXQMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
329
After a man was admitted to this society he donated his best horse
to the society, no matter what its value might be. He also hired a
man to make his paraphernalia,
usually giving a horse as com-
pensation for this service. One
of the articles with which he
provided himself was a whistle
made of the wing bone of an
eagle; this whistle was closely
decorated with beads (fig. 30),
and hung around his neck.
Each member had also a rattle
fastened to a wand (pi. 46)
which he carried during the
dances of the society. This
rattle was made by boiling the
hoof of the deer and cutting
the hard, outer part into pieces
of the desii-ed shape and size.
All the feathers used in adorn-
ment by members of this society
were owl feathers, tipped with
red down. The feathers of the
owl were used also on their
arrows.
Tw^o of the dancing songs of
this society (Nos. 156, 165) oc-
cur m connection with the per-
sonal war narratives of Eagle
Shield and One Feather.
A rattle of dew claws (pi. 46)
was used in many Sioux dances.
white horse riders
(Sltijk'ska-akai^^'yaijka)
The White Horse Riders were
not considered a tribal society,
like those already described,
but were an old organization
which, in the opinion of some
. „ 1 T • 1 ^'®- 30- Miwa'tani society whistle.
iniormants, was local m char-
acter. The term "white horse riders" is not an exact translation of
the Sioux designation, the first word of which means ''white horse,"
330
BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
while the second is a compound word indicating age and experience.
One informant said:
The White Horse Riders were principally the old warriors. Those older people
had a special liking for painting their horses on parades or on the warpath, as by that
means they could show that the horse's owner had done some brave deed. They rode
white horses for two reasons. They liked the white color, because it was regarded as
a genuine color [see pp. 173, 205], and also because a white horse was the only one on
which the paint would show well. The usual decoration was a horse's hoofprint
and a hand, the hand being understood to represent the hand of the enemy. To people
with an understanding the arrangement of these designs told the story of the man's
brave deeds. (See p. 77, footnote.)
The parade of the "VMiite Horso Riders was greatly admired in
the camp. It is said that if the White Horse Riders came to the
tent of a man who had been wounded in war, they fired their guns
into the air, whereupon the women of the family cpoked a quantity
of food and placed it in the middle of the camp circle. The custom
was that ''those who had no one to cook for them went and ate
this food."
The songs of the Wliite Horse Riders were favorites among the
Sioux, and the words of these songs were often changed. Thus No.
225 is a song of this society in which the name Ptesar|'-nor)'pawir)
has been substituted for another name.
No. 123. Song of the White Horse Riders (a) (Catalogue No. 534)
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J = 66
Drum J z= 66
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
-#- -0. -^- ^- ^. -0...0. ,
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
331
Analysis. — This song contains an unusual number of progressions.
There are 52 intervals in the song. It has been stated that the aver-
age number of progressions in comparatively modern songs is 31.3.
Thirty (58 per cent) of these intervals are thirds, 18 being major
and 12 being mmor thirds. It is interesting to note the large number
of mmor thirds in a song which is distinctly major in tonahty; these
mtervals, however, are usually part of the tonic triad, which forms
the framework of the melody. Two rests are found in the song.
(See No. 79.) The two renditions show no points of difference, the
small count-divisions being clearly given. Drum and voice have the
same metric unit and were coincident.
No. 124. Song of the White Horse Riders (b) (Catalogue No. 535)
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J - 76
Drum J :zi 63
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
(1)
Si
(2)
^^^m
-^ — ^
f-f-f^[[±
p p p -^ — w n=p^:p=^
(1)
1
1
— 1
— ^ —
"4 — '^ —
; P—r
-0-* -0- -•-• -•
-4
(1)
(2)
-P- -| P- -P- -0- -/9- I
0 p 0
2 p ^ p \fs \f
Anahjsis. — Two renditions of this song were recorded, in both
of wliich renditions G in the upper octave was sung G flat, and in
332 BUREAU OP AMERICAK ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei
the lower octave G natural. This was probably because the higher
tone was above the compass of the singer's voice. Two rhythmic
units are present, their repetitions comprising most of the song. The
melody tones are those of the major triad and second, a tone material
found in only 3 of 340 Chippewa songs, and in 8 songs of the present
series. About 38 per cent of the intervals are fourths. The average
interval is not large, but a compass of 13 tones is accomplished in
three measures, about midway through the song. The tempo of the
drum is shghtly slower than that of the voice.
WAR SONGS (oZU'yE OLO'wAIJ)
Consecutive Songs of a Typical War Expedition
War expeditions were of two kinds — tribal and individual. In the
former the tribe acted as a unit, as they did on the buffalo hunt.
Thus, if the tribe as a whole needed horses, the only way to secure
them was by stealing them from the enemy. The matter was dis-
cussed either in the tribal council or in the council of the chiefs.
Scouts were selected by the council, or each military society could
choose some of its members to act in that capacity, the procedure of
selecting and sending the searching party being similar to that
which preceded the search for the pole to be used in the Sun dance
or a buffalo hunt. (See pp. 109, 439.) The scouts started at night,
having been given instructions where to go, and also what to do if
they saw the enemy. When the scouts had returned and made
their report, the tribe took up its journey. The organization was
similar to that of the buffalo hunt, the men being restrained by the
aki'cita from any individual action until the time came for the tribe
to act as a unit.
An individual war party could be organized at any time when the
tribe was not on a general expedition. A man desiring to organize an
individual war party called on his relatives and friends at night,
explained his purpose, and asked them to join him. If they were
willing to do so they smoked a pipe in token of their acceptance.
Such an invitation could scarcely be refused, and the man who
gave it became leader of the party. Everything concerning the
expedition was carefully discussed before starting. The country
through which they would pass and the enemies they would meet
were somewhat famihar to the warriors, so that the leader could
explain verbally the route which he proposed they should take.
It was not uncommon, however, for a map to be sketched on the bare
ground, and quite customary for a war party to leave behind a
"map" on buckskin, showing the hills and streams they expected to
pass, so that other parties could fhid them if desirable.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 47
(Used by permission. )
TWO SHIELDS
DfiN!3M0BB] TETON SIOUX MUSIC S33
It was not considered a great honor to be asked to join a war party^
and no demonstration was made when they left the village. As an
old warrior said, 'Hhe honor was in coming home victorious, and the
demonstration was reserved to see whether it would be needed when
we returned."
Tlie following section presents in consecutive order certain songs
which might be sung on a war expedition. Many details of descrip-
tion are omitted, as they are comprised in the personal narratives
which foUow this section.
Tlie next 10 songs are common war songs, or "wolf songs,"
which were sung in the societies or other gatherings before the
departure of a war party. Many of them mention the woK, as the life
of a warrior was supposed to be like that of the woK. Two
Shields (pi. 47), who recorded several of these songs, is a leading
singer at every tribal gathering.
334
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
No. 125. "Those Are Not My Interest" (Catalogue No. 528)
Sung by Two Shields
Voice Jnz 96 (or J^ - 192)
Drum J = 96 ( See drum-rhythm below )
DENaMORE] TETOK SIOUX MUSIC 335
WORDS
kola'pila friends
epe''cor) ' I have said
ti i^kceya in common life
wico'Tiai) kiij the customs
o^ta yelo' are many
kola^ friend
he^na those
e §ni are not (do not interest me)
yelo'' epe'lo I have said
Analysis. — This song was r-oeorded by the same singer on two
occasions. The duphcation was accidental, and a comparison of
the result is, therefore, the more interesting. Both renditions were
transcribed and are herewith presented. It will readily be seen
that the points of difference are slight and unimportant. This is
usually the case when a song is repeated by the same singer or sung
by two equally good singers. The rhythm, which is peculiar, was
exactly repeated. It has been frequently noted that the rhythm
of a song is more accurately repeated than the melody progressions.
The foregoing transcription was from the second ''recording," in
which the song was sung three times, while in the first recording it
was sung only once, with a repetition of the first part. The tran-
scription which follows this analysis is from the first recording of the
song, in which the pitch was slightly lower, and the tempo slower,
than in the second. Probably it was because of this low pitch that
the singer closed both parts of the song on the third instead of on the
tonic. The drumbeat was alike in both recordings, but was specially
clear in the second, as is shown in the foregoing transcription. It is
not customary to vary the rhythm of the drum as in this instance,
but Two Shields is a particularly efficient singer at the drum when
large gatherings are held, and such "leading drummers" frequently
elaborate their part, especially in songs of this kind. It is prob-
ably unnecessary to state that the writmg of the drum part on a
staff does not imply pitch. Drum and voice coincided throughout
the performance. , Between the tliree renditions recorded at this
time the drumbeat was continuous. The pause in the voice was
about equal to two measures, but was not exact; in one instance it
was interrupted by shrill cries. The time in the five-eight and three-
eight measures was absolutely exact, and the triplet and couplet
groups are indicated according to the rhytlim in which the passage
was sung. The melody contains the tones of the second five-toned
scale. About one-fourth of the intervals are minor thirds, but the
melody progresses principally by whole tones, the major second
forming 49 per cent of the entire number of intervals.
' Contraction of epe'di koTj-
S36 BUfeEAtJ 6P AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBDLL. ei
The words of the following are identical with those of No. 125:
Duplication of No. 125
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J = 88 ( or J^ = 176)
Drum J = 88
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
-4 ^' ^ -
^=f=f^
'^-
-|?o-
-^
-t—
^^
-•-
-•-
Z^I
-# — •-
-#-
^
-^
»j ^ 0_
-f — 1
I'-H-
=
bLi
4—
^
=nJ
Li— L
-i—
--4-^h
-\ 1
-•- #-
Ko - la - pi - la e - pe - ci koq he
a hi ye ti i - kce-ya wi-co-haij kiij o - ta ye - lo
y^ ^ >-=»=
I
=^-i^
ko - la he - ua e sni ye - lo e - pe - lo he
yo
xVn Indian warrior wanders like a wolf, and his life is expressed in
the following song.
No. 126. "Like a Wolf I Roam" (Catalogue No. 656)
Sung by One Buffalo (Tata^^ka-wai^zi^la)
Voice J = 80
Drum not recorded
r r ^f::^^ ^ r >
Suij - ka i-sna-la mi -ye - lo ca ma-ka o - ka wiij-liya o-ma-wa
^=5=
^E^gEgEJ^
ri
ni koi] he - ci-ya ta-moij-ka sni ye-lo
densmobe]
TETOlSr SIOUX MUSIC
337
sug'ka isna'la lone wolf
miye^lo da I am
maka'' o^ka wi5''hya in different places
oma^wani I roam
koi) but
heci^ya there
tamor)''ka sni yelo^ Fam tired out
Analysis. — Considering F sharp as the keynote of this song, we find
the melody tones to be those of the second five-toned scale. The
basis of the melody is the minor triad witli minor seventh added.
(See analysis of song No. 49.) Nearly half of the intervals are minor
thirds. The song is melodic in structure and has a compass of
10 tones.
No. 127. "Watch Tour Horses" (Catalogue No. 532)
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J — 92
Drum J ~ 92
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
Kaq-gi wi-6a-§a kiq §i
ir)k a -
war)-gla - ka po
l^^^^^
ft ^ P ff ff r
_fl_f_^t ft
ya
sui] - ka wa - ma - noi] sa
mi - ye ye - lo
-^^n^ti-r — r—r^r-r-f-p-- -n-f — > r * * i^^ — #-^-4 -i
-^^?-J L ^^^^ ! 1 - -4 J U 1 -k— 1-4^1 F=^ -1
WORDS
Ivaggi' ' wida^sa Crow Indian
kig sug.k awag'glaka po you must watch your horses
sug^ka wama'nog a horse thief
sa often
miye' yelo' am I
1 Kaqgi' is the Sioux equivalent for Crow. Concerning the name of this tribe the Handbook of American
Indians (pt. 1, p. 367) states: "trans., through French jens des corbcaux, of their own name ^ ftsorofcc, crow,
sparrowhawk, or bird people." The following forms occur in the words of these songs: Kaggi' wic^a'sa
(Crow people), Nos. 127, 149, 179; Kai)gi' to'ka (Crow enemies), Nos. 169, 174; Psa'loka (corruption
of Absaroka, Teton dialect), Nos. 167, 168; Psa'doka (Santee dialect), No. 192.
338
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Anahjsis. — About Salf of the intervals in this song are minor
thirds, though the interval of a fourth is also prominent. All the
tones of the octave except the seventh and second appear in the
song, which is melodic in structure and has a compass of an octave.
Several renditions were recorded ; these shoAV no points of difference.
See plot of this melody on page 419.
No. 128. "Friends, Go On" (Catalogue No. 527)
Sung by Tavo Shields
Voice J— 92
Drum J =92
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
^ ^. :f;.fi--*-
ya - pi ye ya suij - ka - ku koi] zu - ya
>^ r r i ~f=Fi 2 f f
^
^^^/—f — I r
S^
^S3b
-^
u ye - lo
kola'pila friends
iya'yapi ye you go on
suQka^ku kog even that younger brother
zuya^ u yelo' is coming on the warpath
Analysis. — The framework of this melody is one which is familiar in
these songs. The submediant chord forms the basis of the opening
measures, followed by a descent from the dominant to the mediant, a
descent of a minor third; after this the melody returns to the subme-
diant chord, and the song closes on the mediant. Comparison with
the preceding song will show the same outline in that melody. About
half of the intervals in this song are minor thirds. The intonation is
good, and the melody contains all the tones of the octave except the
seventh. The rhythm of the drum is one found frequently in the
Chippewa songs, but is much less common among the Sioux.
den^.more]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 129. "A Wolf I Considered ]\%s#f"
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice Jm 104
Drum J^ 104
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8
(1)'
339
(Catalogue No. 547)
^ -^ -^ ^ fl
(1)
r^- rv-! 1~t- I
(1)
^«— ^
^
(2)
(3)
3^^
m
^
Sui] - ka mi - ei - la yuij - kaij
(2)
ta - ku wa - te sni yui] - kai]
(•3)
na-ziij wa-ka - piij ye - lo
WORDS
{First rendition)
sug'ka a wolf
'oii^Vla, I considered myself
yug^kag but
ta'ku wa^te s'ni I have eaten nothing
yug'kai] therefore
na^zig from standing
wakapig^ yelo^ I am tired out
{Second rendition)
^ug'ka a wolf
"^V^'la I considered myself
yuD'kag ^ but
hiuhag' * the owls
hotog'pi are hooting (see p. 180, footnote)
yug^kag and
hagkoVaki pelo' the night I fear
ATialysis.—'T\\Q interval of a fourth is prominent in tliis melody,
constituting about 25 per cent of the intervals, while the major
second constitutes 53 per cent of the number. In many instances
the major second is a passing tone in a descent of a fourth. This
song has a compass of 13 tones and is melodic in structure. The
340
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
rhythm is of special interest, as the song contains three rhythmic
units, every tone in the melody being comprised in these units.
No. 130. "Adventures I Seek"
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J— 96
Dkum J— 96
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
-\~ -^ -^ -t~ -\ — ■ -'- -p- i — -^ -•- -I*- -•-
■J=^
(Catalogue No. 523)
^ ^ ^ -g-0. .^.-0.
m 0
:^^ ^ -^ ! Hq
Tr~^U
i3=
r 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 — r~^~l
^ 1' '
4 —
-+-
t=^ra=^
^U-i
LJ — 1
P^T P
-^_^_,|^^3=H— Horn b^
-A. 0 0 0 0 . ■•
Ma-ka
si - to-mni-yar) wi
6o - hai] o-wa - le he e a e e
-|f- -I*- -#- -^- -#- -#- -0-
yo - ti - ye - ki - ya o - ma-wa - ui hi
^i^
^-#
S
^^
^
4-0 *
I
» wo'rds
maka'' sito''inniyag in all lands
wicoliag adventures
owa^le I seek
he hence
iyo^tiyekiya oma^wani amid hardships I have walked
Analysis. — This is a particularly interesting example of a song
which is harmonic in structure and based on the fourth five-toned
scale. At the opening of the song the tonic chord appears in the
upper octave and there is a descent through the submediant to the
tonic chord in the lower octave. An ascent of 12 tones is accom-
plished in two progressions, and the melody, with the mtroduction
of the words, returns to the tonic chord in the upper octave, descend-
ing, as before, through G to the tonic chord in. the lower octave,
ending on the tonic. Though the song is so regular in melodic form
dknsmokkJ
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
341
and so distinctly major in tonality, 40 per cent of the intervals are
minor thirds. The song contains 60 progressions, 37 of which are
downward and 23 upward. It will ])o recalled that the average num-
ber of jDrogressions in comparatively modern songs is 31.3.
No. 131. "His Horses He Granted Me"
Sung by Two Shields
(Catalogue No. 543)
Voice J— 58
Drum not recorded
ta-suij - ke ko ma-ku we - lo /;e
WORDS
Wakaij^tagka Wakag^tagka
6ewa''kiya I pray to
awa^ku we bringing home
tasug^ke his horses
ko also
ma^ku welo^. (he) granted me
Analysis. — In determinmg the keynote of a song the tost by the
ear seems permissible, and by this test the song under analysis is
transcribed as being in the key of A, although the seventh and third
tones of that key do not appear in the melody. The omission of
these tones places the song in the first five-toned scale, according to the
system of pentatonic scales given by Helmholtz. (See p. 7.) One
instance of a song on the first five-toned scale is found in the analyzed
Chippewa songs. (See song No. 116, Bulletin 53.) A descending
fourth characterizes this melody. It appears as E-B in the first two
measm-es, followed by D-A and A-E, these progressions being
repeated in the latter part of the song, which contains the words.
The tonality of the song is major, tliough more than half the intervals
are minor thirds.
4840°— Bull. Gl— 18-
-24
▼
342
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 132. "Those Hills I Trod Upon" (Catalogue No. 670)
Sung by Many Wounds
Voice Jr=92
Drum
92
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
ha - aij o - ma
(2)
wa - ni koq a - ke mi
(1)
ye
e ca ya
hi - bu we-lo
wazi^yata in the north
paha^ yagke'ce lo (to) those hills
he^na iya^hai) I climbed
oma'wani koq roaming
iilvo^ again
miye^ (-a I myself
hil )u'' welo'' come
m
Analysis. — This is a favorites song of tlie Sioux, a fact which
cxpL^ins why it was recorded by three singers on widely separated,'
parts of the reservation. The words of the first two singers are
practically the same, while the third singer mentions the streams,
instead of the hills of the north country; the differences in the melody
are slight. The rendition by Many Wounds is the one used in the
tabulated analyses. The song is based on the fourth five-toned
scale and contains a large percentage of minor thirds. ' It is melodic
in structure and has a compass of an octave.
.NSMUUIOJ
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
Duplication of No. 132
Sunj^ by One Feather
Voice J -96
343
Drum-rhj'tlim similar to No. 5
(1)
(2)
\Va - zi - ya - ta pa - iia yaij -ke - ce he - na i yaij - ke - Ce
(1) (2) 0)
As ali'oady stated, this is a dui)lication, the song being sung on
fferent occasions by tlirce singers. This transcription is given for
irposes of com]iarison. The words of this are the same as No. 1.32
cept that the word iya'han (I chmbed) is omitted. Other duph{;a-
)ns transcribed are Nos. 125 and 133.
Tliis and the following duplication of No. 132 begin and i'\\{\ on the
me tone. Other sougs of this series showuig the same pecuHarity
e Nos. 99, 127, 203, 205, 212, 220, 221, 228, 234, 238. (See Bull.
, page 222.)
344
EUKEAU C)i^' AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
iBUl.L. 61
Duplication of No. 182
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J ^ 96
Drum J = 96
Drum-rhvthm similar to No. 5
(1)
-,2- .0. .#. ^- .1
^
fcri^
-ft- -^.
^=t.
:^^=P=
S^=t
^■^=l!^iS
f' ^
i — H-
^Cjf— ; r -H r-*-» ; a -. ^s ; 1
^^ — 0 — • — 0 • 0 - <7 0 'J 1 •^!— •-- -^— •-= • • • Jr 0 ' 0
Wa - zi
(2)
(1)
(3)
-^ -#-
1^
-^ ^:
^
ya - ta wa-kpa yuq -ke-cin /^e he - na o - yuqk
(2) (3) (2)
ya ya o - ma - wa ui ye
a - ke mi - j'e ca ya hi - bu
:§=^
:i
|=-f=^I^^^^E^^^^
we-lo
wazi'yata in the north
wakpa' (by) streams
yuijke'ciu that are
heua^ there
oyuT)k^ya my bed is
oma''wani ye I have roamed
ake^ again
miye' ca I myself
hibu' welo come
In this instance the words are shghtly different from those sung by
One Feather with the same melody.
den.smouk]
TETON STOUX MTTSTC
345
No. 133. Wolf Song
SuTif^ by Two Shields
Voice J— 96
Drum J - 96
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
(Catalogue No. 524)
J=69 - -
E - 6a ^uq-ka mi-ci - la yuq-kaq
= 96
^i^^^^^l^^g
4- ^
ta - ku wa-te sni yui}-kaq na-ziq wa-ka - piq ye
WORDS
e^ca well
^ui)''ka a wolf
miei'la I considered myself
yuij'kaq and yet
ta^ku wa'te sui I have eaten nothing
yuq'kar) and
na'zii] waka'piij ye I can scarcely stand
Analysis. — The words of tliis song are the same as those of the
first rendition of No. 129, embodyuig an idea which was commonly
expressed m connection witli tlie warpath — that the hfe of a warrior
was Uke that of a wolf. On examming the phonograph records
it was foimd that the same melody had been recorded by Siya'ka,
different words being used. It is probable that the words used by
Siya'ka are also very old. Both transcriptions are given for the pur-
pose of comparison. It will be readily seen that the differences are
about the same as in other duplications; the actual comparison, how-
ever, can be made only by means of structural analyses. On com-
paring these, it is found that both renditions contain only the tones
of the second fivc-toncd scale, have a range of 12 tones, and ai-e
harmonic in stnicture. The rhythmic unit is the same in each, also
346
BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BDLL. 61
the rhythm of the drum. The tempo is sHghtly different and the
key is higher, whicli suggests a difference in the adjustment of tlie
phonograph. It is found that the rendition hy Two Shields con-
tains 53 progressions and that by Siya'ka 59 ; the former contains
18 and the hitter 20 minor thirds; the former 25 and the Latter 29
major seconds; the former 5 and the hitter 6 ascending major thirds.
The differences are therefore sho^^^l to be shght and unimportant.
A change of tempo occurs in the rendition l)y Two Sliields.
Duplication of No. 133
Sung by iSiya^ka
Voice J = 108
Drum J_= 108
Drum-rhythm similar to No . 19
4f- ^ ^
^ • -^
-F^^
■ A-
ni -6a
e - ma - ki - ya ca ma - ka si - to - mni
§girg=s
i
»==# r~¥
U=tt=^
o - ma - wa-m ye
WORDS
e^ca well
wi oblu''spa yug'kar) when I was oourting
sugka''wakar) ni nida'' "horses you have none "
ema'kiya to me was said
<^a therefore
maka' sito'mni over all tlie land
oma^wani ye I roam
DKNSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
347
Tliis is not entirely similar to the preceding songs, as it is a per-
sonal rather than a society song, but is placed here as it may be
supposed to have been sung prior to the departure of a war party.
In some respects the words of this song resemble those of Red Fox's
war song (Xo. 155), yet the idea is exactly the opposite, for in this
song a reluctant boy is being urged to bravery by his older brothers.
No. 134. "It Is Difficult"
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield
(Catalogue No. 611)
Voice J -80
Drum not recorded
-•- -• • -•--#- )
SS
U^
:tz .^ ^ ^.
-^ ^
-f=z-
=S=F
ci - ye he . ya - pi tka ta - moij - ka sni ye
zuya'' on the warpath
waii^ kta I was coming
yuq'kai) when
ciye' brothers
heya' pelo said
ta'ku anything (see p. 349, footnote 2)
wagla^ke 6ii) you see
ape'wadig yo try to strike it (see p. 359)
<5iye^ brothers
heya''pi said this
tka hence
tamog'ka ^ni yelo' I realize difficulties
Analysis. — In structure as well as in idea this song closely resem-
bles No. 155; indeed it was said by some Indians to be the same
348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETFTNOLOGY \n\nj.. oi
song. On comparison of the two transcriptions it is noted that 53
instead of 75 per cent of the intervals are thirds, the major and
minor thu-ds being equal in number. The rhythmic unit is shorter
but has the same division of the first count. The compass is the
same, but No. 134 contains all the tones of the octave except the
seventh and second, wliile song No. 155 contains only the major triad.
The warriors carried extra moccasins, and each man took his own
cup or cooking utensil, these features of the preparation being indi-
cated in the personal war narratives which follow. The war party
took also a supj^ly of medicines for the treatment of the wounded.
The leader usually carried the skin of a wolf with the head pointmg
in the direction they were going. When the party camped he laid
the wolfskm on the ground with its head toward the enemy's country,
and when they resumed their jomney the head still pomted the way.
No drum or rattle was used, the men walking silently. If there
chanced to be a man in the party who had dieamed of a wolf, he was
asked to perform certain ceremonies. For instance, as the warriors
approached the camp of the enemy they desired bad weather, espe-
cially a chizzlmg rain, to cover theh attack. Then the medicine-
man would sprinkle water on the wolf hide, sing his personal song,
and offer a prayer, saying that the warriors wished for a storm in
which to attack then enemies. It is said that a storm usually
followed this procedure on the part of a medicine-man. It they had
difhculty in locating the enemy because the hitter's camp had been
moved, they again called on a medicine-man to search for the enemy
by means of his power. If he were able to command the sacred
stones, he would use them for that purpose.
From an old warrior the writer secured a decorated shield which,
he said, he had carried in wars against the Crows (pis. 48, 49). The
shield is made of rawhide stretched over a hoop and laced with a
strip of hide. The greatest diameter is 16 inches. The decoration
on the shield was said to refer to a dream of a bear. The eight seg-
ments were painted alternately red and yellow, the painting on the
yellow segments, in black, representing bears' paws, while the space
below the paws was white. The warrior said that the decoration
commemorated a fight with the Crows, and that certain features of
the painthig showed that the fight, though in the Black Hills, took
place in a level, open place. He said that he was "in the middle of
the shield and the enemies were all around him, but the claws of
the bear were on every side to protect him," hence he was not hurt
in the battle.
A typical Sioux war bonnet is sho^vn in plate 50. These head-
dresses were made of the tail feathers of the eagle, and man}'' of them
were tipped with horsehair or white down.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 48
WAR SHIELD (OBVERSE)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 49
WAR SHIELD (REVERSE)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 50
SIOUX WAR BONNET
nEN.SMnllKl
TETON STOUX MITRTC
349
Men on the warpath sought the highest points from wliich to spy
the enemy and estimate distances; they often piled up stones to shield
them from the sight of the enemy. Many of these heaps of stones
are still seen in the Sioux country. Some of them are said to have
heen erected as landmarks to guide the members of a war party back
to their rendezvous. This statement", however, is erroneous. The
place and time of meeting were understood before an attack was
made on the enemy, but the men were obliged to find their way to it
as best they could.
Sug'ka-waqbli'' (Dog Eagle) said that when he went on the war-
path this song was sung at night in the camp to "strengthen their
hearts. "_ They sang very low, and sometimes imitated an owl.
No. 135. Song of the Camp
Sung by Doc, Eagle
Voice J— 80
Drum J = 80
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
-^ -^ -f^ 'fz ^ ^ 4L
(Catalogue No. 657)
^aafck=b^g^|^^Md:.=Si^^^^
Ta-ku
le - ce - ca he
-#- -1— i — •- -•--•-
^33
S
^^
I
&E1
^
4:
to-kl 1- huq - ni a ka e - ha - hai) pe - lo Suij-ka - wa-kaij he hi-yo
wa - u we - lo
WORDS
ta^ku- something (referring to a ])erson)
le'6e<5a he like this
to^ki ihug'ni ka is not likely to reach anywhere
eha'hag pelo'' you are saying
sug^kawakag horses
hiyo' waii' welo' I am coming after
' The word suTf'ka may l)e translated either "wolf" or "dog," but in proper names the latter meaning
is commonly used.
' The word taku when used in this manner is an expression of contempt. A free translation of the words
is as follows: "You are saying that such a person as I will never arrive at anything, but I am coming after
horses." Cf. taku in songs Nos. U4, l.if).
350 Bureau of American ethnology [bull, ei
Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the minor triad
and fourth. The melody progresses largely by whole tones, as 56
per cent of the intervals are major seconds. The interval of the
fourth also is prominent, comprising 20 per cent of the progressions.
Several renditions were recorded; these are uniform in every respect.
The rhythm of the song is such as to suggest the presence of a rhythmic
unit, but it will be noted that no rhythmic phrase is repeated in the
melody.
When the warriors were acting as scouts or wished for any reason
to be unobserved, each wore a white cloth arranged like a blanket
and frequently having eagle feathers fastened at the shoulders.
Sometimes a separate cloth covered the head, as shown in the draw-
ing by Jaw (pi. 59), but the hands were always covered. It was said
that on seeing an enemy in the distance the warrior strung his bow,
making ready to shoot. As he came nearer the enemy he took an
arrow from his quiver, and putting the quiver close under his arm-
pit, held the bow below it with the arrow in position, so that in a
moment he could throw open his blanket and send the arrow on its
way. Plate 51 shows two Sioux in this costume, enacting the part
of scouts. This was a feature of a celebration of the Fourth of July,
1913, at Bull Head, S. Dak.
If an open fight was expected the warriors put on their gayest
regalia. Feather ornaments had been carried in a rawhide case and
these, with the decorated war shirts, were donned by the warriors.
Sometimes the men wore little clothing and rubbed "war medicine"
on their bodies. It was said that they mixed earth which a mole
had "worked up," with a powdered herb, rubbing it on their own
bodies and on those of their horses. A specimen of this herb was
secured, which was identified as Gutierrezia sarotlirae (Pureh) B. & R.
This specimen grew close to one of the old buffalo wallows on the
prairie.
Some w^arriors preferred to be painted by the medicine-men.
Little Buffalo (Tataq'ka-cika'la) was a man who "made medicine"
for the warriors. Using blue clay mixed with "medicine," he painted
a band across the man's forehead with a branching end on each
cheek bone, the painting being done only in war. In addition to this
the "medicine" was rubbed on the body and limbs of thew^arrior.
Bear Eagle (Mato'-waqbli'), who had been painted in this manner
by Little Buffalo, recorded the two following songs. He said that
the first one was sung by Little Buffalo alone as he painted them, and
the second by the warriors after the painting was fhiished. He said
further that they did not sing in a loud voice, but that, having
mounted their horses, they sang this song of the man who had painted
them.
DKNSMOREl
TETON STOUX MITSTC
351
No. 136. "Clear the Way, I Come" (Catalogue No. 634)
Sung by Bear Eagle
Voice J =112
Drum not recorded
^»
■^— i-l 1 zl — rUi i 1
-^
?r-T^
m
Haq - ta yo wa-kaq-yaq hi - bu we - lo
o haq - ta
.fL ^ A
^^
^
yo wa - kaij-yai] hi - bu we - lo e
)
1^12=^
^' P P ^
ma - ka
-H ^ ft^-^
-^..5=L^
kiij mi-ta-wa ca wa-kai)-yaij hi- bu we - lo e
i^
£=4:
• • • Sr-. 5
yo
wa - kaij-yaij hi - bu we - lo
?^
haij - ta
yo
hag^ta yo clear the way
wakag'yaq in a sacred manner
hibu'' welo^ I come
maka^ kir) the earth
mita^ wa (is) mine
('■a hence
wakag^yaij in a sacred manner
hibu' welo^ I come
hag^ta yo clear the way
wakag'yag in a sacred manner
hibu' welo^ I come
Analysis. — Tliis melody is })ased on the minor triad A-C-E, though
D and G frequently appear as accented tones. The song has a com-
pass of 12 tones, beginning on the twelfth and descending steadily to
the tonic along the tones of the second five-toned scale. It is minor
in tonahty, and about one-third of the intervals are minor thirds.
The intonation was particularly good in this and the following song
by the same singer. Three renditions were recorded, which are uni-
form throughout.
See plot of this melody on p. 419.
"™*^"'""— "-""■"
852
BUREAU OF AMEETCAN ETHNOEOOY
fBnT-L. fll
No. 137. "At the Wind Center I Stand'
Sung by Bear Eagle
-80
(Catalogue No. 635)
Voice
Drum not recorded
9-2 ^- ^
:±
t^-ti_t
-^ -^ -^^ -^-
Ma - ka kiij co-ka-ya na-wa-zhj-ye wag-ma-yaij-ka yo
4t^ Jt. JfL jC^- -^ I '
ta - te - yo co
kii-ya iia-wa-ziij - ye waq-ma-yaij-ka yo o pe -
^^^512
:^
w=w=w=w^
'"r)~^ ^ g (=il
^=i^
.^_-_
zi-hu-ta ca na - wa-zi:j-ye ta-te-yo iia - wa-ziij-ye
maka^ kig ^oka^ya at the center of tlie earlli
nawa^ziqye I stand
wagma^yagka yo. behold me
tate^yo (?oka^ya at the wind center (where the winds l)low to-
ward nie from every side (see p. ] 20, fo-itnote)
nawa'zig ye I stand
waqma'yagka yo behold me
pezi^ huta •. a root of herb (medicine)
6& therefore
nawa'zigye I stand
tate^yo at the wind center
nawa^zigye I stand
Analysis. — Two renditions of tliis song W(^re recorded, botli con-
taining the change of tempo indicated in the transcription. This
change is sudden and defuiite, but the second tempo is not sustained
to the end of the song, the first rendition closing in almost the original
tempo. (See song No. 5.) Thi-oughout the renditions there are varia-
tions in time too shght to be indicated, but the rhythmic unit is clearly
given, showing that the song had a rhythmic clearness in the mind of
th<> singer. The intonation was good. The song is analyzed in the
DEXSMOKK]
tp:ton SIOUX music
353
key of 0 major; the minor triad A-C-E, however, is promiiieiil in the
melody, and a])out 52 per cent of the intervals are minor thirds.
A somewhat shnilar description of war painting was given by
Siya'ka, who said that he and four others were in a war party and that
their horses were painted by a man named Holy Horse (Tasuri'ka-
wakai)'). He painted the horses with white clay, drawing zigzag
lines from the mouth down the front legs, branching 'at the hoofs,
and the same on the hind legs; there was also a band across the fore-
head and spots on the chest. All the horses were painted alike.
The four men hatl their faces painted brown with a white line
across the forehead extending down the cheeks and forked at the end.
Their hair was tied in a bunch on the forehead and in it was tied some
of the same "medicine" which had been put on their bodies.
When the men were ready to start they mounted their horses with
their faces toward the east and walked single file in a great circle,
Holy Horse following close behind them. The three following songs
were said to have been sung by Holy Horse and the men whom
he had thus painted. It seems probable that, as in the preceding
narrative, the fu-st song was sung by Holy Horse alone, as he painted
the men and their horses, and the others by the warriors after the
painting was fmished.
No. 138. Song Concerning War Paint (Catalogue No. 465)
Sung by Siya^ka
VOICR Jr=r69
Drum not recorded
Le ma - ka we - ci - coij kiq oij ya -in i - iii - liaij wa -
§i#E^
0- — # — f5>~
E£^E
5J:
-^ — ft-
^
LJ^f-U^
ye - lo he
yo
le ma - ka we - ci - coij ki?] oi] ya
te
i - iii - liaij wa - ye • - lo le ma - ka we
COIJ kiij ojj ya - te i - ui - haij wa - ye - lo he
ye
■HMBMinnn
354
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
le this
maka' earth
we^cicog kig I had used as paint
og causes
oya^te ' the tribe (of the enemy)
ini'haij waye'lo much excitement
Analysis. — The repetitions of the rhytlunic unit constitute the
whole of this song, these repetitions differing only in the lengths of
the last two tones. One-third of the intervals are minor seconds, this
being an unusual proportion of this interval. The major seconds are
ahnost as many in number, and the remaining intervals comprise
four minor thirds, four fourths, and an ascending fifth. The song is
minor in tonality, melodic in structure, and contains all the tones of
the octave.
The two following songs were sung after a liorso liad ])e(^n painted
for the warpath:
No. 139. "Tremble, O Tribe of the Enemy"
Sung by Siya'ka
Voice J= 144
Drum not recorded
(Catalogue No. 466)
Wa-na-ka ho hi-yu-wa - ye si - to-mni-yaq ni-hiq-fii - ya yo o
ye
wa - na - ka ho hi - yu - wa - ye si - to - mni-yaij
§«^
f- J^ f p ,:g_^^ (t_
W
^
"^r—f- * •-
B3Et
ni-hir) - ci - ya yo he
o -ya
te wa - kaq
ni-F^
Szi
'C^^-
I
-• — -^
4:
4 gj* |-o I
yan yaij-ke-ciij si - to - mni-yaij ui-hiij - ci - ya yoyo he yo
1 The first syllable of this word was omitted by the singer.
DEN SMOKE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
355
waiia'ka now at this time
ho a voice
hiyuVaye I sent forth
sito^mniyag all
nihiij'ciya yo tremble
oya^te O tribe (of the enemy)
wakag^yag in a sacred manner
yagke'ciij sitting
sito^mniyaij all
nihig^ciya yo tremble
Analysis. — This song is divided into "three rhythmic periods, the
third of which differs shghtly from the others in the division of the
opening measure. The tempo was shghtly slower on the word
sito'mniyarj, but not sufficiently so to be indicated. Three renditions
were recorded, which are alike in eYQrj respect. The melody tones
are those of the minor triad and fourth, and the song has a compass
of 12 tones. Only five intervals occur which are larger than a minor
third, yet the melody is interesting and not lacking in vigor.
No. 140. "Behold My Horse" (Catalogue No. 468)
Sung by Hiya^ka
Voice J — 69
Brum not recorded
-^-^t:t
i^izte^
Le - na waq - la - ka nuij - we le - na wai]-Ia - ka nuij-we mi - ta-
J-92
^§Sfe
^:
^
z±r.
lA:
sui] - ke wa - kiq -yaq i - ye - ce - ca waij - la - ka nuij
iS^
i::
F2=E
I
we yu
le
na waq - la - ka nuq-we yo he yo
le^na these (the painted horse and the herbs)
waijla^ ka nuqwe^ may you behold
mita^ ^uqke my horse
wakiq^yaq iye^ceca like the thunderbird
waijla^ka nuqwe' may you behold
IIMHmOtMllMM
356
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Analysis. — In every rendition of this song the tempo was hastened
in the latter part. (See song No. 5.) The song is minor in tonaUty
and contahis all the tones of the octave except the sixth. In structure
it is harmonic, the accented tones descending along the intervals of
the chord of B flat minor. One- third of the progressions are minor
thirds.
Before entering the camp of the enemy a warrior might strike
another member of the party as a sign that he was willmg to die in
that man's place if such a sacrifice became necessary.
No. 141. "See My Desire"
Suug by Used-as-a-Shield
((Aitalogue No. 616)
"Voice ^^48
Drum not recorded
Ta - ku wo - wi-taij o-ya-le pi - / - ca ko - la- pi -la mis-e-ya wai]
I ' i
yai] - ke wa-caq - mi wa-na ti-ya -ta wa fia - ze ma-ya-ta pe-lo
WORDS
ta''ku wowi^tar) some honor
oya^le pica^ you seek
kola^pila friends
mis^eya I, myself
wagyaij'ke see
wacag^mi my desire
wana^ •- now
tiya^ta at home
<^aze' maya'ta pelo^ (it) is mentioned
Analysis. — This song contams only two intervals larger than a
minor third, these being an ascending fourth and a descencUng major
third. Half of the mtervals are minor thirds, with the result that
the melody has a wailing effect. Four renditions were recorded, the
first and second behig without a break in the time, as indicated in
the transcription. The song contains aU the tones of the octave
except the second, and in structure is melodic with harmonic frame-
work.
The following song was sung during or after a fight:
DENSMORIC]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
357
No. 142, "The Earth 'Only Endures" (Catalogue No. 617)
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield
Voice J =63
Drum J = 63
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
§^
ijvE;^-
t^
-»- -*-• • T^
i
:f-
§i--^' I 1^.
.-4;
SRg
?±s
» d d dndr
I
Wi-ca-hca - la kii] he - ya
pe - lo e - haq- ke - coq wi - ca - ya - ka pe - lo
wica^hcala kir) the old men
heya^ pelo^ say
maka'' kir) the earth
lece'la only
tehar)^ yugke^lo endures
eha^ pelo^ you spoke
ehag^kecoq truly
wica^ yaka pelo^ you are right
Analysis. — This song contains the tones of the minor triad and
fourth, and the effect of mmor tonahty is very strong, yet the major
and mmor thirds are ahnost equal in number, there behig 16 major
and 15 minor thirds in the melody. The song is harmonic in struc-
ture, the accented tones following the intervals of the tonic chord.
Not all who went on the warpath were impelled by love of war.
It is said that a young man once went because some one told him
that the girl he expected to marry was untrue to him. The report
4840°— Bull. 61—18 25
358
BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BDLL. 61
was false, but he went with the warriors. Before a fight he asked
his comrades to tell the girl, when they returned, that he hoped he
would be killed. This was his song.
No. 143. "Tell Her"
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield
(Catalogue No. 621)
Voice J= 76
Drum J = 76
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
^ 0- -0- -p- -♦- t~ -•- -•- -•- -#- -•-
-^iH^ — ^-4—- 1-^-+— ^— N^-t— ^-i— 1^^^ — r— -ff-T \ r r -
J-4 1^. -1-4 U ^ 4 tJ—
-r:2 1 r n^v^^-i— ^-- -^r^-rff-r-r-R-^*^-^-^
-2_4 ^i|^. zl— -4^ j ^-J ' ' Ig-^ lU
:tii:
a=£:
:L.d^:±=i
^^
i=3t
:*ZTt
:rq=
^3
-•-H • •
:^
liz^r
±1
Ii]-cii) ya-ki -ki-na - hai]
^•^
-^ 4 —=^-41-4
^
-^'— I* — 1 —
^^^
he o-ki-ciya - ka yo e - hai)- na- hci e - na wa-ki ye - lo
ir)cii/ yaki' ki'nahar) when you reach home
he oki^ciyaka yo tell her
ehao^nahci long before then
ena^ waki^ yelo^ I will have finished
Analysis. — This song contains two sections, the latter parts of
which are alike. Words are found in the second but not in the
first. There are in the song 65 progressions, almost 62 per cent
of which are minor thirds and major seconds. Two renditions
were recorded, which are alike in every respect. The song has a com-
pass of 12 tones, and contains all the tones of the octave except the
second. A phrase consisting of two eighth notes followed by a
quarter note appears frequently, but is not marked as a rhythmic
unit because it characterizes the song less than the dotted eighth
and sixteenth count-division, which occurs in various combinations
DHNSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 359
The latter, however, is so short a phrase, and is used so diversely,
that it can not be said to constitute a unit of rhythm. A triple
measure followed by a double measure is an interesting peculiarity
of this song.
The purpose of a man in going to war was to gain honor and to
capture horses. The honor could come to him either from loyalty
to his comrades or from conquering the enemy. If a man carried
either a wounded friend or a captive on his back, on his return he
could place a certain decoration on his tobacco bag or on his blanket.
(Fig. 31.) By this sign everyone knew of his act. If two relatives
were together on a war party, and one was wounded and deserted
by his kinsman, a stranger who saved him was accorded special
honor. Thenceforth he was called Wav'o'hiyapi, 'Helper of the help-
less.' To desert a wounded friend on the warpath was considered
the greatest perfidy. (See song No. 167.)
The custom of wearing feathers and painting the face, as well
as that of "counting coup," probably differs among various tribes
or bands. The following was given by the writer's informants as
the custom of the Teton Sioux on that reservation. It was said
that if a party of warriors attacked the enemy
and killed several men, the first warrior who killed
an enemy had the right to wear the "black face
paint"; thus many of the war songs contain the
words "the black face paint I seek." (See songs ^en^'inJlTrr
Nos. 8, 11,. 27, 171.) This paint was worn by
the man in the dances which followed his return from war. Usually
it covered only the face, although a man might paint his entire body
if he so desired. The second warrior to kill an enemy might "strike
the enemy," for doing which he might, on his return, let his hair hang
loose, but not paint his face. The time for continuing this practice
varied according to the individual, but was usually about a month.
If a war party defeated the enemy without loss to themselves, it
was permitted to the first four who killed enemies, and also to their
women relatives, to use the black face paint. In such an event
special songs would be sung, and at any large gathering these four
men would appear, the tribe considering them all to be equally
entitled to the honor of using the black paint.
If a man had kiUed an enemy without injury to himself he was
entitled to wear a feather erect at the back of his head. If he killed
two or more he could wear a corresponding number of feathers, but
the enemies must all have been killed in the same battle. If he
succeeded in striking an enemy he could wear a feather horizontall}^
at the back of his head. Four men could "count coup" by striking
the same enemy. (See an instance of striking an enemy, p. 376.)
360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ci
At the final camp a returning war party prepared the scalps which
they had taken for use in the victory dance. Eagle Shield said :
They selected a man who had dreamed of a carnivorous animal which attacks
human beings, if such a man were in the party. This man scraped the flesh from the
inside of the scalp, and having mixed the fat from it with gunpowder, rubbed it on
his face and hands. He did tliis because of his dream of an animal that devours
human beings. Then, making a little hoop, he sewed the scalp inside it and fastened
it at the end of a pole.'
Plate 52 shows a scalp captured by a Sioux warrior. This seems
not to have been placed in a hoop, but dried by stretching with
two short sticks, the mark of one bemg clearly discernible. The
texture of the skin made it possible for this specimen to be fuUy
identified at the United States National Museum as a human scalp.
A dance ornament made of human hair (pi. 52) was obtained
among the Sioux, but does not represent a custom of that tribe.
This ornament is said to have been worn by the Crows in dancing.
It was later used by the Mandan and Hidatsa, with whom the Sioux
were frequently at war and from whom this article was undoubtedly
taken. When among the Mandan at Fort Bcrthold the writer was
told that ornaments of this sort were frequently seen in the old
days, and that they were made, not from scalps of an enemy, but
from hair wliich had been cut or had fallen out and been kept for
the makmg of the ornament. The strands of hair were secured at
intervals with spruce or other gum, and the ornament was fastened
to the wearer's head, the hair hanging down his back.
A victorious war party approached the village on its return, bear-
ing the scalps aloft on poles. Dog Eagle said that he sang this song
when he came in sight of the camp on his return from war. It was
used also in the dances which followed.
1 Concerning the usage of the Chippewa in preparing a scarp see Bull. 53, p. 118; of the Menomini, see
Skinner, Alanson, War Customs of the Menomini Indians, Amer. Anthr.,xm, No. 2, p. 309, Lancaster, Pa.,
1911; and of the Osage, see Eleventh Rep. Bur. Elhn., p. 526.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ULLETIN 61 PLATE 52
DANCE ORNAMENT MADE OF HAIR
1 DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC . 361
No. 144. "She Stands There Smiling" (Catalogue No. 658)
Sung by Dog Eagle
Voice J -69
Drum not recorded
tS5=^=T=^^S=^
Fr=^
-^ -^ -^ -^
•^ •)'
^^s^
M
i
3z!£^te^f.^L.Uc=^=:F:
Ko- la -pi -la na- tai] a - gli ya- ku kte - lo ko-la e - ha - pi
^£
=9^
-F-^
10
caq - na ko - la wii)-yaij koij i - lia-na - ziu ye
kola'pila friends
nataq' ^ agli' ya'ku ktelo' the attacking party will return
kola^ friend
eha^pi'' dag'na whenever you said thia
kola' friend
wigyag' kog that woman
iha^nazig ye stands there smiling
Analysis. — This song is rhythmic and lively, yet very simple.
The only tones are those of the major triad and second, the tonic
triad forming the framework of the melody. The song has a com-
pass of an octave, and the mtonation was wavering in all the rendi-
tions. Nearly two-thirds of the progressions are downward.
As the warriors approached the village the women came to meet
them. War was for the defense of the home and of the helpless, and
a man usually gave to the women of his immediate family the scalps
which he had taken. (Cf . Bulletin 53, pp. 1 18-126.) The return of the
war party was followed by preparations for the victory dances.
Songs in honor of victorious warriors were sung in these dances, and
the scalps on the poles were carried by the women. "WTien the cele-
bration was finished it was the custom to take the scalps to the top
of the highest butte, where the poles were set upright m the ground
and food was placed beside them. Neither the food nor the scalps
was ever molested.
' This word, translated "attacking," refers to the manner in which a returning war party approached
the village, coming with a rush as though attacking an enemy.
HmnMBHMnaoiBB
362
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
At subsequent gatherings of the tribe a woman was allowed to
carry evidences of her husband's success, in war. Such a privilege
as this was greatly prized by the women. Plate 53 shows a gathering
at Bull Head, S. Dak. In the foreground appears a woman seated,
holding a pole on which are the trophies of her husband's success in
war, the wisp of horsehair representing a scalp. (See also fig. 29.)
If a young man had been successfid on his first war party, it was
expected that at the first large gathering after his return he would
give away many horses and receive his manhood name, suggestive
of his deed of valor. After that he discarded his childhood or boy-
hood names. If he went on the warpath again and excelled his first
achievement, on his return he could be given still another name to
correspond with his second victory.
A man who captured horses usually gave some of them to the
worden of liis family. This custom is expressed in the following song :
No. 145. "Horses I Am Bringing" (Catalogue No. 529)
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J — 84
Drum not recorded
taq-ke hi - na-piq na waq-zi o-yus-payo
tayke' older sister
hina^pa yo come outside
^ugkaVakai) horses
awa'kuwe I am bringing back
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 53
IAN WITH WAR INSIGNIA OF A RELATIVE
BBBiiyaHyiHHHHMI
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 363
tagke^ older sister
hina'pii) ' come outside
na and •
wagzi' oyus'payo you may catch one of them
Analysis. — This is a particularly lively molod}', and is unique in
that all the downward progressions are minor thirds and major
seconds. These descending intervals comprise more than 76 per cent
of the intervals. Concerning the change of tempo, see song No. 5.
The song is melodic iit structure and contains all the tones of the
octave except the second. See plot of this melody on page 419.
The songs of tlie victory, or scalp, dance were many. These were
known as iwa'hici'pi 'scalp dance,' the equivalent for "songs"
being unexpressed, according to Sioux custom. This term, however,
is applied to a large number of songs the words of whicli do not
concern the killing of an enemy, and in this connection the term is
translated ''praise song." The words of many of the praise songs
deal with a man's generosit}^, and the adaptation of the term
iwa'Mci'pi is evident, the man being praised in the scalp dance for
his valor, and the song being used later as a means of securing gifts
from him; after he had proven his liberality as well as his valor,
another set of words expressing that fact could be composed. In
this manner the term iwa'Jcici'pi became applied to a wide range of
songs.
The following song, in both words and melody, is a typical
iwa'Mci'pi in the original meaning of the word.
Maka'-pezu'tawii) (Earth-medicine Woman) sang this concerning
her cousin, Pezu'ta-wakai)' (Holy Medicine). ^ She said that when
she was 13 years of age he went in the middle of the winter to "look
for Crow horses." Thirty Crows met them, of whom he killed one,
bringing home the scalp. ^
1 This is less imperative than yo. which appears in other parts of the song.
2 As already stated (p. 217) the full form of "Pezu'ta" is Pezi'huta, meaning literally " a root or herb"
but commonly translated medicine, it being understood to refer only to preparations of roots and herbs.
3 Concerning the manner of removing a scalp, see Bull. 53, p. 86.
364
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 146. "He Is Returning"
Sung by Earth-Medicine Woman
(Catalogue No. 689)
Voice J — 56
Drum not recorded
3
-#- — h -#- -♦-• •
t
0 -
i - yo - ki - pi wa - cii] na
he e Pe - zu - ta - wa -
d- d S
tlit=^Z=3
•; -0 -0-. -0-
kai] o - wa - ki- ya-ka yui]-kai) ke wa-nawaij-zi - kte na ku-we
^^i^=^ 1
-^ "^^ M— ^ -¥
^=t=a^3=:?=^
-0- -•-. .
-0- -<5>-
he
i Pe - zu -wa-kaij Id ye he a he
oi'yokipi pleasant times
wacig^ I wish
na and
Pezu'ta-wakag Holy Medicine
owa'kiyaka I told
yug^kag he hence •
wana' now
wagzi''kte he has killed one
na and
kuwe'' is returning
Pezu^wakag (contraction of
above name)
Analysis. — This song progresses largely by whole tones, about half
the intervals being major seconds. Six minor seconds also occur,
forming more than 13 per cent of the intervals. The general
character of the melody is similar to that sung by Silent Woman
(song No. 149). Like that song, it is minor in tonality, but the
latter song has a compass of 13 tones, while this has a range of only
9 tones. See plot of this melody on page 419.
The grief of those whose relatives were killed on the warpath was
intense. Many of the women cut gashes in the flesh of the entire
body and limbs, and cropped the hair close to their heads. Many
densmore]
TETOK SIOUX MUSIC
365
of the men thrust skewers through the flesh on the outside of their
legs. It was the custom for them to go around the village circle dis-
playing these signs of mourning, and as they went they sang a song
in which they inserted the name of their dead relative, or they might
compose an entirely new song in his honor.
The following song was sung by Mrs. Hattie Lawrence (pi. 54),
whose Sioux name is Caqku'lawiq (Road). Mrs. Lawrence has been a
student at CarUsle, but retains an unusually clear knowledge of old
war customs. She assisted the writer at McLaugldin, S. Dak., by
acting as interpreter for part of the material furnished by Jaw, Old
Buffalo, and Swift Dog. Mrs. Lawrence said that when she was 10
years of age her cousin, named Kimi'mila-ska (White Butterfly),
was killed by the Crows, and that she remembered hearing her aunt
sing this song when the war party returned with the news of his
death.
No. 147. Song Concerning White Butterfly (Catalogue No. 686)
Sung by Mrs. Lawrence
Voice J = 56
Drum not recorded
^=t
5
.m il ■ m m 1-
Sz
S S s-
^m
-1^ -# -25*-
^ ^- -»(-••
^
4zt
To-
ka - la to - ka- he koij wa - na ku .sni
ye
ha - pi
yui) - kaij Ki - uii-mi - la - ska koq he ya- ka
+
pi i - cin-ke-ya§
he - ca o - le-ya - ca he-cuq we
WORDS
Toka'la toka^he kor) that Fox leader
wana' now
ku sni ye did not retiirn
eha^pi yug^kaij you said
Ivimi'mila-ska White Butterfly
koq he yaka^pi is whom you mean
i(5ii)^keyas but then
he^da ole'yada he'(5ug we he went looking for this and it has come to
pass
366
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
Analysis. — This is a strange melody. The tonahty of the song as
a whole is minor, the tone most satisfactory to the ear as a keynote,
being C sharp, yet the major third occurs six times and the minor
third only twice. A wailing effect is given by the prominence of the
minor second, which appears 18 times, comprising 46 per cent of the
intervals. It will be recalled that this interval is entirely absent
from a large majority of these songs. All the tones of the octave
except the fourth are found in the melody, the seventh being sharped
as an accidental. Two renditions were recorded. In both the acci-
dental was clearly given, but the intonation as a whole was somewhat
wavering, owing doubtless in part to the large proportion of semitone
progressions.
Mrs. Lawrence said that her aunt lost another son in addition to
Wliite Butterfly, and that she sang this song as she went around
the village, mourning his death :
No. 148. "He Lies Over There"
Sung by Mrs. Lawrence
(Catalogue No. 687)
Voice J = 66
Drum not recorded
it
j«=^
^-0^
^
:P^
3
izatc
±3t^:
=i^^
jtzjt
&
d • d
^^^^ ^ <t
m
¥
^- ^ ^— ---
=: =t =t
3ti:
Huq-kpa-pa - ya ho-k§i - la ta - ku ku-wa - pi caij •
u
W=i?
^hr-id—d
i?EE^
S^
i=3t
F^^
-^--1
na Ta - taij - ka-hai] - ska he i - yo
taij wa - cii] e
F^^-
r=:
±:
I
-•- •^. d -4- 0^0 ^^ -0- V -^ i;^ =t :j: =i
ha - pi ye-lo e - ci - ya - na yuij-ka ke - ya - pi yo
WORDS
Hug'kpapaya hok^i^la boys of the Hunkpapa band
ta^ku kuwa^pi cag^na whenever you pursue anything
Tatag^'ka-hag^ska Long Buffalo
'■"'5^^. ^, ,.-%
'*'•%
Mf*^- A
*f
-^i^y^
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 367
he iyo^taq is foremost
wacig'' eha'pi yelo' you said
edi^yana yug^ka ke^yapi he lies over there
Analysis. — In many respects this song is like No. 149. It is in
the same key and has the same compass and tone-material. Like
song No. 149, it begins with an ascencUng fifth and contains no
rhythmic unit. This song, however, contains fewer progressions, and
the singer gave the lowest tone with less distinctness. The minor
second occurs with about the same frequency as in the latter, but
the proportion of minor thirds is larger in this melody. Both
are characteristic of the songs which are sung by women.
The f oUowi :g song was sung by Ini'laoq'wii) (Silent Woman)
concerning her younger brother, who was killed by the Crows. Thij
singer is shown in plate 54 in a pose often assumed by the
women singers when they wash to "throw" the voice. Placing the
hand beside the mouth, they are able to make the sound carry a long
distance. In this picture she is shown wearing the decorated dress
(pi. 55), the use' of which was permitted only to those whose relatives
had been killed in battle. This dress is a type of costume worn in
the old days, but the history of the exploits pictured on the gar-
ment is lost. It was in a collection of Sioux articles owned by Mrs.
James McLaughlin and was photographed with her permission.
368 BUKEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
No. 149. "Learn the Songs of Victory" (Catalogue No. 685)
Sung by Silent Woman
Voice J= 116
Drum not recorded
4
S
:^
^
l^ttf^
±3!z=itzt
4:
^^
• f5>-
F=±F
:«:
±JZ^.
-^
:^EiMi
i
-z^-
^
;4:^z
^=1:
4 * w
^
b^
^1
=^tf ^— J^-^1- -^^-T — ^ — -■ ^n — \ ^ 1 ^ ■
«J • • • -^- -^ -E^- ^ -S)--
fj
mmm
*^
jtzat
^
^td:
'-r^qr-^n
-s^-
t«i
^^
r=a:
^
^-4 — ib
Ma - to - oi] - zii] - ca he he - yiq
#-
^^
3
5=F
^ — ^
■4 rj . FI-4— ^ ii— I
na /m i - ya - ye he he
e Kaq
ii:
^=#
v:::^
i
^=f=^t=tl:4=:
4^ ^
-•c=^-
ii \vi - ca - Sa y/a o - wa - le kte - ]o o
A-
=i:
3=::^
_^ — ^-
^— •— "i^
he - yiq na ha i - ya - ye ye a he he taq
gl^g!^^
• • • Ij- -IjI \Z|I — I- -
-^^-
ke lo - waq - pi kiq oq - spe i - ci - ci - ya - yo
WORDS
Mato''-oqzig^<5a Bobtail Bear (man'a name")
he heyiq^ said this
na and
iya^ye went away, never to return —
Kaggi^ wida^fo " [the] Crow Indians
•7
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
369
owa^e ktelo^ I will seek "
heyig' he said
na and
iya'ye he went away, never to return —
tagke' "older sister
lowag^pi kig the songs [in honor of warriors who return
victorious]
ogspe' i^i'<5iya yo you must learn "
Analysis. — This song has a compass of 13 tones, both the highest
and lowest tones being clearly given. Like song No. 147, this melody
abounds in semitone progressions, which give a peculiar, wailing
effect. About 13 per cent of the progressions are semitones, an
interval which is entirely absent from a large majority of these songs.
The minor third constitutes about 24 per cent of the intervals. An
ascent of 13 tones is accomplished in three measures mth the intro-
duction of the words. The intonation was good throughout the
song.
The following song was sung in honor of one of the prominent
warriors of the tribe:
No. 150. Song in Honor of OnFhag (Catalogue No. 460)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J ~ 76
Dru.m not recorded
-^ ^'0
9Sfet=^'-=f
-7^-
t>4-^-
f*— •
U?
^=±
-^ -/t #- -^
•A -ff-- -m-
-r--^ t- J- r
0 .
=9^
ir
=P^=PE
i
ni - hi- haq he e i - ki - 61 -ze koij wa - na he
\
I ^1 I 1
^
3^:^^
_ -^ — ■-
-^ f»-
=P=P=
75^-^
na - he - 6a ye
WORDS
Oni^ai) Oni^hag (man's name, meaning "excited")
iki'dize ]k:og that warrior
wana' now
hena^e6a ye is no more
370
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Analysis. — This is a rather simple melody on the second five-toned
scale with the minor third as one-third of the intervals. The rhythmic
unit is brief but forms the basis o£ the rhythm of the entire song.
The compass of 11 tones is accomplished in two progressions with
the introduction of the words of the song.
The four following songs might be called "love songs connected
with war." ^ It was said that in the old days all the love songs
were associated with a man's qualification to wed, this being deter-
mined by his success in war or in the buffalo hunt. (See duplication
of song No. 133.) No narratives concerning these songs were
secured.
Two renditions of the following song were recorded, one by Two
Shields and the other by Siya'ka. This duplication, which was
unintentional, gives an opportunity for comparison, as Two- Shields
and Siya'ka were equally good singers, and neither knew that the other
sang the song. (See song No. 133.) The words are slightly different
but express the same idea. It is not unusual for the words of a song
to differ in this manner when the song is sung by another singer.
Both records are transcribed, and it will be seen that the melody
progressions are the same in both.
No. 151. "You May Go on the Warpath" (Catalogue No. 531)
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J =92
Drum J — 92
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
JP. ^- -^ X"
I
4=1-
^ ^
Ho - we zu - ya ya - ye ho - we zu - ya ya
ye
ho - we zu - ya ya - ye to - k§a 6A - ze na - 6i
-•- -m- -m- -#--•-
bgi-e-U I ^gS
f P P
P P f
ft — ff-
;i
i=tiii==t
ii:
:±
hoq kii]-hai] hiq-gna ci-yiq kte a
WORDS
ho'' we you may
zuya' ya^'ye go on the warpath
to'k^a when
• For comparatively modern love songs, see Nos. 232-234.
DEXSMOBE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
371
6a.ie^ your name
nadi'liog I hear [announced among the victors]
kighag' then
higgna' <^iyir)^ kte I mil marry you
Analysis. — This melody contains the tones of the fourth five-toned
scale and has a compass of an octave, extending from the dominant
above the tonic to the dominant below the tonic. Of the progressions
61 per cent are major seconds, and about one-fourth are major
thirds. The wider intervals comprise two intervals of a fourth and
one ascending fifth. In structure the song is melodic. It is a lively
melody and particularly rhythmic, though the rhythmic unit is found
only twice.
Duplication of No. 151. "When You* Return"
Voice J = 100
Sung by Siya^ka
Drum
100
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
Ho - we zu - ya - ya - ye ho - we zu - ya - ya - ye
ho we zu-ya - ya - ye iq - ciq ya-gli ki - iq - haq hig
S^J
^— ^-
=t=r
-*— ^
^^
H
6i yii] kte
ho we you may
zuya'' yaye go on the warpath
igcig^ when
yagli' kighag' you return
higgna' <^iyig' kte I will marry you
Analysis. — A comparison of the rhythm of this and the rendition
of the same song by Two Shields (No. 151) is of special interest. It
will be seen that the same rhythmic unit occurs in both renditions,
though not always on the same phrase of the song.
372
BUKEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BDLL. 61
The words of the following song tell its story. Doubtless it is a
song which was often heard in the old days, when many who went
forth with the war parties did not return.
No. 152. "I Look for Him in Vain'
Sung by Two Shields
(Catalogue No. 530
VoiCB J = 92
Dp.um not recorded
Kg - §ka - la - ka kii]
a - hi - ya - ya caq
:BT-fc§:24
a - wa - ton-waq
..f f f P
he - lo
^^
^E=^
to - haij - ni
^
-'S'-r
a - ke i - ya- ya huij-se
ta-ku can - ze-ma - ye
ko^ka'' laka kiq ahi^yaya dag^na. as the young men go by
awa'tonwag helo' I was looking for liim
to^hagni ake^ it surprises me anew
iya^ya hug^e' that he has gone
ta^ku (it is) something
<5agze''maye to which I can not be reconciled
Analysis. — The intonation throughout the renditions of this song
was wavering, yet the rapid tones in the sixth measure were clear
and different from a vibrato. The song is melodic in form and begins
with an ascending fifth; this is somewhat unusual. The tones are
those of the second five-toned scale, and about two-thirds of the
progressions are downward. No rhythmic unit appears, but the
song as a whole is especially rhythmic in character.
densmoke]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
373
Like the preceding song, this seems to require no explanation other
than that contained in the words of the song. It represents the hfe
of the camp, the everyday hfe of Indian women.
No. 153. "He Is Again Gone on the Warpath" (Catalogue No. 591)
Sung by Swift Dog
Voice J = 84
Drum not recorded
FIJ,
iftSI
££
:3:
-Jf=W^
-(^
^^
mw^
=P=i=
:p=r-#-#
fC=p:
^S
3tz*:
^#J«|=d—
¥^
Voice J — 52
: 1 ^
•- -•- -m- ^-
1 j 1 1
He hiq -• gna wa - yii] kte cuq
Voice J = 84
-•--•-• -^--•-' -#--•-. L^ -— ^
2=^:
Az
0 — 0 — I — m—0-
he a - ke i - ya - ye - lo he mi - ye ma-kiij - na
he-ya - he lo
he the one
higgna' wayig'' kte dug I was going to marry
he is
ake' again
iya''yelo'. gone (on the warpath)
he miyo^ makig'na he^yahe lo.. it was I whom she meant by saying this
Analysis. — This song is based on the fourth five-toned scale, has a
range of nine tones, and is melodic in structure. Twenty-eight pro-
gressions are dowaiward and 21 are upward, these numbers being
more nearly equal than in most of the songs under analysis. The
tones transcribed as A natural and A sharp were clearly distinguished,
the tone transcribed as A sharp being even sung a trifle above the
proper pitch. The song contains a change of tempo. (See song
No. 5.)
4840°— Bull. 61—18 26
374
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 154. "Toil Should Give Up the Warpath" (CataJogue No. 576)
Sung by Shooter
Voice J— 116
Drum
116
Drum-rhythm similar to No. .5
^
Ttz:
lt=1=
gf^=^=££
-r^«^ — #-:i^:^3^
rv-
^Ji^
^=^
=:aj
-^ — ^
se
:4:
^W-W—i-
-#— ^
-/» ^
^gy-u rj rg
Zu - ya - pi kiq he a-yu§
a - tai]-se - la he - eel yaij-ka na
zuya'p? Mg he. going on the warpath
ayu^'tag . /. you should give up
na and
owag^zila (to) settle
yag^ke down
wadii]^ you should desire
na and
ataQ^sela stop
heceK yag^ka na for good
Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality, 35 per cent of the
intervals being mmor thirds. The compass is 13 tones, and all the
tones of the octave except the seventh are found in the melody.
The rhythm is interesting, but contains no repeated phrase. The
song was recorded on two occasions, several renditions being recorded
each time. The differences are only in the number of repetitions
of the final tone, or occasionally in the length of unimportant tones.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 56
dengmore] teton sioux music 375
Personal Narrative by Red Fox
Red Fox (Tokala-lu'ta), plate 56, gave the foUowiiig narrative,
telling how he entered on the career of a warrior:
My mother was a good and beautiful woman. She wore her hair in long braids,
and I remember how she looked as she said, "If my son ever goes on the warpath I
shall take a lariat and hang myself." I was a very Little boy, and it made a great
impression on me, as my mother intended it should do. Of course, she did not really
mean it, but she did not want me to run away and go with a war party. Yet that
is exactly what I did.
One day when I was about 12 years old I took my bow and arrows and went to
shoot birds. The arrows were the blunt arrows that children used. I noticed there
were a number of men going away from the village gaily dressed, and followed by
little boys carrying packs. I said to another little boy, "Where are they going?"
He replied, "They are going north oH the warpath." This was the first time I ever
saw a war party. The other little boy said, "They are our friends who are carrying
those packs; let us go, too." So we followed the war party. We did not go home
nor take any extra moccasins; we had only the little calfskin robes we wore and the
blunt arrows with which we were going to kill birds, but we overtook the war party
and went with them. Of course the boys who had started with the warriors were
well supplied with clothing and provisions.
In every war expedition there is an advance party, which precedes the main body
of men. My father was one of the warriors in this company, and I afterward learned
that my cousin Hairy Chin was in the advance party. We had gone a long distance
before any of the older members of the party saw me. Then one of them called to my
father and said, "here is your boy." My father told me to sit down beside him and
questioned me, saying, "Did you have permission from your mother?" I said, "No;
we were hunting birds and we just came along to join you." He said, "You had
better camp with the advance party when we overtake them; you will have better
food and bed than if you stay with us." I learned that the advance party always
has a good camp, while the others sleep as best they can. The day we left home the
rear party killed a buffalo, and they shared the meat with the advance party who
were waiting for them on a butte.
When my cousin saw me he came over and said, "WTiy did you come, brother-in-
law?" ['] I replied, "We were hunting birds." He said, "Come with me." So he
took me to his camp. WTien we entered all the men said, "What a little boy to go on
the warpath!" I leaned over my dish and began to cut and eat my meat. WTiile
I was eating I heard the men say, "There is some one coming on horseback, singing."
The man came nearer and we could hear him saying, "The news is flung about the
camp that a little boy ran away with the war party, and that his mother took a lariat
and hung herself." Then I began to cry, and I said, "That must be ray mother;
she said that she would do that if I ever ran away with a war party. ' '
One man said: "They are doing that to make your heart strong. They are only
fooling you. You will be fooled many times while you are on the warpath. ' ' But that
did not make any difference. I thought of ray raother, and I kept on crying.
After 10 days' journey we carae on a previous war party of six Sioux, all of whom
had been killed by the Crows. I remember the names of only four; they were Mato''-
ina'pa (Bear Appears), Kaggi^-^ur)ka^ (Crow Dog), ]Ma'za-ska (^^^lite Metal), and
E'gna-ig'yaqke (Runs Amidst). When I saw the dead bodies lying there with the
heads scalped, I asked, "What are these?" The reply was, "These are our friends
who went on the warpath." I said, "By whom were they killed?" The reply was,
[1 A term used in familiar speech without necessarily implying relationship.]
3Y6 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
"By our enemies." I asked, "What will you do with these bodies?" The men
replied, "We will wrap them up and take them home with us." Then I exclaimed,
"When I grow up I will have my revenge, and I will slay the Indians who killed my
people." So I became a warrior.
Our expedition was absent from the village 20 days. My mother did not say a word
when I came back. She did not reprove me nor tell me how anxious she had been.
WTiile the men were away on the warpath the women made moccasins. ^Vhile I was
gone my mother went on making moccasins. WTien I returned she gave me the
moccasins, and I wore them, but I could scarcely move, I was so closely watched.
For a long time, whenever I left the lodge she asked me where I was going.
Continuing his narrative, Red Fox said:
I went on 45 war parties. I even followed the west branch of the Missouri River
to the place where the snow never melts on the mountains. I will tell you of the war
party on which I first killed an enemy. On this expedition I rode a beautiful white
horse ■with brown ears. Just before we started there was a Sun dance in the village,
and the leaders said, "If anyone wants to be successful in war let him come and join
the Sun dance. ' ' There were a hundred men standing abreast in the circle. We were
asked "WTiat offer will you make to the great sun shining over your head? Will you
give him tobacco? Will you give him your flesh and blood?" \\Tien the Intercessor
came to me and asked these questions, I said in reply, "I will give my flesh and
blood that I may conquer my enemies." I fulfilled this vow at a Sun dance when
I returned victorious from war. ^ly arms were cut 7 times below the elbow and 2
times above the elbow, making 18 wounds in all. [Compare description on p. 91.]
After making my Sun-dance vow, I started on the warpath. We had traveled five
days and had reached the end of the Missouri River, when the scouts said, "The Crow
Indians are having a great buffalo hunt." We went where they directed and saw
three Crows: one had a gun, one had a bow and arrows, and the third had a revolver.
The first two pointed their weapons at us, and the third flourished his revolver, but
we were able to go up to them and strike each of them with a coup stick while they
were alive. We killed those three and also two more. Then we went farther and saw
another Crow party, but they did not see us. They went into the timber, made a
fire, and cooked some meat. After a time one of them came out and pointed his gun all
around. I rode up and hit him with a club. My Sun-dance vow made me fearless.
This was the fourth coup I counted on that expedition. We watched for the man and
afterward killed him. From there we went on until we came to a village of the Black-
feet. The l)orders of the river were heavily timbered, and the Blackfeet were camped
there. This was beyond the country of the Crows. When in sight of the Blackfoot
village I put on my war bonnet, mounted my white horse, and ran toward the village.
I charged them and got about 50 horses from the center of their herd. They shot and
shot at me, but did not hit me.
On the second night of our homeward journey we camped at a pJace called Bear
Butte. ['] Some of our horses were tired out and when the rest of the war party went
on their way, I stayed behind, having two young men with me. We traveled more
slowly than the rest, and as we were going along the side of a foothill, I saw four Crow
warriors coming toward us. I said to the young men: "Come near and stand by me.
Four warriors are coming." The young men said, "Let us run and hide." I said:
" Wakag^taqka has but one path. No matter how or where you die you must go by
that path. Let us stand together and fight."
[1 There were said to be two or more places called Bear Butte. One of these, situated in Montana, and
probably referred to in this song, was said to be higher than the one in South Dakota, probably referred
to in song No. 82, p. 256.]
DExsMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC . 377
I had a gun and two revolvers, one of the young men had a quiver of arrows, and the
other had a double-barreled gun. I sang my death song ['] for I felt sure that I was soon
to die. I sang as I pointed my gun. I said to my companions, ''I will see which of the
four has a gun, and I will fire at him, then our numbers will be even. ' ' They all said,
ho. There was an immense rock in front of us, and in a crack of the rock grew a cherry
tree. It was through this crack that I watched the wamors. One had his hair combed
high and carried a gun; the others had bows and arrows, and as they came nearer I saw
that one of them was only a boy. I said to my companions: ' ' Now work and be brave.
We have only three to fight, as one of them is a boy." When they came opposite the
crack in the rock I fired, but my gun snapped and did not gooff. A branch of the cherry
tree interfered with it. The man with the gun saw me and aimed at me, but I grabbed
his arm so he could not fire. My companions chased the others, and I fought hand to"
hand with the man for an hour. Then I called my companions; they succeeded
, in taking the gun from the man, and I had the satisfaction of killing him.
The boy ran away, but my companions brought back the two Crows, whom they
had taken captive. One of them said: "We are Crow Indians. We want to live.
We give you our bodies, and we give you the right to wear the feathers, only let us
go." So we gave them back their lives. Because of that act I was appointed a chief,
for it Mfas considered a brave deed to spare the lives of two enemies.
Red Fox then recorded the song which he said that he sang when
he fired at the Crow. The words are those of a boy who wishes to
go on the warpath, but is opposed by older brothers. He is divided
between obedience and ambition, and, while he shows no sign of
yielding, he finds his difficulties increased by this opposition. This
recalls the story of Red Fox's first war expedition, when he was a
boy.
[I A song sung under these circumstances indicated that the man realized the probability of death and
was ready to meet it. Red, Fox's song is given as No. 155.]
378
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
No. 155. Song of the Warpath (Catalogue No. 676)
Sung by Red Fox
Voice J = 69
Drum not recorded
rzi
^^^=a
s
Zu-ya wa-u kte coq he-liai]
I _
U
^
^E=as
#
^ti-
6i - ye he ye - lo a - wi - ca - u - pi kte ka-wiqfi-wa-ciq yo
=9^
u
:p= — * y ^ =^
I
f^
¥=W-
ci - ye he - ya tka o ta-moq - ka sni - ye - lo he
zuya'' on the warpath
waii^ kte coij I was coming
hehag^ then
(5iye^ older brothers
he yelo' said
awi^caiipi kte if they chase you
kawigli^wacig yo try to turn back
6iye' older brothers
heya' said
tka hence
tamog^ka sni yelo' I realize difficulties
Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the major triad, a
tone material which is found in only 5 Chippewa songs in a series of
340, This is its only occurrence in this series. Three-fourths of the
intervals are tliirds, one-half being minor thirds, and a fourth major
thirds. The song has a compass of an octave, extending from the
dominant above to the dominant below the tonic. Jn the latter
part of the song the division of the final count in the rhythmic unit
is changed to conform to the words. The song contains no change
of time. Compare analysis of Song No. 134.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX 'music 379
Personal Narrative by Eagle vShield
An individual war expedition was described by Eagle Shield,
Mrs. Jas. McLaughlin acting as interpreter. Eagle Shield said:
Many years ago, in the middle of the \\anter, I wanted to get up a war party, so I
cooked food and invited some men to a feast. Whil^ they were eating I said, ' ' 1 want
to go somewhere; that is why I invited you here." They asked where I wished to
go, and I replied, "On the warpath." "Why do you go on the warpath?" they
asked; and I answered: "It is winter. The Crows do not tie their horses so near
the tipis as in summer, so we can get them more easily. We will ask the women to
make moccasins for us all day tomorrow, and we will start in the evening."
The next day, toward evening, 3 men came to my lodge, then more came until
there were 16 men, though I had asked only 10. We sat in a circle and smoked in
my lodge until the village was asleep. Then we started away. The snow was
deep, and walking was slow and difficult. At our first camp we cut low plum trees
and made a bed of branches in the snow. As we journeyed we sometimes saw a herd
of buffalo. Then we killed one for food, cooking the meat on pointed sticks. We
used the hide for a bed, but left it when we went on our way.
After camping the tenth night I said, "Two of us will go ahead and see if we can
see the enemy's village." A tliird man asked to go with us, and early the next morn
ing we started. We had traveled some distance when my companion said, "Let us
climb that butte and look over." We climbed the butte, and looking over the
top, we saw a very large Crow settlement, and beyond the tipis was a herd of horses
like a cloud. My companion said, "Let us take two horses and go back." But I
replied: "No. The Crows will follow us, and as we will be the only ones on horse-
back the others will be killed."
We at once turned back toward our camp, traveling a little way at a dogtrot,
then stopping to rest, and then taking up the dogtrot again. It was just daybreak
when we approached the camp. I gave the wolf howl by which a war party announces
its return, and I heard our friends cry: "The scouts are coming back. The scouts
are coming back. Come and meet them."
The people stood in a line to receive us. In front of them a stick was placed upright
in the ground, and I knocked down this stick as a guaranty that I would tell the
truth. [See p. 441.] My companions joined me in the long-drawn wolf howl. After
I had knocked down the stick the people all sat down. Then a man filled a pipe,
offered it to the cardinal points, to the sky, and to the earth, and gave it to me and
my companion. He did this four times, and then we smoked awliile together.
At length the man who had offered the pipe asked: "What have you done? Have
you looked across the prairie or climbed a butte? Did you see a four-legged animal
[meaning a wolf]? Do not deceive me, but tell the truth."
I said: "I went on a butte, looked over and saw notliing. Then I went farther,
and what did I see but buffalo coming toward me. I looked again, and it was a
Crow village wliich I saw. There were many horses. I beg that you give us some-
thing to eat, lor we must start at once and travel far. We must reach there at night
and take the horses in the dark."
They hastened and brought us food. We kept our blankets tied down as we ate and
only waited to put on dry moccasins. As we journeyed toward the Crow village we
hung food in trees, so that we would find it on our return. We could see our tracks in
the snow when we started, and we came in sight of the Crow village at daybreak.
All that day we stayed on the butte. We had no food that day. When night came we
went in and out of a creek, and so reached a second butte, from which we had a full
view of the Crow camp. The smoke was thick above the tipis. We put on fresh
380 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
moccasins and tied them very firmly. We fastened our belts tight and arranged our
buffalo-hair lariats so they could be let out most freely. As we started for the Crow
camp I said: "Don't take too many horses, or they wdll make a wide track in the
snow and we shall be followed. Whoever first reaches the trees where the food is stored
must wait for the others. "
Although the snow was deep we secured 21 horses. I had 6 horses and no colts, so I
could travel rapidly. The man with me rode 1 horse and led 4. I heard a sound,
and looking back, I saw a mule following us. The mule came up and joined us, as
he had probably been raised with the horses. Mules were highly valued by the
Sioux, and I claimed this mule as mine.
A few of our men reached the meeting place before I and my companion arrived.
We waited for the rest, but two men did not come. W^e fastened our moccasins and
were about to go back for them when they came in sight. "Hurry!" they cried;
there is excitement in the Crow camp. They have seen us and are jumping on their
horses." Some of us were eating when the alarm came, but we made ready to start
at once. Four went ahead so the horses would follow, and the rest of us drove the
herd. The cold was intense. We traveled all that night, and I often went back to see
if we were being pursued . The next morning we made a fire and put on dry moccasins.
We were afraid that if we traveled slowly we would be caught and killed, so we has-
tened. That day we let the horses trot awhile and then walk awhile, but we did not
dare stop to rest. The second night a man who had been on the lookout said, "The
Crows are after us; they are right on our trail. "
I said: "We are not cowards. We must stand our ground and not run away."
My companions cried, "What shall we do?" I said, "We will go to that little rough
ravine and take the horses down there." It was a "draw" in the prairie, and at the
end of it there were some great rocks. It was a moonlight night, and bright as day.
We got the horses into the ravine and could hear the voices of the Crows. Evidently
there were many of them. I made up my mind that we had a hard time before us,
but we had good guns and plenty of bullets. I said: "We will crawl up on top of the
ridge of land and lie flat in a line, far apart. We can see them on the prairie, and as
soon as they are in range we will fire." We threw off our blankets and were clad
only in our calf-skin sliirts. So we lay in a row watching for the Crows. I said, "Be
ready with your guns."
There was a great crowd of the Crows. They were following the horses' tracks,
and when they came near us we sprang up, yelled, and fired at random. The Crows
turned and ran, leaving one man dead whose horse had run away, and one horse whose
rider was going on foot. We all got together and ran a little way after them, firing
as fast as we could reload our guns. We shot from above their heads so they could not
tell where to shoot at us, and only once in awhile they shot in our direction. I said
to my companions: "The Crows are too many for us. If we go out on the prairie to
run away they will see how few of us there are. We will keep on shooting and stay
out of sight. Then they will think there are a great many of us. ' '
We could see the Crows. They were still there, like a big burned spot on the
prairie. Once in awhile one of our men went toward them and shouted: "Come and
fight. It is good to fight. " [Cf. song No. 157.] This continued all day, and the Crows
thought there were a great many of us because we called them to come back and
fight. At last our scouts reported that the Crows had given up and gone away. I said ,
"Hurry; let us start for home." We rode our fastest horses, drove the herd before us,
and went as fast as we could across the prairie. We camped three nights before we
reached home with our horses.
The Sioux occasionally sent a man ahead of a returning war party, who gave a false
report to the village. Thus when an old man came forward to receive his report, the
man might say, ' 'All were killed except me. ' ' Then would follow great wailing on the
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 57
^
ONE BUFFALO
ONE FEATHER
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 58
HEADDRESS OF WOLF HIDE
DENSMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 381
part of those who were easily deceived, but most of the people understood the trick.
The war party came immediately after, so the people were not left long in uncertainty.
On the expedition of which I have told you my brother-in-law was the one to make
the report, and he said, "Eade Shield was the very first one killed."
I suspected that he would do this, so I said to my companions, "Hurry, before my
friends harm themselves with grief." So we fired guns, whipped up our horses, and
came dashing into the village with not even one man wounded, and driving before us a
fine herd of captured horses.
Eagle Shield said that on one of his war expeditions he and his
companions were five days without food, except a few roots which
they gathered. He said, further, "We were all so very sleepy."
Wlien they secured food they ate only a little at a time, and even that
caused them great distress.
The singer of the following group of songs is Wi'yaka-wagzi'la
(One Feather), plate 57, weU known as one of the old warriors of
the Standing Rock Reservation, He was 57 years old when giving
these songs in 1913. On the warpath in the old days he wore on his
head the skin of a wolf (pi. 58). Attention is called to the upright
feathers on the head of the wolf, which were said to resemble the
ears of the animal. A man lying in the grass on a rise of ground
could lift his head to spy the enemy, and the feathers would look
like the ears of a prowling wolf. The quills are very light, and the
feathers tremble with every motion of the wearer.
The narrative concerning the first song of the group is as follows:
Wlien One Feather was 18 years of age he went with a war party
against the Crows. It was winter, and they traveled as far as the
Rocky Mountains. There were 22 Sioux in the party, three of
whom were sent in advance as scouts. He was one of these scouts,
and when coming near the Crow country, he saw a. Crow butchering
a buffalo. Pursuing the man, he IdUed him close to the Crow camp.
One Feather said that he sang the following song as he ran back
to his comrades after killing the Crow. It was said to be a dancing
song of the Miwa'tani society. (See p. 326.)
tmmiiiiTininiTinmninniiiiiB"'"*"'"""'"™'™™""""™™"*"*'
382
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 156. "May I Be There"
Sung by One Feather
(Catalogue No. 623)
Voice J — 63
Drum not recorded
pi kiq-haq ko -la he - ma - tu
nuq - we
kola^'pila friends
ta^ku yaku^wapi kighag^ . . whenever you pursue anything (see p. 349,
footnote 2)
kola'' friend
hema''tu nugwe' may I be there
Analysis. — This melody lias a compass of an octave and contains
all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh. The pro-
gression is principally by whole tones, about 60 per cent of the inter-
vals being major seconds. A change of time occurs with the intro-
duction of the words. (See song No. 5.) The song is rhythmic
throughout, but the rhythmic unit is found only in the first part of
the melody.
The following song refers to the fu-e which a war party sometimes
kmdled on the prairie as a signal of defiance to the enemy:
densmobe]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
383
No. 157. "A Prairie Fire'
Sung by One Feather
(Catalogue No. 624)
Voice J ~ 72
Drum not recorded
gg.
^=1
-^
E=^
na wa - ye ciij - haij wi - i - lia - kta §i - ca waij -la - ka so e - 6a
he mi-ye he-6a-moi) we
ona^ a prairie fire
wa^ye I started
6ighag' when
wi''ihakta ^ida^ you were intent on women and hindered by
them
wagla'ka so did you see it?
e6a.^ he well
miye' it was I
he^damog we who did it
Analysis. — This melody is an example of interval formation rather
than of key relationship of tones. All the tones of the octave are
present in the song, wliich is transcribed and analyzed in the key
of D major, though D is not entirely satisfactory as a kejmote. The
progressions are cliiefly by small intervals, about 54 per cent of the
intervals being minor thirds and 36 per cent major seconds. The
other intervals are an ascending ninth and four fourths. The triad
of A major is prominent in the melody. It is interesting to compare
tliis with songs Nos. 108 and 166, in wliich the final interval is also a
descending fourth. These songs are classified as "irregular."
The death of a brave man is commemorated in the next song. His
name was Sitting Crow (Kaggi' iyo'take), a cousin of One Feather,
who was in the war party. Many Crows were killed in the fight, but
even that fact did not make the Sioux happy. They all were sad
because they had to leave Sitting Crow where he fell. A lament for
384
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
a warrior of this name occurs in the chapter on the Sun dance (see
song No. 23). It is possible that both songs refer to the same man.
This melody is a praise song of the Karjgi'yuha society, as Sitting
Crow was a member of that organization.
No. 158. Song Concerning Sitting Crow
Sung by One Feather
(Catalogue No. 625)
Voice
76
Drum not recorded
£
-#- -^ -^
- ^ A f:^'
-ti-
£
-(2^
^1
2i:
Ko - la Kaij-gi - i - yo- ta-ke ko - la ku - sni
^
^- ^ ^•' r
p • -^
-\ — ^-h
p • J=»
Ifc I ' ». * \-s>-
s
;i]
ye - lo
kola' friends
Kaggi'-iyo'take Sitting Crow
•kola' - - - friends
ku'sni yelo' ■ returned not
Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, in all of
wliich the intonation was wavering. The song has a compass of 12
tones, is melodic in structure, and contains the tones of the second
five-toned scale. Only four intervals larger than a minor third are
found in the melody, a fact which may account in part for the uncer-
tainty of intonation, the Indian usually finding it difficult to sing a
long succession of small intervals with correctness. The total
number of minor thirds and major seconds in this song is 32.
One Feather said the following song was sung in connection with
a fight with the Assiniboin, in which he took part. The "spotted
horses," strongly mottled with black and wliite, were greatly prized
by the Sioux, and a few of these are seen among them at the present
time.
DEXSMOEE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
385
No. 159. "A Spotted Horse" (Catalogue No. 626)
Sung by One Feather
Voice J = 96
Drum not recorded
Ko - la - pi - la
wa - u we
WORDS '
kola'pila friends
hiya^yapiye yo come with me
^uggle'ska a spotted horse
ca it is
hiyo^ waii' we I am coming after
Analysis. — This is a pleasing rhythmic melody on tlie fourth five-
toned scale. The song is based on the tonic triad, but the second is
twice accented, classifying tlie song as melodic with harmonic frame-
work. The eighth rest in the third measure from the close was
clearly given in the three renditions. The intonation was good on
all except the highest tones. As frequently occurs in songs on the
fourth five-toned scale, the minor third is prominent, in this instance
forming one-third of the number of intervals. An ascending minor
sixth is found in the early part of the melody. It is interesting to
note that the minor sixth appears much oftener than the major sixth
in the Sioux songs under analysis. (See Tables 11, 12, pp. 16, 17.)
» The first part of this song is addressed to friends, the remainder to the enemy.
386
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
No. 160. "Owls Hoot At Me" (Catalogue No. 627)
Sung by One Feather
Voice J r= 96
Drum not recorded
^^ "
.^- ^- .^.
^^-F=t=&
#-^
-t:
-^ -#- -i^-* -0- -#-
:a
#— ^
^
^a
s
^e=[|3^H
•- ^- ^
^— *-
:p=P=
i^^
^
^#.. f: f:_^ .#.
^SgEEgE^
• -I 1— -F- -F- -•-•-•- -•■
^
-r- -F-' -H- -I — F
^
Hiq-har) a - ma ho - toq po hiij-haij a - ma
T-
:p=*^=P
i^i
:i!sSEe
ho-toi] po he -ca na - lioi] wa- oij we - lo
=t=t
5^
^
3^E
(First rendition)
hiqhag^ owls
ama' hotog' po hoot at me (see p. 180, footnote)
highag' owls
ama'' hotoij' po hoot at me
he'ca ." that ia what
nahog^ waog'' welc I hear in my life
(Second rendition)
sug'ka wolves
ama'' hopiye howl at me
sug'ka wolves
ama'' hopiye howl at me
he'ca that is what
nahog' waog' welo I hear in my life
Analysis. — This melody progresses chiefly by whole tones, 62 per
cent of the intervals being major seconds. The minor third is also
prominent, constituting about 22 per cent of the intervals. The song
1 The idea of the song is, "owls may hoot and wolves howl at me. To these I am accustomed in all
my life."
mnnnnHHiMnummnmii
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 59
DEN.sMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 387
contains all the tones of the octave except the second and has a
compass of an octave. The second count of the rhythmic unit is
divided in three different ways, giving variety to the rhythm of the
song as a whole. Three renditions were recorded, which are identical.
Songs Accompanied by Native Drawings
Four men contributed their drawings to this section of the work.
Tlioir names are Jaw, Eagle wShield, Swift Dog (Suri'ka-lu'zahai)), and
Old Buffalo. The work of each man has certain characteristics apart
from the peculiar outlines of his sketches of men or horses. Thus in
the drawings of Jaw, most of the incidents concern the capture of
horses and the numbers of the enemy are not shown, while in those of
Eagle Sliield the latter feature is clearly indicated, the work including
more detail than the drawings of any other native artist except per-
haps Old Buffalo. Several rescues are shown in Eagle Shield's work
and none in that of any others. The coup stick appears frequently
in Swift Dog's drawings, but in none of the others.
There is a difference in the part of the sheet on which the drawing
"begins." This is determined by the narrative, as an observer
would not know which sketch the artist regarded as the opening of
the series.
The manner of dehneating the Crows and the Assiniboin is similar
in all the drawings, the}- being distinguished b}^ the upright hair on
top of the head.
The man who gave the material in the next succeeding pages
is commonly known as Jaw (Cehu'pa), plate 59, a name which he
received from a white brother-in-law. His childhood name was
Ma'za-ho'wai^te (Loud-sounding Metal), and at the age of 17 he
was given the name of Oki'cize-ta'wa (His Battle), which is his true
name at the present time. He was given this name after takhig part
in a fight for the first time. He had been out with a war party
once before and had stolen horses, but this was his first experience in
actual warfare. On being asked his connection in the tribe, he
replied: "I am of two bands. My mother was a Gi'gilas'ka, a divi-
sion of the Hunkpa'pa band, and my father was a Sans Arc, of the
Tc'toQwai)." He said that he was 63 years of age at that time
(1913), and when asked the year of his birth, he said that he was
born in the year known as Ke woyu'spa ta wani'yetu, 'winter that
Turtle Catcher died.' On consulting the picture calendar (see p. 69)
this year was found to be 1850.
As a further test of his memory Jaw was asked to name several
succeeding years of the picture calendar of the Standing Rock
Sioux. He did this with accuracy except for a different naming
of one year. On reaching the name of his seventh year he added,
llliiiiuiiiiuiHiiiiwmiiiMwoiiiiwHw.i.M».«««M».
388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
''that was the year I killed the bird.'' In explanation of this he said
that the people were moving camp and he was with his grandmother,
who had taken care of him since his infancy, when his mother died.
He said, "I killed the bird and took it to my grandmother." (See
pi. 60, B.) "lil killed many she woidd carry them all, and when we
camped at night she would eat my hunting, and I would eat some
too." He said that his father first called him Ma 'za-ho 'waste when
he killed the bird. His name before that time is not recorded.
In his young manhood Jaw was known especially for his success
in stealing horses from the enemy. In addition to his narratives of
expeditions for this purpose he gave, general information concerning
war customs. Among other things he recalled that in the old days
each warrior carried his own wooden bowl (pi. 61), hung by a cord
from his belt. It is said that "A man on the warpath always ate and
drank from his own dish. When he returned home the dish was put
away with other articles which he used on the warpath and sweet
grass was put with it." '
Jaw's manner of painting himself and his horse when going on the
warpath was as follows : He painted a red crescent over his mouth,
the points of the crescent extending upward halfway to his cheek-
bones. His hands were painted red from the wrists and his feet from
the ankles. A large crescent like that on his face was painted on
his horse's chest, and a smaller one on the animal's left hip, while
the entire end of the horse's nose was painted yellow. If a horse suc-
ceeded in some difficult undertaking it was his custom to reward the
animal by putting a feather in its mane or tail, or a band of red list-
cloth around its neck. (See p. 298.)
Jaw had two medicine bags containing the same 'medicine,' one
for his horse and one for himself. The horse's medicine bag was tied
to the bit of its bridle. He said that if his horse "had a headache"
he chewed a certain herb and put it into the horse's mouth, where-
upon the trouble was relieved at once. This was probably the herb
numbered 4 in the component parts of his war 'medicine.' Jaw
said that when going to steal horses he often went to windward of
them and chewed this herb, at which the horses at once "pricked up
their ears, ' ' being attracted by it.
When on the warpath. Jaw carried a leather pouch containing
vermiUon paint mixed with grease, for applying to his face and body.
This pouch is shown in plate 61, together with Jaw's war whistle
and a warrior's bowl. On his shoulder he wore a wolf skin, to the
nose of which was tied his war whistle ^ and to this whistle was
c — ■
1 Regulations for protecting the health of a Chippewa war party are given in Bull. 53, p. 85.
^Thedimensionsanddesrriptionof this whist le are the same as those of the imdecorated Sun-dance whistle
illustrated on p. 98 except that the sound hole in this whistle bears the marks of having been cut with asaw.
Mr. E. H. Hawley of the U. S. National Museum states this to be the first instance of such cutting which
has come under his observation.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 60
A. THE HUNT (DRAWING BY JAW)
B- SCENES FROM JAW'S CHILDHOOD (DRAWING BY HIMSELF)
lUIIIlWmHinWWtWWTWH«t»tt*H«»tMfltMMM*«MI
iniinrM— mnnimiiini
mWlWHllUMm— llMHlMUHgK
DENSMOKE] TETON" SIOUX MUSIC 389
fastened the medicine bag, which he tied to his horse's bridle when
on the warpath. According to Jaw, these medicine bags contained
a mixture of four herbs, dried and powdered. It was said that tliey
could be used singly, as indicated, or in combination, as in his war
medicine, which had power as a charm in addition to its efficacy as
a curative agency. He secured fresh specimens of the herbs, which
were identified as follows :
(1) Echinacea angvstifolia DC. (nigger head). Jaw said: "The
root of this plant wlien dried is good for toothache. The person
should chew it. The top also is good, but not so strong."
(2) Cheirinia aspera (DC.) Britton (western wall flower). This
was said to be "bitter and good for stomach trouble. The whole
plant is dried and chewed, or a tea may be made if preferred."
(3) Erigeron pumilus Nutt. (daisy). A decoction of this was used
for rheumatism and lameness, and it was used also for disorders of the
stomach.
(4) Laciniaria punctata (Hook.) Kuntze (blazing star). A decoc-
tion of this was given to persons with pain in the heart, the entire
plant being used for this purpose. The root was also dried and pow-
dered. This medicine, either in a dry powder or in the form of a
decoction, was given also to horses.
An herb used by Jaw in the treatment of rheumatism is included
in the list of medicinal her])s on page 270.
A successful war expedition by Jaw is shown in a drawing by
himself (pi. 62), the same drawing appearing in tlie background of
his portrait (pi. 59). Jaw said that before any important under-
taking he smoked a certain pipe in a ceremonial manner and ''offered
prayers to Wakaq'taqka." Instead of attempting to describe this,
he enacted it for the WTiter as follows :
(1) With the bowl of the pipe in his left hand and the stem in his
right hand he held the pipe upright in front of and close to his body,
saying rapidly in a low tone: '' Wakar)'tar)ka, behold this pipe,
behold it. I ask you to smoke it. I do not want to kill anybody, I
want only to get good horses. I ask you to help m^e. That is why
I speak to you with this pipe." (See p. 66.)
(2) Changing the position of his hands, placing his left hand on the
stem of the pipe and holding the bowl in his right hand, he pointed the
stem toward his left shoulder, saying: ''Now, wolf, behold this
pipe. Smoke it and bring me many horses."
(3) He then placed his right hand once more on the stem of the
pipe and his left hand on the bowl, and pointing the stem upward and
forward holding the pipe level with his face, ho said: "Wakaij'-
taqka, behold this pipe. I ask you to smoke it. I am holding it for
you. Look also at me."
4840°— Bull. 61—18 27
■■—— — imimi — ■ — ——
390
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
(4) After placing the stem of the unliglited pipe in his mouth
(still holding the bowl in his left hand) again he said, "Wakai)'-
tar)ka, I will now smoke this pipe in your honor. I ask that no
bidlet may harm me when I am in battle. I ask that I may get
many horses."
(5) Having elevated the pipe as in section 3, he lighted and smoked
it, holding it firmly in both hands. Then he said (referring to his
participation in the Sun dance) :^ "Wakaq'tagka, behold this pipe
and behold me. I have let my breast be pierced. I have shed
much blood. I ask you to protect me from shedding more blood
and to give me long life."
When this ceremonial act was completed Jaw filled another pipe,
which was one that he commonly used, and smoked it. He said:
"It is the office of a certain pipe that it be smoked in making a
request of Wakag'tagka. I always did what I have now enacted for
you, and my blood was never shed after I took part in the Sun dance.
This was because I asked Wakag'taqka to give me success."
At that time the following song was sung:
No. 161. "I Wish to Roam'
Sung by Jaw
Voice J = 92
Drum ^ = 88
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
(Catalogue No. 651)
^^
> ^- ^ -f-
m
:t=^P
-0-i--^-
=P=4:
• • •— n
Ko-la wa - ya-kte-pi kir) -
^
^.
m^^
itr=f=r=i^^
=s
-f5>- •—
^^
-B^ — ^^
na to-kelwa - ciij-ka o - ma - wa-ni kte-lo he siu] - ka-\va-kai]
fci-
=^=^F=£=f^^=3=
►--=-•—»
o - wa-le kte-lo
1 Jaw bore scars on his chest and back, also small scars the entire length of his arms, showingthat he ful-
filled his Sun-dance vow.
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
391
kola' friend
waya'ktepi kig'na be alert
tokeF any way
■n-adig^ka I ^vish
oma'wani ktelo' to roam about
^ug'kawakag horses
owa'le ktelo' I will seek
Analysis. — The character of this melody would seem to indicate
that it is an old song and is correctly sung. The rhythmic unit is
well defined and has an evident influence on the rhythm of the song
as a whole. More than half the intervals are minor thirds, and only
four intervals larger than a minor third appear in the song. The ascent
of a seventh is somewhat unusual. This ascending interval is found
only 9 times in the 2,864 intervals of Chippewa songs and 13 times
hi the present series. This song is melodic in structure, has a range
of nine tones, and contains all tones of the complete octave.
See plot of this melody on page 419.
When the war party came near the camp of the enemy they
waited for night in order to make their attack under cover of dark-
ness. At that time the following song is said to have been sung:
No. 162. *'A Night Is Different"
Sung by Jaw
(Catalogue No. 6:2)
Voice J = 88
Drcm J = 88
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
\m^^ts^tr^
:if^f^.
ff0 1 ^
H m 1 hi — —
r. ■
1 t^l?!^ 4 ^^ W-^ — L
LJ ^ 1
Lb.J 1 U 1
Kg -la hai]- he - pi waq to - ke-ca Ca mi - ta - guq - ke
^c=p:
:§SSS
^
-^-^-^
^^ ^ ^-
^*=?t:
i2|^fe^
:U^
:p=pE:
:^
0 -ta yaiin\] we
kola^ friend
haghe'pi wag a night
toke'ca .• is different (from the day)
<5a so
mita'^ugke o'ta nugwe' may my horses be many
MW«HWW*Hi«wwtiWMM«""""i'»iitm»«i««n
392
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Analysis. — The second part of this song, containing the words, is
an exact repetition of the first part, a somewhat unusual condition.
The form of the song is simple. It has a compass of an octave and
ends on the tonic. The melody tones are those of the minor triad
and fourth, but only the tones of the tonic triad are accented. The
size of interval varies more than in many of the songs, one-third of
the intervals being larger than a minor third. The song contains no
rhythmic unit, but the rhythm of the song as a whole is interesting
and distinctive.
When night came the object of the expedition was carried out.
Under cover of darkness Jaw succeeded in capturing on this occasion
70 horses. (See pi. 62.) In referring to this exploit he said: "I did
not waken nor kill any of the Crows; I just took their horses. No
Sioux ever took more horses than that in one night."
As Jaw and his party approached their village they gave the long
wolf howl, at which the people came out to meet them. The fol-
lowing song celebrated the victory, the women singing with the men:
No. 163. "I Am Bringing Horses"
Sung by Jaw
(Catalogue No. 653)
Voice J =96
Drum not recorded
^¥3^^^^^=^-^^^-^-^^^^-!=^]
^^i^^M
!»--•
■#-^
Sui]- ka - wa- kai] o-wa - a
as?
-^ — ^
iiizziti
^^^^— !-•— ♦
^
-• — •-
fc^
le 6a
a-wa - ku we
sui)ka''wakaq horses
owa^le I seek
<5a so
awa^ku we I am bringing them
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 64
INCIDENTS IN
THE LIFE OF EAGLE SHIELD (DRAWINGS BY HIMSELF)
A. HIS FIRST FIGHT
B. DANCE OF THE KANGIYUHA
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 393
Analysis. — Four renditions of this song were recorded. In all the
renditions the accidental G flat appears, though the pitch of the
tone varies slightly, the mterval between G flat and F being usually-
sung too small. The song is based on the fourth five-toned scale
and is melodic m structure. Though the song is major m tonality,
44 per cent of the intervals are minor thu*ds.
Events similar to those of the preceding narrative are depicted in
plate 6.3, but no songs were recorded concerning them.
The foUowing pages contain narratives of personal experiences on
the warpath by Eagle Shield, illustrated by his own drawings. With
few exceptions a song is associated with each drawing. Plate 64, ^,
depicts his first fight, which took place when he was 14 years of age.
As he was so young he had no song to sing in this fight, neither did
he commemorate it in a song, as he might have done had it occurred
in his later life. His second drawing (pi. 64, B) represents the
members of the Kai]gi'yuha society (see p. 318 et seq.). The customs
of this society among the Teton Sioux are described by Wissler. Thus
Eagle Shield said, ''I am leader of the dancers, and when I rise to
dance the singers begin to beat their drums," while Wissler states
that "the two rattle-bearers gave the signal for the dancing," and,
further, that "the four drummers each carry a small hand-drum."
(See pi. 64.)
The followmg was said to be a characteristic song of the Kaijg-i'yuha.
The words express reproof.
^— "" - —
394
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL, ei
No. 164. "Even the Eagle Dies" (Catalogue No. 507)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J =88
Drum not recorded
S
:=iF
'^jt^O ^ p~y
^^
4 1^"^ F^~^
A - ki - ci - ta na - ya - pa - pi kiij waq - bli ka-yes
P^
i\
:?EZ=^
^ — |- — >—
V=(f^=W--
±L
±1
:#=?-
te ye - lo
aki'<^ita soldiers
naya^papi you fled
kig wagbli^ kayes' te yelo' even the eagle dies
Analysis. — The upward and downward progressions are more
nearly equal in this than in many songs, as it contains 25 ascendmg
and 28 descending mtervals. The principal progressions are major
seconds (48 per cent), and fourths (22 per cent). The intonation
was somewhat wavering throughout the renditions, but the tones
transcribed as C sharp and C natural were clearly distinguished.
This was the first song recorded by Eagle Shield, and his voice grew
steadier when he became accustomed to singing mto the phonograph.
This song is melodic in structure and contains all the tones of the
octave except the seventh. ShriU war cries were given during the
rest which precedes the words of the song.
Plate 65, A, depicts an incident in a Sioux expedition against the
Crows which took place in midsummer. The Sioux were away from
their village only 16 days, yet they returned with 100 Crow scalps.
Approaching the Crow village, the Sioux sent forward a few men,
who went around the camp and captured some horses. The Crows,
supposing this to be the entire Sioux force, came out of the camp
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 65
C C.
"^ c c c c^^
INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF EAGLE SHIELD (DRAWINGS BY HIMSELF)
A. EAGLE SHIELD KILLS A CROW INDIAN
B. EAGLE SHIELD CAPTURES AN ASSINIBOIN WOMAN
miMilWtliWl— MgMWIt
densmore]
TETON" SIOUX MUSIC
395
and pursued them. Immediately the Crows were surrounded and
most of them were killed.
Eagle Shield said that he sang the following song when he killed
one of the Crows, and that it is a song of the Miwa'tani society:
No. 165. "I Took Courage"
Sun^ by Eagle Shield
Voice J — 92
Drdm not recorded
(1)
V- #-■ A ,
-^
0)
(Catalogue No. 508)
(1)
#- -^ ^
Si
ft-d
" — ^^fci — ^^^■'—
0)
gsxtir-^
=-&
^
^
^
Kai]-gi wi - ca - sa kiij na-
(2)
I#— t
# r^ — 0 — • — a — a — •-
^Pi
:^=]K
he - mi - 6i ye - lo
Kaqgi^ wida^sa kig i the Crow Indians
natag^ hiyu^kina rushing to fight
Miwa^tani kighag^ la Miwa^tani
blihe^midi yelo^ took courage
Analysis. — ^The rhythmic structure of this song is mteresting.
The two rhythmic units are almost alike, yet their difference gives
variety to the rhythm of the song as a whole. With the exception
of the ascent of an octave with the entrance of the words there are
only three intervals in the song — the fourth, the minor third, and
the major second, the last-named forming 60 per cent of the entire
number of mtervals. The song is major in tonality, yet 28 per cent
of the intervals are minor thirds. The only tones in the melody are
those of the major triad and second. This would suggest that the
396
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
song might be harmonic in form, but the second is frequently accented,
causing the song to be chissified as melodic with harmonic frame-
work. The melody has a range of eight tones, extending from the
dominant above the tonic to the dominant below the tonic.
In the time of ripe cherries ^ a party of Sioux were in the country
of the Assiniboin. There they found a little group of cherry pickers
and attacked them. This act was seen by the Assiniboin in the
camp, who charged the Sioux in a vain attempt to save the cherry
pickers. All the men v/ere killed, but the women escaped with the
exception of one whom Eagle Shield captujed, carrying her away on
his horse, as shown in plate 65, B. Eagle Shield took the captured
Woman to the Sioux camp, but the next autumn she ran away and
returned to her o\x\\ people.
The following song celebrates this victory:
No. 166. "Captives I Am Bringing" (Catalogue No. 510)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J - 96
Drum not recorded
-fi^
ggjgs^
0 \p »■' > n
=?*=FS
S
s
112
^^m^,-dTrirf\\4
:a
^
^
:£ij
t^-^^-^^^s^
wa-ya - ka ko a - wa - ku - we
kola^ friend
naya^honpi huwo' do you hear?
waya^ka captives
ko also
awa^kuwe I am brins-ino; home
1 The month of July is called by the Sioux Canpa' sa'pa wi, 'black-cherry moon.'
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 66
INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF EAGLE SHIELD (DRAWINGS BY HIMSELF)
A. EAGLE SHIELD CAPTURES HORSES
B. EAGLE SHIELD RESCUES A WOUNDED FRIEND
densmore] TETON SlOUX MUSIC 397
A)ialysis. — In regard to a keynote, this melody is classified as
irregular. (See analysis of No. 108.) For this reason the signature
should be understood as indicating only the pitch of the tones. Of
the intervals, 45 per cent are minor thirds, and the minor second
appears six times. The descending fourth at the close of each part
of the song is peculiar and was clearly given in every rendition of the
song. The song contains a change of tempo. (See No. 5.)
A memorable incident is depicted in plate 66, A. The Sioux attacked
a Crow camp, capturing 80 horses. This was not the entire number
of horses oAvned by the Crows, but the expedition was considered a
successful one. The Sioux killed tliree Crows. On their way home
they sang this song, the melody being the same as that of the preceding
song.
WORDS
kola'' friend
naya^honpi huwo^ do you hear?
taiug^ke their (the enemy's) horses
ko also
awa''kuwe I am bringing home
The narrative of the exploit illustrated by plate 66, B, runs thus:
Eagle Shield said that the advance section of the war party deserted
•their leader, who was wounded in the knee, leaving him to the mercy
of the enemy. Eagle Shield was a member of the second section of
the war party. When he saw the leader's plight he went to him
and succeeded in carrying him to a place of safety. In connection
with the event he sang the following song, the words of which express
derision for warriors who would desert their wounded leader.
398
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 167. "They Deserted Their Leader" (Catalogue No. 520)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J = 96
Drum J = 96
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8
(1)
>•- . b-»-.
(1)
bE
4=:
tiS:
^ A
Sfe^H^
m^
^=e:
^
(2)
(2)
-•-= — 0- — • — s>
Psa- lo - ka kiij na - taq a - hi - ye - lo bio - taij-huij-ka ui] - yaij
(2) (2)
II
2E?S:2
K — -r — ' — » » •
na - pa - pi ye - lo
WORDS
Psa'loka ' kiij the Ciow Indians '
natar)' came
ahi^yelo attacking,
blotag^hugka their leader
ug^yag napa^pi yelo^ was left behind
Analysis. — Several renditions of this song were recorded, in every
one of which E flat was sung. This suggests the key of B flat, but
the melody progressions are along the lines of the minor triad on D,
and the song is accordingly analyzed as being in the key of D minor.
The song has a compass of nine tones and lacks the sixth and seventh
tones of the complete octave. Two rhythmic units are found in the
song, the division of the last count being the same in each.
Eight of Eagle Shield's companions made a litter of poles and
placed the wounded man upon it. They were 50 miles from home
and were obliged to cross the Missouri River with their burden.
After traveling about 25 miles they made a camp and also killed a
buffalo. Food for a war party was obtained from the country through
which it passed. Mention is frequently made of the killing of buffalo,
the flesh being used for food and the hide for robes or for making
1 See p. 337, footnote.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 67
IMPLEMENTS USED IN SKINNING BUFFALO
den$moke]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
399
moccasins. The use of the clamshell as an implement for skinning
buffalo may have had its origin in some emergency. Plate 67 shows a
clamshell which was said to have been used for that purpose, with the
case in which it was carried. The size of the shell mdicates that it was
found at some distance from the territory of the Sioux, while the slits
at the top of the case show that it was attached to the belt of the
owner. This specimen was purchased from the mother of Eagle
Fig. 32. Apparatus for cooking meat without a kettle.
Shield, who was a very old woman. Plate 67 shows also a skinning
knife made of the shoulder blade of a buffalo, the handle being wound
with buffalo hide. The wounded man wanted soup, but the party
carried no utensil large enough for boiling meat. Eagle Shield, re-
membering, however, that his grandfather told liim how the wamors
of his day cooked meat in the stomach casing of the slain animal,
resolved to try the experiment. The casing, suspended on a tripod,
was filled with water in which heated stones were placed. (See fig. 32.)
400
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
When the water was boiling the meat was put into it, and the process
of cooking was accompKshed without difficulty.^
The wounded man was refreshed by the broth, and after making
him comfortable and cooking a quantity of meat, the war party left
him in charge of a young man. Eight days later another war party
passing that way found the wounded man able to travel. He and
his companion joined this war party and reached home in safety.
As Eagle Shield, who gave this narrative, is a medicine-man who
makes a specialty of treating wounds and fractures, his account of
the man's injury was somewhat professional. He said the injury
was so severe that at first the bones protruded and buckshot came
from the wound for some time, after which the flesh began to heal,
and that in one moon and the fii-st quarter of the next moon the leg was
entirely well.
Eagle Shield said that on one occasion he was pursued by Crow
Indians as he was carrying with him a friend whose horse had been
shot. This incident is depicted in plate 68, A.
The following song was said to have been sung at this time, but
the meaning of the words in this connection is not clear:
No. 168. "One of Them Will Be Killed'
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J— 104
Drum not recortled
0)
• #- ^
0)
(Catalogue No. 521)
0)
-0- ^
£E
m
"^^
t€^±
^
:tit=
0)
n>f "l P^^ i
(1) (1)
1 1 1 i .0-
\z^±=M=^i=^
r^ 0 ■ -^^J— « J — 1 r^ ^— 4 ^: ^ -
1 1 — -4-* *- ^ ^— ^-^— -4-^h-^-T 1
(2)
lo - ka kii]
^
^—^
P^=P-i=
4' m
5=aaES5
■4^^— -i^-^
-75^-
Psa-
(2)
1 1
-•-
(2)
(1) (2)
1 --V 1 1 1
^^ .
b^ifa^4=^
7^^
:^n \ f -W- P f
g — r
-*
-
-4-^. t^r=t;-^--^=^=
•
na - taij hi -ye - lo ki - ci yaij-ka yo ki
(2) .— ^ (2)
I
ci yaij-ka-yo ki - ci yaij-ka - yo waq-zi kte-pi kte-lo he yo
1 The writer saw a cooking outfit of this kind prepared and used in a Sioux camp at Bull Head, S. Dak.,
on ,Tuly 5, 1913. The stones were heated in a fire near the tripod, each stone being lifted on a forked stick
and placed in the water. A blunt stick was used m pushing the heated stones on the forked sticks, and
a short stick was used for stirring the boiling meat. All these articles (shown in fig. 32) are now in
the U. S. National Museum, at Washington.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 68
INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF EAGLE SHIELD (DRAWINGS BY HIMSELF)
A. EAGLE SHIELD IS PURSUED BY CROW INDIANS
B. EAGLE SHIELD CAPTURES HORSES IN CROW CAMP
ll—WilllllllimiP muumaiaaiMinttMiatwnatnrvmHMMHMWitHimnitmmawn
DENSMOEE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 401
WORDS
Psa^loka kig the Crow Indians
natag ^hi^yelo come attacking
ki<^i^ yagka' yo sit you with them
wag zV one of them
kte'pi ktelo^ *. . will be killed
Analysis. — The rhythmic form of this song is interesting. Two
rhythmic units appear, which in the middle of the song are used
alternately. In the second complete measure containing words the
rhythmic unit begins on the second count of the measure, the first
count being clearly accented by the singer. The progressions of the
melody are chiefly by whole tones, 60 per cent of the intervals being
major seconds. The other intervals are varied and range from a
minor third to a tenth. The song is based on the second five-toned
scale and has a compass of 12 tones. In structure the song is melodic,
with harmonic framework.
On one accasion when Eagle Shield led a war party against the
Crows they found that the latter had picketed their horses within the
circle of tents. Eagle Shield and a companion, having entered the
village as scouts, saw these horses. (PI. 68, B.) Eagle Shield said
to his companion, "Let us go and get some of the horses." His com-
panion replied, "No; if we do that the rest of the party will be angry."
Eagle Shield then said, "Let us each take one horse." His com-
panion replied, " You do it." Thereupon Eagle Shield, creeping into
the circle of tents, took two horses, a black and a brown, and escaped
without detection. Each mounting a horse, he and his companion
reached their camp about daybreak.
The loss of the horses was soon discovered by the Crows, who in-
creased their watchfulness, so that the other members of the Sioux
war party were unable to secure any horses. So it happened that
Eagle Shield and his companion were the only ones who returned on
horseback, the rest being obliged to walk.
H»llilIH»lJHi«»»».««i«iI.»..«il-»-.l..«»»
402
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL.- 61
Eagle Shield said that he sang the following song when he went to
steal the Crow horses:
No. 169. "I Intend to Take His Horses" (Catalogue No. 522)
Sung by Eagle Shield
Voice J =80 (or J^ =160)
Drum not recorded
Kaq-gi to-ka kiij
-*-
\') 0 * 0 P p
-p;-
0 '
^^h-^—S-^ — ^^i-
■Hp — 1 — \ — H-<-
-Rh i — ^ — • — •—
waij - bla-ke ci - na - haij
^^^^ pi.^, \ ^ 4=^
ta-Siuj-ke kiij-hai)
-Cl-=- — •- 1 1 1 1
- 6u wa - cai] -mi
\^^Y^ i~j J Tl\
4^ P- « • • m
-A ^ V-
4 4eJ
M^H
ye he - ca- moij kiij-haij o - ma - tiij - ii]
kte
Kai)gi^ to'ka kig the Crow enemy
waijbla'ke <5i'nahag if I see him
ta^ug'ke kirjhag^ icu^ wadag'mi
ye it is my intention to take his horses
he^camog kighag' if I do this
oma'tag ig kte it will be widely known
Analysis. — The tempo of this song is slightly hastened in the first
measure containing words, but the change is not steadily main-
tained. The 5-8 measures, however, are clearly given and are accu-
rate in time. (See song No. 64.) The triad of D major is strongly
suggested by the melody progressions ; but F, the third of that chord,
does not appear. The song, however, is analyzed as in the key of
D major. The third is absent from 12 songs in the series of 340
Chippewa songs, this peculiarity being considered in the analysis of
song No. 53 in Bulletin 53- (p. 140). In the present work the third
is a])sent from only five songs. (See p. 135.) The interval of tlie
fourth is remarkably prominent in this song, constituting more than
half the entire number of intervals.
Swift Dog (!5ur)'ka-lu'zahar)) was one of the oldest informants
among the Sioux, being 68 years of age in 1913, when giving his
information. Before beginning his narrative Swift Dog (pi. 69)
said: "I am the son of an Hunkpati chief and it is from him that I
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ULLETIN 61 PLATE 69
SWIFT DOG
X
^'^ ±,hhhh^
J:
If v:
%
rTNSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
403
get my fame. My father's name was Rmming Fearlessly (Kagi'-
jsni-ir|'yai]ka). When he went to Washmgton, long ago, he was
] given one of the first medals that ever were made. It is now in my
possession. I belonged to Sitting Bull's band, known as the Band
of the Bad Bow. In his portrait Swift Dog is shown wealing a
headdress known as a ''four-homed bonnet." He said that the
Sioux once killed an enemy who wore a headdress similar to this
and imitated the design for their own use. This incident occurred
ill the year 1852, designated in the Sioux picture calendar Heto'pa
III)' way He/ pi, 'winter of the killing of the four-horned enemy.'
Several of Swift Dog's war exploits are shown in his own drawing
(|)1. 70), and the songs accompanying these exploits are given here-
with. In this drawing (A) Swift Dog has shown the first encounter in
which he killed a man. He was then 24 years of age and had been
to war several times. This expedition was to the country of the As-
siniboin, and the man whom he killed was a member of that tribe.
In describing the event he said that the enemy was on foot, while
he was on horseback, on higher ground. On this expedition he sang
the following song:
No. 170. " It is I, Myself" (Catalogue No. 583)
Voice J = 80
Drum not recorded
(1)
Sung by Swirx Dog
(2)
(2)
0)
^^t
^_LdX-U:::=t
m
i2£^
^^=F^
4:
(2)
m^^-\^^^^^ -&^-^
-"^^
^^-
^^
Ko - la-pi-la tu-wacaq-te ka-cas mi-6aij-
(2)
~^\,^TT'-
-•^rf- \pp- •\1 \*\f [H^t^ ■ •-:r-r wA
1 1
-^^VA-
-tJ^L-jrB= \^\ III -^it-^^ ^ -^-J
•^d_^ >__ 1
te mi- ye o-ma-wa - ni ye
kola'pila friends
tuVa no one's
,;.aqte^ heart (cf . song No. 177)
kacas' it is
micag^te my own heart
miye' I, myself
oma^wani ye I am wondering
404
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Analysis. — Progressions of a semitone characterize this melody,
55 per ceiit of the intervals being minor seconds. Strange to say, the
major third is next in point of frequency, constituting one-fourth oi
the mtervals, though the song is minor in tonality, and the minoi
triad on F forms the framework of the melody. The trend of the
melody is such that F is considered to be the keynote, and the song is
analyzed as in the key of F minor, though E and B are always sung
natural instead of flat. This is one of many instances in wliich the
term "key" is used for convenience, not as indicating a system oi
tones, all of which have an established relation to a keynote. In
every rendition of this song the tempo began as indicated and after
10 or 12 measures began to retard, the words being sung in the
indicated time. A dotted eighth and sixteenth note division of the
count characterizes the rhythm of the song, and forms part of both
rhythmic units. The upward and downward progressions are more
nearly equal than usual, the ascendmg progressions being 20 and the
descendhig intervals being 25. A change of tempo occurs m the
song. (See No^ 5.)
While Swift Dog was chasing the Assiniboin they ran and hid in
a white man's house. Those who came near the window of the
house were fired at by the Sioux. Meantime he stole one of the
Assinibom horses and rode away. He took a white horse with a
saddle on it. (See pi. 70, B.) He said that he had a bow and arrows
and shot as fast as he could, but did not know whether he hit anyone.
At that time he sang the following song :
No. 171. "Horses I Seek"
Sung by Swift Dog
(Catalogue No. 584)
Voice
84
Drum not recorded
(1)
1 ^_
_^ 1
m • >
+
^
\^
r*\'
1-9
~9^b±^-^ — ^
~\—^—_
-i 5^—
^ — -^-
-1 1 H-
-#-
-h2^
R-^
9f[y 4.
1
-J
— 1 1
1'+ 1
= 88
©±|Slfe^
i5z^
(2)
84
Suq-ka - wa-kaij o-wa
(0
^±A^
IS
p p- 0
=/» — ft-
g=R
d d. d
H
:»:
le 6ag-nahe-ca - moq we
DENSMOBE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 405
WORDS
^uq'kawakai) horses
owa'le I seek
dag'na whenever
he^camog we I do this
Analysis. — This melody contains little that is of special interest.
It is based on the second five-toned scale and has only one interval
larger than a major third. Two rhythmic units appear, each having
the same division of the first two comits. A sliglit increase of tempo
was made as indicated, with a return to the original tempo at the close
of the song. This was uniform in the two renditions of the melody.
(See No. 5.)
Swift Dog said that he once struck a woman with a coup stick.
(See p. 359.) Later he struck a young man with the coup stick
and took away his quiver. (See pi. 70, C.) He was a handsome
young man. Afterward two others struck the young man, and he was
kiUod by the last man who struck him.
The melody of this song is the same as that of the song next pre-
ceding, hence only the words are given.
WORDS
ite^ isa^bye black face paint (see p. 359.)
ao^pazag (and a) feather
owa^le I seek
6a so
he^camor) ye I have done tliis
Concerning D of this drawing Swift Dog said: "I once struck an
Assiniboin with a sword given me by a soldier. The man's name was
Short Bull. He is still alive though I gave him a terrible wound on
his temple."
4840°— Bull. 61—18 28
406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
The following soiig is said to have been sung at this time:
No. 172. "When I Came You Cried" (Catalogue No. 585)
Sung by Swift Dog
Voice J — 84
Drum not recorded
5^
3:
2:
a
-f^
\Az
m
M
e=&
ie=3r
^
;j)(:^j_4^B
^ — d-
^3S^^\±
*=£4-^-
S^S^
s
2=t:a
:2:
* 114 ^J^-H^— ^ m d d
-s^
Ta - ku o- we
m.
ESteESEf335
B
• w •-
ii=^
3ES
^=±1^
hi-lu-hu-wo liel i- to - he - ya ho hi-bu we ya - fie
_ye - lo
taku'' owe' why
hilu'huwo do you come
hel ito'heya toward here?
he when
hibu' we I came
yace' yelo you cried (cf. words of song No. 12)
Analysis. — The minor third and major second comprise all except
four of the intervals in tliis melody. The final tone is low but audible
in the phonograph record. As in many of these songs, the rhythmic
unit appears in the first and last parts, but not in the middle part,
which contains the words. This shows a rhythmic form, which is
interesting. This song contains all the tones of the octave except
the second, has a compass of 10 tones, and is melodic in form.
In explanation of E, Swift Dog said that he chased a number of
Crow Indians, but they escaped. This song relates to the expedition:
dexsmore]
Voice J =60
Drim not recorded
• _ -•-
^&=&
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 173. "I Struck the Enemy"
Sung by Swift Dog
407
(Catalogue No. 586)
ii
SS^
;j :.j
m
-y^
'-^"r^h^ 1
m s
^fF^
-tr-
rH-
-^n
m
1
-#- ^ -#-■♦- ^ -•- -•-
— 1 — H — 1 — F--^ — 1 — 1 — 1
^25;yj=
^=f=t
U-^
-|
_taL
-*-^
'-S*—
bt
: 3
.••».-!
E -har)-na he-ca - moij
kte cui] nom - la - la kes a - wa - pe - lo he
^
M
=Sz?
titltii
ho na-ya - lioq - pi liu - wo
ehag^na a long time ago
he^camor) kte (-ui) I would have done this
nom'lala ke^ only twice again
awa^pelo I struck (the enemy)
ho now
naya^ogpi huwo^ do you hear it?
Analysis. — This song was recorded t^\^ce, the duplication being
accidental. Both records were transcribed and are given herewith.
The first was by Swift Dog, the second by Kills-at-Xight (Haqhe'pikte)
and his wife Wita'hu (Woman's Neck), women being accustomed to
join in these songs. The melody tones in both instances are the
major triad and sixth, but it will be seen that the n(Vte values differ
slightly with the difference in the words, and that in the second
rendition the words are so placed as to repeat the rhythmic phrase
of the previous measures. This seems to indicate a feeling for a
rhythmic unit. The first rendition is by an old singer, the second
by a comparatively young man, who usually "sits at the drum"
at tribal gatherings of the present time. His vnie is considered one
of the best among the younger singers. The first rendition is the
more complete, as it gives a considerable part of the song before
the introduction of the words. In both renditions about 28 per cent
of the intervals are minor thirds. The song has a range of 12 tones
and is melodic in form.
408
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Duplication of preceding
Sung by Kills-at-Night
Voice J =: 60
Drum not recorded
t^^4-^='^J-J-^J=^=q=q
E - hai}-na he-ca-moq mo kta ca e - eel tag iij-yai] yuij-ke lo
wa - ua na
ya - lioij pe-lo
ehag'na he'camog a long time ago
kta 6sl I would have done tliis
eceF well
tag iri^yag yuijke^ lo it is widely known
wana^ now
naya''lioi) pelo'' you have heard it
Analysis. — This is a duplication of the preceding, and its struc-
ture is considered in the analysis of that song. The renditions by
Kills-at-Night and his wife were recorded on two cylinders, each
containing four renditions of the song. In every instance her voice
was silent during the opening measures, the point of entrance varying
one or two measures. The transcription shows the earliest point of
entrance. The words, of course, are the same in both parts.
Tlie reason for twice recording this song by Kills-at-Night and his
wife was that in the first performance there was a suggestion of "part
singing," the wife holding a tone during the length of several tones
in his part and then singing the delayed words rapidly in order to
overtake him. The writer questioned the- singers concerning this
and asked whether they couid repeat it. The woman said it was
imintentional on her part, as she had a "catch in her throat," and
the seven other renditions showed no trace of it. Much concerted
singing has been heard by the writer. In this the women invariably
sing an octave above the men, the note values being identical.
bEKSMOkE]
TETOK SIOUX MUSIC
409
F of plate 70 was said to represent animals killed by Swift Dog on
the hunt. Depicting war exploits is resumed in G, concerning which
Swift Dog said:
It was almost winter when we went to the Crow country. It was very cold, but the
river had not yet frozen. We made a corral near the river; then we jumped into the
water and swam across to the side where the Crows were camped. The splash of the
water was Like that of great falls when we swam across. We drove all the Crow horses
into the river and made them swim over. Then we put them into the corral until we
were ready to start for home.
No. 174.
Voice J — 58
Drum not recorded
'I Come After Your Horses'
Sung by Swipt Dog
(Catalogue No. 587)
1
f-_f-'^fi^
r^ — ^n
1 . 1 — •-^^ — 1
1
-0 0
-1 ^
Kai]-gl to - ka ni
-^^»
m^
t=^
^niz
g^^
=63
ta
Sui) - ke hi -yo wa - u we - lo blu-ha - kta ca hi
m^:^
^pza:
:^
a 33
yo wa - u we - lo
WORDS
Kangi^ to^ka Crow enemies
nita^sugke your horses
liiyo^ waii'' welo' I come after
bluha'kta I want to own them
ca so
hiyo^ wau^ welo^ I come after them
Analysis. — In this melody will be noted what is often referred to
as "tlie influence of the rhythmic unit on parts of the song in which
it does not occur in entirety." Thus in the measure following the
third occurrence of the rhythmic unit we have one quarter note
followed by a group of four sixteenth notes, a reversal of count
divisions appearing m the unit. Tlie time ciuickens with the intro-
duction of the words, a pecuUarity often found in Sioux war
songs, but not noted among the Chippewa. The song is major in
tonahty and progresses largely by whole tones, tho major second
constituting 46 per cent of the entire number of intervals. With the
410
BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
exception of three ascending fourths all the remaining intervals are
major and minor thirds. The melody tones are those of the fourth
five-tonod scale, but the tonic is not prominent, the song beginning
and ending on the third. The melody is harmonic in structure.
Three renditions were recorded; these show no points of difference.
Concerning a change in tempo see song No. 5.
See plot of this melody on page 419.
No narrative was given regarding // of this drawing (pi. 70), Swift
Dog simply stating that he and his brother-in-law went after horses
and each secured three, the following song being sung :
No. 175. "Two War Parties"
Sung by Swipt Dog
(Catalogue No. 588)
Voice J— 54
Drum not recorded
l^|5=^r==t£:=^Fr=r=M^
-^^:=,3--f-t^
-^^-^ - -4^ — L-J — ! —
533^^t=M*=^=.^.
] I F • #
-I* h
P=i=
-• F i
Ep%=^^53
4 — * — • — *-
— • •-
p.. ^-
^
^b:^
Zu
ya nom-la - la
-imzti
ma-wa-ni ye-lo
zuya'' nom^lala : . . two war parties
oma'wani yelo' I roam with
miye^ I, myself
sugki^cu to capture horses
wacig''hci was my desire
oma^wani yelo^ in roaming about
Anal>/sis. — The proportion of minor thirds in this major song is
larger than usual, the minor third forming about 60 per cent of the
entire number of intervals. The major second is the only other
interval used in descendmg progression. The song is based on the
DENf5M0RE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
411
fourth five-toned scale, has a compass of 10 tones, and is melodic in
structure. No rhythmic unit appears in the melody, and the time
was not strictly maintained.
The mcident depicted in / is connected with the song which
appears below. Swift Dog said: ''When the railroad first passed
through the Black Hills we went on the warpath as far as the end of
the road. We went through Shell River. I do not remember what
tribe we went after, but I think it w^as the Omaha." Swift Dog
captured a horse which he gave to his sister with the following song:
No. 176. "Sister, I Bring You a Horse" (Catalogue No. 589)
Sung by Swift Dog
Voice J =80
Drum not recorded
-(=2- .0-' -^ ^. -^ .0. ^ _0.
isi
-r-
3^^
^-.-0L^ ^-^
Tai] - ke hi-ua - pa
yo Sur)-ka-wa-kai) a-wa - ku-we
ho hi-na - pa yo waij-zi lu-ha kte
tanke' older sister
hina'pa yo come out
sui]'kawakaij horses ' *
awa'kuwe ho I bring
hina'pa yo come out
waijzi' one (of them)
luha' kte you may have (cf . words of No. 145)
Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, in each of
which a short pause was made after the third and sixth measures, and
also after the fourth measure contaming the words. These pauses were
not such as are indicated by rests, but appeared to be merely breath-
hig spaces. Such pauses are unusual in the singing of Indians and were
probably due to the fact that Swift Dog recorded his songs during a
period of intense heat, in a small, close building.
Considermg B flat the keynote implied by the trend of this melody
we find the melody tones to be those of the fourth five-toned scale.
412
BUHEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
fBtJLL. 61
This scale is major in tonality, yet about 55 per cent of the intervals
m the song are minor thirds. Only four intervals occur which are
larger than a minor third, all of these being in ascending progression.
Old Buffalo's War Narrative
In August, 1913, Old Buffalo (Tatai)k'-ehai)'ni) (see pi. 41), with
Swift Dog came to McLaughlin, S. Dak., to confer with the writer.
They regarded this conference very seriously. Old Buffalo said,
"We come to you as from the dead. The things about which you
ask us have been dead to us for many years. In bringing them to
our minds we are calling them from the dead, and when we have
told you about them they will go back to the dead, to remain forever."
Old Buffalo was born in the year 1845, designated in the Sioux
picture calendar Titay'ka ohle'ca kaha'pi kiy vxini'yetu, 'Winter in
which lodges with roofs were built.' When he was 28 vears old he
Fig. 33. lucidont in the life of Old Buflalo (drawing by himself).
led a war party against the Crows. On this expedition he and his
comrades were entirely surrounded by the Crows, an event which
Old Buffalo depicted in a drawing. (Fig. 33.) Old Buffalo said that
at the time of this expedition his band of the Sioux were living in
the "Queen's Land" (Canada), but had come down to the United
States on a buffalo hunt. From this temporary camp the expedi-
tion started under his leadership.
Old Buffalo said further: '
One night the Crows came and stole our horses. I had an older sister of whom I was
very fond. The Crows stole her horse, and she cried a long time. Tliis made my
heart very bad. I said, " I will go and pay them back. " A friend said that he would
go with me. I said to my friend, "We will go and look for the Crows. Wherever
their horses are corralled we will find them." Eleven others went with us, so there
were 13 in the party, and I was the leader. It was in the coldest part of the winter,
the moon called by the Sioux Cay napo^pa wi, 'Wood-cracking moon'. The
1 This narrative was Interpreted by Mrs. Hattie Lawrence (see p. 365) , and is given as nearly as possible
in her words. Another narrative by Old Buffalo appears on p. 274.
DENSMOKEJ
TETOlvT SIOUX MUSIC
413
snow was deep, and I am lame in one leg, but I was apgry, and I went. I thought,
" Even if I die, I will be content." The women made warm clothing and moccasins
for us to wear, and we started away. We carried no shelter. When night came we
shoveled aside the snow and laid down brush, on which we slept. At the fork of the
Missoiiri River we took the eastern branch and followed its course. It was 11 nights
from the fork of the river to the enemy's camp, and every night we sang tliis song.
It is one of the "wolf songs. " (See p. 333.)
No. 177. Song of Self-reliance
Sung by Old Buffalo
(Catalogue No. 636)
Voice
J =
-76
Drum
J =
76
Drum-
rhy
hm similar to No.
5
-^-
-#-
A'
^
^
-9##ia^-
A'
=5=
1
— 1— ■
-^
^'
J:
f-
^
p-^ip
m^^^
-#-^
4^-^
^•:
E
1-4- =-^^^
o - wa-le
eya^ well
miseya^ tuwa^ cagte^ I depend upon no one's heart (or courage) but
my own (cf . song No. 170)
kacas' so
ecig^ thinking this
sugk owa^le I look for horses
Analysis. — Like many other melodies on the fourth five-toned
scale, this song contains a large proportion of minor thirds, in this
instance 58 per cent of the intervals, while the major third does not
appear. The song has a compass of an octave, extending from the
dominant ahove to the dominant below the tonic. Two-thirds of
the progressions are downward. The chord of B major is prominent
in the melody, which, however, is not harmonic in structure but is
classified as melodic with harmonic framework. Three renditions
were recorded; these are uniform in every respect.
See plot of this melody on page 419.
414
BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[boll. 61
Old Buffalo continued:
As we neared the end of our journey, we were overtaken by a fearful blizzard.
There was a butte in wliich we found a sheltered place and stayed for two days, as my
leg was very painful. After the storm subsided we looked around and could see the
enemy's village. Night came again, but my leg was so painful that we rested another
day. The next afternoon, as the sun was getting low, I tightened my belt and made
ready for whatever might befall. We walked toward the enemy's village and entered
a rocky country, like the Bad Lands. Then it was dark.
A great number of Crows were camped at tliis place, and there was dancing in two
parts of the village. We were close to the village, but no one saw us. Only the dogs
barked. We went up to the edge of the village and got in where there were many
horses in a bunch. We drove the herd before us, and they trotted quietly along.
After getting a safe distance from the camp we mounted some of the horses and drove
the rest before us. We did not stop, but kept the horses trotting fast all night. When
daylight came we counted the horses and found that there were 53. All that day we
traveled, and as the sun sank we rested. We were tired, as we had no saddles, and
that night we slept.
The next morning there came another terrible blizzard. My eyelashes were frozen
so that I could scarcely see. I went back a little distance to see if we were being
followed, then I returned to my companions. I had realized that the tracks of the
horses made a trail and I saw that the enemy were pursuing us. This was my war
party and I felt a great responsibility for its safety.
The Crows overtook us and secured most of the horses which we had captured from
them. We jumped down a steep rocky place, and soon we were entirely surrounded
by the Crows. A Sioux boy, about 15 years old was with us, and he was shot in the
back. We fought as long as the sun moved in the sky. It was a hard struggle. Every
time we fired a gun it turned wliite with frost. During tliis fight I sang a very powerful
Bong of the Fox society, to wliich I belong. [Concerning the Fox society, see p. 314.
et seq.]
No. 178. "I Am the Fox" (Catalogue No. 637)
Sung by Old Buffalo
Voice
66
Drum not recorded
A ^ ^
4= t
^—1^
^ ifL i^ i^ :^
To - ka - la koq mi - ye ye - lo ta - ku o - te -
r-— — * — * — ^ — ^-Ti-rr-* — • — •— ^ '-rrTr-* — • 1 ^r"^ ^ — r^ 1
F — ^1-4^ 5i^ — !z^|-4- ' LJ-i-, *--i — r^l — ^-|
lii - ka o - \va - le ye - lo
bicx.sMoRE] TETOX SIOUX MUSIC 415
WORDS
toka^Ia koij the fox
miye^ yelo^ I am
ta^ku sometliing
ote^liika difficult
owa^Ie yelo^ I seek
Analysis. — This is a particularly interesting melody. It contains
only the tones A, B, C, and E, these bemg the tonic triad and second
m the key of A minor, and the song is analyzed as being in that key.
The melody is framed on the interval of a fourth, almost half the
entire number of intervals being fourths. The major third occurs
four times, but the minor third does not appear; there are, however,
four minor seconds, or semitone progressions. In structure the song
would be harmonic except for the accented B near the close; it is
therefore classified as melodic with harmonic framework. Songs
containmg only one accented nonharmonic tone are frequently noted
in both Chippewa and Sioux music. At the openmg of the song
there is a repeated phrase, which is not considered a rhythmic unit
because it has seemingly no influence on the rhythm of the song as a
whole. Its repetition on the same tone suggests that it may be
simply an introductory phrase. The final tone is immediately pre-
ceded by a tone a major third lower, this close being somewhat unusual
in the songs under analysis.
The account of his exploit was resumed by Old Buffalo as follows :
The Crows took the saddles from their horses and charged back at us, but our fire was
more than they could stand, and they finally retreated, leaving their saddles on the
ground. We captured these saddles and took them back to the place where we were
first overtaken by the Crows. There we found only four horses alive. We put one
of the captured saddles on a horse and lifted the wounded boy to the horse's
back. I held the reins and walked beside the horse all that night. "When daylight
came we rested. The boy had no pillow, so I lay down and he laid liis head on my
body. There was timber near the place, and the next day we made a travois for the
boy, and I rode the horse that dragged it. That night we traveled on, and about
midnight we reached a certain place and made a camp. We had occasionally killed
a buffalo for food, and as the men on foot had worn out their moccasins, we took fresh
buffalo hide and tied it on their feet. The three horses ran away, but we caught
them.
All the following night we traveled, and the next day we we're at the fork of the
Missouri River, where we stayed two nights.
Wliile we were on the warpath our friends had finished their buffalo hunt and
returned to Canada. I kept four men with me and the sick boy, and sent the others
home to make a report of the expedition. We kept the horses with us and followed
slowly. The boy was tliirsty, and as there was no cup I took the hide of a buffalo
head, put snow in it and then put a hot stone in the snow. Thus the boy had hot
water to drink. He wanted soup, so I took the buffalo tripe and boiled meat in
it. So the boy had soup. (See p. 399.)
416
fetJ&EAi; OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BtlLL. 61
We camped for a time beside a creek, and as we came near the "Queen's Land" we
camped again. There the father and mother of the boy met us. They had heard
the news from the other members of the party and started at once to meet us. After
we had given the boy to his parents we went on with the horses, leaving them to
travel more slowly. It was dark when we reached home, and we fired our guns to let
the people know of our coming. The next day the boy arrived. For two days and
nights I stayed with liim constantly. I did this because I felt myself to be the cause
of Ms misfortune. The boy had come to call me " father," and at the end of tliis time
he said, " Father, you can go home now to your own lodge." I went to my own lodge
and slept that night. The next morning the boy died. He is always spoken of as
Wana^gli ya^ku, 'Brings the aiTow,' because he brought home the arrow in liis body.
I did not keep any of the horses for myself, because I was the leader of the war
party.
Fig. .34. Incident in the life of Old Bullalo (drawing by himself).
Another expedition was described by Old Buffalo and illustrated
by a drawing (fig. 34). Concerning this expedition he said:
A large number of Sioux were once moving camp, and five men left the party to
steal horses. They were successful, and brought back 30 horses. The enemy were
also moving camp. I made up my mind that I would go and see if I could get some
horses, too. So I sent for a young man and talked with him about it. Then I said,
" We will go; " and he replied, " I will go with you." One man asked to go with us,
making three in the party. I said, "We will start without telling anyone and travel
in the creek, so they will not know how we went." The one whom I invited gave up
going at the last moment, but the man who had volunteered to go left camp with me
while everyone was asleep.
On our expedition we sang tliis song, hoping that we would capture many horses:
DENgMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No, 179. "I Look for Them"
Sung by Old Buffalo
417
(Catalogue No. 638)
Voice J=r 72
Drum
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
^- A -^
-t:,r r
^ A
^ia^
S!4:
-H i ' — 1 1 — •-•-#- -t— H — •-• -0-0-^ -»- M .
^ — ^— • — — r» — • — •-
#-= — »-f0- — » — ^: I
Kai]-gi wi-6a - sa kiq o-wi - 6a-wa-le i ya e i ya i -
=§^4
a^SE^.^^
&
ii
•— #— #
• — •-
Sii^^E^
ye-wa-ya ca i ya ta - suq-ke kiq a-wa-ku-we
WORDS
Kaqgi^ wida'^a kiq the Crow Indians
owi^cawale I look for them
iye^waya I found them
da so
tasuij^ke kiq their horses
awa^kuwe I brought home
Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the minor triad
and fourth. UnUke the preceding song, from which the minor third
was entirely absent, that interval constitutes about one-third of the
intervals in this song. The fourth is also prominent in the melody.
Exactly two-thirds of the intervals are downward. Except for the
accented B the song would be classified as harmonic in structure.
The form of the melody is simple, the song beginning on the octave
and twice descending to the tonic along the intervals of the tonic
chord.
In conclusion Old Buffalo said:
We found the direction in which the Crows were traveling, went around, and headed
them off. It wa.>i almost dark when we appro.ached their village. They were camped
in a circle. The afterglow was still in the sky and this light was back of us as we went
up a little creek from that direction toward the village. We could see the cooking
fires. We were on horseback, and we lay flat on our horses, leaning close to the
horses' heads. So we crept near to their horses.
418 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
When we stepped among the horses, one of them snorted at a stranger. Then the
Crows came with their guns. They had seen us. though we did not know it. My
eyes were only for the horses. They began firing, and before I had a chance to get
away my horse was shot. I snatched the reins and pulled, but the horse's jaw was
broken. I went on. They shot again, and he fell. I jumjDed as he went down.
The man who went with me ran away at the first attack and left me alone. I ran
ahead, and as the Crows were loading their guns, I dodged from one shelter to another.
They kept firing in the direction I had started to go.
The young man who ran away saw me. He was in a safe place, and he shouted,
"Come this way." He was on horseback, and we sat double on his horse. We
traveled some distance and came to the creek by which we had approached the Crow
camp. We staid at the creek that night. The Crows broke camp, and late the next
day we went back to the deserted ground. There lay my horse, dead. We examined
the horse and found that his shoulder was broken. My oldest sister had raised that
horse.
We went back to the creek and staid that night. The Sioux were moVing to their
last camp of the year, and there we joined them.
Plots of Songs of War
The songs of war, as already noted, are called "wolf songs." Many
of them make reference to the wolf and many pertam to horses, hence
we find among the plots of these songs (fig. 35) numerous examples of
Class D (see p. 54). Song No. 120, however, is an example of Class A;
No. 101 has the same general trend; and No. 136 is a good example
of Class B. These types, as already stated, appear throughout the
series. The interval of a fourth is prominent in songs concerning
animals and implying motion, and this appears in the plots of the
songs. Songs Nos. Ill, 127, 145, and 174, as reference to their
respective titles will show, are songs concerning horses, and the plots
of the songs are seen to resemble one another. Songs 146 and 161 con-
cern man and contain the idea of motion; their titles are, respectively,
"He is returnmg," and "I wish to roam." These plots show the
characteristics of Class D. No. 177 is called "A song of self-rehance,"
and we note in the plot of the song the emphasis and dwelling on the
lowest, or ke^'note, which characterizes Class C and appears to be
comcident with firmness of purpose and self-confidence. The interval
of a fourth characterizes songs Nos. 99 and 1 00, the first of which is
a song concerning the buffalo, and the second, the personal song of
a man named Brave Buffalo, the words being "Brave Buffalo I am,
I come." Such a song as the latter would undoubtedly be received
in a dream of buffalo. The ascending interval at the opening of song
No. 99 suggests Class E (see p. 519), and on reference to the words
of the song we find in them the idea of suffering on the part of the
buffalo, who are being driven in such a way that the wind strikes their
faces like a lance.
de.\§more]
teton sioux music
Analysis of War Songs
419
The songs of the niihtaiy societies and the songs of war are divided
into two analysis groups, the first comprising songs a majority of
which are beheved to be more than 50 years old and the second
comprising songs believed to be of more recent origin.
ii
5;
HI
No. 120
No. 101
No. 136
<>-• 1> » IH>-
No. Ill
No. 145
lliliill
No. 127
No. 174
No. 146
No. 161
No. 177
No. 99
Fig. 35. Plots, Group 5.
No. 100
In the first group are the songs of the Miwa'tani and Karigi'yuha,
the older of the military societies, together with the older war songs.
This group comprises songs Nos. 122, 125-177, and No. 179. In the
second group are those of the mihtary societies more recently
organized among the Teton — that is, the Fox, Badger, and Strong
Heart societies, and the White Horse Riders — together with war
songs foimd in the description of the Sun dance, and in the
420
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BILL. 61
section on war customs; also such songs in honor of an individual as
were sung to the melodies of these war societies. This group com-
prises songs Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32,
33, 34, 35, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 178, 223,
224, 225, 231. The age of many war songs can not be stated with
exactness, but the division between these two classes has been made
as nearly accurate as possible.
The first of these analysis groups marks the end of the older songs
contained in this volume, and with the second analysis group we
enter on a consideration of musical material which is comparatively
modern.
Old Songs — (6) War Songs {section 1)
Melodic Analysis
TONALITY
Major.
Minor.
Irregular .
Total.
Number
of son};s.
31
Serial Nos. of songs.
128,131, 132, 134, 137, 144, 151, 153, 155,
156, 157, 159, leO, 163, 164, 165, 169, 171,
173, 174, 175, 176, 177
122, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 133, 135, 136,
138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147,
148, 149, 150, 152, 154, 158, 161, 162, 167,
168, 170, 172, 179
166
FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on the
Twelfth
Eleventh
Tenth
Ninth
Octave
Fifth
Third
Keynote
Irregular
Total
122, 130, 136, 139, 143, 158, 168
150
142, 172, 173
138, 157
129, 133, 134, 135, 141, 145, 148, 152, 154,
159, 160, 161, 162, 179
126, 131, 140, 144, 146, 147, 151, 153, 155,
156, 164, 165, 166, 170, 175, 177
128, 137, 163, 171, 174, 176
125, 127, 132, 149, 169
166
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
421
Old Songs — (6) War Songs {section i) — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Ending on the
Fifth
Third
Keynote. .
Irregular.
126, 129, 131, 138, 140, 147, 151, 153, 155,
156, 164, 165, 166, 169, 170, 177
128, 132, 137, 163, 171, 174, 175, 176, 122,
125, 127, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 139,
141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150,
152, 154, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 168,
172, 173, 179
166
Total.
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs in which final tone is—
53
1
1
122, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132,
Immediately preceded by whole tone below
133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 1.38, 139, 140, 141,
142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150,
151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159,
160, 161, 162, 1&3, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170,
171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179
164
166
Total
NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Compass of —
Thirteen tones
4
14
2
4
7
23
1
129, 148, 149, 154
122, 125, 130, 133, 136, 138, 139,
145, 152, 158, 168, 173
150, 169
126, 166, 172, 175
128,153,157,159,161,164,167
127, 131,132,134, 135,137,140,
147, 151, 155, 156, 160, 162, 163
171, 174, 176, 177, 179
146
142,
141,
165
143,
Ten tones
144,
170,
Total
55
4840°^Bull.--fil— 18-
-29
422 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Old Songs — {6) War Songs {section 1) — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
TONE MATERIAL
First five-toned scale
Second five-toned scale
Fourth five-toned scale
Major triad
Major triad and second
Minor triad and fourth
Octave complete
Octave complete except seventh
Octave complete except seventh and sixth. ,
Octave complete except seventh and second
Octave complete except sixth
Octave complete except sixth and third
Octave complete except fourth
Octave complete except second
Other combinations of tones
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
,
1
131
11
122, 125, 126, 129, 133, 136, 137,
15S, 16S
150, 152,
11
130, 132, 151, 153, 159, 163, 171,
176, 177
174, 175,
1
155
3
144, 165, 173
5
135, 139, 142, 162, 179
3
138, 157, 161
5
128, 146, 154, 160, 164
2
156, 167
2
127, 134
2
140, 170
1
169
1
147
6
141, 143, 145, 148, 149, 172
1
166
ACCIDENTALS
Songs containing —
No accidentals .
Seventh raised a semitone
Seventh and fourth lowered a semitone
Sixth lowered a semitone
Third lowered a semitone
Second lowered a semitone
Irregular
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
47
125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132,
133,
134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141
142,
143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 151
152,
154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161
162,
165, 168,169,171,172,173,174,175
176,
177, 179
2
122, 147
1
170
1
163
2
153, 164
1
167
1
166
I
DENSMORE] , TETON SIOUX MUSIC 423
OM Songs — {6) War Songs {section 1) — Continued
Melodic Analysis— Continued
STRUCTURE
Melodic
Melodic with harmonic framework
Harmonic
Irregular
Total
Number
of songs.
55
Serial Nos. of songs.
126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 134, 135, 137, 138,
139, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152,
153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163, 164,
165, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175, 176
125, 132, 136, 141, 143, 144, 159, 168, 177,
179
122, 1.30, 133, 140, 142, 155, 162, 174
166
FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Downward.
Upward.
Total.
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
122, 129, 130, 131, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138,
139, 140, 141, 143, 145, 147, 150, 151, 154,
155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 162, 163, 165, 166,
168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 176, 177,
179
125, 126, 127, 12S, 132, 133, 142, 144, 146,
148, 149, 152, 153, 159, 161, 164, 167, 173
Total number of progressions— downward and upward
Downward.
Upward
Total.
1,251
757
intervals in downward progression
1 iiterval of a —
Major sixth. . .
Fifth
Fourth
Major third . .
Minor third . .
Major second.
Mmor second.
1
3
lis
102
409
559
59
Total.
1,251
424
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Old Songs — (6) War Songs {section i ) -Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a —
Tenth
Ninth
Octave
Seventh
Major sixth. .
Minor sixth. .
Fifth
Fourth
Major tliird . .
Minor third . .
Major second.
Minor second.
Total.
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN EACH INTERVAL
Total number of intervals
Total number of semitones
Average number of semitones in an interval.
KEY
Key of—
A major
A minor
B flat major. . .
B flat minor. . .
B major
B minor
C major
C minor
C sharp minor.
D major
D minor
E flat minor. . .
F major ; . .
F minor
F sharp major.
F sharp minor
G major
G minor
\ flat major...
G sharp minor
Irregular
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
3
131,155,164
6
125, 133, 13ti, 142, 143, 168
7
128,130,151,156,153,174,176
2
140, 152
1
177
2
139, 158
2
132, 137
1
150
2
146, 147
2
157, 169
3
138, 161, 167
1
162
3
144, 159, 160
0
127,129,135.170,179
1
153
5
126,145,148,149,172
3
134,165,175
2
141, 154
2
171, 173
1
122
1
166
55
DEN-gMORE] TETOl^ SIOUX MUSIC
Old Songs — (6') War Songs (section 1) — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis
part of measure on which song begins
425
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on unaccented part of measure
22
33
122, 125, 126 127, 132, 135 136 138 142
Beginning on accented part of measure
144, 147, 150, 152, 154, 161, 165, 166, 167,
168,173,177,179
128 129 130 131 133 134 137 139 140
141, 143, 145, 146, 14S, 149, 151, 1.53, 155,
156, 157, 158, 159, 160. 162, 163, 164, 169,
170,171,172,174,175,176
Total
55
RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
Number
of songs .
Serial Nos. of songs.
First measure in —
2-4 time
27
28
122 l'^7 1''9 130 133 134 138 139 140
3-4 time '....
142, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 153, 156, 158,
161, 164, 167, 168, 172, 174, 175, 176, 179
125, 126 128 131 132 135 136 137 141
143, 147, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 157, 159,
160, 162, 163, 165, 166, 169, 170, 171, 173,
177
Total
55
CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE LENGTHS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing no change of time
1
54
155
Songs containing a change of lime
122 125 126 127 1''8 129 130 131 132
1.3:?, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141,
142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150,
151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160,
161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169,
170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177,.179
Total
55
426
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
Old Songs — (6) War Songs (section 1) — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
RHYTHM OF DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Eighth notes unaccented
Quarter notes unaccented
Eighth notes accented in groups of two
Each beat preceded by an unaccented beat correspond
ing to third count of a triplet.
Drum not recorded
Total .
130, 133, 162 .
142, 143
129, 167
125, 127, 128, 132, 135, 151, 154, 161, 177,
179
122, 126, 131, 134, 136, 137, 13S, 139, 140,
141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152,
153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 164,
165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174,
175, 176
RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
Songs containing —
No rhythmic unit
One rhythmic unit. . .
Two rhythmic units .
Three rhythmic units
Total
Number
of songs.
22
27
Serial Nos. of songs.
122, 125, 126, 127, 130, 135, 140, 143, 146,
147, 148, 149, 152, 157, 158, 159, 162, 163,
169,173 175,179
128, 131, 132, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139,
141, 142, 144, 145, 150, 151, 153, 154,
155, 156, 160, 161, 164, 166, 172, 174,
176, 177.
165, 167, 168, 170, 171
129
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome—
,48
1
1
2
2
1
2
2
3
3
4
6
5
2
141
'54
175
56
146, 147
58
131,174
60
173
63
142, 156
66
122, 148
69
138, 144, 155
72
140, 157, 179
143,150,158,177
76
80
126, 134, 135, 169, 170, 176
84
137,145,153,171,172
88
162, 164
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 427
Old Songs — (6) War Songs (section 1) — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)— Continued
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome — Continued.
92
8
7
2
1
2
1
127, 128, 132, 151, 152, 159, 161, 165
125, 130, 133, 160, 163, 166, 167
129, 168
%
104
112
136
116
149, 154
139
144
Total
55
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Number
of songs .
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome —
63
1
1
2
1
2
4
4
1
1
38
142
72
179
76
143, 177
80 '
135
88 . .. .
161, 162
92
127, 128, 132, 151
96
125, 130, 133, 167
104
129
116
154
Drum not recorded
122, 126, 131, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140,
141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 14S, 149, 150, 152,
153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 164,
165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174,
175, 176
Total
55
COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Drum and voice having same metric unit.
Drum faster than voice . ,
Drum slower than voice.
Drum not recorded
125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 135, 142,
143, 151, 154, 162, 167, 177, 179
161
122, 126, 131, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140,
141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152,
153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 164,
165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174,
175, 176
Total.
42 8
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
COMPARATIVELY MODERN SONGS ^
(1) War Songs (Section 2)
Melodic Analysis
TONALITY
[BULL. 61
Major tonality.
Minor tonalit.v.
Total
Number
of songs.
32
Serial Nos. of songs.
8, 9, 10, 27, 29, 30, 32, 35, 114, 116, 121, 123,
124, 225
6, 7, 22, 23, 26, 28, 31, 33, 34, 115, 117, 1 IS,
119, 120, 178, 223, 224, 231
FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on the—
Twelfth
1
5
3
6
6
1
1
2
6, 30, 34, 35, 117, 118, 224
23
Tenth
27, 28, 32, 33, 119
Ninth
26, 116, 124
Octave . . . . . .
22, 114, 120, 123, 223, 225
Fifth .. ..
9,29,31, 115, 121,231
Third
8
Second . . . v
7
Keynote
10, 178
Total
32
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Ending on tlie-
Fifth
Third....
Keynote.
Total...
Number
of songs.
32
Serial Nos. of songs.
7, 9, 10, 26, 31, 32, 114, 115, 116, 124, 178,
231
8,29,33, 119, 121
6, 22, 23, 27, 28, 30, 34, 35, 117, 118, 120,
123, 223, 224, 225
1 This group comprises songs a majority of which are believed to be less than 50 years old.
DEN'SMOBE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
429
Gomparatively Modern Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs in which final tone is—
Lowest tone in song
Immediately preceded by major third below. . .
Immediately preceded by whole tone below
Immediately preceded by semitone below
Songs containing a minor third below the final tone
Total
6,7,8,9, 22,23, 26, 27, 29,31,32,34,35,
114, 115, 116, 117, lis, 119, 120, 121, 123,
124, 223, 224, 225, 231
178
28
30
10,33
32
NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Compass of—
Thirteen tones . . . . . . .
5
10
1
6
2
7
1
32, 34, 35, 124, 178
Twelve tones . . ....
6, 7, 26, 21, 30, 114, 116, 117, 118, 224
23
Eleven tones . . . . . .
Ten tones
8, 28, 29, 33, 120, 121
123, 223
9, 22, 31, 115, 119, 225, 231
6
Total
32
TONE MATERIAL
Second five-toned scale v.
Fourth five-toned scale
Major triad and seventh
Major triad and second
Minor triad and fourth
Minor triad and second
Octave complete
Octave complete e.xcept seventh
Octave complete except seventh and sixth
Octave complete except seventh and fourth
Octave complete except seventh and second
Octave complete except sixth
Octave complete except sixth, fifth, and second
Octave complete except sixth and second
Octave complete except fourth
Octave complete except third and second
Octave complete except second
Total
Serial Nos. of songs.
23, 120
8, 29, 225
9
124
118, 119, 231
178
34,114,117,224
27, 32, 35, 123
7,31,223
26, 115
10
28
33
6
30, 116
22
121
430
BUREAU OF AMEEICAN" ETHNOLOGY
[BtlLL. 61
Comparatively Modern Songs — {1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
ACCIDENTALS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing —
No accidentals.
Seventh raised a semitone
Sixth raised a semitone
Second raised a semitone
Seventh lowered a semitone
Sixth lowered a semitone
Fourth lowered a semitone
Third and second lowered a semitone, and foiirtli
raised a semitone.
Third lowered a semitone
Total.
7, 8, 10, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34,
35, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 178, 223,
231
6, 120
224
225
9
123
22
114
124
STRUCTURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Melodic
16
10
6
7,22,23,26,28,29,30,33,35,114,117,120,
124,224,225,231
31, 32, 34, 115, 116, 119, 121, 123, 178, 223
Melodic with harmonic framework
6,8,9,10,27,118
Total
32
FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Downward
26
6
6, 7, 9, 10, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32,
33, 35, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121,
178,224,225,231
8, 34, 120, 123, 124, 223
Upward
Total .. ..
32
TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Downward.
Upward
Total.
Number
of songs.
707
390
1,097
Serial Nos. of songs.
DEXSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
431
Comparatively Modern Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Number
of songs.
Interval of a—
Minor sixth
Fifth
Fourth
Major third
Minor third
Augmented second.
Major second
Minor second
Total.
49
186
3
316
52
707
INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a —
Ninth
Octave
Major sixth. .
Fifth
Fourth
Major third. .
Minor third. .
Major second.
Minor second .
Total
1
12
4
28
63
44
90
116
32
390
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Total number of intervals
Total number of semitones
Average number of semitones in an interval .
1,097
3,374
3.07
432 BtlREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei
Comparatively Modetn Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
KEY
Key of —
A major
A minor
B flat minor . .
B major
B minor
C major
C minor
D major
D minor
E flat major. . .
E flat minor . .
E major
E minor
G major
G minor
A flat major. . .
G sharp minor,
Total
Serial Nos. of songs.
22,29
31,178
34
35
117,231
8,121
6,23,115,119,224
27,30
26,33,120
116, 124
28
10,32,114,123 ■
7
225
223
9
118
Rhythmic Analysis
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on unaccented part of measure
7
25
7, 8, 26, 27, 117, 119, 178
6, 9, 10, 22, 23, 28, 29, 30, 31 , 32, 33, 34, 35,
114, 115, 116, 118, 120, 121, 123, 124, 223,
224,225,231
Total
32
RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
First measure in—
2-4 time
27
5
6, 7, 8, 9, 22, 23, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33,
3-4 time
34, 35, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121,
123,178,224,225,231
10, 28, 114, 124, 223
Total
32
DEN'SMOKE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
433
Comparatively Modem Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE LENGTHS
Number
of song!^.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing no change of time
Songs containing a change of time. .
Total
31,32,34, 121
6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 22, 23, 20, 27, 2S, 29, 30, 33,
35, 114, 115, IIG, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123,
124, 178,223,224,225,231
RHYTHM OF DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Eighth notes unaccented
Quarter notes unaccented
Eighth notes accented in groups of two
Each beat preceded by an unaccented heat correspond-
ing to third count of a triplet.
Drum not recorded
Total
28, 32, 35, 117, 121, 231
6, 26, 27, 29, 31, 33, 34, 114, 120, 123, 124
8,30, 118
9, 10, 115, 119
7, 22, 23, llti, 178, 223, 224, 225,
RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing—
5
19
6
1
1
22, 23, 178, 223, 231
9, 10, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 35, 114, 115, 116,
117, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 224, 225
6,8,26,33,34, 118
7
30
Total
32
434 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Comparatively Modern Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Metronome
56
63
66
69
72
76
80
84
88
92
96
104
112
176
Total
Number
of songs.
32
Serial Nos. of songs.
23
22
123, 178, 225
224
223
27, 124
6,29,30, 115, 120,231
31, 35, 116
26, 114, 117, 119
28
7,9
8, 118, 121
10
32, 33, 34
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome —
56
1
1
1
1
1
4
2
3
1
2
4
3
8
32
114
60
29
63
124
66
123
76
27
80
6, 30, 115, 120
84
31,35
88
26, 117, 231
92
28
96
104
176
8,119
9, 10, 118, 121
32, 33, 34
Drum not recorded
7, 22, 23, 116, 178, 223, 224, 225
Total.
DENSMORHl TETOlSr SIOUX MUSIC 435
Comparatively Modern Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Drum and voice having same metric unit
16
3
5
8
6, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 115, 117,
Dnim faster than voice
lis, 120, 121, 123
9, 119, 231
T>nma slower than voice
8, 10, 29, 114, 124
7, 22, 23, 116, 178, 223, 224, 225
Total
32
A majority of the remaining songs in this work are comparatively
modern, their analyses, together with section 2 of the war songs, com-
prising Group 2 in the collective analyses shown oh pages 12-21.
THE BUFFALO HUNT (WANA'SAPIi)
The buffalo may be said to have been the essential element in the
life of the Plains Indians, as it supphed them with material for their
tents, clothing, and moccasins; with food and containers for food,
and household articles; with tools for their handicraft, and even
with fuel for their fires. Every part of the animal was utihzed.
Among the less famihar articles made from parts of the buffalo were
handlers for small tools. These were fashioned from a certain heavy
sinew of the neck, sharp needles of bone or metal, and knife blades,
being inserted in pieces of the ''green" sinew. When dry the sinew
served as a firm and servicable handle for the tool. It is said also
that a heavy sinew of the buffalo's hind leg was dried and cut into
arrowpoints.
The tribal life of the Sioux passed away with the herds of buffalo.
The last great buffalo hunt on the Standing Rock Reservation took
place in 1882, under the supervision of Maj. James McLaughhn,
then Indian agent on that reservation. During this hunt 5,000
buffalo were killed, the hunting party comprising about 600 mounted
Sioux. 2 Major McLaughhn became agent at Standing Rock in 1881,
that year being designated in the Sioux picture calendar Wable'za
Tatay'lia-iyo'take wana' najpe'yuza wani'yetu, "Winter in which
Major McLaughhn shook hands with Sitting BuU." The following
year is called waMe'za Lako'ta oh wana'sa ipi' wani'yetu, "Winter
in which Major McLaughhn with the Sioux went on a buffalo hunt."
The drawing which marks this year is shown in figure 36.
A graphic account of buffalo hunting is given by Catlin, who took
part in the buffalo hunts of the Indians in the same part of the
country, many years ago.^
In studying the customs of the buffalo hunt among the Teton
Sioux the writer interviewed many old men, later reading the
unfinished narrative to them so they might discuss it and make cor-
rections or additions. The completed material comprises an account
of the making of buffalo bows and arrows, and the cutting up of
the buffalo, by White Hawk, a narrative of the searching party by
Siya'ka, and an account of the hunt consisting chiefly of information
given by Swift Dog and Gray Hawk.
1 This word means "hunt," the name of the animal to be hunted being understood. (Cf. use of the
word itay'can, footnote, p. 70.)
2 McLaughlin, James, My Friend the Indian, pp. 97-116, Boston and New York, 1910.
3 Catlin, George, The Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, vol. 1, pp.
251-261, London, 1841. Cf. also a description of the hunting customs of the Omaha in The Omaha Tribe,
Fletcher and La Flesche, op. cit., p. 275,
43§
DKN.SMORK] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 437
The usual time for a buffalo hunt was the early fall, when the
buffalo came down from the north, but a few could be found at
ahnost any season of the year. The medicine-men had an important
part in maintaining the food supply for the camp. They sometimes
gave warning of times of scarcity and advised the procuring of a
Uberal supply of food. This advice was heeded and a special hunt
was made. There were times when it was not 'permissible for a man
to hunt independently. At such a time, if a man were found with a
supply of fresh meat wliich he could not satisfactorily account for,
it was the duty of the aki'cita to seize it. Further, they might beat
the man with clubs and tear down his tipi. (See p. 313.)
The making of bows and arrows for the buffalo hunt was described
by White Hawk ((^'etai^'ska), a Sioux from the Cheyenne River
P'iG. 3;J. Drawing from picture calendar— the year of the last buffalo hunt.
Reservation (Mr. Edward Swan interpreting). Although these were
said to be "buffalo bows and arrows," it is probable that they were
similar in design to those used in war. White Hawk said:
The buffalo bows of two men were seldom exactly alike, either in pattern or in
strength, but one characteristic which all had in common was that the place for fitting
the arrow was nearer the upper than the lower end of the bow, the lower section being
longer and thicker than the upper. Some men used the wood of the cherr>' or plum
tree for their bows, while others preferred the crab apple or some other hardwood.
The back of the bow was covered with sinew wliich had been made flexible by rub-
bing and then dried. When this was ready the back of the bow was cut in numerous
places and covered with glue made from the hide of the buffalo, the part used for this
• purpose being a strip between the horns, back of the eyes; the sinew was then applied
ajid became part of the bow. The string of the bow was of the sinew of the buffalo
bull, twisted and dried.
White Hawk said further he knew of three kinds of arrow points : (1 )
; His great grandfather used arrow points of cut flint; he had seen
4840°— Bull, 61—18 — -30 ' :
438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill, ei
these as a boy, but had never used them. (2) His father used arrow
points of bone, made from the outer tliickness of ribs or marrow
bones. (3) He himself used arrow points of steel. It was the
custom in his hunting days to cut arrow points from the thin frying
pans sold by traders or used by the soldiers. Feathers used on the
arrows were not confined to any one kind. Some used feathers of
the prairie hen, owl,* or chicken hawk that were large enough to
spHt, while others used the smaller feathers of the eagle or buzzard.
White Hawk said that after splitting a feather he held one end in his
mouth and "scratched it carefully wdth a knife to smooth it." Three
feathers were fastened to each arrow. Glue was placed under the
feathers and under the arrow point, both being fastened by wrappings
of deer sinew.
It was said that a good bow would send an arrow into a buffalo so
that the arrow point was imbedded in the flesh, an excellent bow
would drive it in almost to the feather, while a. fine bow would send
the same arrow clear through the animal.
The proper length for a man's buffalo arrow was the distance on
the outside of his arm from the elbow to the end of the third finger,
plus the length of his hand from the wrist to the large knuckle of
the third finger. It was the intention to make the arrow as light as
possible, therefore the woods preferred for the shaft were juneberry
{wi' pazukaJiu) and ^vild currant (wica/ ganasJcahu) . These were so
flexible that if a buffalo fell on an arrow, the latter bent without
breaking. Thus the arrow could be recovered and used again by its
owner.
Certain lines were cut in the shaft of an arrow "to make it go
straight." A straight line about an inch long was cut in the shaft,
extending downward from the point of attaclunent of the feather.
Then the graving tool was held firmly in the hand while the shaft
was moved sidewise, so that the line became wavy. At a distance of
about 3 inches from the arrow point the shaft was held still so that
a straight line was again secured. White Hawk said that the proper
manner of cutting these hues was "the result of long experience,"
and that an arrow would not move in a direct course without them.
After fastening the arrow point and the feathers, and cutting the
hues, the maker used a pair of small whetstones in polisliing the shaft.-
These were said to be composed of a certain kind of stone found in
the Black Hills, which was rather soft. A groove was cut in each
whetstone, the grooves being of such size that when the stones
were fitted together, the opening formed by the two grooves was
the diameter of the arrow shaft, which was polished by moving
the stones to and fro. In order that the surface of the arrow shaft
might be kept clean the whetstones were brushed with buckskin after
being used and were tyhen carefully wrapped in the same material.
DENSMORK] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 439
Each man had a special mark for his arrows. Bear Face (p. 78)
said that he considered pehcan feathers as best for arrows, and that
he ahvays used one peHcan feather on liis arrows, the other feathers
being taken from some other bird. Others are said to have painted
their arrows red, or with a blue section in the middle, or to have
made ''dents" in the shaft, each man using his own device.
As a final process the shaft of the arrow was smeared vnth buffalo
blood. White Hawk saying this made the arrow go more smoothly
through the tissues of the animal.
Most quivers held 10 arrows. A man might make his own quiver,
although he usually ordered arrows from an arrow maker, a hundred
at a time. Red Fox (pp. 90, 375, et seq.) was known as a skillful arrow-
maker in the old days.
A buffalo hunt frcciuently took place wlien the tribe was about to
move to a new camping place. In describing such a hunt Siya'ka said:
Wlien the tribe was about to move to a new camp the old men met to decide
whether there was enough food to last for a considerable time. If it was decided that
a hunt was advisable these old men consulted the leaders in the various societies
(as the Strong Heart or White Horse societies), and together they decided on the
young men who were to go and search for the buffalo. This task required young men
who were known to be truthful and faithful to duty, as well as possessed of the neces-
sary physical ability and general equipment. Only men were selected who were
known to be ready, as there was not sufficient time to prepare after they were notified.
This was one of the greatest honors which could be conferred on a man, as it indicated
that the tribe depended upon him for help in the food supply, without which it could
not exist. It was necessary that these men know the topography of the country and
understand the ways of the buffalo.
These young men were notified, and as soon as they could make the arrangements
which of necessity must be left till the last moment, they went to the center of the
tribal circle, with their equipment of food and extra moccasins, each man carrj-ing
also a drinking cup and perhaps some cooking uten.sil. The man who was first
selected was the leader of the searching party.' Their relatives were so gratified that
the young men were thus honored that they gave away many presents when the party
started out, these presents being valuable and including horses and blankets.
The departure of the searching party was a great event. ^ They were gathered in
the midst of the camp circle, surrounded by rejoicing and gifts. A man recognized
for high standing in the tribe was chosen to "start them off." A stick was placed
upright in the ground, and he led them as they marched single file around this stick.
The stick signified an enemy or a buffalo, and no one was allowed to strike it unless he
had killed either an enemy or a buffalo. The man chosen to start off the party was
usually a man who had done both these. People on horseback were ready to escort
the party from the camp. The direction in which the buffalo were probably located
was pointed out, and the party started in that direction. They moved with a dancing
step, and no drum or rattle was carried. The foUo^vdng song was sung at this time.
1 Siya'ka was once appointed leader of a searching party, and six times was a member of such a party.
Bows and arrows were used on those hunts.
2 Compare description of departure of those who went to select the Sun-dance pole, p. 107.
440
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
No. 180. Song of the Buffalo Hunt (a) (Catalogue No. 475)
Sung by Siya'ka
Voice J = 92
Drum J= 92
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
^iE^^^33S^i^
Anali/sis. — The tones in this song are E flat-G-B flat and C. By
the test of the ear E flat seems the most satisfactory keynote; the
song is therefore classified as major in tonality, and its tone material
is considered to he the major triad and sixth. The tonic is found
only in the upper octave and in connection with C, forming the interval
of a minor third, which comprises 69 per cent of the entire number of
intervals. In this, as in many other Indian songs, the fact that
a certain tone seems the keynote of the song does not imply that
the corresponding ''key" is fully established. Six renditions were
recorded; these are uniform throughout. The song as a whole has
an interesting completeness of rhythm, though there is no repeated
phrase which can be regarded as a rhythmic unit.
Siya'ka cont niued :
After the escorting party had returned to the camp, the searchers were entirely
under the control of their leader. Sometimes he assigned a territory to each of his
men and scattered them over the prairie, directing them to meet at a certain time
and place. ^Yhen the men made their report to him. they were expected to be definite
and sure in their statements. If they reported that they had seen buffalo they must
be able to give an estimate of the numljer in the herd. It occasionally happened
that a searching i>arty was unsuccessful. In that event they straggled back to the
main camp, attracting as little attention as possible. The longest absence of a party
remembei'ed by Siya^ka was 12 days.
As soon as the searching party had started, the tribe broke camp and began its
journey to the place designated for the next camp, where the searchers were expected
to make their report. Having reached this place and made their camp, they began
an anxious watch for the return of the searchers. Men were stationed to watch for
them, and if these men saw them coming they returned to the camp, and the crier
announced to the people that the searching party was in sight. The searching party
gave certain signals to indicate the result of their search, running back and forth if
the buffalo were close at hand, or waving a blanket at its full width and then laying
it flat on the ground if they had seen a particularly large herd. Some went on horse-
back to meet them, and the entire tribe assembled in the middle of the circle to hear
their report. The following song was sung as they returned.
dkxsmore]
TETOX SIOUX MUSIC
441
No. 181. Song of the Buffalo Hunt (b) (Catalogue No. 47G)
Sung by Siya'ka
Drum J - 80
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
tt
4t
m&-
i=t^
Analysis. — Five renditions of this song were recorded. The time
was not strictly mamtained, and the rhythm of the opening measures
was difficult to discern; however, as in all such songs, when the
correct note values are determhied it is found that all the renditions
are alike, and that the rhythm is m reality quite simple. The only
ascending intervals in this song are the major second and fourth, and
the only descending intervals are the major second and minor third.
The song is based on the fourth five-toned scale, has a compass of
nme tones, and is melodic in structure.
The party entered the tribal circle with the leader in advance.' The stick was
again placed upright in the ground, and they circled around it, many striking it. In
the middle of the council tent a small space of bare ground had been made ready.
This was hard and smooth, not pulverized as in the Alo'wagpi ceremony, the Spirit-
keeping lodge, and the Sun-dance ceremony. [See pp. 71, 82, 122.] A buffalo chip
was placed on this bare ground, and beside it were placed a little sweet grass and a
pipe filled and ready to smoke. The searcher who was first to see the buffalo entered
the lodge in advance of his companions. As they entered the lodge many of the
people stood with hands upraised, then saying Hi, hi! they stooped and placed the
palms of their hands on the ground.
Beside the spot of bare ground stood a man whose record was above reproach, and who
had been selected to act as itag'car), master of ceremonies. [See footnote, p. 70.] His
entire body was painted red. Lifting the pipe from the ground, he took a little of the
buffalo chip and sprinkled it on the tobacco in the pipe. He then took flint and steel,
lit the cliip on the ground and laid the sweet grass upon it. After passing the pipe
over the smoke of the sweet grass four times, he pretended Uj light it, holding the bowl
first to one side and then to another side of the chip. This was done tlu-ee times, and
the fourth time he lit the pipe. The itag'cag then swung the pipe in a circle over the
chip, holding the bowl in the center, after wliich he offered it to the man who first saw
the buffalo. He puffed it four times. The itag'caq swung it again four tim es above
the buffalo chip, and offered it to the other searchers, who also puffed it four times.
It was necessary that tliis be done four times, and therefore if there were only two
searchers the pipe was offered, to each of them twice in order that the proper number
be observed. After the searchers had puffed the pipe it was offered to all those sitting
in the lodge, and they touched their lips to the pipe, even though it had gone out.
^\Tien this was finished, the itag'cag emptied the pipe, and the people in the front
row of listeners sat with the palms of their hands on the ground as the searchers were
» From this point the narrative is chiefly that of Swift Dog, interpreted by Mrs. McLaughlin.
442
BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BUI
asked for their report. The itaij'car) did not ask a direct question but said to the man
who first saw the buffalo, "You are not a cliild.' You must tell me truthfully what
you have seen, and where you saw it." The man might reply thus: "I mounted a
certain butte and looked down where I have seen buffalo before, and there I saw two
herds, near the butte on which I was standing. " [It was the custom when speaking
of buffalo to point with the thumb, not with the finger, and this custom was followed
by Swift Dog when describing the event.]
"You say that you have seen the wallows and those who make the wallows. I am
sure you have spoken truly, and you have made my heart good, " said the itag'dag,
while the listeners cried //('', and touched the ground again with the palms of their
hands.
Then the itag^cag said, "If you saw anything beyond this which is worth reporting,
tell it to me." The searcher might reply, "Beyond the two herds I saw the plain
black with buffalo. " And the people would say HV once more.
Thus far the people had remained very quiet, but when the report was completed
tiiere was great excitement. The crier shouted, "Put saddles on your horses! Put
saddles on your horses! We go now to hunt the buffalo!" As soon as this announce-
ment was made to the whole village, the horses were brought in, and men and horses
were painted. Wlietstones were brought out and knives were sharpened. The scene
was one of busy preparation for the great event.
Five or more men were selected from among the aki'cita to keep order during the
hunt. These men went to the council tent and received their final instructions from
the chiefs, who told them to be sure to secure beeves for the helpless, the old and
cripples, as well as for women who had no one to provide for them. These aki''cita
were men of executive ability, and were men to v/hose authority the people were
accustomed. They directed the people on their journey and required them to move
quietly so that the buffalo would not become alarmed, ^^^len nearly in sight of the
buffalo other aki^cita were selected. The method of approaching the herd was of
coiu-se not always the same, but in an ordinary hunt the party was divided into two
sections, each led by about five aki'cita, under whose direction they surrounded the
herd, and at whose command they plunged into the chase. Those who were to chase
the buffalo took the saddles from their horses. Every man had liis arrows ready, with
the special mark so he could claim the animals he killed. It was like a horse race.
As soon as the man shouted "Ready!" they were off, and you could see n6thing but
dust. The men who had fast horses tried to get the fattest buffalo. Each man tried
to get the best possible animals as his trophies of the hunt.
The following is a song of tlie chase, sung by Gray Hawk (pi, 71),
a successful buffalo hunter in the old days, who contributed interesting
details to the foregoing narrative.
No. 182. Song of the Buffalo Hunt (c)
Sung by Gray Hawk
(Catalogue No. 545)
Voice J — 92
Drum J — 92
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
=9t*#
:p=pc
[^
SE!
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
3ULLETIN 61 PLATE 71
L scd In iii'iuussiuii.
GRAY HAWK
UKNtjMORE]
TKTON SIOUX MI^SIC 443
Analysis. — In many respects tliis song is like No. 181. E flat
appears to be most satisfactory as its keynote, and analyzing it in
the key of E flat major, we find the tone material to be the tonic
triad and sixth, yet 73 per cent of the intervals are minor thirds.
The remaining intervals are two major seconds and one ascending
fourth. The song is so short that the phonograph cylinder contains
a large number of renditions, in wliich there are no points of difference.
The song was usually sung twice with no break in the time, then
sliriU cries were given, after wliich the song was resumed, the drum
continuing a steady beat throughout the entire performance.
When the killing of the buffalo was finished the meat was dressed
and prepared for transportation to the camp. Wliite Hawk gave a
description of the cutting up of a buffalo, wliich was read to Heha'ka-
wa'-kita (Looking Elk), who pronounced it correct. These two men
were said to be especially proficient in this phase of the buffalo hunt^
The description, wliich follows (interpreted by Edward Swan), is that
of the cutting up of a buffalo cow:
If the hide were to be used for a tent it was removed whole instead of being cut
idong the back. In tliis process the aninial was turned on its back, the head being
turned to the left so it came under the shoulder, and the horns stuck in the ground
so that the head formed a brace. In old days a clamshell was used as a 'skinning
knife; such a tool with its case was carried by the mother of Eagle Shield. [See pi.
(i?.] When steel knives became available they were used instead of the shells.
In removing a liide to be used for a tent they began on the under side of a front
leg, cut to the center of the breast, to the lip, then up to a point between the horns,
and then from one horn to the other. A cut was made down the belly and the inside
of the hind legs; the tail was also split. When removing a hide for use as a robe,
they laid the animal on its belly with legs extended front and back. In this case the
cut began on the upper lip and extended along the backbone to the tip of the tail.
The liide of one side was folded back and spread on the ground, and the carcass was
laid on that while the cuts were made along the belly as described above.
When removing a hide they did not cut all the meat from the inner surface, but
left a layer of meat on the liide of the back and a still thicker piece along the belly.
This was later removed by the women and was said to be very good to eat. After
removing the hide it was the custom to take out the tongue, which was the part of.
the animal considered most delicate by the Sioux.
Beyond this point there were no established rules. White Hawk said, however, that
the front quarters were usually removed first. He said there was a "blanket of flesh "
on the back and sides of the animal which was removed in one piece, but that before
taking this off they "worked up under it" and detached the front quarters. The
hind quarters were removed at the hip joints. The hump was underneath the outer
"blanket of flesh." It was composed of fat aud was cut off at the backbone. Below
the outer ' ' blanket of flesh " is tlie inner ' ' blanket, ' ' which was removed in two parts.
One side of it was turned down, exposing the ribs and the entrails. The carcass was
then cut along the belly, up the shoulder, and along the backbone. A fresh hoof
was used as a hatchet, and in the old days a knife made of the shoulder blade
was used in cutting up the animal. [See pi. 67.] The ribs were removed in the form
of a slab, and the kidneys, liver, and fat also were taken out, as were the brains.
White Hawk said: "In the intestines there is a pocket-shaped piece about the size
444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bum,, ei
of a man's arm. Thi^s was tiinieil wrong side out, fastened with a stick, and tied
at one end. The brains were put into it. and the Uver and himip were tied in a
bundle with it. The paunfh was turned wTong side out and the heart, kidneys, and
fat were put into it. The lower backbone was split and later would be chopped for
boiling to extract the grease."
Each hunter usually provided two horses for bringing home the meat of one buffalo.
Tliis meat was divided into eight portions, as f ollo\ys: ( 1 ) The outer ' ' blanket of flesh " ;
(2) the hiunp, brains, and liver; (3) the intestines and small split bones; (4) the inner
"blanket of flesh"; (5) the slabs of ribs; (6) the front quarters; (7) the liind quarters;
(8) the hip bones and backbone.
If the hide had been split for a robe It was customary to put half the liide on each
horse, then to lay the "outer blanket of flesh," which is in one piece, on the horse,
and the inner "blanket of flesh," which is in two pieces, on the other horse, then to
pile on the other bundh>s of meat but not tie them, as the ends of the hide were folded
over and held them in place. If the liide had been removed in one piece for a tent,
it was made into an additional bundle, and the hunter packed it separately.
A few women who were good riders usually went with a hunting party to help herd
the pack horses until the men had the meat ready to load. After the hunting party
Tetm-ned to their camp the women finished cutting up the meat, the long strips for
drying being cut ^vith the grain of the meat. These long strips were hung in the
open air and when thoroughly dried were pounded and mixed with wild cherries, or
with the fat of the animal Meat prepared in tliis way was kept for an indefinite
length of time and constituted a staple article of food among the Pioux.
The following song is a medicine-man's song to socnro l)uffalo in
time of famine, oiya'ka said that lie had known of its successful
use in this connection.
The medicine-man painted a buffalo skull with red aiid blue
stripes and laid beside it a filled pipe on a bed of fresh sage/ It
was believed that ''the skull turned into a real buffalo and called
others." This song was sung in the dark. In the song it is the
buffalo who speaks. Sij-a'ka said that in the old days, after this
ceremony on the part of the medicine-man and the singing of tliis
song, the buffalo came near the camp and thus the famine was
relieved.
I See p. 1S.5, footnote.
DioNsMoiti:] TETON" SIOUX MUSIC 445
No. 188. Song To Secure Buffalo in Time of Famine (Catalogue No. 4«9)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J = 76
Drum not recorded
^S
Epi
%-i'~r-i'-^
:p=P=p:
'-c^ — P^f^
f-fT f "^f if ^
^ JL
L==^
-ji=±L4
Ca-noq-pa waq ca-ze - yal
WORDS
{First rendition)
canoq^pa wai) a pipe '
(^aze^yal they mentioned
ma'nipi as they walked
o^ta many times
eya^peya I have offered this
mawa'ni as I walked
(Second rendition)
maka'' sa wai) a red earth
<5aze^yal they mentioned
ma^nipi as they walked
o'ta many times
icah^tak. it has been placed upon me
mawa'ni as I walked
( Third rendition)
maka^to wag a blue earth
daze' yal they mentioned
ma'nipi as they walked
o'ta many times
icah'tak it has been placed upon me
mawa'ni as I walked
This was said to refer to the pipe brought to the Sioux- by the White Buffalo Maiden. (See pp. 63-66.)
446 BUREAtf OF AMERICAN ETPINOLOGY " [bull, ei
Analysis. — All the ''verses" of this song were recorded, the repe-
titions of the melody showing no differences except in note values
affected by the words. It is not a rhytlimic melody. In structure
the song is melodic. The tonality is minor, and all the tones of the
octave are present except the second. Two-thirds of the progressions
are downward, and about 57 per cent of the intervals are major
seconds.
A white buffalo is said to have been particularly swift and wary;
for this reason, as well as because of its rarity, it was very difficult to
secure. It was a handsome animal, the rougher parts of the fur be-
ing soft and fine, and the smooth parts shiny and glossy. The horns
were black and the hoofs pinkish, the end of its nose, too, being
pink. The last white buffalo seen on the Standing Rock Reserva-
tion was killed near the Missouri River, in the vicinity of the present
town of Pollock.
If a white buffalo were killed in a hunt the fatal arrow was purified
in the smoke of burning sweet grass. A knife was similarly purified
before the animal was skinned, and the hide was removed in such
manner that no blood was shed on it. Only men who had dreamed
of animals were allowed to eat any portion of the flesh of a white
buffalo.
Although a large prize was offered for the killing of this animal,
the hide was not disposed of while the tribe was on the hunt, but was
held until the people reached home, so that all the requirements could
be fulfilled. The skin was not treated like an ordinary buffalo hide.
Only women noted for purity of life could touch or tan it, and after
the tanning was finished certain important ceremonies were required.
It was the custom for a medicine-man to purify the hide with sweet
grass.
The tanned robe was always kept in a rawhide case. The owner
of such a robe usually retained it to be buried with him. If, however,
he was willing to dispose of it, he might call together men who had
owned similar robes and make this known to them. Great honor was
given a man who was willing to dispose of a white buffalo robe. A
small piece was worth a horse; even the smallest portion of the
robe was a "sacred article" to the person who secured it, and could
be taken only by one who had owned part or all of a similar robe.
Jaw said that he killed a white buffalo when his band of the tribe
were in Canada. He was only 13- years of age at the time, and the
buffalo which he killed was the only white one in a herd of about
a hundix^d. Not caring for the others, he killed only this one. It was
a beautiful animal, only its horns being black. Jaw killed it in the
fall and kept the hide all winter, selling it in the spring to a man
named Bone Club (Hohu'-caij'hpi) for two horses, a big buffalo-hide
m;^^iM^Kl:] TKTOX SIOUX MUSIC 447
tent, and many other articles . This exploit, as well as his killing of a
bear and an elk with bow and arrows, is shown in one of his drawings.
(See pi. 00, A.)
Jaw said that on three occasions he killed a bear with a gun,
but that it was very hard to do so with bow and arrows. The cir-
cumstances under which he was successful in this are as follows.
One summer he and another man had been hunting deer and were
returning with their horses loaded with meat. Jaw had a gun, while
his companion carried a bow and arrows. They saw a mother bear
and two cubs coming toward them. Giving the gun to his companion,
Jaw took his bow and arrows. The bear tried to fight him, and as it
turned he hit the beast with an arrow. Three times the bear re-
newed the attack, but each time he wounded it with an arrow, finally
killmg it.
The elk hunt (shown in pi. (iO) took place in winter, when he was
22 years old. He had recently married a Yankton Sioux girl and was
staying in her part of the country. There were two other families
camping near them, making three tents in all. Early one morning
Jaw's wife left the tent, but returned, saying: ''"Wake up! There
are lots of elk. Come and see." Putting on moccasins and leggins,
and taking his arrows and Ms best horse, he went after them. The
snow was very deep. It was early in the morning when he shot
the elk.
COUNCIL AND CHIEF SONGS
Council Songs
The following are known as "council songs"; these were sung
when the chiefs met m the council tent to decide matters of tribal
importance. This tent was placed inside the camp circle and was
decorated in various ways. Plate 72 shows the council tent at the
gathering at BuU Head, S. Dak., July 4, 1912.
The first song of this group was sung by Many Wounds (Wopo'-
tapi), who preceded the singing by an announcement of the song,
which was recorded by the phonograph and translated as follows:
"Tribe, listen to me. I will sing a song of the dead chiefs. What
are you saying? The chiefs have come to an end, and I sing their
songs. I wish I could do as they liave done, but I will try to sing
their song.' '
No, 184. "I Sing of the Dead Chiefs" (Catalogue No. 669)
Voice J— 63
Drum not recorded
-PL .^. ^.
Sung by Many Wounds
5i¥
-^ JL
^ ^
3:
^■J I
izi:
i^ P 0^^~^0 f 0
7r=p=p=jC
' — I
S^S
^i^ J J"]|-j=4:^;:j-^^ff^^-- r :J^
Ko - la ta - ku ya - ka pe - lo i -
taq - eaq kii) he - na - pi - la ye - lo he
mi - ye ka - ke^ e - 6uq u - wa - ta - he we yo he
WORDS
kola' friend
ta'ku yaka'' pelo' what you are saying (is true)
itag'c^ai) kig the chiefs
448
ofl
DE.V^MORi:]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
449
hena'pila are gone
yelo'' he so
miye^ kakes' ecui)' uwa^tahe
we I myself will try it
Analys'is. — This song contains only the tones of the major triad and
second. Of the mtervals 55 per cent are whole tones, and about 22
per cent minor thirds, the remammg mtervals presenting a variety
of progressions, including fifths, fourths, and one major third. In
structure the song is melodic with harmonic framework.
Siya'ka stated that the following song is very old, having been
used in the days when the entire tribe assembled for a council. It
is still sun<r before a council of the tribe.
No. 185. "I Fear Not"
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J— 76
Drum J = 76
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
(Catalogue No. 455)
If-f'-rV
'«• • f P • VW #
9_SI^S
^i
P=-F 9 0-
^
zrr.
-0- w
o - te - lii - ka
ku - wa - pe
^|3@
he - ua ko - wa - ki - pe sni le wa-oq we he
kola' friends
ta'ku ote'liika with all manner of difficulties
ima'kuwape I have been pursued
he'na these
kowa'kipe ^ni I fear not
le still
waoi)' alive
we am I
450
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, and in
every instance the difference between the tones transcribed as C
natural and C sharp was clearly marked. This accidental is the
sharped seventh, often present in songs of minor tonality, making a
semitone between the seventh and eighth tones of the octave. This
sons: contains the tones of the second five-toned scale and has a
compass of 11 tones. Almost one-third of the intervals are minor
thirds, a proportion which corresponds with the tonality of the song.
Two-thirds of the intervals are downward progressions.
The following is a typical song of the chiefs in council:
No. 186. "I Wish To Do My Part" (Catalogue No. 614)
Sung by 1Tskd-as-a-Shieli)
Voice J - 66
Drum
66
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 6
^ — fi 0 ,-0—it 0 pL_^ 0 ^-
' P T f
'f' p p « « fl M
^ f P P- m
^ •• • •
r—
:9^-^J 1 -^ LJ
=■ ' r c^
j fe-j' L^-
;a^
- -1 1 B ^ 1 1
0 - ya - te kiq - liaij ija ta - ku loa a - ki - ya - pi
♦ •i^A
caq - 7(0 - na he he-na o - ki - hi wa - cai]-mi ye - lo
" ' P F 0 »-
Slit^E
m
-p — ^— ^
^
l;^ii::=h
=^=^
H
WORDS
oya''te kighag'' ta'ku aki''yapi
dag'na he whatever the tribe decide upon in council
he'na oki'hi wa<;ar)'mi yelo'. . that is what I wish to do my part in accom-
pliahing
Dexsmork]
TETOX SIOUX MUSIC
451
Ar^ahjsis. — In prominence of the fourth and the minor second this
song resembles No. 194. The proportion of fourths is about 22 per
cent, and of minor seconds about 36 per cent. A combination of
these two intervals is unusual. Next in number are the minor
tliirds. The intonation is not good, yet in both renditions the flatted
fourth was clearly sung. The song is minor in tonality and lacks
the seventh tone of the complete octave. It is melodic in structure
and has a compass of an octave, extending from the dominant above
to the dominant ])elow the tonic.
This council song is similar in use to the preceding:
No. 187. "His Customs I Adopted" (Catalogue No. 615)
!Sung by Used-as-a-Shield
Voice J = 66
Drum J = 66
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
ate^ father (referring to the old men, his ancestors)
ta^vi'cohag'pi kig Ms customs
owa'pii] I adopted
na and
he hence
iyo'tiye a hard time
waki' yel(/., I am having
452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [blll. ei
Analysis. — -This song contains a large variety of intervals, there
being seven kinds of upward, and six kinds of downward, progres-
sions. Of the intervals 75 per cent are minor thirds and major
seconds. The song is major in tonality, melodic in structm'e, and
lacks the seventh tone of the complete octave. Three rhythmic
units are found in the song, the second and third having one count
division in common. The manner in which these units are used is
particularly interesting.
Chief Songs
There appear to be two kinds of Chief songs: Those which
voice the thouglit of the chiefs, and those sung in honor of the chiefs.
Thus the second song in the Sun-dance group was said to be a Chief
song. It contains tlie words, "Friends take courage; right here we
are coming; they see us." In explanation of tliis class of songs
a Sioux said, "The chiefs do not sing these songs; the people sing
them meaning 'the chief says so and so'." The following belongs
to the second class of Chief songs and is said to bje an old and par-
ticularly good example. Two Bears was the head;cliief of the Lower
Yanktonais band of Sioux, the most numerous baiid on the Standing
Rook Reservation, and was prominent in tribal councils. He died
about the year 1886. An interesting record concerning tliis man is
preserved in the report of the Indian agent for the year 1874.' Tliis
record is as follows : .^
On the Isl. of July 1 was informed that a party of young mejn had left this agency
to make war on Indians up the river. I asked the principal chiefs to stop these pro-
ceedings. They promptly responded by sending their soldiers out, who overtook
the war party and brought them back. The conduct of Cliief Two Bears and Chief
Antelope on this occasion deserves particular credit. The defeat of the party is
mainly attributable to the energetic action of these two chiefs.
' Palmer, Edmond, in Indian Affairs Rep. for 1874, p. 248, Washington, 1874.
J
DENSMOBE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
453
No. 188. Song in Honor of Two Bears (Catalogue No. 454)
Sung by Siya'ka
Voice J=z112
Drum J:^112
Drum-rhythm simihxr to No. 19
^ f -0- ^ •
-■— 1 H 1 'mmwir-
0 - ya - te kir) ta - ku a - ki - ya - pi
6ai} - na Ma- to - noq - pa wi - ca - la Sni wa - ni - ce
152
^
-^-
£=
WORDS
oya^te kiri the tribe
ta^ku aki^yapi cag^na whenever they council
Mato^-nog'pa Two Bears
wica^la ^ni wani'ce never refuses
Analysis. — Like many other melodies on the fourth five-toned
scale, this song has a large proportion of minor thirds, that interval
forming more than 55 per cent of the entire number. The major
third and the fourth each appears three times. The indicated change
of tempo occurs in all three renditions, the metronome speed of each
part of the song being accurate. The tempo of the drum remains the
same thi'oughout the song. (See song No. 5.) The song has a com-
pass of an octave and was sung with good intonation.
The two songs next following are in honor of Gabriel Renville,
chief of the Sisseton Sioux, and were recorded at Sisseton by his son,
Moses Renville. The following information concerning him has been
published by the South Dakota Historical Society:^
• Gabriel Renville, chief of the Sissetons, was a representative of one of the most
noted families of the frontier. . . . The first representative of the Renville family
in the Northwest was Joseph Raenville, or Renville, a French Canadian voyageur and
fur hunter, who married into the Kaposia, or Little Raven band of the Sioux. The
' Robinson, De Lorme W., in South Dakota Historical Collections, vol. 1, p. 126, Aberdeen, S. Dak., 1902.
4840°— Bull. 61—18 31
454
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
result of this union was two half-breed sons, Joseph and Victor, father of Gabriel.
The elder Joseph Renville died about 1790. . . . Gabriel, the subject of this
sketch, was born at Sweet Corn's village on the west shore of Big Stone Lake, April,
1824, and died at Brown's Valley, witliin 10 miles of his birthplace, August 26, 1892.
He became chief of the Sissetons through the aid of the military, after liis band had
been located on their reservation in the northeast part of South Dakota. Subsequent
to the Minnesota massacre he became cMef of scouts under Gen. Sibley and gained
distinction for his ability.
No. 189. Song in Honor of Gabriel Renville (a)
Sung by Moses Renville (Ma wis)
Voice J = 92
Drum J = 84
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
(Catalogue No. 665)
ta wa - oi]
-^-# — ^
Jt—^-
a ya he ya nai] - ke noij
)
SH
1:3=
^^-^^^g
na na de
wa- on we
WORDS
Ti'wakai) ^ Holy House (known as Gabriel Renville)
heye^do has said
aki^cita a soldier
waor)^ we I am
nagke^ noi) na de it is but a short life ^
waoD' we I have to live
Analysis. — This and the following song were recorded at Sisseton;
the words are in the Santee dialect. The rhythmic form of this song
is interesting. Three phrases comprise practically the entire melody,
the first consisting of three measures, the second also consisting of
three measures, and the third (after a connecting measure) of four
measures, after which two unimportant measures close the song.
Several renditions were recorded, in all of which the drum is slightly
slower than the voice. The song has a distinctly minor quality,
though fewer than one-fourth of the intervals are minor thirds.
All the tones of the octave except the sixth are contained in the
melody, which has a compass of nine tones.
See plot of this melody on page 461.
1 Full form is Ti'piwakar) . 2 Of. words of songs Nos. 222 and 231.
DENi^MOBE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
455
No. 190. Song in Honor of Gabriel Renville (b) (Catalogue No. 666)
Sung by Moses Renville
Voice ^-92
Drcm J = 84
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
m m
^-#-
• #
^^^^
^=t
f=:2=:fc?;
Ti-pi
wa - kaij Ivii) he to - ki i- ya - ye ca tu-we ni wa-ciij wa
ye Sni a
Si- si
te-toq-vraq kiq he e
ha - ya-pi do
Ti^piwakai) Holy House (known as Gabriel Renville)
kig he even he
to^ki iya^ye is departed (I know not where)
(Ja therefore
tuwe' upon
ni no one
wacir)^ waye^ sni he can I rely
Sisi'tor) waq kig the Sisseton Sioux
heya'pi do have said '
Analysis.— In general character this song resembles the preced-
ing," but it is longer and contains a rhythmic unit. The drum is
persistently slower than the voice, as in the preceding song, through-
out five renditions. Of the intervals 80 per cent are minor thirds
and major seconds, the other intervals consisting of five fourths and
one ascending fifth. The song has a range of an octave and is melodic
in structure.
Songs Nos. 191 and 192 are in honor of men living at the pres-
ent time who were chiefs of the Teton Sioux under the old tribal
organization. While their actual authority has passed away, they
are still regarded as chiefs and accorded some of their f ormer.honor.
This melody was recently composed and was said to be a grass-
dance tune. During a gathering of Sioux at the Standing Rock
Agency in the summer of 1912 this song was sung in honor of John
456
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Grass (pi. 73), one of whose native names is Mato'-wata'kpe (Charg-
ing Bear) . John Grass is the most prominent Sioux chief living at the
present time (see p. 89).
No. 191. Song in Honor of John Grass (Catalogue No. 643)
Sung by Shoots First (Toke^ya-wica^o)
1st rendition
Voice J— 63
Drum J— 63
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
M^
:4:
he ye ye e ti-hi-hi-ya o-ma - wa - ni ye-lo he ye ye
Ma-to - wa - ta - kpe ya he-ya - ke - ya pe - lo he ye
yo
oya'te kig the tribe
wacig'mayag'pi depend upon me
cag^na he thence
tehi'hiya through difficulties
oma^wani yelo' I have traveled
Mato'-wata^kpe Charging Bear
heya'keya^ pelo' said this (it is reported)
Analysis. — This modern melody contains a larger variety of inter-
vals than most of the older songs. Thus we note five different
ascending and four different descending intervals. The numbers of
ascending and descending intervals are more nearly equal than in the
older songs. All the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh
are found in the melody.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 73
JOHN GRASS
458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Analysis. — -The triplet of eighth notes is so constantly repeated that
it can scarcely be called a rhythmic unit. It resembles a vibrato,
yet was evenly and distinctly sung in all the renditions of the song.
With the exception of the octave, which occurs midway of the song,
there are no intervals other than minor thirds and major seconds.
There are 24 progressions in the song, 17 of which are downward.
The melody tones' are those 'of the second five-toned scale, and the
song is melodic in structure.
Probably no Sioux chief is more famous than Sitting Bull (Tatar) 'ka-
iyo'take, literally translated "Sitting Buffalo Bull"), plate 75, of
whom the Handbook of the Indians (pt. 1, pp. 583-584) says:
Sitting Bull ... a noted Sioux warrior and tribal leader of the Hunkpapa Teton
division, born on Grand R., S. Dak., in 1834, his father being Sitting Bull, ... a
subcliief. . . . HetodkanactivepartinthePlainswarsof the sixties, and first became
widely known to the whites in 1866, when he led a memorable raid against Ft. Buford.
Sitting Bull was on the warpath with Ms band of followers from various tribes almost
continuously from 1869 to 1876, either raiding the frontier posts or making war on the
Crows or the Shoshoni, especially the former. . . . His refusal to go upon a reserva-
tion in 1876 led Gen. Sheridan to begin against him and his followers the campaign
which resulted in the siu-prise and annihilation of Custer's troop on Little Bigliorn R.,
Mont., in June. Diuing tliis battle, in wliich 2,500 to 3,000 Indian warriors were
engaged, Sitting Bull was in the lulls "making medicine, " and liis accurate foretelUng
of the battle enabled liim "to come out of the affair with liigher honor than he pos-
sessed when he went into it." (McLaughlin.) Sitting Bull . . . escaped to Canada,
where he remained until 1881, when he surrendered at Ft. Buford under promise of '
amnesty and was confined at Ft. Randall until 1883. Although he had siurendered
and gone upon a reservation Sitting Bull continued unreconciled. It was through
his influence that the Sioux refused to sell their land in 1888; and it was at his camp
that Kicking Bear organized the first ghost dance on the reservation. The
demand for Ms arrest was followed by an attempt on the part of some of his people
to rescue him, during wMch he was shot and killed by . . . the Indian poUce,
Dec. 15, 1890.
Part of the writer's work was done near the site of Sitting Bull's
camp, and a majority of her informants had known him in the days
of his power. It was said that a striking feature of his every-day
appearance was a bunch of shed buffalo hair painted red, fastened
on the side of his head.^ There is a large number of songs connected
with his name, these being either songs which he sang or songs
into which his name has been introduced. No attempt was made
to collect many of these songs or to study the character of Sitting
Bull. Two songs said to have been used by him in the practice of
medicine appear as Nos. 191 and 192. Sitting Bull is also mentioned
on pages 218 and 220.
The following two songs of Sittmg BuU's are connected with the
last years of his hfe.
1 Shed ■buffalo hair was, and still is, greatly valued by the Sioux. It is said to " signify the times when
the buffalo were plenty and also a remembrance of the coming of the White Buffalo Maiden." In the
old days it was used as an ornament for the head, especially at a buffalo dance, and also as a charm by the
Buffalo societies. (See p. 64.)
I
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 75
SITTING BULL
densjmore]
TETO]^ SIOUX MUSIC
459
The following song was sung by Sitting Bull after he had sur-
rendered to the United States authorities, some time after the Custer
massacre.
No. 193. Song of Sitting Bull (a) (Catalogue No. 612)
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield
Voice J- 60
Drum J rz 60
Drum-rhythm similar to Xo. 6
1
3-
, HttL^
f—
1
^^r^
p
1
-^
-#-
1
1—
-^
-•*-•-
zrr^
— •-
-#-
-^«—
^
w^:.
— ^
--A —
■■1
J —
I - ki - ci - ze wa - oq koij he wa - na he - na - la ye - lo
1, -^ 1
^"^"H^ — _i - ^-^^ ^' ^^ =J — LJ — \ —
r
f X -
Ae
i - yo - ti - ye ki - ya wa-oq
iki''(5ize a warrior
waog'' koq I have been
wana' now
hena^la yelo' it is all over
iyo^tiye kiya' a hard time
waog'' I have
Analysis. — There is an unusually large variety of intervals in this
song, two renditions of which were recorded. It contains six kinds
of upward and four of downward progressions. The song is charac-
terized by the descendmg fourth, about one-fourth of the mtervals
being fourths, this number bemg exceeded only by the number of
intervals of a major second. The tone material is the minor triad
and fourth. The tonic chord is promment in the melody, but the
accents are so placed that the song is classified as melodic with
harmonic framework.
See plot of this melody on page 461.
In explaining the following song Used-as-a-Shield said: "The last
time that Sitting Bull was in a regular tribal camp was hi the year
460
BUKEAtf OF AMERICAK ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
1889. The Sioux were camped together on the Standing Rock
Reservation to consider ceding some land. Sitting Bull used to go
around the camp circle every evening just before sunset on his
favorite horse, singing this song." This gathering of the Sioux is
mentioned on page 4.
No. 194. Song of Sitting Bull (b) (Catalogue No. 613)
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield
Voice J = 60
Drum J = 60 •
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
I
II
0-ya - te kiq-haij Ca
ha - ze ma - ya - ta - pi ca
(2)
bli -
he - ci - ya wa - oq kte he
(2)
ya ke - ya pe
~1^
e^=f=f=»=<*ESF^l
-4=S^— £..P-4.^-||-4-|
E
11
Ta-taq-ka - i-yo-ta-2/a-ke he he-ya ke-ya-pi lo
WORDS
oya'te kighai)^ the tribe
i^aze'' maya''tapi named me
da so
blihe''iciya in courage
waog' kte I shall live
he heya'' keya'' pelo' it is reported
Tatar) 'ka- iyo'take Sitting Bull
he heya** keya'pi lo said this.
he yo
i
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
461
Analysis. — The upward and downward progressions are more
nearly equal in this than in many of the songs under analysis, the
upward intervals being 18 and the downward intervals 22. The
fourth is prominent, constituting 37 per cent of the intervals, while
the minor second constitutes 31 per cent. Like the fourth five-
toned scale, this song lacks the fourth and seventh tones of the com-
plete octave, but the fourth five-toned scale is major in tonality
(the fu'st third being a major third), while tliis song is minor in
tonality. This tone material is found in a few Chippewa songs and
is considered in the analysis of No. 26 in this work. Syncopations
occur in this melody, being clearly given in both renditions. These
are unusual in Sioux and Chippewa songs. (See Songs Nos. 165 and
237, also Bull. 53, p. 130.)
PLOTS OF CHIEF SONGS
Although both Buffalo and Chief songs are included in the tabu-
lated analysis, the plot of the hunt songs is considered with the war
songs, the plot of song No. 177 appearing in figure 35, page 419.
4H>
S
3s;
l=:
No. 1S9
No. 193
Fig. 37. Plots, Group 6.
An interesting peculiarity appears in the plots of the Chief songs.
(Fig. 37.) Of the 8 songs constituting this group, 5 have a com-
pass of an octave, beginning on the upper tonic and ending on the
lower tonic, the note bemg repeatedly sounded in both octaves. It
will be recalled that emphasis on the tonic is a characteristic of songs
expressing self-reliance. The songs of the medicine-men and also
certain war songs show this emphasis on the lower tonic. The placing
of the emphasis on the upper as well as the lower tonic suggests a
quality of character in the chiefs which was not in the medicine-men
or tho warriors. The two plots here^vith shown are the songs of two
men of radically different character. The first (No. 189) is a song
concerning Gabriel Renvdle, whose stability of character won him
an enduring place in history. His song, in addition to the emphasis
on the tonic, shows the steadily descending trend which may be said
to be the simplest as well as the most prevalent type of Indian
melody. No. 193, a song of Sitting Bull's, shows as great a contrast
as there was between the two men. Not only are the intervals wider
462
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
and more irregular, but there appears an ascent from the lowest to
the highest tone midway through the song. Such an interval at the
openmg of songs has been found associated with disappointment or
distress. In this connection it is interesting to note that this song
was associated with the last years of the life of Sitting Bull, and is
said to have been sung by him during a gathering of the Sioux in 1889.
This gathering was for the purpose of considering the ceding of a
large portion of their land and was the preface to the breaking up of
the tribe. Sitting Bull, who was a man of unusual discernment,
may have foreseen what must inevitably follow. In this, as in other
remarks concerning the form of these songs, the writer desires to be
understood as offering only tentative observations.
The songs of this analysis group have neither origin nor use in
common, the grouping being chiefly for convenience. The songs of
the buffalo hunt (Nos. 180, 181) were favorite songs for- that pur-
pose, but the same songs could be used by those who went out to
look for the enemy. These are followed by a song of the chase and
a song to secure buffalo during a famine. (Nos. 182, 183.) Some
of the council songs (Nos. 184-187) are undoubtedly very old,
but it is impossible to determine their exact age. Some of the
Chief songs (Nos. 5, 188-194) may also be old, as new names were
often substituted for old names in songs of honor, but one of the
songs (No. 191) was said to have been composed only three years ago.
Comparatively Modern Songs — (2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also
Council and Chief Songs
Melodic Analysis
TONALIT.Y
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Major tonality
Minor tonality
Total....
180, ISl, 182, 184, 187, 188, 191
5, 183, 185, 186, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194
FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on the—
Twelfth
1
1
4
1
1
1
Tenth
1S5, 192
Octave
183, 187, 189, 190, 193
Sixth
182
Fifth .:
1.S4, 186, 191,194
Third
188
Second
181
Keynote
180
Total
16
dek$moee]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
463
Comparatively Modern Songs — (2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also
Council and Chief Songs — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Ending on the—
Fifth
5
3
S
It;
181,184,186,191,194
Third
180, 182, 188
5, 1S3, 185, 187, 190, 192, 193
Total
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs in which final tone is lowest tone in song
Songs containing a minor third below the final tone. . .
15
■ 1
5, 180, 182, 1S3, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189,
190, 191, 192, 193, 194
181
Total
10
NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Compass of —
Twelve tones
Eleven tones.
Ten tones
Nine tones. ..
Eight tones. .
Six tones
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
5
185
180, 192
181, 187, 189
183, 184, 186, 188, 190, 191, 193, 194
182
TONE MATERIAL
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Second five-toned scale
l-ourth five-toned scale
Major triad and sixth
Major triad and second
M inor triad and fourth
I )ctave complete except seventli
Octave complete except seventh and sixth.
Octave complete except seventh and fourth
Octave complete except sixth
Octave complete except second
Total
185, 192
181, 188
180, 182
184
5, 190, 193
186, 187
191
194
189
183
464
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
Comparatively Modern Songs — {2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also
Council and Chief Songs — Continued
Melodic Analysis — -Continued
ACCIDENTALS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs
Songs containing—
No accidentals .... ...
13
2
1
5, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188
192, 193, 194
185, 189
186
190
191,
Seventh raised a semitone. . ... . ...
Fourth lowered a semitone
Total
IG
STRUCTURE
•
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of song«.
11
5
None
181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 187, 189,
192, 194
5,180,1,84,188,193
190,
191,
Total . .
16
FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of .songs.
Downward
11
5
5, 180, 181, 183, 184, 186, 188, 190
194
182, 185, 187, 189, 191
192
193,
Total
l(i
TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Downward .,
328
196
Upward .... .
Total
524
INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a —
Fifth
2
47
13
106
139
21
Fourth
Minor third . . .
Total ...
328
dkn^more]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
465
Comparatively Modern Songs — (£) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also
Council and Chief Songs— Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Interval ol a —
Ninth
Octave
Seventh
Major sixth . .
Minor sixth . .
Fifth
Fourth
Major third . .
Minor third . .
Major second.
Minor second .
Total
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Total number of intervals
Total number of semitones
Average number of semitones in an interval.
KEY
Key of —
A minor. . ..
B fiat minor
B major
B minor . . . .
D major . . . .
D minor . . . .
E fiat major.
E flat minor
E major. . . . .
E minor . . . .
F major
F minor
G major
Total
466
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Comparatively Modern Songs — (2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also
Council and Chief Songs — Contiimed
Rhythmic Analysis
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on unaccented part of measure .
Beginning on accented part of measure . . .
Total.
5, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189,
190, 192, 193, 194
RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
First measure in —
2-4 time
10
6
5, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192, 194
3-i time - :
180, 181, 185, 186, 191, 193
Total
16
CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE-LENGTHS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing no change of time.
Songs containing a change of time. .
None.
16
5, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, l&i, 186, 187; 188,
189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194
Total.
RHYTHM OF DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Eighth notes unaccented
4
8
1
3
188, 189, 190, 192
Quarter notes unaccented. .
180, 185, 186, 187, 191. 193, 194
Each beat preceded by an luiaccented beat correspond-
5
Drum not recorded
181,183,184
Total
16
RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing —
No rhythmic unit
One rhythmic unit . . .
Two rhythmic units. .
Three rhythmic units ,
Total ,
180,181,183,185,189,192.
182, 184, 186, 188, 190, 191, 193
5,194
187
DEXgMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
467
Comparatively Modern Songs — {2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also
Council and Chief Songs — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Xos. of songs.
Metronome-
60
63
66
76
80
92
112
126
Total
193, 194
184, 191
186, 187
183,185
181, 192
180, 182, 1S9, 190
188
5
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome —
60
2
1
2
1
1
2
1
2
1
3
193, 194
6,3 . ...
191
66
186, 187
76
185
80 ;
192
84
189, 190
88
5
92
ISO, 182
IT'
/
188
181,183,184
Total
16
COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Drum and voice having same metric unit .
Drum slower than voice.
Drum not recorded
Total.
ISO, 182, 1S5, 186, 187, ISS, 191, 192, 193,
194
5, 189, 190
181,183jl84
SONGS CONNECTED WITH DANCES AND GAMES
Dances
In every Sioux village there was a lodge of suitable size for social
gatherings or dances. An old type of Sioux dance lodge is sho\\ai in
plate 76, A, the walls being of logs and the roof of branches covered
with earth, a large smoke-hole being left in the center. Plate 76, B,
shows a lodge on the Standing Hock Reservation in which the writer
witnessed a dance in 1912. The following summer she learned that
it had been torn down, as the Government was enforcing more
vigorously the restrictions on dancing among the Indians. In this
lodge, as in the older type, the construction was of logs, branches,
and earth, but the shape was rectangular, the logs were plastered
with earth, and the roof was almost flat with projecting stovepipes,
indicating that the lodge was heated by stoves instead of an open fire.
Concerning Indian dances it was said that —
In dancing the Indians imitate the actions of animals. In the grass dance the
men imitate the motions of the eagle and graceful birds. In the buffalo dance they
imitate the buffalo. The old-time dancing dress of the Indians imitated the animals,
but there was always a charm or a headdress which indicated the personality of the
wearer. The Indians imitate the cries of birds or animals when they dance. Some
headdresses imitate the comb of a bird, and a man wearing such a headdress would
imitate the actions of that bird. The actions of a dancer always correspond to his
costume. This is a matter of choice and usually is not connected with a dream.
THE GRASS DANCE
The grass dance (pezi' waci'pi) may be said to exist at the
present time among all the tribes of the northern plains, even to the
Kutenai. The name Omaha identifies it vdth the Omaha tribe,
from which it was received by many other tribes, but in transmission
it has lost its significance, having become simply a social dance.
According to Miss Fletcher, the dance originally was connected with
the Hethu'shka society of the Omaha, a society whose object "was to
stimulate an heroic spirit among the people and to keep alive the
memory of historic and valorous acts." ^
Miss Fletcher descHbes one of its meetings, stating that ^ —
No clothing except the breechcloth was worn by the members, and a long bunch
of grass representing scalps the wearer had taken was fastened to the belt at the
back. . . . When the dance became known to the Dakota tribes and the Winne-
bago, the significance of the bunch of long grass having been forgotten, they gave the
1 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe, op. cit., p. 459. 2 ibid., p. 461.
468
i
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 76
'<
SIOUX DANCE LODGES.
STIl
:
DK.N.sMouE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 469
name "grass dance," or the "Omaha dance," the latter name in recognition of the
iribe from which the dance had been obtained. Among the Omaha the leader
liad to be of sufficient rank to be able to wear "the crow, " a decoration of the highest
(irder.
The grass dance was noted among the Yankton Sioux by De Smet,
who described it in a letter to Father Tei'wecoren, dated November,
1S67, as follows: '
The principal one [society] among the Yanktons is called the Grass band or Peji-
rnaHnnanl'a. All the braves, or men of heart, as the Indians express it, belong to
this fraternity. ... At the ceremonial dances each member carries a long bunch
of grass, which is among them the emblem of abundance and charity. . . . The
l)adge or distinctive mark of the society is the bunch of grass braided and attached
to the waist of each member in the form and appearance of a long tail.
In this description we note the use of the grass, but a different
symbolism is assigned to it.
Mr. La Flesche, who saw the Omaha and Yankton Sioux dance the
i^rass dance together on the Yankton Reservation in the seventies is
quoted as follows:
The rhythm of the He-thu^-shka songs sung by the Yanktons was the same as that
I if the songs of the Omaha and the steps and bodily actions that were in accord with
1 he rhythm of the music were the same as those of the Omaha. In fact the Yankton
i le-thu'-shka was and is now the same as the Omaha, except for certain preUminary
ceremonies wliich the Omaha, also, have now omitted. Until witliin very recent
times men only danced the Ile-thu^-shka, as it was strictly a warrior's dance.
The grass dance among the Sioux is briefly mentioned by George
liushotter, a Teton Sioux, in his "Texts," written m 1887-88. He
includes it among the "intrusive dances" which took place in the
camp while a Sun dance was in progress, and mentions the wearing
of grass at the dancer's belt.^
In 1903-1912 Wissler found a society called the Omaha among
the Oglala Sioux,^ which he identifies with the grass dance. ^ "Crow
belts" were worn in the ceremony of this society, but no mention is
made of grass, either carried or hung from the belt. The grass
dance among the Sisseton Sioux is described by Lowie, who says it
was also called by them the Winnebago dance.^ This widely dis-
tributed dance is noted by Wissler as existing at the present time
among the Blackfoot, Piegan, Crow, Gros Ventre, and Assiniboin
Indians.'' A "feather-tail belt" seems to have been generally con-
sidered part of the dance regalia by these tribes.
' Life, Lettsrs, and Travels of Father Pierre-Jean De Smet, S. J. 1801-1873 (edited by Hiram M.
i.'hittenden and .Vlfred T. Richardson), ni, pp. 1059, lOCO, New York, 1905.
2 The Bushotter Texts, translated by J. Owen Dorsey, A Study of Siouan Cults, Eleventh Rep. Bur.
Hthn., p. iG3.
3 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations of the Teton Dakota, op. cit., pp. 48-52.
* Ibid. (p. 49, footnote) " According to Mr. Nines pezi mignaka is another name for Omaha kaiyoiag, which
jeached the Oglala through the Yankton."
5 LowSe, Robt. H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit., p. 130.
•fl Wjaakr, Clark, Sosieties of the Blackfoot Indians, op. cit., pp. 451-456,
4840°— Bull. 61—18 32
470
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Many similarities ma}^ be traced between the accounts of the grass
dance already cited and the descriptions of the dream dance, as
practiced by the Menomini and the Chippewa. These resemblances
touch, among other thmgs, the custom of "presenting the pipe to
the sky," the position of the drum in the dancing circle, the wearing
of "crow belts," and the custom of divorce in connection with the
ceremony of the society.^
Mr. Higheagle said that two kinds of grass dance are now danced
on the Standmg Rock Reservation— the old men's grass dance and
the young men's. The foniier is shown in figure 38, reproduced
FiCr. 38. Grass dance.
from a photograph taken several years ago on that reservation and
identified by Mr. Higheagle. This view undoubtedly presents some of
the old features of the dance which have been changed by the present
generation.
An instrmuent used in connection with this dance is called an elk
whistle (Jielia'lca sVyotayl^a). (Fig. 39.) Mr. Higheagle states that
this instrument is called by the S^ntee and Yanktonais co'tayTca
(co, 'pith'; tay'lia, 'large')- The whistle was made from the small,
straight branches of a tree having a . large pith, which could easily
1 Cf. (1) Hoffman, Walter James, The Menomini Indians, Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 157-161,
Washington, 1896.
(2) Barrett, S. A., The Dream Dance of the Chippewa and Menomini Indians of Northern Wisconsin,
Bull. Pub. Mus. Milwaukee, I, art. 4, Milwaukee, 1911.
(3) Skinner, Alanson, Social Life and Ceremonial Bimdles of the Menomini Indians, Anthr. Papers,
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., xm, pt. 1, p. 30, New York, 1913.
(4) Bulletin 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 142-180.
(5) Concerning the custom of divorce, see also Beckwith, Paul, Notes on, Customs of the Dakotahs,
Smithson Eep., 1886, pt. 1, p. 256, Washington, 1889.
den^more]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
471
I
be removed, a heated iron being commonly used for the purpose.
Ash and box elder were woods frequently selected. The open end
of the instrument was usually carved to represent the
head of a bird. Mr. Higheagle stated further that the
instrument was called si'yotaylca (si'yo, 'prairie chicken':
taij'l-a, 'large') by the Teton Sioux. The instrument is
said to have had two uses: It was used in dances, espe-
cially in the gi'ass dance, and also by young men as a
" courting call. " Plain bone whistles and bead-decorated
whistles were similarly used in dances; these also were
known as si'yotajjka. Three or four dancers might carry
these whistles, but the signal was usually given by the
recognized leader of the dancers. If the singers "came
near the end of tlie tune," and he wished the dancing
continued, he blew his whistle, whereupon they continued
their repetitions of the melody.
In construction this instrument is a whistle, being an
open pipe with the usual whistle or flageolet mouthpiece
near one end. The pipe furnishes the series of harmonics
obtained from a bugle or trumpet. The specimen illus-
trated ^ is old, having been in the possession of Mrs.
James McLaughlin about 30 years, and could not bo
played, but a similar instrument, in perfect condition,
was obtained among the Hidatsa at FbrtBerthold, N. Dak.,
in 1915. The length of this instrument below the mouth
is 22f inches. The instrument was played by its Hidatsa
owner; and a phonograph record of the performance was
made. It was played also by Mr. E. H. Hawley, curator
of musical instruments. United States National Museum.
The following part of the long harmonic series could be
produced on the Hidatsa whistle, the tones being named in
ascending order: A flat (second space treble staff), D flat,
F, A flat, C flat, D flat, E flat, F.
The grass dance of the Standing Rock Sioux at the pres-
ent time (pi. 77, A) was thus described by Kills-at-Night
(Haqhe'pikte), a comparatively young man, who is a
prominent singer at the drum whenever a dance is held:
This dance came to us from the Omaha and at first all the songs were Omaha. The
melodies were repeated with care, and Sioux words were sung, but now we have many
' This instrument ha: been described as follows by Mr. Hawley, above mentioned: " Length 25 inches;
diameter, f inch. A straight stick of wood, its lower end carved to represent a crane with open beak and
its throat is the open end of the whistle. The bore appears to be from A to ^ inch in diameter. A rec-
tangular opening i inch wide by 1 inch long, commencing 6.\ inches below the upper end is made from
the outside into the bore. A little above the middle of this opening a dam of wax or pitch is placed in
thebore to deflect the current of air so as to impinge against the lip of the sound hole. The sound hole is
about A inch square. Its cap is a piece of split quill, its lower edge a trifle above the crest of the dam of
wax. The lip of the sound hole is also a split quill and is about i inch below the lower edge of the cap.
Both lip and cap are bound to the stick with red colored sinew. The instrument is a whistle."
472 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull. 61
grass-dance songs of our own, the melody and also the words being Sioux. There is
always a feast at a grass dance. The men who have charge of the meeting decide
who shall provide the feast, and the Crier notifies them. The same people are not
asked to pro\dde for two successive feasts. Each "cook" brings what she likes —
dried berries or grapes, wild turnips, and sometimes sweet corn, prepared by boiling
it with ashes until the husk drops off, then washing it thoroughly and boiling it with
a bone which has fat on it. Dog is not insisted upon, but if one of the appointed
"cooks" wishes to provide a dog it is greatly appreciated. The head and chest of
the dog are cut into four pieces and put in a large dish. Four young men are selected
to eat them, and after the young men have finished this the bones are put in a pile,
and the four young men, one after another, dance four times around it. The pile is
not in the center of the circle made by the young man as he dances; it is near one
side, and as the young man passes near the pile of bones he extends his hand over it.*
In a grass dance the cli'um is outside the circle of dancers, near
that side of the assembly where the men sit, A few women sing with
the men at the drum.
One feature of this dance is that a lost article must be redeemed
with a gift. Thus, if a feather falls to the ground the whole party
dance around it, and one of the men goes forward and strikes it,
afterwards giving a present to some old man, who is not expected to
make any return. More than one may strike a feather, each being
required to give a present to an old man. Sometimes four men do
this, after which the feather is returned to its owner.
The men dance alone. The women also dance alono, but occa-
sionally summon a few men, whom they call by various terms of
relationship, as ''brother" or ''cousin." If a woman calls a married
man into the dancing circle his wife regards it as an honor, which is
correspondingly greater the longer he is required to dance. His
wife always gives a present to the woman who asked him to dance.
Sometimes a woman, rising, tells the brave deed of some relative, and
all the women respond with the high, quavering cry which is their
customary applause.
At the end of the men's dances the participants sit down, but the
drum continues a moment or two, whereupon one of the men rises
and dances around the circle, singing a sho^-t phrase. This is called
"dancing the tail" (see pi. 77, B), and words are often used only in this
part of the song. The tail dancer is selected by the other dancers,
and it is considered an honor to be so chosen. Only a man who has
done some brave deed may be chosen as a tail dancer. According
to Mr. Higheagle, this feature of the grass dance had its origin in an
honor dance, signifying that the dancer had acted as rear guard in a
certain war expedition and been successful, or had been left behind
on the warpath and had acted nobly. The same honor might be
given to a man whose horse had been shot under him and who had
' Cf. the dog feast in the drum-presentation ceremony of the Chippewa (Bull. 53, pp. 173-180), which
resembles the dream dance of the Menomini.
dexsmore]
TETOK SIOUX MUSIC
473
been rescued by a friend riding double in a fight. Tlie honor dance,
in which also a man dances alone, is believed to be the origin of
the tail dance.
This is the only recorded grass-dance song in which the words are
continuous :
No. 195. "They Are Charging Them" (Catalogue No. 593)
Sung by Kills-at-Night
Voice J = 72
Drum J = 72 •
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
a '
he a - wi - ca u pe - lo
ha- ki - kta yo
^
gSSLrrr:^;^
-•—•-= — •-•-
i^a^
he a-wi-ca u pe ni-ta-ko-la he a-wi-ca u pe
he
§S^?^=^
l&iii:
^tid
B-J— i
-r^-
jtjiz
3tjt
ha-ki - ktayo he a-wi-ca u pe he
ha-ki - ktayo
^i^&i^g-H^
he a-wi-ca u pe
ha-ki - ktayo
awi^(^a u pelo' (they) are charging them
haki^kta yo look back
nita'kola your friends
aTO'ca u pelo' are charging them
Analysis. — This song has the remarkable compass of 17 tones, or 2
tones more than 2 octaves. (See songs Nos. 55, 202.) In order to
observe this song the more closely it was recorded on two cylinders,
thus securmg six complete renditions. These were uniform except
that the last four measures were omitted from the fifth rendition. The
melody tones are those of the second five-toned scale. The song
4Y4
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
appears to be a melody of much freedom, but on examination we find
that only three intervals are used. All the ascending intervals
are minor thirds. The descending intervals are as follows: 3 fourths,
14 minor thirds, and 3 major seconds. Minor thirds constitute 82
per cent of the intervals. The rhythmic unit is repeated throughout
almost the entire song.
See plot of this melody on page 484.
In the following song the words were sung only during the ' 'dancing
of the tail of the song." Thus the principal part of the melody is
found many times on the phonographic cylinder, while the part con-
taining the words appears only at the close.
No. 196. Song of the Grass Dauce (a)
Sung by Kills- at-Night
(Catalogue N. 596o)
Sli
Voice J= 116
DrDM Jrz 116
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 19
-^.^ -^.
-^ -IL
#-^-
4:
ii:
-*— ^— #^
-(22-
^r—pgj
#^-^
gg^fgf^
^t—»-
^
^-^-#
^
ii^=
ffi
i^^[
iSiS:
P— <-rf P •
t^
I^il
TJ-p-^ii^zg:
-I ! r^ F-
a
-(2-
S33
rf h
J8-#-
Suij - ka- wit- ko koij lie-ye-lo he-wa-
-^ • »• 1^ » m
wo - ki- ya he wa - oi] xce he - e - ye - lo o a he yo
Suq^ka-witko'' kor) Crazy Dog himself
he''yelo said
hewawo''kiya he "I helped "
waog^ living
he''yelo he said (tliis)
Analysis. — The accidental in the first measure of this song was
clearly given in all the renditions. The words are found in what is
called the tail of the song. The intervals in the first part of the
denrmouk]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
475
song arc larger than in a majority of iiicso songs, but the intervals in
the tail of the song are small. The time was not so strictly main-
tained in this as in many other songs. Thus in the first rendition the
final tone in the third measure was sung as a half instead of a quarter
note, and there was also a slight hastening of some measures in one or
more of the renditions.
See plot of this melody on page 4S4.
No. 197. Song of the Grass Dance (b) (('atalogue No. 594)
Sung by Kills at-Night
Voice J— 100
Drum not recorded
-m- -»- -m-
^_^_-flL^
^^:
m
^=w=w
m-^
-«--•-
Sze:
tt^^.^t-
TL-t
Analysis. — The phonograph cylinder contains three complete rendi-
tions of this song, followed by four incomplete renditions from which
the firet and second measures, and also the sixth measure from the
end, are occasionally omitted. • The first tone in the transcription is
not regarded as part of the melody, but seems to be a mannerism of
the singer. The waiter recorded the songs of an Hidatsa at Fort
Berthold who sang the octave below the opening tone of a song in the
same manner, but this is not a common custom among Indian singers.
The progressions of this melody are such as to suggest either E or G
as a possible keynote, placmg the song in either the second or fourth
five-toned scale, but as the only accented tones are G and D, the song
is analyzed as having G as its keynote and being in the fourth five.-
toned scale. This indicates its tonality as major, yet the major
third is not present, and about one-third of the intervals are mmor
thirds. This is one of many instances in which the term "key" can
scarcely be apphed to an Inilian song with the full significance of the
term as it is used by white musicians.
I
476
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 198. Song of the Grass Dance .{^) (( 'atalogue No. 595)
Sung by Kills-at-Night
Voice
Drum
Drura-rhythm similar to No. 8
; 144
116
-^— • F 0 0
i=P=i=^^^^^
* 1^^
Tt V-^
g
I
m
-f«^>
^V— I — £
g-^ •-ah
3?^
-^- ^'-&-t It'
-^ -#-• -t V
Anahjsis. — This is typical of the songs heard at the present time
on the reservation when the Indians are gathered for some social
occasion. Like other modern Sioux songs, it contains a wide variety
of progressions, there being five different ascending and the same
number of different descending intervals. The minor second, an inter-
val occurring infrequently in the older songs, is here found four times.
The tone material of this song is pecuhar. Considering G as the key-
note of the entire song, the second, fifth, and seventh tones of the
octave are not present. Tlie drum was slightly slower than the voice
in all the renditions.
No. 199. Song of the Grass Dance (d) (Catalogue No. 597)
Sung by Ivells-at-Night
Voice J =112
Drum not recorded
±:
^t-0—&
a
3e^^
J±. « ^Ltt ^
^:
-P—^
or ^-#
g^f-f— r-pi:^
■'^ \ \ f 0- ^00
i
t t
-^ -<S-
^
-^ — •
^^Sl^^
#=r=^=p=i:
a:
Q=
I
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
477
Analysis. — wSix renditions of this song were recorded, some begin-
ning with an unaccented tone an octave below tlie opening tone, as
in No. 197. All but 3 of the progressions are minor thirds and
major seconds, the remaining 3 progressions being 2 fourths and 1
ascending ninth. The melody contains the tones of the fourth five-
toned scale, has a compass of 13 tones, and is melodic in structure.
No. 200. Song of the Grass Dance (e) (Catalogue No. 526)
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J — 66
Drum J = 66
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
L«- -«-
1 1
'■'th -0- -0- -•-•-•-'
r^^
-•- -•- -•- -•-•-•-
2ja-^-^=--==
- — ' u^
Analysis. — This is a simple melody, containing only the tones of
the minor triad and fourth. It contains only 9 progressions, 6 of
which are minor thirds. The melody has a range of 10 tones and is
based on the tonic chord. The song was accurately repeated in
many renditions, the drum and voice coinciding on each count.
Wlien the gathering comes to a close the men and women stand
in their places and dance. The men move more than the women,
but none of them go toward the center of the circle.
No attempt to record songs of all the social dances has been made
by the present writer. Two dances, in addition to the grass dance,
serve to represent this phase of Sioux music, the two additional
being the shufEing-feet dance {naslo'hay waci'pi) and the night
dance (harjlie' pi waci' pi) .
SHUFFLING-FEET DANCE
The shuffling-feet dance is called also the Cheyenne, the glide,
and the dragging-feet dance. (PI. 78.) Lowie ^ noted this dance
among the Sisseton and Santee, and Wissler^ among the Oglala,
who said they received it from a tribe living west of the Gros Ventre.
Both men and women joined in the dance, whose step is indicated
by its name.
Two songs of this dance are given herewith; a third song is No,
226.
> Lowie, Robt. H.. Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit. , p. 130
2 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Cen-monial .Associations ot the Teton-Dakota, op. cit., p. 78.
478 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY |bui,l. ei
No. 201. Song of the Shiiffling-feet Dance (a) (Catalogue No. GOO)
Sung by KiLLS-AT-NlGHT AND HIS WiFE
Voice J =: 76
Drum J =76
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
i£
I
P«iS
-^F-E
t:
'-Tf,
^^-
MM
^-i H
^
ijfcTI F^w^.=j^
2^
^
^— ^^
4-j ^ . • . J J
4-*-i^^T^
^- <^
i^j^
iizs=je=f±i:?i
^-f-#"-f-
-p=i=
S^^==i=a^=|
^=^
4A
^5:
*
Waij- 6i - ya- ka
6a-iia
#— ^-
^=53
^e=P=P=P=
i^— t
e - ci ya - ta - haq wa-oq
8^p-J-h-fi=ita=?:i=j^
3ti
4-f^^*^#-^
E^
-jt^¥-
:ji^=3L
§#*!
^*— #-
-p— •-•
-•^^»
1*=
$EE3E
23
e^
wagdi^ yaka I see (you)
waq^a'' na once
e^ ^i ya^ tahag waoij' (as) you stay on your side
Analysis. — The song, which is very rhythmic, is typical of the
songs heard at gatherings on the reservation at the present time.
The part sung by the woman is an octave above that of the man and
is transcribed to show the manner of its entrance. The song has a
range of 11 tones and progresses chiefly by whole tones.
t
densmork]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
479
No. 202. Song of the Shuffling-feet Dance (b) (Catalogue No. 592)
Sung by Isjlls-at-Night
Voice J =_ 63
Drum not recorded
Analysis. — This is typical of the songs heard at gatherings of the
Sioux at the present time. It has a range of 17 tones, but a less
proficient singer might omit the lowest tone. Two- other songs
with similar range are comprised in this series. (See Nos. 55, 195.)
This song is harmonic in structure and contains only the tones of the
major triad and second. Two rhythmic units occur, the division of
the first count in the first unit being reversed in the second unit.
The song was recorded twice, and the renditions on the two cylmders
were exactly alike, showing that the two units and the rhythmic
form of the song as a whole were clear in the mind of the singer.
No interval larger than a fourth occurs in the melody.
See plot of this melody on page 484.
NIGHT DANCE
The night dance is mentioned by both Wissler and Lowie in con-
nection with the shuffling-feet dance. It is also mentioned by Dor-
sey.* Both young men and women took part in this dance, which
Wissler- describes as follows:
The young men sat on one side of the tipi, the young women on the other. As
the songs for this dance were sung, a man would rise and dance with a present which
he then presented to one of the young women. In the same way the young women
danced with presents for the young men.[?] This was regarded as a kind of courting
ceremony. Then all danced in a circle, holding hands. At -the close a feast was
made.
1 Dorsey, J. Owen, Study of Sioiian Cults, op. cit., p. 498.
2 0p.eit.,p. 79.
3 [Cf. the giving of presents in the woman's dance of tlie Chippewa, Bull. 45, p. 192.]
480
BUREAU Of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 203. Song of the Night Dance (Catalogue No. 601)
Sung by KiLLS-AT-NlGHT AND HIS WiFE
Voice J = 100
Dkdm J— 100
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
1
hiuSi— i=S=^
u
-^— ^
9^
=tj=a^
m
Analysis. — This song has a compass of nme tones, the entire com-
pass being attained in two progressions at the openuig of the song.
The rest in the fourth measure is somewhat miusuaL The Indian
does not seem to require ''breathing spaces" in his songs, and when
definite rests are found in a melody they are the more worthy of
attention. (See song No. 79.) The rhythmic unit consists of a triplet
of eighth notes on the accented part of a measure, followed by a quar-
ter note. A similar triplet occurs on the unaccented part of the
measure, showing the influence of the rhythmic unit on the rhythm
of the song as a whole. The song is major in tonality and contains
all the tones of the octave except the fourth. The seventh lowered
a semitone is present as an accidental. The song is freely melodic
in structure.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 79
STICKS USED IN BEGGING
DEXSMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 481
BEGGING DANCE
The begging dance is sometimes mentioned as though it were one
of the social dances of the tribe, but it should rather be regarded
as a custom, in which the dance step is merely incidental. The
begging of food from tent to tent, which has been witnessed by tlie
writer at tribal gatherings, was accompanied at times with merriment.
Such a begging dance was seen among the Chippewa at Red Lake,
Minn. (See Bull. 45, p. 171.) Certain songs are known from usage
as begging-dance songs ; most of these are very short. The songs origi-
nally used in beggmg food were "praise songs," the company standing
in front of a tent and singing the praises of the occupant until he
appeared with the desired donations. While this might be done for
a social gathering it was more often done for the council tent or for
some society. (See pp. 103, 320, 327.) When "praise songs" were
used in this connection the time was gradually hastened, the beggmg
party singing the song first in the usual tempo, after which the time
was increased with each rendition until the gifts were received.
The council of chiefs might request contributions of food from
three classes of men — those who had been successful leaders of war
parties, those who had been victorious, but not as leaders, and those
who had been wounded in battle. The request was made by means
of sticks (pi. 79), appropriately decorated, which were placed in tlie
ground before the tents. It was considered that the chiefs met in
comicil for the benefit of the tribe, and therefore it was an honor for
certain members of the tribe to provide them with food, while they
were thus convened. One of the military societies usually decorated
the sticks and "sang around the camp" to secure the food. A man
was sent in advance to ascertain who occupied the various tents and
to place the proper sticks in the ground. Wlien the party collecting
the food reached a tent they were ready to sing a song in honor of the
occupant, who responded with a suitable contribution. Before the
tent of a man who had been a successful leader of war parties they
placed a stick covered with black paint and having a black feather
suspended from it. For a man who had been victorious, but not as
a leader, the stick was encircled with black bands, the number of
which indicated the number of his victories, while for the man who
had been wounded a stick was decorated in red. The elaborateness
of the stick varied with the honor accorded the man. The sticks
bearing the feather and the red tassels were used at a gathermg of
Sioux on the Standing Rock Reservation, July 4, 1911. The site
of this gathering is shown in plate 80.
Distinct from the songs which were used when a party of people
went from one tent to another is the following song of four old women.
482
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
It is called simply wicVIoway' pi, 'begging song.' Yellow Hair said
that she had a relative who went to war, and that the man's wife,
with three other women relatives of the absent warrior, stood in the
middle of the village and sang this song until donations were brought
to them. The words are not transcribed, but are taunting in char-
acter, their general idea being; "If you have no buffalo chips in the
tipi, go find some on the prairie for us," buffalo chips, used as fuel,
being mentioned as the smallest gift which could be bestowed upon
the poor.
No. 204. Begging Song of the Old Women (Catalogue No. 682)
Sung ])y Yellow Hair
Voice J = 96
Drum not recorded
Analysis. — In this song, as m No. 215 by the same smger, the only
tones are those of the minor third and fourth, the song having a com-
pass of four tones. (See song No. 217.) It is a wailmg melody, well
calculated to wear out the patience of listeners. The mtonation was
particularly unsteady, but the repetitions were so many that it was
possible to determine the tones and make the transcription. The
minor third and major second are the only progressions.
The- following song is said to have been composed about the year
1870, being, therefore, comparatively modern. It came into use when
the Indians first secured bread and coffee by trading with the white
men. If it were known that an Indian had bread and coffee in his
tent a party would go and sing this song, reraaming in front of the tent
and singhig until he shared his luxuries with them.
DEXSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 205. Begging Song
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield
483
(Catalogue No. 619)
Voice Jzr 120
Drum J^^ 120
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
SE^^^^iB^^
:^P^^
Wa-kal-ya-pi wa-cii] ye
=iisfe
ilE^E^aS^fiBE:^
a - gu-ya - pi wa-ciq ye
wakaFyapi coffee
wa<Jig^ ye I want
agu'yapi bread
Avacig' ye I want
Analysis. — The interval of the major third is prominent in this
song, comprising 44 per cent of the intervals and occurring 9 times in
upward and 12 times in downward progression. The song is based
on the fourth five-toned scale, has a range of 10 tones, and is melodic
in structure. The rhythmic unit appears 6 times, as well as in the
first and second endings of the song where it is not indicated by the
usual sign.
See plot of this melody on page 484.
PLOTS OF GRASS-DANCE SONGS
The four song plots here presented (fig. 40) are of two grass-dance
songs (Nos. 195, 196), one shuffling-feet dance (No. 202), and a
begging song (No. 205). As the first three contain no words, and as
various kinds of songs could be sung in these dances, it is impossible
to connect the idea of the song with its form. Songs Nos. 195 and
202 are of class A, which is a general type, and No. 196 is of class D,
showing the characteristics of songs of motion or of animals.
484
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
111 song No. 205, however, we have a plot which merits closer
inspection. In this song the final interval between accented tones
is an ascending interval, suggesting class E, in which the first such
interval is ascending, and which was found to contain songs of dis-
tress. Songs similar to No. 205 can scarcely be said to constitute a
class by themselves, yet on examining the plots of these songs in
connection with their titles and words we find that many of them
contain what might be called a "sense of indefiniteness." An excep-
tion to tliis is song No. 16, which was sung after the raising of the Sun-
dance pole, though at this point in the ceremony there was an intense
feeling of suspense and expectation. The only other songs having
this interval between accented tones at the close are as follows: No.
47, "Owls were hooting in the passing of the night" — the song of a
i^l M I I
i
m
%
No. 195
No. 202
• MM-f 1
J I IlZJiILIZ I/I $L_ j!T! %--%vJj.\\
VT T r__LZ_I L ClZalZ
No. 196
No. 205
Fig. 40. Plots, Group 7.
medicine-man who anxiously watches a patient; No. 92, a medicine
song of Sitting Bull's containing the words "No one is sacred, you
said"; Nos. 95 and 97, concerning the buffalo walking in the north;
No. 178, a war song with the words, "I am the fox, something difficult
I seek"; No. 181, a song of the buffalo hunt; and Nos. 207 and 208,
songs of the moccasin game, "svithout words. In addition to these
the only songs containing an accented tone lower than the final tone
are as follows: No. 19, the opening song of the Sun dance, and No. 33,
a dancing song used during that ceremony; Nos. 57 and 89, songs
said to have been received from the bear, and No. 103 from the
buffalo; No. 78, a song concerning the sacred stones, with the title
"A voice I sent"; Nos. 147 and 149, songs concerning warriors slain
on the warpath; and No. 218, the song of the maiden who leaped
from the ledge.
den.imore] teton sioux music 485
Games
THE MOCCASIN GAME (hAJJ'pA APE'eCUI^Pi)
Guessing the location of a hidden object was the central idea in
one distinct class of Indian games, the object varying in the differ-
ent games. The moccasin game is a familiar example of this class.
Culin says: "The moccasin game was played by the Algonquian
tribes, and is found among the Dakota and Navajo. Two, three, four,
six, or eight moccasins are used, but four is the standard number.
The objects hidden vary from one to four, and consist either of bullets,
stones, or little billets of wood." ^ The game as played by the Santee
Sioux in Minnesota is briefly described by Rev. E. D. Neill, as follows:
' ' A bullet or plum stone is placed by one party in one of four moccasins
or mittens and sought for by the opposite. " ^ In the usual manner of
playing the game four bullets are hidden, one under each of four
moccasins. One of these bullets is marked, and the count is deter-
mined by the readiness with which the marked bullet is found by the
"guessing side," and also by the position of the moccasin under
which it was hidden, whether it were at the end or in the middle of the
row. The manner of playing the game among the Sioux is practically
the same as among the Chippewa. Illustrated accounts of this
game among the Chippewa have been given by Culin, ^ and also by the
present writer.* The Sioux songs of the moccasin game are espe-
cially rhythmic, but the drum is not steadily maintained in one rhythm,
as among the Chippewa. Thus we find several drum rhythms occur-
ring in this group of songs. This is one of the instances which sug-
gest a freer use of the drum among the Sioux than among the Chip-
pewa.
1 Culin, Stewart, Games of the North American Indians, Twenty-fourth Rep. B:tr. A rncr. Ethn. ,p. 339,
Washington, 1907.
2 Dakota Land and Dakota Life (1853), Minn. HM. Colls., vol. 1, p. 280, St. Paul, 1872.
3 Op. cit., pp. 340-344.
4 Bulletin 53, pp. 210-213.
Cf. also The Menomini Indians, by Hoffman, W. J., Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn., pt. 1, pp. 242-244,
Washington, 1896; and Skinner, Alanson, Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians,
op. oit., XIII, pt. 1, pp. 59-61, New York, 1913.
4840°— BOIL 61—18 33 '
486
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 206. Song of the Moccasin Game (a) (Catalogue No. 551)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice J— 92
Drum J— 108
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, the repeti-
tions being without a break in the time. Throughout the renditions
the drum was shghtly faster than the voice, as indicated by the
metronome tempo. The rhythmic miit, which is interesting, occurs
three times. All. the tones of the octave are found in the song,
which is freely melodic in structure. The intonation was good.
Intervals of an unusually large variety are present in the song,
there being five kinds of ascending and five of descending intervals.
The song contains two rests. (See song No. 79.)
No. a07. Song of the Moccasin Game (b) (Catalogue No. 552)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice J — 76
Drum
108
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
Analysis. — This songbegins and ends on the same tone. (See No. 82.)
The other instances of this kind in the present series with one ex-
ception begin with an ascent of an octave, returning to the original tone
at the close. It wiU be noted that the first tone of this song is about
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
487
midway of the compass. The tones in the melody are those of the
minor triad and fourth. Five renditions were recorded, in all of
which the peculiar rhythm was steadily maintained. The number
of major thirds is twice that of minor thirds, though the song is
minor in tonality. The song is harmonic in structure and contains a
rhythmic unit which appears three times. Concerning rests in
Sioux songs see No. 79.
No. 208. Song of the Moccasin Game (c) (Catalogue No. 560)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice J= 144
Drum J— 144
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
t: *.
^
4=
^E
^^m
iF=F3
ci sni ya wi
lu - te
ici^ sni ya it is wrong
wi^lute your signal ("you guessed wrong ")
Analysis. — This melody is simple but has a taunting sound. It
resembles song No. 211 in its brevity, its range of six tones, and its
tone material, which is that of the second five-toned scale. A major-
ity of the progressions are major seconds. Concerning songs which
contain rests see No. 79.
No. 209. Song of the Moccasin Game (d) (Catalogue No. 559)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice J — 76
Drum
108
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
0 '-0-
-»- -0-
-1 — \--P-
f^^
rf-'nri
1
1^ p p ' ^
-1 — 1 — 1 — 1 —
* —
-^^i
Anahjsis. — This song was recorded by Gray Hawk on two occa-
sions, the duplication being accidental. On comparison it is found
488
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
that the two renditions are identical, even the pitch being the same.
The song contains the tones of the minor triad and fourth and has a
compass of an octave. It is a rhythmic melody, and the time of the
drum is slightly faster than that of the voice.
No. 210. Song of the Moccasin Game (e) (Catalogue No. 561)
Sung by Gray Hawk
Voice ^ = 96
Drum J=:96
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19
n : \ \ I 1
-#- -•- -•-
S£=E
-tr-
-y-
^^
IE
-# — p p ff
li-
^
^W==W^
^^-P-P—P'0^0=W
Analysis. — Sharply accented tones characterize this song. Eight
renditions were recorded without break in the time and in all the
accents were given as indicated. The major triad and sixth are the
only tones in the melody, which has a compass of seven tones. The
final tone is preceded by a lower tone. Table 4a (p. 27) shows that
in a large majority of both Chippewa and Sioux songs the final tone
is the lowest tone in the song.
No. 211. Song of the Moccasin Game (f) (Catalogue No. 525)
Sung by Two Shields
Voice J - 108
Drum J — 108
Principal drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
^i^ftar^-! — b.:^^ 2 T" ^ : iJ-^-
-sr=r^|^T-
^P-y
-^!-b-4f =^^^ 1- 3 4
II-4--I —
-^L-b-4^ ^^d U -4—^ ^- -4^
-^^ — \ ^-4-^
~1
Analysis. — The drum rhythm of this song was not steadily main-
tained, the principal rhythm bemg often interrupted by beats sep-
arated by the value of a quarter note. (See song No. 125.) The song
is very rhythmic and is tjrpical of the songs sung durmg a moccasin
game. The rhythmic unit is continuous, and the song was repeated
several times without break in the tempo. The latter part of the song
is characterized by a descending fourth followed by the ascent of a
whole tone. The melody tones are those of the second five-toned
DK\8M0RE]
TETON" SIOUX MUSTC
489
scale, and two-thirds of the progressions are downward. The song
is harmonic in structure and has a compass of only six tones.
THE GAME OF HIDING A STICK
The game of hiding a stick is called by the same name as that of
hiding a moccasin (Jiarj'jpa ape'ecurjpi). Tlie implements used in the
former are shown in figure 41. The rules of this game are given on
the authority of Mr. Robert P. Higheagle, the writer's interpreter,
who said :
Ten people play on each side, and 10 score sticks are used. One player from each
side is chosen, these two competing to see wliich side shall first hide the stick. They
sit on the ground opposite each other, and each has a little stick wliich he transfers
rapidly from one hand to the other, his opponent watching and trying to determine
which hand holds the stick. The player who conceals the stick most successfully
(Actual size)
(.Slightly reduced)
Fig. 41. Implements used in the stick game.
thereby secures two score sticks for his side, in addition to the privilege of being the
first side to hide the stick. The two lines of players are seated on the ground, and the
leader of each side selects two players. These sit in front of the other players, facing
each other, and each with a hiding-stick. The side whose representative won in
the first contest is the side wliich first conceals the sticks, the opposing players being
the guessers. If the location of one of the sticks is correctly guessed, the guessing
side takes one score stick from the two acquii-ed by their opponents in the first test.
If the guessing side fails to locate the second Mding-stick, the rules require that the
Bcore stick be returned to the hiding side. If the guessing side succeeds in locating
the second hiding-stick, they take the remaining score stick from the other side. The
score sticks are taken from the opponent's pile as long as he has any, after which they
are taken from the unappropriated pile on the ground. The leader of either side
may at any time withdraw a player who is not successful and substitute one from the
remaining players. The play of each side continues until the opponents have guessed
the location of both sticks, and the game continues until one side has won all the
score sticks. ,
The following signals are used to indicate guesses: Extending the first and second
fingers and pointing toward the right indicates a guess that both players have the
490
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
stick in their left hands. Similarly, pointing toward the left indicates a guess that
both players have the stick in their right hands. Extending the right hand Avith
the fingers spread means "the players have the sticks in the outside hands." The
right arm descending with the hand cleaving the air like a knife means "the players
have the sticks in the inside hands. "
The writer witnessed a game as above described, at Bull Head,
S. Dak., in 1912.
No. 212. Game Song (Catalogue No. 598)
Sung by Kills-at-Night
Voice J— 100
Drum J= 100
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8
Cil 1 I 1 1 1
-#- -^ -f: -#- -^- -^ ^ . :f--^--^
T^ 1 — l~,"P" .1 "r~'r~"l~"
^Mm
MM
31=
S=E
^
^isc
11;
I
Analysis. — The compass of this song is nine tones, and this compass
is accomplished in two intervals, at the opening of the song. More
than half the progressions in this song are whole tones. The melody
tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. Tlie rhythmic unit
is interesting, and the song as a whole has a decided rhythmic quality.
The following song was said to be used when a player was "on the
verge of winning the game."
No. 213. Song When a Game Is Almost Won (Catalogue No. 599)
Sung by Kills-at-Night
Voice J =108
Drum J =108
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8
a?i?i
4V-
i
i^: .*- .- ^x^:^^- -^-
p-jft-^.
t-
S
£
Analysis. — Tliis song was recorded on two occasions, each of the
records comprising several renditions. The transcription is from the
first rendition in the second recording. In this rendition the song
began clearly with the ascending ninth, which is a most unusual
beginning. Other renditions began with F sung once in the lower
DENSMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
491
and twice in the upper octave, making the first interval an ascending
octave, or with the three first tones on F in the upper octave. The
song is rhythmic, with exact repetitions of the rhythmic unit except
in one instance, in which the second tone is a quarter instead of two
eighth notes. The progressions are chiefly major seconds and minor
thirds. The final tone is preceded by a tone a minor third lower,
which occurs in comparatively few songs.
The song of victory most commonly used in this game is a war song,
the name of the opposing player being inserted in place of the defeated
enemy. Used-as-a-Sliield sang the song, inserting, the name Red
Bear as that of a pla3^er, and One Feather sang the song, usmg the
words ''the Crow tribe" in place of the man's name. The lendition
by Used-as-a-Shield is given herewith. The idea of the words is that
of derision, a free translation being " Did you think to save your life
by that sign?"
No. 214. Song of Victory (Catalogue No. 618)
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield
Voice J= 160
Drum
80
Drum-
rhythm
- — v-
similar t
oNo. 5
-| — 1 —
^
r* — 'n
p m
r*— •—
m m
r*
1 m
m m.
2?-4
V
•J 1
= — ^
:t=t=
J 1 —
Ma- to - lu- ta to- ke - §ke wij- lu - te so
^^r^-
~i-h-
V^A
ha ija ya-ui lia kta ca ya he-ca-noij so
Mato^-lu'ta Red Bear
toke^^ke wi'lute so how did you make that sign? (indicating your
guess)
ya'ni kta (f'a in order to be alive
he^canor) so did you do that?
Analysis. — This song is without change of time, a feature which is
somewhat unusual. The melody tones are those of the minor triad
and fourth, and the song is harmonic in structure. The last tone is
preceded by one a whole tone lower. It will be recalled that the
final tone is usually the lowest tone in the song. The interval of a
fourth characterizes this melody, comprising about one-third of the
progressions. The major seconds are equal in number, but are often
used as passing tones and therefore are less distinctive than the fourths.
MISCELLANEOUS SONGS
Children's Songs
The little girls of the camp had their plays, which could scarcely
be called games. In one of these childish plays the girls stood one
behind another, each with her hands on the shoulders of the girl in
front of her. Then they went around the village in a wavering line
singing the following song, the words of which are not transcribed,
but which mean " the deer follow each other. "
No. 215. Song of Little Girls' Play (a) (Catalogue No. 680)
Sung by Yellow Haih
Voice J= 76
Druai not recorded
4 • •7;^4|
Ajialysis. — This is an example of a song in which the first part is
sung only once, seeming to serve as an introduction to the musical
performance. Thus the song was sung as transcribed and the last
section was repeated four times. After a pause the song was recorded
again, the singer beginning with the repeated part and singing it
several times without a break in the tempo. The rhythmic unit is
short but clearly given. The interval of a fourth occurs six times,
forming about one-fourth of the entire number of intervals.
Another play which afforded much merriment was described by
Yellow Hair, who said that the little girls sat in a circle and each
girl, putting one hand over the hand of the girl who sat next to her,
lightly pinched the hand near the wrist. The tickling sensation
could be endured only a few seconds before the little girls all fell over
in a state of helpless laughter. Almost immediately the play was
resumed, and the song sung again, to be interrupted before it was half
492
Denj^more]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
493
finished. It seems a foolish Uttle play, yet war and ceremony were
not all the life of the Indian; there were still the children, to whom
life had not yet become serious.
No. 216. Song of Little Girls' Play (b)
Sung by Yellow Hair
(Catalogue No. 681)
Voice
76
Drum not recorded
Ho - §i - §i - pa ho - Si - Si - pa ho - si - ^i - pa lio - si
WORDS (free translation)
ho^i^i^pa I catch but can not hold you
Analysis. — This melody seems almost too short and simple for
analysis, yet it is marked by the steady downward trend and the
emphasis on the descending minor third, which characterize many of
the longer and more important songs. It contains the tones of the
minor triad and fourth, a tone material found in 12 per cent of the
Sioux songs.
The followmg was said to be the only lullaby used among the Sioux:
No. 217. Lullaby
Sung by Yellow Hair
(Catalogue No. 679)
Voice
66
Drum not recorded
- *—^\\--^^—i^»-\-d . • • . •— #
a tea loa wa i - ni - na i - §ti-ma - na a a wa wa
#
S^E?
4-^ — ^^#Hi^^«— •^•— #^d
^t:±
loa i - ni - na i -§ti-ma-na a a iva um wa ica i
i
W-
e^^
^
^f^^S
s
II
jt^i!tzf=n!!izat^3t
^^—^
:i=t»
7^ S- •{ 9
^—r-
ni - na i - ^ti-ma-na a
a wa wa wa tea
i - ni-na i - §ti-ma-na a
ini'la be still
i^ti^mana sleep
494 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, gi
Analysis. — This song contains the tones of the minor third and
fourth, the latter being sharped in three instances. The intonation
of the song as a whole is wavering, yet in some renditions the de-
scending semitones around the accidental were sung with reasonable
accuracy. About 56 per cent of the intervals are major seconds.
This and song No. 204 are the only songs in the present series having
a compass of but four tones, a range occurring in only 2 of the 340
analyzed Chippewa songs. It is interesting to compare this with the
Chippewa lullaby, which is in a major key. (See song No. 149, Bull.
45.)
Songs Connected with Legends
legend of the maiden s leap
Ths legend of the maiden who killed herself by leaping from a rock
is said to be found among many tribes of Indians. The writer first
recorded the story and a song at Sisseton, S. Dak., among the eastern
Sioux. The song was said to have been sung by the maiden before
she leaped from the rock, but the record, being unsatisfactory, was
not transcribed. The incident was said to have taken place at Lake
Pepin, wliich is formed by a widening of the Mississippi River, on
the eastern boundary of Minnesota. A promontory on the eastern
shore of Lake Pepin is known as Maiden Rock, and tradition states
that a Sioux maiden leaped thence and was killed on the rocks
below.
A similar story was found by the writer at Standing Rock in North
Dakota, among the Teton Sioux, who said they had been told that
the rock was "somewhere in the west." Their version was as follows:
A young woman had promised to marry a man, but he wished to "make a name for
himself " before the marriage took place. He had been on the warpath, but he wished
to go again that he might distinguish himself by valor. When the war party returned
they said that he had been killed by the Crows. Sometime afterward in the course
of tribal wanderings a camp was made at the place where, according to the report of
the war party, the young man had been killed. Dressing herself in her best attire,
the maiden went to the edge of a cliff, and after singing the following song and giving
the shrill "woman's tremolo," jumped into the river below.
DE.N'SMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
495
No. 218. Song of the Maiden's Leap (Catalogue No. 620)
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield
Voice J— 108
Drum not recorded
4^
E:
^
-*--•- -0- -#-
^^
±
s
ffi
-#-
-p-,>>
rP
^
-•-
-•-
^^fe^
T=
-f-
lie
-^
/^
T^r-
-F-
h^4—
-t —
ME
zt^iz^
1
. .
4=
4=
y£d
1
r-Tsrrrj — | "' "i*"iT" T" • i * — f |"f" "f" » , # — # , f$ ^<? — . f^^Ts) — p-* — 1"^
-9-| ' ^ iLI,^-[__^_LU^,h-i-:— ,[— i^zi 1-^^
.£j^
,.&=^fc,, r r 1-^^
-^ -#- -#-
Zu-ya
=9^
:^
1 - ya
ye - lo e - ha - pi koq he was - te
=^*
^3
^
^ — P-
vva - la - ke ya he
i - yo - ti - ye wa - ki ye
^B£
v-=i-
zu'ya iya''yelo he is gone to war
eha^pi kog you said
he was'te wala'ke I love him
iyo^tiye waki' ye I am sad
Analysis. — The closing tone in this song is a fourth above the
lowest tone of the melody. Tliis is somewhat unusual, the final
tone generally being also the lowest tone. The song is characterized
by the minor tliird, wliich forms more than half the number of inter-
vals. The melody tones are those of the second five-toned scale.
The song has a compass of an octave and is melodic in structure.
Two renditions were recorded, wliich show no points of difference.
In connection with Type C, on page 53, it is noted that a recurrence
of accent on the lowest tone, usually the keynote, appears associated
with the idea of firmness and stabiUty of character. A contrast to
this is afforded by the plot of this song (fig. 42).
496
BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
LEGEND OF GHOST HILL
About 8 miles southeast of Fort Yates is a high butte known as
Ghost Hill. (PL 81.) The following legend (given by Siya'ka)
and song (recorded by Two Shields) are connected with this butte:
When Sitting Bull and his band were brought from Canada they camped one winter
on the lowland beside the Missouri River, a few miles below Fort Yates. It was a
large camp, including many hostile Indians, who were afterward located at Pine
Ridge and at Cherry Creek in the Cheyenne River Reservation. Among these Indians
was a particularly handsome young man, who was very fascinating to the young
women. One day he disappeared. As no trace of him could be found, his parents
consulted a man who had some sacred stones, giving him a horse and asking that he
would tell them of their son. This man said that -during the next night the voice
of the missing man would be heard passing through the camp, and that all must follow
the voice. On the night designated all the camp was on the alert; just before dawn
they heard the voice of the young man approaching. His parents and friends, recog-
nizing the voice, began to lament, and the dogs barked as at the approach of a person.
The voice passed through the camp, singing a love song, then turned and came back,
retracing its way toward tliis liill. The people followed, but could not go as fast as the
voice, which gradually became more distant until it was lost in the darkness.
Fig. 42. Plot of song No. 218.
This incident seemed to make the grief of the young man's parents more acute,
and they went again to the owner of the stones, to whom they gave another horse,
asking him to tell who had killed their son. The man said he had been murdered l)y
10 men, who were jealous of him, and that one ot these men would die in 10 days,
another in 10 days after the first, and so on until all were dead. This came to pass as
he predicted. The parents of the missing man then went again to the owner of the
sacred stones and begged to know where they could find the body of their son. The
man said that their son had been chased a long distance by his enemies and iinally
had been killed far from home, and that his body had been devoured by wolves. He
also told the parents to follow the voice (which was still heard at intervals singing the
.same song) and to keep following it until they reached the place where the voice
disappeared, where they would see their son. The next time they heard the
voice they hastened toward the place whence it came and saw at some distance before
them a figure wrapped in a gray Army Idanket. They followed it but never could
quite overtake it. Sometimes they would feel its presence behind them, and on
looking back, would see it, but it never quite overtook them. It always toUowed
the path toward Ghost Hill, and the parents thought it disappeared in the side of the
hill. Accordingly they dug into the side of the hill and made diligent search, l)ut
the body of the young man was never found. A man named Walking Elk lived at
the foot of Ghost Hill. He had a large family, the members of which died one after
another. He laid their deaths to the ghost and shot at it with his rifle. The last
appearance of the ghost was about the year 1889. It is said that a similar figure
wrapped in a gray Army blanket was later seen at Pine Ridge and on the Rosebud
Reservation.
uen^more]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
497
Great difficulty was experienced in securing the song which was
sung by the ghost. Two Shields finally consented to record it, and
:is compensation the writer gave him a valuable pine, both the stem
and the bowl of which were carved out of red pipestone.
No. 219. Song of a Ghost
Sung by Two Shields
(Catalogue No. 542)
Voice J— 108
Drum not recorded
J, -f- -#- -f -f-
SS
^:
:^=t
4;
He-na - ke wa
ce - ye
he - na - ke wa
Ce - ye
pilAazicipi
%
he- na - ke wa - ce - ye ce - ya o - ma o - wa- ni ye
[a^igi^a^^i^
EEE^iS
o - u-spa-pi Civij i- yo-tan wa-ca-mni koij a
1 - yo-taij wa-ca-mni koij
^c - ya o-ma-wa-ni
ye yo
he''nake finally
wade'ye I weep
ceya^ weeping
oma^wani I roam
kaska''la5ka (among) young men
wio^uspapi cai] courting
iyo^tag wada^mni kog (I was) most enthusiastic of all
ceya^ weeping
oma'wani I roam
Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality, contains all the tones of
the octave, and has one accidental — the sixth raised a semitone.
This accidental was clearly given in all the renditions. The song is
•melodic in structure and has a compass of nine tones. With the
exception of three intervals of a fourth all the progressions are minor
thirds and major seconds.
Songs in Honor of an Individual
The following group of 12 songs illustrates the Sioux custom of
introducing a new name in a praise song which has been used for
other persons, and also of composing new words for songs. Three of
4840°— Bull. 61—18 ^32
498
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
these songs are melodies of distinct classes, No. 225 being a song of
the Wliite Horse Riders, No. 226 of the shuffling-feet dance, and No.
231 of the Strong Heart society. No. 222 is said to have been com-
posed recently. Tlie others are praise songs which have been used
in the tribe. In many instances all the words of the song are new.
The person whose name appears in the songs is Two "VMiite Buffalo,
whom Red Fox adopted in place of his deceased daughter and to
whom he gave his daughter's name. Red Fox stated that he had
a right to give this name as he had killed two white buffalo. When-
ever these songs are sung it is expected that Red Fox will make, in
behalf of Two TYliite Buffalo, a gift to the singers or to any project
for which donations are being solicited. Red Fox is a man who is
highly respected in the tribe, and these songs have been widely
sung.
No. 220. "The Poor Are Many" (Catalogue No. 640)
Sung by Shoots First
Voice J — 72
Drum J^"2
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
Pte-saq - noij-pa - wiij
wa-kta yaq-ka yo
o-hm]-ke §ni o-ta - ye he-ya-pi Caq-na
§uij-ka - \va - kaq
-0-. -s^
we-cui] - we
Ptesag^'-nog^pawig Two Wliite Buffalo
wakta'' yagka'' yo watch
o'Tiugke sni the poor
octave are many
heya^pi <5ag^na whenever this is said
sugka'wakag horses
wecug^we I donated
densmorb]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
499
Analysis. —This is the melody of an old praise song, used only
for those who give freely. It opens with an ascending octave, a
somewhat unusual feature. Aside from this interval and one
ascending sixth, the melody progresses chiefly by minor thirds and
major seconds, the former constituting 32 and the latter about 46
per cent of the entire number of intervals.
No. 221. "I Expect to Give Something" (Catalogue No. 641)
Sung by Shoots First
1st rendition
Voice J = 56
Drum J =56
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 6
2(1 rendition
Voice J = 84
Drum J =84
Drum-rhytlim as above
(1)
^^
1 (2)
s
:t
S
^-#-
:p=P=
*-^-M^
w=^=^=r-
^'^^
^^^
^-^ML
^
4--^ ^
Ka-mi
(1)
te kir)-haq
wa-mna-yan-pi caq - na
^9^=^
:2=e:
4:
.t:
o - ma - ki - ya - ka - po
he
Pte - sag - noq - pa - wiq
0)
> .- . ■ ^-^ ^'^
»?^^^^^^^^^;g^^^^^:^
:E^1
he - ya - ke - ya - pi Ca ko-haij wa-kta wa-oij ye - lo
WORDS
kami^te ' kighag' wamna^- tell me when the committee is raising funds
yagpi cag^naoma'kiyaka po.
Ptesag'-nog'pawii) Two White Buffalo
heyake^yapi ca said (it is reported)
kohag^ wakta^ waog^ yelo^. . . so beforehand I expect to give something
' This is readily identified as the English word "committee" with the vowel sounds changed. Words
are frequently added to Indian languages to express new ideas. An extended table of such words in the
Omaha language is given by Miss Fletcher in The Omaha Tribe, op. cit., pp. 620, 021.
500
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[B0LL. 61
Analysis. — Like the preceding, this is a praise song in which
words in honor of Two White Buffalo have been inserted. Like the
preceding song, it opens with an ascending octave, and begins and ends
on the same tone. (See song No. 82. ) Ahnost one-third of the intervals
are fourths, and the minor thirds are exactly equal in number. The
song has a compass of an octave and contains all the tones of the
octave except the second. Two rhythmic units occur in the sec-
ond unit, the count divisions of the first unit being reversed in the
second.
No. 222. "Two White Buflfalo" . (Catalogue No. 642)
Sung by Shoots First
Voice J — 60
Drum
60
Druin-rhytbm similar to No. 6
3
it
^^-
0)
I —
^
-#— #-#^
-#— #-
:f-.
-^
-#— *
•N-#-
^-J^
(1)
(1)
(1)
I —
(1)
(2)
F^-=
1 1 1
m=^:
H — \ — I — -4 — I — r-\ — r 1 1 » -<Lj_j — ;r^ — i ^
(1)
rte-saij-nuij-pa-wiij he bli-lie - i - ci - ya uq - wo
(1) (1)
:a:
±
a— ^
o-ya-te o-ksaij/u' wa-ciij-ni-yai] a-u we-lo
(1) (2)
he
na-ke-noq-la
M
W
:S^=
1^==r^
ya-oij we - lo To-ka - la - lu - ta ha he-ya ke-ya pe - lo he he
WORDS
Ptesaq'-nori^pawir) Two White Buffalo
blihe'idiya ugwo' take fresh courage
oya^te the tribe
oklag^ in general
wacig^niyag depend upon you
aii^ welo' when they come
nake'noqla yaon' welo^ a short time you live'
Toka''la-lu'ta Red Fox
heya^ keya^ pelo'' said this, it is reported
This is a common expression among the Sioux. (See songs Nos. 189 and 231.)
DENSMORK]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
501
Analysis. — This song was sung by four singers, and was aftei"wards
recorded by Shoots First alone, in order that it might be more easily
transcribed. The structure of the song is interesting. There are
two rhythmic units, having the same division of the first count; the
first of these units appears nine times. There are also two similar
phrases beginning on the unaccented instead of the accented beat.
The second unit occurs twice, with a slight difference in the second
measure due to the form of the words. The song has a compass of
nine tones and lacks the sixth and seventh tones of the complete
octave. Of the progressions 60 per cent are whole tones, the remaining
intervals comprising 8 minor thirds, 7 fourths, and 1 ascending fifth.
No. 223. "Take Fresh Courage" (Catalogue No. 478)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J__72
(or J^ - 144)
Drum not recorded
:l2l
3 T=^I33= ^^^ y^
WORDS (not transcribed)
Ptesag^-nor)''pawig Two White Buffalo
blihe'iciya yo take fresh courage
itag^car) (for) the chiefs
wagwi^dalaka 6e you have seen
Analysis. — This song contains all the tones of the octave except
the sixth and seventh. The principal intervals are the fourth and
major second-^an unusual melodic formation. The song is minor in
tonality and has a compass of nine tones. The tonic chord is promi-
nent in the melody, but the accents are so placed that the song is
classified as melodic with harmonic framework.
4840°— Bull. 61—18 34
502
BUEEAU OF AMEEICAlSr ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
No. 224. "The White Horse Riders Said This" (Catalogue No. 477)
Sung by Siya^ka
Voice J =69
Drum not recorded
fr^n — u — ' — ^ — 1 ri~o~^~'i 1 1 — ~i — 6f* — m — ri^rr'^ — — ■ — n» — » — * * • \ ^ ! 1
^^^ ^ ' — 1 -H-*^i — ^1 — ^-3 — f \2 1 1 — \ — r r L r r^^^ —
\m^m^
:3:
-#- -W- -W' -t-- -|— -| H- -F--»-
I
E- 6a Pte-saq - noq-pa - wii]
waij-bla - kiq kte licin na i-yo-ti-ye ki - ya o-ma-wa-nl ye - lo
^m
Sui)k-ska A - kai]-yai]-ke 6h] o lie-ya a - u we - lo
he yo
ec2f well
Ptesag^-nog'pawiq Two White Buffalo
wagbla^kig kte Hc^ig I am anxious to see
na and
iyo^tiye kiya^ oma'wani yelo' . I have traveled under difficulties
Sugk^ska Akag'yagke cir) The White Horse Riders
heya^ aii^ welo' said this as they are coming
Analysis. — This is a praise song, the structure of which suggests
that the melody is old. It is probably a song of the White Horse
Riders. With the exception of five progressions the intervals are
minor thirds and major sixths, the first being about 36 and the
latter 51 per cent of the entire number of intervals. An ascent of
11 tones occurs with the introduction of the words. The rhythmic
unit occurs twice, and near the close of the song there is a phrase
resembling the rhythmic unit, but having a different accent. All the
tones of the octave are contained in the melody. The sixth occurs
only twice, and in both instances is raised a semitone.
DENSMOEE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
503
No. 225. "Two White Buflfalo, Take Courage" (Catalogue No. 671)
Sung by Haka^la (Youngest Child)
Voice J = 66
Drum not recorded
^^E^; :g==^p=t=^L^j=E=F=
wa-wo - ki- ya - pi liiq he was-te wa - la - ka ke - lo
m^^^^s^\^
:p=p:
To-ka - la-lu - ta he he - ya ke - ya
pe
^0
lo he
yo
Ptesai)''-nog''pavsdi) Two White Buffalo
blihe'iciya yo take courage
wawo^kiyapi kig he to give the assistance
wa^^te wala'ka kelo^ I love
Toka'la-lu^ta Red Fox
he heya^ has said
keya^ pelo^ so they say
Analysis. — This is a serenade song of the White Horse Riders,
the present words being substituted for words formerly used. The
man who recorded this song is a leader among the middle-aged
singers of the tribe. The keynote appears to be G, and the tone-
material is therefore that of the fourth five-toned scale, but the
second is sharped in every occurrence. The interval of an augmented
second occurs three times and was sung with good intonation. This
interval is found also in two other songs. (See Nos. 63, 106.) The
interval of a semitone appears seven times in this melody, and the
minor third forms 47 per cent of the entire number of intervals.
About two-thirds of the intervals are downward progressions.
504
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61
No. 226. "The Tribe You Help" (Catalogue No. 672)
Sung by Haka^la (Youngest Child)
VoicK J — 66
Drum not recorded
e
"lT T" _ 1~" V ■ H--#-.-«- -\~-0-. -0--^' -0-
L-:M:.^r-F=F5^^^^F^[
O-ya- te kiq-hai] wa-wo-ki-ya -po Pte-sai]-noij-pa-wii]
m -^-' m m m
m
:p^^
wa-na ig - la - so-te-a
oya^te kiqhag' the tribe
wawo^kiyapo (you) help
Ptesag^-nog^pawir) Two White Buffalo
wana^ now (by helping)
igla''8ota has consumed what she had '
»
Analysis. — This is a melody of the shuffling-feet dance. Two
renditions of the song were recorded, one being sung by Haka'la as
transcribed, and the other having the adcUtion of the women's voices
an octave higher. The song contains only the tones E flat-G-B
flat-C. E flat seems the most satisfactory keynote, especially at
the close of the song, though the tone is not prominent in the melody.
Of the intervals 68 per cent are minor thirds, though with E flat as
keynote the song is major in tonality. The submediant chord
(C-E flat-G) forms the basis of a large part of the melody. The
triplets of eighth notes suggest the song (No. 192) in honor of Red
Fish and, though often repeated, have so little character that they
can scarcely be considered a rhythmic unit of the song.
1 Among the Sioux it is considered a particularly high compliment to say that a person has been so
generous as to give away all his possessions.
DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC ' 505
No. 227. "Whenever the Tribe Assembles" (Catalogue No. 684)
Sung by Silent Woman (see pi. 54)
Voice J = 60
Dkcm not recorded
0-ya - te kii] a - hi - mni-ci-ya caij - na ha rui-ta-gui}-ke
n-
X
^—i
-li-ii^-ii-
yu-ha pe
he Pte - saq - noq-pa-wiq he- ya ke-ya pe
oya^tekir) ahFmniciyacag^na. whenever the tribe assembles
mita^sugke my horses
y uha^ pe they receive
Ptesag^-nog^pawig Two White Buffalo
heya^ keya^ pe said this (it is said)
Analysis. — Tliis is a praise-song melody. It is minor in tonality
and laclcs the seventh and second tones of the complete octave.
Two accidentals occur, the sixth and third raised a semitone, both
of which are clearly given in the two recorded renditions of the song.
The intonation was good throughout the renditions, the semitone
progression, wMch appears six times, being well given. The tonic
chord is prominent in the formation of the melody, though the
accented tones are such that the song is classified as melodic in
structure.
506
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
No. 228. "they Depend Upon You" (Catalogue No. 683)
Sung by Silent Woman
Voice J- 58
Drum not recorded
Pte-saij-noij-pa-wu] bli - he - i - ci - ya ye he. kam- i - tekiq
liaij wa - ciq - ni
yaij pe - lo lie
ya-pi
he e
i
1255
^
1^
it
4 • • 9-^.
e caq- na ma-zas - ka kiq- haq i - lipe- ya on- we ne hu
11
Ptesaq'-nog^pawii) Two White Buffalo
blihe'iciya ye take courage
kami'te kiijhai)' (English word) the committee
wadiQ^niyag pelo^ depend upon you
heya^pi they said
<^aq''na hence
ma^zaska kighag^ the money (literally "white metal' ')
ihpe^ya on^we you donated
Analysis. — This melody is one of the praise songs, or honor
songs, of the tribe. Three renditions were recorded. The fii-st two
had no words, and the note values varied, but the third was as indi-
cated, though the florid part of the first measure can not be transcribed
with absolute accuracy. The song is minor in tonality, harmonic in
structure, and contains all the tones of the octave. The upward and
downward progressions are more nearly equal than usual, there being
15 downward and 13 upward progressions.
DENSMOKE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 229. "I Donated a Horse"
Sung by Shooter
507
(Catalogue No. 579)
Voice J = 80
Drum J = 80
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
4-«-
-^-it.
a_^^-JL^^__H-II 3 CI
'& 'r -w
m^iuis-^^^ i^g^^?^'^^
Pte-saij-noij-pa - wiij koij bli - lii-ca ye ya
e - ha
Pi
Ptesaq^-nog^pawiq Two White Buffalo
kog blihe'iciya ' ye take courage
eha^pi da you said this
he hence
^ugka^wakag a horse
we^cog welo^ I donated
Analysis. — This, as well as the next preceding song, is a praise
song in wliich new words have been inserted. It is based on the
second five-toned scale and is minor in tonality, but the proportion of
minor thirds is smaller than in many major songs, 44 per cent of the
intervals being minor thirds. The rhythmic unit is the same as the
first unit in the next preceding song.
I This word was shortened by the singer.
508
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 61
No. 230. "Hence They Come" (Catalogue No. 578)
Sung by Shooter
Voice J = 66
Drum J r= 66
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6
hi-wi- ta-ya can- na o-huij-ke sni mi-ta - Suq-ke yu-ha pe - lo
(1) (2) (2)
he Pte-saij-noij-pa-wii] he
oya'te kiq hiwi^taya c'ar)''na.. whenever the tribe is gathered together
ohug^ke ^ni those without resources
mita^sugke yuha^ pelo^ obtain my horses
Ptesag^-nog'pawig Two White Buffalo
he heya^ca has said this
he hence
aii^ welo^ they come
Analysis. — Two rhythmic units are found in tliis song, the cUfference
between them giving variety and character to the rhythm of the song
as a whole. The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned
scale. The fourth is prominent, forming about 25 per cent of the
intervals, while the minor thirds form 71 per cent of the entire number.
The song is melodic in structure and has a compass of an octave. In
addition to the recording of the song b}^ Shooter it was, at the request
of the Indians, recorded by several singers assisted by others who gave
the sharp yells with which songs of this kind are punctuated.
Rests are considered in the analysis of song No. 79.
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 231. "A Short Time'
Sung by Gray Hawk
509
(Catalogue No. 558)
Voice J = 80
Drum J ^88
Druru-rhj'thm similar to No. 19
m^^^
s
Pte- saij - noij -pa - wiq
^^•^
^'T^'f^ ....
szsttttr^ri
bli-i -he-i -ci-ya yo
na - ke-nuij-la ya-oi]
WORDS
Ptesag^-nog^pawii) Two White Buffalo
blihe'iciya yo take courage
nake^nugla yaon^ a short time you live (see songs Nos. 189, 222)
Analysis. — This is a song of the Strong Heart society. It was
considered a special honor to be praised in the songs of this society.
This song contains only the tones of the minor triad and foui'th and
is melodic in structure. The progressions are interesting, as the
ascendmg intervals are aU larger than (and including) the minor
third, while the descending intervals are smaller than (and including)
the mifior third. A majority of the descending intervals are whole
tones. This is a particularly clear-cut and pleasing melody.
Love Songs (Wio'weste Olo'wai^)
The three following songs are comparatively modern. The words
of the first song only are transcribed. The words of the second
are somewhat similar, being the expression of a maid whose parents
object to the man of Iter choice. The third song was recorded at
Sisseton, only the melody being taken.
The older form of love song is considered in connection with the
war material on page 370.
510
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
No. 232. "Come" (Catalogue No. 659)
Sung by Dog Eagle
Voice J -88
Drum not recorded
0)
ya- ka he - 6i - na ya - u
(0
•- -•-• -•- -*- -s-
(V
I
^e
wi - ca - ya - ka he - 6i - na ya - u §ni
ya- ka he - ci - na ya-u
(2)
sni Taij -iij -yaij-ma-ni-wiij /« he-ya
^^t.
i^'-Ufrr £^^^^
f^=W=:^=f^^l
P f f \-f-^-
he - lo wi - 6a - ya - ka he - Ci - na ya-u Sni
wida^yaka heci^na yaii' ^ni. . . if you are truthful, come
Tagig'yag-ma'niwig Walks Visibly (woman's name)
he'ya helo^ has said this
Analysis. — In several respects this melody resembles No. 234.
Like that song, it has a range of 10 tones, lacks the sixth and seventh
of the complete octave, and in structure is melodic with harmonic
framework. About one-fifth of the intervals are fourths, the remain-
ing intervals, with three exceptions, being minor thirds and major
seconds. Two rhythmic units are present and a comparison of them
DEN^MORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
511
as well as a study of their use is interesting. It will be noted that
the first three and the last two counts of the two units are alike. The
triplets of eighth notes were distinctly given. Two renditions of the
entire song were recorded, with a repetition of the part containing
the words. These showed no points of difference.
Voice J — 66
Drum not recorded
(1)
No. 233. Love Song (a)
Sung by Swift Dog
(2)
(Catalogue No. 590)
0)
:t=
^=p=p=p=^=p
Analysis. — Two rhythmic units are found in this song, each appear-
ing twice. The larger part of the second unit also appears at the
close of the song, but a change of accent alters the phrase so mate-
rially that it is not marked as a repetition of the unit. One acci-
dental occurs — the seventh raised a semitone — this being an accidental
often found in songs of minor tonality. This melody is based on
the second five-toned scale and is harmonic in structure. One-third
of the intervals are minor thirds.
No. 234. Love Song (b)
Sung by Blue Cloud
Voice J — 63
Drum not recorded
(Catalogue No. 661)
^-•-^-^
±
^==:S
TTi^ ^
ai^jg^
M,
' p ^, n—^
:^
If^
-^-^.ip ifV -^ -#-• -0-
#- ^-
■# — ^-
^..0-.n -»- -0..
¥
't-
:2ze=£f
-A±
:gE
55^
-(22 1^
Analysis. — This is an excellent example of the modem Sioux love
song. Twenty-seven per cent of the intervals are minor thirds.
512 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
The remainder of the progressions show a greater variety than is
found in a majority of the Sioux songs. This appears to be a charac-
teristic of the more modern songs. All the tones of the octave
except the sixth and seventh are present in the melody. The song
begins and ends on the same tone, a somewhat unusual feature in
both Chippewa and Sioux songs. (See song No. 82.) This song was
recorded at Sisseton. (See below.)
Sioux Songs Recorded at Sisseton, S. Dak.
All the songs of this group were recorded among the Santee Sioux
at Sisseton, S. Dak., at the opening of the writer's work among the
Sioux. This place was selected because Sioux from this locality
frequently visit the Chippewa, among whom the writer's previous
work had been done, and it was thought that this acquaintance would
facilitate the work. It was impossible, however, to secure a satis-
factory interpreter at Sisseton, and most of the songs recorded there
were translated from the phonograph record by Mr. Higheagle.
Many of these songs were famihar to the Standing Rock Sioux and
were identified by them when the records were played. In one
instance a Standing Rock singer supphed words which were missing
from the Sisseton rendition of a song, A few Sun-dance songs were
recorded, but these were said to belong to the Santee ceremony and
were accordingly discarded. It is, however, interesting to note
Sioux material from more than one locality, and the songs are there-
fore included in the series. Other Sisseton songs are Nos. 95, 96,
97, 189, 190. The words of the songs recorded at Sisseton are in the
Santee dialect. (See p. 2.)
On July 4, 1911, the writer attended a gathering of Indians
on the Sisseton Reservation. The number of dancers was small
compared with that at Standing Rock, and the striking contrast indi-
cates the progress of the Sioux away from the old customs. A little
group of dancers facing the setting sun is shown in plate 82. One
of the mounted men was Good Thunder, the chief, who wore a gold-
braided uniform and acted as "marshal of the day," and the other was
a mounted Indian pohceman. In the same plate is shown also
the prairie on this reservation, which is more rolling than that at
Standing Rock.
The three following songs are known at Standing Rock as songs of
the Ticketless society. The term ' ' society ' ' is here a misnomer, bemg
applied by the Sioux to those who were first dropped from the list of
those receiving rations and accordingly had no " ration tickets." Such
Indians were supposed to be able to provide for themselves, and for
that reason were expected to show unlimited generosity toward their
friends. The designation was used for only four or five years and
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 61 PLATE 82
DANCERS ON SISSETON RESERVATION
PRAIRIE ON SISSETON RESERVATION
densmore]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
513
was ill the nature of a jest, but many songs of the Ticketless society
are still remembered by the Sioux.
The first of these songs was undoubtedly sung as a praise song
in honor of Little Helper, w^ho was expected to be inspired to still
greater generosity by its words.
No. 235. "You Have Relied Upon Me" (Catalogue No. 645)
Sung by Holy-face Bear (Mato'ite'wakan)
Voice J- 96
Drum J „ 96
Druin-rhythiii similar to No. 8
-•- -•- -•- -•-. -•- -•- -•- '-X 1
:p t= :p :p j,^^ :p i^z :^ :^^. _#. ^
- - ^- f f f^»^ J f • f •. ^ • ^ . ^
-•Y h ^ — L^ — \ — -m -fij — ^ f— ^- -T- -^ ^- -^ ^ ^-^ •--
-•- -•-
-"^m
^-A-
*^^-
ff f
O-ska-te caq-
iSi^^^^
^^=^-'g=a^
It:
#-r:^
#— *-^-#-
a=L^&
:4
lE^
f P ^
^9^
na wa - fill) ma-ye ya-pi ke-ha-pi a bdi-he - 1 - ci- ya wa-oq he ya
m. m. m. I I
^— «-
It
ip=p=p=g|ig=r-#-^-#-i^
he e Wo-wa-ciq-ye - na o o he-ya caq-na taq-yaq
I
oska''te cag''na in dances and feasts
wacig'' maye'' ya^pi you have relied upon me
ke^hapi you have said
bdihe'igiya waoi]^ so I have taken fresh courage
Wo^wacig^ye-na Little Helper
hey a^ said
cag^na and
tagyag'' all is well
Analysis. — An unusually large variety of progressions is found
in this song, there being 6 kinds of ascending and 5 of descending
intervals. The number of major seconds is largest, though the
intervals are more nearly equal in nmnber than in most of the songs
514
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
under analysis. The melody tones are those of the minor triad and
fourth, the latter being sharped in one instance. This accidental
was uniformly given in the several renditions. The song is melodic
in structure and has a range of an octave.
No. 236. "I Have Been Helping"
Sung by HoLY-rACE Bear
Voice J— 72
Drum J— 72
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5
(Catalogue No. 644)
A - te he -ya ya he
ho-ma-ya e - ca o - hoq - ke ^ni ke wa - wo-ki-ya wa-oq
ate'' father
heya^'ya has advised me
iwa^homaya by words
e<5a^ so
o^hogke ^ni the weak ones
wawo^kiya waog' I have been helping
Analysis. — This is a rhytlnnic melody. The rhythmic unit appears
only twice, but its count-divisions appear frequently throughout the
song. Of the progressions 79 per cent are either minor thirds or
major seconds. The melody tones are those of the second five-toned
scale, 'and the song has a compass of an octave.
DENgMORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
515
No. 237. Song of the Ticketless Society (Catalogue No. 678)
Sung by Twin (Cekpa^)
Voice
108
Drum not record
ed
+ +
^- ^ ^- ^-
pi
-#—
V:# -•- -0-
F^=r^FS^
-! — 1
i^-^ifl
-^^=^^^
A- — ^1-4-^^^-
5iii5
#i
-• 9 0 •- • 1
±^
:^=S=
Analysis. — This song contains all the tones of the octave, an un-
usual feature in a song of minor tonality. It has a range of 40 tones
and is melodic in structure. Of the intervals 63 per cent are whole
tones. The song is peculiar in that it contains only one tone less
than an eighth note m value.
Rev. John Eastman' of Sisseton, S. Dak., told the story of the
following song, saying that the incident occurred when his father was
15 or 16 years old, and was still remembered by many old people.
The incident was as follows: A party of white men were driving
cattle to one of the new settlements m the north. They lost their
way and entered on territory along the Red River where the Sioux
war parties were in the habit of going. They were seen by the
Sioux, who, supposing them to be Cree half-breeds, fired on them,
killing one or more of the number. These Sioux were under the white
man's law, and when they found that they had killed a white man
they knew that they were liable to arrest for murder. Accordingly
they ''lost themselves" among various bands of Indians. The chiefs
tried to locate them, but could find only one man, whose name was
Fierce Face (Ite'-hiijyari'za). In order to demonstrate the good
faith of the Sioux toward the white men he traveled many miles
without escort of any kind and voluntarily gave himself up to the
authorities. He went from camp to camp down the Minnesota River,
each camp encouraging him and praising him in the following song.
His son, a boy of about 7 years, went with him to the edge of the
iRev. Mr. Eastman's Sioux name is Mabpi'ya-wakag'-kidai)' (Sacred Cloud Worshiper). See his
biography in Handbook of American Indians, pt. 1, pp. 412-413.
516
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
Indian country. After following the Minnesota River to its conflu-
ence with the Mississippi, Fierce Face went down the Mississippi
to Prairie du Chien, where he is said to have died in prison.
More than 70 years have passed since this took phice, but through
a song the Indian who gave himself for the honor of his tribe now re-
ceives the reward which an Indian most desires — that his name and
deed shall be remembered.
No. 238. Song concerning Fierce Face
Sung by Blue Cloud
(Catalogue No. 662)
Voice J— 76
Drum not recorded
ta ko - da - pi koi] o
ta - pi
Ite'-higyai)''za Fierce Face (man s name)
naya'pe cig do you should not run away
nita' ko''dapi koij your friends '
oni' dota'p do have borrowed you
Analysis. — This song is based on the second five-toned scale and
contains the seventh raised a semitone, this being an accidental
which frequently appears in songs of minor tonality. The song
begins with an ascending octave (see song No. 220) and begins and
ends on the same tone (see song No. 82) . In common with many of the
modern Sioux songs, it has a variety of intervals, there being five sorts
of ascending and five of descending progressions. The last count of
the rhythmic unit is not divided in the second as in the other
occurrences, this measure being sung the same in the four renditions
of the song. In one rendition the first note of the song was sung
in the upper octave, avoiding the ascending octave.
See plot of this melody on page 519.
1 Keferring to the white men;
DENSMORi:] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 517
No. 239. Sonj? Coacerniug a Message from Washington (Catalogue No. 646)
Sung )jy Holy-face Bear
Voice J ^-88
])ri M ^^88
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 5
Tuu-ka-si - na - iia-ya-pi he - ya ke - ya - pi a ha t a
Da - ko - ta kiij wa - §i - 6u
:i^i^
^
he - ya ke - ya - pi hi
plE^gEg
tka ta - moij-ka sui e he
Da-ko-ta kiij te-wa - hiij - da
ye - do e
e - pe ca wa-wo wa - ki - ya
Tugka^^inayapi The great grandfather (the President)
heya^ has said
ke''yapi so they report
Dako'ta kiij ' " Dakotas
wasi''cu po l)e citizens, ' '
heya' he said
]ie''yapi so they report
tka Init
tamog^ka sni it will he impossible for me
Dako'ta kiij the Dakota (ways)
tewa^hinda them
ye'do I love
epe' I said
^a therefore
wawo^ waki'ya I have helped (to keep up the old ways)
Analysis. — This song is remarkable in its opening interval, which
was uniformly given in three renditions, the fourth rendition begin-
ning on the last part of the first measure. The song is melodic in
structure, has a range of 10 tones, and lacks the sixth and seventh
tones of the complete octave. This song was said to have been
recently composed.
See plot of this melody on page 519.
4840°— Bull. 61—18 35
518
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
No. 240. Song of the Famine (Catalogue No. 647)
Sung by Holy-face Beaf.
Voice J- 76
Drum J = "6
Drum-iliytlmi similar to No. 6
l» ^« ^ -^ -n- -0- -^ ^.0.^^
-I— —
-^ -^
4 J bJ-
i
Wi-ca - lica-na kiij he
-^— ^
i
^^
4 ^ I
it
wa- na he - iia - ke - ca - pi mi - ye e - ha - ke
^
^— *
=9^^==-
:^^^
s
SE
:#:
wa-oij 6a /<e i-yo - tay e
i - ye wa- ki - ye
wica^Ec^ana kig the old men
wana^ now
hena^kecapi (are) so few that they are not worth counting
miye'' I myself (am)
eha'ke the last
waoij^ living
(ja therefore
iyo'taq iye' a hard time
wa^kiye I am having
Analysis. — ^^This song is characterized by a sixteenth note followed
by a dotted eighth, but this combination is used in so many connec-
tions that the song can scarcely be said to have a rhythmic unit.
The melody progresses chiefly by whole tones, about 77 per cent of
the intervals being major seconds. The song is melodic in structure
and contains the tones of the second five-toned scale.
DEXSMOKK]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
519
PLOTS OF SONGS OF SADNESS
Oiily 13 of the 240 songs under observation contain an ascending
relation between the first two accented tones. On examining these
songs with reference to their titles it was found that those which
begin with a large ascending interval are songs which have an idea,
more or less evident, associated with sadness, disappointment, or
suffering. This type of plot, appearing to be distinct from others
and to be comiected with the content of the song, was accordingly
designated Class E. The plots of songs Nos. 238 and 239 (fig. 43)
resemble each other, both being Sisseton songs, the former associ-
ated with a tragic incident and the latter expressing dissatisfaction.
Similar to these is the plot of song No. 99, concerning the driving of
buffalo against wind which cut their faces hke a lance. (See p. 419.)
No. 238
No. 239
No. 147
No. 148
Fig. 43. Plots, (i roup 8.
Songs Nos. 147 and 148 are songs concerning slain warriors. The
initial ascent is not so large in these, the large ascent occurring later
in the song. Song No. 149 begins with an ascending fifth and is
similar in content to those last mentioned. Song No. 191 is an
exception, as it begins with an ascending sixth and contains no trace
of the ideas mentioned. Other songs having an ascending relation
between the first and second accented tones are as follows: No. 207
(ascent of a fifth), moccasin-game song; No. 200 (ascent of a third),
grass-dance song; No. 35 (ascent of a whole tone). Sun-dance song;
No. 105, Elk-society song; No. 206, moccasin-game song; No. 212,
hiding-stick game song; and No. 219, song of a ghost. The last-
named is distinctly a song of sadness; with one exception the others
have no words, and the origin of these songs is somewhat uncertain.
This final analysis group comprises several small groups of songs.
First are thi'ee incidental songs (Nos. 18, 24, 25) used during the Sun
520
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 61
dance, which can not properly be included m fonner classifications.
Next are songs of the social dances — the grass, shufHing-feet, and
night dances (Nos. 195-203); songs used m ordinary begging,
distmct from requests for food accompanied with smging of praise
songs (Nos. 204, 205); and songs of games (Nos. 206-213) together
Avith songs used in children's play (Nos. 215-217), and songs con-
nected with legends (Nos. 218, 219). In this group are also such
songs in honor of the writer as were sung to modern tmies; these
are Nos. 220, 221, 222, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230. There is a small group
of modern love songs (Nos. 232-234). These are followed by a group
of miscellaneous songs (Nos. 235-240) recorded at Sisseton, S. Dak., a
majority of which were probably Santee rather than Teton Sioux in
orighi. Three songs recorded at Sisseton (Nos. 95-97) are analyzed
with the Teton songs, as they are general in character and may have
been used by l)oth branches of the tribe.
Comparatively Modern Sojigs — (S) Miscellaneous Songs
Melodic Analysis
TONALITY
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Major tonality
Minor tonality
Total....
24, 25, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 205, 20 >,
210, 212, 220, 226, 230
18, 195, 196, 200, 204, 207, 208, 209, 211,
213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 221, 222,
227, 228, 229, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237,
238, 239, 240
FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Beginning on the
Twelfth
Tenth
Ninth
Octave
Fifth
Fourth
Third
KejTiote
Total
202
237
199
25, 195, 197, 200, 209, 210, 219, 222, 227,
228, 229, 232, 2;?3, 235, 236, 240
18, 24, 196, 201, 203, 208, 211, 212, 214, 215,
216, 218, 220, 230
217
198, 204, 205, 206, 213, 226
207, 221, 234, 238, 239
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
, 521
den.smore]
Comi)arativeIy Modern Songs — (.1) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Ending on the
Fifth
Third
Keynote. .
Total....
IS, 196, 199, 201, 202, 203, 20G, 210, 212,
214, 220, 230
24, 25, 198, 213, 226, 234
195, 197, 200, 204, 205, 207, 208, 209, 211,
215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 221,222,227, 228,
229, 232, 233, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239,
240
LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs in which final tone is—
Lowest tone in song
Immediately preceded by-
Minor third below
Whole tone below
Songs containing a fourth below the final tone
Songs containing a major third below the final tone
Songs containing a minor third below the final tone
Total
18,24, 25, 195, 196, 197, 199, 200, 203, 204,
205, 206, 209, 212, 215, 217, 219, 220, 221 ,
222,226,227,228,229, 230,232,233,234,
235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240
2
202, 213
4
208, 210, 211,
214
3
207, 216, 218
1
198
1
201
NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Compass of—
Seventeen tones.
Fourteen tones. .
Thirteen tones. .
Eleven tones
Ten tones
Nine tones
Ki.i,'ht tones
Seven tones
Six tones
Five tones
Four tones
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
2
195, 202
1
25
1
1
198
201
7
24, 200, 205, 232, 234, 237, 239
8
196, 198, 203, 206, 212, 214, 219, 222
19
18, 197, 207, 209, 213, 216, 218, 220,
221
226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 233, 235, 236
238,
240
1
210
2
208, 211
1
215
2
204,217
! 45
522 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei
Comimratively Modern Songs — (S) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
TONE MATERIAL
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Second i.ve-toned scale
rourth five-toned scale
Major triad and sixth
Major triad and second
Minor triad and faiirth
Octave complete
Octave complete except seventh
Octave complete except seventh and sixth
Octave complete except seventh, fifth, and second
Octave complete except seventh and second
Octave complete except sixth
Octave complete except fourth
Octave complete except fourth and second
Octave complete except second
Minor third and fourth
Total -i
18, 195, £08, 211, 213, 218, 229, 233, 236,
238, 240
24, 25, 197, 199, 201, 205, 212, 230
210, 226
202
200, 207, 209, 214, 215, 217, 235
206, 228, 237
219
216, 222,232,234,239
198
227
220
203
196
221
204
ACCIDENTALS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing —
No accidental
Seventh raised a semitone
Sixth raised a semitone
Fourth raised a semitone
Third and sixth raised a semitone
Seventh lowered a semitone
Total
18, 24, 25, 195, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202,
204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209 210, 211, 212,
213, 214, 215, 216, 218, 220, 221, 222, 226,
228, 229, 230, 232, 234, 236,237,239,240
233,238
196,219
217,235
227
203
STRUCTURE
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Melodic
Melodic with harmonic framework
Harmonic
Total
32
18, 24, 25, 195, 199, 201, 203, 204, 205, 20o,
208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 215, 216, 217, 218,
219, 220, 221, 226, 227, 229, 230, 235, 236,
237,238,239,240
200,222,232,234
196, 197, 198, 202, 207, 211, 214, 228, 233
DENSMORK]
TETOX SIOUX MUSIC
523
Comparatively Modern Songs — (J) Miscellaneous Sor^gs — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Do-.\Tiward.
V'pward .
18, 24, 197, 202, 208, 209 210, 211, 214, 215,
216, 217, 218, 226, 227, 229, 230, 233, 235,
236,237,240
25, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200, 201, 203, 204,
205, 206, 207, 212, 213, 219, 220, 221, 222,
228,232,234,238,239
Total.
TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
795
464
1 pward
Total
1,259
INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Interval of a —
Fifth
Fourth
Major third. .
Minor third..
Major second.
Minor second .
Total
Interval of a—
Tenth
Ninth. ;
Octave
Major sixth. .
Minor sixth. .
Fifth
Fourth
Major third. .
Minor third. .
Major second.
Minor second .
Total
4
80
43
273
376
19
INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
1
14
2
4
18
82
38
130
160
13
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Total number of intervals
Total numl)^ of semitones
Average number of semitone.s in an interval.
1,259
3,865
3.07
524
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOOY
[lU-r.L. 61
Comparatively Modern Songs — (3) Miscella/neovs Songs — Continued
Melodic Analysis — Continued
KEY
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Key of —
A minor
B flat major...
B major
B minor
C minor
D flat major. .
C sharp minor .
D major
D minor
E flat major.. .
E flat minor . .
E minor
F minor
G flat major.. .
F sharp minor
G major
G minor
A flat major.. .
G sharp minor
Total
208,214,218,222
202
201,203,212
18,196,215,237
200,207,216
205
219,233
206, 220, 230
217
210,226
227
204,232,239
195, 240
25
238
198, 199
197, 209, 21 1 , 221, 228, 229, 235, 236
24
213,234
Rhythmic Analysis
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
16
29
18,24,195,202,203,205,209,211,212,213,
Beginning on accented part of measure ,
217, 220, 221, 228, 232, 2.33
25, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 204, 206,
207, 208, 210, 214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 222,
226, 227, 229, 230, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238,
239, 240
Total
45
RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE
First measure in
2-4 time
3-4 time
Total
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
23
25, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 204, 206, 208,
209, 214, 215, 217, 218, 220, 226, 229, 233,
234,236,237,240
18,24,195,196,199,203,205,207,210,211,
212, 213, 216, 219, 221, 222, 227, 228, 230,
232,235,238,239
DEN.SMOIti;]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
525
Comparatively Modern Sorigs — -(-5) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis— Continued
CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE LENGTHS
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Pon::s containiug no chan,<;e of time
Sony's containing a change of time. .
Total
208,209,213,214,215
18, 24, 25, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201,
202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 211,212,
216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 226, 227,
228, 229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237,
238, 239, 240
RHYTHM OF DRUM
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
6
195. 196. 200 207 208 909
9 ''03 205 20fi 210 220 951 9M Mfl 540
4
6
20
198,212,213,235
Each beat preceded by an imaccented beat correspond-
ing to third count of a triplet
201,211,214,229,236 239
Drum not recorded
18 24 25 197 199 202 204 215 216 217
218, 219, 226, 227, 228, 232, 233 234, 237,
238
Total
45
RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Songs containing—
No rhythmic imit
12
28
5
24, 196, 198, 201 208 214 215 218 227
228,239,240
18, 25, 195, 197, 199, 200 203, 204 205
One rhythmic unif
206,207,209,210,211,212,213,216,217,
219, 220, 222, 226, 229, 234, 235, 236, 237,
238
202,221,230,232,233
Total
45
526 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burx. ei
Comparatively Modern Songs — (3) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)
Number
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome
56
58
60....;.
63
66
72
76
80
88
92
96
100
108
112
116
120
144
160
Total
221
25,228
222, 227
18,202,234
24,200,217,226,230,233
195,220,236,238
201,207,209,215,216,240
229
232, 239
206
204,210,235
197,203,212
211,213,21s, 219, 237
199
196
205
198, 208
214
45
I
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)
Serial Nos. of songs.
Metronome—
56
60
66
72
• 76
80
88
96
100
108
116...-
144
Drum not recorded
Total
221
222
220, 230
195,220,236
201,240
214,229
239
210,235
203,205,212
206,207,209.211,213
196, 198
208
18, 24, 25, 197, 199, 202, 204, 215, 216, 217,
218, 219, 226, 227, 228, 232, 233, 234, 237,
238
Jl
DEx.SMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 527
Comparatively Modern Songs— (3) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued
Rhythmic Akalysis — Continued
COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM
Number j
of songs.
Serial Nos. of songs.
] >nim and voice having same metric unil
r)rum faster than voice
1 )rnm slower than voice
Drum not recorded
Total
20
195, 196, 200, 201, 2a3, 205, 208, 210, 211,
212. 213. 220. 221. 222. 229. 230. 235. 236,
239,240
206, 207, 209
198, 214
18,24,25,197, 199, 202, 204, 215, 216, 217,
218. 219. 226. 227. 228. 232. 233. 234. 237,
238.
•
528
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
RHYTHMIC UNITS
Old Songs ^
1. ceremonial songs
No. 1
[BOLr.. 61
^^^
1^
:p=^
a=e=^
No. 12
JfL .^.
ffi
No. 13
@L|fe
.#- .^- -^-
S3:
-(2-
No. 14
0)
-I— — ^ — I-
3t=»IZ*=t
(2)
^
^
1
No. 15
(1)
(2)
M
;^-
t?-r-i FT":
No. 17
^if^
:)
=^&^
^^^F
:t:
No. 19
^ -•-
^§^if^^
31
This group comprises songs a majority of which are believed to be 50 to 100 years old.
^^
densmore]
^§is2
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 20
-^ I ^►— I r^ 1 — Ci~^ — • —
M:
529
No. 21
:9S5S
>■ -^ i -£-• ^^-
%:
E
No. 86
Se
2. SONGS OF PERSONAL DREAMS
No. 37
Ig^
1 h-
a
No. 39
(2)
'm^^
'mk
^..^ •lA
-H — --
No. 40
MM
p^
*L^J^t-o^-0^
No. 41
- * -0- -0- -^ r- ^
No. 42
F^i^ ^
530
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
No. 43
[BOLL. 61
^^»=F
No. 44
No. 47
m&
ttsfeg
r f
P
-^ f»
-^ •^
=» ^
No. 50
No. 51
P^^
±.fiiL\^. > 7TT
=P=-
No. 62
^- -•-
^^FS^^Bi
ta:
No. 54
0)
E5a
' ^ -^
fe-r-f^^-g
(2)
r
^^
No. 56
• -*
^
^' ^^
densmore]
(1)
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 57
531
L#- -•-
^.jL^^m
=9^^
^^4
(3)
■i9-^
(2)
^
V
f-
F^--
-^
(4)
=^i
4 -^ — '
1
H i O-^
No. 58
5:
3. SONGS CONCERNING THE SACRED STONES
No. 59
(0
^^m
-jtjt
-d—^ S !— ^-
•-;-•—= — »
S—j-^
-*^^^
(2)
5?^^
:M:
S'4 4
S
4—4-^'^-it
it'it-*- Z$
No. 60
-^^-<74
No. 61
^ga^-
, ^ ^ ^j
-_#-^! ^—42-
No. 64
^- -0- -»- -m-
^:
532
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
No. 67
[BULL. 61
1 -#- '
Y^-H-^- ^-4 =M--4-^— =1
No. 68
"^
;£=£
8=±
-f-' -0- -#- -^-
No. 73
-#- -#-
E^^^5*
-j— -i— -^- -^ -^» -*--^- -#- -•- -•- m » . m
iSH;!*
a-s^— r—
No. 74
•- ••-• -•--•- -•- -I&-.
ls^3^ES
it
p g — •— •
No. 75
i
&
i
No. 76
•- ^- ^- -•-
m^^LAiij^
p p
-^-r-
-• • '5'-
No. 77
^i3g
5P^-=E:
^ .^
<T1 ^ n P
5^
^ ^
4. SONGS USED IN TREATMENT OF THE SICK
No. 79
p|tia:
>. ^- ^ -»^ ^ -#^- f
eS
i^:
^i •-
^
No. 80
IT-X^MORE]
TETON SIOUX MUSIC
No. 81
533
0^5?
-^ — ^ — ^-
12:^4=^=^
f=f:
,
No. 82
.R ^^--^-^
-8
— ^
No. 83
@^^
No. 84
SS
-/t -^
J:f:-
^^==^
E
No. 85
-ft — * — ft — «_
^a^e
-F=F
No. 87
(1), No. 88
^^.
rr',f ^j^-^-^-M^r^-y
e^lM:
^i=^
^
^
No. 89
^. .*. .^. ^.
2^
-#— ^
4840°— Bull. 61—18 36
534
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
No. 90
[BULL. 61
No. 91
0)
(2)
> ■ ^ ^^
^ •-
.3:
-^ !i-
No. 92
jt, j^. ^. jzr^^-. ^. M.
No. 93
m^^^m^
f: ^ f: :•: ^ ... .. ,
No. 94
EH^sS
.*- ^. JJ. HiS..
e -'5'
4;
P=F=FF=[F§1
^ ^ r^
:t=t:
5. SONGS OF DREAM SOCIETIES
No. 97
^» . r ^.
• — ^_
-^ V
No. 98
-^- -^ -#-• -^ -P-- -•- -•-
§S^S3
it^^:
4::--p:4^-t^
• -#. -^ A
No. 100
0)
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j£j^- f^ ^ ^:l-,-
(2)
:^^^^^^
DENSMORE]
TETOX SIOUX MUSIC
No. 101
535
FiFgEt
:iz=i:
No. 102
!^:
=S==^:
-#-f— *-
No. 103
- >f %^ — i 1 1 ' '
-^>^U-^— *^^-n-^.-^ —
No. 104
No. 105
^»— r-^
g^^Sp
-# — ^»--P=:-t
No. 106
9^
ti --fn :r ip It f-; ^ -*- -<9-
j-^i — I — r~i — L;;^=FP
No. 107
CD
')viT|TtrTnT.r^
(2)
to: 2^* ^ — ^
536
(1)
gg
-I— +- i H- -I — •
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
No. Ill
1 (2)
[BULL. 61
1 1
No. 112
^^&
h2±:
No. 113
0)
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¥=f'=^
21
a
6. WAR SONGS (sec. 1).
No. 128
No. 129
(1)
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Barrett, S. A. The dream dance of the Chippewa and Menomini Indians of
northern Wisconsin. Bull. Pub. Mus. Miluauhfe, vol. i, 1911.
Beckwith, Paul. Notes on customs of the Dakotahs. Smilhson. Rep. for 1886,
pt. 1, 1889.
Boas, Franz, and Swanton, John R. Siouan Dakota (Teton and Santee dialects)
with remarks on the Ponca and Winnebago. In Handbook of American Indian
Languages (BuJl. 40, Bur. Amer. Ethn.), pt. 1, 1911.
Catlix, George. The manners, customs, and condition of the North American
Indians. London, 1841.
Chittenden, Hiram M., and Richardson, Alfred T. Life, letters, and travels of
Father Pierre-Jean de Smet, S. J., 1801-1873. Vols. i-iv. New York, 1905.
Clark, W. P. The Indian sign language. Philadelphia, 1885.
Clark, Wm. See Lewis.
CouES, Elliott, ed. History of the expedition under the command of Lewis and
Clark to the sources of the Missouri river, and to the Pacific ocean, in 1804-5-6.
A new edition. Vols. i-iv. New York, 1893.
Croghan, George. Journal of Col. George Croghan. Reprinted from Featherston-
haugh, Amer. Mo. Journ. Geol., Dec, 1831.
CuLiN, Stewart. Games of the North American Indians. Tuenty-fpurih Rep. Bur.
Amer. Ethn., 1907.
Densmore, Frances. Chippewa music. Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1910.
Chippewa music — II. Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1913.
Documents accompanying the President's message to Congress, at the commence-
ment of the first session of the Nineteenth congress, 1825.
Dorset, George A. The Arapaho Sun dance. Pub. Field Col. Mus., Anthr. ser.,
vol. IV, 1903.
The Cheyenne. Pts. 1-2. Ibid., vol. ix, no. 2, 1905.
Dorsev, James Owen. Omaha sociology. Third Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1884.
— A study of Siouan cults. Eleventh Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1894.
Siouan sociology. Fifteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1897.
Fletcher, Alice C. The Sun dance of the Ogallala Sioux. Proc. Amer. Assoc.
Adv. Sci., 1882 (1883).
— The Elk mystery or festival. Ogallala Sioux. Peabody Mus. Reps., vol.
III. nos. 3 and 4, 1884.
The religious ceremony of the Four Winds or Quarters, as observed by the
Santee Sioux. Ibid.
-^ The WTiite Buffalo festival of the L"ncpai)as. Ibid.
■ The " Wawan " or Pipe dance of the Omahas. Ibid.
The Shadow or ghost lodge: a ceremony of the Ogallala Sioux. Ibid.
— The emblematic use of the tree in the Dakotan group. Proc. Amer. Assoc.
Adv. Sci., 1S96 (1897).
The Hako; a Pawnee ceremony. Twenty-second Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn.. pt.
2, 1904.
■ and La Flesche, Francis. The Omaha tribe. Twenty-seventh Rep. Bur.
Amer. Ethn., 1911.
Freire-Marreco, Barbara. See Robbins.
551
552 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Grinnell, George Bird. Blackfoot lodge tales. New York, 1892.
Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn.,
pts. 1-2, 1907-1910.
Harrington, John Peabody. See Robbins.
Hayden, F. Y. Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes
of the Missouri valley. Philadelphia, 1862.
Helmholtz, H. L. F. The sensations of tone as a physiological ba.sis for the theory
of music. Translated by A. J. Ellis. 2d ed., London, 1885.
Hennepin, Louis. A new discovery of a vast country in America. Reprinted
from the second London issue of 1698. Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed. Yols. i-ii.
Chicago, 1903.
Hoffman, Walter J. The MidcAviwin or "Grand Medicine society" of the Ojibwa.
Seventh Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1891.
The Menomini Indians. Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1896.
HovEY, H. C. Eyay Shah: a sacrificial stone near St. Paul. Amer. Antiquarian,
vol. IX, no. 1, Chicago, 1887.
Indian Laws and Treaties. Yol. i (Laws), Vol. ii (Treaties). Compiled and
edited by Charles J. Kappler. Washington, 1903.
James, Edwin. Account of an expedition from Pittsburg to the Rocky mountains,
under the command of Major Long. Yols. i-ii. Philadelphia, 1823.
Kappler, Charles J. See Indian Laws and Treaties.
Keating, William II. Narrative of an expedition to the source of St. Peter's river,
under the command of Maj. Stephen H. Long. Yols. i-ii. Philadelphia, 1824.
La Flesche, Francis. See Fletcher.
Lewis, Meriwether, and Clark, Wm. Original journals of the Lewis and Clark
expedition, 1804-1806. Edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites. Vols, i-viii. New
York, 1904-1905.
See CouES.
LowiE, Robert H. Dance associations of the Eastern Dakota. Amer. Mus. Nat.
Hist., Anthr. Papers, vol. xi, pt. 2, 1913.
— Societies of the Crow, Ilidatsa, and Mandan Indians. Ibid., pt. 3.
— • The Sun dance of the Crow Indians. Ibid., vol. xvi, pt. 1, 1915.
Lynd, James W. Religion of the Dakotas. [Chap, vi of Lynd's Ms. "History of
the Dakotas. "] Minn. Hist. Soc. Colls, for 1864 [vol. ii, pt. 2], 1865.
McGee, W J The Siouan Indians. Fifteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1897.
McLaughlin, James. My friend the Indian. Boston and New York, 1910.
Matthews, Washington. Ethnography and philology of the Hidatsa Indians.
U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Misc. Pul)., no. 7, 1877.
Maximilian, Alex. P. Reise in das Innere Nord-America in den Jahren 1832 Ids
1834. B. i-ii. Coblenz, 1839-1841.
Travels in the interior of North America. Trans, from the German l)y
H. Evans Lloyd. London, 1893.
Meyer, Max. Experimental studies in the psychology of music. Amer. Journ.
Psychology, vol. xiv, July-Oct., 1903.
Mooney, James. Siouan tribes of the East. Bull. 22, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1894.
The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890. Fourteenth Rep.
Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, 1896.
■ Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians. Seventeenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn.,
pt. 1, 1898.
The Cheyenne Indians. Mem. Amer. Anthr. Assoc, vol. i, 1905-1907.
Neill, E. D. Dakota land and Dakota life. Minn. Hist. Colls., vol. i. Reprint,
1872.
Pond, G. H. Dakota superstitions. Ibid, for 1867 [vol. ii, pt. 3] (1867).
Richardson, Alfred T. See Chittenden.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 553
RiGGs, Stephen R. Tah''-koo Wah-kaii ; or, the gospel among the Dakotas. Boston
[1869].
The theogony of the Sioux. Amer. Antiquarian, vol. ii, no. 4, 1880.
A Dakota-English dictionary. Edited by James Owen Dorsey. Contr.
N. Amer. Ethn., vol. vii, 1890.
Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography. Edited l)y James Owen Dorsey.
Ibid., vol. IX, 1893.
Robinson, DeLorme. Editorial notes on historical sketch of North and South
Dakota. South DaJcota Hist. Colls., vol. i, 1902.
RoBBiNs, Wilfred William, Harrington. John Peabody, and Freire-Marreco,
Barbara. Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians. Bull. 55, Bur. Amer. Ethn.. 1916.
Scott, Hugh Lenox. Notes on the Kado, or Sun dance of the Kiowa. Amer.
Anthropologist, vol. xiii, no. 3, 1911.
Seashore, C. E. The measurement of pitch discrimination: a preliminary
report. Psychological Monographs, vol. xiii, no. 1, 1910.
Skinner, Alanson. Social life and ceremonial Ijundles of the Menomini Indians.
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthr. Papers, vol. xiii, pt. 1, 1913.
War customs of the Menomini Indians. Atner. Anthropologist, vol. xiii,
no. 2, 1911.
Stevenson, Matilda C'oxe. Ethnol)Otany of the Ziifd Indians. Thirtieth Rep. Bur.
Amer. Ethn., 1915.
Swanton, John R. Indian tribes of the lower Mississippi valley and adjacent
coast of the Gulf of Mexico. Bull, -f?, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1911.
See Boas.
Warren, William W. History of the Oji})ways. Minn. Hist. Soc. Colls., vol. v,
1885.
Wilson, R. N. The sacrificial rite of the Blackfoot. Proc. and Trans. Roy. Soc. Can.,
1909, 3d ser., vol. ni, sec. ii, 1910.
WissLER, Clark. Societies and ceremonial associations in the Oglala division of
the Teton-Dakota. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthr. Papers, vol. xi, pt. 1, 1912.
Societies and dance associations of the Blackfoot Indians. Ibid., pt. 4,
1913.
United States Office op Indian Affairs. (Department of ihe Interior.) Reports
of the Commissioners. For the years 1874, 1875, 1882, 1886.
INDEX
[For a list of the songs contained in this volume, see pages xin-xxv, and of the authorities cited,
pages 551-553.]
Accidentals — Page
diagram illustrating 45
tabular analysis 15, 30-31
Age of a song, how determined 11
Akicita —
duties of 320
meaning of word 313
remarks concerning, by Rev. J. Owen
Dorsey 314
remarks concerning, by Hennepin.. 313-314
remarks concem'ng, by Lewis and Clark. 314
remarks concerning, by (lark Wissler... 31-t
ALO'WAgPI—
also called "Huijka"..^. 69
definition of word 69
Alo'waijpi ceremony—
in\itation to perform 71
liberal rewards to performers 76
preparation for .- 71
significance of colors 77
songs 73, 75
statement by Looking Elk 70
statement by Robert P. Higheagle 70
tribes used by 68
use of corn in 72
Analysis—
descriptive and diagrammatic, of Sioux
and Clilppewa songs 40-62
Maimer of study suggested 8-9
melodic 26-34
method of 6
rhythmic 35-39
tabulated, of 600 Chippewa and Sioux
songs 26-39
tabulated, of 240 Sioux songs 12-21
Arrows—
feathers used 439
for buffalo, method of making 438
length required for buffalo 43S
Augmented second, interval of, occurs in
songs Nos. 63, 106, 225.
Badger society. See Society.
Barrett, S. A., cited as an authority 470
Bear, songs concerning 196, 197
Bear Eagle, songs by 236, 237, 351, 352
Bear Face, statement by 78
Bear Necklace—
composer of songs 220
narrative concerning sacred stones 217-218
Bear Soldier, song by 316
Bear-with-White-Paw—
drum used in practice of medicine 267
necklace worn when attending sick 267
song by 268
suppUcation to bear when treating sick . . 268
Beckwith, Paul, cited as an authority 470
Begging dance. See Dance. Page
Blue Cloud, songs by 288, 511, 516
Bows and arrows for buffalo 437^39
Brave Buffalo—
dream of sacre d stone 207-208
narrative of buffalo dream 173-174, 175
narrative of elk dream 176-177
songs by . . . 174, 176, 180, 209, 249, 250, 299, 300, 301
speech concerning horse 298
statement concerning animal dreams.. 172-173
statement concerning sacred stones 208
treatment of sick by 248-249
Buffalo—
clamshell used for skinning 399
dreams concerning 17.3-176
uses made of parts of 436
white, description, uses 446
BuFF.u,o Boy—
informant concerning Sun dance 91
Sun-dance vow 91
Buffalo hunt—
cutting up of buffalo 443-444
description by Siya'ka 439-440
description by Swift Dog 441-442
description of bows and arrows for 437-439
last held in 1882 436
part of medicine-men in 437
prohibited at certain times 437
Buffalo hunt songs. See Songs.
Buffalo society. See Society.
Buffalo tribe, mentioned 65
Bushotter, George, mention of grass dance 469
Catlin, George—
cited 285
concerning buffalo hunting 436
Ceremony —
Alo'wagpi 68-77
Heyo'ka Ka'ga 157
Spirit-keeping 77-84
Sun dance 84-151
White Buffalo Calf pipe 67
See also Alo'wagpi ceremony: Spirit-keep-
ing ceremony; White Buffalo Calf pipe
ceremony.
Charging Beak. See Grass.
Charging Thunder—
dream of thunderbirds 170
informant concerning Sun dance 90
narrative of wolf dream 181, 183
songs by 67,
182, i83, 184, 194-195, 219, 220, 221, 222, 328
statement concerning Miwa'tani society . . 327
Sun-dance vow 90
Chased-by-Bears—
informant concerning Sun dance 88
narrative of Sun dance 95-97
recoveryaf ter return of sacred stone . . . 212-213
555
556
INDEX
Chased-by-Bears— Continued Page
song by 212
Sun-dance vow 132
visit to site of last Sun dance 97
Chief songs. See Songs.
Children's songs. See Songs.
Chippewa songs, change of time 76
Clark, W. P., cited 311
Compass of songs—
comprising 17 tones Nos. 5.5, 195, 202
diagram illustrating 44
small compass.. Nos. 92, 103, 204, 215, 217
tabulated analysis 13-14, 28
Council songs. See Songs.
Croghan, Col. George, cited as an author-
ity.. 2-3
Crook, Maj. George, member boundary
commission 4
Crooked Foot —
demonstration of power of sacred stone. 229-230
song by 230
Crow-owners society. See Societies.
CuLiN, Stewart, description of moccasin
game 4S5
Dakota—
definition of 1
former home of 2
variations of name 2
Dance—
begging, description 4S1-4S2
begging, held before Sun dance 103
costumes worn 4(iS
grass, description 468-477
night, description 479
shuffling-feet 477-479
De Smet, Pierre-Jean—
cited as an authority 214
description of grass dance 409
Dog Eagle, songs by .349,361,510
Dog Feast of Strong Heart society 322
DoRSEY, George A.—
cited as an authority 312,316
DoRSEY, James Owen—
cited as an authority 2, 77, 256, 314, 320, 469
concerning night dance 479
reference to 181, 206
Drawings accompanying songs 387-412
Dream societies— .
songs of 54
see also Societies.
Dream songs—
considered best 59
see aJso Songs.
Dreams—
announcement to tribe 157
concerning animals 172
concerning wolf 179
thunderbird 157-172
Drum, rhythm of—
diagram illustrating 49
examples of 105, 107, 109, 115, 128, 220
tabular analysis 19, 36
Eagle, Mrs. Holding, songs recorded by. . 60
Eagle Man —
sacred stone song by 232-233, 234
explanation of Crovv-o\vners society 319-320
explanation of drawings by 393,
394,396,397,400,401
Eagle Man— Continued Page
narrative of dream of badger 266
personal narrative 379-381
preparation of scalps 360
songs by 255, 256, 258, 259, 2C0, 202,
263, 264, 265, 322, 394, 395, 396, 398, 400, 402
specialist in treatment of broken bones. . 261
treatment of wounded 254
Earth Medicine Woman, song by 364
Eastman, Rev. John, narrative of song 515
Elk, dreams concerning 176-179
Elk Head, possessor of White Buffalo Calf
pipe 66
Elk Society. See Society.
Falsetto Tone mark of proficiency 61
Fierce Face, surrender to authorities 515
First note of song, relative to keynote-
diagram ilhistrating 42
tabular analysis 12,26
Five-toned scales—
According to Helmholtz 7
Comparison between occurrence in old
and modern songs 12
data in tabulated analysis 28
songs on first five-toned scale No. 131
Fletc.ier, Alice C—
Alo'waqpi ceremony studied by 68
cited as an authority. 63,68, 77, 122, 2S4, 312, 315
reference to 63
statement concerning Crow-owners so-
ciety 348
statement concerning sftcieties 284
symbolism of sacred stone 206
Fletcher and La Flesche—
cited 318, 326
description of grass dance 468
Fort Yates established 1873 4
Foster, Ex-Gov. Charles, chairman boimd-
ary corr mission 4
Fox SOCIETY. See Society.
Frosted, Thomas, attendant at Sun dance
council 92
Games—
hiding a stick, description 489-490
moccasin, description 485
Ghost Hill, legend of 496
Goose—
demonstrations of power of sacred
stones 210
dream authorizing him to treat sick 251-252
informant concerning Sun dance 90
participant in Sun dance 90
scout, U. S. Army 90
specialist in treatment of consumption. . . 251
Grass (John)—
informant concerning Sun dance 89
judge, Court of Indian Offenses 89
Grass dance. Sec Dance.
Grass-dance songs, plots 483-484
Gray Hawk, songs by 289, 290, 291,
292, 323 , 324 , 325, 326, 339, 442, 486, 487, 488, 509
Gray Whirlwind, songs by 226, 227
Grinnell, George Bird, cited as an au-
thority 312
Haka'la, songs by 503, 504
Harmonic structure defined 19
INDEX
557
Hawley, E. H.— Page
description of grass-dance whistle 471
description of Sun-dance whistle 125
statement by 388
Hayden, F. v., cited 284
Helmholtz, H. L. F., cited as an author-
ity 5, 7, 40, 41, 42
IIenkel, Alice, acknowledgment of assist-
ance by 271
Hexnepin, Father Louis, cited as an au-
thority :il4
Herbs. See Medicine.
Hewitt, J. N. B.—
cited as an authority 70, 71
definition of "Sioux" 1
Heyo'ka, uses of the word 158-159
Hiding a stick. Sec Games.
HiGHEAGLE, ROBERT P.—
attendant at Sun-dance council 92
interpreter 1, 63, 172
statement by 70-71, 72-73
statement concerning Alo'waqpi cere-
mony 70
study of Alo'waqpi ceremony 69
HoFFMAX, Walter James—
cited as an authority 470
reference to '. 167
Holmes, W. H., cited as an authority 122
HoLY'-FACE Bear, songs by 513,514,517,518
Hoop, considered sacred 295
Horse society'. See Society.
HovEY, H. C, cited
Hrdlicka, Dr. Ale§, aclcnowledgment to...
HuNKA. See Alo'waripi.
Interpretation dependent on personality..
Interval of a fourth—
prominent in Songs Nos. 7,
10,46,58,72,81,83,95, 129, 169, 186, 194.
Intervals, small—
apparent difficulty in singing 182
large proportion in Songs Nos. 90,
94,104,117.158,170.
consideration of 6
Intervals in downward and upward pro-
gression—
diagram illustrating 46
tabular analysis 16-17, 32-33
Intonation, comparison of good and poor
singers 60
Jaw—
explanation of drawings by 387-389, 392, 393
herbs used as medicine by 389
killing of white buffalo, bear, and elk. . 446-447
songs by 390, 391, 392
Keating, Wm. H., cited as an authority 3
Key—
comparison with "interval formation".. 40-41
definition of 12,26
tabular analysis 17-18, 34
use of term explained 9
Kn.LS-.\T-NiGHT, songs by 61,
408, 473, 474, 475, 476, 478, 479, 480, 490
Last note of song —
diagram illustrating 43
relative to compass of song 16, 27-28
relative to keynote 13, 27
206
40
62
Lawrence, Mrs. Hattie — Page
interpreter 412
songs by 365, 366
Lewis and Clark —
description of "race course" 319
Journal of, cited as an authority. 3, 195,312,314
Little Buffalo, painter of warricrs 350
Little Conjuror, songs by 286, 287
Lone M.m^ —
dream of thunderbird 159-160
in Custer massacre 91
informant concerning Sun dan.e 91
narrative concerning sacred stcne. . 214, 216, 217
narrative of White Buffalo (^alf pipe by. . 63
participant in Sun dance 91
prayer by 2I6
songs by 160, 162, 163, 165, 168, 169, 215, 216
statement concerning Sundance 92
statement concerning thunderbirds 161
163, 164, 167
Looking Elk, statement concerning Alo'-
waqpi ceremony 70
Love songs. See Songs.
LowiE, Robert H.—
cited as an authority 285,315,318,320,325
concerning night dance 479
concerning shullling-f eet dance 4 77
mention of grass dance 469
reference to 107
statement concerning Buffalo society 285
McGillicuddy, V. T., statement concerning
Sun dance gg
McKenjv-ey", Thomas L., cited as an author-
i<^y 3
McLaughlin, Maj. James—
acknowledgment to 3
cited as an authority 436
McLaughlin, Mrs. James—
description of treatment of sick by use of
sacred stones 246-247
interpreter 274, 379, 441
purchase of "spirit wrap" 79
Maiden's Leap, legend of 494
Major and minor tonality .^ 40
Many Wounds, songs by 342 448
Maximilian, Prince of Wied, cited 315,318
Measure, part of, on which song begins—
diagram i llustrating 43
tabular analysis 18,35
Measure-division, 5-8, songs Nos. 64, 68, 125,
169.
Measure lengths, uniformity throughout
song —
diagramillustrating 49
tabular analysis 18, 36
Medicine, herbs used as 269-271
Medicine bag, remarks concerning 252-254
Melodic structure with harmonic frame-
work defined 19
Melodies, " plotting" of 51
Melody—
lack of unity in, in "made-up" songs... 59
typical outline 43
Memory for songs extensive 61
558
INDEX
Page
Metric unit—
determination 50
of voice and drum compared 10
of voice and drum, differences 50
Metric unit, tabular analysis-
comparison of voice and drum 21, 39
diagram illustrating 51
graphic representation 110
of drum 20, 21. 38, 39
of voice 20. 37-38
Meter, Prof. Max, statement by 6
Military societies. See Societies.
Minor intervals, prominence in songs of
major tonality 1'5
Minor third —
approximately the average interval 47
frequency of occurrence 46
large proportion in Songs Nos. 1.
8,24,27,66. 118, 130, 154. 177, 182, 190
Minor triad with minor seventh added —
Songs Nos. 49, 126
Miwa'tani society. See Societies.
Moccasin game. See Games.
Mooney, James, cited as an authority 127,
311,312,316
Music as cultivated art among Chippewa
and Sioux 58-62
Musical customs of Sioux and Chippewa
compared 9-10
Musical notation, use in transcribing songs. 5
Night dance. See Dance.
No Heart —
informant concerning Sun dance 91
participant in Sun dance 91
Odjib'we, more than 80 songs recorded by . . . 61
Old Buffalo—
explanation of drawings by 4 12, 4 16
narrative of vigil and prayer for sick 274
narrative of war 4 12-416
songs by 191, 413, 414, 417
One Butfalo —
songs by 272, 273. .336
One Feather —
narrative 381
songs by 297, 343, 382,383, 3S4, 385,386
Overtones defined by Helniholtz 41
0^^'X, considered sacred 181
Paint, securing and preparing 116
Painting of warriors and their horses. . 353
Palmer, Edmond, cited 452
Pentatontc scales. See Five-toned scales.
Picture-calendar, reference to 69
Pitch discrimination test described 56-58
Phonograph, use in recording songs 5
"Plotting" of melodie.s— «
described 51-52
group 1 53
group 2 204
group 3 244
group 4 283
group 5 419
group 6 461
group 7 484
grouD 8 519
of song No. "^IS 496
Page
Pond, G. H., symbolism of sacred stone. . . 205-206
Progressions, downward and upward—
diagram illustrating 46
tabular analysis 16. 32
Rattle used in treating sick 252
Red Bird —
comment on Sun-dance vow 134
discussion of Sun dance 94
explanation of Sun-dance song 139
informant concerning Sun dance 89
song by 99
statement concerning Sun dance 86, 102
vision in Son dance 149
Red Fish—
informant concerning Sun dance 91
participant in Sun dance 91
song by ir,'
Red Fox-
informant concerning Sun dance 90
personal narrative 375
song by 378
Sun-dance vow 90-91
Red Weasel—
informant concerning Sim dance 88
opinion on description of Sun dance 94
prayer by . .■ 95
Renville, Gabriel, information concern-
ing 4.53-454
Ren^'ille, Moses, songs by 454,455
Rest occurs in few songs 249
Rhythm-
comparison of old and young singers 59
drum 49
importance emphasized 9
of first measure, diagram illustrating 48
of first measure, tabular analysis 18, 35
vocal 48
See alio Drum rhythm.
Rhythmic unit —
defined 19
diagram illustrating 50
rhythmic units classified 527-.549
tabular analysis 19, 37
RiGGS, Stephen R.—
cited as an authority 1,180,206
definition of word ho ISO
former home of Dakotas 2
reference to .' 158, 193, 20i;
statement concerning thunderbird 159
variations of name "Dakota" 2
Robin.son, De Lorme W., information con-
cerning Gabriel RenvOle 453
Sacred language 120
Sacred stones—
demonstration of power of, in treatment
of sick 246-247
information acquired by use of 205
possession of 206-207, 208, 210, 211
songs, plots of : 244
statement by Brave Buffalo 208
symbolism 205
Sage, use in Sun dance 99
Santee dialect, songs recorded in 1
Santee Sioux songs, Nos. 95,96, 97, 189,190,
23&-240.
INDEX
559
Page
Scalp dance, songs 363
Scalps, preparation of, for victory dance 360
Seashore, Trof. C. E. —
acknowledgment to 56
assistance and suggestions 56
Seizes-the-Gun-away-from-Them —
informant concerning Siin dance 91
Sun-dance vow 91
Semitones, average number in an interval —
diagram illustrating 47
tabular analysis 17, 34
Shell necklace —
demonstration of sacred stone by 230
sacred stone songs by 23C-237
Shooter —
songs by 228, 229, 293, 296, 317, 374, 507, 508
statement concerning animals 172-173
statement concerning elk 176
statement concerning thunderbird 157-158
statement concerning treatment of sick. 244-245
Shoots First, songs by 456, 498, 499, 500
Shuffling-feet dance. Sec Dance.
Sick—
eagle claw used in treating 253
methods of treating 245
mirror used in treatment of 249
treatment of 244-283
treatment of, by Brave Bulfalo 248-249
Used-as-a-S!iield cured by medicine-
man 247-248
Vigil and prayer for 274
Silent Woman, songs by 368, 50.5, 506
Sioux—
adoption of civilized pursuits 4
assigned to reservations 4
definition of 1
name adopted by Government in 1825 3
Reservation, extent in 1868 3
songs. See Songs.
Teton, Sun dance 87
treaty -svith Government in 1868 3
Sitting Bi;ll, information concerning 458
Siva'ka —
description of buffalo hunt 439-440
informant concerning Sun dance 90
legend of Ghost Hill 496
narrative concerning bear songs 195
narrative oferow and owl songs 184-185, 187, 188
remarks to horse 298
songs by 186,
187, 193, 230, 232, 233, 234, 295,
303, 304, 346, 353, 354, 355, 369,371,
440, 441. 445, 449, 4.53, 501, 502
Sun dance vow 90
Skinner, Alanson, cited as an authority 214,
360,470
SOCIETIE-S —
how formed 284
mentioned 101
military, among di.i'erent tribes 311-312
remarks by Lewis and Clark .'. . . 312
Society—
Badger, extinct 20 years ago 325
Buffalo 285
Cagte' Tigfa (Strong Heart) 320-325
Crow-owners 318
Society— Continued.
Elk 293
Fox 314-318
Horse 298
Kaqgi' yuha (Crow-owners) 318-320
Miwa'tanijdefinition of work 326
Miwa'tani, description of initiation 327-329
Miwa'tani, members exempt fromaki'cita
duty 326
Strong Heart, dog feast 322
Strong Heart, requirements and privi-
leges of members 321
White Horse Riders, description 330
Songs—
accompanied by native drawings 387-412
Alo'warjpi ceremony 73, 75
analysis 6
Badger society 325, 326
begging dance 482, 483
beginning and ending on same tone 257
best, " composed in dreams " 59
buffalo 191
buffalo hunt, council, and chief, melodic
analysis 462-465
buffalo hunt, council, and chief, rhythmic
analysis 466-467
Buffalo society 286,
287,288,289,290,291,292,293
Caqte Tiqza (Strong Heart society) 322-324
ceremonial 152-156
ceremonial, right to sing 59
chief 453, 454, 455, 456, 457, 459, 460
chief, plots 461-462
children's 492, 493
Cliippewa and Sioux, compared 54
classified by groups 22-25
comparative study 11
comparatively modern war songs,melodic
analysis 428-432
comparatively modern war songs,
rhythmic analysis 432-435
comparison between Chippewa and
Sioux 54
comparison between old and compara-
tively modern 22-25
concerning sacred stones . . 209, 212, 215, 216-217,
219- 220, 220-221, 221, 222, 224, 225, 226,
227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 236, 237
concerning bear 196, 197
concerning buffalo 174, 176
concerning elk 177
concerning wolf 180, 182, 183
coimected with legends 495, 497
council 448, 449, 450, 451
crow and owl 180, 186, 187, 189
deer 193,194
descriptive analysis 9
determination of key 9
determining age of 11
Dream societies 54
duplications of 5
Elk society 294, 295, 296, 297
for treatment of sick 249, 250
255, 256, 258, 259, 260, 262, 263,
264,26.5,268,272,273,275, 277
Fox societv 316, 317
560
INDEX
Songs— Continued Page
grass dance 473,474,475,476,477
liiding a stick game 490, 491
Horse society 299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304
imperfectly rendered 5
in honor of individual 498,499,500,
501, 502, 503, 504, 505, 506, 507, 508, 509
list of xm
love 510, 511
melodic analysis 12-21, 52(^-524
method of collecting 5
methods of tracing 8
Miwa'tani society 328
moccasin game 486, 487, 488
night dance 480
old, concerning personal dreams 198-203
old, concerning sacred stones 239-244
old, Dream societies, melodic analysis. . 305-309
old, melodic analysis 152-155,
198-201, 239-242, 278-281
old, plots of 283
old, rhythmic analysis 155-156,
202-203, 242-244, 2S1~283 , 309-31 1
phonographic records made by Sioux 22
pitch discrimination 56
plots of 204, 519-520
reliability of singers 5
represented as being sung by animals 60
rhythm, comparison of old and young
singers 59
rhythmic analysis 524-527
Sioux 513, 514, 515, 516, 517, 518
Sioux, comparison between old and com-
paratively new 22-25
shuflling-feet dance 478,479
Sun dance 99,
105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113, 115, 117, 119,
120, 121, 123, 124, 128, 129, 130, 135, 133, 138,
139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148
thunderbird 160, 162, 163, 165, 168, 169, 170
transcribing 7
two methods of closing 10
war 334,
336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345,
346, 247, 349, 351, 352, 3.53, 354, 3.55, 356, 357,
358, 361, 362, 364, 365, 366, 368, 369, 370, 371,
372, 373, 374, 378, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 390,
391, 392, 394, 395, 396, 398, 400, 402, 403, 404,
406, 407, 408, 409, 410, 411, 413, 414, 417
war, analysis of 419-427
war, melodic analysis 420-424
war, plots of 41S
war, rhythmic analysis 425-427
White Buffalo Maiden 67
White Horse Riders 330, 331
■wolf 189, 190
Spirit-keeping ceremony—
disposition of white buffalo robe 84
distribution of gifts 82
duty of itari'car) in 81
feasts 81
finest attire worn at end of 81
gifts for the itar) 'car) 79
inspired by White Bulfalo Maiden 78
lighting and smoking the pipe 83
Spirit-keeping ceremont— Continued Page
narrative l)y Weasel Bear 78
preparation for 78
song 67
statement by Bear Face 78
unwrapping the spirit bundles 83
Spirit post, description of si
Standing Elk, statement concerning sacred
stone 231
Standing Rock Reservation, part included
in 1868 treaty 4
Standley, Paul C, acknowledgment of
assistance by 271
Stones. See Sacred stones.
Strong Heart society. See Society.
Structure of songs —
diagram illustrating 45
tabular analysis 16, 32
Sun dance —
carrying buffalo skulls 133
children take part 137
choice of participants., 103
conferences concerning 94
costume 12.5-126
costume of Intercessor 126
coimcil passes on statements concern-
ing 92
council visits site of last celebration 93
Crier, duties of 104
cutting the flesh in fulflllment of vow. . . 1.32
dancers abstain from food and water..' 130
description of ceremony 127
discussion by Red Bird 94
feasting , rejoicing, and lamenting during . 136
imitation of, by boys lcO-151
information concerning, by several in-
formants 88-91
last held in 1881 4
Leader of Dancers, qualifications neces-
sary 102
limited to certain Plains tribes 85
manner of breaking fast 149
misinterpreted by whites 86
offerings 102-103
painting sacred pole 116
painting the body for 103-104.124-125
pipe, decoration 102
prayer for fair weather during 99
preparing the inclosure 122
sacred pole, description 118
selecting and raising sacred pole 107, 111,
112.114,116,118
six ways of participating in 131
songs. See Songs.
statement of Red Bird concerning 86
suspension from pole 132-133
Teton Sioux, description 98-151
torture by different methods 131-134
use of drum 130
use of sage in 99
variation in ceremony 86
vow' 101
women assume part of torture 135
Sun worshipped as deity 81
S wanton, John R ., reference to sun as deity . 84
INDEX
561
S'WTFT Dog — Pago
description of buffalo hunt 441-142
explanation of drawing by 403, 404, 405,
406,409,410,411
songs by 373,403.404,406,
407,409,410,411,511
Tabular analyses —
ceremonial songs 1S3-155
Chippewa and Sioux songs 26-39
comparatively modem songs 520-527
Sioux songs 12 21
songs concerning personal dreams 19.S-203
songs concerning the sacred stones 239-244
songs of buffalo hunt, council, and chief
songs :6J-467
songs of Dream societies 30^-311
songs used in treatment of the sick 27S-2S2
war songs 420-435
Teai Duck. Sec Siya'ka.
Tempo, changes during a song 106
Teton dulect, songs recorded in 1
Teton Sioux—
Sun dance 87
Sun dance, description 98-151
Third of the scale, absent from songs Nos.
5, 42, 99, 131, 169.
Thunderbird ceremony-, description by
Lone Man 167-168
Thu^nderbird offerings, obligations 166
Thunderbirds —
definition 1,57
statement concerning 157
Ticketi.ess society 512
Tonality —
consideration of 41
defined 12, 26, 40
diagram illustrating 40
major and minor 40
tabular analysis 15, 26
Tone—
falsetto favored 61
nasal, used in love songs 61
production, manner different from white
man 61
Tone material—
diagram illustrating 44
tabular analysis 14-15, 28-30
Twin, song by 515
Two Shields—
dream concerning wolf i 188-189
narrative concerning bear songs 195
songs by 189, 224, 225, 275, 277,
294, 302, 330, 331, ,334, 336, 337, 338, 340,
341, 344, 345, 362, 370, 372, 477, 488, 497
Units, rhythmic 528-549
Used-as-a-Shield—
description of cure by a medicine man. 247-248
songs by 347, 356,
357, 358, 450, 451, 459, 460, 483, 491, 495
WAKAg'TAijKA— Page
children sent by 70
definition of 85
War—
custom of wearing feathers and painting
face 359
narrative by Old Buffalo 412-418
preparation of scalps 36O
purpose in going to 359
War expeditions —
description of 332-333, 348-349, 350
description of return 361-362
dress and ornament 350
War shield, description 343
War songs. See Songs.
Warner, Maj. Wm., member boundary com-
mission 4
Warren, Wm. W., cited as an authority l
Wead, C. K., acknowledgment to 110
Weasel Bear —
informant concerning Sun d;mce 89
narrative by 74, SO-81, 83, 84,
songs by 73, 75, 189-190
Sim-dance vow 89
W msTLE, ELK, description 470-471
White buffalo —
high regard for 84
See also Buffalo.
White Buffalo Calf pipe, narrative ol 63-66
White Buffalo Maiden —
instructor of Spirit-keeping ceremony 78
mentioned 66, 67, 69
song of 67
White-Buffalo- Walking —
informant concerning Sun dance 91
participant in final Sun dance in 1882 91
White Hawk —
description of bows and arrows for buffalo
himt 437-438
description of cutting up of buffalo 443
White Uorse Riders. See Society.
White Shield —
composer of songs 223
demonstration of sacred stone by 235, 238
WissLER, Clark—
cited as an authority 313,
314,318,319,320,325,336
concerning night dance 479
concerning shufning-feet dance 477
definition of word "Miwa'tani" 326
division of niiUtary societies 313
mention of grass dance 469
organization of Crow-o\vners society 348
organization of Jfiwa'tani society 327
reference to isg
statement concerning Kit-fox society .... 314
Wolf, dreams concerning 179
Wright, James C, characterization of Sun
dance ■. . . 86
Yellow H.\ir, songs by 4S2,492,493
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